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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 R. L, Linacott 
 
 ± ^ft-

 
 Cfarenion (PrcoD ^en'ee 
 
 PLINY 
 
 SELECTED LETTERS 
 
 PR IC HARD AND BERNARD
 
 HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 Publisher to the University of Oxford 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, GLASGOW 
 AND NEW YORK
 
 Clartniaii |lrcss Scrus 
 
 SELECTED LETTERS 
 
 OF 
 
 PLINY 
 
 WITH NOTES FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS 
 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 CONSTANTINE E. PRICHARD, M. A. 
 
 Formerly FeltirM of BaUCbl College 
 AND 
 
 EDWARD R. BERNARD, IM.A. 
 
 Formerly Fellow 0/ Magdalen College 
 
 NEW EDITION 
 PART I. — TEXT 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 M DCCC XCVI 
 
 [ All ri^hls reserved ]
 
 O;cfor5 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 JiY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
 
 rA 
 
 i PREFACE. 
 
 The text of this selection of Pliny's letters is that of Keil 
 
 (Leipsic, 1870). Keil has prefixed to this (his second 
 
 edition) an admirable account of the materials extant for 
 
 a critical edition of the works of the author, and an 
 
 estimate of their comparative authority. He distinguishes 
 
 three families of extant MSS. The first is represented by 
 
 the INIedicean and Vatican MSS. Of these the Vatican, 
 
 V though perhaps the more ancient, contains only the first 
 
 ^ four books. The INIedicean, containing all the letters 
 
 "X^ except those to and from Trajan, must therefore hold the 
 
 ^^ first place in importance. 
 
 Na The second family is best represented by the Florentine 
 
 jMS., and contains only one hundred letters. 
 
 ]>^ The third family is of a much later date, and consists 
 
 «.^^of a great number of I\ISS. of the fifteenth century, which 
 
 '^^ are also all imperfect, as they omit the eighth book, put the 
 
 ninth in its place, and disarrange the order of the letters in 
 
 the fifth and the ninth books. Keil considers the Codex 
 
 Dresdensis the most valuable of this class of MSS. 
 
 The letters to and from Trajan (formerly called the tenth 
 book), stand on a different footing. We have no MS. 
 authority for their text, and depend entirely on printed 
 
 407263
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 editions of the early part of the sixteenth century. About 
 the beginning of that century a very ancient MS. was 
 found in France containing the whole of the works of the 
 younger Pliny, and among them, the letters to and from 
 Trajan, hitherto unknown. Aldus in his complete edition 
 (1508) speaks of his access to this IMS. It is no longer 
 extant. If it were, Keil thinks it would probably take 
 precedence of the Medicean (mentioned above) in respect 
 of the nine books of letters, as well as being the sole 
 authority for the tenth. Keil's text of the letters to and 
 from Trajan is therefore founded on the editions of 
 Avantius (ed. pr.) and Aldus. 
 
 Nine books of Pliny's letters are mentioned by Sidonius 
 Apollinaris as known to him in the fifth century. After 
 that date they seemed to have shared the general oblivion 
 which befel classical literature, and there is no notice of 
 them till the thirteenth century, when Vincent of Beauvais 
 found a MS. of the 'second family,' and made extracts 
 from it. 
 
 The letters were first printed by Valdarfcrus at Venice 
 in 1471. 
 
 All explanatory editions of Pliny's letters are much 
 indebted to that of Catanaeus (Milan, 1506). His notes 
 form the foundation on which subsequent commentaries 
 have been built up. The edition of Cortius and Longolius 
 (Amsterdam, 1734) gives copious illustrations from other 
 authors, and some variety of notes by other critics, but 
 contains little that is original and distinct in the way of 
 explanation of difficulties. Cortius' critical observations on
 
 PREFACE. Vll 
 
 the text, which occupy much space, have been antiquated 
 by modern investigadon. The edition derives value from 
 jNIasson's learned Life of Pliny, which he allowed to be 
 reprinted with it, and from the very copious indices which 
 are appended to the book. 
 
 Gierig's edition (Leipsic, 1800) with Latin notes is a 
 thoroughly good book. A great part of the notes to this 
 selection were prepared without consulting Gierig, but on 
 comparison they will often be found to coincide. 
 
 The letters in this selection are not arranged chronolo- 
 gically, but printed in the order in which they stand in the 
 ordinary arrangement. The lines of each letter have been 
 numbered in the text to facilitate reference to the notes. 
 Reference in the notes to a passage contained in this 
 selection is made thus, Ep. 2. i, the first figure referring to 
 the number of the letter in this selection, and the second 
 figure to the line in the text. References to letters not in 
 this selection are preceded by the abbreviation Bk., thus, 
 Bk. 3. 9. In these cases, the first figure gives the number of 
 the Book according to the usual arrangement of the letters, 
 and the second figure the number of the letter. Book 10 is 
 referred to by the abbreviation Trai., thus Trai. 20. Frequent 
 references have been made to Madvig's Latin Grammar (as 
 Madv,), which, with other references, and some of the notes 
 themselves, are addressed rather to the teacher than to the 
 pupil.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE 
 THIRD EDITION. 
 
 This edition differs from the second by the addition of 
 a Life of Pliny, a table of the Letters included in the 
 selection, and an index of the names which occur in them. 
 The Text and Notes are reprinted without change from 
 the second edition. The additions are the work of Mr. 
 L. Huxley.
 
 / 
 
 LIFE OF PLINY. 
 
 C. Plinius Caecilius SECUNDUS,sonof L. Caecilius Ciloand 
 his wife Plinia, was born at Novum Comum in the latter half of 
 6i or the beginning of 62 a.d. Both the Caecilii and the Plinii 
 were families of good position ; both belonged to the municipal 
 nobility, and the elder Pliny at least was of equestrian rank. 
 Cilo himself died too young to reach any higher eminence than 
 the municipal aedileship ; but the family had been established 
 so long in Como that young Pliny could not be described as a 
 parvenu on entering public life at Rome. Catullus (35) mentions 
 the Caecilii as established at Como in Caesar's time, and Pliny 
 himself (Ep. viii. 10. 3) speaks of leaving to the son he hoped 
 for 7ton subitas imagines. 
 
 On his father's death in 76, Pliny, still a minor, was left to the 
 care of his uncle, after whom he had been named Secundus, and 
 of Verginius Rufus. Though Pliny was impressed by the simple 
 kindness and indefatigable activity of his uncle (Ep. 43), the 
 richer and more varied nature of Verginius stirred him with the 
 warmest love and veneration, and it was doubtless to Verginius 
 that Pliny owed the full development of tlie gentler side of his 
 nature. In the year 79, however, the elder Pliny perished in the 
 eruption of Vesuvius which overwhelmed Pompeii, and by his 
 will adopted his nephew as his son and heir. It is to this testa- 
 mentary adoption that the younger Pliny owes his name as we 
 know it. From P. Caecilius L. f. Secundus he became C. Plinius 
 L. f. Caecilius Secundus, not, as ifi republican times, C. Plinius 
 C. I. Caecilianus Secundus. The usage at this period, when the 
 strict gentile system of society was breaking up, stood half way 
 between that of the republic and that of the later empire, when 
 the adoptive father's names were added bodily to the heir's.
 
 3 LIFE OF PLINF. 
 
 The addition of his uncle's fortune to the estates inherited 
 from his father and mother near Lake Larius or Come, and at 
 Tifcrnum, made Pliny a man of great wealth. His Etrurian 
 estates alone brought him in 400,000 HS. (Ad Tr. 8.4). Ac- 
 cordingly he resolved to pursue the regular high road to fortune 
 and ambition, the senatorial career. With a natural gift of 
 speech, and trained in oratory by Nicetes Sacerdos and the 
 famous Ouintilian (viii. 14. 4) he began speaking at the bar 
 in his nineteenth year (v. 8. 8), not without success (Ep. 12. 
 1. 15). Before entering the senate as quaestor, he held various 
 minor offices, such as decemvir stlitibus iudicandis, tribunus 
 militum of the Legio III Gallica, and sevir of the Roman 
 knights. The same course, it may be remembered, was followed 
 fifteen years later by Hadrian, who also was not of senatorial 
 rank. 
 
 As to Pliny's military career, a formal period of service, six 
 months, or a year at most, was still required of a candidate for 
 public life, but it was generally service without campaigning. 
 The tribunus inilitum honores petiturus was almost a supernu- 
 merary, and was usually very young ; Hadrian held the position 
 for the second time when only twenty-one, while Pliny describes 
 himself as adiilesccntulus (Ep. 6. 1. 4) and found time to attend the 
 lectures of the leading philosophers in S>Tia, where his legion 
 was quartered, and to live in the closest intercourse with 
 Euphrates and Artemidorus, the son-in-law of a more famous 
 philosopher, Musonius (Ep. 28). 
 
 Pliny was elected quaestor in 89, tribune 91, and praetor 93. 
 As quaestor his financial power gained him the favour of 
 Domitian, and he was named quaestor imperatoris. Possibly 
 the ^pessiinus iiuperator' hoped to gain another willing agent 
 in the easy and unassuming young Italian. The latter, however, 
 was of steady principle, and indeed still clung with a certain 
 youthful affectation to the last shadows of republican usage. 
 While tribune, he abstained from pleading in the ccntumviral 
 court, for fear that the sacred dignity of his ofifice might be 
 impaired in the collisions and rebuffs of legal practice (Ep. 15). 
 The chief act of his praetorship was the prosecution of Baebius 
 J^Iasba for extortion in Baetica. According to his account in
 
 LIFE OF PLINY, 3 
 
 Ep. 69 Pliny and his collea.s^ue Senecio distinguished them- 
 selves by the courage with which they continued their attack 
 on this creature of Domitian's, though Senecio paid for it with 
 his life before the year was out (Ep. 28), and Pliny himself 
 was finally denounced by the informer Carus, and only saved 
 by the timely death of Domitian, in whose desk the signed 
 information was afterwards found (Ep. 68). As praetor, 
 too, he celebrated public games, but with the same vwdestia 
 (Pan. 95) which had marked the games given by Agricola 
 (Tac. Agr. 6). 
 
 Up to this point his advancement had been ver>^ rapid. He 
 had been made tribune as soon after his quaestorship as the 
 leges annales permitted ; then a year of the legal interval 
 between the tribunate and praetorship was remitted by the 
 Emperor (vii. 16), as if he were qualified by Augustus' ius 
 liberorum, whereby a year of the necessary age was remitted 
 for each child. Thus Pliny laid down the tribunr.te on Dec, 
 loth, 92, and assumed the praetorship ist Jan. 93. 
 
 After this his advancement was slower. He could not be 
 consul before 95 at least, and considering the number of candi- 
 dates, it would be no slight to be passed over for two or three 
 years further. As far as imperial favour went, he might have 
 intrigued for advancement extra ordineiii, but this would have 
 been to place himself on a level with such men as Carus and 
 Messalinus : he chose rather to wait. 
 
 In the interval he was appointed one of the three praefecti 
 aerarii militaris in 94 or 95, for the usual term of three years, 
 and here showed such financial skill, that in 98, soon after 
 Nerva's accession, he was promoted to the State Treasury, as 
 praefectus aerarii Sattirni. This is the only case known in 
 which one man held both offices in succession. He had 
 cleared the way for this advancement by prosecuting Publicius 
 Certus, one of the last holders of the office, at the end of 
 97, with the result that Certus was removed from the Treasury 
 and passed over in the list of consuls for the next year 
 (Ep. 77). According to custom his colleague, Vettius Pro- 
 culus, left the Treasury at the same time ; the two places 
 were filled by Pliny and Cornutus for the succeeding term 
 
 B 2
 
 4 LIFE OF PLTNF. 
 
 of four ycnis, including therefore the year of their joint con- 
 sulate, ICO. 
 
 At this period the consulate was no longer confined to two 
 colleagues, for the year. Office was held for two or four 
 months only, and pairs of siiffecii were appointed during the 
 rest of the year. Thus Pliny was consul suffectus in Sept. 
 and Oct. loo, and his instalment in office was the occasion 
 on which he delivered the Panegyric, an account of his own 
 career and an ornate glorification of Trajan, his intimate friend 
 as well as his emperor. 
 
 He was made augur in 103 or 104, and curator alvei Tiberis 
 et riparian et cloacaruin urbis from 105 to 107, a post always 
 given to a consular as that of praefectiis aerarii was always 
 given to a praetorian. The Emperor also often summoned 
 him to assist at his private council (Ep. 13. 1. 51). His last and 
 most important post was that of legate to the province of Pontus 
 and Bithynia, in 111-12, or 112-13, '-^h's was a consular and 
 senatorial province, into which, as so often happened, various 
 abuses had crept. The proconsuls, chosen from the senate by 
 lot, were generally inefficient or oppressive. Their tenure of 
 office was too short, their responsibility too slight, for good 
 administration. Government by legates se'ectcd by the Emperor, 
 and directly responsible to him, was so far preferable that 
 provincials sometimes went so far as to petition for an exchange 
 to the latter. 
 
 It was a high mark of confidence in Pliny that he was chosen 
 as the Emperor's representative in such a matter. Trajan writes 
 (Ad Tr. 113) ^ ego ideo priideniiam tuain elegi, ut formandis 
 istius proviticiae vioribus ipse Jiioderarcris et ea constitueres 
 quae ad perpeiiiam eius provinciae quietem essent pro/utura.' 
 To invest the reforming legate with a dignity equal in name 
 to that of the senatorial governors, he was given the somewhat 
 contradictory title of legatus propraciore consulari potestale. 
 (Mommsen compares with this the Emperor's election as consul 
 when he already possessed the proconsular power.) Among the 
 abuses which needed reform were the doings of the clubs and 
 secret societies, which included the meetings of the Christians, 
 the relaxation of administrative control due to the yearly change
 
 LIFE OF PL INF. 5 
 
 of governors, and the consequent disorder of the municipal 
 government and the treasur)-. Yet it may be inferred from 
 the tone of the many administrative questions with which he 
 plies the Emperor in his correspondence, that Pliny was not 
 so well skilled in civil law as in finance. The misgovernment 
 of the province seems to have continued after Pliny's departure, 
 for Cornutus appears to have occupied the same post later, and 
 a third legate was sent out by Hadrian. Finally Pontus was 
 made an imperial province in exchange for Lycia and Pam- 
 phylia. 
 
 As to Pliny's return from Bithynia, the Letters contain no 
 mention even of preparation for it. His death must have taken 
 place abroad or very soon after his return, probably in 114. 
 
 In addition to his imperial offices, Pliny was flamen divi 
 Till AugusH^ just as his connection Fabatus was fiamen divi 
 Aiegnsti. This was probably a priesthood at Como, for the 
 corresponding priest at Rome, as Mommsen points out, was 
 called flamen Augustalis. But this was not the only way in 
 which he kept up his connection with Como. His great wealth 
 enabled him to display on a magnificent scale all an Italian's 
 love for his native town. The importance of universal education 
 was beginning to be felt. Vespasian had endowed public pro- 
 fessors ; Domitian stimulated literature by the prizes of the 
 Alban and Capitoline games, and now even private individuals 
 began to endow education (Ep. iv. 3. 5). One of the most 
 munificent of these was Pliny. In the lifetime of Domitian 
 (Ep. V. 7) he presented Como with a library worth a million 
 sesterces and a fund of as much more to maintain and to 
 enlarge it. He contributed one third of the support of a school, 
 when the people of Como were compelled to send their children 
 to Milan for education (Ep. 39). Again in Ep. 66 (where see 
 note 7) he speaks of having given half a million sesterces to the 
 bringing up of boys and girls at Como, and explains to a friend 
 who has similar intentions his method of securing the income 
 by a perpetual rent-charge upon an estate. This clear-sighted 
 arrangement, which provided against loss of income by bad 
 management of the lands, is another testimony to Pliny's 
 financial powers.
 
 6 LIFE OF PLINV. 
 
 Besides these benefactions during his lifetime, Pliny provided 
 by will for the building- and maintenance of public baths or 
 thermae, while another legacy of a million and three quarters 
 was devoted to the support of a hundred of his freedmen. After 
 their death, it was to provide an annual feast for the people 
 of Como in commemoration of their benefactor. 
 
 We read also of a temple with statues of the divi which Pliny 
 erected at Tifernum, a town which had chosen him as patron 
 (Ep. iv, i). Ep. 84 tells how he enlarged this with a portico, and 
 Ep. 26 how he gave a valuable statue to another temple at Como 
 rather than keep it in his own house. 
 
 But Pliny's generosity was not reserved for public actions. 
 His kindness and equity to dependents (Epp. 38, 50, 70, y^t 
 79), his interest in his friends (Epp. 9, 18, 19, 46, 48, 49), 
 even when his own life was endangered by the aid he offered, 
 for example, to Artemidorus in Domitian's persecution of the 
 philosophers (Ep. 28), his appreciation of what is best in 
 every character (Epp. 6, 14, 16, 24), his loyalty to old friend- 
 ships (Ep. 40), his generous dealings (Ep. 54 and 70), his deep 
 affection for his wife (Epp. 41, 54, 56), all unite in showing a 
 very fine and loveable side of his character. So far does this 
 viollitia aniini (iv. 21) carry him, that, with two exceptions only, 
 he never fails to speak well of every one stiil living and not in 
 exile. The two exceptions are lavolenus and Regulus : the one 
 for a breach of good manners towards an old friend of Pliny's, 
 the other for his infamous success in delation, against which 
 Pliny could not restrain his indignation. This excess of gracious- 
 ness may be explained by the exigencies of publication during 
 the life of the correspondents : but even Pliny's friends found 
 him too catholic in his indulgence, and in Ep. vii. 28 he has 
 to defend himself against the charge of praising his own circle 
 in season and out of season. No doubt there was a good deal 
 of * log-rolling ' in the literary coteries of the day, and Pliny 
 himself was slightly touched by it, for all that he declares (Ep.8) 
 that he attends recitations solely for the advantage of literature. 
 Such mutual admiration was common to all but the strongest 
 characters, and Pliny's was weakened by a certain vanity of 
 aspiration, and a too easy self-complacence in success. Yet he
 
 LIFE OF PLINY. 7 
 
 was firm enough to resist the advances of Domitian and his 
 courtiers ; he came of the pure and upright stock of North Italy 
 (Ep. 9. note 20) and filled with reverence for the hfe and 
 teaching of such men as Verginius and Euphrates, could honestly 
 write ' mihi autem egregium in primis videtur, ut foris ita domi, 
 ut in magnis ita in parvis, ut in alienis ita in suis, agitare ius- 
 titiam ' (Ep. 70. 1. 5). 
 
 Pliny has often been compared to Cicero. \Vith smaller gifts 
 and fewer opportunities, he was more fortunate, but less eminent. 
 The influences of the time even conspired to accentuate his like 
 failing. The moral oppression and instability of fortune under 
 the worst emperors tended to exaggerate the importance of every 
 struggle for right and freedom, and to make every action an 
 appeal from the wrongs of the present to the judgment of the 
 future. Men of position, debarred from influence in the State, 
 turned to oratory and literature for an occupation and a pastime, 
 seeking piquancy of expression rather than real solidity. A 
 wide-spread growth of self-consciousness and the feeling of the 
 worthlessness of the present are to a great extent responsible 
 for the feverish desire so often met with in the Letters to survive 
 oblivion in the remembrance of posterity (Epp. 18, 27, fin.) 
 Pliny puts the alternative of life very shortly in Ep. 74 ; men 
 should either consider, he says, the immortality of fame, and 
 work for it, or the shortness of life, and enjoy it. And so, com- 
 forted by the reflection that the name of Pliny is known wher- 
 ever the love of letters exists (Ep. 8), he is able to moralise 
 over the cheap diversions and unprofitable pursuits of the 
 many (Epp. 5, 75). 
 
 A similar restless tone is perceptible in the correspondence 
 with TraJ3 1, which contrasts with the business-like simplicity 
 of the Emperor's replies. Indeed Pliny lays himself open to a 
 general indictment of posing before the public. The letters were 
 arranged by himself and published in his lifetime. We have 
 seen what effect this had on his praise of others : it had no less 
 on the praise of himself. All the letters appear to have been 
 written with a view to publication and immortality. A selection 
 from these could not fail to be a most partial autobiography ; 
 while the elaboration bestowed on the letters has oltcn been at
 
 S LIFE OF PLINF. 
 
 the cost of their spontaneity and simpJicity, Yet even here he 
 unmasks himself. His vanity is too simple and harmless to 
 conceal itself, too free from any touch of that saving humour 
 which perceives its own incongruities and disproportions. He 
 naively tells us it was to bring himself into notice that he prose- 
 cuted Certus, and to enhance his own impartiality that he waited 
 until the first wave of indigivation against the lesser crowd of 
 informers had spent itself (Ep. yj). He praises himself 
 that his friend may have the same pleasure as he himself had 
 felt in his good deed (Ep. 44). Tacitus may have the laugh 
 of him for waiting by the coverts, a spear in one hand, a pencil 
 in the other, ready to secure the flying game or a fugitive thought ; 
 still, these trifles go to the making of immortality (Ep. 4). 
 We are oftended by his adulation of Trajan ; but must remember 
 the contrast between Trajan and Domitian. If Pliny is fond of 
 celebrating his own praise, he is still modest enough not merely to 
 tell of his own modesty, for example, that he keeps no precious 
 bronzes at home (Ep. 26), but openly to admit his inferiority 
 to Tacitus as a writer of prose, to Arrius as a writer of verse 
 (Epp. viii. 7, V. 15). He is unfeignedly pleased at being coupled ' 
 with Tacitus as a leader of literature (Ep. 80). 
 
 A collection of letters is always peculiarly valuable for the 
 intimate views it gives of social life. Pliny, with his wholesome 
 and gentle life, was not stirred to pour unmeasured satire on the 
 worst excesses of his time. His nature led him to look on the 
 brighter side of society, to move in the purest atmosphere he 
 could find. His letters, reflecting what was best in Roman life, 
 are therefore a necessary corrective to the writings of the great 
 satirists. Those times could not be utterly bad in which we meet 
 with the record of such a circle as Pliny's ; so much fortitude 
 under suffering, such devotion to right among its earlier mem- 
 bers ; such delicacy of feeling, such generous affection, such 
 wide humanity seeming natural to those who survived to enjoy 
 the repose of Trajan's reign. If the life of action had narrowed, 
 the life of sentiment had vastly widened. It was not to unre- 
 sponsive listeners that Pliny spoke of the beauties of nature 
 (Ep, 72), or called his slaves not servi but sui (Epp. 50, 79), 
 or told the unselfish delight he took in the pleasures of others
 
 LIFE OF PLINV. 9 
 
 (Ep. 6, fin.). We see that his was a happy life; the vein of 
 serious purpose that sometimes made itself ridiculous in seeking 
 an opportunity for self-improvement in the most incongruous 
 circumstances, preserved him from all ruinous excess or ex- 
 travagance, and in the industrious leisure of the country (Ep. 
 82), to which he retreats from the busy idleness of the town 
 (Ep. 5), he was able to devote himself to those works which 
 should preserve his fame to posterity. His greatest grief was, 
 that though, after Trajan's accession, he married a second, per- 
 haps a third wife, in Calpurnia (see Ep. 86, note 10) no 
 children survived to bear his name. 
 
 Pliny's claim to literary eminence now rests upon the Letters 
 and the Panegyric ; more correctly, perhaps, upon the Letters. 
 His other writings, published speeches and verses, have not 
 come down to us. Like most other Romans, Pliny began his 
 career by oratory (cp. what is said of Tacitus, Ep. 16). His 
 especial arena (Ep. vi. 22) was the Centumviral Court (Ep. 
 12, note 9), where he delivered, for instance, the speeches 
 in favour of Attia Viriola (Ep. 62) and of Corellia (Ep. 40) ; 
 but his fame as an orator rested chiefly upon the five great 
 causes he undertook at the request of the Senate (Ep. vi. 29). 
 Those against Baebius ]\Lissa and Julius Bassus are described in 
 Epp. 69 and 39 respectively. Pliny attached great value to these 
 speeches ; he composed them with care, and still more carefully 
 revised and enlarged them before publication (Ep. 78). 'Egi 
 magnas et graves causas ; has , . • destino retractare, ne tantus ille 
 labor meus — mecum pariter intcrcidat ' (Ep. v. 8. 6). In Ep. 62 
 he writes of revising his speech for Attia Viriola, which he con- 
 siders his masterpiece ; in Ep. 32 he has enlarged the Panegyric 
 to such an extent that two days did not suflice for its recitation 
 to a select body of friends before it was given to the world. But it 
 was not only thus that speeches were arranged for mere literary 
 effect. The very pleadings of the lawyers were intended for no- 
 thing but display, and the law-court became the scene of a fashion- 
 able recitation (Ep. 20). If such serious matters were profaned 
 by the dilettanti, it is no wonder that every aspirant to fame was 
 bound to try his hand at poetry of all kinds, ' Magnum proven- 
 turn poctarum annus hie attulit,' writes Pliny in Ep. 8. Who
 
 lO LIFE OF PLINV. 
 
 can wonder that their recitations were sparsely attended ? Pliny 
 himself had done as others did : ' Variis mc studiorum generibus, 
 niilli satis confisus, experior' (Ep. ix. 2. 9. i), and in 
 
 ' the spirit of a youth 
 That means to be of note, began betimes' 
 
 with a Creek tragedy (!) at the age of fourteen (Ep. vii. 4). 
 
 We hear of elegiacs on the Island of Icaria while he was 
 weather-bound on his way back from Syria, of Latin iambics, in 
 which he says he was 'facilitate corruptus ;' later he published a 
 collection of hendecasyllables, which achieved some popularity 
 (Ep. iv. 24) ; ' lusus et ineptiae ' hardly fitting the ideal senator, 
 for they appear to have been of the usual personal and abusive 
 character. In Epp. iv, 18 and v. 15 he speaks of translating 
 three Greek epigrams by Arrius Antoninus, and these transla- 
 tions are perhaps preserved in the Anthologia Latina 710 R. 
 
 But though his verses were a failure and his orations laboured, 
 Pliny possessed enough sympathy and discernment to be, not 
 a poet or a historian, but a letter-writer. His sensibilities were 
 easily moved by humanity or by nature ; he instinctively saw 
 the brighter side of men and things, and writing of them was 
 picturesque without malice and sympathetic without mawkish- 
 ness. His own nature reproduces itself in his way of looking at 
 the world, grouping things too often as harmless vanity directed, 
 yet requiring no little of its own sympathy and honour from all 
 its circle. The affectations in the Letters belong to the training 
 of the age ; rhetorical trappings weighing down the subject- 
 matter ; endless metaphors, due to the wide study of epic and 
 lyric poetry, diversifying the whole language, as in modern 
 times. 
 
 The collection of letters displays much skill in its arrangement. 
 With rare exceptions, each letter gains in artistic completeness 
 by treating of one subject alone ; while the reader finds a plea- 
 sant variety of theme in the succession of felicitation and condo- 
 lence, anecdote and description, sketches of men and things, 
 and slight essays suggested by passing events. They were 
 probably intended from the first for publication ; no less care is 
 spent over the diction than over the arrangement : witness the
 
 LIFE OF PLiyy. TI 
 
 choice mentioned in the dedicatory letter (Ep. i) of 'epistulas 
 si quas paulo curatius scripsissem,' and the advice to a friend in 
 Ep. vii. 9, ' volo epistulam diligentius scribas . . . pressus serrao 
 purusque ex epistulis petitur.' Thus it comes tliat so many of 
 them but for the address, seem to be no more than models of 
 style for any given subject. 
 
 Like the works of Martial and Statius, the histories of Tacitus 
 and the biographies of Fannius (Ep. 46), Pliny's letters 
 appear to have been published in successive volumes, one or 
 possibly three books at a time. As far as the dates can be veri- 
 fied, the letters in the first three books range from the year 97 
 to 104, the first possible date, therefore, of publication : i. 7 and 
 i. 17 belonging probably to loi, and ii. 13 to 104 at earliest. 
 Nothing, then, was published during Domitian's reign, though 
 li. 20, with its stories about Regulus the fortune-hunter, was 
 written then. Book IV. contains letters of 103 to 106, with a few 
 of earlier date, while Book V., though belonging chiefly to 106, 
 has one letter which cannot be dated before 108, if, as is likely, 
 Julius and Junius Avitus (Epp. v. 21 and viii. 23) are to be 
 identified : and Book VI. belongs to 106 and 107. While a fairly 
 long interval separates the publication of Book III. from the 
 next book or group of books, we know from a reference in ix. 19 
 that VI. 10 was already published, thus making it not unlikely, 
 from the quick succession of the later books, that all the nine 
 books were published in groups of three. Book VII. affording 
 dates of 107, VIII. of 108, and IX. of 109. 
 
 Pliny's statement in his dedicatory letter (Ep. l) that the 
 letters are not in strict chronological order, and that some older 
 ones might find a place in later books, is borne out by the fact 
 that Book II. contains the earliest letter of all, and others, such 
 as IV. and V. contain letters written before the publication of 
 the preceding group. [See Asbach's Examination of Mommsen's 
 chronology in the Rheinisches Museum, xxxvi. i.] 
 
 The correspondence with Trajan constitutes a tenth book. 
 It consists of enquiries from Pliny upon questions of law and 
 administration connected with his province, and Trajan's replies 
 to these. The care and judgment of the emperor are as con- 
 spicuous as Pliny's conscientious desire to administer the law
 
 li LIFE OF PLINF. 
 
 willi perfect equity. These letters, dictated by necessity, show 
 perhaps somewhat more spontaneity on Phny's part than do the 
 rest ; the emperor, seeing clearly what jie wishes to have done 
 and with no fear of publication before his eyes, is delightfully 
 lucid and direct. Two excellent examples of the contrast between 
 the emperor and his legate are given in this selection, the ques- 
 tion of dealing with the foundlings (Epp. 87, 88) and with the 
 Christians (Epp. 90, 91), both interesting as throwing light on 
 provincial life. 
 
 N'ole. — For a detailed discussion of the facts of Pliny's life see 
 Momnisen's Essay in Ileimcs, iii. pp. 31 ff. 
 
 L. H.
 
 LIST OF PLINY'S LETTERS CONTAINED 
 IN THIS VOLUME. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO SUBJECT. 
 
 Septicius (Clarus). Dedication. 
 
 Arrianus A speech for correction. 
 
 Caninius (Rufus).. The best employment of country- 
 leisure. 
 
 Cornelius Tacitus Sport and study. 
 
 Minucius Fundanus Town life and country life. 
 
 Attius Clemens ... Euphrates the philosopher. 
 
 Calestrius Tiro ... DeatU of Corellius. 
 
 Sosius Senecio ... Poets and their recitations. 
 
 Junius Mauricus ... A match for Mauricus' niece. 
 
 Septicius Clarus ... A broken engagement to dinner. 
 
 Erucius Literary gifts of Saturninus. 
 
 SuetoniusTranquil- Dreams as omens, 
 lus 
 
 Cornelius Tacilus. Advantages of lengthy pleadings. 
 
 Catilius Severus ... Character of Aristo. 
 
 Pompeius Falco ... The dignity of the tribune. 
 
 Romanus Character of Verginius. 
 
 Avitus Mean economies. 
 
 Octavius Rufus ... Publish, or at least recite, your 
 poems. 
 
 Priscus Recommendation of Voconius. 
 
 Maximus Deterioration of the law courts. 
 
 Callus Pliny's Laurentine villa. 
 
 (Junius) Mauricus. A school for Mauricus' nephews. 
 
 Calvisius Regulus the fortune hunter. 
 
 Calvisius The old age of Spurinna. 
 
 IJaclHus .Maccr The works of Pliny the Elder. 
 
 Ann lus Scvcri.s ... A Corinthian bronze. 
 
 Caninius Rufus ... bilius the poet. 
 
 NO. 
 
 BOOK. 
 
 1. .. 
 
 . I. I 
 
 2. 
 
 2 
 
 3. .. 
 
 3 
 
 4. .. 
 
 6 
 
 5. .. 
 
 9 
 
 6. .. 
 
 lo 
 
 7. .. 
 
 12 
 
 8. .. 
 
 »3 
 
 9. .. 
 
 14 
 
 10. .. 
 
 15 
 
 11. .. 
 
 16 
 
 12. .. 
 
 18 
 
 13. .. 
 
 20 
 
 14. .. 
 
 22 
 
 15. .. 
 
 23 
 
 IG. .. 
 
 . II. I 
 
 17. .. 
 
 6 
 
 lb. .. 
 
 10 
 
 10. .. 
 
 13 
 
 20. .. 
 
 14 
 
 21. .. 
 
 17 
 
 22. .. 
 
 18 
 
 2:J. .. 
 
 20 
 
 24. .. 
 
 . 111. I 
 
 2.>. .. 
 
 F> 
 
 20. .. 
 
 6 
 
 27. .. 
 
 7
 
 NO. 
 
 BOOK. 
 
 •2S. 
 
 ...111.11 
 
 29. 
 
 1 2 
 
 30. 
 
 J4 
 
 31. 
 
 16 
 
 32. 
 
 iS 
 
 33. 
 
 19 
 
 .'54. 
 
 20 
 
 35. 
 
 21 
 
 36. 
 
 ... IV. 2 
 
 37. 
 
 7 
 
 14 LIST OF PLiyy'S LETTERS 
 
 ADDRF.SSF.n TO SUBJECT. 
 
 Julius Gcnitor ... Connection with Artemidorus. 
 
 Catilius Scverus... Accepts an invitation to supper. 
 
 Acilius Murder of Largius Macedo. 
 
 Nepos I'oititude of Arria. 
 
 Curius Scverus ... Recitation of the Panegyric. 
 
 Calvisius Rufus ... Turchase of an estate. 
 
 Messius Maxinuis The ballot in the .Senate. 
 
 Cornelius I'riscus Martial the poet. 
 
 Attius Clemens ... The death of Regulus' son. 
 
 Catius Lepidus ... Regulus' tasteless memorials to 
 his son. 
 
 38. ... 10 ... Statins Sabinus ... Generous treatment of the slave 
 
 Modestus. 
 
 39. ... 13 ... (Cornelius) Tacitus Establisliment of a school at 
 
 Comiim. 
 
 Asinius Callus ... Loyal friendship with Corellia. 
 
 CalpurniaHispulla Affection for Calpurnia. 
 
 Sempronius Rufus Bold speeches of Mauricus. 
 
 Messius Maximus Abuse of the ballot in the Senate. 
 
 Annius ScVcrus ... A legacy and its history. 
 
 Calpurnius Flaccus Acknowledgment of a present. 
 
 Nonius Maximus Death of Fannius. 
 
 Suetonius Tranquil- An appeal for publication, 
 lus. 
 
 Pontius Advancement of Cornutus. 
 
 Marcellinus Death of Fundanus' daughter. 
 
 Paulinus Kind treatment of a freedman. 
 
 Saturninus A promised recitation; and the 
 
 death of a friend. 
 
 Arrianus Death of Regulus. 
 
 Verus Gift of a farm to his nurse. 
 
 Calpurnia Regard for his wife. 
 
 F'undanus Recommendation of Julius Naso. 
 
 Calpurnia Pleasure in correspondence with 
 
 his wife. 
 
 Albinus Verginius' unfinished monument. 
 
 Romanus Javolenus' unseemly jest. 
 
 (Cornelius) Tacitus Death of his uncle. 
 
 Nepos Property qualification for office. 
 
 (Cornelius) Tacitus Personal experiences at the erup- 
 tion of Vesuvius. 
 
 40. ... 
 
 17 
 
 41. ... 
 
 19 
 
 42. ... 
 
 22 
 
 43. ... 
 
 2,5 
 
 44. ... 
 
 V. I 
 
 45. ... 
 
 2 
 
 46. ... 
 
 5 
 
 47. ... 
 
 10 
 
 48. ... 
 
 14 
 
 49. ... 
 
 16 
 
 50. ... 
 
 19 
 
 51. ... 
 
 21 
 
 52. ... 
 
 VI. 2 
 
 53. ... 
 
 3 
 
 54. ... 
 
 4 
 
 55. ... 
 
 6 
 
 56. ... 
 
 7 
 
 57. ... 
 
 10 
 
 58. ... 
 
 I.; 
 
 59. ... 
 
 16 
 
 60. ... 
 
 19 
 
 61. ... 
 
 20
 
 CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME. 1 5 
 
 ADDRESSED TO SUBJECT. 
 
 ... Romanus Speech for Attia Viriola. 
 
 ... Maximus Memorial games at Verona. 
 
 ... Fabatus Generosity to Corellia. 
 
 ... Corellia The same. 
 
 ,.. Caninius (Rufus) Method of endowing a founda- 
 tion. 
 
 ... Priscus Account of Fannia. 
 
 ... Sura Ghost stories. 
 
 ... (Cornelius) Tacitus Prosecution of Baebius Massa. 
 
 . . . Cal visius Remissions to his tenants. 
 
 ,.. Caninius (Rufus) Epic on the Dacian war. 
 
 ,.. Romanus The source of the Clitumnus. 
 
 ... Patemus Kindness to slaves. 
 
 ... Paulinus The immortality of fame. 
 
 ... Cah-isius Contempt for the Circus. 
 
 ,.. Romanus Building of a villa on Lake 
 
 Larius. 
 
 ... Quadratus The attack upon Certus. 
 
 ... Falco Leisure cannot always be found 
 
 in the country. 
 
 ... Sabinianus Intercession on behalf of a 
 
 freedman. 
 
 ,.. Maximus His name is coupled with that 
 
 of Tacitus. 
 
 .. Caninius Storj' of the boy and the dolphin. 
 
 ... Fuscus A day in the Tuscan villa. 
 
 ... Paulinus Business on the estate prevents 
 
 a visit to Rome. 
 
 .. Mustius Rebuilds a temple on his estate. 
 
 ... Traianus Congratulates Trajan on his ac- 
 cession. 
 
 8G. ... 2 ... Traianus Thanks Trajan for the ius trium 
 
 liberorum. 
 
 .. Traianus A question about foundlings. 
 
 .. Plinius Trajan's answer. 
 
 .. Traianus Kctum of a captive from Partiiia. 
 
 .. Traianus How ought the Christians to be 
 
 dealt with ? 
 91. ... 97 ... Plinius Trajan's answer. 
 
 NO. 
 
 BOOK. 
 
 62. ... 
 
 VI. 
 
 33 
 
 63. ... 
 
 
 34 
 
 6i. ... 
 
 VII. 
 
 II 
 
 Go. ... 
 
 
 '4 
 
 66. ... 
 
 
 iS 
 
 67. ... 
 
 
 19 
 
 C8. ... 
 
 
 27 
 
 69. ... 
 
 
 33 
 
 70. ... 
 
 VIII 
 
 '.. 2 
 
 7L ... 
 
 
 4 
 
 72. ... 
 
 
 8 
 
 73. ... 
 
 
 i6 
 
 74. ... 
 
 IM 
 
 '■■ 3 
 
 75. ... 
 
 
 6 
 
 76. ... 
 
 
 7 
 
 77. ... 
 
 
 J3 
 
 78. ... 
 
 
 15 
 
 79. ... 
 
 
 21 
 
 80. ... 
 
 
 23 
 
 81. ... 
 
 
 33 
 
 82. ... 
 
 
 36 
 
 83. ... 
 
 
 37 
 
 84. ... 
 
 
 39 
 
 85. ... 
 
 Trai 
 
 :. I 
 
 87. ... 
 
 6.f 
 
 88. ... 
 
 66 
 
 89. ... 
 
 74 
 
 90. ... 
 
 96
 
 SELECTION FROM THE LETTERS 
 
 OF 
 
 C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS 
 SECUNDUS. 
 
 1. (BOOK I. I.) 
 
 Pliny sends his letters to Septicius, who had encouraged him to 
 
 collect them. 
 
 C. PLINIVS SEPTICIO SUO S. 
 
 Frequenter hortatus es ut epistulas, siquas paulo curatius 
 scripsissem, colligerem publicaicmque. Collegi non scrvato 
 temporis ordine (neque enim historiam conponebam), sed 
 ut quaeque in manus venerat. Superest ut nee te consilii 
 5 ncc me paeniteat obsequii. Ita enim fict ut eas quae 
 adhuc neglectae iacent requiram, et siquas addidero, non 
 supprimam. Vale. 
 
 2. (BOOK r. 2.) 
 
 Pliny sends a speech to his friend Arrianus for correction by him. 
 C. PLINIUS ARRIANO SUO S. 
 
 Quia tardiorcm adventum tuum prospicio, librum quern 
 prioribus epistulis promiscram exhibeo. Hunc rogo ex
 
 1 8 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 consucludinc lua ct lop;as ct emendes, eo magis, quod nihil 
 uniquam pcraeque codem fiyXw scripsisse videor. Tcmptavi 
 enim imitari Demosthcncn semper tuum, Calvum nupcr 5 
 meum, dumtaxat figuris orationis : nam vim tantorum virorum 
 ' pauci quos aequus amavit ' adscqui possunt. Ncc materia 
 ipsa huic, vereor ne inprobe dicam, aemulationi rcpugnavit : 
 crat enim prope tola in contentione dicendi. Quod me 
 longae desidiae indormientcm excitavit, si modo is sum ic 
 ego qui excitari possim. Non tamcn omnino INIarci nostri 
 \r]Ki)dovs fugimus, quoliens paulum itinere decedere non 
 intempestivis amoenitatibus admonebamur : acres enim esse, 
 non tristes volcbamus. Ncc est quod putcs me sub hac 
 exceptione veniam postulare. Nam quo magis intendam 15 
 limam tuam, confitcbor et ipsum me et contubcrnales ab 
 editione non abhorrere, si modo tu fortasse errori nostro 
 album calculum adieceris. Est enim plane aliquid edendum, 
 atque utinam hoc potissimum quod paratum est! (audis 
 desidiae votum ?) edendum autem ex pluribus causis, 20 
 maxime quod Hbclli quos emisimus dicuntur in manibus 
 esse, quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint ; nisi tamen 
 auribus nostris bibliopolae blandiuntur. Sed sane blandi- 
 antur, dum per hoc mendacium nobis stadia nostra com- 
 mendent. Vale. 
 
 3. (BOOK I. 3.) 
 
 Pliny counsels Caninius to employ his delightful retirement at Comum 
 
 in authorship. 
 
 C PLINIUS CANINIO RUFO SUO S. 
 
 Quid agit Comum, tuae meaeque deliciae ? quid suburb- 
 anum amoenissimum ? quid ilia porticus verna semper ? quid 
 platanon opacissimus ? quid euripus viridis et gemmeus ? 
 quid subiectus et serviens lacus? quid ilia mollis et tamen 
 solida gestatio? quid balineum illud, quod plurimus sol 5
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDVS. 1 9 
 
 implet et circumit? quid triclinia ilia popularia, ilia pau- 
 
 corum ? quid cubicula diurna nocturna ? possident te et per 
 
 { r vices partiuntur? an, ut solebas, intentione rei familiaris 
 
 obeundae crebris excursionibus avocaris? Si te possident, 
 
 10 felix beatusque es ; si minus, unus ex multis. Quin tu 
 (tempus est enim) humiles et sordidas curas aliis mandas et 
 ipse te in alto isto pinguique secessu studiis adseris? hoc sit 
 negotium tuum, hoc otium, hie labor, haec quies : in his 
 vigilia, in his etiam somnus reponatur. Effinge aliquid et 
 
 15 exclude, quod sit perpetuo tuum. Nam reliqua rerum 
 tuarum post te alium atque alium dominum sortientur, hoc 
 numquam tuum desinet esse, si semel coeperit. Scio quem 
 animum, quod horter ingenium. Tu modo enitere ut tibi 
 ipse sis tanti, quanti videberis aliis, si tibi fueris. Vale. 
 
 4. (BOOK I. 6.) 
 The sportsman need not leave his studies at home. 
 C. TLINIUS CORNELIO TACITO SUO S. ■ 
 
 Ridebis, et licet rideas. Ego ille quem nosti apros Ires 
 et quidem pulcherrimos cepi. Ipse? inquis. Ipse; non 
 tamen ut omnino ab inertia mea et quicte discederem. Ad 
 reiia sedebam : erat in proximo non venabulum aut lancea, 
 5 scd stilus et pugillares : meditabar aliquid enotabamque, ut, 
 si manus vacuas, plcnas tamen ceras reportarem. Non est 
 quod contemnas hoc studendi genus : mirum est ut animus 
 agitatione motuque corporis excitetur. lam undique silvae 
 et solitude ipsumque illud silentium, quod venationi datur, 
 10 magna cogitationis incitamenta sunt. Proindc cum venabere, 
 licebit auctore me ut panarium ct lagunculam sic ctiam 
 pugillares feras: experieris non Dianam magis montibus 
 quam jMinervam incrrare. Vale. 
 
 I 
 
 c 2
 
 20 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 5. (BOOK I. 9.) 
 
 TIic industrious leisure of the country is delightful, compared with the 
 busy idleness of the town. 
 
 v^ C. PLINIUS MINUCIO FUNDANO SUO S. 
 
 IMiium est quani singulis diebus in urbc ratio aut constat 
 aut constare videatur, pluribus iunclisque non constet. Nam 
 siqucni interroges ' hodie quid egisti?' respondeat 'officio 
 togae virilis interfui, sponsalia aut nuptias frequentavi, ille 
 nic ad signandum testamentum, ille in advocationem, ille in 5 
 consilium rogavit.' Hacc quo die feceris necessaria, eadem, 
 si cotidie fecisse te reputes, inania videntur, multo magis, 
 cum secesseris. Tunc enim subit recordatio ' quot dies quam 
 frigidis rebus absumpsi!' quod evenit mihi, postquam in 
 Laurentino meo aut lego aliquid aut scribo aut etiam corpori 10 
 vaco, cuius fulturis animus sustinetur. Nihil audio quod 
 audisse, nihil dico quod dixisse paeniteat: nemo apud me 
 qucmquam sinistris sermonibus carpit, neminem ipse repre- 
 hendo, nisi tamen me, cum parum commode scribo; nulla 
 spe, nuUo timore sollicitor, nullis rumoribus inquietor: me- 15 
 cum tantum et cum libellis loquor. O rectam sinceramque 
 vitam, O dulce otium honestumque ac paene omni negotio 
 pulchrius! O mare, O litus, verum secretumque fiowflov, 
 quam multa invenitis, quam multa dictatis I Proinde tu quo- 
 quc strepitum istum inanemque discursum et multum ineptos 20 
 labores, ut primum fuerit occasio, relinque teque studiis vel 
 olio trade. Satius est enim, ut Atilius noster eruditissime simul 
 et facetissime dixit, otiosum esse quam nihil agere. Vale. 
 
 6. (BOOK I. 10.) 
 
 Pliny describes the pleasure and profit which he derives from tlie 
 teaching and example of the excellent Euphrates. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ATTIO CLEMENTI SUO S. 
 
 Siquando urbs nostra liberalibus studiis floruit, nunc
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. 21 
 
 maxime floret. IMulta claraque exempla sunt ; sufficeret 
 unum, Euphrates philosophus. Hunc ego in Syria, cum 
 adulescentulus militarem, penitus et domi inspexi amarique 
 
 5 ab eo laboravi, etsi non erat laborandum. Est enim obvius 
 et expositus plenusque humanitate, quam praecipit. Atque 
 utinam sic ipse quam spem tunc ille de me concepit implev- 
 erim, ut ille multum virtutibus suis addidit ! aut ego nunc 
 illas magis miror, quia magis intellego. Quamquam ne nunc 
 
 10 quidem satis intellego. Ut enim de pictore scalptore fictore 
 nisi artifex iudicare, ita nisi sapiens non potest perspicere 
 sapientem. Quantum tamen mihi cernere datur, multa in 
 Euphrate sic eminent et elucent, ut mediocriter quoque doc- 
 tos advertant et adficiant. Disputat subtiliter graviter ornate, 
 
 15 frequenter etiam Platonicam illam sublimitatem et latitudinem 
 effingit. Sermo est copiosus et varius, dulcis in primis, et qui 
 repugnantes quoque ducat inpcllat. Ad hoc proceritas cor- 
 poris, decora facies, demissus capillus, ingens et cana barba ; 
 quae licet fortuita et inania putentur, illi tamen plurimum ven- 
 
 20 erationis adquirunt. Nullus horror in cultu, nulla tristitia, mul- 
 tum severitatis : reverearis occursum, non reformides. Vitae 
 sanctitas summa, comitas par : insectatur vitia, non homines, 
 nee castigat errantes, sed emendat. Sequaris monentem 
 attentus et pendens et persuader! tibi, etiam cum persuaserit, 
 
 25 cupias. lam vero liberi tres, duo mares, quos diligentissime 
 instituit. Socer Pompeius lulianus, cum cetera vita tum vel 
 hoc uno magnus et clarus, quod ipse provinciae princeps 
 inter altissimas condiciones generum non honoribus princi- 
 pem, sed sapientia elegit. Quamquam quid ego plura de 
 
 30 viro, quo mihi frui non licet? an ut magis angar, quod non 
 licet? Nam distringor oflicio ut maximo sic molestissimo : 
 sedeo pro tribunali, subnoto libellos, conficio tabulas, scribo 
 plurimas, sed inliltcratissimas litteras. Soleo non numquam 
 (nam id ipsum quando contingit!) de his occupationibus 
 
 35 apud Euphralcn qucri. lUc mc consolatur, adfirmat etiam
 
 2 2 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 esse banc philosophiac et quidem pulcherrimam partem, 
 agcre negotium publicum, cognoscere, iudicare, promcre et 
 exercere iustiliam, quaeque ij-si doccant in usu habere. 
 INIihi tamen hoc unum non persuadet, satius esse ista facere 
 quam cum illo dies totos audiendo discendoque consumcre. 40 
 Quo magis te, cui vacat, hortor, cum in urbem proximc 
 veneris (venias autem ob hoc maturius), illi te expoliendum 
 limandumque pcrmittas. Neque enim ego, ut multi, invideo 
 aliis bono quo ipse careo. sed contra sensum quendam 
 voluptatemque percipio, si ea quae mihi denegantur amicis 45 
 video superesse. Vale. 
 
 7. (BOOK I. 12.) 
 
 Pliny laments the loss and admires the fortitude of Corellius Rufus, 
 who had ended his sufferings by abstinence from food. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALESTRIO TIRONI SUO S. 
 
 lacturam gravissimam feci, si iactura dicenda est tanti viri 
 amissio : decessit Corellius Rufus, et quidem sponte, quod 
 dolorem meum exulcerat. Est enim luctuosissimum genus 
 mortis quae non ex natura nee fatalis videtur. Nam ut- 
 cumque in illis c^ui morbo finiuntur magnum ex ipsa 5 
 necessitate solacium est, in lis vero quos arcessita mors 
 aufert hie insanabilis dolor est, quod creduntur potuisse 
 diu vivere. Corellium quidem summa ratio, quae sapien- 
 tibus pro necessitate est, ad hoc consilium compulit, 
 quamquam plurimas vivendi causas habentem, optimam 10 
 conscientiam, optimam famam, maximam auctoritatem, 
 praeterea filiam uxorem nepotem sorores, interque tot 
 pignora veros amices. Sed tam longa, tam iniqua vale- 
 tudine conflictabatur, ut haec tanta pretia vivendi mortis 
 rationibus vincerentur. Tertio et tricensimo anno, ut ipsum 15 
 audiebam, pedum dolore correplus est. Patrius hie illi : 
 nam plerumque morbi quoque per successiones quasdam
 
 jj 
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 2 2 
 
 -<«-''- 1- it', 
 
 ut alia, traduntur. Hunc abstinentia sanctitate, quoad viiidis 
 aetas, vicit et fregit ; novissime cum senectute ingravescenteni 
 
 20 viribus animi sustinebat, cum quidem incredibiles craciatus 
 et indignissima tormenta pat^retur. lam enim dolor non 
 pedibus solis, ut prius, insidebat, sed omnia membra pervaga- 
 batur. Veni ad eum Domitiani temporibus in suburbano 
 iacentem. Scrvi e cubiculo recesserunt : habebat hoc moris, 
 
 25 quotiens mtrasset fidelior amicus ; quii^ etiam uxor, quam- 
 
 quam omnis secreti capacissima, digrediebatun Circumtulit 
 
 oculos et ' cur ' inquit ' me putas hos tantos dolores tarn diu 
 
 sustinere ? ut scilicet isli latroni vel uno die supersim.' 
 
 ^^edisses huic animo par corpus, fecisset quod optabat. 
 
 30 Adfuit tamen deus voto, cuius ille compos, ut iam securus 
 liberque moriturus, multa ilia vitae, sed minora retinacula 
 abrupit. Increverat valetudo, quam temperantia mitigare 
 temptavit, perseverantem constantia fugit. Iam dies alter 
 tertius quartus : abstinebat cibo. Misit ad me uxor eius 
 
 35 Hispulla communem amicum C. Geminium cum tristissimo 
 nuntio, destinasse Corellium mori nee aut suis aut filiae 
 precibus flecti, solum supcresse me, a quo revocari posset 
 ad vitam. Cucurri : perveneram in proximum, cum mihi 
 ab eadem Hispulla lulius Atticus nuntiat nihil iam ne me 
 
 40 quidem inpetraturum, tam obstinate magis ac magis indu- 
 ruisse. Dixerat sane medico admoventi cibum xeVpt/ca, quae 
 vox quantum admirationis in animo meo tantum desiderii 
 reliquit. Cogito quo amico, quo viro caream. Implevit 
 quidem annum seplimum et sexagensimum, quae aclas 
 
 45 etiam robustissimis satis longa est : scio. Evasit perpetuam 
 valetudinem : scio, Decessit superstitibus suis, florente re 
 publica, quae illi omnibus suis carior erat: et hoc scio. 
 Ego tamen tamquam et iuvenis et firmissimi mortem doleo, 
 doleo autem (licet me inbecillum putes) meo nomine. 
 
 50 Amisi enim, amisi vilae meae testem rectorem magistrum : 
 in summa dicam quod rcccnti dolore conlubcrnali meo
 
 24 A SELECnoy FROM THE 
 
 Calvisio dixi, ' voreor nc neglegentius vivam.' Proinde 
 adhibe solacia mihi, non hacc ' scncx erat, infirmus erat' 
 (haec enim novi), sed nova aliqua, sed magna, quae audierini 
 numquam, legerim numquam. Nam quae audivi, quae legi, 55 
 sponle succurrunt, sed tanto dolore supeianlur. Vale. 
 
 8. (BOOK I. 13.) 
 
 riiny complains that the activity of poetical literature is ill requited 
 by the general unwillingness to attend the public recitations. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS SOSIO SEN'ECIOXI SUO S. 
 
 INIagnum proventum poetarum annus hie attulit : toto 
 mense Aprili nuUus fere dies, quo non recitaret aliquis. 
 luvat me quod vigent studia, proferunt se ingenia hominum 
 et ostentant, tametsi ad audiendum pigre coitur. Plerique 
 in stationibus sedent tempusque audiendi fabulis conterunt 5 
 ac subinde sibi nuntiari iubent, an iam recitator intraverit, 
 an dixerit praefationem, an ex magna parte evolverit librum : 
 tunc demum ac tunc quoque lente cunctanterque veniunt : 
 nee tamen permanent, sed ante finem recedunt, alii dissimu- 
 lanter et furtim, alii simpliciter et libere. At herculc 10 
 memoria parentum Claudium Caesarem ferunl, cum in 
 palalio spatiaretur audissetque clamorem, causam requisisse, 
 cumque dictum asset recitare Nonianum, "subitum recitanti 
 inopinatumque venisse. Nunc otiosissirhus quisque multo 
 ante fogatus et identidem admonitus aut non venit aut, si 15 
 venit, queritur se diem, quia non perdiderit, perdidisse. 
 Sed tanto magis laudandi probandique sunt quos a scribendi 
 recitandique siiidio haec auditorum vel desidia vel superbia 
 non retardat. Equidem prope nemini defui. Erant sane 
 plerique amici : neque enim est fere quisquam qui studia, ut 20 
 non simul et nos amct. His ex causis longius, quam 
 destinaveram, tempus in urbe consumpsi. Possum iam 
 repetere secessum et scribere aliquid quod non recitem, ne
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECVNDUS. 2^ 
 
 videar, quoram recitationibus adfui, non auditor fuisse, sed 
 25 creditor. Nam ut in ceteris rebus ita in audiendi officio 
 peril gratia, si reposcatur. Vale. 
 
 9. (BOOK I. 14.) 
 
 Pliny having been asked by Mauricus to look out for a husband for 
 his niece, the orphan daughter of Rusticus, can confidently recommend 
 Minicius Acilianus on the ground of his education, his connections, his 
 personal appearance, and his circumstances. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS lUXIO MAURICO Sl'O S. 
 
 Petis ut fratris tui filiae prospiciam maritum ; quod merito 
 mihi potissimum biiungis. Scis enim quanto opere summum 
 ilium virum suspexerim dilexerimque, quibus ille adulescen- 
 tiam meam exhortationibus foverit, quibus etiam laudibus 
 5 ut laudandus viderer effecerit. Nihil est quod a te mandari 
 mihi aut maius aut gratius, nihil quod honestius a me 
 '^ ■^*'su£cipi possit, quam ut eligam iuvenem, ex quo nasci 
 nepotes Aruleno Rustic© deceat. Qui quidem diu quae- 
 rendus fuisset, nisi paratus et "quasi provisus esset ^Minicius 
 
 10 Acilianus, qui me ut iuvenis iuvenem (est enim minor 
 pauculis annis) familiarissime diligit, reveretur ut senem. 
 Nam ita formari a me et institui cupit, ut ego a vobis 
 solebam. Patria est ei Brixia ex ilia nostra Italia, quae 
 multum adhuc verecundiae, frugalitatis atque etiam rustici- 
 
 15 tatis antiquae retinet ac servat. Pater INIinicius Macrinus, 
 equestris ordinis princeps, quia nihil altius voluit : adlectus 
 enim a divo Vespasiano inter praetorios honestam quietem 
 huic nostrae ambilioni dicam an dignitati constaniissime 
 praetulit. Habet aviam matcrnam Serranam Proculam e 
 
 20 municipio Patavino. Nosti loci mores : Serrana tamen 
 Patavinis quoque severitatis exemplum est. Contigit et 
 avunculus ci P. Acilius, gravitate prudentia fide prope 
 singulari. In summa nihil erit in domo tota, quod non
 
 26 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 tibi tamquani in tua placeat. Aciliano vero ipsi plurimum 
 vigoris industriac, quamquam in maxima verccundia. Quae- 25 
 sturam tribunatum praeluram honeslissime percucurrit ac 
 iam pro se tibi necessitatem ambiendi remisit. Est illi 
 facies liberalis multo sanguine, multo ruborc sufTusa, est 
 ingenua totius corporis pulchritudo ct quidam senatorius 
 decor. Quae ego nequaquam arbitror ncglegenda : debet 3° 
 enim hoc castitali puellarum quasi praemium dari. Nescio 
 an adiciam esse patri eius amplas facultates. Nam cum 
 imaginor vos, quibus quaerimus generum, silendum de 
 f^-*^^ facultatibus puto: cum publicos mores atque etiam leges 
 
 civitatis intueor, quae vel in primis census hominum 35 
 speclandos arbitrantur, ne id quidem praetereundum vi- 
 detur. I Et sane de posteris et his phiribus cogitanti hie 
 quoque in condicionibus deligendis ponendus est calculus. 
 Tu fortasse me putes indulsisse amori meo supraque ista, 
 quam res patitur, sustulisse. At ego fide mea spondeo 40 
 futurum ut omnia longe ampliora, quam a me praedi- 
 cantur, invenias. Diligo quidem adulescentem ardentissime, 
 sicut meretur; sed hoc ipsum amantis est, non onerare 
 eum laudibus. Vale. 
 
 10. (BOOK I. 15.) 
 
 Pliny rallies Septicius on having 1)roken his engagement to dine 
 with him, and tells him it was his own loss. 
 
 C. PLINIUS SEPTICIO CLARO SUO S. 
 
 Heus tu promittis ad cenam nee venis ! Dicitur ius : ad 
 assem inpendium reddes, nee id modicum. Paratae erant 
 lactucae singulae, cochleae ternae, ova bina, alica cum 
 mulso et nive (nam banc quoque coraputabis, immo banc 
 in primis, quae periit in ferculo), olivae, betacei, cucurbitae, 5 
 bulbi, alia mille non minus lauta. Audisses comoedos vel
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 
 
 o • 
 
 ■ / 
 
 lectorem vel lyristen vel, quae mea liberalitas, omnes. At 
 tu apud nescio quern ostrea, vulvas, echinos, Gadilanas 
 maluisti. Dabis poenas, non dico quas. Dure fecisti : 
 10 invidisti, nescio an tibi, certe mihi, sed tamen et tibi. 
 Quantum nos lusissemus, risissemus, studuissemus ! potes 
 apparatius cenare apud multos, nusquam hilarius simplicius 
 incautius. In summa experire, et nisi postea te aliis potius- 
 excusaveris, mihi semper excusa. Vale. 
 
 11. (BOOK I. 1 6.) 
 
 Pliny wishes to make his friend Erucius aware of the varied literary 
 gifts of Salurninus. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ERUCIO SUO S. 
 
 Amabam Pompeium Saturninum, hunc dico nostrum, lauda- 
 bamque eius ingenium, etiam antequam scirem quam varium, 
 quam flexibile, quam multiplex esset; nunc vero totum me 
 tenet, habet, possidet. Audivi causas agentem acriter et 
 5 ardenter nee minus polite et ornate, sive meditata sive subita 
 proferret. Adsunt aptae crebraeque sententiae, gravis et 
 decora constructio, sonanlia verba et antiqua. Omnia haec 
 mire placent, cum impetu quodam et flumine pervehuntur, 
 placent, si retractentur. Seniles quod ego, cum orationes 
 
 10 eius in manus sumpseris, quas facile cuilibet veterum^ 
 quorum est aemulus, comparabis. Idem tamen in historia 
 magis satisfaciet vel brevitate vel luce vel suavitate vel 
 splendore cliam et sublimitate narrandi. Nam in con- 
 tionibus idem qui in orationibus est, pressior tamen et 
 
 15 circumscriptior et adduction Praeterea facit versus, quales 
 Catullus aut Calvus, re vera quales Catullus aut Calvus. 
 Quantum illis leporis, dulcedinis, amaritudinis, amoris ! 
 inserit sane, sed data opera, mollibus levibusque duriusculos 
 quosdam, et hoc quasi Catullus aut Calvus. Legit mihi 
 
 20 nuper epistulas ; uxoris esse diccbat : Plautum vel Terenlium
 
 28 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 metro solutum Icgi credidi. Quae sive uxoris sunt, ut 
 adfirmat, sive ipsius, ut negat, pari gloria dignus qui aut ilia 
 componat aut uxorem, quam virginem accepit, tarn doctam 
 politamque reddiderit. Est ergo mecum per diem totum : 
 cundcm antcquam scribam, eundem cum scripsi, eundem 25 
 eliam cum remittor, non tamquam eundem lego. Quod te 
 quoque ut facias et hortor et monco. Neque enim debet 
 operibus eius obesse quod vivit. An si inter eos quos 
 numquam vidimus floruisset, non solum libros eius verum 
 etiam imagines conquireremus ; eiusdem nunc honor prae- 30 
 sentis et gratia quasi satietate languescit? At hoc pravum 
 malignumque est, non admirari hominem admiratione dig- 
 nissimum, quia videre, adloqui, audirc, complecti, nee laudare 
 tanlum verum etiam amare contigit. Vale. 
 
 12. (BOOK I. i&.) 
 
 riiny endeavours to reassure Suetonius' anxiety about his dream, by 
 relating an experience of liis own ; but if Suetonius still desires a post- 
 ponement of the case, he w ill contrive to obtain it for him. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS SUETONIO TRANQUILLO SUO S. 
 
 Scribis te perterritum somnio vereri ne quid adversi in 
 actione patiaris, rogas ut dilationem petam et pauculos dies, 
 certe proximum, excusem. Difficile est, sed experiar: koL 
 yap T wap i< Aio'y icTTiv. Refcrt tamen, eventura soleas an 
 contraria somniare. Mihi reputanti somniurn meum, istud 5 
 quod times tu egregiam actionem portendere videtur. 
 Susceperam causam luni Pastoris, cum mihi quiescenti 
 visa est socrus mea advoluta genibus ne agerem obsecrare. 
 Et eram acturus adulescentulus adhuc, eram in quadruplici 
 iudicio, eram contra potentissimos civitatis atque etiam 10 
 Caesaris amicos ; quae singula excutere mentem mihi post 
 tarn triste somniurn poterant. Egi tamen Xoyicrd/xci/oy illud 
 
 €iy oluivus apiaros, afivi>fa6ai nepl ndrprjs.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 29 
 
 nam mihi patria, et siquid carius palria, fides videbatur. 
 
 15 Prospere cessit, atque adeo ilia actio mihi aures hominum, 
 ilia ianuam famae patefecit. Proinde dispice, an tu quoque 
 sub hoc exemplo somnium istud in bonum vertas : aut si 
 tutius putas illud cautissimi cuiusque praeceptum, ' quod 
 dubites ne feceris', id ipsum rescribe. Ego aliquam 
 
 20 stropham inveniam agamque causam tuam, ut istam agere 
 tu, cum voles, possis. Est enim sane alia ratio tua, alia mea 
 fuit. Nam iudicium centumvirale differri nuUo modo, istud 
 aegre quidem, sed tamen potest. Vale. 
 
 13. (BOOK I. 20.) 
 
 Pliny asks the opinion of Tacitus on a controversj' in which he had 
 been engaged with a friend of his, namely, whether a long speech or a 
 short one is the more effective in judicial pleading. 
 
 C. TLINIUS CORNELIO TACITO SUO S. 
 
 Frequens mihi disputatio est cum quodam docto homine 
 et perito, cui nihil acque in causis agendis ut brevitas 
 placet. Quam ego custodiendam esse confiteor, si causa 
 permittat : alioqui praevaricatio est transire dicenda, prae- 
 
 5 varicatio etiam cursim et breviter attingere quae sunt incul- 
 canda, infigenda, repetenda. Nam plerisque longiore tractatu 
 vis quaedam et pondus accedit, utque corpori ferrum, sic 
 ©ratio animo non ictu magis quam mora imprimitur. Hie 
 ille mecum auctoritatibus agit ac mihi ex graecis orationes 
 
 10 Lysiae ostentat, ex nostris Gracchorum Catonisque, quorum 
 sane plurimae sunt circumcisae et breves : ego Lysiae 
 Demosthenen, Aeschinen, Hyperiden multosque praetcrea, 
 Gracchis et Catoni PoUionem, Caesarem, Caelium, in primis 
 M. Tullium oppono, cuius oratio optima fertur esse quae 
 
 15 maxima, Et hercule ut aliae bonae res ila bonus liber 
 melior est quisquc, quo maior. Vides ut statuas, signa,
 
 ^O A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 picturas, hominum denique multorumque animalium formas, 
 arborum etiam, si moJo sint ciccorae, niliil magis quam 
 amplitudo commendct. Idem oralionibus cvenit ; quin 
 etiam voluminibus ipsis auctoritatem quandam et pulchritu- 20 
 dincm adicit magnitude. Ilaec ille multaque alia, quae 
 a me in eandem sententiam solent dici, ut est in dispu- 
 tando inconprchensibilis ct lubricus, ita cludit, ut con- 
 tendat hos ipsos, quorum oiationibus nitar, pauciora dixisse, 
 quam ediderint. Ego contra puto : testes sunt multae 25 
 multorum orationes et Ciccronis pro Murena, pro Vareno, 
 in quibus brevis et nuda quasi subscriptio quorundam 
 criminum solis titulis indicatur : ex his apparet ilium 
 permuUa dixisse, cum ederet, omisisse. Idem pro Cluentio 
 -ait se totam causam vetere instituto solum perorasse et 3° 
 pro C. Cornelio quadriduo egisse ; ne dubitare possimus 
 quae per plures dies, ut necesse erat, latius dixerit postea 
 recisa ac rcpurgata in unum^librum, grandem quidem, unum 
 tamen, coartasse. At aliud est actio bona, aliud oratio. 
 5cio non nullis ita videri. Sed ego, forsitan fallar, per- 35 
 suasum habco posse fieri ut sit actio bona quae non sit 
 bona oratio, non posse non bonam actionem esse quae 
 sit bona oratio. Est enim oratio actionis exemplar et 
 quasi apxervnov. Ideo in optima quaque mille figuras 
 extemporales invenimus, in iis etiam quas tantum editas 40 
 scimus, ut in Verrem, ' artificem quern ? quemnam ? recte 
 admones : Polyclitum esse dicebant.' Sequitur ergo ut 
 actio sit absolutissima quae maxime orationis similitudinem 
 expresserit, si modo iustum et debitum tempus accipiat : 
 quod si negetur, nulla oratoris, maxima iudicis culpa est. 45 
 Adsunt huic opinioni meae leges, quae longissima tempora 
 largiuntur nee brevitatem dicentibus, sed copiam, hoc est 
 diligentiam, suadent; quam praestare nisi in angustissimis 
 causis non potest brevitas. Adiciam quod me docuit 
 usus, magister egregius. Frequenter egi, frequenter iudi- 50
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUyDUS. 3 1 
 
 cavi, frequenter in consilio fui: aliud alios movet, ac 
 plerumque parvae res maximas trahunt. Varia sunt homi- 
 num indicia, variae voiuntates: inde qui eandem causam 
 simul audierunt, saepe diversum, interdum idem, sed ex 
 
 55 diversis animi motibus sentiunt. Praeterea suae quisque 
 inventioni favet et quasi fortissimum amplectitur, cum ab 
 alio dictum est quod ipse praevidit. Omnibus ergo dandum 
 est aliquid quod teneant, quod agnoscant. Dixit aliquando 
 mihi Regulus, cum simul adessemus, ' tu omnia quae sunt 
 
 Co in causa putas exequenda, ego iugulum statim video, hunc 
 premo:' premit sane quod elegit, sed in eligendo frequenter 
 errat. Respondi posse fieri ut genu esset aut talus, ubi 
 ille iugulum putaret: 'at ego' inquam, 'qui iugulum per- 
 spicere non possum, omnia pertempto, omnia experior, 
 
 65 TTuvTa denique Xidov kivS), utque in cultura agri non vineas 
 tantum verum etiam arbusta, nee arbusta tantum verum 
 etiam campos euro et exerceo, utque in ipsis campis non 
 far aut siliginem solam sed hordeum, fabam ceteraque 
 legumina scro, sic in actione plura quasi semina latius 
 
 70 spargo, ut quae provenerint colligam. Neque enim minus 
 inperspicua, incerta, fallacia sunt iudicum ingenia quam 
 tempestatum terrarumque. Nee me praeterit summum 
 oratorem Periclen sic a comico Eupolide laudari, 
 
 TTpus 8f y aiTov T(j) Ta)({i 
 
 odrtOf fKTjXfl Koi. fJMVOt TU)V fJTJTOpOiV 
 
 TO KtvTpov (yKUTeXeiTTf Tois aKiJOcoptvoit, 
 
 verum buic ipsi Pericli nee ilia Treido) nee illud e/ci^Xa brevitate 
 vel velocitate vel utraque (difTerunt enim) sine facultate 
 80 summa contigisset. Nam delectare persuadere copiam 
 dicendi spatiumque dcsiderat ; relinquerc vero aculeum 
 in audicntium animis is dcmum potest, qui non pungit, 
 sed infigit. Adde quae de codem Pcriclc comicus alicr,
 
 32 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 TjarpaiTT , (fi^ovra, (twckCku ti]v EXX(i6a. 
 
 Non cnim amputala oralio ct abscisa, scd lata ct magnifica 85 
 ct cxcelsa tonat, fulgurat, omnia dcnique peilurbat ac 
 miscet. Optimus tamen modus est. Quis negat? sed 
 non minus non servat modum qui infra rem quam qui 
 supra, qui adstrictius quam qui effusius dicit. Itaque 
 audis frequenter ut illud ' immodice et redundanter,' ita 90 
 hoc ' ieiune et infirme.' Alius excessisse materiam, alius 
 dicitur non inplessc. Aeque uterque, sed ille inbccillitate, 
 hie viribus peccat; quod certe, etsi non limatioris, maioris 
 tamen ingenii vitium est. Nee vero, cum hacc dico, 
 ilium Homericum a/xfrpoe7r;; probo, sed hunc, 95 
 
 Ka\ enea vi(pd8f(7aiv (olkutu \eiiiepirjcnv' 
 
 non quia non et ille mihi validissime placeat, 
 
 ■jravpa ptv, aWii uuiXa \iyeu>s' 
 
 si tamen detur elcctio, illam oraiionem similem nlvibus 
 hibernis, id est crebram et adsiduam et largam, postremo 100 
 divinam et caelestem, volo. At est gratior multis actio 
 brevis. Est, sed inertibus, quorum delicias desidiamque 
 quasi iudicium respicere ridiculum est. Nam si hos in 
 consilio habeas, non solum salius est breviter dicere, sed 
 omnino non dicere. Haec est adhuc sententia mea, quam 105 
 mutabo, si dissenseris tu ; sed plane cur dissentias explices 
 rogo. Quamvis enim cedere auctoritati debcam tuac, 
 rectius tamen arbitror in tanta re ratione quam auctoritate 
 superari. Proinde si non errare videor, id ipsum quam 
 voles brevi epistula, sed tamen scribe (confirmabis enim no 
 iudicium meum) ; si errare, longissimam para. Num 
 corrupi te, qui tibi, si mihi accederes, brevis epistulae 
 necessitatem, si dissentires, longissimae inposui? Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. 33 
 
 14. (BOOK I. 2 2.) 
 
 A delightful picture of the virtues of T. Aristo, whose serious illness 
 detains Pliny in Rome. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS CATILIO SEVERO SUO S. 
 
 Diu iam in urbe haereo, et quidem attonitus. Perturbat 
 me longa et pertinax valetudo Titi Aristonis, quern singu- 
 lariter et miror et diligo. Nihil est enim illo gravius, 
 sanctius, doctius, ut mihi non unus homo, sed litterae ipsae 
 
 S omnesque bonae artes in uno homine summum periculum 
 adire videantur. Quam peritus ille et privati iuris et 
 publici ! quantum rerum, quantum exemplorum, quantum 
 antiquitatis tenet ! Nihil est quod discere velis, quod ille 
 docere non possit. Mihi certe, quotiens aliquid abditum 
 
 loquaero, ille thesaurus est. Iam quanta sermonibus eius 
 fides, quanta auctoritas, quam pressa et decora cunctatio ! 
 quid est quod non statim sciat? et tamen plerumque 
 haesitat, dubitat diversitate rationum, quas acri magnoque 
 iudicio ab origine causisque primis repetit, discernit, 
 
 15 expendit. Ad hoc quam parcus in victu, quam modicus 
 in cultu ! Soleo ipsum cubiculum eius ipsumque lectum ut 
 imaginem quandam priscae frugalitatis aspicere. Ornat 
 haec magnitude animi, quae nihil ad ostentationem, omnia 
 ad conscientiam refert, recteque facti non ex populi sermone 
 
 20 mercedem, sed ex facto petit. In summa non facile quem- 
 quam ex istis qui sapientiae studium habitu corporis prae- 
 ferunt huic viro comparabis. Non quidem gymnasia sec- 
 tatur aut porticus rtec disputationibus longis aliorum otium 
 suumque delectat, sed in toga negoliisque versatur, multos 
 
 25 advocatione, plures consilio iuvat. Nemini tamen istorum 
 castitate, pietatc, iustitia, fortitudine etiam primo loco 
 cesserit. Mirareris, si intcresses, quae patientia banc 
 ipsam valetudinem tolerct, ut dolori resistat, ut sitim dif- 
 ferat, ut incredibilem fcbrium ardorem inmotus opertusque 
 
 D
 
 34 ^ SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 transmittat. Nupcr me paucosquc mecum, quos maximc 30 
 diligit, advocavit rogavitque ut medicos consuleremus dc 
 summa valctudinis, ut, si esset insupcrabilis, sponte exiret 
 c vita, si tantum difiicilis et longa, resisteret maneretque : 
 dandum enim precibus uxoris, dandum filiae lacrimis, 
 dandum ctiam nobis amicis ne spes nostras, si modo 35 
 non csscnt inanes, voluntaria morte desereret. Id ego 
 aiduum in primis et praecipua laude dignum puto. Nam 
 impelu quodam et instinctu procurrere ad mortem com- 
 mune cum muliis, deliberare vero et causas eius expendere, 
 utque suaserit ratio, vitae mortisque consilium vcl suscipere 40 
 vel ponere ingentis est animi. Et medici quidem secunda 
 nobis pollicentur : superest ut promissis deus adnuat tan- 
 demque me hac soUicitudine exsolvat ; qua liberatus Lau- 
 rentinum meum, hoc est libellos et pugillares studiosumque 
 otium, rcpetam. Nunc enim niliil legere, nihil scribere45 
 aut adsidenti vacat aut anxio libet. Habes quid timeam, 
 quid optem, quid etiam in posterum destinem: tu quid 
 cgeris, quid agas, quid velis agere, invicem nobis, sed 
 laetioribus epistulis scribe. Erit confusioni meae non medi- 
 ocre solacium, si tu nihil quereris. Vale. 5° 
 
 15. (BOOK I. 23.) 
 
 Pliny tells Falco that he did not think it suitable in his own case to 
 plead at the bar, when he was tribune; but Falco may reasonably 
 entertain a different view of the importance and obligations of the 
 office. 
 
 C PLINIUS POMPEIO FALCONI SUO S. 
 
 Consulis, an existimem te in tribunatu causas agere 
 debere. Plurimum refert, quid esse tribunatum putes, 
 inanem umbram et sine honore nomen, an potestatem 
 sacrosanctam et quam in ordinem cogi ut a nullo ita ne 
 a se quidem deceat. Ipse cum tribunus essem, erraverim 5 
 fortasse, qui me aliquid putavi, sed tamquam essem, abstinui 
 causis agcndis: primum quod deforme arbitrabar, cui ad-
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. ;^^ 
 
 surgere, cui loco cedere omnes oporteret, hunc omnibus 
 sedentibus stare ; et qui iubere posset tacere quemcumque, 
 
 lohuic silentium clepsydra indici; et quern interfari nefas 
 esset, hunc etiam convicia audire, et si inulta pateretur, 
 inertem, si ulcisceretur, insolentem videri. Erat liic quoque 
 aestus ante oculos, si forte me appellasset vel ille cui ades- 
 sem vel ille quern contra, intercederem et auxilium ferrem, 
 
 15 an quiescerem sileremque et quasi eiurato magistratu pri- 
 vatum ipse me facerem. His rationibus motus malui me 
 tribunum omnibus exhibere, quam paucis advocatum. Sed 
 tu, iterum dicam, plurimum interest, quid esse tribunatum 
 putes, quam personam tibi inponas, quae sapienti viro ita 
 
 20 aptanda est, ut perferatur. Vale. 
 
 16. (BOOK 2. I.) 
 
 A sketch of the life and character of Verginius. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS ROMANO SUO S. 
 
 Post aliquot annos insigne atque etiam memorabile 
 populi Romani oculis spectaculum exhibuit publicum funus 
 Vergini Rufi, maximi et clarissimi civis, perinde felicis. 
 Triginta annis gloriae suae supervixit : legit sgripta de se 
 
 5 carmina, legit historias et posteritati suae iniciTuit. Per- 
 functus est tertio consulatu, ut summum fastigium privati 
 hominis inpleret, cum principis noluisset. Caesares quibus 
 suspectus atque etiam invisus virtutibus fuerat ' evasit, reliquit 
 incolumem optimum atque amicissimum, tamquam ad hunc 
 
 10 ipsum honorem publici funeris reservatus. Annum tertium 47 
 et octogensimum excessit in altissima tranquillitate, pari 
 vcneratione. Usus est fifma valetudine, nisi quod solebant 
 ei manus trcmere, citra dolorem tamen. Aditus tantum 
 mortis durior longiorquc, sed hie ipse laudabilis. Nam cum 
 
 JSvocem pracpararet acturus in consulatu principi gratias, 
 liber, quem^"' forte accepcrat grandiorem, et scni et stanti 
 ipso pondcre elapsus est. Hunc dum scquitur colligitque, 
 
 /
 
 36 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 per Icvc ct lubricum pavimentum fallcnte vestigio cccidit 
 coxamque fregit, quae patum apte co\l6cata reluctante aetate 
 male Coiit. iHuius viri ^xequiae ' magnum ornamentum 20 
 pnncipi, magnum saeculo, magnum etiam foro et rosins 
 attulerunt. Laudatus est a consule Cornelio Tacito : nam 
 hie supremus ' felicitati eius cumulus atcessif, laudator 
 eloquentissimus. Et illc quidem plexus annis abiit, plenus 
 honoribus, illis etiam quos recusavlt : nobis tamen quae- 25 
 rendus ac desiderandus est ut exemplar acvi prioris, mihi 
 vero praecipue, qui ilium non solum publice quantum 
 admirabar tantum diligebam ; primum quod utrique eadem 
 rcgio, municipia finitima, agri etiam possessionesque con- 
 iunctae, praeterca quod ille mihi tutor relictus adfectumjo 
 parentis exhibuit. Sic candidatum, me suffragio ornavit,.-''^'' 
 sic ad pmnes honores meos ex secessibus acciicurrit, cum 
 iani pridem eius modi officiis renuntiasset, sic illo die, quo 
 sacerdotes solent nominare quos dignissimos sacerdotio 
 iudicant, me semper nominabat. Quin etiam in hac novis- 35 
 sima valetudine •feritus' ne forte inter quinqueviros crearetur, 
 qui minuendis publicis sumptibus iudicio senatus consti- 
 >5*^^' tuebantur, cum illi tot amici senes consularesque super- 
 essent, me huius aetatis per quem excusaretur elegit, his 
 quidem verbis, 'etiam si filium haberem, tibi mandarem/40 
 Quibus ex causis necesse est tamquam inmaturam mortem 
 eius in siriu tuo defleam; si tamen fas est aut flere aut 
 omnino mortem vocare, qua tanti viri mortalitas magis 
 finita quam vita est. Vivit enim vivetque semper atque etiam 
 latius in memoria hominum et sermone versabitur, postquam 45 
 ab oculis recessit. Volui tibi multa alia scribere, sed lotus 
 animus in hac una conteinplatione defixus est : Verginium 
 cogito, Verginium video, Verginium iam vanis imaginibus, 
 recentibus tamen, audio, adloquor, teneo. Cui fortasse cives 
 aliquos virtulibus pares et habemus et habebimus, gloria 50 
 neminem. Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECU^'DUS. 37 
 
 17. (BOOK 2. 6.) 
 
 Pliny cautions Avitus against the mean economy, which he had 
 witnessed, of making distinctions between guests of the same table in 
 the quality of the entertainment provided for them. 
 
 C. PLINIUS AVITO SUO S. 
 
 Longum est altius repetere, nee refert quem ad modum 
 accideret ut homo minime familiaris cenarem apud quendam, 
 ut sibi videbatur, lautum et diligentem, ut mihi, sordidum 
 simul et sumptuosum. Nam sibi et paucis opima quaedam, 
 5 ceteris vilia et minuta ponebat. Vinum etiam parvulis 
 lagunculis in tria genera discripserat, non ut potestas elig- 
 endi, sed ne ius esset recusandi, aliud sibi et nobis, aliud 
 minoribus amicis (nam gradatim amicos habet), aliud suis 
 nostrisque libertis. Animadvertit qui mihi proximus recum- 
 
 lobebat et an probarem interrogavit. Negavi, ' Tu ergo' 
 inquit ' quam consuetudinem sequeris'? 'Eadem omnibus 
 pono : ad cenam enim, non ad notam invito cunctisque 
 rebus exaequo, quos mensa et toro aequavi'. 'Etiamne 
 libertos'? 'Etiam: convictores enim tunc, non libertos puto'. 
 
 15 Et ille ' magno tibi constat '. ' IMinime '. ' Qui fieri potest ' ? 
 ' Quia scilicet liberti mei non idem quod ego bibunt, sed 
 idem ego quod liberti.' Et hercule si gulae temperes, non 
 est onerosum quo utaris ipse communicare cum pluribus. 
 Ilia ergo reprimenda, ilia quasi in ordinem redigenda est, si 
 
 20 sumptibus parcas, quibus aliquanto rectius tua continentia 
 quam aliena contumelia consulas. Quorsus haec ? Ne tibi, 
 optimae indolis iuveni, quorundam in mensa luxuria specie 
 frugalitatis imponat. Convenit autem amori in te meo, 
 quotiens tale aliquid inciderit, sub excmpio praemonere, 
 
 25 quid debeas fugcre. Igitur memento nihil magis esse 
 Vitandum, quam istam luxuriae et sordium novam socie- 
 tatem ; quae cum sint turpissima discrela ac separata, 
 turpius iunguntur. Vale. 
 
 40726.1
 
 ^S A SELECTIOy FROM THE 
 
 18. (BOOK 2. 10.) 
 
 riiny begs Octavius Rufus to collect and publish, or at any rate to recite, 
 
 his poems. 
 
 C. PLINIUS OCTAVIO SUO S. 
 
 Ilominem te patientem vel potius durum ac paene crude- 
 lem, qui tarn insignes libros tarn diu teneas ! Quousque et 
 tibi et nobis invidebis, tibi maxima laude, nobis voluptate ? 
 Sine per era hominum ferantur isdemque quibus lingua 
 Romana spatiis pervagentur. INIagna et iam longa expecta- 5 
 tio est, quam frustrari adhuc et differre non debes. Enot- 
 uerunt quidani tui versus et invito te claustra sua rcfregerunt. 
 Hos nisi retrahis in corpus, quandoque ut crroncs aliquem 
 cuius dicantur invenient. Habe ante oculos mortalitatem, a 
 qua adserere te hoc uno monimento potes : nam cetera 10 
 fragilia et caduca non minus quam ipsi homines occidunt 
 desinuntque. Dices, ut soles, 'amici mei viderint', Opto 
 equidem amicos tibi tam fideles, tam eruditos, tam laboriosos, 
 ut tantum curae intentionisque suscipere et possint et velint. 
 Sed dispice ne sit parum providum sperare ex aliis quod tibi 15 
 ipse non praestes. Et de editione quidem interim ut voles : 
 recita saltern, quo magis libeat emittere, utque tandem perci- 
 pias gaudium, quod ego olim pro te non temere praesumo. 
 Imaginor enim qui concursus, quae admiratio te, qui clamor, 
 quod etiam silentium maneat ; quo ego, cum dico vel recito, 20 
 non minus quam clamore delector, sit modo silentium acre 
 et intentum et cupidum ulteriora audiendi. Hoc fructu 
 tanto, tam parato desine studia tua infmita ista cuncta- 
 tione fraudare ; quae cum modum excedit, verendum 
 est ne inertiae et desidiae vel etiam timiditatis nomen 25 
 accipiat. Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 39 
 
 19. (BOOK 2. 13.) 
 
 Pliny recommends to Priscus for promotion Voconius Romanus, his 
 intimate and accomplished friend. 
 
 C. PLINIUS PRISCO SUO S. 
 
 Et tu occasiones obligandi me avidissime amplecteris, et 
 ego nemini libentius debeo. Duabus ergo de causis a te 
 « potissimum petere constitui, quod inpetratum maxime cupio. 
 Regis exercitum amplissimum ; hinc tibi beneficiorum larga 
 5 materia : longum praeterea tempus, quo amicos tuos ex- 
 ornare potuisti. Converte te ad nostros, nee hos multos. 
 Malles tu quidem multos ; sed meae verecundiae sufficit unus 
 aut alter, ac potius unus. Is erit Voconius Romanus. Pater 
 ei in equestri gradu clarus, clarior vitricus, immo pater alius : 
 
 10 nam huic quoque nomini pietate successit. IMater e primis 
 citerioris Hispaniae : scis quod iudicium provinciae illius, 
 quanta sit gravitas. Ipse flamen proxime fuit. Hunc ego, 
 cum simul studeremus, arte familiariterque dilexi : ille mens 
 in urbe, ille in secessu contubernalis, cum hoc seria, cum hoc 
 
 isiocos miscui. Quid enim illo aut fidelius amico aut sodale 
 iucundius .'' mira in sermone, mira etiam in ore ipso voiltuque 
 suavitas. Ad hoc ingenium excelsum, subtile, dulce, facile, 
 eruditum in causis agendis : epistulas quidem scribit, ut ]\Iusas 
 ipsas latine loqui credas. Amatur a me plurimum nee tamen 
 
 20 vincitur. Equidem iuvenis statim iuveni quantum potui per 
 aetatem avidissime contuli et nuper ab optimo principe trium 
 liberorum ius impetravi, quod quamquam parce et cum 
 delectu daret, mihi tamen, tamquam cligcret, indulsit. Haec 
 bencficia mca tueri nullo modo melius, quam ut augeam, 
 
 25 possum, pracsertim cum ipse ilia tam grate interpretetur, ut, 
 dum priora accipit, posteriora mereatur. Habes qualis, 
 quam probatus carusque sit nobis, quern rogo pro ingenio, 
 pro forluna tua cxornes. In primis ama homincm: nam
 
 40 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 licet tribuas ci quantum amplissimum potes, nihil tamen 
 amplius potes amicitia tua ; cuius esse eum usque ad 30 
 intimam familiaritatem capacem quo magis scires, breviter 
 tibi studia, mores, omnem denique vitam eius exprcssi. 
 Extenderem preces, nisi et tu rogari diu nolles, et ego tola 
 hoc epistula fccissem : rogat enim, et quidem efficacissime, 
 qui reddit causas rogandi. Vale. 35 
 
 20. (BOOK 2. 14.) 
 
 Pliny complains that tlic centumviral court, in which his practice lies, 
 is being rapidly deteriorated by the audacity of the younger pleaders, 
 and the paid applause of their audience. 
 
 C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S. 
 
 Verum opinaris : distringor centumviralibus causis, quae 
 me exercent magis quam delectant. Sunt enim pleraeque 
 parvae et exiles : raro incidit vel personarum claritate vel 
 negotii magnitudine insignis. Ad hoc pauci cum quibus 
 iuvet dicere : ceteri audaces atque etiam magna ex parte 5 
 adulescentuli obscuri ad declamandum hue transierunt, tam 
 inreverenter et temere, ut mihi Atilius noster expresse dixisse 
 videatur sic in foro pueros a centumviralibus causis auspi- 
 cari, ut ab Homero in scholis. Nam hie quoque, ut illic, 
 primum coepit esse quod maximum est. At hercule ante 10 
 memoriam meam (ita maiores natu solent dicere) ne nobi- 
 lissimis quidem adulescentibus locus erat nisi aliquo consulari 
 producente : tanta veneratione pulcherrimum opus colebatur. 
 Nunc refractis pudoris et reverentiae claustris omnia patent 
 omnibus, nee inducuntur, sed inrumpunt. Sequuntur audi- 15 
 tores actoribus similes, conducti et redempti : manceps con- 
 venitur : in media basilica tam palam sportulae quam in 
 triclinio dantur : ex iudicio in indicium pari mercede trans- 
 itur. Inde iam non inurbane So^o/cXeiy vocantur \ano toC 
 aofjjus Kai Kokuadai] : isdem latinum nomen inpositum est 20
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. 4I 
 
 Laudiceni. Et tamen crescit in dies foeditas utraque lingua 
 notata. Here duo nomenclatores mei (habent sane aetatem 
 eorum qui nuper togas sumpserint) ternis denariis ad laudan- 
 dum trahebantur. Tanti constat ut sis disertissimus. Hoc 
 23 pretio quamlibet numerosa subsellia inplentur, hoc ingens 
 corona colligitur, hoc infiniti clamores commoventur, cum 
 mesochorus dedit signum. Opus est enim signo apud non 
 intellegentes, ne audientes quidem : nam plerique non audi- 
 unt, nee uUi magis laudant. Siquando transibis per basili- 
 30 cam et voles scire quo modo quisque dicat, nihil est quod 
 tribunal ascendas, nihil quod praebeas aurem; facilis divi- 
 natio : scito eum pessime dicere, qui laudabitur maxime. 
 Primus hunc audiendi morem induxit Largius Licinius, 
 hactenus tamen ut auditores corrogaret : ita certe ex Quin- 
 3: liliano, praeceptore meo, audisse memini. Narrabat ille 
 'adsectabar Domitium Afrum, Cum apud centumviros 
 diceret graviter et lente (hoc enim illi actionis genus erat), 
 audit ex proximo inmodicum insolitumque clamorem. Ad- 
 miratus reticuit. Ubi silentium factum est, repetit quod 
 40 abmperat. Iterum clamor, iterum reticuit, et post silentium 
 coepit idem tertio. Novissime quis diceret quaesivit : re- 
 sponsum est "Licinus". Turn intermissa causa " centumviri " 
 inquit, " hoc artificium periit ".' Quod alioqui perire incipie- 
 bat, cum perisse Afro videretur, nunc vero prope funditus 
 45 extinctum et eversum est. Pudet referre quae quam fracta 
 pronuntiatione dicantur, quibus quam tactris clamoribus 
 excipiantur. Plausus tantum ac potius sola cymbala et 
 tympana illis canticis desunt : ululatus quidem (neque enim 
 alio vocabulo potest exprimi theatris quoque indecora lauda- 
 to tio) large supersunt. Nos tamen adhuc et utilitas amicorum 
 et ratio aetatis moratur ac rctinet. Veremur enim ne forte 
 non has indignitates reliquisse, sed laborem fugisse videamur, 
 Sumus tamen solilo rariores, quod initium est gradalim 
 desinendi. Vale.
 
 4- A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 21. (BOOK 2. 17.) 
 A description of Pliny's Laurentine country house. 
 C. PLINIUS GALLO SUO S. 
 
 Miraris cur me Laurentinum vcl, si ila mavis, Laurens 
 meum tanto opere delcctet: desines mirari, cum cognoveris 
 gratiam villae, opportunitatem loci, litoris spatium. Decern 
 et septem milibus passuum ab urbe recessit, ut peractis quae 
 agenda fuerint salvo iam et composito die possis ibi manere. 5 
 Aditur non una via : nam et Laurenlina et Osliensis eodem 
 ferunt, sed Laurentina a quarto decimo lapide, Ostiensis ab 
 undecimo relinquenda est. Utrimque excipit iter aliqua ex 
 parte harenosum, iunctis paulo gravius et longius, equo 'breve 
 et molle. Varia hinc at que inde facies: nam modo occur- 10 
 renlibus silvis via coartatur, modo latissimis pratis diffunditur 
 et patescit,- multi greges ovium, multa ibi equorum bourn 
 armenta, quae montibus hieme depulsa herbis et tepore 
 verno nitescunt. Villa usibus capax, non sumpLuosa tutela. 
 Cuius in prima parte atrium frugi nee tamen sordidum;is 
 deinde porticus in D litterae similitudinem circumactae, 
 quibus parvula, sed festiva area includitur, egregium adversus 
 tempcstates receptaculum : nam specularibus ac multo magis 
 immincntibus tectis muniuntur. Est contra medias cavae- 
 dium hilare, mox triclinium satis pulchrum, quod in litus ex- 23 
 currit, ac siquando africo mare inpulsum est, fractis iam et 
 novissimis fluctibus leviter adluitur. Undique valvas aut 
 fenestras non minores valvis- habet, atque ita a lateribus, a 
 fronte quasi tria maria prospectat ; a tergo cavaedium, 
 porticum, aream, porticum rursus, mox atrium, silvas et 25 
 longinquos respicit montes. Huius a laeva retractius paulo 
 cubiculum est amplum, deinde aliud minus, quod altera 
 fenestra admittit orientem, occidentem altera retinet, hac et 
 subiacens mare longius quidem, sed securius intuetur. Huius 
 cubiculi et triclinii illius obiectu includitur angulus, qui 30
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 43 
 
 purissimum solem continet et accendit. Hoc hibernaculum, 
 hoc etiam gymnasium meorum est : ibi omnes silent venti 
 exceptis qui nubilum inducunt et serenum ante quam usum 
 loci eripiunt. Adnectitur angulo cubiculum in hapsida 
 
 35 curvatum, quod ambitum solis fenestris omnibus sequitur. 
 Parieti eius in bibliothecae speciem armarium insertum est, 
 quod non legendos libros, sed lectitandos capit. Adhaeret 
 dormitorium membrum transitu interiacente, qui suspensus 
 et tubulatus conceptum vaporem salubri temperamento hue 
 
 40 illuc digerit et ministrat. Reliqua pars lateris huius servorum 
 libertorumque usibus detinetur, plerisque tarn mundis, ut 
 accipere hospites possint. Ex alio latere cubiculum est 
 politissimum ; deinde vel cubiculum grande vel modica 
 cenatio, quae plurimo sole, plurimo mari lucet; post banc 
 
 45 cubiculum cum procoetone, altitudine aesiivum, munimentis 
 hibernum : est enim subductum omnibus ventis. Huic 
 cubiculo aliud et procoeton communi pariete iunguntur. 
 Inde balinei cella frigidaria spaliosa et effusa, cuius in 
 contrariis parietibus duo baptisteria velut electa sinuantur, 
 
 soabunde capacia, si mare in proximo cogites. Adiacet 
 unctorium, hypocauston, adiacet propnigeon balinei, mox 
 duae celiac magis elegantes quam sumptuosae : cohaeret 
 calida piscina mirifica, ex qua natantes mare aspiciunt; nee 
 procul sphaeristerium, quod calidissimo soli inelinato iam 
 
 55 die occurrit. Hie turris erigitur, sub qua diaetae duae,. 
 totidem in ipsa, praeterea cenatio, quae latissimum mare, 
 longissimum htus, villas amoenissimas prospicit. Est et alia 
 turris: in hae cubiculum, in quo sol nascitur conditurque: 
 lata post apothcca et horreum : sub hoe triclinium, quod 
 
 Coturbati maris non nisi fragorem et sonum patitur, eumque 
 iam languidum ac desinentem ; horlum et gestationem videt,. 
 qua hortus includitur. Gestatio buxo aut rore marino, ubi de- 
 ficit buxus, ambitur : nam buxus, qua parte defcnditur tectis, 
 abunde viret; aperto caelo apertoque vento ct quamquara
 
 ^.4 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 longinqua aspergine maris inarcscit. Adiacet gestationiSs 
 intcriore circumitu vinea tenera et umbrosa nudisque etiam 
 pcdibus mollis et cedens. Hoitum moms et ficus fre- 
 qucns vestit, quarum arborum ilia vel maxime ferax terra 
 €St, malignior ceteris. Hac non detcriore quam maris facie 
 ccnatio remota a mari fruitur : cingitur diaetis duabus a 70 
 tergo, quarum fenestris subiacet vestibulum villae et hortus 
 alius pinguis et rusticus. Hinc cryptoporlicus prope publici 
 operis extenditur. Utrimque fenestrae, a mari plures, ab 
 horto singulae, sed alternis pauciores. Hae, cum serenus 
 dies et inmotus, omnes, cum hinc vel inde ventis inquietus, 75 
 qua venti quiescunt, sine iniuria patent. Ante cryptoporti- 
 cum xystus violis odoratus : teporem soils infusi repercussu 
 cryptoporlicus auget, quae ut tenet solem, sic aquilonem 
 inhibet summovetque, quantumque caloris ante tantum 
 retro frigoris. Similiter africum sistit atque ita diversissimos go 
 ventos alium alio latere frangit et finit. Haec iucundilas 
 eius hieme, maior aestate. Nam ante meridiem xystum, 
 post meridiem gestationis hortique proximam partem umbra 
 sua temperat, quae, ut dies crevit decrevitve, modo brevior 
 modo longior hac vel ilia cadit. Ipsa vero cryptoporticus 85 
 tum maxime caret sole, cum ardentissimus culmini eius 
 insistit. Ad hoc patentibus fenestris favonios accipit 
 transmittitque nee umquam aere pigro et manente ingra- 
 vescit. In capite xysti deinceps [cryptoporticus horti] 
 diaeta est, amores mei, re vera amores : ipse posui. In hac 9° 
 heliocaminus quidem alia xystum, alia mare, utraque solem, 
 cubiculum autem valvis cryptoporticum, fenestra prospicit 
 mare. Contra parietem medium zotheca perquam eleganter 
 recedit, quae spccularibus et velis obductis reductisve modo 
 adicitur cubiculo, modo aufertur. Lectum et duas cathedras 95 
 capit : a pedibus mare, a tergo villae, a capite silvae : tot 
 facies locorum totidem fenestris et distinguit et miscet. 
 lunctum est cubiculum noctis et somni. Non illud voces
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNLiUS. 45 
 
 servulorum, non maris murmur, non tempestatum motus, 
 
 IOC non fulgurum lumen ac ne diem quidem sentit, nisi fenestris 
 apertis. Tarn alti abditique secreti ilia ratio, quod interia- 
 cens andron parietem cubiculi hortique distinguit atque ita 
 omnem sonum media inanitate consumit. Adplicitum est 
 cubiculo hypocauston perexiguum, quod angusta fenestra 
 
 105 suppositum calorem, ut ratio exigit, aut effundit aut retinet. 
 Procoeton inde et cubiculum porrigitur in solem, quern 
 orientem statim exceptum ultra meridiem oblicum quidem, 
 sed tamen servat. In banc ego diaetam cum me recepi, 
 abesse mihi etiam a villa mea videor, magnamque eius volup- 
 
 iiotatem praecipue Saturnalibus capio, cum reliqua pars tecti 
 licentia dierum fcstisque clamoribus personat : nam nee ipse 
 meorum lusibus nee illi studiis meis obstrepunt. Haec 
 utilitas, haec amoenitas deficitur aqua salienti, sed puteos ac 
 potius fontes habet : sunt enim in summo. Et omnino 
 
 ii5litoris illius mira natura : quocumque loco moveris humum, 
 obvius et paratus umor occurrit, isque sincerus ac ne leviter 
 quidem tanta maris vicinitate corruptus. Suggerunt adfatim 
 ligna proximae silvae : ceteras copias Ostiensis colonia 
 ministrat. Frugi quidem homini sufficit etiam vicus, quern 
 
 1 23 una villa discernit : in hoc balinea meritoria tria, magna 
 commoditas, si forte balineum domi vel subitus adventus vel 
 brevior mora calfacere dissuadeat. Litus ornant varietate 
 gratissima nunc continua nunc intermissa tecta villarum, quae 
 praestant multarum urbium faciem, sive mari sive ipso litore 
 
 i25utare; quod non numquam longa tranquillitas mollit, saepius 
 frequens et contrarius fluctus indurat. Mare non sane 
 pretiosis piscibus abundat, soleas tamen et squillas optimas 
 egerit. Villa vero nostra etiam mediterraneas copias 
 praestat, lac in primis : nam illuc e pascuis pecora conve- 
 
 i3oniunt, siquando aquam umbramve sectantur. luslisnc de 
 causis iam tibi videor incolere, inhabitarc, diligerc seccssum ? 
 quem tu nimis urbanus es nisi concupiscis. Atque utinam
 
 4 6 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 concupiscas ! ut tot tantisque dotibus villulae nostrae maxima 
 commendatio ex tuo contubernio accedat. Vale. 
 
 22. (BOOK 2. 1 8.) 
 
 riiny gladly undertakes to find a school for the sons of Rusticus, and 
 will take real interest in the inquiry, though the choice will be invidious. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS MAURICO SUOS. 
 
 Quid a te mihi iucundius potuit iniungi, quam ut prae- 
 ceptorem fratris tui liberis quaerercm ? Nam beneficio tuo in 
 scholam redeo et illam dulcissimam aetatem quasi resumo : 
 sedeo inter iuvenes, ut solebam, atque etiam experior, quan- 
 tum apud illos auctoritatis ex studiis habeam. Nam proxime 5 
 frequenti auditorio inter se coram multis ordinis nostri clare 
 loquebantur: intravi, conticuerunt ; quod non referrem, nisi 
 ad illorum magis laudem quam ad meam pertineret, ac nisi 
 sperare te veliem posse fratris tui filios probe discere. Quod 
 superest, cum omnes qui profitentur audiero, quid de quoque lo 
 sentiam scribam efficiamque, quantum tamen epistula consequi 
 potero, ut ipse omnes audisse videaris. Debeo enim tibi, debco 
 memoriae fratris tui banc fidem, hoc studium, praesertim 
 super tanta re. Nam quid magis interest vestra, quam ut 
 liberi (dicerem tui, nisi nunc illos magis amares) digni illo 15 
 patre, te patruo reperiantur ? quam curam mihi, etiam si non 
 mandasses, vindicassem. Nee ignoro suscipiendas offensas 
 in eligendo praeceptore ; sed oportet me non modo offensas 
 verum etiam simultates pro fratris tui filiis tarn aequo animo 
 subire quam parentes pro suis. Vale. 20 
 
 23. (BOOK 2. 20.) 
 
 riiny entertains Calvisius with three anecdotes about Regulus 
 and his shameless pursuit of legacies. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S. 
 
 Assem para et accipe auream fabulam, fabulas immo:
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUyDUS. 47 
 
 nam me priorum nova admonuit, nee refert a qua potissi- 
 
 mum incipiam. Verania Pisonis graviter iacebat, huius dico 
 
 Pisonis, quern Galba adoptavit. Ad banc Regulus venit. 
 
 5 Primum inpudentiam hominis, qui venerit ad aegram, cuius 
 
 marito inimicissimus, ipsi invisissimus fuerat. Esto, si venit 
 
 A^ tantum : at ille etiam proximus toro sedit, quo die, qua hora 
 
 'nata esset interrogavit. Ubi audiit, componit vultum, in- 
 
 tendit oculos, movet labra, agitat digitos, computat ; nihil : 
 
 I cut diu miseram expectatione suspendit, 'babes' inquit ' cli- 
 mactericum tempus, sed evades. Quod ut tibi magis liqueat, 
 haruspicem consulani, quern sum frequenter expertus.' Nee 
 mora : sacrificium facit, adfirmat exta cum siderum signi- 
 ficatione congruere. Ilia, ut in periculo credula, poscit codi- 
 
 1 5 cillos, legatum Regulo scribit : mox ingravescit : clamat 
 moriens hominem nequam perfidum ac plus etiam quam 
 periurum, qui sibi per salutem filii perierasset. Facit hoc 
 Regulus non minus scelerate quam frequenter, quod iram 
 deorum, quos ipse cotidie fallit, in caput infelicis pueri 
 
 20 detestatur. Velleius Blaesus, ille locuples consularis, no- 
 vissima valetudine conflictabatur : cupiebat mutare testa- 
 mentum. Regulus, qui speraret aliquid ex novis tabulis, 
 quia nuper captare eum coeperat, medicos hortari, rogare 
 quoquo modo spiritum homini prorogarent. Postquam sig- 
 
 25 natum est testamentum, mutat personam, vertit adlocutionem, 
 isdemque medicis ' quousque miserum cruciatis ? quid invi- 
 detis bona morte cui dare vitam non potestis?' Moritur 
 lilacsus, et tamquam omnia audisset, Regulo ne tantulum 
 quidem. Suniciunt duac fabulae, an scholastica lege tertiam 
 
 30 poscis ? Est undc fiat. Aurelia, ornata femina, signatura 
 testamentum sumpserat pulcherrimas tunicas. Regulus cum 
 vcnissct ad signandum, ' rogo ' inquit 'has mihi leges.' Au- 
 relia ludere hominem putabat, ille serio instabat : ne multa, 
 coegit muliercm aperire tabulas ac sibi tunicas quas erat 
 
 35 induta legate : observavit scribentem, inspexit an scripsisset.
 
 4^ A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 Et Aurclia qiiidcm vivit, ille tamcn istud tamquam mo- 
 rituram coegit, et hie hereditates, hie legata, quasi mere- 
 atur, aecipit. 'aXXu tl diaTflmnai in ea civitate, in qua iam 
 pridem non minora praemia, immo maiora, nequitia et im- 
 probitas quam pudor et virtus habent? Aspice Regulum, 40 
 qui ex paupere et tenui ad tantas opes per flagitia processit, 
 ut ipse mihi dixerit, cum consuleret, quam cito sestertium 
 sescenties inpleturus esset, invenisse se exta duplicia, quibus 
 portendi milies et ducenties habiturum. Et habebit, si modo, 
 ut coepit, aliena testamenta, quod est inprobissimum genus 45 
 falsi, ipsis quorum sunt ilia dictaverit. Vale. 
 
 24. (BOOK 3. I.) 
 
 Pliny describes with admirntion the method and refinement with wliich 
 Spurinna disposes the leisure of his old age, 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S. 
 
 Nescio an ullum iucundius tempus exegerim, quam quo 
 nuper apud Spurinnam fui, adeo quidem, ut ncminem magis 
 in senectute, si modo senescere datum est, aemulari velim : 
 nihil est enim illo vitae genere distinctius. Me autem ut 
 certus siderum cursus ita vita hominum disposita delectat, 5 
 senum praesertim. Nam iuvenes confusa adhuc quaedam 
 et quasi turbata non indecent; senibus placida omnia et 
 ordinata conveniunt, quibus industria sera, turpis ambitio 
 est. Hanc regulam Spurinna constantissime servat ; quin 
 etiam parva haec, parva, si non cotidie fiant, ordine quodam 10 
 et velut orbe circumagit. Mane Icctulo continetur, hora 
 secunda calceos poscit, ambulat milia passuum tria nee 
 minus animum quam corpus exercet. Si adsunt amici, 
 honestissimi sermones explicantur ; si non, liber legitur, 
 interdum etiam praesentibus amicis, si tamen illi non gra- 15 
 vantur. Deinde considit, et liber rursus aut sermo libro 
 potior : mox vehiculum ascendit, adsumit uxorem singularis
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 49 
 
 exempli vel aliquem amicorum, ut me proxime. Quam 
 pulchrum illud, quam dulce secretum ! quantum ibi antiqui- 
 
 30 talis ! quae facta, quos viros audias ! quibus praeceptis 
 
 -^ iiiibuare ! quamvis ille hoc temperamentum modestiae suae 
 
 indixerit, ne praecipere videatur. Peractis septem milibus 
 
 passuum iterum ambulat mille, iterum residit vel se cubiculo 
 
 ac stilo reddit. Scribit enim, et quidem utraque lingua, 
 
 25 iyrica doctissime : mira illis dulcedo, mira suavitas, mira 
 hilaritas, cuius gratiam cumulat sanctitas scribentis. Ubi 
 hora balinei nuntiata est (est autem hieme nona, aestate 
 octava), in sole, si caret vento, ambulat nudus. Deinde 
 movetur pila vehementer et diu: nam hoc quoque exerci- 
 
 3° tationis genere pugnat cum senectute. Lotus accubat et 
 paulisper cibum differt : interim audit legentem remissius 
 aliquid et dulcius. Per hoc omne tempus liberum est amicis 
 vel eadem facere vel alia, si malint. Adponitur cena non 
 minus nitida quam frugi in argento puro et antiquo: sunt 
 
 35 in usu et Corinthia, quibus delectatur nee adficitur. Fre- 
 quenter comoedis cena distinguitur, ut voluptates quoque 
 studiis condiantur. bumit aliquid de nocte et aestate : 
 nemini hoc longum est; tanta comitate convivium trahitur. 
 Inde illi post septimum et septuagensimum annum aurium 
 
 4° oculorum vigor integer, inde agile et vividum corpus solaque 
 ex senectute prudentia. Hanc ego vitam voto et cogitatione 
 praesumo, ingressurus avidissime, ut primum ratio aetatis 
 receptui canere permiserit. Interim mille laboribus conteror, 
 quorum mihi et solacium et exemplum est idem Spurinna. 
 
 45 Nam ille quoque, quoad honestum fuit, obiit officia, gessit 
 magistratus, provincias re:fit multoque labore hoc otium 
 meruit. Igilur eundem mihi cursum, eundem terminum 
 statuo, idque iam nunc apud te subsigno, ut, si me longius 
 evehi videris, in ius voces ad hanc epistulam meam et 
 
 5oquicscerc iubcas, cum incrtiae crimen cffugero. Vale.
 
 .-O A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 25. (BOOK 3. 5.) 
 
 riiny enumerates in order the books written by his uncle; and 
 describes the habits of extraordinary industry which enabled him to 
 complete so vast an amount of work. 
 
 yN ^ • C. PLINIUS BAEBIO MACRO SUO S. 
 
 Pergratum 'est mihi quod tarn diligenter libros avuncuH 
 mei lectuas/'ut habere omnes velis quaerasque qui sint 
 omnes. Fungar indicis partibus atque etiam quo sint ordine 
 sciipti notum tibi faciam : est enim haec quoque studiosis 
 non iniucunda cognitio. *De iaculatione equestri unus:'5 
 hunc, cum praefectus alae militaret, pari ingenio curaque 
 conposuit.' ' De vita Pomponi Secundi duo,' a quo singu- 
 lariter amatus hoc memoriae amici quasi debitum munus 
 exsolvit. * Bellorum Germaniae viginti,' quibus omnia quae 
 cum Germanis gessimus bella collegit. Inchoavit, cum in 10 
 Gcrmania militaret, somnio monitus : adstitit ei quiescenti 
 Drusi Neronis effigies, qui Germaniae latissime victor ibi 
 periit, commendabat memoriam suam orabatque ut se ab 
 iniuria oblivionis adsereret. ' Studiosi tres,' in sex volumina 
 propter amplitudinem divisi, quibus oratorem ab incunabulis 15 
 instituit et perficit. 'Dubii sermonis octo :' scripsit sub 
 Nerone novissimis annis, cum omne studiorum genus paulo 
 hberius et erectius periculosum servitus fecisset. 'A fine 
 Aufidi Bassi triginta unus.' 'Naturae hisloriarum triginta 
 septem,' opus diffusum, cruditum, nee m.inus varium quam 20 
 ipsa natura. Miraris quod tot volumina multaque in his 
 tam scrupulosa homo occupalus,absolverit : magis miraberis, 
 si scieris ilium aliquandiu causas actitasse, decessisse anno 
 sexto et quinquagensimo, medium tempus distentum impc- 
 ditumque qua officiis maximis qua amicitia principum 25 
 egisse. Sed erat acre ingenium, incredibile studium, summa 
 vvigilantia. Lucubrare Vulcanaiibus incipiebat, non auspi-
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 5 1 
 
 candi causa, sed studendi, statim a nocte multa, hieme vero 
 ab hora scplima, vel cum tardissime, octava, saepe sexta. 
 
 SoErat sane somni paratissimi, non numquam etiam inter 
 ipsa studia instantis et deserentis. Ante lucem ibat ad 
 Vespasianum imperatorem (nam ille quoque noctibus uteba- 
 tur), inde ad delegatum sibi officium. Reversus domum, 
 quod reliquum temporis, studiis reddebat. Post cibum 
 
 35 saepe, quern interdiu levem et . facilem veterum more 
 sumebat, aestate, siquid otii, iacebat in sole, liber legebatur, 
 adnotabat excerpebatque. Nihil enim legit quod non 
 excerperet : dicere etiam solebat nullum esse librum tam 
 malum, ut non aliqua parte prodesset. Post gal^m plerum- 
 
 40 que frigida lavabatur :, deinde gust^abat^'dorjniebatque mini- 
 mum : mox quasi alio die studebat in'^cenae ' temp_us. Super 
 banc liber legebatur, adnotabatur, et quidem cursim. Me- 
 mini quendam ex amicis, cum lector quaedam perperam 
 pronuntiasset, revocasse et repeti coegisse, huic avunculum 
 
 45meum dixisse ' intellexeras nempe?' cum ille adnuisset, 
 ' cur ergo revocabas ? decem amplius versus hac tua inter- 
 pellatione perdidimus.' Tanta erat parsimonia temporis. 
 Surgebat aestate a cena luce, hieme intra primam noctis, 
 et tamquam aliqua lege cogente. Haec inter medios labores 
 
 50 urbisque fremitum. In secessu solum balinei tempus studiis 
 eximebatur : cum dico balinei, de interioribus loquor; nam i^ 
 dum destringitur tergiturque, audiebat aliquid aut dictabat. 
 In itinere quasi solutus ceteris curis huic uni vacabat : ad 
 latus notarius cum libro et pugillaribus, cuius manus hieme 
 
 55 manicis muniebantur, ut nc caeli quidem asperitas uUum 
 studiis tempus eriperet : qu:P ex causa Romae quoque sella 
 vchebatur. Repeto me corrcptum ab eo cur ambularcm : 
 'poteras' inquit 'has horas non perdcre;' nam perire omne 
 tempus arbitrabalur, quod studiis non impcnderctur. Ilac 
 
 6ointcntione totjsta-- volumina percgit electorumquc cornmen- 
 tarios centum scxaginta mihi reliquit, opisthographos 
 
 K 2
 
 S)2 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 quidem et minutissimc scriptos ; qua ratione multiplicatur 
 hie Humerus. Rcferebat ipse potuisse se, cum procuraret 
 in Hispania, vendcre hos commentaries Largio Licinio 
 quadringcntis milibus nummum, et tunc aliquanto pauciores 65 
 erant. Nonne videtur tibi recordanti quantum legerit, quan- 
 tum scripserit, nee in ofllciis ullis nee in amicitia principis 
 fuisse, rursus, cum auilis quid studiis laboris inpenderit, nee 
 scripsisse satis nee legisse? Quid est enim quod non aut 
 illae oceupationes inpedirc aut haec instantia non possit 70 
 efficere? Itaque solco ridere, cum me quidem studiosum 
 vocant, qui, si comparer illi, sum desidiosissimus. Ego 
 autem tantum, quem pariim publica partim amicorum oflicia ^ 
 distringunt ? quis ex istis qui tota vita litteris adsident 
 collatus illi non quasi somno et inertiae deditus erubescat ? 75 
 Extendi epistulam, cum hoc solum quod requirebas scribere 
 destinassem, quos libros reliquisset : confido tamen haec 
 quoque tibi non minus grata quam ipsos libros futura, 
 quae te non tantum ad Icgendos eos verum etiam ad 
 simile aliquid elaborandum possunt aemulationis stimulisSo 
 excitare. Vale. 
 
 26. (BOOK 3. 6.) 
 
 Pliny asks Severus to prepare a pedestal for a valuable and beautiful 
 bronze figure, which he has bought to present to the temple of Jupiter 
 at Comum. 
 
 C. PLIKIUS AXXIO SEVERO SUO S. 
 
 Ex hereditate quae mihi obvenit emi proxime Corinthium 
 signum, modicum quidem, sed festivum et expressum, 
 quantum ego sapio, qui fortasse in omni re, in hac certe 
 perquam exiguum sapio : hoc tamen signum ego quoque 
 intellego. Est enim nudum nee aut vitia, siqua sunt, 5 
 celat aut laudes parum ostentat : eflingit senem stantem ;
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 53 
 
 ossa, musculi, nervi, venae, rugae etiam ut spirantis appar- 
 ent, rari et cedentes capilli, lata frons, contracta facies, exile 
 collum, pendent lacerti, papillae iacent, venter recessit. A 
 
 lotergo quoque eadem aetas ut a tergo. Aes ipsum, quantum 
 varus color indicat, vetus et antiquum. Talia denique 
 omnia, ut possint artificum oculos tenere, delectare imperi- 
 torum. Quod me quamquam tirunculum sollicitavit ad 
 emendum. Emi autem, non ut haberem domi (neque enim 
 
 ijuUum adhuc Corinthium domi habeo), verum ut in patria 
 nostra celebri loco ponerem, ac potissimum in lovis templo : 
 videtur enim dignum templo, dignum deo donum. Tu 
 
 "^ergo, ut soles omnia quae a me tibi i'liiunguntur, suscipe 
 banc curam et iam nunc iube basim fieri ex quo voles 
 
 zomarmore, quae nomen meum honoresque capiat, si hos 
 quoque putabis addendos. Ego signum ipsum, ut primum 
 invenero aliquem qui non gravetur, mittam tibi vel ipse, 
 quod mavis, adferam mecum. Destino enim, si tamen 
 officii ratio permiserit, exciirrere isto. Gaudes quod me 
 
 35 venturum esse polliceor, sed contrahe's frontem, cum adiecero ' 
 ad paucos dies : neque enim diutius abesse me eadem haec 
 quae nondum exire patiuntur. Vale. 
 
 27. (BOOK 3. 7.) 
 
 Pliny gives a sketch of the life and abilities of Silius the poet; and 
 takes occasion by his death both to reflect on the shortness of life, and 
 again to urge Caninius to literary efTort. 
 
 C. PLIMUS CANINIO RUFO SUO S. 
 
 Modo nuntiatus est Silius Italicus in Ncapolitano sue 
 
 inedia finisse vitam. Causa mortis valetudo. Erat illi natus 
 
 insanabilis clavus, cuius tacdio ad mortem inrevocabili con- 
 
 stantia dccucurril, uscjue ad supremum diem beatus et felix, 
 
 5 nisi quod minorem ex liberis duobus amisit; sed maiorem
 
 .54 ^ SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 melioremque florentem atque etiam consularem reliquit. 
 Laescrat famam siiam sub Nerone, crcdebaLur sponte accu- 
 sasse ; scd in Vitelli amicitia sapientcr se ct comiter 
 gcsserat, ex proconsulatu Asiae gloriam reportaverat, 
 maculam vcteris industriae laudabili otio abluerat. Fuit lo 
 inter principes civitatis sine potentia, sine invidia : saluta- 
 batur, colebatur multumque in lectulo iacens cubiculo semper 
 non ex fortuna frcquenti doctissimis sermonibus dies transi- 
 gebat, cum a scribendo vacaret. Scribcbat carmina maiore 
 cura quam ingenio, non numquam iudicia hominum recita- 15 
 tionibus experiebatur. Novissime ita suadenlibus annis ab 
 urbe secessit seque in Campania tenuit, ac ne adventu 
 quidem novi principis inde commotus est. Magna Caesaris 
 laus, sub quo hoc liberum fuit, magna illius, qui hac libertate 
 ausus est uti. Erat (juXuKokoi usque ad emacitatis reprehen- 20 
 sionem. Plures isdem in locis villas possidebat adamatisque 
 novis priores neglegebat. Mullum ubique librorum, multum 
 statuarum, multum imaginum, quas non habebat modo 
 verum etiam venerabatur, Vergili ante omnes, cuius natalem 
 religiosius quam suum cclebrabat, Neapoli maxime, ubi 25 
 monimentum eius adire ut templum solebat. In hac tran- 
 quillitale annum quintum et septuagensimum excessit, 
 delicato magis corpore quam infirmo ; utque novissimus a 
 Nerone factus est consul, ita postremus ex omnibus quos 
 Nero consules fecerat decessit. Illud etiam notabile, ultimus 3° 
 ex Neronianis consularibus obiit quo consule Nero periit. 
 Quod me recordantem fragilitatis humanae miseratio subit. 
 Quid enim tarn circumcisum, tarn breve quam hominis 
 vita lon2;issima? an non videtur tibi Nero modo modo 
 fuisse ? cum interim ex iis qui sub illo gesserant consulatum 35 
 nemo iam superest. Quamquam quid hoc miror? nuper 
 L. Piso, pater Pisonis illius qui a Valerio Festo per summum 
 facinus in Africa occisus est, diccre solebat neminem se 
 videre in senatu quem consul ipse scntentiam rogavisset.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 55 
 
 40 Tarn angustis terminis tantae multitudinis vivacitas ipsa 
 concluditur, ut mihi non venia solum dignae verum etiam 
 laude videantur illae regiae lacrimae. Nam ferunt Xerxen, 
 cum inmensum exercitum oculis obisset, inlacrimasse, quod 
 tot milibus tarn brevis immineret occasus. Sed tanto magis 
 
 45 hoc quidquid est temporis futilis et caduci, si non datur 
 factis (nam horum materia in aliena manu), certe studiis 
 proferamus, et quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relin- 
 quamus aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur. Scio te stimulis 
 non egere; me tamen tui caritas evocat ut currentem 
 
 5oquoque instigem, sicut tu soles me, ^Aya6r] 8' epi%, cum 
 invicem se mutuis exhortationibus amici ad amorem inmor- 
 talitatis exacuunt. Vale. 
 
 28. (BOOK 3. II.) 
 
 Pliny, while deprecating the excessive gratitude of Artemidonis, 
 relates with some satisfaction the dangerous services which he had 
 rendered to a man so worthy of his regard. 
 
 C PLINIUS lULIO GENITORI SUO S. 
 
 Est omnino Artemidori nostri tam benigna natura, ut 
 officia amicorum in maius extollat : inde etiam meum 
 meritum ut vera ita supra meritum praedicatione circumfert. 
 Equidem, cum essent philosophi ab urbe summoti, fui apud 
 
 5 ilium in suburbano, et quo notabilius, hoc est periculosius, 
 esset, fui praetor. Pecuniam etiam, qua tunc illi ampliore 
 opus erat, ut acs alienum exsolveret contractum ex pul- 
 cherrimis causis, mussantibus magnis quibusdam et locuple- 
 tibus amicis mutuatus ipse gratuitam dedi. Atque haec feci, 
 
 locum septcm amicis meis aut occisis aut relegatis, occisis 
 Senecione Rustico Ilclvidio, relegatis INIaurico Gratilla Arria 
 Fannia, tot circa me iactis fulminibus quasi ambustus mihi 
 quoque inpendcre idem exitium certis quibusdam nolis
 
 ■\6 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 J 
 
 augurarer. Non ideo tamen eximiam gloriam meruisse me, 
 ut ille praedicat, credo, sed lanlum effiigisse flagitium. 15 
 Nam et C. Musonium, socerum cius, quantum licitum est 
 per aetatem, cum admiratione dilcxi et Arlcmidorum ipsum 
 iam tum, cum in Syria tribunus militarem, arta familiaritate 
 complexus sum, idque primum non nullius indolis dedi 
 specimen, quod virum aut sapientem aut proximum similli- 20 
 mumque sapienti intellegere sum visus. Nam ex omnibus 
 qui nunc se philosophos vocant vix unum aut alterum 
 invenies tanta sinceritate, tanta veritate. Mitto qua patientia 
 corporis hiemes iuxta et aestates ferat, ut nullis laboribus 
 cedat, ut nihil in cibo, in potu voluptatibus tribuat, ut oculos 25 
 animumque contineat. Sunt haec magna, sed in alio; in 
 hoc vero minima, si ceteris virtutibus comparentur, quibus 
 meruit ut a C. Musonio ex omnibus omnium ordinum 
 adsectatoribus gener adsumeretur. Quae mihi recordanti 
 est quidem iucundum quod me cum apud ahos tum apud 3° 
 te tantis laudibus cumulat, vereor tamen ne modum excedat, 
 quem benignitas eius (illuc enim unde coepi revertor) solet 
 non tenere. Nam in hoc uno interdum vir alioqui pruden- 
 tissimus honesto quidem sed tamen errore versatur, quod 
 pluris amicos suos quam sunt arbitratur. Vale. 35 
 
 29. (BOOK 3. 12.) 
 
 Pliny accepts Catilius' invitation on condition that the fare shall be 
 simple, and the party shall break up in time to avoid a repetition of 
 Cato's misadventure. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CATILIO SEVERO SUO S. 
 
 Veniam ad cenam : sed iam nunc paciscor sit expedita, 
 sit parca, Socraticis tantum sermonibus abundet, in his quo- 
 que teneat modum. Erunt officia antelucana, in quae inci- 
 dere inpune ne Catoni quidem licuit, quem tamen C.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. ^y 
 
 5 Caesar ita reprehendit, ut laudet. Describit enim eos quibus 
 obvius fuerit, cum caput ebrii retexissent, erabuisse : deinde 
 adicit ' putares non ab illis Catonem, sed illos a Catone 
 deprehensos.' Potuitne plus auctoritatis tribui Catoni, quam 
 si ebrius quoque tarn venerabilis erat ? Nostrae tamen cenae 
 
 lo ut apparatus et inpendii sic temporis modus constet. Neque 
 enira ii sumus quos vituperare ne inimici quidem possint, 
 nisi ut simul laudent. Vale. 
 
 30. (BOOK 3. 14.) 
 
 Pliny relates the murder of Largius Macedo by his slaves, and adds 
 an ominous circumstance from his previous life. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ACILIO SUO S. 
 
 Rem atrocem nee tantum epistula dignam Largius 
 Macedo, vir praetorius, a servis suis passus est, superbus 
 alioqui dominus et saevus et qui servisse patrem suum 
 parum, immo nimium meminisset. Lavabatur in villa For- 
 
 5 miana : repente eum servi circumsistunt : alius fauces in- 
 vadit, alius os verberat, alius pectus et ventrem atque etiam, 
 foedum dictu, verenda contundit ; et cum exanimem puta- 
 rent, abiciunt in fervens pavimentum, ut experirentur an 
 vivertet. Ille, sive quia non sentiebat, sive quia se non 
 
 losentire simulabat, immobilis et extentus fidem peractae 
 mortis implevit. Tum demum quasi aestu solutus effertur : 
 excipiunt servi fideliores, concubinae cum ululatu et cla- 
 more concurrunt. Ita et vocibus excitatus et recreatus 
 loci frigore sublatis oculis agitatoque corpore vivere 
 
 »5se, et iam tutum erat, confiietur. DifTugiunt servi; 
 quorum magna pars comprehensa est, ceteri requiruntur. 
 Ipse paucis diebus aegrc focilatus non sine ultionis solacio 
 decessit, ita vivus vindicalus, ut occisi solent. Vides quot 
 periculis, quot contumeliis, quot ludibriis simus obnoxii
 
 J-jS A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 nec est quod quisquam possit esse securus, quia sit remissus 20 
 et niitis ; non enim iudicio domini, sed scelere perimuntur. 
 Verum haec hactenus. Quid praeterea novi ? quid ? nihil ; 
 alioqui subiungerem : nam et charta adhuc superest, et dies 
 feriatus patitur plura contexi. Addam quod opportune de 
 eodem Macedone succurrit. Cum in publico Romae 25 
 lavaretur, notabilis atque etiam, ut exitus docuit, ominosa 
 res accidit. Eques Romanus a servo eius ut transitum daret 
 manu leviter admonitus convertit se nec servum, a quo erat 
 lactus, sed ipsum Macedonem tam graviter palma percussit, 
 ut pacne concideret. Ita balineum illi quasi per gradus 30 
 quosdam primum contumeliae locus, deinde exitii fuit. 
 Vale. 
 
 31. (BOOK 3. 16.) 
 
 To prove that the fame of noble acts is not determined by the pro- 
 poition of their worth, Pliny relates instances of Arria's fortitude, affec- 
 tion, and stem resolution, all of which he considers grander than her 
 purpose in death. 
 
 C. PLINIUS NEPOTI SUO S. 
 
 Adnotasse videor facta dictaque virorum feminarumque 
 alia clariora esse alia maiora. Confirmata est opinio mea 
 hesterno Fanniae sermone. Neptis haec Arriae illius 'quae 
 marito et solacium mortis et exemplum fuit. Multa refere- 
 bat aviae suae non minora hoc, sed obscuriora ; quae tibi 5 
 existimo tam mirabilia legenti fore, quam mihi audienti 
 fuerunt. Aegrotabat Caecina Paetus, maritus eius, aegro- 
 tabat et filius, uterque mortifere, ut vidcbatur : filius decessit 
 eximia pulchritudme, pari verecundia, et parentibus non 
 minus ob alia carus, quam quod filius eraf. Huic ilia ita 10 
 funus paravit, ita duxit exequias, utignoraret maritus : quin 
 immo, quotiens cubiculum eius intraret, vivere filium atque 
 etiam commodiorem esse simulabat ac persaepe interroganti
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. ^g 
 
 quid ageret puer respondebat ' bene qiiievit, libenter cibum 
 
 issumpsit'. Deinde, cum diu cohibitae lacrimae vincerent 
 prorumperentque, egrediebatur : tunc se dolori dabat : 
 satiata. siccis oculis composite vultu redibat, tamquam orbi-^ '-''^ 
 tatem fqris reliquisset. Praeclarum quidem illud eiusdem, 
 ferrum stringere, peifodere pectus, ex'rahere pugionem, 
 
 20 porrio^ere marito, addere vocem immortalem ac paene 
 divinam 'Paete, non dolet.' Sed tamen ista facienti, ista 
 dicenti gloria et aeternitas ante oculos erant : quo maius 
 est sine praemio aeternitatis, sine praemio gloriae abdere 
 lacrimas, operire luctum, amissoque filio matrem adhuc 
 
 25 agere. Scribonianus arma in Illyrico contra Claudium mo- 
 verat : fuerat Paetus in partibus et occiso Scriboniano 
 Romam trahebatur. Erat ascensurus navem : Arria milites 
 orabat ut simul inponeretur. 'Nempe enim' inquit ' daturi 
 estis consulari viro servulos aliquos, quorum e manu cibum 
 
 30 capiat, a quibus vestiatur, a quibus calcietur : omnia sola 
 praestabo.' Non impetravit : conduxit piscatoriam nau- 
 culam ingensque navigium minimo secuta est. Eadem 
 apud Claudium uxori Scriboniani, cum ilia profiteretur 
 indicium, 'ego' inquit ' te audiam^ cuius in gremio Scribo- 
 
 35 nianus occisus est, et vivis?' ex quo manifestum est ei con- 
 silium pulcherrimae mortis non subitum fuisse. Quin etiam, 
 cum Thrasea, gener eius, deprecaretur ne mori pergeret 
 interque alia dixisset ' vis ergo filiam tuam, si mihi per- 
 eundum fuerit, mori mecum?' respondit ' si tam diu tantaque 
 
 40 Concordia vixerit tecum, quam ego cum Paeto, volo.' Aux- 
 erat hoc response curam suorum, attentius custodicbatur : 
 sensit et ' nihil agitis' inquit: ' potestis enim efficere ut male 
 moriar, ut non moriar non potestis.' Dum haec dicit, 
 exiluit cathedra adversoque parieti caput ingenti impetu 
 
 45 impegit et corruit. Focilata ' dixeram' inquit ' vobis inven- 
 turam me quamlibct duram ad mortem viam, si vos facilem 
 negassctis.' Videnturne haec tibi maiora illo * Paete, non
 
 6o A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 dolet,' ad quod per haec perventum est ? cum interim illud 
 (juidem ingens fama, haec nulla circumfert. Unde colligitur 
 quod initio dixi, alia esse clariora alia maiora. Vale. 50 
 
 32. (BOOK 3. 18.) 
 
 Pliny is delighted with the favourable reception given to his public 
 recitation of the Panegyric on Trajan, at first delivered by him in the 
 ■senate, and since then enlarged and published. 
 
 c. rLiNirs CURIO severo suo s. 
 
 Officium consulatus iniunxit mihi ut rei publicae nomine 
 principi gratias agerem. Quod ego in senatu cum ad 
 rationem et loci ct temporis ex more fecissem, bono civi 
 convenientissimum credidi eadem ilia spatiosius et uberius 
 volumine amplecti, primum ut imperatori nostro virtutes 5 
 ^uae veris laudibus commendarentur ; deinde ut futuri prin- 
 cipes non quasi a magistro, sed tamen sub exemplo prae- 
 monerentur, qua potissimum via possent ad eandem gloriam 
 niti. Nam praecipere qualis esse debeat princeps pulchrum 
 quidem, sed onerosum ac prope superbum est ; laudare vero 10 
 optimum principem ac per hoc posteris velut e specula 
 lumen quod sequantur ostendere idem utilitatis habet, adro- 
 gantiae nihil. Cepi autem non mediocrem voluptatem, 
 quod, hunc librum cum amicis recitare voluissem, non per 
 <:odicillos, non per libellos, sed 'si commodum' et 'si valdeis 
 vacaret* admoniti (numquam porro aut valde vacat Romae 
 aut commodum est audire recitantem), foedissimis insuper 
 tempestatibus, per biduum convenerunt, cumque modcstia 
 mea fmem recitationi facere voluisset, ut adicercm tertium 
 diem exegerunt. INIihi hunc honorcm habitum putem, an 20 
 studiis.'' Studiis malo, quae prope extincta refoventur. At 
 cui materiae banc sedulitatem praestiterunt ? Nempe quam 
 in senatu quoque, ubi perpeti necesse erat, gravari tamen
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNLUS. 6l 
 
 vel puncto temporis solebamus, eandem nunc et qui recitare 
 
 25 et qui audire triduo velint inveniuntur, non quia eloquentius 
 quam prius, sed quia liberius ideoque etiam libentius scri- 
 bitur. Accedet ergo hoc quoque laudibus principis nostri, 
 quod res antea tam invisa quam falsa nunc ut vera ita 
 amabilis facta est. Sed ego cum studium audientium turn 
 
 30 iudicium mire probavi : animadverti enim severissima quae- 
 que vel maxime satisfacere. INIemini quidem me non multis 
 recitasse quod omnibus scripsi, nihilo minus tamen, tamquam 
 sit eadem omnium futura sententia, hac severitate aurium 
 laetor, ac sicut olim theatra male musicos canere docuemnt, 
 
 35 ita nunc in spem adducor posse fieri ut eadem theatra bene 
 canere musicos doceant. Omnes enim qui placendi causa 
 scribunt qualia placere viderint scribent. Ac mihi quidem 
 confido in hoc genera materiae laetioris stili constare ratio- 
 nem, cum ea potius quae pressius et adstrictius quam ilia 
 
 40 quae hilarius et quasi exultantius scripsi possint videri arces- 
 sita et inducta : non ideo tamen segnius precor ut quando- 
 que veniat dies (utinamque iam venerit !), quo austeris illis 
 severisque dulcia haec blandaque vel iusta possessione 
 decedant. Habes acta mea tridui ; quibus cognitis volui 
 
 45 tantum te voluptatis absentem et studiorum nomine et meo 
 capere, quantum praesens percipere potuisses. Vale. 
 
 33. (BOOK 3. 19.) 
 
 Pliny asks for advice in regard to the purchase of an estate which 
 runs into his property. lie describes the advantages and disadvantages 
 of possessing it, among the latter the miserable condition of the culti- 
 vators. 
 
 C. PMXILS C.VLVISIO RUFO SUO S. 
 
 Adsumo te in consilium rei familiaris, ut soleo. Praedia 
 agris meis vicina atque etiam inscrla venalia sunt. In his 
 me multa sollicitanl, aliqua ncc minora deterrent. Sollicitat
 
 62 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 primum ipsa pulchritudo iungcndi, dcinde quod non minus 
 utile quam volupluosum posse utraque eadem opera, eodem 5 
 viatico invisere, sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem 
 actoribus habere, unam villam colere ct ornare, alteram 
 tanlum tueri. Inest huic computationi sumptus supellectilis, 
 iumptus atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum atque etiam 
 venatorii instrumenti ; quae plurimum refert unum in locum 10 
 conferas, an in diversa dispergas. Contra vereor ne sit 
 incautum rem tam magnam isdem tempestatibus, isdem casi- 
 bus subdere : tutius videtur incerta fortunae posscssionum 
 varietatibus experiri. Habet etiam multum iucunditatis soli 
 caelique mutatio ipsaque ilia pcregrinatio inter sua. lam 15 
 quod deliberationis nostrae caput est, agri sunt fertiles 
 pingues aquosi, constant campis vineis silvis, quae materiam 
 et ex ea redilum sicut modicum ita statum praestant. Sed 
 haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur. Nam 
 possessor prior saepius vendidit pignora, et dum reliqua 20 
 colonorum minuit ad tempus, vires in posterum exhausit, 
 quarum defectione rursus reliqua crcverunt. Sunt ergo 
 instruendi eo pluris, quod frugi mancipiis: nam nee ipse 
 usquam vinctos habeo nee ibi quisquam. Superest ut scias 
 quanti videantur posse emi : scstertio tricies, non quia non 25 
 aliquando quinquagies fuerint, verum et hac paenuria colo- 
 norum et communi temporis iniquitate ut reditus agrorum 
 sic etiam pretium retro abiit. Quaeris an hoc ipsum tricies 
 facile coUigere possimus? sum quidem prope totus in prae- 
 diis, aliquid tamen fenero, nee molestum erit mutuari ; acci- 30 
 piam a socru, cuius area non secus ac mca utor. Proinde 
 hoc te non moveat, si cetera non refragantur, quae velim 
 quam diligentissime examines. Nam cum in omnibus 
 rebus turn in disponendis facultatibus plurimum tibi et usus 
 et providentiae superest. Vale. 35
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 6^ 
 
 34. (BOOK 3. 20.) 
 
 Pliny relates with some apprehension the sudden adoption of the 
 ballot by the senate in the election of magistrates, and expresses his 
 gratification at ha\-ing found something of political interest to write 
 about, even under an imperial regime. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS MESSIO MAXI3I0 SUO S. 
 
 Meministine te saepe legisse, quantas contentiones exci- 
 tant lex tabellaria quantumque ipsi latori vel gloriae vel 
 reprehensionis attulerit ? At nunc in senatu sine ulla dissen- 
 sione hoc idem ut optimum placuit : omnes comitiorum die 
 5 tabellas postulaverunt. Excesseramus sane manifestis illis 
 apertisque suffragiis licentiam contionum. Non tempus 
 loquendi, non tacendi modestia, non denique sedendi dig- 
 nitas custodiebatur. Magni undique dissonique clamores, 
 procurrebant omnes cum suis candidatis, multa agmina in 
 
 10 medio multique circuli et indecora confusio : adeo desciver- 
 amus a consuetudiue parentum, apud quos omnia disposita 
 moderata tranquilla maiestatem loci pudoremque retinebant. 
 Supersunt senes, ex quibus audire soleo hunc ordinem 
 comitiorum: citato nomine candidati silentium summum; 
 
 15 dicebat ipse pro se, explicabat vilam suam, testes et lauda- 
 tores dabat vel eum sub quo militaverat vel eum cui quaes- 
 tor fuerat vel utrumque, si poterat, addebat quosdam ex 
 suffragatoribus : illi graviter et paucis loquebantur. Plus 
 hoc quam preccs proderat. Non numquam candidatus aut 
 
 2onatales competitoris aut annos aut etiam mores arguebat. 
 Audiebat senatus gravitate censoria. Ila saepius digni 
 quam gratiosi praevalebant. Quae nunc inmodico favore 
 corrupta ad tacita sufTragia quasi ad remedium decucur- 
 reruiit ; quod interim plane remedium fuit : erat enim 
 
 25 novum et subitum. Sed vereor ne procedente tempore ex 
 ipso remedio vitia nascantur. Est enim periculum ne 
 
 ■ tacitis sufTragiis inpudcntia inrepat. Nam quoto cuiquc
 
 64 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 eadom honestatis cura sccreto quae palam? Mulli famam, 
 conscientiam pauci vcrentur. Sed nimis cito de futuris : 
 interim beneficio tabellarum habebimus magistratus qui 30 
 maxime fieri debuerunt. Nam ut in recipcratoriis iudiciis 
 sic nos in his comitiis quasi repcnte adprehensi sinceri 
 indices fuimus. Haec tibi scrlpsi, primum ut aliquid novi 
 scriberem, deinde ut non numquam de re publica loquercr, 
 cuius materiae nobis quanto rarior quam veteribus occasio 35 
 tanto minus omittenda est. Et hercule quousque ilia vul- 
 garia ' quid agis ? ccquid commode vales ?' Habeant nostrae 
 quoque littcrae aliquid non humile nee sordidum nee privatis 
 rebus inclusum. Sunt quidem cuncta sub unius arbitrio, 
 qui pro ulilitate communi solus omnium curas laboresque 40 
 suscepit ; quidam tamen salubri tempcramento ad nos quo- 
 que velut rivi ex illo benignissimo fonte decurrunt, quos et 
 haurire ipsi et absentibus amicis quasi ministrare epistulis 
 possumus. Vale. 
 
 35. (BOOK 3. 21.) 
 
 Pliny regrets the death of Martial the poet ; and mentions that he 
 had made Martial a present before he left Italy, in return for an 
 epigram, which he subjoins. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CORNELIO PRISCO SLO S. 
 
 Audio Valerium Martialem decessisse et moleste fero. 
 Erat homo ingeniosus acutus acer, et qui plurimum in 
 scribendo et salis haberet et fellis nee candoris minus. 
 Prosecutus eram viatico secedentem : dederam hoc ami- 
 citiae, dederam etiam versiculis quos de me composuit. 5 
 Fuit moris antiqui eos qui vel singulorum laudes vel 
 urbium scripserant aut honoribus aut pecunia ornare; 
 nostris vero temporibus ut alia speciosa et egregia ita 
 hoc in primis exolevit. Nam postquam desiimus facere 
 laudanda, laudari quoque incplum putamus. Quaeris qui 10
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLiyiUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. 6^ 
 
 sint versiculi quibus gratiam rettuli. Remitterem te ad 
 ipsum volumen, nisi quosdam tenerem : tu, si placuerint hi, 
 ceteros in libro requires. Adloquitur INIusam, mandat ut 
 domum meam Esquiliis quaerat, adeat reverenter : 
 
 15 Sed ne tempore non tuo disertam 
 
 Pulses ebria ianuam videto : 
 Totos dat tetricae dies INIinervae, 
 Dum centum studet auribus virorum 
 Hoc quod saecula posterique possint 
 
 23 Arpinis quoque comparare chartis. 
 
 Seras tutior ibis ad lucernas : 
 Haec hora est tua, cum furit Lyaeus, 
 Cum regnat rosa, cum madent capilli : 
 Tunc me vel rigidi legant Catones. 
 
 25 Meritone eum qui haec de me scripsit et tunc dimisi 
 amicissime et nunc ut amicissimum defunctum esse doleo ? 
 Dedit enim mihi quantum maximum potuit, daturus amplius, 
 si potuisset. Tametsi quid homini potest dari maius quam 
 gloria et laus et aeternitas ? At non erunt aeterna quae 
 
 30 scripsit: non erunt fortasse, ille tamen scripsit tamquam 
 essent futura Vale. 
 
 36. (BOOK 4. 2.) 
 
 Regnlus has lost his son, and Pliny describes the funeral, commenting 
 with great bitterness on the father's character and conduct. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS ATTIC CLEMENTI SUO S. 
 
 Regulus filium amisit, hoc uno malo indignus, quod nescio 
 
 an malum putet. Erat puer acris ingenii, sed ambigui, qui 
 
 tamen posset recta sectari, si patrem non referret. Hunc 
 
 Regulus emancipavit, ut hcrcs matris existeret; mancipatum 
 
 5 (ita vulgo ex moribus hominis loqucbantur) foeda et insolita 
 
 parentibus indulgentiae simulatione captabat. Incredibile, 
 
 I-
 
 66 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 sed Rcgulum cogita. Amissum tamen luget insane. Ha- 
 bebat pucr mannulos mullos et iunctos et solutos, habebat 
 canes maiores niinoresque, habebat luscinias, psittacos, 
 mcrulas : omnes Regulus circa rogum trucidavit, Ncc lo 
 dolor crat ille, sed ostentatio doloris. Convenitur ad eum 
 mira celebritate. Cuncti detestantur oderunt, et quasi pro- 
 bent, quasi diligant, cursant frcquentant, utque breviter quod 
 sentio enuntiem, in Regulo demerendo Rcgulum imitantur. 
 Tenet se trans Tibcrim in hortis, in quibus latissimum solum 15 
 porticibus inmensis, ripam statuis suis occupavit, ut est in 
 summa avaritia sumptuosus, in summa infamia gloriosus. 
 Vexat ergo civitatem insaluberrimo tempore, et quod vexat 
 solacium putat. Dicit se velle ducere uxorem : hoc quoque, 
 sicut alia, perverse : audies brevi nuptias lugentis, nuptias 20 
 scnis : quorum alterum immaturum, alterum serum est. 
 Unde hoc augurer quaeris : non quia adfirmat ipse, quo 
 mendacius nihil est, sed quia cerium est Regulum esse 
 facturum quidquid fieri non oportet. Vale. 
 
 37. (BOOK 4. 7.) 
 
 Pliny describes the perverse energy of Regulus now shown in his taste- 
 less commemorations of his son's memory, as it had formerly been in his 
 career as an advocate. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CATIO LEPIDO SUO S. 
 
 Saepe tibi dice inesse vim Regulo. Mirum est quam 
 efficiat in quod incubuit. Placuit ei lugere filium ; luget ut 
 nemo : placuit statuas eius et imagines quam plurimas 
 facere; hoc omnibus ofTicinis agit, ilium coloribus, ilium 
 cera, ilium acre, ilium argcnto, ilium auro, ebore, marmore 5 
 efiingit. Ipse vero nuper adhibito ingenti auditorio librum 
 de vita eius rccitavit, de vita pueri : recitavit tamen ; eundem 
 in exemplaria mille transscriptum per totam Italiam provin- 
 ciasque dimisit : scripsit publice ut a decurionibus eligeretur
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 67 
 
 lovocalissimus aliquis ex ipsis, qui legeret eum populo : factum 
 est. Hanc ille vim, seu quo alio nomine vocanda est 
 intentio quidquid velis obtinendi, si ad potiora vertisset, 
 quantum boni efficere potuisset ! Quamquam minor vis bonis 
 
 quam malis inest, ac sicut afxadia jiev dpdcroi, 'Koyia-fJ.os Se OKI/01/ 
 
 15 ^e'pei, ita recta ingenia debilitat verecundia, perversa confir- 
 mat audacia. Exemplo est Regulus. Inbecillum latus, 03 
 confusum, haesitans lingua, tardissima inventio, memoria 
 nulla, nihil denique praeter ingenium insanum ; et tamen eo 
 impudentia ipsoque illo furore pervenit, ut orator habcatur. 
 
 aoltaque Herennius Senecio mirifice Catonis illud de oratore 
 in hunc e contrario vertit, 'orator est vir malus dicendi 
 imperitus.' Non mehercule Cato ipse tarn bene verum 
 oratorem, quam hie Regulum expressit. Habesne quo tali 
 epistulae parem gratiam referas ? Habes, si scripseris, num 
 
 25 aliquis in municipio vestro ex sodalibus nieis, num etiam 
 ipse tu hunc luctuosum Reguli librum ut circulator in foro 
 legeris, tnupas scilicet, ut ait Demosthenes, t!ju (^uivijv kuX 
 yeyr^duig Koi "Kapvyyi^av. Est enim tam ineptus, ut risum 
 magis possit exprimere quam gemitum : credas non de 
 
 3opuero scriptum, sed a puero. Vale. 
 
 38. (BOOK 4. 10.) 
 
 As a man of honour Pliny cannot hesitate to give IModcstus his 
 liberty and his legacy, though Sabina's wish to that effect is not 
 expressed in terms of legal force. 
 
 C. PLINIUS STATIO SAKINO SUO S. 
 
 Scribis mihi Sabinam, quae nos reliquit hercdes, IModes- 
 tum servum suum nusquam liberum esse iussisse, eidem 
 tamen sic adscripsisse legatum, ' Modesto, quem liberum 
 esse iussi.' Quaeris quid sentiam. Contuli cum peritis 
 5 iuris : convenit inter omnes nee libertatem deberi, quia non 
 sit data, nee legatum, quia servo suo dedcrit. Sed mihi 
 
 I' 2
 
 6S A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 nianifestus error vidclur, idcoque puto nobis, quasi scripserit 
 Sabina, faciendum quod ipsa scripsisse se credidit. Confido 
 accessurum te sentenliae meae, cum religiosissime soleas 
 custodire dcfunctorum voluntatem, quam bonis heredibusio 
 intellexisse pro iure est. Ncque enim minus apud nos 
 honestas quam ,apud alios necessitas valet. Moretur ergo 
 in libertate sinentibus nobis, fruatur legato, quasi omnia 
 diligentissime caverit. Cavit enim quae heredes bene elegit. 
 Vale. ^5 
 
 30. (BOOK 4. 13.) 
 
 Pliny is promoting the establishment of a school at Comum ; and 
 writes to ask Tacitus to look out for persons willing and able to under- 
 take the care of it, from among whom the parents of the children may 
 choose a master. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S. 
 
 Salvum in urbem venisse gaudeo. Venisti autem, si- 
 quando alias, nunc maxime mihi desideratus. Ipse pauculis 
 adhuc diebus in Tusculano commorabor, ut opusculum 
 quod est in manibus absolvam. Vereor enim ne, si banc 
 intenlionem iam in fine intermisero, aegre resumam. In- 5 
 terim ne quid festinationi meae pcreat, quod sum praesens 
 petiturus hac quasi praecursoria epistula rogo. Sed prius 
 accipe causas rogandi. Proxime cum in patria mea fui, 
 venit ad me salutandum municipis mei filius praetextatus. 
 Huic ego 'studes?' inquam. Respondit ' etiam,' 'UbiP'io 
 ' IMediolani.' * Cur non hie.?' et pater eius (erat enim una 
 atque etiam ipse adduxerat pucrum), ' quia nullos hie prae- 
 ceptores habemus.' ' Quare nullos .-' nam vehementer inter- 
 crat vcstra, qui patres estis,' et opportune conplures patres 
 audiebant, ' liberos vestros hie potissimum discere. Ubii5 
 enim aut iucundius morarentur, quam in patria, aut pudicius 
 continerentur, quam sub oculis parentum, aut minora 
 sumptu, quamdomi.? Quantulum est ergo collata pecunia
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 
 
 6g 
 
 conducere praeceptores, quodque nunc in habitationes, in 
 
 20 viatica, in ea quae peregre emuntur (omnia autem peregre 
 emuntur) inpenditis adicere mercedibus ? Atque adeo ego, 
 qui nondum liberos habeo, paratus sum pro re publica 
 nostra, quasi pro filia vel parente, tertiam partem eius quod 
 conferre vobis placebit dare. Totum etiam pollicerer, nisi 
 
 25 timerem ne hoc munus meum quandoque ambitu corrumpe- 
 retur, ut accidere multis in locis video, in quibus praecep- 
 tores publice conducuntur. Huic vitio occurri uno remedio 
 potest, si parentibus solis ius conducendi relinquatur isdem- 
 que religio recte iudicandi necessitate collationis addatur, 
 
 30 Nam qui fortasse de alieno neglegentes, certe de suo diligen- 
 tes erunt dabuntque operam ne a me pecuniam [non] nisi 
 dignus accipiat, si accepturus et ab ipsis erit. Proinde 
 consentite, conspirate maioremque animum ex meo sumite, 
 qui cupio esse quam plurimum quod debeam conferre. 
 
 35 Nihil honestius praestare liberis vestris, nihil gratius patriae 
 potestis. Educentur hie qui hie nascuntiir statimque ab 
 infantia natale solum amare frequentare consuescant. Atque 
 utinam tam claros praeceptores inducatis, ut finitimis oppidis 
 studia hinc petantur, utque nunc liberi vestri aliena in loca, 
 
 40 ita mox alieni in hunc locum confluant !' Haec putavi altius 
 et quasi a fonte repetenda, quo magis scires, quam gratum 
 mihi foret, si susciperes quod iniungo. Iniungo autem et 
 pro rei magnitudine rogo ut ex copia studiosorum, quae ad 
 te ex admiratione ingenii tui convenit, circumspicias prae- 
 
 45 ceptores, quos sollicitare possimus, sub ea tamen condicione, 
 ne cui fidem meam obstringam. Omnia enim libera parenti- 
 bus servo : illi iudicent, illi eligant ; ego mihi curam tantum 
 et inpendium vindico. Proinde siquis fuerit repertus, qui 
 ingenio suo fidat, eat illuc ea lege, ut hinc nihil aliud certum 
 
 50 quam fiduciam suam fcrat. Vale.
 
 70 ^ ^iLfCr/OA" FA 0.1/ THE 
 
 40. (BOOK 4. 17.) 
 
 riiny willingly uuclcrtakcs the case of CorcUius' daughter, tliough in 
 tloing so he will have to act against another friciul. That objection 
 however vanishes when he remembers his relations with Corellius, and 
 how the latter commended him to his daughter as her prolcclor. 
 
 C. I'LINIUS ASINIO GALLO SLO S. 
 
 ,Et admones et rogas ut suscipiam causam Corelliac absen- 
 tis contra C. Caecilium, consulcm designatum. Quod ad- 
 mones, gralias ago; quod rogas, qucror. Admoneri enim 
 debeo, ut sciam, rogari non dcbeo, ut faciam quod mihi non 
 facere turpissimum est. An ego tueri Corelli filiam dubi- 5 
 tern ^ Est quidem mihi cum islo contra qirem me advocas 
 non plane familiaris, sed tamen amicitia. Accedit hue 
 dignitas hominis atquc hie ipse cui destinatus est honor ; 
 cuius nobis hoc maior agenda reverentia est, quod iam illo 
 functi sumus. Naturale est enim ut ea quae quis adeptus 10 
 est ipse quam amplissima existimari velit. Sed mihi cogi- 
 tanti adfuturum me Corelli filiae omnia ista frigida et inania 
 videntur. Obversatur oculis ille vir, quo neminem aetas 
 nostra graviorem sanctiorem subtiliorem tulit. Quern ego 
 cum ex admiratione diligere coepissem, quod evenire contra 15 
 solet, magis admiratus sum, postquam penitus inspexi. 
 Inspexi enim penitus : nihil a me ille secrelum, non ioculare, 
 non serium, non triste, non lactam. Adulescentulus cram, 
 et iam mihi ab illo honor atque etiam, audcbo dicere, rever- 
 entia ut aequali habebatur. Ille mens in petendis honoribus 20 
 suflfragator et testis, ille in inchoandis deductor et comes, 
 ille in gerendis consiliator et rector, ille denique in omnibus 
 officiis nostris, quamquam et inbecillus et senior, quasi 
 iuvenis et validus conspiciebatur. Quantum ille famae 
 meae domi, in publico, quantum etiam apud principem 25 
 adstruxit.! Nam cum forte de bonis iuvenibus apud Nervam 
 imperatorem sermo incidisset et plerique me laudibus ferrent.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIVS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 7 1 
 
 paulisper se intra silentium tenuity quod illi plurimum auc- 
 toritatis addebat; deinde gravitate quani noras ' necesse est' 
 
 30 inquit ' parcius laudem Secundum, quia nihil nisi ex consilio 
 meo facit.' Qua voce tribuit mihi quantum petere voto 
 inmodicum erat, nihil me facere non sapientissime, cum 
 omnia ex consilio sapientissimi viri facerem. Quin etiam 
 moriens filiae suae (ipsa solet praedicare), 'multos quidem 
 
 35 amicos tibi ut longiore vita paravi, praecipuos tamen Secun- 
 dum et Cornutum.' Quod cum recordor, ' intellego mihi 
 laborandum ne qua parte videar hanc de me fiduciam pro- 
 videniissimi viri destituisse.' Quare ego vero Corelliae adero 
 promptissime nee subire offensas recusabo : quamquam non 
 
 40 solum veniam me verum etiam laudem apud istum ipsum, 
 a quo, ut ais, nova lis fortasse ut feminae intenditur, arbitror 
 consecuturum, si haec eadem in actione, latius scilicet et 
 uberius, quam epistularum angustiae sinunt, vel in excusatio- 
 nem vel etiam commendationem meam dixero. Vale. 
 
 41. (BOOK 4. 19.) 
 
 Pliny describes to Hispulla, aunt of his wife Calpurnia, the interest 
 of the latter in all his pursuits, his consequent affection for her, and the 
 gratitude which he feels to Hispulla as the cause of their mutual 
 happiness. 
 
 c. plin'ius calpurniae hispullae suae s. 
 
 Cum sis pietatis exemplum fratremque optimum et aman- 
 tissimum tui pari caritate dilexeris filiamque eius ut tuam 
 diligas ncc tantum amitae ei adfectum verum etiam patris 
 amissi repraesentes, non dubito maximo tibi gaudio fore, 
 5 cum cognoveris dignam patre, dignam te, dignam avo eva- 
 dere. Summum est acumen, summa frugalitas : amat me, 
 quod castitatis indicium est. Accedit his studium litterarum, 
 quod ex mci caritate concepit : meos libellos habet, lectitat. 
 ediscit etiam. Qua ilia sollicitudine, cum videor acturus.
 
 72 
 
 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 quanto, cum egi, gaudio adficilur ! Disponit qui nuntient lo 
 sibi, quern adsensum, quos clamorcs excitarim, quern even- 
 turn iudicii tulerim. Eadem, siquando recito, in proximo 
 discreta velo sedet laudesque nostras avidissimis auribus 
 excipit. Versus quidem meos cantat etiam formatque cithara, 
 non artifice aliquo docente, sed amore, qui magister est 15 
 optimus. His ex causis in spem certissimam adducor per- 
 petuam nobis maioremque in dies futuram esse concordiam. 
 Non enim aetatem meam aut corpus, quae paulatim occidunt 
 ac senescunt, sed gloriam diligit. Ncc aliud decet tuis 
 manibus educatam, tuis praeceptis institutam, quae nihil in 20 
 contubernio tuo viderit nisi sanctum honestumque, quae 
 denique amare me ex tua praedicatione consueverit. Nam 
 cum matrem meam parentis loco verereris, me a pueritia 
 statim formare, laudare talemque, qualis nunc uxori meae 
 videor, ominari solebas. Certatim ergo tibi gratias agimus, 25 
 ego quod illam mihi, ilia quod me sibi dederis, quasi invicem 
 elegeris. Vale. 
 
 42. (BOOK 4. 22.) 
 
 A bold remark by Junius Mauricus in Trajan's council on the subject 
 of the games at Vienne, leads Pliny to relate a bolder speech of the same 
 Mauricus at Nerva's table. 
 
 C. PLINIUS SEMPRONIO RUFO SUO S. 
 
 Interfui principis optimi cognitioni in consilium adsumptus. 
 Gymnicus agon apud Viennenses ex cuiusdam testamento 
 celebrabatur : hunc Trebonius Rufinus, vir egregius nobisque 
 amicus, in duumviratu tollendum abolendumque curavit : 
 negabatur ex auctoritate publica fecisse. Egit ipse causam 5 
 non minus feliciter quam diserte. Commendabat actionem 
 quod tamquam homo Romanus et bonus civis in negotio suo 
 mature et graviter loquebatur. Cum sententiae perrogarentur, 
 dixit lunius ]\Iauricus, quo viro nihil firmius, nihil verius, non
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 73 
 
 10 esse restituendum Viennensibus agona : adiecit ' vellem 
 eliam Romae toUi posset.' Constanter, inquis, et fortiter. 
 Quidni ? Sed hoc a JMaurico novum non est. Idem apud 
 imperatorem Nervam non minus fortiter. Cenabat Nerva 
 cum paucis : Veiento proximus atque etiam in sinu recum- 
 
 i5bebat: dixi omnia, cum hominem nominavi. Incidit sermo 
 de Catullo INIessalino, qui luminibus orbatus ingenio saevo 
 mala caecitatis addiderat : non verebatur, non erubescebat, 
 non miserebatur; quo saepius a Domitiano non secus ac 
 tela, quae et ipsa caeca et inprovida feruntur, in optimum 
 
 20 quemque contorquebatur. De huius nequitia sanguinariisque 
 sententiis in commune omnes super cenam loquebantur, cum 
 ipse imperator 'quid putamus passurum fuisse, si viveret?' 
 et Mauricus ' nobiscum cenaret.' Longius abii, libens tamen. 
 Placuit agona tolli, qui mores Viennensium infecerat, ut 
 
 25 noster hie omnium. Nam Viennensium vitia intra ipsos 
 residunt, nostra late vagantur, utque in corporibus sic in 
 imperio gravissimus est morbus qui a capita diffunditur. 
 Vale. 
 
 43. (BOOK 4. 25.) 
 
 Pliny's fears about the use of the ballot in the Senate have been 
 justified by the vulgar folly with which it has been abused. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS MESSIO MAXIMO SUO S. 
 
 Scripseram tibi verendum esse ne ex tacitis suffragiis vitium 
 aliquod existeret. Factum est. Proximis comitiis in qui- 
 busdam tabellis multa iocularia atque etiam foeda dictu, in 
 una vero pro candidatorum nominibus sufTragatorum nomina 
 5 inventa sunt. Excanduit senatus magnoque clamore ci qui 
 scripsisset iratum principem est comprecatus. Ille tamen 
 fefellit et latuit, fortasse etiam inter indignantes fuit. Quid 
 hunc putamus domi faccrc, qui in tanta re tam serio 
 tempore tam scurriliter ludat, qui denique omnino in senatu
 
 74 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 dicax et urbanus et bellus est? Tantum licentiae pravis lo 
 ingeniis adicit ilia fiducia, ' quis enim scict?' Poposcit 
 tabellam, stilum accepit, demisit caput, nemincm veietur, 
 se contemnit. Inde ista ludibria scacna et pulpito digna. 
 Quo to vertas? Quae remedia conquiras? Ubique vitia 
 remediis foriiora. 'aXXo ravra rw i/jrep 7;ju(1j iJ.e'Kfjcrd, cui 15 
 multum colidie vigiliarum, multum laboris adicit haec 
 nostra iners et tamen effrenata petulantia. Vale. 
 
 44. (BOOK 5. I.) 
 
 Pliny explains -vvhy the legacy just left him by Curianus had given him 
 so much pleasure ; namely, because it was a recompense to him for 
 having formerly acted with equity and generosity towards Curianus, when 
 the latter had been disinherited by his mother Pomponia in favour of 
 Pliny, Severus and others. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS ANNIO SEVERO SUO S. 
 
 Legatum mihi obvenit modicum, sed amplissimo gratius. 
 Cur amplissimo gratius? Pomponia Galla exheredato filio 
 Asudio Curiano heredem reliquerat me, dederat coheredes 
 Sertorium Severum, praetorium virum, aliosque splendidos 
 equites Romanos. Curianus orabat ut sibi donarem por- 5 
 tionem meam seque praeiudicio iuvarem ; eandem tacita 
 conventione salvam mihi pollicebatur. Respondebam non 
 convenire moribus meis aliud palam, aliud agere secreto, 
 praeterea non esse satis honestum donare et locupleti et 
 orbo, in summa non profuturum ei, si donassem, profutu- 10 
 rum, si cessissem, esse autcm me paratum cedere, si 
 inique exhcredatum mihi liqueret. Ad hoc ille ' rogo 
 cognoscas.' Cunctatus paulum 'faciam' inquam : 'neque 
 enim video cur ipse me minorem putem, quam tibi videor. 
 Sed iam nunc memento non defuturam mihi constantiam, 15 
 si ita fides duxerit, secundum matrem tuam pronuntiandi.' 
 ' Ut voles ' ait : ' voles enim quod aequissimum.' Adhibui
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDUS. 75 
 
 in consilium duos quos tunc civitas nostra spectatissimos 
 habuit, Corellium et Frontinum. His circumdatus in 
 
 20 cubiculo meo sedi : dixit Cuiianus quae pro se putabat : 
 respondi paucis ego (neque enim aderat alius qui defunctae 
 pudorem tueretur) : deinde secessi et ex consilii sententia 
 ' videtur' inquam, ' Curiane, mater tua iustas habuisse 
 causas irascendi tibi.' Post hoc ille cum ceteris subscripsit 
 
 25 centumvirale indicium, non subscripsit mecum. Adpetebat 
 iudicii dies. Coheredcs mei conponere et transigere cupie- 
 bant, non diffidentia causae, sed metu temporum. Vere- 
 bantur quod videbant multis accidisse, ne ex centumvirali 
 iudicio capitis rei exirent. Et erant quidam in illis quibus 
 
 3oobici et Gratillae amicitia et Rustici posset. Rogant me 
 ut cum Curiano loquar. Convenimus in aedem Concordiae. 
 Ibi ego ' si mater' inquam ' te ex parte quarta scripsisset 
 heredem, num queri posses? Quid si heredem quidem 
 instiluisset ex asse, sed legatis ita exhausisset, ut non 
 
 35 amplius apud te quam quarta remaneret ? Igitur sufficere 
 tibi debet, si exheredatus a matre quartam partem ab 
 heredibus eius accipias, quam tamen ego augebo. Scis 
 te non subscripsisse mecum et iam biennium transisse 
 omniaque me usu cepisse. Sed ut te coheredes mei 
 
 40 tractabiliorem experiantur, utque tibi nihil abstulerit reve- 
 rentia mei, oflfero pro mea parte tantundem.' Tuli fructum 
 non conscientiae modo verum etiam famae. Ille ergo 
 Curianus legatum mihi reliquit et factum meum, nisi forte 
 blandior mihi, antiquum notabili honore signavit. Haec 
 
 45 tibi scripsi, quia de omnibus quae me vel delectant vel 
 angunt non alitcr tecum quam mecum loqui solco ; deinde 
 quod durum existimabam te amantissimum mei fraudare 
 voluptate quam ipse capiebam. Neque enim sum tarn 
 sapiens, ut nihil mea intersit, an iis quae honeste fecisse 
 
 some credo testificatio quacdam et quasi praemium acccdat. 
 Vale.
 
 76 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 45. (BOOK 5. 2.) 
 
 Just now riiny can send Calpurnius nothing but thanks in return 
 
 for his present. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALPURNIO FLACCO SUO S. 
 
 Accepi pulcherrimos turdos, cum quibus parem calculum 
 ponere nee urbis copiis ex Laurcntino nee maris tarn turbidis 
 tempestatibus possum. Recipies ergo epistulas slcriles et 
 simpliciter ingratas ac ne illam quidem sollcrliam Diomedis 
 in permutando munere imitantes. Sed quae facilitas tua, 5 
 hoc magis dabis veniam, quod se non mereri fatentur. 
 Vale. 
 
 40. (BOOK 5. 5.) 
 
 Pliny is sorry to lose his friend Fannius,— sorry that he died before 
 Tie could alter his will, but still more sorry that he has left unfinished 
 his history of Nero's victims, a circumstance which had been intimated 
 <.o Fannius himself by a strange vision. 
 
 C. PLINIUS NONIO MAXIMO SUO S. 
 
 Nuntiatum mihi est C. Fannium decessisse, qui nuntius 
 me gravi dolore confudit, primum quod amavi hominem 
 elegantem diserium, dcinde quod iudicio eius uti solebam. 
 Erat enim acutus natura, usu exercitatus, veritate prompt- 
 issimus. Angit me super ista casus ipsius : decessit veteri 5 
 testamento, omisit quos maxima diligebat, prosecutus est 
 quibus offensior erat. Sed hoc utcumque tolerabile, gravius 
 illud, pulcherrimum opus inperfeclum reUquit. Quamvis 
 ^nim agendis causis distringeretur, scribebat tamen exitus 
 occisorum aut relegatorum a Nerone et iam tres libros 10 
 absolverat, subfiles et diligentes et latinos atque inter ser- 
 monem historiamque medios, ac tanto magis reliquos 
 perficere cupiebat, quanto frequentius hi Icclitabantur, 
 jNIihi autem videtur acerba semper et inmatura mors 
 ■eorum qui immortale aliquid parant. Nam qui volupta- 15
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. yy 
 
 tibus dediti quasi in diem vivunt vivendi causas cotidie 
 finiunt; qui vero posteros cogitant et memoriam sui 
 operibus extendunt, his nulla mors non repentina est, ut 
 quae semper inchoatum aliquid abrumpat. Gains quidem 
 
 20 Fannius quod accidit muUo ante praesensit. Visus est 
 sibi per nocturnam quietem iacere in lectulo suo com- 
 positus in habitum studentis, habere ante se scrinium (ita 
 solebat) : mox imaginatus est venisse Neronem, in toro 
 resedisse, prompsisse primum librum quern de sceleribus 
 
 25 eius ediderat eumque ad extremum revolvisse, idem in 
 secundo ac tertio fecisse, tunc abisse. Expavit et sic in- 
 terpretatus est, tamquam idem sibi futurus esset scribendi 
 finis, qui fuisset illi legendi, et fuit idem. Quod me 
 recordantem miseratio subit, quantum vigiliarum, quantum' 
 
 3^ laboris exhauserit frustra. Occursant animo mea mortali- 
 tas, mea scripta. Nee dubito te quoque eadem cogitatione 
 terreri pro istis quae inter manus habes. Proinde dum 
 suppetit vita, enitamur ut mors quam paucissima quae 
 abolere possit inveniat. Vale. 
 
 47. (BOOK 5. 10.) 
 
 Pliny begs Suetonius no longer to delay the publication of his work, 
 for which he says he has made himself responsible by some verses he 
 has written. 
 
 C. TLIXIUS SUETONIO TRANQUILLO SUO S. 
 
 Libera tandem hendecasyllaborum meorum fidem, qui 
 scripta tua communibus amicis spoponderunt. Appellantur 
 cotidie et flagitanlur, ac iam periculum est ne cogantur ad 
 exhibendum formulam accipere. Sum et ipse in cdendo^ 
 5 haesitator, tu tamen meam quoque cunctationem tardita- 
 temquc vicisli. Proinde aut rumpc iam moras aut cave 
 ne cosdem istos libcllos, quos tiln hendccasyllabi nostri blan- 
 ditiis elicere non possunt, convicio scazontes extorqucant.
 
 7<S A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 Perfectum opus absolutumquc est nee iam splcndeseit lima, 
 sed alterilur. Patere me videre titulum tuum, patere audire lo 
 tlescribi Icgi venire volumina I'ranciuilli mci. Acquum 
 est nos in amore tarn mutuo eandem pcrcipcrc ex tc 
 voluptatem, qua tu perfiueris ex nobis. Vale. 
 
 48. (BOOK 5. 14.) 
 
 While Pliny was enjoying country retirement with his wife's family, 
 the news has reached him of Cornutus' appointment as guardian of the 
 Aemilian way, an event which gives him sincere satisfaction. 
 
 C. PLINIUS PONTIO SUO S. 
 
 Secesseram in municipium, cum mihi nuntiatum est Cor- 
 nutum TerluUum accepisse Aemiliae viae curam. Expri- 
 mere non possum, quanto sim gaudio adfectus et ipsius 
 ct meo nomine; ipsius, quod, sit licet, sicut est, ab omni 
 ambitione longe remotus, debet tamen ei iucundus honors 
 esse ultro datus ; meo, quod aliquanto magis me dclectat 
 mandatum mihi officium, postquam par Cornuto datum 
 video. Ncque enim augeri dignitate quam aequari bonis 
 gratius. Cornuto autem quid melius .-• quid sanctius .-' quid 
 in omni genere laudis ad exemplar antiquitatis expressius .-* 10 
 Quod mihi cognitum est non fama, qua alioqui optima et 
 meritissima fruitur, sed longis magnisque experimentis. 
 Una diligimus, una dileximus omnes fere quos aetas nostra 
 in utroque sexu aemulandos tulit ; quae societas amiciti- 
 arum artissima nos familiaritatc coniunxit. Accessit vinculum 15 
 necessitudinis publicae. Idem enim m.ihi, ut scis, collega 
 quasi vote petitus in praefectura acrarii fuit, fuit et in 
 consulatu. Turn ego qui vir et quantus esset altissime 
 inspexi, cum sequerer ut magistrum, ut parentem vererer; 
 quod non tarn aetatis maturitate quam vitae merebatur. 23 
 His ex causis ut illi sic mihi gratulor, nee privatim magis 
 quam publice, quod tandem homines non ad pcricula, ut
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 79 
 
 prius, verum ad honores virtute perveniunt. In infinitum 
 epistulam extendam, si gaudio meo indulgeam. Praevertor 
 
 ^5 ad ea quae me agentem hie nuntius deprehendit. Eram 
 cum prosocero meo, eram cum amita uxoris, eram cum 
 amicis diu desideratis, circumibam agellos, audiebam 
 multum rusticarum querellarum, raliones legebam invitus 
 et cursim (aliis enim chartis, aliis sum litteris initiatus), 
 
 socoeperam etiam itineri me praeparare. Nam includor 
 angustiis commeatus eoque ipso, quod delegatum Cornuto 
 audio officium, mei admoneor. Cupio te quoque sub 
 idem tempus Campania tua remittat, ne quis, cum in 
 urbem rediero, contubernio nostro dies pereat. Vale. 
 
 49. (BOOK 5. 16.) 
 
 Pliny expresses with real feeling his grief for the death on the eve of 
 marriage of Fnndanus' charming daughter. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS JIARCELLINO SUO S. 
 
 Tristissimus haec tibi scribo Fundani nostri filia minora 
 defuncta. Qua puella nihil umquam festivius, amabilius 
 nee modo longiore vita, sed prope immortalitate dignius 
 vidi. Nondum annos quattuordecim impleverat, et iam illi 
 Sanihs prudentia, matronaUs gravitas erat, et tamen suavitas 
 puellaris cum virginali verecundia. Ut ilia patris cervicibus 
 inhaerebat ! Ut nos amicos paternos et amanter et modeste 
 complcctebatur ! Ut nutrices, ut paedagogos, ut praeceptores 
 pro SUO quemque oflicio diligebat ! Quam studiose, quam 
 
 10 intcllegenter lectitabat ! Ut parce custoditeque ludebat ! Qua 
 ilia temperantia, qua patientia, qua etiam constantia novis- 
 simam valctudinem tulit ! Medicis obsequebatur, sororem, 
 patrem adhortabatur ipsamque se destitutam corporis viribus 
 vigore animi sustincbat. Duravit hie illi usque ad extremum 
 
 15 nee aut spatio valetudinis aut metu mortis infractus est, quo 
 plures graviorcsque nobis causas relinqueret et desiderii et
 
 8o A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 doloris. O triste plane accrbumque funusl O morte 
 ipsa mortis tempus indignius ! lam destinata erat egregio 
 iuvoni, iam clcctus nuptiarum dies, iam nos vocati. Quod 
 gaudium quo macrore mutatum est ! Non possum ex- 20 
 piimerc verbis, quantum animo vulnus acceperim, cum 
 audivi Fundanum ipsum, ut multa luctuosa dolor invenit, 
 praecipientem, quod in vestes margarita gemmas fuerat 
 erogaturus, hoc in tus et unguenta et odores inpenderetur. 
 Est quidem ille eruditus et sapiens, ut qui se ab ineunte 25 
 aetate altioribus studiis artibusque dedidcrit : sed nunc 
 omnia quae audiit saepe, quae dixit aspernatur expulsisque 
 virtuiibus aliis pietatis est totus, Ignosces, laudabis etiam, si 
 cogitaveris quid amiserit. Amisit enim filiam quae non minus 
 mores eius quam os voltumque referebat totumque patrem 30 
 mira similitudine exscripserat. Proinde siquas ad cum de 
 dolore tarn iusto litteras mittes, memento adhibere solacium, 
 non quasi castigatorium et nimis forte, sed molle et humanum. 
 Quod ut facilius admittat multum faciet medii temporis 
 spatium. Ut enim crudum adhuc vulnus medentium manus 35 
 reformidat, deinde patiiur atque ultro requirit, sic recens 
 animi dolor consolationes reicit ac refugit, mox desiderat et 
 clementer admotis adquiescit. Vale. 
 
 50. (BOOK 3. 19.) 
 
 Pliny asks Paulinus to allow the use of his villa at Forum Julii to his 
 frecdman Zosimus, who is going there for his health. 
 
 C. PLINIUS PAULINO SUO S. 
 
 Video quam molliter tuos habeas, quo simplicius tibi con- 
 fitebor qua indulgentia meos tractem. Est mihi semper in 
 animo et Homericum illud Trarr^p 6* Sys rjuios Tj(v et hoc nos- 
 trum ' pater familiae.' Quod si essem natura asperior et 
 durior, frangeret me tamen infirmitas liberti mei Zosimi, cui 5 
 tanto maior humanitas 'exhibenda est, quanto nunc ilia magis 
 eget. Homo probus officiosus lilteratus ; et ars quidem eius
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIVS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 8 1 
 
 et quasi inscriptio comoedus, in qua plurimum facit. Nam 
 pronuntiat acriter, sapienter, apte, decenter etiam; utitur et 
 
 locithara perite, ultra quam comoedo necesse est. Idem tam 
 commode orationes et historias et carmina legit, ut hoc 
 solum didicisse videatur. Haec tibi sedulo exposui, quo 
 magis scires quam multa unus mihi et quam iucunda minis- 
 teria praestaret. Accedit longa iam caritas hominis, quam 
 
 15 ipsa pericula auxerunt. Est enim ita natura comparatum, ut 
 nihil aeque amorem incitet et accendat quam carendi metus, 
 quern ego pro hoc non semel patior. Nam ante aliquot 
 annos, dum intente instanterque pronuntiat, sanguinem 
 reiecit atque ob hoc in Aegyptum missus a me post longam 
 
 20 peregrinationem confirmatus rediit nuper ; deinde dum per 
 continuos dies nimis imperat voci, veteris infirmitatis tus- 
 sicula admonitus rursus sanguinem reddidit. Qua ex causa 
 destinavi eum mittere in praedia tua, quae Foro luli 
 possides. Audivi enim te saepe referentem esse ibi et aera 
 
 25 salubrem et lac eius modi curationibus accommodatissimum. 
 Rogo ergo scribas tuis ut illi villa, ut domus pateat, oflferant 
 etiam sumptibus eius, siquid opus erit; erit autem opus 
 modico. Est enim tam parens et continens, ut non solum 
 delicias verum etiam necessitates valetudinis frugalitate res- 
 
 Sotringat. Ego proficiscenti tantum viatic! dabo, quantum 
 sufliciat eunti in Uia. Vale. 
 
 51. (BOOK 5. 21.) 
 
 Pliny is glad to hear that Satuminus is waiting for his arrival to give 
 a recitation, but is distressed by his report of the dangerous illness of one 
 friend, and the premature death of another. 
 
 C. PLINIUS SATURNINO SUO S. 
 
 Varie me adfecerunt litterae tuae. Nam partim laeta 
 parlim tristia continebant : laeta, quod te in urbe teneri 
 nuntiabant ; ' nollcm ' inquis, sed ego volo : practcrca quod 
 
 G
 
 ,S2 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 rccitaturum statlm ut vcnisscm polliccbantur ; ago gratias, 
 cjuod cxpcctor. Tristc illiul, quod lulius Valcns graviter iacct : 5 
 quamquam ne hoc quidcm triste, si illius utilitatihus acstime- 
 tur, cuius interest quam malurissime incxplicabili morbo 
 liberari. lUud plane non triste solum verum etiam luctuo- 
 sum, quod lulius Avitus decessit, dum ex quaestura redit, 
 decessit in nave, procul a fratre amantissimo, procul a matre, lo 
 a sororibus. Nihil ista ad mortuum pertinent, sed perlinu- 
 erunt, cum moreretur, pertinent ad hos qui supersunt. lam 
 quod in flore primo tantae indolis iuvenis extinctus est 
 summa consecuturus, si virtutcs eius maturuissent ! Quo ille 
 studiorum amore flagrabat ! Quantum legit, quantum etiam 15 
 scripsit ! Quae nunc omnia cum ipso sine fructu posteritatis 
 abierunt. Sed quid ego indulgeo dolori? Cui si frenos 
 remittas, nulla materia non maxima est. Finem epistulae 
 faciam: ut facere possim etiam lacrimis, quas epistula cx- 
 pressit 1 Vale. 20 
 
 52. (BOOK 6. 2.) 
 
 Even the loss of Regulus must be regretted as that of a painstaTxinj 
 advocate, and a steady opponent of the modem fashion of hurrying 
 cases through the courts. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ARRIAXO SUO S. 
 
 Soleo non numquam in iudiciis quaerere M. Regulum: 
 nolo enim dicere desiderare. Cur ergo quaero? Habebat 
 studiis honorem, timebat, pallebat, scribebat, quamvis non 
 posset ediscere. Illud ipsum, quod oculum modo dextrum 
 modo sinistrum circumlinebat, dextrum, si a petitore, alte- 5 
 rum, si a possessore esset acturus, quod candidum splenium 
 in hoc aut in illud supercilium transferebat, quod semper 
 haruspices consulebat de actionis eventu, a nimia supersti- 
 tione, sed tamen et a magno studiorum honore veniebat. 
 lam ilia perquam iucunda una dicentibus, quod libera tem- 10
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 83 
 
 pora petebat, quod audituros corrogabat. Quid enim iucun- 
 dius, quam sub alterius invidia quam diu velis et in alieno 
 auditorio quasi deprehensum commode dicere ? Sed utcum- 
 que se habent ista, bene fecit Regulus quod est mortuus; 
 
 15 melius, si ante. Nunc enim sane poterat sine malo publico 
 vivere sub eo principe, sub quo nocere non poterat. Ideo fas 
 est non numquam eum quaerere. Nam postquam obiit ille, 
 increbruit passim et invaluit consuetudo binas vel singulas 
 clepsydras, interdum etiam dimidias, et dandi et petendi. 
 
 -20 Nam et qui dicunt egisse malunt quam agere et qui audiunt 
 finire quam iudicare. Tanta neglegentia, tanta desidia, tanta 
 denique inreverentia studiorum periculorumque est. An nos 
 sapientiores maioribus nostris, nos legibus ipsis iustiores, 
 quae tot horas, tot dies, tot comperendinationes largiuntur ? 
 
 25 Hebetes illi et supra modum tardi, nos apertius dicimus, 
 celerius intellegimus, religiosius iudicamus, quia paucioribus 
 clepsydris praecipitamus causas, quam diebus explicari sole- 
 bant ? O Regule, qui ambiiione ab omnibus obtinebas quod 
 fidei paucissimi praestant? Equidem quotiens iudico, quod 
 
 30 vel saepius facio, quam dico, quantum quis plurimum postulat 
 aquae do. Etenim temerarium existimo divinare, quam spa- 
 tiosa sit causa inaudita, tempusque negotio finire, cuius 
 modum ignores, praesertim cum primam religioni suae iudex 
 patientiam debeat, quae pars magna iustitiae est. At quae- 
 
 35 dam supervacua dicuntur. Etiam : sed saiius est et haec dici, 
 quam non dici necessaria. Praeterea an sint supervacua, 
 nisi cum audieris, scire non possis. Sed de his melius 
 coram, ut de pluribus vitiis civitalis. Nam tu quoque amore 
 communium soles emendari cupere quae iam corrigere 
 
 40 difficile est. Nunc respiciamus domos nostras. Ecquid 
 omnia in lua rectc? In mea novi nihil. Mihi autem et 
 gratiora sunt bona, quod pcrseverant, et leviora incommoda, 
 quod adsucvi. Vale. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 53. (BOOK 6. 3.) 
 
 riiny is glad that the farm which he had given to his nurse is now in 
 the hands of a good tenant. 
 
 C. PLINIUS VERO SUO S. 
 
 Gratias ago, quod agellum qucm nutrici meae donaveram 
 colcndum suscepisti. Erat, cum donarem, centum milium 
 nummum ; postca decrescente reditu etiam pretium minuit, 
 quod nunc te curante rcparabit. Tu modo memineris com- 
 mendari tibi a me non arbores et terram, quamquam haec 5 
 quoque, sed munusculum meum ; quod esse quam fructuo- 
 sissimum non illius magis interest, quae accepit, quam mea, 
 qui dedi. Vale. 
 
 54. (BOOK 6. 4.) 
 
 Pliny expresses his affectionate anxiety for his wife, and begs her to 
 relieve it by frequent letters. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALPURNIAE SUAE S. 
 
 Numquam sum magis de occupationibus meis questus, 
 quae me non sunt passae aut proficiscentem te valeludinis 
 causa in Campaniam prosequi aut profectam e vestigio sub- 
 sequi. Nunc enim praecipue simul esse cupiebam, ut oculis 
 meis crederem, quid viribus, quid corpusculo adparares, 5 
 ecquid denique secessus voluptates regionisque abundantiam 
 inoffensa transmitteres. Equidcm etiam fortem te non sine 
 cura desiderarem : est enim suspcnsum et anxium de eo 
 quem ardentissime diligas interdum nihil scire : nunc vero 
 me cum absentiae tum infirmilatis tuae ratio incerta et varia 10 
 sollicitudine exterret. Vereor omnia, imaginor omnia, quae- 
 que natura metuentium est, ea maxime mihi quae maxime 
 abominor fingo. Quo inpensius rogo ut timori meo cotidie 
 singulis vel etiam binis epistulis consulas. Ero enim sccu- 
 rior, dum lego, statimque timebo, cum legero. Vale. '5
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 85 
 
 55. (BOOK 6. 6.) 
 
 Pliny begs Fundanus to come to Rome and help him in his support 
 of Julius Naso in his candidature for the quaestorship, a yoimg man 
 whom Pliny values both for his own sake, and his father's. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS FUNDAXO SUO S. 
 
 Siquando, nunc praecipue cuperem esse te Romae, et sis 
 rogo. Opus est mihi voti laboris soUicitudinis socio. Petit 
 honores lulius Naso, petit cum multis, cum bonis, quos ut 
 gloriosum sic est diffici^ superare. Pendeo ergo et exer- 
 5 ceor spe, adficior metu et me consularem esse non sentio : 
 nam rursus mihi videor omnium quae decucurri candidatus. 
 INIeretur banc curam longa mei caritate. Est mihi cum illo 
 non sane paterna amicitia (neque enim esse potuit per 
 meam aetatem) ; solebat tamen vixdum adulescentulo mihi 
 
 10 pater eius cum magna laude monstrari. Erat non studiorum 
 tantum verum etiam studiosorum amantissimus ac prope 
 cotidie ad audiendos, quos tunc ego frequentabam, Quin- 
 tilianum, Niceten Sacerdotem ventitabat, vir alioqui clarus et 
 gravis et qui prodesse filio memoria sui debeat. Sed multi 
 
 15 nunc in senatu quibus ignotus ille, multi quibus notus, sed 
 non nisi viventes reverentur. Quo niagis huic omissa gloria 
 patris, in qua magnum ornamentum, gralia infirma, ipsi 
 cnitendum, ipsi elaborandum est. Quod quidem semper, 
 quasi provideret hoc tempus, sedulo fecit : paravit amicos, 
 
 20 quos paraverat coluit, me certe, ut primum sibi iudicare 
 permisit, ad amorem imitationemque delegit. Dicenti mihi 
 sollicitus adsistit, adsidet recitanti : primis etiam et cum 
 maxime nascentibus opusculis meis interest, nunc solus, 
 ante cum fratrc, cuius nuper amissi ego suscipere partes, 
 
 25 ego vicem debco inplcre. Doleo enim et ilium inmatura 
 morte indignissime raptum et hunc oplimi fratris adiumento 
 dcstitutum solisque amicis relictum. Quibus ex causis cxigo 
 ut venias et sufTragio meo tuum iungas. Pcrmuhum interest
 
 cS6 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 mea te ostentare, tecum circumire. Ea est auctoritas tua, 
 ut putem me efficacius tecum etiam meos amicos rogaturum. 3° 
 Abrumpe, siqua te retinent : hoc tempus meum, hoc fides, 
 hoc etiam dignitas postulat. Suscepi candidatum, ct sus- 
 cepisse me notum est : ego ambio, ego periclilor : in sum- 
 ma, si datur Nasoni quod petit, illius honor; si ncgatur, mea 
 repulsa est. Vale. 35 
 
 50. (BOOK 6. 7.) 
 
 Pliny is glad that his wife finds the same pleasure and comfort in his 
 letters, as he does in hers. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALPURNIAE SUAE S. 
 
 Scribis te absentia mea non mediocriter adfici unumque 
 habere solacium, quod pro me libellos meos teneas, saepe 
 etiam in vestigio meo conloces. Gratum est quod nos 
 requiris, gratum quod his fomentis adquiescis : invicem ego 
 epistulas tuas lectito atque identidem in manus quasi novas 5 
 sumo; sed eo magis ad desiderium tui accendor. Nam 
 cuius litterae tantum habent suavitatis, huius sermonibus 
 quantum dulcedinis inest ! Tu tamen quam frequentissime 
 scribe, licet hoc ita me delectet, ut torqueat. Vale. 
 
 57. (BOOK 6. 10.) 
 
 Pliny visiting the former residence of Verginius is distressed to find 
 that the monument of that illustrious man is still unfinished. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ALBINO SUO S. 
 
 Cum venissem in socrus meae villam Alsiensem, quae 
 aliquando Rufi Vergini fuit, ipse mihi locus optimi illius et 
 maximi viri desiderium non sine dolore renovavit. Hunc 
 enim incolere secessum atque etiam senectutis suae nidulum 
 vocare consucverat. Quocumque me contulissem, ilium 5 
 animus, ilium oculi requirebant. Libuit etiam monimentum
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. gy 
 
 eius videre, et vidisse paenituit. Est enim adhuc inperfec- 
 tum, nee difficultas operis in causa modici ac potius exigui, 
 sed inertia eius cui cura mandata est. Subit indignatio cum 
 
 lomiseratione, post decimum mortis annum reliquias neglec- 
 tumque cinerem sine titulo, sine nomine iacere, cuius me- 
 moria orbem terrarum gloria pervagetur. At ille mandaverat 
 caveratque ut divinum illud et inmortale factum versibus 
 inscriberetur, 
 
 15 Hie situs est Rufus, pulso qui Vindice quondam 
 
 Imperium adseruit non sibi sed patriae. 
 
 Tam rara in amicitiis fides, tam parata oblivio mortuorum, ut 
 
 ipsi nobis debeamus etiam conditoria extruere omniaque 
 
 heredum officia praesumere. Nam cui non est verendum 
 
 20 quod videmus accidisse Verginio ? Cuius iniuriam ut indigni- 
 crem sic etiam notiorem ipsius claritas facit. Vale. 
 
 58. (BOOK 6. 15.) 
 
 Pliny relates the unfortunate interruption of Paulus' recitation by an 
 
 audacious jest. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS ROMANO SUO S. 
 
 Mirificae rei non interfuisti : ne ego quidem ; sed me 
 recens fabula excepit. Passennus Paulus, splendidus eques 
 Romanus et in primis eruditus, scribit elcgos. Gentilicium 
 hoc illi : est enim municeps Properti atque etiam inter 
 5 maiores suos Propertium numcrat. Is cum recitaret, ita 
 coepit dicere, ' Prisce, iubes.' Ad hoc lavolenus Priscus 
 (aderat enim, ut Paulo amicissimus) ' ego vero non iubeo.' 
 Cogita qui risus hominum, qui ioci. Est omnino Priscus 
 dubiae sanitatis, interest tamcn ofliciis, adhibctur consiliis 
 10 atque etiam ius civile publice respondet : quo magis quod 
 tunc fecit et ridiculum et notabile fuit. Interim Paulo alicna 
 deliratio aliquantum frigoris attulit. Tam sollicite recitaturis 
 providendum est non solum ut sint ipsi sani, verum etiam 
 ut sanos adhibcant. Vale.
 
 S8 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 59. (BOOK 6. i6.) 
 
 riiny, at the request of Tacitus, relates how his uncle being in com- 
 niaiul at Miscnum crossed the bay of Naples to assist the sufferers from 
 the eruption of Vesuvius, and expired during the eruption, apparently 
 from the effect of the sulphurous vapours accompanying it. 
 
 C. TLINIUS TACITO SUO S. 
 
 Petis ut tibi avunculi mei exitum scribam, quo vcrius tra- 
 dere posteris possis. Gratias ago : nam video moiti eius, 
 si celebretur a te, inmortalem gloriam esse propositam. 
 Quamvis enim pulcherrimarum clade terrarum, ut populi, ut 
 urbes, memorabili casu quasi semper victurus Occident, 5 
 quamvis ipse plurima opera et mansura condiderit, multum 
 tamen perpetuitati eius scriptorum tuorum aeternitas addet. 
 Equidem beatos puto quibus dcorum munere datum est aut 
 facere scribenda aut scribere legenda, beatissimos vero qui- 
 bus utrumque. Horum in numero avunculus mens et suis 10 
 libris et tuis crit. Quo libentius suscipio, deposco etiam 
 quod iniungis. Erat Miseni classemque imperio praesens 
 regebat. Nonum Kal. Septembres hora fere septima mater 
 mea indicat ei apparere nubem inusitata et magnitudine 
 et specie. Usus ille sole, mox frigida, gustaverat iacens stu-15 
 debatque : poscit soleas, ascendit locum ex quo maxime 
 miraculimi illud conspici poterat. Nubes, incertum procul 
 intuentibus ex quo monte (Vesuvium fuisse postea cognitum 
 est), oriebatur, cuius similitudinem et formam non alia magis 
 arbor quam pinus expresserit. Nam longissimo velut trunco 20 
 elata in ahum quibusdam ramis diffundebatur, credo, quia 
 recenti spiritu evecta, dein senescente eo destituta aut etiam 
 pondere suo victa in latitudinem vanescebat : Candida inter- 
 dum, interdum sordida et maculosa, prout terram cineremve 
 sustulerat. Magnum propiusque noscendum, ut eruditis- 25 
 simo viro, visum. lubet liburnicam aptari: mihi, si venire
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLiyiUS CAECILIUS SECUSDUS. 89 
 
 una vellem, facit copiam: respond! studere me malle, et 
 forte ipse quod scriberem dederat. Egrediebatur domo: 
 accipit codicillos Rectinae Tasci inminenti periculo exter- 
 
 30 ritae (nam villa eius subiacebat, nee uUa nisi navibus fuga) : 
 ut se tanto discrimini eriperet orabat. Verdt ille consilium 
 et quod studioso animo inchoaverat obit maximo, Deducit 
 quadriremes, ascendit ipse non Rectinae modo sed multis 
 (erat enim frequens amoenitas orae) laturus auxilium. Pro- 
 
 35 perat illuc unde alii fugiunt rectumque cursum, recta guber- 
 nacula in periculum tenet, adeo solutus metu, ut omnes illius 
 mali motus, omnes figuras, ut deprenderat oculis, dictaret 
 enotaretque. lam navibus cinis incidebat, quo propius 
 accederent, calidior et densior, iam pumices etiam nigrique 
 
 40 et ambusti et fracti igne lapides, iam vadum subitum ruina- 
 que montis litora obstantia. Cunctatus paulum, an retro 
 flecteret, mox gubernatori ut ita faceret monenti ' fortes ' 
 inquit ' fortuna iuvat, Pomponianum pete.' Stabiis erat, 
 diremptus sinu medio (nam sensim circumactis curvatisque 
 
 45 litoribus mare infunditur) : ibi, quamquam nondum periculo 
 adpropinquante, conspicuo tamen et cum cresceret proximo, 
 sarcinas contulerat in naves certus fugae, si contrarius ventus 
 resedisset. Quo tunc avunculus mens secundissimo inveC' 
 tus complectitur trepidantem, consolatur, hortalur, utque 
 
 50 limorem eius sua securitate leniret, deferri in balineum 
 iubet: lotus accubat, cenat aut hilaris aut, quod aeque 
 magnum, similis hilari. Interim e Vesuvio monte pluribus 
 in locis latissimae flammae altaque incendia relucebant, 
 quorum fulgor et claritas tenebris noctis excitabatur, Ille 
 
 55 agrestium trepidatione igncs rclictos desertasque villas per 
 soliiudinem ardere in remedium formidinis dictitabat. Turn 
 se quieti dedit et quievit verissimo quidem somno. Nam 
 meatus animae, qui illi propter amplitudincm corporis 
 gravior et sonantior erat, ab iis qui limini obversabantur 
 
 Co audiebatur. Sed area ex qua diacta adibatur ita iam cinere
 
 90 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 mixlisque pumicibus oppleta surrexerat, ut, si longior in 
 cubiculo mora, cxitus negarctur. Excitatusprocedit seque 
 Pomponiano ccterisque qui pervigilaverant reddit. In com- 
 mune consultant, intra tccta subsistant an in aperto vagentur. 
 Nam crebris vastisque tremoribus tecta nutabant et quasi 65 
 emota sedibus suis nunc hue, nunc illuc abire aut referri,^^ 
 videbantur. Sub dio rursus quamquam levium exesorilm^ue 
 pumicum casus metuebatur ; quod tamen periculorum colla- 
 tio elegit. Et apud ilium quitlem ratio rationcm, apud alios 
 timorem timor vicit. Cervicalia capitibus inposita linteis 70 
 constringunt : id munimentum adversus incidentia fuit. 
 lam dies alibi, illic nox omnibus noctibus nigrior densior- 
 que, quam tamen faces multae variaque lamina solabantur. 
 Placuit egredi in litus et ex proximo aspicere, ecquid iam 
 mare admitteret, quod adhuc vastum et adversum permane- 75 
 bat. Ibi super abiectum linteum recubans semel atque 
 iterum frigidam poposcit hausitque. Deinde flammae flam- 
 marumque praenuntius odor sulpuris alios in fugam vertunt, 
 excitant ilium. Innitens servulis duobus adsurrexit et statim 
 concidit, ut ego coUigo, crassiore caligine spiritu obstructoSo 
 clausoque stomacho, qui illi natura invalidus et angustus et 
 frequenter aestuans erat. Ubi dies redditus (is ab eo quern 
 novissime viderat era/ tertius), corpus inventum integrum, 
 inlaesum opertumque, ut fuerat indutus : habitus corporis 
 quiescenti quam defuncto similior. Interim Miseni ego et 85 
 mater — sed nihil ad historiam, nee tu aliud quam de exitu 
 eius scire voluisti. Finem ergo faciam. Unum adiciam, 
 omnia me quibus interfueram quaeque statim, cum maxime 
 vera memorantur, audieram persecutum. Tu potissima ex- 
 cerpes. Aliud est enim epistulam aliud historiam, aliud 90 
 amico, aliud omnibus scribere. Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS CAECILIUS SECLWDUS. 9 1 
 
 60. (BOOK 6. 19.) 
 
 The senate endeavouring to purify its elections to the magistracies, 
 has been seconded by the Emperor, who has promulgated a law 
 limiting the expenditure of candidates, and requires them to be qualified 
 by the possession of property in Italy. This enactment has raised 
 the value of landed property near the city, 
 
 C. PLINIUS NEPOTI SfO S. 
 
 Scis tu accessise pretium agris, praecipue suburbanis? 
 Causa subitae caritatis res multis agitata sermonibus : 
 proximis comitiis honestissimas voces senatus expressit, 
 ' candidati ne conviventur, ne mittant munera, ne pecunias 
 
 5 deponant.' Ex quibus duo priora tam aperte quam im- 
 modice fiebant, hoc tertium, quamquam occultaretur, pro 
 comperto habebatur. Homullus deinde noster, vigilanter 
 usus hoc consensu senatus, sententiae loco postulavit ut 
 consules desiderium universorum notum principi facerent 
 
 10 peterentque, sicut aliis vitiis huic quoque providentia sua 
 occurreret. Occurrit : nam sumptus candidatorum, foedos- 
 illos et infames, ambitus lege restrinxit : eosdem patrimonii 
 tertiam partem conferre iussit in ea quae solo contine- 
 rentur, deforme arbitratus, et erat, honorem petituros urbem 
 
 i5ltaliamque non pro patria, sed pro hospitio aut stabulo 
 quasi peregrinantes habere. Concursant ergo candidati : 
 certatim quidquid vcnale audiunt emptitant quoque sint 
 plura venalia efficiunt. Proinde si paenitet te Italicorum 
 praediorum, hoc vendendi tempus tam hercule quam in 
 
 2oprovinciis comparand!, dum iidem candidati illic vendunt, 
 ut hie emant. Vale. 
 
 61. (BOOK 6. 20.) 
 
 Pliny gives Tacitus a narrative of his own observations and adventures 
 during the eruption, after his uncle left him at Miscnum. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S. 
 
 Ais te adductum litteris quas exigenti tibi dc mortc
 
 9? A SELECTION FR03I THE 
 
 avunculi mei scrips! cupere cognosccre, quos ego Miseni 
 relictus (id cnim ingrcssus abrupcram) non solum metus 
 verum etiain casus pertulerim. ' Quamquam animus me- 
 minisse horret, incipiam.' Profecto avunculo ipse reliquums 
 tempus studiis (ideo enim remanscram) inpendi : mox 
 balineum, ccna, somnus inquietus et brevis. Praecesserat 
 per mullos dies tremor terrae minus formidolosus, quia 
 Campaniac- solitus. lUa vero nocte ita invaluit, ut non 
 moveri omnia sed verti crederentur. Inrumpit cubiculum lo 
 meum mater: surgebam invicem, si quiesccret, excitaturus. 
 Residimus in area domus, quae mare a tectis modico 
 spatio dividebat. Dubito constantiam vocare an inpru- 
 dentiam debeam (agebam enim duodevicensimum annum) : 
 posco librum Titi Livi et quasi per otium lego atque 15 
 etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo. Ecce amicus avunculi, qui 
 nuper ad eum ex Hispania venerat, ut me et matrem 
 sedentes, me vero etiam Icgentem videt, illius patientiam, 
 securitatem meam corripit. Nihilo segnius ego intentus 
 in librum. lam hora diei prima, et adhuc dubius et quasi 20 
 languidus dies : iam quassatis circumiacentibus tectis, quam- 
 quam in aperto loco, angusto tamen, magnus et certus 
 ruinae metus,^ Turn demum excedere oppido visum : se- 
 quitur vulgus attonitum, quodque in pavore simile pru- 
 dentiae, alienum consilium suo praefert ingentique agmine 25 
 abcuntes premit et inpellit. Egressi tecta consistimus. ^ 
 Multa ibi miranda, multas formidines patimur. Nam vehi- 
 cula quae produci iusseramus, quamquam in pianissimo 
 campo, in contrarias partes agebantur ac ne lapidibus qui- 
 dem fulta in eodem vestigio quiescebant. Praeterea mare 30 
 in se resorberi et tremore terrae quasi repelli videbamus. 
 Certe processerat litus multaque animalia maris siccis ha- 
 renis detinebat. Ab altero latere nubes aira et horrenda 
 ignei spiritus tortis vibralisque discursibus rupta in longas 
 flammarum figuras dehiscebat : fulguribus illae et similes 35
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUiXDUS. 93 
 
 et maiores erant. Turn vero idem ille ex Hispanla ami- 
 cus acrius et instantius ' si frater ' inquit ' tuus, tuus avun-r 
 cuius vivit, vult esse vos salvos ; si periit, superstites vo- 
 luit. Proinde quid cessatis evadere?' Respondimus non 
 
 40 commissuros nos ut de salute illius incerti nostrae con- 
 suleremus. Non moratus ultra proripit se eflfusoque cursu 
 periculo auferlur. Nee multo post ilia nubes descendere 
 in terras, operire maria : cinxerat Capreas et absconderat, 
 INIiseni quod procurrit abstulerat. Tum mater orare, hor- 
 
 45tari, iubere quoquo modo fugerem; posse enim iuvenem, 
 se et annis et corpore gravem bene morituram, si mihi 
 causa mortis non fuisset. Ego contra, salvum me nisi 
 una non fulurum : dein manum eius amplexus addere 
 gradum cogo. Paret aegre incusatque se, quod me more- 
 
 5° tur. lam cinis, adhuc tamen rarus : respicio ; densa caligo 
 tergis imminebat, quae nos torrentis modo infusa terrae 
 sequebatur. ' Dcflectamus' inquam, ' dum videmus ne in 
 via strati comitantium turba in tenebris obteramur.' Vix 
 consideramus, et nox, non qualis inlunis aut nubila, sed 
 
 55 qualis in locis clausis lumine extincto. Audires ululatus 
 feminarum, infantum quiritatus, clamores virorum : alii pa- 
 rentes, alii liberos, alii coniuges vocibus requirebant, voci- 
 bus noscitabant: hi suum casum, illi suorum miseraban- 
 tur : erant qui metu mortis mortem precarentur : muiti ad 
 
 60 deos manus toUere, plures nusquam iam deos ullos aeter-^ 
 namque illam et novissimam noctem mundo interpreta- 
 bantur. Nee defuerunt qui fictis mentitisque terroribus 
 vera pericula augerent. Aderant qui Miseni illud ruisse, 
 illud ardere falso, sed credentibus nuntiabant. Paulum re- 
 
 65 luxit, quod non dies nobis, sed adventantis ignis indicium 
 videbatur. Et ignis quidem longius substitit, tenebrac 
 rursus, cinis rursus multus et gravis. Hunc idcntidem ad- 
 surgentcs excuticbamus ; operti alioqui atque etiam oblisi 
 pondere essemus. Possem gloriari non gemitum mihi, non
 
 94 ^ SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 vocem paruni fortcm in laniis pcriculis excidisse, nisi me 7^ 
 cum omnibus, omnia mecum perire misero, magno tamen 
 mortalitalis solacio crcdidissem. Tandem ilia caligo tenu- 
 ata quasi in fumum nebulamve discessit: mox dies verus, 
 sol etiam effulsit, luridus tamen, qualis esse, cum deficit, 
 solct. Occursabant trepidantibus adhuc oculis mutala omnia 75 
 aUoque cinere tamquam nive obducta. Regressi IMisenum 
 curatis utcumque corporibus suspensam dubiamquc noctem 
 spe ac metu exegimus. INIetus praevalebat : nam et tre- 
 mor terrae perseverabat, et plerique lymphati terrificis vati- 
 cinationibus et sua et aliena mala ludificabantur. Nobis 8o 
 tamen no tunc quidem, quamquam et expertis periculum 
 et expectantibus, abeundi consilium, donee de avunculo 
 nuniius. Haec nequaquam historia digna non scripturus 
 leges et tibi, scilicet qui requisisti, imputabis, si digna ne 
 epistula quidem videbuntur. Vale. 85 
 
 62. (BOOK 6. 33.) 
 
 Pliny sends Romanus his masterpiece of oratory, his speech on be- 
 half of Aula Viriola, unjustly diaiuherited by the influence of her 
 stepmother. 
 
 C. PLINIUS ROMANO SUO S. 
 
 ' Tollite cuncta' inquit 'coeptosque auferte labores.' 
 Seu scribis aliquid seu legis, tolli auferri iube et accipe 
 orationem meam, ut ilia arma, divinam (num superbius 
 potui .''), re vera ut inter meas pulchram : nam mihi satis 
 est certare mecum. Est haec pro Attia Viriola, et dig- 5 
 nitate personae et exempli raritate et iudicii magnitudine 
 insignis. Nam femina splendide nata, nupta praetorio viro, 
 exheredata ab octogenario patre intra undecim dies, quam 
 illi novercam amore captus induxerat, quadruplici iudicio 
 bona paterna repetebat. Sedebant centum et octoginta 10 
 indices (tot enim quattuor consiliis coUiguntur) : ingens
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUADUS. 95 
 
 utrimque advocatio et numerosa subsellia, praeterea densa 
 circumstantium corona latissimum iudicium muUipIici cir- 
 culo ambibat. Ad hoc stipatum tribunal, atque etiam ex 
 
 i5Superiore basilicae parte qua feminae qua viri et audiendi, 
 quod difficile, et, quod facile, visendi studio imminebant. 
 Magna expectatio patrum, magna filiarum, magna etiam 
 novercarum. Secutus est varius eventus. Nam duobus 
 consiliis vicimus, totidem victi sumus. Notabilis prorsus 
 
 20 et mira eadem in causa, isdem iudicibus, isdem advocatis, 
 eodem tempore tanta diversitas accidit casu, non quod 
 casus videretur. Victa est noverca, ipsa heres ex parte 
 sexta, victus Suberinus, qui exheredatus a patre singular! 
 inpudentia alieni patris bona vindicabat, non ausus sui 
 
 25 petere. Haec tibi exposui, primum ut ex epistula scires 
 quae ex oratione non poteras; deinde (nam detegam 
 artes) ut orationem libentius legeres, si non legere tibi, 
 sed interesse iudicio videreris : quam, sit licet magna, non 
 despero gratiam brevissimae impetraturam. Nam et copia 
 
 sorerum et arguta divisione et narratiunculis pluribus et 
 eloquendi varietate renovatur. Sunt multa (non auderem 
 nisi tibi dicere) elata, multa pugnacia, multa subtilia. 
 Intervenit enim acribus illis et erectis frequens necessitas 
 conputandi ac paene calculos tabulamque poscendi, ut 
 
 35 repente in privati iudicii formam centumvirale vertatur. 
 Dedimus vela indignationi, dedimus irae, dedimus dolori 
 et in amplissima causa, quasi magno mari, pluribus ventis 
 sumus vecti. In summa solent quidam ex contubernalibus 
 nostris existimare banc orationem, iterum dicam, ut inter 
 
 40 meas imef) KTijairjjoivTot csse : an vere, tu facillime iudicabis, 
 qui tam mcmoriter tenes omnes, ut conferre cum hac, 
 dum banc solam Icgis, possis. Vale.
 
 ^6 A SELECTIOy FROM THE 
 
 G3. (BOOK 6. 34.) 
 
 riiny approves of Maximus' conduct in acceding to the request of 
 Verona that he would celebrate his wife's memory by a gladiatorial 
 exhibition. 
 
 C. PLIXIL'S MAXIMO SUO S. 
 
 Recte fecisti quod gladiatorum munus Veronensibus nostris 
 promisisti, a quibus olim amaris, suspiceris, ornaris. Inde 
 etiam uxorem carissimam tibi et probatissimam habuisti, 
 cuius memoriae aut opus aliquod aut spectaculum atquc 5 
 hoc potissimum quod maxime funeri debebatur. Praeterca 
 tanto consensu rogabaris, ut ncgare non constans, sed 
 durum videretur. Illud quoque cgregie, quod tarn facilis, 
 tam liberalis in edendo fuisti. Nam per haec eliam mag- 
 nus animus ostenditur. Vellem Africanae, quas coemeras ic 
 plurimas, ad praefinitum diem occurrissent : sed licet cessa- 
 verint illae tempestate detentae, tu tamen meruisti ut ac- 
 ceptum tibi ficret, quod quo minus exhiberes non per te 
 stelit. Vale. 
 
 64. (BOOK 7. II.) 
 
 Pliny explains to Fabatus the obligations of friendship which induce 
 him to sell to Corellia, at an inadequate price, the share which has lately 
 been left to him in a property near the Lago di Como. 
 
 C. PLINIUS FABATO PROSOCERO SUO S. 
 
 INIiraris quod Hermes, libertus meus, hereditarios agros, 
 quos ego iusseram proscribi, non expectata auctione pro 
 meo quincunce ex septingentis milibus Corelliae addixerit. 
 Adicis hos nongentis milibus posse venire ac tanto magis 
 quaeris, an quod gessit ratum servem. Ego vero servo : 5 
 quibus ex causis, accipe. Cupio enim et tibi probalum et 
 coheredibus meis excusatum esse, quod me ab illis maiore 
 ofTicio iubcnte secerno. Corelliam cum summa reverentia
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 97 
 
 diligo, primum ut sororem Corelli Rufi, cuius mihi memoria 
 
 10 sacrosancta est, deinde ut matri meae familiarissimam. 
 Sunt mihi et cum marito eius, iMinicio lusto, optimo viro, 
 Vetera iura ; fuerunt et cum filio maxima, adeo quidem, ut 
 praetore me ludis meis praesederit. Haec, cum proxime 
 istic fui, indicavit mihi cupere se aliquid circa Larium nostrum 
 
 15 possidere. Ego illi ex praediis meis quod vellet et quanti 
 vellet obtuli exceptis maternis paternisque : his enim cedere 
 ne Corelliae quidem possum. Igitur cum obvenisset mihi 
 hereditas, in qua praedia ista, scripsi ei venalia futma. Has 
 epistulas Hermes tulit exigentique ut statim portionem meam 
 
 20 sibi addiceret paruit. Vides, quara ratum debeam habere 
 quod libertus mens meis moribus gessit. Superest ut cohe- 
 redes aequo animo ferant separatim me vendidisse quod mihi 
 licuit omnino non vendere. Nee vero coguntur imitari meum 
 exemplum : non enim illis eadem cum Corellia iura. Possunt 
 
 25 ergo intueri utilitatem suam, pro qua mihi fuit amicitia. Vale. 
 
 65. (BOOK 7. 14.) 
 
 Corellia has found out the advantage she has been allowed in her 
 purchase, and wishes to pay the full price, which however Pliny gently 
 but firmly refuses. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CORELLIAE SUAE S. 
 
 Tu quidem honestissime, quod tam inpense et rogas et 
 exigis ut accipi iubeam a te pretium agrorum non ex septin- 
 gentis milibus, quanti illos a liberto meo, sed ex nongentis, 
 quanti a publicanis partem vicesimam emisti. Invicem ego 
 5 et rogo et cxigo ut non solum quid te, verum eliam quid me 
 deceat aspicias patiarisque me in hoc uno tibi codem animo 
 repugnare, quo in omnibus obsequi soleo. Vale. 
 
 II
 
 9(S A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 66. (BOOK 7. 18.) 
 
 Caninius, anxious about an endowment he is establishing at Comum, 
 is advised by Pliny to adopt his method, namely, to establish a per- 
 manent rent charge on a portion of his property, which shall be payable 
 to the authorities of the borough. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CANINIO SUO S. 
 
 Deliberas mecum, quern ad modum pecunia, quam muni- 
 cipibus nostris in epulum obtulisti, post te quoque salva sit. 
 Honesta consultatio, non expedita sententia, Numeres rei 
 publicae summam ? verendum est ne dilabatur. Des agros ? 
 ut public! neglegentur. Equidem nihil commodius invenio, 5 
 quam quod ipse feci. Nam pro quingentis milibus nummum, 
 quae in alimenta ingenuorum ingenuarumque promiseram, 
 agrum ex meis longe pluris actori publico mancipavi: eundem 
 vectigali inposito recepi, tricena milia annua daturus. Per 
 hoc enim et rei publicae sors in tuto nee reditus incertus, et 10 
 ager ipse propter id, quod vectigal large supercurrit, semper 
 dominum, a quo exerceatur, inveniet. Nee ignore me plus 
 aliquanto quam donasse videor erogavisse, cum pulcherrimi 
 agri pretium necessitas vectigalis infregerit. Sed oportet 
 privatis utilitatibus publicas, mortalibus aeternas anteferre, 15 
 multoque diligentius muneri suo consulere quam facultatibus. 
 Vale. 
 
 67. (BOOK 7. 19.) 
 
 The illness of Fannia gives occasion for a sketch of her virtues, and a 
 eulogy of her family. 
 
 C. PLINIUS PRISCO SUO S. 
 
 Angit me Fanniae valetudo. Contraxit hanc, dum adsidet 
 luniae virgini, sponte primum (est enim adfinis), deinde 
 etiam ex auctoritate pontificum. Nam virgines, cum vi 
 morbi atrio Vestae coguntur excederc, matronarum curae
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECVNDUS. 99 
 
 5 custodiaeque mandantur. Quo munere Fannia dum sedulo 
 fungitur, hoc discrimine inplicita est. Insident febres, tussis 
 increscit, summa macies, summa defectio : animus tantum et 
 spiritus viget Helvidio marito, Thrasea patre dignissimus ; 
 reliqua labuntur meque non metu tantum verum etiam dolore 
 
 10 conficiunt. Doleo enim feminam maximam eripi oculis 
 civitatis nescio an aliquid simile visuris. Quae castitas illi ! 
 quae sanctitas ! quanta gravitas ! quanta constantia ! bis 
 maritum secuta in exilium est, tertio ipsa propter maritum 
 relegata. Nam cum Senecio reus esset, quod de vita 
 
 15 Helvidi libros composuisset, rogatumque se a Fannia in 
 defensione dixisset, quaerente minaciter ]\Iettio Caro, an 
 rogasset, respondit * rogavi,' an commentarios scripture 
 dedisset, ' dedi,' an sciente matre, 'nesciente'; postremo 
 nuUam vocem cedentem periculo emisit. Quin etiam illos 
 
 20 ipsos libros, quamquam ex necessitate et metu temporum 
 abolitos senatus consulto, publicatis bonis servavit, habuit 
 tulitque in exilium exilii causam. Eadem quam iucunda, 
 quam comis, quam denique, quod paucis datum est, non 
 minus amabilis quam veneranda ! Eritne quam postea uxo- 
 
 25 ribus nostris ostentare possimus ? Erit a qua viri quoque 
 fortitudinis exempla sumamus, quam sic cernentes audien- 
 tesque miremur, ut illas quae leguntur? Ac mihi domus 
 ipsa nutare convulsaque sedibus suis ruitura supra videtur, 
 licet adhuc posteros habeat. Quantis enim virtutibus 
 
 30 quantisque factis adsequentur ut haec non novissima 
 Occident? Me quidem illud etiam adfligit et torquet, quod 
 matrem eius, illam (nihil possum inlustrius dicere) tantae 
 feminae matrem, rursus videor amittere, quam haec, ut 
 reddit ac refert nobis, sic auferet secum meque et novo 
 
 35 pariter et rescisso vulnere adficiet. Utramque dilexi ; utram 
 magis, nescio, nee discerni volebant. Habuerunt officia mea 
 in secundis, habuerunt in adversis. Ego solacium relcga- 
 tarum, ergo ulior revcrsarum ; non feci tamen paria alque 
 
 II 2
 
 lOO A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 eo magis banc cupio servari, ut mihi solvendi tempora 
 supersint. In his eram curis, cum scriberem ad te ; quas 40 
 si dcus aliquis in gaudium verterit, de metu non querar. 
 Vale. 
 
 68. (BOOK 7. 27.) 
 
 Pliny, under cover of inquiring Sura's opinion about ghosts, relates 
 appearances seen by Curtius Rufus, Athenodorus, and one of Pliny's 
 own slaves. 
 
 C. PLINIUS SURAE SUO S. 
 
 Et mihi discendi et tibi docendi facultatem otium praebet. 
 Igitur perquam velim scire, esse phantasmata et habere 
 propriam figuram numenque aliquod pules, an inania et 
 vana ex metu nostro imagincm accipere. Ego ut esse 
 credam in primis eo ducor, quod audio accidisse Curtio 5 
 Rufo. Tenuis adhuc et obscurus obtinenti Africam comes 
 haeserat : inclinato die spadabatur in porticu : offertur ei 
 mulieris figura humana grandior pulchriorque : perterrito 
 Africam se, futurorum praenuntiam, dixit ; iturum enim 
 Romam honoresque gesturum atque etiam cum summo 10 
 imperio in eandem provinciam reversurum ibique mori- 
 turum. Facta sunt omnia. Praeterea accedenti Carthaginem 
 egredientique nave eadcm figura in litore occurrisse narratur. 
 Ipse certe inplicitus morbo, futura praeteritis, adversa 
 secundis auguratus, spem salutis nullo suorum desperante 15 
 proiecit. lam illud nonne et magis terribile et non minus 
 mirum est, quod exponam ut accepi ? Erat Athenis spatiosa 
 et capax domus, sed infamis et pestilens. Per silentium 
 noctis sonus ferri et, si attenderes acrius, strepitus vinculorum 
 longius primo, deinde e proximo reddebatur : mox apparebat 20 
 idolon, senex macie et squalore confectus, promissa barba, 
 horrenti capillo : cruribus compedes, manibus catenas ge- 
 rebat quatiebatque. Inde inhabitantibus tristes diraeque
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. lOI 
 
 noctes per metum vigilabantur: vigiliam morbus et crescente 
 
 25 formidine mors sequebatur. Nam interdiu quoque, quam- 
 quam abscesserat imago, memoria imaginis oculis inerrabat, 
 longiorque causis timoris timor erat. Deserta inde et dam- 
 nata solitudine domus totaque illi monstro relicta ; proscri- 
 bebatur tamen, seu quis emere, seu quis conducere ignarus 
 
 30 tanti mali vellet. Venit Athenas philosophus Athenodorus, 
 legit titulum auditoque pretio, quia suspecta villtas, percunc- 
 tatus omnia docetur ac nihilo minus, immo tanto magis 
 conducit. Ubi coepit advesperascere, iubet sterni sibi in 
 prima domus parte, poscit pugillares stilum lurnen; suos 
 
 35 omnes in interiora dimittit, ipse ad scribendum animum 
 oculos manum intendit, ne vacua mens audita simulacra et 
 inanes sibi metus fingeret. Initio, quale ubique, silentium 
 noctis, dein concuti ferrum, vincula moveri : ille non tollere 
 oculos, non remittere stilum, sed offirmare animum auribus- 
 
 40 que praetendere : tum crebrescere fragor, adventare et iam 
 ut in limine, iam ut intra limen audiri : respicit, videt ag- 
 noscitque narratam sibi effigiem. Stabat innuebatque digito 
 similis vocanti : hie contra ut paulum expectaret manu 
 significat rursusque ceris et stilo incumbit: ilia scribentis 
 
 45 capiti catenis insonabat : respicit rursus idem quod piius 
 innuentem nee moratus tollit lumen et sequitur. Ibat ilia 
 lento gradu, quasi gravis vinculis : postquam deflexit in 
 aream domus, repente dilapsa deserit comitem: desertus 
 herbas et folia concerpta signum loco ponit. Postero die 
 
 50 adit magistratus, monet ut ilium locum effodi iubeant. In- 
 veniuntur ossa inserta catenis et inplicita, quae corpus aevo 
 terraque putrefactum nuda et exesa reliquerat vinculis : 
 collecta publicc sepcliuntur. Dom.us postca rite conditis 
 manibus caruit. Et haec quidem adfirmantibus credo; 
 
 55 illud adfirmare aliis possum. Est libertus mihi non inlilter- 
 atus : cum hoc minor frater eodem lecto quiescebat : is visus 
 est sibi cerncre quendam in toro residentem admoventemque
 
 102 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 capiti suo cultros atquc etiam ex ipso vertice amputantcm 
 capillos. Ubi inluxit, ipse circa verticem tonsus, capilli 
 iacentes reperiuntur. Exiguum temporis medium, et rursus 6o 
 simile aliud priori- fidem fecit. Puer in paedagogio mixtus 
 pluribus dormiebat : venerunt per fenestras (ita narrat) in 
 tunicis albis duo cubantemque detonderunt et qua vcnerant 
 recesserunt. Hunc quoque tonsum sparsosque circa ca- 
 pillos dies ostendit. Nihil notabile secutum, nisi forte quod 65 
 non fui reus, futurus, si Domitianus, sub quo haec acciderunt, 
 diutius vixisset. Nam in scrinio eius datus a Caro de me 
 libellus inventus est; ex quo coniectari potest, quia reis 
 moris est summittere capillum, recisos meorum capillos 
 depulsi quod imminebat periculi signum fuisse. Proinde 70 
 rogo eruditionem tuam intendas. Digna res est quam diu 
 multumque consideres, ne ego quidem indignus cui copiam 
 scientiae tuae facias. Licet etiam utramque in partem, ut 
 soles, disputes, ex altera tamen fortius, ne me suspensum 
 incertumque dimittas, cum mihi consulendi causa fuerit ut 75 
 dubitare desinerem. Vale. 
 
 69. (BOOK V. 33.) 
 
 Pliny begs Tacitus to insert in his Histories some mention of the 
 Ifearless zeal with which he, together with Senecio, followed up their joint 
 attack on Baebius Massa. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S. 
 
 Auguror, nee me fallit augurium, historias tuas immortales 
 futuras ; quo magis illis, ingenue fatebor, inseri cupio. Nam 
 si esse nobis curae solet ut facies nostra ab optimo quoque 
 artifice exprimatur, nonnc debemus optare ut operibus 
 nostris similis tui scriptor praedicatorque contingat ? De- 5 
 monstro ergo, quamquam diligentiam tuam fugere non 
 possit, cum sit in publicis actis, demonstro tamen, quo 
 magis credas iucundum mihi futurum, si factum meum,
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. IO3 
 
 cuius gratia periculo crevit, tuo ingenio, tuo testimonio 
 
 10 ornaveris. Dederat me senatus cum Herennio Sene- 
 cione advocatum provinciae Baeticae contra Baebium 
 INIassam damnatoque Massa censuerat ut bona eius publice 
 custodirentur. Senecio, cum explorasset consules postu- 
 lationibus vacaturos, convenit me et ' qua concordia' inquit 
 
 15 ' iniunctam nobis accusationem exsecuti sumus, hac adeamus 
 consules petamusque ne bona dissipari sinant quorum esse 
 in custodia debent.' Respondi ' cum simus advocati a 
 senatu dati, dispice num peractas putes partes nostras 
 senatus cognitione finita.' Et ille ' tu quem voles tibi 
 
 20 terminum statues, cui nulla cum provincia necessitudo nisi 
 ex beneficio tuo, et hoc recenti ; ipse et natus ibi et quaestor 
 in ea fui.' Tum ego ' si fixum tibi istud ac deliberatum, 
 sequar te, ut, siqua ex hoc invidia, non tantum tua.' Ve- 
 nimus ad consules, dicit Senecio quae res ferebat, aliqua 
 
 25 subiungo. Vixdum conticueramus, et IMassa questus Sene- 
 cionem non advocati fidem, sed inimici amaritudinem 
 inplesse, impietatis reum postulat. Horror omnium : ego 
 autem 'vereor' inquam, ' clarissimi consules, ne mihi Massa 
 silentio suo praevaricationem obiecerit, quod non et me reum 
 
 30 postulavit.' Quae vox et statim excepta et postea multo 
 sermone celebrata est. Divus quidem Nerva (nam privatus 
 quoque attendebat his quae recte in publico fierent) missis 
 ad me gravissimis litteris non mihi solum verum etiam 
 saeculo est gratulatus, cui exemplum (sic enim scripsit) 
 
 35 simile antiquis contigisset. Haec, utcumque se habent, 
 notiora clariora maiora tu facies : quamquam non exigo ut 
 excedas actae rei modum. Nam nee historia debet egredi 
 veritatem, et honeste factis Veritas sufficit. Vale.
 
 104 ^ SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 70. (COOK 8. 2.) 
 
 riiny has felt obliged, by the failure of the crop, to throw back to the 
 purchasers of his vintages part of the price agreed on ; and points out 
 that he has made his remissions on a scale proportionate to the size of the 
 various bargains, and at the same time has encouraged prompt payers. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S. 
 
 Alii in praedia sua proficiscuntur, ut locupletiores rever- 
 tantur, ego, ut pauperior. Vendideram vindemias certatim 
 neo-otiatoribus ementibus. Invitabat pretium, et quod tunc 
 ct quod fore videbatur. Spes fefellit. Erat expeditum 
 omnibus remittere aequaliter, sed non satis aequum. Mihi 5 
 autem egregium in primis videtur ut foris ita domi, ut in 
 magnis ita in parvis, ut in alienis ita in suis agitare iustitiam. 
 Nam si paria peccata, pares etiam laudes. Itaque omnibus 
 quidem, ne quis milii non donatus abiret, partem octavam 
 pretii quo quis emerat concessi ; deinde iis qui amplissimas lo 
 summas emptionibus occupaverant separatim consului. Nam 
 et me magis iuverant et mains ipsi fecerant damnum. Igitur 
 iis qui pluris quam decent milibus emerant ad illam commu- 
 nem et quasi publicam octavam addidi decumam eius sum- 
 mae,, qua decem milia cxcesserant. Vereor ne parum 15 
 expresserim ; apertius calculos ostendam. Siqui forte 
 quindecim milibus emerant, hi et quindecim milium octavam 
 et quinque milium decimam tulerunt. Praeterea, cum • 
 reputarem quosdam ex debito aliquantum, quosdam aliquid, 
 quosdam nihil reposuisse, nequaquam verum arbitrabar, 20 
 quos non aequasset fides solutionis, hos benignitate remis- 
 sionis aequari. Rursus ergo iis qui solverant eius quod 
 solverant decimam remisi. Per hoc enim aptissime et in 
 praeteritum singulis pro cuiusque merito gratia referri, et in 
 futurum omnes cum ad emendum turn etiam ad solvendum 25 
 allici videbantur. IMagno mihi seu ratio haec seu facilitas 
 stetit, sed iuit tanti. Nam regione tota et novitas remissionis
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUJVDUS. I05 
 
 et forma laudatur. Ex ipsis etiam, quos non una, ut dicitur, 
 
 pertica, sed distincte gradatimque tractavi, quanto quis melior 
 
 30 et probior, tanto mihi obligatior abiit, expertus non esse apud 
 
 me iv 8i trj Tiiifj Tjixiv KaKov Tjbe KCLi icrffkov. Vale. 
 
 71. (BOOK 8. 4.) 
 
 riiny congratulates Caninius on having chosen Trajan's Dacian 
 campaigns for the subject of an epic ; hints at the difficulty of adapt- 
 ing the barbaric names to verse ; and begs that the author will let 
 him see something of his work while it is still in the rough. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CAXINIO SUO S. 
 
 Optime facis quod bellum Dacicum scribere paras. Nam 
 quae tarn recens, tam copiosa, tam lata, quae denique tam 
 poetica et quamquam in verissimis rebus tam fabulosa 
 materia? Dices inmissa terris nova flumina, novos pontes 
 5 fluminibus iniectos, insessa castris montium abrupta, pul- 
 sum regia, pulsum etiam vita regem nihil desperantem; 
 super haec actos bis triumphos, quorum alter ex invicta 
 gente primus, alter novissimus fuit. Una, sed maxima 
 difficultas, quod haec aequare dicendo arduum inmensum, 
 
 10 etiam tuo ingenio, quamquam altissime adsurgat et am- 
 plissimis operibus increscat. Non nullus et in illo labor, 
 ut barbara et fera nomina, in primis regis ipsius, graecis 
 versibus non resultent. Sed nihil est quod non arte cura- 
 que, si non potest vinci, mitigctur. Praeterea, si datur 
 
 15 Homero et mollia vocabula et graeca ad levitatem versus 
 contraherc, extendere, inflectere, cur tibi similis audentia, 
 praescrtim non dclicata sed neccssaria, non detur ? Proinde 
 iure vatum invocatis dis et inter deos ipso, cuius res 
 opera consilia dicturus es, immitte rudentes, pande vela, 
 
 20 ac siquando alias, toto ingenio vchcre. Cur enim non 
 ego quoque poetice cum poeta? Illud iam nunc pacis- 
 cor : prima quaeque ut absolveris, miltito, immo etiam 
 ante quam absolvas, sicut erunt reccntia et rudia ct adhuc
 
 106 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 similia nascentibus. Respondcbis non posse perinde carp- 
 tim ut contexta, perinde inchoata placere ut efifecta, Scio : 25 
 itaque ct a me aestimabuntur ut cocpta, spectabuntur ut 
 membra extremamque limam tuam opperientur in scrinio 
 nostro. Patere hoc me super cetera habere amoris tui 
 pignus, ut ea quoque norim, quae nosse neminem velles. 
 In summa potcro fortasse scripta tua magis probare lau- 30 
 dare, quanto ilia tardius cautiusque, sed ipsum te magis 
 amabo magisque laudabo, quanto cclerius et incautius 
 miseris. Yale. 
 
 72. (BOOK 8. 8.) 
 
 Pliny describes the source of the Clitumnus, its sudden expansion 
 into a river, and the various attractions of the spot. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS ROMANO SUO S. 
 
 Vidistine aliquando Clitumni fonlem .? Si nondum (et 
 puto nondum ; alioqui narrasses mihi), vide, quem ego 
 (paenitet tarditatis) proxime vidi. INIodicus coUis adsurgit 
 antiqua cupresso nemorosus et opacus : hunc subter exit 
 fons et exprimitur pluribus venis, sed inparibus, eluctatus- 5 
 que quem facit gurgitem lato gremio patescit purus et 
 vitreus, ut numerare iactas stipes et relucentes calculos 
 possis. Inde non loci devexitate, sed ipsa sui copia et 
 quasi pondere inpcllitur. Fons adhuc et iam amplissi- 
 mum flumcn atque etiam navium patiens, quas obvias 10 
 quoque et contrario nisu in diversa tendentes transmittit 
 et perfert, adeo validus, ut ilia qua properat ipse, quam- 
 quam per solum planum, remis non adiuvetur, idem aeger- 
 rime remis contisque superetur adversus. lucundum utrum- 
 que per iocum ludumque fluitantibus, ut flexerint cursum, 15 
 laborem otio, otium labore variare. Ripae fraxino multa, 
 multa populo vestiuntur, quas perspicuus amnis velut 
 mersas viridi imagine adnunierat. Rigor aquae certaverit 
 nivibus, nee color cedit. Adiacet templum priscum et
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUXDVS. IO7 
 
 20 religiosum : stat Clitumnus ipse amictus ornatusque prae- 
 texta : praesens numen atque etiam fatidicum indicant 
 sortes. Sparsa sunt circa sacella complura totidemque 
 di, Sui cuique veneratio, suum nomen, quibusdam vero 
 etiam fontes. Nam praeter ilium quasi parentem cetero- 
 
 25 rum sunt minores capite discreti; sed flumini miscentur, 
 quod ponte transmittitur. Is terminus sacri profanique. 
 In superiore parte navigare tantum, infra etiam natare 
 concessum. Balineum Hispellates, quibus ilium locum 
 divus Augustus done dedit, publice praebent, praebent et 
 
 30 hospitium. Nee desunt villae, quae secutae fluminis amoen- 
 itatem margini insistunt. In summa nihil erit ex quo non 
 capias voluptatem. Nam studebis quoque; leges multa 
 multorum omnibus columnis, omnibus parietibus inscripta, 
 quibus fons ille deusque celebratur. Plura laudabis, non 
 
 35 nulla ridebis ; quamquam tu vero, quae tua humanitas, 
 nulla ridebis. Vale. 
 
 73. (BOOK 8. 16.) 
 
 Although Pliny comforts himself for the loss of his slaves by manu- 
 mitting them before death, and permitting them to dispose of their 
 property by will, yet the humanity which prompts this concession is 
 deeply affected by their decease. 
 
 C. PLIXIUS PATKRXO SUO S. 
 
 Confecerunt me infirmitates meorum, mortcs etiam, et 
 quidem iuvenum. Solacia duo nequaquam paria tanto 
 dolori, solacia tamen : unum facilitas manumittendi ; videor 
 enim non omnino inmaturos perdidisse quos iam liberos 
 5 perdidi : alterum, quod permitto servis quoque quasi testa- 
 mcnta facere eaque ut Icgitima custodio. INIandant rogant- 
 que quod visum; pareo ut iussus: dividunt, donant, 
 relinquunt, dumtaxat intra domum : nam servis res publica 
 quaedam et quasi civitas domiis est. Sed quamquam 
 10 his solaciis adquiescam, dcbilitor et frangor eadcm ilia
 
 I08 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 humanitate, quae me ut hoc ipsum permitterem induxit. 
 Non ideo tamen velim durior fieri. Nee ignore alios 
 eius modi casus nihil amplius vocare quam damnum eoque 
 sibi magnos homines et sapientes videri. Qui an magni 
 sapientesque sint nescio, homines non sunt. Hominis est 15 
 cnim adfici dolore, sentire, resistere tamen et solacia ad- 
 mittere, non solaciis non egere. Verum de his plura 
 fortasse quam debui, sed pauciora quam volui. Est enim 
 quaedam etiam dolendi voluptas, praesertim si in amici 
 sinu defleas, apud quern lacrimis tuis vel laus sit parata 20 
 vel venia. Vale. 
 
 74. (BOOK 9. 3.) 
 
 Men should either consider the immortality of fame, and work for 
 it. or the shortness of life, and enjoy it; and Pliny knows that Paulinus 
 agrees with him in preferring the former course. 
 
 C. PLINIUS P.\UUN0 SUO S. 
 
 Alius aliud, ego beatissimum existimo qui bonae man- 
 suraeque famae praesumptione perfruitur certusque posteri- 
 tatis cum futura gloria vivit. Ac mihi nisi praemium 
 aeternitatis ante oculos, pingue illud altumque otium 
 placeat. Etenim omnes homines arbitror oportere aut 5 
 inmortalitatem suam aut mortalitatem cogitare, et illos 
 quidem contendere eniti, hos quiescere remitti nee brevem 
 vitam caducis laboribus fatigare, ut video multos misera 
 simul et ingrata imagine industriae ad vilitatem sui per- 
 venire. Haec ego tecum, quae cotidie mecum, ut desinam 10 
 mecum, si dissenties tu ; quamquam non dissenties, ut qui 
 semper clarum aliquid et inmorlale meditere. Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIU3 SECVNDVS, IO9 
 
 75. (BOOK 9. 6.) 
 
 The occupation of the Romans in the games of the Circus, in •which 
 Pliny can see no element of rational interest, has given Pliny a few days' 
 leisure for literary pursuits. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CALVrSIO SUO S. 
 
 Omne hoc tempus inter pugillares ac libellos iucundissima 
 quiete transmisi. 'Quern ad modum' inquis 'in urbe 
 potuisti?' Circenses erant, quo genera spectaculi ne 
 levissime quidem teneor. Nihil novum, nihil varium, nihil 
 5 quod non semel spectasse sufEciat. Quo magis miror tot 
 milia virorum tarn pueriliter identidem cupere currentes 
 equos, insistentes curribus homines videre. Si tamen aut 
 velocitate equorum aut hominum arte traherentur, esset 
 ratio non nulla: nunc favent panno, pannum amant, et 
 
 10 si in ipso cursu medioque certamine hie color illuc, ille 
 hue transferatur, studium favorque transibit, et repente 
 agitatores illos, equos illos, quos procul noscitant, quorum 
 clamitant nomina, relinquent. Tanta gratia, tanta auc- 
 toritas in una vilissima tunica, mitto apud vulgus, quod 
 
 15 villus tunica, sed apud quosdam graves homines; quos 
 ego cum recordor in re inani frigida adsidua tam insatia- 
 biliter desidere, capio aliquam voluptatem, quod hac volup- 
 tate non capior. Ac per hos dies libentissime otium meum 
 in litteris conloco, quos alii otiosissimis occupationibus 
 
 20 perdunt. Vale. 
 
 7G. (BOOK 9. 7.) 
 
 As Romanus is building at Baiae, so Pliny on the Lago di Como is- 
 enlarging two villas there, very different in their situation but equally 
 attractive to their master. 
 
 C. PLINIVS RO.AIANO SUO S. 
 
 Aedificare te scribis. Bene est : inveni patrocinium ; 
 aedifico cnim iam rationc, quia tecum. Nam hoc quoque-
 
 no A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 non dissimile, quod ad mare tu, ego ad Larium lacum. 
 Iluius in litorc plures villae mcae, scd duae maxime ut 
 delectant ita cxerccnt. Altera inposita saxis more Baiano 5 
 lacum prospicit, altera aeque more Baiano lacum tangit. 
 Itaque illam tragoediam, banc appellare comoediam soleo ; 
 illam, quod quasi cothurnis, banc, quod quasi socculis 
 sustinctur. Sua utrique amoenitas et utraque possidenti 
 ipsa diversitate iucundior. Haec lacu propius, ilia latius 10 
 utitur : haec unum sinum molli curvamine amplcctitur, ilia 
 editissimo dorso duos dirimit: illic recta gestatio longo 
 limite super litus extenditur, hie spatiosissimo xysto leniter 
 inflectitur : ilia fluctus non scntit, haec frangit : ex ilia 
 possis despicere piscantes, ex hac ipse piscari hamumque 15 
 de cubiculo ac paene etiam de lectulo ut e naucula iacere. 
 Hae mihi causae utrique quae desunt adstruendi ob ea quae 
 supersunt. Sed quid ego rationem tibi? apud quem pro 
 ratione crit idem facere. Vale. 
 
 77. (BOOK 9. 13.) 
 
 riiny describes the debate which he raised in the senate on the case of 
 Certus the enemy of lielvidius, the opposition with which he was met, 
 the great effect of his concluding speech, and the punishment and death 
 of Certus. 
 
 C. PLINIUS QUADRATO SUO S. 
 
 Quanto studiosius intentiusque legisti libros quos de 
 Helvidi ultione composui, tanto impensius postulas ut 
 perscribam tibi quaeque extra libros quaeque circa libros, 
 totum denique ordinem rei, cui per aetatem non interfuisti. 
 Occiso Domitiano statui mecum ac deliberavi esse magnam 5 
 pulchramque materiam insectandi nocentes, miseros vindi- 
 candi, se proferendi. Porro inter multa scelera multorum 
 nullum atrocius videbatur, quam quod in senatu senator 
 senator!, praetorius consular!, reo index manus intulisset. 
 Fuerat alioqui mihi cum Helvidio amicitia, quanta potuerat 10
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLTNIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDVS. Ill 
 
 esse cum eo qui metu temporum nomen ingens paresque 
 virtutes secessu tegebat, fuerat cum Arria et Fannia, quarum 
 altera Helvidi noverca, altera mater novercae. Sed non ita 
 me iura privata ut publicum fas et indignitas facti et exempli 
 
 15 ratio incitabat. Ac primis quidem diebus redditae libertatis 
 pro se quisque inimicos suos, dumtaxat minores, incondite 
 turbidoque clamore postulaverat simul et oppresserat. Ego 
 et modestius et constantius arbitratus immanissimum reum 
 non communi temporum invidia, sed proprio crimine urgere, 
 
 20 cum iam satis primus ille impetus defremuisset et languidior 
 in dies ira ad iustitiam redisset, quamquam turn maxime 
 tristis amissa nuper uxore, mitto ad Anteiam (nupta haec 
 Helvidio fuerat), rogo ut veniat, quia me recens adhuc luctus 
 limine contineret. Ut venit, ' destinatum est' inquam ' mihi 
 
 25 maritum tuum non inultum pati. Nuntia Arriae et Fanniae' 
 (ab exilio redierant) : ' consule te, consule illas, an velitis 
 adscribi facto, in quo ego comite non egeo; sed non ita 
 gloriae meae faverim, ut vobis societate eius invideam.' 
 Perfert Anteia mandata, nee illae morantur. Opportune 
 
 30 senatus intra diem tertium. Omnia ego semper ad Corel- 
 lium rettuli, quern providentissimum aetatis nostrae sapi- 
 entissimumque cognovi; in hoc tamen contentus consilio 
 meo fui, veritus ne vetaret : erat enim cunctantior cautiorque. 
 Sed non sustinui inducere in animum quo minus illi eodem 
 
 35 die facturum me indicarem quod an facerem non deliber- 
 abam, expertus usu de eo quod destinaveris non esse con- 
 sulendos quibus consultis obsequi debeas. Venio in senatum, 
 ius dicendi pcto, dico paulisper maximo adsensu. Ubi 
 coepi crimen attingere, reum destinare, adhuc tamen sine 
 
 40 nomine, undique mihi reclamari. Alius ' sciamus, quis 
 sit de quo extra ordinem referas;' alius 'quis est ante 
 relalionem reus'? alius ' salvi simus, qui supersumus.' 
 Audio inperturbatus, intcrritus : tanlum susceptae rci ho- 
 nestas valet tantumque ad fiduciam vel melum dilTcrt, nolint
 
 112 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 homines quod facias, an non probent. Longum est omnia 45 
 quae tunc hinc inde iacta sunt recensere. Novissime consul 
 ' Secunde, sententiae loco dices, siquid volueris.' ' Permis- 
 eras' inquam * quod usque adhuc omnibus permisisti.' 
 Resido : aguntur alia. Interim me quidam ex consularibus 
 amicis secreto curatoque scrmone quasi nimis foititer 50 
 incauteque progressum corripit, revocat, monct ut desistam ; 
 adicit etiam * notabilem te futuris principibus fecisti.' 
 ' Esto ' inquam, * dum malis/ Vix ille discesserat, rursus 
 alter ' quid audes ? quo ruis ? quibus te periculis obicis ? 
 quid praesentibus confidis, incertus futurorum ? Lacessis 55 
 hominem iam praefectum aerarii et brevi consulem, prae- 
 terea qua gratia, quibus amiciuis fultuml' nominat quendam, 
 qui tunc ad orientem amplissimum et famosissimum exer- 
 citum non sine magnis dubiisque rumoribus obtinebat. Ad 
 haec ego ' omnia praecepi atque animo mecum ante peregi, 60 
 nee recuso, si ita casus attulerit, lucre poenas ob honest- 
 issimum factum, dum flagitiosissimum ulciscor,' lam 
 censendi tempus. Dicit Domitius Apollinaris, consul de- 
 signatus, dicit Fabricius Veiento, Fabius Maximinus, Vettius 
 Proculus, coUega Publici Certi, de quo agebatur, uxoris 65 
 meae, quam amiseram, vitricus, post hos Ammius Flaccus. 
 Omnes Certum nondum a me nominatum ut nominatum 
 defendunt crimenque quasi in medio relictum defensione 
 suscipiunt. Quae praeterea dixerint, non est necesse nar- 
 rare ; in libris habes. Sum enim cuncta ipsorum verbis 7° 
 persecutus. Dicunt contra Avidius Quietus, Cornutus 
 Tertullus : Quietus, iniquissimum esse querellas dolentium 
 excludi, ideoque Arriae et Fanniae ius querendi non aufer- 
 endum, nee interesse, cuius ordinis quis sit, sed quam 
 causam habeat : Cornutus, datum se a consulibus tutorem 75 
 Helvidi filiae petentibus matre eius et vitrico ; nunc quoque 
 non sustinere deserere officii sui partes, in quo tamen et suo 
 dolori modum inponere et optimarum feminarum perferre
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 11^ 
 
 modestissimum adfectum, quas contentas esse admonere 
 
 80 senatum Public! Certi cruentae adulationis et petere, si 
 poena flagitii manifestissimi remittatur, nota certe quasi 
 censoria inuratur. Turn Satrius Rufus medio ambiguoque 
 sermone ' puto ' inquit ' iniuriam factam Publicio Certo, 
 si non absolvitur : nominatus est ab amicis Arriae et 
 
 85 Fanniae, nominatus ab amicis suis. Nee debemus solliciti 
 esse: iidem enim nos, qui bene sentimus de homine, et 
 iudicaturi sumus : si innocens est, sicut et spero et malo 
 et, donee aliquid probetur, credo, poteritis absolvere.' Haec 
 illi, quo quisque ordine citabantur. Venitur ad me : con- 
 
 90 surgo, utor initio quod in libro est, respondeo singulis. 
 jMirum qua intentione, quibus clamoribus omnia exceperint 
 qui modo reclamabant : tanta conversio vel negotii digni- 
 tatem vel provcntum orationis vel actoris constantiam 
 subsecuta est. Finio : incipit respondere Veiento : nemo 
 
 95 patitur : obturbatur, obstrepitur, adeo quidem ut diceret 
 'rogo, patres conscripti, ne me cogatis inplorare auxilium 
 tribunorum.' Et statim INIurena tribunus ' permitto tibi, 
 vir clarissime Veiento, dicere.' Tunc quoque reclamatur. 
 Inter moras consul citatis nominibus et peracta discessione 
 ICO mittit senatum ac paene adhuc stantem temptantemque 
 dicere Veientonem reliquit. Multum ille de hac (ita vocabat) 
 contumelia questus est Homerico versu 
 
 2> yepov, 7 fiaka 8f] ere vioi reljiovcri fiaxrjrai. 
 
 Non fere quisquam in senatu fuit, qui non me com- 
 105 plecteretur, exoscularetur certatimque laude cumularet, quod 
 intermissum iam diu morem in publicum consulcndi susccptis 
 propriis simultatibus reduxissem, quod denique senatum 
 invidia liberassem, qua flagrabat apud ordines alios, quod 
 severus in ceteros senatoribus solis dissimulatione quasi 
 110 mutua parceret. Ilacc acta sunt absente Certo: fuit enim 
 scu tale aliquid suspicalus sive, ut excusabatur, infirmus. 
 Et relationem quidem de co Caesar ad senatum non 
 
 1
 
 114 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 remisit ; obtinui tamen quod intenderam. Nam collega 
 Certi consulatum, successorem Certus accepit, planeque 
 factum est quod dixeram in fine, ' reddat praemium sub "5 
 Optimo principe, quod a pessimo accepit.' Postea actionem 
 mcam, utcumque potui, recollegi, addidi multa. Accidit 
 fortuitum, sed non tamquam fortuilum, quod cdilis libris 
 Certus intra paucissimos dies inplicitus morbo decessit. 
 Audivi referentes hanc imaginem menti eius, banc oculis 120 
 oberrasse, tamquam videret me sibi cum ferro imminere. 
 Verane haec adfirmare non ausim ; interest tamen exempli 
 ut vera videantur. Habes epistulam, si modum epistulae 
 cogites, libris quos legisti non minorem ; sed inputabis 
 tibi, qui contentus libris non fuisti. Vale. 125 
 
 78. (BOOK 9. 15.) 
 
 Pliny has sought leisure in the country, but does not find much satis- 
 faction there either in his studies or in the duties of a country 
 gentleman. 
 
 C. PLINIUS FALCONI SUO S. 
 
 Refugeram in Tuscos, ut omnia ad arbitrium meum 
 facerem. At hoc ne in Tuscis quidem : tam multis undique 
 rusticorum libellis et tam querulis inquietor, quos aliquanto 
 magis invitus quam meos lego; nam et meos invitus. Re- 
 tracto enim actiunculas quasdam, quod post intercapedinem 5 
 temporis et frigidum et acerbum est. Rationes quasi absente 
 me negleguntur. Interdum tamen equum conscendo et 
 patrem familiae hactenus ago, quod aliquam partem prae- 
 diorum, sed pro gestatione percurro. Tu consuetudinem 
 serva nobisque sic rusticis urbana acta perscribe. Vale. 10
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. I15 
 
 79. (BOOK 9. 2 1.) 
 
 Pliny begs a pardon from Sabinianus for a freedman of the latter 
 who had offended him. 
 
 C. PLINIUS SABIXIAXO SUO S. 
 
 Libertus tuus, cui suscensere te dixeras, venit ad me ad- 
 volutusque pedibus meis tamquam tuis haesit. Flevit 
 raultum, multum rogavit, multum etiam tacuit, in summa 
 fecit mihi fidem paeniteniiae. Vere credo emendatum, 
 5 quia deliquisse se sentit. Irasceris, scio, et irasceris merito, 
 id quoque scio : sed tunc praecipua mansuetudinis laus, 
 cum irae causa iustissima est. Amasli hominem et, spero, 
 amabis : interim sufficit ut exorari te sinas. Licebit rursus 
 irasci, si meruerit, quod exoratus excusatius facies. Remitte 
 
 10 aliquid adulescentiae ipsius, remitte lacrimis, remitte in- 
 dulgentiae tuae : ne torseris ilium, ne torseris etiam te. 
 Torqueris enim, cum tam lenis irasceris. Vereor ne videar 
 non rogare, sed cogere, si precibus eius meas iunxero. 
 lungam tamen tanto plenius et effusius, quanto ipsum acrius 
 
 15 severiusque corripui destricte minatus numquam me postea 
 rogaturum. Hoc illi, quern terreri oportebat, tibi non idem. 
 Nam fortasse iterum rogabo, impetrabo iterum: sit mode 
 tale ut rogare me, ut praestare te deceat. Vale. 
 
 80. (BOOK 9. 23.) 
 
 Pliny, hearing that his name is coupled with that of Tacitus, and also 
 known on its own merits, is delighted with these assurances that his 
 literary fame is fairly established. 
 
 C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S. 
 
 Frequenter agenti mihi evcnit ut cenlumviri, cum diu se 
 intra iudicum auctoritatem gravitatemque tenuissent, omnes 
 repente quasi victi coactique consurgcrent laudarentque ; 
 frequenter e senatu famam, qualem maxime optaveram, 
 
 I 2
 
 Il6 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 reituli : numquam tamen maiorem cepi voluptatem, quam 5 
 nuper ex sermone Cornell Taciti. Narrabat sedisse secum 
 circensibus proximis equitem Romanum : hunc post varios 
 eruditosque scrmones requisisse ' Ilalicus cs an provincialis?': 
 so respondisse ' nosti me, et quidcm ex studiis': ad hoc 
 ilium 'Tacitus es an Plinius?'. Exprimcre non possum, 10 
 quam sit iucundum mihi, quod nomina nostra quasi littera- 
 rum propria, non hominum, litteris reddunlur, quod uterque 
 nostrum his etiam ex studiis notus, quibus aliter ignotus est. 
 Accidit aliud ante pauculos dies simile. Recumbebat 
 mecum vir egregius, Fadius Rufinus, super eum municeps 15 
 ipsius, qui illo die primum venerat in urbem ; cui Rufinus 
 demonstrans me ' vides hunc.?' Multa deinde de studiis 
 nostris. Et ille 'Plinius est' inquit. Verum fatebor, 
 capio magnum laboris mei fructum. An, si Demosthenes 
 iure laetatus est, quod ilium anus Attica ita noscitavit, 20 
 otto's fan Arjuocrdtvrjs, ego celebritate nominis mei gaudere 
 non debeo? Ego vero et gaudeo et gaudere me dico. 
 Neque enim vcreor ne iactantior videar, cum de me aliorum 
 indicium, non mcum profero, pracsertim apud te, qui nee 
 uUius invides laudibus et faves nostris. Vale. 25 
 
 81. (BOOK 9. 33.) 
 
 The story of the boy and the dolphin at Hippo. 
 
 C. PLINIUS CAN'IXIO SUO S. 
 
 Incidi in materiam veram, sed simillimam fictae dignamque 
 isto lactissimo altissimo planeque poetico ingenio, incidi 
 autem, dum super cenam varia miracula hinc inde referuntur. 
 Magna auctori fides, Tametsi quid poctae cum fide? Is 
 tamen auctor, cui bene vel historiam scripturus credidisses. 5 
 Est in Africa Hipponensis colonia mari proxima: adiacet 
 navigabile stagnum : ex hoc in modum fluminis aestuarium 
 emergit, quod vice altcrna, prout aestus aut repressit aut
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C A EC 1 LI US SEC UN BUS. II7 
 
 impulit, nunc infertur mari, nunc redditur stagno. Omnis 
 
 10 hie aetas piscandi navigandi atque etiam natandi studio 
 tenetur, maxime pueri, quos otium lususque sollicitat. His 
 gloria et virtus altissime provehi : victor ille qui longissime 
 ut litus ita simul natantes reliquit. Hoc certamine puer 
 quidam audentior ceteris in ulteriora tendebat. Delphinus 
 
 15 occurrit et nunc praecedere puerum, nunc sequi, nunc cir- 
 cumire, postremo subire, deponere, iterum subire trepidan- 
 temque perferre primum in altum, mox flectit ad litus 
 redditque terrae et aequalibus. Serpit per coloniam fama: 
 concurrere omnes, ipsum puerum tamquam miraculum 
 
 20 aspicere, interrogare, audire, narrare. Postero die obsident 
 litus, prospectant mare et siquid est mari simile. Natant 
 pueri, inter hos ille, sed cautius. Delphinus rursus ad tempus, 
 rursus ad puerum. Fugit ille cum ceteris. Delphinus, 
 quasi invitet revocet, exilit mergitur variosque orbes implicat 
 
 25 expeditque. Hoc altero die, hoc tertio, hoc pluribus, donee 
 homines innutritos mari subiret timendi pudor. Accedunt 
 et adludunt et appellant, tangunt etiam pertrectantque 
 praebentem. Crescit audacia experimento. IMaxime puer 
 qui primus expertus est adnatat, insilit tergo, fertur re- 
 
 30 ferturque, agnosci se et amari putat, amat ipse : neuter 
 timet, neuter timetur : huius fiducia, mansuetudo illius 
 augelur. Nee non alii pueri dextra laevaque simul eunt 
 liortantes moncntesque. Ibat una (id quoque mirum) 
 delphinus alius, tantum spectator et comes : nihil enim 
 
 35 simile aut faciebat aut patiebatur, sed alterum ilium ducebat 
 reducebatque, ut puerum ceteri pueri. Incredibile, tam 
 verum tamcn quam priora, delphinum gestatorem collu- 
 soremque pucrorum in terram quoque exlrahi solilum 
 harenisque siccatum, ubi incaluisset, in mare revolvi. Con- 
 
 40 Stat Octavium Avilum, Icgatum proconsulis, in lilus cducto 
 religione prava superfudisse unguentum, cuius ilium novi- 
 tatem odorcmque in alium refugisse nee nisi post multo
 
 1 I S A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 dies visum languidum et macstum, mox redditis viribus 
 priorem lasciviam ct solita ministeria repetisse. Confluebant 
 omnes ad spectaculum niagistratus, quorum adventu et 45 
 mora modica res publica novis sumptibus atlerebatur. 
 Postremo locus ipse quietem suam secretumque perdebat. 
 Placuit occulte interfici ad quod coibatur. Haec tu qua 
 miseratione, qua copia deflebis, ornabis, altolles ! quamquam 
 non est opus adfingas aliquid aut adstruas : sufficit ne ea 5° 
 quae sunt vera minuantur. Vale. 
 
 82. (BOOK 9. 36.) 
 
 How Pliny spends his" day in his Tuscan villa. 
 C. PLINIUS FUSCO sue S. 
 
 Quaeris quern ad modum in Tuscis diem aestate disponam. 
 Evigilo cum libuit, plerumque circa horam primam, saepe 
 ante, tardius raro ; clausae fenestrae manent. Mire enim 
 silentio et tenebris ab iis quae avocant abductus et liber ct 
 mihi relictus non oculos animo, sed animum oculis sequor, 5 
 qui eadem quae mens vident, quotiens non vident alia. 
 Cogito, siquid in manibus, cogito ad verbum scribenti emen- 
 dantique similis, nunc pauciora nunc plura, ut vel difficile 
 vcl facile componi tenerive potuenint. Notarium voce et die 
 admisso quae formaveram dicto : abit rursusque revocatur 10 
 rursusque dimittitur. Ubi hora quarta vel quinta (neque 
 enim certum dimensumque tempus), ut dies suasit, in xystum 
 me vel cryptoporticum confero, reliqua meditor et dicto. 
 Vehiculum ascendo : ibi quoque idem quod ambulans aut 
 iacens : durat intentio mutatione ipsa refecta. Paulum 15 
 redormio, doin ambulo, mox orationem graecam latinamve 
 clare et intente non tam vocis causa quam stomachi lego ; 
 pariter tamen et ilia firmatur. Iterum ambulo, ungor, 
 exerceor, lavor. Ccnanli mihi, si cum uxore vcl paucis,
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDVS. II 9 
 
 20 liber legitur : post cenam comoedus aut lyristes : mox cum 
 meis ambulo, quorum in numero sunt eruditi. Ita variis 
 sermonibus vespera extendilur et quamquam longissimus 
 dies cite conditur, Non numquam ex hoc ordine aliqua 
 mutantur. Nam si diu iacui vel ambulavi, post somnum 
 
 25 demum lectionemque non vehiculo, sed quod brevius, quia 
 velocius, equo gestor. Interveniunt amici ex proximis op- 
 pidis partemque diei ad se trahunt interdumque lasso mihi 
 opportuna interpellatione subveniunt. Venor aliquando, sed 
 non sine pugillaribus, ut, quamvis nihil ceperim, non nihil 
 
 30 referam. Dalur et colonis, ut videtur ipsis, non satis 
 temporis, quorum mihi agrestes querellae Htteras nostras 
 et haec urbana opera commendant. Vale. 
 
 83. (BOOK 9. 37.) 
 
 Pliny excuses himself from being present at Paulinus' inauguration as 
 consul, as he is engaged in rearranging the terms of tenancy on his 
 estates. 
 
 C. PLINIUS PAULINO SUO S. 
 
 Nec tuae naturae est tran&laticia haec et quasi publica 
 officia a familiaribus amicis contra ipsorum commodum 
 exigere, et ego te constantius amo, quam ut verear ne aliter 
 ac velim accipias, nisi te kalendis statim consulem videro, 
 5 praesertim cum me neccssitas locandorum pracdiorum plurcs 
 annos ordinatura detincat, in qua mihi nova consilia sumcnda 
 sunt. Nam priore lustro, quamquam post magnas remis- 
 siones, rcliqua creverunt : inde plerisque nulla iam cura 
 minuendi aeris alicni, quod desperant posse persolvi ; rapiunt 
 
 10 etiam consumuntque quod natum est, ut qui iam putent se 
 non sibi parccre. Occurrendum ergo augcsccntibus vitiis 
 et medendum est. IMcdendi una ratio, si non nummo, sed 
 parlibus, locem ac deinde ex meis aliquos opcris exactores 
 cuslodes fructibus ponam. Vx alioqui nullum iustius genus 
 
 15 reditus, quam quod terra caelum annus rcfert. At hoc
 
 120 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 magnam fulcm, acres oculos, numerosas manus poscit. 
 Experiendum tamen et quasi in veleri morbo quaelibet 
 mutationis auxilia temptanda sunt. Vidcs quam non delicata 
 me causa obire primum consulatus tui diem non sinat ; quern 
 tamen hie quoque ut praesens volis gaudio gralulatione 20 
 celebrabo. Vale. 
 
 84. (BOOK 9. 39.) 
 
 riiny gives his architect a commission to rebuild a temple of Ceres on 
 one of his estates, and to add porticoes near it. 
 
 C. PLINIUS MUSTIO SUO S. 
 
 Haruspicum monitu reficienda est mihi aedes Cereris in 
 praediis in melius et in maius, vetus sane et angusta, cum 
 sit alioqui stato die frequentissima. Nam idibus Septem- 
 bribus magnus e regione tota coit populus, multae res 
 aguntur, multa vota suscipiuntur, multa redduntur. Sed 5 
 nullum in proximo sulTugium aut imbris aut solis. Videor 
 ergo munifice simul rcligioseque facturus, si aedem quam 
 pulchcrrimam extruxero, addidero porticus aedi, illam ad 
 usum deae, has ad hominum. Velim ergo emas quattuor 
 marmoreas columnas, cuius tibi videbitur generis, emas 10 
 marmora, quibus solum, quibus parietes excolantur. Erit 
 etiam vel faciendum vel emendum ipsius deae signum, quia 
 antiquum illud e ligno quibusdam sui partibus vctustate 
 truncatum est. Quantum ad porticus, nihil interim occurrit, 
 quod videatur istinc esse repetendum; nisi tamen ut formam 15 
 secundum rationem loci scribas. Neque enim possunt 
 circumdari templo : nam solum templi hinc flumine et 
 abruptissimis ripis, hinc via cingitur. Est ultra viam latis- 
 simum pratum, in quo satis apte contra templum ipsum 
 porticus explicabuntur ; nisi quid tu melius inveneris, qui 20 
 soles locorum difficultates arte superare. Vale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 121 
 
 85. (TRAI. I.) 
 
 Pliny congratulates Trajan on his succession to the empire. 
 C. PLIXIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI. 
 
 Tua quidem pietas, imperator sanctissime, optaverat ut 
 quam tardissime succederes patri. Sed di immortales festi- 
 naverunt virtutes tuas ad gubernacula rei publicae, quam 
 susceperas, admovere. Precor ergo ut tibi et per te generi 
 5 humano prospera omnia, id est digna saeculo tuo, contin- 
 gant. Fortem te et hilarem, imperator optima, et privatim 
 et publice opto. 
 
 86. (TRAI. 2.) 
 
 Pliny thanks Trajan for having granted to him (although childless) 
 the rights of a father of a family. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI. 
 
 Exprimere, domine, verbis non possum quantum mihi 
 gaudium attuleris, quod me dignum putasti iure trium liber- 
 orura. Quamvis enim luli Servian!, optimi viri tuique 
 amantissimi, precibus indulseris, tamen etiam ex rescripto 
 
 5 iniellego libentius hoc ei te praestitisse, quia pro me 
 rogabat. Videor ergo summam voti mei consecutus, cum 
 inter initia felicissimi principatus tui probaveris me ad pecu- 
 liarem indulgentiam tuam pcrtinere; eoque magis liberos 
 concupisco, quos habere etiam illo tristissimo saeculo volui, 
 
 lo sicut potes duobus matrimoniis meis credere. Sed di 
 melius, qui omnia integra bonitati tuae rescrvarunt : malu- 
 erunt hoc potius tempore me patrcm fieri, quo fulurus essem 
 et sccurus et fclix.
 
 122 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 87. (TRAI. 65.) 
 
 Pliny asks Trajan whether foundlings are to be considered the property 
 of those who have been at the expense of bringing them up. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI. 
 
 Magna, domine, ct ad totam provinciam pertinens quaeslio 
 est de condicione et alimentis eorum quos vocant 6pf7VTnvs. 
 In qua ego auditis constitutionibus principum, quia nihil 
 inveniebam aut proprium aut universale quod ad Bithynos 
 referretur, consulendum to existimavi, quid observari vcUes, 5 
 neque putavi posse me in eo quod auctoritatem tuam pos- 
 ceret exemplo esse contentum. Recitabatur autem apud me 
 edictum quod dicebatur divi Augusti ad Anniam pertinens ; 
 recitatae et eplstulae divi Vespasiani ad Lacedaemonios et 
 divi Titi ad eosdem [Achaeos] et Domitiani ad Avidium 10 
 Nigrinum et Armenium Brocchum proconsules, item ad 
 Lacedaemonios. Quae ideo tibi non misi, quia et parum 
 emendata et quaedam non certae fidei videbantur, et quia 
 vera et emendata in scriniis tuis esse credebam. 
 
 88. (TRAI. 66.) 
 
 Trajan can find no general rescript of his predecessors on the subject 
 of the foregoing letter ; but himself decides in favour of the children's 
 freedom. 
 
 TRAIANUS PLINIO. 
 
 Quaestio ista quae pertinet ad eos qui liberi nati expositi, 
 deinde sublati a quibusdam et in servitute educati sunt saepe 
 tractata est, nee quicquam invenitur in commentariis eorum 
 principum qui ante me fuerunt, quod ad omnes provincias 
 sit constitutum. Epistulae sane sunt Domitiani ad Avidium 5 
 Nigrinum et Armenium Brocchum, quae fortasse debeant 
 observari, sed inter eas provincias de quibus rescripsit inter-
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIVS CAECILIUS SECU^'DUS. 123 
 
 missa est Bithynia. Et ideo nee adserlionem denegandam iis 
 qui ex eius modi causa in libertatem vindicabuntur puto 
 10 neque ipsam libertatem redimendam pretio alimentorum. 
 
 89. (TRAI. 74.) 
 
 Pliny sends to Trajan one Callidromus who had escaped to Eithynia 
 after a long slavery in the court of Paithia, 
 
 C. PLINIUS TRAIAXO IMPERATORI. ' 
 
 Appuleius, domine, miles, qui est in statione Nicomedensi, 
 scripsit mihi quendam nomine Callidromum, cum detineretur 
 a Maximo et Dionysio pistoribus, quibus operas suas loca- 
 verat, confugisse ad tuam statuam perductumque ad magis- 
 
 5 tratus indicasse servisse aliquando Laberio INIaximo captum- 
 que a Susago in Moesia et a Decibalo muneri missum 
 Pacoro, Parthiae regi, pluribusque annis in ministerio eius 
 fuisse, deinde fugisse atque ita in Nicomediam pervenissc. 
 Quern ego perductum ad me, cum eadem narrasset, mitten- 
 
 10 dum ad te putavi; quod paulo tardius feci, dum requiro 
 gemmam, quam sibi habentem imaginem Pacori et quibus 
 ornatus fuisset subtractam indicabat. Volui enim banc quo- 
 que, si inveniri potuisset, simul mittere, sicut glebulam misi, 
 quam se ex Parthico metallo attulisse diccbat. Signata 
 
 15 est anulo meo, cuius est aposphragisma quadriga. 
 
 00. (TRAI. 96.) 
 
 Pliny asks how he ought to deal with the Christians, describes the 
 method which he has hitherto followed, relates what he has been able to 
 learn of their life and obser\ances, and adds that, though the evil has 
 spread rapidly, it may be, and is being, checked. 
 
 C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI. 
 
 Sollcmne est mihi, domine, omnia de quibus dubito ad te 
 referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem mcam
 
 i::4 A SELECTION FROM THE 
 
 regere vel ignorantiam instruere ? Cognitionibus de Christi- 
 anis interfui numquam : ideo nescio quid et quatenus aut 
 puniri solcat aut quaeri. Nee mcdiocriter haesitavi, sitne 5 
 aliquod discrimen aetatum, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robus- 
 tioiibus difTcrant ; deiur paenitentiae venia, an ei qui omnino 
 Cliristianus fuit desisse non prosit ; nomen ipsum, si flagitiis 
 careat, an flagitia cohaerenlia nomini puniantur. Interim in 
 iis qui ad me tamquam Christiani deferebantur hunc sum lo 
 seculus modum. Interrogavi ipsos an assent Christiani : con- 
 fitentes iteruni ac tertio interrogavi supplicium minatus : per- 
 severantes duci iussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecumque 
 csset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obsti- 
 nationem debere puniri. Fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos, 15 
 quia civcs Romani erant, adnotavi in urbem remittendos. 
 ]\Iox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet, diffundente se crimine 
 plures species inciderunt. Propositus est libellus sine auc- 
 tore multorum nomina continens. Qui negabant esse se 
 Christianos aut fuisse, cum praeeunte me deos appellarent et 20 
 imagini tuae, quam propter hoc iusseram cum simulacris 
 numinum adferri, ture ac vino supplicarent, praeterea male 
 dicerent Christo, quorum nihil posse cogi dicuntur qui sunt 
 re vera Christiani, dimittendos esse putavi. Alii ab indice 
 nominati esse se Christianos dixerunt et mox negaverunt ; 25 
 fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante triennium, quidam 
 ante plures annos, non nemo etiam ante viginti. Hi quoque 
 omnes et imaginem tuam deorumque simulacra venerati sunt 
 et Christo male dixerunt. Adfirmabant autem banc fuisse 
 summam vel culpae suae vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato 30 
 die ante lucem convenire carmenque Christo quasi deo 
 dicere secum invicem seque Sacramento non in scelus ali- 
 quod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adultcria 
 committerent, ne fidcm fallerent, ne depositum appellati ab- 
 negarent : quibus pcractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse, rur- 35 
 susque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen et
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS. 125 
 
 innoxium ; quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum, 
 quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse vetueram. Quo 
 magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae 
 
 40 dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Nihil 
 aliud inveni quam superstitionem pravam immodicam. Ideo 
 dilata cognitione ad consulendum te decucurri. Visa est 
 enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime propter peri- 
 clitantium numerum. INIulti enim omnis aetatis, omnis 
 
 45 ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum et 
 vocabuntur. Neque civitates tantum sed vicos etiam atque 
 agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est; quae 
 videlur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat prope iani 
 desolata templa coepisse celebrari et sacra sollemnia diu 
 
 50 intermissa repeti pastumque venire victimarum, cuius adhuc 
 rarissimus emptor inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari, 
 quae turba hominum emendari possit, si sit paenitentiae 
 locus. 
 
 91. (TRAI. 97.) 
 
 Trajan approves of Pliny's conduct. The Christians are to be pun- 
 ished if convicted, but they are not to be sought for, they are to be 
 pardoned if they sacrifice, and no anonymous charge against them is to 
 be admitted. 
 
 TRAIANUS PLINIO. 
 
 Actum quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis 
 eorum qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant secutus es. Neque 
 enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formam habeat 
 constitui potest. Conquirendi non sunt: si deferantur et argu- 
 
 5 antur, puniendi sunt, ita tamcn ut qui negaverit se Christia- 
 num esse idcjue re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est supplicando 
 dis nostris, quamvis suspcctus in praeteritum, vcniam ex 
 paenitentia impetrct. Sine auctore vero propositi libelli m 
 nullo crimine locum habere debent. Nam et pcssimi excm- 
 
 10 pli nee nostri saeculi est.
 
 €lareni)0ii Jress Strics 
 
 SELECTED LETTERS 
 
 OF 
 
 PLINY 
 
 WITH NOTES FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS 
 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 CONSTANTINE E. PRICHARD, M.A. 
 
 Formerly Feilow of Balliol CotUgc 
 AND 
 
 EDWARD R. BERNARD, M.A. 
 
 Formerly Feliow of Magdalen College 
 
 NE W EDITION 
 PABT II. — NOTES, &c. 
 
 AT TIIK CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 M DCCC XCVI 
 
 \^All rights reserved 1
 
 £on&on 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford University Press Warehouse 
 Amen Corner, E.C. 
 
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 MACMILLAN & CO., 66 FIFTH AVENUE
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Ep. 2. — Some editors think that the book which Pliny alludes to in this 
 letter is a copy of a speech which he made before the Centumviri, the court 
 in which he pleaded in behalf of Attia Viriola who claimed to inherit her 
 father's property. He mentions this speech in Ep. 62 'Dedimus vela 
 indignationi, dedimus irae, dedimus dolori : et in ampHssima, causa, quasi 
 magno mari, pluribus ventis sumus vecti.' His friends, he says, considered 
 this to hold the chief place among his speeches, as the De Corona among 
 those of Demosthenes. Unfortunately, except the Panegyric on Trajan, we 
 have no specimen of Pliny's orations. 
 
 4. Eodem JriXtj), 'with so strong an emulation,' i.e. of Demosthenes. 
 
 5. Demosthenen semper tuum, CalvTim nuper meum ; ' Demos- 
 thenes who has always been your model, Calvus whom I have lately taken 
 as mine.' 
 
 C. Licinius Macer CaU'us is mentioned by Cicero (who was twenty-four 
 years older) as a young orator who would have been eminent for eloquence if 
 he had lived, but he died in his thirty-fifth or thirty-sixth year. Cicero thought 
 his style exact and polished, but wanting in force, and fitted for a learned 
 audience, not for the multitude. Pliny would hardly have joined him with 
 Demosthenes if he had agreed with this estimate ; and Qnintilian speaks of 
 it as appearing to many too unfavourable, since Calvus could be forcible as 
 well as elegant ; * est et sancta et gravis oratio, et castigata, et frequenter 
 vehemens quoque* Quintil. Inst. Orat. 10. I. Cic. de Claris Orator. 81 ; 
 Fam. 15. 21. Smith's Biog. Diet. 
 
 6. Dxuntaxat figiiris orationis ; ' at least in the rhetorical forms of the 
 speech.' ' Figurae' are not merely what we call figures of speech, metaphors, 
 or ornaments, but include also the forms in which the sentences were cast, 
 and even their arrangement; answering partly to Aristotle's axvi^aTa rrjs 
 \i(tojs, Poet. 19. 7, Rhet. 3. 8, i ; or more properly to his At'fis, Rhet. 
 2. 9. Repetition of words, exclamations, questions, apostrophes, examples, 
 in fact all methods of enforcing the subject and moving the hearer, are 
 spoken of as 'figurae' by Quintilian and Cicero. Demosthenes is particularly 
 powerful in the use of such turns of expression. Qiiintil. Inst. Orat. 9. i. 
 Cic. de Orat. 3. 52 and 53. 
 
 7. Aequu.s, sc. ' Jupiter.' Virg. Aen. 6. i 29. 
 
 9. In contentione dicendi, 'in a vehement style of address.' 'Contentio 
 icrnionis' is opposed to ' lenitas.' ' Tu iamdiu multo dicis remissius et leniu* 
 
 A 2 Z
 
 NOTES. 
 
 quani solcbas ; ncque minus hacc tanien tua gravissimi sermonis lenitas, 
 quaiu ilia summa vis et contentio probatur' Cic. de Or. i. 60. ' Con- 
 tentiosa oratic,' Bk. 2. ig, is didcreiit, and means a contentious speech. 
 
 12. Xi]Kv6ovj, lit. flasks for oil or artists' colours. Hence X-qKvOoi and 
 the Latin equivalent 'ampullae' were used for rhetorical ornaments and 
 exaggerations which writers and speakers employed to deck their language. 
 Cp. Cic. Att. I. 14, and Hor. Ep. 6. 3, 14. Pliny calls these ornaments 
 Marci nostri XtjkijGovs because Cicero in the passage quoted had confessed 
 to their use. 
 
 14. M"ec est quod putes. Arrianus is not however to think that, because 
 he makes this stipulation in favour of ornament, he therefore wants 'venia* 
 instead of * emendatio.' 
 
 15. Quo magis intendam limam tuam, ' that I may urge you to more 
 searching criticism ;' lit. ' that I may give more force to your file.' ' Lima ' 
 is a common metaphor for care in polishing verse or prose. Martial 
 (speaking of Pliny's criticism on his book) says, 
 
 ' Quem censoria cum meo Severo 
 Docti lima momorderit Secundi' Mart. 5. 80. 
 
 17. Fortasse errori nostro, 'what is perhaps my folly,' namely his in- 
 tention to publish. 
 
 18. Album calculum adiicere, 'to approve.' Cp. 
 
 ' Mos erat antiquis niveis atrisque lapillis, 
 His damnare reos, illis absolvere ciilpae' 
 
 Ov. Met. 15. 41. 
 I Ep. 3. I. Suburbanum, sc. ' rus vel praedium.' 
 
 3. Euripus. This name, specially applied to the strait between Euboea 
 and Bocotia, was used both in Greek and Latin of any narrow canal or conduit, 
 though Cicero implies that in his time this use was thought grandiloquent. 
 •Ductus vero aquarum, quos isti nilos et euripos vocant' Cic. Leg. 2. I. 
 
 4. Serviens lacus. ' Serviens' carries out the metaphor of subiectus. 
 Here it means 'yielding itself to the view,' and so serving to enhance the 
 attractions of the villa. Cp. ' Piscinam quae fenestris servit et subiacet' Bk. 
 5. 6, and 'Diversis servit sua terra fenestris' Stat. Silv. 1. 2, 75- 
 
 5. Gestatio. This was an avenue for exercise on horseback, in a 
 carriage, or in a litter. It was sometimes covered. Cp. 
 
 ' Porticus in qua 
 Gestetur dominus quotics pluit' Juv. 7- I?^' 
 
 6. Triclinia ilia popularia, ilia paucorum, 'those dining-rooms for 
 large parties, and the others for small ones.' 'Triclinium' was extended to 
 mean the room for dining in, as well as the couch for dining on. ' Popularia' 
 in this sense is justified by the similar use of 'populus' simply to express a 
 large number. Cp. ' Populo natorum . , . mcorum,' Ov. Met. 6. 198, quoted 
 by Gierig. 
 
 7. Possidentne te, sc. cubicula. He means, ' do you stay at home and 
 only move from the blue bed to the brown ?' 
 
 4
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLiyiUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 15, Exclude. So Keil for ' excude' which has no MSS. authority. The 
 expression is either borrowed from birds hatching their young (Lucr. 5. 799), 
 or = ' Claude.' Cp. 'Excludit (so. claudit) volunien Genethhacon Lucani' 
 Stat. Silv. 2. Praef. 
 
 18. Tu modo .... fueris. ' I pray you to endeavour to rate yourself at 
 that value, which others will certainly put upon you, if only first of all you 
 attain it in your own estimation.' An obscure and fancifully turned entreaty 
 that Caninius will rely on his ability to command literary success. 
 
 Ep. 4. 4. In proximo, ' close by,' ' Proximum ' governed by various 4 
 prepositions is frequent in Pliny to express proximity. Cp. Epp. 20. 38, 
 and 41. 12 
 
 5. Pugillares, so. 'tabulae.' The word 'pugillares,' a name frequently 
 given to tablets covered with wax, is derived from 'pugillus ' (handful), because 
 they were small enough to be held in the hand. 
 
 Ep. 5. I. Minim est non constet; 'it is wonderful what a 5 
 
 rational account may be given of single days spent in the city, while it cannot 
 be of a number of days together.' Cp. ' Confido laetioris stili constare rati- 
 onem' Ep. 32. 38. 
 
 10. In Laurentino meo, in his Laurentine villa, described Ep. 21. 
 
 19. Quam. multa invenitis, 'how many topics you suggest.' 
 
 Ep. 6. 3. Euphrates: see Life of Pliny, p. ix. G 
 
 15. Latitudinem, 'copiousness.' There seems to be a play on the 
 
 sound and etymology of Plato's name (TrXaros). 
 
 24. Etiam cum persuaserit. His mode of convincing is so attractive 
 
 that one wishes him to go on even after one is convinced. 
 
 31. Officio. Pliny was 'Praefectus aerarii' in the year 99, the second 
 year of Trajan, and it is to the engagements of this office that he here 
 alludes. 
 
 32. Subnoto libellos, 'I make comments on petitions.' Libellus is 
 frequently used in this sense : — 
 
 ' Bed iam supplicibus Doniinum lassare libellis 
 Desine' Mart. 8. 31. 
 
 Pliny uses it elsewhere as a writ of accusation. Ep. 68. 68. 
 
 Conficio tabulas, ' I make up (the public) accounts.' The treasury had 
 been successively under the care of praefects, then of some of the praetors, 
 and afterwards of the quaestors again, which was a return to the older 
 system of the republic. Nero chose praefects for the office in order to have 
 men of greater experience than the quaestors, who might be only twenty- 
 five years of age. 
 
 33. Inlitteratissimas litteras, ' with nothing literary about them.' 
 Cp. ' Ralioncs Icgebam invitus ct cursim, aliis cnim chartis, aliis sum litteris 
 iiiitiatus* Ep. 48. 28. 
 
 43. Invideo aliis bono: see on Ep. 18, 3. 
 
 Ep. 7. I'liny mciitioiii. Corcliius elsewhere with the highest respect and 7 
 aflection, as his adviser, friend, and guide, who had introduced him into public 
 
 5
 
 NOTES. 
 
 life, and, though much older th.in himself, had shewn the warmest interest 
 in his success. On two occasions he relates that he had recourse to him for 
 advice in important professional matters, esteeming him one of the most 
 experienced and wisest lawyers of his time. From this letter we learn that 
 Corellius survived Domitian (who was murdered Sept. 17, a.d. 96), and he 
 afterwards spoke highly of Pliny to the emperor Nerva. On his deathbed 
 he mentions Pliny to his daughter as one of the friends she could most rely 
 on, and both she and her aunt Corellia found him ready to do them kind- 
 ness. Epp. 40 and 64. 
 
 I. Si iactura dicenda est. The word ' iactura' from its application to 
 everyday losses of money, property, &c., had material associations, which to 
 Pliny's refinement made it unsuitable to use of the death of such a friend as 
 Corellius. 
 
 4. Utcumque : see on Ep. 46. 7. 
 
 12. Tot pignora, sc. filiam, uxorein, &c. In post-Augustan Latin 
 'pignora' was applied to all near relations, not merely to children, as the 
 English phrase ' pledges.' Cp. Paneg. 37. 
 
 21. Isti latroni, Domitian, whose cruelly became more atrocious in the 
 few last years of his reign. See Merivale, c. 62. 
 
 29. Fecisset quod optabat; i.e. he would have helped to kill Domitian, 
 'Si,' as here, is often omitted before a supposition. The subjunctive is used 
 here because the supposition is false or imaginary. See the distinction 
 between the sense of the indie, and subj. (when 'si' is omitted), as explained 
 by Madvig, § 442 a, Obs. 2. 
 
 39. Hispulla, possibly Calpurnia Hispulla, aunt of Pliny's wife Calpurnia 
 (Ep. 41), in which case there would have been a connection as well as a 
 close friendship between Pliny and the house of Corellius. 
 
 46. Valetudinem, ill health. 
 Superstitibus suis, abl. abs. 
 
 R4. Quae audierim nunquam, ' such as I have never heard.' The 
 subjunctive is used thus, in relative propositions, to complete the idea of 
 a certain quality. Here the adjective 'nova' partly expresses the idea ; 'quae 
 audierim' is subjoined in order to define it more precisely. Observe that in 
 the next sentence the indie, is used (quae audivi), because it is not a 
 quality or a class, but particular things that are signified. See Madvig, 
 
 § 364. 
 
 We may remark that Pliny seems to have considered it praiseworthy in 
 Corellius to escape continued suffering by suicide. The practice had become 
 quite common at this time; but it would be a mistake to think that it was 
 countenanced by the Stoics. Mr. Merivale remarks that ' we need not pass 
 too austere a judgment on the sick and aged who thus courted present relief 
 from suffering, and even made their escape from a painful existence with a 
 show of dignity and fortitude. But we must guard ourselves against con- 
 founding such ordinary mortals with the genuine patriots and sages, who 
 proved themselves generally superior to this morbid intemperance.' It was, 
 6
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 he thinks, a mere fashion, the result of satiety and weariness, or, at best, of 
 false reasoning, not of political indignation and hopelessness. See Merivale's 
 Hist. Emp. c. 62. 
 
 Ep. 8. I. Magnum proventtim poetarum, 'a great crop,' or 8 
 ' abundance, of poets.' The original use of the word is of the growth 
 of corn, fruits, or increase of animals ; 
 
 'Proventuque oneret sulcos, atque horrea vincat' 
 
 Virg. Georg. 2. 518. 
 The number of persons who employed or amused themselves with literature 
 at Rome, in the time of Pliny, is very remarkable. The Roman nobles 
 were highly educated, and the jealousy of the Emperors, depriving the 
 aristocracy of active interest in public affairs, turned their thoughts the 
 more towards literary exertion. Almost every distinguished man among 
 them wrote either prose or verse ; and as the remembrance of freedom 
 became fainter, the style of these compositions improved in a certain arti- 
 ficial polish and exactness, while they became less vigorous and daring in 
 thought. Mr. Merivale contrasts in this respect the writings of the Fla- 
 vian age (a.d. 70-96) with those of the previous generations; Hist. Emp. 
 c. 54 and c. 64. 
 
 2. Quo non recitaret aliquis. The subj. is the proper mood of 
 dependent relative clauses, (1) when a quality is to be e.xpressed, belonging 
 to the subject of the principal sentence, as 'non is es qui gloriere;' (2) 
 when it is stated that there is, or is not, something of which the relative 
 clause may be asserted, as 'nemo est orator qui se Demosthenis similem 
 esse nolit' Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. 2. Madvig, §§ 364, 365. 
 
 It was the custom of poets and historians at Rome to read their works 
 aloud to a select circle of friends in their own houses, or to larger audiences 
 in public rooms hired for the purpose. Pliny makes frequent allusions to 
 these recitations, and considered it a duty of friendship to attend them. It 
 was not so usual to recite orations, and he excuses himself on one occasion 
 for thus reading a speech which he had previously delivered, in order to 
 profit by the remarks of the hearers before publishing it. Bks. 7- '7 ^^^ 
 8. 12. Juvenal speaks bitterly of the tediousness of some of the poets (l. 
 1-13); and elsewhere of the interest felt when eminent authors, like 
 Statius, recited : 
 
 ' Curritur ad voccm iucundam et carmen amicae 
 Thebaidos, lactam fecit quuni Statius urbem' 
 
 Juv. 7. 82. 
 
 3. Proferunt se, ' bring themselves forward.' Used by Seneca of self- 
 taught men, ' quibus ex se ipsis impetus fuit, qui seipsos protulerunt' Ep. 
 52, Also by Pliny, ' materiam se proferendi' Ep. 77. 7, 'an opportunity for 
 bringing himself into notice.' And by Tacitus, ' Montanum, quia protulerit 
 ingenium extorrcm .igi' Ann. 16. 29. 
 
 Stationibus, places of public resort, for conversation or amusement 
 * Demos stationesque circumco' Bk. 2. 9. 
 
 1
 
 NOTES. 
 
 • Convictus, thermae, stationes, omne theatrum 
 De Rutilo' Juv. Ii. 4. 
 
 13. Nonianum. M. Servilius Nonianus was celebrated both as an historian 
 and an orator. When relating his death (a.d. 60), Tacitus speaks of him 
 as 'diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Ronianis Celebris et elegantia vitae' Ann. 
 14. 19. Quintilian, who had heard him, considered him a man of marked 
 genius ; but his style, though rich, was somewhat too diffuse for history : *Clari 
 vir ingenii, et sententiis creber, sed minus pressus ijuam historiae auctoritas 
 postulat' 10. I. He was consul a.d. 35, under Tiberius. 
 
 16. Quia non perdiderit. The subj. does not necessarily follow 
 'quia.' It expresses not the actual or objective cause of the complaint, but 
 the idea which was the ground of it, and is used here with a delicate irony: 
 ' they complain that they have lost a day on the ground that — they have 
 not lost it.' 
 
 20. TJt non simul et nos amet. 'Ut non' is used thus after negative 
 propositions to denote an inevitable consequence. ' There is no one who 
 loves literature, but he must also love me.' ' Ruere ilia non possunt, ut 
 haec non eodem labefacta motu concidant' Cic. pro L. Man. 7. Madvig, 
 
 § 44°- 3- 
 
 24. Won auditor .... creditor, 'to have been there not to listen but 
 
 to put them under an obligation.' Pliny shows more delicacy than Juvenal, 
 
 who wants an equivalent for his attendance : ' Nunquamne reponam' Juv. 1. 1. 
 
 9 Ep. 9. Junius Mauricus, to whom this letter is addressed, was (like his 
 
 brother Arulenus Rusticus) a man of courage and independence of character. 
 
 He was one of the set of good men banished by Domitian at the close of his 
 
 reign, when his brother Rusticus was put to death. Even towards Vespasian 
 
 he had shown his boldness, in requesting that the emperor's journals might 
 
 be inspected in order to bring the informers to justice. He returned from 
 
 banishment in the reign of Nerva, and used similar freedom towards him. 
 
 ' Quo viro nihil firmius, nihil verius' is Pliny's description of him (Ep. 42. 9). 
 
 This letter and another (Ep. 22), answering an enquiry made by Mauricus 
 
 for a tutor for his brother's orphan children, show the care with which 
 
 he attended to their interests. 
 
 8. Aruleno Rustico. Rusticus is mentioned by Tacitus in his account 
 of the murder of Thrasea by Nero, as then an ardent young man who would 
 have interposed his veto, as tribune, on the decree of the senate condemning 
 Thrasea, unless the latter had forbidden him, as it would only have led to 
 his own destruction. In the civil wars that followed Nero's death, Rusticus 
 was praetor when Vespasian's forces advanced on Rome, and being sent by 
 Vitellius to offer them conditions of peace, was wounded and nearly killed. 
 With others of the best men in Rome he was put to death by Domitian, for 
 writing in praise of Thrasea. For a general view of the sufferings of Pliny's 
 friends see on Ep. 28. 
 
 1 2. A vobis, the brothers above mentioned, Junius Mauricus and Arulenus 
 Rusticus. 
 8
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 13. Brixia, Brescia, eighteen miles west of the Lago di Garda (Benacus). 
 Nostra Italia, sc. ' Italia transpadana,' Pliuy's native country. Cp. 
 ' Veronensibus nostris' 6. 34. 
 
 16. Equestris ordinis princeps, 'a chief man of the equestrian order.' 
 It does not appear to denote an office. The term 'princeps iuventutis' was 
 different, and was given at this time to princes of the emperor's family 
 Tac. Ann. i. 3. 
 
 Adlectus. The word was used technically of persons chosen to fill up 
 vacant places in the senate or other orders. 
 
 17. Praetorios, 'men of the rank of praetor;' not necessarily who had 
 held the office of praetor. The ornaments and rank of praetor, sometimes 
 of consul or of quaestor, were granted occasionally as honorary distinctions. 
 Such distinctions gave the right of a seat in the senate. Cp. ' ornamenta 
 praetoria' Bk. 7. 29. Tac. Ann. 12. 21. 
 
 18. Huic nostras . . . dignitati, ' this (shall I call it parade or) dignity of 
 mine:' namely, that of senator. Pliny was unwilling to own to himself 
 how little of its ancient power the senate now retained, and threw himself 
 into his duties as heartily as if the republic still existed. The senate had 
 been thinned bj' the cruelties of Nero, and by the civil wars that followed. 
 Vespasian, after the example of Augustus and Claudius, caused an enquiry to 
 be made into the fortunes and characters of the senators, degrading some 
 and appointing others, and he extended this measure also to the knights. 
 Many of his new senators were provincials, a class of men who had been 
 first admitted by Julius Caesar. Such persons resided at Rome, and were 
 not usually allowed to return home without express leave. Such measures 
 were exceedingly useful, both in interesting the provinces in the affairs of 
 government, and in infusing new blood into the senate, since the provincial 
 senators were men of simpler habits than the Roman nobles. Tac. Ann. 
 3. 55 ; II. 25. Suet. Vesp. 11. 
 
 20. Municipio Patavino, 'the free town of Padua,' best known as 
 Livy's birthplace. Pliny's remarks on the character of the inhabitants of 
 North Italy is interesting, as from his writings hfr appears himself to have 
 retained many of the pure and simple tastes which marked his countrymen. 
 
 Ijoci mores, exemplified by the noble Thrasea Paetus, also a native of 
 Padua. T.'icitus calls him 'virtus ipsa' Ann. 16. 21. 
 
 27. lam pro se, &c. * lam' is the emphatic word. He already holds a 
 distinguished position, and will give you no trouble in assisting him to 
 obtain office. 
 
 31. Nescio an adiiciam, ' I think I may add.' See Madvig, § 453. 
 
 32. Cum imaginor, 'when I picture to myself.' The word is used 
 several times by Pliny, but is not common in earlier writers. Epp. 18. 19 
 and 54. 1 1. 
 
 35. Census. For admission both to the equestrian and senatorian rank 
 a certain fortune was necessary. For the knights it was 400 sestertia, for the 
 senators it was fixed by Augustus at 1200 sestertia, i.e. 1200,000 sestertii. 
 
 y
 
 NOTES. 
 
 *Si quadringentis sex scptem millia desunt 
 Plebs eris' Hor. Ep. i. i. 58. 
 
 37. His, sc. posteris. 
 
 38. Condicionibus, alliance in marriage. Cp. ' Inter altissimas con- 
 diciones' Ep. 6. 28. 
 
 Hie quoque ponendus est calculus, ' this too must be taken into 
 account ; ' literally, ' this counter must be placed.' ' Parem calcuiuni 
 ponere,' ' to pay an equivalent' Ep. 45. i. ' Omnes, quos ego movi, calculos 
 pone' Bk. 2. 19, 'take into account every argument that I have suggested." 
 43. Onerare, ' to overload.' 
 
 10 Ep. 10. I. Promittis; understand 'te venturum esse.' The ellipsis is 
 not unusual. 'Ad cenam alio promisi foras' Plant. Stich. 4. 2. 16. 'Ad 
 cenam mihi promitte' Phaedr. 4. 24. 15. 
 
 4. Nam lianc quoque ferculo, 'you will have to reckon in your 
 
 account this too (nivem), which melted in the dish.' 
 
 5. Betacei. Properly an adjective, but used, like 'malvaceus' from 
 ' malva,' as a diminutive substantive for ' beta.' Perhaps agreeing with 
 'pedes' understood : 'beet-root.' 
 
 6. Bulbi, edible roots (as onions and others); it is uncertain of what 
 exact kind. 
 
 Audisses comoedos vel lectorem. Such amusements at meals were 
 common among the Romans, and with Pliny himself. ' Cenanti mihi, 
 si cum uxore vel paucis, liber legitur : post cenam comoedus aut lyristes' 
 Ep. 82. 19. 
 
 ' Ecce inter pocula quaerunt 
 Romulidae saturi quid dia poemata narrent' Pers, I. 30. 
 But see on Ep. 24. 36. 
 
 8. Gaditanas, ' dancers from Cadiz.' 
 13. Incautius, 'with less constraint.' 
 
 Mihi semper excusa, ' don't come near me again.* 
 
 11 Ep. 11. Eruciu5, to whom this letter is addressed, is probably Sextus 
 Erucius Clarus, of whom Pliny speaks in the highest terms in Bk. 2. 9. The 
 family of the Clari at this time were eminent not only in rank, but also for 
 virtue and talents. The uncle of Sextus was Septicius, to whom Pliny 
 dedicates his letters (l. l), 'the most truthful, single-minded, candid, 
 faithful of men ;' and Marcius the father of Sextus was a man of uprightness 
 and ability ; Bk. 2. 9. Sextus himself, for whom Pliny obtained from Trajan 
 the ' latus clavus,' giving him admission into the senate, was praefect of the 
 city and twice consul: he was remarkable for his devotion to ancient 
 literature. A. Gellius, 6. 6 ; 13. 17, quoted in Smith's Diet. Biog. This 
 accomplished family formed part of that circle of literary friends in 
 which Pliny lived : they seem moreover to have been generally men of 
 high character in public and private. 
 
 1. Hunc dico nostrum, 'I mean my friend Pompeius ;' perhaps inserted 
 because there were others of the same name. Nothing more is known of 
 10
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 the works of Saturninus than may be gathered from this letter, but there are 
 epistles addressed to him, Bk. 5. 21 ; 7. 7 and 15 ; 9. 38. 
 
 5. Sive meditata sive subita proferret, ' whether he spoke from 
 preparation or extempore.' 
 
 6. Aptae crebraeque sententiae. 'Sententia' had a technical meaning 
 in writers upon style, and is defined by the author of the treatise 'ad 
 Herennium' (c. 2) as ' Oratio sumpta de vita, quae aut quid sit, aut quid 
 esse oporteat in vita, breviter ostendit,' hence the phrase 'maxima senten- 
 tiarum,' 'a maxim.' Quintilian classes 'sententiae' among the 'lumina' of 
 a speech, and from his examples it appears that he means not only general 
 maxims, but other pointed sayings, briefly expressed. The orators of this 
 age, he says, were too fond of filling their speeches with these ' sayings,' 
 which should be more sparingly used. ' Ego vero haec lumina orationis 
 velut oculos quosdam esse eloquentiae credo. Sed neque oculos esse toto 
 corpore velim, ne caetera membra ofhcium suum perdant : et, si necesse sit, 
 veterem ilium horrorem dicendi malim, quam istam novam licentiam. Sed 
 patet media quaedam via' Quint. S. 5. 
 
 7. Antiqua : opposed to modern or newly coined words. The older 
 words were considered more expressive (propria) than modern ones ; as the 
 use of words of Saxon origin in English instead of those of Latin origin is 
 thought a mark of vigour. 
 
 9. Si retractentur, 'if they should be afterwards read;' literally, 
 • handled again.' The orations of Ponipeius were pleasant both to hear and 
 read. 
 
 13. Contionibus, speeches related (or invented) in his history ; orationi- 
 bus, those which he himself delivered in pleading, 
 
 14. Pressior .... adductior, 'more brief, compressed, and concise.' 
 16. Catiillu.s aut Calvus. For Calvus as an orator, see note on Ep. 2. 5. 
 
 Nothing but a few small fragments of his poems remain : but in spite of 
 Horace's sneer, 
 
 'Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum' 
 
 Sat. I. 10. 19. 
 they were highly esteemed by the ancients for grace and wit. 
 
 Catullus was a contemporary of Calvus, having been born at Verona, five 
 j'ears before him, B.C. 87. 
 
 18. Data opera, 'on purpose.' 
 
 21. Metro solutum; i.e. they had the elegance of Plautus or Terence, 
 without the metre. 
 
 22. Qui ilia aut componat, 'because he either composes them or,' &c. 
 The subjunctive in the relative proposition expresses the reason. 
 
 25. Antequam scribam. The subjunctive is found with ' antequam' in 
 speaking of a thing which usually haj'pens bi.fore something else. 'Qui 
 quotidie antequam pronuntient, voccm excitant' Cic. de Or. i. 59. So 
 'antequam scircni' may be explained in the second line of this letter. 
 Madvig, § 360 c. 
 
 II
 
 NOTES. 
 
 26. Non tamquam eundem. There is always something fresh about 
 him. 
 
 28. An conquireremus P 'An' cannot introduce (like ' niim' or 
 
 'nonne') a simple indepencient question. Here it introduces a question of a 
 ' supplementary kind, an inquiry what must be the case otherwise, in case 
 some objection is made to the foregoing,' i.e. in this instance to the 
 assumption that an author's being alive ought not to stand in the way of his 
 honour. See Madvig. § 453. 'An' may therefore be rendered 'or.' 
 
 30. Imagines. Not only were statues of public men frequent in cities and 
 private houses in Italy (cp. Bk. i. 17), but the great men of literature were 
 honoured in a similar way. Caligula (Suet. Calig. 34) thought of banishing 
 the busts of Virgil and Livy from all libraries, which proves that they must 
 have been common. 
 12 Ep. 12. Tranquillus, to whom this letter is addressed, is the historian 
 Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, author of the lives of the Caesars. He was 
 younger than Plin)', perhaps by ten years or more ; his father fought at the 
 battle of Bedriacum, at which Otho was defeated, a.d. 69. The son was a 
 literary man, and shunned public offices ; at least we hear of his declining a 
 military tribuneship which Pliny could have procured him (Bk. 3. 8). The 
 latter speaks of him, in a letter to Trajan, as a man of the highest integrity 
 and of learning. Trai. 95. He was the author of a number of works on 
 antiquities, biography, and criticism, and as ' Magister Epistolarum' under 
 Hadrian, had access, no doubt, to important documents for his biographical 
 work. Smith's Diet. Biog. 
 
 3. Kal yap. Horn. 11. 1. 63. 
 
 4. Kefert tamen .... somniare, ' but it is a material point whether it 
 is your habit to dream things that will turn out true or exactly the reverse.' 
 The ancients had a superstition that some dreams were to be interpreted by 
 contraries : to be beaten or killed portended sometimes a piece of good 
 fortune. Apul. Met. 4. p. 155, quoted by Corte. 
 
 7. luni Pastoris, perhaps that Pastor, to whom Mart. Ep. 9. 23 
 is addressed. 
 
 8. Socrus, Pompeia Celerina (Ep. i. 4), mother of Pliny's first (or second) 
 wife, not of Calpurnia. See on Ep. 41. 
 
 9. Erara acturus adulescentulus. He began to plead in his nineteenth 
 year; and from what he says below, this dream must have related to one of 
 his early causes; 
 
 Quadruplici iudlcio, 'the four courts.' These formed the tribunal 
 mentioned a few lines below as the iudicium centumvirale, the court in 
 which Pliny usually practised, and which he calls his ' arena.' It was under 
 the presidency of the praetor, and was divided into four sets of 'indices' 
 ('concilia' or 'iudicia'), who however sometimes sat together in one 
 building and heard the same causes. From other letters of Pliny we learn 
 that these causes were often on trifling or uninteresting matters of business; 
 frequently concerning wills. Cicero (de Or. i. 38) mentions a number of the 
 12
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 kinds of cases tried before the ' centumviri.' They differed from the other 
 judges in being a definite body or ' collegium,' and are said to have derived 
 their name from being chosen three from each of the thirty-five tribes, 
 making 105 originally. Augustus however enlarged the court, and it con- 
 tained 180 judges. Very young men appear to have practised in it, and Pliny 
 complains of the way in which the pleadings were conducted. He however 
 continued to plead in it occasionally in the time of Trajan, or perhaps later, 
 and was pleased with the crowded audiences which listened to him. Ep. 20 
 and 62. Smith's Diet. Antiq. 
 II. Caesaris, Domitian. 
 
 Quae singula, ' which separately,' i. e. any one of which. 
 
 13. €LS oiojvos. Hom. II. 12. 243. ' 
 
 14. Nam xaihi patria, &c. He felt his loyalty as much engaged to the 
 cause of Pastor, as to his country. 
 
 20. Stropham, ' excuse.' ' Remotis strophis ac fucis' Sen. Ep. 26. 
 Agatnque .... possis. ' I will so plead your cause (asking that j'our 
 
 suit may be delayed) that you may be able to plead it yourself at the time 
 you wish to.' 
 
 21. Est enim . . . fuit, 'your case certainly is different from mine:' no 
 delay was possible in the court in which I pleaded ; it is in yours (istud). 
 
 Ep. 13. 4. Praevaricatio. Observe that 'praevaricatio' is the predicate. 13 
 The word means the betrayal of his cause by an advocate, and was used most 
 properly of the accuser, but also of the defendant. Pliny frequently uses it 
 in its proper sense, as in Bk. 3. 9 ' Accidit enim res contraria et nova, ut 
 accusatore praevaricationis damnato rea absolveretur.' Cicero (Fam. 8. 11) 
 uses ' praevaricator publicae causae' for one who culpably neglects public 
 interests. It is derived from 'varus,* and a ploughman who makes a crooked 
 furrow is said ' praevaricari' by Pliny the elder, who adds 'inde translatum 
 hoc crimen in forum' H. N. 18. 49. Cp. expression borrowed from turf 
 phraseology ' not to run straight.' 
 
 9. Auctoritatibus, ' on the support of authorities, such as Lysias,' Sec. 
 Instr. ablative. 
 
 10. Lysiae. Lysias is likened to Cato by Cicero (Brut, 16), who says of 
 both, ' Acuti sunt, elegantes, faceti, breves.' He wrote a great number of 
 orations for others to use, of which two only are said to have been unsuc- 
 cessful. He was born at Athens B.C. 458. Thirty-five of his orations are 
 extant, besides fragments of others. Of those of Cato, which were almost 
 equally numerous, only fragments remain. Cicero, who had read more than 
 150 of them, praises them highly, especially for vigour and weight, but says 
 that even in his lime few persons read, or even knew them at all, and admits 
 a certain roughness of style in them. Brut. 17. Smith's Diet. Biog. 
 
 11. Sane : used here in its concessive sense, ' it is true that.' 
 
 1 2. Hyperiden. He was a friend of Demosthenes ; only fragments of his 
 orations are extant. 
 
 13. PoUionem, C. Asinius PoUio, the friend of Horace and Virgil, had 
 
 13
 
 NOTES. 
 
 a high place among Roman orators ('Insigne moestis praesidinm reis' Hor. 
 Od. 2. I, 13). Qi.iiutili.in praises him for imagination, diligence, vigour and 
 skill, but places him far below Cicero in the brilliant and pleasing qualities of 
 style ' nitore et iucunditate.' He died in the eightieth year of his age, a.d. 4. 
 None of his works remain. 
 
 Caelium. M. Caelius Rufus was a younger contemporary of Cicero, 
 having been born B.C. 82, the same year and day as Licinius Calvus. He 
 was a man of talent and eloquence, but extravagant and unprincipled. He 
 was defended by Cicero (pro Caelio) when accused of attempting murder, 
 and was afterwards one of Cicero's correspondents (Fam. 8). Seneca calls 
 him 'orator iracundissimus' (de Ira 3. 8); and the author of the Dial, de 
 Orat. (21) ranks him with Caesar, Calvus, and others, as an orator, although 
 considering him wanting in grace. His speeches have not come down to us. 
 Smith's Diet. Biog. 
 
 23. Inconprehensibilis et lubricus, ' hard to lay hold of, and slippery 
 in argument.' 
 
 27. In quibus .... indicatur, 'in which a short, bare notification 
 of certain charges is expressed under mere heads.' He refers to Cicero's 
 answer to Postumius. After saying ' Respondebo igitur Postumio primum,' 
 Pro Mur. 27 sub. fin., he omits all the particulars of his recrimination. The 
 speech for Varenus is lost. 
 
 Subscriptio was properly the signing of the name of the plaintiff, or 
 a party in the suit, to the charge : then, the accusation itself. The verb is 
 used in its proper sense in Ep. 44. 24, ' cum caeteris subscripsit centumvirale 
 iudicium,' where see note. 
 
 30. Se . . . perorasse, ' that he had pleaded out the whole cause alone, 
 ill the ancient manner.' Until the time of Pompey there was no restriction 
 on the time a speaker might employ. ' Nemo inter paucissimas horas perorare 
 cogcbatur, et liberae compcrendinationes erant, et inodum dicendi sibi quisque 
 sumebat, et numerus neque dierum neque patronorum finiebatur' Dial, de 
 Orat. 38. Pliny complains (Ep. 52) that speeches had become too short, in 
 his time. Cicero's speech for Cornelius is lost, except fragments. 
 
 31. KTe dubitare possimus . . . coartasse, 'so that we cannot doubt 
 that he compressed.' 
 
 36. Actio is the speech as delivered in court. Oratio the speech as 
 planned and composed before delivery. 
 
 39. Extemporales figurae, 'extemporaneous turns of expression.' 
 ' Figurae' used as in Ep. 2.6. ' Extempor.ilis' is used by Qnintilian, but not 
 by Cicero. 
 
 41. Quemnam ? recte admones: Polyclitum esse dicebant. 
 Cicero pretends to interrupt himself, and to ask his solicitor who the 
 statuary was. In Verr. 2.4, 3. 
 
 60. lugulum statiin video, &c. This is mentioned by Quintilian as a 
 common metaphor among pleaders. ' Caeterum allegoria parvis quoque 
 ingeniis, et quotidiano scrmoni, frequentissime servit : nam ilia, in agendis 
 
 H
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 causis iam detrita, pedem coiiferre, et iugtihim petere, et sanguinem mittere, 
 iude sunt : nee offendunt tamen' Quint. 8. 6. 
 
 73. Eupolide. The lines quoted are taken from a play called A^/nos. 
 Eupolis was a contemporary of Aristophanes, who is the comicus alter 
 mentioned below. Hor. Sat. I. 4, I. Aristoph. Ach. 531. 
 
 95. 'AjieTpoeiT^, 'unbridled ia talk:' the epithet of Thersites, Horn. II. 
 
 2. 212. 
 
 Hunc, Ulysses; II. 3. 222. 
 
 97. lUe, Menelaus; II. 3. 214. 
 
 101. At introduces an objection, as before. 
 
 Ep. 14. Catilius Severus was great-grandfather of the Emperor M, 14 
 Aurellus. He aimed at the empire for himself, and in consequence of 
 expressing discontent at the adoption of Antoninus Pius by Hadrian, was 
 removed from the ofBce of praefect of the city by the latter. H« had 
 before been consul, a,d. 120. Smith's Diet. Biog. 
 
 2. Aristonis. Aristo was an eminent lawyer in the time of Trajan, and 
 his works are often mentioned by Uipian. 
 
 4. Litterae ipsae, 'literature itself.' 
 
 1 1. Quam pressa et decora cimctatio, ' how chastened and becoming 
 is his caution.' ' Periculum observandum pressiore cautela' Apul. Met. 1. 5. 
 
 18. Nihil ad ostentationem . . . refert, 'does nothing with regard 
 to ostentation as a motive.' 
 
 21. Ex istis qvii, &c., professed philosophers. 'Praeferre,' to advertise. 
 •Modestiam praeferre' Tac. Ann. 13. 45. 
 Habitu, se. ' barba, pallio, baculo.' 
 
 27. Cesserit. For mood and tense see Madvig, § 350 b. 
 
 28. TJt .... transmittat, 'how he bears.' 'Ecquid denique seeessus, 
 voluptates regionisque abundantiam inoffensa transmitteres' Ep. 54. 6. 
 'Omne hoc tempus inter pugillares et libellos iucundissima quiete transmisi' 
 Ep. 75- 1- 
 
 Observe that the English idiom is the converse of the Latin: we speak 
 of passing through an illness, they spoke of letting it pass them. 
 
 38. Impetu quodam. Cp. note on the fashion of suicide, Ep. 7. 
 
 49. Confusioni, 'disturbance' of mind. It is thus used in Tac. Hist. 
 
 3. 38, and Plin. Panegyr. 86 ' Quam ego audio confusionem tuam fuisse, 
 cum digredientem prosequereris.' 
 
 Ep. 15, The office of tribunes of the people continued to exist at Rome 16 
 till the fifth century of our era. Augustus and his successors, however, by 
 assuming it themselves, made the other tribunes comparatively powerless. 
 Tacitus indeed mentions the case of Arulenus Rustieus, in Nero's reign, and 
 of Vulcatius in the first year of Vespasian, showing that the power of 
 'interceding' by veto, in the Senate, still remained. Tac. Ann. 16. 26; 
 Hist. 4. 9. Cp. 'Ne me cogatis inplorare auxilium tribunorum' Ep. 77. 96. 
 
 4. In ordinem cogi, 'to be treated with contempt ;' literally, 'be reduced 
 to the position of a common person." The phrase, properly applicable to the 
 
 It
 
 NOTES. 
 
 tribune, is here applied to liis ofticc, which makes it impossible to translate 
 the passage literally. Cp. ' Decemviri qucrcutcs se in ordinem cogi' Liv. 3. 
 
 51- 
 
 10. Clepsydra, an 'hour-glass,' a vessel used for measuring time by 
 
 water. See note on ' binas vel singulas' Ep. 52. 18. 
 
 13. Aestus, ' perplexity,' disturbance of mind. 'Explica aestum meum' 
 Bk. 9. 34. ' Magno curarum fluctuat aestu' Virg. Aen. 8. 19. 
 
 15. Eiurato magistratu, 'by resigning my office.' Cp. ' Adactus 
 Silanus eiurare niagistratum' Tac. Ann. 12. 4. The word alio means to 
 decline, or protest against, an authority. 
 
 19. Quam personam tibi inponas, 'what character you take on 
 yourself.' The word originally means a mask used by actors to speak 
 through 'a personando:' hence 'a character in a play.' 
 
 Quae sapienti . . . perferatur, 'which a wise man shoiild fit on 
 with the view of wearing it to the end of the piece.' Ita is the emphatic 
 word. 
 16 Ep. 16. 4. Gloriae suae, arising not so much from the victory of his 
 army over Vindex (see on 57. 15) as from his refusal of the empire, which 
 was both then and afterwards offered to him ; see below ' cum principis 
 noluisset.' Lord Orrery, in his observations, draws an ingenious parallel 
 between Verginius and Monk Duke of Albemarle. 
 
 3. Perinde felicis, ' and as happy as he was great.' 
 
 5. Historias, such as those of Cluvius Rufus mentioned Bk. 9. 19. 
 Posteritati suae interfuit, 'was himself witness of his fame among 
 posterity.' ' Posteritas' = ' posteritatis memoria' Bk. 5. 8. This pregnant 
 sense of the word is determined by ' certus posteritatis' Ep. 74. 2, and 
 confirmed by ' sola posteritatis cura ' Tac. Hist. 2. 53. 
 
 7. Cum principis noluisset. His two refusals are mentioned Tac. 
 Hist, I. 8; 2. 51. 
 
 9. Optimum, Nerva. 
 
 13. Citra dolorem ; lit. 'this side of,' hence 'without attaining,' or 
 'amounting to;' cp. ' peccavi citra scelus' Ov. Trist. 5. 8, 23. 
 
 15. Actiirus gratias, as was usual on assuming office. Pliny's Panegyric 
 on Trajan was delivered by him on the occasion of his consulship, a.d. 100. 
 'Officium consulatus injunxit mihi ut reipublicae nomine principi gratias 
 agerem' Ep. 32. i. 
 
 16. Et seni et stanti. Both datives are governed by elapsus est, 
 and explain why he failed to hold the book. 
 
 23. Laudator eloquentissimus. The exquisite conclusion of the life 
 of Agricola by Tacitus justifies his fame in this respect. But this letter is 
 worthy of comparison with that conclusion as regards grace and tenderness, 
 and suggests the belief that Pliny must have written these lines with the 
 thoughts and rhythm of the 'laudatio' of Verginius by Tacitus still fresh in 
 his memory. 
 
 27. Non solum publice quantum. Either supply ' scd etiam prlvatim,' 
 
 16
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIiXIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 or render thus: 'my affection for him was not merely commensurate with 
 my admiration for his public conduct.' 
 
 32. Ad omnes honores accucvirrit. Every candidate for office expected 
 his friends, as a matter of course, to attend him at the election. This 
 attendance was chief among the 'officia' or duties of compliment which 
 friendship enjoined, such as ' officium togae virilis,' 'nuptiarum,' and the 
 rest. While the elections were held in the Campus Martius the duty 
 of these attendant friends consisted of three parts : first, they forwarded the 
 candidate's election by recommending him as 'testes' or ' suffragatores ;' 
 secondly, they voted for him themselves; thirdly, they accompanied him to 
 the Capitol, where some form of inauguration was observed. The third 
 book of Varro, De Re Rust, is represented as a conversation among the 
 friends of a candidate for the aedileship, who are waiting close by for the 
 result of the election. After the transference of the elections to the Senate, 
 the custom of complimentary attendance on candidates still survived, and at 
 length the 'suffragatores' became so clamorous as to compel resort to the 
 ballot. Ep. 34. 
 
 36. Quinqueviros. Commissions were appointed under this name for 
 various purposes in the time of the republic and the empire. The number 
 five seems to have been adhered to because found convenient in case of a 
 division of opinion among the commissioners. 
 
 40. Tibi mandarem, sc. ' excusandi ofhcium.' 
 
 44. Vivit : see on Ep. 74. 3, and compare the Positivist conception of 
 immortality. 
 
 Ep. 17. This letter is a pendant to Juvenal's fifth Satire. It is a general 17 
 confirmation of the facts which are there dwelt upon with the minuteness of 
 satire. 
 
 2. Familiaris. This word has not here a general reference, but describes 
 Pliny's relations with this particular acquaintance. 
 
 5. Minuta, scraps, such as ' semesus lepus,' 'minor altilis,' Juv. 5. 107. 
 
 19. In ordinem redigenda est. The phrase is transferred from the 
 constitution of the state to that of the human soul. Appetite must be 
 stripped of its authority, must obey instead of commanding. Cp. ' in 
 ordinem cogi' Ep. 15. 4. 
 
 Ep. 18. I. Homineni te patientem ; accus. of exclamation, Madvig, 18 
 § 23^5. 
 
 3. Invidebis; constructed by Pliny with a dat. of the person, and an abl. 
 of the thing. So ' invideo aliis bono' Ep. 6. 43. The abl. marks that in re- 
 spect of which the envy is felt, and sometimes has a preposition prefixed, as 
 ' nisi in hoc Crasso invidcrem' Cic. de Or. 2. 56. It is evident that an accus. 
 of limitation would answer the same purpose, hence we find 'invidit 
 collibus umbras' Virg. Eel. 7. 58. Also the dat. of the person may be 
 exchanged for the accus. which appears in fact to have been the more ancient 
 uiage. Quint. Inst. Or. 9. 3. 
 
 18. Praesumo. This word and its derivatives, in the sense of 
 
 B 17
 
 NOTES. 
 
 'anticipation,' do not belong to classical usage, which preferred 'prae- 
 cipio.' 
 
 19 Ep. 19. ?. Ego . . . debeo, 'there is no one I had rather be in debt to.' 
 
 4. Beneficiorum larga materia. The coniiiiaiulcr of an army had in 
 his patronage the appointment of military tribunes, six to each legion. That 
 these appointments were canvassed for appears from a similar request in 
 favour of Calvisius, Bk. 4. 4. 
 
 5. Xiongum praeterea tempus, during which many tribuneships would 
 fall vacant, as they were only held for six months ; cp. ' semestri tribunatu,' 
 I.e. 
 
 8. Voconius. Pliny's anxiety for the interests of Voconius led him 
 afterwards to solicit for him from Trajan a seat in the Senate. Trai. 4. 
 
 12. Elamen, not one of the ' flamines maiores,' as their office lasted for 
 hfe. 
 
 18. Epistulas quidem scribit; this then was a recognised branch of 
 literature. 
 
 Musas ipsas Latine loq.ui ; an adaptation of the eulogy of Plautus 
 recorded by Quint. Inst. Or. 10. I 'Licet Varro dicat Musas, Aelii Stolonis 
 sententia, Plautino sermone locuturas fuisse, si Latine loqui vellent.' 
 
 20. Vincitur, so. in amando. 
 
 21. Trium liberorum ius. The Leges Julia, B.C. 18, and Papia Pop- 
 paea, a.d. 9, encouraged marriage and the nurture of children to supply the 
 ravages of the civil wars. They were wide and various in their provisions, 
 and we may probably attribute to them most of the disabilities which we 
 find imposed upon ' caelibes' and ' orbi.' Lipsius, in a learned excursus on 
 Tac. Ann. 3. 25, divides the 'praemia 7ro\vTTaiSlas' into several heads, 
 (l) 'Ut in petitione candidati praeferentur, quibus liberi plures.' (2) ' Ut 
 iidem praeferantur in sorte provinciaruni.' (3) 'Ut praeeant in omni 
 magistratu;' i.e. seniority between magistrates of equal rank was determined 
 by this test. (4) ' Ut in honoribus petendis gratia sit annorum iis qui 
 liberos habent.' So Calestrius Tiro, Bk. 7. 16, though not of full age for the 
 tribunate of the people, was qualified by the possession of children. (5) ' Ut 
 qui plures liberos habet a cura tutela ceterisque muneribus inimunis sit.' 
 All the above privileges and immunities were summed up in the expression 
 * ius trium liberorum.' The senate, and afterwards the emperors, granted this 
 right to distinguished persons. We find that Pliny obtained it for himself 
 Ep. 86, and for Suetonius, Trai. 95. The reply of Trajan in the latter case 
 illustrates the words parce et cum delectu in this letter. 
 
 23. Tanquam eligeret ; sc. ' ipse eligeret.' 
 
 20 Ep. 20. I. Centumviralibus causis : see on Ep. 12. 9. 
 
 7. Expresse ; 'expressus' and its adverb 'expresse' are terms of art in 
 general, and as such are applied to very different branches of art, such as ' 
 sculpture, painting, rhetoric, and elocution. There seems to be no one English 
 word which can follow 'expressus' through all these various applications. 
 The predominant sense is that of 'distinctness as the result of pains 
 ]8
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 bestowed.' Thus, in reference to statues, Ep. 26. 2, ' expressum' may almost 
 be translated ' bold.' Again in Ep. 48. 10, where the metaphor is from 
 painting, ' expressius ad e.xemplar,' ' more vividly true to the original.' 
 Again, in this passage 'expresse' means 'with point and clearness,' as also 
 'expressa' Bk. 4. 27; a meaning closely connected with that which it bears 
 in reference to elocution, namely distinctness and beauty of articulation. 
 
 8. Auspicari. An instance of that decay of language by which a special 
 expands to a general sense. Here 'auspicari' means simply 'to begin.' Cp. 
 ' auspicabar in Virginem desilire* Sen. Ep. 83. 
 
 16. Actoribus similes. The pleaders were paid by their clients, just 
 as the audience were by the pleaders. This, though illegal, was most frequent, 
 as we learn from Bk. 5. 4 and 9 and 13. Pliny however says, 'in causis 
 agendis non modo pactione, dono, munere, verum etiam xeniis semper 
 abstinui' Bk. 5. 13. 
 
 Manceps, the distributor of the ' sportulae.* 
 
 1 7. Sportulae. This word was now applied to any kind of gratuity for 
 whatever purpose, and was no longer restricted to favours from ' patroni ' to 
 'clientes.' For 'sportulae' given with a similar object, cp. Juv. 13. 32. 
 
 19. ]Eo()>okX€is vocantur. This refers to the 'auditores,' who were called 
 'SoipoHXfis from aotpQis, the usual exclamation of applause, and ' laudiceni,' 
 because that applause was given, not for the speaker's eloquence, but for 
 the dinner which they expected from him. 
 
 25. Numerosa in this sense belongs to the silver age. In Cicero and 
 Ovid it always means 'rhythmical.' 
 
 34. Corrogaret ; opposed to ' conduceret.' He only invited his audience, 
 and did not pay them. 
 
 Ex Quintiliano. Quintilian was born at Calagurris in Spain, about a.d. 
 40. He was educated in Rome, where he was a disciple of Domitius Afer, as we 
 krarn from this letter and other sources. He revisited Spain, but came back 
 to Rome in the train of Galba. He began to practise at the bar, but was 
 yet more distinguished as a teacher of rhetoric. Vespasian gave him a 
 salary from the imperial exchequer, not however large enough to justify 
 Juvenal in describing him as the possessor of 'tot saltus ' Juv. 8. iSS, an ex- 
 aggeration which is also inconsistent with Pliny's offer (Bk. 6. 32) of £400 
 towards his daughter's wedding outfit. Quintilian's great extant work is 'De 
 Institutionc Oratoria Libri XII,' which for matter and style deserves more 
 attention than it generally receives. 
 
 36. Domitium Afrum, an orator who flourished under Tiberius and his 
 successors. He died in the reign of Nero. Qiiintilian often refers to him. 
 ' Eorum (so. oratorum) quos videriin, Domitius Afer et luiius Africanus 
 longe pracstantissimi.' 
 
 38. Ex proximo, ' from close by.' See on Ep. 4. 4. 
 
 43. Hoc artiflcium, forensic oratory. 
 
 45. Practa pronuntiatione ; in which the words were broken or 
 mutilated, as in singing. 
 
 ]J 2 19
 
 NOTES. 
 
 47. Plausus, in the proper sense, 'clapping of the hands.' The applause 
 of wliicli Pliny lias been complaining was given by cheers and shouts. 
 21 Ep. 21. We learn from Bk. 9. 40 that Pliny generally spent the winter in his 
 Laurentine, and the summer in his Tuscan villa. In the winter it was desirable 
 to be near Rome on account of 'necessitas agendi, quae frequens hieme.' 
 
 3. Litoris spatium, the extent of shore belonging to the estate. 
 'Litus' sometimes stands for the seaside estate itself; 'de electione litorum' 
 Tac. Ann. 3. 63. 
 
 5. Salvo iam et composito die, 'while the day is still in your possession 
 and in its vigour.' Cp. 'virum aetate composita' Tac. Ann. 13. i. The only 
 difficulty in assigning to 'compositus' the sense here given, is that the word 
 naturally contrasts itself with youth and dawn, not, as in this passage, with 
 age and decline. But when ' compositus ' has once been established in its 
 sense of 'mature,' 'vigorous,' it is plain that it may be equally well contrasted 
 with either extreme, morning or evfening, of life or of the day. The context 
 clearly forbids a comparison with Virg. Aen. i. 374. 
 
 8. TJtrimque, whether you come by the ' Via Laurentina' or the 'Via 
 Ostiensis.' 
 
 9. lunctis, • for harnessed horses,' contrasted with 'equo.' From this 
 contrast we infer the meaning 'et iunctos et solutos' Ep. 36. 8, 'both harness 
 and saddle nags.' 
 
 14. Hon sumptuosa tutela, ' and does not cost much to keep up.' 
 Observe the descriptive abl., for which see Madvig, § 272 and § 287, 
 Obs. 2. The gen. might have been used, as the words here do tiot describe 
 the constitution of the villa with reference to its external parts.' P'or 
 'tutela' in this sense cp. ' ut villarum tutela non sit oneri ' Plin. N. H, 
 
 18. 5- 
 
 16. Porticus, plur. two porticoes, placed thus Q D, the area being the space 
 
 of ground between them. The likeness of the letter D means simply a 
 
 semicircle. 
 
 18. Specularibus, windows of 'lapis specularis,' mica, which was split 
 into thin plates for the purpose. 
 
 19. Contra medias. The entrance to the ' cavaedium' was opposite the 
 middle of the two semicircular porticoes, so that in approaching it from the 
 ' atrium ' vou passed through the convex side of the first portico exactly in the 
 middle, then crossed the area between the two, and found the entrance of the 
 
 • cavaedium' opposite to you in the middle of the concave side of the further 
 portico. 
 
 24. A tergo. If the visitor turned quite round after entering the dining- 
 room, a beautiful vista was presented to him. The eye passed through the 
 
 * cavaedium ' and one portico, then across the area, through another portico, 
 and an ' atrium,' and finally rested on the woods and hills which stretched 
 inland. 
 
 26. A laeva, on the left of the dining-room as you enter; i. e. on its south 
 or south-east side. 
 20
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLI^^IUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 Hetractius paullo : it did not project so far seawards as the dining- 
 room, hence the angulus mentioned below. 
 
 33. Exceptis qui. The corner would be sheltered on every side except 
 the south-west, which was the rainy quarter. 
 
 Serenum: cp. 'aperta serena ' Virg. G. i. 393. 
 3S. Dormitorium membrum, a bed-chamber. 
 
 Suspensus et tubulatus : see on Ep. 30. 8. The 'tubi' were 
 earthenware pipes for conveying hot air. 
 
 41. Plerisque tam mundis ; supply 'cellis' or * cubiculis.' The sub- 
 stantive is omitted, as the context leaves no doubt of the sense. There may 
 be truth in Buchner's explanation that these rooms, although not large 
 enough for ' cubicula,' were yet too good to be called ' cellae ; ' hence the 
 omission. Here again is a descriptive abl. connected with the words 'reliqua 
 pars.' 
 
 49. Baptisteria, baths large enough for immersion, but not for swimming. 
 For the latter purpose the sea was close at hand, and therefore the ' piscina ' 
 of cold water usually placed in the 'cella frigidaria' was unnecessary. 
 
 51. Hypocauston : see on Ep. 30. 8. 
 
 Propnigeon, a passage leading from the ' cella frigidaria ' to the 
 furnace. 
 
 52. Duae cellae; the ' tepidarium,' called 'cella media' Bk. 5.6, and 
 the ' caldarium.' There were thus three principal apartments in a complete 
 bath, 'frigidarium,' 'tepidarium,* 'caldarium,* besides necessary adjuncts, 
 such as an ' unctorium ' and a ' propnigeon.' It is not clear whether the 
 ' tepidarium ' contained a tepid bath, or whether it was merely a warm room 
 to sit in. 
 
 54. Sphaeristerium : see Ep. 24. 29. As the exercise of ball 
 play immediately preceded the bath, this was the natural place for the 
 ' sphaeristerium.* 
 
 59. Apotheca ; here was kept the wine in ' amphorae ' (in bottle). 
 The ' apotheca ' was generally, as here, on the first-floor, and near the baths, 
 that the wine might benefit by the smoke of the furnace. ' Dolia* (wine in 
 cask) were kept in the 'cella vinaria ' on the ground-floor. See Becker's 
 Gallus, Sc. 9, Exc. 4. 
 
 62. Gestatio, an avenue or drive running round the garden. 
 
 66. Vinea; the vine was sometimes allowed to run wild on the ground 
 without supports, ' vignes courantcs.' This was one of the five recognised 
 methods of cultivation. See Pliny N. H. 17. 6. 
 
 69. Hac . . . facie, ' this view,' i. e. of the garden. 
 
 71. Vestibulum ; in town houses this was merely the vacant space 
 before the door, but in a villa perhaps there may have been something of a 
 porch. 
 
 72. Cryptoporticus. The usual portico had a wall on one side, and an 
 open row of columns on the other ; but the ' cryptoporticus ' was completely 
 walled in. 
 
 21
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Prope public! operis. It almost rivalled the splendid works of this 
 kind which then c.\i>tcd in the Fornni and Campus. The ' cryptoporticus' of 
 this viil.i seems to have run out from it at right angles on its north or north- 
 western side, and to have been carried on parallel with the coast, which may 
 be supposed to have run from N.W. to S.E. The Xystus lay between it 
 and the sea, and on the inland side was the garden. It could not well have 
 been on the south-eastern side, as we are told above that that was appropri- 
 ated to the slaves. 
 
 74. Alternis, ' alternately.' The meaning seems to be that the windows 
 towards the sea were in groups of two or three (' plurcs '); that the oppo- 
 site wall had but single windows corresponding to these groups, and even 
 these single windows were not opposite to each group, but only to every 
 other group. 
 
 77. Xystus, a terrace with flower-beds and ornamental shrubs, Vitruvius 
 notices the different senses of the word in Greek and Latin respectively. 
 'xvOTuS enim Graeca appellatione est porticus ampla latitudine in qua 
 athletae per hiberna tempora exercentur. Nostri autem hypaethras ambu- 
 lationes xystos appellant' Vitr. 6. 10. The name is derived from the 
 smooth floor, fuw. 
 
 89. In capite xysti deinceps cryptoporticus ; ' at the head of the 
 terrace and then at the head of the covered walk.' ' Cryptoporticus ' is a 
 gen. governed by ' in capite.' The terrace and portico were parallel and 
 conterminous, both being closed by the wall of the garden-house (horti 
 diaeta), which cut straight across them. ' Deinceps ' in this passage means 
 little more than ' deinde,' and has not its usual sense of ' one after another.' 
 
 91. Heliocamiuus, a room exposed on every side to the sun, and 
 therefore suitable for winter use without artificial warmth. 
 
 93. Zotheca. This name was originally applied to cages or closets for 
 keeping fatted poultry. Hence it was transferred to small rooms for purposes 
 of study or retirement. 
 
 96. A tergo villae ; those of which he speaks below, ' nunc continua, 
 nunc intermissa tccta villarum.' 
 
 102. Andron, an alley or passage running between the wall of the bed- 
 chamber and that of the garden. An ' andron ' in the Greek sense would, of 
 course, have been far from contributing to the quiet of the room. This 
 word, like * xystus' above, is noticed by Vitr. 6. 10, as having acquired a 
 different sense in the phraseology of Roman architecture. 
 
 109. Abesse. This suite of rooms was removed from the villa by the 
 whole length of the ' cryptoporticus.' 
 
 112. Haec utilitas, sc. 'villae.* 
 
 1 14. Sunt enim in sumino, ' for they are surface springs.' ' Putei' were 
 wells in which the water lay deep ; but the shallow wells here described were 
 properly called ' fontes.' The substantive ' summum * is frequently used for 
 the surface of water, and here for the surface of the ground in which the 
 water appears. 
 32
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 119. Quem . . . discernit, ' between which and my house there is only 
 one villa.' 
 
 122. Calfacere dissuadeat ; poetical or loose syntax for 'ne calfacias 
 dissuadeat.' ' Suadeo ' with the infin. is frequent in Virgil. 
 
 Ep. 22. I. Praeceptorem. The education of the higher classes was 22 
 generally conducted at home by a private tutor, until the boys were fit to 
 join the classes of the professors. The ' praeceptor' here intended is a public 
 teacher. So in speaking of a similar request made by the daughter of 
 Corellius on behalf of her son, Pliny says, ' iam studia extra limen proferenda 
 sunt, iam circumspiciendus rhetor Latinus* Bk. 3. 3. Pliny himself had 
 attended the public lectures of Qnintilian; and it was that which he now 
 recalled with pleasure. 
 
 2. Fratris tui liberis, the sons of Arulenus Rusticus (probably) by his 
 wife Gratilla. Editors previous to Keil printed Gratilla for Galla, Ep. 44. 2. 
 In that case it was necessary to assume that Asudius Curianus there men- 
 tioned must have been born to Gratilla by a former husband, before her 
 marriage with Rusticus, so that even in that case Asudius Curianus could 
 not have been one of these ' liberi.' Rusticus had also left a daughter under 
 the care of Mauricus, for whom Pliny was commissioned to find a husband. 
 See Ep. 9, note. 
 
 3. lUam dulcissimam aetatem, sc. 'puerltiam.' 
 
 Resumo is used of the ' Pleasures of Memory,' as ' praesumo ' of the 
 ' Pleasures of Hope.' See on Ep. 18. 18. 
 
 6. Coram multis ordinis nostri ; who came, for their own profit, as 
 the father of Julius Naso came to Quintilian's lecture room, or to hear 
 their son's performances. Cp. 
 
 ' Quae pater adductis sudans audirct amicis ' Pers. 3. 47. 
 
 9. Probe, ' probitate illaesa.' 
 
 10. Profitentur. A word which in Cicero's time required an accusative 
 to explain its sense, now by itself conveyed an unmistakable meaning. 
 This alone would be sufBcient evidence of the progress of education in Rome 
 between the two dates. 
 
 15. Dicerem tui; a far-fetched conceit. He would call them Mauricus' 
 children, if he did not think that he loved them better as his lost brother's 
 children, than he would do if he regarded them as his own. 
 
 Ep. 23. I. Assem para: see on ' circulator ' Ep. 37. 26, 23 
 
 Auream ; so Apuleius calls the Ass of his romance ' aureus,' superior 
 to all others. 
 
 3. Verania Pisonis. 'Piso's wife.' Cp. 'Liceat tumulo scripsisse 
 Catonis Marcia' Lucan 2. 343. 
 
 Qraviter iacebat. In the looser style of this period an adverb is used 
 with ' iaceo,' which properly belongs to the synonym ' aegroto.' 
 
 4. Adoptavit. A mutiny in Germany caused Galba to adopt Piso as his 
 son and colleague. Only four days intervened between his adoption and the 
 outbreak of Otho's conspiracy, in which both Galba and Piso were slain. 
 
 •23
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Regulus, M. Aqiiilius, the foremost of that crowd of ' delatores,' 
 which gathered round the bad emperors. lie was a creature of Domitiaii, 
 and is accordingly flattered by Martial in four epigrams, which chiefly relate 
 to his escape from the fall of a portico. Pliny in sketching this man's char- 
 acter unconsciously gives us a foil to his own. He was utterly wanting in 
 I'liny's high qualities of honour, liberality, humanity, and truthfulness. 
 Bk. I. 5 gives an amusing account of his apprehension after the loss of his 
 patron Domitian. For the rise and influence of the delatores, see an admirable 
 sketch in Merivale, Hist. Enip. c. 44. 
 
 5. Inpudentiam : cp. 'hominem te patientem ' Ep. 18. i. 
 
 10. Climactericum. AH multiples of 7 and 9 were called climacteric 
 years, and thought dangerous to life. 7x9=63 was therefore the grand 
 ch'macteric, cp. Gell. 3. lO. Regulus employed the term in his jargon to 
 frighten Aurelia. 
 
 29. Scliolastica lege. A conmion and erroneous interpretation is 'like 
 an idle fellow,' which gives 'tertiam' no more sense than ' aliam.' This is 
 much too pointless for our author's style. There must be an allusion to some 
 unknown precept of the schools, perhaps one requiring that a thesis should 
 be illustrated by at least three instances; cp. Ep. 31, which is in fact a theme 
 on the subject ' alia clariora, alia maiora,' illustrated by three incidents from 
 the life of Arria the elder. 
 
 30. Ornata, adjectival, not participial, in sense; 'a lady of rank.' 
 Aurelia : we learn from another source also that she was an object 
 
 of attention to 'captatores.' Juv. 5. 98. 
 
 42. Consuleret quam cito, ' was inquiring how soon.* 
 
 45. Aliena testamenta, ' other people's wills.' 
 Inprobissimum genus falsi, ' a most impudent kind of trickery.' 
 
 • Falsum ' was a wider word than ' forgery,' embracing also base coinage, and, 
 as we learn from this passage, undue influence. 
 
 46. Ipsis quorum sunt ilia. This is put thus emphatically to mark how 
 Regulus reversed the natural order of things. Usually the testator dictated 
 to some one else the terms of his will ; but here we find Regulus dictating 
 them to the testator, ' Dicto ' is the technical word for such transactions. 
 Cp. ' rivalis dictabitur heres ' Juv. 6. 21 8. 
 
 24 Ep. 24. 8. Sera, ' too late.' 
 
 11. Lectulo ; not in bed, but on his writing couch. They used for the 
 purposes of study, not chairs and desks, but a couch, ' Icctus,' ' Icctulus,' 
 'lecticula.' Cp. ' lacere in lectulo suo compositus in habitum studentis ' 
 Ep. 46. 21. 
 
 12. Calceos ; always worn in public with the toga. They covered the 
 whole foot, while the ' soleae,' worn at other times, were merely sandals. 
 
 21. Hoc is explained by ne praecipere videatur. 
 
 25. Lyrica. Four mutilated lyrical fragments bearing the title ' Ves- 
 tricius Spurinua De contemptu Saeculi ' were discovered and edited by Barthius 
 in 161 3. They are probably early forgeries suggested by this passage, and 
 
 24
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SEC USD US. 
 
 so composed as to accord with what is here said of Spurinna. See 
 Wernsdorf's Poet. Lat. Min., vol. 3. 
 
 26. Gratiam cumulat. This makes it probable that Spurinna's verses 
 were somewhat free in their tone. Elsewhere (Bk. 4. 14) we find that Phny 
 considered such freedom not only consistent with purity of life, but also, as 
 it were, an agreeable relief, 
 
 27. Nuntiata est ; a slave watched the 'solarium' or the 'clepsydra, 
 and annouuceJ the expiration of each hour. 
 
 29. Movetxir pila ; as was usual before bathing. Old men commonly 
 played with the ' foUis,' a larger and lighter ball, requiring less exertion than 
 the 'pila.' 
 
 34. Puro, ' plain,' without ornament. Spurinna's simple and refined 
 taste preferred this to the more admired 'caelatum' or ' asperum argentum.' 
 See Becker's Gallus, Sc. 2. n. 12. 
 
 35. Corinthia ; vessels made of the rare and costly Corinthian bronze. 
 Even Pliny had nothing in his viila of this material, and when he bought a 
 • Corinthium signum,' placed it in a temple as 'dignum deo donum' Ep. 26. 17. 
 The secret of manufacturing Corinthia had long been lost, hence their value. 
 
 Adficitur ; a word of strong emotion, here contrasted with the 
 moderate pleasure signified by ' delectatur.' Cp. ' delectare oculos im- 
 peritorum • Ep. 26. 12. 
 
 36. Comoedis. We have frequent mention in these letters of entertain- 
 ments performed during dinner. At some houses ballet dancers ('Gaditanae') 
 were introduced, Ep. 10. 8 ; or clowns (' scurrae vel moriones ') strayed about 
 the room, Bk. 9. 17. But persons of a higher taste, such as Pliny and his 
 friends, diverted themselves with more instructive amusements, 'ut voluptates 
 quoque studiis condiantur.' They resorted to standard authors, from which 
 history was read by the ' lector,' poetry sung to music by the ' lyristes,' or 
 some passage of comedy rendered memoriter by the ' comoedus.' Chosen 
 slaves were trained for these several duties. Cp. for ' lector,' Cic. Fam. 5.9; 
 for 'comoedus,' Ep. 50. 8. 
 
 Ep. 25. 3. Indicis partibus. The words 'titulus' and 'index,' with 25 
 reference to books, have two distinct senses. It cannot be said that the one 
 sense is always represented by ' titulus,' and the other by ' index,' but at 
 least the meanings themselves are clearly ^parate, by whichever name either 
 may be designated. There was first the title written on the strip of paper 
 or parchment, and afhxel to the outside of the roll, and this was usually 
 called ' titulus ;' secondly, there was the table of contents, found in some 
 books, written inside the book, probably at the beginning, and this is the 
 usual sense of ' index,' or 'indices.' Such were the indices composed by 
 Pliny the elder for his Natural History, and by Gellius for his Noctes Atticae. 
 It is easy to see that from such an index of the contents of one book might 
 grow an index describing, as in this letter, all the works of one author, or 
 even an index of the works of various authors of the same class, such as 
 that alluded to by Seneca, 'sume in manus iiidicem philosophorum ' Sen. Ep. 
 
 25
 
 NOTES. 
 
 39. Cp. also Quint. Inst. Or. 10. i. S;ilmasius' Prolegomena to Solinus 
 contain much tiiat is valuable on this subject. 
 
 7. Pomponi Secundi ; a general and a poet, whom Qi'intilian 
 pronounctd to have excelled in tragedy all his contemporaries. Pliny the 
 elder speaks of this life of Pomponius, N. H. 14. 7. 
 
 12. Drusi Neroilis, stepson of Augustus and brother of the emperor 
 Tiberius. He died at the age of twenty-nine, after a brilliant campaign in 
 Germany 
 
 Germaniae latissime victor. Although 'victor' here retains its 
 original subst. meaning and construction, governing the genitive, yet we 
 find the adverb 'latissime ' affixed to it. It is a stronger case than 'minime 
 largitor dux' Liv. 6. 2, where ' largitor' loses its independence and adheres 
 closely to ' dux.' Cp. ' populum late regem ' Virg. Aen. i. 2I. 
 
 14. Studiosi tres ; three books of the ' Studiosus,' a title of a work of 
 the same nature as the ' Orator ' of Cicero. 
 
 In sex volumina. ' Liber' and ' volumen ' were originally synony- 
 mous, both meaning a single roll of MSS. Subsequently 'volumen' only 
 was retained for this meaning, while the extent of the ' liber ' was fixed by 
 the limits of the subject and the design of the author, not by the accidental 
 size of the roll on which he wrote. Hence, as here, one ' liber ' might 
 extend through two rolls, 'volumina;' or again, one 'volumen' might 
 embrace all the forty-eight books of Homer's works. Ulp. Dig. 32. 50. 
 
 16. Dubii sermonis, 'on bad grammar.' For this sense of 'dubius' 
 cp. 'dubio de petasone' Mart. 3. 77- Pliny the elder himself, in his only extant 
 work, speaks of ' libellos quos de Grammatica edidi ' Plin. N. H. Praef. 
 
 18. A fine .... Bassi, 'a continuation of the history of Aufidius 
 Bassus.' 
 
 22. Scrupulosa = ' aspera,' troublesome, and therefore easily derived, in 
 this sense, from ' scrupulus,' a sharp pebble. The sense of ' minute,' 
 • scrupulous,' which this word bears in late Latin seems to require a con- 
 nection with ' scrupulus ' in a different sense, viz. -^ of an ounce. 
 
 27. Vulcanalibus, Aug. 23. 
 
 Non auspicandi causa. Other people began the use of candle-light 
 on that morning because it was sacred to the god of flame, and then left 
 it off again. But Pliny really be^an to study before daybreak at that date. 
 The ambitious father, in Juvenal, does not make his son get up to work by 
 candle-light till later in the year, 'post finem auctumni* Sat. 14. 190, where 
 see Mayor's note. 
 
 28. Statim a nocte multa. At once, before the days really grew short, 
 he took, even in August, a great portion of the night for study ; but in the 
 winter he took as much as five-twelfths of it for that purpose. The Roman 
 days and nights were reckoned from sunrise and sunset respectively ; and 
 day and night were each divided into twelve hours, which therefore varied 
 in length at the different seasons with the variations of the days and nights 
 themselves. If we had merely ' sexta,* ' midnight' would be sufficient without 
 
 26
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 further comment ; but for the above reason it is impossible to give Eiigh'sh 
 hours corresponding to ' septima ' and ' octava ' throughout a lapse of time, 
 though if one day only had been specified the calculation might easily be 
 made. The point therefore which we must seize is the proportion of the 
 night which he devoted to study in the winter time, remembering always 
 that it was taken from the end of the night and not from the beginning. 
 
 30. Paratissimi. ' Paratus ' in this author is often a thorough adjective 
 with the sense of' ready.' Cp. * parata oblivio mortuorum' Ep. 57. 17. 
 
 31. Antelucem: cp. Suet. Vesp. 21. 
 
 34. Cibura, luncheon, taken about noon. 
 
 35. Facilem, simple, easy to be got. So ' Afrae aves ' are said to be 
 admired, ' quod non sunt faciles ' Petr. 93. 
 
 43. Perperam ; used of unconscious mistakes, especially in language. 
 Contrast with the ignorance implied in this word the opposite sense of 
 'perverse.' See on Ep. 36. 20. 
 
 47- Decern amplius versus, 'more than ten lines.' 'If a magnitude 
 which is expressed by a numeral is increased by " plus" or " amplius,'' then 
 either " plus " or " amplius," with or without " quam," is added to the name 
 of the magnitude without any influence on its case, which remains the same 
 which the context would require without the comparative ; cp. " plus 
 septingenti capti sunt" Liv. 41. 12,' Madvig, § 305. Observe that in this 
 passage the usual order is transposed, ' decern amplius,' for ' amplius decern.' 
 
 48. Intra primarn. ; hence we learn that three hours was thought a 
 short time to devote to dinner. 
 
 51. De interioribus ; the actual immersion. 
 
 54. TTotarius. Short-hand was generally used by these secretaries. 
 Cp. 82. 9. A system of Roman short-hand is printed at the end of Gruter's 
 Corp. Inscr. Unlike our own it consisted of abbreviations for prepositions, 
 terminations, &c. thus, 7=amus, l=emus. 
 
 56. Sella; in the 'sella' they sat upright, but lay at length in the 
 ' lectica.* 
 
 59. Hac intentione, ' it was by this unremitting application that,' &c. 
 
 61. Opisthographos. It was usual for less prolific authors to write on 
 one side only of the paper or parchment. Hence the backs of worthless 
 books were used for school exercises, and Martial thus addresses a vohmie of 
 his, ' Inversa pueris arande charta ' Mart. 4. 87. 
 
 64. Largio Licinio, mentioned, Ep. 20. 33, as the first to collect 
 claqueurs in the law courts. 
 
 66. Nonne videtur. The knowledge of his public employments would 
 have led us to expect infinitely less results, but the knowledge of his labori- 
 ousness to expect even more. 
 
 72. Ego autem tantum, a verb must be supplied for ' ego ' by a 
 reminiscence of soleo ridere si comparer above, 'but am I so earnestly 
 to deprecate comparison,' &c. Pliny's literary industry will not bear com- 
 parison with his uncle's, although he has the excuse of many distractions.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Still less can those literary men who have no distractions bear the com- 
 parison. 
 26 Ep. 26. I. Corinthium : see on 'Coiinthia' Ep. 24. 35. 
 
 2. Festivuni et expressum, 'elegant and bold.' See on ' cxpresse ' 
 Ep. 20. 7. 
 
 8. Cedentes, 'recedentes a fronte.' 
 
 Isto, ' ill your direction.' 
 26. Ad paucos dies. 'Ad* with the accus. would naturally fix the 
 date of his coming, 'after a few days,' 'in a few days time;' cp. 'ad 
 praefinitum diem ' Ep. 63. 10, ' ad decern annos ' Cic. Att. 5. 2. But the 
 context forbids this sense. It must mean ' for a few days stay,* and is a 
 careless expression which may be explained in either of two ways. It may 
 be an abbreviation for 'ad paucos dies comniorandum,' in which case 
 ' ad' will really belong to a suppressed gerund; or, as seems more probable, 
 the words ' ad paucos dies,' ' up to, as long as, a few days,' are thrown in as 
 though he had written them ' adfuturum,' instead of ' venturum.' 
 27 Ep. 27. I. Silius Italicus. His great work, an epic of seventeen 
 books on the Second Punic war, is extant, and confirms by its style and 
 matter what is said in this letter of his devotion to Virgil. 
 5. Minorem, Severus by name, as we learn Mart. 9. 87. 
 12. Lectulo, here, as in Ep. 24. II, not his bed but his couch, as we see 
 from what follows cum a scribendo vacaret. There is no reference here 
 to his illness, which came on liirn after las retirement to Campania. 
 
 Semper, non ex fortuna, to be taken with frequenti. His chamber 
 was always a place of resort, and that not on account of his wealth. 
 
 14. Maiore cura quam ingenio. Merivale takes this as the motto 
 of the literature of what he calls the ' Flavian period.' 'Silius writes with 
 all the principles of art in his head, and all the works of the great models 
 ranged in order round his desk' Hist. Ernp. c. 64. 
 
 18. Novi principis, Trajan, who had received at Cologne, a.d. 98, the 
 news of his accession, but did not enter Rome till more than a year had 
 elapsed. 
 
 34. Modo modo, ' the other day.' The reduplication sharpens the 
 sense from ' lately ' to ' quite lately." Compare the Italian idiom ' ben 
 bene,' &c. 
 
 37. Per summum facinus. Attempts were made to implicate Piso, 
 proconsul of Africa, in treason against Vespasian ; and when these failed he 
 was murdered in his own house by order of Valerius Festus, who com- 
 manded the troops stationed in the province. Baebius Massa, often men- 
 tioned by Pliny, was the man who pointed out Piso to the assassins. Tac. 
 Hist. 4. 49 and 50. 
 
 47. Quatenus ; this conjunction passes through the meanings, ' as 
 far as,' ' while,' and ' when,' till it = ' quum.' Then, like ' quum,' it comes 
 to stand for 'quoniam,' 'since.' Cp. 'quatenus, heu nefas, Virtutem incolumem 
 odimus' Hor. Od. 3. 24, 30. 
 28
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 49. Currentem q.uoq,ue ; this frequent proverbial expression continues 
 the metaphor introduced by stimulis, lit. goads. 
 
 50. 'AvaGTi 5' «pis, in allusion to Hesiod's distinction between good and 
 bad strife, competition and contention. Hesiod describes the former thus, 
 
 fjTi Kol dnaXaixuf irep o^jlois im epyov tyelpei. 
 
 Hes. Op. et Di. 20. 
 
 Ep. 28. 2. In maius. This phrase (with 'in melius,' 'in peius,' &c.) is 28 
 frequent in Pliny and writers of his age. Cp. also Sail. Jug. 73, and im to 
 tifi^oy Koay-tiv, Thuc. i. 21. 
 
 4. Quum essent philosopM ab urbe summoti. In a.d. 86 Do- 
 mitian revived the decrees of Vespasian against the philosophers. 
 
 6. Fui prastor. He allowed himself to be promoted by Domitian until 
 that emperor's final outbreak of cruelty in the slaughter of Senecio, Rusticus, 
 and the rest. After this he determined to retire into privacy, yet he was 
 obliged to fulfil the remaining term of his office as praetor. ' Provectus ab 
 illo insidiosissimo principe antequam profiteretur odium bonorum, postquam 
 professus est substiti ' Plin. Pan. 95. 
 
 8. Mussantibus, By the whispering murmurs of persons in doubt, 
 * musso ' passes from the sense of murmuring to that of hesitation, which 
 latter is frequent enough; cp. ' Mussat rex ipse Latinus Quos generos vocet' 
 Virg. Aen. 12. 657. 
 
 10. Septem amicis meis. This seems a convenient opportunity for 
 some account of that great and ill-fated family, of whose virtues and sorrows 
 these letters so often speak. Ep. 31 contains nearly as much as is known 
 of Caecina Paetus and Arria his wife, who perished for his share in the 
 conspiracy of Scribonianus against the Emperor Claudius a.d. 42. They 
 left a daughter, Arria the younger, already married to Paetus Thrasea, 
 afterwards the noblest of Nero's victims, in the narrative of whose death 
 the last extant book of the Annals of Tacitus comes abruptly to a close. 
 Thrasea's widow, Arria the j'ounger, survived to see the disasters of her 
 family, and the final return of happier days under Nerva. The next 
 member of the family is one of whom Pliny writes with more than usual 
 affection, Ep. 67. Thrasea Paetus left one daughter, Fannia, married 
 before his death to Helvidius Priscus, who escaped his father-in-law's 
 fate only by the alternative of banishment, from which he returned with 
 h's wife after the accession of Vespasian. Again the same sentence was 
 pronounced, and a second time Fannia followed her husband into exile, ' bis 
 maritum secuta in exsilium est' Ep. 67. 12. The enemies of Helvidius, and 
 his own indiscretion, changed the sentence to that of death; and Helvidius, 
 under Vespasian, met the fate of his father-in-law Thrasea under Nero. 
 Fannia returned to Rome with Helvidius the younger, her husband's son 
 by a previous marriage. This Helvidius was subsequently married to Anteia, 
 who, like her husband, had to deplore a murdered father, Anteius, Tac. Ann. 16. 
 14. Fannia's troubles were not ended, for Domitian had yet to reign. She 
 furnished Senecio with materials for a life of her husb.md, and with her 
 
 29
 
 NOTES. 
 
 mother Arria sufTercd a third banishment for her share in the matter, while 
 Senecio expi.itcd his by death, 'tcrtio i(isa fi'opter marituiii rclcguta' Ep. 67.13. 
 At the same time, Fannia's stepson Helvidius the younger was condemned 
 on a trifling cliarge, and this is the Helvidius to whose murder allusion 
 is made in this letter. With him suffered a close friend of the family, Arulenus 
 Riisticns, on the same charge as Senecio, while the wife of Rusticus, Gratilla, 
 and his brother Junius Mauricus were banished. Nerva's accession brought 
 back the exiles, and the gloomy band of mourners which advances from 
 this single family and its connections enables us to conceive what was that 
 laceration of the state which Domitiau completed, ' non iam per intervalla 
 et spiramenta sed continue et velut uno ictu ' Tac. Agr. 44. Four widows, 
 Arria, Fannia, Anteia, Gratilla, mourned for husbands, three of them for fathers, 
 who had perished, while Junius Mauricus lamented a brother. In this society 
 Pliny lived, having himself barely escaped, Ep. 68. 65. His bitterness against 
 the delatores, Regulus, Bk. I. 5, Certus, Ep. 77, in part causes of so much 
 misery, is easy to understand, and is in no way contrary to his usual humanity. 
 
 18. Qiium in Syria tribunus militarem : see Life of Pliny. 
 
 19. Indolis ; the good sense of this word was so nearly universal, that no 
 qualifying adjective was necessary. 
 
 32. Unde coepi. Cp. 1. i, benigna natura. 
 
 29 Ep. 29. 3. Erunt officia antelucana, ' early visits of compliment will 
 be going on.' ' Officium ' was the common name for the various attentions 
 shown by one friend to another, or by a client to his patron, such as the 
 morning salutation. This took place at daybreak; cp. 'Prima salutantes 
 atque altera continet bora' Mart. 4. 8. Such ' ofHcia ' were sometimes 
 even 'antelucana '; cp. 'ante lucem ibat ad Vespasianum ' Ep. 25. 31. 
 
 In quae incidere, ' to fall in with which,' i.e. to meet with the persons 
 engaged in them. Pliny is afraid that Catilius' party will be so late, that 
 when he returns home, he will meet with people already beginning the 
 duties of the next day. It will be seen by the illustration which is given, 
 that more is meant by ' incidere * than is actually expressed by the word. 
 
 5. C. Caesar ; in his Anticato, a reply to Cicero's panegyric of Cato. 
 It was a considerable work, and is quoted by Gell. 4. 16 as an authority for 
 the use of u in the dative of the fourth declension. 
 
 30 Ep. 30. I. Nee tantum epistula, 'sed tragoedia.* A letter cannot 
 do justice to it. 
 
 3. Alioqui. Here we have 'alioqui et qui' 'in other respects, and in that 
 he' or ' especially in that he,' an imitation of the Greek idiom aWws re icai. 
 '.Alioqui,' 'in other respects,' 'moreover,' is not frequent till the time 
 of Tacitus and Pliny. Besides its strictly adverbial use with adjectives 
 and verbs, it is sometimes prefixed to a whole clause ; ' alioqui narrasses 
 mihi ' Ep. 72. 2, ' or else you would have told me.' 
 
 8. Fervens pavimentum. The floor of the 'caldarium' in a Roman 
 bath, and sometimes the floors of passages (' transitu . . . qui suspensus ' Ep. 
 21. 38), were heated from beneath by ' hypocausta,' being raised from the 
 30
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUNDVS. 
 
 ground on short pillars, ' pilae quae habeant altitudinem pedum duorum ' 
 Vitr. 5. lo. This arrangement may still be seen in the walls and floor at 
 Uriconium (Wroxeter). To this invention Seneca refers, Ep. 90, ' Qnaedam 
 nostra demum prodisse memoria scimus ; ut stifpemitras balneorum et im- 
 presses parietibus tubos, per quos circumfunderetur calor, qui ima simul et 
 summa foveret aequaliter.' 
 
 11. Quasi introduces either a word or a proposition, and its use implies 
 either that the word is not exactly applicable, or that the proposition is not 
 exactly true. Here of course it is used for the latter purpose. 
 
 17. Focilatus. 'Focilo' and its compounds belong to late Latin, and, 
 like other Silver Age words, were probably revived from ante-classical usage. 
 ' Foveo ' and ' focus ' have been suggested as probable roots ; but Casaubon 
 derives ' focilo ' from ' fauces ' by a process exactly the inverse of that by 
 which we obtain the word ' comforter.' 
 
 21. Non . . . iudicio. He means that masters are murdered not by 
 way of retribution because they have been cruel, but good and bad alike out 
 of pure instinct to crime. 
 
 27. Ut transitum daret. ' Anteambulones ' went before the litter to 
 clear the way. They were not always so gentle as the slave here mentioned, 
 Cp. ' Ferit hie cubito, ferit assere duro Alter' Juv. 3. 245. 
 
 Ep. 31. 2. Alia clariora: see on 'scholastica lege' Ep. 23. 29. 31 
 
 3. Arriae : see on Ep. 28. 10. 
 
 12. Vivere filium simulabat. For fortitude in some respects similar 
 see an elegant version of a Jewish legend, ' The Loan ' in Baring-Gould's 
 ' Silver Store.' 
 
 21. Paete non dolet. 
 
 * Casta suo gladium cutn traderet Arria Paeto, 
 Qiiem de visceribus traxerat ipsa suis. 
 Si qua fides, vulnus quod feci non dolet, inquit, 
 Sed quod tu facies hoc mihi Paete dolet.' 
 
 Mart. I. 14. 
 24. Matrem agere, 'to act the mother.' Cp. ' Etiam quum amicum 
 imperatoris ageret ' Tac. Hist. I. 30. * 
 
 26. Fuerat Paetus in partibus, ' Paetus had been a partisan,' i. e. 
 in the conspiracy. Cp. ' militum acerrimos duccre in partes ' Tac. Ann. 
 
 '5- 5'- 
 
 30. Calcietur. ' Calcto ' is the usual pres. ind. act. from which would 
 
 be formed ' calceetur,' but the double e is avoided by the substitution of /. 
 
 33. Apud Claudium ; when they came to trial before the emperor. 
 Proflteretur indicium, 'turned king's evidence,' as we should say. 
 
 Cp. 'Summum supplicium decernebatur ni professus indicium foret' Tac. 
 Ann. 6. 3. The phrase literally means ' to volunteer information.' 
 
 34. !Ego, inquit, te audiain. ' Audiam ' is pres. subj. not fut. ind. 'Am 
 I to (let myself) listen to you.' 'The subj. is used in inquiries as to what 
 is (or was) to be done, when it is intended to indicate that something will 
 
 31
 
 NOTES. 
 
 not be done (or has not been done).* ' Illius sfultitia victa ex urbe rus tu 
 habitatum niigres?' Ter. liec. 4. 2. 13. 'Ego te videre nolueriin ' Cic. 
 ad Q^F. I. 3. Madvig, § 353. Also cp. 'Nunieres rcipublicae summam ' 
 Ep. 66. 3. 
 
 Cuius in gremio. The meaning is, 'you who could bear to survive 
 your husband's death.' The disjointed mode of expression, et vivis, is 
 a witness to the genuineness of the words. 
 
 38. Filiam tuam mori mecum. Twenty-four years later, as Thrasea 
 foresaw, a decision had to be made on this point, which resulted in his 
 persuading Arria the younger to survive him for the sake of their daughter 
 Fannia ; Tac. Ann. 16. 34. 
 
 45. Impegit. Pliny's admiration for this ferocious attempt forms a 
 pendant to Seneca's observation, Ep. 70, in which, among anecdotes of hideous 
 suicides, he remarks, 'cui difficilis occasio (mortis) est, is proximani quamque 
 pro optima arripiat, sit licet inaudita, sit nova.' 
 
 49. Circumfert, sc. • celebrat,' occurs three times in the letters in this 
 unusual sense. 
 32 Ep. 32. 2. Principi gratias : see on Ep. 16. 15. 
 
 II. E specula. Fires were lighted on 'speculae' for military purposes; 
 cp. Lucan 6. 276. But Pliny is probably thinking of a lighthouse or Pharos, 
 such as stood on the rock of Capreae, Suet. Tib. 74- 
 
 15. Codicillos, waxed tablets used for short notes to persons near at 
 hand. The following passage seems to imply that letters sent to a distance, 
 •epistolae,' were not written on 'codicilli;' ' adeo tecum sum, ut dubitem, an 
 incipiam non epistolas, sed codicillos tibi scribere ' Sen. Ep. 55 sub fin. 
 * Episto'.ae,' were therefore probably written on paper whenever it was 
 unlikely that the tablet would be returned. So we find Pliny using paper, 
 ' charta adhuc superest' Ep. 30. 23. 
 
 15. Libellos, bills publicly circulated as opposed to private notes of 
 invitation. In the dialogue de Oratoribus, attributed to Tacitus, the giver 
 of a recitation is said 'libellos dispergere.' 
 
 33. Hac severitate aurium laetor. Here is the result of Quintilian's 
 teaching. Pliny, like his master, earnestly desired to bring about a reform in 
 the public taste, hitherto devoted to the stilted and florid rhetoric in which 
 Seneca and Lucan excelled. The criticism on Seneca, Quint. Inst. Or. 10. i, is 
 the best comment on this passage, and is as well worth reading as the rest of 
 that celebrated chapter. 
 
 34. Theatra, the audiences. Cp. 'Theatra tola reclamant ' Cic. de Or. 3. 50. 
 Male, to be taken with ' canere.' 
 
 38. Constare rationera: see on Ep. 5. 1. 
 
 43. lusta possessione, 'the ground which they might fairly occupy,' 
 such as panegyric. The double regimen of ' deccdere ' is uncommon, though 
 its use in these two senses, 'to make way for,' and 'to retire from,' with the 
 dat. and abl. severally, is common enough. Cp. ' Sanctis decedere Divis * 
 Cat. Pel. 62 ; 'decedere instituto suo ' Liv. 37. 54. 
 
 32
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 Ep. 33. I. Adsumo te in consilium : a technical phrase, used 33 
 especially of the imperial ' consiliarii.' See on Ep. 42. I. 
 
 3. SoUicitant; here as elsewhere = 'alliciunt,' which seems to point to a 
 community of derivation for the two words, either real or supposed. 
 
 4. Ivmgendi. Cp. ' Si Libyam remotis Gadibus iungas' Hor. Od. 2. 2, 
 10. 
 
 6. Procuratore. One steward would be quite sufficient, and fewer 
 * sub-agents ' or ' clerks,' ' actores,' would be required for contiguous estates, 
 than for such as lay entirely separate from each other. There is no mention 
 of a ' villicus ' or farm-bailiff, as this estate seems not to have been farmed 
 by the owner, but let out to 'coloni.' 
 
 7. TJnani villam colere. It would be sufficient to have a house of 
 residence, ' villa urbana,' on one of the two estates. The other might 
 simply be kept up as a 'villa rustica ' for the habitation of agents and slaves. 
 
 9. Atriensiura : the ' atriensis ' and the slaves under him had to keep in 
 order the house and furniture. 
 
 Topiariorum, fancy gardeners, whose art consisted in training and 
 clipping into shapes and patterns (' litteras quae nomen domini dicunt ; ' 
 ' bestiarum effigies' Bk. 5. 6) those evergreen plants which then formed the 
 chief ornaments of Italian gardens. Cp. ' topiarium laudavi : ita omnia 
 convestit hedera qua basim villae, quae intercolumnia ambulationis ut,' &c. 
 Cic. ad Q^F. 3. I. See Becker's Gallus, Exc. 2, Sc. g. 
 
 17. Materiam, timber for building, not wood for fuel; in which sense 
 always ' lignum,' from ' lego ' or ' ligo.' 
 
 20. Pignora, the farm stock, live or dead, on which distraint was 
 made. This would include the slaves belonging to the 'coloni.' 
 Eeliqua, arrears. 
 
 23. Instruendi ; ' they therefore (the 'coloni,') must be provided with 
 slaves at so much higher a price than usual, because good slaves.* The 
 ' coloni,' though attached to the land, and themselves to some extent under 
 servile disabilities, were nevertheless tenants paying rent and possessing 
 property of their own in stock and slaves. See Smith's Diet. Ant. art. 
 ' Colonus,' and Daubeny's Roman Husbandry, Lect. 2. 
 
 Quod frugi. Pliny has no ' servi vincti ' to give them. This class 
 of slaves being untrustworthy worked in fetters and were confined in a sort 
 of prison. He must therefore buy 'servi soluti ' of good character, and 
 these will cost a great deal, and add greatly to the expense of entering upon 
 the property. 
 
 25. Sestertio tricies. A million of sesterces is regularly expressed by 
 •decies centena inillia sestertium' (Abbreviated gen. plur. for ' scstcrtiorum.') 
 But instead of this we commonly find the abbreviated expression, ' decies ses- 
 tertium' (generally reversed, ' sestertium decies'), and so on for larger numbers. 
 In such expressions 'sestertium,' wliich is [iropcrly a gen. plur., is treated as 
 a neuter subst. sing. Madvig, Suppl. 2. From this imaginary subst. wc here 
 have ' sestertio,' abl. of price. 
 
 <^ 33
 
 NOTES. 
 
 26. Ilac paenuria colonorum. Since the 'coloni'were inseparable 
 from the soil, their coiuiitioii afl'ected the value of the estate. 
 
 30. Aliquid tamen fenero. He had some httle money out at interest, 
 and therefore says above, 'prope totus.' 
 
 31. Won secus ac mea. Cp. his letter to her, 'Non, mehercule tam 
 mea sunt quae mea sunt, quam quae tua' 13k. I. 4. 
 
 34 Ep. 34. 2. Lex tabellaria. Cicero mentions four such leges, by which 
 vote by ballot was gradually sanctioned in the various functions of the 
 comitia ; namely, the election of magistrates, the iudicia publica, and the 
 enactment and repeal of laws. The dates of these laws range between 139 
 and 107 B.C. and Cicero pro Sest. 4S, in speaking of the ' Lex Cassia,' confirms 
 what is here said of the contentions which the question called forth. When 
 the election of magistrates was transferred by Tiberius to the senate, the ballot 
 was laid aside till the date of this letter. 
 
 6. Contionvun, open meetings, as opposed to legally constituted as- 
 semblies. 
 
 16. Sub quo militaverat ; military service was a necessary qualification 
 of all candidates for office. 
 
 20. Annos arguebat, under the ' leges annates,' which fixed the age 
 necessary for each office. 
 
 31. Ut in reciperatoriis iudiciis. ' Reciperatores,' generally three in 
 number, were appointed by the praetor to decide on some issue of fact which 
 required no knowledge of law ; Sigonius de lud. 1.22. Hence there was 
 no reason against these being picked out on the spot from persons present in 
 court, instead of being taken from a fixed list as the ' iudices' were. So 
 we find Cicero, Verr. 2. 3, 59 and 60, complaining of Verres for not naming 
 ' reciperatores de conventu.' The point of comparison between the senate on 
 this occasion and 'reciperatores' lies in the words repente apprehensi. 
 
 35 Ep. 35. I. Decessisse. We have reason to believe that Martial lived 
 till the close of the year 100 a.d. 
 
 3. Fellis, ' bile,' the emblem of bitterness. Pliny seems to have in his 
 mind Martial's own criticism. Mart. 7. 25, which enumerates the same ingre- 
 dients, • sal,' • fel,' and ' candor,' as necessary for epigrams that were meant to 
 be read. 
 
 Candoris, kindness of heart. Ovid credits Salanus with 'candor' for 
 his sympathy with him in his exile, although their acquaintance was but 
 slight. Ov. Pont. 2. 5, 5. Sincerity was not necessarily implied in the 
 word, and indeed candour, in the English sense, could not possibly have been 
 attributed to the sycophant Martial. 
 
 4. ProsecutvLS erain. 'Prosequor'is only twice used in these letters in 
 the sense * to accompany,' but very frequently in its idiomatic sense, ' to 
 compliment with,' followed by such ablatives as ' libello,' ' legatis,' ' suftragio.' 
 It seems to be used of such attentions as could not be claimed or even ex- 
 pected, and intimates that the benefactor went as it were out of his way, 
 and followed up the friend whom he wished to honour. This sense of
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 'prosequor' was so dearly understood, that the verb occurs without an 
 explanatory abl. Ep. 46. 6, and Suet. Dom. 9. 
 
 12. Tenerem. Cp. ' Numeros memini si verba tenerem ' Virg. Eel. 9. 45. 
 
 19. Hoc. Observe that 'studeo' begins to take an accus. together with 
 its proper dat. 
 
 20. Arpinis. So Juvenal, 8. 237, calls Cicero himself ' Arpinas,' from 
 Arpi his birthplace. 
 
 Ep. 36. I. Kegulus. See note on Ep. 23. 4. 36 
 
 Hoc uno malo, &c. ; 'the only misfortune that I grudge him, and 1 
 doubt if he thinks it a misfortune.' Lord Orrery takes Pliny to task for a 
 want of humanity in disbelieving Regulus' grief. But Pliny is justified by 
 the use which the father is said to have made of his son's name in his perjuries. 
 Ep. 23. 17. 
 
 4. Enaancipavit, ' set him free from the patria potestas.' The boy's 
 mother had left her property to him on the condition that Regulus should 
 first do this. It was worth his doing, because he thus retained his wife's 
 property in the family. It might therefore be said that his son had been 
 sold by him {mancipatuni) for this consideration, rather than gratuitously 
 emancipated. 'Mancipatus' is coupled with ' venditus' Cic. Phil. 2. 21. 
 
 5. Ex moribus hominis, ' with an allusion to the character of the 
 man' (Regulus). 
 
 8. Et iunctos et solutos. See note on Ep. 21.9. 
 
 9. Ijuscinias. Pet birds were kept not by children only, but also by 
 empresses and poets. Cp. Plin. H. N. 10. 59 and 60 ; and the elegant poem 
 of Statius on the death of his parrot, Stat. Silv. 4. Also cp. the famous 
 'Passer' of Catullus, Cat. 2. 
 
 14. In Hegulo demerendo. Regulus was now 'orbus,' and therefore 
 an object of interest to legacy-hunters. 
 
 18. Tempore; this refers to the season of the year, which was trying 
 to his visitors. 
 
 20. Perverse ; generally opposed to * recte,' ' against right and reason,' 
 so much against them that the wrongdoing seems the result of wilfulness 
 rather than ignorance. Hence the notion of wilfulness now dominant in the 
 English word ' perverse.' 
 
 Ep. 37. 6. Auditorio ; the name of the place put for the persons 37 
 occupying it, as 'theatra' Ep. 32. 34. Cp. English use of 'pit' and 
 * gallery.* 
 
 7. De vita eius. This is simple narration. But de vita pueri, which 
 follows, is the scornful reflection of the narrator interrupting himself. 
 
 8. Exemplaria mille. Whether this be or be not taken literally, it 
 marks the great facility with which copies of books could be made ; and 
 harmonizes with our accounts of the low prices at which they could be 
 obtained, e.g. the first book of Martial's Epigrams for five denarii = 35. l\d. 
 
 9. Decurionibus. See note on ' Duumviratus' Ep. 42. 4. 
 14. 'A(j.a6ia jt«v dpdo-os, Thuc. 2. 40. 
 
 C 2 35
 
 NOTES. 
 
 l6. Latiis; here as elsewhere in the sense of 'lungs,' 'power of voice.' 
 
 20. Hereniiius. See note on Ep. 69. 10. 
 
 Catonis illud. Pliny might have heard this from his master Qnin- 
 tihan, who quotes it Inst. Or. 12, i. Qi^iintilian says that if the orator be 
 not a good man to begin with, then tlie art of his instructor 'comparat haec 
 arma latroni non militi.* 
 
 •26. Circulator. From • circulus,' a ring of gazers or listeners, are derived 
 'circulari,' to collect a crowd, and ' circulator,' one who attracts or addresses 
 a crowd. The name was generally applied to conjurors, snake-charmers, and 
 cheap-jacks. They had then, as now, a ready volubility ; cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 
 52, where 'circulor' has its secondary meaning 'to exercise the trade of a 
 circulator.' These performers seem sometimes to have related stories ; cp. 
 Ep. 23. I, where 'assem para' is a parody of the cry of a 'circulator' before 
 beginning his performance. 
 
 27. Ut ait Demosthenes : Dem. de Cor. 90. The sense is, ' if Lepidus 
 has had to read the work, he will have declaimed it with as much want of 
 feeling as Acschines showed in speaking of the calamities of his country.' 
 
 30. Sed a puero ; a good instance of Pliny's way of concluding his 
 letter with an epigram. 
 
 38 Ep. 38. I. Nos; Pliny and Sabinus. 
 
 14. Cavit enim. Sabina is the nominative to 'cavit,' she who chose 
 her heirs discreetly. 'Elegerit,' instead of elegit, would have allowed of an 
 indefinite nominative to ' cavit,' and made the sentence (what it now is not) 
 a general observation on the security insured by a good choice. 
 
 39 Ep. 39. 9. Praetextatus, added to mark the boy's age. 
 
 II. Mediolani, at Milan. Milan, at this time a place of importance, 
 rose to great splendour two centuries later as the residence of the emperor 
 Maximian, and is celebrated by Ausonius as the seventh in importance of 
 the cities of the Empire. 
 
 13. Intererat. 'When it is declared what might or ought to happen, 
 
 but does not happen (with possum, dcbeo, &c.) the indie, is commonly made 
 
 ^ use of, and in the imperfect tense, if ia regard to present time' Madvig, 
 
 §348.1- 
 
 21. Mercedibus, the teacher's pay. 
 
 29. Heligio recte iudicandi, ' scrupulousness in making a right choice.', 
 Cicero's derivation of 'religio' from 'relego' is probably correct, and 'scru- 
 pulousness' is often, as here, an adequate translation of the word without 
 throwing in any sense of obligation. The sense given is confirmed by the 
 occurrence of two other compounds of 'lego' immediately below, 'neglegen- 
 tes,' 'diligentcs.' 
 
 43. Quae ad te convenit ; for similar attentions paid to another man of 
 letters cp. the ' frequens cubiculum' of Silius, Ep. 27. 12. 
 
 49. Hinc, 'from this part of the country.' He classes the Tuscan villa 
 from which he writes in the same region with Rome, by comparison with the 
 distant Comum, 
 
 36
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 50. Quatn fiduciam. This, like the close of Ep. 37, is one of those 
 epigrammatic surprises which stamp Pliny's prose as well as Martial's verse 
 with the character of ' Flavian polish and refinement.' 
 
 In conclusion it will be worth while to put together what can be gathered 
 from this letter respecting education in the provinces. 
 
 Schools of two separate kinds were in existence, firstly, government 
 schools, not uncommon (' multis in locis') : and secondly, schools established 
 by public subscription where sufficient money could be raised to engage a 
 teacher. We do not hear of teachers starting schools on a private venture. 
 They expected to be engaged (' conduci') with a certain payment guaranteed. 
 If there was a good school in any place, boys came from a distance and 
 took lodgings in the place to attend it. 
 
 Pliny's views set forth in this letter attest not only his generosity and 
 interest in education, but a shrewd judgment in the matter quite on a level 
 with modern opinion. He sees the danger of bad appointments likely to 
 arise from fixed payments and centralization, and he also sees the necessity 
 of some subsidy to encourage local effort. 
 
 We must add to the list of his benefits to Comum the establishment of a 
 public library, and an endowment for the support of a certain number of 
 free-born children. Bk. i. 8. 
 
 Ep. 40. 5. Corelli filiam; perhaps the first cousin of Pliny's second 40 
 wife Calpurnia. See note on the following letter. For Corellius see note on 
 Ep. 7. 
 
 15. Contra, 'just the other way.' 
 
 16. Penitus inspexi. Pliny uses the same phrase with reference to 
 Euphrates, Ep. 6. 4; and of Trajan, Pan. 85. 
 
 17. Nihil a mo; supply ' habuit.' 
 
 21. Siiffragator et testis. Cp. 'Testes et laudatores dabat, vel eum 
 sub quo militaverat, vel eum cui quaestor fuerat, vel utrumque si poterat. 
 Addebat quosdam e sufTragatoribus : illi graviter et paucis loquebantur' Ep. 
 34. 15. Though this description refers to an earlier state of things, yet no 
 doubt something of the same order was observed in the time of I^liny. 
 In inchoandis deductor. See note on Ep. 16. 32. 
 
 26. De bonis iuvenibus. Pliny was, at the time mentioned, thirty-five 
 years of age, and therefore in the period of ' iuventus,' which succeeded 
 'adolesccntia,' and was reckoned to begin at about the age of thirty. 
 
 36. Cornutura. Ep. 48 tells us all we know of Cornutus. 
 
 41. Nova lis. 'Nova' is limited by ut. 
 
 Foeminae. The action, whatever it was, was of a kind not usually 
 brought against a woman. 
 
 Ep. 41. This letter is addressed to Calpurnia HispuUa, daughter of 41 
 Calpurnius Fabatus, and aunt of Calpurnia, Pliny's second (or third) wife, 
 whom Hispulla had brought up. The fact of her having been brought up by 
 her aunt makes it probable that her mother, as well as her father, must have 
 died when she was a child ; and hence we may conclude with Monimsen 
 
 37
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (Onomast. Keil's second ed.) that Pompeia Celerina, whom Pliny speaks of 
 as his ' socrus' (Bk. I. 4.), was not the mother of Calpurnia, but of a former 
 wife of Pliny. 
 
 We find Calpurnia hastening to comfort her aunt HispuIIa at the death of 
 Fabatus, HispuUa's father, Trai. 120, There is a letter addressed to Fabatus, 
 Bk. 4. I. 
 
 12. In proximo. See on Ep. 4. 4. For farther proofs of Pliny's con- 
 jugal affection see Epp. 54 and 56. 
 
 14. Format, ' sets them to music' 
 
 26. Invicem, * in turn,' i.e. first a wife for Pliny, then a husband for 
 Calpurnia. 
 42 Ep. 42. I. In consilium adsumptus. The emperors had a limited 
 number of advisers, whom they summoned for consultation, just as inferior 
 officers, e.g. praetors and proconsuls summoned their ' consiliarii.' The 
 famous 'Council of the Turbot' (Juv. 4. 73 sqq.), whether real or fictitious, 
 testifies to the existence of this custom, which is said to have been instituted 
 by Augustus. Pliny was often summoned (' frequenter in consilio fui' Ep. 13. 
 51), as for instance in the trial of Atticinus, Bk. 6. 22, and that of Ariston, 
 with others, Bk. 6. 31. See Merivale, Hist. Emp. c. 67. 
 
 2. Viennenses, 'the people of Vienne.' Vienna, now Vienne, is 
 situated on the Rhone, not far below Lyons. It was a city of great 
 importance under the Empire, and the site of a flourishing Christian church. 
 The remains of a large amphitheatre still confirm what is here said of the 
 taste of the inhabitants for spectacles. This amphitheatre was probably 
 the scene of many martyrdoms during the great persecution by Aurelius, 
 A.D. 177. 
 
 4. In duumviratu. The provincial towns were governed by senators 
 ('decuriones'), who elected duumvirs from their own body. The duumvirs 
 united in their persons the functions separately exercised at Rome by the 
 consuls and praetors. The duumvirs were originally elected by the people 
 in each place ; but the transference of the Roman comitia to the senate was 
 followed by a similar change in the provinces. Smith's Diet. Ant. art. 
 ' Colonia.' 
 
 8. Cum sententiae perrogarentur. Cp. 'Parum est ut censentes 
 audias, nisi et perroges' Pan. 60. ' Pcrrogo' = ' deinceps rogo,' to ask in 
 order. Here the opinions of the 'consiliarii' were asked all the way down 
 in order as they sat. 
 
 9. lunius Mauricus. See note on Ep. ^S. 10 sub fin. 
 
 II. Etiam Homae. These performances had been fostered to excess by 
 Domitian. See Merivale, Hist. Emp. c. 62. 
 
 Pliny's assent to the sternness of Mauricus is somewhat inconsistent with 
 what he says to Maximus, Ep. 63, although it be in accordance with his 
 judgment on the Circenses, Ep. 75. See also note on Ep. 64. 13. 
 
 14. Veiento ; his power as a creature of Domitian was so great, that a 
 mere look from him was a boon; Juv. 3. 185. He is recorded as present 
 
 38
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 with Catullus at the ' Council of the Turbot/ see below, and he still sat in 
 the senate under Trajan, Ep. 77. 64. 
 16. Luminibus orbatus. 
 
 ' Et cum mortifero prudens Veiento Catullo 
 Qui nunquam visae flagrabat amore puellae' Juv. 4. II3. 
 
 23. Nobiscum cenaret. The moderation which Nerva prescribed to 
 himself in regard to this great criminal seems to have marked his dealings 
 with the class (cp. Ep. 77) ; and the victims of the delators were probably 
 little satisfied with the amount of favour which they (the delators) expe- 
 rienced from him. Merivale, Hist. Emp. c. 63. 
 
 Ep. 43. 1. Scripseram tibi, viz. in Ep. 54. 43 
 
 6. Iratum principem. ' Iratum' is the predicate. 
 
 7. Fefellit. Cp. ' Nee vi.xit male qui vivens moriensque fefellit ' Hor. 
 Ep. I. 17. 10. 
 
 9. In senatu. The emphasis is on these words. 
 
 Ep. 44. I. Legattun mihi obvenit. This is that legacy of Curianus 44 
 which is mentioned towards the close of the letter. It gave Pliny satisfaction 
 because it was a recognition of his honourable conduct in regard to the former 
 legacy, that of Galla, the story of which he proceeds to relate first. 
 
 6. Praeiudicio, ' by my first giving judgment in his favour.' An 
 opinion given and acted upon by Pliny would have great weight in the 
 centumviral court, in which he was a distinguished pleader. This sense of 
 'praeiudicium' is quite distinct from the technical sense which it sometimes 
 has of ' a previous trial to clear the way for the determination of the main 
 issues.' 
 
 9. Non satis honestum ; too like the conduct of a ' captator,' a 
 legacy-hunter. 
 
 14. Minorem, in moral worth. If Curianus could trust to Pliny's 
 honour to judge his own case, why should Pliny distrust himself? 
 
 16. Secundum, 'in favour of,' for the validity of the will. 
 
 22. Consilii ; i.e. Pliny and his two assessors. 
 
 24. Cum ceteris subscripsit. Those who brought an action, both 
 plaintiff and counsel, were required to put their names to the notice of 
 action; hence 'subscribere iudicium' or ' subscribere' mean to go to law 
 with a man. 'Subscribere cum ceteris' is an unusual construction, to be 
 explained by the sense of the word which = 'certare.' 'Certare' could of 
 course be constructed with 'cum' and abl. Elsewhere we find 'subscribere 
 in aliquem' Cic. Q^ F. 3. 3, or a dative following, 'eras subscribani homini 
 dicam' I'laut. Paen. 3. 6, 5. 
 
 25. Centumvirale iudicium: see note on Ep. 12. 9. 
 
 30. Oratillae amicitia. Uomitian had killed Rusticus, and banished 
 his wife Gratilia. Notorious intimacy with them might have exposed the 
 litigators to a like fate. 
 
 32. Ex parte quarta. Curianus sought to have his mother's will set 
 aside as ' inofhciosum,' wanting in that provision which a parent is morally 
 
 39
 
 NOTES. 
 
 bound to make for a child. This could be done under 'Lex Falcidia' in 
 any case where the natural heirs were not made at least 'heredes ex quad- 
 rante,' i. e. did not at least receive a fourth part of the inheritance. If 
 Graiilla had made such a provision, Curianus would have had no ground for 
 action. Or again, she might have made him ' heres ex asse,' but might 
 have exhausted the property by legacies out of it so as to leave him in effect 
 but one fourth of the whole. For this also he would have had no remedy. 
 
 34. Ex asse, ' to the whole inheritance.' In divisions of property the 
 •as' was taken to represent the whole. 
 
 38. Biennium. Two years undisturbed possession gave the possessor 
 a title by *usus' to real property, Pliny's 'coheredes' had enjoyed their 
 shares of the property as long as he had his, but notice of action had been 
 served on them but not on him. 
 
 44. Antiquum. The word occurs in Cicero in the same good sense, but 
 Pliny's frequent and habitual use of it is characteristic of his mind, which 
 clung to the old memories of the state, and the forms in which they survived. 
 Cp. Bk. 2. II, 18, where he couples 'pulcrum' with 'antiquum.' The 
 parenthesis nisi forte, &c. refers to ' antiquum.' 
 
 Ep. 45. I. Turdos, fieldfares, which were not taken wild when in 
 season, but kept and fed for the table all the year round in ' ornithones.' 
 Even in Varro's time they were sold when fat for about three denarii apiece. 
 Parem calculum, ' which I cannot match in value.' The Romans 
 learnt to compute by the help of ' calculi,' small stones placed in an ' abacus' 
 or tray, with different compartments for units, tens, and hundreds. Pliny 
 varies his use of the same metaphor of 'calculi' in Bk. 2. 19, and Ep. 9. 
 38, where see note. 
 
 2. TJrbis copiis, 'city commodities.' His Laurentine villa was only 
 seventeen miles from the city, so that it would be natural for him to send a 
 present of some city luxury to a friend residing further from Rome than 
 himself. The fact that Ostia was the usual market-town of the villa (Ep. 21. 
 118) presents no real difficulty; and the conjecture ' ullis' for 'urbis' has no 
 MS. authority. 
 
 4. Sollertiam Diomedis. Diomede's advantageous exchange of his 
 own brazen armour for the golden armour of Glaucus (Hom. II. 6. 236) gave 
 rise to the proverb xpi'<''*a x'^^'^^'^"- 
 
 1 Ep. 46. 4. Veritate promptissimus. This abl., unlike the two pre- 
 ceding ablatives, is 'abl. of respect.' Natura and usuare ' abl. of the means.' 
 'Veritas' here means a true and accurate statement of the matter on which 
 he was consulted. There is no occasion or authority for reading 'varietate' 
 with Gierig. 
 
 6. Prosecutua. See note on Ep. 35. 4. 
 
 7. Utcumque; properly a relative conjunction meaning 'however' or 
 ' whenever,' and followed by a verb. But in this passage it stands alone 
 with an indefinite meaning, and is in fact an adverb. Like ' quandoque,' 
 •ntcumque' reaches this indefinite sense by an ellipse, which may perhaps in this 
 
 40
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 passage be thus filled up, ' hoc, utcumque id fiat, tolerabile est.' He admits 
 that it is endurable, though he does not clearly see how it can be so. For 
 the use cp. ' Excepto quod adhuc utcumque valemus' Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 4. 14. 3. 
 14. Acerba, 'untimely.' The sentence is an apology for applying this 
 epithet to the death, not of a child but of a grown man. 
 
 21. Lectulo. See note on Ep. 24. 11. 
 
 22. Habitum, 'attitude.' 
 
 Scrinium ; not a desk to write upon, but a box to hold what was 
 written. 
 
 30. Frustra ; in preparing materials for another volume, which he was 
 prevented from writing. 
 
 Ep. 47. In a bantering humour he personifies the epigrams in which he 47 
 had promised the appearance of Suetonius ' book, and speaks of his verses as 
 having given bail for its appearance, and being called upon in legal form to 
 answer their obligation. For Suetonius see on Ep. 12. 
 
 2. Appellantur. 'Hendecasyllabi' is the nominative to this verb, and 
 also to ' cogantur,' since 'scripta' nuist evidently be supplied as an accus. 
 after ad exMbendum. 
 
 3. Ad exhibendum formulam aecipere, to undergo legal proceed- 
 ings, such as to make them bring the ' scripta' into court. These ' formulae' 
 were drawn to suit every variety of case, and from them the plaintiff chose 
 that which suited him, and inserted his own particulars. ' Formulam intendere' 
 was said of the plaintiff, ' formulam aecipere' of the defendant. 'Exhibere' 
 is a technical term, meaning ' to bring into court.' The use of the gerund 
 in this passage is remarkable ; and, as it stands after ' formulam recipere,' it 
 must be translated 'with regard to bringing them forward.' 'Ad' with the 
 gerund is not employed in final clauses for 'ut' with subj. 
 
 6. Vicisti, ' you have surpassed.' 
 
 8. Scazontes, or ' choliambi,' ' limping iambics,' were so called from 
 am^cu, ' to limp,' and are iambic trimeters with a spondee or trochee in the 
 place of the final iambus. They were invented by Hipponax of Elis, who 
 recorded in this metre his experience of the married state : 
 Au' Tiixepai 'j/iwaiKos flaiv ijSiffTat, 
 Orav yo-fJiTi ris i:dK<)>(pr] TiOvrjicvMV. 
 Scazons were not exclusively employed for satire, witness Catullus' beautiful 
 poem on Sirmio. Cat. 29. 
 
 10. Tituliim tuum. See note on ' indicis' Ep. 25. 3. 
 
 Ep. 48. I. Municipium, sc. Conuim. 48 
 
 2. Aemiliae viae curam. ' Qiiatuorviri viis curandis' had existed 
 under the republic; but Augustus increased their number, separated the care 
 of the roads within the city from that of the roads without it, and finally 
 gave a lasting dignity to the office by himself undertaking the care of the 
 'via Flann"nia,' and allotting the other ' viae' to men of note. 
 
 Under the 'Curatores' were ' mancipcs,' who contracted to perform the 
 repairs which the former thought necessary. 
 
 4'
 
 NOTES. 
 
 7. Mandatum mihi offlcium. Two concurrent inscriptions lead us 
 to suppose that this office was tliat of ' curatdr alvci Tibcris et riparum' to 
 which tlie office of Cornutus might be said to be par. Cp. Suet. Aug. 37, 
 where we lind the two charges put side by side, ' curam viarum, aquaruin, 
 alvei Tibcris.' 
 
 10. Expressius : see note on Ep. 20. 7. 
 29. Aliis litteris ; namely, belles letties. 
 .^i. Commeatus, ' leave of absence.' 
 
 49 Ep. 40. 17. Acerbum : see note on Ep. 46. 14. 
 
 22. Ut . . . invenit, ' with the inventiveness which grief gives of all the 
 details of mourning.' 
 
 23. Margarita, chiefly used for earrings, which were often very costly. 
 ' Margaritarii,' dealers in pearls, are mentioned in extant inscriptions. 
 ' Margarita' and ' margaritum' are various forms of the nom. sing. 
 
 28. Pietatis est totus. Cp. ' hominum non caussarum toti erant,* 
 Liv. 3. 36. The idiom is classical and frequent, but is more properly used 
 of devotion to persons than to things. 
 
 This whole letter will bear comparison for elegance with any in the 
 collection, not excepting Ep. 16. 
 
 50 Ep. 50. I. Tuos, 'your slaves and freedmen.* 
 
 8. Inscriptio. This word alludes to the ' titulus' fastened on slaves for 
 sale, describing their age and qualifications. Cp. ' qui titulum illi impegerat,' 
 i.e. the man who had sold him, Sen. Ep. 47. 
 
 Comoedus : see note on Ep. 24. 36. Zosimus seems also to have had 
 the qualifications of a ' lyristes.' 
 
 21. Nimis imperat voci, ' asks too much from his voice.' Cp. ' Alius 
 patrimonio suo plus inipcravit quam ferre posset' Sen. Tranq. 4. 
 
 23. Foro luli, Frejus, on the warm south coast of Gaul, which was even 
 then resorted to by consumptive patients. 
 
 29. Frugalitate. Pliny's kindness to Zosimus was met by a delicacy 
 on his part which makes this pleasant picture of humanity complete. 
 Paulinus, to whom the letter was addressed, remembered Pliny's conduct in 
 this matter, and at his death left him, ' ius Latinorum suorum,' the claims 
 of a patron over his freedmen, who, though manumitted, yet possessed only 
 the 'Latinitas' or Latin rights under the 'Lex luiia Norbana,' and hence 
 were called 'Latini.' The position of a patron of 'Latini' was valuable, 
 and gave claim to various services to be rendered by them. Pliny justified 
 the confidence of Paulinus by obtaining from Trajan full citizenship for 
 three of them, Trai. 104. 
 
 51 Ep. 51. 4. Ut venissem, • when I should have come.* 
 
 5. Graviter iacet : see note on Ep. 23. 3. 
 
 6. Ne hoc quidem triste. The probability of his death is not really 
 sad, for it will bring him relief. 
 
 lUius utilitatibus, by the consideration of his own gain. * Utilitates' 
 and 'commoda' are coupled by Cic. de Fin. i. 10. 'Utilitas,' usefulness; 
 
 42
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 'utilitates,' gains. For the rule concerning plurals of substantives of abstract 
 meaning, see Maiivig, § 50, Obs. 3. 
 
 16. Sine fructu posteritatis, without producing their legitimate fruit 
 of lasting fame, see on Ep. 16. 5. 
 
 1 7. Abierunt. The ' editio princeps ' substitutes ' aruerunt,' which would 
 suit the metaphor suggested by various parts of the passage ; such as, in flore 
 primo ; maturuissent ; sine fructu. 
 
 Frenos. In the case of those substantives which have more than one 
 plural form, the neuter form is usually confined to poetical use ; cp. ' ostreae, 
 ostrea,' and ' sibili, sibila.' 
 
 Ep. 52. I. Quaerere: cp. ' quaerit patria Caesarem * Hor. Carm. 4. 52 
 
 5. 15- 
 
 M. Kegulum; see on Ep. 23. 4. 
 
 3. Quaravis non posset ediscere. Regulus wrote and prepared his 
 speeches with great care, but never could quite get them by heart, which 
 spoiled their effect. 
 
 It will be worth while to examine the history of this passage as an instance 
 of the way in which the text was corrupted for want of a close adherence to 
 MSS. The Medicean MS. read, for ' posset ediscere,' ' posse te discere.' 
 Catanaeus, an early editor, saw this would not do, and cutting 'te' in two, 
 restored ' t ' to the previous ' posse,' and ' e ' to the following ' discere.' But not 
 content with this he introduced ' d,' and printed ' quamvis non posset dedis- 
 cere.' He then removed the full stop, and took illud ipsum and the following 
 sentence as the accusative of ' dediscere,' introducing hopeless confusion, and 
 compelling the reader to take veniebat as an impersonal verb. This con- 
 fusion was perpetuated by Cortius, and all the inferior modern editions, e. g. 
 the Tauchnitz edition. 
 
 5. Circumlinebat ; with paint. 
 
 TO. Una dicentibus, ' to the counsel engaged in the same case;' not, 
 'on the same side.' 
 
 Libera tempora. Cn. Pompeius, by a law passed in his third consul- 
 ship, defined the proportions of time to be allotted to the accuser and the 
 accused respectively. The enactment was primarily to regulate the trial of 
 Milo then about to take place, Ascon. Arg. Cic. pro Mil. The proportion 
 was apparently that of two to three, and was measured by 'clepsydrae.' But 
 if the plaintiff or prosecutor asked for ' libera tempora,' i/wlimited time, then 
 the same privilege was necessarily granted to the other side. 
 
 11. Audituros corrogabat. For Pliny's opinion on the custom of 
 inviting or hiring an audience, cp. Ep. 20. 15. 
 
 12. Sub alteriu.s invidia. Regulus bore all the odium attaching to a 
 protracted trial and a packed audience. Pliny reaped the advantages of 
 unrestricted time for his oratory and a crowd of listeners, in the midst of 
 which he found himself ' caught,' as he expresses it. He had not brought 
 them, but there they were. The remembrance of all this is what leads him 
 to look for Regulus, ' quaerere Rcgulum,' with a sort of half regret. 
 
 43
 
 NOTES. 
 
 iS. Binas vel singulas. In ilic trial of Marius Priscus (Bk. 2. ii) 
 Pliny spoke through sixteen clepsydrae, and his speech lasted nearly five 
 hours. As that trial took place in January, these five hours would be 
 equivalent to about four hours of our time. See note on Ep. 25. 28. Hence 
 ' binas vel singulas' would be ' half an hour or a quarter of an hour apiece.' 
 
 29. Fidei, to the obligation of their duty to their clients. 
 
 39. Conimuuium. This is the MSS. reading, but ' communia' in the 
 sense of ' public interests* is unparalleled. The earliest editors seem to have 
 either felt the difTicuhy or to have had another reading before them, as they 
 insert ' civium.' Munimscn's emendation ' amore conmiuni omnium ' is 
 probable, and it is easy to imagine that the two latter words may have run 
 into one. 
 
 Emendari cupere quae iam corrigere difficile est. Why 
 • emendare' is spoken of as easier than 'corrigere' may be seen by consider- 
 ing the metaphors involved in them. It is a less matter to remove a few 
 blemishes (' niendae'), than to straighlen throughout a thing which has 
 grown crooked. 
 
 41. Mihi autem; this sentence explains to Arrianus why he is to take 
 ' no news,' novi nihil, for ' pood news.' 
 £3 Ep. 53. Pliny practised what Cicero preached, ' nutrices et paedagogi 
 iure vetustatis plurimum benevolentiae postulabunt' Cic. Lael. 20. Nurses have 
 their place both in the epic and the tragic poetry of Greece and Rome. 
 
 54 Ep. 54. 3. In Campaniam, perhaps to Baiae. Piiny the elder describes 
 the whole coast as possessing ' vitalis ac perennis salubritas.' 
 
 E vestigio, ' immediately.' 
 
 6. Ecquid denique. Pliny is anxious to know if his wife is enjoying 
 the delights of Campania without being retarded in her recovery by indul- 
 gence in them. 
 
 7. Transmitto means to let go by one, yet not so as to miss or neglect. 
 Bv zeugma it is here joined to both ' seccssus' and ' voluptates.' 
 
 55 Ep. 55. 6. Omnium quae decucurri candidatus, ' candidate for 
 all the offices which I have successively enjoyed.' Compounds of ' curro' 
 may either retain or drop the aug'nient. Cp. ' decursu honorum ' Cic. de Or. 
 1. I. 
 
 I 2. Quintilianum : see on Ep. 20. 34. 
 
 1,^. Ventitabat =(</)0iTa. 
 
 15. In senatu, where the magistrates were now elected, the result of the 
 election being announced to the people who continued to meet for this 
 purpose long after the loss of their power to elect. The elections retained 
 their original name of ' comitia,' which properly belonged to the popular 
 assembly. Cp. 'E campo comitia ad patres translata sunt' Tac. Ann. i. 15. 
 This change was made under Tiberius. 
 
 24. Cum fratre, probably Julius Avitus, whose death is lamented in Ep. 51. 
 
 28 Suffragio meo. On the importance of influential 'suffragatores' 
 see on Ep. 40. 2 1 . 
 
 44
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 Ep. 56. I. Adflci: see on Ep. 24. 3?;. 56 
 
 3. In vestigio meo, in the place where I used to sit or lie. ' Vestigium 
 a Latinis dicitur de loco ubi quis fuerit, licet vestigia eius appareant nulla' 
 Gierig. Cp. ' isdem vestigiis institisti' Pan. 23. 
 
 Ep. 57. I. Socrus meae, Pompeia Celerina. 57 
 
 Villam Alsiensem ; near Alsium, a seaside town of Etruria. A list 
 of Ponipeia's other villas will be found Bk. 1.4. 
 
 2. Hufi Vergini. Ep. 16 is a panegyric of Verginius. 
 
 10. Post decimum mortis annum. This determines the date of this 
 letter as not earlier than 107 a.d. It is therefore (except Bk. 9. 19 referring 
 to the same subject) the latest of the whole series to which a date can be 
 affixed. 
 
 11. Sine titulo, ' without an epitaph.' For this sense of ' titulus' cp. 
 
 ' Titulique cupido 
 Haesuri saxis cinerum custodibus ' Juv. 10. 243. 
 
 15. Ptilso Vindice. Julius Vindex, propraetor of Gaul, rose against Nero, 
 having first olTered the empire to Galba. Verginius commanding in upper 
 Germany marched against the insurgents, and his army engaged and defeated 
 them in spite of an agreement which is said to have been come to between 
 the generals on either side. 
 
 16. Adsernit non sibi. He proved his disinterestedness by refusing 
 the empire which w.ts ofi'ered to him. See on Ep. 16. 4. 
 
 17. Parata oblivio: see on Ep. 25. 30. 
 
 18. Conditoria were sepulchres underground, in which dead bodies were 
 placed entire as distinguished from those sepulchres or chambers which con- 
 tained bones or ashes only. Smith's Diet. Ant. art. ' Funus.' 
 
 Ep. 58. 2. Exccpit; an inverted idiom: 'the story fell in with me,' 58 
 instead of ' I fell in with the story.' 
 
 Passennus Paulus ; Pliny's affection and admiration for him is ex- 
 pressed at length Bk. 9. 22. 
 
 4. Municeps Propertii. Propertius was of Mevania, an Umbrian town. 
 
 6. Prisce iubes, the first words of the poem of Paulus. 
 
 7. Ego vero non iubco. Pliny's gentlemanly feeling was naturally 
 outraged by this vulgar wit of Javolenus. Certain German critics have 
 thought fit to defend Javolenus. One of these critics (who was also a 
 lawyer) is thus amusingly answered by Gierig, ' non carpit noster merita 
 lavokni ; id unum niodo tradit, cum senem dubiae esse sanitatis. Et quis 
 tandem neget ICtos quoque nobiles, urgente sencctute, huic naturae humanae 
 imbccillitati esse obiioxios.' 
 
 9. Adhibetur con.silii.s, to act as praetor's assessor. See on Ep. 42. 
 
 10. lus civile respondet. For the construction of 'rcspondeo' with 
 an accus. cp. 
 
 ' Stu civica iura 
 Respondere paras' Hor. Ep. i. 3, 23. 
 The Jurisconsult! gave their opinion on points of law in public and in private 
 
 45
 
 NOTES. 
 
 to those who inquired. There appear to linve been two classes of Jurisconsult!, 
 thdse who held an imperial privilege of being consulted, ' ius respondendi,' 
 and those who did not. The opinions of the former class had of course far 
 greater weight in court. 
 59 Ep. 59. I. Avunculi mei. For an account of the life and studies of 
 Pliny the elder, sec Ep. 25. 
 
 3. Ininortalena gloriam. lie expresses the same confidence in the 
 immortality of the works of Tacitus, Ep. 69. I. We do not know whether 
 Tacitus availed himself of the materials here sent him, as the extant portion 
 of the ' Histories' breaks off ten years before the eruption. 
 
 4. Pulcherrimarura clade terrarum ; 'clade' is an ablative belonging 
 to occiderit, denoting the cause of Pliny's death. 
 
 Ut populi, ut urbes, ' as nations and cities did (i. e. perish).' Prob- 
 ably this refers to Herculancum and Pompeii, whose inhabitants are with some 
 affectation styled ' populi.' Some commentators have understood the passage 
 as a comparison of Pliny's fame with that of such a town as Saguntum. 
 
 5. Memorabili casu, abl. after victurus, denoting the cause of his 
 inmiortality. 
 
 12. Erat Miseni. Suetonius says of Augustus, 'classem Miseni et alteram 
 Ravennae ad tutclam superi et infer: maris collocavit' Suet. Aug. 49. This 
 arrangement seems to have been permanently maintained, and we find 
 references in Tacitus both to the fleet of the Lower sea at Misenum, and 
 to that of the Higher or Adriatic sea at Ravenna. The promontory of 
 Misenum forms the northern limit of the 'Sinus Cumanus' or bay of 
 Naples. 
 
 15. Usus illo sole, mox frigida. Cp. 'Post solem plerumque frigida 
 lavabatur' Ep. 25. 39. 
 
 Gustaverat, 'had taken some luncheon.' 'Gusto' is used intran- 
 sitively in this sense. 
 
 26. liiburnicam, a vessel built in imitation of those used by the Libur- 
 nians of Dalmatia. It seems to have had sharp bows and consequent swift- 
 ness. Juvenal mentions slaves from the same district. Orelli understands 
 by ' saevis Liburnis' Hor. Carm. 1. 37, 30, the vessels and not the slaves. 
 Whatever the Liburnica was, it is at any rate here contrasted with the larger 
 quadriremes, which arc launched when the voyage is changed (vertit ille 
 consilium) from purposes of curiosity to those of succour. 
 
 29. Rectinae Tasci: cp. ' Verania Pisonis' Ep. 23. 3. 
 
 30. Subiacebat, sc. ' monti.' 
 
 43. Stabiis, Castellamare, a village on the side of the bay opposite 
 Misenum, and looking north-west. 
 
 Erat, sc. Pomponianus. 
 
 44. Direraptus sinu medio, 'separated' from Pliny by the bay which 
 lay between them. 
 
 47. Certus fugae, ' determined on flight.' The poets and the later prose 
 writers use the genitive even alter adjectives not strictly transitive in sense, 
 46
 
 LETTERS OF C. PinXIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 to denote a certain reference to a thing which is otherwise expressed by the 
 ablative {with respect to) alone, or by the ablative with the prepositions 'de' 
 or 'in' Madvig, § 290 g. 
 
 50. Leniret. See on Ep. 68. 43. 
 
 82. Is ab eo quern novissime viderat erat tertius, 'and it was the 
 third day from the last which he had seen.' He had died the day before, but 
 he had not seen daylight since the day before that. Hence Pliny is able to 
 make a sort of quibble on the common phrase ' novissimus dies,' which 
 usaally meant the day of a man's death, but in this case must be applied to 
 the day before death, as the day of death was no day at all, dies alibi, illie 
 nox omnibus rdgrior densiorque. 'Erat' is a conjectural insertion by 
 Mommsen. It makes the construction smoother, and might easily have 
 dropped out after ' viderat.' 
 
 Ep. 60. 4. Ne pecunias deponant, i.e. with ' sequestres,' by whom 60 
 the money was distributed to the voters after the candidate was elected. 
 
 7. Homtallus noster ; he is found eating with Pliny, Bk. 4. 9. 
 
 8. Sententiae loco, ' as a resolution,' literally, ' on the occasion of his 
 opinion.' Each senator was asked in turn for his ' sententia ' on the subject 
 under discussion, and if he did not agree with previous speakers, he gave his 
 opinion under the form of a resolution, which was put to the vote at the 
 end of the debate if it seemed likely to command any support. 
 
 10. Sua, sc. ' principis : ' a lax use of ' suus.' 
 
 15. Et erat, sc. deforme. 
 
 17. Quoque, sc. ' et quo.' ' Qiio' = ' ut,' 
 
 Ep. 61. I, Litteris, Ep. 59. This letter resumes the narrative broken 61 
 off in Ep. 59 at the words ' Interim Miseni ego et mater.' 
 
 4. Quamquam animus meminisse horret, Virg. Aen. 2. 12. 
 
 12. In area domus ; a vacant space left outside a town house (domus). 
 Here it intervened between the house and the sea shore. ' Area' must not 
 be confounded with ' atrium.' 
 
 21. Dies, 'daylight.' 
 
 32. Processerat litus. This happened on the other side of the bay 
 also; cp. ' vadiim subitum ruinaque montis litora obstantia' Ep. 59- 40- 
 
 44. Miseni quod procurrit, the promontory of Misenum. 
 
 48. Addere gradum, a colloquial phrase for moving quickly forward. 
 Cp. 'in utroque agmine adhortationes erant ; adderent gradum' Liv. 3. 27. 
 Like most colloquial expressions it is obscure in its origin, and probably 
 elliptical ; perhaps it may have been in full ' addere gradum gradui,' to make 
 one step after another, to put one foot before the other. 
 
 54. Consideramus ; i for e in the penultimate of the perfect is found 
 both in 'sido' and its compound ' consido.' Hence from 'considi' comes 
 * considerani.' 
 
 Et nox, sc. ' facta est.' ' Et' has a temporal force. 
 
 56. Quiritatus, appealing cries. ' Quiritare' and 'quiritatus' are not 
 connected with 'qucror,' but, as \^arro shows, arc derived from the old 
 
 47
 
 NOTES. 
 
 formula of appeal to the citizens, 'Porro Quirites,' used by those in danger 
 of injustice or illtreatnient. Varr. de Ling. Lat. 5. 7- So in a fragment of 
 Labcrius, preser\'ed in Macrob. Sat. 2, 7, we find the words 'Porro Quirites, 
 libertatem perdimus,* put into the mouth of a man who is being scourged. 
 
 63. lUud . . . illvid, this part and tl.at part of the town. 
 
 71. Misero, to be construed wiih solacio. 
 
 74. Deficit, the proper word for eclipse. Cp. ' Solis defectiones itemque 
 lunae praedicuntur in multos annos ' Cic. de Div. 2. 6. 
 
 77. Utcumque : see note on Kp. 46. 7- 
 62 Ep. 62. I. Tollite cuncta, the address of Vulcan to his Cyclopes, Virg. 
 Aen. S. 439. 
 
 3. Ilia arma, the arms to be made for Aeneas. The comparison is not 
 e.xact, as Vulcan did not bring the arms, but the order for them. 
 
 8. Intra undecim dies, quam. This involved idiom requires to be 
 traced carefully. The simplest construction would have been 'undecim 
 diebus postquam.' But sometimes ' post ' is transferred to the beginning of 
 the sentence, and the phrase left to stand thus, ' post undecim dies quam ' 
 Madvig, § 270, Obs. 4, note ; cp. § 276, Obs. 6. But in the present instance 
 •post' would not exactly express the meaning of the writer, and 'intra' is 
 substituted for it. Thus 'post' disappears from the sentence, but 'quam,' 
 which belonged to it syntactically, is nevertheless retained, and forced into 
 conjunction with 'intra.' Cp. 'intra quintum quam afluerat diem' Suet. Jul. 
 35. Such instances of the construction proper to one particle being applied 
 to another, are characteristic of a decaying language. 
 
 9. Quadruplici iudicio : see note on Ep. 12. 9. 
 
 12. Advocatio, sc. 'advocati.' Cp. 'cum ingenti advocatione' Liv. 
 
 3-47- 
 
 Subsellia, occupied by the audience. The same terms are employed 
 in the description of the court, Ep. 20. 25. 
 
 14. Tribunal, the raised dais at the further end of the basilica, on which 
 the judges sat. It was sometimes thrown back in the form of an apse, and 
 on the conversion of basilicas into churches became the sanctuary where the 
 altar was placed. 
 
 Ex superiore basilicae parte, the galleries, which are somewhat ob- 
 scurely described by Vitruvius 5.1. It was difficult for persons in them to hear 
 the proceedings, but easy to look down and see them. They were reached 
 by a staircase from the outside of the building. They were defended by a 
 low balustrade from the hall within, and were probably open to the air, being 
 little more than the roofs of the side aisles. 
 
 18. Duobus consiliis, by the verdict of two out of the four 'consilia' 
 into which the 180 judges were divided. It appears at first sight that the 
 verdict of two out ot the four carried the day in Pliny's favour. But as two 
 points on which he was successful are mentioned below, victa noverca . . . 
 victus Suberinus, it may be that each of the four 'consilia,' though 
 sitting together, gave its verdict on a different issue in the case, and that 
 48
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIiXIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 only those two instances are mentioned in which the verdict was favour- 
 able. 
 
 20. Isdem iudicibus, not of course individually the same, but judges 
 of different divisions of the same centumviral court. 
 
 21. Non . . . videretur. See Madv. § 357. 2, b : 'I use the word 
 chance, but I don't mean to say that it looked like chance.' Perhaps he 
 hints at the possibility of bribery. 
 
 40. 'Ttrip KTT]aic})u)VTOS, is as much my best as that is Demosthenes' 
 best. 
 
 Ep. 63. I. Kecte fecisti: see note on Ep. 42. it. 63 
 
 Veronensibus nostris, ' nostris ' because Verona was in ' Italia 
 Transpadana,' 'ilia nostra Italia' Ep. 9. 13, in which Comum, Pliny's birth- 
 place, was situated. 
 
 2. Olim amaris, 'you are now and have long been loved.' This use of 
 • olim ' where Cicero would use ' iamdudum ' is characteristic of the Silver 
 Age. Cp. 
 
 ' Sed olim 
 Prodigio par est in nobilitate senectus' Juv. 4. 96, 
 where see Mayor's note. 
 
 The classical uses of 'olim' are as follows: (i) of /las/ time — once, formerly; 
 (2) of future time — one day, a time will come when ; (3) of repeated 
 occurrence — now and then. 
 
 9. Africanae, wild beasts, especially panthers. A ' venatio ' was to 
 have been combined with a gladiatorial exhibition, as was done in the 
 Roman 'ludi circenses.' 'Venationes' consisted either of the destruction of 
 criminals by wild beasts, or of the destruction of the beasts by trained 
 ' bestiarii.' Cp. ' aut homo imbecillus a valentissima bestia laniatur, aut 
 praeclara bestia venabulo transverberatur' Cic. Earn. 7- !• 
 
 10. Ad praefinitum diem: see note on Ep. 26. 26. 
 
 11. Acceptum fieret; passive of 'acceptum facere,' which means to set 
 down as having been received from a man. The phrase is used of a debt 
 which has been paid or is regarded as paid, as in Bk. 2. 4, 'quicquid mihi 
 pater tuus debuit acceptum tibi fieri iubebo.' Hence the passage above 
 means, 'you have deserved that you should be considered to have fulfilled 
 your promise.' 'Acceptum ferre' diflers in sense from ' acceptum facere,' 
 and means to enter as owed on the debit side of one's account book. 
 So the man who scratches out an old debt to himself on the credit side of 
 his book is said 'acceptum facere,' whereas he might be said 'acceptum 
 ferre' when he enters a debt from himself to some one else on the debit side. 
 Tibi is ' dativus commodi.' 
 
 Ep. 64. 2. Proscribi, 'to be advertised for sale.' This was done then, 64 
 as now, by putting up on the property a notice (titulus) to that eilect. Cp. 
 'proscribebatur tamcn (domus)' Ep. 68. 28. 
 
 Pro meo quincunca ex septingentis millibus, ' as my five 
 twelfths out of (a total of) seven hundred thousand sesterces,' In estimating 
 
 D 49
 
 NOTES. 
 
 the value of Pliny's share of the land Hermes reckoned the whole estate at 
 two hundred thousand sesterces below its real value, so that Corellia got the 
 part which she bought from him very cheaply. 
 9. Corelli Hull: see note on Kp. 7. 
 
 13. Ludis meis ; the ' ludi Circenses vel Apollinares' were given by the 
 praetor, in accordance with the 'carmen' which had ordered their institution 
 when the Carthaginians were in Italy, B.C. 2 1 2. They were at first vowed 
 afresh every year ; but in consequence of a pestilence, b. c. 2oS, a law was 
 passed ' ut hi ludi in perpetuum in statam diem voverentur' Liv. 27. 23. 
 The appointed day was July 5. 
 
 Praesederit. Pliny had probably absented himself to mark his 
 indifference to popular amusements. Cp. ' Circenses erant, quo genere 
 spectaculi ne levissime quidem teneor' Ep. 75. 3. 
 
 14. Circa Larium nostrum. For 'nostrum' cp. 'huius (Larii lacus) 
 in litore plures villae meae ' Ep. 76. 4. 
 
 J 6. His enim cedere. 'Cedo' here governs an abl. ('his') besides its 
 usual dative (Corelliae). Cp. ' nisi sibi possessione hortorum cessisset ' Cic. 
 pro Mil. 27. 
 
 65 Ep. 65. This letter shows how Corellia had responded to the liberality 
 which had been shown her. 
 
 2. Ex septingentis ; see note on the preceding letter. 
 
 4. Partem vicesimam. This succession, duty of five per cent, had been 
 imposed by Augustus, and was the only direct tax levied on Roman 
 citizens. It was paid on all inheritances except those which came from a 
 man's nearest relatives, or did not exceed a certain sum. It was collected 
 by ' procuratores,' who in turn farmed it out to ' publicani.' From this 
 passage it seems to have been taken in kind, unless some compromise could 
 be arrived at. The ' publicani ' appear to have laid hands on a twentieth 
 part of the estate, and in buying back from them Corellia had become aware 
 of the real value of the property. 
 
 66 Ep. 60. 1. Municipibus nostris ; the people of Comum. In Ep. 3. i 
 we learn that Caninius was Pliny's fellow-citizen. 
 
 2. Epulum. In an inscription found at Milan (Gruter, Insc, 1028), 
 Pliny himself is said to have left funds for a similar purpose. 
 
 3. Nuraere.3. See note on Ep. 31. 34, and Madvig, § 353. 
 
 7. In alimenta inganuorum. He speaks in Bk. i. 8 of the oration 
 in which lie promised this endowment to his countrymen at Comum, and 
 the inscription mentioned above records also his liberality to the free-born 
 youth of Milan. Pliny was in this matter following the example of his 
 master Traian, who had provided maintenance at his own expense for five 
 thousand children (probably in Rome), Pan. 28. The tablet of Ve'eia shows 
 that the emperor's liberality also extended to the country towns. The 
 alimentation was continued up to the eighteenth year for males, and the 
 fourteenth for females. The object seems to have been to recruit the free- 
 born population by inducing needy parents not to expose their children, but 
 
 50
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECU.WDUS. 
 
 to rear them in hope of receiving assistance. It was not merely a provision 
 for orphans, though they may have been included in its benefits. See 
 Merivale, Hist. Emp. c. 63. 
 
 S. Longe pluris, worth a great deal more than five hundred thousand 
 sestertii. 
 
 Actori publico ; the clerk who received and disbursed the revenues 
 of a city, just as the ' actores privati' did in the case of private estates. Cp. 
 
 Ep- 33- 7- 
 
 Mancipavi, ' I conveyed.' It was not a real sale, as Phny only handed 
 
 it over in order to receive it back. 
 
 9. Tricena milia. He thus established a perpetual rent-charge on this 
 portion of his estate amounting to thirty thousand sestertii. This made 
 exactly the same provision for the charity at Comum as a direct gift of a 
 capital ('sors') of five hundred thousand sestertii would have done. For 
 the interest of that sum at the usual rate of one-half per cent, per mensem, or 
 six per cent, ('semissium usura'), would have amounted to the same sum, 
 thirty thousand sestertii per annum. 
 
 We have in this matter another instance of Pliny's clearsightedness, 
 parallel to that noticed on Ep. 39. The deterioration and even absolute loss 
 of charitable and educational landed endowments in this country is familiar 
 to all students of local history. Pliny's scheme seems free from all objection, 
 as it was calculated to insure the safety of the endowment without breaking 
 up his own estate. 'Vectigales agri' were recognised by the Roman law: 
 the lessees had a right to retain the land so long as they paid the charges 
 due, and this right in the land could probably be disposed of by will. At 
 any rate, in the conclusion of the letter Pliny seems to contemplate the land 
 as remaining in his disposition, though lowered in value by more than the 
 amount of the charge on it, from the fact of its being ' vectigalis.' 
 
 16. Diligentius muneri suo consulere, 'to be more careful for the 
 security of one's gift than the interests of one's property.' ' Se' and 'suus' 
 sometimes stand in universal assertions (without being referred to a definite 
 subject preceding) in the signification, of ' one's self,' ' one's own,' Madvig, 
 § 490, Obs. 5. 
 
 Ep. 67. I. Fanniae : see note on Ep. 28. 10. 
 
 Adsidet: for this special sense, cp. 'nihil scribere adsidenti vacat' 
 Ep. 14. 4.V 
 
 lO. Mettio Caro. The share of this man in the death of Helvidius is 
 alluded to in a previous letter, where he is made to speak of Senecio as one 
 of his victims, 'mci mortui' Bk. I. 5. 
 
 17. Comraentarios ; the diaries and note-books of Helvidius. Caesar 
 gave this name of 'commentaries' to his works 'quod nudi essent onini 
 ornatu orationis' Cic. Brut. 75. 
 
 21. Abolitos senatus consulto. Cp. ' Non in ipsos modo auctores 
 sed in libros quoque eoruni sacvitum, delegato triumviris ministerio ut monu- 
 menta darissiniorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro urcrcntur' Tac. Agr. 2. 
 
 D 2 5' 
 
 67
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Servavit ; Fannla contrived to preserve one copy. 
 35. Viri, ' we men.' 
 
 ,^0. Novissima, 'the last of the race;' the last, that is to say, endued 
 with the virtues of the race. Cp. ' C. Cassiiiiii Romanoruiu ultinium' Tac. 
 Ann. 4. 34. 
 
 3S. Ultor rover sarum. See Ep. 77. 24. 
 
 Won feci tamen paria. Cp. 'pareiu calculum ponere' Ep. 45. I. 
 68 Ep. G8. 5. Curtio Bufo. This story is confirmed by Tac. Ann. il. 
 21. Curtius owed his promotion to Tiberius, so the tale was an old one. 
 6. Obtinenti Africam, the magistrate in charge of the province. 
 
 27. Longior = ' diuturnior,' lasting longer than the sights and sounds 
 which caused it. 
 
 28. Monstro. ' Mostellum,' the diminutive of ' monstrum,' also means 
 a 'ghost,' and hence the name of Plautus's comedy, ' Mostellaria.' 
 
 Proscribebatur : see on Ep. 64. 2. 
 
 30. Athenodorua, said to have been tutor to Augustus. This therefore 
 is another old story, and Lucian also gives a version of it with ditferent 
 names. 
 
 39. Auribusque praetendere. sc. 'animumj' i.e. 'animo aures custo- 
 dire ne vaiia audiant.' His hands were engaged in writing, so we can neither 
 take 'praetendere' absolutely nor supply 'manum.' 'Praetendere aniniuni 
 auribus' is a bold and poetical expression; but not more so than our own 
 phrase ' to shut one's ear to a story,' which, like the Latin, represents as a 
 physical act that which is really no more than a determination of the mind. 
 
 43. Ut paulum expectaret manu significat. ' The historical 
 present is conceived and treated with reference to the propositions depending 
 upon it, sometimes as an actual present, sometimes (according to the 
 signification) as a perfect.' Madvig, § 382, Obs. 3. Cp. above dimittit 
 . . . intendit . . . ne fingeret. The sequence of tenses would of course 
 require 'fingat,' ' expectet,' after present tenses which were not historical. 
 
 61. In paedagogio. ' Paedagogium' was the name, not of a part of the 
 house, but of the company of young slaves among whom this slave was 
 sleeping. At any rate this is the sense of the word in all the other passages 
 where it occurs. 
 
 67. A Caro, one of Domitian's informers, mentioned in the preceding 
 letter. He knew he had made Pliny his enemy by his share in the death of 
 Pliny's friend Senecio, and in the exile of Fannia widow of Helvidius. He 
 would therefore naturally endeavour to put him out of the way. 
 
 69. Moris est submittere capillum. For this custom cp. 
 
 'Cuius manantia fletu 
 Ora puellares faciunt incerta capilii' Juv. 15. 136. 
 
 74. Ex altera; to fill up the sense supply ' disputa' from disputes 
 above. 'Altera' here stands for 'alterutra,' 'one or the other,' as in Cic. 
 Att. II. 18 'Quorum fortasse utrumque erit ; alterum certe.' Pliny begs 
 his correspondent to convince him one way or the other. 
 
 52
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 Ep. 69. I. Historias tuas. The trial of Massa would come within 69 
 the scope of the 'historiae' of Tacitus properly so called. It occurred in 
 the reign of Domitian about the time of Agricola's death, as we learn from 
 Tac. Agr. sub fin. ' Massa Baebius iam turn reus erat.' But inasmuch as 
 the extant portion of the ' Histories' does not bring us further than the 
 midst of the reign of Vespasian, we have no means of knowing whether 
 Plin_v's wish was gratified, though we do know that his presentiment was 
 disappointed. 
 
 3. Ab Optimo quoque artifice. The whole letter is an imitation of 
 Cicero's letter to Lucceius the historian urging a similar request, Cic, 
 Fam. 5. 12. Even the illustration from art occurring here is borrowed from 
 Cicero; cp. 'Neque enim Alexander ille gratiae causa ab Apelle pocissimum 
 pingi et a Lysippo fingi volebat; sed quod illorum artem cum ipsis tum etiam 
 sibi gloriae fore piitabat.* 
 
 7. In publicis actis, the daily gazette published at Rome under the 
 empire, otherwise known as ' acta diurna,' or ' diurna.' These gazettes are 
 spoken of as being read in the armies and the provinces, Tac. Ann. 15. 22. 
 
 10. Herennio Senecione, put to death by Domitian on various 
 charges, one of them that of having composed the life of Helvidius Priscus, 
 Ep. 67. 14. Tacitus pays a tribute to his integrity, ' nos innocenti sanguine 
 Senecio perfudit' Tac. Agr. sub fin. 
 
 11. Provinciae Baeticae, Andalusia, the southernmost province of 
 Spain. It derived its name from the river Baetis (Guadalquivir) which 
 traverses it from east to west. It is cut olT from inland Spain by the Sierra 
 iMorena, and open only on its south-western coast. This fact e.xplains its 
 connection with Africa under the Empire (cp. ' Priscus ex Baetica ex Africa 
 Classicus' Bk. 3. 9.) and also, later, under the Vandals and the Moors. 
 The province seems to have been unlucky in its rulers. Twice after the 
 trial of Massa they came to Rome with accusations against Classicus, 
 and against Callus. In the case of Classicus they prevailed on Pliny to 
 appear for them again, Bk. 3. 4, and the trial is related at length in the 
 ninth letter of the same book. In the case of Gallus he resolved to 
 remain neutral. 
 
 12. Ut bona eius publics custodirentur ; this was to be done in 
 order that restiuition might be made out of them to the provi icials. 
 
 16. Ne bona dissipari sinant quorum esse in custodia debent, 
 'that they (the consuls) would not allow the property to be made away 
 with, in charge of which they ought to be.' The antecedent of 'quorum' 
 is 'bona,' not 'consules,' nor 'ab iis' understood. Either of the latter 
 antecedents makes the position of ' esse' between ' quorum' and ' in custodia' 
 cxtre.'iu-ly harsh and unnatural. If, on the other hand, 'esse in custodia' 
 be considered as one phrase all is smooth. This explanation (so far as I 
 am aware, original) is supported by ' cum in eiusdem anni custodia te atque 
 L. Mnrenam fortuna posuisset' Cic. pro Mur. 31 ; ' retiiiendus est animus 
 in custodia corporis' Cic." Rep. 6. 15 ; in which instances the genitives 
 
 53
 
 NOTES. 
 
 •anni,' and 'corporis,' both express, not that which exercised the ' ciistodia,' 
 but that over which it was exercised. The Medicean reading 'dissipari' 
 may therefore be retained. 
 
 ' Debent,' ' ought to be,' by the decree of the senate mentioned above, ' ut 
 bona eiiis,' &c. This decree, it seems, had not been properly attended to by 
 the consuls. 
 
 20. Cui nulla cum provincia necessitudo. This was in Pliny's 
 early days. Later in life he calls this same province of Baetica ' pro- 
 vinciam quam tot officiis meis devinxerim' Bk. I. 7. 
 
 27. Impietatis. The crime of ' maiestas,' high treason, might also be 
 styled ' impietas,' disloyalty. Cp. Pan. 33. 
 
 29. Praevaricationem : see on Ep. 13. 4. 
 
 ji. Privatus. Nerva was probably at that time in exile at Tarentum, 
 having been banished by Domitian. 
 
 36. Wotiora, clariora, maiora. It is plain by the sense which he 
 attaches to ' maiora,' F.p. 31. 50, ' alia clariora esse alia maiora,' that he does 
 wish the historian to make more of the affair than it deserved, in spite 
 quajuquam non exigo, Sec. He is however not so unblushing as 
 Cicero. Cp. honeste factis Veritas sufflcit with 'amorique nostro 
 plusculum etiam quam concedit Veritas largiare' Cic. I. c. 
 
 70 Ep. 70. 2. Vindemias. Masson thinks that these ' vindemiae' were 
 the ' partes' or proportion of the produce which Pliny had arranged to 
 receive from his tenants in lieu of rent, Ep. 83. 12. 
 
 Certatim, by auction. 
 3. Invitabat, sc. ' negotiatores.' 
 
 8. Paria peccata ; a favourite maxim with the Stoics. Cicero states it 
 broadly 'nee minus delinquere eum qui gallum gallinaceum, cum opus noa 
 fuerit, quam qui patrem suffocaverit' Mur. 29. Pliny's thought is this : ' if all 
 bad deeds are equally blameable, then all good ones are equally praiseworthy ;' 
 hence the importance of accurate justice even towards these dealers. 
 
 9. 'Nemo ex hac numero mihi non donatus abibit' Virg. Aen. 5. 305. 
 iS. Tulerimt, 'carried off,' as a remission. 
 
 20. Reposuisse : 'reponere' means to pay, whether it consist in 're- 
 placing' what had been at first received, or in returning an equivalent, as 
 in this place. Cp. 
 
 'Semper ego auditor tantum nunquamne reponam?' 
 
 Juv. I. I. 
 Verura, ' right.' Cp. 
 
 ' Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede »erum est' 
 
 Hor. Ep. I. 7, 98. 
 82. Una pertica, 'by one rule.* ' Pertica' = ' decempeda.' 
 31. 'Ev 5« IT) Ti(xfj Hom. II. 9. 319. 
 
 71 Ep. 71. I. Bellum Dacicura. Caninius' plan seems, from Pliny's 
 observations, actos bis triumphos. Sec, to have included bo/h of Trajan's 
 .expeditions, the first a.d, 101-2, and the second a.d. 104-6. The first 
 
 54
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 campaign was undertaken to avenge the defeat of Fuscus (Juv. 4. ill), 
 and the humiliation of Domitian, who is said to have consented to the 
 payment of a tribute to Decibalus the Dacian king. In the first campaign 
 Trajan penetrated to the heart of Dacia, established a garrison there, and 
 obtained the complete submission of Decibalus, On his return he celebrated 
 a triumph, and received the name of Dacicus. 
 
 It was not long before the Dacians, by violating the treaty, provoked a 
 second invasion, which ended in the defeat and death of Decibalus, and 
 the settlement of Dacia as a Roman province. For a full account of the 
 Dacian war, see Merivale, Hist. Emp. c. 63. 
 
 4. Inmissa terris nova flumina. Decibalus temporarily diverted a 
 river from its course, that he might conceal his treasure in its bed. Trajan 
 repeated the operation to recover the treasure, and this may possibly be the 
 exploit to which Pliny alludes. 
 
 Novos pontes; the bridges of boats thrown over the Danube in 
 the first campaign, and the massive permanent bridge constructed in pre- 
 paration for the second campaign. 
 
 5. Montium abrupta. These were the great difSculties of a campaign 
 in that region. 
 
 Pulsiun regia, namely from Zermizegethusa, captured in the first 
 campaign. 
 
 6. Pulsum etiam vita. Decibalus fell by his own hand at the cap- 
 ture of his hill fort. This completes a noticeable parallel between the 
 Dacian campaign and the late Abyssinian expedition, both being triumphs 
 of engineering skill and of discipline rather than of valour, though 
 the resistance of the Dacian was of course more formidable than that of 
 Theodore. The story of the captive Longinus affords another point of 
 similarity. 
 
 12. Barbara et fera nomina, such as the names of the king and his 
 capital. 
 
 13. Resultent = ' abhorreant.' 'Galea resultant' Virg. Aen. 10. 330 
 means 'they rebound from the helmet.' Here ' resultare Graecis versibus' 
 expresses the stubborn unfitness of Dacian names for Greek metres, with 
 which, as it were, they rebound from them. The labor lies in obviating 
 this difficulty, ' ut tiou resultent.* 
 
 17. Won delicata sed necessaria, 'demanded not by caprice but by 
 necessity.' 
 
 18. Ipso, sc. ' Trajano.' 
 
 Ep. 72. I. Clitumnum; the Clitumnus falls into the Tinia, a tributary 72 
 of the Tiber. The excellence of the cattle fed on its banks made them 
 in request at great fcslivals. Virgil mentions them among the glories 
 of Italy : ' Hinc albi Clitunnie gregts ' Georg. 2. 146. The beauty and ce- 
 lebrity of the spot attracted Caligula (Suet. Cal. 43) and Honorius (Claud. 
 Cons. Hon. Scxt. ■;o6) to visit it. 
 
 5. Eluctatusque quern facit guxgitem. Cp. ' Nilus eluctatus ob- 
 
 55
 
 NOTES. 
 
 stantia' Sen. Quaest. Nat. 4. 2. Verbs compounded with ' ex' which signify 
 motion, generally take the accusative, rarely the ablative, unless the pre- 
 position is repeated before the substantive. 
 
 7. Stipes, ' small coins.' Seneca, in the passage quoted above, speaks of 
 ' stipes ' thrown into the stream by the priests. 
 
 S. Devexitate. Substantives ending in ' tas ' are properly t'ormed from 
 adjectives only, Madvig, § 1S4. i. But ' deve.\us ' being adjectival in sense 
 enjoys the privileges of an adjective. So also we have from 'falsus,' 
 ' filsitas,' which has better authority than ' devexitas.' It was by the 
 multiplication of these convenient derivatives that the vocabulary was 
 increased, while the language was enervated. 
 
 9. Fons adhuc et iam amplissimum flumen ; a vivid way of 
 describing the quick transition from a mere spring to a river, which transition 
 was the real marvel of the place; cp. 'Subita et ex abdito vasti amnis eruptio 
 aras habet ' Sen. Ep. 41. 'Est,' followed by a comma, suggests itself as an 
 easy emendation for ' et,' and would simplify the sentence. 
 
 12. Ilia qua properat ipse, 'down stream.' 
 
 13. Eemis non adiuvetur. The current is so swift that oars are not 
 required, and indeed cannot be used with advantage. Both 'adiuvetur' and 
 superettir have the same nominative, namely Clitumnus, the river itself, 
 which is now in the writer's thoughts though not expressed. Hence 
 validus and adversus come to be masc, and not neut., in concord with 
 ' flumen.' 
 
 15. Ut flexerint cursum, viz. either up stream or down stream. 
 
 iS. Adnumerat, 'counts among its oto/i charms,' though of course they 
 properly belonged to the dry land. 
 
 22. Sortes. Lots were also in use at Praeneste and Caere. At the 
 former place they consisted of sticks of oak with characters graven on them, 
 Cic. de Div. 2. 41. 
 
 26. Quod ponte transmittitur, 'which is crossed (by the visitor) by 
 means of a bridge.' ' Transmittere flumen ' means to cross a river, for 
 although 'mittere' has dropped its original meaning and becomes intransitive, 
 = 'mitti,' yet the addition of 'trans' enables it to govern an accusative. 
 See Madvig, § 224. Since then 'transmittit flumen' may mean 'he crosses 
 a river,' ' transmittitur flumen ' may mean ' a river is crossed (by him).' 
 Finally, the ablative 'ponte' is thrown in to describe the means of crossing; 
 cp. 'In transgressu Euphratis quern ponte traiismittebat ' Tac. Ann. 15. 7. 
 Or it may be translated simply, 'which is spanned by a bridge.' This would 
 be a corruption of the proper use of ' tr.msmitto,' paralleled by the am- 
 biguous English idiom 'to be crossed by a bridge.' 
 
 27. Infra etiara natare concessum. The sanitary object of keeping 
 clean springs meant for use was attained under the religious pretext of their 
 sanctity. This was thoroughly in the spirit of the Roman cult as interpreted 
 by Mommsen (vol. i. p. 184), Cp. the offence given by Nero's violation 
 of the much-prized 'Aqua Marcia ' Tac. Ann. 14. 22. 
 
 56
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 28. Hispellates ; Hispellum was a town about twelve miles from the 
 source of the river. 
 
 Ep. 73. I. Meorum, sc. 'libertorum,' slaves whom he had manu- 73 
 mitted on account of their appearing unlikely to recover. 
 
 3. Facilitas manumittendi. Manumission by census needed no more 
 than the registration of a slave's name in the list of citizens, with his 
 master's consent. 
 
 5. Servis quoque. The disposition of their property made by those 
 manumitted before their death would of course hold good ; but Pliny 
 allowed as valid even the quasi testamenta of those who died slaves. 
 The property of slaves was called 'peculium,' and though legally it belonged 
 to their masters as much as their persons did, yet usage recognised it as 
 their own. Pliny went beyond usage in allowing them to dispose of it 
 after death. See Diet. Ant. art. 'Servus.' 
 
 Ep. 74. 2. Praesuraptione. See on ' praesumo ' Ep. 22. 3. 74 
 
 Certusque posteritatis, ' and assured of posthumous fame.' See on 
 Ep. 16. 5. 
 
 3. Cum, ' in the enjoyment of.' 
 
 5. Omnes homines; a reminiscence of the opening of Sallust's 
 Catiline. 
 
 9. Ad vilitatem sui ; ' to holding life cheap,' to being weary of it. Cp. 
 'En sibi vilis adest invisa luce iuventus ' Lucan 4. 276, speaking of the 
 desperate recklessness of soldiers shut up without water. With regard to 
 the substance of the letter it must be remembered that Pliny shared his 
 uncle's cynical unbelief in a future life, expressed by him Hist. Nat. 7. 56, 
 'puerilium ista deliramentorum avidaeque nunquam desinere mortalitatis 
 commenta sunt.' Immortality had no meaning to our author beyond that of 
 posthumous fame, and to the hope of this he clung, as we see by his earnest 
 request to Tacitus, Ep. 69. 
 
 Ep. 75. 4. NiMl novTim. It is probable that this letter was suggested 75 
 bv Cic. Fam. 7. 1. Cp. 'Quae tamen si videnda sunt, saepe vidisti, neque 
 nos qui spectavimus quidquam novi vidimus' Cic. 1 c. 
 
 5. Tot milia viroru:u ; cp. 
 
 'Totam hodie Romam Circus capit,' 
 and foil. Juv. II. 195. 
 
 9. Favent panno, ' their interest is in the colours.' Four chariots 
 generally contended in each race, the drivers being distinguished by four 
 colours, white, green, red, and blue. 
 
 10. Si in ipso cursu; he means that if by some miracle the drivers 
 were to exchange tunics in the middle of the race, the spectators' interest 
 would go with the colour, and they would transfer their applause from the 
 one chariot to the other, 
 
 Ep. 76. 1. Inveni patrocinium; I have found authority to defend 76 
 me from the charge of folly and extravagance. Our proverb, ' Fools build 
 houses for wise men to live in,' was represented in Latin by ' allena insr.nia 
 
 hi
 
 NOTES. 
 
 frui,' and this, says Pliny the elder, is the best thing to do, if you want a 
 country house, Piin. N. H. l8. 5. 
 
 10. Latius utitur, sc. Macu," 'enjoys a wider view of the lake,' which 
 compensates for its not being quite so near the water. 
 
 13. Spatiosissimo xysto ; a descriptive ablative governed by'gestatio' 
 repeated Ironi the preceding clause. 
 
 18. Idem facere, 'that you are doing the same,' viz. building. 
 77 Ep. 77. Quadrato suo, a young man of ability and promise, whom 
 riiny, according to his custom, encouraged and advised on his entry on 
 public life, Bk. 6. 11. The generous interest which Pliny took in his 
 numerous young friends of this class is one of the most amiable traits in 
 his character. 
 
 I. De Helvidi ultione. Helvidius the younger, son of HelvidiusPriscus, 
 is alluded to. 
 
 8. Senator senator!. Certus was so eager to show his devotion to 
 Domitian (cp. 'cruentae adulationis') that he took on himself to arrest 
 Helvidius, instead of waiting for the proper ofificers. Cp. ' Nostrae (sc. 
 senatoriae) duxere Helvidiuni in carcerem manus ' Tac. Agr. 45. 
 
 12. Cum Arria et Fannia. See on Ep. 28. 10. 
 
 16. Dumtaxat=7f. 
 
 20. Defremuisset. 'De' in composition sometimes introduces the sense 
 of 'leaving off:' cp. ' despcro.' 
 
 22. Amissa nuper uxore, his first wife. See on Ep. 86. 10. 
 
 28. Societate; for the abl. see on Ep. 18. 3. 
 
 30. Ad Corellium rettuli. Cp. 'Nihil nisi ex consilio meo facit* 
 Ep. 40. 30. 
 
 41. Extra ordinem, 'unconstitutionally.' The proper course would have 
 been to present a distinct accusation in legal form (' referre'), and this it 
 appears had to be authorized by the emperor. Cp. ' Relationem quidcm de 
 eo Caesar ad senatum non remisit' line 112. Pliny's object in his motion 
 was to obtain a ' relatio.' 
 
 42. Qui supersumus, 'who survive' the cruelty of Domitian. 
 
 47. Sententiae loco. The consul reminds him that he will be allowed 
 to speak before the votes are taken, to which Pliny angrily replies that that 
 will be no extraordinary favour. On ' sententiae loco ' see on Ep. 60. 8. 
 
 50. Curato, ' earnest,' lit. ' taken pains with.' Cp. ' curatissimis preci- 
 bus* Tac. Ann. 1. 13. 
 
 53. Malis, the adjective. 
 
 60. Omnia praecepi, &c, Virg. Aen. 6. 105. On the sense of'praecepi' 
 see on Ep. 18. 18. 
 
 63. Censendi, for giving opinions (' sententiae ') before voting. Cp. 1. 47. 
 The other matters (' alia ' I. 49) had been despatched. 
 
 64. Fabricius Veiento. See on Ep. 42. 14. 
 
 76. Helvidi filiae, one of the two Heividiae, whose subsequent death in 
 childbed is deplored by Pliny, Bk. 4. 21. Their mother Anteia had married 
 
 58
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 again, and a guardian was therefore required for her children by Helvidius 
 the younger, namely a boy and two girls. 
 
 93. Proventum, 'success.' Cp. 'Studia hilarifate proveniunt' Bk. 8. 19, 
 where 'provenire' means ' to advance' and so 'to prosper.' 
 
 99. Discessione, ' the division,' which took place by the senators cross- 
 ing the floor to join either one or another party. 
 
 103. Tl Y«pov, words of Diomede to Nestor, from Horn. II. S. 102. 
 
 113. Collega Certi consulatum, suceessorem Certus aceepit. 
 Vettius Proculus, colleague of Certus in the prefecture of the treasury, was 
 now named for the consulship instead of Certus. Certus thus lost the con- 
 sulship promised him by Domitian (a pessimo), and was also superseded 
 (suceessorem aceepit) in his office at the treasury. ' Suceessorem dare 
 alicui' to supersede a man, is not an infrequent phrase. 
 
 122. Interest tamen exempli. Cp. 'Exempli nonnihil refert' Bk. 
 8. 22. 
 
 124. Inputabis, 'you will blame yourself for,' lit. charge to your own 
 account. Though frequent in this sense in later writers, ' impute ' was not 
 thus used in the .Augustan age. See Mayor's note on Juv. 5. 14. 
 
 Ep. 78. 3. Tam querulis. Grumbling was even in those days a 78 
 farmer's privilege. Cp. ' Querellae rusticorum qui auribus meis post longum 
 tempus suo iure abutuntur ' Bk. "J. 30. 
 
 6. Rationes, the accounts of the estate, to which any but a literary 
 landlord would have given his first attention. 
 
 9. Pro gestatione, ' by way of exercise,' not really to examine the state 
 of tlie land. ' Gestatio ' is also the narrke of the place where e.vercise was 
 taken; cp. ' Hortum et gestationem videt ' Ep. 21. 61. 
 
 Ep. 79. Two reasons give interest to this letter, firstly, the amiable light 79 
 in which it exhibits the writer, and secondly its singular parallelism with the 
 Epistle to Philemon. Here we have the language of humane interest in the 
 delinquent, but St. Paul's is the language of brotherly affection. 
 
 12. Tam. lenis, 'kindly as you are by nature.' 
 
 Ep. 80. 8. Italieus es an provineialis. This distinction was not 80 
 one of birth, but of residence. 
 
 11. Quasi litterarvim . . . . redduntur, 'as though they belonged not 
 to men but to literary pur.-uits, are assigned to the studies ' (waich we 
 severally follow). The next clause, quod uterque, &c. is also dependent 
 on iucundum, and runs parallel with the clause preceding it. For the idea 
 cp. 'Ut Cicero iam non hominis std eloquentiae nomen habeatur ' Quint. Inst. 
 Or. TO. 1. 
 
 Ep. 81. This story, with others to tlic same purpose, is recorded by Pliny 81 
 the elder, M. H. 9. 8. 
 
 6. Omnia aetas, i. e. 'homines omni aetate.' 
 
 21. Si quid est mari simile. This would include both the lagoon and 
 its estuary. 
 
 36. Incredibile, because they were supposed to die at once on leaving 
 
 ?9
 
 NOTES. 
 
 the water. So Thetis bids the dolphins (which are to carry her and Achilles 
 to Scyros) to draw up ' pleno in litore,' where the water covers the shore, 
 'ne nuil.ie noceant contagia terrae' Stat. Ach. i. 227. 
 
 41. Superfudisse unguentum. It was customary to consecrate and 
 anoint favourite animals, such as elephants, horses, birds, &c. See Casaubon 
 on Suet. Jul. Si. 
 
 ^8. Ad quod coibatur, 'the object of the concouise.' 
 S2 Ep. 82. 4. Quae avocant, 'which distract one.' Cp. 'Magis mihi vo.x 
 avocare videtur quam crepitus' Sen. Ep. 56. 
 
 6. Quotiens non vident alia, ' whenever there is not something else 
 for them to look at.' 
 
 7. Ad verbum scribenti, ' writing out in full.' He means that he 
 composes mentally with as much care and minuteness as if he were writing 
 and correcting on paper. So Qnintilian, speaking of a habit of Cicero's which 
 he is recommending and explaining, says ' Illud quoque ad verbum ponere 
 optimum fuerit,' i.e. in all its details; Quint. Inst. Or. 11. 2. 
 
 9. Notarium. See on Ep. 25. 54. 
 
 15. Intentio, something stronger than ' attention,' more like 'concen- 
 tration.' It was stimulated, not arrested, by the change and e.xercise. 
 
 20. Comoedus. See on Ep. 24. 36. 
 
 Cum meis, sc. • libertis.' Cp. 'Gymnasium meorum ' Ep. 21. 32. 
 
 24. Brevius quia velocius. SufBcient exercise could be got in less 
 time, on horseback. 
 
 28. Venor, after the fashion described in Ep. 4. 
 
 30. Colonis. For their position see on Ep. 33. 23. Villenage in the 
 middle ages was the offspring of the system of 'coloni.' It is not difficult to 
 imagine the topics of their agrestes querellae. 
 £3 Ep. 83. I. Translaticia. The fundamental application of this word is 
 to things not original, but copied or borrowed, as were legal formulae or the 
 praetor's annual edict. For this sense cp. 'Hoc vetus edictum translaticiumque 
 esse ■ Cic. Verr. 2. l, 44 ; and Cic. Div. 8. 5, where ' haec translaticia' means 
 ' the old story.' Hence it declines in'o the sense of formal, unmeaning, 
 commonplace, as here. Cp. also 'non translaticia deformitate,' 'no common 
 uni-ightliness,' Petron. 1 10. 
 
 4 Nisi. The use of 'nisi' for ' ni ' or 'si non' in this passage is 
 certainly awkward. The negative is thereby removed from videro, with 
 which in sense it is closely united ; and the clause nisi te Kalendis, &c. to 
 wh ch the whole sentence leads up, is introduced by a conjunction (' nisi ') 
 which is generally employed to insert an exception. 'Per "nisi" significatur 
 fjfcf/i.'io quae ad aliquam sententiam nccft/fV' Hand. Turs. sub. voc. ' Nisi,' 
 where the distinction between 'nisi' and 'si non' is clearly laid down. 'Nisi' 
 is nearly coextensive in its use with the English 'unless.' 
 
 Trie sense of the passage may be briefly given thus, (i) you are too kind to 
 insist on this rubbish; (2) I am too dear a friend to be suspected of coldness 
 if I don't (' n'.si ') come ; (3) but above all I am very busy about my farms. 
 60
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 5. Plures annos ordinatura, 'which will settle matters for many veirs 
 to come.' Necessitas locandorum prasdiorum is treated as equivalent 
 to 'locatio praediorum,' and so 'ordinatura' is joined to it, though strictl}' 
 speaking ' necessitas . . . ordinatura' is nonsense. 
 
 7. Lustre, the usual term of a Roman lease. 
 
 8. Beliqua, 'arrears.' Cp. 'Reiiqua colonorum minuit' Ep. 33. 20. 
 10. Ut qui iam putent. They think they can't help being bankrupt. 
 
 Frugality would be only for their creditor's benefit, i.e. their landlord's, and 
 not for their own. 
 
 12. Si non nummo, sed partibus loeem, ' if I let the land not fur a 
 fixed rent, but for proportions of the produce.' This was a return to the old 
 system described by Cato as 'politic,' which was in fact the 'metairie' 
 system now prevailing in Italy. See Daubeny's Roman Husbandry, 
 Lect. 2. 
 
 13. Operis exactores. He would appoint some of his own farm bailiffs 
 to see that he got his due proportion of the produce. This would be a duty 
 exactly analogous to the work of taking tithes in kind before the 'commu- 
 tation.' 
 
 lii. Delicata, 'capricious,' 'fanciful,' opposed to obligatory. Cp. Ep. 
 71. 17. 
 
 Ep. 84. MustiOj an architect. Cp. inf. ' Qui soles locorum difHcuItates 84 
 arte supcrare.' 
 
 2. In melius. See on Ep. 28. 2. 
 
 6. In proximo. See on Ep. 4. 4. 
 
 Suffugium aut imbris aut solis. The objective genitive following 
 a verbal substantive has the same meaning as the transitive verb and the 
 accusative; Madv. § 283, Obs. 3. This will apply to 'suffugium' and its 
 genitive, since ' suffugit ' is used transitively Lucr. 5. 150, 
 
 15. Quod videatur istinc esse repetendum, 'Repetendum' has 
 usually been taken to mean the same as ' arcessendum,' and the passage 
 construed thus, ' which seems desirable to be procured from the place where 
 you are.' But this translation entirely omiis the force of ' re.' 'Repeto' 
 occurs twenty-four times in Pliny's letters, and always in the sense of going 
 back to, fetching back, or taking up again. The only w.ty of giving 
 ' repetendum' an adequate sense is to take the passage thus, 'nothing occurs 
 to me that seems desirable to be taken up into consideration from the spot,' 
 i e. from the character of the buildings already e.\isting. This interpretation 
 jeems to prepare the way more naturally for the clause beginning nisi 
 tamen. On the other hand it may be said that ' istinc ' must mean ' e loco 
 in quo tu es.' But that 'istinc' for 'illinc' is no solecism appears from 'si quid 
 novisti rectius istis Candidus imperti' Hor. Ep. 1.6, 67. And cp. 'Nee tantuni 
 dicitur prononien "iste" de eo loco quern alter obtinet quocum aliquis 
 loquitur, sed quicumque intclligitur locus ab eo qui loquitur remotus* Hand. 
 Turs. sub. voc. ' Iste.' Or again, we may suppose Mustiiis to have lived in 
 the neighbourhood of the temple (though at this time l:e seems not to have 
 
 61
 
 NOTES. 
 
 seen it), or .it any rate to have lived nearer to it tlian the spot from wliich 
 riiiiy was writina;. 
 
 85 Ep. 85. 2. Patri ; Ncrva, who had adopted Trajan as his son. 
 
 Festinaverunt. Nerva reigned barely a year and a half. 
 
 86 Ep. 80. 2. lure trium liberorum; for an explanation of this see on 
 Kp. 19. 2 1. 
 
 4. Ee.scripto. By this time the word 'rescriptum ' had attained a 
 technical sense, viz. an answer in writing given by the emperor to some 
 magistrate or private person consnlting him, which when given carried the 
 force of law. At a later period (in the Institutes of Justinian) it was held 
 that whatever the emperor determined by letter (' rescriptum '), or decided 
 judicially (' decretum'), or declared by edict ('edictiim'), was the law of the 
 empire. These three classes of decisions were included under the general 
 name 'constitutiones.' These 'constitutiones' were preserved in the imperial 
 archives even from the time of Augustus, and copies of them more or less 
 complete were also to be found at the seats of provincial government. A 
 careful discrimination was observed between those constitutions which were 
 of universal and those which were of special application. Cp. ' Aut proprium 
 aut universale' Ep. 87. 4. 
 
 10. Duobus matrimoniis meis. It appears to be uncertain whether 
 Pliny was married once or twice before his marriage with Calpurnia. We 
 know from Ep. 77. 22 and 65 tliat the wife who immediately preceded 
 Calpurnia died shortly after the accession of Nerva, and that her step-father's 
 name was Vettius Pioculus. Pompeia Celerina, whom Pliny speaks of as 
 his 'socrus' (Bk. I. 4), was probably the mother of this previous wife, and 
 therefore had married Vettius Proculus as her second husband. See on 
 Ep. 41. 
 
 We are then wholly without trace of a marriage on Pliny's part previous 
 to that with the daughter of Pompeia Celerina. Mommsen (Onomasticon, 
 Keil's second ed.), apparently on the strength of this letter only, thinks that 
 two marriages must have been contracted in the reigii of Domitian, in which 
 case the 'socrus' mentioned in Ep. 12. 8 must be the mother of a wife 
 married when Pliny was still 'adulescentulus,' who afterwards made way by 
 death for the daughter of Pompeia Celerina. 
 
 But the passage before us does not clearly state that the two marriages 
 were contracted in Domitian's time, but only that the fact of his wishing to 
 have children even then is proved by the fact of his not having waited till 
 now to be married, but having married once before, as well as once now, 
 twice in all. We may perhaps suppose that Pliny, like an advocate, gave 
 the sentence an equivocal turn to make his case look better than it was. 
 
 12. Futurus essem, sc. 'pater.' 
 
 87 Ep. 87. 2. OpeiTTovs. These were children e.vposed by their parents, 
 who had been rescued and brought up by other persons. 
 
 3. Constitutionibus. See on Ep. 86. 4. 
 
 4. Quod ad Bithynos, to be taken in close connection with tiniversale.
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLINIUS C. SECUNDUS. 
 
 Pliny could find no special enactment for Bithynia (proprium) nor any 
 universal enactment for the empire which might be applied to the case of 
 the Bithynians. 
 
 7. Exemplo, ' a precedent.' 
 
 10. Achaeos. Unless we omit 'Achaeos' ' dein ad' must be inserted 
 before the word, as in the Aldine edition. 
 
 Ep. 88. 2. Sublati. 'Tolio' has the special sense of taking up new-born 88 
 children from the ground as a sign that they were to be reared. 
 
 7. Intermissa, Orelli's emendation for ' inter quas.' Keil's own is more 
 ingenious, ' intra eas provincias de quibus rescripsit inter quas non est 
 Bithynia.' 
 
 8. Adsertionem. ' Adsero ' may be used indifferently with • in liber- 
 tatem' or 'in servitutem.' Suet. Vitell. 10; Tib. 2. 
 
 10. Ipsam libertatem. ' Ipsam ' throws an emphasis on 'libertatem,' 
 which may perhaps be rendered by translating the words ' natural liberty.' 
 Their status was already that of freedom itself, and did not, in Trajan's 
 opinion, require to be made so by any payment to their foster parents for 
 the expenses of nurture. 
 
 Eedimendam, ' requiring redemption.' 
 
 Ep. 89. I. Nicomedensi. Nicomedia was the ancient capital of the 89 
 kings of Bithynia. Two hundred years after Pliny's time it was chosen by 
 Diocletian as the capital of his eastern share of the empire, and was then, 
 according to Gibbon, inferior only to Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria in its 
 extent and populousness. 
 
 2. Cum detineretur. The bakers to whom he had engaged himself as 
 a journeyman having discovered that he was a runaway slave endeavoured to 
 make him their own slave. 
 
 4. Confugisse ad tuam statuam. Statues of the emperors shared the 
 right of asylum possessed by temples of the gods. This privilege of 
 sanctuary was much abused, Tac. Ann. 3. 36. It seems to have been the 
 only method of appeal which slaves had in case of ill usage; hence we find a 
 * constitutio ' of Antoninus Pius to the effect that if a slave in a province 
 fled to a temple or a statue to avoid ill treatment, the authorities could 
 compel his master to sell him, and the slave was not to be regarded as a 
 runaway. 
 
 6. Susago. Susagus was probably a Dacian general who took part in 
 the invasion of Moesia by Decibalus in the first year of Domitian, a.d. 8t. 
 This was twenty-three years before the time of Pliny's writing this letter, 
 which would leave room for the many years (pluribus annis) mentioned 
 below. 
 
 Decibalo. Decibalus was probably not a personal name, but a title, 
 like that of Pharaoh. See Mcrivale's Hist. Emp. c. 61. 
 
 10. Mittendum ad te putavi. He thought Trajan would be glad to 
 gather from him information about the state of Dacia and Parthia, both of 
 which he afterwards invaded and conquered. 
 
 63
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Feci dura requiro. ' Duni ' used of a contemporary action usually 
 takes the present, although the action may be past, and the perfect be used 
 in the leading proposition. Cp. ' Dum obsequor adolescentibus me scnem 
 esse oblitus sum ' Cic. de Or. 2. 4. 
 
 11. Quibus; an antecedent for quibus in the gen. case and governed by 
 imaginem must be understood — ' an cfligy of Pacorus and the ornaments 
 with which,' &:c. 
 
 14. Signata est, sc. glebula, the packet in which the nugget was 
 enclosed. 
 90 Ep. 90. This and the following letter attracted the notice of Christian 
 authors at an early period, and is alluded to by TertuUian, Eusebius and 
 Jerome. 
 
 ' Nowhere perhaps had Christianity advanced with greater rapidity than 
 in the northern provinces of Asia Minor, where the inhabitants were of very 
 mingled descent, neither purely Greek nor essentially Asiatic, with a 
 considerable proportion of Jewish colonists chiefly of Babylonian or Syrian, 
 not of Palestinian origin. It is here, in the province of Bithynia, that 
 Polytheism first discovered the deadly enemy which was undermining her 
 authority * Milman's Hist. Chr. 2. 6. 
 
 Although Paul did not visit Bithj'uia (Acts 16. 7), yet the province might 
 easily have been evangelized from the neighbouring church of Galatia. 
 
 3. Cognitionibus. It is manifest, both from this expression and from 
 the executions ordered by Pliny and sanctioned by the emperor, that 
 Christianity was already an offence amenable to capital punishment ; and 
 this either under some existing statute, or under the law of the empire, which 
 invested both the emperor and the provincial governor with the arbitrary 
 power of life and death. See Milman, 1. c. 
 
 8. Noraen ipsum. It is evident from Trajan's answer to this enquiry 
 (Ep. 91) that the mere profession and not the practice of Christianity, was 
 the object of punishment. This is a frequent matter of complaint with the 
 Christian apologists. Cp. ' And ye shall be hated of all men for my name's 
 sake' Matt. 10. 22. 
 
 12. Iterum ac tertio. In this repeated questioning maybe seen the 
 rudiments of the system of torture afterwards employed to elicit a denial of 
 the faith. Roman law did not accept a single confession of a prisoner as 
 proof of guilt, unless the confession was supported by external proof, but 
 required the confession to be repeated. Thus a provision of mercy became 
 a pretext for cruelty, 
 
 13. Duel, ic. ' ad supplicium,' a common euphemism. 
 
 14. Inflexibilem obstinationem. Constancy naturally appears 
 obstinacy to spectators who do not see its relation to the object or person 
 external to itself whereon it depends. Pliny most probably, like his uncle 
 (Pliny N. H. 7. 56), could not conceive a future existence possible, and was 
 thus incapacitated for distinguishing between obstinacy and the constancy 
 of Christian hope. So also Marcus Aurelius (ii. 3) says the Christians 
 
 r.4
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLIXIUS C. SECUSDUS. 
 
 were read\' to die of mere obstinacj', a passage referred to and explained in 
 Smith's Diet. Bible, vol. 2, p. 857 note, art. 'Philosophy.' 
 
 Pliny could only see in the conduct of the Christians the violation of the 
 most evident duty, that of passive obedience on the part of subjects towards 
 a beneficent government. 
 
 16. In urbem remittendos : cp. Acts 25. 12. 
 
 17. Ipso tractatu .... crimine, 'when, as usually happens, the charge 
 became more common, simply from the fact of the matter being dealt with.' 
 • Crimen ' is the charge of being a Christian, which now presented itself as 
 an easy means of gratifying private enmity, even when there was no evidence 
 to bring in support of it. 
 
 22. Ttire ac vino supplicarent. Christians who consented to do 
 this were known in the Church as ' thurificati.' Cp. Cyprian, Ep. 52. 
 
 Male dicerent Chxisto. It was a similar command which about 
 fifty years later drew from Polycarp his dying confession, ' I have now served 
 him eighty-six years, and he has done me no wrong ; how can I blaspheme 
 my King and Saviour?' 
 
 23. Quorum nihil cogi. Verbs which, like ' cogo,' take a double 
 accusative in the active voice may retain one of those accusatives in the 
 passive. Thus, since 
 
 ' Quid non mortalia pectora cogis 
 Auri sacra fames? Virg. Aen. 3. 56, 
 
 is good syntax, then ' si cogi aliquid consules possunt ' Liv. 4. 26, will also 
 stand as good. 
 
 30. Stato die, namely the first day of the week. This account of the 
 Christian worship corresponds with that given by Justin Martyr, not quite 
 thirty years later, who mentions assemblies for the purpose of worship as 
 being held tj? tov tj\iov Xtyoixivrj '^i^tpa Apol. I. 87. 
 
 31. Ante lucem, before the labours of the day began, which in the case 
 of slave Christians would occupy Sunday as much as any other day. Thus 
 this early hour became the established time for worship, and consequently 
 for the administration of the Holy Communion. The same hour is still 
 regarded as proper for that purpose, an example of how the necessities of an 
 age establish a custom which long survives that age and its necessities. 
 
 Carmen, not necessarily either lengthy or metrical. All that 'carmen' 
 implies is ' a set form of words.' 
 
 Quasi deo ; these words are evidently thrown in by Pliny, and must 
 not be regarded as evidence of the belief of the Church at that time in the 
 Divinity of Christ. 
 
 32. Sacramento. Waterland, in tracing the history of the various 
 names of the Lord's Supper, refers to this as the earliest application to it of 
 the name 'sacrament.' 'As Pliny is here reporting what the Christians had 
 told him, it is reasonable to judge that they made useof the word " sacrament" 
 to him, which they understood in the Christian sense, however Pliny or 
 Trajan might take it ' Waterland on the Eucharist, c. i. 
 
 K f>5
 
 NOTES. 
 
 He say« further in support of this interpretation of ' sacramentum ' in this 
 place, ' The account given in this passage refers to what the whole assembly 
 were wont to do at the same; they could not all come to receive Baptism, 
 though they might come to receive the Eucharist ' lb. TertuUian, con- 
 trasting the commands of the Lord with superadded tradition, employs the 
 word ' sacrament ' to denote the Lord's Supper, and also confirms Pliny's 
 account of its being received before daybreak. 'Eucharistiae sacramentum, et 
 in tempore rictus, et omnibus mandatum a Domino ; etiam antelucanis 
 coetibus nee de alioium manu quam praesidcntium sumimus' Tert. de Cor. 
 c. 3, p. I02, ed. Rig. 
 
 35. Eursusque coeundi ; i. e. for the love feast in the evening, now 
 distinct from the F.ucharist, which latter was no longer taken ' in tempore 
 victus ' at meal-;ime, Tert. 1. c. ' Coeundi ' is inserted from the Aldine 
 edition. 
 
 36. Promiscuum, 'ordinary,' cp. 'promiscua et vilia,' common and 
 cheap articles,' Tac. Germ. 5. This account of the food at the Agapae was 
 given by the Christians in refutation of the common charge that they ate 
 human flesh ; a charge which arose from the language which they employed 
 respecting the Body and Blood of Christ. 
 
 38. Hetaerias. Clubs or guilds, for whatever purpose, were looked on as 
 dangerous ; cp. Trai. 34 and 93. This being so, the doctrine of the unity of 
 the Church of Christ, and the practice of ' love of the brethren' would, so 
 far as they were understood, appear to the government more formidable 
 than the other features of Christianity. 
 
 30. Ministrae, apparently a translation of StaKovot, deaconesses, a 
 recognised order in the early Church, Rom. 16. I. 
 
 46. Civitates. Here we see ' civitas ' on its way to the exclusive sense 
 of ' city,' which it has reached in modern languages. But in Cicero we find 
 a distinction clearly laid down between ' civitates,' commonwealths of 'cives,' 
 and ' urbes ' the places of their habitation. Pro Sest. 43. In Gellius we find 
 note taken of the confusion of the two words, and the use of ' civitas ' ' pro 
 oppido el pro hominum multitudine ' Gell. 18. 7- 
 
 50. Pastvun. It does not appear how the food of victims differed from 
 that of other cattle. They may perhaps have been grazed in the precincts 
 of the temple at the expense of the intending sacrificer. 
 91 Ep. 91. 2. Neque enim in universura. Trajan refuses to write 
 such a 'rescript' as might be taken for a law of the empire (see on Ep. 86. 4), 
 and confines himself to an approval of Pliny's conduct. Trajan seems to 
 have thought that the new sect would require different treatment according 
 to the political condition of the places in which it appeared; for his point of 
 view was political, and his object rather the peace than the orthodoxy of the 
 empire. 
 
 4. Conquirendi non sunt. ' O sententiam necessitate confusam I 
 Negat inquirendos, ut innocentes ; et mandat puniendos ut nocentes ' Tertull. 
 Ap. 2. 
 
 66
 
 LETTERS OF C. PLimUS C. SECUXDUS. 
 
 S. Sine auctore. ' Cum alicui crimen obiicitur praecedere debet in 
 crimen subscriptio' (_i. e. the signature of the accuser). Ulpian 48. 2, 7. 
 
 10. Nec nostri saeciali. Cp. 'Digna saecuio tuo' Ep. S5. 5, and 'Con- 
 venientissimura tranquillitati saeculi* Trai. 10. 
 
 E 2 67
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Aciltaiius, see Minicius [Ep. 9]. 
 
 Acilitts, P. [Ep. 9] maternal uncle 
 of Minicius Acilianus. 
 
 Aeschines [Ep. 13], 389-314 B. c, 
 the rival of Demosthenes, against 
 whose clearer judgment he sup- 
 ported the policy of Philip of 
 Macedon. His final attack on 
 Demosthenes concerning the 
 crown voted to the latter for 
 public services after the disaster 
 of Chaeronea, met with such a 
 crushing reply that he retired 
 into exile, and established a 
 school of rhetoric at Rhodes. 
 The story runs that on hearing 
 him recite this speech, his au- 
 dience was astonished that he 
 could have lost his case. ' You 
 would cease to wonder,' he re- 
 plied, 'had you heard Demos- 
 thenes.' He is cited by Pliny as 
 an example of fulness in speak- 
 ing as against the conciseness of 
 Lysias. 
 
 Africanae,%z. ferae [Ep. 63, 1. 9]. 
 
 Albinus, addressed in Ep. 57. 
 
 Ammius Flacais, speaks in defence 
 of Certus [Ep. 77]. 
 
 Annia [Ep. 87]. 
 
 Anniiis Scvcrits, addressed in Epp. 
 26 and 44. 
 
 Antcia [Ep. 77], and see note on 
 Ep. 28, 1. 10. 
 
 Appuleiiis, a soldier [Ep. 89]. 
 
 Armenius Brocchus [Epp. 87, 88]. 
 68 
 
 Arrianus, addressed in Epp. 2, 
 
 52, an orator and jurisconsult ia 
 
 the reign of Trajan. 
 Arista, T., Ep. 14 ; where see note 
 
 on 1. 2. 
 Arria [Epp. 28, note 10 ; 31, note 
 
 38 ; 77]- 
 
 Artcmidonis [Ep. 28], one of tlie 
 philosophers expelled by Domi- 
 tian in 93, and son-in-law to 
 Musonius. 
 
 Ariilenus Rustictis, see notes on 
 Ep. 9, 1. 8 and 28, 1. 10 ; is ad- 
 dressed Epp. 22 ; 44. 
 
 Asitduis Ciirianus [Ep. 44], leaves 
 Pliny a legacy. 
 
 Athenodorus [Ep. 68], a philo- 
 sopher, sees a ghost at Athens. 
 
 Atiliiis [Epp. 5, 20]. 
 
 Attia Viriola [Ep. 62], a client on 
 whose behalf Pliny made his 
 best speech. 
 
 Attius Clemens, addressed Epp. 
 6; 36. 
 
 AufidiiisBassus [Ep. 25], an orator 
 and historian under Augustus 
 and Tiberius, who wrote on the 
 Roman wars in Germany, and a 
 history of Rome, which was con- 
 tinued by Pliny the Elder. 
 
 Aurclia [Ep. 23, note 30]. 
 
 Avii us, see {\) Julius, Epp. 17; 
 51 ; (2) Octavius, Ep. 81. 
 
 Avidius Quietus [Ep. 77], sup- 
 ported Pliny's attack on Certus. 
 
 Avidius Nigrinus [Epp. 87; 88],
 
 IXDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 a proconsTil in a province under 
 Domitian, not mentioned in the 
 Fasti. 
 Augustus Emperor [Ep. 87], issued 
 an edict about foundlings. 
 
 Baehius Macer, addressed in Ep. 
 25, was consul suffectus in loi 
 when Pliny pleaded for Bassus 
 before the Senate. 
 
 Baehius Massa [Ep. 69 and Ep. 
 27, note 37], a notorious in- 
 former during Domitian's reign. 
 He was procurator of Africa in 
 70 when he betrayed Piso [Ep. 
 27] ; in 93 he was accused by 
 Pliny and Senecio of extortion in 
 Baetica ; was condemned, but es- 
 caped through the influence of 
 Domitian, and continued his 
 career as an informer. 
 
 Caecilius, C. [Ep. 40"'. 
 
 Caecina Paetus [Epp. 31 ; and 2«, 
 note 10], husband of the elder 
 Arria. 
 
 Caelius [Ep. 13, note 13]. 
 
 Caesar, C. Julius, as an orator 
 Ep. 13, censure of Cato, Ep. 29, 
 note 5. 
 
 Callidromus [Ep. 89]. 
 
 Calpurnia, Pliny's wife, addressed 
 in Epp. 54 and 56. 
 
 Calpurnia IlispuUa [Epp. 7, note 
 39 ; and 4T, note i], aunt of the 
 above, and daughter of the fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 Calpurnius Fahatus, addressed in 
 Ep. 64, was of equestrian rank, 
 and Pliny's prosocer and fellow- 
 townsman. Accused in 64 of 
 being privy to the crimes alleged 
 against Lepida, wife of C. Cas- 
 
 1-: 
 
 sius, he managed to elude the 
 charge after it had been deferred 
 on appeal to Nero. 
 
 Calpurnius Flaccus, addressed in 
 Ep.45. A rhetorician li\ang in the 
 time of Hadrian, a number of 
 whose declamations still survive. 
 
 Calvisius Rufus [Ep. 7, addressed 
 in Epp. 23, 24, 33, 70, 75], de- 
 scribed by Pliny as contubernalis 
 mens. 
 
 Cfl/z'«j[Epp.2-,note5; ti, note 16]. 
 
 Caiiinius Rufus, addressed in 
 Epp- 3> 27, 66, 71, 81, a literary 
 friend of Pliny's, with some 
 poetical powers. He meditated 
 writing on the Dacian wars 
 [Ep. 71]. Pliny wished him to 
 devote himself to literature. 
 
 Cams, see Mettius. 
 
 Cat Hi us Sever us, addressed Epp. 
 14; 29. See Ep. 14, note i. 
 
 Catius Lepidus. addressed Ep. 37.- 
 
 Cato the Elder [Epp. 13, 29, 35, 
 37], is cited in 13 as a model of 
 brevity in style, in 29 as a warn- 
 ing to diners out, and 37 note 
 35, as defining an orator. Cato, 
 during his 85 years, had much 
 experience in speaking; in ad- 
 dition to his many attacks upon 
 innovators, he defended himself 
 44 times, and only once without 
 success. He died in B.C. 149. 
 
 Catullusihe poet [Ep. 11, note 16]. 
 
 Catullus Alessalinus [Ep. 42, note 
 16], an informer in the reign of 
 Domitian. 
 
 Certus, PuHicius [Ep. 77] Pliny's 
 attack upon Certus for his per- 
 secution of Helvidius is here 
 related. See also Ep. 28, note 10. 
 
 Christiani [Epp. 90, 91]. 
 
 3 69
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Cicero, M. TuUius, his XtikvOoi, 
 Ep. 2 ; fulness in oratory, Ep. 13. 
 
 Circenses [Ep. 75]. 
 
 Claudius Caesar [Epp. 8; 31], was 
 raised to the throne by the sol- 
 diery after Caligula's murder, 41, 
 and reigned till 54. His per- 
 sonal insignificance and literary 
 retirement [cp. Ep. 8] had so far 
 preser\'ed him from the dangers 
 surrounding a Caesar ; as em- 
 peror, he was well meaning but 
 weak, and the court was swayed 
 by Messalina. 
 
 Clemens, see Attius. 
 
 Clitumnus, Ep. 72. 
 
 Corellia, Ep. 40, note 5. See also 
 7, note 39. Daughter of Corel- 
 lins and (probably) Calpumia 
 Hispulla.so first cousin to Pliny's 
 wife. 
 
 Corellia, Epp. 64, 65. Sister of 
 Corellius, married to Minicius 
 Justus. 
 
 Corellius Rufus, Epp. 7, note i ; 
 40, 44. 64, 77. 
 
 Cornelius Priscus, addressed in 
 Epp. 19, 35, and 67. 
 
 Cornelius Tacitus, see Tacitus. 
 
 Comutus Teriullus, Epp. 40, 48, 
 which contains all that is known 
 about him, and 77. 
 
 Curianus, see Asudius. 
 
 Cit rius Severus, a-ddressed in Ep. 32. 
 
 Curlius Rufus, Ep. 68. Perhaps the 
 historian of Alexander the Great. 
 
 Decibalus, Epp. 71, note i ; and 
 89, note 6. 
 
 Demosthenes, the orator and stren- 
 uous opponent of Philip of 
 Macedon, b. 385, ended his life 
 in 323 when Athens was re- 
 70 
 
 dnced after the battle of Cranon. 
 He is one of Pliny's models of 
 style, Ep. 2 ; anexample of fulness 
 in oratory, 13 ; is quoted 37, note 
 27, and, like Pliny, was pleased 
 at being recognised by a stranger, 
 80. His \i-n\p KTr}ai(puvTos is 
 his best speech, 62, note 40. 
 
 Diomedes, Ep. 45, note 4. 
 
 Dionysius, 2, pistor, Ep. 89. 
 
 Domitianus T. Flavius Augustus, 
 iste latro, Ep. 7 ; connection with 
 Messalinus, 42 : letters on found- 
 lings, 87, 88. Domitian, the 
 younger son of Vespasian, 
 reigned from 81 to 96. He was 
 distinguished by literary gifts; 
 but the bad character which he 
 had first shown as prefect of the 
 city under Vespasian developed 
 more fully towards the end of 
 his reign, which was marked by 
 merciless suspicion of all who 
 surrounded him. Finally he was 
 assassinated. 
 
 Domitius Afer, Ep. 20, note 36. 
 
 Domitius Apollinaris, Ep. 77, 
 cos. desig. in 96. 
 
 Drustis Nero, Ep. 25, note 12. 
 
 Erucius, Ep. 11, note 1. 
 
 Euphrates [Ep. 6], a philosopher 
 whom, with Musonius and Arte- 
 midorus, Pliny attended when in 
 Syria. 
 
 Eupolis, quoted Ep. 13, note 73. 
 
 Fabatus, see Calpumius. 
 
 Fabius Maximinus, Ep. 77, 
 
 speaks in support of Certus. 
 Fabricius Veiento, a creature of 
 
 Domitian 's. Epp. 42, note 14; 
 
 and 77, where he defends Certns. 
 Fadius Rufinus, Ep. 80.
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Falco, see Pompeius. 
 
 Fannia, Epp. 2S, note 10 ; 31 ; 
 her character described, 67 ; 77. 
 
 Fannius, C , his death Ep. 46. 
 He was the author of three 
 books upon the deaths of those 
 who had been killed or exiled by 
 Nero. His work was very 
 popular, but cut short by his 
 early death. 
 
 Frontinus, Sex. Julius, was gover- 
 nor of Britain from 75 to 78, 
 between Cerealis and Agricola. 
 He was made curator aquarum 
 and augur in 97, an office to 
 which Pliny succeeded on his 
 death about 106. Frontinus is 
 known as author of a work on 
 Tactics and another upon Aque- 
 ducts. 
 
 Fundanus, see Mimicius. 
 
 Fuscits, Ti. Claudius Salinator, 
 addressed in Ep. 82, wasofsena- 
 torian family, and distinguished 
 not only for eloquence and 
 learning, but for simplicity and 
 purity of character. He was 
 consul with Hadrian in 118, and 
 married the daughter of Julius 
 Servianus. 
 
 Gaditanae, dancers, Epp. 10, note 
 8 ; 24, note 36. 
 
 Galba, Ser. Sulpicius, Ep. 23, 
 note 4, was emperor from June 
 68 to Jan. 69. In his youth, it 
 is said, botii Augustus and Ti- 
 berius prophesied that he would 
 cne day be the head of the 
 Roman world, but, in spite of 
 his strong position in Gaul, he 
 lefused to wre^t the throne from 
 Claudius, acquiesced in the 
 
 accession of Nero, and only rose 
 against the latter when com- 
 pelled by the revolt of Vindex 
 and the fear of assassination. 
 He only escaped the fate of 
 Vindex by the timely assassina- 
 tion of Nero ; but refusing to 
 conciliate the soldiery by dona- 
 tives, even upon the adoption of 
 Piso, was overthrown by them 
 under the lead of Otho, his 
 former friend. 
 
 Callus, addressed in Ep. 21. One 
 C. Rubrius Gallus was consul in 
 1 01. For another Gallus, see 
 Ep. 69, note II. 
 
 Geminius, C, Ep. 7. 
 
 Gracchus[IL^.iZ']. Tiberiusd. 133, 
 and Caius d. I3r B.C., are cited 
 together as examples of brevity 
 in speaking. The oratory of the 
 former was distinguished by calm 
 lucidity, that of the latter by 
 fiery vehemence. 
 
 Gratilla, Epp. 28, note 10 ; and 
 44, note 30. 
 
 Helvidius Priscus, Epp. 28, note 
 10; and 67 : He Ividius, h\s son, 
 Ep. 28, note 10. 
 
 Herennius Senecio, Epp. 2S, note 
 10; condemned for writing a life 
 of Helvidius 67 ; joins Pliny in 
 prosecuting Baebius Massa 69. 
 
 Hermes, Ep. 64, a freed man of 
 Pliny's. 
 
 Hispulla, see Calpumia. 
 
 Homenis, Epp. 20, 50, 71, 77. 
 
 Hyperides, Ep. 13, note la. 
 
 lavolenus Priscus. a noted jurist, 
 long the leader of the Sabinian 
 school of law, many of whose 
 71
 
 INDEX OF NA^fES. 
 
 opinions are quoted in tlie 
 Digest. He rose to the consul- 
 ship and held the province of 
 Syria. The story of his cutting 
 short a recitation is told Ep. 58, 
 where Pliny is shocked by his 
 uncourteous remark. 
 
 Julhts Adieus, Ep. 7, a friend of 
 Hispulla's. 
 
 Julius Avitus, addressed in Ep. 1 7. 
 A promising young man whose 
 death Pliny laments in Ep. 51. 
 He appears to be the brother of 
 Julius Naso, Ep. 55, note 24. 
 
 Julius Geniior, addressed in Ep. 
 28. 
 
 Julius N^aso, Ep. 55, a friend of 
 Tacitus and Pliny, and brother 
 of Avitus, recommended to the 
 support of Fundanus. 
 
 Julius Servianus, Ep. 86, obtains 
 for Pliny the ius trium liberomm 
 
 Julius Valens, is very ill, Ep. 51. 
 
 Junia, Ep. 67, a Vestal Virgin 
 and relation of Fannia, who 
 nursed her through an illness. 
 
 Junius Mauricus, addressed in Ep. 
 9 about the daughter, Ep. 22 
 about the sons, of his brother 
 Rnsticus ; for his banishment see 
 Ep. 28, note 10; for his boldness 
 of speech Ep. 42. 
 
 Junius Pastor, Ep. 12, note 7, a 
 client of Pliny's. 
 
 Laf>erius Maximus, Ep. 89. 
 
 Largius Ltcinius, Ep. 20, intro- 
 duced the custom of applaud- 
 ing in the law courts. He was 
 a contemporary of the elder 
 Pliny, and when propraetor in 
 Spain, wished to buy Pliny's 
 commonplace-book, Ep. 25. 
 72 
 
 Larc^us ATaredo, murdered by his 
 slaves, Ep. 30. 
 
 I.arius laats. Lake of Como, Epp. 
 64, 76. 
 
 I.ivius, T., the historian, Ep. 6r, 
 read by Pliny during the first 
 night of the eruption of Vesuvius. 
 See Ep. 9, note 20, for Pliny's 
 remark upon the character of 
 Livy's native town, Padua. 
 
 Lysias, Ep. 13, note 10. 
 
 Afassa, see Baehius (ii). 
 
 Marcellinus, addressed Ep. 49. 
 
 Martialis, M. Valerius, Ep. 35, 
 note I, the epigrammatist, a 
 Spaniard, like Seneca and Lucan, 
 was bom in 43, and came to 
 Rome in 6(). He enjoyed the 
 patronage of Titus and Domi- 
 tian, whom he addressed with a 
 courtier's adulation, and from 
 whom he received the ius trium 
 liberomm, and the rank of tri- 
 bune and knight. Three or fonr 
 years before his death he re- 
 turned to Spain and married a 
 rich lady named Marcella. 
 
 Mauricus, stt Junius. 
 
 Maximus, addressed in Epp. 20, 
 63, 80. 
 
 Maximus, see Messius. 
 
 Maximus, ^ pistor, Ep. 89. 
 
 Mediolanum, Ep. 29. 
 
 Messalinus, see Catullus (ilV 
 
 Messius Maximus, addressed Epp. 
 34. 43, about the ballot in the 
 Senate. 
 
 Mettius Carus, an informer of 
 Domitian's, Epp. 67, note 16, 
 and 68, note 67. 
 
 Minicius Acilianus, son of Ma- 
 criuus of Brixia, is chosen to
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 marry the datighter of Rnsticus, 
 Ep. 9. 
 
 Minicius Justus, Ep. 64, the hus- 
 band of the elder Corellia. 
 
 Minucuis Fundamis, addressed in 
 Ep. 5, loses a daughter, Ep. 49. 
 
 Modcstiis, Ep. 38, a slave of Sabi- 
 na's, generously treated by Pliny. 
 
 Murciia, Ep. 77, tribune in 96. 
 
 Mtisoniiis, C, Ep. 28, a Stoic 
 philosopher, whose acquaintance 
 Pliny made in Syria. He had 
 been banished by Nero, but an 
 exception was made in his favour 
 when Vespasian banished the 
 philosophers, who pushed the 
 Stoic doctrines to an absurd 
 length and aimed at exciting an 
 insurrection. See Helvidhis 
 Friscus and his fate. 
 
 Mtistius, Ep. 84, an architect. 
 
 Nepos, Lidnius, addressed in Epp. 
 31 ; 60 ; often named by Pliny as 
 an upright man and severe praetor. 
 
 Kero, see Drusiis. 
 
 Nero, Epp. 25, 27, 46, the nephew 
 Caligula, adopted by Claudius, 
 sncceeded the latter in 54, and 
 reigned till 68. His reign marks 
 the lowest point of Roman life, 
 and is one long chronicle of 
 murder, beginning with his rela- 
 tions Britannicus and Agrippina, 
 and ending with all men of su- 
 perior virtue, such as Thrasea 
 Paetus. Nero was assassinated 
 upon the rising of Vindex and 
 Galba. Literature in his time is 
 represented by Persius, Lucan, 
 and Seneca, but even that dis- 
 tinction became perilous, Ep. 25. 
 
 Nerva, M. Cocceius [Epp. 40, 42, 
 
 69, note 31], reigned from 96 to 
 98. He had been consul with 
 Vespasian in 71, with Domitian 
 in 90. Though exiled, his life 
 was spared through Domitian's 
 superstitious belief in an as- 
 trologer, who prophesied his 
 speedy death. His reign was 
 marked by the restoration of 
 confidence in the government, 
 but he dealt with the informers 
 much too gently for general ap- 
 proval [Ep. 42]. His adoption of 
 Trajan, a measure which greatly 
 strengthened his position, was im- 
 mediately due to a revolt of the 
 soldiers, who demanded the pun- 
 ishmentof Domitian's murderers. 
 
 Nicetes Saccrdos, named Ep. 55 
 as a teacher of Pliny's in oratory. 
 
 Noniamis, M. Serviluis, attracts 
 Caligula to his recitation, Ep. 8, 
 note II. 
 
 Nonius Jllaximus, addressed in 
 Ep. 46. 
 
 Octavius Avitus, Ep. 81. 
 Octavius Ritfus, addressed in Epi 
 18, a promising poet. 
 
 Pacoriis, king of Parthia, Ep. 89. 
 
 Foetus, (i) Caecina, (ii) Thrasea, 
 both in Epp. 31 and 28, note 10. 
 
 Fasscnntts Faulns, interrupted by 
 lavolenus, Ep. 58, note 2 ; a 
 distinguished knight whocounted 
 Propertius among iiis ancestors. 
 He was celebrated for his lyric 
 and elegiac verses, and is highly 
 praised by Pliny (Ep. ix. 22), 
 Pliny's warm friendship for Pau- 
 lus perhaps makes him the more 
 severe upon lavolenus. 
 
 73
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Pas/or, sue Junius, Ep. 12, note 7. 
 Patavinum ntunicipium, its high 
 character, Ep. 9, note 20. 
 
 Pat emus, addressed in Ep. 73. 
 Paulinus, M. Valerius, addressed 
 in Epp. 50, 74, S3, a native of 
 Forum Julii, was a friend of 
 Vespasian's, and did him good 
 service by collecting the Vitellian 
 troops in Narbonnese Gaul, 
 where he was procurator in 69. 
 He also served in the Jewish 
 war, and was raised to the con- 
 sulship in loi. 
 
 Pericles, his fulness of style as an 
 orator, Ep. 13. 
 
 Piso, L. Calpurnius, Ep. 27, elder 
 son of the Cn. Piso and Plancina 
 who were accused of procuring 
 the death of Germanicus. After 
 his father's posthumous condem- 
 nation, Piso was compelled to 
 adopt the name Lucius instead 
 of Cnaeus. He was consul in 
 27, and governor of Africa 
 under Caligula. 
 
 Piso, L. Calpurnius, Ep. 27, note 
 37, son of the above, was also 
 governor of Africa in 70. 
 
 Piso, L. Calpurnius Licinianus, a 
 great-grandson of Pompey, and 
 well-known for his upright 
 character, was adopted by the 
 emperor Galba, only to be 
 massacred by the soldiers four 
 days after because they received 
 no donative [Ep. 23, note 4]. 
 
 Plautus, T. Maccius, Ep. t i , the 
 Comic dramatist, who lived 254- 
 184 B.C.; cited as a model of 
 Latinity. 
 
 Plinius, C. Sccundus, his works 
 and life, Ep. 25, his death, 
 
 74 
 
 Ep. 59, was a native of No- 
 vum Comum, and the ma- 
 ternal uncle of the younger 
 Pliny. Ep. 25 contains nearly 
 all that we know about his life. 
 
 Pollio, C. Asinitis, as an orator, 
 Ep. 13, note 13. 
 
 Poiitpcius Falco, addressed in Epp. 
 
 15, 78. 
 Pompcius Jidianus , Ep. 6, governor 
 
 of Syria and father-in-law of 
 
 Euphrates. 
 Potnpcius Saturninus, addressed 
 
 in Ep. 51, is warmly praised 
 
 as a poet Ep. 11. 
 Polyditus, the Argive sculptor, 
 
 and teacher of Phidias, Ep. 13. 
 Pomponia Galla [Ep. 44], mother 
 
 of Curianus, made Pliny her heir. 
 Pomponianus, Ep. 59. 
 Pomponius Secundus, see Ep. 25, 
 
 note 7. 
 Pontius, addressed in Ep. 48. 
 Priscus, Cornelius, addressed in 
 
 Epp. 19, 35, 67. 
 Priscus, lavolenus, Ep. 58. 
 Properiius, Sex. Aurclius, one of 
 
 the circle of poets who gathered 
 
 round Maecenas, mentioned Ep. 
 
 58 as ancestor of Passennus 
 
 Paulus. 
 Publicius Certus, see Certus and 
 
 life of Pliny. 
 
 Quadratus, Ununidius, see Ep. 77, 
 
 note I. 
 Quintiliamis, M. Fabius, see Epp. 
 
 20, note 34 ; and 55. 
 
 Rectina, Ep. 59, note 29. 
 Rcgulus, M. Aquilius, Ep. 23, 
 
 note 4 ; Epp. 13, 36, 37, 52, cp. 
 
 Ep. 28, note 10.
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Romamts, Vocofiius, addressed in 
 Epp. i6, 58, 62, 72, :6, recom- 
 mended in Ep. 19, q. v. 
 
 Rtisticus, see Arnkmis, and notes 
 on Epp. 9, 1. 8 ; 28, 1. 10. 
 
 Sabmianus, addressed in Ep. 79. 
 
 Satrhis Rufus, Ep. 77. 
 
 ScHboniamis , Furius CainiUus, 
 Ep. 31, was proconsul of Dal- 
 matia when he joined the con- 
 spiracy of Vinicianus against 
 Claudius, A.D. 42. The em- 
 peror at first seriously thought 
 of obeying his summons to re- 
 sign ; but the legionaries would 
 no longer respond to the ciy of 
 a free Italy, and refused to follow 
 Scribonianus, who was killed by 
 one of his centurions. 
 
 Scciindus, Epp. 40, 91, is Pliny. 
 
 Sanproniiis Rufus, addressed in 
 Ep. 42. 
 
 Senecio, see Herenniits. 
 
 Senecio, C. Sosius, addressed in Ep. 
 8, a consular, and addressed by 
 Plutarch in several of his Lives. 
 
 Septicius Clarus, addressed in Ep. 
 I ; see Ep. 11, note i. 
 
 Serrana Procula, Ep. 9, grand- 
 mother of Minicius Acilianus. 
 
 Scrlorius Sevcrtis, Ep. 44, coheir 
 with Pliny to the fortune of 
 Pomponia. 
 
 Spiirinna, Vestriiius, his manner of 
 life described, Ep. 24 ; his writ- 
 ings, note 25. In the civil war 
 which followed Nero's death, he 
 had distinguished himself on the 
 side of Otho ; under Trajan he 
 was famous for a bloodless vic- 
 tory over the savage tribe of the 
 Bructeri. 
 
 Statuis Sahinus, addressed in Ep. 
 
 38. 
 
 Subennzis, Ep. 62, disinherited in 
 favour of Attia Viriola. 
 
 Stietonius Tranquilliis, the his- 
 torian, Epp. 12, note I ; 47. 
 
 Siii-a, L. Lidfiius, addressed in 
 Ep. 68, is best known for having 
 influenced Nerva to adopt Tra- 
 jan, and Trajan to adopt Hadrian, 
 
 Sitsagus, Ep. 89, note 6. 
 
 Tacitus, C. Coinielius, addressed 
 in Epp. 4, 13, 39, 59, 61, 69, 
 pronounces a funeral oration 
 over Verginius Rufus, 16 ; his 
 name coupled with that of Pliny, 
 80 ; was slightly older than 
 Pliny, and had won fame as an 
 orator when the latter was be- 
 ginning his career. Promoted 
 first by Vespasian, and raised to 
 the praetorship by Domitian, 
 in 88, he escaped the persecutions 
 at the end of the latter's reign 
 by a prudent withdrawal from 
 public life. Nerva however made 
 him consul in 97, in place of 
 Verginius Rufus, and two years 
 later he and Pliny together con- 
 ducted the prosecution of Marius. 
 We see (Epp. 69, So) how fully 
 Pliny appreciated his literary 
 powers, and was proud to rank 
 next to him in public estimation. 
 
 Tasciis, Ep. 59. 
 
 Tcreutitcs, Ep. 11, the dramatist, 
 friend of the youngerScipio, cited 
 as a model of Latinity. 
 
 Thrasea Faettis, Epp. 31 and 28, 
 note 10. 
 
 TitusFlaviusSabinusVcspasianuSf 
 [Ep. 87], was emperor 79-8X. 
 75
 
 INDES: OF NAMES. 
 
 Like onr Prince Hal, his youth 
 gave no promise of his future 
 excellence. Rome still possesses 
 some Memorials of him in the 
 Colosseum and the baths which 
 bear his name. 
 
 Traianiis, M. Ulpius [Epp. S5 to 
 91], a Spaniard from Italica near 
 Seville, was the first emperor of 
 foreign birth. Born in 52, he 
 reigned from 98 to 117, having 
 been adopted by Nerva in 97, 
 Under so good an administrator, 
 Rome enjoyed a long period of 
 tranquillity : while Trajan in- 
 creased his military renown by 
 his campaigns in Dacia in 
 the East, where he died. 
 
 Trcbonius Riifimis [Ep. 42], 
 abolishes the games at Vienne 
 when duumvir. 
 
 Tullms, M., see Cicei-o. 
 
 Valerius Festus, Ep. 27, note 37. 
 
 Valerius Marlialis, M., see imder 
 Martialis. 
 
 Veiento, see Fabricius, and Ep. 42, 
 note 14. 
 
 Velleitis Blaesus, Ep. 23, a victim 
 to Regulus' cupidity. 
 
 Verania, Ep. 23, another of Re- 
 gulus' victims. 
 
 Vergilius, Ep. 27, venerated by 
 the poet Silius Italicus, was 
 bom at Mantua in 70, d. 19, B.C. 
 
 Verginius Ruftis , described Ep. 16, 
 his monument still unfinished, 
 Ep. 57- 
 
 Verus, addressed in Ep. 53. 
 
 Vcspasianns, T. Flavius Sahinus 
 [Epp. 9, 25, 87], born A. D. 9, 
 reigned from 70 to 79. He was 
 sent by Nero as his best general 
 in 66 to conduct the Jewish war, 
 and in 69 found himself strong 
 enough to crush Vitellius by the 
 help of Mucianus, governor of 
 Syria, whose services he neverfor- 
 got. Vespasian brought to Rome 
 a respite from persecution, while 
 his example is said to have done 
 more towards purifying Roman 
 morals than all the laws that 
 were ever enacted. 
 
 Vettius Procuhis, Ep. 77, step- 
 father of Pliny's wife, defends 
 his colleague Certus. 
 
 Vitellius, A., mentioned, Ep. 27, 
 as the friend of Silius Italicus, 
 was emperor in 69. Supported 
 by the German legions to which 
 Galba had appointed him, his 
 lieutenants overthrew Otho ; but 
 Vitellius' incapacity for anything 
 but gluttony led to his speedy 
 dethronement in favour of Ves- 
 pasian. 
 
 Vindex, Ep. 57, note 15. 
 
 Vocotiius, see Roftianus. 
 
 Xerxes, the story of his weeping 
 over the mortality of his army 
 used as the theme for moralising, 
 Ep. 27. 
 
 Zosimus, Ep. 50, a freedman for 
 whom Pliny asks a favour of one 
 of his friends. 
 
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