THR COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVhNTURCRS 
 TRADING INTO AFRICA 
 
 UC-NRLF 
 
 ^B n DSfl 
 
 HEORGE I REDERJCK ZOOK 
 
 Pre- !-■ ■ \:ii T,t L. i^ H,u..-LTv of - nh Lajuajjvxhk ■ 
 
 "^^' " "^ ' i THE OeGRKE of I' 
 
 Thk \i 
 
 •ORG H' 
 
 V, N 
 
 PKESS Of 
 
 THE NEW ERA PRINTINO CflMPANY 
 
 i-ANCASTEH, FA. 
 
EXCHANGE 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2007 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/companyofroyaladOOzookrich 
 
THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS 
 TRADING INTO AFRICA 
 
 BY 
 
 ! 
 
 GEORGE FREDERICK ZOOK 
 
 A THESIS 
 
 Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell 
 
 University for the Degree of Doctor 
 
 of Philosophy 
 
 Reprinted from 
 The Journal of Negro History, Vol. IV, No. 2, April, 1919 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY 
 
 LANCASTER, PA. 
 
 I919 
 
^ 
 
 ^-^ 
 
 ^,1.^ 
 ^^^ 
 
 KXCHANGe 
 
 • *• •••• •»»« 
 
INTEODUCTION 
 
 The English commercial companies trading to the west 
 coast of Africa during the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 
 turies have practically escaped the attention of historical 
 students. Doubtless this neglect is the result of the little 
 importance which has until recently been attached to African 
 territory since the abolition of the slave trade. Previous 
 to that time the west coast of Africa vied with the East 
 Indies for popular attention, and the English African com- 
 panies often appeared to be but little less important than 
 the great East India Company. 
 
 The cause for the popular esteem of the African coast 
 during the earlier centuries was the intimate connection 
 which the slave trade had with the development of the Eng- 
 lish plantations in the West Indies. About the middle of 
 the seventeenth century the growing of sugar cane and 
 other products in the West Indies began to open up enor- 
 mous possibilities which, it was universally agreed, could 
 be realized only by the extensive use of Negro slaves. At 
 the restoration of Charles II in 1660 the English commer- 
 cial class directly supported and assisted by the king^s 
 courtiers determined to secure as large a portion of the 
 West African coast as possible. To reach this end they or- 
 ganized that year The Company of the Royal AdveMurers 
 into Africa. This decision at once brought the company 
 into conflict with the Dutch West India Company, which, 
 during the twenty years of domestic trouble in England, had 
 all but monopolized the desirable portion of the West 
 African coast. 
 
 It happened therefore that the Company of Eoyal Ad- 
 venturers played a very important part in the events which 
 led up to the Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-67. The war re- 
 sulted in the financial ruin of the company which was in 
 existence only about eleven years, at the end of which time 
 
 iii 
 
 438230 
 
iv The Company of Royal. Adventueees 
 
 it was succeeded by the mucli larger and better organized 
 Eoyal African Company. 
 
 It has seemed to the author as if the English African 
 companies were a very profitable field of historical investi- 
 gation. Therefore, the present dissertation on the Com- 
 pany of Royal Adventurers will be followed shortly by a 
 history of the Royal African Company, 1672-1752. 
 
 For assistance in writing the history of the Royal Ad- 
 venturers Trading into Africa I wish to acknowledge my 
 indebtedness to the librarians, and officials of the British 
 Record Office, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library at 
 Oxford, the Rijks Archief at The Hague, and the Cornell 
 University Library. To Professor R. C. H. Catterall, now 
 deceased, I am greatly indebted for reading the manuscript 
 of this book, and for many valuable suggestions. Above 
 all, I wish to express my deep appreciation to my wife, 
 Susie Zook, for her unfailing inspiration and her constant 
 assistance in the writing of this book. 
 
 Geoege F. Zook. 
 Washington, 
 
 rebmary 10, 1»1* 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter Page 
 
 Introduction iii 
 
 I. Early Dutch and English Trade to West Africa. . . 1 
 
 II. The Royal Adventurers in England 8 
 
 III. On the West Coast of Africa 28 
 
 rV. The Royal Adventurers and the Plantations 71 
 
 Bibliography 97 
 
THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF 
 ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA, 1660-1672 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Eakly Dutch and English Tkade to West Afkica 
 
 In 1581 the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands 
 declared their independence of Spain. As the intrepid 
 Dutch sailors ventured out from their homeland they met 
 not only the ships of their old master, Philip II, but those of 
 the Portuguese as well. Since the government of Portugal 
 had just fallen into the hands of Philip II the Dutch ships 
 could expect no more consideration from Portuguese than 
 from Spanish vessels. Notwithstanding the manifest dan- 
 gers the prospects of obtaining the coveted products of the 
 Portuguese colonies inspired the Dutch to such a great ex- 
 tent that in 1595 Bernard Ereckson sailed to the west coast 
 of Africa, at that time usually called Guinea. There he and 
 the Dutch who followed him discovered that the Portug-uese 
 had long occupied the trading points along the coast, and 
 had erected forts and factories wherever it seemed advis- 
 able for the purpose of defense and trade. The Dutch mer- 
 chants and sailors turned their dangerous situation into an 
 opportunity to despoil the weakened Portuguese of their 
 forts and settlements in Africa. 
 
 On August 25, 1611, the Dutch made a treaty with a 
 native prince by which a place called Mauree was ceded to 
 them. In the following year they erected at that place a 
 fort which they named F'ort Nassau.^ Shortly after this, 
 in 1617, they bought the island of Goree at Cape Verde 
 from the natives in that region. Four years later the "West 
 
 1 Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de, Be Oorsprong van Neerland^s Besittingen 
 op de Kust van Guinea, p. 16. 
 
 1 
 
2 .^ ,. .' . 'Tkij Company of Royal Adventueees 
 
 India Company was formed, its charter including not only 
 the West Indies and New Amsterdam but also the west 
 coast of Africa. This new organization found much in the 
 new world to occupy its attention but it did not neglect the 
 Guinea coast. The Dutch realized that the African trade 
 was indispensable to their West India colonies as a means 
 of supplying slave labor. Hostilities, therefore, were con- 
 tinued against the Portuguese, who still had possession of 
 the principal part of the African trade. In 1625 the Dutch 
 made a vigorous attempt to capture the main Portuguese 
 stronghold at St. George d'Elmina, which had been founded 
 on the Gold Coast in 1481.^ They were unsuccessful at that 
 time but in 1637 Prince Maurice of Nassau with 1,200 men 
 succeeded in capturing this base of the Portuguese trade.^ 
 In 1641 a ten years ' truce was signed between Portugal and 
 the United Provinces, but before the news of the truce had 
 reached the coast of Guinea the Dutch had taken another 
 of the Portuguese strongholds at Axim which, according 
 to the terms of the treaty, they were permitted to retain. 
 From these various places factories were settled along the 
 coast, and treaties made with the native rulers. Further- 
 more, in the treaty of peace, August 6, 1661, the Dutch re- 
 tained the forts and factories which they had conquered 
 from the Portuguese on the African coast.^ After the truce 
 of 1641 and the peace of 1661, therefore, the Dutch regarded 
 themselves as having succeeded to the exclusive claims of 
 the Portuguese to a large portion of the west coast of Africa 
 including a monopoly of the trade to the Gold Coast.^ 
 
 Although it was the Dutch who succeeded in depriving 
 the Portuguese of the most important part of the West 
 African coast, the interest shown by the English in this 
 region can be traced back to a much earlier date. In 1481, 
 when two Englishmen were preparing an expedition to the 
 Guinea coast, John II, king of Portugal, despatched an am- 
 
 2Gramberg, J. S. G., Schetsen van Afrilca's Westcust, p. 12. 
 8 Jonge, Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen, pp. 18, 19, 20. 
 *In return for this concession tlie Ihitcli evacuated Brazil. Dumont, J., 
 Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens, VI, part 2, p. 367. 
 6De Gids, <*Derde Serie,'' Zesde Jaargang, IV, 385. 
 
Early Trade to West Africa 3 
 
 bassador to the English king, to announce the overlordship 
 of Guinea which he had recently assumed, and to request 
 that the two Englishmen should refrain from visiting the 
 Guinea coast. Edward IV complied with this request.^ 
 Thereafter no English expedition to Guinea was attempted 
 until 1536 when William Hawkins, father of the famous John 
 Hawkins, made the first of three voyages to Africa during 
 which he also traded to Brazil. Again in 1553 Hawkins 
 sent an expedition to the Gold Coast. Near Elmina the ad- 
 venturers sold some of their goods for gold, and then pro- 
 ceeded to Benin, where they obtained pepper, or ** Guinea' 
 graines,'' and elephants' teeth. After losmg two-thirds of 
 the crew from sickness the expedition returned to England.*^ 
 In the following year another expedition under Hawkins' 
 direction secured several slaves in addition to a large 
 amount of gold and other products.^ Also, in the years 
 1555, 1556, 1557, William Towrson made three voyages to 
 the Guinea coast, in which his ships were harassed by the 
 Portuguese, who attempted to prevent them from trading. 
 English cloth and iron wares were in such demand, how- 
 ever, that notwithstanding this opposition a lucrative trade 
 was obtained.^ 
 
 Beginning with 1561 Queen Elizabeth lent her influence 
 and assistance to a series of voyages to the African coast. 
 Not only did she permit the use of four royal vessels for the 
 first expedition but she spent five hundred pounds in provi- 
 sioning them for the voyage. The value of the goods sent to 
 Africa in these vessels was five thousand pounds. Accord- 
 ing to the arrangement Queen Elizabeth received one thou- 
 sand pounds, which sum was one-third of the profits. ^^ In 
 
 6 Hakluyt, Eiehard, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, 4" 
 Discourses of the English Nation, VI, 123, 124. 
 
 ■rlhid., VI, 145^162. 
 
 sllid., VI, 154-177. 
 
 9ll)id., VI, 177-252. 
 
 10 Queen Elizabeth 's profit may have been only five hundred pounds, as it 
 seems likely that the five hundred pounds which she spent in provisioning the 
 ships should be subtracted from the one thousand pounds which she received. 
 Scott, W. E., The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint 
 Stocic Companies to 1720, II, 6. 
 
4 The Company of Royal. Adventukeeis 
 
 the year 1563 similar arrangements were made with the 
 queen for another voyage to the Gold Coast, during which 
 there was considerable trouble with the Portuguese. Notwith- 
 standing this opposition the ships succeeded in returning to 
 England with a quantity of elephants' teeth and Gruinea 
 grains. ^^ In 1564, an expedition composed of three ships, 
 one of which belonged to Queen Elizabeth, was particularly 
 unfortunate. One of these ships was blown up, while the 
 other two were attacked by the Portuguese and probably 
 had to return without obtaining any African products.^ ^ 
 
 In these voyages to Guinea the English trade had been 
 in exchange for gold, elephants' teeth and pepper. Trading 
 for slaves had scarcely occurred to these early adventurers. 
 Nevertheless, as early as 1562, John Hawkins sailed for 
 Sierra Leone with three vessels, and there captured three 
 hundred Negroes whom he sold to the Spaniards in His- 
 paniola.^^ The success of this voyage was so great that in 
 1564 there was fitted out a second slave raiding expedition 
 in which one of the queen's ships, the Jesus, was employed. 
 As before, Hawkins sold his slaves in the West Indies, this 
 time with some difficulty, because the Spanish officials, who 
 were forbidden to have any trade with foreigners, regarded 
 the Englishmen as pirates.^* 
 
 Again, in 1567, Hawkins was on his way to Guinea. By 
 playing off one set of natives against another he procured 
 about 450 slaves and once more set out for the Spanish 
 Indies. Although at first the voyage promised to be suc- 
 cessful, he was later set upon by a number of Spanish ships 
 and barely escaped with his life and one badly wrecked 
 vessel.^^ 
 
 Hawkins' voyages to Africa are worthy of note because 
 he was the first Englishman to engage in the slave trade. 
 To be sure, his piratical seizure of free Negroes broke all 
 
 11 Hayluyt, Principal Navigations, VI, 25S-261. 
 
 12 Ihid., VI, 262. 
 islhid., X, 7, 8. 
 i*Ibid., X, 9-63. 
 15 Hid., X, 64-74. 
 
Eaely Teade to West Afkica 5 
 
 the rules of honorable dealing long recognized on the Afri- 
 can coast. As a result of his actions the natives held all 
 Englishmen in great distrust for a number of years.^^ The 
 unregulated method of carrying on the African trade, pur- 
 sued up to this time, ceased to a certain extent when Queen 
 Elizabeth granted the first patent of monopoly to the west 
 coast of Africa, May 3, 1588. 
 
 The charter of 1588 gave to certain merchants of Exeter, 
 London and other places in England for ten years an exclu- 
 sive trade to that portion of West Africa lying between the 
 Senegal and Gambia rivers. The great slave and gold pro- 
 ducing country of the Gold Coast remained open to all 
 traders. It was therefore evident that, instead of con- 
 tinuing the slave raiding projects of Hawkins, the company 
 intended to resume the exchange of English manufactures 
 for African products. According to its charter the com- 
 pany was not required to pay duties in England either on 
 imports or exports.^"^ Although nothing is known of the 
 success of this company, the patent was regarded as of suf- 
 ficient importance for the earl of Nottingham and others to 
 obtain a continuation of the monopoly. ^^ 
 
 Since the charter of these Senegal adventurers did not 
 prevent anyone from resorting to the Gold Coast and the 
 regions to the east thereof, two voyages were made to 
 Benin, one in 1588 and another in 1590.^^ In 1592 certain 
 English merchants received a patent from the queen au- 
 thorizing them to trade to certain specified portions of 
 Africa.^^ The trade to Africa continued in this desultory 
 fashion until 1618. At that time a patent comprising the 
 whole explored western coast of Africa south of the terri- 
 tory of the Barbary Company was granted to some thirty 
 persons, among whom the most important was Sir William 
 
 i« For example, the expedition of George Fenner to Africa in 1566. He 
 had a great deal of trouble with the natives. Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 
 VI, 266-284. 
 
 17 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, VI, 443-i50, patent of Queen Elizabeth, 
 May 3, 1588. 
 
 18 Scott, Joint Stock Companies, II, 10. 
 
 19 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, VI, 45CMr58, 461-467. 
 zolMd., VII, 102. 
 
6 The Company of Eoyal. Adventueers 
 
 St. John, who was said to have built the first English fort 
 in Af rica.^^ In the early years their trade, which consisted 
 in the exchange of English for African products, was espe- 
 cially unfortunate. Vessels were either lost or brought 
 back small returns. After 1621 it was difficult to procure 
 fresh additions of capital. To add to this trying situation, 
 the House of Commons attacked the company's monopoly 
 and, later, voted it to be a grievance. Thereafter, although 
 the company sometimes issued licenses for the African 
 trade, the interlopers, who resorted to Africa quite freely, 
 usually did not deem it necessary to obtain them.^^ 
 
 The moving spirit of the next company, which received 
 a patent in 1631, was Sir Nicholas Crispe, who had been a 
 successful interloper during the life of the previous com- 
 pany. In 1624 he had built the first permanent English 
 settlement at Kormentine. Although not incorporated, this 
 company enjoyed for thirty-one years a monopoly of trade 
 to all the region lying between Cape Blanco and the Cape 
 of Good Hope. Just previous to the Civil War Charles I 
 confirmed its charter for twenty years. The company's 
 monopoly was looked on with disfavor by the leaders of the 
 Puritan party, however, and in 1649 the company was sum- 
 moned before the Council of State, where it was accused of 
 having procured its charter by undue influence. Later, the 
 company's case was considered by the committee of trade, 
 and finally, on April 9, 1651, the Council of State recom- 
 mended that the company's monopoly of that part of West 
 Africa extending from a point twenty miles north of Kor- 
 mentine to within twenty miles of the Sierra Leone Eiver 
 be continued for fourteen years.^^ 
 
 This company also suffered numerous misfortunes on 
 the African coast. A factory which the English had set up 
 at Cape Corse in April, 1650, was seized the following year 
 by some Swedes who for several years thereafter made it 
 
 21 Seott, Joint Stock Companies, II, 11. 
 
 22 Jfeid., II, 12, 13. 
 z^Ilid., II, 14-16. 
 
Eaely Trade to West Afeica 7 
 
 tlie seat of their trade in Guinea-^* Notwithstanding this 
 fact the Swedes permitted the English to retain a lodge at 
 Cape Corse with which the agents at Kormentine some- 
 times traded.2^ Even after the place was seized by Hen- 
 drik Carloff, a Danish adventurer, in 1658, the English 
 seem to have been allowed to remain at Cape Corse. By 
 this time, however, the English African Company had be- 
 come unable to support its factories on the coast of Guinea. 
 Therefore they were turned over to the English East India 
 Company, and became occasional stopping places for its 
 vessels on their way to and from the East Indies. 
 
 24 S. P. (State Papers), Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper concerning 
 the title of the English to Cape Corse; A. C. E. (Records of the African Com- 
 panies), 169: 69, deposition of Thomas Crispe, February 5, 1685/6; Dammaert, 
 Journal (Journal gehouden bij Louijs Dammaert ungewaren met 't schip 
 Prins Willem), September 19, 1652 (N. S.). 
 
 ^5 Bemonstrantie aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der Ver- 
 eenighde Nederlanden, p. 18 ; Dammaert, Journal, September 19, 1652, May 18, 
 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22 1656 (N. S.). 
 
 •». i. 
 
 %- 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Royal Adventurers in England 
 
 On account of the collapse of the king's cause at the 
 death of Charles I, Prince Rupert, with his small fleet of 
 royal vessels, was driven about from one part of the world 
 to another. In 1652 he sought refuge in the Gambia River,^ 
 where he listened to stories told by natives of rich gold 
 mines in that region. For a number of years the Negroes 
 had brought gold from the inland of Africa to the Dutch on 
 the Gold Coast. There seemed every reason to believe that 
 the source of this gold supply was none other than that de- 
 scribed by the natives of the Gambia River, and that it 
 might be discovered somewhere in that region. Prince 
 Rupert was so much impressed with the possibility of find- 
 ing these mines that his voyage to Guinea was still vivid in 
 his memory when Charles II assumed the throne in 1660. 
 In the duke of York and other royal courtiers he found a 
 group of willing listeners who determined to form a com- 
 pany for the purpose of sending an expedition to the Gam- 
 bia to dig for gold. As early as October 3, 1660, the plans 
 were formulated. Each member was required to invest at 
 least £250 in the undertaking.^ On December 18, 1660, the 
 king, who was pleased with the adventurers for having 
 '* undertaken so hopeful an enterprise," granted them a 
 charter^ under the name of ^^ The Company of the Royal Ad- 
 venturers into Africa.''* 
 
 1 At one time Prince Eupert had been governor of the African company 
 founded in 1631. Jenkinson, Hilary, *'The Records of the English African 
 Companies." Traivsactions of the BoyaZ Historical Society, Third Series, 
 VI, 195. 
 
 2 Pepys, Diary (The Diary of Samuel Pepys, edited by Henry B. Wheat- 
 ley), I, 253. 
 
 3 That some expense attached to the procuring of such charters appears 
 from an item of £133.10s.3d. which the company incurred for this charter. 
 
 8 
 
The Eoyal Adventurebs in England 9 
 
 By this charter the Eoyal Adventurers received the 
 land and the adjacent islands on the west coast of Africa 
 from Cape Blanco to the Cape of Good Hope, for a period 
 of one thousand years beginning with * * the making of these 
 our Letters Patents if the . . . grant (made to Crispe's 
 company in 1631) be void and determined.''^ If, however, 
 the former charter was still regarded as in force, the grant 
 to the Royal Adventurers was to be effective upon the sur- 
 render or the expiration of the former company's priv- 
 ileges.^ A committee of six men, the earl of Pembroke, 
 Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, William Coventry, Sir 
 Ellis Leighton and Cornelius Vermuyden, was named to 
 have charge of the company's affairs. No mention was 
 made of the office of governor or of any court of directors. 
 Apparently it was thought that the committee of six could 
 direct all of the company's affairs. In Africa, this com- 
 mittee was empowered to appoint the necessary agents and 
 officials and to raise and maintain whatever soldiers were 
 necessary to execute martial law. The company had the 
 right to admit new members if it desired. The king himself 
 reserved the privilege of becoming an adventurer at any 
 time and to invest an amount of money not exceeding one- 
 sixteenth of the company's stock. 
 
 Furthermore, it was provided that the king * ^ shall have, 
 take and receive two third parts of all the gold mines which 
 shall be seized, possessed and wrought in the parts and places 
 aforesaid, we . . . paying and bearing two third parts of 
 all the charges incident to the working and transporting of 
 the said gold. ' ' The company was to have the other third 
 and bear the remainder of the expense. That this provision 
 was not a matter of mere form, as in so many of the royal 
 
 A. C. R., 1221, April 12, 1661. Wherever possible the volume and page of the 
 company 's books will be given, but since they have not all been paged the only 
 other method of reference is by dates. 
 
 4Carr, Cecil T., ''Select Charters of Trading Companies, 1530-1707,'* 
 Publications of the Selden Society, XXVIII, 172-177. 
 
 6 According to the charter of 1660 the former patent had been granted 
 June 25, 1631. It would therefore expire June 25, 1662, if it was not sur- 
 rendered before that time. 
 
10 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 charters, is evident from the stimulus which had led to the 
 formation of the company. Indeed in one part of the char- 
 ter the purpose of the company is presented as *Hhe setting 
 forward and furthering of the trade intended (redwood, 
 hides, elephants' teeth) in the parts aforesaid and the en- 
 couragement of the undertakers in discovering the golden 
 mines and setting of plantations there.'' The trade in 
 slaves was not mentioned in the charter. 
 
 Even before they had obtained this charter the organ- 
 izers of the new company induced the king to lend them five 
 of his Majesty's ships. These vessels, the ^* Henrietta," 
 ** Sophia," ^* Amity," ** Griffin" and ^^Kingsale," were 
 loaded with goods, tools and chemicals necessary for the 
 working of the projected gold mines. Captain Robert 
 Holmes, who had been with Prince Rupert in 1652, was 
 given charge of the expedition ; but the goods and necessi- 
 ties were consigned to William Usticke and two other fac- 
 tors of the company.® In December, 1660, the five vessels 
 set out on their voyage to the Gambia River, where they 
 arrived in the following March. There Holmes seized the 
 island of St. Andre, then occupied by a feeble number of 
 the subjects of the duke of Courland. Since the latter place 
 was protected by a small fort the English began prepara- 
 tions to make it the seat of their operations in that region. 
 Not long after they arrived, however, a fire destroyed the 
 fortification and a large part of the goods which had been 
 brought from England. Under these circumstances they 
 chose to abandon that island, and to settle on two others 
 which were better situated for defense and trade. These 
 they named Charles Island and James Island in honor of 
 
 «A. C. E., 309, 1221. The records of the first few ventures are to be 
 found in these two volumes of the company 's books. Number 309 is the origi- 
 nal book, the other being practically a copy of it. In some cases, however, 
 the latter is more complete. These two books have been practically overlooked 
 in the cataloging of the company's records, one of them being labelled, **Ship't 
 Journal. *' They contain the only information we have of the financial condi- 
 tion of the first company as kept by Thomas Holder, treasurer of the com- 
 pany. The greater part of the two books is taken up with lists and costs of 
 various goods which were sent to Africa. 
 
The Eoyal Adventurers in England 11 
 
 their royal patrons. The latter was by far the more advan- 
 tageously situated, and became the main stronghold of the 
 English in the northern part of Africa during all the history 
 of the African companies. Holmes probably remained on 
 the Gambia until about the first of May, when he departed 
 with one or two of the ships for England. In July as much 
 of a cargo as possible was loaded on the *^ Amity,'' which 
 finally arrived in England, after its crew had been depleted 
 by disease."^ 
 
 Information regarding the success of the mining project 
 of this expedition is almost totally lacking, but it seems 
 certain that nothing was done to discover the hoped-for 
 gold mines. The climate affected the men so adversely 
 that it is altogether unlikely that they even attempted to 
 look for the mines. The small cargo carried back by the 
 various ships, most of which seems to have been on the 
 *^ Amity,'' probably represents the only tangible results of 
 the expedition. These goods, consisting of elephants' teeth, 
 wax and hides, sold for £l,567.8s.,^ whereas the outlay for 
 the expedition was probably between £4,000 and £4,500.^ 
 
 This sum does not include £2,640.8s.8d. expense which 
 was incurred to send another of the king's ships, the 
 '^ Blackamoor," to the Gold Coast, in June, 1661.^0 The 
 '* Blackamoor" was followed in April, 1662, by the *' Swal- 
 low," which, together with its cargo, cost the Eoyal Adven- 
 turers £l,101.2s.ld.i^ Later in the year the three ships, 
 ** Charles," '* James" and **Mary," were sent to the Gold 
 Coast at an expense of about £5,000. ^^ gy September, 1662, 
 
 7 Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, Iii-L^tters, 6, loose leaf order of the 
 factors of the Eoyal Adventurers on the Gambia Eiver, July 19, 1661. With 
 this order there is a certificate dated January 3, 1661/2, to the effect that 
 thirty-eight of the crew of the ** Amity" had died on the way to Guinea and 
 during the time they were on the Gambia Kiver. 
 
 8 A. C. E., 1221, October 20, 1662. 
 
 It is impossible to determine the exact amount which was invested in 
 goods, etc. 
 
 10 A. C. R., 1221, June 20, 1661. 
 
 11 Ibid., April 30, 1662. 
 i^IUd., 309, September 26, 1662 
 
12 The Company of Royal Adventukers 
 
 £17,400 had been subscribed by various persons to obtain 
 the cargoes for the ships which had been dispatched to the 
 coast of Guinea. Of this amount £800 had been promised 
 by the king ; £3,600 by the duke of York ; £400 by the queen 
 Mother; £400 by the duchess of Orleans; £800 by Prince 
 Rupert; and £800 by the duke of Buckingham. Of the 
 £17,400 subscribed all but about £1,000 had been paid by 
 October 20, 1662. From this investment the company had 
 received no returns except the £l,567.8s. from the first ex- 
 pedition, while the three last vessels, the ^* Charles, '^ 
 ^^Jame^'* and *^Mary'' had not yet arrived at the Gold 
 Coast on their ill-fated voyage. ^^ 
 
 Up to this time there had been no uniformity about the 
 amounts invested, and no definite times at which the several 
 amounts subscribed were due. It was assumed that money 
 would be forthcoming from the members whenever it was 
 needed to dispatch ships to the coast. About the middle of 
 September, 1662, it was decided to pursue a more business- 
 like policy. A list of subscribers for shares at four hun- 
 dred pounds each was opened, and by the 15th of January, 
 1663, the amount of this second subscription was £17,000.^* 
 The stimulus for obtaining this added subscription was the 
 fact that, at the same time, the company was agitating for 
 
 a new charter, which was granted by the king, January 10, 
 1663.15 
 
 Experience had shown that the previous charter was in- 
 adequate, not only respecting the means of raising funds to 
 
 13 A. C. K., 309, September 26, October 20, 1662. Only £560 of the king's 
 subscription of £800 was paid, according to the list found under the first of 
 the above dates. There may be a slight error, as warrants were issued for th.e 
 payment of £580 at various times in 1661 and 1662. C. S. P., Treas. Bks. 
 (Calendar of State Papers, Treasury Books), 1660-1667, pp. 312, 314, 383. 
 This does not include a warrant for £300, which was probably used in the 
 first expedition under Captain Holmes, but which for some reason is omitted 
 in the company's books. C. S. P., Treas. Bks., 1660-1667, p. 107. 
 
 14 A. C. E., 309, October 20, 1662, January 15, 1663. Afterward £3,200 
 was added to this, making £20,800 in all in the second subscription. A. C. E., 
 309, August 25, 1663. 
 
 15 Carr, Select Charters of Trading Companies, pp. 178-181. 
 
The Royal Adventukers in England 13 
 
 carry on the company's business, bnt also on account of the 
 lack of any other officers to direct its affairs than the com- 
 mittee of six. By general consent of the patentees and of 
 those who had later subscribed to the stock, it had been de- 
 cided to surrender the charter of 1660 for one conferring 
 more extensive privileges on the corporation. The charter 
 obtained January 10, 1663, answered these requirements.^ 
 The name was changed to ^^The Company of Royal Adven-1\ 
 turers of England Trading into Africa.'' The territory in-j/ 
 eluded in the charter reached to the Cape of Good Hope as in// 
 the previous patent, but the northern limit was extended 
 from Cape Blanco to Cape Sallee on the coast of Morocco. 
 
 The new charter contained the same provisions in re- 
 gard to the discovery of gold mines as the charter of 1660. 
 By this time, however, the adventurers had discovered thati/ 
 the Negro trade could be made very lucrative. In this char- ' 
 ter, therefore, they obtained ^Hhe whole, entire and onlyf- 
 trade for the buying and selling bartering and exchanging^ ■ 
 of for or with any Negroes, slaves, goods, wares and mer- 
 chandises whatsoever to be vented or found at or within j, 
 any of the Cities" on the west coast of Africa. The char-i i 
 ter provided that there should be no trading on the African: \ 
 coast except by the company in its corporate capacity, and 
 that any one guilty of transgressing these rules should be 
 liable to forfeiture of his ship and goods. ^^ 
 
 The charter also required the shareholders to elect a 
 governor, subgovernor, deputy governor and court of as- 
 sistants; but that the routine business of the company 
 should be conducted by a smaller committee corresponding 
 to the committee of six of the previous company. The duke 
 of York was elected governor, in which capacity he con- 
 tinued to serve during the company's entire existence. 
 Thirty-six men were chosen annually to compose the court 
 
 16 There were also provisions similar to those contained in the first char- 
 ter for the government of the company's "plantations" (factories) in Africa. 
 The clause allowing the king to subscribe one-sixteenth of the stock was omit- 
 ted, but he could become a shareholder at any time. 
 
14 The Company of Royal. Adventurers 
 
 of assistants. There was also an executive committee of 
 seven which was responsible to the court of assistants.^^ 
 
 While the company was endeavoring to obtain this new 
 charter an unsuspected difficulty arose. It will be remem- 
 bered that in 1631 Sir Nicholas Crispe and others had re- 
 ceived a patent to a portion of the west coast of Africa for 
 thirty-one years. The first charter of Charles II to the 
 Royal Adventurers in December, 1660, had been granted a 
 year and a half previous to the expiration of Crispe 's 
 patent. In recognition of this fact the charter of the Royal 
 Adventurers provided that if the former patent was not 
 void, the new charter was not to be effective until its sur- 
 render or expiration. At first Crispe made no complaint 
 about the transgression of his rights, probably because the 
 first expedition under Captain Holmes had gone to the 
 Gambia region, in which place Crispe had no interests. 
 When it became apparent that the company intended to 
 carry its activities further south, however, he appeared 
 before the Privy Council on November 22, 1661, and asked 
 to have his interest confirmed in the trade and settlements 
 at Kormentine and in the region of the Sierra Leone and 
 Sherbro rivers. ^^ On December 20, 1661, his case was 
 heard before the Privy Council, at which time the case was 
 referred to the Lord High Treasurer. ^^ The matter was 
 neglected and finally dropped. 
 
 Crispe found it impossible to prevent the ships of the 
 Royal Company from transgressing the regions mentioned 
 in his charter. About the time at which his charter expired 
 (June 25, 1662), he agreed to transfer all his interests in 
 the fortifications at Kormentine and elsewhere to the Royal 
 Adventurers. Although this agreement has not been found, 
 there was apparently nothing in it which bound the com- 
 pany to remunerate Crispe and his associates, because 
 
 17 The charter had provided that the executive committee should be com- 
 posed of seven men if twenty-four assistants were elected and thirteen if 
 thirty-six were chosen. A. C. B., 75: 29, 31, 41, 44, 49, 51, 6», 72, 93. 
 
 18 p. C. E. (Eegister of the Privy Council), Charles 11, 2: 451. 
 i»7&uf., 2:502. 
 
The Royal. Adventurers in England 15 
 
 later, August, 1662, he petitioned the king for compensation 
 for the forts and lodges which had been transferred to the 
 Royal Adventurers. At first the king was favorable to 
 Crispe's request in view of the service which he had ren- 
 dered in building up the Guinea trade.^^ Later, neither the 
 king nor the Royal Adventurers seem to have paid any at- 
 tention to Crispe's plea for compensation.^^ 
 
 In later years the report was persistently spread that 
 at the time when the agreement was made with Crispe the 
 Privy Council had ordered the Royal Adventurers to pay 
 him £20,000 in lieu of all his interests on the coast, and that 
 the company had ^^ seemed to acquiesce '' in the order.^^ It 
 does not seem possible that this assertion can be true in 
 view of the foregoing facts, and of the absolute lack of men- 
 tion of any such thing in the books of the company. Over a 
 year later, August 15, 1664, Crispe presented a paper of an 
 unknown character to which the court of assistants refused 
 to give any notice.^^ It seems likely that this paper had 
 nothing to do with the African forts, but that it was sub- 
 mitted in connection with a controversy over some African 
 
 20Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 109, C. C. to Secretary Nicholas, August 11, 
 1662. Folio 110 contains a note without date or signature saying that the 
 matter was referred to the Lord High Treasurer and others. 
 
 21 The earl of Clarendon declares in his History of Charles II that, upon 
 the return of the ships from the first expedition, the company "compounded" 
 with Sir Nicholas Crispe for his '* propriety" in the fort at Kormentine. This 
 is untrue, since it has just been shown that it was not until the middle of 
 1662 that he agreed to transfer his property to the Koyal Adventurers and 
 that it was afterward that Crispe endeavored to get the king's approval to 
 grant him compensation. Clarendon may have remembered that the king was 
 favorable to the proposition and therefore assumed that such a contract had 
 been made. Hyde, Edward, First Earl of Clarendon. The History of the 
 Beign of King Charles the Second, from the Restoration to the end of the 
 year 1667 (edited by J. Shebbeare), p. 197. 
 
 22 This charge was put forward in a pamphlet, probably published in 
 1709, called Sir John Crispe's Case in Eelation to the Forts in Africa. In this 
 pamphlet the assertion is made that the Privy Council had a full hearing of 
 the matter on July 29, 1662, and ordered the Eoyal Adventurers to pay Crispe 
 £20,000 by an export duty of 2i/^ per cent, on goods sent to Africa. An 
 examination of the Privy Council Eegister shows no order of that kind on that 
 date or at any subsequent time. 
 
 23 A. C. E., 75, August, 15, 16€4. 
 
16 The Company of Royal Adventukers 
 
 goods, which were said to belong to the members of Crispe's 
 company.^* The entire lack of any other evidence of trouble 
 between Crispe and the company leads one to think that no 
 contract for such compensation was ever made.^^ More- 
 over, that he was not averse to the success of the Royal Ad- 
 venturers is shown by the fact that he himself subscribed 
 £2,000 in 1663 to the stock of the company.^^ 
 
 It is unnecessary to follow in detail the number of 
 ships which were fitted out for the company's trade after 
 it received its second charter in January, 1663. Suffice it to 
 say that very active measures were undertaken, especially 
 by the duke of York, who faithfully attended the weekly 
 meetings of the court of assistants which were held in his 
 apartments at Whitehall. The earl of Clarendon voiced 
 the sentiments of these enthusiastic courtier-merchants 
 when he said that, providing all went well, the Company of 
 Royal Adventurers would **be found a Model equally to 
 advance the Trade of England with that of any other com- 
 pany, even that of the East-Indies. ''^^ 
 
 If this prediction was to be realized it was necessary to 
 have a greater stock than the first and second subscriptions 
 had provided. Therefore a public declaration was issued 
 inviting any of the king's subjects in England to subscribe 
 for shares of not less than four hundred pounds each, one- 
 half of each share to be paid by December 1, 1663, and the 
 
 24 In January, 1663, the Koyal Adventurers made an agreement with sev- 
 eral members of Crispe 's company providing for the transfer to England of 
 their merchandise and personal effects which were still on the coast of Africa. 
 Whether this second contract contained anything about compensation for the 
 forts it is impossible to say, since this agreement also has not been preserved. 
 Admiralty High Court, Examinations 134. Answers of Edward M. Mitchell 
 and Ellis Leighton, May 10, 20, 1664. 
 
 25 That Sir Nicholas Crispe felt the losses he had incurred in Guinea 
 appears from his will of 1666, in which he directed the following inscription 
 to be erected to his memory: " first discovered and setled the Trade of Gold 
 in Affrica and built there the Castle of Cormentine," and thus ''lost out of 
 purse" more than £100,000. Crisp, Frederick A., Family of Crispe, I, 32. 
 
 26 A. C. E., 309, June 25, September 4, 1663. Upon the latter date it 
 appears that only £1300 of his subscription was paid. 
 
 27 Clarendon, History of the Eeign of Charles II, p. 198. 
 
The Royal Adventurers in England 17 
 
 other one-lialf by March 1, following. The conditions of 
 subscription provided that seven years after the first date, 
 a committee from the adventurers should be chosen to make 
 a fair valuation of the stock of the company. Each share- 
 holder was then to be allowed to receive the value of his 
 stock in money if he so desired. Thereafter this action was 
 to be repeated every three years with the same privileges 
 of withdrawal from the company.^^ Later, as a means of 
 inducing those with smaller means to subscribe for stock, 
 the company permitted subscriptions as small as fifty 
 pounds, providing they were paid within eight days. When- 
 ever any person subscribed more than four hundred pounds, 
 he was allowed to pay the excess in eight quarterly pay- 
 ments beginning with the 24th of June, 1663.^9 By offering 
 these inducements the third subscription amounted to 
 £34,000 divided among about forty-five shareholders.^^ 
 
 On the 25th of August of the same year, however, it was 
 necessary to seek for a fourth subscription which amounted 
 to £29,000,^1 payment of which could be made in eight quar- 
 terly sums if desired. For all those who would pay the 
 third and fourth subscriptions promptly, a discount of ten 
 per cent, was offered. By these four subscriptions the stock 
 of the company appeared on September 4, 1663, to be £102,- 
 000.32 Of this amount it is probable that about £57,425 had 
 been paid, which left unpaid subscriptions amounting to 
 £44,775.33 In addition to the money obtained by the sale of 
 
 28 The Several Declarations of the Company of Boyal Adventurers of Eng- 
 land trading into Africa, January 12, 1662 (O. S.). 
 
 29 IMd. 
 
 so A. C. E., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663. 
 
 silhid., 309, August 25, 1663. 
 
 82 IMd., 309, the balance of the company 's books on September 4, 1663. 
 
 33 These figures are arrived at by a careful examination of the various 
 sums paid to Thomas Holder, the treasurer. As it is not always possible to 
 be sure that the payments v^ere made for stock, too much dependence cannot 
 be put in the figures, especially when the sum arrived at by adding the items 
 which appear to be owing the company for stock in the balance of September 
 4, 1663, amount to £52,000. This is of course several thousand pounds more 
 than the sum arrived at by the former computation, but here again it is not 
 possible to estimate exactly the money owing the company for stock and for 
 other things. 
 
18 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 shares the company had borrowed about £21,000. With the 
 
 money obtained from these two sources approximately 
 
 twenty-five ships were sent to the coast of Africa from De- 
 
 j.cember, 1662, to September, 1663.^* From these voyages 
 
 \)there were very unsatisfactory returns, and the company 
 
 ' 'again found itself in a critical financial condition. 
 
 This unfortunate situation was largely the result of op- 
 position, which its ships and factors had encountered from 
 the Dutch West India Company on the coast of Guinea. 
 For a long time this opposition bade fair to prevent the 
 company from obtaining a share in the African trade. In 
 view of this situation the king dispatched Sir Robert Holmes 
 upon a second expedition to Africa in 1663 with orders to 
 protect the company's rights. As a further means of en- 
 couragement Charles II ordered all gold imported from 
 Africa by the Royal Company to be coined with an elephant 
 on one side, as a mark of distinction from the coins then 
 prevalent in England.^^ These coins were called ^ * Guineas' ' ; 
 they served to increase the reputation and prestige of the 
 company. Moreover, the king with many of his courtiers 
 made important additions to their stock in the third and 
 fourth subscriptions.^^ 
 
 From September 4, 1663, to the following March there 
 
 34 This number is arrived at by a careful perusal of the first book kept 
 by the company, number 309. Sometime in 1664 the company submitted a 
 petition to the king in which it speaks of having sent over forty ships to the 
 coast during the previous year and of supplying them with cargoes amounting 
 to more than £160,000. C. O. (Colonial Office) 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the 
 Eoyal Adventurers to (the king, 1664). 
 
 35 C. S. P., Col. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and West 
 Indies), 1661-1 G68, p. 175, warrant to officers of the king's mint, December 
 24, 1663. Another evidence of special favor was a grant made by the king in 
 1664 giving the Eoyal Company the sole privilege of holding lotteries in the 
 king's dominions for three years. The company does not seem to have used 
 it. C. S. P., Dom. (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic), 1666-1667, pp. 531, 
 532, Blanquefort and Hamilton to the king, February 25, 1667. 
 
 36 In the third subscription the king 's share was £5,200 ; in the fourth, 
 £2,000. A. C. E., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663. The king's subscription 
 with that of the queen for £400 seem never to have been paid, although a 
 warrant was issued to the Lord High Treasurer, June 27, 1663, to pay the 
 amount from the customs receipts. 
 
The Royal Adventurers in England 19 
 
 are no records of the company, but a petition of the adven- 
 turers to the king in March, 1664,^^ shows that notwithstand- 
 ing its financial difficulties the company had during the 
 previous year sent to Africa forty ships and goods to the 
 value of £160,000.2^ To follow the company's financial his- 
 tory from this time on is a difficult task because of inade- 
 quate sources. In the balance sheet of September 4, 1663, 
 the company's stock was entered as £102,000 and its debts 
 as about £21,000. When the news of Holmes' great success 
 on the Gold Coast began to arrive in England, the company 
 increased its preparations to open an extensive African 
 trade. Therefore on May 10, 1664, an attempt was made to 
 collect the unpaid stock subscriptions, and an invitation 
 was extended to all members to lend one hundred pounds 
 to the company for each share of four hundred pounds 
 which they held. Notwithstanding the bright prospects 
 which the company had at this time, its strenuous attempt 
 to raise the loan produced only £15,650.^^ 
 
 In September, 1664, an attempt was made to increase 
 the stock of the company by £30,000. Although the duke of 
 York and many others added to their shares on this occa- . 
 sion,^^ only £18,200 was subscribed.^^ By this addition the // 
 stock of the Royal Adventurers amounted to £120,200, at/ 
 about which sum it remained during the remainder of the 
 company's history.^^ 
 
 37 Upon this date, book number 309 was balanced and the items carried 
 to another volume, which has been lost. In March, 1664, the resolutions of 
 the general court and the court of assistants begin in number 75 of the com- 
 pany's books. While it is fortunate that these resolutions for the remaining 
 history of this company have been preserved, they do not furnish adequate in- 
 formation regarding the company's financial condition at various times. 
 
 38 C. O. 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Boyal Adventurers to (the king, 
 March, 1664). 
 
 39 A. C. E., 75 : 7, 8, orders of the general court, May 10, 20, 1664. 
 
 *o C. S. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 7, Eobert Lye to Williamson, September 
 13, 1664. 
 
 «A. C. E., 75:21, 22. 
 
 *2 The total of the stock is shown by adding the five subscriptions: 
 
 October, 1660, to September, 1662, first subscription £ 17,400 
 
 October, 1662, to January, 1663, second subscription 20,800 
 
c 
 
 20 The Company of Royal Adventueers 
 
 Although the company had not obtained as much money 
 as had been hoped for in the last subscription, it anticipated 
 great success in its trade, until vague rumors began to cir- 
 culate that Admiral DeRuyter had been sent to Africa to 
 undo the conquest made by Captain Holmes. In the last 
 part of December, 1664, these rumors were confirmed. In 
 a petition to the king of January 2, 1665,^^ the company de- 
 clared that its trade had already increased to such an ex- 
 tent that over one hundred ships were employed, and that a 
 yearly return of from two to three hundred thousand pounds 
 might reasonably be expected.^* 
 
 On account of the injuries inflicted by DeRuyter on the 
 African coast much of the anticipated loss of goods and 
 vessels was realized. In all, the company lost the cargoes of 
 eight ships; of the forts only Cape Corse remained. Under 
 these ruinous circumstances it was not thought advisable to 
 dispatch at once the goods which had been accumulated at 
 Portsmouth.^^ Accordingly the company ^s vessels were 
 
 June, 1663, to August, 1663, third subscription 34,600 
 
 August, 1663, fourtli subscription 29,200 
 
 September, 1664, fifth subscription 18,200 
 
 Total .£120^^ 
 
 43 S. P., Dom. (State Papers, Domestic), Charles II, 110, f. 18; C. 0. 
 1: 19, ff. 7, 8. 
 
 44 The financial status of the company at this time was as follows: 
 Assets: 
 
 £ 8 d 
 
 Ships and factories in Africa 125,962.6.2. 
 
 Debts owing to the company in the colonies 49,895.0.0 
 
 Goods, ammunition, etc., at Portsmouth 48,000.0.0 
 
 Total .223,857.6.3 
 
 Stock of the company: 
 
 Amount subscribed 120,200.0.0 
 
 Amount paid (about) 103,000.0.0 
 
 Amount unpaid (about) 17,200.0.0 
 
 Debts, owing on bonds, etc. (about) 100,000.0.0 
 
 Losses : 
 
 From DeEuyter at Cape Verde 50,000.0.0 
 
 Anticipated from DeEuyter at other places 125,912.6.2 
 
 Total .175,912.6.2 
 
 46 A. C. E., 75 : 37, John Berkley and others to , November 4, 16^5. 
 
The Royal Adventurers in England 21 
 
 unloaded and several of them were taken into the king's 
 service.^^ The duke of York used what little money was on 
 hand to apply on the company's debt in order that the com- 
 pany's expenses for interest might be reduced.^"^ Because 
 of the Anglo-Dutch war and the fact that the company had 
 no money, it could do nothing but send an occasional ship 
 to Africa loaded with some of the goods left at Portsmouth. 
 From this time on the company's trading activity was con- L 
 fined to such scattered voyages.^^ 
 
 On January 11, 1666,*^ the court of assistants discussed 
 the proposition of granting trading licenses to private in- 
 dividuals. While no action seems to have been taken at that ' / 
 time, it ultimately became the practise of the company to/ 
 grant such a freedom of trade. On April 9, 1667, a resolu- 
 tion was adopted empowering the committee of seven to 
 issue trading licenses in return for a payment of three ■ 
 pounds per ton.^^ These licenses were obtained by those 
 who desired to carry on trade in their own ships, and also 
 by officers of the company's ships who wished to engage in 
 private adventures. During the course of the war one hears 
 of many such grants to various individuals, among whom 
 was Prince Rupert.^ ^ 
 
 The practise of issuing licenses was interrupted for a 
 short time at the conclusion of the Anglo-Dutch war by a 1 
 feeble attempt to revive the company's activities. An effort 
 was made to collect arrears on the subscriptions,^^ and on 
 
 *6 S. p., Dom., Charles II, 186: 1. 
 
 •*7 A. C. E., 75: 37, Berkley and others to , November 4, 1665. 
 
 *8 On April 6, 1666, the king, in response to a petition from the Eoyal Ad- 
 venturers, granted to the company a ship called the "Golden Lyon'* which 
 had been captured from the Dutch by Sir Robert Holmes in 1664. C. S. P., 
 Col., 1661-1668, p. 370, the king to duke of York, March 28, 1666. 
 
 49 A. C. E., 75:40. 
 
 so Hid., 75:52. 
 
 'i'^ Ibid., 75: 57. A part of the debts had been incurred on the common 
 seal of the company and part on the personal security of the committee of 
 seven. 
 
 52 A. C. E., 75 : 56, 58. An attempt was made to induce the king to pay his 
 subscription. On the other hand, the company owed the king a considerable 
 sum for the ships which it had used from time to time. S. P., Dam., Charles 
 n, 199:14. 
 
22 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 August 21, 1667, the general court ordered that an addi- 
 tional subscription should be opened, and that no more 
 trading licenses should be granted.^^ The only result of 
 this effort was that the duke of York and several others 
 accepted stock of the company in lieu of the bonds which 
 they held.^^ In view of this fact it was decided, January 
 20, 1668, to resume the policy of granting licenses.^^ 
 
 In comparison with the trade conducted by the private 
 adventurers that of the company became quite insignificant. 
 Since the company had much difficulty in supporting its 
 agents on the African coast it ordered, August 28, 1668, 
 that in the future those who received licenses should agree 
 to carry one-tenth of their cargo for the company's ac- 
 count.^^ It was difficult for the company to raise the small 
 sum of money necessary to buy this quota of goods. No one 
 was willing to invest money in the stock of a bankrupt com- 
 pany, and certainly few were desirous of making loans to it 
 when there seemed practically no chance of repayment. In 
 the latter part of 1668 and in the year 1669, several attempts 
 were made to collect the early subscriptions which remained 
 unpaid.^ ^ This effort was attended with very little success, 
 because the company had ceased to be of importance.^^ 
 
 One of the reasons why the company's business was 
 practically neglected during these last years was because 
 many of its members began to trade to Africa as private 
 individuals. A number of men even went so far as to pro- 
 ject an organization entirely separate from the company. 
 Finally, in 1667, several members offered to raise a stock 
 of £15,000 to carry on trade to the region of the Gambia 
 
 63 A. C. R., 75:58. 
 
 5*IMd., 75: 59. 
 
 55 Ibid., 75 : 70. 
 
 66 JZjid., 75: 77. 
 
 57 Ibid., 75: 85, 88. 
 
 68 The duke of Buckingham, however, paid his arrears, which led the duk© 
 of York to remark, "I will give the Devil his due, as they say the Duke of 
 Buckingham hath paid in his money to the Company." Pepys, Diary, VIII, 
 142. 
 
The Eoyal Adventurers in England 23 
 
 Eiver.^^ This proposal was debated by the general court 
 and finally referred to a committee with the stipulation that 
 if adopted the company should be concerned in the stock of 
 the new organization to the extent of £3,000.^^ This ar- 
 rangement could not be consummated in 1667,^^ but on No- 
 vember 27, 1668, a similar proposition was adopted.^ ^ 
 
 An organization to be known as the Gambia Adventurers 
 was to have the sole trade to northern Africa for a period 
 of seven years, beginning with January 1, 1669. For this 
 privilege they were to pay the Company of Royal Adven^ 
 turers £1,000 annually, and to be responsible for the ex- 
 pense of the forts and settlements in that region. These 
 places were to be kept in good repair by the Gambia Ad- 
 venturers, who were to receive compensation from the Royal 
 Company for any settlements.^^ A suggestion for carry- 
 ing on the trade to the Gold Coast in a similar way received 
 no attention from the general court. The Gambia Adven- 
 turers occupied the same house in London with the com- 
 pany, and there seems little doubt but that its members con- 
 sisted largely of those stockholders of the Royal Adven- 
 turers who belonged primarily to the merchant class.^* It 
 is extremely difficult to estimate the success of the Gambia 
 Adventurers, since their records, if any were kept, have not 
 been preserved. In all probability their trade was largely 
 confined to the important products of the Gambia region, 
 namely elephants' teeth, hides and wax, although several 
 of their ships are known to have gone to the West Indies 
 with slaves. 
 
 Since many of the company's stockholders were inter- 
 ested in the Gambia venture the company's business on the 
 Gold Coast was greatly neglected. During the year 1669 
 
 BOA. C. E., 75:61. 
 aolhid., 75: 62, 63. 
 
 61 It seems certain, however, that these men who were interested in the 
 Gambia trade made some other arrangements at that time by means of which 
 a certain amount of goods was sent to that place. A. C. E., 75: 82, S3. 
 
 62 A. C. E., 75: 83. 
 <i3lhid., 75: 82. 
 
 6* As apposed to those who were from th« king 's court. 
 
24 The Company of Royal Adventukees 
 
 the company's trade became so insignificant that, at the 
 suggestion of the king, Secretary Arlington asked the com- 
 pany if it intended to continue the African trade.^^ In an- 
 swer the company recounted the losses incurred in the 
 Anglo-Dutch war which, it declared, had made it necessary 
 to grant licenses to private traders in order to maintain the 
 forts and factories in Africa. It asked the king to assist 
 the company by paying his subscription, by helping to re- 
 cover its debts in Barbadoes, and by granting royal vessels 
 for the protection of the African coast. With such encour- 
 agement the company declared that it would endeavor to 
 raise a new stock to carry on the African trade.^^ Eeceiv- 
 ing no answer to their appeal the members of the company 
 considered various expedients, one of which was to lease 
 the right of trade on the Gold Coast ;^^ another was to en- 
 deavor to obtain new subscriptions to the company's stock, 
 which seemed impossible because of the fear that the money 
 would be used toward paying the company's debts, and not 
 for the purpose of trade.^^ In fact, it had been only too evi- 
 dent for several years that no additions could be made to 
 the present worthless stock of the company. If the com- 
 pany desired to continue its activities, it would be necessary 
 to have an entirely new stock unencumbered with the claims 
 of old creditors. The main problem confronting the com- 
 pany therefore was to make an agreement with its clamorous 
 creditors. 
 
 On May 18, 1671, a general court of the adventurers ap- 
 proved of a proposition to form a new joint stock under the 
 old charter.^^ The stock of the shareholders, which at this 
 
 65 A. C. K., 75:90, 91. 
 
 66 C. S. P., Dom., 1668-1669, p. 459, August 25, 1669. 
 
 67 A. C. E., 75 : 94. 
 
 68 C. O. 268 : 1, charter of the Eoyal African Company, September 27, 1672. 
 
 69 In the previous April a bill had been introduced into the House of 
 Lords to incorporate the company by act of Parliament. On account of the 
 various plans under consideration there was no procedure with the bill. L. J. 
 (Journal of the House of Lords), XII: 480; H. M. C. (Historical Manuscripts 
 Commission), report 9, pt. 2, p. 9b; H. L. MSS. (House of Lords, Manu- 
 scripts), draft act to incorporate the Company of Royal Adventurers of Eng- 
 land Trading into Africa, April 6, 1671. 
 
The Royal Adventurers in England 25 
 
 time amounted to £120,200, was to be valued at ten per 
 cent, and so reduced to £12,020 ; this was to form the first 
 item in the new stock. In regard to the company's debts, 
 which amounted to about £57,000, rather severe measures 
 were attempted. Two-thirds of the debts, or £38,000, was, 
 as in the case of the stock, reduced to one-tenth, or £3,800, 
 which was to form the second item in the new stock. The 
 other one-third of the debts, or £19,000, was to be paid to 
 the creditors in full out of the money subscribed by the new 
 shareholders.'^^ Adding the cash payment of £19,000 and 
 estimating at par the £3,800 which they were to have in the 
 new stock, the creditors were to receive a little less than 
 thirty-five per cent, of their debts. If they did not accept 
 this arrangement it was proposed to turn over the com- 
 pany's effects to them, and to secure an entirely new charter 
 from the king. As anticipated the plan was unsatisfactory 
 to many of the creditors, because the company proposed to 
 pay the £19,000 in six monthly installments after the sub- 
 scription for the new joint stock was begun."^^ On October 
 28, 1671, the preamble and articles under which the new 
 subscription was to be made were approved by the general 
 court, and notice was given to the refractory creditors that 
 they must accept the arrangement within ten days or the 
 king would revoke the company's patent.'^^ Although the 
 trouble with the creditors had not been adjusted, subscrip- 
 tions on the new stock began November 10, 1671. A few 
 weeks later there was held a general court of the new sub- 
 scribers, at which Sir Richard Ford, one of the most impor- 
 tant members of the company and also of the new sub- 
 scribers, declared that *Hhey should not differ for small 
 matters. "^^ Thereupon it was resolved to grant the cred- 
 itors forty per cent, on their debts and the shareholders, as 
 
 70 A. C. R., 75: 101, 102. See also the proposals for a resettlement of the 
 company's affairs in S. P., Dom., Charles II, 67, ff. 341, 342. 
 
 71 A. C. R., 75 : 106, 107. 
 
 72 Ibid., 75: 108. 
 
 13 British Husbandry and Trade, II, 14. 
 
26 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 in the previous plan, ten per cent, on their stocks* This 
 made a total payment of £34,000 divided as follows : £22,800, 
 forty per cent, of the company's debts, which amounted to 
 £57,000 ; and £11,200, ten per cent, of the paid subscriptions, 
 which amounted to about £112,000."^^ In lieu of this pay- 
 ment the stockholders were to cede to the new subscribers 
 the forts and other property in Africa and all the payments 
 due from the Gambia Adventurers during the four remain- 
 ing years of their contract. 
 
 As has been said the articles of subscription were 
 adopted October 28, 1671. They provided for a stock of 
 £100,000 under the old charter, which should be paid to the 
 treasurer of the company in ten monthly payments ending 
 September 25, 1672. As a matter of fact the subscription 
 reached the sum of £110,100. It was also provided that 
 every new subscriber should have one vote in the general 
 court for each one hundred pound share, but that no one 
 should be an officer of the company, unless he had subscribed 
 for four hundred pounds in shares. The subgovernor and 
 the deputy governor were to be aided by a court of assist- 
 ants, reduced to twenty-four in number, and by a select 
 committee of five instead of the committee of seven as for- 
 merly. On January 10, 1672, there was held a general court 
 of the new subscribers, at which the duke of York was 
 elected governor; Lord Ashley, subgovernor; and John 
 Buckworth, deputy governor."^^ The duke of York and Lord 
 Ashley were well known for their interest in colonial affairs. 
 According to the terms of the subscription the deputy gov- 
 ernor was to be a merchant and a member of the committee 
 of five, which provision indicated plainly that the company 
 expected Buckworth to manage its business affairs. 
 
 Although the new subscription had been made to replace 
 the stock of the old adventurers, there is little evidence that 
 
 i*A. C. E., 76: 52, the preamble under which the subscriptions were made 
 as amended December 19, 1671, article 4; ibid., 75: 111'. 
 
 T^Ihid., 76, October 22, 1674. A report of a committee says that there 
 was about £22,000 of the old subscriptions which had not been paid. 
 
 i^Ihid., 100: 50. 
 
The Royal Adventurers in England 27 
 
 anyone regarded it necessary to obtain a new charter. Since 
 the creditors still refused to be satisfied with the conces- 
 sion of forty per cent, on their debts, however, the new sub- 
 scribers hesitated to pay their money which might be used 
 to pay off the old debts.'^^ It therefore became necessary 
 to carry out the previous threat against the creditors to in- 
 duce the king to grant a new charter to the present sub- 
 scribers, which was done September 27, 1672."^^ This ac- 
 tion finally convinced the creditors that they could obtain 
 no better terms than had been offered, and therefore they 
 agreed to accept them and also to surrender all their rights 
 to the patentees of the new charter which was being issued. 
 That the attitude of the creditors was not the only moving 
 force toward a new charter is probable, because the old 
 charter was not adequate to meet the needs of the Royal 
 African Company which was to follow. 
 
 77 C. O. 268 : 1, charter of the Eoyal African Company, September 27, 1672. 
 •IS Ibid. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 On the West Coast of Afeica 
 
 In 1660 all the colonial powers of Europe held the west 
 coast of Africa in great esteem, not only because it pro- 
 duced gold, but also because it was regarded as a necessary 
 adjunct to the colonies in the West Indies for the supply of 
 Negro slaves. During their long war with Spain and Por- 
 tugal the Dutch acquired a large portion of the West Afri- 
 can coast, including the main fortress of Si George d^El- 
 mina. This fact led them to regard themselves as having 
 succeeded to the exclusive claims of the Portuguese on the 
 Gruinea coast.^ With this end in view the Dutch agreed in 
 the treaty of August 6, 1661, to return Brazil to the Portu- 
 guese as compensation for the forts and settlements which 
 they had seized on the coast of Guinea.^ Although the 
 Dutch played the most prominent part in depriving the Por- 
 tuguese of the trade to Guinea, the English, French, Swedes, 
 Danes, and Courlanders, all obtained a minor commerce to 
 Africa which they very jealously guarded. In a country so 
 remote from the laws and civilization of Europe personal 
 quarrels often arose among the subjects of these different 
 nations, who were inclined to obtain what they could by fair 
 means or foul. They magnified these petty quarrels^ to 
 
 1 John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in 1485. 
 
 2 Dumont, Corps TJniversel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 367. 
 
 3 As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the Vrede 
 by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission. Lias, West 
 Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. 
 (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also, in the same year, the 
 Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the Pietas for trespassing on Dutch 
 territory. Ihid., Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), 
 June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis XIV also complained about the disturbance of 
 French commerce on the Gambia by the Dutch. Lettres, Memoires et N4go- 
 ciations de Monsieur le Compte d'Estrades, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, 
 August 13, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
 28 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 29 
 
 such an extent tliat they continually led to international 
 complications. 
 
 The European trade in Africa was confined mainly to 
 the regions of the Gold Coast and the Gambia Eiver. Near 
 the mouth of the Gambia River the subjects of the duke of 
 Courland had bought an island from the natives in 1651. 
 On this island they built a small fort, called St. Andre, 
 from which they traded to several factories up the river.* 
 Besides the Courlanders, the French and the Dutch carried 
 on a very precarious trade on the river. In the early part 
 of 1659, as a result of the war in the northern part of 
 Europe, the duke of Courland became a prisoner of the king 
 of Sweden. Under these circumstances the Amsterdam 
 chamber of the Dutch West India Company* induced the 
 Duke's commissioner, Henry Momber, to enter into a con- 
 tract turning over to it all the duke's possessions in the 
 Gambia River. The Dutch were to maintain the factories 
 and to enjoy the trade until the duke was able to resume 
 possession. The contract was of very doubtful value, since 
 Momber himself admitted that he had no power to make it, 
 but notwithstanding this fact he undertook to carry out its 
 terms.^ Shortly after the Dutch took possession of the 
 island belonging to the duke of Courland it was surprised 
 and plundered by a French pirate who, in return for a con- 
 sideration, handed it over to a Groningen merchant of the 
 Dutch West India Company. The Groningen chamber of 
 this company was not anxious to retain the island and there- 
 fore signified to Momber its willingness to return it to Cour- 
 land. Momber, who feared to have caused the displeasure 
 
 4 Diederielis, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H., Serzog Jacobs von Kurland 
 Kolonien an der Westlcuste von Afrika.) 
 
 6 The West India CompaTiy was subdivided into the chambers of Amster- 
 dam, Groningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the Maas. The 
 Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known therefore 
 as the "presidiale" chamber. 
 
 6C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time Mom- 
 ber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. Andre, to pay no 
 attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend himself, but Steele 
 was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46. 
 
30 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 of the duke by Ms contract, was glad to regain tlie island 
 in June, 1660. Notwithstanding this fact, several ships be- 
 longing to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Com- 
 pany entered the Gambia Eiver and took possession of the 
 island, keeping the Courlanders prisoners for a month. The 
 natives, however, interfered in behalf of the Courlanders, 
 and the Dutch were finally compelled to retire to Cape 
 Verde, leaving Otto Steele, the duke's commander, in pos- 
 session.''' 
 
 It was during this state of affairs on the African coast 
 that the Company of Royal Adventurers was organized in 
 England. It received its charter December 18, 1660. In 
 the same month. Captain Robert Holmes sailed from 
 England in command of the five royal ships which com- 
 posed the first expedition. In March, 1661, he arrived 
 at Cape Verde, where he at once informed the Dutch 
 commander that he had orders from Charles II to warn 
 all persons of whatsoever nation that the right of trade 
 and navigation from Cape Verde to the Cape of Grood 
 Hope belonged exclusively to the king of England. Holmes 
 ordered the Dutch to vacate their forts and to abandon the 
 coast within six or seven months.^ Thereupon he seized 
 the island of Boa Vista, one of the Cape Verde group 
 claimed by the Dutch since 1621. Later he sent a frigate 
 into the mouth of the Gambia. Otto Steele, the Courland 
 commander of Fort St. Andre, unable to discern whether 
 friend or foe was approaching, fired upon the frigate. 
 Holmes considered this an insult,^ and two days later sent a 
 note to Steele requiring him to surrender the island to the 
 English within ten days. At first Steele refused to obey, 
 maintaining that the fort was the rightful possession of the 
 duke of Courland. Thereupon Holmes threatened to level 
 
 7 Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7. 
 
 8 Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.) ; Aitzema, X, 76. (Aitzema, 
 Lieuwe van, Historie of Verhael van Sdken van Staet en Oorlogh.) 
 
 See the oath taken by Holmes ' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed in 
 the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F. (HcHand and 
 West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 31 
 
 the fort to the ground. Steele realized that with so few men 
 and supplies resistance was useless, and therefore he com- 
 plied with Holmes' demands.^^ The English assumed pos- 
 session of the island, but after a fire had destroyed nearly 
 all the fort and its magazine/^ they chose to abandon it, 
 and to settle on two other islands, which they named Charles 
 Island and James Island respectively in honor of their 
 royal patrons. In this way the English gained their first 
 possessions in the Gambia Eiver. 
 
 When Captain Holmes left England the Dutch ambas- 
 sadors in London informed the States General that he had 
 gone to the ^^reviere Guijana'' where he would build a fort, 
 establish a trade and search for gold mines. This announce- 
 ment was immediately sent to the West India Company 
 which had received the more authentic advice that the Eng- 
 lish ships were on the way to the Gambia Eiver. The West 
 India Company urged that the Dutch ambassadors in Lon- 
 don be instructed to inquire more fully as to the purposes 
 of the expedition, and to prevent if possible anything being 
 done to the prejudice of the company.^^ The ambassadors 
 learned that the English maintained that all nations had a 
 right to trade on the Gambia Eiver, and that other nations 
 than the Dutch had forts there. ^^ On the other hand, the 
 West India Company maintained that ever since its forma- 
 tion it had traded on the Gambia Eiver and that, since the 
 contract with the duke of Courland, it had been in complete 
 possession of the river.^* After receiving this statement 
 the States General requested their ambassadors in London 
 to see that the company's forts and lodges in the Gambia 
 
 IOC. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diedericlis, p. 49. Holmes 
 afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the fort when 
 it was taken. C. O. 1 : 30, f . 74„ Holmes to Sir Edward Walker, May 20, 
 1673. 
 
 iiVanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661. 
 
 12 Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to 
 S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
 i3Kesolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
 1* Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to 
 S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
32 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 River were not disturbed.^^ When the news of Holmes' 
 exploit and his reported warning to the Dutch commander 
 to evacuate the entire African coast reached the United 
 Netherlands, the "West India Company at once lodged a 
 complaint with the States General. ^^ At their suggestion 
 the Dutch ambassadors obtained an audience with Charles 
 II, who assured them that neither he nor his officers had 
 given any order for the injury which had been done to the 
 subjects of the United Netherlands, much less to possess 
 any of their forts. The king also assured them that, if 
 Holmes had committed any unjust action, he and his officers 
 should be exemplar ily punished.^'' Sir G-eorge Downing, 
 the English envoy extraordinary at The Hague, further de- 
 clared that Holmes had very strict instructions not to dis- 
 turb the subjects of the United Netherlands or those of any 
 other nation, and that, if anything to the contrary had been 
 done, it was without the least authority.^^ Finally on Au- 
 gust 14, 1661, Charles II declared to the States General that 
 their friendship was very dear to him and that he would 
 under no circumstances violate the ** Droit de Gens.''^® 
 With all this extravagant profession of good will no definite 
 assurance was given the Dutch that the islands of St. Andre 
 and Boa Vista would be restored to them. On August 16, 
 Downing wrote to the earl of Clarendon that the island of 
 St. Andre did not belong to the Dutch at all, but to the duke 
 of Courland, and that an answer to this effect could be re- 
 turned to the Dutch ambassadors if they objected to Holmes' 
 actions. Furthermore, Downing intimated that the duke 
 could probably be induced to resign his claims to the 
 English.2o 
 
 15 Eesolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.). 
 lej&tU, July 2&, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
 iTClar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch am^ 
 tassadora to Euysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.). 
 
 IS Ibid., 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661. 
 
 19 Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661. 
 
 20 Clar. St. Paps., 104 : 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661 (N. 
 S.). In another letter Downing declared, ''it would be very well to accept 
 of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Ma*'®, and for the Dutcli 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 33 
 
 Meanwhile, Captain Holmes, who was responsible for 
 this unpleasant international complication, had returned 
 from Guinea. Since he suffered no punishment for his vio- 
 lent actions on the African coast except the loss of his 
 salary,2i the Dutch ambassadors in London reminded the 
 king that on August 14, 1661, he had absolutely disclaimed 
 the proceedings of Holmes.^^ They requested, therefore, 
 that Holmes be called to account for his actions, that Fort 
 St. Andre be restored, that reparation for damages be made, 
 and that in the future the king's subjects observe the laws 
 of nations more regularly.^^ Holmes was ordered before 
 the Privy Council to answer to the charges of the ambas- 
 sadors,2* but no effort was made to force him to respond. 
 The duke of York kept him busy with the fleet, where he in- 
 curred some official displeasure by failing to require a 
 Swedish ship to strike colors to his Majesty's ships in Eng- 
 lish seas, and was therefore required to be detained until 
 further order.^^ Having extricated himself from this 
 trouble Holmes finally appeared before the Privy Council 
 in January, 1662,^^ where he offered **many reasons'' in 
 justification of his actions in Guinea.^^ He easily satisfied 
 the king and the members of the Privy Council; this is 
 not surprising since many of these men had helped to or- 
 ganize and finance the expedition. 
 
 amb'* you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the matter and then 
 let them know his Ma"^» mind.'' Egerton MS8., 2'538, f. 12, Downing to 
 Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2. 
 
 21 He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a 
 number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay. Admiralty 
 Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board, September 10, 
 1061. 
 
 22 This seems to be a little too much to say of the king 's letter. 
 
 28 C. O. 1 : 15, f . 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29, 1661. 
 
 24 P. C. E., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661. 
 
 25 Hid., p. 459, November 27, 1661. 
 
 2«Ibid., pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been be- 
 fore the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21, 1661, 
 rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, 
 In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661. 
 
 27 Nassau and Hoom to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27, 1662. 
 
34 The Company of Eoyal Adventukees 
 
 By this time it liad become apparent that Charles II did 
 not intend to make immediate restitution of St. Andre to 
 the Dutch. This was in accordance with Downing 's advice 
 * Ho be 6 or 8 months in examining the matter'' before mak- 
 ing a decision.2^ The longer the English retained pos- 
 session of the island the less likely the Dutch were to re- 
 gain it. Finally, the duke of Courland sent a representa- 
 tive, Adolph Wolf ratt, to London to insist upon the restitu- 
 tion of his possessions. Originally the English had ap- 
 parently supported the claims of the duke of Courland, but 
 it developed that they were no more inclined to return St. 
 Andre to the duke of Courland than to the Dutch. The 
 matter dragged on until November 17, 1664, when a con- 
 tract was made between Charles II and the duke whereby 
 the latter surrendered all his rights on the Gambia River. 
 In return he received certain trading privileges there and 
 the island of Tobago in the West Indies.^^ 
 
 When one proceeds from the Cape Verde region to the 
 Gold Coast one finds that Dutch influence was especially 
 strong. From Elmina and other forts the Dutch commanded 
 the largest portion of the trade along this coast. However, 
 the Danes, Swedes and English had long maintained a com- 
 merce on the Gold Coast where they also had established a 
 number of factories. In 1658, Hendrik CarlofiP, an adven- 
 turer carrying a Danish commission, attacked and made 
 himself master of Cape Corse which had been in the pos- 
 session of the Swedes since 1651. After entering into 
 friendly relations with the Dutch at Elmina,^^ Carloff re- 
 turned to Europe, leaving his lieutenant, Samuel Smits, in 
 charge of the fort. Fearing that the Swedes and the Eng- 
 lish, who had entered into an alliance, might endeavor to 
 regain Cape Corse, Carloff advised Smits to surrender the 
 fort to Jasper van Heusden, director general of the West 
 India Company on the Gold Coast. The instructions were 
 
 28 Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2. 
 
 29 C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311. 
 
 30 Papieren van Jolian de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indisch© com- 
 pagnie, Carloff to Yalckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.). 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 35 
 
 unnecessary, as Smits had surrendered Cape Corse to the 
 Dutch on April 15, 1659. In return for this fort Smits and 
 one of his compatriots received 5,000 and 4,000 gulden 
 respectively.^^ 
 
 At the time when Hendrik Carloff seized Cape Corse the 
 English had there^^ a factory to which they traded from 
 their main fort at Kormentine.^^ On May 1, 1659, very soon 
 after the Dutch obtained possession of the place, the Eng- 
 lish factory with all its goods was burned by the natives, 
 perhaps at the instigation of the Dutch. The Hollanders, 
 however, were not without misfortunes of their own, for 
 after disavowing Smits ' contract the Danes sent a new ex- 
 pedition to Guinea which seized a hill commanding Cape 
 Corse, on which they built the fort of Fredericksburg. 
 Furthermore the Swedes, who had been dispossessed of 
 Cape Corse by the Danes with the assistance of natives, 
 toward the end of 1660, drove the Dutch out of Cape Corse. 
 Since the Swedes were insignificant in number the fort 
 very shortly fell into the control of the vacillating Negro 
 inhabitants. 
 
 As soon as the natives obtained possession of Cape Corse 
 they permitted the English to rebuild their factory at that 
 place. An agreement was also made by which, upon the 
 payment of a certain sum of money, the fort was to be sur- 
 rendered to the English.^^ Since the Dutch maintained that 
 Cape Corse belonged exclusively to them by reason of their 
 contract with the Danes, they determined to prevent the 
 English from obtaining possession of it. Furthermore, iu 
 order to exclude other Europeans from trading to any part 
 of the Gold Coast, the Dutch declared a blockade on the 
 whole coast, in which Komenda and other villages as well 
 
 siLoketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38. 
 
 32 Bemonstrantie aen de Ho. Mo, Heeren de Staten Generael der Ver- 
 eenighde Nederlanden, p. 18. 
 
 83 Dammaert, Journal, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 
 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.). 
 
 s*S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the English 
 title to Cape Corse. 
 
36 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 as Cape Corse were situated. To carry out this policy they 
 kept several ships plying up and down the coast. 
 
 The Dutch then proceeded to capture the following Eng- 
 lish ships for endeavoring to trade on the Gold Coast : the 
 '^Blackboy/' April, 1661; the ^'Daniel/' May, 1661; the 
 '^Merchant's Delight, '^^s August, 1661; the '^ Charles,'' Au- 
 gust, 1661; the '^ Paragon," October, 1661; the '' Ethi- 
 opian," January, 1662. In addition to these injuries the 
 Dutch forbade the English at Kormentine to trade with the 
 factory at Cape Corse, which warning was no sooner given 
 than the factory was mysteriously destroyed by fire a sec- 
 ond time. May 22, 1661. The English bitterly complained 
 that this misfortune was due to the instigation of the 
 Dutch.36 
 
 In like manner the Dutch captured a Swedish ship and 
 interfered with the trade of the Danes to their fort of Fred- 
 ericksburg,^"^ which action greatly incensed the Danish Af- 
 rican Company. Since voluntary satisfaction for these in- 
 juries could not be expected, Simon de Petkum, the Danish 
 resident in London, caused the arrest of a Dutch West 
 India ship, the **Graf Enno," which was one of the main 
 offenders in seizing Danish as well as English ships on the 
 Guinea coast.^^ The case was brought before the Admiralty 
 Court, and judgment of condemnation was rendered in 
 favor of the Danes.^^ 
 
 35 Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the last 
 of ieG3. Brieven van d© Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, 
 Downing to 8. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S. 
 
 s« Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231. 
 
 «7Aitzema, X, 277. 
 
 88 Admiralty High Coiirt, Libels, 115, no. 124; ibid., Examinations, 74, 
 deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3. 
 
 39 Nassau and Hoom to the estates of H. and W. F., January 24/Febru- 
 ary 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the Paragon, which 
 the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West India Company ship 
 at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of the ship, but on account 
 of a treaty entered into between the English and the Dutch in September, 
 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the 
 estates of H. and W. F., March 27/ April 6, 1663; P. C. E., Charles II, 3: 357, 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 37 
 
 At The Hague, Sir George Downing now had a great op- 
 portunity to vent his remarkable store of epithets on the 
 Dutch for their violent actions against English vessels in 
 Guinea. He complained to the States General ''that the 
 people of this contry doe everywhere as oppertunity offers 
 sett upon, rob and spoyle^* the English subjects; and that 
 these things were being done not only by the West India 
 Company but even by ships of war belonging to the Dutch 
 government. Downing threatened that the king would 
 ' ' give order for the seizing of a proportionable number and 
 value of ships and merchandises belonginge to this contrey 
 and distribute them amongst them accordinge ... to their 
 respective losses, and will take care that noe ships bee 
 seized but such as belong to those provinces, and to such 
 townes in those provinces, to which the ships belonged that 
 did commit these violences and robberies."*^ In this way 
 Downing hoped to set the non-maritime towns and provinces 
 of the Netherlands against those which were interested in 
 commerce, and thus to secure a cessation of the seizures. 
 Upon one occasion in the time of Cromwell he had used this 
 method successfully. Downing declared too that, to obtain 
 justice in the United Provinces, it was necessary for the 
 Dutch to realize that his Majesty would have satisfaction 
 for injuries done ''if not by faire means, by force. ''^^ 
 
 The Dutch ignored Downing 's demands, even though 
 on June 6, 1662, he reminded them of their unjust actions on 
 the Gold Coast.^2 In all probability they were trusting to 
 obviate all difficulties in the commercial treaty then being 
 negotiated at London. In August, a new complaint was 
 made to the States GeneraP^ concerning the seizure of the 
 English ship, "Content,'' off the Cape Verde Islands.^* 
 Shortly thereafter, the States General declared with respect 
 
 40 Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G'., May 3/13, 1663. 
 *i aar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9, 1662. 
 O. S. 
 
 *2 Egerton MSS., 2538, f . 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662. 
 
 43 Ibid., f . 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662. 
 
 44 Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270. 
 
38 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 to the English ship, '^ Daniel/' seized in 1661, that it was a 
 gross misrepresentation for the owner to maintain that the 
 master and crew of the ship were English. Furthermore, 
 the Dutch advanced proof that the ship had been fitted out 
 with a cargo in Amsterdam, and had afterwards attempted 
 to pass as an English ship, in order to escape being seized 
 as an interloper by the West India Company.^^ 
 
 Further consideration regarding these seizures was post- 
 poned indefinitely by the 15th article of the commercial 
 treaty entered into between the United Provinces and Eng- 
 land in September, 1662.^^ In accordance with its provi- 
 sions the ships which the Dutch had seized on the African 
 coast were included in the lists of damages which the Eng- 
 lish submitted against the United Provinces. Thereafter 
 the ships formed no important part in the negotiations be- 
 tween the two nations. 
 
 Thus far the Company of Royal Adventurers which had 
 sent out the expedition under Captain Robert Holmes had 
 not been more active on the Gold Coast than numerous 
 private traders of England. The seizure of ships by the 
 Dutch had been a matter of much apprehension to all the 
 traders on the coast, but from now on it mainly concerned 
 the Royal Adventurers. The company was anxious to es- 
 tablish new forts and factories in Africa in order to build up 
 a lucrative trade. Its agents therefore began to erect a 
 lodge at Tacorary, a village not far from Cape Corse. The 
 Dutch, although they had not succeeded in recovering Cape 
 Corse from the natives, considered that the fort and the 
 surrounding territory belonged to them. On May 24, 1662, 
 they bade the English to desist from further invasion of 
 their rights at Tacorary or any other place under Dutch 
 obedience.^^ The English, however, disregarded the Dutch 
 protest and notwithstanding their opposition the factory 
 was completed.^^ In less than a month from this time the 
 
 *5 Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.). 
 *6Dumont, Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425. 
 4"^ Index op het Register en Accorden met de NatureUen, Wilree to Ed- 
 mund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.). 
 *8S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 39 
 
 natives drove the Dutch out of their factory in Comany.^^ 
 Thereupon the Dutch determined to continue even more 
 vigorously their policy of blockading the whole coast and, 
 by cutting off the trade of the natives with the English, to 
 force the Negroes into subjection and to recover Comany 
 and the fort at Cape Corse. 
 
 In October, 1662, two ships of the Royal Adventurers, 
 the ^^ Charles '* and the ^ ' James, '^ were prevented from trad- 
 ing to Komenda by the ^^ Golden Lyon'' and two other 
 Dutch men-of-war.^^ When asked as to the reason for this 
 interruption of trade the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, re- 
 plied that he had caused the ports of Comany and Cape 
 Corse to be blockaded until the natives rendered satisfac- 
 tion for the injuries which they had committed against the 
 Dutch.^^ When the two English ships continued their 
 effort to trade at Cape Corse and other villages, the ** Gol- 
 den Lyon'' followed them from place to place, and on one 
 occasion seized a small skiff which was attempting to land 
 some goods. Discouraged at the treatment accorded to 
 them the English officers finally gave up the attempt to 
 trade on the Gold Coast, and returned home with their ships, 
 after delivering to the Dutch a solemn protest against the 
 injuries which they had suffered.^ ^ 
 
 When Secretary Williamson informed Sir George Down- 
 ing of the misfortunes of the two ships, ** Charles" and 
 *^ James," and asked him to interfere in behalf of the Royal 
 Company at The Hague, Downing promised to do what he 
 could, but since he was so well acquainted with the Dutch 
 method of treating such complaints he did not anticipate 
 favorable results. **God help them," he declared, ^4f they 
 (the Royal Company) depend upon paper relief." With 
 the duke of York at the head of the Company and the king 
 
 49 Add. MSS., 22,919, f . 262. 
 
 so Hid., 22,920, f. 24, afadavit of William Crawford and others, before 
 the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4. 
 
 SI Ibid., 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the ofScers of the ship James, Novem- 
 ber 9, 1662 (N. S.). 
 
 szlMd., 22,920, f. 24, afSdavit of Crawford and others, February 13, 
 1663/4. 
 
40 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 as well as many of his courtiers greatly concerned in its 
 welfare, lie considered that it would be well cared for. 
 ** Whatever injuries the Dutch do them/* he exclaimed, ^4et 
 them be sure to do the Dutch greater, & then let me alone to 
 mediate between them, but without this all other wayes will 
 signify not a rush.'^^^ 
 
 Downing demanded of the States General whether Dirck 
 Wilree had been given any authority to blockade the entire 
 coasts of Comany and to forbid all English trade with the 
 natives.^ ^ In this way he hoped either to have the States 
 General disavow Wilree 's action or to raise the question 
 whether the West India Company had a right to institute 
 such a blockade. In letters to Clarendon and Bennet, Down- 
 ing, maintained that the Dutch were accustomed, both in 
 West Africa and in the East Indies, to declare war on the 
 natives and to cut them off from all trade with foreigners 
 until they agreed to sell their goods only to the Dutch. 
 Downing declared that the English had already lost a great 
 deal of trade on account of such impositions, and that if 
 they were continued the East India and African companies 
 would be ruined. * * Pay them in their own kind & sett their 
 subjects a crying as well as his Maj"^^' & you will have a 
 very faire correspondence, & they will take heed what they 
 doe, and his Maj"® shall be as much honored & loved here 
 as he hath been dispised, for they love nor honor none but 
 them that they thinck both can & dare bite them.*'^^* After 
 urging the king to take immediate action concerning their 
 ships the members of the Royal Company requested Down- 
 ing *Ho drive the States to the most positive reply. '* They 
 declared that any answer would, at least, expedite matters, 
 and *4f those states will owne that Wilrey had their orders 
 to warrant his action, wee will hope, it may begett some 
 parelel resolution of state here. If they disclaim it, and 
 
 53 S. p., Holland, 167, f . 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11, 1G63. 
 O. S. 
 
 54 Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27, 1663. 
 54aClar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September 18, 
 
 1663. 0. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 41 
 
 leave their West India Company to be responcible, they will 
 send us to a towne where there is noe house, unlesse wee pay 
 ourselves, per legem talionis. ' *^^ 
 
 In answer to Downing 's memorial concerning the 
 ** Charles'* and the *^ James *' the West India Company con- 
 fined itself to a justification of Wilree's actions, and omitted 
 to say anything about the authority by which they had been 
 committed.^^ Although Downing insisted that a definite 
 answer be given him on this point, the States General also 
 evaded the issue by maintaining that nothing had been done 
 by the company but what justice and necessity required. 
 They supported the company in its contention that Cape 
 Corse and Comany were effectually blockaded, and there- 
 fore the ships ** Charles'' and *^ James" had no right to 
 trade there.*^^ 
 
 Such a justification of the West India Company's ac- 
 tions could scarcely be satisfactory to Downing or to those 
 in charge of foreign affairs in England. The Royal Com- 
 pany was very much concerned also lest the Dutch would 
 continue to interrupt the ships which it sent to the Gold 
 Coast. To add to this adverse condition news arrived that, 
 about the first of June, 1663,^^ the Dutch had at last suc- 
 ceeded in regaining possession of Cape Corse. At this there 
 was much satisfaction in Holland. Downing wrote that 
 since the Dutch now had the two important castles of El- 
 mina and Cape Corse, commanding the most important trade 
 in all Guinea, they intended to prohibit all other nations 
 from trading to that region.^^ Over this turn of events 
 there was great disappointment among the members of the 
 Royal Company, who had confidently expected to obtain 
 Cape Corse from the natives. In fact, they had intended to 
 
 55 Add. MSS., 22,&20, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25, 
 1663. 
 
 seClar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2, 1663 
 O. S. 
 
 5T S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42. 
 
 58 Hid., 176, f. 121. 
 
 59lUd., 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
42 The Company of Eoyal. Adventurers 
 
 make Cape Corse their main strongliold and at that place 
 establish their principal trade.^^ 
 
 Charles II decided that it was time to come to the as- 
 sistance of the Eoyal Company, and on September 5, 1663, 
 he lent three of his ships to it for a voyage to Africa.^^ 
 Later, he also ordered several additional royal vessels com- 
 manded by Sir Eobert Holmes to accompany these ships. 
 The preparation for the departure of the fleet was short and 
 remained a close secret with the officials immediately con- 
 cerned. 
 
 The king instructed Holmes to protect the company's 
 agents, ships, goods, and factories from all injury; and to 
 secure a free trade with the natives. Also, he declared, ^'If 
 (upon consulta'°'' with such command'^ as are there pres- 
 ent) you judge yorself strong enough to maintaine the right 
 of his Ma"^'^ subjects by force, you are to do it, and to kill, 
 sink, take, or destroy such as oppose you, & to send home 
 such shipps as you shall so take. ' ' If the two ships ^ ^ Golden 
 Lyon'' and * ^ Christiana, " the first of which was the chief 
 assailant of the company's ships ^^ Charles" and *' James" 
 in November, 1662, were encountered. Holmes was instructed 
 to seize them. All other ships which had committed such 
 injuries on the vessels of the Eoyal Company^ ^ ^ere like- 
 wise to be seized and taken to England. On his arrival at 
 the mouth of the Gambia Eiver in January, 1664, Holmes 
 discovered that since his visit in 1661 the relations of the 
 Dutch and English had been anything but friendly. The 
 English commander on Charles Island had given Petro Jus- 
 tobaque and other Dutch factors from Cape Verde permis- 
 sion to trade up and down the river. Holmes heard that 
 they had endeavored to stir up the native king of Barra 
 against the English in December, 1661.^^ On the 21st of 
 
 60 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Eaadpensionaris, 
 Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.). 
 
 61 C. S. P., Ool., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept. 5, 1663. 
 
 62 S. P., Dom., Cbarles II, 114, f . 53. These instructions are not pre- 
 Berved in tbeir complete form. 
 
 63 C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of WiUiam Quick and others at Charles Island, 
 June 1, 1662. 
 
On the West Coast of Afeica 43 
 
 June, 1662, Justobaque with a ship again appeared on the 
 Gambia. In order to compel him to recognize the English 
 rights on the river, the English commander at James Island 
 fired at the ship. The Dutch ship paid no heed to the de- 
 mand of the English and returned the fire until it was a safe 
 distance away. A few days later as the Dutch were return- 
 ing to Cape Verde the English shot away the main mast of 
 their ship, but Justobaque managed to escape.^* 
 
 Although these incidents had happened more than a 
 year and a half before Holmes' arrival at James Island, he 
 was incensed at the actions of the Dutch. When it was re- 
 ported to him that a large Dutch vessel had arrived at Cape 
 Verde, he assumed that it was the '^Golden Lyon'' which 
 had sailed from Holland about the same time as he had de- 
 parted from England. Several English ships were expected 
 on the Gambia and for fear of their capture by the ^^ Gol- 
 den Lyon" Holmes sailed at once for Cape Verde, where, 
 according to his statement, he was fired upon by the Dutch 
 without any provocation. Holmes returned the fire, and 
 after suffering some damage withdrew from the attack. 
 On the following morning he was surprised, he declared, 
 to see that the Dutch had hung out a white flag and were 
 sending a boat to him offering to surrender the fort. He 
 called a council which, after considering the former hazards 
 of the English trade on the Gambia, decided ^Hhat the 
 better to protect our trade for a tyme and sooner to bring 
 in Hollander's West India Comp* to adjust our nation's 
 damages sustained by them, and to that end we accepted the 
 surrender of that place. "^^ 
 
 Holmes' explanation of the taking of Cape Verde, al- 
 though simple and direct, is probably incomplete. His 
 whole career shows him to have been a man who was likely 
 
 6*0. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664; S. P., 
 Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148. 
 
 «5S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After taking 
 the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by the Royal Com- 
 pany's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took possession of it in the 
 name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24. 
 
44 The Company of Royal Adventueers 
 
 to take the initiative, so that it is not surprising to learn 
 from the depositions of various Dutchmen that, previous to 
 the battle of Cape Verde, Holmes had seized two Dutch 
 vessels, and that, after receiving an unfavorable reply to his 
 demand to surrender. Holmes attacked the fort at Cape 
 Verde, which capitulated together with several Dutch 
 vessels.^^ 
 
 From the conflicting statements made by the Dutch and 
 the English it is difficult to ascertain the truth regarding 
 the events immediately preceding the attack on Cape Verde, 
 but the fact remains that Holmes had obtained a number 
 of Dutch vessels and was master of one of their most im- 
 portant forts on the west coast of Africa. Since he had dis- 
 covered the ease with which the Dutch possessions could 
 be seized. Holmes next set out down the coast toward El- 
 mina. On the way he despoiled the Dutch factory at Sestos, 
 on the pretext that at that place the Dutch had stirred up 
 the natives against the English.^'^ Shortly afterwards, he 
 encountered and captured the ^^ Golden Lyon*' which had 
 added to its notorious career by preventing the **Mary,'' a 
 ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from trading on 
 the Gold Coast in March, 1663.^^ Finally he seized the 
 Dutch factory at Anta, on the ground that it was commanded 
 by the former captain of the ^* Christiana,'' one of the 
 Dutch ships designated for seizure in the king's in- 
 structions.^^ 
 
 Before leaving the Gambia, Holmes had been apprised 
 of what had taken place on the Gold Coast since the Dutch 
 had captured Cape Corse in June, 1663. After the Dutch 
 had taken possession of this fortress General Valckenburg 
 despatched a very strong protest to the chief English fac- 
 tory at Kormentine, in which he maintained that the Dutch 
 
 66 Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. 
 S.) ; Lias, West Indian, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19 and July 19, 
 1664 (N. S.). 
 
 67 C. O. 1 : 18, f . 90, resolution of the council of war on board the Jersey, 
 April 9, 1664. 
 
 68 Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn, com- 
 mander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.)- 
 
 «9S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 45 
 
 had a right to the exclusive possession of the whole Gold 
 Coast by reason of their conquest of the Portuguese. He 
 required the English to leave the lodge which they had re- 
 cently built at Tacorary and demanded that they refrain 
 from all trade on the Gold Coast. He even had the temerity 
 to claim that the English had injured the Dutch trade at 
 Cape Corse and Tacorary to the extent of sixty marks of 
 gold per month, and that the Dutch had lost one thousand 
 marks on account of the interference of English ships such 
 as the ^'Charles'' and the ' ^ James. ''"^^ 
 
 In answer to Valckenburg's sweeping assertions Francis 
 Selwin, the English chief at Kormentine, and John Stoakes, 
 commander of one of the English ships, replied that the 
 English had more right to Cape Corse and other places on 
 the Gold Coast than the Dutch, because they had first settled 
 and fortified Cape Corse with the consent of the natives in 
 1649."^^ As a further indication that they were not intimi- 
 dated by the hostile attitude of Valckenburg the English 
 commenced to build another factory at Anashan in the 
 Fantin region. In September, 1663, this brought forth an- 
 other vigorous protest from Valckenburg, who declared that 
 he would not tolerate the continuance of this factory.^^ 
 By way of enforcing these threats the Dutch prevented the 
 ** Sampson,'' another ship belonging to the Eoyal Adven- 
 turers, from engaging in any trade at the factory of Ko- 
 menda."^^ Thereupon Stoakes declared that, although the 
 English greatly desired to live in peace with the Dutch, 
 they would not under any circumstances abandon their fac- 
 tory at Anashan."^^ 
 
 TOS. p., Holland, 176, ff.. 118^123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of gold 
 was supposed to be worth about £28. 16s. 
 
 71 Index op het Eegister der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14, 1663. 
 1663. 
 
 72 S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This protest 
 with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England, where both 
 were regarded as very important. 
 
 73 C. O. 1 : 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August 31, 
 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Down- 
 ing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S,). 
 
 7* Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663. 
 
46 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 At this time the English had factories and settlements at 
 Kormentine, Komenda, Tacorary, Anto, Anashan, Ardra, 
 and Wiamba. The forts and lodges of the two companies 
 were all located within a few miles of one another and for 
 either company to increase the number of its settlements 
 only made the occasions of friction between them more 
 numerous."^^ It seemed that whichever company was able 
 to overcome the other wonld be sure to do so. It was under 
 these circumstances that Sir Eobert Holmes made his ap- 
 pearance on the Gold Coast. The fact that the Dutch had 
 laid claim to the whole Gold Coast was sufficient excuse for 
 his interference, although, if we may believe the Dutch ver- 
 sion, Holmes exceeded their claims by reasserting the Eng- 
 lish right to the whole of the west coast of Africa, as he had 
 done at Cape Verde in 1661.'^^ 
 
 Be this as it may, according to Holmes' account. Cap- 
 tain Cubitt of the Eoyal Company endeavored to induce 
 Valckenburg to come to an amicable adjustment of the 
 troubles on the Gold Coast. Holmes expected that his pre- 
 vious seizures would induce such a settlement, but Valcken- 
 burg obstinately refused Holmes' demand to evacuate Cape 
 Corse.*^^ Since he had failed to intimidate the Dutch, 
 Holmes sailed to Cape Corse where he visited the Danish 
 fort of Fredericksburg. The Dutch fired at him from Cape 
 Corse, an act which Holmes regarded as the beginning of 
 war."^^ He called a council of officers and factors of the 
 
 75 C. O. 1:17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of letters from 
 factors of the Eoyal Company to the company dated from June to September, 
 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the Dutch, including the charge 
 that the Dutch had hired the natives to attack the fort at Kormentine. 
 
 76Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 
 (N. S.). 
 
 77 C. O. 1 : 18, f . 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, 
 May 7, 1664. 
 
 78 S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In his 
 exiamination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one of the ships 
 captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the States General com- 
 manding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort at Kormentine. There 
 is no evidence to support this assertion and the States General afterwards 
 characterized the statement as "an errand invention & a fowle lye." S. P., 
 Holland, 181, f. 10. 
 
On the West Coast of Afeica 47 
 
 Eoyal Company on May 7, 1664, where, after considering 
 ^^theire (the Dutch) unjust possessing of that very castle 
 of Cape Coast indubitably ours, . . . wee then resolved att 
 that councell . . . for the better securitye of that trade, our 
 interest in that countrye, and to regaine our nacion's rights, 
 to reduce that castle of Cape Coast w'^^ accordingly suc- 
 ceeded. ' ^'^^ On pretexts of much the same character Holmes 
 seized the Dutch factories of Agga and Anamabo, together 
 with several ships. By this time the Dutch were stripped 
 of all their settlements on the African coast except the main 
 fortress of Elmina. In finishing his account of the expedi- 
 tion Holmes blandly remarked, ^^I hope I have nott ex- 
 ceeded my instructions, they being to concerve our 
 comerce.'' 
 
 Since it is not essential to follow Holmes across the At- 
 lantic to New Amsterdam one may return to the negotia- 
 tions which were proceeding in Europe subsequent to his 
 departure from England. So closely had the secret of 
 Holmes' expedition to Africa been guarded that it is even 
 doubtful if Sir George Downing at The Hague was aware of 
 it.^^ As far as the purpose of the voyage was concerned 
 nothing could have been nearer the advice which he had 
 been urging for months. Moreover, Downing was not alone 
 in his opinion that negotiation regarding affairs in Africa 
 would be fruitless. The Danish resident at The Hague, 
 Carisius, who was pressing the Danish claims for the pos- 
 session of Cape Corse, confessed to Downing that nothing 
 could be obtained from the Dutch unless it was ** attended 
 with some thing that was reall & did bite. ' '^^ Since this was 
 the case Downing pointed out that the Danish fort at Fred- 
 ericksburg would probably fall into the hands of the Dutch. 
 To avoid this misfortune he advised the Eoyal Company 
 
 79 S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C. O. 1: 18, 
 f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664. 
 
 80 S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5 (O. 
 S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing' was not ac- 
 quainted with Holmes' instructions. 
 
 81 Lister, Thomas Henry, Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl 
 of Clarendon, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663 (O. S.). 
 
48 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 to induce the Danes to transfer Fredericksburg to it, grant- 
 ing them in return a free commerce at that place. As the 
 Royal Company did not see fit to follow this suggestions^ 
 Downing began to form other plans. In order that Carisius 
 might continue to worry the Dutch with his claims Downing 
 submitted a memorial to the States General protesting 
 against the Dutch treatment of the Danes in Guinea.^^ In- 
 deed he was so friendly toward the Danish pretensions that 
 the king of Denmark sent him a special letter thanking him 
 for his services.^* 
 
 In the main, however. Downing was persistently urging 
 the Dutch to make a settlement of the cases of the Royal 
 Company's two ships, the *^ Charles'' and the ^^ James," and 
 of the right of the Dutch to blockade the Gold Coast on the 
 pretext of war with the natives. In December, 1663, at the 
 instigation of the West India Company, the States General 
 maintained that only a few ships were necessary to blockade 
 the small native states on the Gold Coast, since in each case 
 there were but one or two outlets to the sea.^^ On Febru- 
 ary 1, 1664, Downing obtained a conference with DeWitt 
 and the representatives of the States General and the West 
 India Company. The company's representatives boldly 
 admitted that they had hindered the English ships from 
 trading at Komenda and Cape Corse, because the natives 
 had burned their factory at the former place and had seized 
 their fortress at Cape Corse. This irritating assumption 
 of their ownership of Cape Corse aroused Downing. So 
 far, he had contented himself in supporting the Danish and 
 even the Swedish claims to Cape Corse. Now, notwith- 
 standing the inconsistency of his position, he remarked 
 that, if it was a question of the ownership of Cape Corse, 
 the English could show more rights to the place than any 
 
 82 S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18, 1663. 
 ssciar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8, 1663/4 
 (O. S.). 
 
 84 Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664; 
 S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15, 1663. 
 
 85 Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read December 
 1, 1663 (N. S.) ; ibid., S. G. to Downing, December, 1663. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 49 
 
 one, since they had been the first to settle it and to trade 
 there ; and that, even if the Dutch were in possession of it, 
 the English still had a right to trade to the Danish fort of 
 Fredericksburg, which was located in the same harbor.^® 
 
 When the discussion turned on the requirements of an 
 effective blockade the Dutch advocate stoutly maintained 
 that ^4t is nott for any other to prescribe how and in what 
 manner the company shall proceed to retake their places, 
 that if they think that the riding with a few shipps before 
 a place and that att certaine times onely whereby to hinder 
 other nations from trading with it, be a sufficient meanes 
 for the retaking thereof, they have no reason to be att 
 further charge or trouble.'' He further declared that n 
 certain sickness in that region, known as *^ Serenes,'' 
 caused by the falling dew, made it impossible for Euro- 
 peans to engage in a blockade by land, and therefore **in 
 this case itt was to be counted sufficient and to be called a 
 besieging, though the place were onely blocked up by 
 sea."^^ Downing scoffed at this as an unheard of theory 
 and asked what would happen if the Eoyal Company insti- 
 tuted blockades of this character and pretended ** Serenes" 
 whenever it seemed convenient. With such a display of 
 feeling it is no wonder little could be done toward adjust- 
 ing the difficulties. DeWitt suggested a new treaty for the 
 regulation of such affairs both in Europe and abroad. 
 Downing flatly refused to consider such a proposition if it 
 was meant thereby to dispose of the cases of the *^ Charles" 
 and the ^^ James." He remained firm in his demand for 
 reparation for these two ships.^^ A few days after this 
 conference Downing learned of the misfortunes which had 
 befallen the Eoyal Company's ship, the ^*Mary," during 
 the previous year. On February 16, he apprised the States 
 General of this additional cause for complaint and de- 
 
 86 S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February 12, 
 1663/4 (O. S.). 
 sTihid., f. 121. 
 SB Ibid., f£. 122, 124. 
 
50 The Company of Eoyaij Adventurers 
 
 manded satisfaction as in the case of the other two 
 vessels. ^^ 
 
 If Downing was becoming exasperated, the people in 
 England were scarcely less so when they heard of the 
 troubles of the ^'Mary'' and other similar occurrences. 
 Secretary Cunaeus declared that the animosity in England 
 towards Holland was growing exceedingly among the com- 
 mon people. Led by the duke of York, governor of the 
 Eoyal Company, the courtiers had also become exceedingly 
 indignant at the treatment accorded the company's ships 
 and factories in Af rica.^^ One of Valckenburg 's statements 
 regarding the Dutch ownership of the Gold Coast had been 
 circulated on the Eoyal Exchange, where it became the 
 chief topic of conversation. Indeed so great was the sen- 
 sation it stirred up that Samuel Pepys declared on April 7, 
 1664, that everybody was expecting a war.^^ On the 21st 
 of April the members of the House of Commons resolved 
 that the damages inflicted by the Dutch in India, Africa, 
 and elsewhere constituted a very great obstruction to Eng- 
 lish trade. They, therefore, petitioned the king for re- 
 dress for these various injuries, and promised to support 
 any action he took with their lives and fortunes. 
 
 At last the Dutch realized that the African situation 
 was becoming serious, and Downing therefore found it 
 somewhat easier to bring them to a discussion of the sub- 
 ject. DeWitt proposed that the case of the three Eoyal 
 Company's ships as well as that of two East India ships, 
 the *^Bona Esperanza'' and the ** Henry Bonaventure,'* 
 should be included in the list of damages provided for by 
 the treaty of September, 1662. Downing absolutely refused 
 to consider such a makeshift on the ground that the ships 
 of the Eoyal Company had been injured after the treaty 
 had been signed, and therefore in accordance with its pro- 
 se S. p. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4 (O. S.). 
 90 Brieven van de Amhassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., 
 Cunaeus to fDeWitt, March 11/21, 1664. 
 
 »i Pepys, Diary, IV, 103 ; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan 
 de Staten van H. en W. P., Cunaeus to ?DeWitt (April 8/18, 1664, N. S.). 
 
On the West Coast of Aekica 61 
 
 visions these losses should be submitted to the Netherlands 
 for compensation.^^ 
 
 Since he had failed to induce Downing to permit the 
 three ships to be included in the list of damages, DeWitt 
 had exhausted the last means of delay. On May 6, 1664, 
 Downing announced in letters to Bennet and Clarendon 
 that DeWitt had at last consented to accommodate the mat- 
 ter of the three ships. He was willing, moreover, to enter 
 into an agreement, for the prevention of all such future 
 troubles, along the lines which Downing had laid down. 
 Regarding the two East India ships, however, whose case 
 was quite different from those of the Eoyal Company, 
 DeWitt would not alter his stubborn refusal of compensa- 
 tion. Downing was intent on gaining a complete victory and 
 at once rejoined that no new commercial regulations could 
 be considered until entire satisfaction had been rendered 
 for the damages which the Dutch had committed.^ ^ 
 
 Although an attempt was made to suppress the first 
 tidings of Holmes' actions on the Gambia, the rumor of 
 them soon spread. It was not long until it was well known 
 in London and Amsterdam that he had taken Cape Verde 
 and captured several Dutch vessels.^^ The West India 
 Company bitterly accused the English of having covered 
 their designs in Africa with a cloak of complaints regard- 
 ing the Royal Company's ships. The company reminded 
 the States General that this was the same Holmes who, in 
 1661, had set up a claim to the whole coast and who was to 
 have been exemplarily punished on his return by the king 
 of England. Since it was evident that all the Dutch fac- 
 tories and forts in Guinea were in danger of capture from 
 Holmes, the company asked the States General for some 
 
 »2 aar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664 (0. S.) j 
 Dumont, Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 424, article XIV. 
 
 83 S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664 (O. S.) ; 
 Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May 6, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
 9* Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., 
 Cunaeua to fDeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, Cunaeus 
 to the directors of W. I. C, May 6/16, 1664. 
 
52 The Company of Hoyal Adventurers 
 
 vessels of war which, should be sent to the African coast for 
 the protection of its property.^^ 
 
 It was now the turn of the Dutch to seek compensation 
 and restitution of their property. Since Downing was a 
 very exasperating man with whom to deal they were un- 
 doubtedly pleased when toward the end of May, 1664, he 
 suddenly returned to England.^^ The Dutch, therefore, 
 decided to send VanGogh to London, with the hope that he 
 could obtain more satisfactory results there than had ever 
 been possible with Downing at The Hague. VanGogh was 
 instructed to seek for the restitution of the West India 
 Company's property; to remind the king of the unfulfilled 
 promises which he had made regarding Holmes and the 
 voyage of 1661;^^ and to seek for new commercial regula- 
 tions which would prevent future trouble on the African 
 coast.^^ 
 
 Very soon after his arrival in England VanGogh gained 
 an audience with the king who, in reply to his demands, 
 answered that as yet his knowledge of the Holmes' affair 
 was very imperfect; that he had not given Holmes orders 
 to seize Cape Verde ; and that in case he had exceeded his 
 instructions he would be punished upon his return, accord- 
 ing to the exigency of the case.^^ Such a reply sounded 
 too much like the king's former promise of August 14, 1661, 
 to satisfy DeWitt. He instructed VanGogh to insist that 
 his Majesty make these promises in writing.^^^ VanGogh 
 answered DeWitt that it was hopeless to think of induc- 
 ing the English to return Cape Verde, in view of the prep- 
 arations then in progress for carrying on trade to the west 
 coast of Africa. He declared that already they were boast- 
 
 »8 Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
 »«S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 97Kesolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
 oslhid., June 5, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
 o» S. P., Holland, 171, f . 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4, 1664. 
 
 100 DeWitt, Brieven (DeWitt, Johan, Brieven, geschreven ende gewisselt 
 tusschen den Beer Johan de Witt ende gevolmaghtigden) , IV, 311, DeWitt to 
 VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 53 
 
 ing in London that a contract was to be made with the 
 Spanish for the delivery of 4,000 slaves per annum.^^^ As 
 early as the middle of June the Eoyal Company had eight 
 ships loading in London with goods worth 50,000 pounds 
 jdestined for the Guinea coast.^^^ 
 
 In midsummer, 1664, Andries C. Vertholen and other 
 Dutchmen, whom Holmes had carried from Cape Verde to 
 the Gold Coast, returned to Holland, where they reported 
 at length Holmes ' actions at Cape Verde and on the way to 
 the Gold Coast.1^3 These details did not tend to DeWitt^s 
 peace of mind. Hence it is no wonder, upon Downing 's 
 return to Holland, that the two men ^^fell very hard upon 
 the busines of Cabo Verde ' ^ in their very first conversation. 
 As he had instructed VanGogh to do, so DeWitt demanded 
 of Downing that the English king make a written promise 
 that no more hostilities would be committed on the Guinea 
 Coast, or the Dutch would be in duty bound to assist their 
 company. Downing, who now felt the advantage which 
 the success of Holmes' expedition gave him, replied to 
 DeWitt as follows: ^^I must say,'' that the West India 
 Company has ^^ever since his Maj*^®'^ return played the 
 devills & pirats, worse th"" Argiers, taken 20 English ships, 
 hindered others, putt out a declaration whereby they 
 claymed al the coast to thmselves; & was it lawfull for 
 th"* so to demean thmselves & only lawfull for the English 
 to suffer, th' yet his Majty did not intermeddle, but only 
 the one company against the other, & no wonder if at last 
 the English did stirr a little; & th^ Holms was the com- 
 panye's serv* & th* should his Maj*^ have given or lent 
 th™ an old ship or two, yet he had nothing to doe in the 
 ordering their designe. ' ' Furthermore, he declared that if 
 
 101 Brieven v&n de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Stolen van E. en 
 W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664. 
 
 102 P. C. E., Charles II, 4: 122; S. P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f. 170, petition 
 of the Eoyal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was also reported that the 
 duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his own expense to send to Guinea. 
 C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264, newsletter, September 2, ?1663. 
 
 103 s. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
54 The Company of Eoyal. Adventurers 
 
 the Dutch took it upon themselves to assist the West India 
 Company *'his Maj*^ would find himself equally obliged to 
 assist his company. ''^^^ 
 
 To every one it now seemed as if an open conflict must 
 come. Toward the last of July, Pepys declared that all 
 the talk was of a Dutch war/^^ although even Coventry, a 
 director of the Eoyal Company, admitted that there was 
 little real cause for it and that the damage done to the com- 
 pany, which had brought on Holmes' expedition, did not 
 exceed the paltry sum of two or three hundred pounds.^ ^^ 
 In Holland, also, the disposition toward war was increased 
 by the realization that the next report from Holmes might 
 bring news of the total loss of the Gold Coast, including the 
 main fortress of Elmina. Under these circumstances the 
 king's promise to punish Holmes according to the exigency 
 of the case meant little or nothing. The maritime prov- 
 inces, especially Holland, were determined to assist the 
 West India Company against English, aggression in Africa. 
 
 When Downing discussed the situation with DeWitt, 
 however, he was surprised to hear him still express the 
 possibility of giving satisfaction for the seizure of the 
 Eoyal Company's ships, and not ^^so hott" for sending a 
 fleet immediately to Gruinea as he had been at first.^^^ Even 
 Downing was for the time being deceived. His spy, who 
 was well within DeWitt 's immediate circle, for once was 
 not on duty to give his usual faithful report to his bene- 
 factor. DeWitt was accustomed to resort to the same 
 trickery and deceitful diplomacy that was so character- 
 istic of Downing. Indeed it would be difficult to decide 
 which of these two men was the greater master of this ques- 
 tionable art. The English had sent Holmes to Africa to- 
 tally unknown to the Dutch and had taken half the coast 
 
 io4Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39^1, Downing to Clarendon, July 22, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 106 Pepys, Diary, IV, 202. 
 
 106 lUd., 42, 143. 
 
 107 Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Qarendan, July 29, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 55 
 
 from them before they were even aware of the expedition. 
 It is little wonder then that the idea occurred to DeWitt to 
 retaliate in kind on the English and to keep his plans a pro- 
 found secret. 
 
 In 1661 the Dutch had sent a fleet under Admiral De- 
 Kuyter to the Mediterranean Sea in conjunction with an 
 English squadron commanded by Sir John Lawson, for the 
 purpose of punishing the Algerian and other pirates who 
 had been infesting Dutch and English commerce. DeEuyter 
 and Lawson had succeeded in making a number of favor- 
 able treaties with the pirates, though the task of quelling 
 them was by no means completed. DeWitt realized that a 
 fleet could scarcely be dispatched to Guinea from Holland 
 without being discovered. Therefore, he together with six 
 of his councillors decided to send secret orders to DeRuyter 
 to sail at once for the coast of Guinea. On account of a 
 peculiarity of the Dutch government, however, it was im- 
 possible to dispatch these orders without first securing a 
 resolution of the States General. DeWitt was well aware 
 that somehow these resolutions of the States General usu- 
 ally became known to Downing and the English. He there- 
 fore determined that, while the States General should pass 
 the order, he would arrange the matter so that no one would 
 know of it, except those who were already in the plan. On 
 August 11, 1664, the secretary of the States General read 
 the resolution very quickly, during which time DeWitt and 
 his six cohorts raised so much disturbance by loud conver- 
 sation that no one in the room heard what was being 
 read.^^^ The trick succeeded admirably. DeWitt was now 
 in possession of the necessary authority, and orders were 
 dispatched at once to DeRuyter to leave his post in the 
 Mediterranean and to sail for the west coast of Africa with- 
 out revealing his destination to Lawson, the English com- 
 mander. He was instructed to recover for the West India 
 Company those places which Holmes had seized and 
 to deliver to Valckenburg, the Dutch general on the Gold 
 
 108 Brandt, Gerard, La Vie de Michel de Euiter, pp. 212-213. 
 
56 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 Coast, all the effects of the English which were not neces- 
 sary for the different factories of the company.^ ^^ 
 
 In order not to arouse Downing 's suspicions by ap- 
 parent apathy, the Dutch began to prepare several ships 
 ostensibly for Africa. For the purpose of misleading 
 Downing still further the Dutch agreed to accept an 
 offer made by the French for mediation of the difficulties. 
 DeWitt still insisted, however, that a written promise be 
 given him that the forts and factories which Holmes had 
 seized on the African coast would be restored to the West 
 India Company.^ ^^ Later, in the same month of August, 
 1664, Downing submitted to the States General the draft 
 of a proposed agreement for the settling of future disputes 
 in the East Indies and in Africa.^ ^^ Downing was of the 
 opinion that, although the Dutch could never be depended 
 on to keep such an agreement, it would be a good thing in 
 the East Indies because ^^ye (the English) are the weaker 
 ther. ' ' In Africa the situation appeared different to Down- 
 ing, for there the English had the advantage. *^I hope in 
 the meantime,'* he declared, ** while we are (negotiating) 
 Holmes will doe the work ther," because there ^^ never will 
 be such a opportunity as this to make clear work in 
 Affrica."^^^ A few days later he advised that everything 
 on the African coast should be done *^so as (the) king of 
 England may not appeare in it, but only (the) R" Com- 
 pany, & they takeing occasion from our affront. ^'^^^ 
 Still later he asserted that even in Holland everyone be- 
 lieved that since the king and the Royal Company had gone 
 so far, they would seize the entire African coast so that the 
 whole affair might be worth while.^^^ 
 
 108 Brandt, Vie de Buiter, pp. 213, 214, 217. 
 
 110 S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 
 (O. S.); iMd., ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
 111 S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 ii2 76{d., f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.). 
 ii3Z6td., f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.). 
 114 aar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August 26, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
On the West Coast of Afkica 67 
 
 Although DeWitt had been successful in sending the 
 secret orders to DeEuyter concerning his voyage to Guinea, 
 he could not long hope to deceive the ever-watchful Down- 
 ing. Indeed with all due respect to his crafty rival one is 
 almost surprised that Downing ^s suspicions were not 
 aroused for more than a month after the commands were 
 despatched. When the possibility of DeEuyter 's having 
 been ordered to Africa dawned on Downing, he at once 
 demanded of DeWitt where DeEuyter was going when he 
 left Cadiz. Without hesitation DeWitt replied that he had 
 returned to Algiers and Tunis to ransom some Dutch peo- 
 ple.^ ^5 The bald falsehood disarmed Downing 's suspicions 
 and, although he advised that Sir John Lawson keep a 
 watchful eye on DeEuyter, he assured Bennet that the re- 
 port that the latter had gone to Guinea was without f ounda- 
 tion.ii^ The report continued to be whispered about,^^^ 
 hpwever, and although two weeks later DeWitt repeated his 
 falsehood. Downing began to fear that he was being de- 
 ceived. He declared that although he was certain that the 
 States General had given no orders in the usual way for 
 DeEuyter ^s departure to Guinea, he was very well aware 
 that the Dutch could find means to do those things which 
 they deemed necessary. The more he considered the mat- 
 ter, the more probable it seemed to him that secret orders 
 had been given to DeEuyter. *'I am sure if I were in their 
 case, I would do it,'' he finally declared, and therefore he 
 again advised Bennet to have Sir John Lawson watch De- 
 Euyter closely.^^^ 
 
 The news of Holmes' success at Cape Verde had stirred 
 up extraordinary activity in the Eoyal Company. In Sep- 
 tember, 1664, the company was busily enlisting factors and 
 
 115 Lister, Life of Clarendon, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon, September 
 9, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
 118 S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 117 Clar. St. Paps., 108, £. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 118 S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23, 1664 
 (0. S.). 
 
58 The Company of Eoyal Adventueees 
 
 soldiers for the Guinea coast. A number of ships, several 
 of which belonged to the king, and some of which the com- 
 pany hired, were being prepared for the voyage to 
 Guinea.^ ^^ To add to the company ^s bright prospects, a 
 vessel from the Gold Coast arrived in England at the end 
 of September,^ 2^ bringing the account of Holmes' capture 
 of Cape Corse and other factories on the African coast. 
 The Eoyal Company now saw itself master of West Africa. 
 Pepys declared that the news from Holmes would certainly 
 make the Dutch quite ^^mad.^'^^^ It did indeed create a 
 very great impression in Holland, where many had believed 
 that Cape Corse was impregnable. Downing, of course, 
 rejoiced exceedingly. Oftentimes in the past he had sup- 
 ported the Danish and Swedish claims to Cape Corse, but 
 now he found no difficulty in showing Carisius and Apple- 
 bome, the Danish and Swedish representatives at The 
 Hague, that their claims were as before, against the Dutch. 
 Omitting to say anything of the English claim to Cape 
 Corse Downing explained to them that since the Dutch had 
 been in possession of Cape Corse, Holmes had seized it 
 together with other places on account of the numerous in- 
 juries done to the Eoyal Company. ^^They both replied 
 that they took it so.' '122 
 
 In London, VanGogh lost no time in obtaining an inter- 
 view with Charles II concerning Holmes' latest activities. 
 Again the king asserted that Holmes ' violent actions on the 
 African coast were without his knowledge, especially the 
 affair at Cape Verde, which place he declared was of no im- 
 portance and not worth one hundred pounds.^^^ Eegarding 
 
 ii^Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaalf 
 VanGogh to S. G., September 23/OctolDer 3, 1664. 
 
 120 Pepys, Diary, IV, 254 ; Brieven van de Amhassadors in Engeland aan 
 de Staten Generaal, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10, 1664. 
 
 121 Pepys, Diary, IV, 254. 
 
 122 S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
 123 Brieven van de Amhassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en 
 W. F., VanGogh to IDeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this Van- 
 Gogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde incident 
 again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A stinking place 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 59 
 
 his responsibility for the capture of Cape Corse he re- 
 frained from committing himself so definitely, but he as- 
 sured the Dutch ambassador that Cape Corse belonged to 
 the English; that their claim to it would be satisfactorily 
 established; and that he intended to preserve these new 
 acquisitions by sending Prince Eupert with a fleet to the 
 coast of Africa.^24 Qj^ the 28th of October, after learning 
 of Holmes' capture of New Amsterdam, Charles II boldly 
 threw aside his reserve and declared that the taking of 
 Cape Corse, as well as of New Amsterdam, ^^was done with 
 his knowledge & by his order as being a business w''^ 
 properly belonged to the English, that the ground was 
 theirs & that they had also built upon the same, that the 
 same was afterwards taken from the English by the Neth- 
 erlands West India Comp^, & . . . that the English will 
 justify & demonstrate their right to all this. ' '^^s jf Holmes ' 
 actions in Guinea have so far seemed very extraordinary, 
 they can hardly be so regarded any longer in view of the 
 light which the king himself threw over the whole situation 
 in this remarkable statement. To be sure he had not as yet 
 assumed responsibility for the capture of Cape ' Verde. 
 However, his direct responsibility for the other actions of 
 Holmes, which were much more important, makes it a mat- 
 ter of little consequence whether the capture of Cape Verde 
 is to be attributed to him or not. 
 
 It may have seemed to Downing that there was less ex- 
 cuse for the seizure of Cape Verde than for the other 
 places. At any rate he held out some hope to DeWitt that 
 it would be restored to the Dutch. This must have been a 
 bitter sop to DeWitt, who was well aware that as for Cape 
 
 (using these very words) : Is this of such importance to make so much adoe 
 about? As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it is of noe use at all.*' 
 S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to ?Euyseh, October 24, 1664 (N. S.). 
 
 ^^^Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en 
 W. F., VanGogh to fDeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. 
 
 125 s. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to fKuysch, November 7, 1664 
 (N. S.) ; DeWitt, Brieven, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 28/No- 
 vember 7, October 31/November 10, 1664. 
 
60 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 Corse he need entertain no such hope.^^^ There was one 
 feature of the situation, however, which somewhat pleased 
 DeWitt.^^^ Downing could no longer maintain that the 
 troubles in Guinea were merely quarrels between two com- 
 mercial companies in which the king had no direct interest 
 or connection. DeWitt would therefore not be at a loss 
 when the time came for defending that action to find numer- 
 ous reasons why DeRuyter had been sent to Africa. 
 
 By this time every one in London and Amsterdam was 
 in a state of extreme suspense as to whether or not De- 
 Ruyter was on the Guinea coast. On the 14th of October, 
 1664, news had been received in Holland and in England 
 from Cadiz to the effect that DeRuyter intended to sail to 
 Guinea upon his departure from that port.^^^ In Amster- 
 dam, encouraged by this vigorous rumor, the stocks of the 
 West India Company began to rise from the low point 
 where they had been for some time.^^^ When Downing 
 chided DeWitt about DeRuyter, the latter told him, in a ban- 
 tering fashion if he believed the report, notwithstand- 
 ing what had been said to the contrary, to continue in the 
 belief; it could do no harm.^^^ In London, the apprehen- 
 sion of DeRuyter 's expedition greatly checked the enthu- 
 siasm of the Royal Company, and caused the king to post- 
 pone Prince Rupert's departure to the African coast. 
 VanGogh reported the cry that was heard everywhere in 
 London, ** Guinea is lost. What now is it possible to do 
 with the Dutch. ''^^^ The Dutch ambassador, who did not 
 
 126 DeWitt, Brieven, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664 
 (N. S.). 
 
 127 Clar. St. Paps., 108, f . 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11, 1664 
 (O. S.). 
 
 128 Ibid., f. 1€0, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.) J 
 Brieven van de Ambaseadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October 
 14/24, 1664. 
 
 129 Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28, 1664 
 (O. S.); ibid., f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.). 
 
 i30 76tU, f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.). 
 131 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Eaadpensionaris, 
 VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 61 
 
 cease to haunt the king's chambers over Holmes' seizures, 
 found Charles II irritable and greatly displeased with 
 affairs. When questioned as to whether he would punish 
 Holmes, the king declared that Holmes did not need to fear 
 punishment at home, since the Dutch had evidently sent 
 forces to do it themselves.^ ^^ 
 
 The news concerning DeEuyter's successful expedition 
 to the African coast, which arrived in England just before 
 Christmas, 1664, showed, as Pepys expressed it, that the 
 English had been ^'beaten to dirt at Guinea. ''^^^ Indeed 
 DeKuyter's conquest of the coast in the end was as com- 
 plete as that of Holmes.^ ^^ With one exception DeEuyter 
 captured all the English factories and forts, including Kor- 
 mentine, which he delivered with their goods to the agents 
 of the West India Company. The English retained only 
 Cape Corse, which, because of its strong position and the 
 loyalty of the natives, DeEuyter decided would offer a suc- 
 cessful resistance.^ ^^ 
 
 Up to the time that DeEuyter departed for the African 
 coast it is conceivable that by mutual concessions the 
 troublesome questions existing between England and the 
 United Provinces might have been amicably settled. The 
 Dutch, however, had decided that this could not be done 
 with honor and advantage to themselves, and therefore they 
 chose to answer the warlike actions of Holmes in kind. 
 When the English learned of DeEuyter 's activities on the 
 African coast the growing animosity between the two coun- \ 
 tries was so greatly intensified that war was inevitable. 
 The members of the Eoyal Company who realized the grav- 
 
 132 S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogb to fRujsch, December 5, 1664 
 (N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at 
 the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to fBennet, 
 November 27, 1664. 
 
 133 Pepys, Diary, IV, 312. 
 
 134 He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold Coast 
 February 27, 1665. 
 
 135 In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the capture 
 of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt, Vie de Euiter, pp. 
 223 to 265. 
 
62 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 ity of the situation begged the king to come to the com- 
 pany's assistance.^ ^^ The king, who considered the com- 
 pany to be of great importance to the colonial trade, and 
 who realized his own intimate connection with its forma- 
 tion, declared on January 2, 1665, that he was resolved *Ho 
 assist, protect & preserve the said company in the prosecu- 
 tion of their said trade, ''^^^ a declaration which was tanta- 
 mount to war. 
 j\ The Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-7 was, therefore, as has 
 ' long been known, a war over trade privileges. Further- 
 more, in the popular mind, it was the dispute over trading 
 privileges on the West African coast which ^ ^ became the Oc- 
 casion, at least the Popular Pretence of the war with Hol- 
 land. '^^^^ In international disputes some facts, although of 
 minor importance, are often seized upon with great vigor 
 by the contending parties. It is very probable that both 
 England and the United Provinces greatly overestimated 
 the value of the African forts and factories, but, at that 
 time, the possession of them seemed very important. To 
 many of these places plausible claims were advanced by 
 both the English and the Dutch. There was plenty of op- 
 portunity therefore for disputes, and the representatives 
 of the two great commercial companies did not fail to 
 utilize it. 
 
 If the factors of the two companies in Guinea found it 
 impossible to reconcile their differences, the same observa- 
 tion may be made concerning Downing and DeWitt at The 
 Hague. One is not inclined to excuse the deceit of the latter 
 nor to sympathize with the apathetic neglect with which he 
 met all English claims. On the other hand, Downing was 
 perhaps the match for DeWitt in cunning and his master 
 in argument. His contempt for the Dutch made it distaste- 
 ful for him to deal with them without gaining a complete 
 victory. Compromise is the basis of most diplomacy, but 
 
 136 S. p., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2 (1664/5). 
 13 T p. C. E., Charles II, 5 : 4. 
 
 188 The Case of the Boyal African Company of Engla/nd and their Cred- 
 itors, p. 6. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 63 
 
 STich a word was scarcely in Downing 's vocabulary. There 
 were men in England who realized that Downing was slowly 
 but surely leading the two countries into war. Clarendon 
 reproved him for overzealousness ; and Lord Hollis, the 
 English ambassador in France, informed him that he saw 
 no ^^causam belli, onely litigandi," and asked him if he 
 could not temper his speech **by pouring in oyle & not vine- 
 gar, '* and thus prevent a war if possible.^^^ In Downing's 
 behalf it may be said, however, that his attitude was the 
 same as that of the mercantile interests in England which 
 he so well represented. The increasing importance of the 
 mercantile element, both in England and Holland, and their 
 desire to encroach on the trade of one another in all parts 
 of the world, especially in Guinea, was responsible for the 
 war.^^^ When the war was inevitable, representatives of 
 the English commercial interests assured the government 
 of their loyal support and assistance.^^^ As for the Dutch 
 they, too, entered the conflict with high hopes, for they did 
 not fear Charles II as they had feared Cromwell. 
 
 Sir Eobert Holmes who had been so largely respon- 
 sible for the difficulties which resulted in the Anglo-Dutch 
 war arrived in England early in January, 1665. He was 
 ordered to surrender the ships which he had taken from 
 the Dutch in Guinea to the Royal Company.^^^ Qj^ the 9th 
 of January, by way of appeasing VanGogh, he was thrown 
 into the Tower of London,^^^ where he was to remain, the 
 king declared, until he gave a satisfactory account of his 
 actions at Cape Verde. Once more it appeared as if pro- 
 ceedings were to be taken against him ** according to the 
 
 139 Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September 2/12, 
 1664. 
 
 1*0 On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of 
 France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the desire of 
 the king of England to become master of Guinea. Memoires d'Estrades, II, 
 517. 
 
 1*1 See the paper of Sir Kichard Ford, one of the prominent members of 
 the Royal Ck)mpan7. aar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374. 
 
 i*a C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 164, warrant to Holmes, January 7, 1664. 
 
 1*3 S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Buysch, January 9/19, 1665. 
 
64 The Company of Royal Adventueeks 
 
 exigency of the case.*'^^* It is interesting to note that his 
 imprisonment resulted from the capture of the one place, 
 mention of which was omitted in his instructions. How- 
 ever, Holmes was not long detained in confinement. Prob- 
 ably on account of the influence of the duke of York and of 
 Prince Rupert he was again set at liberty toward the last 
 of January, ^^^ and VanGogh reported that he was even en- 
 joying royal favor.^^^ Apparently Holmes was unable to 
 render a satisfactory account of his prizes to the Royal 
 Company, however, and he was therefore reconfined in the 
 Tower about the 24th of February.^*^ On the third of 
 March he was examined before the Privy Council in regard 
 to his expedition. His explanation of the various events 
 was found satisfactory and he was forthwith ordered to be 
 discharged from the Tower.^*^ This order was not executed 
 at once because he had not even yet rendered a satisfactory 
 account to the Company.^^^ Royal clemency was invoked 
 and a warrant was issued March 23, 1665, releasing him 
 from all criminal and pecuniary charges which might be 
 brought against him.^^^ The king's intervention in his be- 
 half brought to an end the connection of Sir Robert Holmes 
 with the company's affairs on the African coast. 
 
 By concluding the account of the diplomatic relations 
 of England and the United Provinces with the early part of 
 1665, it is not intended to convey the idea that all diplomatic 
 intercourse between the two countries ceased at that time. 
 Downing remained in The Hague until August of that year, 
 but neither side thought seriously of attempting to prevent 
 the struggle in which they were already engaged on the 
 
 14* S. P., Holland, 174, f . 138., VanGogh to Euyscli, January ia/23, 1665. 
 1*6 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den BaadpensionariSf 
 VanGogh to Buysch, January 27/February 6, 1665. 
 
 i^^Ihid., VonGogh to Euyscli, January 30/February 9, 1665. 
 
 147 Ihid., Cunaeus to , February 24/Marcli 6, 1665. 
 
 148 p. C. K., Charles II, 5: 69. 
 
 i^oBrieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Baadpensionaris, 
 (VanGogh) to Euysch, February 27/March 9, 1665. 
 
 150 0. S. P., Dom., 1664r-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March 23, 
 1664/5. 
 
On the West Coast of Afeica 65 
 
 African coast. DeEuyter arrived at Cape Verde on Oc- 
 tober 11, 1664, where he found nine English vessels, most 
 of which were in the service of the Eoyal Company and had 
 only recently arrived on the Guinea coast. In response to 
 an inquiry made by the English as to his intentions De- 
 Euyter replied that he had come to punish the Eoyal Com- 
 pany for Holmes' hostile actions. He demanded the sur- 
 render of the company's factors and goods on shore and 
 on the several ships. Since the English were unable to re- 
 sist they surrendered the goods of the Eoyal Company after 
 which the vessels were permitted to depart. In this way 
 DeEuyter attempted to show plainly that he was not carry- 
 ing on hostilities against the English nation, but was only 
 aiding the West India Company to recover its property and 
 goods, and to punish the Eoyal Company for the actions of 
 Sir Eobert Holmes. 
 
 DeEuyter left a Dutch garrison at Cape Verde and 
 started with his plunder for Elmina. On the way he de- 
 spoiled the English factory on the Sierra Leone Eiver. On 
 December 25 he arrived on the Gold Coast and made an at- 
 tack on Tacorary, where he was temporarily repulsed, but 
 later he succeeded in blowing up this English factory. He 
 then proceeded to unload at Elmina the effects which he 
 had taken from the English. While doing so he received 
 orders from the States General, dated October 21, 1664, 
 commanding him to seize all English goods and vessels, 
 whether they belonged to the Eoyal Company or not. In 
 accordance with these instructions DeEuyter captured sev- 
 eral English vessels, but he considered his chief duty to be 
 the taking of the English fort at Kormentine. An agree- 
 ment was made with the natives of the neighboring region 
 of Fetu, who acted in conjunction with the Dutch ships and 
 with the forces which DeEuyter landed. Although many 
 of the natives remained loyal to the English, Kormentine 
 fell an easy prey to the attacking party about the first of 
 February, 1665. The other English factories, with the ex- 
 ception of Cape Corse, were also occupied without much 
 
66 The Company of Royal. Adventukers 
 
 difficulty. Although DeRuyter had received special orders 
 to reduce Cape Corse, he considered this impossible, on ac- 
 count of the ease with which it could be defended and the 
 loyalty of the Negroes to the English cause in that terri- 
 tory. DeRuyter was therefore compelled to depart from 
 the Grold Coast on his voyage to Barbadoes without having 
 taken possession of Cape Corse.^^^ 
 
 On April 18, 1667, Lord Hollis and Sir William Cov- 
 entry, who were selected as the English envoys to treat for 
 peace between England and the United Provinces, were in- 
 structed to propose that each country retain whatever places 
 were in its possession on the 25th of the previous Decem- 
 ber. On the other hand, the English were also directed to 
 induce the Dutch to give back Kormentine if possible.^'^^ 
 How vigorously the envoys urged the return of Kormentine 
 cannot be ascertained, but at any rate they were unsuccess- 
 ful in obtaining it. When the treaty was concluded at 
 Breda, July 21, 1667, it provided that each country should 
 retain the territories which it held on the tenth of the pre- 
 vious May.^^^ Thus ended the war which had in so large a 
 
 151 The account of DeRuyter 's voyage given here is a digest of what ap- 
 pears at much greater length in Brandt, Vie de Buiter, pp. 223-265. A short 
 contemporary English account may be found in C. O. 1: 19, ff. 8&, 89. 
 
 152 s. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained some 
 hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is evident from 
 negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and the Danes. In March, 
 ].665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and the United Provinces in 
 which the former country agreed to renounce her claims of damage against 
 the West India Company and all her rights to any places on the African coast, 
 for which renunciation the States General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The 
 treaty failed of approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Swe- 
 den to withdraw his interests from' the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102, 
 1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17, 1664/5 
 (O. S.) ; S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March 10, 1665 (March 
 10, 1664/5. O. S.). 
 
 With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a 
 treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the United 
 Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should surrender all their 
 claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the adjacent fort of Fredericksburg, 
 Dumont, Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 3, p. 74. 
 
 153 Dumont, Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 1, pp. 44, 45, article 3. 
 
On the West Coast of Africa 67 
 
 measure been caused by the troubles between tbe Eoyal 
 Adventurers and the West India Company. 
 
 At the conclusion of peace between the two countries, 
 the English cannot be said to have been in a better position 
 on the Guinea coast than they were before the war. On the 
 other hand, it would not be difficult to rebuild new factories 
 at the places which they had lost during the war. Indeed at 
 the time peace was made factories had already been settled 
 in several places occupied before DeEuyter's expedition. 
 Nicolas Villaut, a Frenchman who made a voyage down the 
 coast of Guinea in the years 1666 and 1667, mentioned an 
 English factory on one of the islands in the Sierra Leone 
 Eiver, another at Madra Bomba just north of Cape Mount, 
 and still another just south of Cape Miserado.^^* He also 
 mentioned the strength of the English fortress at Cape 
 Corse, and declared that, although there was war in Europe 
 between England and Denmark, the English factors at Cape 
 Corse and those of the Danes at the neighboring fort of 
 Fredericksburg made an amicable agreement to commit no 
 acts of hostility against one another; and that this agree- 
 ment was so punctually observed that the soldiers of the 
 two nations mingled freely at all times.^^^ Villaut failed to 
 describe the condition of the company's fort in the Gambia 
 Eiver, but on October 30, 1667, an attack on it by the natives 
 was reported to the general court of the company. ^^^ The 
 Negroes succeeded in obtaining possession of the island but 
 were presently dislodged by the company's factors after 
 the loss of a number of white men.^^"^ 
 
 Inasmuch as there remain very scanty records of the 
 company's trading activities and the manner of government 
 instituted at its forts and factories on the Afri<jan coast, it 
 
 154 Villaut, A 'Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Gmnee, pp. 49, 56, 
 75. 
 
 i55J6mI., pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English fort at 
 Eniacham (Anashan). 
 
 166 A. C. E., 75:60. 
 
 157 s. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson, Septem- 
 ber 16, 1667. 
 
68 The Company of Eoyal Adventueees 
 
 is impossible to describe fully these aspects of the com- 
 pany's history. When the company first sent agents to the 
 head factory at Kormentine seven men served each a 
 month's turn as chief factor. As might have been expected 
 trouble resulted concerning the succession.^^^ The company 
 therefore withdrew this order and directed that one of the 
 factors be given charge of affairs with the title of chief 
 agent and with a salary of one hundred pounds per year.^*^^ 
 After the Dutch captured Kormentine in 1665, Cape Corse 
 became the chief English factory, under the direction of 
 Gilbert Beavis, who was replaced by Thomas Pearson in 
 1667. At the end of the Anglo-Dutch war the company's 
 affairs on the African coast were at a low ebb, and the un- 
 certainties of the Guinea trade were at once demonstrated 
 when the former agent, Beavis, in conjunction with the 
 natives, assaulted Cape Corse, carrying off Pearson and 
 much of the company's goods. With the assistance of one 
 of the Eoyal Company's ships the factors recovered the fort 
 and replaced Pearson in charge of affairs, where he re- 
 mained to the year 1671.^^^ 
 
 In addition to these difficulties there was also a repeti- 
 tion of the petty quarrels between the agents of the Eoyal 
 Company and those of the West India Company, which had 
 so characterized the years previous to the war. When the 
 English began to build lodges at Komenda and Agga, the 
 Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, at once objected, claiming 
 that the possession of the adjacent fort of Kormentine gave 
 them exclusive rights to those places.^^^ The English de- 
 nied this claim^^2 ^nd sent home for more supplies to for- 
 tify Komenda. At the same time they advised the company 
 that the licensed private traders who had appeared on the 
 coast had very greatly injured the trade of the company's 
 
 15SC. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Eoyal Adventurers), December 
 18, 1663. 
 
 159 A. C. E., 75: 3. 
 
 i«oS. P., Dom., Charles U, 380, f. 57; ihid., 381, ff. 138, 139. 
 
 181 C. O. 1 : 23, ff . 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January 23/February 2, 
 and February 14/24, 1668. 
 
 leaZfetd., 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d. 
 
On the West Coast of Afeica 69 
 
 factories, because they sold their goods very mucli cheaper 
 than the company's agents could afford to.^^^ The renewal 
 of the trouble between the two companies moved the gen- 
 eral court on June 30, 1668, to ask for the king's assist- 
 ance. ^^^ The information lately received from the com- 
 pany's agents was read in the Privy Council and referred 
 to the committee for trade.^^^ This committee recommended 
 the appointment of some persons to treat with the Dutch 
 regarding the possession of the disputed places, and Sec- 
 retary Morice was therefore instructed to sound the Dutch 
 ambassadors in London about the matter. Instructions of 
 a similar nature were to be given to Sir William Temple, 
 who was about to depart for the United Netherlands as the 
 English ambassador.^^^At this point the matter seems to 
 have been dropped without further discussion, and Ko- 
 menda remained a subject of possible contention between 
 the English and the Dutch for many years to come. 
 
 During the latter years of the history of the Company 
 of Eoyal Adventurers the factories including Cape Corse 
 fell into great decay, on acount of the failure of the com- 
 pany to send out ships and supplies. Nearly all the Eng- 
 lish trade was carried on in the vessels of private traders, 
 who in return for their licenses agreed to take one-tenth 
 of their cargoes free of all freight charges. These goods 
 were to be used for the maintenance of the company's fac- 
 tories, especially Cape Corse.^^''^ Even this provision was 
 not sufficient, and in the latter part of November, 1670, it 
 was found necessary to send some additional supplies for 
 the immediate relief of Cape Corse.^^^ The king, who was 
 
 i«3 c. O. 1 : 23, f . 2, Pearson and others to the Eoyal Adventurers, Feb- 
 ruary 18, 1667/&. 
 
 16* A. C. E., 75: 75. 
 
 i«5C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Eoyal Adventurers (July 3), 1668; 
 P. C. E., Charles II, 7 : 374, July 3, 1668. 
 
 166 p. c. E., 7 : 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court for 
 November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to Sir William 
 Temple. A. C. E., 75: 81. 
 
 16TA. C. E., 100:47, 48. 
 
 i^slUd., 75:96. 
 
70 The Company of Eoyal Adventubees 
 
 still indebted to the company for his subscription to the 
 stock, was induced to pay a part of it. With this money 
 two ships were despatched for the relief of Cape Corse^^^ 
 which had been in great distress.^"^^ 
 
 i«»C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape Corse, 
 December 19, 1670; A. C. E., 75: 106, 107. 
 
 170 Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee, January 
 22, 1671/2. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 The Royal Adventueeks and the Plantations 
 
 The early trade of the English to the coast of Africa was 
 very largely in exchange for products which could be sold in 
 England. Among these may be mentioned elephants' teeth, >|j 
 wax, malaguetta and gold. As has been shown, the hope of 
 discovering gold mines was the principal cause of the first 
 expedition sent to Africa by the Royal Adventurers in De- 
 cember, 1660. When this scheme to mine gold was aban- 
 doned the company's agents traded for gold which was 
 brought down from the interior or washed out by the slow 
 and laborious toil of the natives. The other African prod- 
 ucts, especially elephants' teeth, were brought to London 
 where they sold quite readily for very good prices. 
 
 Although this direct trade between England and Africa 
 was never neglected, the slave trade with the English colo- 
 nies in the West Indies was destined to absorb the com- 
 pany's attention because the supply of indentured servants^ 
 was never great enough to meet the needs of the rapidly 
 growing sugar and indigo plantations. From the planter's 
 point of view, moreover, slaves had numerous advantages 
 over white servants as plantation laborers. Slaves and 
 their children after them were chattel property for life. 
 The danger of rebellion was very small because often the 
 slaves could not even converse with one another, since they 
 were likely to be from different parts of Africa and there- 
 fore to speak a different dialect. Finally, neither the orig- 
 inal outlay for slaves nor the cost of feeding and clothing 
 them was great, and therefore slaves were regarded as more 
 economical than indentured servants. Moreover, there was 
 much to be said against encouraging the lower classes of 
 England to come to the plantations, where they often en- 
 
 1 These were people of the rougher and even criminal classes of the parent 
 country who, in return for their ocean passage, agreed to work for some planter 
 during a specified number of years, usually seven. 
 
 71 
 
f. 
 
 72 The Company of Eoyal Adventukeks 
 
 gaged in disturbances of one kind and another. Also, after 
 a service of a few years, it was necessary to allow them to 
 go where they pleased. Nevertheless, with all their disad- 
 vantages, it may be truly said that the planters preferred 
 the white servants to any others. It was, however, impos- 
 sible to obtain the needed supply of labor from this source 
 and therefore it was always necessary to import slaves 
 from Africa. 
 
 Previous to the accession of Charles II not many slaves 
 were imported into the English possessions in the West 
 Indies. Of this small number all but a few had been brought 
 by the ships of the Dutch West India Company. The Dutch 
 centered their West India trade at the island of Curasao, 
 whence they could supply not only their own colonies with 
 slaves but those of the French, English and even the Span- 
 ish when opportunity offered. So great was the demand 
 for slaves and other necessities procured from the Dutch 
 that the English planters in the West Indies regarded this 
 trade as highly desirable. For instance, when the island of 
 Barbadoes surrendered to the Parliamentary forces, Janu- 
 ary 11, 1652, it stipulated that it should retain its freedom 
 of trade and that no company should be formed which would 
 monopolize its commodities.^ Nevertheless, by the Naviga- 
 tion Act of 1660 colonial exports, part of which had to be 
 carried only to England, were confined to English ships. 
 This was a sufficient limitation of their former freedom of 
 trade to incense the planters in the West Indies ; but, as a 
 matter of greater importance to them, the king granted to 
 the Company of Eoyal Adventurers the exclusive trade to 
 the western coast of Africa, thus limiting their supply of 
 Negro slaves to this organization. The company there- 
 fore undertook this task, realizing that in the Negro trade it 
 would find by far its most lucrative returns. Not only did 
 the company supply the planters with slaves, their greatest 
 necessity, but in exchange for these it took sugar and other 
 
 2C. S. p., Col., 1674-1675, Addenda, p. 86, articles agreed on by Lord 
 Willoughby and Sir George Ayseue and others, January 11, 1652. 
 
The Royal. Adventtjrees and the Plantations 73 
 
 plantation products, which it carried to England. It was 
 natural that the company should endeavor to make a success 
 of its business. On the other hand, it was also to be expected . 
 that the planters would regard the company as a monopoly \ 
 and a nuisance to be outwitted if possible. 
 
 In 1660 Barbadoes was in much the same condition as 
 is true of every rapidly expanding new country. The set- 
 tlers occupied as much land as they could obtain and di- 
 rected every effort toward its cultivation and improve- 
 ment. The growing of sugar had proved to be very profit- 
 able and every planter saw his gains limited only by the 
 lack of labor to cultivate his lands. Every possible effort 
 was therefore made to obtain laborers and machinery. Al- 
 though the planters had little ready capital, they made pur- 
 chases with a free hand, depending upon the returns from 
 their next year *s crop to pay off their debts. As a result, \ 
 the planters were continually in debt to the merchants. The 
 merchants greatly desired that Barbadoes should be made 
 as dependent on England as possible in order that the con- 
 stantly increasing amount of money which the planters 
 owed them might be better secured. Moreover, they wished 
 to prevent the planters from manipulating the laws of the 
 island in such a way as to hinder the effective collection of 
 debts.^ The planters, on the other hand, appreciated very 
 keenly the ill effects upon themselves of the laws which 
 were passed in England for the regulation of commerce. 
 They bitterly complained of the enumerated article clause ' 
 of the Navigation Act of 1660, which provided that all ; 
 sugars, indigo and cotton-wool should be carried only taj 
 England. Already the planters were very greatly in debt -; 
 to the merchants and they saw in this new law the begin- ; 
 ning of the restrictions by which the merchants intended to \ 
 throttle their trade. Indeed it seemed to the planters as if 
 they were completely at the mercy of the merchants, who 
 paid what they pleased for sugar, and charged excessive 
 
 3 C. S. p., Col., 1661-1668, p. 14, petitions of merchants and planters, 
 March 1, 1661. 
 
74 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 prices for Negroes, cattle and supplies.^ Among those who 
 were regarded as oppressors were the factors of the Eoyal 
 Company, which controlled the Negro supply upon which 
 the prosperity of the plantations depended. 
 
 Sir Thomas Modyford, speaker of the assembly, also 
 became the agent for the Eoyal Adventurers in Barbadoes. 
 Modyford was very enthusiastic about the company's pros- 
 pects for a profitable trade in Negroes with the Spanish 
 colonies. The people of Barbadoes neither shared Mody- 
 ford 's enthusiasm for this trade nor for the company's 
 monopoly, because they believed that thereby the price of 
 slaves was considerably increased. On December 18, 1662, 
 the council and assembly of Barbadoes resolved to ask the 
 king for a free trade to Africa or for assurance that the fac- 
 tors of the Eoyal Company would sell their slaves for the 
 same price as other merchants.^ Very shortly, the duke of 
 York, the company's governor, informed Governor Wil- 
 loughby that the company had made arrangements to pro- 
 vide Barbadoes and the Caribbee Islands with 3,000 slaves 
 per annum and that the needs of the islands would be at- 
 tended to as conditions changed. Moreover, the company 
 pledged itself to see that all Negroes imported into the 
 island should be sold by lots, as had been the custom, at the 
 average rate of seventeen pounds per head or for commodi- 
 ties of the island rated at that price.^' The duke of York 
 also requested Governor Willoughby to ascertain if possible 
 how many Negroes were desired by the planters at that 
 rate, and to see that any planters who wished to become 
 members of the company should be given an opportunity 
 to do so.^ 
 
 4C. S. p., Col., 1661-1668, pp. 29, 30, 45, 46, 47, petitions from Barbadoes, 
 May 11, July 10, 12, 1661. 
 
 fi Ibid., p. 117, minutes of the council and assembly of Barbadoes, Decem- 
 ber 18, 1662. 
 
 6 The pieces of eight were to be accepted at four shillings each, and 2,400 
 pounds of muscovado sugar were to be accepted in exchange for a slave. 
 
 7 Answer of the Company of Eoyal Adventurers of England ... to the 
 Petition . . . exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter, His Eoyal Highness (the 
 duke of York) and others to Lord Willoughby, January 10, 1662/3. 
 
The Eoyal. Adventurers and the Plantations 75 
 
 When the company's factors, Sir Thomas Modyford and 
 Sir Peter Colleton, began to sell Negroes to the planters 
 they encountered endless trouble and litigation in the col- 
 lection of debts. In a vivid description of their difficulties 
 to the company they declared that Governor Willoughby 
 did nothing to assist them until he received several admoni- 
 tions from the king. To be sure the governor's power in 
 judicial matters was limited by the council, which in large 
 part was made up of landholders who naturally attempted 
 to shield the planters from their creditors. In case an exe- 
 cution on a debt was obtained from a local court the prop- 
 erty remained in the hands of the debtor for eighty days. 
 During this time the debtor often made away with the prop- 
 erty, if it was in the form of chattel goods. If the judgment 
 was against real estate the land also remained in the hands 
 of the debtor for eighty days, during which time a commit- 
 tee, usually neighbors of the debtor, appraised the land, 
 often above its real value. If this sum exceeded the debt, 
 the creditor was compelled to pay the difference. As the 
 factors declared, therefore, it was a miracle if the creditors 
 got their money.^ 
 
 In 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford was called from Barba- 
 does to become governor of Jamaica.^ In his place the 
 Eoyal Adventurers selected John Reid, who had resided for 
 several years in Spain and was therefore conversant with 
 the needs of the Spanish colonies concerning slaves. Reid 
 also obtained the office of sub-commissioner of prizes in 
 Barbadoes.^^ 
 
 After Modyford 's departure from Barbadoes the factors 
 still experienced great difficulty in collecting the company's 
 debts. Although Willoughby had not exerted himself in its 
 behalf the company informed the king that it had supplied 
 the planters liberally with slaves, but that the planters 
 
 8 C. O. 1 : 18, ff. 85, 86, Modyford and Colleton- to the Eoyal Adventurers, 
 March 20, 1664. 
 
 »A. C. E., 75: 13, 14, 15. 
 10 lUd., 75 : 20. 
 
76 The Company of Royal Adventurees 
 
 owed the company £40,000,^^ and that by reason of the in- 
 tolerable delays in the courts it was impossible to collect 
 this sum. Thereupon the earl of Clarendon wrote to Gov- 
 ernor Willoughby admonishing him to take such measures 
 as would make a renewal of the company's complaints un- 
 necessary. In this letter Clarendon also declared that while 
 the king had shown great care for the planters by restrain- 
 ing the company from charging excessive prices for slaves, 
 he should also protect the interests of the merchants. Wil- 
 loughby, therefore, was recommended to see speedy justice 
 given to the company, and to use his influence in obtaining 
 a better law for the collection of debts.^^ 
 .. To add to the company's difficulties private traders be- 
 ^ gan to infringe upon the territory included in the company's 
 charter. As an instance of this Captain Pepperell, in 
 charge of one of the company's ships, seized an interloper 
 called the *^ William and Jane" off the coast of New Cala- 
 bar in Guinea. When Pepperell appeared at Barbadoes 
 with his prize, one of the owners of the captured ship 
 brought suit in a common law court against the company's 
 commander for damages to the extent of 500,000 pounds 
 of sugar. The company's factors at once went bail for 
 Pepperell. Ordinarily the case would have been tried by 
 a jury of planters from whom the company's agents could 
 expect no consideration. The factors, therefore, petitioned 
 to have the case removed from the common law courts to 
 the admiralty court where the governor was the presiding 
 officer. A jury of sympathetic islanders would thus be 
 dispensed with and, if necessary, the case could be appealed 
 to a higher court in England with greater ease. When 
 Willoughby called the admiralty court on June 17, 1665, 
 the factors cited the company's royal charter which justi- 
 fied the seizure of interlopers. Notwithstanding the clear 
 case which the company's agents seemed to have the matter 
 
 11 On January 2, 1665, tlie company estimated the entire debt which was 
 owing to it in all the plantations at £49,895. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f . 18, 
 petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king. 
 
 12 P. C. B., Charles II, 4: 177, 190-192, August 3, 24, 1664. 
 
The Royal Adventukers and the Plantations 77 
 
 was adjourned for a week. Fearing that the governor might 
 take action adverse to the company's interests the factors 
 succeeded in sending the ship in question to Jamaica where 
 it was not under the jurisdiction of Lord Willoughby.^^ 
 The bail bonds against Pepperell were not withdrawn, and 
 therefore he stood in as great danger of prosecution as 
 ever. When the company learned of this situation it im- 
 mediately petitioned Secretary Arlington that Willoughby 
 be commanded not to permit any further procedures 
 against Pepperell and to transmit the whole case to the 
 Privy Council. It also requested that those who had trans- 
 gressed the company's charter should be punished.^ ^ The 
 Privy Council issued an order in accordance with the com- 
 pany's desires.^^ Willoughby accused the factors of hav- 
 ing reported the case falsely and of having affronted him 
 grossly by taking the vessel in question away from the 
 island by stealth. Moreover, he declared that he would 
 have made them understand his point of view ' ^ if they had 
 not been employed by soe Royall a Compagnie."^^ 
 
 Since Willoughby persistently neglected to send Pep- 
 perelPs bail bonds to England, the Royal Company finally 
 reported the matter again to the king.^^ Once more the 
 case was heard in the Privy Council, where it was referred 
 to the committee on trade and plantations.^^ On January 
 31, 1668, the Privy Council issued an order to Governor 
 Willoughby, brother of the former incumbent, command- 
 ing him to stop all proceedings against the Royal Com- 
 pany and commanding him to send everything in regard 
 to the case to England without delay.^^ Lord Willoughby 
 
 13 C. O. 1 : 19, ff. 234^238, proceedings of tlie court of admiralty in Bar- 
 bado€s, June 17, 24, 1665. 
 
 ^^liid., f. 232, petition of the Eoyal Adventurers to Arlington, Septem- 
 ber 14, 1665. 
 
 15 P. C. E., Charles II, 5 : 402, Privy Council to Willoughby, April 6, 1666. 
 
 16 C. O. 1 : 20, f . 209, Willoughby to Privy Council, July 16, 1666. 
 
 ^T Ibid., f. 335, petition of the Eoyal Adventurers to the king, December 
 7, 1666. 
 
 18 P. C. E., Charles II, 6 : 231, December 7, 1666. 
 
 19 Ibid., 7: 162, 163, Privy Council to Willoughby, January 31, 1668. 
 
78 The Company of Eoyal. Adventurers 
 
 replied that so far as he could ascertain all the records had 
 been sent to England and that if any others were found he 
 would also despatch them.^^ Thus ended this contest in 
 regard to the maintenance of the company's privileges. 
 The king had not allowed his royal prerogative to be inter- 
 fered with and the company's charter was regarded as in- 
 tact. Theoretically the victory was all in favor of the com- 
 pany, but on account of the losses which it was incurring 
 in the Anglo-Dutch war, it was impossible for the company 
 to furnish a sufficient supply of Negroes to Barbadoes, that 
 is, if Lord Willoughby's heated protests can be trusted. 
 
 Speaking of the general prohibitions on their trade, 
 the governor exclaimed, May 12, 1666, that he had *'come 
 to where itt pinches, and if 3^or Ma*^ gives not an ample & 
 speedy redress, you have not onely lost St. Christophers 
 but you will lose the rest, I (aye) & famous Barbadoes, too, 
 I feare.'' In bitter terms he spoke of the poverty of the 
 island, protesting that anyone who had recommended the 
 various restraints on the colony's trade was *^more a mer- 
 chant than a good subject." The restriction on the trade 
 to Guinea, he declared, was one of the things that had 
 brought Barbadoes to its present condition ; and the favor- 
 itism displayed toward the Eoyal Company in carrying on 
 the Negro trade with the Spaniards had entirely deprived 
 the colonial government of an export duty on slaves.^^ 
 
 The decision of the company to issue licenses to private 
 traders did not allay the storm of criticism that continued 
 to descend on the company from Barbadoes. The new gov- 
 ernor, as his brother had done, urged a free trade to Gruinea 
 for Negroes, maintaining that slaves had become so scarce 
 and expensive that the poor planters would be forced to go 
 to foreign plantations for a livelihood.^^ He complained 
 that the Colletons, father and son, the latter of whoni was 
 one of the company's factors, had helped to bring about 
 
 20 C. O. 1 : 22, f . 191, Willoughbj to Privy Council, May 30, 1668. 
 ai Ibid., 20, f . 149, Willoughby to the king, May 12, 1666. 
 i^Ihid., 21, f. 170, WiUoughby to the king, fJuly, 1667. 
 
The Eoyal. Adventueers and the Plantations 79 
 
 this critical condition.^^ On September 5, 1667, represen- 
 tatives of the whole colony petitioned the king to throw 
 open the Guinea trade or to force the company to supply 
 them with slaves at the prices promised in the early dec- 
 laration, although even those prices seemed like a canker 
 of usury to the much abused planters. ^^ 
 
 Following these complaints Sir Paul Painter and others 
 submitted a petition to the House of Commons in which 
 they asserted that an open trade to Africa was much better 
 than one carried on by a company. They maintained that 
 previous to the establishment of the Royal Adventurers 
 Negroes had been sold for twelve, fourteen and sixteen 
 pounds per head, or 1,600 to 1,800 pounds of sugar, whereas 
 now the company was selling the best slaves to the Span- 
 iards at eighteen pounds per head, while the planters paid 
 as high as thirty pounds for those of inferior grade. This, 
 they declared, had so exasperated the planters that they 
 often refused to ship their sugar and other products to 
 England in the company's ships, no matter what freight 
 rates the factors offered. 
 
 In reply to the petition of Sir Paul Painter, Ellis Leigh- 
 jton, the company's secretary, admitted that as a natural 
 result of the Anglo-Dutch war the price of slaves, like all 
 other products in Barbadoes, had increased considerably. 
 He denied that this increase could be attributed to the sale 
 of Negroes to the Spaniards, since the company had not dis- 
 posed of more than 1,200 slaves to them. He contended 
 that the company had been thrown into a critical financial 
 condition, partly as the result of the losses incurred from 
 DeRuyter in Africa, but mostly by the constantly increas- 
 ing debts which the planters owed to the company. Not- 
 withstanding these difficulties Secretary Leighton main- 
 tained that since the formation of the company Barbadoes 
 
 ^ 23 c. O. 1: 21, f. 222, Willoughby to Williamson, September 17, 1667. 
 
 ^^Ibid., f. 209, petition of the representatives of Barbadoes to the 
 king, September 5, 1667. This document and Willoughby *s letter of Septem- 
 ber 17, 1667, also urge very strongly that the bars of the Navigation Acts be 
 let down in order to permit servants to be imported from Scotland. 
 
80 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 had been supplied more adequately with slaves than at any 
 previous time. As for the planters ' having refused to ship 
 their goods on the company's ships, he declared that this 
 was nothing more than they had consistently done since 
 the formation of the company. ^^ 
 
 In answer to the planters ' representation of September 
 5, 1667, Sir Ellis Leighton admitted that if Barbadoes alone 
 was being considered, a free trade to Guinea was prefer- 
 able to any other, but since the trade of the whole nation 
 had to be given first consideration the idea was pernicious. 
 He asserted that the company was willing to furnish the 
 planters with all the Negroes they desired at the rates al- 
 ready published, seventeen pounds per head, provided se- 
 curity was given for payment in money or sugar ; that in- 
 stead of a lack of Negroes in Barbadoes there had been so 
 large a number left on the hands of the factors that many 
 had died; and that if the planters were sincere in their 
 complaints they would be willing to agree with the com- 
 pany on a definite number of slaves which they would take 
 annually.2« 
 
 Since the importance of the Royal Company was by this 
 time definitely on the wane Sir Paul Painter succeeded in 
 presenting his petition regarding affairs in Barbadoes to 
 the House of Commons, in September, 1667. Although the 
 Royal Company was ordered to produce its charter no 
 further action was taken. The planters were by no means 
 discouraged and again requested the Privy Council to con- 
 
 25 The petition and these answers are printed in a pamphlet entitled, 
 ** Answer of the Company of Eoyal Adventurers of England trading into 
 Africa, to the Petition and Paper of certain Heads and Particulars thereunto 
 relating exhibited to the Honourable House of Commons by Sir Paul Painter, ' ' 
 As to the assertion that the planters refused to ship their products in the 
 company *s ships there seems to be no very good evidence on either side. 
 Sometimes the company's vessels were sent home from Barbadoes empty. Upon 
 Buch occasions the agents always said that there were no goods with which to 
 load them. 
 
 »«C. O. 1: 22, f. 42, answer of Sir Ellis Leighton, secretary of the Eoyal 
 Adventurers, to the petition from Barbadoes of September 5, 1667; C. O. 
 1 : 22, f . 43, proposal of the Eoyal Adventurers concerning the sale of Negroes 
 in Barbadoes, f January, 1668. 
 
The Eoyal. Adventukebs and the Plantations 81 
 
 sider the matter of granting a free trade to Guinea.^'' 
 Later the people of Barbadoes once more represented to 
 the king the inconceivable poverty caused by the lack of 
 free trade to Guinea and other places.^^ Some of the Bar- 
 badoes assemblymen even suggested that all the merchants 
 be excluded from the island, and that an act be passed for- 
 bidding any one to sue for a debt within four years.^^ 
 
 Finally, on May 12, 1669, in answer to the numerous 
 complaints of Barbadoes, the Privy Council informed the 
 islanders that the king would not infringe upon the char- 
 ter granted to the African Company; and that sufficient 
 Negroes would be furnished to the planters at reasonable 
 prices providing the company was assured of payment.^^ 
 The company was pleased at the king's favorable decision 
 and at once represented to him its critical financial condi- 
 tion because the planters refused to pay their just debts.^^ 
 The complaint of the company was considered in the Coun- 
 cil September 28, 1669, at which time an order was issued 
 requiring that henceforth land as well as chattel property 
 in Barbadoes might be sold at public auction for the satis- 
 faction of debts. The governor was directed to see that 
 this order not only became a law in Barbadoes, but that 
 after it had been passed it was to be executed.^^ 
 
 Thus it became clear that the planters of Barbadoes 
 could hope for no relief from the king and, therefore, dur- 
 ing the few remaining years in which the company was in 
 existence they made no other consistent effort to convince 
 the king of their point of view. On the other hand, if the 
 company expected the king's instructions to be of great 
 assistance it was sorely disappointed. On August 2, 1671, 
 
 27 C. O. 1 : 22, f . 204, address of the merchants and planters of Barbadoes 
 now in London, read at the committee of trade, June 16, 1668. 
 
 zBllid., 23, f. 69, address of the representative of Barbadoes to the 
 king, August 3, 1668. 
 
 ^9 Ibid., f. 42, account of affairs in Barbadoes by Lord Willoughby, 
 July 22, 1668. 
 
 sop. C. E., Charles II, 8: 294, May 12, 1669. 
 
 91 Ibid., 8: 402, August 27, 1669. 
 
 32 Ibid., 8: 424, September 28, 1669. 
 
82 The Company of Eoyal Adventukers 
 
 Jolin Eeid reported that they had been unable to recover 
 the company's debts,^^ and further appeals to the king for 
 relief were of no avail.^* 
 
 It is difficult to ascertain whether Barbadoes was in as 
 great need of slaves as the planters often asserted. The 
 records kept by the factors in the island have nearly all 
 disappeared. From an early ledger kept by the Barbadoes 
 factors it appears that from August 11, 1663, to March 17, 
 1664, the usual time for the chief importation of the year, 
 3,075 Negroes were received by the company's factors. 
 These slaves, 1,051 men, 1,018 women, 136 boys and 56 
 girls, were sold in return partly for sugar and partly for 
 money. Estimating 2,400 pounds of sugar as equal to sev- 
 enteen pounds it appears that the average price for these 
 Negroes was a little over sixteen pounds per head.^^ This 
 comparatively low price is to be accounted for by the fact 
 that the women and children are averaged with the men, 
 who sold for a higher price. These figures show therefore 
 that the company's factors were selling adult slaves at 
 about seventeen pounds each, as the company had publicly 
 declared that it would do. 
 
 In 1667 the company asserted that it had furnished the 
 plantations with about 6,000 slaves each year. This state- 
 ment is to be doubted since the Anglo-Dutch war had prac- 
 tically disrupted the company's entire trade on the African 
 coast. On the other hand, there is reason to think that the 
 need for slaves in Barbadoes was not so pressing as might 
 be inferred from the statements of the plant ers.^^ They 
 naturally insisted on a large supply of slaves in order to 
 keep the prices as low as possible. There seems no doubt, 
 however, that the islanders were able to obtain more Ne- 
 groes than they could pay for and were therefore hope- 
 
 83 C. O. 1 : 27, f . 24, John Reid to fArlington, August 2, 1671. 
 8* A. C. E., 75: 106, 108, 109, September 11, November 10, 1671. 
 
 35 These numbers and prices are gleaned from page three of the Barba- 
 does ledger. A. C. R., 646. 
 
 36 Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the Petition . . . 
 exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter. 
 
The E-oyali Adventurers and the Plantations 83 
 
 lessly in debt to the company. On July 9, 1668, Governor 
 Willoughby estimated the total population of Barbadoes at 
 60,000, of which 40,000 were slaves.^^ Indeed some mer- 
 chants declared that the slaves outnumbered the white men 
 twenty to one.^^ 
 
 As compared to its trade with Barbadoes and Jamaica 
 the company's trade in slaves to the Leeward Islands was 
 insignificant. The company located at Nevis a factor who 
 reported to the agents in Barbadoes^^ and also at An- 
 tigua where Governor Byam acted as agent.^^ After the 
 war the company seems to have neglected the islands alto- 
 gether. Upon one occasion the planters of Antigua pleaded 
 unsuccessfully to have Negroes furnished to them on 
 credit.^^ At another time they asserted that the company 
 treated them much worse than it did the planters of Bar- 
 badoes because the latter were able to use their influence 
 with the company to divert the supply of slaves to Bar- 
 badoes. Their condition, they declared, seemed all the 
 more bitter when they considered the thriving trade in 
 Negroes which the Dutch carried on from the island of 
 Curagao^^ 
 
 In Surinam, also there was a lack of slaves which was 
 attributed to the prominent men of Barbadoes who were 
 supposed to be influential with the Eoyal Company.^^ 
 Later, during the Anglo-Dutch war, one of the company's 
 ships in attempting to go to Surinam with Negroes, was 
 captured by the DutcH.^^ 
 
 The history of the slave trade to Jamaica from 1660 to 
 
 87 C. O. 29: 1, f. 116, Willougliby to the Lords of the Council, July 9, 1668. 
 
 38 IMd., 1 : 25, f . 62, memorial of some principal merchants trading to the 
 plantations, ?1670. 
 
 39 Ibid., 18, f. 86, Modyf ord and Colleton to (the Royal Adventurers) ; 
 C. 0. 1 : 20, f . 168, Michael Smith to Richard Chaundler, June 11, 1666. 
 
 40 Ihid., 22, f . 89, Willoughby to Arlington, March 2, 1668. 
 
 41 Ibid., 1 : 22, f . 53, proposals of the inhabitants of Antigua to Governor 
 Willoughby, January 31, 1668. 
 
 42 C. S. P., Col. 1669-1674, p. 204, William Byam to Willoughby, 1670 fj 
 C. O. 1 : 25, f . 138, Byam to Willoughby, n. d. 
 
 43 Ihid., 17, f . 219, Renatus Enys to Bennet, November 1, 1663. 
 ^^lUd., 29: 1, f, 116, WiUoughby to the Lords of the Council, July 9^ 
 
 1668. 
 
84 The Company of Hoyal Adventubeks 
 
 1672 does not present the number of varied problems which 
 arose during the same time in Barbadoes. Jamaica was as 
 yet more sparsely settled than Barbadoes and therefore 
 unable to take as large a number of Negroes. Neverthe- 
 less, even before 1660, there was a need for servants in 
 Jamaica,^^ and there, as in Barbadoes, the Dutch had fur- 
 nished the planters with Negroes. When a Dutch ship 
 laden with 180 slaves appeared at the island in June, 1661, 
 Colonel d'Oyley, the governor, who was desirous of making 
 a personal profit out of the sales, was strongly in favor of 
 permitting the vessel to land its Negroes. The Jamaica 
 council, however, realized that the Navigation Act made the 
 Negro trade with the Dutch illegal, and therefore it refused 
 to accede to the governor's desire. This action so enraged 
 the governor that on his own responsibility he purchased 
 the whole cargo of slaves, some of which he sold to a Quaker 
 in the island, while the others he disposed of at considerable 
 profit to a Spaniard.^^ Again, in February, 1662, d'Oyley 
 bought a number of Negroes from another Dutchman. 
 When one of the king's ships attempted to seize the Dutch 
 vessel for infringing the Navigation Act, the governor even 
 contrived to get it safely away from the island.^^ 
 
 When Colonel Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 
 1664, he was instructed to do all that he possibly could to 
 encourage the trade which the Eoyal Company was en- 
 deavoring to set on foot in the West Indies."*^ In the in- 
 structions mention was also made of Modyford 's previous 
 interest in managing the affairs of the Eoyal Company in 
 Barbadoes, for which company, it was said, he undoubtedly 
 retained great affection. Shortly thereafter he issued a 
 
 *8C. S. p., CoL, 1675-1676, Addenda, p. 125, Cornelius Burough to the 
 Admiralty Commissioners, November 28, 1658. 
 
 *6J6{d., 1661-1668, p. 36, narrative of the buying of a shipload of Ne- 
 groes, June 14, 1661. 
 
 *7 C. O. 1:16, f . 77, Captain Eichard Whiting to the officers of his Ma- 
 jesty 's navy, March 10, 1662; C. O. 1: 17, f. 236, petition of Colonel Godfrey 
 Ashbey and others to the king, ?1663. 
 
 *8 75mI., 18, f. 58, instructions to Colonel Modyford, governor of Jamaica, 
 February 18, 1664. 
 
The Royal Adventurers and the Plantations 85 
 
 proclamation promising extensive freedom of commerce 
 except in the Negro trade which was in the hands of the 
 Royal Company.*^ 
 
 Although Modyford^s proclamation indicated a con- 
 tinued interest in the company's trade, he gave his first 
 consideration to the welfare of the colony. This appears 
 from a list of the island's needs which he submitted to the 
 king, May 10, 1664, in which he asked among other things 
 that the Royal Company be obliged to furnish annually 
 whatever Negroes were necessary, and that the poorer 
 planters be accorded easy terms in paying for them. Fur- 
 thermore he requested that indentured servants be sent 
 from England and that the island might have freedom of 
 trade except in Negroes.^^ His desires for a free trade were 
 denied, but the Privy Council agreed to consult with the 
 Royal Company and to recommend that it be obliged to fur- 
 nish Jamaica with a sufficient supply of Negroes.^^ 
 
 There is no evidence that the Privy Council called the 
 company's attention to Modyford's request, nor is there 
 any indication that it endeavored to send very many Ne- 
 groes to Jamaica. Modyf ord attended to a plantation which 
 the company had bought in Jamaica'^^ and he sold a few 
 slaves to the Spaniards,*^^ but all the company's affairs in 
 the aggregate really amounted to little in that island. There 
 was a continual call for a greater supply of Negroes than 
 the company sent.^^ Two ledgers used by the factors show 
 that 690 Negroes were sold in 1666 and in the following 
 year, 170.^^ Although this number was inadequate to meet 
 the colony's needs, it is doubtful whether the company sent 
 any slaves to Jamaica after 1667. 
 
 *»C. O. 1: 18, f. 81, declaration of Sir Thomas Modyf ord, March 2, 1664. 
 ooj&tdf., f. 135, Modyf ord to Bennet, May 10, 1664. 
 
 51 Ihid., f . 208, report of the Privy Council on Jamaica affairs, August 10, 
 1664. 
 
 52 A. C. E., 75: 89. 
 
 68 Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, February 7, 1664/5. 
 
 6*C. O. 1: 19, f. 31, Lynch to Bennet, February 12, 1665; ibid., f. 189, 
 John Style to (Bennet), July 24, 1665. 
 
 65 A. C. R., 869, entries from January 1, 1665/6 to December 31, 1666; 
 ibid,, 870: 62. 
 
86 The Company of Eoyal Adventueees 
 
 Under these circumstances Modyford lost interest in the 
 company's affairs and therefore it resolved, April 6, 1669, 
 to dispense with his services. Modyford had received a 
 pension of three hundred pounds per year up to Michael- 
 mas, 1666, but after that time the company's financial con- 
 dition no longer warranted this expense. The company 
 does not seem to have been displeased with Modyford be- 
 cause it requested that he use his good offices as governor 
 to assist it in every possible way. At the same time the 
 services of the other factor, Mr. Molesworth, were discon- 
 tinued and he was requested to send an inventory of the 
 company's affairs.^^ 
 
 Modyford thus free from his connection with the com- 
 pany probably represented the desires of the Jamaica peo- 
 ple in a more unbiased manner. On September 20, 1670, he 
 enumerated a number of needs of the island and asked Sec- 
 retary Arlington that licenses to trade to Africa for Ne- 
 groes be granted free of charge or at least at more mod- 
 erate rates. For this privilege he declared that security 
 could be given that the slaves would be carried only to 
 Jamaica. The Royal Company itself could not complain 
 when it realized how much this freedom of trade would 
 mean toward the prosperity of Jamaica, and thus ultimately 
 to the entire kingdom.^ ^ Modyford admitted that the Anglo- 
 Dutch war had been a great hindrance to Jamaica's pros- 
 perity but that the lack of Negroes since 1665 had been a 
 much greater obstruction.^^ 
 
 The more insistent demands which Governor Modyford 
 made in 1670 for freedom of trade to Africa show that the 
 company's failure to send Negroes to Jamaica after 1667 
 was beginning to be resented. Although there had been a 
 constant demand for Negroes in Jamaica, there was up to 
 1670 less need for slaves there than in Barbadoes. At least 
 
 66 A. C. E., 75: 14, &9. 
 
 5TC. O. 1: 25, f. 127, Modyford to Arlington, (September 20, 1670). 
 
 58 C. S. P., Col., 1669-1674, p. 107, additional propositions made to the 
 Privy Council about Jamaica by Charles Modyford by order of Sir Thomas 
 Modyford, (September 28, 1670). 
 
The Eoyal. Adventurers and the Plantations 87 
 
 tlie demands made by the planters of Jamaica were not so 
 frequent and so insistent as they were in Barbadoes. To a 
 certain extent the planters of Jamaica may have been de- 
 terred from representing the lack of labor supply while 
 Governor Modyford was one of the company's factors. 
 Modyford had been very much interested in the company's 
 trade, especially with the Spanish colonies. As soon as it 
 became clear, however, that the losses incurred in the Anglo- 
 Dutch war, would make it impossible for the company to 
 continue the slave trade to the West Indies, Modyford un- 
 doubtedly voiced a genuine demand on the part of the 
 planters for more slaves. By the year 1670 the island was 
 better developed than it had been ten years before and the 
 /need for slaves was beginning to be acute.^^ 
 . • y - About the first of March, 1662, two Spaniards made their 
 ^ '" appearance at Barbadoes to make overtures for a supply of 
 slaves, which they intended to transport to Peru. The 
 Spaniards asserted that if they received encouragement, 
 they would come every fortnight with large supplies of bul- 
 lion to pay for the slaves which they exported. Sir Thomas 
 Modyford, the company's factor and the speaker of the 
 Barbadoes assembly, was enthusiastic about this proposi- 
 tion and pointed out that the trade with the Spanish col- 
 onies would increase the king's revenue and at the same 
 time would deprive the Dutch of a lucrative trade.^^ Since 
 they were well treated on their first visit to Barbadoes the 
 Spaniards returned in April, 1662, at which time they 
 bought four hundred Negroes for whom they paid from 125 
 to 140 pieces of eight.^^ When the Spaniards came to ex- 
 port their Negroes, however, they found that Governor 
 Willoughby had levied a duty of eleven pieces of eight on 
 each Negro. The assembly under Modyford 's leadership 
 at once declared the imposition of such a tax illegal. This 
 resolution was carried to the council where, against the op- 
 position of the governor, it was also passed. Governor 
 
 5» C. O. 1 : 14, f . 56, proposal by Lord Marlborough, 1663. 
 
 eo/fcid., 17, f. 28, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, March 30, 1662. 
 
 «i Jftid., f. 29, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, April 30, 1662. 
 
< 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 88 The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 Willoughby, nevertheless, had the temerity to collect the tax 
 on some of the Negroes then in port, and a little later when 
 one of the ships of the Royal Adventurers sold its Negroes 
 to the Spaniards, he again enforced the payment of the ex- 
 port tax.^2 Notwithstanding the governor's actions, Mody- 
 ford despatched one of his own ships with slaves to Car- 
 tagena where it arrived safely and was well treated by the 
 Spaniards.®^ Modyford was now more than ever convinced 
 of the possibilities of the trade with the Spanish colonies, 
 but believing that it could not be conducted successfully by 
 private individuals, he recommended that it be settled on 
 the Royal Company.^* 
 
 When the Royal Company learned that the trade in Ne- 
 groes to the Spanish colonies offered many possibilities it 
 was very much interested. A petition was immediately sub- 
 mitted to the king requesting that, if the Spaniards were 
 allowed to come to Barbadoes for slaves, the whole trade be 
 conferred on the Royal Company. The company declared 
 that the planters in the colonies had no reason to object to 
 this arrangement because they had not engaged in this 
 trade, and moreover an opportunity was being offered to 
 them to become members of the company.^^ 
 
 The Privy Council was favorable to the company's 
 proposition, and on March 13, 1663, the king instructed 
 Lord Willoughby to permit the Spaniards to trade at Bar- 
 badoes for slaves notwithstanding any letters of marque 
 that had been issued against them, or any provisions of the 
 Navigation Act. He declared that the Spaniards were to 
 be allowed to import into Barbadoes only the products of 
 their own colonies, and were not to be permitted to carry 
 away the produce of the English colonies. The effect of this 
 provision was that in addition to slaves the Spaniards 
 
 «2C. O. 1: 17, ff. 29, 30, Thomas Modyford? to his brother. May 26, 1662. 
 63 Ihid., f. 32, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, September 3, 13, 1662. 
 e^Ibid., f. 32, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, September 13, 1662. 
 65 Hid., f. 20, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king, ?January, 
 1663. 
 
The Royal. Adventurers and the Plantations 89 
 
 might obtain any products imported into Barbadoes from 
 England.^^ The king settled the question of duties on slaves 
 by ordering that ten pieces of eight on each Negro should 
 be paid by all persons who exported slaves from Barbadoes 
 or Jamaica to the Spanish colonies, except the agents of the 
 Royal Company. The company was to pay no export duties 
 on Negroes especially when the Spaniards had made pre- 
 vious contracts for them in England.^^ 
 
 Probably on account of the export duty on slaves which 
 Willoughby had levied in 1662, the Spaniards were not 
 anxious to return to Barbadoes. The company *s factors 
 therefore sent one of their ships with slaves to Terra Firma 
 in order to convince the Spaniards that their desire for a 
 Negro trade was genuine. On this occasion Lord Wil- 
 loughby and the council of the island exacted £320 in cus- 
 toms from the factors. When the company heard of this 
 procedure it immediately asked the king to enforce the order 
 allowing it to export Negroes free of duty.^^ Thereupon 
 the king ordered Willoughby to make immediate restitution 
 of the £320 and to give the company *s factors as much en- 
 couragement as possible.^^ Willoughby finally obeyed in a 
 sullen manner. On May 20, 1665, he declared that the com- 
 pany had finally monopolized the Spanish trade for Ne- 
 groes and that, because the king refused to permit an export 
 duty to be levied on them, there was no revenue from that 
 source. "^^ The king^s concessions to the Royal Company 
 were of little avail, however, because the Anglo-Dutch war 
 
 66 C. O. 1 : 17, f . 136, instructions to Lord Willoughby, June 16, 1663. 
 
 ^T Ibid,, f. 227 (the king to the governors of Barbadoes and Jamaica), 
 March 30, 1663. That there was some trouble in deciding just what pro- 
 visions to make regarding the Spanish trade appears from several unsigned 
 and undated letters to Willoughby with conflicting provisions, but they nearly 
 all mention the exception made in favor of the Eoyal Company in the letter 
 of March 13, 1663. C. O. 1: 17, f. 22; C. O. 1: 17, ff. 24, 25; C. O. 1: 17, ff. 26, 
 27; P. C. K., Charles II, 3: 336-338. 
 
 68 C. O. 1 : 17, ff. 225, 226, petition of the Eoyal Adventurers to the king, 
 November, 1663. 
 
 68 Willoughby made a restitution of the £320 in March, 1664. C. O. 1; 18, 
 f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Eoyal Adventurers), March 31, 1664. 
 
 70 C. O. 1 : 19, f . 124, Willoughby to the king, May 20, 1665. 
 
90 The Company of Boyal Adventubeks 
 
 effectually stopped most of the company's trade in Negroes 
 including that from Barbadoes to the Spanish colonies. 
 
 In considering the trade in slaves from Jamaica to the 
 Spanish colonies it is well to keep in mind that this island 
 lay far to the west of all other English possessions in the 
 West Indies. It was located in the very midst of the Span- 
 ish possessions from which it had been wrested in 1655 by 
 the expedition of Sir William Penn and Admiral Venables. 
 The people of the island realized their isolation and occa- 
 sionally attempted to break down the decrees of the Span- 
 ish government, which forbade its colonies to have any 
 intercourse with foreigners. Although the English gov- 
 ernment began a somewhat similar policy with respect to 
 its colonies in the Navigation Act of 1660, it was generally 
 agreed that some exception should be made for the island 
 of Jamaica in connection with the Spanish trade. 
 
 When Lord Windsor became governor of Jamaica in 
 1662 he was instructed to endeavor to secure a free com- 
 merce with the Spanish colonies. If the governors of the 
 Spanish colonies refused to grant this trade voluntarily, 
 Lord Windsor and the council of the island were given per- 
 mission to compel the Spanish authorities to acquiesce by 
 the use of force or any other means at their disposal.'^^ Ac- 
 cordingly a letter embodying this request was written to 
 the governors of Porto Eico and Santo Domingo, but un- 
 favorable replies were received. In accordance with the 
 king's instructions the Jamaica council determined to ob- 
 tain a trade by force.'^^ rpj^^g ^^s done by issuing letters of 
 marque to privateers for the purpose of preying^ upon 
 Spanish ships."^^ 
 
 In the following year, 1663, as has already been men- 
 tioned, Charles II commanded the governors of Barbadoes 
 
 71 C. O. 1 : 16, f . 112, additional instructions to Lord Windsor, governor 
 of Jamaica, April 8, 1662. 
 
 72 C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 106, minutes of the council of Jamaica, 
 August 20, 1662. 
 
 73 A full description of privateering by the English against the Spaniards 
 from the year 1660 to 1670 may be found in an article by Miss Violet Barbour 
 in the American Historical Eeview, XVI: 529-^66. 
 
The Royal. Adventurers and the Plantations 91 
 
 and Jamaica to permit tlie Spaniards to buy goods and Ne- 
 groes in their respective islands, and to refrain from charg- 
 ing duties on these Negroes in case they were reexported 
 by the agents of the Royal Adventurers.'^^ This was fol- 
 lowed by a royal order of April 29, 1663, commanding the 
 governor to stop all hostile measures against the Spaniards. 
 Sir Charles Lyttleton, the deputy governor, replied that he 
 hoped the attempt to begin a trade with the Spaniards 
 would be successful, especially in Negroes, which the Span- j 
 iards could not obtain more easily than in Jamaica.*^^ 
 
 When Sir Charles Modyford became governor of Ja- 
 maica in 1664, the king repeated his desire to promote trade 
 and correspondence with the Spanish plantations. Indeed 
 Modyford 's previous success in selling Negroes to the 
 Spaniards probably influenced his appointment to this 
 office. As soon as Modyford reached Jamaica he wrote a 
 letter to the governor of Santo Domingo informing him that 
 the king had ordered a cessation of hostilities and desired 
 a peaceful commerce with the Spanish colonies."^^ Mody- 
 ford instructed the two commissioners by whom the letter 
 was sent to emphasize the trade in Negroes and to induce 
 the Spaniards, if possible, to negotiate with him in regard 
 to this matter.*^"^ Again the answer of the governor of 
 Santo Domingo was unfavorable. He pointed out that it 
 was not within his power to order a commerce with Jamaica, 
 but that this was the province of the government in Spain. 
 The governor, moreover, complained that the people of 
 Jamaica had acted in the same hostile manner toward the 
 Spaniards since the Restoration as they had in CromwelPs 
 time, and therefore his people were little inclined to begin 
 a trade with Jamaica. 
 
 7*C. S. p., Col., 1661-1668, p. 125 (the king to the governors of Barba- 
 does and Jamaica), March 13, 1663. 
 
 75 C. O. 1 : 17, f . 199, Sir Charles Lyttleton, deputy governor, to Bennet, 
 October 15, 1663. 
 
 "f^Ihid,, 18, f. 137, Modyford to the governor of Santo Domingo, April 
 30, 1664. 
 
 IT Hid., f. 139, Modyford 's instructions to Colonel Gary and Captain 
 Perrott, May 2, 1664, 
 
92 The Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 
 The refusal of the Spanish governor to consider Mody- 
 ford's proposition seemed all the more bitter since it was 
 well known at that time that the Spaniards were obtaining 
 many Negroes from the Dutch West India Company. The 
 Genoese also had a contract with the Spaniards to deliver 
 24,500 Negroes in seven years, nearly all of whom they ex- 
 pected to obtain from the Dutch at that *^ cursed little bar- 
 ren island'' of Curagao, as Sir Thomas Lynch called it. 
 Lynch also observed that if the Eoyal Company desired to 
 participate in the Spanish trade it would either have to sell 
 to the Genoese or drive the Dutch out of Africa, because he 
 did not believe it was possible to call in the privateers with- 
 out the assistance of several men-of-war."^^ Just how much 
 weight should be attached to this opinion is doubtful since 
 Lynch was probably so much interested in continuing priva- 
 teering against the Spaniards that he cared little how much 
 this would interfere with the company's attempt to develop 
 the Negro trade. 
 
 Lynch 's opinion was not shared by the king, who had 
 heard that the privateers were continuing their hostilities 
 against the Spaniards. He therefore informed Modyford 
 that he could not adequately express his dissatisfaction at 
 the daily complaints made by the Spaniards about the vio- 
 lence of ships said to belong to Jamaica. Modyford was 
 strictly commanded to secure and punish any such offend- 
 gj.g 79 ijij^g governor issued a proclamation in accordance 
 with the king's instructions,^^ and also notified the gover- 
 nor of Havana that offenders against Spanish commerce 
 would hereafter be punished as pirates.^^ 
 
 After the Anglo-Dutch war began the company im- 
 ported very few Negroes to Jamaica for the Spanish trade 
 or for any other purpose. The king's stringent orders re- 
 
 78 C. O. 1 : 18, ff. 152, 153, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Lynch to Bennet, 
 May 25, 1664. 
 
 79 C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 215, the king to Modyford, June 15, 1664. 
 so Ibid., p. 220, proclamation by Sir Thomas Modyford, governor of 
 
 Jamaica, June 15, 1664. 
 
 81 Ibid., p. 228, minutes of the council of Jamaica, August 19-22, 1664. 
 
The Eoyal Adventukees and the Plantations 93 
 
 garding privateers were gradually allowed to go unnoticed. 
 Modyford again began to issue letters of marque, a pro- \ 
 cedure which naturally destroyed all possibility of com- 
 merce between the Spanish colonies and the Eoyal Company. 
 
 At the time the desultory trade in Negroes was being 
 started with the Spaniards at Barbadoes, Eichard White, 
 of Spain, came to England as an agent for two Spaniards, 
 Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomoline.^^ These two 
 men had been granted the assiento in Spain, that is, the 
 privilege of furnishing the Spanish colonies with Negro 
 slaves. In order to wrest some of this trade from the Dutch 
 West India Company the Eoyal Company entered into a 
 contract with White, in the year 1663, to furnish the Span- 
 ish assientists with 3,500 Negroes per year for a definite 
 number of years. According to this contract the slaves 
 were to be delivered to the vessels of the assientists in Bar- 
 badoes and Jamaica; one of the company's factors was to 
 be placed on board such ships ; and the necessary safe con- 
 ducts were to be procured for their voyage to and from the 
 port of Cadiz.s^ gj^j. ^iHq Leighton, secretary of the Eoyal 
 Adventurers, obtained permission for Grillo 's agents to 
 reside in Jamaica and Barbadoes.^^ Sir Martin Noell, one 
 of the most important West Indian merchants, as well as 
 a prominent member of the African Company, seems to 
 have been intrusted with the collection of the money due 
 on this contract.^^ 
 
 Not long after this agreement was made the possibility 
 
 82 C. S. p., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 168, Eichard White to Captain Weld, June 
 11, 166a. 
 
 83 As this contract cannot be discovered it is difficult to say just when it 
 was made or what were its conditions. Georges Scelle in his book. La Traits 
 Negriere aux Indes de Castille, I: 524, gives the date of this contract as Feb- 
 ruary 28, 1663, and says it was for 35,000 Negroes which were to be delivered 
 at the rate of 5,000 per year. This may be true, but on the other hand the 
 company distinctly declares in one place that the contract was for the annual 
 delivery of 3,500 Negroes per year. C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of 
 the trade and present condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5. 
 
 8* C. 0. 1 : 17, f . 189, memorial of Sir Ellis Leighton to the duke of York, 
 11663. 
 
 s^Ihid., ff. 244, 247; A. C. R., 75: 48. 
 
94 The Company of Eoyal Adventtjbees 
 
 of a war with the Dutch began to appear. The company 
 considered ways by which Grillo might be induced to miti- 
 gate the contract.^^ Complications concerning the security 
 to be given arose, and Grillo complained that the required 
 number of Negroes was not being furnished to him. Un- 
 der the circumstances this was almost impossible because 
 the outbreak of the Anglo-Dutch war made it very difficult 
 to obtain slaves. Nevertheless, on May 26, 1665, the com- 
 pany resolved to procure as many Negroes as possible to 
 fill the contract, providing Grillo made prompt payments.^'' 
 As may be surmised no great number of slaves was ex- 
 ported from Barbadoes or Jamaica on this contract. Only 
 one ship arrived at Barbadoes from Cadiz. It desired to 
 secure one thousand slaves, but the company's factors could 
 obtain only eight hundred. Lord Willoughby carefully 
 reported that he had complied with his Majesty's command 
 not to exact any export duty for these slaves.^^ In Jamaica 
 only a small number of Negroes were sold on this contract 
 to Spanish ships which came from Cartagena.^^ There 
 may have been other instances of sales not recorded, but it 
 is certain that the war interfered to such an extent that the 
 number of Negroes sold to Grillo fell far short of what the 
 contract called for. In order to keep the agreement intact 
 the company resolved, March 23, 1666, to lay the situation 
 before the king, and to ask him to permit Grillo 's agents to 
 buy sufficient Negroes in the plantations to make up the 
 required number, and that no export duties be charged on 
 them.^^ The king complied with the company's request, 
 and the desired orders were sent to the governors of Ja- 
 maica and Barbadoes.^^ Some trouble had arisen in Ja- 
 maica, however, between Grillo 's agents and Governor 
 Modyford. Since the company believed that Grillo 's 
 
 ■ 86 A. C. E., 75: 15, August 5, 1664. 
 8T Jbtd., 75: 34, May 26, 1665. 
 
 88 C. O. 1 : 18, f . 165, Willoughby to the king, June 17, 1664. 
 
 89 Add. MSS., 12,430, f . 31, Beeston, Journal, April 8, 1665. 
 «o A. C. R., 75: 43, March 23, 1665/6. 
 
 WP. C. R., Charles II, 5: 3%, March 30, 1666. 
 
The Royali Abventurees and the Plantations 95 
 
 agents were primarily to blame for this, it resolved in the 
 future to deliver Negroes only at Barbadoes in return for 
 ready money .^^ 
 
 This was virtually the end of the contract. In 1667 the 
 company spoke of the agreement as having been broken 
 by the Grillos, and that it was under no further obligation 
 to carry out its terms. Altogether, it declared, that no 
 more than 1,200 Negroes had been delivered to Grillo's 
 agents.^^ Thus this project, which the company at first as- 
 serted would bring into the English kingdom 86,000 pounds 
 of Spanish silver per year,^^ ended in insignificant fashion. 
 
 Although the Grillo contract and the other attempts to 
 begin a slave trade with the Spanish colonies had proved 
 much less successful than the Company of Royal Adven- 
 turers had hoped, a great deal had been accomplished 
 toward bringing to light the fundamental difficulties of this 
 trade. In the first place, not much could be accomplished in 
 the way of developing this trade so long as the Spanish gov- 
 ernment maintained its attitude of uncompromising hostil- 
 ity toward all foreigners notwithstanding the fact that the 
 Spanish colonists would gladly have welcomed the slave 
 traders. Furthermore, although the English government 
 had signified its willingness to disregard the restrictions of 
 the Navigation Acts in this instance, the hostile attitude 
 assumed by the planters toward the trade in slaves to the 
 Spanish colonies also had to be taken into consideration. 
 Whenever the planters were able to do so they endeavored 
 to prevent the exportation to the Spanish colonies of slaves 
 which they maintained were very much needed on their own 
 plantations. 
 
 This opposition to the trade in Negroes to the Spanish 
 colonies was only one of the several ways in which the col- 
 
 92 A. C. E., 75: 46; Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, February 
 7, 1664/5. 
 
 »3 Answer of the Company of Eoyal Adventurers ... to the Petition . . . 
 exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter. 
 
 «4 C. O. 1 : 19, ff . 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade and present condition 
 of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5. 
 
96 The Company of Eoyal. Adventukeks 
 
 onists manifested their hostility toward the mercantile ele- 
 ment in general and the Company of Eoyal Adventurers in 
 particular. Freedom of trade with all the world seemed 
 very desirable to the planters, who regarded the restrictions 
 of the Navigation Acts as gross favoritism and partiality 
 to the rising mercantile class. The monopoly of supplying 
 the colonies with slaves, conferred upon the Company of 
 Eoyal Adventurers, was most cordially hated on account of 
 the great degree of dependence placed upon slave labor in 
 the plantations. As a result of this conflict of interests the 
 planters early resorted to numerous devices such as the 
 laws for the protection of debtors, to embarrass the com- 
 pany in the exercise of its monopoly. Since the company 
 had received its exclusive privileges by a charter from the 
 crown the English planters in the West Indies soon found 
 that their trouble with the Company of Eoyal Adventurers 
 brought them also into direct conflict with the king. In this 
 way the planters enjoyed the distinction of being among the 
 first to begin the opposition which later, in the Great Eevo- 
 lution, resulted in the overthrow of James II and the royal 
 prerogative. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The records of the English African companies are de- 
 posited among the Treasury Papers of the Public Record 
 Office in London. They have been catalogued by Mr. Hilary 
 Jenkinson. The records of the company described in this 
 book are very meager. A Home Journal, giving the amount 
 of money subscribed by various adventurers and the car- 
 goes of ships, is the only record left by the original adven- 
 turers from 1660-1663. From 1664 to 1672 a single volume 
 gives the minutes of the general court and of the court 
 of assistants. This volume is by far the most important 
 of the company's books. The journals and ledgers for 
 Barbadoes, Jamaica and the Gambia River are of no par- 
 ticular value. In general, however, the internal history of 
 the company depends upon the eleven manuscript volumes 
 of this collection. 
 
 In the Public Record Office the Foreign State Papers, 
 particularly those for the United Provinces, were of great 
 value in working out the Anglo-Dutch trouble on the Afri- 
 can Coast. The records of the High Court of Admiralty 
 are also valuable for that purpose. For the relations of 
 the Company of Royal Adventurers to the planters in the 
 West Indies the Colonial Papers are not extensive, but 
 they are invaluable. 
 
 Volumes 2537 and 2538 of the Egerton manuscripts and 
 certain volumes of the Additional Manuscripts in the Brit- 
 ish Museum contain considerable correspondence on the 
 events leading up to the Anglo-Dutch war. 
 
 In the Bodleian Library at Oxford the Clarendon State 
 Papers include the correspondence of the earl of Claren- 
 don with Sir George Downing, the English representative 
 at The Hague. These letters supplement the material in 
 the Record Office which deals with Anglo-Dutch relations. 
 
 97 
 
98 The Company of Eoyal Adventubees 
 
 In the Eijks Archief at The Hague are further sources 
 for the same matter. In Louis Dammaert's journal; Index 
 op het register der contracten en accorden met de naturel- 
 len; Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en 
 West Indische Compagnie, 1658-1665; and Loketkas, 
 Staten Generaal, Engelant, one gets a mass of material 
 hitherto almost untouched concerning the trouble of the 
 English and Dutch companies on the African Coast. 
 
 Of the material which has been published the author 
 has found the following books to be especially valuable: 
 Pepys, Diary; Hakluyt, Principal Navigations; the calen- 
 dars of State Papers; Villaut, Eelation of the Coasts of 
 Africa; Brandt, Vie de Michel de Ruiter; Diederich, Her- 
 zog Jacobs von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkiiste von 
 Afrika; Japikse, Verwikkelingen tusschen de Eepubliek en 
 Engeland; and Scott, Joint Stock Companies. 
 
 Manusckipt Matekial 
 
 British Public Eecord OFriCB 
 
 Home Journal for individual ships, A. C. E., 309. 1660-1663. 
 
 Home Journal for individual ships, A. C. E., 1221. 1660-1663. Same as 
 
 above. 
 Minute book of the General Court and Court of Assistants, A. C. E., 75. 1664- 
 
 1672. 
 Barbadoes Ledger, A. C. E., 646. 1662-1664. 
 Jamaica Ledgers, A. C. E., 869, 870. 1665-1669. 
 Gambia Journals, A. C. E., 544, 545. 1665, 1666. 
 Gambia Le'dgers, A. C. E., 827, 828, 829. 1665, 1666. 
 Admiralty Eecords, Navy Board, In-Letters, Volumes 3-10. 1661-1665. 
 C. O. 1: 14-29. America and West Indies, General Series. 1660-1672. 
 C. O. 29 : 1. Barbadoes, Entry Book. 
 
 C. O. 324: 1, 2. Plantations General, Entry Book. 1662-1681. 
 C. O. 388: 1, 2. Board of Trade, Commercial. 1654-1692. 
 Foreign Entry Books, 173, 176. Minutes of the Foreign Committee and the 
 
 King's Letter Book. 
 High Court of Admiralty, Libels. 1661-1664. 
 High Court of Admiralty, Examinations. 1661-1664. 
 State Papers, Domestic, Charles II. 1660-1672. 
 State Papers, Denmark, Volume 17. 1660-1665. 
 State Papers, Holland, Volumes 163-192. 1660-1672. 
 State Papers, Portugal, Volumes 5-7. 1660-1666. 
 State Papers, Sweden, Volumes 5, 6. 1660-1668. 
 
BlBLIOGBAPHY 99 
 
 Privy Council Office 
 The Eegister af the Privy Council, Charles II. 1660-1672. 
 
 The British Museum 
 Additional Manuscripts, Volume 12,430, Journal of Sir William Beeston. 1664, 
 
 1665. 
 Additional Manuscripts, Volumes 22,919, 22,920, Correspondence of Downing, 
 
 Bennet, Clarendon and Nicholas. 1662-1664. 
 Egerton Manuscripts, Volumes 2537, 2538. 1661, 1662. 
 
 The Bodleian Library 
 The Clarendon State Papers, Volumes 74-108. 1661-16©5. 
 
 The Eijks Archief 
 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal. 1661-1664. 
 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Eaadspensionaris. 1603-65. 
 Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van Holland en West 
 
 Friesland. 1661-1664. 
 Journal gehouden bij Louijs Dammaert met 't schip Pruis. 1652. 
 Lias, Westindien. 1658-1665. 
 
 Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland. 1663; Sweden. 1659. 
 Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Cost en West Indische Compagnie. 
 
 1658-1659. 
 Eesolutions of the States General. 
 Secretekas, Engeland, number 123. 
 
 Published Mateeial 
 I. Original Sources and First-hand Narratives 
 
 Acts of the Privy Council. Colonial Series. Edited by W. L. Grant, James 
 
 Munro, and Almerie W, Fitzroy. London, 190&-12. 6 vols. 
 Aitzema, Lieuwe van. Vermeedert Verhael van de vreedehandelingh der Ver- 
 
 eenighde Nederlanden, zedert den jare 1621 tot 1626. 's Graven -Hage, 
 
 1655-1671. 13 vols. 
 Articles of Peace & Alliance between . . . Charles II . . . and the High and 
 
 Mighty Lords, the States General of the United Netherlands, concluded 
 
 the 4th day of September, 1662. London, 1662. 
 Articulen van Vrede ende Confoederatie, gheslooten tusschen den doorluchtig- 
 
 sten Coningh van Portugael, ter eenre, ende de Hoogh Mogende Heeren 
 
 Staaten Generael van Vereenighde Nederlanden, ter andere zyde. 's 
 
 Graven-Hage, 1663. 
 Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series, of the reign of Charles I. Edited 
 
 by John Bruce, William Douglas Hamilton, and Sophie C. Lomas. 23 
 
 vols. 
 , Domestic Series, during the Commonwealth. Edited by Mary Anne 
 
 Green. 13 vols. 
 , Domestic Series, of the reign of Charles II. Edited by Mary Anne 
 
 Green and F. B. Blackbourne Daniell. 19 vols. 
 
100 The Company of Royal Adventubees 
 
 Calendar of State Papers. Colonial Series, America and West Indies. Edited 
 by W. Noel Sainsbury, Hon. J. W. Fortescue, and Cecil Headlam. 20 vols. 
 
 Calendar of Treasury Books, 1660-1679. Edited by W. A. Shaw. 5 vols. 
 
 Carr, Cecil Thomas. Select Charters of Trading Companies. Publications of 
 the Selden Society. London, 1913. 
 
 Cawston, George and Keane, A. H. The Early Chartered Companies. London 
 and New York, 1896. 
 
 A Collection of Letters for the Improvement of Husbandry & Trade. (Edited) 
 by J. Houghton. London, 1681-1683. 2 vols. 
 
 Collections relating to the Family of Crispe. (Made by Frederick A. Crisp.) 
 (London), 1882-1807. 5 vols. 
 
 Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens; contenant un recueil des 
 traitez d 'alliance, de paix faits en Europe, depuis le regne de I'Empereur 
 Charlemagne jusques a present. Edited by J. Dumont^ Baron de Carls- 
 croon. La Haye, 1726-1731. 8' vols. 
 
 Eannes de Zurara, Gomes. The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of 
 Guinea. Translated and edited by C. E. Beazley and E. Prestage. Publi- 
 cations of the Hakluyt Society. London, 1896. 2 vols. 
 
 Estrades, Godefroi d'. Lettres, Memoires et Negociations de Monsieur le 
 Comte d 'Estrades, tant en quality d 'Ambassadeur de S. M. T. C. en Italie, 
 en Angleterre et en Hollande. (Edited by P. Marehand.) Londres, 1743. 
 9 vols. 
 
 The Golden Coast, or a Description of Guinney. London, 1665. 
 
 Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon. The History of the reign of King Charles 
 the Second, from the Eestoration to the end of the year 1667. (Edited 
 by J. Shebbeare.) (London, 1757?) 2 vols. 
 
 Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, from January the 20th, 1663/4 (to the 
 22nd of December, 1826). Jamaica, 1811-1829. 14 vols. 
 
 Journal of the House of Commons. 
 
 Journal of the House of Lords. 
 
 M(arees), P(ieter) d(e). Description et r^it historial du riche royaume d'or 
 de Gunea, aultrement nomm6, la coste de I'or de Mina. Amsterdamm©, 
 1605. 
 
 The Manuscripts of the House of Lords. New Series. London, 1900-12. 6 
 vols. 
 
 Pepys, Samuel. The Diary of Samuel Pepys, transcribed from the shorthand 
 manuscript in the Pepsian Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge. Edited 
 by Henry B. Wlieatley. London, 1903-1904. 9 vols. 
 
 The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries of the English 
 Nation. Collected by Eichard Hakluyt. Glasgow, 1903 to 1905. 12 vols. 
 
 Purchas, Samuel. Hakluytus Posthumus; or, Purchas his Pilgrimes, con- 
 tayning a history of the world in sea voyages and land travells by Eng- 
 lishmen and others. Glasgow, 1905 to 1907. 20 vols. 
 
 Villaut, Ni<Jolas, Sieur de Bellefond. A Eelation of the Coasts of Africa called 
 Guinee. (Translated from the original French.) London, 1670. 
 
 Witt, Jan de. Brieven geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen de Heer Johan de 
 Witt . . . ende gevolmaghtigden van den Staedt der Vereenigde Neder- 
 landen. Gravenhage, 1723-1725. 7 vols. \ 
 
BlBLIOaRAJPHY \ \' '' ] I'l f^'- \ /^\ 101 
 
 II. General References and Secondary Sources 
 
 Andrews, Charles M. Guide to the Materials for American History, to 1783, 
 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain. Washington, 1912-14. 2 
 vols. 
 
 Andrews, Charles M., and Davenport, Frances G. Guide to the Manuscript 
 -Materials for the History of the United States to 1783, in the British 
 Museum, in minor London Archives, and in the Libraries of Oxford and 
 Cambridge. Washington, 1908. 
 
 Barbour, Violet. Henry Bennet, the First Earl of Arlington. Washington, 
 1914. 
 
 . Privateers and Pirates of the West Indies. American Historical Re- 
 view, Vol. 16, pp. 529-566. 1911. 
 
 Beer, George Louis. The Old Colonial System. Part I. The Establishment 
 of the System, 1660-1688. New York, 1912. 2 vols. 
 
 Blok, P. J. History of the People of the Netherlands, translated by Ruth 
 Putnam and O. A. Bierstadt. New York and London, 18'98--1912. 5 vols. 
 
 Brandt, Gerrit (the elder). La Vie de Michel de Ruiter, traduite du Hol- 
 landois (by Aubin). Amsterdam, 1698. 
 
 Darmstaedter, Paul. Geschichte der Auftheilung und Kolonisation Afrikas 
 seit d€m Zeitalter der Entdeckungen. Volume I. Berlin and Leipzig, 
 1913. 
 
 Diederichs, H. Herzog Jacobs von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkiiste von 
 Afrika. Mitau, 1890. 
 
 Ellis, A. B. A History of the Gold Coast of West Africa. London, 1893. 
 
 George, Claude. The Rise of British West Africa: comprising the early his- 
 tory of the Colony of Sierra Leone, the Gambia, Lagos, Gold Coast, etc. 
 London, 1903 (1902). 
 
 Gramberg, J. S. G. Schetsen van Afrika 's Westcust. Amsterdam, 1861. 
 
 , De Gids. Derde Serie. Zesde Jaargang. Volume 4, pp. 383-407. 
 
 De Goudkust. 
 
 Haring, Clarence Henry. The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII 
 Century. London, 1910. 
 
 Japikse, Nicolaas. De Verwikkelingen tusschen de Republiek en Engeland van 
 1660-1665. Leiden, 1900. 
 
 , Johan de Witt. Nederlandsche Historisehe Bibliotheek, IX. Amster- 
 dam, 1915. 
 
 Jenkinson, Hilary. The Records of the English African Companies. Trans- 
 actions of the Royal Historical Society, third series, volume 6. London, 
 1912. 
 
 Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de. De Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen op 
 de Kust van Guinea, 's Gravenhage, 1871. 
 
 Lister, Thomas Henry. Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of 
 Clarendon. London, 1837^ 1838. 3 vols. 
 
 (Long, E.). The History of Jamaica: or, general survey of the antient and 
 modern state of that island. London, 1774. 
 
 Lucas, C. P. A Historical Geography of the British Colonies. West Africa. 
 Oxford, 1900. 
 
 Meredith, Henry. An Account of the Gold Coast of Africa: with a brief his- 
 tory of the African Company. London, 1812. 
 
102 fr^EEJ GOtoANX.OF HOYAL Ad VENTURERS 
 
 Poyer, John. The History of Barbadoes. London, 1808. 
 
 Reeve, Henry Fenwick. The Gambia; its history, ancient, medieval, and mod- 
 ern. London, 1912. 
 
 Scelle, Georges. La Traite NSgriere aux Indes de Castille. Contrats et Traites 
 d'Assiento. Paris, 1906. 2 vols. 
 
 Schiick, Richard. Brandenburg-Preussens Kolonial-Politik unter dem Grossen 
 Kurfiirsten und seinem Nachfolgern. (1647-1721.) Leipzig, 1889. 
 
 Scott, William Robert. The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and 
 Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720. Cambridge, 1910-1912. 3 vols. 
 
 Schomburgk, Sir Robert H. The History of Barbadoes. London, 1848. 
 
 III. Pamphlets and Tracts 
 Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa, 
 
 to the petition . . . exhibited to the Honourable House of Commons by 
 
 Sir Paul Painter. (London), 1667. 
 The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their Creditors. 
 
 London, 1748. 
 Crisp, John. The Case of Sir John and Mr. Charles Crisp, grandsons of Sir 
 
 Nicholas Crisp, in relation to the forts and castles of Africa. (London, 
 
 1709?) 
 Downing, Sir George. A Reply of Sir George Downing, Envoy Extraordinary 
 
 from His Majesty of Great Britain, ... to the Remarks of the Deputies 
 
 of the Estates-General. London, 1665. 
 Jobson, Richard. The Golden Trade: or, a discovery of the River Gambra, 
 
 and the Golden Trade of the Aethiopians. London, 1623. 
 Naedere Klagten van den Heer Resident Carisius, ontrent de Deensche Afri- 
 
 caensche Compagnie, die de Nederlandsehe West-Indische Compagnie al- 
 
 daer niet wilt gedoghen ende alle schade aen doet. 't Heuckelom, 1660. 
 Davenant, Charles. Reflections upon the Constitution and Management of the 
 
 Trade to Africa. London, 1700. 
 Remarques succinctes & deduction faites par les Deputes des . . . Estats Gen- 
 
 eraux de Provinces Unies des Pais-Bas sur le dernier Memoire du Sieur 
 
 G. Douning. La Haye, 1665. 
 Remonstrantie aen de Ho: Mo: Heeren de Staten Generael de Vereenighde 
 
 Nederlanden: overgegeven den . . . Juny, 1664. By de Heeren de Bewint- 
 
 hebberen van de Geoetroyeerde West Indische Compagnie. Amsterdam, 
 
 1664. 
 The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England 
 
 Trading into Africa. (London), 1667. 
 Some Remarks on a pamphlet call'd. Reflections, on the Constitution and 
 
 Management of the Trade to Africa.^' (London), 1709. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Agga, captured by Holmes, 47 
 Anamabo, captured hj Halmes, 47 
 Anashauy, English build factory at, 
 
 45 
 Anglo-Dutch war, causes, 62; ruins 
 
 the company's trade, 90 
 Anta, captured by Holmes, 44 
 
 Barbadoes, condition in 1660, 73; re- 
 quests free trade in slaves, 74, 79; 
 Privy 'Council denies petitions of, 
 81; supply of slaves in, 82; Span- 
 ish trade for slaves at, 87-90 
 
 Bibliography, 97-102 
 
 Breda, treaty of, 66 
 
 Cape Corse, seized by the Swedes, 
 1650, 6; captured by the Danes, 
 
 1658, 7; secured by the Dutch, 
 
 1659, 35; English factory at 
 burned, 36; captured by the Dutch, 
 1663, 41; captured by Holmes, 47; 
 English claim to, 45;, 48^ 49; be- 
 comes chief English fort on the 
 Gold Coast, 68 
 
 Cape Verde, captured by Holmes, 43 ; 
 
 captured by DeEuyter, 65 
 Carisius, Danish resident at The 
 
 Hague, 47 
 Oarloflf, Hendrik, seizes Cape Corse, 
 
 7, 34 
 
 "Charles'' and ''James," prevented 
 from trading on the Gold Coast, 
 39; Downing demands reparation 
 for^ 40, 41, 49 
 
 Charles II, relations to the company, 
 
 8, 12, 18, 42; subscription to the 
 Company's stock, 12, 18, 21n; 
 sends Holmes to assist the com- 
 pany, 42; resolution to protect 
 the company, 62; promises to pun- 
 ish Holmes, 32, 52; instructions to 
 
 'Holmes, 59; pardons Holmes, 64; 
 encourages slave trade to the Span- 
 ish colonies, 88-91 
 
 Charter, African, 1588, 5; 1618, 5; 
 1631, 6; 1660, 8; 1663, 12; 1672, 
 27 
 
 Clarendon, earl of, praises the com- 
 pany, 16 
 
 Colleton,, Sir Peter, agent in Barba- 
 does, 75 
 
 Commercial element, ; responsibility 
 for the Anglo-Dutch war, 63; and 
 the colonies, 96 
 
 Courland, duke of, possessions on the 
 Gambia Eiver, 29^31; surrenders 
 St. Andre to the English, 34 
 
 Crispe, Sir Nicholas, interloper, 6; 
 founds Kormentine, 6; cedes Afri- 
 can interests to the company, 14-16 
 
 Cura^aOj Dutch trade at, 83, 92 
 
 Danes, on the Gold Coast, 7, 34; 
 claims to Cape Corse, 47, 48; cede 
 Cape Corse to the Dutch, 66n 
 
 DeEuyter, Admiral, ordered to the 
 African coast, 55, 56; activities on 
 the African coast, 61, G5, 66 
 
 DeWittj John, negotiations with 
 Downing, 48-52, 53-56, 59; com- 
 pared to Downing, 62 
 
 Downing, Sir George, negotiations at 
 The Hague, 32, 37, 39-41, 47-52, 
 60; compared to DeWitt, 62; re- 
 sponsibility for the Anglo-Dutch 
 war, 63 
 
 d'Oyley, Colonel, governor of Ja- 
 maica, 84 
 
 Dutch, treaty with the Portuguese, 
 1661, 2, 28; blockade the Gold 
 Coast, 35, 39, 49; capture, English 
 ships, 36; commercial treaty with 
 the English, 1662, 38 
 
 103 
 
104 
 
 Index 
 
 Dutch West India Company, formed, 
 2; secures Fort St. Andre, 29 j 
 protests against Holmes' actions, 
 31, 51 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, interest in early 
 voyages to Africa, 3, 4; grants 
 first monopoly to west coast of 
 Africa, 5 
 
 Elmina, captured by the Dutch, 1637, 
 2; chief fort of the Dutch, 34 
 
 Ereckson;, Bernard, Dutch navigator, 
 1 
 
 Factories, English, on the G'old Coast, 
 
 46 
 Ford, Sir Eichard, 25 
 Fredericksburg, Danish fort, 35, 36 
 
 Gambia Adventurers, 22, 23 
 "Golden Lyon," prevents English 
 ships from trading on the Gold 
 Coast, 39; captured by Holmes, 
 44; granted to the company, 2 In 
 Goree, bought by the Dutch, 1 
 Grillo, Domingo, contract to supply 
 slaves to the Spanish colonies, 93- 
 95 
 Guineas, first coined, 18 
 
 Hawkins, John, voyages to West 
 Africa, 4 
 
 Hawkins, William, voyages to Af- 
 rica, 3 
 
 Holder^ Thomas, treasurer of the 
 company, lOn 
 
 Holmes, Captain Eobert, expedition 
 to West Africa, 1660, 10, 11, 30, 
 31; second expedition, 18^, 42-47; 
 seizes Boa Vista, 30; before the 
 Privy Council, 33; return from the 
 second expedition to West Africa, 
 63, 64 
 
 Interlopers, 76 
 
 Jamaica, company ^s trade to, 83-87; 
 supply of slaves at, 85-87; Gov- 
 
 ernor Modyford asks for free trade 
 
 in slaves at, 86 
 James, duke of York, helps to found 
 
 the company^ 8; elected governor 
 
 of, 13; helps to form the Eoyal 
 
 African Company, 26 
 James Island, settled, 10 
 
 Komenda, English build factory at, 
 68 
 
 Kormentine, founded, 1624, 5; cap- 
 tured by DeEuyter, 65 
 
 Leeward Islands, company's trade to, 
 83 
 
 Licenses to trade on African coast, 
 21, 22, 69 
 
 Lynch, Sir Thomas, interest in pri- 
 vateering, 92 
 
 ''Mary," captured by the Dutch^ 
 44; Downing demands reparation 
 for, 49, 50 
 
 Mauree, ceded to the Dutch, 1 
 
 Modyford, Sir Thomas, agent in Bar- 
 badoes, 74; becomes governor of 
 Jamaica, 75, 84; requests free 
 trade in slaves at Jamaica, 86; 
 encourages the slave trade to the 
 Spanish colonies, 87, 88 
 
 Member, Henry, Courland comman- 
 der at St. Andre, 29 
 
 Navigation Acts, planters complain 
 of, 73; Charles II makes an ex- 
 ception for Spanish trade in slaves, 
 88 
 
 Noell, Sir Martin, merchant, 93 
 
 Painter, Sir Paul, presents petition 
 
 for free trade in Negroes, 79, 80 
 Pepys, Samuel, predicts war with 
 
 the Dutch, 50, 54 
 Portuguese, on the West African 
 
 coast, 1, 2^ 28 
 Privateering, against the Spaniards 
 
 from Jamaica, 90-93 
 
 Eeid, John, agent in Barbadoes, 75 
 
Index 
 
 105 
 
 Royal Adventurers, Company of, 
 charter of 1660, 8-10; charter of 
 1663, 12-14; shareholders, 12, 13, 
 17; subscriptions to the stock of, 
 12, 16i, 17j 19 ; finances of, 11, 12, 
 17-20; trade of, 11, 53, 57, 58, 71; 
 creditors of, 24-27; grants trading 
 licenses, 21, 22, 69; secures mon- 
 opoly of lotteries from the king, 
 18n; reorganization of, 24^27 
 Royal African Company, formed, 27 
 Rupert, Prince^ on the Gambia River, 
 1652, 8; helps to found the Com- 
 pany of Royal Adventurers, 1660, 8 
 
 St. Andre, seized by Holmes, 10; se- 
 cured by the Dutch, 29; regained 
 by the Courlanders, 30; surren- 
 dered to Holmes, 31; surrendered 
 to the English, 34 
 
 St. John, Sir William, builds first 
 English fort in West Africa, 6 
 
 Santo Diomingo, English attempt to 
 secure trade in slaves to^ 90, 91 
 
 Selwin, Francis, English chief at 
 Kormentine, 45 
 
 Selwin, Francis, English chief at 
 Kormentine, 45 
 
 Senegal Adventurers, charter of, 5 
 
 Sestos, despoiled by Holmes, 44 
 
 Slaves, Hawkins begins English 
 trade in, 4, 5; as plantation labor- 
 ers, 71-73; sale ot 74, 79; supply 
 of in Barbadoes, 82; supply of in 
 Jamaica, 86, 87; trade in to Span- 
 ish colonies, 87-95 
 
 Spanish trade, in slaves, 87-95 
 
 Steele, Otto, surrenders St. Andr€ to 
 Holmes, 30, 31 
 
 Surinam, company's trade to, 83 
 Swedes, on the Gold Coasts 6, 7, 34; 
 
 negotiations to cede Cape Corse to 
 
 Dutch, 66n 
 
 Tacorary, English build factory at, 
 38 
 
 Towrson, William, voyages to West 
 Africa, 3 
 
 Trade, character of African, 11, 23, 
 28 
 
 Treaty, between Dutch and Portu- 
 guese, 1661, 2; commercial, be- 
 tween the Englis.h and Dutch, 1662, 
 38; between the English and 
 Dutch, 1667, 66 
 
 Valckenburg, Dutch general, claims 
 entire Gold Coast, 44, 45 
 
 VanGogh, Dutch ambassador in Lon- 
 don, 52, 58 
 
 Van Heusden, Jasper^ director gen- 
 eral of the Dutch West India 
 Company on the Gold Coast, 34 
 
 Villaut, Nicolas, voyage to the 
 Guinea coast, 67 
 
 West India Company, see Dutch 
 West India Company 
 
 ''William and Jane," interloping 
 vessel, 76-78 
 
 Willoughby, governor of Barbadoes, 
 74, 78; opposes Spanish trade in 
 slaves, 8'7-89 
 
 Wilree, Dirck, Dutch general, block- 
 ades the Gold Coast, 39 
 
 Windsor, Lord, governor of Jamaica, 
 90 
 
RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 
 
 TO— » 202 Main Library 
 
 I CIRCU 
 
 \ 
 
 AUf 
 
 FOR 
 
 lOA 
 
 H' RETURN TO the circulation desk of any 
 
 4 University of California Library 
 
 or to the 
 
 NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 * BIdg. 400, Richmond Field Station 
 University of California 
 Richmond, CA 94804-4698 
 
 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 
 
 • 2-month loans may be renewed by calling 
 (510)642-6753 
 
 • 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing 
 books to NRLF 
 
 • Renewals and recharges may be made 4 
 days prior to due date. 
 
 DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 
 
 OCT 1 n 2000 
 
 12,000(11/95) 
 
re 05716 
 
 ■jfi^ ■'•