-**=- 
 
 J-/S
 
 Ten times a day Ohocorua wept, 
 Ten fames a dayliis shadow swept 
 In plumy form arouad h.er ;
 
 HISTORY 
 
 INDIAN WARS OF NEf ENGLAND, 
 
 ELIOT THE APOSTLE 
 
 Fifty Years in the Midst of Them. 
 
 VOLS. I. AND II. 
 
 BY COL. ROBERT BOODEY CAVERLY, 
 
 AUTHOR OF GENEALOGICAL, POETICAL, AND OTHER WORKS. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 JAMES H. EARLE, 178 WASHINGTON STREET. 
 
 63 & 65 WASHINGTON STREET, CHICAGO. 
 
 1882.
 
 Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1882, by 
 
 ROBERT BOODEV CAVERLY, 
 
 111 the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 
 
 PRESS OF W. F. BROWN AND COMPANY, 2l8 FRANKLIN ST., BOSTON.
 
 MY REVEREND FRIEND 
 
 in literature and in life renowned, we inscribe this History of 
 startling events, events which transpired in the primeval 
 years of New England, at a period when civilization, as 
 against barbarism, began to break in; when, for the time being, 
 might made right; when brutalities, on the one side and on 
 the other, sought to gain the ascendancy; when a professed 
 humanity had been led to lay aside the Psalter, the Bible, and 
 the Prayer-book; when mutual madness waged a war of blood, 
 a war of extermination, threatening, as it did, devastation 
 and death, both to the Puritan and to the wild-man of the 
 wilderness. 
 
 Then it was that the fagot torch blazed at night to the burn- 
 ing down of camps and cots in the hamlet, and to the laying 
 waste of the rude wigwams of the wilderness. 
 
 It was then that the English sabre and the Indian tomahawk 
 had been made sharp ; then it was that the cry of vengeance, the 
 Indian war-whoop, and the wood-cry proclaiming danger and 
 death, brought consternation to men, women, and children ; then 
 it was, day and niuht. that mutual murders and hand-to-hand 
 conflicts crimsoned the skies, filling with despair the fields and 
 forests of New England. 
 
 And now, while the intelligent reader shall find in this volume 
 much to be deplored, still there may remain to him much to be 
 
 2024314
 
 4 DEDICATION. 
 
 pondered and cherished. While perusing it, startled as he may 
 be at the frailties of man's common nature, as developed from 
 a professed civilization or from a brute barbarism, and though 
 pained he sometimes may be, not being able to discover in their 
 several deeds of cruelty, much if any difference; yet, in read- 
 ing, it may be well to bear in mind, that the native Indian with 
 these New England annals, which tend to make his nature 
 offensive, has had nothing to do. 
 
 It is not to be ignored, that neither the pen nor the paper on 
 which we write is his ; that the ragged line of race and color 
 between him and us, which ought to be severed, still remains 
 a barrier not easily to be removed; that the conquered red- 
 man having vanished away, hath become unknown to us save 
 through an English history, written and published from time 
 to time by Cotton Mather, by Douglas, Hubbard, and others, 
 mostly in the midst of angry conflicts with an opposing race. 
 
 Hence, it now becomes us, in sight of the name and fame of 
 the native Indian, to yield and concede to him at least the 
 ordinary fairness of a Christian civilization. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that appears of his native nature, and the 
 dire deeds to which he in many instances had been provoked, 
 there are in him, often to be found, prominent specimens of 
 man's best estate. In him, as well as in the white-man, may 
 be learned the wrong and the right way. From both, and from 
 all else to be found in this book, may be obtained pure lessons 
 of love, which will prove plain and profitable to direct our pil- 
 grimage onward and upward iu and throughout the narrow 
 pathway of life. 
 
 K. B. C.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Wars of an hundred years. 
 
 King Philip and his Indian Na- 
 tions, 142. 
 
 Major Waidron massacred, 263. 
 
 Hannah Duston's captivity, and 
 her tragic release, 347. 
 
 Chocorua, slain in the moun- 
 tains, 397.* 
 
 Eliot, the Apostle, in peace and 
 war, 45, 397.* 
 
 Anna (Mountford) Eliot, 397.* 
 
 Sermon to the Red-man, 397.* 
 
 Philip's War, 144-146. 
 
 The sham light and its 400 pris- 
 oners, 247. 
 
 Wamesit (Lowell), its conflicts, 
 218, 297.* 
 
 Adams, Mass., an assault, 340. 
 
 Albany, N. Y., ammunition, 229. 
 
 Andovcr, Mass., massacre, 265. 
 
 Athol, Mass., assault, 840. 
 
 Amesbury, assault upon it, 275. 
 
 Alliances, 284. 
 
 Amoskeag Falls, 262. 
 
 Anecdotes (Indian), 134. 
 
 Arrovvsick, Me., its conflicts, 
 251, 252, 284. 
 
 Army raised by the four col- 
 onies, 182. 
 
 Barnard Family captives, 343. 
 
 Battle on the Mystic, 83, 100. 
 
 Battle on Sachem's Plain, 112. 
 
 Battles, 48, 67, 79, 102, 113, 139, 
 143, 155, 173, 176, 189, 192, 
 222, 224, 226, 248, 2C3, 269, 
 270, 287, 299, 306, 311, 313, 
 
 316, 318, 320, 321, 326, 329, 
 
 332, 334, 336, 337, 339, 349. 
 Black-point, troubled, Scar- 
 
 boro', 262. 
 Bedford, N. H., McQuade slain, 
 
 308. 
 Beers, Capt., in a conflict, 170, 
 
 172. 
 Berwick, Me. (conflicts in), 
 
 273, 313. 
 
 Billerica, Mass., massacre, 265. 
 Bloody Brook, battle (men of 
 
 Essex), 173. 
 Blind Will, 262. 
 Bradford, Mass, (massacre), 
 
 218. 
 Bradley, Hannah, in captivity, 
 
 378, 381, 382. 
 
 Bradley, Isaac, captive, 385. 
 Bridal party surprised (at 
 
 Wells), 337. 
 Bridgewater, Mass., assailed, 
 
 209. 
 
 Brookfleld, Mass, (battle), 169. 
 Boston in a hub-bub, 86. 
 Bounties for scalps, 283, 303, 
 
 Canonchet, chased, dies, 203. 
 Canonicus, his last words, &c., 
 
 72, 74, 91, 94. 
 Casco, Me., its conflicts, 241, 
 
 269, 273, 332. 
 Chelmsford, Mass., conflicts 
 
 at, 211, 217. 
 Church, Maj. Benja., 162, 274, 
 
 327, 335. 
 Clergy of N. E. in 1643, 119. 
 
 * Life of Eliot, page 397.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Clothing of the tribes, 26. 
 Colburn, Edward, killed at 
 
 Wamesit, 218, 397.* 
 Colonies alarmed, 1GO, 180. 
 Concord, Mass, (its conflicts), 
 
 217. 
 Concord, N. H. (its battles), 
 
 295. 
 Court (first trial here), 144. 
 
 Deerfleld, Mass. (its invasions). 
 
 171, 277. 
 
 Dedham and Seakonk, 223. 
 Dorchester, Oldham, 88. 
 Dover, N. II.. conflicts at, 263, 
 
 2G4, 270; 271, 276, 280, 304. 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 11. 
 Duustable, Mass, (conflicts), 
 
 275, 289, 295. 
 Durham (Oyster River), N. H., 
 
 143, 242, 276. 
 Dutch and Indian conflicts, 79, 
 
 81, 135, 138, 139, 141. 
 Duston, Thomas, Story of, 369, 
 
 373. 
 Dutch Robert, Story of, 174. 
 
 Easthampton, Mass., 278. 
 
 Exeter, N. H., massacres, 270, 
 275, 276, 279, 280. 
 
 Falmouth (Portland), Me. (con- 
 flicts), 310, 312. 
 
 Faltering of the tribes, 228. 
 
 Foreign wars, effect of here, 139. 
 
 Fort Henry assailed, 321, 326. 
 
 French and Indian battles, 137, 
 132, 382. 
 
 Garrisons, 172, 184, 232, 233, 
 
 244, 298, 336. 
 
 Goffe, William, concealed, 180. 
 Groton, Mass., massacres, 170, 
 
 210, 270. 
 
 Hadlcy, Conflicts at, 167, 172, 
 
 176, 220, 339. 
 
 Hatfleld depredations, 171. 
 Hartford, Conn., 79, 110, 118, 
 
 136, 175. 
 
 Hassamenosit (Grafton), 177. 
 Haverhill, Mass. (Dustou story, 
 
 &c.), 348, 355. 
 
 Hilton, Colonel, 280, 281, 284. 
 Hookset, N. H., massacre, 308. 
 
 Indians, their origin, 20, 21. 
 
 Language, 42. 
 
 Navigation, 34. 
 
 Insurrection, 53. 
 
 Time-keeping. &c., 33. 
 
 Manners, 25-27. 
 
 Names, 35. 
 
 Habits, 26, 27. 
 
 Numbers slain, 27*2. 
 
 Scalping, how done, 353. 
 
 Scalps, Bounty on, 283. 
 
 Mode of attack, 45. 
 
 Mode of living, 30-40. 
 
 History of old, 32-48. 
 
 Mode of dress, 26, 58, 63. 
 
 Depravity, 31. 
 
 Lands sold by Philip, 146- 
 148. 
 
 Spies, James and Job, 214. 
 Indictment and trial, 144. 
 
 Kingston conflicts, 275, 276. 
 Kittery massacre, 325. 
 
 Lancaster, fight at, 192-197. 
 Lathrop, Captain (contests), 
 
 170-173. 
 
 Leonardson, Samuel, 357. 
 Long Beach, 262. 
 Long Island and Block Island, 
 
 95, 132-136. 
 
 Lowell (Wamesit), Mass., 218. 
 Lovewell and his companies at 
 
 the pond, 289, 290, 294. 
 Louisburg, Fight at, 304-306. 
 
 Madocawanda, the chief, 251. 
 Marlboro', Mass., massacre, 
 
 257. 
 
 Massacre of Miantonimo, 117. 
 Massanonomo and squaw, 71- 
 
 72. 
 Massasoit, the chief, 63, 121.
 
 CONTEXTS, 
 
 Mayano's tribes and Dutch, 139. 
 Manhattan, Dutch, 139. 
 Mather, Cotton, 131, 132, 152. 
 Mecltield, Mass., Attack upon, 
 
 199-202. 
 Mendon, destroyed by Indians, 
 
 July 14, 1G75, 163.* 
 Methuen, Mary's fitrms, 393. 
 Mexain, Miantouimo accused, 
 
 108-115. 
 
 Missionaries expelled, 330. 
 Mohawks at Amoskeag, 262. 
 Mohegans, 77, 133, 1G5, 204. 
 Mount Hope, the home of 
 
 Philip, 142, 157, 287. 
 Mugg, the chief, 254-256. 
 
 Narragansetts, battle, 181-186. 
 Neffe, Mary (widow), 356. 
 New England and its landscape, 
 
 11, 20, 49. 
 
 New London troops, 77. 
 Ninegret, the sachem, 128. 
 Nipmucks defined, 165, 168, 191. 
 Norriclgewock, Me., 274. 
 Northfleld fight, 216, 222, 342. 
 Northampton fight, 176, 215, 
 
 220. 
 Norwich conflict, 112. 
 
 Oldham, John, 89, 90. 
 Old and new style, 301. 
 One-eyed John, 213. 
 Oweneco, the Mohegan, 154. 
 Origin of the tribes, 39. 
 OS'jipce, N. II , 255. 
 Oyster River (Durham), 242, 
 269, 274, 276. 
 
 Pakanekets,orWampanoags,3S. 
 Passaconaway, 121-124. 
 Paugus slain, 294. 
 Patuxet tribes, 202. 
 Pawtucket, Battle at, many 
 
 slain, 222. 
 Pembroke, N. H., 292. 
 
 Pemaquid, 258, 272, 273. 
 Pennacook's battle, 295-298. 
 Pequawket, 287. 
 Pemaquid fight, 258. 
 Pettysquamscot Swamp battle, 
 
 185-189. 
 Pequots, Warlike destruction 
 
 of, 77, 80, 84, 94, 100, 107. 
 Plantation at Sagadahock, 239. 
 Plymouth Colony, Pequots, 100. 
 Prayer/ its efficacy, 238. 
 Portsmouth, 262, 271, 281. 
 Philip's War, 237 slain, 141, 145, 
 
 153, 155, 169. 
 
 Quaboag tribe in Mass. ,216, 222. 
 
 Ralle, the missionary, slain, 
 
 283, 284, 285, 323. 
 Ramkamagus, a Penacook, 263. 
 Rattlesnake story, 92. 
 Rawlandson, Mrs., in captivity, 
 
 193, 201, 206. 
 Reading, Mass., 275-278. 
 Rehobath, Mass., arson, 162, 
 
 165, 202. 
 
 Reward for scalps, 283, 303, 308. 
 Robinhood and the dance, 240. 
 liolph, Rev. Benja., slain, 368. 
 Roxbury, the escort, 98. 
 Royalton, N. H., battle, 343. 
 
 Sachems and Sagamores, 68. 
 
 Saco invaded, 332. 
 
 Sachem's Plain, Battle at, 113. 
 
 Sagadahock, Plantation on, 239. 
 
 Sagamore, John, 230. 
 
 Salmon Falls massacre, 242, 
 
 261, 320, 369. 
 Samoset meets Pilgrims, 54, 
 
 58. 
 
 Sassamon, John, 144, 397.* 
 Sassacus and his tribe slain, 79, 
 
 84, 102, 106. 
 Saybrook, Fort, 99. 
 Scarborough, 332-334. 
 
 Massachusetts Gazeteer, by Rev. E. Nason, p. 335.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Settlers (number of killed 700), 
 
 330. 
 
 Scituate, massacre, 208, 339. 
 Saybrook, Invasion of, 96, 97. 
 Sham fight at Cocheco, 247. 
 Simon and his 20 Indians at 
 
 Portsmouth, 2G2. 
 Smith, Capt. John, 49. 
 Southampton, 341. 
 Squando, 200. 
 Squanto, G4-GG. 
 Squaw sachem drowned, 231. 
 Squaw sachem of Seaconct, 226. 
 Sterling, Mass., invaded, 279. 
 Stockbrklge, attacked, 341. 
 Stonewall, John, and crew, 184. 
 Stone, Captain, slain, 81. 
 Sudbury massacre, 204, 216, 223. 
 Speech of a squaw, 251. 
 
 Simmon, 333. 
 
 Springfield fight, 175, 179, 219. 
 Style, and how reckoned, 301. 
 Sudbury fights, 204, 216, 223. 
 Swansey, Mass., 155, 202, 208. 
 
 Taratine war and plague, 50. 
 Taunton, its 8 garrisons, 162. 
 Tisquantum, his captivity, &c., 
 
 51, 61, G5, 76. 
 Tribes, Names of, 34. 
 
 Origin of, 39. 
 Treaties, 85, 157, 160, 273, 
 
 281, 307, 322, 325, 329, 330, 
 
 331. 
 Trial of Miantonimo, 115, 116. 
 
 Wampapaquam, 144. 
 
 Uncas, the Mohegan, 108, 153. 
 
 Varnums at Wamesit, slain, 
 218, 397.* 
 
 Wadsworth, Captain, slain, 
 
 205. 
 Waldron, Major, 243, 247, 250, 
 
 259, 260, 263, 264. 
 Wamesit (Lowell), 218, 397.* 
 Wamsetta, 141. 
 Wars, 67, 100, 207, 332. 
 War-whoop and "wood-cry," 
 
 53, 54. 
 
 War on Long Island, 138. 
 Warwick-neck conflict, 226. 
 Westfleld massacre, 177. 
 Wells, Me., conflicts, 25, 262, 
 
 310, 318, 328, 333, 337. 
 Wethersfield murders, 99. 
 Wetamoo, squaw sachem, 149. 
 Williams, Roger, and Canoii- 
 
 icus, 73-74. 
 
 Wickford massacre, 150 wig- 
 wams burned, 183. 
 Wigwams, 300 in a swamp, 
 
 163. 
 Winslow, Gov., and Nat., the 
 
 juryman, 145. 
 Winter Harbor, fight, 337. 
 Whittaker, Jos., Story of, 375. 
 Women in war, 275, 384. 
 Worcester, skirmish, 278. 
 Wonalancet, peaceful, 123, 127, 
 
 167. 
 Wrentham, Mass., burnt, 340. 
 
 York, Town of, its garrisons, 
 
 &c., 316, 317. 
 Young men of Essex, slain, 173. 
 
 N. B. For further Table of Contents see in the context 
 " Eliot's Life," page (5) 401.
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 CHOCORUA AT THE GRAVE OF KEOKA . . Frontispiece 
 
 THE PEMIGEWASSETT 30 
 
 SAMOSET AND PILGRIMS 54 
 
 TREATY OF MASSASOIT WITH GOVERNOR CARVER . . 62 
 
 TlSQUANTUM IN THE CLOUD 76 
 
 THE CONFLICT 98 
 
 MOUNT GRACE, MASS. 198 
 
 THE GARRISON-HOUSE AT BARRINGTON, N. H. . . 232 
 
 RALLE'S MONUMENT AT NORRIDGEWOCK, ME. . . 284 
 
 BLOCK-HOUSE AT FORT HALIFAX, ME 312 
 
 GARRISON-HOUSE AT YORK, ME. (built about 1645) . . 316 
 
 LARABEE'S GARRISON, KENNEBUNK, ME. . . . 332 
 
 STATUE OF MRS. DUSTON ON THE ISLAND . . . 354 
 
 HANNAH DUSTON AT THE MASSACRE 362
 
 INVOCATION. 
 
 Bless me, ye powers! This world of ours, 
 
 In peaky, proudest beauty, 
 But points to Thee inspiring me 
 
 To diligence in duty. 
 
 True, true, they say, there is a better day: 
 And faith we ought to find it! 
 
 For the lights of love that burn above 
 Are lit for man to mind it.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INDIAN NATIONS: THEIR COUNTRY AND THEIR DE- 
 SCENT. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake's Advent. No Historic Record previously. Out- 
 lines of the New-England Territory. Beauties of its Landscape. 
 Poetical Description of its Creation, and of the Formation of 
 its Rivers. The Winnipiseogee, and other Lakes. Rivers and 
 Tributaries. Origin of the Indian Nations of the New World. 
 Their Manners and Habits. Their Numbers at the Coming of 
 the Puritans. Their Ignorance. Their Government. Their 
 Fashions of Dress. Kind at First. Changing Gradually by 
 the Machinations of the French, by Individual Indiscretion, and 
 by their own unbridled Infirmities. 
 
 HE history of New England is brief and 
 tragical. It dates back no farther than to 
 Sir Francis Drake, that adventurous white 
 man who in 1586 first touched upon its 
 shores, named it, and then, leaving it, 
 advanced onward upon his famous voyage around 
 the world. 
 
 Up to thai; period, whatever had transpired in the 
 affairs of this part of the New World is unknown. 
 Oblivion covers it : nor is it within the power of 
 mortal vision to trace or discover its outlines. Hence 
 every thing historical in this region, anterior to the
 
 12 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 advent of Drake, becomes a matter of mere inference, 
 or of curious speculation. 
 
 The countless years thus passed of man's career 
 Fraught with achievements oft enacted here, 
 With works of skill, what human thought could do, 
 With grand exploits, or deeds of direful hue, 
 With kings and prophets, chief in note or worth, 
 Through generations vast transpired on earth 
 Make but a blank in Time's historic lore, 
 Till voyagers from another world came o'er. 
 
 From my Merrimack, p. 22. 
 
 In Drake's time the length and breadth of territory 
 then comprised within the outward lines of Maine, 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and 
 Connecticut, was a vast wilderness, crowned with its 
 white mountains on the north-east, towering in the 
 clouds, and sending forth ten thousand rills to the 
 east, to the west, to the north, and to the south, 
 from which the beautiful Merrimack, the Connecticut, 
 and the Saco leaped forth as from the creation, and 
 with silvery waters then flowing, rolling, meander- 
 ing downward through the then vast wilderness, 
 
 To form a sea', and on the world bestow 
 
 A vast highway, with tides to ebb and flow ;
 
 THE STEEAM AND TIDE. 13 
 
 In light refulgent, in extent sublime, 
 To swarm with joyous life through endless time ; 
 To float huge ships in commerce and in strife 
 Of unborn nations waking into life. 
 
 Through constant heat her atoms rise again, 
 Floating in transit backward whence they came, 
 Feeding the streams with purer founts anew, 
 Which, made eternal, onward still pursue. 
 Both flood and vapor in one circuit run, 
 Like planet in her orb about the sun, 
 Or like the life-blood coursing in the vein 
 By means of arteries, return again, 
 Sustaining man's frail body from his birth, 
 So moving waters do the vital earth : 
 Pervading nature's germs and fibres free, 
 Upward in channels creep through herb and tree, 
 They deck the daisy in her checkered bloom, 
 And swell the rose to yield a sweet perfume, 
 Are felt in trunk, in branch, in bud, and leaves, 
 And thence escape in clouds borne on the breeze ; 
 Emblem of the " Eternal " in their round, 
 E'er free to give, but ne'er exhausted found. 
 
 Standing on the lofty heights of New England, 
 the historic spectator is entranced. He sees spread 
 out before him, southward and eastward, in azure
 
 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 brilliancy, its vast expanse of field and forest, of 
 mansion and village, interlaced with the meander- 
 ing Saco and Connecticut ; while rolling onward, as 
 if to its eternal destiny, in the midst of this beauti- 
 ful landscape is the 
 
 MEREIMACK. 
 
 Sweet river I thy true source which angels sung 
 At the creation when the world begun, 
 We seek ; and how thy rills, of chaos born, 
 First leaped rejoicing in their native form ; 
 When bleak New Albion's height began to rise, 
 And moon and stars, just formed, lit up the skies, 
 How the great God on high with outstretched hand 
 Divided waters from the massive land, 
 Scooped the vast concave of the ocean-bed, 
 And infant channels for the rivers made ; 
 And how and when his wisdom next arranges 
 To move the stagnant floods by natural changes, 
 Compel the seas their rugged bounds forsake, 
 Becloud the hills, and shining rivers make ; 
 To make thin vapors, heated to excess, 
 On ocean more, on terra firma less, 
 Out from the briny waves incessant rise 
 Above the hills, and back to other skies 
 Combine in clouds, and vast collections form, 
 Spreading the heavens with impending storm ;
 
 STORM AND TEMPEST. 15 
 
 Whence earth itself, full formed, begins to move 
 Through mighty conflicts by the hand of Jove, 
 Outward and onward from its native source, 
 Round with the whirling spheres to take its course. 
 Now then the forked light, ascending high, 
 Unveils the terrors of a troubled sky. 
 Tempestuous gales in darkness intervene, 
 Sweeping the world with howlings in extreme, 
 And thunderings loud : the clouds, let loose in drops, 
 Dash down their showers on the mountain-tops, 
 Then leap the streamlets from the mountain waste 
 As if by stern command requiring haste ; 
 As if God's power, with screw and lever plied, 
 Squeezing the lofty hills to raise the tide, 
 Would drown the earth in awful floods sublime, 
 For local sin, or want of faith divine ; 
 As since in wrath he did in Noah's time. 
 Thus at creation's dawn did Merrimacjs: 
 Begin to flow. The storm subsides ; and light 
 Bright gleaming sunbeams broke from sable night. 
 And now the sweeping wave, with banks o'erflown, 
 Brilliant and grand, 'mid azure splendor shown, 
 Rolls on : and with accumulated force 
 Of mighty waters on their destined course 
 Through naked banks ne'er washed by waves be- 
 fore; 
 Now curving o'er the cliff with dashing roar
 
 16 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Of cataract ; now swelling far and wide 
 Down sloping vales in full majestic tide ; 
 Then gliding smooth, as plain or meads ensue, 
 In tranquil pride resplendent bravely through 
 Conveys her fountains to the untried shore, 
 Where wave or flood had never reached before. 
 
 From my Merrimack, p. 11. 
 
 Such have been the workings of these tragic 
 waters from the creation. Such, indeed, was the 
 landscape view of New England in 1586, when Drake 
 discovered it ; differing only in change of the re- 
 volving seasons, as when the bleak blast of stormy 
 winter beat upon it, or when the zephyrs of sweet 
 summer fanned the old forest to a tranquil repose. 
 
 Beautiful landscape! From its lofty mountain 
 height, as if present, let us pause. The God of na- 
 ture is here : we behold him in the air, in the river, 
 in the cloud. Before us and around us is spread out 
 that wild New-England wilderness, which in the ad- 
 vancing years is to become the great battle-field of 
 the world, a crimson field, where barbarism is to 
 arise and manifest itself as never before, and where 
 civilization, as opposed to it, at the hand of God 
 and of the Pilgrim, is to live in its economy, and 
 obtain a foothold. 
 
 Here, too, the great Winnepiseogee, shining forth
 
 THE FINNY TRIBES 17 
 
 as it did at creation's dawn, together with other innu- 
 merable beautiful lakes teeming with life, dotted the 
 landscape. These, with the great rivers we have 
 named, and their tributaries, had been made alive 
 with sturgeon here, with salmon there, with shad, 
 alewives, and the finny tribes generally in abundant 
 varieties, of whose origin and advent we have spec- 
 ulated in " The Merrimack : " 
 
 Next near the shore, now gliding, glittering, seen, 
 
 Minnows innumerous in the waters green ; 
 
 Minute in size, some faster, fuller grown, 
 
 Each for an end, yet there unseen, unknown, 
 
 In caves now playful, cautious, prone to be ; 
 
 Then out in depths of waters sporting free, 
 
 Each draws from heaven the fleeting breath of life, 
 
 Here to subsist through elemental strife, 
 
 Varied in species, color, and in form, 
 
 Some cold in temperament, others warm, 
 
 Each to its kind attached, prolific, free 
 
 To seek and share a common destiny. 
 
 In lapse of time from tiny minim grown, 
 
 The whale loomed up in vast proportion shown. 
 
 Now restless seeks more spacious depths to gain, 
 
 And finds a homestead in the briny main. 
 
 Huge sturgeons too, all fish of larger growth 
 
 Swelled the deep current seaward splashing forth ;
 
 18 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 While smaller forms, as trout and pickerel, 
 
 Inhabit native streams, content to dwell 
 
 Fresh-water tenants, tranquil quite as yet 
 
 By foe unsought, unhurt by hook or net ; 
 
 While others rove. The favorite salmon tries 
 
 The arctic seas in light of other skies ; 
 
 Yet, when sweet spring betides the Merrimack, 
 
 His out-bound path he fondly follows back 
 
 With finny tribes. Then through the inlets trace 
 
 A countless progeny, an infant race 
 
 From hidden spawns, to swarm the harmless shore ; 
 
 Then gambol outward, onward as before, 
 
 Quiet, yet quick in transit to and fro, 
 
 E'er keen to see what makes for weal or woe, 
 
 They drink sweet joys in light of nature given, 
 
 And fill a purpose grand, ordained of Heaven. 
 
 Thus, then, did the bright waters of New England 
 teem with inhabitants, lined and surrounded as they 
 were by that lofty old forest that had stood the tem- 
 pestuous blast of the eternal ages, and never as yet 
 had seen the woodman's axe. Majestic, lofty as 
 ever it then stood, casting its shadows at the foot of 
 the mountains, on the margin of the lakes and rivers 
 of New England, and along the shores of the sea, as 
 it loomed up in the sublimity of its beauty. Ancient, 
 venerable old forest! Where, oh where are the
 
 BEAST AND BIRD. 19 
 
 tribes that knew thee of yore ? Within and beneath 
 the shadows of thy waving boughs various fruits of 
 the earth had sprung forth ; and the wild deer, the 
 moose, the roebuck, the stag, the bear, the beaver, 
 and other wild animals, have come forth and gam- 
 bolled, each race in its turn passing away, unknown 
 of the white man, from the beginning of the world. 
 
 Here also did the beautiful bird delight to dwell, 
 in nearly all its varieties, from the noble, historic 
 eagle to the sedate and lonely little sparrow. 
 
 Of the origin or advent of all these have we spec- 
 ulated in " The Merrimack : " 
 
 Meanwhile, the tree, for fruit and forest sprung 
 
 From latent life beneath the soil, begun 
 
 To spread in varied shadows Mother Earth 
 
 Verdant and fruitful ; in productive birth 
 
 Alike of insects strange, of beast or bird, 
 
 In pairs connubial, fit for flock or herd. 
 
 As thus 'mid thicket dense, or bower green, 
 
 In earth or air, at first half-hidden seen 
 
 The merest mites, thence, formed and fluttering, move 
 
 Unfeathered owls, the raven, hawk, and dove ; 
 
 Whence flaunts the eagle due in course of time, 
 
 And songsters warbli ng wing for every clime ; 
 
 Whence all the nervy tenants of the air, 
 
 From proudest swan to flitting insect rare,
 
 20 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Whence clods of earth, and drops of water pure, 
 First fraught with life, with life can but endure. 
 Of tardy growth, sleek whelps in tiny form, 
 From latent caverns in the hill-side warm, 
 Of panther race, and beasts of other kind, 
 At length emerge, and habits varied find. 
 
 But the most interesting production found on these 
 shores by the first adventurers was the red man. 
 How long he had lived and wandered in this wilder- 
 ness with his tribes, subsisting from day to day 
 almost entirely upon the productions of a New- 
 England forest, and of its lakes and rivers, was and 
 still remains a mystery. 
 
 HIS ORIGIN. 
 
 The origin of the natives of this new world is like 
 a sealed book. All speculations in reference to it 
 are attended with extreme doubt and uncertainty. 
 No theory is satisfactory. -These benighted sons, of 
 themselves knew nothing, and had no definite idea 
 of the paternity of their race ; and in this, perhaps, 
 we are no wiser than they. Many have believed 
 them to be of Asiatic origin, and that they had 
 crossed over here upon the ice that covers the north- 
 ern coast of America. 
 
 Yet, opposed to such a theory, is the fact that there
 
 INDIAN DESCENT. 21 
 
 is a vast dissimilarity now existing between the 
 Asiatics, and the North-American Esquimaux and 
 other Indians. Reason would seem to warrant the 
 belief, that, in the absence of proof to the contrary, 
 the same race of men that our forefathers first found 
 had always been here. 
 
 That the " New World " had existed for thousands 
 of years without having a race of men upon it, would 
 seem but little short of a rash presumption. 
 
 That it had been left to accident ; that it had 
 been left to be peopled by the passing of a tribe from 
 Asia over an unknown arctic region, too cold for 
 human existence to get to it, would seem to be 
 a presumption quite as rash. 
 
 On the whole, we can but perceive that the wild 
 forests of America, when discovered by the white 
 race, were as well suited to the Indian as the Indian 
 was to the forest. And that the Indian here was no 
 more a matter of accident than was the forest itself ; 
 and that both were but parts of one and the same 
 great design, would seem to be the most reasona- 
 ble theory. 
 
 In alluding to his origin, as may be seen in my 
 " Merrimack " of years ago, we made suggestions as 
 follows :
 
 22 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 HIS CREATION. 
 
 Then next from curious germ beneath the sod, 
 
 Now blest of needful care of nature's God, 
 
 Whose eye, all-seeing, here began to scan 
 
 The strange invention of mysterious man, 
 
 By vigorous thrift, as fell the beaming rays 
 
 Of Phoebus, fitly felt on vernal days, 
 
 Came forth an Indian's form divine, 
 
 First spawn of manhood on the stream of time, 
 
 Basking in valleys wild, earth-formed, earth-fed, 
 
 For ripened age by native reason led ; 
 
 And chief o'er beast and bird in power became, 
 
 A fitful terror to the timid game. 
 
 And so it was: the manners and habits of the 
 native Indians, for aught we know, had always been 
 the same as now. Tradition affords us nothing 
 otherwise. They are known only as they were first 
 found by the adventurer from the Old World. 
 
 Their history, circumscribed as it is within the 
 limits of t-heir short existence with the white man, 
 comprises the record - of their race for all time. 
 Probably for thousands of years they had been noth- 
 ing but wild hunters, with manners and habits the 
 same, unimproved, unchanged, as is described in 
 " The Merrimack : "
 
 THE INDIAN'S GOD AND LIFE. 23 
 
 And thus, o'er land and stream, for ages long, 
 
 A race of red men, vagrant, plod along 
 
 With language taught from rustic nature's throne, 
 
 And habits each peculiarly their own ; 
 
 On growth spontaneous fed, content with prey, 
 
 What serves the purpose of a single day. 
 
 Their God is seen afar at rise of sun ; 
 
 Their life in heaven is hunting, here begun. 
 
 By laws unwritten, sachems rule the tribes, 
 
 And lead the host wherever ill betides 
 
 To fatal war. By force of arrows hurled, 
 
 They reigned sole monarchs in this western world. 
 
 It is asserted, that, when the Pilgrims landed, 
 there were then about twenty nations, or tribes, of 
 Indians in New England. These nations were dis- 
 tinct from each other, but united sometimes for 
 mutual protection, and for the purposes of war. In 
 every tribe there was a chief, or sagamore, to whom 
 all the others paid deference. But, as has already 
 been stated, the Indian wars, and the plague of 
 1617-18, had greatly reduced their numbers. 
 
 In the same work I once briefly discoursed of 
 
 HIS HABITS. 
 
 Increased at length by nature's self-same laws 
 To numerous tribes, prolific men and squaws,
 
 24 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 From artful wigwams new spread o'er the land, 
 
 First skill evinced in architecture grand, 
 
 He wanders wild, belted with arrows keen, 
 
 And blest with knowledge right and wrong between, 
 
 A stately priest at peace. Provoked to strife, 
 
 He wields a hatchet and a scalping-knife 
 
 With dire revenge. E'er true to self and squaw, 
 
 He knows no faith, no code, but nature's law ; 
 
 His footsteps fondly dwell where now we trace 
 
 Primeval heirlooms of the human race, 
 
 The chisel smooth, and tomahawk, first made 
 
 Of stone, ere art had formed the iron blade ; 
 
 Where, from a narrow dock, with native crew, 
 
 He launched in naval pride the first canoe, 
 
 And ploughed the Merrimack. His dripping oar 
 
 Ripples the waters, never pressed before ; 
 
 Bestirs the scaly tribes to nervous fear 
 
 For rights most sacred thus invaded here, 
 
 As if by instinct they the chieftain knew 
 
 To be a tyrant and a glutton too, 
 
 Intent on native beast or bird or fish, 
 
 By slaughter dire to fill a dainty dish ; 
 
 Whose webs are nets from bark of trees alone, 
 
 And mills that grind are mortars made of stone ; 
 
 Who clothed his tribes, if clad they e'er appear, 
 
 In raiment plundered from the bounding deer ; 
 
 Who maketh treacherous hooks from guiltless bones, 
 
 And drags a deadly net o'er sacred homes.
 
 GOVERNMENT OF THE TRIBES. 25 
 
 HIS IGNORANCE. 
 
 He was no artisan. His wigwam and birch canoe 
 evinced the best skill in architecture which he ever 
 had. His paintings were extravagant and gaudy, 
 his colors brilliant. The flesh side of skins taken by 
 the Indian hunter was generally taken on which to 
 paint. These he spotted in curious, fantastic hues, 
 and often with fantastic colorings such as none but a 
 wild man could make, contrive, or invent. He knew 
 but little, and sought for improvement in nothing. 
 
 HIS GOVERNMENT. 
 
 In other parts of the earth all societies or cohabi- 
 tants are controlled by governments, and an absolute 
 compelling power is lodged somewhere, and in some 
 manner, in each and all of them ; but not so with the 
 North- American Indians. They had, substantially, 
 no compelling power the one over another. 
 
 When a tribe or neighborhood sent delegates to 
 treat with other tribes, or with bodies of white men, 
 the conclusions were always carried home memoriter ; 
 and the young men, who were always to be depended 
 on in war, must be persuaded to accede to all of their 
 general articles of agreement for peace or for war. 
 And, in the tide of events, if, from war and blood.
 
 26 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 they at any time were forced into a defeat or into 
 an humble treaty of peace, the blame, as of course, 
 would always fall upon their young men. 
 
 THEIR CLOTHING. 
 
 The Northern Indians wore skins of seals, cut in 
 different ways, according to their curious, fantastic 
 fashions, and sewed together with thongs. They 
 had no threads of flax or hemp. In other parts of 
 the country they wore skins from the various beasts 
 of the forest. 
 
 After the first English settlements in New England, 
 they wore duffels and blanketings of about two yards 
 square, which the Romans would have denominated 
 " togas." Their sagamores, or sachems, wore blankets 
 with borders of different colors. 
 
 When the explorers of New England first made 
 their appearance here, the Indians generally enter- 
 tained them with a generous feeling, seldom if 
 ever doubting their sincerity and truth. But after a 
 series of years had elapsed, partly by reason of 
 the wild, cruel, and uncultivated nature of the Indian 
 himself, and of his unstable, treacherous disposition ; 
 and partly by reason of the want of kindness, discre- 
 tion, honesty, and fairness, of individual white men, 
 who from time to time violated law and justice ; and 
 partly from the secret machinations of French Jesuits
 
 INDIAN CHARACTER. 27 
 
 and their hirelings, who took an interest in advising 
 and instigating the Northern and Eastern tribes to 
 make war upon the English, the native Indian, 
 who had theretofore been master of the soil, began to 
 consider himself in the place of a degraded servant. 
 Hence he manifested himself true to his nature ; and 
 at every provocation, real or surmised, he sprang 
 forth from his secret hiding-places, an implacable 
 enemy to the white man, quick at resentment, and 
 reckless in revenge. Notwithstanding the agency 
 which some of the French in Canada had in starting 
 and perpetuating at least a part of the Indian wars 
 in New England, yet they were led to see the 
 Indian's true nature and character: they named 
 him (as some think) accurately, " Les homines des 
 bois," men-brutes of the forest. 
 
 MANNERS IN THE WIGWAM. 
 
 "The business of the women is to take exact 
 notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories 
 (for they have no writing), and communicate it to 
 theii children. They are the records of the council ; 
 and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in 
 treaties a hundred years back, which, when we com- 
 pare with our writings, we always find exact. He 
 that would speak rises. The rest observe a pro- 
 found silence.
 
 28 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 When he has finished, and sits down, they leave 
 him five or six minutes to recollect, that if he has 
 omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any 
 thing to add, he may rise again, and deliver it. To 
 interrupt another, even in common conversation, is 
 reckoned highly indecent. How different this is 
 from the mode of conversation in many polite com- 
 panies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your 
 sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the 
 middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you 
 converse with, and never. suffered to finish it! " 
 
 Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, 
 we apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and 
 unassuming often find it exceedingly difficult to gain 
 a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider 
 themselves examples of good manners, transgress to 
 an insufferable degree, in breaking in upon the con- 
 versations of others. Some of these, like a ship 
 driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small 
 craft in her course, come upon us by surprise ; and, if 
 we attempt to proceed by raising our voices a little, 
 we are sure to be drowned by a much greater eleva- 
 tion on their part. It is a want of good-breeding, 
 which, it is hoped, every young person whose eye 
 this may meet will not be guilty of through life. 
 There is great opportunity for many even of mature 
 years to profit by it. S. Cr. .Drake.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 INDIAN NATIONS, THEIR TRIBES AND HABITS. 
 
 Always at Leisure. His Habits, and Mode of Living. Fish as 
 found in the New-England Rivers. Indian Deceit, Revenge, 
 and Barbarity. Have but little Honesty. No Faith. Their 
 Paintings. Reckonings of Time, Distances, &c. Names of 
 some of the Tribes. The Winnepiseogees. Definitions of In- 
 dian "Words. The Abeiiaqui Indians. Number of Several of 
 the Tribes. Their Locations. Tribes Anciently. Their own 
 Hostilities favored the English in New England. Never lay up 
 Any Thing in Store. Their Medical Practice. Language and 
 Reckonings. Hieroglyphics. Their Fashion of changing their 
 Names. Names of Massasoit's Two Sous changed. Eliot 
 prints a Bible in Indian Language. Naticks. Indian Mode 
 of Attack. 
 
 N Indian was always at leisure. He knew 
 no overtasking of the brain, had no 
 troublesome extensive trade, no taxes to 
 pay, no rents, no national debts. All 
 his surroundings were free to him. Each 
 had a share in the cool and shady hunting-grounds, in 
 the skies above them, and in the best fishing-places. 
 
 His corn-fields were where he sowed his seed. 
 His tobacco was a constant luxury to him; and his 
 fishing and hunting was a favorite pastime. 
 
 His wants, being few, were easily supplied. The
 
 30 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 bow-arrow and the fishing-rod afforded him a 
 competence in food and raiment : these were sub- 
 stantially the implements of his toil and of his 
 care. 
 
 With his squaw, who often wandered from the 
 wigwam in company with his tribe, he was usually 
 contented and happy. His home was made glad with 
 the song and the dance, and in the smoking or 
 " drinking the pipe," as they usually termed it. 
 
 The large lakes and rivers always afforded him 
 excellent fishing-places. The rivers were a constant 
 income, as vast highways, which brought to him, at 
 every returning spring, a full supply of salmon, ale- 
 wives, and shad. 
 
 At that day, no dams or bars being in the way to 
 impede the advent or progress of the finny tribes, 
 they came in vast numbers, and ever proved a source 
 of wealth to the Indian. At the forks of the Mer- 
 rimack the salmon, which always seek the coldest 
 climes, generally took the cold water, and went up 
 the Pemigewasset ; while the others took to the warm 
 water, and followed the Winnepeseogee to the lake, 
 or into the smaller streams. 
 
 From these rivers and their tributaries, the thirty 
 thousand Indians that used to trail along these val- 
 leys obtained the principal share of their support. 
 For thousands of years the waters of our rivers had
 
 THE PEMIGEWASSETT, page 30.
 
 INDIAN DEPRAVITY. 31 
 
 afforded the red man an abundant supply. Salmon 
 weighing twenty or thirty pounds were not uncom- 
 mon. There were then no gates to close up Nature's - 
 highway, no dashing wheels to frighten back the fish ; 
 nor was there then any need of artificial steps or fish- 
 ways to lead the bewildered tribes (as are now in- 
 vented, but as yet in vain) over high dams into the 
 ponds above. 
 
 Kind Nature had given to the native Indian the 
 waters of these rivers to run freely down, as from 
 the creation they had run ; and had given to the fish 
 common highways to advance upward in them. Yet 
 by what is now termed the progress of civilization, \ 
 the tribes of fish, as well as the tribes of red men, 
 have become almost extinct in and about the rivers 
 of New England. 
 
 Sturgeons used to be caught in the Merrimack. As 
 these large fish passed up the river, two Indians, the 
 one to scull the boat, and the other to throw the 
 weapon, would spear them. Many a noble sturgeon, 
 from year to year, was thus slain, and tugged ashore 
 from his native waters. 
 
 HIS DEPRAVITY AND REVENGE. 
 
 Douglas, who wrote a hundred and twenty-five 
 years ago, says, " Indians are not so polite as the 
 wandering Tartars. Like the wild Irish, they dread
 
 32 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 labor more than poverty. Like dogs, they are always 
 either eating or sleeping, except in travelling, hunt- 
 ing, and their dances : their sloth and indolence in- 
 cline them to sottishness. Before Christians arrived 
 amongst them, they had no knowledge of strong 
 drink : this Christian vice not only destroys their bod- 
 ily health and that of their progeny, but creates feuds, 
 outrages, and horrid murders. They are much given 
 to deceit and lying, so as scarce to be believed when 
 they speak the truth. Their temper is the reverse 
 of East Indians, whereof some castes or sects will not 
 kill any animal : the West Indians, or Americans, are 
 barbarous, and upon small provocations kill their own 
 species. Some of them exceed in barbarity, and in 
 revenge and fury eat the flesh of their enemies, not 
 from hunger or delicacy. Such were the Florida In- 
 dians : they said that the flesh of the English ate mel- 
 low and tender, that of the Spaniard, hard and 
 tough, the Bermudian, fishy. 
 
 " The Aboriginal Americans have no honesty, no 
 honor : that is, they are of no faith, but mere brutes 
 in that respect. They generally have great fortitude 
 of mind: without any appearance of fear or con- 
 cern, they suffer any torture and death. In revenge 
 they are barbarous and implacable : they never forget 
 nor forgive injuries. If one man kills another, the 
 nearest in kindred to the murdered watches an
 
 INDIAN PAINTINGS AND TIME-KEEPING. 33 
 
 opportunity to kill the murderer ; and the death of 
 one man may occasion the deaths of many ; therefore, 
 when a man is guilty of murder, he generally leaves 
 (he tribe, and goes into a kind of voluntary banish- 
 ment. They are a sullen, close people. The Indian 
 wars ought to be called massacres, or inhuman barba- 
 rous outrages, rather than necessary acts of hostil- 
 ity." 
 
 PAINTING AND TIME-KEEPING. 
 
 " Indians in general," says Douglas, " paint their 
 bodies, especially their faces (they affect red colors), 
 as the Picts and Britons of Great Britain formerly 
 were accustomed. 
 
 " In the higher latitudes the Indians reckon their 
 time by winters (years), by moons (months), and by 
 sleeps (nights). 
 
 " Between the tropics they reckon by rains (the 
 seasons of rains : the end of summer and beginning 
 of autumn are periodical, as are our winters), moons, 
 and sleeps. 
 
 IN COMPUTING DISTANCES. 
 
 " They reckon by sleeps, or days' travel (as the 
 Dutch do by hours), viz., so many sleeps or days' 
 travel from one place to another."
 
 34 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 THEIR NAVIGATION. 
 
 This was by the " crossing of rivers upon bark- 
 loys, travelling along on the rivers or rivulets, and on 
 the sides of the lakes, in canoes or ' schuyties,' port- 
 able by two men in their carrying-places from one 
 river or pond to another : they are of birch-bark, 
 upon ribs of ash, sewed together by some tough 
 wooden fibres, and paid (as sailors express it), with 
 rosin from the pine-tree. They use no sails or oars, 
 only paddles and setting-poles. The boat is capable 
 of carrying a man, his wife, children, and baggage. 
 
 " Narrow rivers are better travelling than ponds 
 and lakes, because upon the lakes, if stormy or much 
 wind, they cannot proceed, but must put to the 
 shore." 
 
 THE TRIBES. 
 
 The names of the tribes led for the most part 
 by the Pennacooks were, the Agawams of Essex 
 County, the Massachusetts, Wamesits, Nashuas, 
 Souhegans, Namoskeags, and Winnipesaukees. 
 Aside from these, there were other tribes, foreign to 
 the Merrimack, yet acknowledging fealty to the 
 great Pennacook in his confederacy, to wit, the 
 Wachusetts, Coosucks, Pequakuakes, Ossipees, 
 Squamscotts, Winnecowetts, Piscataquaukes, Newi- 
 chewannocks, Sacos, and Amariscoggins.
 
 INDIAN LANGUAGE. 35 
 
 NAMES AND DERIVATIONS. 
 
 *' The Winnipesaukees for the most part occupied 
 the lands and islands in and about their favorite 
 lake of that name. Its outlet, the Weirs, had been 
 for hundreds and perhaps thousands of years their 
 rallying-point, to which they had been in the habit 
 of returning from their wanderings. Winnipesau- 
 kee is derived from winne (beautiful), nipe (water), 
 kees (high), and auke (a place), literally meaning 
 the beautiful water of the high place. Wachu- 
 setts comes from wadcher (a mountain) and auke 
 (a place) : these centred near Wachusetts Moun- 
 tain in Massachusetts. The Coosucks : this cogno- 
 men is derived from cooash (pines) ; and they most- 
 ly dwelt on and boated in and about the Connecti- 
 cut River. The Pequaquaukes from Pequaquis 
 (crooked) and auke (a place) lived, hunted, and 
 fished up and down their favorite Saco, in Maine and 
 New Hampshire. The Ossipees, from cooash (pines) 
 and nipe (river), wandered in and about Ossipee 
 Lake and its river, in the county of Carroll, N.H., and 
 in York County, Me. The 8wamscotts from wiune 
 (beautiful), asquam (water), and auke (a place) 
 hunted upon Exeter River in Exeter, and Stratham 
 in Rockingham County, N.H. The Winnecowetts, 
 froni winne (beautiful), cooash (pines), and auke (a
 
 36 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 place) lurked about in the same county. The 
 Piscataquaukes from pos (great), attuck (a deer), 
 and auke (a place) fished and hunted on the banks 
 of the Piscataqua, between the southeastern part 
 of New Hampshire and Maine. The Newichewar- 
 nocks, from me (my), week (a contraction of week- 
 warn, a house), and ouannocks (come) : they inhab- 
 ited the upper branches of the same river, known as 
 the Salmon Falls and the Cocheco. The name Sacos 
 was taken from sawa (burnt), coo (pine), and auke 
 (a place) : they dwelt mostly upon Saco River, in 
 the county of York, Me. And the Amariscog- 
 gins derived. from mamaos (fish), kees (high), and 
 auke (a place) had their dwelling-places and hunt- 
 ing-grounds upon the Amariscoggin River, which 
 took its rise in the New-Hampshire hills, and empties 
 its waters into the Kennebec." 
 
 All the tribes of the interior, as contradistin- 
 guished from those near to the shores of the sea, 
 were known and designated in Indian parlance as 
 Nipmucks, or fresh- water Indians. " Nipmuck is de- 
 rived from nipe (still water), and auke (a place), 
 with the letter ' m ' thrown in for the sake of the 
 euphony." 
 
 Northerly, and yet on the south side of the St. 
 Lawrence River, there were tribes in the early days
 
 INDIAN NATIONS, SMALL. 
 
 of New England who were denominated 
 Indians, to wit, Delorette, a very small tribe a little 
 below Quebec ; Wanonoaks, on the River Besancourt, 
 or Puante, over against Les Trois Rivieres, not ex- 
 ceeding forty fighting men ; about ten leagues higher 
 was the tribe Areusiguntecook, on the River St. 
 Francois, about a hundred and sixty fighting men ; 
 on the east side of Lake Champlain was the tribe 
 of Mesiassuck, sixty fighting men ; a little above 
 Montreal were the Kabnuagas, about eighty men, 
 being a parcel of idle " ave Maria " praying In- 
 dians, runaways from the New- York Mohawks 
 and River Indians. " They swallowed their flesh 
 and fish raw, and went naked, or covered with seal 
 and other skins. They were in small clans, very 
 idle, much dispersed, and of no great benefit to trade 
 or to the world." 
 
 Douglas says the northern tribes were small and 
 distinct. A large parcel of land lying waste, in 
 winter countries, for many months in the year, not 
 fertile and not cleared of wood, cannot subsist many 
 people ; but these small tribes, though much dispersed, 
 were allied by contiguity, language, and intermar- 
 riages. " Thus it is with our neighboring Abna- 
 quies, who border upon New England ; the Iroquois, 
 or Mohawks, who border upon New York, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Virginia ; and the Chirakees, who border
 
 38 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 upon Carolina. These may be called three distinct 
 nations."* 
 
 Other distinct tribes were also to be found then 
 or later. In Connecticut were what were called the 
 Pequots, the Quinrripiaes, the Tunxis, and the Ham- 
 monassets. In Maine the Etecliemins dwelt farthest 
 towards the East : and the Abenaquis, of whom the 
 Terratines were a part, hunted on both sides of the 
 Penobscot ; and at one time their boundaries ex- 
 tended from the English settlements on the Atlantic 
 shore to the Bay of Fundy, Lake Champlain, and to 
 the Rivers Hudson and St.. Lawrence. The Indian 
 population in New England at the begirining of its 
 settlement by the English has been estimated at 
 about fifty thousand, at which time the District of 
 Maine contained about one-fourth part, and Con- 
 necticut and Rhode Island about one-half. 
 
 The Pakanokets, or Wampanaogs, hunted in South- 
 eastern Massachusetts, near Buzzard's and Narragan- 
 set Bays ; the Narragansets, in Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, and some of them along the banks of the 
 Thames ; and the Mohegans at or near the shores of 
 the Connecticut River. The Wamesets had a village 
 dwelling-place in Wamesit, at the junction of the 
 Concord and Merrimack Rivers, now Lowell, Massa- 
 chusetts, where Eliot often preached to the tribes of 
 Wonalancet. 
 
 * Douglas wrote in 1749.
 
 POPULATION OF NATIONS. 39 
 
 TRIBES ORIGINALLY. 
 
 In Bible history, it appears, all mankind anciently 
 lived in small tribes. Abraham and his allies could 
 muster only three hundred and eighteen men : with 
 these he defeated four great kings who had con- 
 quered several kings. 
 
 " Where lands lie not cultivated, the Tribes must 
 necessarily be small." 
 
 " From a country thus reduced to a small stock 
 we may investigate the various degrees of civil gov- 
 ernment. At first they were only distinct Families 
 left isolated, and their government was patriarchal ; 
 that is, by heads of families. These heads of fami- 
 lies soon became acquainted and neighborly, and for 
 mutual protection and good neighborhood entered 
 into associations by us called Tribes, Cantons, or 
 Clans ; and several of these Tribes, upon suspicion of 
 some ambitious design of some neighboring powerful 
 Tribes, for their better defence were obliged to enter 
 into a federal Union, and at length were incorpo- 
 rated into one general direction called a Nation or 
 Empire. Perhaps we may suppose that such were 
 the empires of Mexico and Peru." 
 
 FEW AND FEEBLE. 
 
 Douglas also says that the Europeans, on account 
 of their disparity of numbers, never could have sue-
 
 40 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 ceeded in their settlement here, if the tribes (many of 
 them) had not joined them by reason of hostilities 
 among themselves. Thus Cortez in Mexico was assist- 
 ed by several of the disaffected tribes ; and on the other 
 hand, after the landing of the Pilgrims, Massasoit 
 was made formidable as against the Narragansets by 
 the use of fire-arms obtained from the English. 
 
 A Spanish bishop of the West Indies, a man of 
 observation, many years ago wrote as follows : " The 
 Indians are of a tender constitution. No part of 
 Europe was more populous than Mexico upon the 
 Spaniards' first arrival there. The Spaniards in the 
 first forty years destroyed about twenty millions of 
 them. They left but a few Indians in Hispaniola, 
 none upon Cuba, Jamaica, Bahama Islands, Porto 
 Rico, and Caribee Islands, excepting upon Domi- 
 nica and St. Vincent, where they remain to this day." 
 
 THEIR FOOD, AND MODE OF LIVING. 
 
 " Our Indians do not imitate the Bees, Ants, 
 &c., in laying up Stores, but, like rapacious ani- 
 mals, live from Hand to Mouth : after long Fasting 
 they are voracious, and upon a Glutonous Repast 
 can fast many Days by bracing in or reefing their 
 Girdles or Belts. 
 
 " The far North Indians of West Greenland, Terra 
 dc Labarador, &c., live upon the Blubber of Whales,
 
 INDIAN MODE OF SUBSISTENCE. 41 
 
 Seals, and other Fish; and their most generous Bev- 
 erage is Fish-Oil : scarce any Quadrupids or Fowls, 
 not only from the Severity and long Continuance of 
 their cold Weather, Frost and Snow, but also 
 because their Meadows and other Lands instead of 
 Grass and other Herbage bear only Moss. 
 
 " The Indians in the more moderate Climates live by 
 Hunting, Fowling, and Fish. They do not clear and 
 cultivate the Forest by planting and grazing : lately 
 some of their Squaas or Women improve in planting 
 of Mays and Indian Beans. Their Bread Kind are 
 Mays or Indian Corn, Phaseolus Kidney or Indian 
 Beans, several Sorts of tuberous Roots called 
 Ground Nuts, several Sorts of Berries, particularly 
 several Sorts of Vitis Idea in New England called 
 Huckle-Berries. Upon a continued March, where 
 Hunting and Fowling is inconsiderable, they carry 
 with them for subsistence parched Indian Corn, 
 called No-cake. 
 
 " The Abnaquies, or New England Northern and 
 Eastern Indians, because of the Hunting and Fowl- 
 ing failing, during the Winter are obliged to remove 
 to the Sea-side, and live upon Clams, Bass, Sturgeons, 
 &o, 
 
 " Their -medical Practice resembles that of officious 
 old Women in some remote Country Villages of 
 Europe, meer Empiricism, or, rather, a traditionary
 
 42 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 blind Practice : they regard only the Symptoms that 
 strike the gross Senses most, without Respect to any 
 less obvious principal Symptom which may be called 
 the Disease, or to Constitution, Sex, and Age. 
 
 INDIAN LANGUAGE. 
 
 "Their Manner of Expression is vehement and 
 emphatick : their Ideas being few, their Language is 
 not copious : it consists only of a few Words, and 
 many of these ill contrived : by a rumbling Noise or 
 Sound of many syllables they express an Idea or 
 Thing which in the European Language is done by 
 a Syllable or two. 
 
 " As their Ideas increase, they are obliged to adopt 
 the European Words of adjoining Colonies. 
 
 " In numbering they use the same natural Way of 
 reckoning by Tens, as in Europe, Ten being the 
 Number of humane Fingers. 
 
 "No Cronocles, scarce any traditionary accounts 
 of Things extending back further than two or three 
 .Generations : scarce any Indians can tell their own 
 Age. 
 
 " They had no Characters, that is, Hieroglyphics or 
 Letters : they had a few symbols or signatures, as if 
 in a Heraldry Way to distinguish Tribes : the princi- 
 pal were the Tortois, the Bear, the Wolf. 
 
 " There was not the least Vestage of Letters in
 
 INDIANS MADE NO LETTERS. 43 
 
 America. Some years since a certain credulous Per- 
 son and voluminous Author imposed upon himself 
 and others : he observed in a tiding River a Rock, 
 which, as it was not of uniform Substance, the ebb- 
 ing and the flowing of the Tide made a Sort of ver- 
 mulure, Honey-combing or etching on its Face : here 
 he immagined that he had discovered the America 
 Indian Characters, and, overjoyed, remits some lines 
 of his imaginary Characters to the Royal Society in 
 London. See Philosophical Transactions, No. 389. 
 
 " ' At Taunton by the Side of a tiding River, Part 
 in, Part out, of the River, there is a large Rock, on 
 the perpendicular Side of which, next to the Stream, 
 are 7 or 8 Lines about 7 or 8 feet long, and about a 
 Foot wide each of them, engraven with unaccount- 
 able Characters not like any known Character.' 
 
 " This may be supposed to have been written 
 Anno 1714. At present (Anno 1747) by the con- 
 tinued ebbing and flowing, the Honey-combing is so 
 altered as not in the least to resemble his Draught 
 of the Characters. 
 
 " As the Indians were so rude as to have no letters 
 or other Characters, there is no certain Way of 
 writing their Names of Things : all we can do is to 
 express their Sounds or Pronunciations as near as 
 may be in our own letters. 
 
 " Father llalle of Norridgwog, and some other scol-
 
 44 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 astick French Missionaries, have imagined that the 
 G-reek Alphabet suits their Pronunciation best. 
 
 " The Indians have a figurative Way of expressing 
 themselves, as if in Hieroglyphics : thus, renewing of 
 Alliances they call brightening of the Chain. 
 
 " There is no general fixed Way of Writing Indian 
 Words ; therefore we shall not mind any particular 
 Orthography in that Respect ; only we shall endea- 
 vour to be understood. For Instance : the 'Indian 
 Tribe upon Quenebeck River in Neiv England, we 
 write and pronounce it Naridgwoag : the French Mis- 
 sionaries write it Narautsoack. 
 
 '* The Tribe of the Iroquois, or five New York 
 allied Indian Nations, which we call Sennekas, the 
 French call them Sonontouans. 
 
 " There is not the same Reason for preserving the 
 Indian Names of their Countries, Nations, Tribes, 
 Mountains, and Rivers, as there is for preserving the 
 G-reek, Roman, and other more modern Names of 
 such Things in Europe. The Indians have no civil 
 or classical History to require it. 
 
 The Indians change their own personal Names, and 
 the Names of other Things upon trifling occasions. 
 
 " Our Indians affect to have English Names : thus 
 Massasoit's two Sons desired of the Court at Ply- 
 mouth to give them English Names: they were 
 accordingly named Alexander and Philip.
 
 INDIANS IN BATTLE. 45 
 
 " This Philip, formerly Metacomet, was Chief in a 
 subsequent Indian War called King Philip' 's War. 
 
 " Capt. Smith the Traveller resided 19 years in 
 Virginia and New England, and wrote a History of 
 those Parts, Anno 1624: he enumerates the Names 
 of many Tribes, Rivers, and other Things, which are 
 now irrecoverably lost. 
 
 "As the Indian's Dealings and mutual Corre- 
 spondence are much confined, their several Lan- 
 guages ' are of small extent.' " 
 
 Mr. Douglas, who was alive in 1747, adds to the 
 foregoing the following : 
 
 " Mr. Eliot, formerly Minister of Roxbury, adjoin- 
 ing Boston, with immense Labor translated and 
 printed our Bible into Indian : it was done with a 
 good pious Design, but must be reckoned among the 
 " Otiosorum hominum negotia ; " it was done in the 
 Natick Language. Of the Naticks at present there 
 are not twenty Families subsisting, and scarce any 
 of these can read : Cui Bono ? " 
 
 THEIR MODE OP ATTACK. 
 
 When the Indians go to battle they seldom make 
 an attack in large bodies. After a general rendez- 
 vous, the} r divide into small skulking parties (their 
 common unvarying art of war was in the hidden effi- 
 ciency of small parties) ; and like carnivorous beasts
 
 46 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 of the forest they advanced to the onset, laying waste 
 dwelling-houses, and committing cruel murders with- 
 out regard to justice, honor, age, or sex. 
 
 As formerly among the Israelites, so it was in the 
 early days of the New England settlements : a saga- 
 more was considered as a mighty prince who could 
 lead one hundred or two hundred fighting men. He 
 prided himself in the loss of ten or twelve men as 
 the sure and unmistakable evidence of a bloody 
 battle. 
 
 In the first instances their weapons of war were 
 arrows and darts; but latterly they had obtained 
 and used the deadly musket, fusils, the hatchet, and 
 long, sharp-pointed knives.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 No Record here Anterior to the Advent of Drake. No Serious 
 Trouble for Twenty-eight Years. In 1(514 Hunt kidnaps and 
 sells Twenty Indians. It troubles the Adventurers. The War 
 and the Plague of 1016 and 1617. Bones on the Battle-Grounds. 
 Tisquantmn (Squanto). Pilgrims land. First ftidian Insurrec- 
 tion. The War-Whoop. Their Wood-Cry Samoset greets the 
 Pilgrims. His Personal Appearance and Discourse. Tarried at 
 Night, and left them in the Morning. Pilgrims feed the Indians. 
 Indians sang and danced. Painted Faces. First Treaty. Mas- 
 sasoit with Sixty Warriors meets Gov. Carver and his Suite. 
 
 I/AVING already glanced at the land- 
 scape of New England as it appeared 
 prior to its becoming a general battle-field ; 
 and having made allusion to the nature 
 and habits of the native Indian, and of 
 his tribes, their various locations, hunting-grounds, 
 and fishing-places, I come next to notice the barbar- 
 ous conflicts which from time to time happened 
 among themselves. 
 
 This branch of our New-England annals must 
 necessarily be brief, brief from the fact that the 
 natives were entirely unlettered, with a language 
 somewhat vague, yet curious and comprehensive,
 
 48 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and up to that day almost undefined, and entirely 
 unwritten. They could have no record, historic or 
 otherwise ; and none existed. 
 
 Hence, as we have hinted, the bloody conflicts that 
 would have stained these pages, of the years and the 
 ages that had transpired anterior to the advent of Sir 
 Francis Drake, had entirely vanished from earthly 
 vision ; so that in history these, as well as the events 
 of peace, of love, or of joy among the tribes, as from 
 time immemorial they had alternated, are all covered of 
 oblivion, and can have no place in these our epics. 
 In all that history, if we and the world had it, how 
 much there would be to be learned from it ! How 
 much to amuse, how much to improve us, how much 
 of love, and how much of anger or of wrath at which 
 earth might be made sad, is now and forever to 
 remain a mystery ! 
 
 Since that day (1586) the red man in New England 
 has had a history. A history varied, as the impulses 
 of the human temper is various, where, in the end, 
 the wrath of man has been suffered to achieve a mas- 
 tery over his better nature ; and where, from the want 
 of caution and culture, the inheritance of an entire 
 nationality has been lost, almost entirely through 
 its common frailties, and through its mad, ill-advised, 
 unbridled ambition. 
 
 Prior to 1615 the history of Indian conflicts among
 
 MATTEKS AMONG THEMSELVES. 49 
 
 themselves remains, as forever it must, almost entirely 
 unrecorded. Up to that period very little, if any 
 thing, had occurred to create any conflict between 
 the exploring, occasional adventurer and the native 
 Indian or his tribe, as each party at that time was 
 mutually interested in the novelty of the occasion, as 
 well as in the traffic which from time to time tended 
 in its promises to afford aid and sustenance to both 
 nationalities. The first trouble between the tribes 
 and the adventurers arose in manner as follows : 
 
 Twenty-eight years after the advent of Sir Francis 
 Drake, to wit, in 1614, Captain John Smith sailed 
 along the New-England shore, surveying its coast 
 from the Penobscot. to Cape Cod. At this time he 
 discovered the river Piscataqua. One of his ships he 
 left behind him in the care of one THOMAS HUNT, 
 who, forgetting his manhood, if he ever had any, 
 decoyed on board it about twenty of the native 
 Indians, kidnapped and carried them to Malaga, and 
 sold them into slavery to the Spaniards. 
 
 This infamous outrage of course excited dread 
 animosity in the tribes, and greatly enraged them 
 against Hunt, engendering in their minds hatred and 
 distrust towards succeeding adventurers. Some of 
 those captives, however, through the friendly inter- 
 position of one Capt. John Mason and others, found 
 their way back to the tribes ; and peace again was
 
 50 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 restored. This was the act of ONE white English man, 
 wherein and whereby the peace" and well-being of 
 many honest, generous explorers and settlers suffered, 
 and in many instances lives were lost. Yet such per- 
 fidious acts by the first explorers here must have been 
 few ; for this is the only outrage of the kind which is 
 noted in the history of that time ; and thereafter- 
 wards peace, being declared, prevailed for many years 
 between the red man and his more discreet and 
 peaceable neighbors. But in about two years (1616) 
 the first and most terrible war among and between 
 the tribes themselves, of which we have any account, 
 broke out. As it appears, the Northern and Eastern 
 Tarratines came down upon the Patuxets, the Nar- 
 ragansets, and other neighboring tribes, and the battle 
 was terrible ; also the plague of 1617, raging at the 
 same time, made sad havoc upon the red men : so 
 that of all the sons and daughters of the Patuxets, 
 not one of them remained alive save their chief, 
 Squanto, Tisquantum. The bones of the slain at that 
 time almost everywhere were seen by the Pilgrims, 
 around the sickly wigwam, in and about the 
 numerous Indian battle-grounds of New England, 
 on the hills, in the valleys, on the margin of the 
 lakes, by the side of the beautiful river, and along 
 the shores of the sea. 
 This was the first and last of all the bloody bat-
 
 MATTERS AMOXG THEMSELVES. 51 
 
 ties in New England of importance, of which we 
 have any account, from the beginning of the New 
 World up to the advent of the Pilgrims. 
 
 Tisquantum, above named, as appears, was one of 
 the same twenty Indians who had been kidnapped 
 by Hunt, and sold into slavery to the Spaniards. It 
 further appears that he soon in some way escaped 
 from Spain, and afterwards for a considerable time 
 sojourned in London with a man by the name of 
 Slaine, learned something of our language there ; 
 but at length, through the aid of the master of a 
 ship, by the name of Dermer, he found his way back 
 to New England; and upon his arrival became a 
 great chief among the Patuxets. But alas ! when 
 the Pilgrims arrived, his tribe, as we have said, were 
 dead ; and Tisquantum (Squanto) was alone. 
 
 From my " Merrimack," page 23, I here insert a 
 brief recapitulation, in which allusion is made to the 
 arrival of the Pilgrims, and their intimate friendli- 
 nesc with 
 
 TISQUANTUM. 
 
 Columbus first of all ; then many more 
 Within a hundred years then next before 
 The Pilgrims land, adventurers indeed, 
 From Adam sprung, juniors in race and breed, 
 But versed in letters, statute, law, and art, 
 Seniors in science, just in head and heart.
 
 52 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 They meet old Squanto wandering here alone, 
 Who, sore depressed, bereaved of friends and home, 
 Recounts events which true tradition brought 
 Of Indian life, what sad experience taught, 
 How far and near the dead unburied lay, 
 His own Patuxet tribe all swept away ; 
 Yet nations seaward, deep in woods afar, 
 Spared from the scourge of pestilence and war, 
 Still thrive. There Massasoit, whose power maintains 
 The peace of tribes, in full dominion reigns. 
 
 Tisquantum, while in Spain and in London, had 
 excited the curiosity of foreigners, who never before 
 had seen a red man, and who inclined to gaze at him 
 as a choice production of the New World. 
 
 The Pilgrims, at their landing Dec. 11 (O. S.), 1620, 
 forty-one in all, very soon fell in with this extraor- 
 dinary personage, who, through his familiarity in con- 
 versations with Englishmen in London while there, 
 had obtained some knowledge of our language. 
 They of course soon sought him out, and made him 
 their interpreter. 
 
 On the fifteenth of the same month, four days 
 after their arrival here, they discovered five or six 
 Indians approaching their encampments ; but upon 
 seeing the Pilgrims they appeared frightened at their 
 friendly attempt to approach them, and fled.
 
 MATTERS AMONG THEMSELVES. 53 
 
 FIRST INDIAN INSURRECTION. 
 
 On the 15th of November, 1620, as a Pilgrim of 
 the forest relates it, " We went ranging up and 
 down till the sun began to draw low; and then we 
 hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our 
 shallop. 
 
 " By that time we had done, and our shallop came 
 to us, it was within night, and we betook us to our 
 rest after we had set our watch. 
 
 " About midnight we heard a great and hideous 
 cry, and our sentinel called ' ARM ! ARM ! ' 
 
 " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple 
 of muskets." 
 
 " About five o'clock in the morning, Dec. 8, we 
 heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be 
 the same voice, though they varied their notes." 
 
 " One of our men, being abroad, came running in, 
 and cried, ' They are men ! Indians ! Indians ! ' And 
 their arrows came flying amongst us." 
 
 THE WAR- WHOOP. 
 
 It was here at Namskekat that the Pilgrims first 
 heard the terrible war-whoop cry of the savage, 
 which from time immemorial to the present day in its 
 startling vociferations has remained invariably the 
 same. They do not move at the sound of the 
 drum or trumpet. They rally at the cry,
 
 54 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 WOACH ! WOACH ! HA HA HA HACK 
 
 WOACH ! And their wood-cry is ro HAU ! 
 
 The Pilgrims represented the CEY as terrible : 
 the Indian arrows came flying in among them, of 
 which they afterwards picked up eighteen, which 
 they sent to their friends in England, on the return 
 of " The Mayflower." One savage fought from behind 
 a tree ; and an old Pilgrim had three shots at him 
 with a musket : at the last the scamp gave an extraor- 
 dinary yell, and away they all went in a hurry. 
 
 Some of those arrows were curiously headed with 
 hart's horn, others with eagle's claws. 
 
 Whether any of the savages were slain or seri- 
 ously injured in this first brief conflict does not ap- 
 pear. This was by the Nauset Indians, of whom As- 
 pinet was chief. 
 
 Since their arrival on the llth of November, they, 
 as appears, had for the most part made the ship their 
 abode up to the llth of December, when they 
 landed. 
 
 It was on this occasion that the famous chief Sam- 
 osvt, then and there, upon the shore of Cape Cod, 
 came forth from the wilderness, and extended to 
 them the friendly cry, " Welcome, Inglislimen ! * In 
 my " Merrimack," page 24, mention is made as fol- 
 lows of this
 
 SAMOSET AND PIUJHIMS, j-ago 54.
 
 MATTERS AMONG THEMSELVES. 55 
 
 SAGAMORE. 
 
 From thence SAMOSET comes with heart and hand 
 
 To welcome Englishmen, and grant them land ; 
 
 His visage dark, with long and raven hair, 
 
 No treacherous marks Ms beardless features bear, 
 
 His frame erect, and strangely painted o'er, 
 
 Belted around his loins ; a sagamore, 
 
 Whose bony arm a bow and arrow held, 
 
 A heart unsoiled his tawny bosom swelled 
 
 To generous deeds. He broken English spake, 
 
 And talked anon of men, of Francis Drake, 
 
 That gallant white man, years before who came, 
 
 And gave New Albion her historic name ; 
 
 Of Captain Smith, who since surveyed the coast, 
 
 And other voyagers, now a scattered host ; 
 
 Of former days some history tried to give, 
 
 And " lay of land " where rambling red men live. 
 
 Truthful Samoset proves, and seeks to bring 
 
 The Pilgrim saints in audience with his king. 
 
 This interview of Samoset with the Pilgrims was 
 on the 16th of March, 1621 ; and Mourt says he very 
 boldly came all alone, and along the houses straight 
 to the rendezvous, where he intercepted him, not suf- 
 fering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of 
 his boldness. He was naked : " on]y a leather about 
 his waist, with a fringe about a span long."
 
 56 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 It was cold weather ; and the PILGRIMS " cast a 
 horseman's coat about him." In his kindness Samoset 
 gave them, as well as he could, much valuable infor- 
 mation. He, as they said, had learned some broken 
 English of adventurers who had come to fish at 
 Wouhiggan, and knew by name most of the captains, 
 masters, or commanders who had visited here. He 
 was free in speech so far as he was able to talk our 
 language. The Pilgrims " questioned him of many 
 things ; " and they say " he was the first savage we 
 could meet withal" 
 
 He told them " he was not of those parts, but of 
 Moratiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords there- 
 of; had been eight months in these parts ; it lying 
 hence to the eastward a day's sail with a great wind, 
 and five days by land." " He discoursed of the whole 
 country and of every province, and of their saga- 
 mores, their number of men, and strength ; " had a 
 bow and two arrows, one headed, and the other not. 
 *' He was tall and straight ; hair black, long behind, 
 short before, none at all on his face." " He asked for 
 some beer; but we (as they say) gave him strong 
 water and biscuit and cheese and pudding, and a 
 piece of a mallard, all which he liked well." 
 
 He told us " the place where he now lives is called 
 Patuxet ; and that about four years ago jail the inhab- 
 itants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is 
 neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed,
 
 MATTERS AMONG THEMSELVES. 57 
 
 we have found none ; so there is none to hinder our 
 possession, or lay claim unto it." 
 
 "All the afternoon we spent in communication 
 with him : we would have gladly been rid of him at 
 night, but he was not willing to go this night. 
 
 " Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, 
 wherewith he was well content, and went into the 
 shallop ; but the wind was high and the water scant, 
 that it could not return back. 
 
 " We lodged (with him) at Stephen Hopkins' 
 house, and watched him." 
 
 It may seem strange that the Pilgrims should have 
 been here so long without a friendly interview with 
 the tribes previously to this with Samoset. But it 
 will be remembered that the war of which we have 
 spoken, and the plague of which Samoset here 
 speaks, had destroyed almost all ; and that these rem- 
 nants of tribes most likely had been made coy from 
 the fact, that, at their onset upon the Pilgrims, on 
 the night of the 7th of December then last, they, 
 perhaps for the first time in their lives, had been 
 made to " smell gunpowder." 
 
 "Samoset left Plimouth the next morning to 
 return to Massasoit, who, he said, was a sachem 
 having under him sixty men." 
 
 " The English, having left some tools exposed in 
 the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly 
 judged the Indians had taken them."
 
 58 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 " They complained of this to Samoset in rather a 
 threatening air. We willed him (they say) that 
 , they should be brought again, otherwise we would 
 right ourselves." 
 
 When he left them " he promised within a night 
 or two to come again," and bring some of Massasoit's 
 men to trade with them in beaver-skins. 
 
 MODE OF DKESS. 
 
 As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sun- 
 day, " and brought with him five other tall, proper 
 men. They had every man a deer's skin on him; 
 and the principal of them had a wildcat's skin, or 
 such like, on one arm. They had most of them long 
 hosen up to their groins, close-made ; and about 
 their groins, to their waist, another leather ; they 
 were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of 
 complexion like our English gypsies ; no hair, or 
 very little, on their faces ; on their heads long hair 
 to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed 
 up before with a feather, broadwise like a fan; 
 another a fox-tail hanging out." 
 
 The English had charged Samoset not to let any 
 who came with him bring their arms ; these, there- 
 fore, left " their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile 
 from our town." 
 
 " We gave them entertainment as we thought was 
 fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English
 
 MATTERS AMONG THEMSELVES. 59 
 
 victuals," and appeared very friendly ; " sang and 
 danced after their manner, like anticks." Some of 
 them had their faces painted black from the fore- 
 head to the chin, four or five fingers broad : others 
 after other fashions, as they liked. They brought 
 three or four skins ; but we would not truck with 
 them all that day, but wished them to bring mere, 
 and we would truck for all, which they promised 
 within a night or two, and would leave theso behind 
 them, though we were not willing they should ; and 
 they brought all our tools again, which were taken 
 in the woods in our absence. 
 
 " So, because of the day (Sunday), we dismissed 
 them so soon as we could. But Samoset, our first 
 acquaintance, either was sick or feigned himself so, 
 and would not go with them, and staid with us till 
 Wednesday morning. 
 
 " Then we sent him to them, to know the reason 
 they came not according to their words ; and we 
 gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, 
 and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist." 
 
 SAMOSET returned again the next day, bringing 
 with him Squanto, mentioned in the last chapter. 
 He was " the only native [says Mourt's Kelation] 
 of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of 
 the twenty (or twenty-four) captives that by Hunt 
 were carried away, and had been in England, and 
 dwelt in Cornhill with Master John Slaine, a mer-
 
 (JO INDIAN WARS. 
 
 chant, and could speak a little English with three 
 others." 
 
 They brought a few articles for trade; but the 
 most important was, "that their great sagamore, 
 Massasoit, was hard by," whose introduction to them 
 accordingly followed. 
 
 In June, 1621, a boy, John Billington, having been 
 lost in the woods, several English, with Squanto and 
 Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in 
 search of him. Squanto was their interpreter. 
 
 FIRST TREATY. 
 
 On March 22, 1621, Samoset and Squanto brought 
 to Plymouth the welcome news that Massasoit of 
 Pokanoket, their chief, was near at hand ; and " they 
 brought with them [say the Pilgrims] some few 
 skins to truck, and some red herrings newly taken 
 and dried, but not salted, and signified unto us that 
 their great sagamore, Massasoit, was hard by with 
 Quadiquina his brother. 
 
 " They could not well say what they would ; but 
 after an hour the king came to the top of an hill 
 [supposed to be what is now Watson's Hill on the 
 south side of Town Brook] over against us, and had 
 in his train sixty men, that we could well behold 
 them, and they us."
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FIKST TREATY. 
 
 The Tribes greet the Pilgrims. Governor returns Preset)*? to 
 Them. Address to the Natives. The Repast. The King's 
 Dress. His Ornaments. Hostages. Savages seated on the 
 Floor. Terms of their Treaty. Squanto and Samoset are their 
 Interpreters. -Death of Squanto. His Will. His Departure 
 Poetized. March of Civilization. Peace Fifty Years. Erup- 
 tion between the Tribes. Sachems and Sagamores, Names of, in 
 New England. An Expedition to attack the Mohawks. 
 Josias leads. Mascanonomo degraded. Battle with the Mo- 
 hawks. Tarratines attack his House. They capture his 
 Squaw. He relents, and greets the English. They make him 
 Presents. A Land Grant to his Widow. Canonicus. His 
 Exemplary, Liberal Life. His Peaceful Death. 
 
 were not willing," the Pilgrims say, 
 " to send our governor to Massasoit and 
 his tribe ; and they were unwilling to 
 come to us : so SQUANTO went again 
 unto him, who brought word that we 
 should send one to parley with him ; and we sent 
 Edward Winslow, to know his intent, and to signify 
 the mind and will of our governor, which was that 
 we might have trading and peace with them. 
 
 " We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a cop- 
 per chain with a jewel in it. To Quadequina we 
 
 61
 
 62 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, 
 and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of 
 biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly 
 accepted. 
 
 " The Englishman then made a speech to him about 
 his king's love and goodness to him and his people, 
 and that he accept of him as his friend and ally. 
 
 " He liked well of the speech (say the English), 
 and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did 
 not well express it. 
 
 " After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given 
 the rest to his company, he looked upon our mes- 
 senger's sword and armor, which he had on, with 
 intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other 
 side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part 
 with it. 
 
 " In the end he left him in the custody of Quade- 
 quina his brother, and came over the brook, and 
 some twenty men following him. We kept six or 
 seven as hostages for our messenger." As Massasoit 
 proceeded to meet the English, they met him with 
 six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his 
 men were with him; but all left their bows and 
 arrows behind. They were conducted to a new 
 house which was partly finished ; and a green rug 
 was spread upon the floor, and several cushions, for 
 Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon.
 
 FIRST TEEATY. 63 
 
 Then came the English governor, followed by a 
 drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers ; and, 
 after kissing one another, all sat down. 
 
 Some strong water being brought, the governor 
 drank to Massasoit, who in his turn " drank a great 
 draught, that made him sweat all the while after." 
 
 They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipu- 
 lated, that neither Massasoit nor any of his people 
 should do hurt to the English ; and that, if they did, 
 they should be given up to be punished by them ; 
 and that, if the English did any harm to him or any 
 of his people, they (the English) would do the like 
 to them ; that, if they did unjustly war against 
 him, the English were to aid him ; and he was to do 
 the same in his turn ; and by so doing King James 
 would esteem him his friend and ally. 
 
 "All whicn [llicy say] the king seemed to like 
 well ; and it was applauded of his followers." 
 
 THE KING'S APPAKEL. 
 
 Then Massasoit the king, and chiefs, appear ; 
 As well the " governor and suit " draw near, 
 By music led, and soldiers at command, 
 Clad in the homespun of a foreign land, 
 And greet the king. The king no armor bears, 
 Save on his breast a knife-like weapon wears,
 
 6 4 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 White beads about his neck, a gaudy ring, 
 And quaint tobacco-bag suspended by a string, 
 Comprise the insignia of his regal power, 
 Known and observed of nations as of yore. 
 Both king and chiefs, with painted features, wear 
 Feathers disjoined from birds of plumage rare, 
 But little else. Kindly in turn they greet 
 The Pilgrim band, and down in group now seat 
 Themselves, holding discourse of allied strength 
 In treaty ; and, when all agreed at length, 
 They pass the pipe around : each drink* in turn : 
 A sacred compact thus they all confirm^ 
 A treaty wise, that full contentment gives 
 For fifty years while Massasoit lives. 
 
 From my Merrimacfc, p. 25. 
 
 Meanwhile it appears Squanto and Samoset 
 remained with the English, instructing them, and 
 acting as their interpreters. " Squanto went to fish, a 
 day or two after Massasoit left, for eels. At night 
 he came home with as many as he could lift in one 
 hand, which our people were glad of. They were 
 fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and 
 then caught them with his hands." 
 
 As we have said, this Indian was of great use to 
 the English, with whom he was at all times kind 
 
 * If you srnoke, the Indian calls it "drinking."
 
 TISQUANTTJM. 65 
 
 and friendly in volunteering as an interpreter, and 
 in giving aid and information during the two first 
 years of the Pilgrim settlements. He believed in 
 their religion, joined their church, lived.two years 
 in their society, and died in December, 1622. 
 
 The Pilgrim account of this event is this: "Here 
 at Manamoyk [since Chatham], though they had 
 determined to make essay to pass within the shoals 
 of Cape Cod, yet God had otherwise disposed, who 
 struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch that 
 he there died. His disorder was bleeding much at 
 the nose, which the Indians reckon a dangerous 
 symptom." 
 
 " He desired the governor would pray for him, 
 that he might go to the Englishmen's God, bequeath- 
 ing his things to sundry of his English friends as 
 remembrances of his love ; of whom (as they say) 
 * we have a great loss.' " 
 
 The reader will bear in mind, this was the same 
 Squanto who in 1614 had been kidnapped by Hum, 
 sold into slavery in Spain, and had fled from there 
 into London. In my " Merrimack," page 26, 1 wrote 
 a word to his praise, as follows : 
 
 TISQUANTUM. 
 
 Squanto, meanwhile, who'd served a peaceful end, 
 And in the Pilgrims' God had found a friend,
 
 66 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Bereaved and worn by care of by-gone years 
 
 In mazy pathways through a vale of tears, 
 
 Falls sick ; and as by fever low depressed, 
 
 And life in,doubt, to Pilgrims thus addressed 
 
 His sovereign Will : " This hunting-ground is mine, 
 
 The lakes, the vales, those mountain-heights sublime, 
 
 The green-grown banks where Merrimack bright glows, 
 
 And all the hills far as Patuxet goes : 
 
 These spacious wilds, my kindred (now no more) 
 
 In full dominion held and hunted o'er ; 
 
 Then dying, all their titles thence descend 
 
 To me, Tisquantum, now so near this end 
 
 Of life. To thee, my Pilgrim friends, I give 
 
 This broad domain, here may the white man live, 
 
 My bow and arrow too : I give thee all ; 
 
 Hence let me go, obedient to the call 
 
 Of Angel Death. Adieu ! " 
 
 Thus gracious dies 
 
 The last red man beneath Patuxet skies ; 
 And thus the English sole possession share 
 By will from Squanto all this region fair, 
 Forever thence to lay the forest low, 
 To fence fair fields, and drive the crooked plow, 
 To waste the wigwams which for ages spread 
 The wild ; and build broad mansions in their stead, 
 School-houses, temples to the God of grace, 
 And cities proud, peculiar to the race
 
 WAR OF 1636-7. 67 
 
 Of Adam. Diligent through honest toil, 
 They reap rich harvest from the virgin soil. 
 From culture urged with bold aggressive sway, 
 Wild beasts, becoming frantic, flee away. 
 As ravenous bears and moose and wolves recede, 
 Neat-cattle and the noble horse succeed 
 In aid of husbandry. Full flocks abound ; 
 The herds increase, as roll the seasons round ; 
 The desert even, through culture's grateful care, 
 Soon set with fruit, begins to bloom and bear ; 
 Fair nature smiles responsive to the plan 
 Of faith in God and industry of man. 
 
 It will be remembered that from this first treaty 
 among the tribes in 1621, by Gov. Carver and Mas- 
 sasoit their king, an amicable peace of fifty years 
 ensued. 
 
 This peace accordingly prevailed as between them. 
 But in 1636 a war broke out between the Pequot 
 tribes and Massasoit's tribes and the English. 
 
 SEVERAL WARS. 
 
 And then followed many eruptions, skirmishes, 
 murders, and wars; including the Pokanekets and 
 their allied nations under Philip, against the English ; 
 the French and Indian wars in King William's time ; 
 Queen Anne's War in Europe, and consequently, as a
 
 68 
 
 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 result of it, outrages, invasions, eruptions, murders, 
 and devastations in and throughout the settlements 
 of New England; and then, again, the eruptions 
 and bloody conflicts that followed between 1722 and 
 1725 ; and another conflict transpired among the 
 early settlers, growing out of a war originating or 
 meditated by the French and Spaniards in Europe ; 
 and the war of 1747, all tending to involve New 
 England in conflagration, devastation, and death. 
 
 But, before advancing to a more specific account 
 of the more prominent conflicts, we will here give 
 the names of some of the sachems, chiefs, and saga- 
 mores who first and last were, to a greater or less 
 degree, land-holders, and leaders of the multifarious 
 tribes of New England. 
 
 SACHEMS AND SAGAMORES. 
 
 Samoset, 
 
 Passaconaway, Pennacooks. 
 
 Mcssambomet, 
 
 \Vonalancet of Wameiit, 
 
 Wexar, 
 
 Hodgkins, 
 
 Egeremit, 
 
 Kamkamagut, 
 
 Watambatet, 
 
 Adiwando, 
 
 Wassambomet, 
 
 Wehanonowit, 
 
 Washeraet, 
 
 Hegans, 
 
 Wattanmeman, 
 
 NahobaofWmerft, 
 
 Tasauke, 
 
 Watchenoet, 
 
 Mugg, 
 
 Pangus, Petjuawhets. 
 
 Wattaramon, 
 
 Wattanumon, 
 
 Wencmovet, 
 
 Morus, Jforrigewocks. 
 
 Kennebis, 
 
 Hopegood, 
 
 Capt. SamucL 
 
 Squando, gaco. 
 
 Bomazine, 
 
 Manatagua, 
 
 Robinhood, 
 
 Tisquantum. 
 
 Axdroscoggin.
 
 SACHEMS AND SAGAMORES. 
 
 69 
 
 Warnadugunbuent, 
 
 Sussup, 
 
 Apamaquid, 
 
 Madacawando, 
 
 Warrangunt, 
 
 Robin Doney, 
 
 Hiantonimo, 
 
 Canonicus, 
 
 Ponham, 
 
 Sassamor., 
 
 Tupayaaman, 
 
 Hobomoh, 
 
 Mossup, 
 
 Quinnapin, 
 
 Wauwamiuo, 
 
 Tashtassuck, 
 
 Tassaquanawith, 
 
 Kutshamaken, an interpreter, 
 
 Mascus, 
 
 Tawagason, 
 
 Ninegret (Niantick), 
 
 Walluspequin, 
 
 Philip (Mctacom), 
 
 Alexander (Wamsutta), 
 
 Quaquath, 
 
 Pcksuot, 
 
 Tokamahamon, 
 
 Wecopaulum, 
 
 Wectamos (a princess), 
 
 \Vatuspaquin, 
 
 Connecticote, 
 
 Penobscots. \ Uncas, 
 
 Wampanoags. 
 
 Xohegcms. 
 
 Oweneco, 
 
 One-eyed John, 
 
 Namapassamet, 
 
 Webcowit (squaw), 
 
 Aprimps, 
 
 Wattapacoson, 
 
 Sagamore Sam, 
 
 Sassacus, 
 
 Tunxig, 
 
 Ha 
 
 Robert, 
 
 Xohegant 
 
 Sfipmucki 
 
 sachems of Nausett, 
 
 Kutchamaquin, 
 
 Warandance, Mohandsicki. 
 
 Ascossasotick (Long Island), " 
 
 Aspinet, 
 lyanough, . 
 
 Sachems of Dorchester, fcc., 
 
 near Squantum. 
 Ono Pequin, Sachem of Quabaog. 
 
 John Tahattawan, Chief of Praying Indians. 
 Wampatuck, Massachusetts. 
 
 Chickataubut, " 
 
 Tampatuck, " 
 
 Cluchatabutt aliat Jonas, " 
 
 Tahattawan, at Concord (Mustaquid)," 
 Masconomo, at Ipswich (Agawam), u 
 Montowampate, at Marblehead, " 
 Sam Hide, at Dedham (aged 105), ' 
 Stonewall John, u 
 
 Cononchet (Ch. Sachem of Philip), 
 
 SHAMUT SACHEMS. 
 
 (Othsrwise, those who signed the treaty of amity at 
 Plymouth, Sept. 13, 1621.) 
 
 Ohquamehud, 
 
 Natawahunt, 
 
 Quadaquina, 
 
 Cawnacome, 
 Caunbatant, 
 Huthmoiden, 
 
 Obbatinnua. 
 
 Chuckatabak. 
 
 Apanno.
 
 70 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 THESE" SAGAMORES. 
 
 " Some had expired in fight, the brands 
 Still rusted in their bony hands ; 
 In plague and famine some." CAMPBELL. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST THE MOHAWKS. 
 
 In the year 1669 the Massachusetts tribe, uniting 
 with Englishmen, numbering in all about seven hun- 
 dred strong, took a march into what was called the 
 Maquas Country. They were mostly young men, 
 and advanced, without direction or advice of the 
 authorities at Boston, with revenge intent upon the 
 Mohawks. 
 
 ELIOT, the New-England apostle, advised against 
 it ; and yet five of his Indian disciples, volunteering, 
 went in for the fight. Josias, an ambitious, stout, 
 middle-aged Indian, led off as if in command. 
 
 They thus advanced two hundred miles through 
 the forest, and there falling in upon a Mohawk fort, 
 and besieging it, several of their men were killed : 
 others fell sick ; and, after some hesitation and delay, 
 they gave up the siege. On their retreat, the Mo- 
 hawks, following in pursuit, obtained a position in 
 the swamps or other ambushes in front of them ; and 
 there in battle, the great chieftain Chikatabutt, in 
 the midst of his prodigies of valor, was killed ; and 
 nearly fifty of his warriors also fell in this conflict, 
 on their way from the land of the Mohawks.
 
 TARRATINE INVASION. 71 
 
 MASCANONOMO. 
 
 In the English court, June 28, 1631, as against 
 this " sagamore of Agawam " (who had executed 
 deeds of "all his lands in Ipswich," to one John 
 Winthrop, jun.), a decree was recorded "that the 
 sagamore of Agawam be banished from coming into any 
 Englishman's house for a year, under penalty of ten 
 bear-skins" 
 
 This, as it seems, grew out of a difficulty which he 
 had made in killing Indians, and making strife 
 between the Tarratines and the English. 
 
 Soon the Tarratines came out in force against the 
 tribe of Mascanonomo, with a hundred men ; and on 
 the 8th of August of that year they made an attack 
 in the night-time upon his wigwams, wounded him, 
 killed seven of his men, and mangled others, who 
 afterwards died of their wounds. His squaw was 
 carried away captive. 
 
 This chief, notwithstanding these admonitions, 
 long afterwards, in 1644 (March 8), being friendly to 
 the English, made them a call with some of his 
 friends, assented to their articles of faith, were 
 " solemnly received;" and then they were presented 
 to the court. 
 
 They made him presents of twenty-six fathom of 
 wampum ; and the court gave him two yards of 
 cloth, dinners to him and his men, and "a cup 
 of sac '' to each at their departure. He dies.
 
 72 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 A GRANT TO HIS SQUAW. 
 
 And now on the old Town-Book of Ipswich, under 
 date of June 18, 1658, a generous act of that munici- 
 pality is to be found, wherein a grant is made to 
 Mascononomo's squaw of 
 
 " That parcel of land which her husband had fenced 
 in" so long as she should remain a widow. 
 
 " Her husband was the last of the sachems of 
 Agawam ; and with him," says Mr. Felt, " descended 
 his feeble and broken sceptre to the grave." He 
 died March 6, 1658 ; and they buried him there, with 
 his gun, his tomahawk, and other implements of the 
 chase by his side, on " Sagamore Hill,'" within the 
 lines of Hamilton : there both squaw and sagamore 
 are at rest forever. 
 
 Many of the chiefs whom we have named as well 
 as we might in this chapter were men of note in 
 their times, standing distinguished among the native 
 nations, and at times were respected and favored of 
 the colonies. 
 
 CANONICTJS. 
 
 Among these also was this sachem, from whose 
 good example and liberal kindnesses Connecticut 
 was obtained and civilized by the white man. 
 During the Pequot War great pains were taken to 
 secuie to the colonies the favor of Oanonicus, then a
 
 WILLIAMS AND CANONICUS. 73 
 
 sachem near to it in Connecticut. Hence Roger 
 Williams wrote to Gov. Winthrop as follows : 
 
 " /Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find 
 Canonicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten 
 pounds of sugar ; and, indeed, he told me he would 
 thank Mr. Governor for a box-full." 
 
 Then again he sent another letter, saying, 
 
 " I am bold to request a word of advice concerning a 
 proposition made by CANONICUS and MIANTUNIMO to 
 me some half-year since. Canonicus gave an island in 
 this bay to Mr. Oldham, by name Chibachuwese, upon 
 condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there 
 near unto them," and desired to know if this proposition 
 would be agreeable to Massachusetts. But the Pequot 
 War soon intervened ; and here, as we believe, this 
 matter came to an end. 
 
 CANONICUS was much noted. He was poetized 
 by some Boston writer in 1803, from which we 
 juote, wherein, at the age of eighty-four years, he is 
 made to announce his own departure from the 
 stormy trials of earth : 
 
 HIS LAST WOED. 
 
 " I die, my friends. You have no cause to grieve : 
 To abler hands my regal power I leave ; 
 Our God commands : to fertile realms I haste, 
 Compared with which your gardens are a waste.
 
 74 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 There in full bloom eternal spring abides, 
 And swarming fishes glide through azure tides ; 
 Continued sunshine gilds the cloudless skies, 
 No misfcs conceal Keesuclcquand from our eyes." 
 
 Roger Williams, in the year 1654, in alluding to 
 the old Narragansetts says, 
 
 " Their late famous long-lived Canonicus so 
 lived and died; and in the same most honorable 
 manner and solemnity (in their way) as you laid to 
 sleep your prudent peacemaker Mr. Winthrop, did 
 they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; 
 yea, through all their towns and countries, how 
 frequently do many, and ofttimes our Englishmen, 
 travel alone with safety and loving-kindness ! " 
 
 In a deposition which he gave of this chief, June 
 18, 1682, Mr. Williams says in substance that Mian- 
 tonimo was the marshal of Canonicus, was his 
 youngest brother's son, and did nothing without the 
 consent of Canonicus ; and then he adds, " I declare 
 to posterity, that, were it not for the favor that Grod 
 gave me with CANONICUS, none of these parts, no, not 
 Rhode Island, had been purchased or obtained ; for 1 
 never got any thing of CANONICUS but by gift."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 TREATY; PEQTJOTS WITH THE ENGLISH. 
 
 The Advance of Civilization. Peqttot Hostilities and Depredations. 
 Their Numbers. Location of their Tribes. Sassacus their Sa- 
 chem. English Treaty with them. Land conveyed by the Tribes 
 to the Dutch. Consideration. In War they had conqiiered the 
 Dutch Settlers. Plymouth People seek Territory there. Extent 
 of the Dominions of Sassacus. Stone and his Men; how slain. 
 Vessel Explosion, and Several killed. Narragansetts and English 
 unite against the Pequots. SASSACUS seeks Reconciliation. A 
 Talk in Boston. Position, as urged by the Pequots. A Treaty is 
 signed. Boston in an Uproar. Armed Men sent to Neponset to 
 appease the Narragansetts. Colonies try to pacify the Nations. 
 Englishmen seek Pequot Lands under Treaty. Neither Party 
 fulfils it. English took Deeds. Consideration of One of them. 
 Oldham is slain. Gallop finds his Body, and pursues the 
 Pequots. 
 
 the preceding chapters we have seen in 
 brief how the Pilgrims started on these 
 shores ; the first insurrection of the natives 
 against them ; how after the lapse of about 
 three months the friendly Samoset came to 
 meet and greet them ; how he brought in from 
 afar the wise, the peaceful, the discreet and 
 generous-hearted MASSASOIT ; how they made their 
 treaty, and formed a friendly alliance which, as 
 between the Plymouth Colony and these tribes,
 
 76 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 endured for nearly fifty years ; and how old Sq aanto 
 (Tisquantum), after he had been taken by the heart- 
 less Hunt, carried into Spain, and sold as a slave, 
 escaped ; and after all his experience in London, and 
 after his sad reverses in the loss of his own entire 
 Patuxet tribe and kindred (all swept away by a war 
 and by the pestilence), how he still lived, and loved 
 the English ; how he joined the Church ; how then, 
 within two brief years, giving up every thing, he 
 took his final leave of a wilderness world, with an 
 abiding, triumphant faith in the Pilgrims' God. 
 
 Since then (December, 1622), the onward march of 
 civilization in New England has worked its "won 
 ders. 
 
 FROM THE CLOUD. 
 
 Come back, Tisquantum^ if above ye dwell: 
 Behold thy Merrimack, once loved so well. 
 Thy race had traced it from creation's start : 
 The white man turns it to the works of art. 
 Survey its progress these three hundred years, 
 Since up and down ye wandered here in tears 
 Alone, bereaved. Call once again to view 
 Thy thick-set forest wild, thy birch canoe, 
 Where now thy kindred sleep as from the first ; 
 Where Pilgrim saints since mingled in the dust ; 
 Where now the ploughman trudges in his toil, 
 Thoughtless of what still lies beneath the soil ;
 
 TlSQUANTUM IN THE CLOUD, page 76.
 
 SASSACUS AND HIS SAGAMORES. 77 
 
 Oh ! let us know from what thy name inspires, 
 What is man's destiny, what Heaven requires, 
 More fully still. From realms eternal, fair, 
 Tell us of hunting-grounds, of glory there, 
 Where blissful prospect Heaven shall fulfil 
 To generations onward, upward still; 
 While purest fountains flowing, failing never, 
 Shall swell the tide of Merrimack forever, 
 Sure sign here given of God's enduring care, 
 For what we see in heaven, in earth, or air. 
 
 From my Merrimack, p. 74. 
 THE PEQUOT WAR. 
 
 The Pequot tribes of 1635-6 and 7 were said to 
 be at that period " the most numerous, the most war- 
 like, the fiercest and bravest, of all the aboriginal 
 clans of Connecticut. From the Niantic River on 
 the west, their forts and wigwams extended along 
 the rude and stony hills of New-London County to 
 Wecapoag, ten miles east of Paucatuc River, which 
 divides Connecticut from Rhode Island." Their 
 dominions extended back a considerable distance 
 fiom the sea, their northernmost tribes being mostly 
 Mohegans, who usually hunted along the banks of 
 ihe Thames. Sassacus was their grand sachem, 
 having under him twenty-six sagamores ; and he could 
 muster from five hundred to seven hundred warriors. 
 
 The Narragansetts, their most formidable foes,
 
 78 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 dwelt at the eastward, in Rhode Island and vicinity, 
 and along the shores of the sea in Massachusetts 
 where the Indian population was dense. 
 
 These Narragansetts at the time are said to have 
 been very numerous, according to some accounts num- 
 bering more than twenty thousand, and that at one 
 time they could have furnished five thousand fighting 
 men. 
 
 It appears that on the 18th of June, 1633, there 
 was a treaty of sale and purchase between the Dutch 
 settlers in Connecticut and the Pequots. These 
 Indians conveyed to those Dutchmen " a tract of 
 land one Dutch mile in length along the river, ex- 
 tending one-third of a mile into the country." For 
 this land " Wopigwooit received twenty-seven ells of 
 a kind of coarse cloth called duffels, six axes, six 
 kettles, eighteen knives, one sword-blade, one pair of 
 shears, and some toys." 
 
 THE HOUSE OF GOOD HOPE. 
 
 The territory thus purchased for the purposes of 
 trade was to be free to all nations of Indians, and 
 " was to be a territory of peace. The hatchet was 
 to be buried there. No warrior was to molest his 
 enemy while within its bounds." 
 
 Yet Van Curler, " one of the Dutch," erected on it 
 a small trading-fort, armed it with two pieces of 
 cannon, and named it " The Souse of Good Hope."
 
 DUTCH AND PEQUOT CONFLICTS. 79 
 
 Thereupon " the Pequots soon broke through the 
 conditions of the treaty aforesaid, by killing Indians, 
 their enemies, who came there to trade. Upon that, 
 the Dutch contrived to kill Wopigwooit their chief, 
 and several of his men." 
 
 SASSACUS his son, a renowned warrior, succeeded 
 Wopigwooit as chief ; but alas ! he proved in the end 
 to be the last sachem of that tribe. 
 
 The war thus between the Dutch and the tribes 
 commenced. It lasted nearly two years ; bringing to 
 the settlers all the horrors of a bloody conflict, in- 
 terrupting trade, and producing unabated consterna- 
 tion throughout New England. 
 
 The Pequots for the time being prevailed over the 
 Dutch. In October, 1633, while the war with the Dutch 
 progressed, the Plymouth people resolved to make a 
 settlement in the Pequot country, and sent one 
 William Holmes up there with a vessel, a number of 
 men, and the frame of a house. " He sailed up the 
 river, passed the Dutch fort at Hartford, and, in 
 spite of remonstrances and threats of the garrison, 
 erected his trading-house in a place now called 
 Windsor." Holmes, they say, carried back in his 
 vessel the original sachems who had been driven 
 away by the Pequots, probably thereby giving 
 further offence. 
 
 The Pequots had then already conquered this part
 
 80 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 of the Connecticut Valley ; and their supremacy had 
 been substantially acknowledged by the Dutch. 
 
 It may be observed that the English inclined to 
 question the Dutch titles as well as those of the 
 Pequcts. But no open hostility commenced at this 
 time between the English and the Pequot race ; and 
 yet the germ of hostility was beginning to move. 
 
 In the summer of 1633 Capt. Stone came here from 
 Virginia in a small vessel to obtain trade on the 
 coast of New England. He traded a short time at 
 Massachusetts Bay, and then sailed with a Capt. 
 Norton and seven others for the Connecticut River. 
 Soon after his departure news came to Boston that 
 Stone, Norton, and his whole company, were killed, 
 his vessel burned, and all his articles of cargo taken 
 and divided among the Pequots and Nehantics. It 
 appears further that at or near this time others, to 
 the number of thirty, had been slain somewhat in a 
 similar manner. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THESE TRIBES. 
 
 This nation of Pequots, as we have seen, according 
 to Hubbard, cruel and war-like as they were, had in 
 former times " come down from the inland parts of 
 the continent, and by force had seized upon one of 
 the goodliest places near the sea, and had become a 
 terror to all their neighbors." He says their domain
 
 PEQUOT WAR. 81 
 
 extended over a part of Long Island, over the 
 Mohegans, over the sagamores of Quinnepeake (now 
 New Haven), yea, over all the people that dwelt upon 
 Connecticut River, and over some of the most south- 
 erly inhabitants of the Nipmuck Country about 
 Quinabaag. The principal seat from which these 
 sagamores rallied was near the mouth of the 
 Thames, now New London. They had here origi- 
 nally three kings, to wit, Connecticote, Quinnipiog, 
 and Sassacus. CONNECTICOTE, as from a long line 
 of descents, was chief of chiefs. They up to this 
 time had conquered the Dutch settlers, having mur- 
 dered many of them in a quarrel, arising mostly from 
 the fact that the Dutch had traded with some of 
 their enemies; and, now that they had begun to 
 murder the English who came there to trade, we soon 
 will begin to behold 
 
 " HOW GREAT A MATTER A LITTLE FIRE KINDLETH." 
 
 So it was that one Capt. Stone from Virginia, in 
 1634, while on a trading expedition, as he had at 
 first touched at Massachusetts Bay, with his seven 
 men on board of his vessel was brutally murdered. 
 
 STONE AND NORTON. 
 
 It happened thus: On reaching the mouth of 
 the Connecticut, Stone opened a trade with the na- 
 tives, and sent three of his men ashore to hunt for
 
 82 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 wild-fowl. The Indians appeared friendly, and were 
 suffered to come on board the vessel at pleasure. 
 Stone, being tired for want of rest, fell asleep in his 
 cabin in presence of the sachem ; and the rest of the 
 crew unsuspiciously and without any precautions 
 were in the galley. 
 
 Meantime the three men on shore had been at- 
 tacked and slain by a party of the Indians, but so far 
 off, it was not known of the ship's crew. Then the 
 chief knocked out the brains of the unconscious 
 captain ; and instantly his followers seized the fire- 
 arms of the vessel, and presented them against the 
 startled English. 
 
 NATIVES AFRAID OF FIRE-ARMS. 
 
 One of the English, seizing a musket, aimed it in 
 his own defence. Upon seeing such a weapon in the 
 hands of a white man, they all fled, leaping over- 
 board. 
 
 But, in the rush and confusion, the powder in the 
 vessel ignited, blew up, damaging the vessel, and 
 killing nearly the whole of the little crew then re- 
 maining. 
 
 Next then, the Indians clambered on board again, 
 and, killing such as yet remained alive, plundered 
 and sequestered the cargo. These murderers were 
 Pequots, aided, perhaps, by some of the western
 
 AN IMPENDING CONFLICT. 83 
 
 Nehantics. It was in this way the battles went on ; 
 for the Narragansetts, the Massachusetts, and tribu- 
 taries had not forgotten, as they never would forget, 
 their alliance as pledged to the English on their 
 great first treaty in the peaceful days of Massasoit ; 
 and they now resolved to move together against the 
 Pequots. 
 
 The Pequot nation had been besought to give up 
 their murderers by the English through their gover- 
 nor at Boston, and, as of course, in vain. Yet their 
 war with the Dutch settlers was still troubling them ; 
 and, in sight of the storm which they could but see 
 gathering to becloud them, they in the following 
 year, through Sassacus, undertook to conciliate the 
 English, hoping thereby to escape danger, and to 
 restore to his people a return of trade. 
 
 HE SENDS AN AMBASSADOR. 
 
 In October, 1634, a Pequot messenger arrived at 
 "the bay," bearing, according to Indian fashions 
 as an ambassador, a present for Deputy-Gov. 
 Ludlow from his sachem. 
 
 He laid down before the governor " two bundles 
 of sticks, indicative of the number of beaver and 
 other skins which the Pequots would give the Eng- 
 lish, and promised also a large amount of wampum, 
 and therefore requested a league between his people 
 and the pale-faces."
 
 84 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Ludlow accepted the presents thus made to him- 
 self, and gave him in return a moose coat of equal 
 value for the Pequot chieftain; but the governor 
 kindly told the messenger, when he took leave of 
 him, that Sassacus must show his respect for the 
 English by sending deputies of greater quality than 
 he was, and enough of them, before a treaty could be 
 made with the colonies. 
 
 A fortnight afterwards, two Pequot sagamores 
 arrived, bringing to Ludlow other presents. 
 
 The deputy-governor, Dudley being absent, re- 
 ceived them with civility, conducted them to Boston, 
 and their negotiations opened. 
 
 But the Pequots were told that there could be no 
 consent to a treaty until the murderers of Stone and 
 others were surrendered, nor until restitution was 
 made for the plunder and destruction of his vessel. 
 
 PEQUOTS DEFEND THEIR ACTION. 
 
 These sagamores " did not deny that their nation 
 was responsible for the murder, but asserted that 
 Stone had provoked his fate." 
 
 They said that " on entering the Connecticut, he 
 forcibly seized two Indians of that region, and kept 
 them on board his vessel to make them pilot it up 
 the river ; that after a while, he and two of his men 
 lauded, taking with them the two captives, with their 
 hands still closely bound behind them;
 
 PEQUOT AMBASSADOES. 85 
 
 " That nine Indians watched the party ; and at 
 night, when the English had gone to sleep on the 
 shore, they killed them, and liberated their country- 
 men ; " that the vessel, with the remainder of their 
 crew, was afterwards blown up: but of this they 
 knew nothing, neither the manner nor cause. 
 
 They further stated that the sachem whom they 
 had when Stone was put to death had been killed by 
 the Dutch, and that all the Indians concerned in the 
 murder had died of the small-pox, except two. 
 
 These, they cautiously added, Sassacus would prob- 
 ably be willing to deliver to the English, provided 
 the guilt could be proved upon them. 
 
 This story of the Pequot ambassadors, the English 
 were inclined to believe, having no direct evidence to 
 the contrary; and a treaty was then and there 
 agreed upon, and was signed by the parties. 
 
 SECOND TREATY Df N. E. HISTORY. 
 
 By this, the English were to have as much land in 
 the country of the Connecticut as they needed, pro- 
 vided they would make a settlement; and the 
 Pequots were to give them all possible assistance hi 
 effecting their settlement. 
 
 The Pequots were to surrender the two murderers 
 whenever they were demanded, and were to pay the
 
 86 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 English forty beaver-skins, thirty otter-skins, and 
 four hundred fathoms of wampum. 
 
 They were likewise to give all their custom to the 
 English, who, on the other hand, were to send them 
 a vessel immediately, not to defend them, but to 
 trade with them. 
 
 Such was the treaty between the Colony of Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay and the Pequots in 1634. 
 
 BOSTON IN A HUBBUB. 
 
 On the morning next following this treaty, news 
 arrived "that two or three hundred Narragansetts 
 were waiting at a place called Neponset to kill the 
 Pequot messengers on their way home." 
 
 Thereupon a few armed men were collected by an 
 order from the governor ; and they proceeded to 
 Neponset with a message to come to Boston and 
 have a talk. 
 
 Bat, on reaching Neponset, the white men found 
 only two sagamores with about twenty warriors, who 
 put in a disclaims by saying that they were out 
 on a hunting expedition, and had come thither sim- 
 ply to make their old friends at Neponset a visit. 
 
 THE COLONY TREES TO PACIFY THE TRIBES. 
 
 The English now make the attempt to negotiate a 
 peace between the Pequots and the Narragansetts.
 
 SETTLEMENTS AMONG THE PEQUOTS. 87 
 
 To this end they offered the Narragansetts a part 
 of the wampum which was to be paid by the Pe- 
 quots ; and, as appears, the Pequots had stipulated 
 to furnish the governor with four hundred fathoms 
 of that article, extra, for that very purpose. 
 
 The Narragansetts acceded to this proposition; 
 and a treaty of peace was also concluded between 
 them and the Pequots. 
 
 From this treaty, for the time being amounting to 
 a sort of reconciliation on the one side and on the 
 other, the English advanced to make settlements 
 among the Pequots at Wethersfield and elsewhere ; 
 and there is a deed wherein it appears that within 
 the two next years they had purchased of Sowheag 
 the sachem, certain territory " measuring six miles in 
 width north and south, and nine miles in length, of 
 which six miles were on the west side of the river." 
 
 There is another deed, bearing date April 25, 
 1636, by which they obtained by purchase a tract on 
 the east side of the Connecticut, lying between the 
 Podunk and Seantic Rivers, and extending a day's 
 march into the country. 
 
 N OF THE DEED. 
 
 Its consideration was twenty cloth coats, fifteen 
 fathoms of wampum, a part of which was to be paid 
 at the time and a part when the next English pin- 
 nace came up the river.
 
 88 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 This deed was signed by Arramament (sachem at 
 Podunk), Sheat (sachem of Poquonnuc), Cogremos- 
 set of Poquonnuc, and eight others, who hitherto 
 
 had claimed an interest in the lands. 
 
 
 
 TREATY NOT FULFILLED. 
 
 John W. De Forest, in his concise history of 
 the Connecticut wars, printed in 1750, says, that the 
 treaties between the colonial government and the 
 Pequots were imperfectly observed on both sides; 
 that Sassacus paid none of the wampum or other 
 articles which he had promised; nor is there any 
 proof that for two years after the treaty the colonists 
 ever sent a vessel to the, Pequot country to trade ; 
 that the only article which the English fulfilled was 
 that of planting colonies in Connecticut; and the 
 only article which the Pequots fulfilled was that of 
 allowing them to do so without opposition. 
 
 TROUBLE WITH THE NARRAGANSETTS. 
 
 It was thus that matters went on under that 
 treaty ; and at length it happened, John Oldham of 
 Dorchester, an energetic commander of a pinnace, 
 in which he made trading voyages along the coast 
 for the purpose of obtaining corn and other Indian 
 articles of traffic was slain. 
 
 In the spring of 1636 he sailed up the Connecti-
 
 MURDER OP OLDHAM. 89 
 
 cut, having for a crew two boys and two Narragan- 
 setts to assist him in trade with the Pequots. 
 
 OLDHAM finished his dealings with the natives; 
 but, pausing on his return at Manisses (Block Island), 
 he was murdered by its Indian inhabitants July 20, 
 1636. 
 
 Upon this being known to another trader, John 
 Gallop, who was voyaging along the eastern part 
 of Long Island, he discovered Oldham's pinnace, 
 having on board of it sixteen Indians, and a canoe, 
 manned by other Indians, loaded with goods, put- 
 ting off from the shore. 
 
 HE HAILS IT. 
 
 Gallop, running close to it, gave a hail in English ; 
 but, obtaining no answer, his suspicions were aroused 
 by observing that the Indians were armed with guns. 
 Immediately a sail was hoisted on board the pinnace. 
 The wind and tide being off the island, their boat 
 began to drive northward towards the Narra- 
 gansett shore. Gallop then bore up as if to head 
 them off, and occasionally fired at them with duck- 
 shot ; upon which they all took shelter under the 
 hatches. He then, standing off at a distance, made a 
 run upon the pinnace's quarter with heavy force. 
 Six Indians, frightened at the shock, jumped over- 
 board, and were drowned while making for the shore.
 
 90 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 He then made another rush upon the pinnace with 
 his heavier vessel ; and, no other Indians making their 
 appearance, he used his muskets in firing through 
 her sides. 
 
 Then six others of the plunderers leaped over- 
 board, and were drowned. 
 
 The victors then (three men and two boys) 
 boarded their prize. Two Indians came up on deck, 
 surrendered, and were secured; but, as they made 
 him trouble in securing them, he threw one of them 
 into the sea. Two other Indians still remained 
 under the hatches armed with swords, in such a posi- 
 tion that they could not be killed or taken. 
 
 JOHN'S BODY. 
 
 The body of John Oldliam was found beneath an 
 old sail, his head split open, his arms and legs 
 gashed as if the Indians had tried to amputate them, 
 and his flesh still warm. 
 
 Gallop committed these remains to the sea, took 
 the sails and remainder of the cargo on board their 
 own craft, and then tried to tow the pinnace away 
 with the two Indians still in it. 
 
 But the high wind and heavy sea drove the pin- 
 nace from them : they were obliged to loose her ; 
 and she drifted over against the Narragansett shore.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE OLD NARRAGANSETTS. 
 
 With the English Harmonious usually. An Eruption. The Tribe 
 proposes War. Gov. Bradford returns the Rattlesnake Skin, 
 and avoids Trouble. Canonicus and his Sachems. Pequots 
 suspected of Hostility. An Expedition sent against them with 
 Terrible Instructions. Fleet lands. The Indians run away. 
 English commit Depredations. A Dread Warfare is at hand. 
 Murders ensue from the Tribes. Men, Cows, &c., are killed. 
 Miantonomo and two Sons of Canonicus, and Twenty Others visit- 
 ed Boston in Kindness, and made an Alliance. Tilly and Others 
 murdered. Uncas at the Saybrook Fort. Battle on the High- 
 lands at Mystic, led by Mason. Underbill and Uncas andWe- 
 quash on the One Side, and the Sagamores of Sassacus on the 
 Other. Its Description Numbers Slain. Sassacus in sight of 
 his Dead Nation. He seeks the Mohawks. They murder 
 him, and return his Scalp to the English. 
 
 'ANONICUS for many years was their chief; 
 and every thing, as between them and the 
 English, seemed to move harmoniously at 
 all times, with the exception of one or two 
 instances of apparent 'warlike eruptions. 
 One of these causeless misunderstandings is de- 
 scribed by Edward Winslow in his GOOD NEWS OF 
 NEW ENGLAND, and is repeated by Mr. Drake the 
 historian, as follows :
 
 92 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 In February, 1622, Canonicus sent into Plymouth 
 by one of his men a bundle of arrows, bound with a 
 rattlesnake-skin, and left them there, and retired. 
 The Narragansetts were then many thousands strong. 
 Tisquantum the interpreter, after the messenger had 
 left, being called, told the English that the arrows 
 lapped in a rattlesnake's skin was intended as a 
 challenge for war. 
 
 Thereupon Gov. Bradford took the rattlesnake's 
 skin, filled it with powder and shot, and returned ifc 
 to the old Narragansett, with a message of defiance, 
 and at the same time invited him to a trial of 
 strength. 
 
 The messenger, with his daring demand, produced 
 the desired effect upon Canonicus, who, declining to 
 receive the rattlesnake-skin, at once returned it. 
 
 And here, as we believe, the trouble ended. 
 Canonicus had held, and still maintained, an influence 
 over some of the Massachusetts sagamores, who 
 were inclined to follow him. 
 
 We are told that in the war between Uncas and 
 Miantonomo, two sons of Canonicus fought for 
 Miantonomo, and that they were wounded at 
 Sachem's Plain. 
 
 Poems were published of this chief, of which a 
 few lines are here copied :
 
 THE PLOT AGAINST OLDHAM. 93 
 
 " A mighty prince of venerable age, 
 A peerless warrior, but of peace a friend ; 
 His breast a treasury of maxims sage, 
 His arm a host to punish or defend." 
 
 The tribes of Canonicus from the beginning, as we 
 have said, had maintained good faith with the Pil- 
 grims. They had become more civilized, and had 
 been better in their behavior, and more inclined to 
 progress, than any other of the tribes within the six- 
 teen years since they had entered into an allied treaty 
 with the English. 
 
 But now an event has happened which makes 
 Canonicus, that faithful old Sachem, sad. It was not 
 the act of Canonicus: his sorrows arise from the 
 perfidy of a few of his men, just as great quarrels 
 usually commence. This old chief of the Narragan- 
 setts, seeing the situation, as avowed, forthwith sent 
 Miantonomo his nephew, with seventeen canoes and 
 two hundred men, to punish the murderers. 
 
 It was undoubtedly true that the plot at the mur- 
 dering of Oldham was planned and perpetrated by 
 his Narragansetts, because this captain had traded 
 with their enemies, the Pequots. Canonicus, in view 
 of this troublesome murder, had applied for aid and 
 advice to Roger Williams, a clergyman in that vicin- 
 ity. Accordingly Williams had prepared a letter in
 
 94 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 his behalf; and three Narragansetts were made the 
 bearers of it as ambassadors to the governor at Bos- 
 ton. The plot had been formed, and the murder 
 committed, by certain reckless savages on the island : 
 as we have said, they had taken offence because Old- 
 ham had favored the Pequots with his trade. 
 
 The authorities at Boston finally sent the messen- 
 gers back to Canonicus, expressing some suspicions 
 which they had entertained upon this matter. They, 
 however, demanded that Canonicus should surrender 
 Oldham's two boys, whom the savages still held, and 
 that he should inflict severe punishment upon the 
 guilty tribes upon the island. 
 
 The boys accordingly were returned ; and Canoni- 
 cus and Miantonomo thereafterwards succeeded in 
 convincing the governor that neither he nor his sag- 
 amores had any knowledge of, and that they had not 
 had any participation in, the murder. 
 
 PEQUOTS SUSPECTED. 
 
 It came to light that some of the Pequots had 
 harbored some of the murderers of Oldham ; and by 
 the Colony it was thought they had been partakers 
 of guilt with the Narragansetts ; and, in that time 
 of faithless fear and excitement, hasty measures were 
 adopted.
 
 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PEQUOTS. 95 
 
 Although, by the treaty of 1634, the Pequots were 
 to have paid the Colony four hundred fathoms of 
 wampum, which was to have gone to the Narragan- 
 setts, they had not done it. Yet from that treaty they 
 had behaved well towards the Colony, and could not 
 be accused of having committed any outrage against 
 the English, their property, or their allies. " Yet such 
 were the suspicions against them, which were now 
 aroused in this time of excitement, that the govern- 
 ment at Boston resolved to demand of the Pequot 
 nation six hundred additional fathoms of wampum, 
 and some of their children as hostages for its deliv- 
 ery." 
 
 On Sept. 25, 1636, pursuant to orders from the 
 governor and council, John Endicott of Boston was 
 furnished with three small vessels and with ninety 
 men, of which John Underbill and Nathaniel Turner 
 were captains, and Jenyson and Davenport ensigns, 
 and with instructions to invade Block Island, and, 
 sparing "the women and children, put all the men 
 to the sword." Endicott was commanded to go 
 farther : he was to advance into the Pequot Country, 
 obtain the "infidel murderers of Stone," together 
 with a thousand fathoms of wampum, demand some 
 of their children as hostages for the performance of 
 these conditions, and, if the children were refused, 
 to take them by force, and bring them to Boston.
 
 96 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 The fleet was off, and landed on the island. The 
 principal chiefs were away. No attack was made 
 on that day. They made some random shots, by 
 which it is supposed one Indian was killed ; but the 
 Indians at the smell of gunpowder ran away, as 
 usual. On the following day Endicott and his force 
 marched over the Island, but, finding no Indians 
 there, " burned down their wigwams, destroyed their 
 canoes, carried away some of their mats and baskets, 
 shot their dogs, and laid waste about two hundred 
 acres of corn." 
 
 They spent two days there, but found no 
 more Indians. Thence Endicott with his force 
 advanced to Saybrook. Lieut. G-ardner, who com- 
 manded the fort there, expressed great surprise at 
 the sending out of such an expedition, and appeared 
 almost exasperated at the madness of such an un- 
 reasonable movement. Addressing the commander, 
 says he, " You have come to raise a nest of wasps 
 about your ears ; and then you will flee away." 
 
 Gardner, however, upon reflection, and in obedi- 
 ence to orders, re-enforced the expedition with two 
 shallops and twenty men. 
 
 They remained four days by reason of stress of 
 weather ; and then they advanced along the coast of 
 the western Nehantics. As they passed, the Indians, 
 at the sight of so many vessels, innocently and un-
 
 DREAD ALARMS. 97 
 
 suspiciously came running to the shore in large 
 numbers to inquire the object of their visit. " What 
 cheer? Englishmen ! " they shouted. " What do you 
 come for?" 
 
 The craft kept steadily on, making no answer 
 (for they seemed to have none to make). When 
 arriving at the mouth of the Thames, and when, as 
 it appeared, the white men would not answer, the 
 Indians turned and began to cry, "Are you angry, 
 Englishmen ? Will you kill us ? " 
 
 No answer was returned. The vessels silently 
 passed down the river, cast anchor far from the shore ; 
 and the anxious Pequots sadly turned away. 
 
 Dread alarms reverberated through the wilderness 
 that night ; and next day the Pequots in that neigh- 
 borhood were few. It being late in the season, the 
 expedition was finally given up. By such a demon- 
 stration, that wicked, barbarous nation the Pequots 
 were driven to desperation ; and a reckless warfare 
 again commenced. In the field, in the forest, on the 
 highway, in the church, or in the cot, danger, like a 
 pestilence at noonday or at night, to men, innocent 
 women, and helpless children, followed all alike. 
 
 At Saybrook in October, 1636, five men, while 
 haying in a meadow, were attacked ; and one of 
 them, by the name of Butterfield, was killed ; and 
 that meadow bears the dead man's name to this day.
 
 98 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 About fourteen days afterwards, two men were 
 taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook Fort. 
 Within a mile of the fort six men were surrounded 
 by two or three hundred Indians. Four escaped ; two 
 were taken : the two of course were slain. Advan- 
 cing, they killed one cow, and shot arrows into 
 others. 
 
 Oct. 21, the friendly Miantonomo, a Narragansett, 
 with two sons of CANONICUS, came to Boston with 
 twenty other Indians, to give notice to the English 
 of the approaching dangers. Katashamakin also 
 sought a conference with the governor ; and giving 
 notice of his purpose, a military company, being 
 ordered, met him at Roxbury and escorted him into 
 Boston. 
 
 Here at this time he made an alliance against the 
 Pequqts, agreeing with the English that neither 
 party should make peace with the Pequots without 
 consent of the other, and made it a duty to de- 
 liver up murderers, or to put them to death. 
 
 John Tilley about the same time was sailing down 
 the Connecticut in a boat ; and within about three 
 miles of Saybrook Fort he shot at some game. The 
 Pequots, hearing the report of his gun, overtook him, 
 tortured and maimed him in the most brutal manner, 
 and at length cut off his legs and arms, cruelly 
 leaving him alive. He lingered about three days.
 
 AN ALLIED ARMY MOVES. 99 
 
 He was denominated " a stout' man " by his tor- 
 mentors. A man who at the same time ^sas with 
 Tilley was also kiUed. 
 
 On Feb. 22, 1636, several Englishmen, as they 
 went out from Saybrook Fort, were decoyed into an 
 ambush by the Pequots; and four of them were 
 slain. The others with great difficulty made their 
 escape. 
 
 At Wethersfield (same year) April 12, six men 
 and three women were murdered ; two young 
 women were carried away ; and one horse and 
 twenty cows were killed. 
 
 Next, then, there was extraordinary alarm through- 
 out these English plantations. Miantonomo had 
 sent a notice to Boston that the Pequots had sent 
 their women and children away to an Island. 
 
 Forty men were thereupon raised and sent to 
 Narragansett, to join others to be raised by Mianto- 
 nomo himself, with the design of falling in upon the 
 Pequot warriors by a surprise, and driving them out 
 of the world. 
 
 About this time Capt. Mason, with ninety men 
 raised in Connecticut, had been sent away to make 
 war against the Pequots. The famous Uncas^ with a 
 large body of his warriors, advanced with Mason ; 
 and on their march to Saybrook, May 15, 1637, they 
 fell upon about thirty Pequots, killed seven of
 
 100 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 them, and placed their heads on the walls of the 
 fort at Saybrook. 
 
 Immediately afterwards Capts. Mason and Under- 
 bill advanced to take one of the forts of the enemy, 
 which was situated on a rise of ground, where 
 Groton, Conn., now stands. The English, and 
 about five hundred allied Indians arrived there on 
 the 25th of May, and surrounded the eminence before 
 day on the morning of the 26th ; and the battle was 
 obstinate, furious, and bloody. Beforehand, however, 
 the Mohegans and Narragansetts had begun in their 
 talk to hesitate, thinking that the English would not 
 stand their ground as against the Pequots led by so 
 brave a sagamore as Sassacus. 
 
 Thereupon Mason and Underbill, who commanded 
 the seventy-nine Englishmen, called up Uncas, who 
 was to lead the Mohegans, and Wequash, a fugitive 
 Pequot chief who had acted as a pilot, and who was 
 to assist in the lead of the Narragansetts, and 
 endeavored to excite them to bravery, urging them 
 to follow the English ; and then, the battle com- 
 mencing, the Pequots swarmed out against them 
 furiously. On the other hand, the allied Indians, 
 although they kept at respectable distances from the 
 front, maintained their ground, and did good service 
 in heading off the fugitive Pequots, as the fight ex- 
 tended along the way for several miles.
 
 THE PEQUOT SLAUGHTER. 101 
 
 The English had but seventy-seven men, which 
 were divided into two companies, one led by Mason, 
 and the other by Underbill. The hostile Pequots 
 were all within their wigwam-fort, asleep. The 
 barking of a dog was the first notice they had of the 
 approach of the allied forces ; yet none of them 
 knew the cause of the alarm, until met at their 
 gates by the foe. 
 
 The fort had two entrances at opposite points, 
 into which each party of English were led, sword in 
 hand. " Wanux, Wanux!" (English, English) was 
 the wailing cry of the five hundred savages within 
 the distracted wigwams of the fort. 
 
 The bow and the arrow, or even the tomahawk, 
 were as nothing to them then. The English, rapiers in 
 hand, backed up by the Mohegans and Narragansetts, 
 from wigwam to wigwam, pursued and slaughtered 
 them in every place. Men, women, and children, all 
 were falling, one after another, without reservation 
 or distinction. At length fire was set in the mats 
 and other combustible material that covered the 
 wigwams : it furiously spread over the whole fort ; 
 and the dead and dying were together consumed. 
 
 A part of the English had formed a circle around 
 and on the outside of the fort ; and they made it a 
 business to shoot all those that attempted to fly. 
 Some of them tried to ascend the pickets to escape
 
 102 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the flames, but fell, being shot down. Upwards of 
 five hundred Pequots perished in this battle. Two 
 only of the English were killed ; and about twenty 
 of them were wounded. Sassacus himself was in 
 another fort, and, being informed of the fate of his 
 tribes, destroyed his habitation, and with about 
 thirty others fled to the Mohawks ; but the faithless 
 Mohawks treacherously beheaded him, and made a 
 return of his scalp to the English. Thus perished 
 the Pequots ; and thus ended the Pequot war, and 
 almost the entire Pequot race. Yamoyden the poet 
 celebrates this battle as follows : 
 
 " And Sassacus, now no more, 
 Lord of a thousand bowmen, fled ; 
 And all the chiefs, his boast before, 
 Were mingled with the unhonored dead. 
 Sannap and sagamore were slain 
 On Mystic's banks, in one red night : 
 The once far-dreaded king in vain 
 Sought safety in inglorious flight ; 
 And, reft of all his regal pride, 
 By the fierce Maqua's hand he died." 
 
 At this terrible battle,* waged as it was by the Eng- 
 lish and their Indian allies on the one side, and by 
 
 * Cotton Mather says, that, while this Pequot battle at the fort was 
 progressing, a party of three hundred of them from another place 
 came up, and that they "acted like hears bereft of their whelps;"
 
 WAILINGS AT THE LOSS OF A NATION. 103 
 
 the perfidious Pequots on the other, Sassacus, their 
 great sachem, was away. Some eighty of his men 
 also were away guarding another locality, who, as 
 appears, subsequently came in, and rallied in the fight. 
 Tragical indeed was that scene on the morrow. 
 When the news of the loss of his nation fell upon 
 the ears of Sassacus, and his eyes came to behold 
 the ruins of his great wigwam fortress, together 
 with the dead and mangled bodies of his slaughtered 
 tribes, he with his thirty attendants appearing as 
 the pitiful remnant of a powerful nation, the pic- 
 ture was indeed pitiful. The dead extended from 
 the fort to distant swamps ; and the whole loss to the 
 Pequots, first and last, was nearly seven hundred. 
 Mather says, " When they came to see the ashes of 
 their friends mingled with the ashes of their fort, 
 and the bodies of so many of their countrymen ter- 
 ribly ' barbikew'd,' where the English had been 
 doing a good morning's work, they howled, they 
 roared, they stamped, they tore their hair ; and, 
 though they did not swear (for they knew not how), 
 yet they cursed, and were the very pictures of so 
 many devils in desperation." This was the last day 
 of Sassacus on his old hunting-grounds in the val- 
 
 that they " combined a bloody tight for miles together ; " that they 
 made a fort of every swamp in their way, until they became finally 
 " discouraged, and gave over " at a place called Fairneld.
 
 104 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 leys of the Connecticut, and along the beautiful 
 Thames. His hand had been raised against every 
 man's hand ; his hostile nation had left its scars on 
 the red, brawny faces of all the neighboring tribes : 
 and now, while he stood there in sight of the horrors 
 of that tragic morning, amid the mangled bodies of 
 his tribes, and in the midst of the wailings which 
 Mather has described, whither, oh whither now 
 should he fly ? His thirty bereaved friends, the rem- 
 nant of his mighty tribes, then filling the air with 
 their lamentations, were powerless to aid, to comfort, 
 or to tell him. The English were away ; but, reek- 
 ing with vengeance, they were as yet on the alert, 
 and were yet seeking Us blood. Where, to whom, 
 should he fly ? Like a wounded deer pursued by the 
 hounds he leaped : he fled away for the Mohawks. 
 The Mohawks ! and they, too, were still bearing upon 
 their bodies the same deep-cut scars which Sassacus 
 himself had made; and oh, what madness! No- 
 where else could he go. Forgetting his own bloody 
 aggressions, and depending for his life upon an 
 unforgiving, merciless Mohawk, impetuous, he flew 
 away to him, still meditating vengeance, and whose 
 hostile tribes on the borders of New York destroyed 
 him, and then afterwards waged war upon Passacon- 
 away. It was thus Sassacus fell. 
 
 The wrath of the English, and of their allied
 
 FATE OF SASSACUS. 105 
 
 Mohegans and Narragansetts, had swept over his 
 nation like a pestilence ; and then, like a fish at the 
 net, and the bird caught in the snare, Sassacus per- 
 ished at the hand of the Mohawks. The Mohawks (a:, 
 if in fear of the English), when Sassacus came falling 
 penitently into their open arms, murdered him in 
 cool blood; and then with Mohawk ceremonies 
 treacherously they transferred and transmitted his 
 bleeding scalp to the English government at Boston. 
 
 Here ended the last sad lesson which may be 
 taken from the history of this famous, belligerent, 
 fated Sassacus, a lesson among many, wherein the 
 wrath of man has been permitted to prevail over his 
 better passions, and where professed civilizations as 
 well as barbarisms have been at fault, through which 
 an entire nation perished in a night ; and that original 
 Pequot tribe of New England fell, never more to be 
 seen. 
 
 However cruel the provocations, that urged the 
 immediate necessity of destroying the Pequot race 
 might be, yet the reader cannot but be surprised at 
 the evident complacency of its leading enemy, Cotton 
 Mather, in announcing the result of that murderous 
 conflict, while he asserts that in a little more than 
 an hour "five or six hundred of these barbarians were 
 dismissed from a world that was burdened with them." 
 
 He states that on that bloody night of May 20,
 
 106 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 1637, not more than seven or eight persons of all 
 that multitude of Pequots at the garrison escaped : 
 these fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks. 
 
 Dwight, on this slaughter, concludes a poem 
 thus : 
 
 THE PEQUOTS. 
 
 " Undaunted, on their foes they fiercely flew, 
 As fierce the dusky warriors crowd the fight; 
 Despair inspires* dread combats strength renew; 
 With groans and shouts they rage unknowing flight, 
 And close their sullen eyes in shades of endless night. 
 
 " Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear, 
 That steals impassioned o'er a nation's doom : 
 To ine each twig from Adam's stock is near ; 
 And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb. 
 
 " And, oh ! ye chiefs in yonder starry home, 
 Accept the humble tribute of this rhyme : 
 Your gallant deeds in Greece or haughty Rome, 
 By Maro sung, or Homer's harp sublime, 
 
 Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over 
 time."
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MIANTONIMO. 
 
 Uucas excites Suspicions against him. A Hearing is had at 
 Boston. Nothing is Proved. Thence he and Miantonimo 
 were in Conflict. Another Hearing was had. Uncas proved to 
 he hi the Wrong. Council disbelieve the Witness. The Wit- 
 ness murdered. Uncas is waylaid and shot at. He demands 
 for it that Six of Sequassen's Men shall be delivered to him to 
 he put to Death. One is adjudged Sufficient. Sequassen, as 
 probably advised by Miantonimo, would not give him up. 
 Miantonimo threatens War against Uncas. English do not 
 object to it. Uncas invades Sequassen. Miantonimo then 
 invades Uncas. Uncas routs Miantonimo's Force by deceitful 
 Strategy. Miantonimo is taken Prisoner. Imprisoned. The 
 Four Colonies, under Advice of Fifty Clergymen, authorize 
 Uncas to murder him. His Seci-et Execution. Burial on 
 Sachem Plain. The Narragansetts visit his Grave. Ven- 
 geance visits the Clergy of JSe\v England. 
 
 -HE next war of much importance after the 
 destruction of the Pequot nation was 
 that of the Mohegans, commanded by 
 Uncas, against the Narragansetts, led by 
 the adroit, the ambitious, but the fated 
 
 Miantonimo. 
 
 107
 
 108 - INDIAN WARS. 
 
 " Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and old, 
 
 One young and strong and terrible in fight, 
 All Narragansett and Coweset hold : 
 
 One lodge they build ; one council-fire they light." 
 
 DORFEE. 
 
 In 1640 suspicions arose among the English chief 
 magistrates at Boston that Miantonimo was brooding 
 dissensions, and that he, as the leader of the Narru- 
 gansetts, was endeavoring to excite the tribes to a 
 general rebellion against the four colonies. 
 
 Miantonimo accordingly was summoned, and, ap- 
 pearing before the governor, claimed that his accus- 
 ers should be held to appear at the same time, that 
 they might meet him face to face ; he averred that 
 Uncas and the Mohegans had become his enemies, 
 were busy in malicious slanders ; and, demanding an 
 investigation, he urged that his accusers, if found in 
 the wrong, should be put to death. 
 
 Nothing of importance was proved against him ; 
 but from that tune, of course, Uncas and Miantonimo 
 were enemies ; and one evening, while Uncas was 
 passing from one wigwam to another, an arrow was 
 shot at him by an unknown marksman. It went 
 through his arm, inflicting a painful wound. It 
 appeared soon afterwards that a young Pequot had 
 a considerable quantity of wampum. This aroused 
 suspicion. The Pequot, as if conscious of guilt, fled
 
 MOHEGANS AGAINST NARRAGANSETTS. 109 
 
 to the Narragansetts, and took refuge under and 
 within the wigwams of Miantonimo. 
 
 Thereupon Uncas called the matter up ; and 
 Miantonimo was again called before the council at 
 Boston ; and the Pequot, being called there as a wit- 
 ness, went on to testify as to how at one time he was 
 staying at Uncas's fort ; how Uncas then and there 
 had tampered with him, had tried to induce him to 
 tell the English that Miantonimo had employed him 
 to kill Uncas, ; and how Uncas, as if to make this 
 story effective, took a flint from his gun, and cut his 
 own arm on two sides, leaving it as if an arrow had 
 gone through it. 
 
 This story, not being believed by the English, op- 
 erated in their minds against Miantonimo, who intro- 
 duced him ; and they at once decreed the Pequot to 
 be delivered over to Uncas and his Mohegans, and 
 by this intended to subject him to their vengeance. 
 
 Miantonimo, having induced this Pequot to attend 
 this trial, claimed the right of returning him to his 
 (the Pequot's) own hunting-ground, promising that 
 upon arriving there he would deliver him up to 
 Uncas. This was allowed ; and the two parties sepa- 
 rated. But for some reason the Pequot was not 
 permitted to return home. 
 
 The friends and followers of Miantonimo know- 
 ing " that it would be a great gratification to their
 
 HO INDIAN WARS. 
 
 enemies the Mohegans, to wreak vengeance on this 
 witness," and knowing that a dead man could tell no 
 further tales, they, while on the way with him home- 
 ward, murdered him themselves. 
 
 Enmity existed between Sequassen, sachem of 
 the tribes of " the river country," who was of Con- 
 necticut, and who was friendly to Miantonimo and to 
 the Mohegans. Soon after the happening of that 
 event, some of his Indians slew a leading Mohegan. 
 They also waylaid Uncas, tried to poison him, and, 
 while paddling his canoe at one time, shot arrows at 
 him on the Connecticut. Of all this Uncas com- 
 plained, and before the authorities at Hartford, 
 Conn., claimed that for this murder and other tres- 
 passes he ought to have six of Sequassen's men, in 
 order that he might put them to death. 
 
 The governor remonstrated against a demand 
 which seemed to him to be so captious and unrea- 
 sonable. Finally, he induced Uncas to be content 
 if he could have the man who had committed the 
 murder. 
 
 Inasmuch as the assassin was a friend and relative 
 of Miantonimo, Sequassen, being called on to that 
 end, refused to deliver him up, relying as to this upon 
 Miantonimo and his Narragansetts for assistance in 
 the maintenance of this purpose. 
 
 Thus the magistrates, failing in all attempts to pro-
 
 UNCAS AGAINST MIANTONIMO. Ill 
 
 duce a reconciliation, dismissed the two sachems 
 (Uncas and Sequassen), but at the same time 
 advised UNCAS to avenge his own grievances. 
 UNCAS, immediately advancing to do so, invaded 
 Sequassen's territory, killed seven or eight of his 
 warriors, wounded thirteen others, burnt up his wig- 
 wams, and plundered wherever he went. 
 
 This news from Connecticut soon reached the Nar- 
 ragansetts ; and Miantonimo thereupon began to 
 meditate war. He sent a message to the Connecti- 
 cut governor, complaining of the action of UNCAS 
 against Sequassen and his allies, the Indians of Con- 
 necticut River. The governor refused to interfere in 
 this matter. Miantonimo gave notice of what the 
 Mohegans under UNCAS had done to the governor of 
 Massachusetts, and earnestly inquired if the people 
 of the bay would be offended if he should make 
 war against the Mohegans, and obtained for a reply, 
 " that if UNCAS had done him or his friends any 
 wrong, and had refused to grant satisfaction, 
 the English would leave him to choose his own 
 course" 
 
 By these complaints made to the English govern- 
 ors, this chief had complied with the terms of his 
 treaty with them in 1638 ; and at once he accordingly 
 proceeded to collect a large band of Narragansett 
 warriors, and thence proceeded with secrecy and alac-
 
 112 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 rity, to make invasions against the forts and hunting- 
 grounds of the Mohegans. 
 
 Now, then, from the lofty hills of Norwich, the 
 Mohegan watchers began to discover the hostile Nar- 
 ragansetts as they emerged " from the old forest, and 
 crossed the river Shetucket above its junction with 
 the Quinnibaug." 
 
 It was then the runners dashed away, as it is said, 
 to carry the startling intelligence to Uncas, and to 
 excite him to call out and to rally his warriors to 
 the battle. 
 
 His fort was on the banks of the Thames, some 
 five miles below ; and it was there that the messen- 
 gers probably found him. 
 
 Uncas rallied ; -and, from their various tents in the 
 dark forest, they swarmed forth to advance upon the 
 invading Narragansetts, then numbering, according 
 to the best estimation, about six hundred warriors. 
 
 Uncas, then present on the field at Norwich with 
 his tribes, numbered in all three hundred men. 
 And there, in front of his men on the rise of ground 
 upon " the Great Plain" Uncas cautioned his men, 
 and made known to them the strategy by which he 
 would win the battle against the veteran Mianto- 
 nimo, and against his superiority of numbers. 
 
 In ihe mean time (as De Forest's history has it), 
 the Narragansetts had crossed the fords of the Yan-
 
 BATTLE OF SACHEM PLAIN. 113 
 
 tic, and were in loose ranks descending the declivities 
 nearly opposite to the Mohegans. 
 
 Uncas despatched a messenger to Miantonimo, ask- 
 ing an interview. It being granted, the two com- 
 manders met for a conference between the two 
 armies that then awaited the issue, all in breathless 
 suspense, and all within bow-shot of their formidable 
 deadly enemies, with eager eyes intent upon the 
 movements of their two gallant sagamores. 
 
 The Narragansetts still waiting! the Mohegan 
 army listening and watching for the signal ! 
 
 Uncas urges Miantonimo against the folly of 
 wasting the precious lives of their warriors in a con- 
 test which might as well be settled by themselves 
 alone. 
 
 " Let us fight it out" said Uncas. " If you kill me, 
 my men shall be yours : if I kill you, your men shall 
 be mine" 
 
 Miantonimo, although in person tall and strong, 
 desiring rather to depend on his strength of num- 
 bers made immediate answer, 
 
 "My men came to fight; and they shall fight! " Such 
 an answer Uncas had of course expected. He at 
 once fell upon the ground. His forces recognizing the 
 signal, with bow in hand, quick as sight, they let fly 
 three hundred arrows to the hearts of the Narragan- 
 setts.
 
 114 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 " Uncas sprang up ; and his warriors pealing forth 
 the yell of battle, and brandishing their tomahawks, 
 rushed forward with him" upon the staggering 
 enemy. 
 
 The Narragansetts, panic-struck at the assault, 
 made but feeble resistance, and were speedily put 
 to flight. 
 
 The Mohegans followed them with impetuous 
 fury, drove them through the shallows of the river, 
 and chased them far into the forests beyond. All 
 over that rude and hilly country (as tradition told 
 it), the pursuers and pursued might be seen leaping 
 over rocks and dashing through thickets, like wolves 
 in the chase of timid deer. 
 
 Miantonimo fled with his followers ; but his flight 
 was impeded by an English corselet which he had 
 put on to protect him in battle. Two of the Mohe- 
 gans followed him closely, and still further pre- 
 vented his escape by springing against him, and 
 jostling him as he ran. They said they might have 
 taken or killed him with their own hands ; but this 
 honor they were willing to reserve to their sachem. 
 
 The first of these men who followed the flying 
 chieftain was a sagamore named Tantaquigeon, 
 whose descendants were long held noble among the 
 Mohegans, and whose renown for a long time was 
 matter of boast among the Mohegans.
 
 MIANTONB1O A PRISONER. 115 
 
 Uncas, a robust, muscular man, finally came up, and 
 seized Miantonimo by the shoulder. The ill-fated 
 sachem, as soon as he felt the hand of his enemy 
 upon him, ceased his flight, and sat down upon the 
 ground. From his closed lips not a word came to 
 indicate his misery at heart. 
 
 Thirty of the Narragansetts had been slain; and 
 many more were wounded. The rest, without an 
 effort to wipe out their disgrace or to rescue their 
 captive sachem, retreated to their own " prescribed 
 dominions." 
 
 Miantouimo remained silent, although some of his 
 own followers were brought up and tomahawked 
 before his eyes. 
 
 Uncas was disappointed in not being able to draw 
 out from him a single confession of weakness or fear. 
 
 " Why do you not speak ? " said he. " If you had 
 taken me, I should have besought you for my life." 
 But he obtained no answer. 
 
 This chief was carried in triumph to the fortress, 
 and was there held. A truce was opened between 
 the tribes, to remain while this prisoner remained 
 there at the fort. 
 
 The Narragansetts sent their chief several pack- 
 ages of wampum while he remained imprisoned, 
 which the prisoner gave away, some to Uncas, some
 
 116 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 to Uncas's wife, and some to his favorite counsel- 
 lors. 
 
 The English in Rhode Island took sides in favor 
 of this sachem. He had won their good- will ; and 
 they believed him mainly in the right. And one 
 Samuel Gorton, a wild-headed enthusiast, yet kind- 
 hearted, also beset Uncas to liberate him. Uncas 
 refused, but finally referred the matter to his old 
 friends the English of Connecticut, as to whether 
 he should try still to hold him, release, or put him to 
 death. 
 
 While the matters were maturing before the 
 English authorities, it had been affirmed by the 
 adherents of Uncas that Miantonimo had engaged 
 the Mohawks to join him, and that they were then 
 encamped within a day's journey of the frontiers, 
 and were awaiting his liberation. 
 
 Then and thereupon the English record is finally 
 made up as against old Miantonimo, who in his long 
 lifetime had extended to the English settlers in New 
 England so many favors, thus : 
 
 " These things being duly weighed and considered, the com- 
 missioners apparently see that Uncas cannot be safe while 
 Miantonimo lives ; but that, either by secret treachery or open 
 force, his life will be still in danger. 
 
 " Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and
 
 MURDER OF MIANTONIMO. 117 
 
 blood-thirsty enemy to death, but in his own jurisdiction, not 
 in the English plantations ; and advisinrj that in the manner of 
 his death all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the 
 practice of the Indians, who exercise tortures and cruelty. 
 
 " And Uncos having hitherto shown himself a friend to the 
 English, and in this craving of their advice, if the Narragan- 
 sett Indians or others shall unjustly assault Uncos for his exe- 
 cutioi. , upon notice and request the English promise to assist 
 and protect him as far as they may against such violence." 
 
 Before dismissing the Narragansett deputies who 
 had attended with earnest solicitation upon the trial, 
 the commissioners induced them to subscribe to 
 articles of agreement, as follows : 
 
 " That they (the Narragansetts) would not make war upon 
 Uncos, until after the next planting of corn ; and even then, that 
 they should give thirty days' notice to the English before com- 
 mencing hostilities : also, that, if any of the Nayantick 
 Pequots should make any assault upon Uncos or any of /<w, they 
 would deliver them up to the English to be punished according to 
 their demerits ; and that they should not use any means to pro- 
 cure the Mohawks to come against Uncos during this truce." 
 
 MASSACRE OF MIANTONIMO. 
 
 The decision was kept an entire secret, lest the 
 tribes should know of it, and arrest the commis- 
 sioners while on their way home, to hold them as 
 hostages for the redemption of Miantonimo ; and all 
 the preliminaries of killing him were written down, 
 for the time being to be kept secret.
 
 118 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 As soon as Eaton and other commissioners were 
 far enough towards home to be out of reach of the 
 tribes, then Uncas, attended by his brother Wawequa, 
 with a select band of warriors, was to take the 
 prisoner from the jail in Hartford, which they ac 
 cordingly did. And, pursuant to instructions, they 
 travelled back through the forest with the old, war- 
 worn sachem ; and, when they came to the plain 
 where the battle was fought, Wawequa, stepping 
 behind Miantonimo, split him down with a hatchet ; 
 and there they murdered him. 
 
 What the names of those reverend Englishmen 
 were, referred to in the following page, does not ap- 
 pear in the annals which I am now consulting, and 
 that too, perhaps, for the best of reasons. 
 
 It, however, does appear, that, while the flesh of 
 Miantonimo was yet warm at his death, Uncas cut a 
 large piece from his shoulder, and ate it down with 
 savage exultation, saying, " It is the sweetest meat 1 
 ever ate. It makes me strong ! " 
 
 They buried him there on Sachem's Plain. A 
 friend piled up a heap of stones there ; and, for a 
 hundred years, every Narragansett that passed that 
 way turned, in his sadness, and added one stone to 
 the pile. 
 
 That battle-field still retains the name of Sachem's 
 Plain.
 
 COLONIAL ARBITRATIONS. 
 
 119 
 
 This trial and murder by referees was had at 
 Boston, Sept. 17, 1643. 
 
 The commission before whom this venerable 
 sachem's fate was determined consisted of the fol- 
 lowing members, as the representatives of the four 
 colonies, to wit, 
 
 John Winthrop, 
 Thomas Dudley, 
 Edward Winslow, 
 William Collier, 
 
 Plymouth. 
 
 George Fenwick, ) 
 Edward Hopkins, ', 
 Theophilus Eaton, 
 Thomas Gregson, '. 
 
 In the startling, extraordinary proceedings and 
 decision of the commissioners above named, it is 
 perhaps to their credit, that they could not make up 
 their minds to spill the blood of the gallant old 
 MIANTONIMO, until they had summoned to their 
 assistance a train of fifty clergymen, who from their 
 number selected five who were subtle enough to 
 become the scape-goats to carry off the sins of white 
 men in seeking the blood of one who, during a long 
 and painful life, had with extraordinary good-will 
 and sagacity invariably proved the friend, and who, 
 in that hour of trial, with no guilt upon his gar- 
 ments, had thrown himself into their arms for pro- 
 tection. That the Mohawks, having a deadly hate 
 to the Pequot Sassaeus, when he thus imploringly 
 threw himself upon them, murdered him, was terri- 
 ble ; but when a company of white men, with reli-
 
 120 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 gion and civilization uppermost upon their tongues, 
 will condescend to make merchandise of innocent 
 blood, not through prejudice, mistake, or malice, but 
 through an inordinate desire to obtain a political 
 advantage, or to seek dominion through blood in a 
 manner foreign to a fair, open warfare, the humane 
 heart is made pale and pitiful : it falls sick in sight 
 of it. 
 
 The injustice of this massacre of Miantonimo 
 must have been felt at the time in every vein of all 
 New England, while it foreshadowed what deeds of 
 blood white men could be led to seek and sanction. 
 At the same time it must have created an abiding 
 distrust in the hearts of red men never to be oblite- 
 rated. It proclaimed a precedent which, in the ad- 
 vancing years, daily and nightly brought premature 
 death to scores of the reverend clergy of New Eng- 
 land, however perfect and pure their lives, or how- 
 ever kind and circumspect their demeanor towards 
 the tribes. Alas! how, in sight of the unjust 
 slaughter of Miantoninw, can we wonder at the 
 record which history discloses for the hundred years 
 then next ensuing, wherein it appears, all the way 
 long, more clergymen fell in New England by the 
 blade of the tomahawk, according to their numbers, 
 than of any other class of mortals ?
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 INDIAN WARS. NATIVE PEACE-MAKERS. 
 
 Dominion of Passaconaway. His Oration. Eliot at Pawtucket 
 Falls. The Great Feast. Wonalancet of Wamesit, peaceful. 
 Ninegret's Dominions. The English distrust him. He offends 
 the Tribes of Long Island. His Address to the English Magis- 
 trates. Cotton Mather against Barbarism. His Opinion of the 
 Pequots. 
 
 S we have already seen, one of the most 
 powerful tribes in New England were the 
 Penacooks, and next to them, as allies, 
 were the Pawtuckets and Penobscots. 
 The strongest and most conspicuous chief 
 
 of all the tribes in the East was Passaconaway. 
 
 His dominion under, after, and from Massasoit, 
 
 extended over a very large part of New England. 
 
 121
 
 122 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Nearly all the serious difficulties tliat arose among 
 his people were from time to time submitted to his 
 consideration and decision. 
 
 His territory extended from the sea to the moun- 
 tains, and from the Penobscot to the Merrimack 
 River. His places of residence were at Pawtucket, 
 Piscataqua, and at Penacook. Thomas Morton, in 
 his New-England Canaan, writes of him thus : 
 
 " Papsiquimo, the sachem or sagamore of the 
 territories near Merrimack River, is a man of the 
 best note and estimation in all these parts ; and (as 
 my countryman, Mr. Wood, declares in his prospec- 
 tus), a great necromancer." We infer, from an 
 account of him in Winthrop's journal, that Passa- 
 conaway was a clever juggler, as -well as warrior. 
 
 In full belief of his supernatural powers, his 
 tribes were held in awe of him, and their destinies 
 were controlled in a great degree by this, as well as 
 by his wise councils. They believed he could make 
 a dry leaf turn green; that he could make water 
 burn, and then make it turn to ice ; that he could 
 hold the rattlesnake in his hands without danger of 
 hurt or harm. 
 
 In 1642 a suspicion arose among the English 
 that a conspiracy was being formed by the Indians 
 to crush out the white man. Thereupon men were 
 sent out to arrest some of the principal chiefs, and
 
 ELIOT AT PAWTTJCKET FALLS. 123 
 
 forty of them were directed to arrest Passacoriaway, 
 but he escaped by reason of an intervening storm. 
 His son, Wonalancet, not being so fortunate, was 
 taken, but his squaw escaped. As Winthrop relates 
 it, they barbarously and insultingly led Wonalancet 
 away by a rope ; that he loosened the rope and escaped 
 from them, but was finally retaken. 
 
 For such a wrong Passaconaway was afterwards 
 distrustful of his English neighbors. For this, in 
 1647, he refused to see his friend Eliot, while both 
 were giving attendance to the fishing season at Paw- 
 tucket Falls. Being fearful that the English would 
 kill him, he regarded their religion, which seemed to 
 tolerate such invasions upon the rights of the red 
 man, to be unworthy of his attention. 
 
 But in 1648, when Eliot again visited Pawtucket 
 Falls at the fishing season, Passaconaway was then 
 pleased to hear his preaching. To the assembled 
 Indians, Eliot then preached from this 
 
 TEXT. 
 
 " From tfie rising of the sun, even to the going down 
 of the same, my name shall be great among the G-en- 
 tiles ; and in every place incense shall be offered unto 
 my name, and a pure offering; for my name shall be 
 great among the heathen, saith the Lord of hosts." 
 MAL. i. 11.
 
 124 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The Indians paid respectful attention, and, after 
 the discourse was closed, proposed many questions. 
 At length Passaconaway arose, amid the most pro- 
 found attention, and announced his belief in the 
 God of the English. Says Eliot, " He said he had 
 never heard of God before as he now doth ; that he 
 would consider the matter, and would persuade his 
 sons to do the same," pointing to two of them who 
 were present. Passaconaway was doubtless sincere 
 in his belief, and, as it appears, so continued until 
 his death. 
 
 We have but little else of this chief until 1660, 
 when he had become old. He was at Pawtucket 
 Falls (now Lowell), on the Merrimack, at a great 
 assemblage of Indians, where, as Capt. Gookin says, 
 they had a great feast. The old sagamore then and 
 there made a farewell address to his tribes. His rai- 
 ment was plain, but somewhat gaudy and beautiful. 
 He was full of sorrow, being deeply affected ; his 
 utterances were tremulous from the storms of a long 
 life, yet musical. Standing erect before that assem- 
 bled multitude, he delivered this 
 
 ORATION. 
 
 " Hearken to the words of your father ! I am an 
 old oak, that has withstood the storms of more than a 
 hundred winters. Leaves and branches have been
 
 PASSACONAWAY'S OKATION. 125 
 
 stripped from me by the winds and frosts. My eyeg 
 are dim ; my limbs totter ; I must soon fall. When 
 young, no one could bury the hatchet in a sapling 
 before me. My arrows could pierce the deer at a 
 hundred rods. No wigwam had so many furs, no 
 pole had so many scalp-locks as Passaconaway's. 
 Then I delighted in war. The whoop of the Pena- 
 cooks was heard on the Mohawk, * and no voice so 
 loud as Passaconaway's. The scalps upon the pole 
 in my wigwam told the story of Mohawk suffering. 
 The English came ; they seized the lands ; they fol- 
 lowed upon my footpath. I made war on them; 
 but they fought with fire and thunder. My young 
 men were swept down before me when no one was 
 near them. I tried sorcery against them, but they 
 still increased, and prevailed over me and mine; I 
 gave place to them, and retired to my beautiful 
 island, Naticook. I, that can take the rattlesnake 
 in my palm as I would a worm without harm, I, 
 that have had communication with the Great Spirit, 
 dreaming and awake, I am powerless before the 
 pale-faces. These meadows they shall turn with the 
 plow ; these forests shall fall by the axe ; the pale- 
 faces shall live upon your hunting-grounds, and 
 make their villages upon your fishing-places. The 
 Great Spirit says this, and it must be so. We are 
 
 * The Mohawk tribes dwelt on and about the eastern borders of 
 New York.
 
 126 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 few and powerless before them. We must bend 
 before the storm ; peace with the white man is the 
 command of the Great Spirit, and the wish the 
 last wish of Passaconaway." * Soon after this, his 
 mantle fell upon his son .Wonalancet, who contin- 
 ued sagamore of the Penacooks for several years, 
 yet he was always at peace with the English. 
 
 WONALANCET. 
 
 This Penacock sachem was the son of Passacona- 
 way, succeeded him, and was chief over the domin- 
 ions of his deceased father, and dwelt mostly at 
 "Wamesit, now Lowell, on the beautiful Merrimack, 
 from 1660 to 1677. 
 
 Lowell is Queen, her history recalls 
 The might and memories of Pawtucket Falls, 
 Where lived the tribes, to proud progression blind, 
 Science and art, with enterprise combined, 
 Prove true to tell how moves the world apace 
 At the will and wisdom of a Saxon race. 
 
 On the 7th of September, 1675, the authorities of 
 Boston, through Lieut. Thomas Henchman of 
 Chelmsford, despatched an order, to be borne in 
 company with two suitable Indians of Wamesit to 
 this sachem, of which the following is a copy : 
 
 * Passaconaway is said to have lived to tlie age of one hundred 
 and twenty years.
 
 WONALANCET DISTRUSTED. 127 
 
 " This our writing or safe conduct doth declare that the 
 Governoi and Council of Massachusetts do give you and every 
 of you, provided you exceed not six persons, free liberty of 
 coming unto, and returning in safety from, the house of Lieut. 
 T. Henchman at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. 
 Daniel Gookin and Mr. Jolm Eliot, whom you know, and whom 
 we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you upon 
 such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity, and subjec- 
 tion, as were formerly made and concluded between the, Eng- 
 lish and old Passaconaway, your father, and his sons and people, 
 and for this end, we have sent these messengers [ ] 
 
 to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we 
 desire you to treat kindly, and to despatch them back to us 
 with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1st October, 1675. 
 
 JOHN LEVERETT, Governor. 
 " EDWARD RAWSOX, Secretary." 
 
 The messengers did iiot find Wonalancet: as it 
 appeared, he had retired into the wilderness, in the 
 Valley of the Connecticut, and did not return until 
 the next summer. 
 
 He then returned, having with him a party of 
 Nipmucks, Sagamore Sam, One-Eyed John, and 
 others who had been hostile to the English, but who 
 now sougnt pardon and aid through the good faith 
 of Wonalancet. 
 
 Previous to the 19th of September, 1677, this 
 sachem sold out all his titles to lands in New Hamp- 
 shire and Massachusetts not previously conveyed,
 
 128 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and then left the pale faces, and the graves of his 
 fathers, and sought a distant home in the dense 
 forest, where no intruder could come to disturb the 
 peace and quiet of his old age. 
 
 The Pawtuckets, after his departure, gradually 
 vanished away, through the overpowering numbers 
 and influence of their white neighbors, who, as it 
 seemed, continually intruded upon their hunting- 
 grounds and otherwise became more and more 
 offensive. 
 
 This sachem once had occasion to be at Dover, 
 we shall hear of him again there, prior to his de- 
 parture. He had a fort, while here, at Wamesit, 
 Lowell, on a beautiful rise of ground near its ceme- 
 tary, now known and celebrated as " FORT HILL." 
 
 NINEGRET. 
 
 This influential Sachem was a Neantick, usually 
 friendly to the Narragansetts, and was a successor 
 of Miantonimo, of whom we discoursed in another 
 chapter. 
 
 He claimed dominion over a part of the Indians 
 on Long Island (but Ascassasotick had the immedi- 
 ate control of them), as well as over the old Narra- 
 gansetts. Yet the winter of 1652-53 he spent with 
 the Dutch in New York. 
 
 This caused suspicions in the minds of the English
 
 NARRAGANSETTS DISTRUSTED. 129 
 
 authorities, they being unfriendly to the Dutch ; and 
 from this a meeting was held in Boston, in April of 
 that year, upon the suspicion that the Narragansetts 
 were uniting with the Dutch, being, as they sup- 
 posed, bent on mischief. 
 
 To test the correctness of this suspicion, a com- 
 mittee was sent to Ninegret, with interrogatories 
 propounded as follows to each of the following chiefs, 
 Mexam, Pessacus, and Ninegret. 
 
 1. Whether the Dutch had engaged them to fight against 
 the English ? 
 
 2. Whether the Dutch governor did not indorse such con- 
 spiracy ? 
 
 3. Whether they had not received arms and munitions of 
 war from the Dutch? 
 
 4. What other Indians are engaged in the plot ? 
 
 5. Whether, contrary to their engagement, they were re- 
 solved to fight against the 'English ? 
 
 6. If they are so resolved, what they think the English 
 will do ? 
 
 7. Whether were their grounds against the English ? 
 
 8. Similar to the first? 
 
 9. What were their grounds of war against the English ? 
 
 10. Whether they had not better come or send messengers 
 to treat with the English ? 
 
 11. Whether they had hired the Mohawks to help them ? 
 
 Each answered in their order. 
 
 NINEGRET, addressing them in reply, says,
 
 130 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 " You are kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the 
 Sachems of Massachusetts that they should think of me as one 
 of the Sachems worthy to be inquired of concerning this 
 matter. 
 
 " Had any of the other Sachems been at the Dutch I should 
 have feared their folly might have done some hurt, one way or 
 other ; but they have not been there. I am the man. 1 have 
 been there myself. I alone am answerable for what T have 
 done. And as I have already declared, I do utterly deny and 
 protest that I know of no such plot as has been appiehended. 
 What is the story of these great rumors that I hear at Poca- 
 toke, that I should be cut off, and that the English had a 
 quarrel against me. 
 
 " I know of no such cause at all, for my part. Is it because 
 I went there to take physic for my health ? or what is the 
 cause ? I found no such entertainment from the Dutch gover- 
 nor, when I was there, as to give me any encouragement to stir 
 me up to such a league against the English, my friends. 
 
 " It was winter time, and I stood a great part of a winter 
 day, knocking at the governor's door, and he would neither 
 open it, nor suffer others to open it, to let me in. I was not 
 wont to find such carriage from the English, my friends." 
 
 All this was said and done, and much more, evin- 
 cing an over zeal ; yet such an inquisition was of no 
 avail to the English. No plot was discovered. 
 
 Afterwards, in 1654, Rhode Island communicated 
 to Massachusetts "that last summer NINEGKET, 
 without any cause, had fallen upon the Long Island 
 Indians, our friends and tributaries ; " that he had
 
 SAYINGS OF COTTON MATHEE. 131 
 
 killed many of them, had taken others prisoners, 
 and would not restore them. 
 
 That this summer he had made two other assaults 
 upon them, " in one whereof he killed a man and 
 woman that lived upon the land of the English, and 
 wi J .Mn one of their townships, and another Indian 
 that kept the cows of the English," that he had 
 drawn many of the foreign Indians down from the 
 Connecticut and Hudson Rivers who rendezvoused 
 upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of 
 his cattle. 
 
 This war of murders commenced in 1653, and con- 
 tinued several years. 
 
 But there were other wars of murder going on 
 elsewhere, and at other various times. Some of these 
 Cotton Mather, that indomitable leading New Eng- 
 land divine, refers to in a brief summary, which I 
 copy in this place, 
 
 KEY. COTTON MATHER SAYS : 
 
 " In the year 1634 these terrible savages [Pe- 
 quots] killed one Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, 
 with six men more, in a bark sailing up Connecticut 
 River, and sunk her. 
 
 " In the year 1635 a bark sailing from Massachusetts 
 bay to Virginia, being by a tempest cast away at
 
 132 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Long Island, the same terrible salvages killed several 
 of the shipwrecked Englishmen. 
 
 " Tn the year 1636, at Block Island, coming aboard 
 a vessel to trade, they murdered the master (2 Mag- 
 ualia, p. 480), and another coming that way found 
 that they had made themselves masters of a bark, 
 which occasioned the sending of one hundred and 
 twenty soldiers thither, under the command of Capt. 
 Endicott, Capt. Underbill, and Capt. Turner, by the 
 governor and council of Boston, upon whom, at the 
 then landing, the Indians violently shot, and so ran 
 away where no English could come at them. Trav- 
 elling further up the Pequot country the Pequots 
 refused, upon a conference, to surrender the murder- 
 ers harbored among them, which were then de- 
 manded ; whereupon a skirmish ensued, in which, 
 after the death of one of their men, the Indians fled, 
 but the English destroyed their corn and their huts, 
 and so returned." 
 
 From this many lives were lost from time to time 
 in various ways, and Mather says, 
 
 " These parts were then covered with nations of 
 barbarous Indians, and infidels, in whom the prince 
 of the power of the air did work as a spirit ; nor could 
 it be expected that nations of wretches, whose whole 
 religion was the most explicit sort of devil worship, 
 should not be instigated by the Devil to engage in
 
 SAVAGES TO BE DESTROYED. 133 
 
 some early and bloody action, for the extinction of 
 a plantation so contrary to his interests as that of 
 New England. 
 
 " Of these nations there was none more fierce, more 
 warlike, more potent, or of greater terror unto their 
 neighbors, than that of the PEQUOTS; but their 
 being so much a terror to their neighbors, and espe- 
 cially to the Narragansetts on the east side of them, 
 and the Monhegans on the West, upon whom they 
 had committed many barbarous outrages, produced 
 such a division in the kingdom of Satan against 
 itself, as was very serviceable to that of our Lord." 
 
 After repeating many other enormities perpetrated 
 by the Pequots, Mather continues, " Unto all 
 which there was annexed the slaughter of nine men, 
 with the taking of two maids, by this horrid enemy 
 lying in ambush for them as they went into the 
 fields of Weathers field. So that the infant colonies 
 of New England, finding themselves necessitated 
 unto the crushing of serpents, while they were but 
 yet in cradle, unanimously resolved, that, with the 
 assistance of Heaven, they would root this nest of ser- 
 pents out of the world" 
 
 I will close this chapter with one or two brief 
 anecdotes : 
 
 " A SERIOUS QUESTION. About 1794 an officei
 
 134 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 presented a western chief with a medal, on the one 
 side of which was represented G-en. Washington, sword 
 in hand, and on the other an Indian in the act of 
 burying the hatchet. 
 
 " The chief, carefully looking the medal over, 
 earnestly inquired, 4 Why don't the president bury 
 his sword also ? ' " 
 
 " SELF-ESTEEM. A white man, meeting an In- 
 dian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with 
 much expression of meaning in his countenance, 
 inquired how they came to be brothers. 4 By the way 
 of Adam I suppose,' said the white man. The 
 Indian added, ' Me thank him great Spirit, we no 
 nearer brothers! ' " 
 
 " COMIC. An Indian having been found frozen 
 to death, an inquest of his countrymen was con- 
 vened to determine by what means he came to such 
 a death. Upon a full hearing, they returned the 
 following 
 
 " Verdict. 
 
 ''''Death from the freezing of a great quantity of 
 water inside of him? which, as they averred, he had 
 taken instead of rum."
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE TEIBES AGAINST THE DUTCH. 
 
 the Four Colonies. Trouble with the Narragansetts pre- 
 \ ented. The Dutch of New Netherlands and Indians confed- 
 erated against the Colonies. It comes to an End. "War. The 
 Narragansetts and Nian ticks pursue the Montaokes. The Colo- 
 nies advance and settle this Matter. Foreigners induce Con- 
 flicts. War. Dutch against the Tribes. Mohawks against 
 the Hudson Tribes. Dutch Battle with the Tribes. One Hun- 
 dred Indians slain. Fifteen Hundred Indians organize into 
 Eleven Clans, and beset the Dutch on the Connecticut and Hudson, 
 
 Dutch against Mayn and Mayano's Tribes. Their Battle. 
 Eighty Indians slain. Their Village consumed. King Philip. 
 
 His Biography. Intends War. Individual Intrusions. 
 Sassamoii murdered. Indictment. Trial of the Murderers. 
 Philip in Court. Three Indians are hanged by the English. 
 War is threatened. 
 
 FTER the extermination of the Pequot 
 nation, there were now and then, as usual, 
 occasional eruptions between the various 
 tribes and the English, growing out of 
 trespasses committed through individual 
 recklessness on the one side and on the other, 
 resulting sometimes in terrible retaliations in tres- 
 passes, conflagrations, and bloodshed. But in the 
 
 135
 
 136 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 year 1643, March 19, a union, offensive and defen- 
 sive, was formed of the four united colonies of New 
 England; which colonies were to furnish proper- 
 donate forces, in any event of necessity, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 The Massachusetts colony one hundred men; and 
 the Plymouth, Hartford, and New Haven, each, 
 forty-five men. 
 
 In 1645 and 1646 the Narragansetts, by reason of 
 certain misunderstandings, threatened insurrection, 
 and made some trouble for the English, but were 
 soon brought to amicable quietude by the leaders of 
 the colonies. 
 
 WAR ON LONG ISLAND. 
 
 In 1653 the DUTCH of New Netherlands under- 
 took a confederacy with the INDIANS, for the purpose 
 of cutting off and destroying all the English settle- 
 ments in New England ; but, by an early declaration 
 of peace between England and Holland, that desper- 
 ate, diabolical scheme was defeated at the threshold. 
 The year 1654 inaugurated a war, for the most part 
 between the tribes themselves ; yet, more or less, it 
 affected the peace and quietude of the individual 
 colonies. In this the Narragansetts and Nianticks 
 had waged war, and were pursuing the Montaoke 
 Indians in and about Long Island.
 
 FEUITS OF FOREIGN WARS. 137 
 
 Thereupon the united colonies fitted out two hun- 
 dred and seventy foot, and forty horsemen, and, 
 advancing to the front, soon brought all these con- 
 flicting powers to a final settlement. 
 
 FOREIGNERS INDUCE CONFLICTS. 
 
 It will be seen, as we advance in these annals, that 
 the wars in New England were, in the main, the off- 
 shoots of the conflicting powers of foreign countries. 
 For instance, whenever France and England de- 
 clared war, that event was but the signal to the 
 French Jesuits in Canada to incite and encourage 
 the tribes to annoy, to murder, and destroy the 
 English population on this side of the great waters. 
 So that each and every declaration of war in Europe, 
 wherein England was a party, covered her colonies 
 here, as with a cloud ; and, sad to tell, the sound of a 
 war-trump there was but a death-knell to the women 
 and children of New England. 
 
 At length the French with England disagree, 
 Which now portends what carnage hence shall be, 
 What man's estate must prove, a varied life, 
 From quiet peace proceeds terrific strife : 
 From plenty dearth, from faith and virtue, sin, 
 From health disease, that wages war within.
 
 138 INDIAN WABS. 
 
 As early as 1642, a war began to be threatened 
 between the Dutch settlers of New Amsterdam and 
 their neighboring tribes. Dutch traders, having 
 induced an Indian to become intoxicated, robbed 
 him of a valuable dress of beaver skins. In 
 retaliation for this robery, an Indian warrior killed 
 two white men, and then escaped to another dis- 
 tant tribe. A demand was made by the Dutch gov- 
 ernor (Kieft) that the murderer might be given up ; 
 which, being refused under a false pretence that he 
 could not be found, and the governor forgetting his 
 civilization, revenged himself by an act of cruelty. 
 Then, at some time that winter, two tribes on the 
 Hudson were surprised by the Mohawks; seventy 
 of their warriors perished, and many prisoners were 
 carried into captivity. The survivors of these 
 tribes, several hundreds of them, came for protection 
 to New Amsterdam, there to dwell as hunters in 
 that vicinity. 
 
 Keith, seeing their sufferings, at first gave them 
 aid by furnishing them with corn ; but at length, 
 getting offended with them, and remembering the 
 old conflict, he and his councillors -agreeing to- 
 gether, sent a band of soldiers against them, sur- 
 prised them at midnight, and put to death more 
 than a hundred of them in cool blood. 
 
 This was an act done under the laws of civiliza-
 
 THE DUTCH AND THE TRIBES. 139 
 
 tion, probably with high professions of humanity, if 
 not of religion; but pause for a moment, and see 
 the result. 
 
 The Indians on the Hudson arose at once to re- 
 venge this cruel treachery, the tribes on Long 
 Island uniting with them. They formed a confed- 
 eracy of eleven clans, in all more than fifteen hun- 
 dred warriors ; and fire and the tomahawk visited 
 every Dutch settlement on Long Island, Manhattan, 
 and along the Connecticut and Hudson Rivers. 
 
 Desolation followed the Dutch and English, also, 
 along the Connecticut coast as far as East Stamford. 
 The pretended prophetess, Anne Hutchinson, who 
 had taken up her residence here, although she 
 had escaped her persecutors in Massachusetts, fell 
 among their other victims. Until the last moment, it 
 is said, the Indians came to these houses apparently 
 friendly ; and then, in an unexpected moment, the 
 hatchet fell, and seventeen perished in the same mas- 
 sacre. Horses were driven into the barns when 
 they were on fire, that they also might be consumed. 
 
 NEW AMSTERDAM. THE DUTCH AGAINST MAJOR 
 MAYANO'S TRIBES. 
 
 These tribes were as hostile as its sachem, Mayano, 
 had been known to be ; and in February, 1644, after 
 certain preliminaries had transpired, one hundred
 
 140 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and thirty men were raised and sent off for Green- 
 wich, Conn., under the command of Underbill and 
 Vandyck. 
 
 Underhill had fought in the Pequot war, and also 
 had done service in an expedition on Long Island, 
 and had but recently, at the head of twenty-five 
 men, surprised a small Indian village, " killed eight- 
 een or twenty of the inhabitants, and had taken the 
 rest, an old man with some women and children, 
 prisoners. These commanders, with one hundred 
 and twenty men, then embarked, and on the same 
 evening landed at Stamford; but a snow-storm de- 
 tained them nearly all night. Next morning they 
 advanced, marching all day : at eight in the evening 
 they came to two rivers, one of which was two hun- 
 dred feet wide, and three feet deep. There they 
 halted to rest the men, and prepare for the conflict. 
 They again advanced at ten o'clock ; the sky had 
 become clear, and a full moon cast its light upon the 
 snow. And now they came in sight of three long 
 rows of wigwams, standing near a rise of ground 
 which protected them from the northeast gales. 
 They called it an Indian village. The Indian inhab- 
 itants had obtained notice, and were on the alert. 
 But the Dutch surrounded the village, allowing none 
 to escape. Gallantly, however, the Indians charged, 
 with the intent of breaking the Dutch lines; yet
 
 DUTCH WAR AT AN END. 141 
 
 twelve of the foremost were taken prisoners, and 
 the others were driven back. A fire of musketry 
 was opened upon them by the Dutch. The conflict 
 was bloody and furious for an hour ; and then the 
 Indians fled back to their fortified wigwam, leaving 
 upon the cold, down-trodden snow eighty of their 
 valiant number dead and dying. 
 
 Then (as at Fort Mystic against the Pequots), 
 they set fire to their village, into which they were 
 driven by the sabres and musketry of the Dutch, 
 and there they perished, men, women and children. 
 Five hundred fell in that battle : eight or ten only 
 of the tribes escaped. 
 
 The Dutch forces built large fires, and camped 
 down for the remainder of the night. Next morn- 
 ing they returned, arriving at the English settlements 
 at Stamford. And from that day all the Dutch 
 chroniclers daily discoursed and rejoiced that " the 
 Lord had collected the most of these enemies," thus to 
 be slain, and that of the Dutch soldiery on their way 
 hone, " the Lord endued the wounded with extraordi- 
 nary strength." Thus ended the Dutch war. 
 
 PHILIP'S WAE. 
 
 Massasoit, the chief of thirty tribes, had, as -we 
 have seen, two sons, Wamsutta and Pometacon : the 
 one (by the governor from the English court at Ply-
 
 142 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 mouth.) took the name of Alexander, the othe^ they 
 called Philip. 
 
 Alexander, soon after the death of his father in 
 1622, died. Philip then became sachem of the Wam- 
 panoags. Ho resided at Pakanoket, now within the 
 town of Bristol, in the State of Rhode Island, at a 
 place called Mount Hope. It is an elevation of land 
 about two hundred feet in height, and was the an- 
 cient dwelling-place of his fathers. The view from 
 its summit, even in this day of change, is said to be 
 beautifully picturesque, and full of inspiration. 
 
 Philip, after the death of his father, in the winter of 
 1661-2, and of his brother, now being king of the tribes, 
 entertained the idea that the English intended, by 
 their proceedings, to crush out his own native race, 
 and to take this domain entirely and exclusively to 
 themselves. And although he tried to dissemble, 
 yet the startling purpose of his heart to make war 
 against them could not long remain concealed nor 
 mistaken ; for, as soon as his hostile intentions were 
 suspected by his sagamores, then it began to be fore- 
 shadowed by murders and unprovoked trespasses. 
 Yet Philip and his sagamores did not themselves 
 remain unprovoked; and of their provocations we 
 , will give one or two instances. Squando, one of his 
 allied chiefs, who dwelt on the Saco, had a squaw 
 with an infant passing down the river in a canoe ;
 
 CRUELTY TO THE TBIBES. 143 
 
 and meeting some sailors, who had heard that a pap- 
 poose at any age would swim, with a view to try 
 that question, the sailors recklessly overset their 
 canoe. The squaw, diving to the bottom, brought 
 up her drowning infant, and saved its life ; but alas ! 
 by reason of this exposure, soon afterwards it sick- 
 ened and died. 
 
 Other provocations were constantly on foot in the 
 form of trespasses on the Indian hunting-grounds, 
 and in various other ways, wherein their primeval 
 rights and titles were often, too often, ignored or 
 denied. 
 
 Thus Squando, as well as Philip, was provoked ; 
 and the seeds of discontent, hatred, and jealousy, 
 falling in every direction, began to swell and take 
 root. 
 
 The design of the leading colonists to usurp 
 jurisdiction over all this New-England domain had 
 then from all their actions become quite apparent; 
 and trespasses, arsons, robberies, and murders pres- 
 ently became common in Maine, Rhode Island, and 
 elsewhere all along the English settlements. 
 
 In the month of September, 1675, a party of 
 Indians advanced upon the plantations at Piscataqua, 
 and there at Dover, where Durham now is, killed 
 two men, burned down two dwelling-houses belong- 
 ing to the two Chesleys, and carried away two cap- 
 tives.
 
 144 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Philip, to the vigilant colonies, all this time still 
 denied that he intended to make war. His deadly 
 intent, however, soon leaked out, through Sassamon, 
 an Indian graduate from Harvard, who had been an 
 itinerant preacher among the Mohegans in Connecti- 
 cut, and who latterly had been acting as an inter- 
 preter between Philip's native tribes, and the 
 English New-England settlers. This Sassamon, as 
 now Philip had heard, had given his enemies to 
 understand that Philip was instigating an insurrec- 
 tion. 
 
 Soon, then, in the spring of 1674, it happened Sas- 
 samon was missing, was supposed to have been 
 murdered. Search was made for the body, and it was 
 found in Assawomset Pond in Middleborough. His 
 hat and gun were found near the opening in the ice, 
 through which he had been dropped, supposed to 
 have been thus left in sight, to indicate a suicide. 
 But by marks upon the body, and by the fact that his 
 neck was broken, murder itself became apparent. 
 
 The English took this matter in hand : three Indi- 
 ans, to wit Tobias, and his son Wampapaquam, and 
 Mattashunannamo, in the June then next, were in- 
 dicted. The indictment contained the following 
 count : 
 
 " For that being accused, that they did with joint consent upon the 
 29 of January, anno 1674 (1675 new style), att a place called Assa-
 
 THE INDICTMENT. 145 
 
 wamsatf pond, wilfully and of sett purpose, and oj 'malice, forethought^ 
 and by force and armes murder John Sassamon, another Indian, by 
 laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke 
 until he was dead; and to hyde and conceale this theire said murder 
 att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a 
 hole of the ice into the said pond." 
 
 The twelve jurymen, as ompannelled, were Eng- 
 lishmen. We give thoir names, as follows : 
 
 Win. Sabine, Wm. Crocker, Edward Sturgis, Wm. 
 Brookes, Nath. Winslow, John Wadsworth, Andrew 
 Hinge, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jona. Bangs, Jona. 
 Shaw, and Benja. Higgins, 
 
 A trial was had. The record then goes on to 
 state, 
 
 "Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together 
 with this English jury aboue named, some of the most indiffer- 
 ent est, grauest, and sage Indians should be admitted to be with the 
 said jury, and to healp to consult and aduice with, of, and con- 
 cerning the premises : there names are as followeth, viz., one 
 called by an English name, Hope, and Maskippague, Hannoo, 
 George Wampye, and Acanootus: these fully concurred with the 
 jury in theire verdict." 
 
 JOSIAH WINSLOW was then governor of the Ply- 
 mouth colony ; and under his lead, as it appears, 
 these murderers were sought out, apprehended, tried, 
 and hanged. This seems to have been the first great
 
 146 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 capital trial, which was had here in New England 
 by an English court. As we have seen, he appeared 
 there, and by various ways manifested his deter- 
 mination to seek redress for the many grievances 
 which had for a long time affected his race of native 
 red-men. 
 
 And from that day, it appears, Philip became 
 more and more exasperated, ever denying that the 
 English had any right to or anything to do with 
 his men, this domain, as he claimed, being entirely 
 vithin his own jurisdiction. Hence the war com- 
 menced, and thenceforth he rallied his allied forces 
 against the English settlers through many a murder- 
 ous conflict, and thus he gave battle from the first 
 trial of his men by an English court up to that 
 fatal hour, August 12, 1676, when he fell in his own 
 native wilderness at the treacherous gunshot of Sea- 
 conet : * 
 
 "Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear 
 
 That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. 
 To me each twig from Adam's stock is near, 
 
 And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb ; 
 And O ye chiefs in yonder starry home, 
 Accept the humble tribute of this rhyme." 
 
 * See farther, p. 231.
 
 PHILIP'S KINDNESS. 147 
 
 In 1668 Englishmen had bought of Philip certain 
 lands which are now included within the lines of 
 Swansey ; and in the following year they induce 
 a sale from him of Memenuckquage and Towanset 
 Neck, supposed now to be a part of Swansey. 
 
 Next ye^r they purchased of him, at the cost of 
 20, five hundred acres, which now also is a part of 
 Swansey. 
 
 About the same time Philip presented a plan oi 
 lands, which the venerable historian, S. G. Draks, 
 copies in his elaborate history of North American 
 Indians, to the English court in Plymouth, with a kind 
 proposition, and with words of explanation, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " This may inform the honoured court, that I, Philip, am willing 
 to sell the land within this draught; but the Indians that are upon 
 it may live upon it still, but the land that is (Waste) may be sould, 
 and Wattachpoo is of the same minde. 
 
 " / have sed downe all the principal names of the land wee are 
 
 willing should bee sould. 
 
 "PHILIP Phis mark. 
 "From PAGAN AXKETT. 
 
 the 24 of the 12 Mo. 1668." 
 
 In 1669, for 10, Philip sold to John Cook an 
 island near the town NoJcatay. 
 
 Also for 13 he sold a considerable tract, now 
 within the boundaries of Middleborough. In 1671 
 he, with Monyocam, for 5, sold to Hugh Cole of
 
 148 INDIAN WAKS 
 
 Swansey, lands lying near Acashewah in Dart- 
 mouth. 
 
 In 1672 Philip sold to Wm. Brenton and others of 
 Taunton, a tract, south of that town, for 143, 
 which contained twelve square miles. 
 
 Also to Constant Southworth, another tract of four 
 square miles. 
 
 Thus we have given the dates, &c., of a few of the 
 sales which were made in this part of New England, 
 by this then most wealthy and renowned sachem; 
 and the reader will perceive the position in which he 
 had stood in the world anterior to the fatal day when 
 he feU. 
 
 The English sought him to obtain his lands, and 
 as speedily to divest hira and his race of any and all 
 power in the administration of the government of 
 New England. 
 
 Their constant importunities had induced Philip 
 and his confederates to do and concede, for the sake 
 of peace, many things which otherwise they, in all 
 probability, never would have done. 
 
 Listen for a moment to " ME. MORTON," who 
 wrote anterior to this conflict, when Philip's gar- 
 ments, as yet, remained unstained of blood. In the 
 year 1662, he observes, 
 
 " This year upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended 
 by the Indians against the English, Philip, the sachem of Pokanoket,
 
 ARTICLES OF TREATY. 149 
 
 otherwise called Metacom, made his appearance at the court held at 
 Plymouth, August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that 
 amity and friendship that hath formerly been between the Governor 
 of Plymouth and his deceased father and brother." 
 
 The court thereupon presented certain articles of 
 mutual agreement, in writing, on which signatures 
 were given as follows : 
 
 " The mark of P PHILIP Sachem 
 
 of Pocanaket 
 
 The mark of ^X] VUCUMPOWET 
 unkell to the abovesaid Sachem. 
 
 " Witnesses : " 
 
 JOHN SASSAMON 
 
 The mark of M FRANCIS, Sachem of Nanset 
 The mark D.I. of NIMROD, alias PUMPASA 
 The mark F"of PUNCKQUANECK 
 The mark 8 of AQUETEQFESH." 
 
 There were misunderstandings also in 1671, be- 
 tween Philip and the English, but which at that 
 time were adjusted ; for which, in this, we have no 
 space. 
 
 WEETAMOO. 
 
 This squaw sachem resided at Pocasset. Her hus- 
 band Petunaet, seeking out the distinguished Capt. 
 Church, crossed over to him in a canoe from Philip's
 
 150 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 head-quarters at Mount Hope. It was then that 
 Church obtained from him the confirmation that 
 Philip was making preparation for open war. 
 
 At this time Weetamoo was at her camp on a high 
 hill to the north of Howland's Ferry, and not far from 
 the Pocasset shore. Her husband invited Church to 
 make her a visit. Church found her in a melan- 
 choly mood, as she said all her men had left her, 
 being absent at Philip's war-dance ; and she talked, 
 perhaps too freely, of Philip and of his intentions. 
 Church, on his return to Plymouth, reported this 
 squaw sachem as being secured to the English ; but 
 in the mean time, Philip having reclaimed her, she 
 afterwards advanced to the conflict with him, and 
 finally perished, fighting heroically against the Eng- 
 lish in behalf of her own falling race. 
 
 " What fiend could then disturb the peaceful dead ? 
 
 Remembrance pointing to what last she said. 
 Prepare the hollow tomb and place me low, 
 
 My trusty bow and arrow by my side ; 
 For long the journey is that I must go 
 
 Without a partner, and without a guide."
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 LAWS OP THE NATIVE NATIONS. 
 
 Impending Dangers. Insurrections. Philip is in Arms. The 
 Colonies, troubled, are moving. The Clergy do not seek to 
 prevent War. Warriors send their Women and Children 
 away. Depredations at Swansey. Slaughter there. Ply- 
 mouth Governor applies to the Massachusetts Colony. They 
 try to dissuade Philip. Messengers dare not approach him. 
 Forces sent to Swansey. Hammond is killed. Five or Six 
 Indians killed. Philip's Councillor slain. July 4, Capts. Mosely 
 and Pago obtain a Treaty with the Narragansetts. The Articles as 
 signed. War begins. Capts. Church and Fuller with Forces 
 move to Pocasset. They form Two Companies. Fuller goes 
 Seaward. Finds too many Indians. Indians pursue Church 
 Seaward. He kills Fifteen. Fuller and Church return to 
 llhode Island. Taunton secures her Families into Eight Garri- 
 sons. English advance to the Swamp. Five of them killed 
 from an Ambush. Their Hiindred Wigwams deserted. Five 
 or Six Farmers killed in Mendon. Force sent there. De- 
 serted. Burned down. Henchman tries to starve out Philip. 
 Philip with his Warriors escapes to the Nipmuck Country. 
 liehoboth Men. Mohegans and Henchman Pursue him. The 
 two former Forces kill Thirty of Philip's Men. He is not 
 reached. Insurrections in Connecticut. Two Englishmen 
 slain at Brook-eld. Mosely is sent, to Penacook. Woualan- 
 cet Neutral. Ivatehinson and Wheeler are to obtain a Treaty. 
 Hutchinson and Seven others are murdered by Nipniucks. 
 
 ;N the preceding chapter we have noticed 
 some of the foreboding incidents which in- 
 augurated that general uprising of the 
 tribes on the one hand, and of the English 
 planters on the other, in that terrible 
 
 151
 
 152 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 struggle of barbarians against a professed civilization, 
 each contending with bloody cruelties, for a national 
 existence. 
 
 At first the laws of the tribes for a long period 
 had been ignored ; and the English statutes had been 
 enforced against three of Philip's men for the mur- 
 der of one of Ms own race : and from this and other 
 real or supposed encroachments, long and constantly 
 continued, Philip and his sagamores could but see in 
 prospect the fearful fate of their race. In truth, an 
 unmistakable, ominous hand had for a long time 
 been " writing upon the wall." 
 
 And now the public mind had begun to be agitated 
 with anxious fears and forebodings. The colonial 
 leaders were constantly sending from Boston emissa- 
 ries to the tribes in Connecticut, and to the east- 
 ward on the Saco and Kennebeck, disarming them, 
 and securing pledges of good faith, and of course 
 thereby making at every step hostility still the more 
 acrimonious, yet obtaining promises often obtained 
 but almost as often violated. Everywhere among 
 the planters, s well as among the natives, ''loud 
 rumor" spoke; and it spoke of blood, carnage, and 
 despair. 
 
 The New-England clergy, for the most part, led by 
 such men as that indomitable Cotton Mather, laid 
 aside their prayer-book,:, and with carnal weapons
 
 INDIANS SURRENDER THEIR FIRE-ARMS. 153 
 
 went in for a total extermination of the native 
 nations of New England. 
 
 The tribes could not have been unmindful of tiie 
 destruction of the Pequot nation and of the murder 
 of the valiant Miantonimo the Englishman's friend, 
 slain in cool blood at their own hands. They well 
 knew that the leaders in such barbarisms sought but 
 little else than destruction of the tribes for the pur- 
 pose of obtaining political advantages and a national 
 supremacy. 
 
 To the end of disarming the New-England tribes, 
 hostile or otherwise, commissioners, having been 
 appointed, were constantly on the alert in Massa- 
 chusetts, Connecticut, and Maine, or wherever in 
 New England they might be found. 
 
 Of the Narragansetts it was reported " that the 
 elder people were inclined to peace, and that the old 
 sachems expressed a desire that all controversy 
 might be brought to an end ; but the commissioners 
 volunteer an opinion that their intent is as treacher- 
 ous as ever, and that they intend in the spring to 
 invade the plantations all at once, and that their 
 pretences for peace are all a mere sham." 
 
 At an early day Uncas, the old opponent of Mian- 
 tonimo, and the representative of the Mohegan tribes 
 of Connecticut, was ordered to appear at Boston, and 
 by surrendering his fire-arms give additional assur-
 
 154 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 ance of his good faith towards the Colonies. There- 
 upon Oweneco the eldest son of Uncas, attended by 
 fifty warriors, made his appearance at headquarters, 
 and returned with them their fire-arms. The two 
 younger sachems were held to remain in Cambridge 
 as hostages, while Oweneco and his warriors marched 
 with the English forces in pursuit of Philip. 
 
 The Pequot race, who had been nearly annihilated 
 in 1637, had accumulated, from scattered fragments, 
 and from natural health and increase, to another 
 distinct tribe, and (in this Philip's war) together with 
 the Mohegans under Oweneco, continued true, and 
 sustained the English throughout this conflict, as in 
 the sequel it will appear. Other Connecticut tribes 
 remained neutral, except the Poduncks of East 
 Windsor and East Hartford, of nearly two hundred, 
 and the Nipmucks of Windham County of about 
 sixty warriors, who turned away, and sooner or later 
 went into the fight for Philip. 
 
 It appears that in June, 1675, during all the time 
 the murderers were on trial, whom we have noted in 
 the preceding chapter, Philip had a posse of armed 
 warriors on the march up and down near the court- 
 house at Plymouth, and ever afterwards kept Lis 
 men about him in arms, and still continued to enlist 
 recruits from distant tribes then and afterwards. 
 
 The English at Plymouth, knowing this, ordered a
 
 PHILIP'S WAR BEGINS. 155 
 
 military watch in all the towns, hoping that Philip, 
 not finding himself arrested by the court, might 
 become appeased, and that this war-cloud might 
 vanish away. 
 
 But the facts proved otherwise. His strength 
 daily increased \>y the flocking of the tribes to him ; 
 and his women and children were continually being 
 sent to the care of the Narragansetts. 
 
 Then the English at Swansey, a town adjoining 
 Philip's country, were daily menaced by the doings 
 of Philip, intent on Avar and bloodshed ; and the 
 savages, emboldened, began to kill their cattle and 
 pillage their houses. At length an Englishman shot 
 at one of these intruders, wounded, but did not kill 
 him ; upon which the Indiana began to kill the 
 English wherever they could find them ; so that on the 
 24th of June, 1675, the alarm of war was sounded 
 throughout the Plymouth colony, eight or nine of 
 the English having been slain in and about Swansey, 
 on the same day. They killed three of these men 
 in the highway, and six men in and about a dwell- 
 ing-house in another part of the town. 
 
 Upon that, on the 14th July, 1675, an amicable 
 letter was sent to Philip by a magistrate from the 
 Plymouth Colony, requesting him to desist ; but no 
 answer was returned. 
 
 The governor and council of Plymouth sent what
 
 156 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 forces they had to secure the towns thereabouts, de- 
 spatched messengers to the governor and council of 
 Massachusetts, and solicited assistance, and also sent 
 two messengers to Philip to ascertain whether he 
 could or could not be diverted from his bloody pur- 
 pose by mediation the same as an arrangement 
 had been made previously in 1671. But the messen- 
 gers, upon seeing the dead which lay in the way, did 
 not dare approach him, and, discouraged, returned 
 speedily to Boston. 
 
 Massachusetts forces were immediately fitted out ; 
 and others were ordered to follow. 
 
 First, a foot company under Capt. Daniel Hench- 
 man, and a troop of horse under Capt. Prentice, 
 bound from Boston to Mount Hope. 
 
 On the 20th these companies advanced to Swansey, 
 and were quartered at Miles's house, minister of 
 that town, within a quarter of a mile of the bridge 
 that led into Philip's lands; arrived a little before 
 nightfall, passed over the bridge, into the enemy's 
 territories, where they found eight or ten Indians, 
 who fired upon them from the bushes, killing Ham- 
 mond and wounding Belcher, his horse also being 
 killed. The eighty-seven English fired upon the 
 Indians, killing five or six of them as they escaped 
 into the swamps. 
 
 They were thus driven from Mount Hope ; and all
 
 TREATY WITH NAERAGANSETTS. Itf 
 
 escaped into the wilderness and were nowhere to bo 
 found. 
 
 Lieut. Oaks with another force, pursuing the 
 savages, slew four or five others : among them was 
 Thebe, a sachem of Mount Hope ; another of the 
 slain was a chief counsellor of Philip ; the lieutenant 
 lost one of his number, a soldier by the name of 
 John Druce. Capts. Mosely and Page were there 
 with their dragoons ; and while they thus pursued 
 Philip in various directions they received orders 
 from Boston, July 4, 1675, to pass into Narragansett, 
 and make a treaty with the sachems there. They 
 marched there, remained four days, and made their 
 treaty. Hostages were given by the Narragansetts 
 to enforce the performance of their treaty. 
 
 TREATY. 
 
 Articles, covenants, and agreements had, made, and concluded 
 by and between Major Thomas Savage, Capt. Edward Hutchin- 
 son, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, in behalf of the government of 
 the Massachusetts Colony, and Major Warto, Winthrop, and 
 Richard Smith, on behalf of Connecticut Colony, the one 
 party; and Agamand, Wampsh alias Corman, Taiteon, 
 Tawageson, councillors and attorneys to Canonicus, Ninigret, 
 Matababug, old Quen Quainpen, Quananshet, and Pomham, 
 the six present sachems of the whole Narragansett Country, 
 on the other party : referring to several differences and troubles 
 lately risen between them, and for a final conclusion of settled
 
 158 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 peace and amity between the said sachems, their heirs and 
 successors forever, and the governor of the said Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut, and their successors in said governments for- 
 
 I. That all and every of the said sachems shall from timu 
 to time carefully seize, and, living or dead, deliver unto one or 
 other of the above-said governments all and every of Sachem 
 Philip's subjects whatsoever that shall come or be found 
 within the precinct of any other lands ; and that with greatest 
 diligence and faithfulness. 
 
 II. That they shall with their utmost ability use all acts of 
 hostility against the said Philip and his subjects, entering his 
 lands, or any other lands of the English to kill and destroy the 
 said enemy, until a cessation from war with the said enemy be 
 concluded by both the above-said Colonies. 
 
 lit. That the said sachems, by themselves and their agents, 
 shall carefully search out and deliver all stolen goods whatso- 
 ever taken by any of their subjects from any of the English, 
 whether formerly or lately, and shall make full satisfaction for 
 all wrongs or injuries done to the estate of any of the subjects 
 of the several colonies, according to the judgment of indifferent 
 men, in case of dissatisfaction between the offenders and the 
 offended parties, or deliver the offenders. 
 
 IV. That all preparations for war or acts of hostility against 
 any of the English subjects shall forever for the future cease ; 
 together with all manner of thefts, pilf erings, killing of cattle, 
 or any manner of breach of peace whatsoever shall with utmost 
 care be prevented; and instead thereof their strength to be 
 used as a guard round about the Narragansett Country for the 
 English inhabitants' safety and security.
 
 PREMIUMS FOR PHILIP. 159 
 
 "V. In token of the above-said sachems' reality in this treaty 
 and conclusion, and for the security of the several English 
 governments and subjects, they do freely deliver unto the above- 
 said gentlemen, in behalf of the above-said colonies, John 
 Wabequab, Weothint, Pewkes, Wanew, four of their near kinsmen 
 and choice friends, to be and remain as hostages in several 
 places of the English jurisdictions at the appointment of the 
 honorable governors of the above-said colonies, there to be 
 civilly treated, not as prisoners, but otherwise at their honors' 
 discretion, until the above-said articles are fully accomplished 
 to the satisfaction of the several governments ; the departure 
 of any of them in the mean time to be accounted breach of 
 the peace and of these present articles. 
 
 VI. The said gentlemen, in behalf of the governments to 
 which they do belong, do engage to every the said sachems and 
 their subjects, that, if they or any of them shall seize and 
 bring into either of the above-said English governments, or to 
 Mr. Smith, inhabitant of Narragansett, Philip Sachem alive, he 
 or they so delivering shall receive for their pains forty truck- 
 ing cloth coats : in case they bring his head, they shall have 
 twenty like good coats paid them. For every living subject of 
 said Philip's so delivered, the deliverer shall receive two coats, 
 and for every head two coats, and for every head one coat as a 
 gratuity for their service, herein making it appear to satisi'o.c- 
 tion that the heads or persons are belonging to the enemy, and 
 that they are of their seizure. 
 
 VII. The said sachems do renew and confirm unto the English 
 inhabitants or others all former grants, sales, bargains, or con- 
 veyances of lands, meadows, timber, grass, stones, or whatever 
 else the English have heretofore bought or quietly possessed and 
 enjoyed, to be unto them and their heirs and assigns forever :
 
 160 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 as also all former articles made with tlie confederate Colo- 
 nies. 
 
 Lastly. The said councillors and attorneys do premeditately, 
 seriously, and upon good advice, covenant, conclude, and agree 
 all above said solemnly, and call God to witness they are and 
 shall remain true friends to the English governments, and per- 
 form the above-said articles punctually, using their utmost en- 
 deavor, care, and faithfulness therein. 
 
 In witness whereof they have set their hands and 
 
 PETAQUAMSCOT, July 15, 1675. 
 
 Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us 
 underwritten, being carefully interpreted to the said 
 Indians before sealing. 
 
 Daniel Henchman, TAWAGASON, his C. mark. 
 
 Thomas Prentice, TAYTSOX, his D. mark. 
 
 Nicholas Paige, AGAMOUG, hu 1 T. mark. 
 
 Joseph Stanton, luterp. 
 
 Henry Hawlaws, WAMPSH "| 
 
 Pecos Burkow, alias t his X mark. 
 
 Job NefE, CORMAN, J 
 
 The four colonies, as appears, were alarmed almost 
 to desperation ; and, while this treaty with the Narra- 
 gansetts was progressing, the English everywhere 
 else were advancing to the various posts of danger, 
 many of them commissioned to make treaties or 
 alliances with the afflicted, troublesome tribes, all
 
 CHUECH AND PULLER AT POCASSET. 161 
 
 now more or less on the alert at the sound of the 
 soul-trying, terrific war-whoop, and all charged to 
 ferret out and destroy Philip and his bloody warriors 
 then ambushed with a strong force in some New- 
 England swamp (no Englishman knew where). 
 Accordingly, Capts. Church and Fuller were de- 
 spatched to Pocasset with a force of fifty soldiers, 
 advanced, seeking the enemy," and trying to make 
 peace or treaty of peace with the Pocassets. That day 
 they traversed Pocasset Neck ; and they watched all 
 that night in a deserted house which they found 
 there, but, sad to relate, they heard no tidings of 
 Indians. 
 
 They then divided their company. Fuller took 
 towards the sea, had a skirmish wherein one of his 
 men was wounded; but, ascertaining that there 
 were more Indians in that neighborhood than would 
 answer his purpose to find, they turned back, and a, 
 sloop of war took them all to Rhode Island in entire 
 safety. 
 
 Capt. Church with his force marched farther into 
 the neck of Pocasset, and, coming near a field, dis- 
 covered two Indians among the standing peas. Hear- 
 ing them shout, a tribe in great numbers sprang up, 
 and chased him and his fifteen attendants far away 
 to the seaside ; and there they too, without loss of 
 life, found a sloop, " The Golden Gate," that took them
 
 162 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 to Rhode Island all in safety. It is recorded, that, on 
 this retreat to the sea-shore, this gallant captain used 
 up all of his ammunition, and killed at least fifteen 
 from the tribes that pursued him. 
 
 Capt. Church soon returned to Massachusetts, 
 took more soldiers, and advanced to Pocasset again, 
 and there again, in a skirmish with the enemy, killed 
 fourteen or fifteen of them ; and at this time he ascer- 
 tained that Philip had betaken himself and tribes 
 to the swamps not far away. 
 
 Capt. Cudworth in the mean time operated with 
 his forces in killing Indians nearer at home. 
 
 Thus did the Plymouth Colony busy itself during 
 the negotiations with the Narragansetts. Then, on 
 Friday, July 15, the same day when the Plymouth 
 treaty was completed, the Massachusetts forces 
 marched to Rehoboth; but, hearing of no Indians 
 nearer than the great swamp of Pocasset, eighteen 
 miles from Taunton, they the next day advanced 
 twelve miles to Metapoiset, midway between Taun- 
 ton Bay and Mount Hope : thence, July 17, after a 
 march of twenty miles, they arrived at Taunton, 
 where the people generally had assembled and had 
 secured their families within eight garrisons. 
 
 On the eighteenth of July our forces again ad- 
 vanced eighteen miles to the swamp, and, being 
 joined by Plymouth soldiers, entered the thicket, and
 
 PHILIP ESCAPES. 163 
 
 were fired upon by the Indians in ambush. Five 
 of the foremost Englishmen were killed ; seven 
 were wounded : and then again there were no Indians 
 to be seen. 
 
 Three hundred wigwams, made there of green 
 bark, so that they would not burn, were entirely de- 
 serted. A God-forsaken, decrepit old Indian was 
 found in and about them. He confessed that Philip 
 had lately lodged there, but said Philip and his 
 tribes were in parts unknown to him. 
 
 For some time they travelled about, searching the 
 swamp ; but no further trace was found of Philip. 
 
 Night now coming on, and a retreat being sounded, 
 they buried their dead ; and then most of the 
 Massachusetts were drawn off, leaving Capt. Hench- 
 man with one hundred men, together with the Ply- 
 mouth forces, to pursue Philip and his hosts from 
 this locality. 
 
 Under this arrangement Major Savage, Capt. Page^ 
 anJi Capt. Mosely, with their companies, returned, 
 and reported to their authorities in Boston. 
 
 And then Capt. Prentice with his troop of 
 horse was ordered towards Mendon, where some 
 of Philip's Indians had entered a field and had 
 killed five or six men at their labor, and soon as 
 done had taken llight to the wilderness. He ad- 
 vanced ; but that little village of Mendon was soon
 
 164 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 found to have been entirely deserted ; and its hitherto 
 peaceful cots had now all been turned to asheb. 
 " Benjamin was not, and Simeon was not ; " and 
 " the bowl " had been " broken at the fountain." 
 
 Captain Henchman, who had been left with strong 
 forces at Pocasset, thence to pursue Philip, not de- 
 siring to beard the beast in his den, knowing the 
 danger and folly of entering the dismal woods deep 
 in its miry bogs, blindfolded by the boughs of trees, 
 to be ambushed and shot down by unseen tribes, 
 whose foot-paths in flight were plain and smooth to 
 the savages, but dark and deadly to an Englishman, 
 resolved to starve them out. Accordingly he built 
 there a fort, as it were, to beleaguer the enemy, and 
 prevent his escape from the swamp, where he was 
 then kiiovv'n or supposed to be, and where, as he 
 hoped, he would hold him fast within his surround- 
 ings. 
 
 Philip, of course not being ignorant of what was 
 going on without, and perceiving himself doomed if 
 he remained, late in July started with one or two 
 hundred of his best fighting men, advancing towards 
 an arm of the sea that bordered there, and, taking 
 the advantage of a low tide, built rafts of timber in 
 the night-time, and ere the day broke with all his 
 company escaped in the wilderness away into the 
 country of the Niprnucks, while yet his enemies
 
 PHILIP SEEKS THE NIPMUCKS. 165 
 
 still remained in camp on an opposite side of the 
 great swamp. 
 
 Philip left behind him a hundred or more of Lis 
 women and children, whom he could but leave to the 
 mercy of the English, and to the God of his fathers. 
 
 His way into the Nipmuck territory was beset with 
 many an ambuscade of English forces, then vigilant, 
 seeking his blood. He was first discovered near 
 Rehoboth, where its inhabitants with a party of 
 Mohegans (then on their way from their visit to 
 Boston) started in considerable force to apprise 
 Henchman of Philip's flight ; but, meeting an English 
 force in direct pursuit of the enemy, they fell into 
 the same ranks, and advanced. The news of all 
 this in the mean time had reached Henchman, who, 
 as soon as he could cross over with six files of men 
 rowing hard the most of a day, arrived at Provi- 
 dence, and thence also advanced in pursuit of Philip 
 of Pokanoket. 
 
 In the mean time the Mohegans, with the men of 
 Rehoboth, had fallen at night upon the enemy's 
 trail, overtook him, killed about thirty of them, and 
 took a considerable of plunder without much IOSE . 
 
 The men of Rehoboth that night, having left 
 their horses three miles in the rear, returned the 
 next morning; and the Mohegans wheeled in, and 
 again agreed to advance forward with Henchman, in
 
 166 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 pursuit of the king and his tribes, towards Nep- 
 satchet, then thirty miles distant. To that end 
 Henchman supplied provisions to the Mohegans ; and 
 to the same end Capt. Edmunds and Lieut. Brown 
 of Providence had supplied Henchman. 
 
 But the pursuit, as appears, from no good reason, 
 was not then followed for any great distance or ex- 
 tent. Henchman followed him. until his provisions 
 failed : then he and his Englishmen, as well as the 
 Mohegans, severally faced about and returned home. 
 
 Philip escaped away to the westward, kindling 
 and fanning the flames of war in all the western 
 plantations of the Massachusetts Colony, wherever 
 he went: so that both westward and eastward Philip's 
 war was now beginning to wax warm, and in tlio 
 fury of its flame had begun to rage within the two 
 colonies of Connecticut. 
 
 While these events were progressing within the 
 Plymouth Colony, the commissioners of the other 
 three Colonies were constantly consulting, advising, 
 inventing, and forwarding means and measures to 
 prevent, as far as possible, the hateful horrors of an 
 impending barbarous, savage war. 
 
 By the treaty which we have copied, the Narra- 
 gansetts were kept from waging war in conjunction 
 with the tribes of Philip ; and thus the inland plan- 
 tations of the English, for the present at least, had 
 been saved.
 
 MOSELY ADVANCES TO PENACOOK. 1^7 
 
 Henchman returned to Boston; and after awhile 
 his force was disbanded. 
 
 Capt. Mosely then, with his force, was ordered 
 from there to Quaboag (Brookfield), with other cap- 
 tains, to protect its inhabitants, and "to seek after 
 the enemy in those woods" None for a long time 
 being found there, they came down to Lancaster, 
 where on Sunday, the 22d of August, a man, Ms 
 wife, and two children had been slain, and where a 
 young man, while keeping his father's sheep, had 
 been shot at by an Indian at Marlborough. 
 
 There was an Indian fort here. Mosely demanded 
 and took their guns. Suspecting evil in eleven of 
 them, he took and sent them to Boston, as if they 
 had had something to do in the slaughter of the 
 four men and the shooting at the young shepherd. 
 But these prisoners when tried were all acquitted. 
 
 Presently also Capt. Mosely, with a company of 
 soldiers, was sent from Boston up the Morrimack 
 River to Penacook (Concord, N. H.), but found no 
 Indians. Wonalancet, the sachem of that valley, 
 whose residence was at Wamesit (Lowell), together 
 with Ijiis tribes, having no heart for bloodshed for 
 either of the belligerent nations, turning aside to 
 remain neutral, had wandered back into the dark, 
 dense forest. 
 
 Thence Mosely was sent westward to Hadley, to
 
 168 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 put a stop, if possible, to depredations and murders 
 which Philip's men were making in that direction 
 both by fire and by sword. 
 
 The authorities at Boston at this time stood 
 greatly in fear of the Nipmuck nation, located as 
 they were between the great Merrimack and Connecti- 
 cut Rivers, and sent up there a committee to make 
 inquiries, who on their return reported " that they 
 found the said Indians wavering, the younj men very 
 surly and insolent, the elder ones showing some incli- 
 nation to maintain the wonted peace." 
 
 On July 28, 1675, Capt. Wheeler was sent from 
 Boston with a company of twenty horse, to assist 
 Capt. Hutchinson at Quaboag (Brookfield, Mass.), 
 for the purpose of obtaining, if possible, a treaty of 
 peace. They arrived there, and obtained the promise 
 of an amicable arrangement. The day (Aug. 2) 
 was set for the negotiation to be signed or completed : 
 whereupon, on that day some of the principal men 
 of the town, unarmed, rode along with said Hutch- 
 inson and Wheeler to the place appointed; but, 
 finding no Indians had arrived, they, suspecting 
 nothing, passed over to the chief town of the tribes, 
 some -three or four miles beyond, where they were 
 assailed from an ambush, eight of them being shot 
 down. Capt. Hutchinson was among the slain. 
 
 Such, indeed, was the result of trying to obtain a 
 treaty of peace in the land of the Nipmucks.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 BATTLE OF BLOODY BROOK. 
 
 A. Massacre. Deerfield is surprised and sacked. Sam and Ne- 
 tramp executed. Capts. Beers and Lothrop. Hostile Indians 
 westward. Neutral Indians suspected, and fly. Twenty-six of 
 them slain. Beers and Twenty Men are slain. Garrisons. 
 Lothrop and Essex Men slain. Treat arrives, joins Mosely to 
 bury the Dead. Story of a Wounded Soldier. Mosely's Skirm- 
 ish. He drives them to their Swamps. Cooper at Springfield. 
 Is assailed by Savages. Treat comes out from Westfield. 
 Thirty-two Houses destroyed. Capts. Mosely, Poole, and Apple- 
 ton are assailed. Seven of their Men killed. Parties in the 
 "Woods. They wander towards the Narragansetts. Hasse- 
 menesit visited by Henchman. Indians vanish. Found Wig- 
 wains. Heard of Indians farther away, Twenty-two Men on 
 Horses. Their Commander is killed. Towns are fortified. 
 Scouts of Indians all about. Tribes vanish towards Dutch 
 Eiver, and to the Narragansett Country. Philip concentrates. 
 The Colonies deliberate. Advance upon the Narragansetts. 
 Battle of Pettyquanscot Swamp. 
 
 the preceding chapter it already appears 
 that Capts. Hutchinson and Wheeler had 
 been sent from Boston to negotiate a 
 treaty with the Nipmucks at Meminimis- 
 set (Brookfield) j and that Capt. Hutchin- 
 Bon and others, in passing into that Indian village, 
 
 169
 
 170 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 known to be there, as he was, for the purpose of 
 peace, were fired upon by two or three hundred 
 Indians from an ambuscade near a swamp, and were 
 slain, and Capt. Wheeler wounded. 
 
 From that the Indians flocked into the village, 
 setting fire to all the dwelling-houses and other 
 buildings save the one in which the people had gar- 
 risoned themselves, and which they tried also to 
 burn. 
 
 For nearly two days they tried to destroy the 
 garrison-house, in which about seventy of the inhab- 
 itants had taken refuge, but failed. 
 
 Major Willard, with forty-eight dragoons, and Capt. 
 Parker of Groton, with forty-six more, on the sec- 
 ond day then from Boston came to their relief, fired 
 upon the Indians ; and the tribes as of course took 
 to their dens in the woods and swamps. 
 
 In this raid many houses were burned, cattle were 
 killed, and other trespasses committed. In the mean 
 time Capt. Watts and Lieut. Cooper arrived with 
 re-enforcements from Springfield, in all eighty Eng- 
 lishmen and Indians. 
 
 These Indians, as usual, moved in small parties, 
 and were led by several sachems, among whom were 
 Sam, sachem of Weshacum, and Netaump, who were 
 afterr/ards captured, and were executed in Boston. 
 
 Then Capt. Lothrop and Capt. Beers were sent up
 
 TROUBLE AT DEEEFIELD AND HADLEY. 171 
 
 there ; and Major Willard with several companies of 
 armed men were sent into the Nipmuck country to 
 head off any attempt on the part of Indians to take 
 concert of action with King Philip ; but to little pur- 
 pose. These re-enforcements traversed the woods in 
 various directions for many miles 5 but the tribes had 
 fled. 
 
 DEERFHELD. 
 
 The hostile Indians generally wandered westward ; 
 and very soon a considerable force of them became 
 concentrated at Deerfield, Swamscot, and Squcikeag, 
 places of plantations newly started. 
 
 At Hadley also the apparently neutral Indians be- 
 gan to be suspected, as they inclined to make noises 
 while on the pursuit of Philip's force ; by reason of 
 which they were called upon to deliver up their 
 arms ; yet they refused, and fled like sheep. Lothrop 
 and Beers pursued and overtook them about ten 
 miles above Hatfield, at Sugarloaf Hill, killed 
 twenty-six of them, but lost ten of their soldiers. 
 The other fugitives fled away, and joined Philip. 
 
 On the! first of September, 1675, the tribes beset 
 Deerfield, killed one man, and laid most of the town 
 in ashes.
 
 172 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 SQUAKEAG. 
 
 Two or three days afterwards they fell in upon 
 Squakeag, another new plantation fifteen miles 
 higher up the river, where they killed nine or ten of 
 the inhabitants, falling as they did before getting 
 sheltered within the garrison-house. 
 
 CAPTAIN BEERS SLAIN. 
 
 The next day Capt. Beers, with his force, on the 
 way near by, was suddenly surprised in a thicket by 
 the swamp-side, fought valiantly, yet he and twenty 
 of his men were killed ; and the remainder of his 
 men returned back to Hadley. 
 
 Here the heads of some of the slain were pinioned 
 on poles ; and one or two were afterwards found with 
 a chain hooked into the under jaw, and suspended 
 upon the limbs of a tree. 
 
 Major Treat and Capt. Appleton, with a hundred 
 men, visited the place after the slaughter, and brought 
 the families garrisoned there away, leaving the place 
 deserted of the English. 
 
 GARRISONS. 
 
 Northampton, Hatfield, Deerfield, and other towns, 
 were now ordered to be more securely garrisoned ; 
 Hadley being made their headquarters.
 
 LOTHROP AND HIS MEN. 173 
 
 The corn at Deerfield, three thousand bushels, 
 standing in stacks, was accordingly carried to Had- 
 ley. 
 
 LOTHROP AND HIS MEN SLAIN. 
 
 Capfc. Lothrop with eighty or ninety men was left 
 to guard the corn and other goods. 
 
 On the 18th of September, 1675, while march- 
 ing along with their carts of corn, apprehending 
 no danger, they were almost all cut off. He, with 
 most of his men, was killed, some of them teamsters : 
 no more than eight or ten escaped. 
 
 The soldiers slain were the choice young men of 
 Essex County, leaving many a sad heart at home 
 to mourn their sad, their early departure from 
 earth. 
 
 The Indians here numbered seven hundred. 
 
 Subsequently in 1835, at this battle-ground in 
 Deerfield, on the one hundred and sixtieth aniversary 
 of the slaughter of Lothrop and his gallant young 
 men of Essex, their bones were hunted out like the 
 bones of i Joseph in Israel, by the yeomanry who 
 then came forth to the number of six thousand, 
 and there at Bloody Brook advanced to erect a 
 stately monument, six feet square, and twenty feet 
 high. There under the cool shade of a walnut tree, 
 the distinguished orator (Everett) as he was wont,
 
 174 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 eloquently discoursed to them of the past, of the 
 present, and of the world to come. 
 
 Thanks to the inhabitants of Deerfield, who by 
 this, have contributed so much to the valor of young 
 men ! 
 
 Those eighty young heroes of Essex, who had 
 volunteered in behalf of civilization, will never 
 grow old ; nor will their memories (always green in 
 every New-England heart) grow cold, or fade in the 
 sunlight of the advancing ages. 
 
 STORY OF ROBERT DUTCH. 
 
 Major Treat had been directed to join Mosely at 
 this point, who had previously started another way 
 with about one hundred soldiers, Indians and Eng- 
 lish. They met, and buried the dead. 
 
 They found upon the battle-ground a soldier 
 of the day before, Robert Dutch of Ipswich, who 
 had fallen by a bullet in the head and by the weight 
 of a hatchet, and had been stripped of his clothing, 
 and left for dead. Yet he crept his way to these 
 undertakers, and was a live wonder in the midst of 
 the silent dead, having survived through that dreary 
 night to hail the light of another day ; and they say 
 lived to a good old age. 
 
 This victory greatly encouraged Philip and hia 
 tribes. Yet it was stated as coming from the enemy
 
 INVASION AT SPRINGFIELD. 175 
 
 that on that battle-day with Lothrop they lost in all 
 ninety-six men. 
 
 Soon after Lothrop's battle, Mosely came up while 
 the tribes were still pillaging the dead, gave them 
 battle, charged upon them ; and his lieutenants, 
 Perez, Savage, and Pickering, assisting in his com- 
 mand, drove the savages headlong into the swaiap. 
 
 THE IMPENDING CRISIS. 
 
 The Springfield Indians had joined Philip ; and in 
 the midst of great precaution, by treaties, pledges, 
 and hostages, obtained on the part of Springfield, 
 Philip's Indians had resolved to burn and destroy it. 
 To this end they cunningly enticed away the hostages 
 from Hartford, and secretly received three hundred 
 of Philip's Indians into their fort as re-enforcements, 
 undiscovered of the English. * All remained quiet, 
 until at once the startling fact was revealed in ti- 
 dings by post from below Springfield, that Lieut. 
 Cooper had advanced there to ascertain the truth of 
 the message, when forth came the bloody monsters, 
 at once firing upon him, hit him several times ; yet he 
 reached the next garrison-house. They killed his 
 attendants, and, advancing, fired the town in all of 
 its parts outside of the garrisons. 
 
 As it happened, the inhabitants had taken alarm 
 over night, and many of them had disappeared, or
 
 176 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 they would have been totally destroyed. Majoi 
 Treat had come from Westfield in season for theii 
 rescue, although he had not sufficient boats to trans- 
 port his men. Also Major Pinchen and Capt. Ap- 
 pleton came with their forces ; and, although thirty- 
 two houses had been destroyed, the remainder of the 
 town was saved. The valuable library belonging to 
 the minister of the town, Rev. Peletiah Clover, was 
 among the property consumed. 
 
 BATTLES AT HADLEY, NOEWOTTUCK. 
 
 The 1st of September, 1675, was a day of fasting 
 and prayer in Hadley ; and at church the Indians fell 
 in upon them. The people took to their arms, which 
 they had at church, confronted the invaders ; but 
 their numbers, greatly disproportioned, eventually 
 were forced to falter ; and they gave way. At this 
 moment an old hoary-headed veteran, " Goffe" ap- 
 peared in their midst, with his frosty locks moving in 
 the breeze, with a firm, steadfast voice re-animating 
 their spirits, led them on to another onset, and drove 
 the heartless savages out of town. 
 
 HATFIELD. 
 
 And then on Oct. 19, 1675, Capt. Treat being ?,t 
 North Hampton, Capts. Mosely, Poole, and Apple-
 
 CONFLICTS AT HADLEY AND HATFIELD. 177 
 
 ton advanced to Hatfield, when all at once seven 
 hundred of the enemy invaded the town in every 
 direction, killing two or three of the scouts of citi- 
 zens, and seven of Mosely's men ; but they soon 
 found it to be warm, dangerous work. Appleton's 
 sergeant was mortally wounded. Night came on: 
 many were seen to fall, some run into the river, while 
 flying in various directions. 
 
 Sunday. After their defeat at Hatfield, straggling 
 parties of them were seen about North Hampton, 
 Westfield, and Springfield. 
 
 In a short time afterwards they set fire to some 
 barns and outhouses, and then vanished away into 
 the wilderness. Winter setting in, they now wan- 
 dered away into the Narrangansett Country ; yet 
 it was not known to the English where Philip 
 was. 
 
 HASSAMENESET. 
 
 In 1675, Nov. 1, Capt. Henchman was sent from 
 Boston to beset the Indians at this place. Advan- 
 cing, he on the third day came in sight of Indian 
 fires ; but there were no Indians to be found. On 
 the fourth day they hunted along among the planta- 
 tions, and found a miller-boy who had been previously 
 taken by the Indians from Marlborough : the Indians, 
 upon seeing the belligerent intruders, fled, leav-
 
 178 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 ing every thing behind them. Henchman with his 
 men advanced on toward Marlborough, but found 
 no Indians. He then proceeded to Poppachuog : from 
 there the tribes had fled. He then came back to 
 Mendham to' examine into affairs there, heard of 
 \7igwams about ten miles away, and marched onward 
 in that direction. He was joined there by Capt. 
 Philip Curtice. 
 
 Early next morning they espied a wigwam where 
 the enemy had camped over night. Some Indians, 
 as they ascertained, had been following them. 
 
 Hearing thr,t there were Indians still farther on, 
 the captain, with Curtice and his lieutenant, upon 
 consultation mounted twenty-two men upon horses, 
 who advanced into the woods ten miles, and found 
 somo wigwams. But the leader, upon looking back, 
 four d that he had but five men in the place of the 
 twen.ty-two. He, however, assaulted the wigwam. 
 The tribe, returning the fire, shot the lieutenant 
 and one of his men; and all the rest of his force ran 
 awaj . 
 
 TI e next day our people went up there : the 
 Indians had left. They buried the two men, and 
 tl.er. again returned to their quarters to Mendon. 
 
 C n the way they destroyed two hundred bushels 
 of ',orn, as they could not well save it.
 
 TRIBES TURN TOWARDS NARRAGANSET. 179 
 INDIANS AT SPRINGFIELD AND VICINITY. 
 
 The Indians at this time had been driven away 
 from Hartley ; and the people round about there bar- 
 ricaded their villages and towns by setting up pali- 
 sadoes of cleft wood about three feet in length to 
 break the force of sudden assaults by the Indians, 
 which proved advantageous in their defence .against 
 the invaders. Although in the spring at North 
 Hampton, the enemy succeeded in breaking through 
 one of these fortifications, generally the invention 
 answered a good purpose. 
 
 At Springfield and other places about there, small 
 parties of Indians were often seen in the woods, 
 skulking about like demons, exciting the terrors of 
 the white man, as they often devastated his lonely cot, 
 destroyed his cattle, or murdered his women and 
 children. 
 
 For instance : at Long Meadow a half a score of 
 them beset a cottage remote from the village ; but, 
 being at once fired upon by our Englishmen, they fled 
 towards Windsor and escaped. 
 
 A Springfield man, while visiting his deserted 
 house, to look after his corn deposited there, was 
 shot ; and then his house was burned down by some 
 of the same tribe. 
 
 Soon afterwards the tribes withdrew, some towards
 
 180 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the Dutch River, but most of them to the Narragan- 
 sett Fort ; these tribes having for the most part 
 joined Philip, although old Ninegret, their chief, 
 now in his dotage, had inclined otherwise. 
 
 After this the soldiers remained for a while at 
 Ilatfield, and then were called back to their head- 
 quarters at Boston. 
 
 THE COLONIES DELIBERATE. 
 
 Winter was now approaching ; and the COMMIS- 
 SIONERS of the four united Colonies took council 
 together as to what should next be done. For now 
 they saw Philip in great force of many hundreds con- 
 centrated ; that during the winter, if left alone, more 
 and more of the tribes would take courage, and 
 follow at his command ; that in the spring, leaving 
 the swamps, the tribes would be likely to devastate 
 the settlements of New England everywhere. They 
 well weighed the effect which a cold, sharp New- 
 England winter would have on an army waiting and 
 bivouacked on a bleak field, of its length, of the 
 depths of the snow, of the difficulty of affording the 
 men relief or supplies. 
 
 They reasoned, that, if Philip were let al:-ne all 
 that time, it would be impossible to cope with him 
 successfully on the approach of spring and summer, 
 when the advantages would turn in his favor ; that
 
 ENGLISH ENLIST MORE MEN. 181 
 
 the English soldiers, in squads and in companies, 
 would be likely to fall one after another, as might 
 well be seen from the experience of the past. 
 
 They further considered that the Narragansetts ., 
 numerous as they were, best disciplined, best clothed, 
 having the best manners, of all the tribes, now re- 
 membering the fate of their dear old Miantonimo, 
 the embers of whose ashes were alive, still burning 
 and firing their hearts the same as they did forty 
 years previously on Sachem Plain, they knew 
 that they had broken out from the network of the 
 Colonies, and had become their deadly foes in their 
 adhesion to Philip's army. 
 
 Thereupon the commissioners agreed to raise an 
 army of a thousand men, to be gathered from the 
 several Colonies as soon as might be, in time not to 
 exceed the 10th of December of that year (1675) ; 
 that the Narragansetts had violated every article of 
 their treaty, lately renewed, in this, that they had 
 not delivered up the Englishmen's enemies that had 
 sheltered themselves in their midst, and had been sup- 
 plying them with sustenance ; that many of their young 
 men were at least suspected of being in open arms 
 with Philip's forces, some of them having been 
 found among his wounded in the wigwams, and else- 
 where to be healed of their injuries at home ; that 
 some of the Englishmen's guns, lost in the battle
 
 182 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 at Deerfieid, were found in their fort, left there 
 by Narragansett hands when it was fired and con- 
 sumed : by reason of all which, the Colonial Com- 
 missioners having this matter in charge ordered the 
 raising of an army of a thousand fighting men to 
 be enlisted out of all the Colonies ; of which the share 
 of the Massachusetts Colony was to be five hundred 
 and twenty-seven : the rest were to be supplied out 
 of the Plymouth and Connecticut Colonies. 
 
 Accordingly the one thousand men, together with 
 volunteers from the friendly tribes, were in due 
 time forthcoming.- A commission was granted to 
 Josiah Winslow, Esq., then governor of the Ply- 
 mouth Colony, a man of courage and prudence, as 
 Commander-in-chief. Thus under his command 
 were six companies, led severally by Capt. Mosely, 
 Capt. Gardner, Capt. Davenport, Capt. Oliver. 
 
 Also five companies from Connecticut under Major 
 Treat, to be led severally by Capt. Siely, Capt. 
 Gallop, Capt. Mason, Capt. Watts, and Capt. Mar- 
 shall. 
 
 Also two companies from Plymouth, to be led by 
 Major Bradford and Capt. Gorham. Samuel Apple- 
 ton was in command as major of the Massachu- 
 setts forces. 
 
 The Massachusetts force as raised numbered 
 four hundred and sixty-five men, besides a troop of
 
 MOSLEY'S FORCE MOVES ONWARD. 183 
 
 horse commanded by Capt. Thomas Prentice, which 
 were delivered to the general in command at Ded- 
 ham, Dec. 9, 1675. 
 
 On that night they marched to Woodcock's, about 
 twenty-seven miles from Dedham, and on the next 
 night they had arrived at Seaconk. Thence Capt. 
 Mosely and his company with Mr. Smith proceeded 
 onward, and the next day were ferried over the 
 water to Providence. 
 
 "WTCKFORD. 
 
 On the 12th, after passing over Patuxet River, 
 they marched through Powham's Country, and at 
 night joined in with Capt. Mosely and his force at 
 their destined headquarters in Wickford. 
 
 On his way Capt. Mosely had surprised thirty-six 
 Indians ; took one by the name of Peter, and brought 
 him along with him as a guide, who in the end proved 
 useful. 
 
 On the 14th, two days afterwards, a scout was 
 sent out under Sergeant Bennet, who killed one Indian 
 p.nd one squaw, and brought in four others. After- 
 wards the whole company moved into the wilderness, 
 where they burned a hundred and fifty wigwams, 
 killed seven Indians, and brought in at night eight 
 prisoners-
 
 184 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 STONEWALL JOHN. 
 
 On the following day this Indian came into camp 
 as if from the sachems, expressing a desire for peace, 
 yet full of doubts whether the English would dare 
 engage so formidable an enemy as King Philip. At 
 length this fellow started homeward ; and the o.rew 
 that attended him falling in with some of Capt. 
 Gardner's men, who were wandering about without 
 orders, slew his sergeant and one or two more, and 
 also two of Capt. Oliver's men. Others came up, 
 fired several times at Capt. Mosely, doing him no 
 harm ; but some of his men, charging upon the sav- 
 ages, killed one of them and the rest fled. 
 
 BULL'S GARRISON. 
 
 Next day news came that Jerry Bull's garrison- 
 house had been burnt at Pettyquamscot by the 
 tribes, that ten Englishmen and five women and 
 children had been killed, two only having escaped 
 from it. 
 
 On the following day news also came from Petty- 
 quamscot that the Connecticut forces had arrived 
 there on behalf of the English with three hundred 
 Mohegans " ready fixed" to give battle against the 
 Narragansetts, and that they had already slain five or 
 six of them, and had taken as many more prison- 
 era.
 
 BATTLE IN THE SWAMP. 185 
 
 THE ADVANCE TO PETTYQUAMSCOT. 
 
 The English and allied tribes having now all ar- 
 rived, their first great care was to obtain supplies, 
 and to protect themselves against the cold storms of 
 a New-England winter, as well as against the am- 
 bushed tribes of Philip, who lurked in every swamp 
 that surrounded them. 
 
 Then on the next day the whole Massachusetts 
 and Plymouth forces, with an intention to engage 
 the enemy, advanced to Pettyquamscot. 
 
 The Connecticut forces, their house of rendezvous 
 having been consumed, and for want of shelter from 
 the extreme cold, now on that cold, stormy evening 
 marched on through the snow at night, having and 
 finding no protection better than the sharp air of the 
 skies, and the fleecy, frosty snow that all night long 
 fell upon their shoulders, 
 
 It was Dec. 19, 1675, at one o'clock, P.M., when 
 they arrived at Pettyquamscot, after a march of four- 
 teen miles through that country of the old Snulce 
 Squaw of Narragansett. Still advancing, they 
 reached a swamp, as they were told by their guide 
 they would find Indians. 
 
 Capts. Mosely and Davenport were then on the 
 lead ; and Major Appleton and Oliver were following 
 with the Massachusetts forces, Gen. Winslow with
 
 180 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the Plymouth men in the centre ; and the Connecticut 
 troops were following on in the reai. 
 
 BATTLE OF NARKAGANSETT. 
 
 The front files, upon discovering Indians in the 
 woods, fired at them ; and their fire was returned from 
 the swamp, the Indians flying farther in. Still 
 they were followed by the invaders until they reached 
 a fort, into which the tribes betook themselves. This 
 battle-ground was an island of four acres in the wil- 
 derness, surrounded by a dense swamp. It is now 
 an upland meadow a few feet higher than its adja- 
 cent lands, situated in South Kingston, Rhode Island. 
 In the fort upon it, there was but one entrance : yet 
 the Indians had many ways of coming out _of it. It 
 had been raised upon an island of four or five acres 
 of rising land in the midst of a swamp. The sides 
 of it were made of palisadoes set upright, compassed 
 about by a dense, impenetrable hedge of almost a rod 
 in thickness. Its usual Indian place of entrance was 
 over a long tree extending over a pool of water, and 
 portended death, such was its exposure, to any and to 
 all who might venture to enter the fort in that direc- 
 tion. At one corner also there was a cap made up 
 of a long log laying four or five feet from the ground 
 over which files of men might also pass. Yet nearly 
 opposite to it was a block-house.
 
 ENGLISH OFFICERS SLAIN. 187 
 
 The English filed in upon these, the only entrances ; 
 and from the block-houses, as well as the ambushes 
 within, they were shot down nearly as fast as they 
 arrived. Capts. Johnson and Davenport both fell. 
 The soldiers were driven back : they threw them- 
 selves upon the ground to avoid the shots: mariy 
 men were lost. At the last two fresh companies 
 were brought up to another assault, who charged in 
 upon them, raising the cry, " They run ! they run ! " 
 This frightened the enemy, and encouraged their com- 
 rades, two fresh companies thus being brought in. 
 They fought valiantly in the place of the four which 
 had already been engaged. The enemy was driven from 
 the fort, but not without great loss on the part of the 
 assailants ; but the enemy lay dead in great numbers 
 in and about the fort and swamp. 
 
 No less than six brave leaders fell on the part of 
 the English ; to wit, Capts. Gallop, Siely, Mar- 
 shall, and Lieut. Upham, as well as Davenport and 
 Johnson already named. 
 
 The invaders then set fire to the wigwams of the 
 fort, in which were remaining women and children, 
 who many of them were destroyed in the general 
 conflagration of five or six hundred dirty, smoky 
 cells. 
 
 That night the English forces had to marc h back 
 to their dreary headquarters, whicli then lay fifteen
 
 188 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 miles to the rear, bearing and carrying the bodies of 
 their dead and wounded along with them through 
 the snow. 
 
 And thus the war upon the Narragansetts who had 
 threatened to join Philip had now in good earnest 
 commenced. 
 
 Drake, S. G., the historian, says, "Eighty English 
 were killed in this fight, and a hundred and fifty 
 wounded, many of whom died afterwards. The shat- 
 tered army left the ground in considerable haste, 
 leaving eight of their dead in the fort." "Philip 
 and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into 
 a place of safety, until their enemy had retired ; and 
 then they again returned back into the fated fort. 
 The English in their retreat must have expected a 
 pursuit; but Philip, not knowing their dread con- 
 dition, did not venture any attempt to follow his in- 
 vaders." 
 
 Oh, how long and sad must have been that re- 
 treat ! a retreat, with their dead and wounded, at 
 night, in the dense wilderness, amid the deep snows 
 of dreary winter !
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BATTLE DT THE PETTYQUAMSCOT SWAMP. 
 
 Smoke of Wigwams on Fire. Indian Dead and Dying. English 
 Force returning at Night, and bearing their Dead. Prentice 
 and Men are sent to Popham's Country. Ninegret proposes 
 Peace. More Soldiers from Boston. Canonicus asks a Suspen- 
 sion. Tribes start Northward towards the Nipinucks. Indians 
 seize Two Hundred Sheep, Fifty Cattle, Fifteen Horses. Eng- 
 lish follow; take Seventy, and kill some of them. Philip's 
 Force join the Nipmucks. Massacres at Lancaster. Mrs. Row- 
 landson's Captivity, and Narrative verbatim. Her Conversa- 
 tions with King Philip. Massacre at Medfield. Mrs. Rowland- 
 son describes the Indians' Return from this Battle. A Rally for 
 the Battle. Tribes near Patuxet. A Hundred and Forty of 
 them killed. At Warwick, Houses burned. In Plymouth, 
 Houses burned, and Eleven killed. Indians near Rehoboth and 
 Swansey burn Thirty Barns and Forty Houses. Connecticut 
 Colony sends Dennison with Forces to head them off. Killed 
 Forty-five without Loss. CanoncJiet is shot. Battle at 
 Sudbury. Capt. Wadsworth and Sixty Men slain. Their Mon- 
 ument. An Indian Dance. Mary Rowlandson released from 
 Captivity. 
 
 was night ; and the smoke of the wig- 
 wams was still beclouding the heavens. 
 The Indian dead, including their women 
 and children slain by the sword or con- 
 sumed in the conflagration of the fort, 
 still haunted the frosty pathways of the wilderness.
 
 190 
 
 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 all the way along, through that night, as the English 
 bore their ninety dead and wounded back with them 
 fifteen miles to their headquarters already consumed. 
 Those gallant men, it will be remembered, had the 
 preceding night marched through the perpetual 
 snows to this battle-field, and again back all night 
 long, burdened with the fatigue of the battle, and of 
 their valiant dead through the woods. Was there 
 ever a night more sad, more terrific, more hideous, 
 than this ? Is it to be wondered that many a gallant 
 heart at this second great battle in Philip's war per- 
 ished ? Is it to be wondered that the English author- 
 ities thereafterwards sought safety in attempted 
 fruitless treaties during what remained of the win- 
 ter, making but few and feeble military movements 
 against Philip and the Narragansetts until spring? 
 Yet murders and skirmishes were common as usual. 
 
 The killed and wounded under the several com- 
 manders in this battle of December 19, 1675, were 
 as follows : 
 
 Connecticut Companies. 
 
 S.aln and Wounded, 
 New Haven Co., 20 
 
 Capt. Siely's Co., 20 
 
 " Watts's Co., IT 
 
 " Marshall's Co., 14 
 
 Plymouth Co., Commanders 
 Bradford and Gorham, 20 
 
 91 
 
 Mass. Companies. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 Major Appleton, 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 
 Capt. Mosely, 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 " Oliver, 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 " Gardner, 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 " Johnson, 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 " Davenport, 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 
 31 
 
 79
 
 THE TEIB^S SEEK A SUSPENSION. 191 
 
 On the 27th of December, Capt. Prentice with u 
 small force was sent into Popham's country ; found 
 no Indians, yet burned a hundred wigwams. He 
 there learned, from one of Philip's squaws and others, 
 that in the battle near Pettyquamscot the Narragan- 
 setts lost three hundred warriors. 
 
 On the 8th of January, Canonchet, a messenger 
 from Ninegret, came into camp, who brought a letter 
 from Stanton an interpreter, expressing from this old 
 sachem friendship as ever, and who also said that 
 corn was two shillings a pint among the tribes. 
 
 Jan. 10, a supply of soldiers were sent from 
 Boston, in a severe snow-storm. 
 
 Jan. 12, a messenger came from Canonicus, asking 
 a suspension of hostilities for a month, in which to 
 negotiate a treaty ; but the proposition was rejected. 
 
 By prisoners which were brought in, it soon ap- 
 peared that the tribes had started, and were trailing 
 away to the woodland swamps of the Nipmuck coun- 
 try ; which country, as we have seen, lies between the 
 Connecticut and Merrimack Rivers. 
 
 Capt. Prentice, Jan. 21, with his force, fell in with 
 one of the tribes, took two prisoners and killed nine 
 Indians. One of his men (Dodge of Salem), riding 
 with his friend, met two Indians. Dodge pursued 
 one of them, his friend the other. His pistol snapped ; 
 the Indian pulled him from his horse, and fell upon
 
 192 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 him with a knife in hand. Dodge, seeing it, caught 
 hold of it, saved the life of his friend, and killed both 
 Indians. 
 
 The English authorities are now beginning to dis- 
 cover the necessity of following the tribes in their 
 hidden trails to the Nipmuck wilderness. But the 
 Indians were already far ahead of their time of being 
 ready to commence the pursuit ; and, as the Indians 
 advanced, they seized two hundred sheep, fifty head of 
 cattle, and fifteen horses, belonging to one Carpenter ; 
 drove them along with them to be used as supplies 
 among the Nipmucks. 
 
 The English forces followed them, troubling them 
 in the rear, discovered the heads of fifty horses in 
 one place, fell in with some of the tardy savages, 
 killed and took about seventy of them, but could 
 not obtain an open battle, as they would always, 
 when assaulted, take to the swamps. After pursu- 
 ing them far into the thickets between Marlboro' and 
 Brookfield, towards Connecticut, our forces in the 
 beginning of February returned to Boston. 
 
 Then the Narragansetts, thus left alone, joined the 
 Nipmucks ; and now on the 10th of February, 1675, 
 we come to the 
 
 MASSACRE AT LANCASTER. 
 
 This was a village of about fifty families. The 
 minister of that locality (Rev. Joseph Rowlandson)
 
 MRS. ROWLANDSON. 193 
 
 was away ; and the minister was generally the leader, 
 if not the law-giver, almost everywhere in those 
 days. That night, on his return from Boston, where 
 he had been to consult the governor as to how Lan- 
 caster should be defended against the invaders, it 
 was to meet the tragic news that Lancaster was in 
 ashes, its inhabitants, including his wife and children, 
 all gone. 
 
 His own mansion had previously been changed 
 into a garrison ; and within it were men to defend it. 
 Yet the fortifications on the back side of it being 
 closed up with firewood, the Indians forced their way 
 to it, set it on fire ; and its inhabitants within were 
 then subjected to the alternative to yield to the mer- 
 ciless savages, or to be consumed in the crackling 
 conflagration. It was thus the forty-two inmates of 
 that minister's garrison fell : twenty-two of them 
 were carried away captive, mostly women and chil- 
 dren grown ; the rest were murdered outright, or 
 reserved for further misery. Several of them who 
 were not killed in the fight were slain in their at- 
 tempt to escape, as well as others who were not 
 deemed valuable as captives. 
 
 MARY ROWLANDSON. 
 
 MARY was the wife, in whose care the household 
 was left when her reverend husband left it to consult
 
 194 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 the governor at Boston. She with her children was 
 among the captives of that day, was doomed to 
 many months in captivity, saw and talked with 
 King Philip ; and in this matter I can give the reader 
 no light mo::e interesting than to allow Mary to 
 speak here in her own words. 
 
 MAKY KOWLANDSON'S "REMOVES." 
 
 Mary, in twenty chapters which she at the time 
 denominated " REMOVES," wrote and published a 
 full account of what she heard and saw of the tribes 
 during her captivity in 1675. In this narrative, 
 among other things, she says, 
 
 " On the 10th of February came the Indians in 
 great numbers " (Nashuas and Nipmucks, led by 
 Sagamore Sam) " upon Lancaster. Their first coming 
 was about sun-rising. Hearing the noise of some 
 guns, we looked out : several houses were burning, 
 and the smoke ascending to heaven. 
 
 " There were five persons taken in one house. The 
 father and mother and an infant child they knocked 
 in the head : the other two they took and carried 
 away alive. There were two others, who, being out 
 of their garrison upon occasion, were set upon. One 
 was knocked on the head: the other escaped. 
 Another there was, who, running along, was shot and 
 W)unded, and fell down. He begged of them his
 
 MARY'S OWN STORY. 195 
 
 life, promising them money (as they told me) ; but 
 they would not hearken to him, but knocked him on 
 the head, stripped him naked, and mangled him. 
 
 " Another, seeing many of the Indians about his 
 barn, ventured and went out, and was shot down. 
 
 " There were three others belonging to the same 
 garrison who were killed. The Indians, getting up 
 upon the roof of the barn, had advantage to shoot 
 down upon them over their fortifications. 
 
 " Thus these murderous wretches went on, burn- 
 ing and destroying all before them. 
 
 " At length they came and beset our house ; and 
 quickly it was the dolefullest day that mine eyes ever 
 saw. 
 
 " The house stood upon the edge of a hill. Some 
 of the Indians got behind the hill, others into the 
 barn, and others behind any thing that would shelter 
 them ; from all which places they shot against the 
 house, so that the bullets seemed to fly like hail ; and 
 quickly they wounded one man among us, then 
 another, and then a third. 
 
 " About two hours, according to my observation 
 in that amazing time, they had been about the house 
 before they prevailed to fire it, which they did with 
 flax and hemp which they brought out of the barn. 
 And there being no defence about the house, only 
 two flankers at two opposite corners, and one of
 
 196 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 them not finished, they fired it once ; and one ven- 
 tured out, and quenched it. But they quickly fired it 
 again ; and that took. 
 
 " Now is the dreadful hour come that I have of Leu 
 heard of in the time of the war, as it was the case 
 of others ; but now mine eyes see it. 
 
 THE DREAD SCENE. 
 
 " Some in our house were fighting for their lives, 
 others wallowing in blood, the house on fire over 
 our heads, and the bloody heathen ready to knock 
 us on the head if we stirred out. 
 
 " Now might we hear mothers and children crying 
 out for themselves and one another, 'Lord, what 
 shall we do ? ' 
 
 " Then I took my children, and one of my sister's 
 girls, to go forth and leave the house ; but, as soon as 
 we came to the door and appeared, the Indians shot 
 so thick, that the bullets rattled against the house 
 as if one had taken a handful of stones and threw 
 them ; so that we were forced to give back. We had 
 six stout dogs belonging to our garrison ; but none 
 of them would stir, though at another time if an 
 Indian had come to the door they were ready to fly 
 upon him and tear him down. . . . But out we must 
 go, the fire increasing and coming along behind us 
 roaring, and the Indians gaping before us with their 
 spears and hatchets to devour us.
 
 MARY IS WOUNDED. 197 
 
 "No sooner were we out of the house, but rny 
 brother-in-law (being before wounded in defending 
 the house, in or near the throat), fell down dead ; 
 whereat the Indians scornfully shouted and hallooed, 
 and were presently upon him stripping off his 
 clothes. 
 
 A BULLET STRIKES HER. 
 
 " The bullets flying thick, one went through my 
 side, and the same (as would seem) through the 
 bowels and hand of my poor child in my arms. 
 
 " One of my elder sister's children, named Wil- 
 liam, had then his leg broken, which the Indians 
 perceiving knocked him on the head. 
 
 " Thus were we butchered by those merciless 
 heathens, standing amazed, with the blood running 
 down our heels. 
 
 " My eldest sister, seeing her William and others 
 dead, exclaimed, ' Lord, let me die with them ! ' At the 
 same moment a bullet struck her ; and she fell down 
 dead over the threshold. 
 
 " The Indians laid hold of us, pulling me one way 
 and the children another, and said, ' Come, go along 
 with us.' I told them they would kill me. They 
 answered, * If I were willing to go along with them 
 they would not hurt me. 9 
 
 " There were twelve killed, some shot, some 
 knocked down with their hatchets."
 
 198 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Maiy says, " Those seven that were killed at Lan- 
 caster the summer before upon a sabbath day, and 
 the one that was afterwards killed upon a week day, 
 were slain and mangled in a barbarous manner by 
 * ONE-EYED JOHN,' and Marlborough's praying Indi- 
 ans which Capt. Mosely brought to Boston, as the 
 Indians told her. 
 
 On the leaving of Lancaster she says, 
 
 " One of the Indians carried my poor sick 
 wounded babe " (a daughter six years old) " upon a 
 horse. I went moaning along, ' / shall die, I shall 
 die ! ' I went on foot after it. At length I took it 
 off the horse, and carried it in my arms till my 
 strength failed, and I fell down with it. Then they 
 set me upon a horse, with my wounded child in my 
 lap." 
 
 There was a fall of snow ; and Mary goes on to 
 tell how she suffered with the wound in her side all 
 the way through, with the child in her arms fast 
 breathing out its life upon the broken boughs of 
 the forest, and upon the cold snows of a February 
 night. 
 
 This tribe dwelt a while at Wenimesset t now New 
 Braintree, as they were on their way to Albany, 
 which place had, for the time being, been adopted 
 as the headquarters of King Philip. 
 
 For nine days she bore her sick and faint little
 
 MOUNT GRACE, MASS., page 198.
 
 MARY S CHILD DIES. 199 
 
 daughter along : at length, in the wigwam, as she 
 says, " About two hours in the night, my sweet 
 babe like a lamb departed this life, on Feb. 18, 
 1675, it being about six years and five months old." 
 
 Mary, as it seems, still hugged her dead daughtei 
 to her bosom for one or two nights : and at length, 
 when the tribe next started upon the trail, she again 
 clasped it in her arms to bear it along with her ; but 
 the tribe, with more show of humanity than usual, 
 tore it away from her bosom, and buried it. Mary 
 as yet had a daughter and son ; but they were held 
 by other tribes. 
 
 And here we may observe, there is an elevation 
 of land in Warwick, near the place where the 
 savages buried that little Grace Rowlandson, which 
 has ever since borne her name. It is called Mount 
 Grace. 
 
 MASSACRE AT MEDF1ELD. 
 
 While Mary was still with them, Feb. 21, 1675, 
 three hundred Indians advanced upon Medfield. It 
 had a garrison supposed to be well guarded* by sol- 
 diers and by its inhabitants ; yet fire and slaughter 
 followed. 
 
 The young growth in the surrounding woodlands 
 afforded a thick-set shelter, and favored the schemes 
 of the invaders. In these coverts, and in the barns, 
 orchards, and under the fences, they hid themselves
 
 200 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 as usual; and then they leaped upon the villagers 
 with the ferocity of tigers : thus they killed eighteen 
 and wounded twenty of the inhabitants of Medfield. 
 The houses in the centre, in the west, and in the 
 south-west parts of the town were mostly burnt 
 down : an old man was burnt in one of them. Lieut. 
 Adams and wife among others were killed ; and forty 
 or fifty houses and barns were consumed. The loss 
 to this town was upwards of two thousand pounds. 
 
 Of this battle Mary, being among their women 
 and children, had been informed, and thus goes on to 
 say, 
 
 " The next day the Indians returned from Med- 
 field, all the company ; for those that belonged to 
 the other, smaller company came through the town 
 that now we are at. But before they came to us, 
 oh the outrageous roaring and the whooping 
 that there was ! They began their din about a mile 
 away. By their noise and whooping they signified 
 how many they had destroyed. Those that were 
 with uS were gathered together as soon as they 
 heard the whooping; and, every time they repeated the 
 number slain, these at home gave a shout that the 
 very earth rang again.'.' And thus they continued 
 till they arrived to the sagamore's wigwam. And 
 then she goes on to tell " how hideous were their 
 yells and triumphant exultation at and over the
 
 MARY VISITS KING PHILIP. 201 
 
 scalps of Englishmen which they had taken, and 
 had brought along with them from Medfield." 
 
 These tribes, as we have said, were tending to- 
 wards Albany. They advanced ; and at her eighth 
 remove Mary says, " We travelled on till night ; and 
 in (he morning we must go over the river (Hudson) 
 to see Philip's crew. 
 
 " While I was in the canoe, I could not but be 
 amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were 
 on the bank on the other side. When I came ashore, 
 they gathered all about me, I sitting alone in the 
 midst. They asked one another questions, and 
 laughed and rejoiced over their gains and victories. 
 
 MARY DINES WITH KING PHILIP. 
 
 " Then I went to see King Philip. He bid me 
 come in, and sit down, and asked me whether I would 
 smoke it ? But this in no way suited me. 
 
 "Next" (she says) "the Indians gathered theii 
 forces 10 go against Northampton. 
 
 " Over night one went about yelling and whoop- 
 ing to give notice of the design; whereupon they 
 went to boiling of ground-nuts, and parching corn 
 (as manj'- as had it) for their provision ; and in the 
 morning away they went. 
 
 " During my abode in this place Philip spoke to 
 me to make a shirt for his boy, which 1 did ; for
 
 202 ' INDIAN WARS. 
 
 which he gave me a shilling. I offered the money 
 to my mistress; but she bid me keep it, and with 
 it I bought a piece of horse-flesh. Afterwards he 
 asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which lie 
 invited me to dinner. I went ; and he gave me a pan- 
 cake about as big as two fingers : it was made of 
 parched wheat, beaten, and fried in bear's grease ; but 
 I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life.' 1 
 
 TRIBES AT PATUXET. 
 
 While Mary was still with Philip's Indians, within 
 a month after their attack upon Medfield, constantly 
 changing place, the tribes were seen to the number 
 of six hundred near Patuxet and Providence. They 
 did much mischief on the way. 
 
 On the 12th of March, eleven persons had been 
 slain by them in Plymouth, and several houses 
 burned. On the seventeenth they had beset War- 
 wick near Narragansett, and had destroyed much 
 property there ; and on the 25th of March some of 
 the tribes had fallen in upon Weymouth, and had 
 destroyed dwelling-houses there. 
 
 Then on the 28th of March, 1676, they swept 
 around towards the Narragansett country, and in 
 the neighborhood of Rehoboth and Swansey burned 
 nearly thirty barns and forty dwelling-houses. 
 
 In April, 1676, Canonchet, chief sachem, and
 
 CANONCHET, A PRISONER. 203 
 
 Philip, being driven out from their own country the 
 winter previously by the English, now from the west- 
 ward, in order to obtain subsistence for the tribes in 
 campaign of the spring and summer, had intended 
 that all the plantations taken from the English 
 should be planted to corn ; and for that reason ven- 
 tured with thirty men to bring his seed-corn from 
 Seaconk (near Mount Hope), and started on his 
 journey, leaving Philip's force of fifteen hundred 
 men in and about Seaconk, to await his return. 
 
 But, as it happened, Capt. George Dennison of 
 New London, who previously, on March 27, 1676, 
 had started on an expedition made up of forty-seven 
 English, eighty Indians, twenty of whom were 
 Ninegret Narragansetts, led by Catapazet, the others 
 were Pequots under Cassasinamon, and Mohegan 
 under Oweneco, son of Uncas. 
 
 This force accidentally intercepted Canonchet. 
 They slew one of his men ; and from two squaws they 
 learned that Canonchet was near. They started after 
 him and his men, chased them around a hill, and 
 finally captured Canonchet. In the race he cast off 
 his lace coat, given him previously, in October, at a 
 treaty in Boston. A young Englishman now speak- 
 ing to him, the sachem replied in broken English, 
 " You much child, no understand matters of war. Lei 
 your brother or your chief come : him I will answer."
 
 204 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 He was as good as his word, and chose to die rather 
 than to make concessions. He with two Pecjuots 
 were imprisoned, and were shot at Stonington. 
 
 As soon as news of the enemy's returning was 
 known, the Connecticut Colony, April 1, 1676, di- 
 rected Capt. George Dennison, with his force made 
 up of Mohegans, Pequots, and Nianticks belonging to 
 Ninegret the Narragansett sachem, as we have stated ; 
 who followed the tribes, and killed there and on the 
 way forty-five of them without much loss. Several 
 of the sagamores were either slain or taken prisoners, 
 among whom, as we have seen, was Canonchet, chief 
 sachem of the Narragansetts, and son of Miantonimo, 
 and the right heir of his nation's pride, as well as 
 the avenger of the murder of his valiant father, who 
 had been brutally murdered through the treachery 
 of the English. The son, a prisoner, was now exe- 
 cuted at Stonington. 
 
 It appears now that the war and the winter had 
 wasted many from the ranks of that numerous 
 nation. They numbered in the commencement, as 
 was supposed, nearly two thousand warriors, with 
 nine hundred stand of arms, yet now are very much 
 reduced. 
 
 MASSACRE AT SUDBUBY. 
 
 The next raid by Philip's returning forces, of 
 much importance, was upon this ancient towr, 
 April 18, 1676. And now, as the tribes had come
 
 WADSWORTH'S FORCES SLAIN. 205 
 
 in from Marlborough, they burned down several 
 dwelling-houses and barns, and killed ten or twelve 
 of the English soldiers who had been sent in from 
 Concord, and who had been ordered to head off 
 Philip, and protect the feeble, unfortified towns that 
 lay open and exposed to his terrible encroachments 
 on the way. 
 
 To the same end soldiers had been sent from Bos 
 ton, under Capt. Samuel Wadsworth of Milton, who, 
 on his destination to Marlborough, took the trail of 
 Philip, and followed him through the woods to Sud- 
 bury. Within a mile of the town he discovered a 
 body of a hundred Indians, who fled as if through 
 fear, drawing the eager, incautious English into a 
 place convenient to be surrounded by five hundred 
 savages, who sprang forth and destroyed them. The 
 most of this English force of about sixty men were 
 slain ; but a few of them were left alive to be tor- 
 tured. Capt. Broclebank and Lieut. Sharp, who had 
 joined Wadsworth on the way, also fell in this battle. 
 
 In 1852 a monument was erected here by the 
 State of Massachusetts and the town of Sudbury, at 
 the grave of the heroes of that bloody battle of 
 long, long ago. 
 
 It will be remembered that Mary Rowlandson all 
 this time had been a captive among Philip's forces. 
 In her twentieth chapter and in her fourteenth month 
 of captivity at this Sudbury onset, she says, :
 
 200 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 " It was their usual manner to remove when they had done 
 any mischief, lest they should be found out ; and so they did at 
 this time. We went about three or four miles ; and there they 
 built a great wigwam, big enough to hold an hundred Indians ; 
 which they did in preparation to a great day of dancing. 
 
 " They would now say among themselves, that the governor 
 would be so angry for his /oxs at SUDBURY, that he would send 
 no more about the captives, which made me grieve and 
 tremble." 
 
 It was not long after this, however, before from 
 the authorities a proposition came for her redemp- 
 tion ; and then she says, 
 
 " Philip called me to him, asked me what I would give him 
 to tell me some good news and to speak a good word for me 
 that I might go home to-morrow. 
 
 "I told him I could not tell what to give him, and asked 
 him what he would have. He said, < Two coats, and twenty 
 shillings in money, half a bushel of seed-corn, and some 
 tobacco.' I thanked him." 
 
 Soon this lady obtained a release, and returned 
 home. Afterwards she travelled eastward to New- 
 bury, Portsmouth, and other places ; and with her the 
 husband preached on the way ; and finally they ob- 
 tained the deliverance of their son and daughter 
 from captivity. 
 
 Yet, sad to relate, this same husband, the Rev. 
 Joseph Rowlandson, in 1697 was seized and mur- 
 dered by the Indians.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 NEW LONDON, NOBWICH, STONINGTON. 
 
 The Ten Expeditions. Two Hundred and Twenty-nine Indians 
 taken and slain. Thirty killed on the Retreat from Narragan- 
 sett. Seventy-six slain by Dennison's Force. Invasion of 
 Scituate, Bridyewater, and Taunton. Expedition to Swansey. 
 Assault Tipon Bridyewater. Its Neighborhood. Invasion of 
 Groton. Two Eruptions. Expeditions there from Boston and 
 Watertown. Strategy in their Attack, and of the Black Sheep. 
 One-Eyed John. His Threats. His Capture and Execution. 
 Indian Spies. Attack on Northampton. Massachusetts Colo- 
 nial Expedition. Murder on the Highway. Expedition from 
 Sudbury. Tribes begin to relent and vanish. Depredations in 
 many Places. Wamesit Indians become Hostile. Trespass on 
 Chelmsford and Wobum. Invasion of Concord, Mass. Depre- 
 dations at Haverhill and Bradford. Expedition from Boston. 
 A Surprise on a Bear-Hunt. Skulking Parties Numerous. In- 
 dians at Wachusett Hills. Expedition from Hadley, Halfidd, and 
 Northampton. Expedition by Twenty-five Men of Hadley. 
 Henchman at Brookfield. Connecticut Expedition. Another 
 Assault on Hadley. Tribes incline to surrender. Proclama- 
 tion to call them in. Connecticut Expedition. Battle at War- 
 wick Neck. 
 
 N the preceding chapter we have learned 
 how Capt. Dennison's force had been made 
 up, and of his success in his expedition ; 
 and now we come to a time when the inhab- 
 itants of New London, Norwich, and Ston- 
 ington voluntarily enlisted under Major Palmer,
 
 208 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Capt. Greo. Dennison, and Capt. Avery, and during 
 the year 1676 advanced, first and last, on ten expedi- 
 tions against the tribes. On those several occasions 
 they killed and took of the enemy in all two hundred 
 and twenty-nine. In this they were assisted by 
 small parties from the Pequots, Mohegans, and Nar- 
 ragansetts. 
 
 It may be noted, that a part of this force, on the 
 19th of December, 1675, during their long march 
 after the fight in the Narragansett swamp, took 
 thirty Indians ; and sixteen others with fifty guns at 
 other times not above reckoned. 
 
 After this it appears Dennison's force killed and 
 took seventy-six Indians, among whom were two 
 Narragansett sachems, and at the same time obtained 
 a hundred and sixty bushels of corn. 
 
 Subsequent to this, but little damage was done 
 by the Indians in Plymouth County, except in 
 depredation, upon houses and barns. 
 
 SCITUATE AND SWANSEY. 
 
 On the 20th of May, fifty Indians burnt nine- 
 teen houses and barns at Scituate, and on the 8th 
 of May seventeen houses in Bridgeiv ater ; and 
 four of the inhabitants of Taunton were killed 
 while at work in a field. 
 
 On June 20, 1676, an order from Gov. Winslow
 
 TISQUAGEN AND HIS TRIBES. 209 
 
 directed the raising .of twenty men well armed, and 
 furnished with horses, to advance immediately to the 
 relief of Swansey. Seventeen were sent away that 
 night. On the 21st they were further directed by 
 Capt. Bradford to advance to Bourne's garrison 
 twelve miles away, to assist in the defend of the 
 seventy inmates there. Six men from this garrison, 
 while out on that day without a proper military pro- 
 tective force, were slain. On the following week 
 fifteen of the force above named, while out in search 
 of horses, discovering a party of Indians, fired at 
 them; but they escaped, save one or two, after- 
 wards found dead. 
 
 BBTDGEWATEB. 
 
 On the 9th of May, Tisquagen, with three hun- 
 dred warriors, made an assault upon Bridgewater, 
 burnt an out-house and barn, rifled several houses, 
 and committed other trespasses, particularly at the 
 east end of the town. Another invasion was after- 
 wards made ; and thirteen dwelling-houses were de- 
 stroyed in and about that neighborhood ; and some 
 barns and cattle were also lost. 
 
 Then, on the 18th and 19th of July, the English 
 sent a military force to this same town, to fol- 
 low in pursuit of the tribes ; and, advancing, they 
 took sixteen of them. Some of the Bay Indians,
 
 210 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 under Capt. Brattle, also volunteered in the pur- 
 suit. 
 
 The conflicts at this date were not confined to 
 Plymouth County. They extended almost every- 
 where. Trouble existed in the midst of the inland 
 plantations, as well as all along the sea-coast ; and 
 the Colonies were at work by forces of considerable 
 strength almost everywhere, in defence of the New- 
 England settlements. 
 
 ATTACK UPON GROTON. 
 
 The town of Groton being invaded on the 2d of 
 March, 1676, by the tribes of Philip, the news of 
 it at once reached Boston; and on the following 
 day Major Wlllard with seventy horsemen ad- 
 vanced from there, and forty foot-soldiers from 
 Watertown. But the Indians, having burned all the 
 houses in town save the four garrisons, the meeting- 
 house among the rest being consumed, had all made 
 a safe retreat to parts unknown. 
 
 CAPT. SELL AT GROTON. 
 
 Capt. Sill was also sent there to take away the 
 inhabitants of Groton, their furniture, &c. ; for 
 which purpose some sixty carts were used, making a 
 trail on the road, of some two miles in length. 
 
 While passing they were fired upon by the In-
 
 GROTON AND CHELMSFORD. 211 
 
 dians in an ambush from the front, and two of the 
 men were killed ; the Indians being, as was sup- 
 posed, a part of the same gang who the day before 
 had burned some part of Chelmsford. 
 
 Chelmsford, being soon afterwards deserted, was 
 destroyed by the enemy. 
 
 GROTON AGAIN. 
 
 This town was surprised as follows : 
 
 The Indians came in on the night of the 2d of 
 March, rifled seven or eight houses, and carried off 
 some cattle. 
 
 On the 9th, about ten in the morning, a number 
 of Indians, who had been secretly lurking about 
 there, laid an ambush for two teams which had been 
 driven from the garrison to bring in some hay ; 
 they were attended by four men, two of whom at 
 sight of the Indians escaped. The other two being 
 assailed, the one was killed, and left in a naked, 
 mangled condition ; and the other was carried away 
 captive. He, however, finally escaped from them, 
 and found shelter in the garrison at Lancaster. 
 
 Groton was again assailed by four hundred In- 
 dians on the 13th of March, 1676. The town had 
 been previously startled by news of the attack upon 
 Lancaster, and had concentrated its inhabitants into 
 five garrisons, four of which were so near together
 
 212 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 as to afford assistance to one another ; and between 
 these the cattle were kept belonging to the various 
 families. But the cattle at this time had been sent 
 into the pastures, perhaps to obtain browse from the 
 shrubbery. 
 
 In the night-time the Indians had secreted them- 
 selves in various places. Two of them at first made 
 their appearance near one of the garrisons. The 
 town did not anticipate such an advent. The day 
 before they had searched the wilderness for many 
 miles, finding none, and now were engaged in their 
 usual business, some feeding their cattle, some pro- 
 curing fire-wood, and others doing other various 
 things. 
 
 At sight of the two Indians an alarm was given ; 
 at which the men came forth from the first garrison, 
 and some from the second, which were eight or nine 
 rods apart, and started in pursuit of the two Indians, 
 who remained stationary in the distance. But, when 
 our men reached the brow of a hill, the Indians from 
 an ambush fired upon, and routed them. One was 
 slain, and three were wounded. 
 
 At the same time another squad had risen, and 
 came in upon the back side of one of the garrisons 
 so deserted of men, and pulled down the palisadoes. 
 But the women and children had escaped from there 
 to the stronger garrison, to which the soldiers
 
 THREAT ENINGS OF ONE-EYED JOHN. 213 
 
 also retreated ; which left the first garrison to the 
 meiey of the invaders, who consumed the most of 
 the day in securing the spoils, which consisted mostly 
 of corn and household materials. They fired upon 
 the other garrison, and took a few cattle. 
 
 From the sound of the first volley, smoke ascended 
 from nearly all parts of the town at once. 
 
 In the afternoon an old Indian came down the 
 street, as if decrepit, with a black sheep upon his 
 back. They made shots at him in the distance, and 
 sallied forth to capture him, but, discovering an 
 ambush, retreated ; and the savage and his black 
 sheep vanished from their sight. That night some 
 of them remained in the deserted garrison, others in 
 an adjacent valley, making the night hideous. 
 
 ONE-EYED JOHN. 
 
 Next morning they fired two or three volleys at 
 the defended garrison, and then marched off, fearing 
 perhaps that they might be overtaken by a strong 
 force from abroad. 
 
 About forty dwelling-houses of the town were 
 burned ; and the head of the man slain was piked 
 upon a pole, as well as the heads of others previously 
 slain. 
 
 Before leaving the place, ONE-EYED JOHN, who 
 led in this attack, announced his threats to Capt
 
 214 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Parker then in the garrison, saying they had burned 
 Lancaster and Medfield, and that next time they 
 would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cam- 
 bridge, Charlestown, Roxbury, and Boston ; adding in 
 his own dialect, " Wliat me will, me will do." 
 
 THE RESULT. 
 
 Notwithstanding this braggadocio, the sagamore did 
 not live to see his purpose entirely fulfilled. 
 
 Indeed, it was not long before these fellows, One- 
 Eyed John, Sagamore Sam, and old Jethro, were all 
 on the march to Boston, with halters about their 
 necks, to be hanged. 
 
 Afterwards, April 17, Capt. Sill being appointed 
 to keep the garrison at Groton, some Indians coming 
 there and drawing near to the house, supposing it to 
 have been deserted, the captain fired at them, killing 
 three, two at one shot. 
 
 INDIAN SPIES. 
 
 The Colonists, during this war of King Philip, 
 found it very difficult to ascertain the precise locali- 
 ties of Philip's force. Hence, during the winter of 
 1675-6, they sent two Christian Indians, James and 
 Job, through the woods into the Nipmuck and Nar- 
 ragansett countries as spies ; who " having free 
 liberty of discourse with them," and, in the end to
 
 EXPEDITION LED BY MAJOR SAVAGE. 215 
 
 obtain and bring information, performed at least 
 favorable service to the English. 
 
 NORTHAMPTON. 
 
 On the 24th of March, 1676, the Indians made an 
 assault upon Northampton, and broke through the 
 fortification of palisadoes set up around it, but were 
 repulsed after they had killed four men and two 
 women, and destroyed four or five dwelling-houses. 
 
 A COLONIAL EXPEDITION. 
 
 In the beginning of March, Major Savage, 
 commander of new forces, was sent out, to be joined by 
 such as might be raised by the Connecticut Colony, 
 with instructions to search for Indians at and about 
 Wachusett Hill. But, on their arrival there, the 
 Indians were somewhere else. The English, how- 
 ever, fell in with a few stragglers, slew some, 
 took others, to the number of sixteen, and then 
 turned back to the relief of Hadley and North- 
 ampton. 
 
 MTJKDER ON THE HIGHWAY. 
 
 About this time, March 26, sabbath, some families 
 at Long Meadow, near Springfield, attending church 
 under an escort of soldiers, on their return home, 
 riding with women behind them, some, with children 
 in their arms, fell in the rear of the rest of the
 
 216 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 company, and were fired upon from an ambush. 
 Two of them were killed, and others wounded. 
 
 SUDBURY. 
 
 The inhabitants of this town, many of them on 
 the 27th of March, 1676, started for the woods in 
 the night. Towards morning they discovered the 
 tribes, three hundred of them lying by their fires 
 (within half a mile of a garrison-house), upon which 
 forty of their townsmen fired upon them several 
 times, wounded thirty, fourteen of which died then 
 or soon afterwards. 
 
 THEY VANISH. 
 
 After this the tribes began to scatter ; yet they 
 were in fragment parties. We hear of their depreda- 
 tions at Weymouth and at Billerica (where Timothy 
 Farrer was killed), at Quaboag, at Braintree, at 
 Wrentham, and many other places all over the coun- 
 try; yet their main forces were lurking in the 
 woods. Some of them were between the towns of 
 Brookfield and Marlboro ugh, and the Connecticut 
 River. 
 
 They killed several persons, ten or twelve resi- 
 dents of Concord, Mass., who had marched to assist 
 their Sudbury neighbors. On their journey back 
 towards the garrison-house, they were all waylaid, 
 killed, or taken.
 
 INVASIONS BY THE WAMESITS. 17 
 
 Then again at Plymouth they burned eleven 
 dwelling-houses and five barns. Our scouting parties, 
 falling in upon a tribe of them, killed several ; but 
 within a few days seven houses and two barns wero 
 consumed in the same town. 
 
 By the ill-advised acts of some of the English, 
 " another sort of Indians " from Wamesit (Lowell) 
 had fired guns to the killing of some and wounding 
 of others at Chelmsford, and also at Woburn. These, 
 after winter was over, becoming enemies, set fire to 
 Mr. Falkner's house in Andover, wounded one Roger 
 Marks, and killed his horse ; and at Shawshine, near 
 it, on March 10, burned down houses ; May 8, killed 
 one, and carried away captive another, sons of 
 George Abbott ; killed some cattle on their way, 
 cutting out their tongues, and passing away, being 
 shot at from a garrison. Savages visited Thomas 
 Fames of Sudbury, killed his wife, carried away 
 his children, leaving his house in ashes. Two men 
 were killed. 
 
 CONCORD, MASS. 
 
 In February, 1675, two boys, Isaac and Jacob 
 Eames and a maid, were taken captives. 
 
 This maid, fifteen years of age, escaped from them ; 
 and in the May following, one of the captive boys, 
 thirty miles through the woods alone, escaped, and
 
 218 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 returned home upon a horse which the Indians had 
 stolen at Lancaster. 
 
 Also at Concord, on March 10, two men were 
 killed ; and on March 18, the hostile Indians, on the 
 north side of the river at 
 
 WAMESIT, 
 
 burned down three or four houses of Edward 
 Colburn ; and afterwards, April 15, about forty of 
 them pursuing Colburn, Samuel Vamham and 
 sons, shot at them, killing two of the sons, 
 and at the same time burned fourteen dwelling- 
 houses. 
 
 On May 3, after killing a man at Haverhill on the 
 Merrimack, a party of them crossed over to Brad- 
 ford, killed Thomas Kimball, and carried away his 
 wife and five children into captivity, forty miles into 
 the woods. 
 
 AN EXPEDITION. 
 
 To suppress these deadly eruptions, on April 27, 
 1676, the government at Boston started several 
 fresh companies of soldiers, and sent them forth to 
 range the woods under the command of Capts. Sill, 
 Cutter, and Holbrook. The horse companies were 
 commanded by Capts. Brattle, Prentice, and Hench- 
 man. 
 
 On the 6th of May, 1676, our Natick allied scout
 
 PHILIP TURNS TOWARDS PLYMOUTH. 219 
 
 discovered a party of the enemy, who were pursuing 
 a bear, and, not perceiving the scout to be otherwise 
 than friends, were easily pursued. Our horsemen 
 fell in upon them, killing and taking sixteen. 
 
 It was charged, that the untimely sounding of a 
 tnimpet in the chase operated as a disadvantage to 
 the English, and the tribes escaped. 
 
 After returning to their headquarters at Medford, 
 although they could discover their fires at night in 
 great numbers, yet the tribes had become too far 
 scattered ever afterwards to be reached in any con- 
 siderable numbers. English soldiers fell sick, and 
 were temporarily dismissed on the 10th of May of 
 that year. 
 
 But to return. The great body of Philip's men in 
 the early spring, as we have seen, tended towards 
 Plymouth ; yet there were scattering skulking parties 
 all about. 
 
 At Rehoboth a party went out, and killed ten or 
 twelve. At Springfield Capt. Holyoke and his men 
 entered the woods with ten or twelve resolute men, 
 and near the great river killed three, and wounded 
 another. 
 
 Previously, Oct. 5, 1675, about three hundred 
 Indians made an attack on this town, killed three 
 men and one woman, and reduced to ashes thirty 
 dwelling-houses and twenty-five barns.
 
 220 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 On the beginning of April, 1676, three of the 
 Hadley men, at work under a guard of soldiers, 
 Deacon Goodman being one of them, were slain. 
 Two others, who had ventured to wander away from 
 the guard, were also killed. 
 
 The largest company of Indians in this neighbor- 
 hood were now in and about Wachusett Hills. They 
 had been disappointed of their corn in the loss of 
 Canonchet : yet they were now taking advantage of 
 the fishing-season. 
 
 HADLEY, HATFIELD, NORTHAMPTON. 
 
 These towns now unite in revenge for the loss of 
 life, of houses, and cattle, and, to rid the country of 
 its common enemy, May 18, 1676, raised a hundred 
 and fifty men, marched silently at dead of night, 
 surprised the drowsy tribes at their wigwams in the 
 woods. 
 
 Arriving there, they dismounted, fired into their 
 wigwams, frightened them (killing some), drove 
 others into the stream, by which many of them were 
 borne down over the fall with the current, some 
 perishing in the waters ; others, hugging the shore, 
 were killed there; and some, seeking the canoes, 
 being shot or overset in the stream, sunk, and slept 
 their last sleep. Capt. Holyoke killed five, young 
 and old, with his own hand.
 
 HENCHMAN AT BROOKFIELD. 221 
 
 At the onset upon them, the Indians exclaimed, 
 " Mohawks ! THE MOHAWKS ! " Their slain were 
 nearly three hundred. 
 
 But the tribes, rallying after them on their retreat, 
 fell upon their horse-guards, fired upon them in the 
 rear ; so that, on their return, thirty-eight men were 
 missing. Holyoke's horse was killed. He was a 
 valiant leader. 
 
 HADLEY'S TWENTY-FIVE YOUNG MEN. 
 
 These came forth JVfay 30, 1676, crossed the 
 river, and down upon a tribe which had been attack- 
 ing their garrison, burning houses, and killing and 
 driving away their cattle and sheep in large num- 
 bers ; fired upon them, killing five or six on their 
 flight far away. 
 
 This same force by the council at Boston was 
 rallied again, with instructions to drive out the 
 enemy from their fishing-places, from the woods, and 
 from the plantations. 
 
 And then, on May 30, 1676, Henchman leading, 
 advanced to Brookfield, intending to join others 
 from the Hartford Colony, with Tom Doublet to 
 trace out the Indian trails, overtook the enemy 
 fishing in Weshacom Ponds, killed seven, and cap- 
 tured twenty-nine, mostly women and children. 
 Previously, at Northfield, September, 1675, "Nine
 
 222 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 or ten persons were killed in the woods ; and, on 
 the day following this massacre, Capt. Richard 
 Beers of Watertown, with thirty-six men, fell into 
 an ambuscade, and several of them were slain. 
 Retreating to Beers's Mountain, fought on the way ; 
 and only sixteen of Beers's company escaped. The 
 conflict was severe. The heads of some of the 
 English dead were elevated on poles : one of them 
 was suspended by a chain from the limb of a 
 tree. The fort there and the houses were de- 
 stroyed." 
 
 BATTLE AT PAWTUCKET. 
 
 On Sunday, the 26th of March, 1676, a battle 
 was fought by Capt. Pierce and his seventy men, 
 twenty of whom were Indians. They fell in with the 
 tribes at Pawtucket River, near Pawtucket Falls. 
 The Indians led by Nanuntenoo decoyed them into 
 an ambuscade, and surrounded them with a force 
 of three hundred. Pierce and fifty-seven of his men 
 were slain. The Indian loss was estimated at a 
 hundred and forty. 
 
 NORTHFIELD (SQUAKEAG). 
 
 As it happened, Henchman did not meet the Hart- 
 ford force until a week afterwards, who joined him 
 at Hadley. The two forces then advanced towards 
 Squakeag, arrived at Deerfield, encountered a severe
 
 TRIBES IN MOTION. 223 
 
 storm, damaging their ammunition ; yet seized and 
 secured many stolen goods, and a quantity of fish 
 from the enemy ; found some places where depreda- 
 tions and murders had been committed ; but from 
 thence, supposing the tribes to have gone towards 
 Plymouth, they returned home. 
 
 CAPT. HENCHMAN SAYS: 
 
 " Our scouts brought intelligence that the Indians were in 
 continual motion, some towards Narragansett, some towards 
 Wachusett, lying not above one night in a place. The 
 twenty-seven scouts brought in two squaws, a boy, and a girl, 
 giving an account of five slain. Yesterday they brought in an 
 old fellow, brother of a sachem, six squaws, and children, 
 having killed five men and wounded others. Eleven persons 
 we had in all, two of whom by council we put to death." 
 
 DEDHAM AND SEACONK. 
 
 On their return, this force was ordered from Sud- 
 bury by the governor of Plymouth to Dedham, and 
 so to Seakonk (Rehoboth), to join Bradford in pur- 
 suit of Philip, who, with his many hundreds, was 
 besetting the plantations in that neighborhood, 
 and whither, not long before, u Capt. Brattle 
 with a troop of horse, and Capt. Mosely with 
 a company of foot, were sent up from Boston to 
 pursue them, now flocking in great numbers for the 
 woods."
 
 224 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Here Hezekiah Willet of Swansey had been bar- 
 barously slain ; and to these forces at their arrival a 
 negro slave, escaping from their captivity, reported 
 that Philip was preparing to attack Taunton, and 
 that his army had slain twenty cattle over night, 
 and that nothing was left of them in the morn- 
 ing. 
 
 Next, Major Talcot, advancing to meet our forces 
 at Quaboag (Brookfield), as they came there from 
 Norwich, surprised a gang of Indians, took fifty- 
 one, nineteen being slain. Two other expeditions 
 volunteered from New London, Stonington, and 
 Norwich, having been left to guard that locality. 
 The one under Talcot disposed of about thirty of 
 the enemy, the most of whom were slain. 
 
 The other force killed and took forty-five, mostly 
 women and children ; yet (as the minister had it) 
 they were " serpents of the same brood" 
 
 HADLEY (POCUNTUCK). 
 
 The next day the Indians assaulted Hadley with 
 seven hundred warriors, at six o'clock in the morn- 
 ing. But the Connecticut forces, made up of * 
 English, Pequots, Mohegans, and other friendly 
 Indians, five hundred in all, being quartered near, 
 were soon on hand. The Indians, leaving the town, 
 had set it on fire. They fired, and killed three of 
 the English, but made their escape.
 
 ENGLISH PROPOSE TERMS. 225 
 
 The 29th of July, 1676, was observed as a day of 
 thanksgiving. A body of Indians had been lurking 
 about the Connecticut all the spring, suffering for 
 food and of diseases ; and, discouraged at losses, 
 began to fall out with Philip, and resolved that the 
 tribes might separate, and desired to return to their 
 several homes ; and that Philip and the Narragan- 
 setts might do the same. The Nipmucks and River 
 Indians beat westward; others northward, towards 
 Penac6ok on the Merrimack ; and Philip's crew and 
 the Narragansetts were left to drift in another direc- 
 tion, amid the swamps towards Mount Hope. 
 
 The tribes, in sight of events as of late they had 
 drifted, began to despair at the impending fate of 
 their race and of themselves. 
 
 The government at Boston, understanding this 
 matter, published a 
 
 DECLARATION. 
 
 ; * That whatsoever Indians should, within fourteen 
 days next ensuing, come in to the English, might 
 hope for mercy" 
 
 Thereupon James the printer came in, affirming, 
 with others who came with him, that more of his 
 race had died since the war by diseases than by the 
 sword. And soon two hundred more came in.
 
 226 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 SQUAW SACHEM OF SEACONET. 
 
 This squaw, allied to Philip as she had been, sent 
 three messengers to the governor of Plymouth, su- 
 ing for life and liberty, promising submission us 
 above ; but, before her messengers returned, the 
 English troops came upon her. She submitted her- 
 self to Major Bradford, together with her ninety 
 followers ; and then, recklessly and without mercy, 
 they were all murdered. 
 
 CONNECTICUT FORCES AT WARWICK NECK. 
 
 These, under Major Talcot and Capts. Dennison 
 and Newbury, on the 2d of July, 1676, pursuing 
 Philip, discovered a large force near Mount Hope in 
 a swamp. They divided their forces in three divis- 
 ions, and made a charge with Englishmen and In- 
 dians on all sides of the fort at once, by which all 
 the tribes were either killed or put to flight. A 
 hundred were killed at the outset, and the fugitives 
 by both horse and foot, until the whole were either 
 slain or taken prisoners. Two or three of the Mo- 
 hegans and Pequots were wounded: none of the 
 English were injured in the slaughter and capture of 
 nearly three thousand savages, young and old. 
 
 Among these was the old squaw of Narragansett, 
 commonly called the Old Queen.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 TRIBES IN TROUBLE. 
 
 War and Winter weakens them. They murmur iu Despa' r 
 Treachery of their own Race. They begin to distrust Philip. 
 
 Incline to abandon his Cause. Two Hundred surrender. 
 Three Hundred led by Six Sachems come in. Capts. Mosely, Bat- 
 tles, and Bradford Forces advance towards Mount Hope. Philip 
 escapes to Pocasset. A Chief Sachem surrenders with Forty 
 Attendants. Also Sagamore John with a Hundred and Eighty. 
 Philip is slain. Garrison-Houses. An Epic. An Expedition 
 to Pasco Bay. Depredations and Murders along the Piscataqua. 
 
 An Attack on the Upper Garrison at Salmon Falls. Major 
 Waldron sends a Team and Twenty Men to obtain the Dead. 
 The Men are attacked from an Ambush. Capt. Plaisted killed. 
 
 Attacks at Kittery, Cocheco, and other Places. Number 
 slain. 
 
 HE winter of 1675-76 had fallen heavily 
 upon them. From Mount Hope, Philip's 
 main force had been routed, but with ter- 
 rible loss to the English, in the beginning 
 of the cold storms. Since then, the 
 slaughter which his tribes had shared ; their constant 
 exposures to the inclemencies of winter, by the change 
 of place from day to day, with their wives and little 
 ones ; and the devastating inroads which dire disease 
 had made upon them, overwhelmed their hearts 
 with crashing despair and discontent. 
 
 227
 
 228 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 And now, in early spring, their remnant tribes, as 
 they perceived, were being beset with crushing forces 
 not only by the English, but, most wicked of all, by 
 the treachery from tribes of their own ancient race, 
 to wit, the faithless Pequots, Mohegans, and others. 
 
 No wonder, then, that the hand of fate is now 
 " seen writing upon the wall " this awful result, 
 that Philip's last great battle for the native freedom 
 of an ancient race of red men had been fought, and 
 is already lost ; that Philip himself is to die speedily ; 
 that his tribes, many more of them, are yet to perish 
 by the sword; that the others are to be driven be- 
 yond the deep seas, or farther and farther into the 
 dark wilderness, there to be lost and forgotten. 
 
 In sight of all this, no wonder that Philip's war- 
 riors, for the sake of their women and children at 
 least, should begin to throw down their weapons of 
 war, and submit, however ingloriously, to the terms 
 proposed by their faithless foes. 
 
 Next, then, two hundred of them, from within the 
 Plymouth jurisdiction, through famine and fear came 
 in, and submitted themselves to the government there ; 
 some of whom, to obtain favor, were, as induced, 
 turned about, and were made to co-operate against 
 Philip and his then trembling tribes. 
 
 And then five or six sachems from Cape Cod, with 
 three hundred Indian attendants, came in and sur- 
 rendered.
 
 PHILIP PURSUED, ESCAPES. 229 
 
 On the next day, July 7, 1676, the English with 
 some Christian Indians, invading the woods not far 
 from Dedham, killed seven, one of whom was a Nar- 
 ragansett sachem. 
 
 News then came that some of the Indians had fled 
 to Albany, N.Y., and were obtaining ammunition 
 there, on the pretext that Philip's war had come to 
 an end. 
 
 On the llth of July, Philip's whole remaining 
 force made an attempt to destroy Taunton ; but the 
 plot, being seasonably discovered, was defeated. 
 After the firing of two houses they were repulsed, 
 and fled. 
 
 Up to the 22d of July, Capts. Mosely, Battles, 
 and Bradford, operating from Concord, Mass., in and 
 around the swamps of Mount Hope, had slain and 
 taken of their enemies about a hundred and fifty. 
 
 It was feared Philip would now return to the Nip- 
 mucK country ; and English horsemen were sent to 
 guard the passage thither, as it led out from Mount 
 Hope. They followed him into the swamps, often- 
 times lodged near to him ; always a little too late, 
 yet sometimes found his camp-fires yet burning, his 
 kettles still boiling over them, and his dead from 
 sickness and war still unburied. 
 
 Philip, at length, with his followers much reduced, 
 by means of a raft made his escape from the Meta-
 
 230 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 poiset woods, over an arm of the sea on to another 
 neck of land on the Pocasset side. 
 
 Capt. Church, commander of the Plymouth Colony, 
 with eighteen Englishmen and twenty-two Indians, 
 had long been on the chase of Philip, during which 
 time he had slain seventy-six men from the faltering 
 followers of Philip. 
 
 Philip's squaw was afterwards taken, one of his 
 chief councillors also. 
 
 A chief sachem at Pocasset, and forty Indians, came 
 in also, seeking life and liberty. 
 
 Other Indians heard of near Dedham, as being 
 nearly in a state of starvation, were pursued by 
 twenty-six of the English, and nine or ten Christian 
 Indians, who took fifty prisoners without loss to the 
 English, together with great quantities of wampum 
 and powder; and they slew Pomham, one of the 
 most valiant sachems of the ten commanders of the 
 Narragansetts. 
 
 SAGAMORE JOHN. 
 
 This sachem, July 27, came in before the council 
 at Boston, bringing with him a hundred and eighty 
 warriors, their wives and children, all of whom sur- 
 rendered. 
 
 On the 31st of July a party went forth from 
 Bridgewater in search for Philip and his followers,
 
 PHILIP'S SQUAW-SACHEM, DROWNED. 231 
 
 and, coming near, killed some of them, among whom 
 was Philip's uncle, who, standing by his side, was 
 shot down ; but Philip escaped, having previously 
 shaved his hair off so as not to be known. 
 
 On the 6th of August, twenty volunteers, led by an 
 Indian fresh from Philip, seized the whole party of 
 twenty-six Indians except the squaw sachem, who 
 escaped from them, but jumping into the river was 
 drowned. It is a shameful truth, they cut off her 
 head, and set it upon a pole in Taunton, at the sight 
 of which the dusky prisoners, as they passed, were 
 overwhelmed with grief, and passed on with wail- 
 ings and heart-rending despair. 
 
 An Indian now came in, who, reporting Philip as 
 having returned to Mount Hope, offered to pilot 
 any force that would undertake to follow him. And 
 then a company led by Capt. Church, part English 
 and part Indians, advancing to the great swamp 
 and surrounding it, Philip was discovered passing 
 out from it. Church aimed to shoot him, but the 
 gun missed fire : thereupon Alderman Seaconet, an 
 Indian of his own nation, at the same moment, being 
 with Church, fired ; and Philip fell dead, shot through 
 the heart. On the same day, Aug. 12, 1676, five of 
 his strong men fell also. And here ended forevei 
 the last great struggle that foreshadowed the final 
 fate of the red man on this continent.
 
 232 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Let us turn, that we may glance for moment at 
 the landscape. New England even now is but little 
 else than a wilderness. That wilderness is still in- 
 habited by remnant, distracted tribes ; some at pres- 
 ent peaceful, some hostile, afflicted of painful scars, 
 disease, and death ; and some of these seeking refuge 
 within the lines of neutral tribes ; and some wander- 
 ing afar off in quest of life and liberty in the far 
 distance. Yet every wigwam in the woods, as well 
 as every lonely cot, house, or hamlet in New Eng- 
 land, is doomed to dread fear and consternation. At 
 noonday, at midnight, consternation is now entailed 
 upon all the generations of New England for the 
 seventy tardy years now next to come. Philip is 
 dead : but the embers in his ashes are still burning ; 
 and the war between the two races, under their sur- 
 roundings, as a matter of course, could never die 
 out but in the destruction or exit of the one or the 
 other. Dread fear pervaded all. Garrison-houses 
 were then standing in all the hamlets, and even in the 
 more scattered neighborhoods. They must neces- 
 sarily abound in New England, must remain ; and they 
 did remain. 
 
 Even now, after the lapse of two hundred years, 
 some of those old structures, made mostly of logs. 
 erected during the Indian wars, may be traced 
 They ought to be preserved forever. One of those
 
 Deserted ncrw -within without. 
 
 Alone aloof, upon a hill. 
 And rumor rife hath come about 
 That in those port-holes look: 
 
 The midmgli' j era still.
 
 HOUSES OF THE OLDEN TIME. 233 
 
 garrisons, with its terrible lessons, stood near the 
 home of my boyhood. Not many years since, pass- 
 ing that way, I visited it at eve. It then appeared 
 as in the engraving. 
 
 THE OLD GARRISON-HOUSE. 
 
 TALK WITH A GHOST, 
 
 At my native Barrington, N.H., Saturday Eve^ 
 Oct. 20, 1866. 
 
 THEY'RE sacred now, these walls of wood. 
 
 Ah ! what can bear comparison;' 
 From age to age they've nobly stood : 
 They've braved the conflict, storm, and flood, 
 
 Of the olden time a garrison. 
 
 Deserted now within, without ; 
 
 Alone, aloof, upon a hill ; 
 And rumor rife hath come about, 
 That, " in those port-holes looking out, 
 
 The midnight spectre lingers still." 
 
 And now, ye ghosts, if ghost there be, 
 Speak ! speak, and tell us of the strife, 
 
 When you had life and limbs as we ; 
 
 When panting Pilgrims had to flee 
 The tomahawk and scalping-knife ;
 
 234 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 When, in that boundless forest wild, 
 At sound of war-whoop from afar, 
 How anxious up and down ye filed, 
 And hewed the logs, and upward piled 
 This fortress rude ; how, in dread war, 
 
 At humble huts far scattered wide, 
 
 To toil ye gave the wear}- day, 
 Then, driven here at eventide, 
 The child and mother side by side, 
 
 Fast winding through the thorny way. 
 
 Unheeded then the beasts of prey ; 
 
 The p :owl of wolf no terrors brought, 
 Nor rancorous reptiles in the way : 
 The Pilgrim heart knew no dismay 
 
 Save what the knife and fagot taught. 
 
 Within these doors, then bolted fast, 
 
 Say, what of dreams ? Pray speak, and tell 
 How oft, amid the tempest blast, 
 Ye heard the rattling arrows cast, 
 The midnight gun, the savage yell. 
 
 What tearful thought, and what the care, 
 
 That moved the matrons and the men 
 To hug sweet infants cradled there, 
 To guard the household, and to share 
 The dangers dread impending then.
 
 TALK AT A GARRISON. 235 
 
 And what, when tedious years had passed, 
 To mourn thy many kindred slain ; 
 
 Here then, at peace, 3-6 lived at last ; 
 
 Yet did the sands of life fall fast, 
 And dust to dust return again. 
 
 How then the spirit wafted high 
 
 From lifeless nature 'neath the ground : 
 Then from the portals of the sky, 
 'Mid clouds of night, oh ! tell us why 
 In this old fort ye still are found? 
 
 Whence are thy jo} T s eternal bright ? 
 
 As if ye had no faltering fear, 
 No sad bereavements, pain nor blight 
 Nor care, to cramp that calm delight 
 
 Foretold of faith in such career. 
 
 Ye've seen the tribes that roamed of yore 
 
 From Lovwell's Lake to the Falls of Berwick, 
 Or down Cocheco's woodland shore 
 Where Wat-clie-no-lt l dipped his oar, 
 At Dover old, or Squanomegonic. 
 
 Since then, as now, to the market town, 
 
 From the hills afar, yet blue and bland, 
 'Mid summer's heat or winter's frown, 
 How settlers teamed their treasures down, 
 Proud in the products of the land. 
 
 NOTE 1. Wat-che-no-it was one of the chiefs who conveyed laud- 
 titles in New Hampshire.
 
 236 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Their footprints firm are on the plain 
 
 'Mid blighting frost or blooming health, 
 Where varied life of joy and pain 
 Hath learned of Mother Earth how vain 
 Is pride or fame or sordid wealth. 
 
 Then, tell me true, if well ye may, 
 
 Since tribe and pilgrim hither met, 
 How generations lived their day, 
 How each in turn have passed away, 
 But where oh ! where untold as yet. 
 
 Of all that host some knowledge lend, 
 
 That from the world the years have hurried : 
 
 Say, what of Waldron? what bis end? 
 
 Old " Mi-an-to-ni-mo " 2 his friend, 
 
 And " Mossup, 8 slain yet kindly buried." 
 
 Say if, amid that spiiit-sphere, 
 Ye have full knowledge freely given, 
 
 Why thus withhold from mortals here 
 
 The glories grand, forever dear 
 To thee and thine, of death and heaven? 
 
 Mi-an-to-ni-ino was a chief, said to have been friendly, 
 tall, and cunning. 
 
 NOTE 3. Mossup, a brother of Mi-an-to ni-ino, was killed by the 
 Mohawks, about twenty miles aUbve the Piscataqua, and was bur- 
 ied by Major Waldron.
 
 THE EEPLY. 237 
 
 The spectre, listening, seemed to move, 
 
 Half hidden still within the wall ; 
 In garb of light and looks of love, 
 With cadence strange, as from above, 
 
 Made answer thus, the one for all : 
 
 " Why thus should men make search to know 
 
 Their final fate forever hidden ? 
 Beyond the world of weal and woe 
 Your vision finite ne'er can go. 
 
 Enough for man it is forbidden. 
 
 " What truth in Abraham ye trace, 
 
 And what of Israel's tribes are told, 
 What Banyan wrote of the pilgrim race, 
 Ye well may know, and grow in grace. 
 As the fathers faithful did of old. 
 
 *' Enough ! and why should we disclose 
 
 The purpose grand ordained above, 
 Betraj 7 the trust that Heaven bestows, 
 And tempt the world from calm repose, 
 
 Its tranquil life, and truthful love? 
 
 " Then banish care ! Earth can but see, 
 
 Far in the cloud, a guardian hand ; 
 Nor heed the storm, alike as we, 
 True mariners upon the sea : 
 
 Ye'll find the pilgrim's promised land."
 
 238 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The night-damp dark in curtains fell ; 
 
 Hushed were the hills and valleys green : 
 I bent my footstep down the dell ; 
 A voice there whispered, " All is well ;" 
 
 And nothing more was said or seen. 
 
 JOHN. 
 
 In the winter which followed the downfall of 
 Philip, under the Boston proclamation previously 
 made, JOHN, a Nipmuck sachem, with many others, 
 came in, and were protected of their lives ; and 
 Hubbard, who lived and wrote at that day, says, 
 
 " Yet did that treacherous villain make an escape this winter from 
 Capl. Prentice's house, under whose charge he was put about Cam- 
 bridge village, and with twenty morejled away into the woods to shift 
 for himself, with the rest of his bloody companions. They were pur- 
 sued, but had gone too fast and too far to be overtaken" 
 
 EFFICACY OF PRAYER. 
 
 Mr. Hubbard, who was a clergyman as well as 
 historian, now at this date complaining of the pagan 
 propensities of UNCAS, the Mohegan chief, says sub- 
 stantially that Parson " Fiske of Norwich," in the 
 terrible drought of that summer, had prayed con- 
 stantly and fervently for rain, but in vain ; that the 
 English were left to pray " without any motion from 
 the Indians ; " and that the drought long remained
 
 CONFLICTS BECOME GENERAL. 239 
 
 upon them ; but that at length, by reason of dearth, 
 Uncas and his tribes were induced to come in and 
 join in the prayers, at which dense clouds at once 
 covered the earth ; a rain-storm followed ; and that 
 " the river rose more than two feet in height that 
 night." 
 
 FIEST PLANTATIONS. 
 
 The first place taken and possessed in the East as 
 a plantation was on the Sagadahock (Kennebeck) ; 
 and in that neighborhood there was no serious 
 trouble with the tribes until Philip's war ; and even 
 then the principal mischief was made by the Andros- 
 coggins. But westward of that locality, at Stur- 
 geon Creek, at Salmon Falls, Cocheco (Dover), at 
 Greenland, Lampre River, Exeter, and Swamscot, 
 plantations were early commenced ; and all of them 
 suffered in 1675-6, and more or less during most of 
 the Indian wars. In the East, some of the planta- 
 tions were commenced as early as 1606, contempora- 
 neously with the like commencements in Virginia. 
 
 At the inception of Philip's war, the Indians all 
 through New England had been aroused ; and in the 
 East, although they had been peaceful from the be- 
 ginning, they began to see force and justice in Philip's 
 cause. And the tribes at Casco and Androscoggin, at 
 Piscataqua, at Wamesit, being pinched with hunger 
 and cold, had during the first winter risen against the
 
 240 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 English, y 3t in the early spring and summer returned 
 apparent^ to their good faith, and delivered up theii 
 English prisoners ; yet in many instances, as in the 
 case of Simon and Andrew in their violence at Brad- 
 ford and Haverhill, returned their prisoners to Major 
 Waldron at Dover, but soon afterwards joined the 
 Kennebecks and Androscoggins in committing mur- 
 ders in that region. 
 
 By reason of these general uprisings, a meeting 
 was held at the house of Capt. Pattishals near the 
 Kennebeck ; and an expedition was sent up that river 
 to test the fidelity of the Indians. They succeeded 
 in obtaining some arms and ammunition, and a 
 promise of beaver-skins; the Indians, at the time, 
 yielded to them for the sake of peace. Upon the 
 condition if they cause no eruption, their arms, &c., 
 were to be returned to them. 
 
 Robinhood then invited the tribes to a great dance, 
 and sung songs attended with great applause, to 
 evince a lively determination on their part to fulfil 
 their agreement to keep the peace ; yet many 
 of them broke their covenants with the English, to 
 their own injury as well as to that of their enemies. 
 They at first assaulted the house of Mr. Purchase, 
 took his liquor and ammunition, killed calves and 
 sheep ; but contented themselves, for the most part, 
 with what they could eat and carry away.
 
 DEPREDATIONS CONTINUE. 241 
 
 Thereupon twenty-five Englishmen passed up 
 Casco Bay in a sloop and two boats, to obtain Indian 
 corn ; and near Androscoggin River, they heard a 
 knocking in and about the houses, and saw two 
 Indians, who took towards the water. The Eng- 
 lish in pursuit killed one: the other escaped in a 
 canoe. 
 
 CASCO. 
 
 And then at Casco Bay a tribe entered the house 
 of Mr. Wakely, murdered him, his wife, his son, and 
 daughter-in-law, and her three children. 
 
 Soon after, Sept. 18, 1676, the houses of Capt. 
 Bonithon and Major Phelps were assaulted by about 
 forty Indians, the one on the east and the other on 
 the west side of the Saco River, and were set on 
 fire ; but the English rallied upon them, shot at 
 them from from all quarters, wounded the leader of 
 the gang, which caused them to " take leg-bail " for 
 other more remote quarters. They killed several 
 persons at Blue Point ; surrounded a garrison having 
 in it fifty persons, but none of the inmates were 
 killed. Major Phelps was wounded ; and his mills' 
 and other edifices were consumed. About the same 
 time, five persons going up the Saco in a boat were 
 all killed. 
 
 In September the tribes tended towards Piscataqua^ 
 and committed violence along that river, burnt the
 
 242 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 houses of the two Chesleys at Oyster River, killed 
 two men on board a canoe there, carried away a 
 young man and an old Irishman from Exeter, killed 
 Goodman Robinson of Exeter, while on the road to 
 Hampton, He and son were waylaid by John Samp- 
 son Cromwell, and John Linde : the son escaped, 
 taking flight into the woods. 
 
 Then at Oyster River and Newechewanick great 
 violence was done. At the latter place, on the 16th 
 of October, 1676, a hundred Indians came in, and a 
 half a mile above the upper garrison at Salmon Falls, 
 amid other outrages, killed a man by the name of 
 Tozer, and others, and took his son captive ; from 
 which a despatch was sent to Major Waldron as 
 follows : 
 
 SALMON FALLS, Oct 16, 1675. 
 
 MR. RICHARD WALDRON AND LIEUT. COFFIN, These 
 are to inform you that just now the Indians are engaging us 
 with at least an hundred men, and have slain four of our men 
 already, Richard Tozer, James Barny, Isaac Bettes, and 
 Tozer 's son, and burnt Benoni Hodsdan's house. Sirs, if ever 
 you have any love for us and the country, now show yourselves 
 ,-ath men to help us ; or else we are all in great danger to be 
 slain, unless our God wonderfully appears for our deliverance. 
 They that cannot fight, let them pray. Nothing elsie ; but I rest 
 Yours to serve you, 
 
 ROGER I^LAISTED. 
 GEORGE BROUGHTON.
 
 MASSACRE AT SALMON FALLS. 243 
 
 And thereupon Waldron sent twenty men with a 
 yoke of oxen and cart to take away the dead bodies ; 
 and, obtaining a part of them, a hundred and fifty 
 Indians in ambush fired upon them, frightened the 
 cattle so that they ran back to the garrison carrying 
 part of the dead, leaving the twenty men to fight it 
 out on that line. Capt. Plaisted was killed: the 
 others got back to the garrison, the Indians taking 
 fright and running away. And the Indians advanced 
 to Sturgeon Creek, to Kittery, to Cocheco, Exeter, 
 Salmon Falls, Casco Bay, Wells : there and in other 
 places were constantly depredations and murders ; 
 and in the conflicts in that direction between the 
 Piscataqua and the Kennebeck, upwards of fifty of 
 the English were slain, and nearly double that num- 
 ber on the part of the tribes. In this, from August 
 to December, 1676, the Pugwakets of Saco, and 
 Androscoggins of Pejepscot River, and some of the 
 Pennacooks, took a part. 
 
 GARRISONS. 
 
 Besides the ordinary forts in these days, some of 
 which have been named, there were garrisons or 
 block-houses west, at George's, Pemaquid, Richmond, 
 Saco; at Fort Massachusetts, Pelham, Shirley, 
 Colerain, Fall Town, Dinsdale, Northfield, DeerjMd, 
 Road Town, New Salem, Winchester, Lower Ashuelot,
 
 244 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Upper Ashuelot, No. 4, Pequiog, Nashawog, Narra* 
 gansett No. 2, Brown's, Leominister, Lunenburg, 
 Towns and, Groton, New Ipswich, Salem, Canada, 
 Souhegan West, New Hopkinton, Great Meadows, 
 Contoocook, Rumford, Suncook, Dunham 12. 
 
 In the eastern part, there were garrisons at 
 Philip's Town, Berwick, Kitteiy, York, Wells, 
 Arundel, Biddeford, Scarborough, Falmouth, Saca- 
 rappee, Narragansett No. 7 or Gorham's, New 
 Marblehead, North Yarmouth, Topsham, Wiscasset 
 or Unksechuset, Rice's of Charlemont, George 
 Town or Arrowsick, Wiscasset, Sheepscot, Dama- 
 riscotta, and East George's; being in all fifty-six, 
 whereof fifteen are in another province, several in 
 each of the many towns, and seven .as we have 
 seen in Penacook. 
 
 In the inland frontiers many of the out farm- 
 houses had been reconstructed, having jets in their 
 corners with loop-holes for small arms. 
 
 By means of garrisons erected almost everywhere, 
 muny lives were saved.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 OTHER CONFLICTS EASTWARD. 
 
 Gen. Dennison in the East. Tribes begin to disperse. Canonicus 
 is slain. Warriors seek Concealment among the Neutral Tribes. 
 
 Four Hundred Indians surrounded and taken at Cocheco. 
 Some sold as Slaves, and Some hanged. Tribes rebel at Casco 
 and Falmonth. Court at Boston appoint a Council of War. 
 Council obtain a Reconciliation. War revives in the Summer. 
 
 Waldron pacifies the Piscataquas and Cascos. Meets the 
 Sachems on the Kennebeck. Reasonings of the Squaw Sachem. 
 
 Massacres follow at Hammond's, at Arrowsick. Settlers leave 
 their Plantations. Apply for Aid at Boston, but in Vain. 
 Indians again at Casco. Again at Piscataqua. At Cape Ned- 
 duck. At Wells. At Blackport. The People Escape. Tribes 
 at Richmond Island. Ransom from Boston stolen. Mugg a 
 Prisoner at Boston. Remains as a Hostage. More Forces sent. 
 
 Other Murders. Forces reach Ossipee. Indians have fled. 
 Mugg is shipped to obtain English Captives. His Vessels return 
 with Eleven Captives. Forces sent under Major Waldron. 
 His Negotiation. Returns to Boston. War near Cocheco. 
 Alliance with Mohawks. Mohawks at Dover. Kill Waldron' s 
 Men. Simon invades Portsmouth. A Treaty of Peace. Gar- 
 risons at Dover taken. Major Waldron is slain. Invasions. 
 
 'URING Philip's war, the governor 
 and council of Massachusetts had 
 enough upon their hands in the western 
 towns ; yet they had a care for the several 
 counties eastward. That region of coun- 
 try was consigned more especially to the oversight 
 
 245
 
 246 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 of Major-Gen. D. Dennison, who raised soldiers; 
 but, the winter setting in sharply in December, the 
 snow, being deep, caused great delay. Yet the same 
 winter's cold was bearing still more heavily upon the 
 Ind'ans, reducing them in some instances to starva- 
 tion ; and they began to sue for peace. 
 
 Their applications were made to Major Waldron 
 of Dover, through whose mediation terms of peace 
 were agreed upon, but which, as it seems, were not 
 strictly fulfilled. 
 
 On the last of June, 1676, the Indians, by the 
 terrible conflicts and exposures of the preceding 
 year, were strangely dispersed and dispirited, every 
 nation beginning to shift for itself. The faithful old 
 Cauonicus of the Narragansetts, distrusting the 
 faith of the English, had been slain in the woods ; 
 but the life of his squaw was spared. 
 
 Some of the Lancaster warriors tried to obtain 
 shelter beneath the wings of the peaceful Piscata- 
 quas. Some of them had mixed with the Penacooks, 
 Pequawkets, ancl Ossipees, seeking thus to avoid 
 danger. Thus at this time there was a strange 
 admixture of the elements of peace and of hostility 
 among nearly all the tribes. 
 
 Whereupon forces had been raised in Massa- 
 chusetts, the commanders of which were Capts. 
 Wm. Hawthorne and Joseph Still, to suppress in-
 
 FOUR HUNDRED INDIANS SURPRISED. 247 
 
 surrections. And these leaders joined Major Wal- 
 dron and Capt. Frost of Kittery, and their men, in 
 the scheme of seizing all the Indians that might be 
 induced to assemble in Dover at their call. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 6th of September, 1676. 
 Wonalancet with four hundred Indians had been 
 induced to meet at Major Waldron's at Cochecc 
 (Dover). They made a military parade, and, as was 
 concerted, joined with the Indians in a sham-fight 
 exercise. The Indians were put upon the drag- 
 ropes of the artillery. The English, of course, were 
 appointed to manage the guns ; and a sham fight 
 commenced. A gun exploded towards the Indians, 
 at which the English infantry by a preconcerted 
 manuoevre enclosed the Indians on all sides, secured 
 and disarmed them all. 
 
 Hubbard says, " They were handsomely surprised, 
 without the loss of any person's life," to the number 
 of four hundred ; by which device, after our forces 
 had them all in their hands, they separated the 
 peaceable from the perfidious. Wonalancet and the 
 friendly Penacooks, Pequawkets, and Ossipees were 
 dismissed to their homes, while two hundred or more, 
 having taken part in the rebellion, were taken to 
 Boston. Seven or eight of them were hanged for 
 supposed murders ; and the others were sent to other 
 parts, and some of them at least sold into slavery.
 
 248 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 Tlirs were they disposed of to prevent their 
 union with the hostile eastern Indians. 
 
 By reason of certain friendly Indians at Cape 
 Sable being taken under color of a legal warrant, 
 but having fraudulently been sold into slavery, and 
 the tribes having been deprived by the English of 
 their ammunition, hunger and murmurings and ani- 
 mosity pervaded the eastern wigwams everywhere. 
 
 On the llth of August, 1676, at Casco, a party of 
 Indians commenced depredations, and carried away 
 captive thirty persons, and burnt down their dwell- 
 ing-houses, among whom was one Anthony Brackett 
 of that place. Brackett's brother, offering to resist, 
 was killed : the wife and five children were carried 
 away prisoners. Thence they went to Corban's 
 house, killed him, Humphrey Durham, and Benjamin 
 Atwel, and thence onward to other places, killing 
 others. So that from Falmouth and Casco Bay, 
 thirty-four persons were carried into captivity. 
 
 The Indians up at Fort Totonic on the Kenne- 
 beck had done no wrong against the English : yet 
 Capt. S. Davis and Capt. Lape of Boston thought fit 
 to bring away all their powder and shot from their 
 trading-house, and told them, if they would come 
 down to their place they would supply them, and that 
 if any of them refused to come down and deliver up 
 their arms, the English would kill them.
 
 MEETING OP THE SACHEMS. 249 
 
 These and other aggravating incidents caused so 
 much trouble along the Kennebeck, that the General 
 Court at Boston appointed a council of war there, 
 and issued warrants to restrain all manner of per- 
 sons from intermeddling with the Indians without 
 further order, which within a few days should bo 
 had. 
 
 In the mean time the sachems met at Pemaquid ; 
 and, notwithstanding their many complaints made of 
 the English on that river, they came to terms of 
 peace, promised friendship as well as aid against the 
 hostile Androscoggins. 
 
 A hard winter was over and gone ; and then the 
 English agent at Pemaquid attended a meeting of 
 Indians in the East, praying that peace might be 
 continued, at which the tribes were joyful, presents 
 being passed in confirmation of a mutual good under- 
 standing. But when summer came the kidnapping 
 of individual Indians by the English, which had 
 previously transpired, of which we have spoken, 
 came to light ; and thereupon they again fell into a 
 rage, making bitter complaints to Mr. Earthy the 
 English agent, and others. They were told that 
 their Indian friends thus kidnapped and transported 
 should be returned to them. The Indians, thus out- 
 raged with mere promises which might never be 
 fulfilled, were not easily appeased : for true it was in
 
 250 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 the summer and fall previously, they had been 
 frightened away from their corn-plots ; and, as it 
 appeared also, the withholding of their powder and 
 shot during the winter had tended to deprive them 
 of their sustenance in that direction ; and many of 
 them in the winter's cold, almost starved, had died 
 all along the Kennebeck. 
 
 Major Waldron of Dover had concluded a peace 
 with the Piscataqua and Casco Indians; and now 
 there was to be an attempt made to conclude a peace 
 with the Androscoggins, including all the eastern 
 tribes. Yet jealousies increased ; and a meeting was 
 sought as the agent had proposed. 
 
 Soon a notice came from Totonnock, desiring him 
 to meet Squando and the " Amoscoggan " sachems 
 there for a treaty. 
 
 Accordingly this agent, by advice from the council 
 then sitting in Kennebeck, with others repaired 
 thither. But at an English house on the way his 
 suspicions were aroused by startling reports; yet 
 our agent passed on, and met them in council. 
 
 Madokawando sat as chief; and Assimin, squaw, 
 was their speaker. 
 
 Capt. Davis, speaking, told them in substance that 
 the English were to deal with them like men. To 
 which the squaw replied,
 
 HARD QUESTIONS PROPOUNDED. 251 
 
 " You did otherwise with us. When fourteen of oxir men 
 came to treat with you, you set a guard over them, and took 
 away their guns ; and a second time you required our guns, and 
 demanded us to come down unto you or you would kill us, 
 which was the cause of our leaving our fort and corn to oui 
 great loss.-" 
 
 MADOKAWANDO appropriately asked what they 
 were to do for the want of corn ; what for the want 
 of powder and shot ; and whether the English would 
 have them die, leave the country, or go entirely over to 
 the French. 
 
 The English messenger, on the other hand, among 
 other things said, "You have admitted that the 
 western tribes will not make peace. Now, if we sell 
 you powder, and you give it to the western men, 
 what do we do but to cut our own throats ? " 
 
 Much was said, but no treaty was then had ; and 
 conflicts thereafterwards came to pass as formerly. 
 
 Hammond's house was invaded. On the 14th of 
 August, 1676, on the island Arrowsick, early in the 
 morning, the Indians hid themselves under the walls 
 of its fort until the sentinel had gone from his place : 
 then chey followed him to the fort-gate, obtained a 
 foot-hold at the port-holes, shot down all that were 
 passing up and down within the walls of it, made 
 themselves masters of it, and of all that was within 
 it. Capt. Davis, within the fortification, was
 
 252 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 wounded there, but escaped. Two others, Capt. 
 Lake and Major Clarke, also escaped ten or twelve 
 miles away until they found some craft in which to 
 get away ; but, as it happened, that " good man " 
 Lake was slaughtered before he reached a place of 
 safety. He and Clarke were the owners, by purchase, 
 of this island Arrowsick in the Kennebeck. Their 
 fortifications there were extensive, with many con- 
 venient buildings for habitations and trade. The 
 persons slain at Hammond's and Arrowsick were 
 sixty-three. 
 
 From this all the white inhabitants along the Ken- 
 nebeck and Sheepscot Rivers fled away. Help was 
 sought at Boston. Some of the people tarried at 
 M onhiggon, resolving there to stay to await some re- 
 port from headquarters. Guarding themselves by a 
 night watch of twenty-five men, they thus continued 
 for a fortnight, within which time nearly all tha 
 houses in the country round about were consumed ; 
 yet Bostonjiaving enough on its hands nearer home, 
 had not been heard from. These people thereupon 
 advanced farther out, some to Piscataqua, some to 
 Salem, and some to Boston. 
 
 At the Arrowsick massacre, some of the people 
 were away, some to bring corn ; some were in boats 
 obtaining fish. Among the latter was Richard Pots 
 with two others. Mrs. Pots was washing bj the
 
 BLACK POINT INVADED. 253 
 
 water's edge, where she with her children were pur- 
 sued in hot haste by the Indians. A little child cried, 
 and called to its father from the shore in the dis- 
 tance for help ; but the father in his prudence fled or 
 paddled away, not deeming it wise even to shoot the 
 Indian. From that place the Indians invaded Spur- 
 winks and other places. At Casco on Sept. 23, 1676, 
 some seven men went to Mountjoy's Island to obtain 
 sheep. The Indians pursued them : they betook them- 
 selves to a stone house there, defended themselves, 
 but in the end were all destroyed. One of them, 
 George Felt, mortally wounded, survived but for a 
 few days, and, being a valiant man, died much la- 
 mented. 
 
 From this, the Indians wandered nearer towards 
 Piscataqua. A party advanced upon Cape Nedduck, 
 killed or carried away nearly all the inhabitants of 
 the scattered houses of that locality, leaving there 
 unmistakable evidence of their heart-rending cruel- 
 ties. The day before this a man was killed in Wells, 
 and more soon afterwards. 
 
 On the 12th of October, 1676, one hundred In- 
 dians invaded Blackpoint. All the inhabitants had 
 concentrated into one garrison. The Indians were 
 led by the sagamore Mugg. He demanded of Joslyn, 
 chief of the garrison, a surrender, offering them the 
 privilege of taking away their goods. This was out
 
 254 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 a distance from it; and when Joslyn returned all his 
 people had escaped, and had carried away their goods, 
 so that none were left to stand by him but his ser- 
 vants who attended him ; and he could do no better 
 than to surrender. The invasion upon Richmond Is- 
 land followed immediately upon that of P^.ckpoint. 
 Many other wicked things happened Hereabouts ; 
 and before the 1st of November, 1676, the said Mugg 
 came to Piscataqua, bringing James Fryer, who, 
 being disabled, soon died of his wounds. 
 
 Ray, in the mean time, had been sent east from 
 Boston to ransom the eastern prisoners. But, as it 
 seems, the ransom had been stolen by one of the 
 tribes ; and thereupon Mugg, their leader, was seized 
 by the major-general of the Massachusetts Colony, 
 or by his order, and was sent to the governor and 
 council at Boston, that he might there, in the name 
 of their chief, Madokawando, make arrangements for 
 the giving-up of all the fifty or sixty prisoners which 
 they then held ; and with the understanding that 
 said Mugg was to be held a hostage for the due 
 performance of this understanding, Madokawando 
 and Squando being the leading chiefs at war in the 
 East. 
 
 Outrages in the mean time were daily heard of from 
 the country farther north ; and, to quell the erup- 
 tions there, a military force of one hundred and
 
 EXPEDITIONS SENT NORTH. 255 
 
 thirty Englishmen, and forty allied Indians, were 
 sent there under the command of Capts. Haw- 
 thorne, Still, and* Hunting, to be joined with others 
 raised by Major Waldron and Capt. Frost. The 
 force advanced in that direction, sweeping round vid 
 Casco, Wells, Winter Harbor, Blackpoint, in pur- 
 suit of Indians, but not finding many, yet killing 
 now and then one or two, all others escaping. By 
 these men, James George was shot from his horse 
 while at Casco Bay going home from "church ; and 
 Capt. Niddqck on the 25th of September, 1676, was 
 murdered, also George Farrow of Wells. 
 
 The enterprise proving fruitless thus far, this force 
 swung around towards Ossipee. 
 
 Yet at Wells and vicinity some murders were still 
 happening. Littlefield and Cross and Bigford were 
 killed there about this time : thirteen head of cattle 
 were also killed, their bodies left to their owners, 
 ers, except that their tongues had been taken out. 
 
 In four days our forces had reached Ossipee, had 
 taken quarters in an old fort built for the Indians by 
 the English as a defence against the Mohawks, which 
 was fourteen feet high, with flankers at the corners. 
 Cold winter had now arrived : the soldiers made fuel 
 of this fort, and advanced in scouting parties farther 
 north into the woods among the lakes ; yet finding 
 no Indian:*, and coining to the conclusion after nine
 
 256 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 days' service in that direction, they marched back to 
 Newitchewannock, having suffered more from frost 
 than from Indian fire-arms. 
 
 In November Mugg had been despatched from Bos- 
 ton with two vessels, through whom the fifty or sixty 
 prisoners were to be obtained in the East, pursuant 
 to the articles of treaty entered into on the sixth clay 
 of that month, between the eastern tribes and the 
 English ; which treaty was signed by " The X mark 
 of Mugg, Indian" on the one side, and by " John 
 Earthy, Richard Oliver, and Isaac Addison," on the 
 other. 
 
 Mugg with the vessels found Madokawando at Pe- 
 nobscot in the beginning of the next month, who de- 
 livered all the prisoners then there in his power, 
 which were only eleven. Mugg then passed up into 
 the wilderness to find other prisoners with other 
 tribes ; but, being gone too long, the vessels returned 
 to Boston, where they arrived on the 25th of De- 
 cember, 1676 without him. 
 
 As to the other prisoners, they were still among 
 their captors, and were not as yet obtained; the 
 women being employed making garments for the 
 natives from goods plundered from the English ; the 
 tribes not all seeking peace as their sachems had 
 sought, and still desired. 
 
 In the first week of February, 1676, two hundred
 
 WALDRON'S EXPEDITION. 257 
 
 and fifty soldiers, and sixty Natick Indians, were 
 raised, and sent away by water to the East, under 
 Major Waldron. On the llth of February, Waldron 
 sailed, touched in various places, established garrisons, 
 searched for the captive prisoners, found Mattahando, 
 who promised to deliver up those at Penobscot- 
 
 On the 20th of March, 1676, at Marlboro', the 
 worshipping assembly was suddenly dispersed by a 
 cry of '''Indians at the door!" The confusion at 
 the moment was instantly increased by a fire from 
 the enemy. No one was injured, save Moses New- 
 ton, wounded in the arm. The people at once van- 
 ished to a place of safety. The meeting-house and 
 all the defenceless dwelling-houses of the town were 
 consumed. Much property was taken or destroyed. 
 
 The historian says, " The enemy retired soon after 
 the first fire, declining to risk the enterprise and 
 martial prowess of the young plantation. The 
 people at once sought safer quarters by moving out 
 of the place." 
 
 " The hostile savage yells for prey 
 
 Along the pathless wild : 
 The huntsman's track is watched by day; 
 
 By night his sleep's beguiled ; 
 His blazing cottage lights the gloom ; 
 
 His infant shrieks the alarm ; 
 His wife sinks lifeless in a swoon, 
 
 Or bleeds within his arm."
 
 258 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 BATTLE AT PEMAQUID. 
 
 At Gyobscot Point, Major Waldron espied two In- 
 dians in a canoe, who waved their caps, desiring to 
 speak with him. Paine and Gendal were sent to 
 them, from whom they learnt that there were many 
 Indians at Pemaquid with the English captives ; and 
 the major bent his course in that direction, landed, 
 saw an English captive with his master in a boat, 
 and sought to speak with the captive, which was not 
 allowed. But the Indians pretended peace, and 
 promised to deliver up such captives as were at 
 Penobscot the next morning. They desired to speak 
 with some of the officers. Some of them went on 
 fehore ; and three of the sagamores came on board 
 the ship. After some talk the major went on shore 
 with six men, carrying no arms with them. He 
 found their words were uncommonly smooth ; and, 
 from the fact that all definite action in reference 
 to the delivering-up of captives had been deferred to 
 the next morning, his suspicions of their honesty be- 
 gan to be excited. * 
 
 In the morning, Feb. 27, the major,, with the same 
 number as before, went on shore to treat with them ; 
 they with John Paine hailing them cheerfully. Their 
 persons were searched on both sides, and all arms 
 laid aside. They spent the forenoon in a treaty,
 
 FAITHLESS TRIBES DEFEATED. 259 
 
 whereat they seemed much to rejoice, in expectation 
 of a peace with the English. But when Major Wal- 
 dron urged a present delivery of captives, with assist- 
 ance of men and canoes to proceed against the 
 Androscoggin Indians, enemies to both, it was 
 denied ; .and they claimed pay for the keeping of the 
 captives through the winter ; as for their canoes, 
 they had a present use for them, being bound to go 
 to Penobscot: the price demanded was twelve 
 skins. This proposition was yielded to ; upon which 
 they delivered up William Chadbourn, John Winniek, 
 and John Warwood. The part of the pay which was 
 to be in liquor was paid down : the rest was promised 
 to be sent in the afternoon. Afterwards, and in the 
 mean time, three of the sagamores came on board of 
 the major's vessel ; and, from their manner and talk, 
 the major's suspicions of their evil intent were in 
 no way abated. 
 
 BATTLE ON THE SHORE. 
 
 In the afternoon Major Waldron, with five attend- 
 ants without arms, again went on shore to meet the 
 Indians, to complete the treaty, and to pay the bal- 
 ance of the ransom; but upon arriving there, 
 through a due circumspection, the major discovered, 
 ' within a rod or two of the place of the hearing, some 
 concealed weapons of death, m the shape of guns and
 
 260 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 lancets, obviously intended to be used by the war 
 riors upon receipt of their full pay. He immediately 
 seized up a lancet, and, springing towards them, 
 charged falsehood and treachery upon them, at 
 which guilt was seen in every countenance. One or 
 two advanced towards him as if to get the weapon ; 
 but he, brandishing it, threatened death to any one 
 that approached him, and passing his hand upward, 
 raised his hat, which was a signal of distress to all 
 his men in the ship, at which they rallied around 
 him in full force. The Indians seized some of their 
 weapons, but were put to flight. The soldiers fought 
 valiantly: many of the tribe, before they could 
 get away, as they took to their boats, were slain. 
 
 The remainder of the captives the major was left 
 to seek elsewhere ; and after establishing garrisons 
 in the East, as we have noticed, and after visiting 
 Sheepscot, from which they obtained plunder in 
 which there were forty bushels of wheat, and at Ar- 
 rowsick in the Kennebeck, after obtaining a hundred 
 thousand feet of lumber, they returned home to 
 Boston. 
 
 WAR IN WALDRON'S NEIGHBORHOOD. 
 
 This was in 1676. Previously, in 1675, while the 
 war was going on westerly and in the remote East, 
 Squando at Saco, and his tribes, were fruitful of con-
 
 SLAUGHTER IN VARIOUS PLACES. 261 
 
 flicts in the country in which Dover and Major 
 Waldron were the great centre. Men at Durham, 
 at Exeter, at Hampton, at Newichewannock, at Con- 
 cord, N.H., and many other places, had been slain, 
 and niany dwelling-houses consumed. Twenty 
 young men, by leave of the major, had scattered 
 themselves in the woods, discovered five Indians, 
 and killed two of them. The people fled from their 
 homes and from business to their garrisons. Fast- 
 ing and prayer had become more common. At 
 Salmon Falls, Lieut. Roger Plaisted sent out seven 
 men from his garrison : they fell into an ambuscade, 
 and three of them were killed. Two days after the 
 taking of the four hundred Indians at Cocheco, of 
 which we have spoken, Waldron's and Frost's men, 
 with Blind Will, a sagamore of the Indians, as pilot, 
 marched off to the eastward, and thence to the 
 Ossipee Ponds, where the Indians had a strong fort 
 of timber fourteen feet high 'with flanker ; but, as 
 we have seen, the tribes were somewhere else. 
 
 ENGLISH ALLIANCE WITH THE MOHAWKS. 
 
 Hitherto there had been conflicts, between the 
 eastern Indians and the Mohawks at New York; 
 and at this crisis two messengers, Major Pynchon 
 of Springfield and Richards of Hartford, repaired to 
 that country, and made an alliance with the Mo-
 
 232 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 hawks. The Mohawks were valiant for a fight as 
 against their enemies of old; and in March, 1677, 
 they caine down upon Amoskeag Falls. Wona- 
 lancet in the woods discovered fifteen Indians, who 
 called to him in language not understood. He fled: 
 they fired their guns at him ; he escaped. Thence 
 they appeared at Cocheco, against whom Waldron, 
 not knowing them to be allies, sent out eight of his 
 Indians led by Blind Will against them, or at least 
 to obtain information ; and the Mohawks fell upon 
 them, and but two or three escaped. Will was 
 dragged away by his hair, and perished in the woods 
 at the confluence of the Isinglass and Cocheco Rivers. 
 This place still bears the name of Blind Will's Neck. 
 Hence it appeared that .the Mohawks were intent 
 upon the destruction of the friends of the English as 
 well as their foes ; and, in fact, they threatened the 
 destruction of all the Indians in these parts without 
 distinction. They thus proved fruitful of many 
 calamities to the English. Then the garrisons at 
 Wells and Blackpoint were beset : at the latter 
 place the tribes lost Mugg, their leader and treach- 
 erous negotiator. 
 
 On a sabbath morning Simon^ with twenty other 
 Indians, surprised and took six of our Indians in 
 the woods near Portsmouth. At night they crossed 
 the river at Long Beach, killed some sheep at
 
 TREATY AT CASCO. 263 
 
 Kittery, and turned off towards Wells ; but in fear 
 of the Mohawks they let their prisouers go. Four 
 men were soon after killed at North Hill. 
 
 In 1678 Shapleigh of Kittery, Campernoon and 
 Fryer of Portsmouth, as commissioners, entered into 
 a treaty with Squando and other chiefs at Casco, 
 and there obtained the remainder of the captives in 
 the East ; and here an end was put to this terrible 
 war of three years. 
 
 We have said that Philip's war was ended ; but 
 this is to be taken at least with some allowance, as 
 it is a very difficult matter to ascertain when an In- 
 dian war did end, their nationalities being numerous, 
 and their impetuous notions various and uncertain. 
 
 At Cocheco (Dover), Major Waldron had a strong 
 garrison-house ; and near him were four others. 
 
 Rankamagus, a 'Pennacook chief, had, in league 
 with others, on the 27th of June, 1689, contrived to 
 surprise and destroy the town : accordingly squaws 
 were sent, two to each garrison-house, to obtain 
 lodgings for the night ; and Massandowet, their chief 
 sachem, that same evening took supper with the 
 major, and, among other things, told him they were 
 coining the next day to trade with him ; but said, 
 " Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange 
 Indians should come ? " To which he forcibly replied, 
 " I could assemble an hundred men by lifting up my 
 finger"
 
 284 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 In the utmost quietude and security they retired 
 to rest ; but at midnight the gates were opened by 
 the squaws, and death and consternation prevailed 
 throughout the town. One garrison, having refused 
 to admit the squaws, escaped : all the others fell. 
 
 They crowded Waldron's house, some guarding 
 the doors, while others advanced upon their business 
 of blood and death. Waldron, then eighty years of 
 age, seizing his sword, defending himself, drove the 
 savages from room to room, until, from behind him, 
 he was knocked down with a hatchet, and then, 
 being dragged away and placed upon a table, was 
 stripped, and gashed, burned, and otherwise tortured, 
 until death relieved him. 
 
 While gashing him, they would say thus, " I cross 
 out my account." While cutting off his fingers, they 
 would say, " Now will your fist weigh a pound? " 
 
 While this was being done, other savages were 
 compelling the women of the garrison to prepare 
 supper for them. 
 
 In the garrison-houses and elsewhere, the inhabit- 
 ants of Dover, to the number of twenty-three, were 
 killed ; and twenty-nine were carried away captive 
 through the wilderness to Canada, where the most 
 of them were sold to the French. 
 
 Previously, an Englishman at Chelmsford, Mass., 
 had learned of some Indians of their proposed
 
 VARIOUS INVASIONS. 265 
 
 att ack on Cocheco, and had sent a despatch to in- 
 form them ; but, being delayed at Newbury Ferry, 
 sad to relate, the despatch failed to reach its desti- 
 nation. 
 
 At ANDOVEE, as we have seen, in Philip's war, 
 several persons were killed by the Indians ; others 
 were captured; and some houses were burned, as 
 was common : and now in 1698 Assacumbuit made 
 an attack upon the town with forty Indians, " burned 
 t\\ o dwelling-houses, and killed Simon Wade, Nath. 
 Brown, Penelope Johnson, Capt. Pasco Chubb, his 
 wife Hannah, and a daughter of Edmund Faulkner." 
 
 BILLERICA. 
 
 On this town, in 1695, an attack was made. As 
 Nason describes it in his excellent Massachusetts 
 Gazetteer, " Several were slain; and then again, on 
 the 5th of August of that year, the Indians entered 
 the house of John Rogers in that northerly part of the 
 town, and discharged an arrow at him while asleep, 
 which entered his neck, severing the main artery : 
 awakened, he started up, seizing the arrow, withdrew 
 it, but expired with the instrument of death in his 
 own hand. A woman, being in a chamber at the 
 time, threw herself out of the window, and, though 
 severely injured, made her escape by concealing her- 
 self among some flags. A young woman was scalped
 
 26b INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and left for dead, but survived. A son and daughter 
 of Mr. Rogers were made prisoners. The family of 
 John Levestone suffered also severely : his mother and 
 five young children were killed, and his oldest daugh- 
 ter captured. Capt. Thomas Rogers and his oldest son 
 were killed. Mary, the wife of Dr. Roger Toothaker, 
 and Margaret his youngest daughter, with four other 
 persons, were slain." 
 
 The Indians were pursued by the villagers, but to 
 no purpose. The tribes had covered their tracks, had 
 even tied up the mouths of their dogs with wampum, 
 to prevent all noise, and to avoid detection. That 
 terrible shock to Billerica was long held by its in- 
 habitants in painful remembrance. 
 
 In 1690, March 18, Sieur Hartel and Hopegood, 
 with fifty-two French and Indians from Canada, in- 
 vaded Salmon Falls, N.H. The attack was at day- 
 break, in three places. The people from their garrisons 
 defended, but were overcome : thirty were killed, 
 and fifty -four surrendered. Houses, mills, and barns 
 were burned ; and many cattle were killed. The in- 
 habitants, gallantly following them into the woods, 
 gave them battle, with the loss of some four or five 
 on each side. 
 
 Hertel, on his way home, was joined by others, 
 and fell in upon the fort at Casco. His mode of 
 warfare was cruel.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 KING WILLIAM S WAR. 
 
 New England is alarmed. Wars as they advanced. Three De- 
 tachments from Canada. Attack on Salmon Falls. Treaty 
 with Penobscots and Others. Attack on Oyster River. Ports- 
 mouth invaded. Skirmish at Breakfast Hill. Dover and 
 Kittery assailed. Treaty at Casco. Five Hundred French and 
 Indians invade New England. Invasion of 1704. CoL 
 Church's Expedition with Major Hilton. Hilton's Expedition in 
 1705 on Snow-Shoes. Patrol at Portsmouth. Heroic Women. 
 
 Two Hundred and Seventy Warriors at Piscataqua and Dun- 
 stable. Mohawks, painted Red, attack Oyster River. Col 
 Hilton of Exeter slain. Three Hundred and Forty-two French 
 and Indians attack Deerfield. A Flag-ship returns Prisoners. 
 
 Raid on Worcester. On East Hampton. On Sterling 
 Premium on Scalps. Expedition to obtain Captives. Church, 
 Hilton, and Forces are sent East. Col. W. Hilton slain. Col. 
 Walton's Expedition to the East. Piloted by a Squaw. Three 
 Hundred Indians advance East with Threats. French and 
 Indians by the Government declared Rebels. Parson Halle 
 makes Trouble. Arrowsick invaded. Attack on Northfield. 
 Another Alliance. Father Ralle, the French Jesuit, slain by 
 Capt. Harmon. 
 
 safety. 
 
 N the year 1689, New England was again 
 startled with the news that King William 
 had invaded England with the intention of 
 dethroning the king. This, of course, at 
 once led to combinations, and councils of 
 The French and Indians of Canada, as we 
 
 2fi7
 
 268 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 might well suppose, came down upon the English 
 here like an avalanche ; and war here and war there 
 continued until Jan. 7, 1699. Then upon the 
 heel of this followed another foreign conflict, known 
 as Queen Anne's War, commencing in Gov. 
 Dudley's time, Aug. 10, 1703, and ending at the 
 peace of Utrecht, March 31, 1713. 
 
 In consequence of encroachments by the English 
 upon Indian lands, this peace proved to be of short 
 duration ; and war again gradually came on, became 
 general in July 25, 1722, and continued to distress 
 New England up to Dec. 15, 1725. 
 
 Thence with occasional troubles as the years ad- 
 vanced, until March 29, 1744, when Great Britain, 
 under George II., declared war against France and 
 Spain. This raged up to 1749. During all of these 
 years, since the beginning of the war by Philip, 
 (June 24, 1675), which we have detailed, and then 
 again from 1689 up to the year 1763, there was, all 
 the way along, more or less of Indian conflicts, 
 afflicting the generations of men, and overwhelming 
 the hearts of women and children with the pangs 
 of sad bereavements. 
 
 In the winter of 1690 Count de Fontenac, gover- 
 nor of Canada, detached three parties of French and 
 Indians on three different routes, upon the frontiers 
 of New England. These parties, one of which went
 
 PEACE PROPOSED AT PEMAQUID. 269 
 
 into New York, performed the offices for which they 
 were organized, by killing the inhabitants, and burn- 
 ing and destroying their property. 
 
 On the 18th of March, 1690, Trois Rivieres, with 
 fifty-two French and Indians, made an attack on 
 Salmon Falls, N.H., led by Hopegood, a noted war- 
 rior. They came in at daybreak in three, parties. 
 The people flew to arms, defended their garrisons 
 valiantly ; yet about thirty persons were slain, and 
 the rest, fifty-four in number, surrendered to the 
 tribes. The houses, mills, and barns were burned. 
 They were pursued to the woods by a hundred and 
 forty men, who overtook them at the bridge on 
 Wooster's River. There, an engagement took place. 
 The loss was small, four or five on each side. The 
 next day they destroyed the fort at Casco. 
 
 In 1693, Aug. 12, the Penobscots, Kennebecks, 
 Androscoggins, and Sacos submitted to a treaty of 
 peace at Pemaquid, in which they agreed to abandon 
 the French interest, to deliver up all captives, and 
 to sustain free trade. Yet July 18, 1694, they were 
 induced by the French to other hostilities. 
 
 At Oyster River (which is a westerly branch of the 
 Piscataqua) there were twelve garrisons, with dwell- 
 ing-houses on both sides of the river. On the morning 
 of the 17th of July, 1694, the Indians in two parties 
 invaded the village on both sides, planted themselves
 
 270 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 in anibush in small parties near every house, and 
 awaited the rising of the sun, as well as the firing of 
 the first gun as a signal. John Dean, the earliest 
 riser, was shot as he advanced from the threshold. 
 This gave an alarm prematurely, as the Indians had 
 not all obtained their several positions ; and the in- 
 habitants came forth, some to escape, and some to 
 organize, and give battle to the tribes. 
 
 Of the twelve garrison-houses, five were destroyed ; 
 to wit, Adam's, Header's, Drew's, Edgerley's, and 
 Beard's. 
 
 Fourteen of the inhabitants were slain. A boy 
 was made to run through their files. They threw 
 their hatchets at him to carry out their sports, until 
 he fainted and fell. 
 
 The defenceless houses were set on fire, and were 
 nearly all consumed. Many persons were taken 
 captive. 
 
 The other seven garrisons viz., Buinham's, Bick- 
 ford's, Smith's, Bunker's, Davis's, Jones's, and Wood- 
 man's were resolutely and successfully defended. 
 
 Thence a part of these tribes proceeded westward, 
 through Durham and Exeter, to Groton, Mass. They 
 were led by Toxus, a Norridgewock chief. 
 
 In July, 1695, and 1696, men were killed by the 
 Indians at Exeter ; and in May (1696) John Church, 
 who previously had been seven years a captive, was 
 slain at Cocheco near his own house.
 
 CONFLICTS IN THE OLD TOWNS. 271 
 
 PORTSMOUTH, N.H. 
 
 On the 26th of June, 1696, an attack was made on 
 Portsmouth, N.H., about two miles out from the 
 village. 
 
 " The enemy came over from York Nubile to 
 Sandy Beach in canoes which they had in the bushes 
 near the shore. At early morn they pillaged five 
 houses, took four prisoners, and killed fourteen per- 
 sons. One man was scalped and left for dead, but re- 
 covered. The houses were consumed. 
 
 Thereupon, Capt. Shackford with a company of 
 militia advanced in pursuit of the tribe, and, over- 
 taking them at Breakfast Hill, rushed upon them 
 from the top of it, retook the captives and the 
 plunder ; but the Indians, rolling themselves down 
 the hill, and from thence into a swamp, reached 
 their canoes, and escaped. 
 
 DOVER, N.H. 
 
 On the 6th of July of the same year the people 
 of Dover were waylaid on their return from church. 
 Three were killed, three wounded, and three were 
 carried away to Penobscot. 
 
 In June, 1697, at Exeter, a body of Indians had in 
 the morning placed themselves near the town for the 
 purpose of an assault, but were frightened away ; but 
 in July they murdered Major Frost of Kittery in
 
 272 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 revenge, as they say, for the seizure of the four hun- 
 dred Indians at Dover in which he had been con- 
 cerned. 
 
 In 1699 the Indians were brought to a treaty at 
 Casco, by the English commissioners, wherein the 
 Indians once again promised better behavior. 
 
 During Philip's war, Douglas says about three 
 thousand Indians had been slain or taken, and that 
 the Narragansetts, one of the largest nations, had been 
 reduced, not being able to rally more than a hun- 
 dred men. 
 
 And again during King William's war much 
 trouble within the Colonies of New England was 
 constantly diminishing the population on both sides. 
 Thus there were battles during this period at Haver- 
 hill and other places which we have named. 
 
 In 1689 there had been fights at North Yarmouth, 
 at Sheepscot, and Cocheco ; and forts and garrisons 
 had been built at Sheepscot, Pegepscot, at Pemaquid, 
 at Wells, York, Berwick, and Cocheco. 
 
 In 1690 Massachusetts sent a hundred and sixty 
 men to Albany for protection, and to head off 
 invasions from the Canadian French and Indians, 
 and then to the East in 1692. William Phipps, having 
 raised four hundred and fifty men, advanced against 
 the enemy on the Kennebeck. 
 
 On the other hand, in 1696 the French lauded
 
 CONFERENCE IN 1703 AT CASCO. 273 
 
 some soldiers at Pemaquid, as allies to the Indians. 
 About this time the fort here, with ninety-five men 
 and fourteen mounted cannon, was surrendered In 
 the French by one Capt. Chub. 
 
 In 1697 a squadron from France was sent to 
 operate against New England; but it was driven 
 asunder in a storm. And then, Jan. 7, 1698, followed 
 the French treaty of peace at Berwick ; and the 
 eastern Indians again submitted. 
 
 On June 20, 1703, Gov. Dudley, with delegates 
 from his provinces, held a conference at Casco with 
 the Norridgewocksj Penobscots, Pequawkets, Penna- 
 cooks, and Androscoggins. A treaty of peace was 
 then and there entered into, with many mutual 
 promises and much ceremony : yet, as it turned out, 
 the Indians' guns were loaded. And on Aug. 10, 
 1703, M. Bobasier, with five hundred French and 
 Indians in several divisions, invaded the New- 
 England frontier from Casco to Wells, making bar- 
 barous havoc, sparing neither age nor sex, killing 
 some, and taking others, a hundred and thirty 
 in all, burning and destroying all before them. 
 
 In the spring of 1704, the surrounding country 
 was alarmed: the women and children fled to the 
 garrisons. No laborers went to the fields without 
 being fully armed, or surrounded by sentinels well 
 posted.
 
 274 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 On April 25 Nathaniel Header was killed in his 
 field at Oyster River. Edward Taylor was also slain 
 by the tribes ; and his wife and son were taken cap- 
 tive at Lamprey River. 
 
 In May of this year Col. Church was started on 
 an expedition from Boston, with transports and 
 whaleboats for going up the river. Major Hilton 
 joined him at Piscataqua, and they were in the East 
 all summer ; destroyed Minas and Chiegnecto, and 
 damaged the Indians at Penobscot and Passama- 
 quoddy. 
 
 In the winter of 1705 Col. Hilton, with two hun- 
 dred and seventy men, including Indians, advanced 
 to Norridgewock on snow-shoes upon the snow, then 
 four feet deep. They burned the wigwams, finding 
 no Indians. This year the line of pickets which 
 enclosed the town of Portsmouth was repaired ; and 
 a nightly patrol was established on the sea-shore 
 from Rendezvous Point to the bounds of Hampton, 
 the coast being infested with the enemy's priva- 
 teers. 
 
 Thomas Dudley, governor at that time, kept a 
 vigilant eye upon the enemy during the winter, 
 and caused a circular scouting march to be taken 
 once a month around the head of the towns from 
 Kingston to Salmon Falls. 
 
 On the 24th of May, 1704, East Hampton, Mass.,
 
 WOMEN VALIANT IN WAR. 275 
 
 was destroyed by the Indians, and about twenty of 
 its inhabitants were slain. 
 
 In 1706, at Reading, five Indians killed a woman 
 and three children, and carried the remaining five 
 into captivity. 
 
 In April, 1706, a small party of savages invaded 
 the house of John Drew at Oyster River, killed 
 eight, and wounded two. Not a man was in the 
 garrison : yet the WOMEN valiantly fired an alarm : 
 putting on hats, and concealing their hair, they went into 
 the fight, firing away fervently at the enemy. The In- 
 dians, frightened, fled before them, without plundering 
 or even burning a house. 
 
 In July, 1706, a rumor came that two hundred 
 and seventy French and Indians were on the march 
 to Piscataqua ; and the people again took to their 
 garrisons. 
 
 This enemy first fell in upon Dunstable, thence 
 to Amesbury, and then to Kingston, at this time 
 killing many cattle. 
 
 Again, a party of them lurked about Hilton's 
 house in Exeter, where they saw ten men moving to 
 the mowing-field. When the mowers had laid aside 
 their arms, the Indians, creeping between them and 
 their guns, rushed upon them, killed four, wounded 
 one, and took three : two only escaped. 
 
 Sept. 15, 1707, a man was killed by them at Exe-
 
 276 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 ter; and, two days afterwards, Henry Elkins fell at 
 Kingston. 
 
 Then again, at OYSTER RIVER, a company of men 
 were at work in the woods, hewing timber ; and a 
 party of French Mohawks, painted red, came in upon 
 them with a hideous yell, and at the first fire killed 
 seven, and mortally wounded another. Capt. 
 Chesley was among the slain. 
 
 During the winter of 1708, four hundred Massa- 
 chusetts soldiers were posted within its province. 
 
 COL. WINTHBOP HILTON. 
 
 This gallant officer, in 1710, July 22, was con- 
 cerned in the masting business ; being in the woods 
 fourteen miles away from his house in Exeter, was 
 ambushed by a party of Indians. Hilton, with two 
 more, was killed at the first fire. His other men 
 escaped. A hundred men followed the next day in 
 pursuit ; but no Indians were seen. They had left 
 a lance in the colonel's heart. On the same day the 
 savages ambushed the road in Kingston, and killed 
 Samuel Winslow and Samuel Huntoon, and took 
 and carried into Canada Huntoon and Oilman. 
 
 In the spring of 1711 the tribes renewed their 
 ravages on the frontier; and Thomas Downs, John 
 Church, and three others, were killed at Cocheco ; 
 and several were assaulted on their way from
 
 A BATTLE AT THE DOOR. 277 
 
 church. And from this, conflicts most cruel contin- 
 ued uj) to July 17, 1713. 
 
 THE OLD DOOR IN DEERFIELD. 
 
 On the night of Feb. 29, 1704, Major Hertel de 
 Rouville, with three hundred and forty-two French 
 and Indians, fell in upon Deerfield, entered its fort, 
 embracing the church and several dwelling-houses 
 \hen unguarded, and massacred many, and carried 
 others away. At the onset Rev. Mr. Williams 
 tseized his pistol : it missed fire, and was knocked 
 aside. Two of his children and servant were mur- 
 dered. He and five of his remaining children were 
 marched away into captivity. His wife, two days 
 afterwards, was slain in Greenfield. 
 
 Two years after this a flag-ship, sent from Quebec 
 to Boston, brought back Mr. Williams, his four chil- 
 dren, and fifty-two other redeemed captives. As it 
 happened, one of his children inclined to remain 
 there, grew up among the Indians, accepted one of 
 them as a husband, and in later years once or twice 
 visited her early home in Massachusetts. 
 
 In this attack upon Deerfield (Mr. Nason says), 
 the Indians, cutting a hole through the door of Mr. 
 Sheldon's house, fired at and killed Mrs. Sheldon 
 just as she was rising from her bed. 
 
 The old door of this house now hangs, enclosed m
 
 278 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 a frame of chestnut, in the hall of the Pecomtuc 
 House. , 
 
 The peasant-bard of Gill thus speaks of it : 
 
 " Bless thee, old relic ! old and brave and scarred ; 
 And bless old Deerfield, says the grandson bard. 
 Towns may traditions have, by error spun : 
 She has the door of history ; that's the one." 
 
 At Worcester, in 1704, an invasion was made by the 
 tribes. The inhabitants deserted the town ; and the 
 wife of Dickory Sargent became a captive, and was 
 carried away. Years before this the place had been 
 noted : the Indians here had been interviewed by 
 the apostle Eliot and by G-ookin ; and then again, in 
 Philip's time, Pakachoag had been visited by King 
 Philip, while inducing the Indians to take up arms 
 against the white men. 
 
 In 1704 Caleb Lyman at Cowwassuck on the 
 Connecticut, with one Englishman and five Mohegan 
 Indians, killed eight hostile warriors out of nine. The 
 Assembly for this gave him thirty-one pounds. 
 
 In this same year, May 24, East Hampton (Passa- 
 comuck) was destroyed by the Indians, and about 
 twenty persons killed. 
 
 In 1706 a party of Indians, visiting Reading, killed 
 a woman and three of her children ; and carried her 
 other children, five in number, into captivity.
 
 A PREMIUM FOR SCALPS. 279 
 
 On the 18th of August, 1707, a party of twenty 
 four Indians from the forest appeared to Mrs. Mary 
 Fay and Mary Goodnow, while gathering herbs in a 
 meadow. Mrs. Fay took to a garrison near by, and 
 assisted in defending it until the men in the fiek; 
 came to their relief. 
 
 The next day, in Sterling, the same tribe invaded 
 the town, and " got the worst of it : " nine of them 
 were killed. In their packs was found the scalp of 
 the unfortunate Miss Goodnow, whose lameness pre- 
 vented an escape. Her lonely grave is still to be 
 recognized near the place where she fell. 
 
 At this time the premiums for Indian scalps and 
 captives had been advanced by the Assembly, per 
 piece, to impressed men ten pounds, to volunteers 
 twenty pounds, to volunteers serving without pay 
 fifty pounds, with the benefit of captives and plun- 
 der. And Capt. Rowe was sent to Port Royal, 
 N.S., with a flag of truce, to negotiate for prisoners. 
 
 Capt. Sheldon was also sent there twice for the 
 same purpose. 
 
 Col. Hilton, with two hundred and twenty men, 
 was also sent away to the eastern frontiers. He 
 killed many Indians. 
 
 The colonel was himself killed by the Indians in 
 1711, in Exeter. 
 
 At this time Col. Church, March 13, 1707, sailed
 
 280 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 east with two regiments to the same end. He ob- 
 tained many prisoners. 
 
 And then Col. Hilton, with a hundred and seventy 
 men, proceeded to Amarasconti and Pequawket. 
 
 In the spring of 1708, eight hundred French and 
 Indians invaded New England; but, disagreeing 
 among themselves, some of them returned back : the 
 others fell in upon Haverhill and other places, as we 
 have noticed. 
 
 In 1711, near Exeter, Col. Winthrop Hilton, with 
 two others, was slain by the Indians in the woods : 
 near Exeter two others were taken. The next day 
 one hundred men followed in pursuit of the Indians ; 
 but they could not be traced. Soon they appeared 
 again in the streets at Exeter, took captive four 
 children and John Wedgwood, and murdered John 
 Magoon; and again at Cocheco they killed Jacob 
 Garland while on his return from worship. 
 
 In the winter Col. Walton, with 170 men, traversed 
 the eastern shores, which were usually sought at that 
 season by the Indians to obfain clams. 
 
 Some of the tribe, mistaking Walton's encamp- 
 ment at night, came near, and were taken prisoners. 
 One of them was a sachem of Norridgewock, active, 
 sullen, bold. He would make no discoveries, and 
 was slain. Upon this his squaw and two others 
 piloted the colonel to Saco River, where he overtook
 
 A BRIEF SUSPENSION. 281 
 
 five Indians, and slew them all : also on the way he 
 took two prisoners under her lead. Thomas Downs, 
 John Church, and three others were killed at Cocheco ; 
 and on the sabbath, as the people were returning 
 from church, Humphrey Foss was taken captive, 
 and John Horn was wounded. 
 
 Walton, with two companies, advanced to the 
 ponds in the fishing season ; but the Indians had de 
 serted their wigwams. 
 
 In Chelmsford Major Tyng was killed ; and inar- 
 ders by the Indians were happening in other places. 
 
 SUSPENSION OP HOSTILITIES. 
 
 News now came of the suspension of arms be- 
 tween England and France; and the Indians ap- 
 plied for an accommodation. 
 
 In 1713, July 11, the New-England Colonies held 
 at Portsmouth, N.H., a congress with the tribes. 
 
 The basis of this treaty was the same as that at 
 Penobscot, Aug. 11, 1693 ; in which one of the arti- 
 cles provides, that, in case of a difficulty between 
 the English and the tribe, the matter must be set- 
 tled by an English court. 
 
 This conference included, as appears, the St. Johns, 
 the Penobscots, Kennebecks, Ammoscoggins, Sacos, 
 Merrimacks. Mauxis was their chief.
 
 282 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The tribes usually took the names of the rivers 
 along which they hunted and obtained their fish. 
 
 HOSTILITIES AGAIN. 
 
 In 1717 the Indians began to murmur; and, after 
 giving the settlers warning to leave their lands, ad- 
 vanced to the killing of cattle, and to other tres- 
 passes ; and in 1719 the French again urged them 
 to renew and set up their claims to the lands of New 
 England. 
 
 But to a considerable extent thus far they are 
 kept in awe of the English. 
 
 In 1719 (Shute and Dummer's time) the French 
 again urged the Indians to set up claims to New- 
 England territory, and proceeded to aid them in 
 trespasses ; but the English, with their allied tribes, 
 soon discouraged them. 
 
 In 1720 the Indians are urged on again, and com- 
 mence to kill cattle, committing depredations gener- 
 ally; but Col. Walton, with two hundred men, 
 advancing against them, brought them to submission, 
 and obtained hostages for their good behavior. 
 
 About this time the small-pox prevailed, which 
 always operated as a terror to the tribes of New 
 England. It tended to retard the general progress 
 of hostilities. 
 
 In 1721 M. Croizer is sent here from Canada,
 
 PARSON KALLE, THE JESUIT. 283 
 
 M. St. Casteen from Penobscot, and Ralld and De 
 la Chasse (French missionaries), with about three 
 hundred Indians, who made their appearance at Saga- 
 dahock (Kennebeck), with threats that if the English 
 did not remove from the lands claimed by the 
 tribes, within three weeks, they would kill the in- 
 habitants, and burn their houses down. 
 
 On June 13, 1722, the French and Indians began 
 in good earnest, and captivated Love, Hamilton, Han- 
 said, Trescot, undJEdgar. Thereupon by the assembly 
 in Boston in the following July they were declared 
 rebels, and were proceeded against accordingly. 
 
 Parson Halle, a missionary and Jesuit at Canada, 
 about this time was telling the Indians that the lands 
 of New England " were given them of Grod, to them 
 and their children forever, according to the Christian 
 sacred oracles." 
 
 BOUNTY. 
 
 In 1722, July 5, the government of Massa- 
 chusetts Bay proclaimed the invaders to be rebels, 
 and ordered a bounty of 1 00 per scalp to be paid to 
 volunteers fitted out at their own charge ; and after- 
 wards it added and offered four shillings a day 
 besides. 
 
 Soon after this Capt. Hanson on the Kennebeck 
 slew several Indians ; and many other captains ad- 
 vanced in search of the wigwams of the wilderness.
 
 284 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 About this time (1722), at Arrowsick, a body of 
 Indians killed several people, burned sixty dwelling- 
 houses, and destroyed fifty cattle. They failed in 
 their attempts upon the English forts at Richmond on 
 the Kennebeck, and at St. George near the Penobscot. 
 Yet they surprised sixteen fishing-vessels at Canso. 
 
 In 1723, Aug. 13, in Northfield (Squakeag), two 
 men were killed by the Indians ; and in October 
 an attack was made on their block-house, and several 
 others were slain; and, as late as 1748, Anson 
 Bolding was slain there by the Indians. Here it was, 
 as we have seen, Capt. Richard Beers with thirty- 
 six men fell into an ambuscade in 1675, and only 
 sixteen of them escaped after a desperate battle. 
 On the previous day ten men by the same Indians 
 had been slain there in the woods. 
 
 ANOTHEB ALLIANCE. 
 
 On Aug. 21, 1723, sixty-three Indians from the six 
 New- York nations visited Boston, proposing an 
 alliance against the eastern Indians ; their real 
 object in this being to obtain presents. They, how- 
 ever, did not obtain many. 
 
 FATHER RALL12 SLAIN. 
 
 In 1724, Aug. 12, a battlo was had at Norridge- 
 wock on the Kennebeck River.
 
 KALLE'S MONUMENT AT NOBKIDGEWOCK, ME., page 284.
 
 BALLE AND OTHERS SLAIN. 285 
 
 Capt. Harmon, with two hundred men in seven- 
 teen whale-boats, had moved up the Kennebeck River. 
 He surprised the Indians there, took twenty-six 
 scalps to be seen in Boston, among which was that 
 of " Father Ralld," whose reckless advice had led to 
 much of the bloodshed along the frontiers of New 
 England. 
 
 The Indians killed and drowned in their attempt 
 to cross the river, in that battle, were computed to 
 be not less than eighty. 
 
 Belknap says, "In that battle they completely 
 invested and surprised the village, killed the ob- 
 noxious Jesuit with about eighty of his Indians, 
 recovered three captives, destroyed the chapel, and 
 brought away the plate and furniture of the altar, 
 with the devotional flag, as trophies of their victory." 
 
 Ralle* was then in the sixty-eighth year of his age, 
 and had resided in his mission at Norridgewock 
 twenty-six years, having previously spent six years 
 hi travelling among the Indian nations in the 
 interior of the American Continent. 
 
 Oft thus the powers with England disagree, 
 Which does portend what carnage hence shall be, 
 What man's estate must prove, a varied life. 
 From quiet peace proceeds terrific strife ; 
 From plenty, dearth ; from faith and virtue, sin ;
 
 285 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 From health, disease, that wages war within. 
 Thus strangely intermixed are good and ill, 
 True to the purpose of a sovereign Will : 
 Nature but thrives by fire that burns within : 
 From planets broken other worlds begin ; 
 Yet bloody conflicts, such the world abhor 
 As mark the advent of avenging war 
 Enough enough ! yet others still there were 
 Of blood profuse. 'Tis man's estate to err : 
 Let pass Queen Anne's, the troubles of her day ; 
 The craft of "Jesuits, fruitful of dismay; 
 Nor need to note the French and Indian strife, 
 Nor trace the torch, the tomahawk, and knife 
 Farther. 'Tis now the olive-branch divine 
 We seek, its beauteous benefits benign. 
 
 From my Merrimadc, p. ft 
 
 l
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 BATTLE OF PEQTJAWKET. 
 
 The Conflict of Fifty Years. Its Inroads upon Civilization. The 
 Eventful Issues of 1725 still Pending. Capt. Lovewell and his 
 Forty-six Men. His Fourteen Survivors pensioned. Paugus of 
 Pequawket slain. The Battle poetized of Old. An Ancient 
 Battle, as from Tradition. Depredations at Pennacook. Gar- 
 rison, and how Constructed. Eruptions as started from 
 Abroad. Numerous Tribes allied to the French. Inroads 
 upon the New-England Frontiers. Beckoning of Dates. 
 Expeditions against New England. War of 1744. Detach- 
 ments sent out. Bounties allowed. Donahew's Expedition. 
 Conference at Albany. Successive Invasions. 
 
 former chapters we have endeavored to 
 give somewhat in detail, as they had trans- 
 pired, the various leading eruptions, conflicts, 
 and depredations, which, as between the 
 English and the native Indians in NCAV Eng- 
 land, hitherto have happened. Up to this period, fifty 
 years had elapsed since King Philip at Mount Hope 
 had raised the battle-axe in behalf of his native soil 
 and in behalf of his then dying race of red men. 
 Philip died then : still, plain to be seen, the hatchet 
 was not buried. And sad to relate, although the 
 white race were destined in the end, as it were,
 
 288 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 by brute force to prevail, barbarism, for the time 
 being, as against civilization, had been suffered to 
 gain the mastery. Fifty years of bloody conflicts 
 had made terrible havoc with the minds and morals 
 of men, wherein a pure religion and a well-tutored 
 civilization were of but little use, other than to 
 sharpen the arrows which brought to an untimely 
 grave thousands of innocent men, women, and chil- 
 dren. 
 
 How could such a conflict, wherein law and reli- 
 gion for so long a period were substantially laid aside, 
 do otherwise than to misguide and betray the public 
 mind into the commission of devilish deeds ? Hence 
 the hanging of witches and of Quakers were but 
 legitimate offshoots from the bloody barbarisms in 
 New England, which, in spite of law and religion, 
 had sprung forth, producing dreadful devastation on 
 the right hand and on the left, mutual barbarisms, 
 which, taking a rabid form, worked inconceivable 
 mischief ir almost every direction. And yet when 
 New England came out of its terrible trial, having 
 learned much from the wars and bloodshed of tragic 
 years, it thenceforth made haste to perfect itself in 
 the organization of a noble, generous civilization, 
 which at this time is every day exemplified through 
 its thriving municipal corporations, as well as by 
 individuals, in liberal laws and magnanimous deeds.
 
 BATTLE AT THE POND. 289 
 
 LOVEWELL. 
 
 We come now to other conflicts. 
 
 Capt. John Lovewell of Dunstable, previous to 
 this time, had raised a company of thirty volunteers, 
 and had advanced north of the Lake Winnipi- 
 seogee, and, finding an Indian and boy in a wig- 
 wam, killed the Indian, and, keeping the boy, brought 
 him alive to Boston, and thereupon received the 
 legal bounty as well as a gratuity from the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Upon another excursion he proceeded with seventy 
 men to the same place in the forest above the Lake ; 
 but for the want of provisions thirty of his men 
 thence returned. The remainder of them advanced 
 into the deep forest, where they discovered a tribe 
 encamped for the night. Concealing themselves, 
 they remained; and at midnight, by the side of a 
 frozen pond, they fell in with the Indians. Lovewell 
 fired first, killing two. Five others fired instantly, 
 and then the rest fired ; and but one Indian remained 
 alive. He, wounded, tried to escape, but, followed 
 by the dog, was held fast until they killed him. 
 This was at a place now knovrn as Lovewell's Pond, 
 in Wakefield, N.H., at the head of one of the 
 branches of Salmon Falls River. 
 
 This "brave company on Feb. 24, 1725 [says 
 Belknap], with the ten scalps stretched on hoops,
 
 290 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and elevated on poles, entered Dover (Cocheco) in 
 triumph, and proceeded thence to Boston: there 
 they received the bounty of one hundred pounds for 
 each, out of the public treasury." 
 
 On the 16th of April, Capt. Lovewell, raising 
 another company, forty-six men, including a chap- 
 lain and surgeon, advanced again into the north-east. 
 Two of the men becoming lame, and one falling 
 sick, and the surgeon, were left behind in a stockade 
 fort, on the west side of the great Ossapee Pond ; and 
 eight of the men were also left there as a guard. 
 The remaining thirty-four men, led by Lovewell, 
 advanced onward about twenty-two miles, and en- 
 camped on the shore of a pond. At their devotions 
 in the morning, they heard the report of a gun, and 
 discovered an Indian on a point of land extending 
 into the pond nearly a mile away. Upon consulta- 
 tion they marched off in direction of the Indian, 
 after disencumbering themselves of their knapsacks, 
 leaving them at the north-east end of the pond with- 
 out a guard. It happened that Lovewell's march 
 had crossed a carrying-place wherein Paugus and 
 Wahwa, with forty-ofie warriors from Saco River, 
 were returning to the lower village of Pequawket, 
 distant about a mile and a half from this pond. 
 
 They traced Lovewell's track back to their packs ; 
 and counting them, and ascertaining that the num-
 
 LOVEWELL'S LAST BATTLE. 291 
 
 ber was less than their own, they placed themselves 
 in ambush to await their return. 
 
 The Indian who had stood on the point of land, 
 while now returning to the village, received their 
 fire, returned it with small shot, wounding Lovewell 
 and one of his men. 
 
 Lieut. Wyman, firing again, killed him ; and they 
 took his scalp. And now returning to obtain their 
 packs, the Indians arose, and fired upon them, rais- 
 ing a terrific yell. Capt. Lovewell and eight others 
 were at once killed : Lieut. Farwell and two others 
 were wounded. Several of the Indians fell ; but, 
 seeing their superiority of numbers, Lovewell's men 
 took positions behind rocks and trees. On their 
 right was the mouth of a brook ; on their left was a 
 rocky point ; their front was covered partly by a deep 
 bog, with the pond in their rear : there they kept 
 up their fire for a long time. Jonathan Frye, 
 Ensign Robbins, and one more were at length mor- 
 tally wounded ; and yet they continued the battle 
 until the Indians near night left the ground, carrying 
 off their killed and wounded, and leaving the dead 
 bodies of Lovewell and his men unscalped. 
 
 Of the remnant of this brave company, three 
 were unable to move from the spot, eleven were 
 wounded but able to march, and nine had re- 
 ceived no injury. It was sad to leave their
 
 292 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 wounded companions behind them, in the wilderness ; 
 but the fates had so ordered it. One of them, 
 Ensign Robbins, desired them to lay his gun beside 
 him, charged, so that, if the Indians should return 
 before his death, he might be able to kill one more. 
 
 It was the 8th of May, at night. The moon had 
 cast its light upon the fatal spot when they left it, 
 and directed their march toward the fort where the 
 surgeon and guard had been left. Lieut. Farwell and 
 the chaplain, and one other wounded, perished in the 
 woods. The others, after suffering the most severe 
 hardships, came in one after another. 
 
 A generous provision was made for the widows 
 and children of the slain ; lands by the Common- 
 wealth were given to the survivors of Lovewell's 
 company, one tract of which now takes the name 
 of Pembroke, N.H. Immediately afterward Col. 
 Tyng of Dunstable visited that battle-ground, found 
 and buried the bodies of twelve of the company, 
 carved their names upon the trees, and then again 
 left them alone in the dark, deep forest to a sweet 
 repose. 
 
 Under the management of Gov. Dummer's admin- 
 istration, the Indians, on Dec. 15, 1725, begged and 
 obtained a cessation of hostilities ; and in the fol- 
 lowing May, at Casco, a treaty of peace was agreed 
 upon, wherein the Indians were to have all their
 
 ANOTHER TREATY. 203 
 
 lands " not hitherto conveyed," with the privilege of 
 hunting and fishing as formerly. This was signed by 
 the government, and by the Norridgewock, Penob- 
 scot, St. Johns, and Cape Sable Indians, as repre- 
 sented by their several sagamores. Arid this treaty 
 was ratified Aug. 5, 1726. 
 
 BETTER DAYS. 
 
 Then Peace, that welcome harbinger of health. 
 
 Of generous thrift, foreshadowing weal and wealth, 
 
 Brings her glad tidings down, and cheers the land 
 
 With prompt good will, and noble deeds at hand, 
 
 To heal the broken heart, to make amends 
 
 For wilful waste, which from the past descends. 
 
 Thence this fair vale from mountain to the main 
 
 In vernal grandeur buds to bloom again ; 
 
 And plenteous harvest with her golden ears, 
 
 Crowning the prudence of progressive years, 
 
 Adorns the field, and grace triumphant gives 
 
 To honest toil. My Merrimack, p. 32. 
 
 Belknap says, " This account of Lovewell's battle 
 is collected from the authorities (cited in the mar- 
 gin), and from the verbal information of aged and 
 intelligent persons. The names of the dead on the 
 trees, and the holes where the balls- had entered 
 and had been cut out, were plainly visible when 
 I was on the spot in 1784. The trees had the ap-
 
 294 INDIAN WAES. 
 
 pearance of being very old ; and one of them was 
 fallen." 
 
 Col. Tyng, while upon the battle-ground, dug up 
 the bodies of the dead Indians, among which he identi- 
 fied that of Paugus, chief of the Pequawkets, who 
 had fallen at the first shot in the engagement. Four- 
 teen only, out of the forty-six who left Dunstable, 
 lived to reach home. 
 
 The Indians centred no more at Pequawket dur- 
 ing the Indian wars. 
 
 This battle, with its heroes, was poetized at that 
 distant day ; and we will try to interest the reader 
 in a biief quotation. 
 
 " Up then the tribes to battle rose, 
 
 Who'd hid themselves in ambush dread; 
 
 Their knives they shook; their guns they aimed, - 
 The famous Paugus at their head. 
 
 Thus Paugus led the Pequawket tribe; 
 
 As runs the fox would Paugus run; 
 As howls the wild wolf would he howl : 
 
 A huge bear-skin had Paugus on. 
 
 But Chamberlain of Dunstable, 
 He whom a savage ne'er could slay, 
 
 Met Paugus by the water-side, 
 And shot him dead upon that day.
 
 BATTLE AT PENNACOOK. 295 
 
 Then did the crimson streams that flowed 
 
 Seem like the waters of the brook, 
 That brightly shine, that loudly dash 
 
 Far down the cliffs of Agio-chook. 
 
 Ah I many a wife shall rend her hair, 
 And many a child cry, ' Woe be me 1 ' 
 
 When messengers the news shall bear 
 Of Lovewell 's dear-bought victory." 
 
 DUNSTABLE, AND THE PENNACOOK BATTLE. 
 
 Lovewell's home, as we have seen, was at old 
 Dunstable, within the dominions formerly of Pas- 
 saconaway and of the peaceful Pennacooks. 
 
 Attendant upon this ancient town, are many 
 memories. History as well as tradition follows it. 
 Around it on either side, as well as within its lines, 
 we now trace out, as it were, the ancient landmarks 
 left us by Eliot the Apostle and by the peaceful 
 Passaconaway. Before their time Indian wars had 
 prevailed in this region, as we have seen. And at 
 one time, as tradition has it, there was a great battle 
 at Pennacook (now Concord, N.H.), between the 
 Massachusetts, Pawtuckets, and Pennacook tribes, 
 and the angry Mohawks from the eastern borders of 
 New York. Of this conflict Dr. Bouton says, " the 
 Mohawks, who had once been repulsed by the Penna- 
 cooks, came witli a strong force, and encamped at
 
 296 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 what is now called Fort Eddy, opposite Sugar 
 on the west of the river. Thence they watched 
 their prey, determined either to starve the Penna- 
 cooks by a siege, or to decoy them out and destroy 
 them. 
 
 " Having gathered their corn for the season, and 
 stored it in baskets around the walls of their fort, 
 the Pennacooks, with their women and children, 
 entered within, and bade defiance to their foes." 
 Skirmishes often ensued. Whenever a Pennacook left 
 the fort he was ambushed. If a canoe pushed off 
 from the bank, another from the opposite side started 
 in pursuit. The Pennacooks would not venture an 
 open fight in the field ; nor did the Mohawks dare to 
 assail the fort. At length one day a solitary Mohawk 
 was seen carelessly crossing Sugar Ball Plain south 
 of the fort. Caught by the decoy, the Pennacooks 
 rushed out in pursuit : the Mohawk ran for the river. 
 Band after band from the fort followed in the chase till 
 all were drawn out of the fort, when the Mohawks, 
 secretly crossing the river above, having approached 
 in the rear, and secreted themselves, now sud- 
 denly sprang from their hiding-places, and took pos- 
 session of the fort. At this a terrible war-whoop 
 went up from the Pennacooks. They turned back ; 
 " and long and bloody was the battle." The fight 
 by the Pennacooks was "for their wives and children,
 
 MOHAWKS DEFEATED. 297 
 
 for their old men, for their corn, and for life itself: " 
 by the Mohawks it was "/or revenge and for plun- 
 der." 
 
 How the victory turned does not appear: yet 
 tradition has it that " the Mohawks left their dead 
 and wounded on the ground," and that the Penna- 
 cook tribes were greatly reduced in numbers. A 
 diversity in the skulls which used to be found there 
 induces the belief that their dead were buried pro- 
 miscuously. 
 
 This slaughter in the olden time, and that which 
 followed it in 1617, attended by the plague, of 
 which we have spoken in another chapter, were the 
 only great battles among the tribes which happened 
 prior to the landing of the Pilgrims, of which tra- 
 dition gives any account: all others prior to 1617 
 being covered of oblivion. 
 
 All the way along from 1739 to 1754, there were 
 great apprehensions of trouble from the Indians in 
 the vicinity of Pennacook, caused in those years 
 mostly by intrusions from Canada ; and many garri- 
 sons were built. 
 
 In 1742 Jonathan Eastman's wife was carried 
 away captive, but was afterwards redeemed. 
 
 In 1744, at the opening of the French War, the 
 alarm to the Colonies was increased. 
 
 At that time, Capt. Ebenezer Eastman raised a
 
 298 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 company of soldiers, and advanced against the for- 
 tress at Louisburg ; and Pennacook (since Rumford, 
 now Concord) was kept constantly on the alert for 
 fear of invasions. The Massachusetts Government, 
 in 1745, sent detachments there from Andover and 
 from Billerica, to assist, if need be, in its defence. 
 
 Also, in 1746, Capt. Daniel Ladd and Lieut. Jona- 
 than Bradley, with a company of soldiers from Exe- 
 ter, were sent by the governor for the defence of 
 Rumford and the neighboring towns. 
 
 MASSACRE AT RUMFORD. 
 
 On the 10th and llth of August, 1746, Lieut. 
 Bradley took seven men, and proceeded about two 
 and a half miles to a town garrison: at about 
 one and a half miles away, they were fired upon 
 by thirty or forty Indians; and Lieut. John Luf- 
 Icin, John Bean, and Obadiah Peters were killed. 
 Alexander Roberts and William Stickney were taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 The minute details of all these events are more 
 fully given in Mr. Bouton's excellent " History of 
 Concord." 
 
 GARRISONS. 
 
 Under the authority of Gov. Wentworth, .addi- 
 tional garrison-houses were established in various 
 places.
 
 GARRISONS, HOW MADE. 299 
 
 In Pennacook there were seven in 1746. 
 
 They were usually made up of "hewed logs 
 which lay flat upon each other : the ends, being fitted 
 for the purpose, were inserted in grooves cut in 
 large posts erected at each corner. They usually 
 enclosed an area of several square rods ; " were 
 about the same height as a common dwelling-house. 
 At two or more of the corners were projections (in 
 box-form), wherein the sentinels kept watch by day 
 and night. 
 
 In times of danger, all the houses not connected 
 with the garrisons were usually deserted of the 
 household, and were without furniture. 
 
 If the enemy approached, alarm-guns were fired ; 
 and the report was answered from fort to fort. In 
 the house of worship, the men, with their powder- 
 horns upon their shoulders, stacked their guns in 
 the centre of it; "while the parson, having the 
 best gun in the parish by his side, advanced to his 
 preaching and prayer." BOUTON. 
 
 CONFLICTS : 1743-1748. 
 
 The Indian eruptions, depredations, and inva- 
 sions in New England, upon its English settlements, 
 which transpired between the years 1743 and 1748, 
 were too numerous to be detailed very minutely in 
 these annals.
 
 COO INDIAN WARS. 
 
 As we have already observed, the oft-repeated 
 intrusions of the white man, and particularly the 
 conflicts which occasionally came to pass in the 
 Old World, were always to be regarded as the har- 
 bingers of depredations, violence, danger, and death 
 in the New. 
 
 In Canada, at this bloody period, the French had 
 five hundred Indians at their immediate control, in- 
 dependent of more distant allies, as follows : 
 
 The Cacknawages, two hundred and thirty ; Con- 
 nestagoes, sixty ; Attenkins, thirty ; Neperinks, 
 thirty ; Missequecks, forty ; Abenaquis at St. Fran- 
 ces, ninety ; Obenacks at Becancourt, fifty ; Hurons 
 at Lorette, forty. 
 
 Ever jealous of the English, and entertaining a 
 deep interest to appropriate these domains to them- 
 selves as a distinct race, and having an abiding alli- 
 ance, in their marriages and in their traffic, with the 
 tribes, those French leaders controlled the masses, 
 and from time to time urged them forward to deeds 
 of blood throughout the English frontiers. 
 
 Hence Massachusetts, as well as the Districts of 
 Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, constantly 
 suffered more or less in all their settlements ; as well 
 as Rhode Island and Connecticut, to whose Indian 
 battles we have already adverted. 
 
 Aside from their Indian tribes, the French force
 
 RECKONING OF TIME. SOI 
 
 in Canada had nearly thirteen thousand of their 
 own race, all ready and able to bear arms. 
 
 At that date, the then Territory of Massachusetts 
 contained a thin population of only two hundred 
 thousand, many of its inhabitants living in lonely 
 cots, hemmed in by the old native forest : others 
 lived in little villages, few and far between. 
 
 My friend Drake, the historian of " long ago," esti- 
 mated the New-England population of that time at 
 four hundred thousand. 
 
 In this place, it may be of use to the young 
 reader to understand the mode in which our time is 
 reckoned, as by the 
 
 OLD OB NEW STYLE. 
 
 It should be remembered that the English did 
 not reckon dates by the Gregorian calendar until 
 Jan. 22, 1752. Their year previously had com- 
 menced on the 25th of March. 
 
 Up to that date, their rule or mode of computa- 
 tion during a long series of years had, by degrees, 
 carried the winter too far into the spring. 
 
 To remedy this irregularity, Parliament adopted 
 this new rule, ordering eleven days to be dropped 
 out from the calendar; so that, for instance, the 
 30th of March, 1697 (the date of the Contoocook
 
 802 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 slaughter) should in our time be reckoned as the 
 eleventh day of April of that year. 
 
 The French adopted the same rule previously. 
 Our dates, when taken from their records, will of 
 course accord with our own reckonings at the pres- 
 ent day. 
 
 The war which had broken out between Great 
 Britain and Spain involved France in its flame ; and 
 in New England it took the name of the 
 
 FBENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 
 
 The contest opened in Nova Scotia, that province 
 at first being the debatable ground. Such had been 
 the invasions, depredations, and murders by the 
 French and their allied Indians, that, on the 2d of 
 June, 1744, our English Government at Boston pro- 
 claimed war against France, and, as a guard against 
 the common enemy, called into the service five hun- 
 dred men, fifty from each of the militia regiments of 
 Pepperell, Gerish, Berry, Plaisted, Saltonstall, and 
 Phipps, and two hundred men for the western 
 frontier ; to wit, fifty from each of the regiments of 
 Chandler, Ward, Willard, and Stoddard. 
 
 Also twenty-five men were raised from each of the 
 regiments of Wendall and G-ouge at Boston, for re- 
 enforcing the various garrisons ; to wit, to be sent to 
 George's Fort forty men, to Pemaquid twenty, to
 
 GREAT REWARDS OFFERED. 303 
 
 Richmond twenty-five, to Brunswick twelve, and 
 to Saco twenty. 
 
 No detachment was made from the militia of 
 the Plymouth Colony. Gunpowder (ninety-six bar- 
 rels) was conveyed to the several townships, to be 
 sold to the inhabitants at prime cost. 
 
 Other provisions were made ; and, of course, many 
 other things were clone in that and other directions 
 
 In the summer of the same year the Cape Sable 
 and St. John's Indians, having made an attempt on 
 Annapolis, were by the government in Boston pro- 
 claimed rebels. And in November, 1744, in and 
 over all the territory east of the River Passama- 
 q noddy, they offered a bounty of X400, old tenor, to 
 be granted for every scalp or captivated Indian 
 obtained ; and when it was learned that the Penob- 
 scots and Norridgewocks had joined them, then, 
 Aug. 23, 1725, a declaration of war was also ex- 
 tended to them. Previously those Indians had 
 burned the fort, St. George, at Annapolis Royal, also 
 English dwelling-houses, had murdered the master 
 of a sloop, and killed many cattle. 
 
 REWARDS. 
 
 On the 26th of October, 1744, the General Court 
 enacted laws offering other premiums as follows : 
 
 " To any company, party, or person singly, of His Majesty's 
 subjects, to or residing within this pj-ovince, who shall voluti-
 
 C04 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Uvrily, and at their own proper cost and charge, go out and kill 
 a male Indian of the age of twelve years or upwards, of the 
 Indians above named, after the twenty-sixth day of October 
 last past, and before the last day of June, 1745 (if the wai 
 lasts so long), anywhere to the east of the Penobscot beyond a 
 fixed line, the sum of 100 in bills of credit, new tenor; and 
 1 05 for a male Indian captive of the like age ; and the sum 
 of 50 for women ; and the like sum for children xmder the 
 age of twelve years killed in fight; and 55 for such of them 
 as shall be taken prisoners. 
 
 On Nov. 2, 1744, the " precise line " above named, 
 to the east of which they were to operate by the 
 killing, scalping, and taking captives, was fixed and 
 published. It was to begin on the sea-shore, three 
 leagues from the most easterly part of Passama- 
 quoddy River, and from thence to run north. 
 
 DONAHEW'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 In 1645, May 15, Capt. David Donahew embarked 
 in the sloop "Resolution," with two other armed 
 vessels, with nine hundred men, to advance against 
 the French and Indians at Louisburg. 
 
 In this undertaking Massachusetts had enrolled 
 and sent out 3,250 men, including Donahew's force ; 
 New Hampshire, 304 ; Connecticut, 516. The train 
 of artillery consisted of eight twenty-two-pounders, 
 twelve nine-pounders, two twelve-inch mortars, one 
 eleven and one nine inch mortar.
 
 DONAHEW SLAIN. 805 
 
 Ten eighteen-pounders were borrowed of Gov. 
 Clinton of New York. 
 
 "Brig-Gen. Samuel Waldo was the leader. Col. Samuel 
 Moore commanded the forces from New Hampshire, Lieut.-Col. 
 Simon Lothrop those of Connecticut, and Lieut.-Col. Gridley 
 the artillery. 
 
 " Lieut.-Gen. Wm. Pepperrell supervised the expedition." 
 
 DONAHEW'S FATE. 
 
 After this expedition and its results were known, 
 a considerable time elapsed before the fate of the 
 gallant Col. Donahew was known, who, as it proved, 
 had fallen into the hands of the Indians. "Picket " 
 relates that he with eleven others went on shore in 
 the Gut of Canso, and was at once nearly sur- 
 rounded by two hundred and fifty-three French and 
 Indians. 
 
 " That, being cut off from retreating to their vessel, defended 
 themselves for a quarter of an hour, in which time the captain, 
 his brother, and three others were killed." 
 
 That the rest, six in all, being wounded, were 
 taken prisoners : two of the enemy were killed, and 
 several wounded. That the Indians cut the flesh 
 and sucked the blood of the captain's brother, ana 
 brutally mangled his dead body, and repeated the 
 same upon others who had been slain.
 
 803 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 This captain previously had commanded a priva- 
 teer, which went out from Newbury, Nov. 7, 1744. 
 
 VARIOUS DEPREDATIONS. 
 
 In these years depredations by the tribes were 
 being committed continually. We give place to a 
 few of them. 
 
 "In 1745, July 10, an Indian party who previously had 
 assaulted the Great Meadow Fort in Putney, Vt., came to the 
 Upper Ashuelot, now the town of Keene, N.H., waylaid the 
 road; and an early proprietor of the town, Deacon Fisher, 
 while on his way to a pasture with his cows, was shot and 
 scalped. On the 19th an express came to Fal mouth, from 
 Capt. Bradley at Fort George, that a garrison had been burnt 
 by the Indians, having seventy inmates, and that one man and 
 forty cattle had been killed. On the 30th, news arrived at 
 Boston that two men had been beaten down by the Indians 
 with clubs, and scalped, the one being dead, the other yet alive. 
 And then on the 2od of August, 1745, Lieut.-Gov. Phipps, 
 in the absence of Gov. Shirley, declared war against l the Eastern 
 and Canada Indians,' because, as he averred, the Norridgewocks, 
 Penobscots, and others had ' broken out in open rebellion.' " 
 
 On Sept. 5, Lieut. Proctor and nineteen men gave 
 battle to some Indians near Fort George, and two 
 noted chiefs were killed who had been known as 
 Col. Morris and Capt. Samuel; another of them, 
 " Col. Job" was taken prisoner, and afterwards died 
 in prison at Boston.
 
 CONFERENCE AT ALBANY. SOT 
 
 News came that a son of Col. Gushing was killed 
 by unseen Indians at Sheepscot, and that two boys, 
 Jimes and Samuel Anderson, were taken and carried 
 captive to Canada. Their father was killed. And 
 thus the fight progressed. 
 
 On the 5th of .October, 1745, by request of Gov. 
 Clinton, a conference was held at Albany, N.Y., 
 between the English and the Six Nations. 
 
 " Pursuant to notice, MASSACHUSETTS sent delegates, John 
 Stoddard, Jacob Wendall, Samuel Wells, and Thomas Hutch- 
 inson ; Connecticut, Roger Walcot, Nath. Stanley ; Pennsylvania, 
 Thomas Lawrence, John Kinsey, and Isaac Norris. Arent Ste- 
 vens and Coenrat Weiser were the Interpreters. The nations 
 represented there were the Mohawks, the Oneydas, the Onondagas, 
 the Tuscaroras, the Caeuges, and the Senekes" 
 
 The result of this conference was on the 20th of 
 October announced in Boston, that, 
 
 " The Six Nations readily renewed their covenant with the 
 several governments ; that they had taken the hatchet against 
 ^he French and Indian enemy, and only wait till the Governor 
 of New York shall order them to make use of it." 
 
 Still depredations were advancing almost every- 
 where, and particularly on the borders. of New York. 
 About this thre a large body of three hundred 
 French and two huidred Indians came down upon 
 the Dutch settlements at Saratoga, and murdered
 
 308 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 many of the inhabitants, ravished the country, 
 burned houses, saw-mills, and lumber. 
 
 " For the years 1745-6-7 the premium in New York for In- 
 dian scalps and captives was 1,000, old tenor, per head, to vol- 
 unteers, and 400 to impressed men, their wages and subsist- 
 ence money to be deducted." 
 
 In this year, 1745, James McQuade and Robert 
 Burns of Bedford, N.H., while returning home from 
 Pennacook, were fired upon by Indians. McQuade 
 was killed : Burns escaped. 
 
 A man by the name of Bunt en, while on his way 
 from Pelham to Pennacook, near Head's Tavern in 
 Hooksett, N.H., was shot. And thus it was that the 
 English as well as the tribes suffered dreadfully in 
 murders and in battles, daily and nightly. 
 
 " Such was the bloody fight and such the foe : 
 Our gallant force returned them blow for blow, 
 By turns successfully their force defied ; 
 And conquest wavering swayed from side to side."
 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 French and Indians in Maine and elsewhere against the Colo- 
 nies. Skirmishes, Murders, and Dread Conflicts. At Port- 
 land. At Berwick. At Casco. At Wells, and at York. 
 Governor Phipps. Fort Henry again Assailed. A Treaty 
 of Peace concluded. Rewards to Volunteers. 
 
 [^ CAVING given a brief review of the New 
 England landscape, as in the olden time, 
 and of the manners, customs, and habits 
 of the native Indian, and of his un- 
 bridled ferocious propensities in the 
 midst of the early settlers, up to the end of King 
 Philip's war and since, we now advance to the more 
 prominent conflict, which troubled the English mostly 
 in the District of Maine, through the many invasions 
 of Indians, combined with volunteers from the Cana- 
 dian French. 
 
 As we have already seen, there had existed a spirit 
 of rivalry between France and England in reference 
 to New England, and any trouble there invariably re- 
 vived animosities, and created new conflicts here. So 
 it was, that each nationality in quest of dominion, 
 from time to time sought and obtained allies of the 
 
 309
 
 310 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 native Indian, and thence did they advance to the 
 most desperate cruelties of a savage warfare. 
 
 Among the then transpiring events, Massachusetts 
 made a purchase of Maine at the price of 1,250 
 sterling.* This outwardly created a considerable dis- 
 quietude, and in fact incurred the disfavor of King 
 James II. It raised a rumor of additional uprisings 
 and invasions of the colonies from the French and 
 Indians. Whereupon, to resist all aggressions, Massa- 
 chusetts enlisted a military force of six hundred men, 
 including a company of Natick Indians, ninety in 
 number, and stationed them at Berwick (Newichawan- 
 nock), Me. Soon, then, a detachment of these troops 
 advanced to (Portland) 
 
 FALMOUTH, 
 
 and there they were joined by one hundred and fifty 
 Maine volunteers, settlers, together with some Indians, 
 all under the command of Maj. Benjamin Church, who 
 had been a distinguished English leader in Philip's war 
 some years previous. Church landed his forces in the 
 woods at Falmouth, where they remained concealed, 
 half a mile away from the settlement. But the French 
 and Indians, to the number of about seven hundred, 
 had already arrived; and a pitched 
 
 * Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, page 493.
 
 THE THIRTY VOLUNTEERS. 311 
 
 ensued, in which Church lost twenty-one in killed and 
 wounded, six of whom were friendly Indians. 
 
 Both sides at once retreated, as appears; and the 
 loss of the French and Indians was never reported. 
 
 Soon then the garrison-houses east of Portland were 
 abandoned, and the settlers many of them took refuge 
 nearer Boston, many of them into garrisons that stood 
 on or near the Piscataqua. 
 
 From Falmouth, Major Church, on ship-board with 
 his force, advanced to the east, ascended the Ken- 
 nebec, visited its garrisons, left about sixty soldiers at 
 Fort Loyal ; yet meeting no opposition there, after a 
 little time returned to Boston. 
 
 FALMOUTH AGAIN. 
 
 On May 16, 1690, the French and Indians, to the 
 number of about four hundred, as history has it, made 
 another invasion upon this town. Upon some rumor 
 of their coming, thirty young men volunteered to .re- 
 connoitre the position of the invaders. They, led by 
 one Lieut. Thaddeus Clark, marched back into the 
 wilderness, and upon the top of Munjoy's Hill, they 
 were met by a volley of bullets from behind a fence. 
 Their commander and nearly one-half of their company 
 were killed. The living fled, and they were pursued 
 by the French and Indians with a savage yell. They
 
 312 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and all outsiders, as they went, who could not reach 
 the garrisons, were slain or captured. The dwelling- 
 houses were plundered and consumed. For four days 
 the combined savages gave battle to Fort Loyal and 
 the other four garrisons of Falmouth, the assault 
 being kept up until the twentieth day of May, and 
 until nearly all within the garrison were slain. 
 
 At length the survivors sent out, inquiring upon 
 what conditions they might be allowed to surrender : 
 upon which they were assured that all their lives 
 should be spared; that they should be treated merci- 
 fully, and that under guard they should be conducted 
 in safety to the next English town, where, in the 
 course of time, they should be liberated. To this 
 Mons. Burneffe took an oath "to the living God," in- 
 suring the safety of all. 
 
 Thereupon the gates of the garrisons were opened. 
 But, alas ! the poor inmates found but little mercy. 
 The Indians, in spite of English or French, rushed in, 
 and but few of the prisoners escaped death. Burneffe, 
 however, with his French assistants, succeeded in sav- 
 ing the lives of Davis, the commander, and of from 
 fifty to one hundred of his people, who had surren- 
 dered from the garrisons. The town was consumed, 
 and the French and Indians turned away, retreating 
 towards Canada. The dead were left unburied ; Cap- 
 tain Davis, with others, was carried away into cap- 
 tivity. After being held four months at Quebec, his
 
 BLOCK-HOUSE AT Fonx HALIFAX, ME., page 312.
 
 HARTEL AND HOPEGOOD. 313 
 
 release, by an exchange for a French prisoner, was 
 obtained by Sir William Phipps. At this downfall of 
 Falmouth, the surrounding settlers fled westward, leaving 
 the feebler garrisons, many of them securing themselves 
 under the strong fortresses at Wells. 
 
 In 1725, Dec. 15, there was a treaty here (the Dum- 
 mer Treaty), which lasted several years.* 
 
 BERWICK. 
 
 This settlement was made up of about twenty-seven 
 dwelling-houses. In the spring (March) of 1690, the 
 French and Indians, having destroyed the small village 
 at Salmon Falls, on the river, passed over and invaded 
 Berwick, f 
 
 Their force, as .then organized, included twenty-seven 
 French (Canadians) and twenty-five Indians. Of course, 
 as was the Indian custom, the onset was commenced 
 at the early dawn. Hartel led the Frenchmen, and 
 the famous Hopegood was chief of the Indians. In 
 the conflict thirty-four, nearly all the men of the Eng- 
 lish, being killed, their women and children could do 
 no better than to surrender. The victors killed the 
 cattle, burned all the buildings, took all the plunder 
 they could carry, and with fifty-four captives whom 
 
 * See Massachusetts Government Records, vol. xii, p. 88. 
 Abbott's History of Maine, p. 332. 
 f Ibid., p. 226.
 
 314 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 they had taken there at Berwick, started on their re- 
 turn back into the 'wilderness. 
 
 The burning down of this village attracted from the 
 adjacent settlements a force of fifty men, who pursued 
 the Indians and French, and overtook them at 
 "Wooster River," where, in crossing it, the battle was 
 renewed, and continued until nightfall, which brought 
 an end to the conflict. Several on the one side and 
 on the other were slain. In 1703, "Major Mason, with 
 nearly one hundred friendly Indians, belonging to the 
 Pequods and Mohegans of Connecticut, were stationed 
 here at Berwick." 
 
 From this, in September, 1690, a second expedition, 
 under Major Church, was now organized. It was made 
 up of three hundred men, and was ordered to advance 
 to Casco, to destroy the hostile Indians, and obtain 
 from them their many captives. Landing at Maquort, 
 he moved under cover of night through the wilderness 
 to the Pajepscot Fort at the Falls. The enemy dis- 
 covering his coming, fled away, but in their frenzy 
 left their captives at the Fort. Church captured and 
 secured one Indian warrior with a few women and 
 children, as well as their English captives. He at 
 first inclined to kill the warrior, but was dissuaded 
 by the women captives, who had been favored by him.
 
 UP THE ANDROSCOGGIN. 315 
 
 The wives of the two chiefs Worumbee and Kaukam- 
 agus were held as prisoners. These wives promising 
 that the many English prisoners should be given up 
 in exchange for them, they were committed to the 
 garrison at Wells, and were safely held there. Two 
 children of Worurabee's squaw were also spared by 
 Church, and sent with her and imprisoned at Wells; 
 but the sister of Kaukamagus was killed. The capture 
 consisted of nine Indian prisoners and five English 
 captives rescued. This was Sunday, Sept. 14, 1690. 
 Church then, with forty soldiers, proceeded up the 
 Androscoggin seven miles to another fort. There 
 he obtained five English captives, took nine Indians 
 prisoners, burnt the fort, and slew the others, twenty- 
 one in all. But Great Tom, one of the prisoners, 
 escaped and fled back to his tribe in the wilderness. 
 
 Thence Church, with his craft, proceeded along the 
 Maine coast eastward ; yet finding but little opportunity 
 on the way to afflict the tribes, he, on the twenty-first 
 day of September (1690), arrived at Purpooduck, near 
 Cape Elizabeth. Here he was assailed by a band of 
 Indians. In this fight he lost five of his men, killed 
 eight or ten Indians, and took and sequestered from 
 them thirteen canoes. 
 
 After the conflict, it is said the Indians cruelly killed 
 as many of their English captives as they had lost in 
 the battle.
 
 316 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 WELLS. 
 
 In the following October, ten Indian chiefs made 
 their appearance at Wells, where an exchange of prisoners 
 was had, and the Indian women and children held 
 there were returned to their tribes. "We are ready,'* 
 said these sagamores, "at any time and place you 
 may appoint, to meet your head men and enter into 
 a treaty." * At this time all the settlements in the 
 east had been devastated, except York, Wells, Kitlery, 
 and the Isle of Shoals. And upon this, several efforts 
 were made by the English to obtain a treaty, all of 
 which proved fruitless. 
 
 On the 9th of June, 1692, a reinforcement of thirty- 
 five soldiers were sent down to aid the garrison at 
 Wells. They happened to arrive in season for the 
 then impending conflict. Immediately the entire gar- 
 rison was assailed by two hundred Indians. In this, 
 the tribes, as appears, killed many cattle; yet only 
 some half-dozen of the English were lost, being, as 
 they were, well protected by their forts. 
 
 The enemy, however, hastily retired, and on the 
 way burned several dwelling-houses at Cape Neddock, 
 in York, and boarding a vessel, killed most of the 
 
 crew. 
 
 YORK. 
 
 In the midst of conflicts, murders, and arsons, time 
 moved on; and in February, 1692, at the breaking in 
 * History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 196.
 
 GARRISON-HOUSE AT YORK, ME. (built about 1045), page 310.
 
 BATTLE AT YORK. 317 
 
 of a cold day, a force of three hundred French and 
 Indians, who had tramped their way from Canada 
 on snow-shoes, now turned in' and gave battle to 
 York. The inhabitants, not anticipating an invasion 
 at that cold season of deep snows, were of course 
 sadly surprised. In a half-hour their houses were all 
 on fire. Still, the walls of the garrisons were well 
 defended. Seventy-five of the inhabitants were slain, 
 and upwards of an hundred were taken prisoners 
 and carried into captivity; many of whom greatly 
 suffered from wounds received in the conflict. The 
 garrisons, however, held out; and the French and 
 Indians, in fear of reinforcements to the English, 
 secured their captives, and gathering together their 
 plunder, retreated. They took a direction towards 
 Sagadahoc. It appears that nearly half of all the 
 people of York were killed or carried into captivity. 
 Their minister, the Rev. Shubael Dummer, a graduate 
 of Harvard, was slain, as it was the invariable custom 
 to kill the minister if possible, first of all. His wife 
 was carried away with the captives. She afterwards 
 from exposure soon died, and but few of all the 
 prisoners lived to return. To the credit of the tribes, 
 they soon selected from the captives, when taken, of 
 the old men, women, and children, equal in number 
 to those of their race who had then recently been set 
 free by Major Church, and carefully sent them back 
 to one of the English garrisons. A volunteer party
 
 318 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 from Portsmouth, N. H., immediately advanced in 
 pursuit of these French and Indian invaders, but 
 not being overtaken, they made a safe retreat. 
 
 WELLS AGAIN. 
 
 On June 10, 1692, a shallop and two sloops with 
 fourteen sailors had been sent with supplies to aid the 
 garrison at Wells. The garrison was commanded by 
 a Captain Converse. At the morning dawn the town 
 was startled by the yells of five hundred French and 
 Indians, led by Mohs. Burneffe as commander, with 
 four sagamores under him, who led the Indians. 
 
 The assault, as usual, was commenced with yells, 
 and with ranks divided into separate squads. 
 But the tactics appear to have been French and 
 Indian combined. There were about thirty armed 
 men in the garrison. The women there were probably 
 much more numerous. 
 
 It was reported that one of the soldiers, being 
 frightened at that terrible war-whoop yell, exclaimed, 
 "We can't resist, we must surrender!" To whom 
 Converse sternly said, ''Repeat that word, and you 
 are a dead manf" 
 
 These garrisons were defended with cannon and 
 with musketry. The women gallantly engaged in the 
 defence. They brought ammunition, they assisted in 
 handling the guns, and great havoc was made in the 
 ranks of the French and Indians. It has been asserted
 
 CONFLICT AT WELLS. 319 
 
 that the Indians were not satisfied with the French 
 fashion which had conducted this conflict. 
 
 English sloops were anchored there, near the shore, 
 so near that the Indians built a breastwork of planks, 
 and from behind it shot fire-arrows into the vessels, 
 sometimes setting them on fire; but by the use of 
 mops upon poles, the flames were extinguished by the 
 sailors. 
 
 The enemy then fixed a breastwork upon a cart, 
 and moved it upon the shore towards the vessel. 
 But in moving, the cart-wheel stuck in the mud. A 
 Frenchman placed his shoulder to the wheel, and was 
 killed by a bullet from the ship. Another jumped 
 into his place, and he falling dead 'neath the cart, the 
 Indians fled away. 
 
 June 11, the attack upon the garrison (of which there 
 were seven or eight) was renewed. None of the in- 
 mates, however, were injured. The chief could speak 
 English; and during the assault, Commander Converse 
 was often besought to surrender. Converse defied 
 them. The chief said, "Since you feel so stout, 
 Converse, why do you not come out into the field 
 and fight like a man, and not stay in a garrison like 
 a squaw?"
 
 320 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 "What a pack of fools you are," Converse rejoined. 
 "Do you think I am willing, with but thirty men, 
 to fight your five hundred?" 
 
 "No, no," said the chief. "We think English 
 fashion all fool. You kill me ; me kill you. Not so ; 
 we fie somewhere, and 'em Englishmen when he no 
 see, that 's the best soldier." 
 
 Then turning away, both French and Indians re- 
 newed their attack upon the two sloops, on board of 
 which there were but seven ojr eight sailors. Then 
 this allied strength of five hundred constructed a raft, 
 on which they heaped a large mass of combustible 
 materials, made up of dried branches of trees, birch 
 bark, etc., on which they approached the sloops, and 
 triumphant yells filled the air. But as fortune turned, 
 the wind at once changed directions, and their fiery 
 craft, in spite of all their efforts, was driven to the 
 opposite shore, where, to the dismay of the tribes, it 
 was entirely consumed. 
 
 Among the slain was Labocree, one of the French 
 officers. The French and Indian loss in killed and 
 wounded during this conflict was considerable. One 
 Englishman was killed on a sloop; and one John 
 Diamond was taken prisoner, but afterwards was 
 horribly tortured and put to death by the savages.* 
 
 * See History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 196.
 
 GARRISON AT PEMAQUID. 321 
 
 GOVERNOR PHIPPS. 
 
 On the 8th of June, 1692, a new administration in 
 Massachusetts having commenced under Sir William 
 Phipps, its Legislature assembled at Boston, and 
 preparation being made, 450 men were sent by the 
 government to Pemaquid Point, where they constructed 
 a large quadrangular garrison built of stone at the 
 cost of $500,000, which was called Fort Henry. In 
 the mean time, Major Church was sent farther east 
 with a strong force to seek out and destroy the allied 
 invaders in that direction. But no enemy was 
 discovered. Yet the Major on his way found several 
 deserted cabins, and a few individual Frenchmen and 
 their wives, who were native Indians, caught and 
 secured two or three Indian tramps and a small 
 amount of plunder, principally corn and bear-skins. 
 
 Then the Major returned with his military force to 
 Pemaquid, and thence sailed up the Kennebec to 
 Winslow (Teconat). The Indians of that place, 
 hearing of his approach, "set fire to their wigwams 
 and fled away into the dark dense forest." * 
 
 FORT HENRY AGAIN. 
 
 After this, the Canadian-French, to the number of 
 200, assisted by their Indian allies under Madakawando, 
 undertook the destruction of Fort Henry. They 
 
 * See Third Expedition of Church, p. 131.
 
 322 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 manned two French frigates, the one of thirty-four 
 and the other of thirty-eight guns. But when they 
 reached Pemaquid, they were dismayed by the dis- 
 covery of a British man-of-war anchored near the 
 guns and under the frowning walls of the garrison. 
 Thence they retired, somewhat wiser than when they 
 started. 
 
 TBEATY OF PEACE. 
 
 Tired of war, defeat, poverty, and distress, the 
 eastern tribes now proposed a treaty of peace. Hence 
 a meeting to that end was had Aug. 12, 1692, at 
 Pemaquid. It was made up of three commissioners 
 representing the settlements, and of eighteen Indian 
 sagamores who represented the most, if not all, the 
 tribes in the East.* A treaty was then and there 
 made, wherein the tribes renounced all alliance to 
 France, and guaranteed "loyalty to the crown of 
 England. They were to release all their captives 
 without pay; were never more to trespass on the terri- 
 torial possession of the English settlers ; and agreed 
 to confine their traffic to such trading-houses only as 
 should be regulated by English laws, and agreed 
 that all causes of conflicting rights should be adjusted 
 in the English courts. Thereupon five Indians of 
 high rank were yielded up as hostages to the fulfil- 
 ment of this Treaty." f 
 
 * See p. 273. f See Mather's Magnolia, Vol. 2, p. 542.
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Differences in Religion. French Missionaries foment Hostil- 
 ities. Mons. Villieu at Peuobscot. Bounty offered for 
 the Head of Halle. Failure of proposed Treaty. Assault 
 upon Fort Henry. French and Indians in Retreat. 
 Treaty. Nova Scotia Ceded to the English by Massachu- 
 setts. Massachusetts Government Vote to Expel Catholic 
 Missionaries. Conference at Falmouth. Casco again As- 
 sailed. Wells again. 
 
 HE earl}' settlements in New England were 
 held not only against the hostilities of the 
 native Indians and their French allies on 
 the one hand, as fanned into a flame by 
 the furious, frequent outbreakings of war 
 between France and England, but by Catholic French 
 missionaries in and on the borders of Canada, who, in 
 sight of the Protestant clergy of New England, deemed 
 "it no sin [as they would say] to break faith with 
 heretics." They sought to make proselytes of the 
 tribes, and in their over-zeal sometimes led off in 
 many a dread conflict, which otherwise might never 
 have occurred. 
 
 Among those Catholics there was a man of much 
 force and influence, "Father Ralle," who resided at 
 Nqrrldgewock. Williams says, Ealle's "entire devo-
 
 324 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 tion to the religious interests of the Indians gave him 
 an unlimited ascendancy over them." 
 
 In 1693, the governor of Canada had stationed 
 Mons. Villieu as a resident French commander at 
 Penobscot, who had succeeded in enlisting two hun- 
 dred and fifty Indians with Madakawando as assistant 
 leader, together with a French force to make an 
 assault upon Dover. 
 
 About the same time, the English at Boston, as 
 appears, had offered bribes to the Indians to capture 
 and bring in to them these hostile missionai-ies ; but 
 failing in this, they offered "a reward of a thousand 
 pounds sterling to any one who would bring to them 
 the head of Ealle." * 
 
 Then, July 18, 1693, Madakawando, with the two 
 hundred and fifty Indians and with the French force, 
 invaded and destroyed Dover, N. H., and returned 
 back into Maine. They took one captive near York, 
 and killed four men there. In the following month 
 (August 25), they scalped a small girl, and killed 
 
 * Bomaseen, one of the Eastern chiefs, in a talk with an 
 English Protestant, said, "The Indians understand that the 
 Virgin Mary was a French lady. Her son Jesus Christ, the 
 blessed, was murdered by the English. But he has risen 
 from the dead and gone to Heaven. All who would gain his 
 favor must avenge his blood." History of Maine (p. 243), 
 by Abbott.
 
 A PROPOSED PEACE FAILS. 325 
 
 eight men in KITTERY. This of course was regarded 
 as a violation of the treaty last made. * 
 
 A TREATY. 
 
 Hostilities had thus continued, variously, and in 
 May, 1695, the English sent Sheepscot John, one of 
 their captive chiefs, east, to invite another treaty. 
 Hence they obtained a conference at Rutherford's 
 Island, out from Fort William Henry about three 
 miles. The sagamores came there in fifty canoes. 
 Eight English captives were then and there set free. 
 A truce was to be had, commissioners were to be 
 appointed, and the two nationalities, at the end of 
 thirty days, were to meet at Fort William Henry to 
 complete a final treaty of peace. But when that time 
 arrived, although the sagamores were promptly there, 
 Phillips, Hawthorne, and others, who represented the 
 English, demanded of the Indians the giving up of 
 their prisoners ; but as they refused to surrender their 
 own hostages, the Indians would not make peace. To 
 this extraordinary demand they answered, " You have 
 not brought us our friends, and yet you demand that 
 we should bring to you yours. This is not fair. 
 We will talk no more." Thus and thence, this truce 
 came to an end. 
 
 * See pp. 283-6.
 
 326 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 PISCATAQUA. 
 
 In the following year, 1696, June, upwards of 
 twenty persons were murdered, and many cottages 
 were burned, on and along the Piscataqua. 
 
 FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 
 
 At length two men-of-war and two companies of 
 soldiers, commanded by Captain Iberville, were sent 
 from Quebec, who at Port Royal were to obtain fifty 
 Indians, to be joined at Castine by reinforcements 
 there. 
 
 Baron Castine joined them at the place last named, 
 and in all it has been said there were in this force 
 two hundred Indians. 
 
 On the 14th of July, 1696, these savages, corning 
 in canoes, led by Castine, joined in the assault 
 upon Fort William Henry. Chubs in the garrison 
 had ninety-five men and fifteen guns, with a good 
 supply of ammunition and provisions. 
 
 The Frenchman, Iberville, aimed his mortars at 
 the fort, and called for a surrender. Chubs refused. 
 The bombardment commenced, and thunderbolts of 
 shot and shell assailed the fort. Chubs, feeling the 
 effects of so strong a force, and knowing of many 
 outrages which he himself had committed against 
 the natives, and fearing for his own life, raised the
 
 WAR-SHIPS ON THE COAST. 327 
 
 white flag.* He surrendered the garrison, the French 
 flag was raised upon it, and he and his men taken 
 captives were carried into Boston and were there 
 exchanged for Indian and French prisoners. 
 
 FRENCH AND INDIANS ESCAPE. 
 
 This surrender startled the English and encouraged 
 the hostile French and Indians. Yet very promptly 
 500 men were raised and transported to the Pis- 
 cataqua, led by Major Church; but no enemy was 
 traced. 
 
 A fire-ship, three British war-vessels, with a smaller 
 craft of twenty guns, were sent in pursuit of the 
 victorious French squadron, and although they came 
 in sight of it, it could not be reached, and it made 
 safely its return to Quebec. 
 
 On their way back to Boston, the English ships 
 captured a French shallop, under the command of 
 Villieu, with twenty-three French sailors. 
 
 Then next, Church, with a division of his force, 
 sailed back along the coast of Maine, and touched at 
 the Island Monhegan. He passed up the Penobscot 
 
 * Chubs resided at Andover, Mass., and was murdered there 
 by the Indians in Feb. 1G98 (Drake's Indians, Book III, p. 113), 
 and no wonder, for on Feb. 1C, 1G96, Chubs had lured two 
 chiefs, Edgeremet and Abenquid into his fort and put them 
 to death." Mather's Magnolia, and Drake, B. Ill, p. 112.
 
 328 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Bay, near to the Caraden Heights, about ten miles 
 above Owl's Head, and thence in August he went up 
 the river to the Bend, now Edington.* Landing here, 
 he took a march up the west bank of the river. The 
 inmates of the scattered wigwams fled from their 
 presence in the wilderness far away. Church burned 
 their habitations, destroyed their growing crops, plun- 
 dered away their furs and corn, caught now and then 
 a beaver, a fish, or a bird, and then turning home- 
 ward at Passamaquoddy Bay, met and joined in with 
 an English squadron of three vessels from Boston. 
 Thence they proceeded to make an attack upon St. 
 John; but this proved unsuccessful. 
 
 The winter of 1696-97 was uncommonly dreary, in 
 which some of the English and many of the Indians 
 through cold and hunger perished. For instance, at 
 one time nine Indians who were on a hunting ex- 
 cursion, after eating their dogs, famished and were 
 found dead in the dark, dense forest.f 
 
 It is now 1697, and the conflict, in its various 
 forms revived, still continues. Two young men on 
 the way to the garrisons at Wells are shot by lurking 
 savages; and at a little distance from the garrison at 
 York, five soldiers are shot down and scalped. An- 
 other, for some offence against the tribes, is roasted 
 .alive against a slow fire. Two men near Wells are 
 
 * Williamson, Vol. 1, p. 68. f2 Mather's Magnolia, p. 536.
 
 FRENCH AND INDIANS, 1,500. 329 
 
 seized and carried off captive in a canoe. But one, 
 Lieutenant Larabee, discovering this craft, rescues one 
 of the captives and shoots three of the savages. 
 
 NOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 During this year, 1,500 French and Indians united 
 in an expedition to recapture Nova Scotia, and to 
 advance upon New England. From this, the English 
 became active. Five hundred soldiers were at once 
 enlisted and forwarded to man the forts -on the main 
 coasts. Others, numerously, were sent to intercept 
 the incomings of the lurking foe from the wilderness. 
 
 Major March, who had charge of the five hundred, 
 landed them at Damariscotta, and concealed them in 
 the forest. But being discovered, they were at once 
 saluted with a shower of bullets. Nearly thirty were 
 killed. The Major rallied his forces, and the enemy, 
 without much loss, fled farther back into the wil- 
 derness. 
 
 It is a part of Indian tactics to strike an unex- 
 pected blow, and then to escape without a retroactive 
 injury. 
 
 TREATIES. 
 
 This conflict was on the 9th of September, 1697; 
 and on the llth, a treaty of peace between France 
 and England was declared at Ryswick, which reached 
 Boston on Dec. 10, 1697, and in the summer of 1698
 
 330 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the Indians, tired of continued conflicts, privations, 
 and death-struggles, sent in flags of truce, imploring 
 peace in the midst of the New England settlers. 
 
 Hence a conference to that end was held on the 
 14th of October, 1698, between two Massachusetts 
 commissioners and six sagamores, who were attended 
 with a numerous Indian retinue. 
 
 The Indians, complaining of their losses of life, their 
 winter privations, and continual famine, had become 
 mournfully sad. Their revered chief, Madakawando, 
 was dead, and they urgently sought peace. But the 
 English commissioners insisting that by the treaty the 
 "Catholic Missionaries" must all be driven out of 
 the country by the Indians, this proposition put an 
 end to the conference. 
 
 To this, the chiefs firmly, nobly replied : " The 
 white prisoners will be free to go home or stay with 
 their Indian friends ; but the good missionaries must 
 not be driven away." 
 
 In these wars it was estimated that between five 
 and seven hundred of the English settlers had been 
 killed ; two hundred and fifty carried into captivity, 
 many of whom had died. And now, at Brunswick, 
 in January, 1699, one Colonel Phillips and Major 
 Converse met the tribes, and ratifying a former treaty, 
 peace for a brief season was again restored, and the 
 then ten years' war seemed thus to be at an end.
 
 MISSIONARIES TO BE EXPELLED. 331 
 
 Massachusetts yielded all her rights to the territory 
 of Nova Scotia to the Crown of England and assumed 
 the territory of Maine as a province. That territory 
 was inhabited by a mixture of Canadian Catholics and 
 wild Indians. 
 
 Thence the people gradually for a while began to 
 improve and prosper, civilization seemed to advance, 
 and nothing more than occasional skirmishes and 
 murders disturbed New England, up to May 4, 1702. 
 
 The next conflict was France against England 
 claiming all the territory east of the Sagadahoc, and 
 a right to all the fisheries there. 
 
 About March, 1700, the Massachusetts Legislature 
 passed a penal act, by which to expel the Catholic 
 missionaries from the State. 
 
 Then, June 20, 1703, a conference, as we have 
 seen, was had at Falmouth; the chiefs came in a fleet 
 of sixty-five canoes, bringing 250 painted and plumed 
 redmen in gay colors, well armed. Governor Dudley, 
 on the other hand, was there, and spread a spacious 
 tent to accommodate the conference.* 
 
 The Governor, addressing them, among other things 
 said, "I come to you commissioned by the great and 
 good Queen of England. I would esteem you all as 
 brothers and friends. It is my wish to reconcile 
 every difficulty, whatever has happened since the last 
 treaty." 
 
 * Mass. Records, Vol. VII, p. 426.
 
 332 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Siramoa, a Tarritine chief, replied as follows: "We 
 thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk 
 with us. It is a great favor. The clouds gather and 
 darken the sky; but we still sing with love the songs 
 of peace. Believe my words. So far as the sun is 
 above the earth, so far are our thoughts from war, or 
 from the least desire of a rupture between us." 
 
 On that day, by an exchange of presents and mutual 
 promises, all former treaties were ratified. 
 
 WAK AGAIN. 
 
 At the beginning of Queen Anne's war, August 10, 
 1703, a force of French and Indians broke in upon 
 Wells, killing or taking captive thirty-nine. They 
 invaded Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scarboro', Spurwink, 
 Purpooduck, and Casco. The destruction in these 
 settlements at this time was so entire, that no 
 general account of it in detail was ever given. 
 
 CASCO. 
 
 After this time, Major John March commanded the 
 fort at Casco,* which is said to have been at 
 that time farthest east of all. And then again this 
 garrison was assailed by three chiefs, who led the 
 Indians, to wit: Moxus, Wanungoet, and Ascacombuit. 
 
 * Casco was the Indian name of what was as early as 1C58 
 Incorporated as Falmouth now a part of which is Portland.
 
 FLEET OF BIRCH CANOES. 333 
 
 It is said the conflict lasted six days and six nights. 
 Near the close of the fight, a reinforcement of 
 French and Indians came in, increasing their numbers 
 to nearly five hundred. 
 
 While this battle was in progress, an armed vessel 
 under the command of Cyprian Southack arrived in 
 support of the garrison. This turned the tide of 
 events ; at which the French and Indians took to 
 their two hundred and fifty birch canoes, and as best 
 they could, the most of them escaped. Every com- 
 bustible thing had been consumed. 
 
 Major March, the English commander, in his return 
 of this conflict, to the General Court, reported that 
 he had lost "a sloop and its furniture, eighty-nine 
 head of sheep and cattle, five acres and a half of 
 wheat, six acres of excellent peas, and four acres and 
 a half of Indian corn." In this campaign it is 
 reported that the loss to English settlers was not less 
 than one hundred and fifty, killed or taken captives.* 
 
 WELLS AGAIN. 
 
 From this, a troop of horse were soon quartered 
 at Wells. "Three hundred and sixty men were 
 marched to Pequawket, and another force was sent to 
 the Ossipee ponds. Major Mason, with an hundred 
 friendly Indians, made up mostly of Pequods and 
 Mohegans of Connecticut, was stationed at Berwick. 
 
 * Bourne's History of Wells, p. 314.
 
 334 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 SCARBOROUGH. 
 
 In 1677 a force of two hundred Natick Indians and 
 ninety white men, mostly men whom the Indians had 
 previously driven from Maine, led by Captains Swett 
 and Eichardson, were as volunteers sent out by the 
 Massachusetts General Court against the hostile tribes 
 of Maine. 
 
 On the 28th of June of that year, they reached 
 there at Black Point. They, % of course, were soon 
 discovered, and the coy savages at once appeared to 
 be preparing their ambuscade. The English forces, 
 confiding in their superior strength, aggressively 
 marched upon and into it. The Indians, who were 
 there as a decoy, were soon out of harm's way, 
 feigning a retreat. But the English, in their hot 
 haste and pursuit, at once found themselves in a 
 glade, surrounded by a swamp, dark with ti-ees on 
 the one side, and with an impenetrable thicket on the 
 other. There, the decoy escaping, the woods instantly 
 reverberated from all sides with the discharge of mus- 
 ketry. Captain Swett, on a two-mile retreat, fought 
 bravely, all the way carrying his dead and wounded 
 with him. On the way, it is said, he received several 
 wounds. At length, overcome by numbers, he was 
 struck to the ground and hewed to pieces by toma- 
 hawks. Sixty of his men, English and Katicks, 
 perished.* 
 
 * Abbott's History of Maine, p. 204.
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Expedition to Norridgcwock. French and Indians again 
 attack York, Wells, Kittery, Casco, Berwick, and Winter 
 Harbor. Various other Invasions Early and Late. Fights 
 at Hatflclcl, at Adams, at Athol, Mass., and at Royalston, 
 Vt. Peace. The Indians Vanish Away. 
 
 EXPEDITION TO NOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 May 21, 1704, Col. Benjamin Church 
 was fitted out at the command of three 
 war-vessels, with fifty-one boats of vari- 
 ous sizes; one ship carried forty-eight, 
 and another thirty-two guns; the third 
 was a province galley. Colonel Church made sad havoc, 
 touching in various places, and like a savage did 
 much mischief in the enemy's country, killing many, 
 and here and there spreading death and desolation. 
 Governor Dudley reported to his Massachusetts Legis- 
 lature that "Colonel Church had destroyed all the 
 settlements in the vicinity of Port Eoyal and had 
 taken one hundred prisoners and a large amount of 
 plunder with the loss only of six men." 
 
 In the winter of 1705, at Winter Harbor, near the 
 mouth of the Saco River, the fort was fortified, and
 
 336 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Colonel Hilton was sent with two hundred and 
 seventy men, twenty of whom were friendly Indians, 
 to attack the French Missionary Station at Norridge- 
 wock. They advanced in dead of winter on snow- 
 shoes, bearing in their packs food for twenty days. 
 
 This adventure caused the calling of a council in 
 Canada, and the Indians were induced to become 
 allies to the French as usual, and they met them in 
 council to the number of two hundred and fifty. The 
 missionaries, of course, sought favor by religious ser- 
 vices, and at Norridgewock, the Indians, taking a 
 hint, had fled away. (See further as to this on page 
 274.) 
 
 In another direction, the governor (Subucase) of 
 Nova Scotia, had raised an army of five hundred and 
 fifty French and Indians, under the Indian leader, 
 Assacombuit. In the contest there and thereabout 
 among the English settlements, many were slam by 
 the tribes; one hundred and forty were taken pris- 
 oners. On either side, it was "blood for blood," 
 arson for arson, prisoner for prisoner. 
 
 In 1707, August 10, the English invaded Port 
 Koyal, but failed in this. 
 
 Whereupon the French and Indians came down 
 again, threatening all the garrisons of Maine now only 
 remaining, to wit: Kittery, Berwick, York, Wetts, 
 Casco, and Winter Harbor.
 
 AN ATTACK UPON THE SHALLOPS. 337 
 WINTER HARBOR. 
 
 Among other outrages, they fell in upon Winter 
 Harbor, Sept. 21, 1707, one hundred and fifty in 
 number. They were seen coming to land in a fleet of 
 fifty canoes, three fighting redmeri in each canoe. 
 
 There were two shallops in the harbor, in the 
 charge of eight men only. And as this fleet came 
 paddling in with hideuos yells, these eight mariners 
 gave them a shot from the shallop. By this onset, 
 some of the canoes were crippled. But the others 
 pushed forward to surround the shallops. Upon this, 
 the eight heroes abandoned one of the vessels, and 
 boarding the other, and spreading sail, endeavored to 
 put to sea. 
 
 The Indians in time had boarded the other shallop, 
 raised the sail, and started in 'pursuit. 
 
 The Indians, being the poorer mariners, and in the 
 slowest shallop, fell too far astern to do much 
 execution. Yet the eight Englishmen, had lost 
 one man, Benjamin Daniel, killed on the shallop ; 
 the loss of the Indians, in killed and wounded, was 
 about thirty. At length the fort discharged a cannon,, 
 and the Indians ventured no further assault.* 
 
 THE BRIDAL PARTY. 
 
 On Sept. 16, 1712, there was a great wedding at 
 Wells, in one of its garrisons. A young man, Elisha 
 
 * Williams' History of Maine, Vol. 1, p. 55.
 
 338 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Plaisted, of Portsmouth, was to be married to 
 Hannah Wheelwright, a young lady of much merit. 
 The guests were numerous, some coming on horse- 
 back, and some by water from Portsmouth and other 
 adjacent towns, and the bridegroom being attended by 
 an imposing cavalcade of young men and maidens. 
 The nuptials were celebrated with much hilarity. 
 
 But during the ceremonies a force of nearly two 
 hundred Indians, coming down from the forest, had 
 concealed themselves in a thicket near the narrow 
 way, which the great bridal party were to take that 
 night on their return from the wedding. Missing 
 some of their horses (stolen), a party went out after 
 them, two of whom fell dead, and a man by the 
 name of Tucker was taken captive. The report of 
 guns alarmed the party and the entire garrison. 
 Many military-men being present, they mounted 
 their steeds and led off in pursuit of the foe. 
 Plaisted himself led one of the squads of seven or 
 eight. They fell into the ambuscade, every horse was 
 shot down, one of the men was killed, and Plaisted 
 was carried into captivity. The tribe, though pursued 
 by a great force, made good their retreat into the 
 dense wilderness. Some time afterwards, as appears, 
 the ransom of the gallant Plaisted was obtained by 
 his father at the cost of 300 ($1500).* 
 
 * Abbott's History of Maine, pp. 283-4.
 
 339 
 
 SCITUATE. 
 
 On page 208 mere mention is made of the attack 
 on this town in the days of King Philip, and we 
 here give place to a more specific account of it. 
 
 This conflict was on May 20, 1676. "The Indians 
 first burnt the saw-mill on Herring Brook; then Capt. 
 Joseph Sylvester's house; then the house of William 
 Blackmore, who was killed the same day. 
 
 "In their attack upon the garrison-house, they were* 
 bravely repulsed; but proceeding in their work, they 
 mortally wounded John James; and during the day 
 reduced as many as nineteen houses and barns to 
 ashes. They were repulsed, however, towards night, 
 and driven from the town. Capt. Michael Pierce was 
 killed near Pawtuckct." * 
 
 HATFIELD. 
 
 As history has it,f we have been told how, on the 
 19th of October, 1675, seven hundred Indians invaded 
 Hatfield and fought desperately, and how previously 
 (May 30, 1675) six hundred Indians had entered this 
 town, set fire to twelve buildings within its for- 
 tifications, and then made an attack upon some 
 men in the meadow, and upon the fortified houses. 
 The people (twenty-five from Hadley) rallied, 
 killed twenty-five Indians, one apiece to each 
 
 * Gazeteer of Massachusetts, by Rev. Elias Nason, p. 464. 
 ilbid., pp. 250-1.
 
 S40 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 of the gallant "volunteers. How in October they 
 again beset the town, as we have shown. How again 
 in September, 1677, fifty Indians came down the 
 Connecticut upon Hatfield, shot three men outside 
 of the fortifications, took captives, and made sad 
 havoc among the women and children. And how 
 in Wrentham the Indians burnt every house in town 
 save two ; and from these they were only prevented 
 by the small-pox, which prevailed within. 
 
 Conflicts like these were going on throughout the 
 New-England settlements then ; and, although fifty 
 dreary years had elapsed, there was as yet no deliv- 
 erance from daily and nightly anxieties, from the 
 fagot, torch, nor from the sight of blood. 
 
 Forts and garrisons were as common as the cot. 
 
 It was thus, from town to town, for fifty years, 
 the war went on, nearly all the way continually ; 
 and now, Aug. 26, 1746, nine hundred French and 
 Indians invade the town of Adams, Mass. It had a 
 fort which had been constructed in 1744, and is now 
 gallantly and successfully defended under the lead 
 of Col. Hawks, who kills forty-five of the assail- 
 ants. 
 
 Three hundred French and Indians again invaded 
 it, Aug. 2, 1748 ; and Col. E. Williams, with a gallant 
 force, defended it. 
 
 In 1746, at Athol, Mass., Ezekiel Wallingford,
 
 CRUEL CONFLICTS. 41 
 
 while on his way to a garrison, was slain by the 
 Indians ; and, in the following year, Jason Bahcock 
 was carried into captivity. 
 
 In August, 1747, ElisJia Clark of South Hampton 
 was killed by the Indians at his barn; and Capt. 
 Ephraim Williams, Eliakim Wright, and Ebenezer 
 Kingsley were killed near Lake George at about the 
 same time. 
 
 In 1754 Stockbridge, Mass., was attacked by heart- 
 less savages. A Mr. Owen and his children were 
 slain ; and again in the next year, several persons 
 fell by the blade of the tomahawk in the same 
 neighborhood. 
 
 Many invasions and many murders had thus trans- 
 pired, and were still happening up to 1763. 
 
 CONFLICTS AGAIN AMONG THEMSELVES. 
 
 During 1757 the Mohegans were again obliged to 
 defend themselves against the Narragansetts and 
 Nehantics, who were assisted, at times, by two Mas- 
 sachusetts tribes, the Pocomtocks and Norwootucks. 
 On one occasion some Pequots allured a Mohegan 
 canoe to shore, and thus enabled a party of Pocom- 
 tocks, who were lying in ambush, to surprise and 
 massacre the crew. Pessicus, with a large force, 
 invaded the Mohegan country, and once more held 
 Uncas besieged in his fortress. A small body of
 
 S42 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 English was sent by the Colony of Connecticut to 
 relieve him. Its very appearance caused the Narra- 
 gansetts to retreat ; and the Mohegans, rushing out 
 upon them, changed their retreat into a rout. The 
 invaders fled tumultuously towards their own 
 country, and were furiously pursued by the Mohe- 
 gans, who overtook and killed many of them while 
 struggling through the thickets, or floundering across 
 the streams. 
 
 In the early part of 1661, Uncas attacked the 
 Indians of Quabaug in the eastern part of Massa- 
 chusetts, killed some, made others prisoners, and 
 carried off property, as the sufferers alleged, to the 
 value of thirty-three pounds sterling. 
 
 WAR FARTHER NORTH, 1746-1780. 
 
 The Indians usually extended their wigwams 
 along the banks of rivers, and sought the sea-shores 
 rather than the deeper woods in the north. Hence 
 Vermont suffered less from their invasions than the 
 other New-England States : yet (1746) in the town of 
 Vernon, Bridgman's Fort \v as taken and destroyed by 
 them, and several of the inhabitants of the town 
 were slain. On the 27th of July, 1755, Caleb Howe, 
 Hilkiah Grout , and Benja. G-affield were waylaid and 
 fired upon while on their return from their labor 
 in the field. At the Fort the tribes made
 
 CONFLICTS AT ROYALTON. 343 
 
 prisoners of the families of those above named, 
 including their wives and eleven children, and sold 
 them into captivity in Canada. 
 
 Other depredations were committed. In 1756 
 Capt. Melvin with twenty men, on his way from 
 Charlestown, N.H., to Hoosic Fort, was fired upon 
 by Indians. A conflict followed, and several were 
 killed. During the wars the frontier towns were 
 frequently alarmed by Indian scouts, but were not 
 often molested. On Aug. 9, 1780, they took three 
 men captive in BARNARD ; and in October of that 
 year they invaded ROYALTON on White River, 
 then a town of three hundred inhabitants. The 
 invaders were made up mostly of Indians, and were 
 led by one Horton, a British lieutenant. Their 
 first design was to attack Newbury ; but, upon hear- 
 ing of its being fortified, they fell in upon Royalton. 
 It was on Monday morning, Oct. 16 ; first they 
 searched the house of John Hatchinson, near the line 
 of Tunbridge, and took him and his brother prisoners ; 
 thence advanced to Robert Haven's ; killed Thomas 
 Pember and JElias Button ; thence to Joseph Knee- 
 land 's, and took him, his father, Simeon Belknap, Criles 
 Cribs, and Jonathan captives; thence to the house 
 of Elias Curtis, and made him, John Kent, and Prter 
 Mason prisoners. Thence they divided into parties, 
 and proceeded to plunder the dwelling-houses, and 
 bring in other prisoners.
 
 346 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 renowned temples : he left nothing, nothing, but 
 now and then a sample of the bow and arrow, 
 the chisel, the rude axe, and the mortar made of 
 stone. 
 
 Seized thus, the settlers proud dominion share 
 
 By force of conquest all this region fair ; 
 
 From thence, for aye, to lay the forest low, 
 
 To fence fair fields, and drive the crooked plough, 
 
 They waste the wigwams which for ages spread 
 
 The wild, and build broad mansions in their stead; 
 
 School- houses, temples to the God of grace, 
 
 And cities proud, peculiar to the race 
 
 Of Adam. Diligent through honest toil, 
 
 They reap rich harvest from the virgin soil. 
 
 From culture urged with bold, aggressive sway, 
 
 Wild beasts, becoming frantic, flee away. 
 
 As ravenous bears, and moose, and wolves recede, 
 
 Neat cattle and the noble horse succeed 
 
 In aid of husbandry. Full flocks abound; 
 
 The herds increase as roll the seasons round ; 
 
 The desert e'en, through culture's grateful care, 
 
 Soon set with fruit, begins to bloom and bear; 
 
 Fair Nature smiles responsive to the plan 
 
 Of faith in God and industry of man.* 
 
 * From my Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, p. 342.
 
 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTOK 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 HER HISTORY. 
 
 Faith and Valor of the Mothers. Hannah's Biography. Her 
 Children. Their Names and Ages. Her Captivity with Mary 
 and Samuel. Indians surround Haverhill. Their Mode of 
 "Warfare. What they then did. What Thomas, her Husband, 
 did. His Biography. His Heroism then poetized. Names of 
 the Twenty-seven slain by the Tribes. Island Contoocook. 
 Its Location, and Distance from Haverhill. What Hannah did 
 there. Names, &c., of her Thirteen Children. Mrs. Neff's Biog- 
 raphy. Her Generous Deeds. Samuel's Brief History. The 
 Gantlet. Mode of Scalping. Savages: Number slain. Cap- 
 tives' Arrival Home. Cotton Mather greets them in Boston. 
 General Court makes them Presents; Governor of Maryland also. 
 Recapitulation as an Epic. 
 
 'EROISM is a divine attribute. Patriotism 
 approves and honors it. Humanity fer- 
 vently and ambitiously inclines to cher- 
 * ish it. 
 
 To make a record of its achievements 
 becomes the pleasure as well as the duty of a gener- 
 ous people, who are never unmindful of their heroes. 
 Hence the exploit of our heroine, with her assistants 
 Neff and Leonardson (the boy), will ever be revered. 
 
 347
 
 C48 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTCN. 
 
 Forever will its history be remembered, transmitted, 
 and cherished as a household treasure. Like an 
 heir-loom, it imparts inspiration, an inspiration 
 which, diffusing itself, shall tend to elevate the heart- 
 felt aspirations of the sons and daughters, descend- 
 ants of the old New-England mothers ^ throughout 
 the uncounted ages yet to come, mothers who 
 lived in a day of trial, but whose truthfulness his- 
 toric hath never been surpassed, and whose endur- 
 ance, faithfulness, and valor, tried and made manifest 
 in the midst of savages, are in this volume truth- 
 fully exemplified. 
 
 HER BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Hannah Duston was born in Haverhill, Mass., Dec. 
 23, 1657 ; was the daughter of Michael and Han- 
 nah Webster Emerson; was married to Thomas 
 Duston Dec. 3, 1677 ; and, up to the date of her cap- 
 tivity, had become the mother of a family of children, 
 twelve at that date, thirteen in all. 
 
 THE INDIAN ONSET. 
 
 She was captured at Haverhill March 15, 1697 ; 
 her infant then being only a week old. 
 
 Mary Neff, then a widow, a neighbor, and friend, 
 was with her, and, for the tune being, was having a 
 care for the household.
 
 HER HISTORY. 049 
 
 The tribes throughout New England, as appears, 
 had, for several years prior to this attack, beset the 
 English settlements by trespassing upon their corn- 
 fields, killing their cattle, taking and carrying away 
 captives, and daily and nightly murdering the inhab- 
 itants, burning down their barns, their lonely cots, 
 and their infant villages. 
 
 Always, in their depredations upon the Pilgrim set- 
 tlers, they had been cunning, ferocious, coy, and cruel. 
 Previous to this Duston massacre, they had taken at 
 Worcester, Mass., Samuel Leonardson, a youth of 
 some fourteen summers, and had him along with 
 them among their captives. 
 
 At HaverhiU, on that fifteenth day of March, 1697, 
 according to the tactics of Indian warfare, they di- 
 vided their tribes into small parties, and made the 
 attack all around the town, everywhere very nearly 
 at the same moment ; so that on that day, in and 
 about that little inland, rural village, they took and 
 carried away thirteen captives, burned down nine 
 dwelling-houses, and killed twenty-seven of its in- 
 habitants; men, women, and children. 
 
 THE SLAIN. 
 
 The individuals then and there killed were John 
 Keezer, his father, and son George ; John Kimball 
 and his mother Hannah; Sarah Eastman; Thomas
 
 350 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Eaton; Thomas Emerson, his wife Elizabeth, and 
 two children, Timothy and Sarah; Daniel Brad- 
 ley, his wife Hannah, and two children, Mary and 
 Hannah ; Martha Dow, daughter of Stephen Dow ; 
 Joseph, Martha, and f$arah Bradley, children of 
 Joseph Bradley ; Thomas and Mehitable Kingsbury ; 
 Thomas Wood and his daughter Susannah; John 
 Woodman and his daughter Susannah; Zechariah 
 White ; and Martha, the infant daughter of Mrs. 
 Duston. 
 
 THE OLD COT. 
 
 Mrs. DUSTON'S house stood not far from the left 
 bank of the Merrimack River, on the north side of 
 the road, about a mile and a half from that little 
 hamlet, now the city of Haverhill, populous, opu- 
 lent, and thriving. 
 
 FIEST SIGHT OP SAVAGES. 
 
 On that day, THOMAS DUSTON (the husband) 
 was in some way startled in his field at the ap- 
 proach of savages. He seized his gun, mounted his 
 horse, and driving his children before him, seven 
 in number, ages from two to seventeen years, 
 all escaped. It has been said that guns were 
 fired at him, and that he returned the shots ; but this 
 statement is beclouded with at least some doubt. It 
 is, however, said, and perhaps correctly, that the In
 
 HER HISTORY. 351 
 
 dians did not pursue him far, for fear of the English , 
 and that lie with the children took shelter in an old 
 house supposed to have been used occasionally as a 
 garrison. 
 
 In the mean time the Indians at the homestead 
 had seized Mrs. Duston, Mary, and the infant ; forced 
 the child from Mary's arms, and killed it against 
 an apple-tree ; and, pillaging and setting fire to the 
 dwelling-house, drove their captives away into the 
 wilderness, a wilderness then dense, dark, pathless, 
 and thorny ; in the confusion, Mrs. Duston having 
 but one shoe to her feet. 
 
 The cold snows of winter had not entirely disap- 
 peared. Yet were they compelled to advance, reclin- 
 ing at night upon the frosty earth to obtain rest and 
 strength, and then up at break of day, continuing 
 their ramblings northward, by and near to the Mer- 
 rimack, through the wilderness ; thus onward until 
 they reached that Indian fort on the island between 
 the waters of the Contoocook and Merrimack Rivers. 
 
 ISLAND CONTOOCOOK. 
 
 As appears, this island, containing about two acres, 
 then (and now) covered with a dense forest, was 
 the adopted home of one of the tribes ; and, from its 
 surroundings, it served to be a strong fortification 
 against their common enemy, the English settlers.
 
 352 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 For fifteen days they had continued their march 
 through the forest, a distance of seventy-five miles, 
 according to our reckoning ; but, according to the 
 Indian computations of that time, two hundred and 
 fifty miles. 
 
 But, before they reached the island, the tribe 
 divided into two parts : the one with several captives 
 (among whom was Hannah Bradley, whose brief 
 biography will appear on a subsequent page) con- 
 tinued still farther onward to another place ; while 
 the other company, with Mrs. Duston, Neff, and 
 Samuel, crossed over in their birch canoes, to dwell, 
 at least for a night, on the island between the safe 
 .surroundings at the junction of these two beautiful 
 rivers. 
 
 On their way the Indians had talked of another 
 fort of theirs in Canada ; and had intimated to the 
 captives, that, upon their arrival there, they would be 
 held to run the gantlet, according to the law and 
 custom of the tribes. 
 
 . GANTLET. 
 
 This was usually performed thus : The group was 
 made up by " two files of Indians of both sexes, of 
 all ages, containing all who could be mustered in 
 the village ; and the unhappy prisoners were obliged 
 to run between them, when they were scoffed at
 
 HER HISTORY. 353 
 
 and beaten by each one as they passed, and were 
 made marks of, at which the younger Indians threw 
 their hatchets." 
 
 As if to add to these worst of cruelties, the tribes 
 often made sale of their captives to the FRENCH 
 in Canada, then hostile to the English settlers in 
 New England, to be held to service by them as 
 slaves. 
 
 In sight of all the severities to which they had 
 already been subjected, and in view of impending 
 disgrace and danger, these three (Duston, Neff, and 
 Samuel) secretly took counsel together, and resolved 
 to liberate themselves. 
 
 HOW TO KILL AN INDIAN. 
 
 Thereupon the boy Samuel inquired of one of 
 the tribe (" Bampico ") as to where he would strike 
 if he would kill a man instantly, and how he would 
 take off the scalp. 
 
 The Indian, bringing his finger against his temple, 
 made answer, "Strike him there!" and he then 
 proceeded to tell him how to take off the scalp. 
 
 SCALPING. 
 
 This feat is performed by the savage as follows : 
 Placing his foot upon the neck of his prostrate victim, 
 he twists the fingers of his left hand into the scalp-
 
 354 HEEOISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 lock ; and then, cutting with a knife in his right hand 
 a circular gash around the lock, he tears the scalp 
 from the head, and fastens it to his girdle with a yell 
 of triumph. 
 
 The scalps upon their belts on public occasions 
 were worn to designate the warriors. 
 
 ON THE ISLAND. 
 
 There, on that night, March 30, 1697, the camp- 
 fires in front of the wigwams blazed pleasantly ; and 
 the tribe in front of them, reclining, and burdened 
 with the fatigue of a restless journey, of course slept 
 soundly. 
 
 Having a heed to all this, the captives patiently 
 awaited the midnight hour ; and then, cautiously, 
 noiselessly, obtaining the tomahawks, and moving 
 with concert of action, they struck the deadly blow. 
 None of the Indians escaped alive, save one old 
 squaw covered with wounds, and an Indian boy, 
 whom the captives did not incline to pursue. 
 
 NUMBER OF VICTIMS. 
 
 Ten of them were slain. The captives, in their 
 haste, at first left the wigwams without full evidence 
 of what had been done ; yet soon returned, took off 
 the ten scalps, taking also with them an Indian 
 gun and tomahawk ; and then, seeking to avoid pur-
 
 STATUE OF MRS. DUSTON ON THK ISLAND, ruse ;)o4.
 
 HER HISTORY. 355 
 
 suit, they scuttled the canoes, all but one ; and in 
 that they floated down the Merrimack as far as they 
 could come for the falls, and thence along its left 
 bank, as tradition has it, until they arrived home 
 safely at Haverhill. 
 
 On the 21st of April in the same year (1697), tney 
 visited Boston ; carrying with them, as evidence of 
 their achievement, the scalps, the gun, and toma- 
 hawk ; and, on the 8th of June thereafterwards, 
 the General Court awarded to Mrs. Duston a gift of 
 X25, and to Mary Neff and Samuel Leonardson 
 X12 10s. each. Col. Nicholson, then governor 
 of Maryland, upon hearing of the transaction, also 
 transmitted complimentary presents to them. Many 
 thanks, as well as material gifts, were extended to 
 them by many others. 
 
 SONS AND DAUGHTERS. 
 
 The children of Thomas and Hannah Duston 
 were, 
 
 Hannah, born Aug. 22, 1078. 
 Elizabeth, born May 7, 1680. 
 Mary, born Nov. 4, 1681 (died 
 
 Oct. 18, 1696). 
 Thomas, born Jan. 5, 1683. 
 Natti., born May 16, 1685. 
 John, born Feb. 2, 1686 (died 
 
 Jan. 28, 1690). 
 Sarah, born July 4, 1688. 
 
 Abigail, born October, 1690. 
 
 Jona., born Jan. 15, 1691-92. 
 
 Timothy, born Sept. 14, 1694. 
 
 Mehitable, twin-sister to Timo- 
 thy (died Dec. 16, 1694). 
 
 Martha, born March 9, 1696-97; 
 slain by the Indians March 15, 
 1697. 
 
 And Lydia, born Oct. 4, 1698.
 
 856 HEROISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 MAKY NEFF. 
 
 Mary was a native of Haverhill, born Sept. 18, 
 1646 ; was the daughter of George and Joanna Cor- 
 liss ; and married William Neff June 23, 1665. 
 
 William died in February, 1681. Mary died Oct. 
 22, 1720, aged seventy-four years. 
 
 Mary, at her marriage, left the parental homestead ; 
 and, up to the time of her captivity, resided on the 
 rise of ground on the left side of the road leading 
 from the compact part of Haverhill to the old farm 
 where little Martha Duston, the infant, was mur- 
 dered against an apple-tree, and where the Duston 
 dwelling-house, on that day, was burnt down by the 
 Indians. 
 
 Mary's residence was at the same place, now or 
 formerly owned by William Swasey. It was, in 
 fact, a gift on her nuptial day from her father. It 
 was situated about a mile north of the village of 
 Haverhill. 
 
 Mary, as well as Mrs. Duston, was indeed a New- 
 England mother. At her capture by the Indians 
 she was a widow, and was Mrs. Duston's senior 
 eleven years. Upon notice that her neighbor and 
 friend Mrs. Duston was sick and in need of care, 
 Mary was at her bedside. 
 
 From this and other evidence, we may well cherish
 
 HER HISTORY. 357 
 
 the belief, that the conduct of the household, the 
 good health, and in fact the well-being, of that 
 whole neighborhood, belonged mostly to Mary. They 
 found in her, daily, not only a generous, genial dis- 
 position, but great strength of mind, and force of 
 character, a force in the sight of justice and duty 
 too strong to be abashed or dismayed by the war- 
 whoop cry, or to be disconcerted at sight of the 
 tomahawk and scalping-knife. In fact, through all 
 trial, Mary persistently adhered to the matron of her 
 charge ; hugged little Martha to her bosom until 
 the child was torn from her embrace to be slain of 
 the furious tribe ; and then, as ever, adhering to the 
 care and encouragement of its sick, heart-stricken, 
 bereaved mother. 
 
 SAMUEL LEONARDSON. 
 
 Of Samuel's parentage, of his birth, death, or 
 burial, we have obtained no account* The three ex- 
 traordinary incidents of Samuel's life involved in 
 his capture at Worcester by the Indians, his agency 
 in the slaughter of savages in the Contoocook, and 
 of his sedate, unostentatious presence in Boston April 
 21, 1697, and then again on the 8th of June the 
 then next following, there to receive from " the 
 Great and General Court " of Massachusetts a com- 
 plimentary reward for the heroic manhood of his
 
 853 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 youth are probably the first and last that earth will 
 ever hear of that heroic, generous-hearted, gallant 
 boy. 
 
 The account herein given of the war and blood 
 at Haverhill, and of the slaughter of the tribe in the 
 Contoocook, well known of tradition and general his- 
 tory, was carefully written down by that celebrated 
 historian and divine, Cotton Mather, from the lips 
 of Duston, Neff, and Leonardson, then in Boston, 
 while they were receiving the plaudits of that 
 afflicted generation of English settlers, and while 
 they still held in their hands the sanguine trophies 
 of their world-renowned victory. 
 
 Several years since, I published in my " Merri- 
 mack," page 36, in epic, descriptive form, a brief 
 statement of that event at Haverhill and in the Con- 
 toocook, which we here 
 
 * 
 
 RECAPITULATE. 
 
 And this is war ! and such in wrath makes haste 
 To lay the white man's cot and village waste 
 That deals in daggers poisoned, coated o'er, 
 The fagot-torch, and gluts on human gore. 
 Against such crime the settlers strong unite : 
 In various ways they rally for the fight : 
 Some seek defence by force of gun and dogs ; 
 Some take to garrisons strong built of logs ;
 
 HER HISTORY. 359 
 
 And some in squads with weapons rude assail 
 The foe, and fierce pursue the hidden trail. 
 
 'Twas so at Newbury and at Bradford town, 
 Far further north, and seaward further down ; 
 Along the vale, where'er the white man dwelt, 
 Still unprovoked the self-same scourge was felt. 
 And at old Haverhill, as Mather tells, 
 The flaring fagot burns where Duston dwells. 
 That faithful father, frenzied to dismay, 
 Hastens the flight of children far away : 
 But not the infant : that in wrath is slain. 
 Its mother, captured, trudges in the train 
 Of savages ; while in the clouds are shown 
 The crackling ruins of an English home. 
 
 The tribes evade pursuit : they skirt the glen, 
 Fast hastening through the fields away ; and 
 
 then 
 
 Dense woods and sable night conceal the foe. 
 There, couched on broken boughs, in beds of snow, 
 Repose they seek. Still mindful of the past, 
 Her heart depressed, by sleep benumbed at last, 
 There dreams that mother, weary, sick, at rest, 
 Of happy home, of father, children blest ; 
 Of life's sweet joys, profusely, kindly given j 
 Of angel-visits from the throne of heaven ;
 
 8GO HEROISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Of that true bliss religious life inspires, 
 
 That wafts the soul above earth's frail desires. 
 
 Thus moved congenial thought her dreamy mi rid 
 
 As moved that mighty forest in the wind ; 
 
 Thus on, till twilight gray with breaking beam 
 
 Now turns the tenor of a fleeting dream ; 
 
 When, half aroused, before her vision gaze, 
 
 Appear grim visages and fagot-blaze ; 
 
 Tall spectres gaunt, whose garments drip with 
 
 gore 
 
 From that infanticide the day before, 
 Wrought strange convulsions. Whence that fearful 
 
 wail? 
 'Twas Hannah Duston, waking for the trail. 
 
 Her dark brown hair back on her shoulders spread , 
 The frosts of night still on her garments laid. 
 At sight of death, at sound of war-whoop cry, 
 Avenging justice flashes in her eye. 
 Still, far beyond the cloud-capt tree-tops shown, 
 There gleamed in prospect yet another home. 
 Light paints a tinge upon her pallid brow ; 
 And up to God above she made a vow : 
 For on the trees are marks of kindred blood ; 
 And vengeance just is whispered in the wood. 
 Firm as the granite hills that brave the storm 
 That mother's will is fixed, and waxes warm.
 
 HER HISTORY. 361 
 
 Yet, held to follow through the rugged way, 
 Kept equal step for many a weary day, 
 ('Twas death to falter 'mid a savage throng,) 
 With Mary Neff and boy, all move along 
 Through winding paths and tangled wildwood fens, 
 Where prowled the wolf, and where the serpent 
 
 dens : 
 
 Declivities they wind, and ford the brooks 
 That leap the mountain-pass from granite rocks ; 
 Thence in dark thicket, then in sunlight gleam, 
 And then in boats of birch on spacious stream, 
 Up where old Contoocook unites in pride 
 With Merrimack, profound in rolling tide ; 
 There, on an island wild, are captives shown 
 The wigwam rude, an Indian's favored home. 
 And there, on mats, around the camp-fire flame 
 Seated in group, they glut the slaughtered game 
 Which hunger sought ; and Night, now gathering in, 
 Spreads her dark mantle o'er the woods within ; 
 While from afar a gentle zephyr-breeze 
 Plays grateful music on the waving trees, 
 Inviting rest from the rambling drudge of day, 
 That lulls the spirit from the world away. 
 Still does that zephyr omens strange portend, 
 A baleful bickering, some tragic end : 
 Yet ne'er more safe, ne'er less by danger pressed, 
 Than felt the drowsy foe reclined at rest ;
 
 3G2 HEROISM OF HANNAH DTTSTON. 
 
 And sleep sonorous, which fatigue inspires, 
 Drowns deep the tribe in front of midnight fires. 
 Then rose that mother, noiseless, moving near 
 To Neff ; breathes mandates startling to her ear : 
 To Samuel, too, her vent of vengeance went 
 That fired his heart. They move with joint intent, 
 And signal stealth. Around the foe they felt, 
 And drew a tomahawk each from the -belt 
 That touched his loins ; and then erect they stand, 
 Lifting that bloody blade with heedful hand : 
 Down on his guilty head three times they strike ; 
 And three times three death follows each alike. 
 No groan nor sigh is heard, nor sign of woe ; 
 But stiff and cold there lies the bloody foe 
 'Neath clouds of night. The wigwam embers fade ; 
 And phantom shadows stalk along the glade 
 In depth of woods ; the hills are hushed aloof ; 
 No voice, save from the owl or hungry wolf 
 That clamors for his prey. Yet as these three, 
 Once captive bound, now turn away thus free, 
 Bright, beaming stars through parted clouds be- 
 tween, 
 
 True guides intent, from heaven's arch serene 
 Look down ; while Truth, still valiant to prevail 
 O'er wrong, and Justice stern, with even scale, 
 Approve the deed : and from that crimson glade. 
 That dark, lone wigwam with unburied dead,
 
 HAXXAII DUSTON AT THE MASSACKE, page 362.
 
 HER HISTORY. 363 
 
 Relieved, yet sad, they board the light canoe 
 
 To dip the oar in hope of home, pursue 
 
 Adown bright Merrimac in generous tide, 
 
 That bears the craft on high through borders 
 
 wide, 
 
 Thence paddling east, they gain a favored shore 
 Above the fall, where troubled waters roar 
 Below, all safe at land. 
 
 The day-star rose, 
 
 Nature anon awakes from night's repose, 
 Wild birds from far, thick-gathered in the trees, 
 Warble sweet welcome on the morning breeze 
 To strange adventurers; while all that day 
 Along the winding shore that leads the way 
 To Haverhill, they thoughtful trudge and talk, 
 What each had seen in life's bewildered walk, 
 Of childhood years beguiled with favorite toys, 
 Of love, of home delights, of buried joys. 
 
 Thus did the women mutual converse hold, 
 Till Samuel from mutest manner cold 
 Bespoke them thus: "What mean these signs of 
 
 pain ? 
 These crimson marks that through my garments 
 
 stain ? 
 
 Did such from veins of Bampaco descend, 
 Who gave me bow and arrow as a friend?
 
 364 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Truth undisguised these morning beams disclose, 
 
 The sure avenger of his dying woes ! 
 
 Unwelcome tints! they haunt my homeward way 
 
 And at the threshold threaten to betray 
 
 Me there. Shall I, long-lost, a mother's boy, 
 
 Return and pangs impart instead of joy 
 
 To such a heart ? No, leave me here ; unknown, 
 
 To seek some hidden cave aloof from home! 
 
 Or send me, captive bound, to dwell again 
 
 In tents, afar from her who mourns me slain, 
 
 Whence crime concealed shall never vent a stain, 
 
 Nor rumor sad, to blot a cherished name." 
 
 He said, and there half halting stood 
 
 Till Mary chides him in a different mood: 
 
 "I pray thee, Samuel, list to me awhile, 
 
 Misgivings sad attend but to beguile 
 
 Thy youth. But list, they move me to descry 
 
 In wrong, if thou art guilty, so am I; 
 
 For at the war-whoop cry I could have fled, 
 
 And shunned captivity, its horrors dread; 
 
 Yet would not yield to fate that infant dear, 
 
 Nor fail my mistress kind through selfish fear. 
 
 Alarmed, I seized it from the cradle there; 
 
 That life, I begged a furied fiend to spare 
 
 At risk of self. Yet we no favor gain; 
 
 Our plea, our prayers most fervent, all in vain!
 
 THEIR TALK. 365 
 
 Impelled, from horrors which this heart had stung, 
 
 To our liege mother and to thee I clung, 
 
 In bonds a comrade held, a volunteer 
 
 In all the dangers dread of such career. 
 
 I 've more to fear than thou, who, found alone, 
 
 Wert forced at Worcester from parental home 
 
 By brutal foes. Grim cruelties they sought, 
 
 But on themselves relentless vengeance brought, 
 
 In which an agent I indeed was one 
 
 To bear a part in wrong, if wrong were done 
 
 If in the shed of blood a crime it be, 
 
 To break from hell-born bondage to be free, 
 
 Then is the fault in me much more than thee, 
 
 Who had no choice of lot nor chance to flee. 
 
 Yet have I faith from inward teachings given, 
 
 Life's freedom gained is justified of Heaven; 
 
 Whose care paternal henceforth let us trust, 
 
 As did our fathers, faithful from the first." 
 
 Thus did they talk of self, of wrong and right, 
 Meandering along till late at night 
 Through narrow pathways, hindered now and then 
 By tangled thicket dark, by brook and fen. 
 Then next by range of hills, where lies at length 
 A deep ravine, and there, through lack of strength, 
 They turn aside beneath a shelving rock 
 O'ergrown of spreading pines ; thither to stop, 
 Inclined to rest; but fain would wakeful keep,
 
 366 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Yet, lost anon by force of needful sleep, 
 Eemain still there, till morn's refulgent ray 
 Reflected on the wave of NASHUA, 
 Cast varied shadows in the branchy wood 
 Around the group. 
 
 There "mother Duston" stood 
 Invoking favors from the throne of God 
 To be bestowed in coming time for good 
 For MARY NEFF, for SAMUEL the same, 
 Her pilgrim comrades, whence deliverance came 
 
 And briefly now, as ended then her prayer, 
 Addressed them each in turn still waiting there 
 In kindness thus : " Mary, to thee I owe 
 Much more of debt than I can e'er bestow 
 Of earth's reward. Thy truthfulness of heart, 
 Thy generous constancy, thy guileless art, 
 In trial proved, this thankful soul reveres; 
 May blessings, Mary, crown thy future years; 
 My home is thine, if home I see again, 
 Devoutly favored, thou shalt there remain. 
 
 "And you, dear Samuel, valiant in the past, 
 Honest in purpose, faithful to the last, 
 No more should doubt. To savages belong 
 The retribution of relentless wrong, 
 And not to thee. Are not His dealings just 
 Who Israel led? Shall we our God distrust?
 
 THEIR TALK. 367 
 
 No. Brood no more of doubts, most noble boy I 
 Go, seek thy way to Worcester; bear true joy 
 To her who bore thee, and whose hallowed care 
 Shall haste thee onward to her presence there, 
 Still undisguised, in truth of God still led, 
 Wash not a stain from out thy garments red. 
 Thy deeds but known shall welcome truth impart ; 
 They'll prove the valor of a valiant heart. 
 Take yonder skiff; 'twill be no trespass done. 
 For thee it drifted from a fate unknown. 
 For thee my voice in thanks shall hence ascend; 
 Away! and blessings on thy life attend." 
 
 Still loath to part, yet harboring doubts no more, 
 The lad, wide wafted on the westward shore, 
 His beckoning paddle raised ; with aprons, too, 
 The women, answering, waved their last adieu. 
 
 Thence turning, tearful, meditating mild 
 On distant ''dear ones" wandered through the wild, 
 And Haverhill reached ; to whom, from governors even, 
 Came generous gifts and. thankful plaudits given. 
 
 And there they rest. In beauty bright, to-day, 
 Stand signal monuments to Duston's clay. 
 Her noble deeds are held in high renown, 
 Sacred like heirloom in that ancient town; 
 And long as Merrimac's bright waters glide 
 Shall stand that mother's fame, still by its side.
 
 368 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 EEV. BENJA. KOLFE. 
 
 On the 29th of August, 1708, at break of day, a 
 force of two hundred and fifty French and Indians 
 from Canada, after devastating other villages, came 
 past the frontier garrisons undiscovered, and were 
 first seen near the pond in Haverhill, marching two 
 and two. John Keezer saw them first of all, near 
 his house. He ran into the village and alarmed the 
 inhabitants by firing a gun near the meeting-house. 
 
 The enemy came down with yells and "a sound 
 like whistling." 
 
 Mrs. Smith, the first person seen, as she took 
 towards a garrison, they shot. The foremost party 
 proceeded to the house of Rev. Mr. Eolfe; and 
 although guarded by three soldiers, his family were 
 awakened by the war-whoop. 
 
 Mr. Eolfe leaped from his bed, placed himself 
 against the door which they were trying to force 
 in, and called to his soldiers for assistance, but they 
 had fled like sheep. The tribe fired bullets through 
 the door. Mr. Rolfe, wounded, fled from the back 
 door; the Indians following, killed him with toma- 
 hawks. Soon finding Mrs. Rolfe, they killed her and 
 murdered her infant against a stone at the door. 
 Hugar, a negro slave, ran away with two of the 
 children six and eight years of age hid them under 
 tubs in a cellar and thereby their lives were saved.
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THOMAS DUSTON. 
 
 Thomas Duston's Bravery. Saves his Children. Poetry to his 
 Praise by Mrs. Sarah J. Hale. Order to Duston in his Garrison. 
 
 Story of Joseph Whittaker. Petition of Thomas Duston. 
 Captivity of Hannah Bradley. Her Eeturn. After Six Years, 
 her Second Capture. Her Long Sufferings. Birth ami Slaughter 
 of her Infant. Two Years a Slave to a Frenchman in Canada. 
 
 Her Husband finds and redeems her. Their Ileturn to Boston 
 and to Haverhill. How the Indian Battle-Axe fell Heavily upon 
 the New-England Mothers. A Word to the Praise of their Faith 
 and Valor. 
 
 jT is an axiom commonly conceded, that great 
 occasions as when the lives of men or the 
 well-being of a republic are endangered 
 operate to bring forth the brightest exam- 
 ples of truth, of self-sacrifice, and of val- 
 iant heroism. 
 
 Hence many modest, unpretending hearts, men 
 and mothers, who else would have remained forever 
 retired and unknown, sprang forth as against the 
 invasions of barbarism in New England, and 
 have left to us and to the world valuable enduring 
 legacies;.
 
 870 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Among these instances of bravery may be 
 reckoned the gallant feat of Thomas Duston, 
 husband of Hannah, in protecting the lives of 
 his and her children at the massacre in Haver- 
 hill. 
 
 This hero, as is supposed, emigrated from a family 
 at Dover, N.H., where it is said there were many of 
 that name. 
 
 At Haverhill he seems to have been a man of 
 considerable note and influence ; was a constable, 
 a maker of bricks, and also of almanacs on rainy 
 days, as they say ; and was the keeper of a garrison 
 at his new brick house, his headquarters at the 
 homestead having been consumed. 
 
 His sagacious effort in saving his seven children 
 from the cruel grasp of savages on that terrible day 
 when his little Martha was slain, his house burnt to 
 ashes, and his wife carried away captive, was indeed 
 praiseworthy. It has been poetized by Mrs. S. J. 
 Hale. Her poetry runs thus : 
 
 THE FATHER'S CHOICE. 
 
 Now fly as flies the rushing wind I 
 Urge, urge thy rushing steed ! 
 
 The savage yell is fierce behind ; 
 And life is on thy speed.
 
 THOMAS DFSTON. 
 
 And from those dear ones make thy choice ! 
 
 The group he wildly eyed ; 
 When " Father ! " burst from every side, 
 
 And " Child ! " his heart replied. 
 
 There's one will prattle on his knee, 
 
 Or slumber on his bic?t ; 
 And one whose joys of infancy 
 
 Are still by smiles expressed. 
 
 They feel no fear while he is near ; 
 
 He'll shield them from the foe : 
 But, oh ! his ear must thrill to hear 
 
 Their shriekings should he go. 
 
 In vain his quivering lips would speak ; 
 
 No words his thoughts allow : 
 There's a burning tear upon his cheek, 
 
 Death's marble on his brow. 
 
 And twice he smote his clinched hands ; 
 
 Then bade his children fly, 
 And turned ; and even that savage band 
 
 Cowered at his wrathful eye. 
 
 Swift as the lightning winged with death 
 
 Flashed forth the quivering flame : 
 Their finest warrior bows beneath 
 ' The father's deadly aim.
 
 372 HEROISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Ambition goads the conquerer on ; 
 
 Hate points the murderer's brand : 
 But love and duty these alone 
 
 Can nerve the good man's hand. 
 
 Not the wild cries that rend the skies 
 
 His heart of purpose move : 
 He saves his children, or he dies 
 
 The sacrifice of love. 
 
 The hero may resign the field, 
 
 The coward murderer flee : 
 He cannot fear, he will not yield, 
 
 That strikes, sweet Love ! for thee. 
 
 They come ! they come ! He heeds no cry 
 Save the soft child-like wail : 
 
 " O father, save ! " " My children, fly ! " 
 Were mingled on the gale. 
 
 And firmer still he drew his breath, 
 
 And sterner flashed his eye, 
 As fast he hurled the leaden death, 
 
 Still shouting, Children, fly ! " 
 
 No shadow on his brow appeared, 
 
 Nor tremor shook his frame, 
 Save when at intervals he heard 
 
 Some trembler lisp his name.
 
 THOMAS DUSTON. 373 
 
 In vain the foe those fiends unchained 
 
 Like famished tigers chafe : 
 The sheltered roof is neared, is gained ; 
 
 All, all the dear ones safe ! 
 
 This Indian massacre was a terrible blow to 
 Haverhill. " Some of its most useful citizens and 
 promising youth, as already appears, were among the 
 slain ; and, well knowing that they were daily and 
 hourly liable to similar attacks, it needs no stretch 
 of imagination to declare that fear seized the 
 hearts of the inhabitants. 
 
 " The most vigorous measures were speedily taken 
 to prevent, if possible, another similar bloody onset : 
 guards were stationed in many of the houses ; and 
 the brick house of Thomas Duston, that had been 
 partly finished the preceding year, not being occu- 
 pied, was ordered to be garrisoned." 
 
 The following is a copy of the order to Thomas 
 Duston when appointed to command it : 
 
 ORDER. 
 " T> Tlmmafs Duston, upon the Settlement of Garrisons. 
 
 "APRIL 5, 1697. You being appointed master of 
 the garrison at your house, you are hereby in his 
 Majesty's name required to see that a good watch is
 
 374 HEKOISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 kept at your garrison, both by night and by day, by 
 those persons hereafter named, who are to be under 
 your command and inspection in building or repair- 
 ing your garrison ; and, if any person refuse or 
 neglect their duty, you are accordingly required to 
 make return of the same, under your hand, to the 
 committee of militia in Haverhill. The persons 
 appointed are as followeth : Josiah Heath, sen., 
 Josiah Heath, jun., Joseph Bradley, John Heath, 
 Joseph Kingsbury, and Thomas Kingsbury. 
 
 " By order of the committee of militia. 
 
 " SAMUEL AYEB, Captain:' 
 
 Mr. DUSTON was a constable in Haverhill ; and, 
 for the times, was largely engaged in brick-making. 
 The business, however, was attended with no little 
 danger, on account of the Indians, who were almost 
 continually lurking in the vicinity, watching an 
 opportunity for a successful attack. The clay-pits 
 were only a short distance from the garrison ; but 
 the enemy were so bold, that a file of soldiers con- 
 stantly guarded those who brought the clay from the 
 pits to the yard near the house, where it was made 
 into bricks. 
 
 There is a story of Joseph Whittaker, one of this 
 guard ; and it may be well to tell it.
 
 JOSEPH WHITTAKER. 375 
 
 THE STORY. 
 
 JOSEPH was young. He had become deeply in 
 love with one Mary Whittaker, who was then being 
 protected within the garrison. Joseph had struggled 
 long and manfully to escape the silken meshes, but 
 in vain. At last, summoning all his courage, he 
 improved a favorable opportunity to make a declara- 
 tion of his passion and purpose. But ah ! most 
 unfortunate Joseph ! Mary did not heed him. He 
 pleaded, he entreated, he implored, but all to no pur- 
 pose. Mary declared most emphatically that she 
 would not have Joe Whittaker. Thereupon his 
 blood was up. He told her, that, unless she accepted 
 his offer, he would jump into the well. But Mary 
 avowed that she wouldn't. Joe hastened from the 
 garrison, seized a log that lay near by, and plunged it 
 into the dark, deep waters. Mary heard the plunge, 
 and her heart relented. Remembering her love, and 
 with her hair streaming in the night-wind, she rushed 
 to the well, crying in the agony of her heart, " O 
 Joseph, Joseph ! if you are in the land of the living, 
 I ivill have you." 
 
 Joseph, immediately emerging from his hiding- 
 place, fell into her arms, exclaiming, "I will take you 
 at your word ! " 
 
 The two Whittakers were soon afterwards made
 
 376 HEROISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 one ; and, from the records of Haverhill, it does not 
 appear that the Whittakers were in any way dimin- 
 ished by that operation. 
 
 On the 21st of April, after a little rest from the 
 fatigue of her wearisome captivity, Mrs. Duston 
 with her husband and two captive companions were 
 in Boston. Cotton Mather then and there wrote 
 from their own account of it the entire outlines of 
 this tragedy ; while the ten scalps, the gun, and the 
 tomahawk were still there as witnesses also to the 
 truthfulness of the narrative. Duston at the same 
 time presented to the General Assembly, then in ses- 
 sion, a petition as follows : 
 
 PETITION. 
 
 "To the Right Honorable the Lieut.- Governor, and 
 the Great and General Assembly of the Province 
 of Massachusetts Say, now convened in Boston. 
 
 " The humble Petition of Thomas Duston of 
 Haverhill sheweth: That the wife of ye petitioner 
 (with one Mary Neff) hath, in her late captivity 
 among the Barbarous Indians, been disposed & 
 assisted by Heaven to do an extraordinary action, in 
 the just slaughter of so many of the Barbarians, as 
 would by the law of the Province which a few 
 months ago would have entitled the actors unto con- 
 siderable recompense from the Publick.
 
 HANNAH BRADLEY. 877 
 
 "That tho' the [want] of that good law [war- 
 rants] no claims to any such consideration from the 
 
 Publick ; yet your petitioner humbly that the 
 
 merit of the action still remains the same ; & it 
 seems a matter of universall desire thro' the whole 
 Province that it should not pass unrecompensed. 
 And that your petitioner having lost his estate in. 
 that calamity wherein his wife was carried into her 
 captivity, render him the fitter object for what con- 
 sideration the Publick Bounty shall judge proper for 
 hath been herein done ; of some consequence not 
 only unto the persons more immediately delivered, 
 but also unto the generall interest. 
 
 " Wherefore, humbly requesting a favorable Regard 
 on this occasion, your petitioner shall pray, &c. 
 
 "THOMUS DU(R)STUN." 
 
 On the 8th of June the House of Representatives 
 "voted that the above-named Thomas Durstan, in 
 behalf of his wife, shall be allowed and paid out of 
 the publick Treasury Twenty-five pounds, and Mary 
 Neff the sum of Twelve pounds Ten shillings, and the 
 young man (named Samuel Lenerson) concerned in 
 the same action the like sum of Twelve pounds Ten 
 shillings." 
 
 HANNAH BRADLEY. 
 
 Contemporaneously with the capture of Hannah
 
 378 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 Duston and Mary Neff, on the same 15th of March, 
 1697, Hannah Bradley was also taken and carried 
 into captivity. She, as a captive, followed Mrs. 
 Duston, and in the same trail constituted one of the 
 number at the command of the same savages, until 
 they arrived near and opposite to the Contoo- 
 cook ; when she with one branch of the tribe took a 
 different route, and camped at another Indian home 
 not far away. 
 
 Hannah Bradley, however, afterwards escaped, and 
 returned home to Haverhill, probably the same year. 
 
 In 1703, six years later, the same Mrs. Bradley 
 was again captured by the savages, and at this time, 
 as appears, remained nearly two years in captivity. 
 In the mean time, she was sold by the Indians to the 
 French in Canada, who were hostile to our English 
 settlers. 
 
 Joseph Bradley the husband, at Haverhill, hearing 
 of his wife in Canada, started off on that then long 
 journey, and persevered until he found, purchased, 
 obtained, and brought her back to Haverhill. 
 
 Of this Myrick says, " On that first general attack 
 in that war of Queen Anne's time, Aug. 10, 1703, 
 five hundred French and Indians ravaged the settle- 
 ments from Casco to Wells, and killed and captured 
 one hundred and thirty persons." 
 
 He says, " On the 8th of February then next fol-
 
 MES. BRADLEY'S SECOND CAPTURE. 379 
 
 lowing, a party of six Indians attacked the garrison 
 of Joseph Bradley, which was unhappily in an 
 unguarded state : even the sentinels had left theii 
 stations, and their gates open. As appears, Bradley 
 lived on the parsonage road, near the northerly brook. 
 
 "The Indians approached cautiously, and were 
 rushing into the open gates before they were dis- 
 covered. Jonathan Johnson, a sentinel, who was 
 standing in the house, shot at and wounded the fore- 
 most ; and Mrs. Bradley, who had a kettle of boiling 
 soap over the fire, seized her ladle, and, filling it 
 with the steaming liquid, discharged it on his tawny 
 pate, a soop-orific that brought on a sleep from 
 which he never awoke. 
 
 " The rest of the party immediately rushed for- 
 ward, killed Johnson, and took captive the intrepid 
 woman and some others. 
 
 " The Indians then, fearing lest they should soon 
 be attacked by a stronger party, commenced a hasty 
 retreat, aiming for Canada ; which was then a place 
 of resort often whenever they had been so success- 
 ful as to take a number of prisoners. Mrs. Bradley 
 was in delicate circumstances, and in slender health : 
 still she received no kindness from her savage con- 
 querers. No situation of woman would ever protect 
 her from their demon-like cruelties. 
 
 " The weather was cold the wind blew keenly over
 
 380 HEROISM OF HANNAH DTJSTON. 
 
 the hills, and the ground was covered with a deep 
 snow ; yet they obliged her to travel on foot, and 
 to carry a heavy burden, too large, even, for the 
 strength of man. 
 
 " In this manner they proceeded through the wilder- 
 ness ; and Mrs. Bradley informed her family after 
 she returned, that, for many days in succession, she 
 subsisted on nothing but bits of skin, ground-nuts, 
 the bark of trees, wild onions, and lily-roots. 
 While in this situation, with none but savages for 
 her assistants and protectors, and in the midst of a 
 thick forest, she gave birth to a child. The Indians 
 then, as if they were not satisfied with persecuting 
 the mother, extended their cruelties to the innocent 
 and almost friendless babe. 
 
 " For the want of proper attention, it was sickly, 
 and probably troublesome ; and, when it cried, these 
 remorseless fiends showed their pity by throwing 
 embers into its mouth. 
 
 " They told the mother, that, if she would permit 
 them to baptize it in their manner, they would suffer 
 it to live. Unwilling to deny their request, lest it 
 should enrage their fierce and diabolical passions, 
 and hoping that the little innocent would receive 
 kindness at their hands, she complied with their 
 request. They took it from her, and baptized it by 
 gashing its forehead with their knives.
 
 MRS. BRADLEY SOLD. 381 
 
 " The feelings of the mother, when the child was 
 returned to her with its smooth and white forehead 
 gashed with a knife, and its warm blood coursing 
 down its cheeks, can be better imagined than de- 
 scribed. 
 
 " Soon as Mrs. Bradley had regained sufficient 
 strength to travel, the Indians again took up their 
 march for Canada. But, before their arrival to their 
 place of rendezvous, she had occasion to go a little 
 distance from the party ; and, when she returned, she 
 beheld a sight shocking to a mother and to every 
 feeling of humanity. Her child, which was born in 
 sorrow and nursed in the lap of affliction, and on 
 which she doted with maternal fondness, was piked 
 upon a pole. Its excruciating agonies were over ; it 
 could no more feel the tortures of the merciless 
 savages ; and its mother could only weep over its 
 memory." 
 
 HANNAH BRADLEY WITH THE FRENCH. 
 
 " Soon after, they proceeded to Canada, where Mrs. 
 Bradley was sold to the French for eighty livres. 
 
 " She informed her friends after her return, that she 
 was treated kindly by the family in which she lived. 
 It was her custom morning and evening, when she 
 milked her master's cow, to take with her a crust of 
 bread, soak it with milk, and eat it : with this, and
 
 '382 HEROISM OF HANNAH DTJSTON. 
 
 with the rations allowed her by her master, she eked 
 out a tolerable existence. 
 
 " In March, 1705, her husband, hearing that she 
 was in the possession of the French, started for Can- 
 ada with the intention of redeeming her. 
 
 " He travelled on foot, accompanied only by a dog 
 that drew a small sled, in which he carried a bag of 
 snuff as a present from the governor of this prov- 
 ince to the governor of Canada. When he arrived 
 he immediately redeemed her, and set sail from Mon- 
 treal for Boston, which they reached in safety, and 
 from thence travelled to Haverhill." 
 
 THEY TRIED TO TAKE HER A THIRD TIME. 
 
 In 1706, " during the summer of that year," Myrick 
 says, " a small party of Indians again visited the gar- 
 rison of Joseph Bradley ; and it is said that he, his" 
 wife and children, and a hired man, were the only 
 persons in it at the time. It was in the night : the 
 moon shone brightly; and they could be easily seen 
 silently and cautiously approaching. Mr. Bradley 
 armed himself, also his wife and man, each with 
 a gun, and such of his children as could shoulder 
 one. 
 
 " Mrs. Bradley, supposing that they had come pur- 
 posely for her, told her husband that she would 
 rather be killed than be again taken.
 
 HER COMPANIONS IN CAPTIVITY. 383 
 
 " The Indians rushed upon the garrison, and en- 
 deavored to beat down the door. They succeeded 
 in pushing it partly open; and, when one of the 
 Indians began to crowd himself through the open- 
 ing, Mrs. Bradley, firing upon him, shot him 
 dead. 
 
 " The rest of the party, seeing their companion fall, 
 desisted from their purpose, and hastily retreated." 
 
 The story of Mrs. Bradley's captivity as a compan- 
 ion of Hannah Duston is here told briefly, perhaps 
 imperfectly, how she was taken a second time, 
 carried to Canada, and sold as a slave ; how during 
 that time she had seen her own dear infant slain by 
 the tribe ; how amid Indian exultations she had 
 seen it piked upon a pole ; and how, after her deliv- 
 erance from bondage, a third attack being made upon 
 her husband's garrison, she arose in her heroism, 
 shot the leader, and thereby put to flight the stealthy, 
 cowardly invaders. The experiences of her gallant 
 little son, who was indeed her senior in captivity, 
 will appear in our next chapter. 
 
 From all this it must be seen how sadly in that 
 day, and with what crushing weight, the Indian bat- 
 tle-axe at noonday and at midnight fell upon the 
 women and children of New England. 
 
 A brief, poem from my " Merrimack," page 35, 
 given on the following page, may be of interest :
 
 38G HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 very active, and possessed more shrewdness than 
 most boys of that age ; but Joseph was larger and 
 less active. Immediately after their arrival at the 
 lake, the two boys were held in an Indian family 
 consisting of the man, his squaw, and two or three 
 children. While they were there they became ac- 
 quainted with the Indian language ; and learned 
 from their conversations with other Indians that 
 they intended to carry them to Canada the following 
 spring. This discovery afflicted them. If such 
 design were carried into execution, they knew 
 there would be but little chance for their escape ; 
 and from that time the active mind of Isaac was 
 continually planning a mode to effect it. A deep 
 and unbroken wilderness, pathless mountains, and 
 swollen and almost impassable rivers, lay between 
 them and their homes ; and the boys feared, if they 
 were carried still farther northward, that they should 
 never again hear the kind voice of a father, or feel 
 the fervent kiss of their then afflicted mother, or the 
 fond embrace of a sister. They knew, that should 
 they die in a strange land, among savages, there 
 would be no friend there to place the green turf 
 upon their graves, and no fond one near to announce 
 their fate or to treasure up their memories. 
 
 Such were the melancholy musings of the young 
 boys: and they determined to escape before their
 
 THE TWO BOYS. S87 
 
 master started them for Canada. The winter came 
 with its storms of snow ; the spring followed with its 
 early buds, its flowers, and its pleasant south wind : 
 still they were prisoners. Within that period Isaac 
 was brought nigh to the grave: a burning fever 
 came upon him, and for many days he languished ; 
 but by the care of a squ&w, his mistress, usually 
 kind, he recovered. And yet he felt a strong desire 
 to escape, which increased ; and in April he matured 
 a plan for that purpose. He appointed a night in his 
 own mind when to escape ; and, on the day previous- 
 ly, he made known to his companion his intentions. 
 Joseph expressed a desire also to escape: to thisi 
 Isaac said, "I'm afraid you won't wake." Joseph 
 promised that he would, and at night they laid down 
 in their master's wigwam with the tribe. Joseph 
 soon fell asleep, and began to snore lustily; but 
 there was no sleep for Isaac : his strong desire to 
 escape, the fear of a failure in the attempt, and of 
 the punishment that would be inflicted if he did not 
 succeed, and the danger, hunger, and fatigue that 
 awaited him, all moved his imagination, and kept 
 sleep far from his eyelids. His daring attempt was 
 covered with danger, yet his resolution remained 
 umhaken. At length the midnight hour came, and 
 its holy stillness rested on the surrounding forest. 
 At ;hat moment lie slowly and cautiously arose. All
 
 380 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 very active, and possessed more shrewdness than 
 most boys of that age ; but Joseph was larger and 
 less active. Immediately after their arrival at the 
 lake, the two boys were held in an Indian family 
 consisting of the man, his squaw, and two or three 
 children. While they were there they became ac- 
 quainted with the Indian language ; and learned 
 from their conversations with other Indians that 
 they intended to carry them to Canada the following 
 spring. This discovery afflicted them. If such 
 design were carried into execution, they knew 
 there would be but little chance for their escape ; 
 and from that time the active mind of Isaac was 
 continually planning a mode to effect it. A deep 
 and unbroken wilderness, pathless mountains, and 
 swollen and almost impassable rivers, lay between 
 them and their homes ; and the boys feared, if they 
 were carried still farther northward, that they should 
 never again hear the kind voice of a father, or feel 
 the fervent kiss of their then afflicted mother, or the 
 fond embrace of a sister. They knew, that should 
 they die in a strange land, among savages, there 
 would be no friend there to place the green turf 
 upon their graves, and no fond one near to announce 
 their fate or to treasure up their memories. 
 
 Such were the melancholy musings of the young 
 boys: and they determined to escape before their
 
 THE TWO BOYS. 87 
 
 master started them for Canada. The winter came 
 with its storms of snow ; the spring followed with its 
 early buds, its flowers, and its pleasant south wind : 
 still the} r were prisoners. Within that period Isaac 
 was brought nigh to the grave: a burning fever 
 came upon him, and for many days he languished ; 
 but by the care of a squLw, his mistress, usually 
 kind, he recovered. And yet he felt a strong desire 
 to escape, which increased ; and in April he matured 
 a plan for that purpose. He appointed a night in his 
 own mind when to escape ; and, on the day previous- 
 ly, he made known to his companion his intentions. 
 Joseph expressed a desire also to escape : to thiti 
 Isaac said, " I'm afraid you won't wake." Joseph 
 promised that he would, and at night they laid down 
 in their master's wigwam with the tribe. Joseph 
 soon fell asleep, and began to snore lustily; but 
 there was no sleep for Isaac : his strong desire to 
 escape, the fear of a failure in the attempt, and of 
 the punishment that would be inflicted if he did not 
 succeed, and the danger, hunger, and fatigue that 
 awaited him, all moved his imagination, and kept 
 bleep far from his eyelids. His daring attempt w;is 
 covered with danger, yet his resolution remained 
 unshaken. At length the midnight hour came, and 
 its holy stillness rested on the surrounding forest, 
 At ;hat moment he slowly and cautiously arose. All
 
 388 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 was silent there save the deep-drawn breath of the 
 savage sleepers. The voice of the wind was scarcely 
 audible on the hills ; and the moon at times would 
 shine brightly through the scattered clouds, and sil- 
 ver the broad lake, as though the robe of an angel 
 had fallen on its sleeping waters. Isaac stepped 
 softly and tremblingly over their tawny bodies, lest 
 they should awake: he secured his master's fire- 
 works, and a portion of his moose-meat and bread ; 
 these he carried to a little distance from the wigwam, 
 and concealed them in a clump of bushes. He then 
 returned, and bending over Joseph, who had all this 
 time been snoring in his sleep, carefully shook him. 
 Joseph, more asleep than awake, turned partly over 
 and asked aloud, " W hat do you want ? " This blun- 
 der alarmed Isaac ; and he instantly laid down in his 
 proper place, and again began to snore as loudly as 
 any of them. Soon as his alarm had somewhat sub- 
 sided, he again arose, and listened long for the heavy 
 breath of the sleepers. Perceiving them all asleep, 
 he resolved to escape without again attempting to 
 awake Joseph, for fear of his indiscretion. He then 
 arose, and, stepping softly out of the wigwam, walked 
 slowly and cautiously from it until he had nearly 
 reached the place where his provisions were con- 
 cealed, when he heard footsteps approaching behind 
 him. With a beating heart he looked backward.
 
 THE TWO BOYS. 3S9 
 
 and saw Joseph, who had aroused, and, finding him 
 absent, had followed him. 
 
 They then secured the fire-works and provisions, 
 and, without chart or compass, struck into the woods 
 in a southerly direction, aiming for the distant 
 settlement of HaverhilL They ran at the top of 
 their speed until daylight appeared, when they con- 
 cealed themselves in a hollow log, deeming it too 
 dangerous to continue their journey in the daytime. 
 Their master and tribe, in the morning, finding their 
 prisoners had escaped, aided by their dogs, pursued 
 them in haste. 
 
 The dogs, taking their track, in a short time came 
 up to the boys in the log, made a stand, and began 
 to bark. 
 
 The boys trembled, fearing a re-capture, and death 
 at the edge of the tomahawk. In this situation they 
 knew not what to do, but spoke kindly to them. 
 The dogs, knowing their voices, ceased barking, and 
 wagged their tails with delight. They then gave 
 them their moose-meat, which the dogs instantly 
 seized and devoured. While they were thus con- 
 cealed, trembling and meditating, the Indians made 
 their appearance, and passed near to the log in which 
 they were concealed ; the dogs, being quiet, were un- 
 noticed, and immediately followed on after the tribes. 
 With breathless anxiety the boys followed them with
 
 390 HEBOISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 their eyes as they advanced from their sight ; and 
 hope again revived within their bosoms. They lay 
 in the log during the day, and at night pursued their 
 journey, taking a different route from the one trav- 
 elled by the Indians. Their bread was soon gone : 
 after that, they subsisted on roots and buds. On the 
 second day they again concealed themselves, but 
 afterwards travelled night and day, without resting. 
 On that day, towards night, they luckily killed a 
 pigeon and a turtle, a part of which they ate raw, 
 not daring to build a fire, lest they should be dis- 
 covered. On their way they subsisted on fragments 
 of these, and on such roots as they happened to 
 find ; continued their journey night and day as fast 
 as their wearied legs would carry them. On the 
 sixth day they struck an Indian path, and followed 
 it till night, when they suddenly came within sight 
 of an Indian encampment ; saw their savage enemy 
 seated around the fire, and distinctly heard their 
 voices. This alarmed them exceedingly. They pre- 
 cipitately fled from it, fearing lest they should be 
 <li,'j covered and pursued; then turning, all night 
 long they retraced their steps. The morning came, 
 and found them seated side by side on the bank of a 
 small stream, their feet torn and covered with blood, 
 and both sadly meditating upon their misfortunes. 
 Thus far their hearts had been hopeful; but now
 
 THE TWO BOYS. ol)l 
 
 their hopes had given way to despair. They thought 
 of their homes, of the green trees under which they 
 had played, of the hearth around which they had 
 often gathered with brothers and sisters. They 
 thought of these, and of more ; still they were unwill- 
 ing to yield. The philosophy of Isaac taught him 
 that the stream must eventually lead to a large body 
 of water : and, after refreshing themselves with a 
 few roots, they again commenced their journey, and 
 followed down the stream. Thus they continued 
 onward. On the eighth morning Joseph found him- 
 self completely exhausted ; his limbs were weak, 
 and his mind was lost in despair. Isaac endeavored 
 to encourage him to proceed ; he dug roots for 
 him, and brought water to quench his thirst, but all 
 in vain. He laid himself down on the bank of the 
 stream, in the shady deep forest, there to die un- 
 sought, unseen. Isaac left him to his fate ; and, with 
 a bleeding heart, slowly and wearily pursued his 
 journey. He had travelled but a short distance 
 when he came to a newly-raised building. Rejoiced 
 at his good fortune, and believing that inhabitants 
 were nigh, he immediately retraced his steps, and 
 soon found Joseph in the same place, told him what 
 he had seen, talked very encouragingly, and, after 
 rubbing his limbs a while, induced him to stand 
 on his feet. They then started together, Isaac now
 
 392 HEBOISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 leading him by the hand, now carrying him on his 
 back; and thus, with limbs tired with travelling, 
 with bodies reduced to skeletons, they arrived at Saco 
 Fort in the course of the next night. 
 
 Thus, on the ninth night after travelling through 
 an immense forest, subsisting on a little bread, on 
 buds and berries, a raw turtle, and a pigeon, and 
 without seeing a fire or the face of a friend Isaac, 
 soon as he regained his strength, started for Haver- 
 hill, and arrived safely at his father's dwelling-house, 
 who had heard nothing from him since his capture, 
 never expecting to see him again. But Joseph had 
 more to suffer. As soon as he reached the fort his 
 fever increased upon him ; and there, for a long time, 
 he remained confined to his bed. His father, ob- 
 taining intelligence by Isaac, went to Saco, and, as 
 soon as circumstances would admit, conveyed his 
 sick son safely to his home in Haverhill. 
 
 MBS. BBADLEY AGAIN. 
 
 Forty years farther along in our annals, to wit, 
 in 1738, we again hear of the same Hannah Brad- 
 ley, who on the same day with Hannah Duston, in 
 1697, had then for the first time been carried into 
 captivity.
 
 A GENEROUS REWARD. 
 
 AT THE GENERAL COURT. 
 
 That year (1738) compensation was awarded her 
 at that session, on the account of her suffering as a 
 captive, twice taken, and pursued a third time. 
 
 It was the grant of two farms in Methuen, which 
 were laid out to her by Richard Hazen, surveyor, 
 May 29, 1739 ; the one containing one hundred and 
 sixty acres, bordering on the westerly line of Haver- 
 hill, and the other ninety acres, which extended 
 along the easterly line of Dracut. 
 
 MARY NEFF AGAIN. 
 
 In June, 1739, JOSEPH, a son of the same Mary, 
 petitioned " the Great and General Court " for a grant 
 of land in consideration of his mother's captivity, 
 and of her services in assisting Hannah Duston " in 
 killing divers Indians ; " alleging that she was " kept a 
 prisoner for a considerable time" and that " on their 
 return home, they passed through the utmost hazard 
 of their lives, and suffered distressing want, being 
 almost starved before they could return to their 
 dwellings." 
 
 On this petition Joseph was supported by the 
 same Mrs. Bradley.
 
 894 HEROISM OP HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 AN AFFIDAVIT. 
 
 " The deposition of the widow HANNAH BRADLEY of 
 Haverhill, of full age, who testifieth and saith that about 
 forty years past the said Hannah, with the widow Mary 
 Neff, were taken prisoners by the Indians, and carried 
 together into captivity ; and above Pennacook the deponent 
 was by the Indians forced to travel farther than the rest 
 of the captives. 
 
 "And, the next night but one, there came to us one 
 squaw, who said that Hannah Duston and the aforesaid 
 MARY NEFF assisted in killing the Indians of her wig- 
 wam, except herself and a boy, herself escaping very nar- 
 rowly, showing to myself and others seven wounds, as she 
 said with a hatchet, on her head, which wounds were given 
 her when the rest were killed." 
 
 " And further saith not." 
 
 her 
 
 " HANNAH X BRADLEY." 
 
 mark 
 
 Signed and sworn to at Haverhill, " June 28, 1739." 
 " JOSHUA BAGLEY," J. P. 
 
 DESCENDANTS. 
 
 The descendants of these several captives whose 
 brief biographies have been given, with the excep- 
 tion of Leonardson (if he had any) are quite numer- 
 ous in New England. 
 
 HANNAH DTJSTON has many, among wbjni are
 
 DESCENDANTS OP THE CAPTIVES. 395 
 
 Jonas B. Aiken, Walter Aiken, and F. H. Aiken, of 
 Franklin, N.H., all men of wealth, noble and gener- 
 ous, and all of much use and profit in this genera- 
 tion. 
 
 MARY NEFF has also many descendants, among 
 whom was the late Horatio G. F. Corliss, a distin- 
 guished lawyer of Lowell, Mass.; also Mr. John L. 
 Corliss of the same city, who now resides on or near 
 the spot upon which Passaconaway, when he had 
 become old, in 1660, addressed the Pennacooks at 
 Pawtucket Falls on the Merrimack. Another descen- 
 dant of Mary is Charles Corliss, Esq., of Haverhill, 
 who now holds the inheritance where Mary was born, 
 and still lives in the same house ; which, being fitted 
 up, constitutes a kitchen to his modern mansion. 
 
 HANNAH BRADLEY'S descendants are to be found 
 in New England almost everywhere. Prolific like 
 Mrs. Duston, she left a numerous progeny ; and from 
 her the world has been blest with the best blood of 
 a noble race, contributing much of life and stability 
 to the various branches of New England enterprise. 
 Among the many of them are Messrs. Ira Bradley 
 and Son, formerly of Haverhill, now of Boston, far 
 known to the book fraternity, and for these many 
 years strong in wealth, truthful, faithful, and val- 
 iant. 
 
 It may here be observed that her son ISAAC, the
 
 396 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON. 
 
 boy, was a comrade in captivity with Joseph Whit- 
 taker in 1695 (as may be seen on page 385), the 
 Bame Joseph who afterwards, in Duston's garrison, 
 at Haverhill, most adroitly obtained the hand of the 
 heroic Mary Whittaker. 
 
 WONALANCET. 
 
 This chief never proved unfriendly to the English. 
 His home was at Wamesit, and when on May 3, 
 1676, Thomas Kimball, of Bradford, Mass., was killed 
 by the hostile tribes, and his wife and five children 
 were seized and held in captivity, it is recorded, 
 that "though Mrs. Kimball and her infant child had 
 twice been condemned to death by the Indians, with 
 fires ready kindled to burn them, they were generously 
 saved by the interposition of Wonalancet. * To this 
 sachem it was that Governor Leverett, on October 
 1, 1675, sent a communication in effect desiring his 
 influence and aid to a treaty of peace in that dread 
 day of conflicts, by Lieutenant Henchman, and asso- 
 ciated with him as representatives in behalf of the 
 English, Gookin and Eliot the apostle. But this 
 attempt proved fruitless. Wonalancet, having retired 
 from Wamesit, far back into the wilderness, was not 
 found; but at the death of Philip, returned. 
 
 * Drake's American Indians, Book III, p. 97.
 
 Frontispiece.
 
 LIFE AND LABORS 
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE 
 
 AMONG THE 
 
 INDIAN NATIONS OF NEW ENGLAND, 
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 BY COL. ROBERT BOODEY CAVERLY, 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE " GENEALOGY OF THE CAVERLY FAMILY," " ANNALS 
 
 OF THE BOODEYS," POETICAL, DRAMATICAL, 
 
 AND OTHER WORKS. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 JAMES H. EARLE 
 
 178 WASHINGTON STREET. 
 1882.
 
 Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by 
 
 ROBERT BOODEY CAVEKLY, 
 In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
 
 5To the 
 
 REVEREND CLERGY OF N~EW ENGLAND, 
 
 AND TO THE 
 
 aitb ^bbatueb Sfubnti in % oSabbailj School or <&|jarcjj, 
 
 THESE 
 
 LESSONS OF LAW AND LIFE, HISTORIC, 
 ARE INSCRIBED. 
 
 Faithfully, Thine, 
 
 ROUT. B. CAVERLY. 
 CENTRALVILLE, Feb. 22, 1882.
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE,' FIRST WHITE MAX ON A NEW ENG- 
 LAND SHOKE (Chronology: Drake, 158G; Pilgrims, 
 1620; John Eliot, the Apostle, 1631) . . . Frontispiece 
 
 DEATH OF KING PHILIP 70 
 
 PRISONERS OF WAR ON THE WAY TO DEER ISLAND ... 78
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 The ancestor (remote), Sir William De Aliot 7 
 
 Landing of the ancestor with William the Conqueror 7, 8 
 
 Eliot descendants, Lord Ileathfield, and others 8 
 
 Sir JohnEUotin Parliament 9 
 
 Sir John Eliot in Court 10 
 
 Sir John Eliot in the Tower his death there 10,11 
 
 Boyhood of our Apostle at school 11 
 
 The Apostle and his brothers Philip and Jacob, Puritans in England, 11 
 
 Their trip to the Tower to visit Uncle John, the martyr 11 
 
 England's jewels, crowns, sceptres, etc 13 
 
 Description of the Tower a bird's-eye view 12 
 
 Up the stairway tools of torture, etc 13 
 
 Inscriptions, offences, and cruelties 13, 15 
 
 Statuary and weapons of war 14 
 
 Koyalty in the climax of its conflicts and troubles 17 
 
 The Apostle and his brothers at the dungeon of Sir John 19 
 
 What the brothers saw and heard in the Tower 20 
 
 What the brothers saw and heard, leaving the Tower 21 
 
 The brothers returning to the ship " Lyon " 22 
 
 The Apostle and his brothers voyage to the New World 22, 24 
 
 Lessons from the great and good 25 
 
 The Apostle in New England, his force of character life and death.. 25, 26 
 
 England's intolerance Eliot's mission and position 27, 28 
 
 Indian nations in New England 28, 29 
 
 Eliot's apparel his prospective field 30 
 
 Location of the tribes 30,31 
 
 Eliot's fidelity his purpose unwavering 32
 
 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Troubles in England its conflicts 34 
 
 Oliver Cromwell kept there a protector. 35 
 
 Eliot's republican book suppressed 35 
 
 The regicide judges three escape to Boston 36 
 
 Eliot and King Charles II republican government 37 
 
 Eliot's order rulers law teachers the civil power, etc 38-41 
 
 Eliot's disciples he takes courage 42 
 
 His first Indian sermon at Nonantum 43, 44 
 
 Praying Indians, number of infidelity sunshine and cloud 45,46 
 
 Philip's war anticipated Eliot fearful a similitude 46, 47 
 
 Murder of Sassamon foreshadows wa r 48, 39 
 
 Trial of the Indian murderers 40, 00 
 
 Chapter III % recapitulation 50,51 
 
 Eliot's letters to King Charles II 51-55 
 
 His progress care for schools his rulers and ministers 55, 56 
 
 Convention of Sagamores atNatick churches, covenants, etc 57, 58 
 
 Eliot's resistance to a proposed war against the Missaconogs 59-61 
 
 Indian stations Eliot at Pawtucket Falls Passaconaway . 61, 62 
 
 Up to 1674 Eliot's progress war 65 
 
 The dread alternative 67 
 
 James the Printer, and Mrs. Ro wlandson 67, 68 
 
 Job Nesutan, and Old Jcthro 69 
 
 King Philip slain the sham fight 70 
 
 Eliot opposes slavery 72 
 
 Eliot again at Wamesi t his sermon Wonolancet 63, 64, 75 
 
 Desperadoes trouble Eliot cruel death of squaw sachem 73 
 
 Extermination of races avowed on either side 75 
 
 Conflagration and battle at VVamesit 75 
 
 Philip's forces as against the settlers the flames how fed 75-78 
 
 Eliot escorted to Nashua his friends testimonials 79, 80 
 
 Anna Mountfort Eliot- her life, her force, faith, and death 81-84 
 
 Eliot in old age his charity, manners, and his departure 84-86 
 
 Decline among the Jndian churches after his decease 88 
 
 Carnal conflicts diminished, but long continued 89 
 
 Captivity of Jane McCrea (poetized) 89-91 
 
 Death of Chocorua, and his cur se (poetized) 91-98
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 I NTKODUCTOll Y. 
 
 BEFORE advancing to obtain Lessons from John Eliot, the 
 Apostle, we turn to his ancestry. There is no test, in bringing 
 to light the merits of a man, better or more conclusive than to 
 exemplify the blood that moves him. True it shall be found, 
 that the life-current which fed the Evangelist had flowed auspi- 
 ciously in England through many a successive channel for more 
 than seven hundred years, leaping forth and meandering in all 
 Its life-inspiring elements, and from the pure original fountains 
 of good-will, social gladness, and progressive manhood. 
 
 SIB WILLIAM. 
 
 When William the Conqueror, in the year 1066, with his army, 
 in seven hundred ships, then landing on the shores of England, 
 at Pevency, he had on board an Eliot, not an apostle, but the 
 remote ancestor of our New England evangelist. It was no 
 other than Sir William De Allot, a military officer under the 
 great Conqueror, then valiant, and then in high command. 
 
 History bears record that the lauding of that vast army was 
 made without resistance ; that the archers landed first, that they 
 wore short habits, and had their hair cut close ; that the horse- 
 men next followed, wearing steel head-pieces, tunics, and 
 cuirasses, and with long, heavy spears, and straight, two-edged 
 swords ; and then, to the shore, next came the workmen of the 
 army, pioneers, carpenters, and smiths, who unloaded on the 
 strand, piece by piece, prepared beforehand, three wooden 
 castles already framed.
 
 8 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 The Conqueror being the last of all to touch the English 
 shore, in the setting of his foot upon it, made a false step, and 
 fell in the mud upon his face; at which there went up a mur- 
 muring cry, "God preserve us! God preserve us! This is a 
 bad sign ! " But the duke, rising to his feet (with hands full 
 of mud), cried out, "See, seigniors! I have seized England 
 with both hands ! Sec, seigniors ! All is our own ! " 
 
 Then one of the men, running forward, and snatching a hand- 
 ful of thatch from the caves of a hut, turned to the duke and 
 exclaimed to him, " Sire, come forward, and receive seizen of 
 this land ! I give you seizcn ! This land is yours ! " The duke 
 answered aloud, "I accept it! I accept it! May God be with 
 us! " 
 
 Thus landed the first Eliot, eight hundred years ago, on 
 England's shores, a valiant officer, in the midst of an army of 
 conquerors. According to history, Sir William, our Eliot's 
 remote ancestor, then and there addressing the duke, and 
 swearing fidelity, declared that " at the hazard of his life, he 
 would maintain the rights of his lord, the Conqueror, to the 
 vast sovereignty of England." 
 
 For this avowed fidelity, the Conqueror at once added to the 
 Eliot coat-of-arms a canton (on a field of azure), au arm and 
 sword as a crest, with the motto, "Per saxa, per ignes ; fortiter 
 et recte," " Over rocks, through fires; bravely and honorably." 
 
 Ever since the Norman conquest, England's places of honor 
 and trust have constantly called them out. Especially since the 
 reign of James the First (1G25) the Eliot name stands on the 
 record highly honored. Independent of royal appointments, 
 generalships, and other high places, no less than thirty Eliots, 
 both from England and Scotland, represent the realm as mem- 
 bers of Parliament. 
 
 DESCENDANTS. 
 
 From that noble knighthood have descended Maj.-Gen. George 
 Augustus Eliot, honored as Lord Heathfield ; Sir Gilbert Eliot, 
 the Earl of Minto; and most, if not all, the many thousands of 
 distinguished Eliots who have since lived in England, including
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 9 
 
 those who, within the last two hundred and fifty years, have 
 landed and lived on these our New England Chores. 
 
 And proud may the race bj, that the same heroic blood that 
 moved one of the old conquerors, is fruitful of inspiration in 
 the veins of the generous Eliots in this our day. For more than 
 fourscore years, it came, Coursed and moved the Apostle, in- 
 spiring life and light and love divine, on his mission to the 
 heathen tribes of the wilderness. 
 
 Aside from the Eliot ancestry in England, now unremembered, 
 unknown, in spite of oblivion, which in stealth creeps in, over- 
 whelming the generations of earth, the Eliot name everywhere 
 still adorns the English annals. 
 
 SIR JOHN ELIOT. 
 
 This noble knight, born in 1590, was a member of Parliament 
 from Newport, and afterwards representing Cornwall, was a 
 leader in the House in the latter part of the reign of James II 
 and the first part of Charles I. Repeatedly he had made himself 
 prominent in opposition to the king's assumed prerogative; and 
 finally, among other things, he strenuously led off in opposition 
 to the levying of tonuage and poundage by the king himself, 
 without consent of the House of Commons.* 
 
 Being an active man, and a decided enemy to favorites and 
 their encroachments, Sir John was appointed by the House a 
 manager in the impeachment trial of the Duke of Buckingham. 
 By reason of his action in this, he, with his associate Digges 
 and others, was committed to the Tower by the king, but was 
 soon afterwards released. 
 
 In 1028 he was again imprisoned, with others, for his alleged 
 parliamentary misconduct, and for his refusing to answer for it 
 before the Privy Council ; and yet he was again released. 
 
 Again the king having persisted in the aggressions above 
 named, and Sir John, in concert with other members, having 
 
 * Among the many great men associated with Sir John Eliot, were Sir 
 Edward Coke, Sir Edwin Sandis, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Francis Seymour, 
 Sir Dudley Digges, and Sir Thomas Wentworth, the uoble Earl of Strafford. 
 Hume's" Hist., Vol V, pp. 5, 34, 5!), CO.
 
 10 ELIOTS IN EXGLAN1>. 
 
 at length framed a remonstrance against the levying of tonnage 
 and poundage by the king without consent of the House, pre- 
 sented it to the clerk to be read ; but the clerk refused. There- 
 upon Sir John arose, and read it to the House himself. 
 
 The question being called for, the speaker objecting, said 1 e 
 had a command from the king not' to put any question, but to 
 adjourn the House ; and, rising up, leaving the chair, an uproar 
 eusued. 
 
 The speaker was pushed back into his chair, and was forcibly 
 held into it by Ilollis and Valentine, until a short remonstrance 
 in writing was framed by Sir John, which, without vote, was 
 passed by acclamation. In this, Papists and Armiuians were 
 declared by the House capital enemies to the commonwealth, as 
 well as those who had been concerned in levying tonnage and 
 poundage. The doors at this time being locked, the usher of 
 the House of Lords, sent by the king, could not obtain admit- 
 tance, uutil that remonstrance on the motion of Sir John Eliot 
 had been carried through.* 
 
 POSITION OF THE KING. 
 
 These proceedings of the House were denounced by the 
 throne as seditious, and on this account several members of 
 the House were imprisoned, but were afterwards, with much 
 difficulty, released. 
 
 SIR JOHN IN COURT. 
 
 This member, with Hollis, Valentine, and others, was (May 29, 
 1628) summoned to his trial before the King's Bench for "sedi- 
 tious speeches and behaviour." Sir John was charged of having 
 declared, in the House, that "the council and judges conspired 
 to trample under their feet the liberties of the subject and the 
 privileges of Parliament": and being arraigned before a tribunal 
 inferior to his own, as asserted, he refused to answer. There- 
 upon the King's Bench condemned him to be imprisoned in the 
 Tower at the king's pleasure, and to pay a fine of 2,000. His 
 parliamentary associates received less, but similar, sentences. 
 
 * Hume, Vol. V, p. 59.
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 11 
 
 The king, in the midst of embarrassment, offered them a re- 
 lease on the terms of concession, to which they would not yield, 
 nor would they accept of bail generously offered ; but for the 
 cause of liberty they cared not for the bonds that held them. 
 Under this imprisonment Sir John Eliot died in the Tower Nov. 
 27, 1632. This was announced throughout the realm sis the 
 death of a martyr, and it was not very long afterwards (1048) 
 when his royal oppressor also died, beheaded.* 
 
 THE APOSTLE IN ENGLAND. 
 
 The first now known of our John, the Apostle, is, when he was 
 at school with Rev. Thomas Hooper, at Little Baddow, in 
 Essex,f as an usher, or assistant teacher; and tradition has it, 
 that he was also schooled for some time in the University at 
 Cambridge, but of this last statement there is some doubt J 
 
 The Apostle, as well as his brothers Philip and Jacob, was 
 once supposed to have originated at Nasing, in Essex; but a 
 special historian has journeyed to that town, and upon diligent 
 search, finds no evidence of it. Nor does it in any way appear 
 that the Apostle ever saw that town. 
 
 In 1631, the year previous to Sir John Eliot's death in the 
 Tower, the Apostle and his two brothers, disgusted at the then 
 oppressive papacy, and at the royal misrule as affecting them- 
 selves and kindred ties, had made up their minds to desert Eng- 
 land^ 
 
 ABOUT TO EMBARK. 
 
 Being about to leave the realm, these Eliot brothers must 
 needs advance to take final leave of favored friends. So doing, 
 
 * Hume's History of England, Vol. V, pp. 59, CO, 371. 
 
 t Hooker was suspended from the ministry by reason of his hostility to 
 papacy and royalty as then administered; and years afterwards, in 1040, 
 left England in the ship "Griffin," with two hundred others (among whom 
 Oliver Cromwell started, but turned back), and finally settled in Connecticut, 
 and was honored as the " Moses " of that State. 
 
 J Eliot Gen., p. 35. 
 
 Life of Eliot, by Erancis, pp. 6, 7, and note. Hist, of Puritans, Vol. II, 
 p. 245.
 
 12 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 we seem to see them on the way, hurriedly advancing in and 
 along the narrow highways of London to its Tower, on a visit 
 to their dear old uncle, Sir John Eliot, the Martyr. They pass 
 incognito. Their sympathies concentre at the Tower. They 
 know and feel the injustice of the imprisonment, and the cru- 
 elty of that royal power which holds him within its walls. 
 Foremost, as they advance, the great white fortification heaves 
 in sight, and then next its outstanding twelve towers, and then 
 a .spacious moat or canal that surrounds it. Here, then, 
 a fortress, terrible in its history, and awful in its frowning 
 strength and power, now stands before them. They gaze 
 glancing upon its embattled watch-towers, and upon its heavy, 
 time-stained, stately walls. 
 
 UP THE STAIRWAY. 
 
 Permitted by " the warder, or yeoman of the guard," they 
 pass the gateway into the outer ward, and farther onward 
 enter within and along up the heavy stairway from the inner 
 ward, and still higher along between the various dismal 
 dungeons and solitary apartments of the great white Tower. 
 
 TOOLS OP TORTURE. 
 
 On their winding way upward, step after step, on either side 
 are seen, in various forms, the many implements of cruelty and 
 death of long-gone years. Here is seen the collar of torment ; 
 there the thumb-screw; there the rack and the stock that 
 destroyed the limbs of men, and the block that held the heads 
 of queens. There, too, among thousand < of other dread, im- 
 plements, is the broad, bloody axe which, one after another, 
 all the way through England's reign of terror, had left kings 
 headless and many a noble heart lifeless. As they move up- 
 ward, gaziug, wondering, the splendor of royalty and the 
 beauty of queens fall oft upon their vision. The dazzling 
 insignia of royalty and the glittering power of princes are 
 exemplified. Found high up in one of the towers, in all their 
 value and beauty, they behold
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 13 
 
 ENGLAND'S JEWELS. 
 
 These diadems are grouped. The crown of the sovereign con- 
 sists of a cap of purple velvet, enclosed in hoops of silver, sur- 
 mounted by a ball and cross, all brilliant in diamonds. In the 
 centre of the cross is the inestimable sapphire ; and in front is 
 the heart-shaped ruby once worn by the Black Prince. 
 
 St. Edward. One of the group is the crown of this prince, 
 made of gold, richly embellished with emeralds, pearls, and 
 other precious gems. 
 
 Prince of Wales. The crown of this prince is of pure gold, 
 unadorned. It is a crown which usually is placed before the 
 seat of the heir-apparent in the House of Lords. 
 
 Ancient Queen's Crown. This is used at coronations, for the 
 queen's consort. 
 
 Queen's Diadem. This is adorned with large diamonds and 
 pearls. 
 
 St. Edward's Sta/. Made of beaten gold; it is four feet 
 seven inches in length, and is surmounted with an orb. It is 
 carried before the king at the coronation. 
 
 The Royal Sceptre. This, with the cross, is usually carried 
 before the Archbishop of Canterbury at the coronation. It is 
 of gold, adorned with jewels. 
 
 Hod of Equity. This sceptre is placed in the hand of the 
 sovereign at the coronation. Made of gold, it has an orb, and 
 a dove with expanded wings. 
 
 Ivory Sceptre. This was the sceptre of "Queen Marie De 
 Estie." 
 
 The Golden Sceptre. This seems to have originated from 
 Queen Mary, of William the Third, and is the last of the group. 
 
 These, to the brothers, were indeed "glittering generalities." 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS, OFFENCES, AND CRUELTIES. 
 
 Next they enter various other departments, encased with huge 
 walls, upon which now and then are deeply engraved the many 
 sentimental sayings, inscribed in plain letters, some in English,
 
 14 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 some in Latin, and others in other languages, by the many 
 heroic victims, men and women, who in by-gone ages had 
 perished in the Tower. 
 
 On one side, over the fireplace, is found the name "Philip 
 Howard." Philip was the son of the Duke of Norfolk, who in 
 1572 had been beheaded for the grave offence of having aspired 
 to the hand of the dear Mary, Queen of Scots. This was 
 the duke's offence. Philip's own crime proves to have been 
 an ardent devotedness to the church of his choice, at which 
 Queen Elizabeth had taken offence. Philip, seeing his danger, 
 tried to escape into exile; but, detected, was seized and sent to 
 the Tower, where, upon its walls, over his name (immortalized), 
 he engraved the following words : 
 
 " Quanta plus affectiones pro Christo in hoc secula plus glorias 
 cum Christo in futuro. Philip Howard. 
 
 "Arundell, June 22, 1587." 
 
 The interpretation of this declares that, "The more suffering 
 with Christ in this world, the more glory shall be obtained 
 with Christ in the world to come." 
 
 PHILIP'S SENTENCE. 
 
 This same earl, being found guilty of high treason, was 
 condemned to death, but having been convicted on religious 
 grounds, was not beheaded, but, doomed, was held a prisoner for 
 life. Worn with sorrow, he expired in the Tower, " 1595, aired 
 39." In person he was tall, of a swarthy complexion, but " had 
 an agreeable mixture of sweetness and grandeur of countenance, 
 with a soul superior to all human considerations." 
 
 Next they come to the inscriptions made by Arthur Poole, on 
 the north side of his cell, to wit: "Deo servire penitentiam inire 
 fato obedire Eegnare est. A. Poole, 1564 I. H. S." 
 
 It seems that Arthur was in the belief that " to live penitently, 
 yield to fate, and serve God, is to reign." 
 
 And again, the same prisoner leaves on the walls other words, 
 "I. II. S. A passage perilous maketh a port pleasant." "A. 
 15G8." " Arthur Poole." "A. C. sue 37 A. P." 
 
 In another place in the walls are found, from his brother, the
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 15 
 
 following: "7. H. S. Dio semin . . . in lachrimis exultatione 
 mater. A. E. 21 E. Poole 1562" " That which is sown of 
 God in tears is to be reaped in joy." 
 
 Under one of the autographs of Edmund Poole is the word 
 " lane." This is said to have been the royal title of Ludy Jane 
 Gray; and as appears, Lady Jane herself, while imprisoned in 
 the Tower, left an inscription scratched upon the wall with a 
 pin, as follows : 
 
 " To mortals' common fate thy mind resign, 
 My lot to-day, to-morrow may be thine." 
 
 IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH. 
 
 It was in 1640, when Sir Thomas Cromwell, for his Reforma- 
 tion sentiments, was cast into the Tower, and afterwards was 
 beheaded on Tower Hill. About this time, in the midst of 
 heresy and delusion, the dungeons were filled with- learned 
 divines. 
 
 In 1546, Anne Askew, a lady of merit, for denying in conver- 
 sation the doctrine of transubstantiation, was tortured in the 
 Tower, and then burnt at the stake in Smithfleld. 
 
 The offence of Margaret, the Countess of Salisbury, mother of 
 Cardinal Pole, was that she was of royal blood 1 . When brought 
 to the scaffold on the green, she refused to lay her head upon 
 the block, saying, "So do traitors use to do, and I am no 
 traitor." An 'awful scene followed. At length the headsman 
 dragged the countess by her long, frosty locks to the block. 
 Thus perished the last full blood of the Plantagenets. 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, once an inhabitant of the New World, 
 was afterwards seized in England, charged of being concerned 
 in the plot of placing on the throne Lady Arabella Stuart. For 
 this he was held a prisoner in the Tower twelve years. Re- 
 leased, he went to Guiana in search of gold ; but failing in that 
 enterprise, on his return, for the original offence, he was again 
 remanded to the Tower, and without reason was beheaded in 
 1618.* While in the Tower that noble Raleigh wrote a history 
 of the world. 
 
 *Hume, Vol. IV, p.452.
 
 16 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Thomas "Wentworth, * Earl of Strafford, one of England's 
 most eminent sons, was incarcerated in the Ttfwer for trying to 
 withstand the popular current, which was concentrating to a 
 revolution, and in 1641 was beheaded, to the intense grief of 
 his sovereign. 
 
 STATUARY AND WEAPONS. 
 
 Present to the brothers, as they advance, are also other unnum- 
 bered victims of despotic vengeance in the by-gone centuries. 
 They behold, in deep thought, the emblematic banners which 
 floated over heroes like Edward I, Edward III, the Black 
 Prince, and many others, such as had been fanned by " the 
 whirlwinds of war and by the crimson wing of conquest." 
 Here, too, on the right and left as they pass, are the cross- 
 bows, with their stocks curiously carved, used in the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries. Here, also, is the carved steed, 
 bearing away upon himself, in his pride, Elizabeth, Queen of 
 England. Here, too, fronting the queen, is the equestrian 
 statue of a noble knight wielding in his hand a tilting lance, 
 clad in the closest armor. Also, farther upward, is the figure 
 of an archer in a, brigandine jacket; and there, too, is a cross- 
 bow used in the days of our remote Eliot and William the 
 Conqueror, with groups of spears on all sides of it. Next to 
 be noticed are rugged shields, with scenes from the story of 
 Hercules; helmets and breast-plates, ancient firearms, match- 
 locks, etc., innumerable. Still farther upward are groups of 
 arms and armor, iron skull-caps, and various figures of stat- 
 uary; effigies of noble knights on horseback, very common, 
 among which appears Charles the First on horseback in the 
 same gilt armor which he had received as a gallant gift from 
 the city of London. All these, and immensely more, excite the 
 senses of our Eliot brothers on that day in the heart of their 
 native Eugland, and in the proudest city of the world. 
 
 Now, half halting, our young Apostle, breaking silence, thus 
 addresses Philip and Jacob : 
 
 Sketches of the Tower, p. 38.
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 17 
 
 ROYAL OUTRAGES. 
 
 These, as you see, are but the emblems that have come down 
 from a wild, unjust, untutored ambition, whence dread heresies, 
 and the thirst for power, have, through carnal weapons, been 
 allowed to gain the ascendancy over a Christian civilization as 
 found in the laws of God, and which forever must needs be 
 enforced, pursuant to "the great God's Golden Rule." Thus in 
 this our English fathers have failed. England, beautiful Eng- 
 land, whose mountains have been made vocal with the high-born 
 Iloel's harp and soft Llewellyn's lay, hath suffered all this. 
 Indeed, a better era shall follow her. Then shall her kings and 
 queens reign in righteousness; and "then shall her princes 
 decree justice." 
 
 Next, now, as the brothers pass, are pointed out to them the 
 various dungeons which long previously had been filled with the 
 mighty men of Scotland. For here it was that King Baliol was 
 imprisoned in 1297; where, also, the noble Wallace suffered 
 imprisonment and death in 1305; where the gallant earls of 
 Eoss, of Athol, and of Monteith, in 1346, King David Bruce's 
 time, all perished;* and where, also, the six hundred Jews must 
 have been quartered, who inhabited the Tower, prisoners in the 
 reign of Edward the Third, and during the military career of 
 " Sir Hugh Calverly, the chevalier verte," who first used guns 
 iu England's wars.f 
 
 In 1406, in the reign of Henry IV, the boy .Prince James, son 
 of Robert III, King of Scotland, when on a sea-voyage to 
 France to obtain an education, driven by storm and tempest, 
 was cast upon the shores of England. Now, for reason that 
 Scotland was then at war with King Henry, this infant prince 
 was seized, as if by a wrecker, and was consigned to the Tower 
 of London, and was there held imprisoned eighteen years. He 
 educated himself there, and in after life, crowned, he at length 
 became renowned " for consummate wisdom and virtue." 
 
 * See Harmon's Sketch, pp. 32, 33. 
 
 t These Jews, for this, their offence of having adulterated the coin of tiie 
 realm, with their entire nation, were finally released from the Tower, by 
 being banished from England. See Hume, Vol. II, pp. 124, 131, 2S&-282, 337.
 
 18 ELIOTS nr EXGLA>T>. 
 
 It was in the Tower that the Black Prince, then in the fifteenth 
 century, the pride and delight of England, fell a prey to " the 
 wolf-like passions of rival factions." At this period were seen 
 the tyrants' darkest deeds. Then it was that royal cousins, in 
 wrath, struggled for the crown, now and then dooming the 
 unhappy aspirant to a dismal dpngeon, or to a dread assassina- 
 tion. Rampant for power, they increased the traffic in tools of 
 torture, in the building of scaffolds, and in deeds of blood. 
 
 Here (seen by the brothers) is the image of Qneen Anne, 
 consort of Richard II, on her knees pleading in tears at the 
 feet of her lord, for her dear king's own friend, Sir Simon 
 Burley, all in vain ; and Sir Simon, " that noble Knight" (1388), 
 was made the first victim beheaded upon the new scaffold at 
 Tower Hill. Discontent follows Richard II, and soon he 
 resigns his kingdom to his relative Bolingbroke, in language as 
 follows : " Fair cousin Henry, Duke of Lancaster, I give and 
 deliver to you this crown, and therewith all the rights thereto 
 depending." Richard himself was then committed to the Tower, 
 and thence to Pomfret Castle in Yorkshire ; and to this day a 
 sable veil conceals his death. 
 
 Nor was the reign of Bolingbroke peaceful. Ah ! how truthful 
 the poet sings, 
 
 " Gives not the hawthorn bosh a sweeter shade 
 To shepherds, looking on their silly sheep, 
 Than doth a rich embroidered canopy 
 To kings, that fear their subjects' treachery?" 
 
 It was here, in 1485, when in front of St. Peter's Chapel, Lord 
 Hastings was doomed to instant death at the mandate of Richard 
 III. And from here, from within the Tower's dismal recesses, 
 the renowned Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, after a long 
 imprisonment for religious opinions (1417). was carted away, and 
 at the fields of St. Giles was burnt at the stake. And here during 
 the reign of Henry the Eighth, when Rome was at its height in 
 persecutions, and the populace were frantic in charges of heresy, 
 the broad gates of the Tower of London were wide open swung 
 in the reception of innocent hearts. 
 
 Under statutes that empowered the " Bishop to imprizon any
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 19 
 
 one suspected " of heresy, the dungeons of the Tower were soon 
 filled with pious convicts. The illustrious Lord Chancellor, 
 Thomas More, and Fisher, the venerable Bishop of Rochester, 
 covered as he was with the frosts of eighty winters, were held 
 here as heretics, thus to pine away their otherwise useful lives 
 in solitude and sadness, until death at length relieved them. 
 They were held under the wrath of King Henry, the professed 
 head of the church * This old bishop, while there, in a letter 
 to one of the lords, complains : "I have neither shirt nor sute 
 to wear, but that be ragged, and rent so shamefully and my 
 dyett also, God knoweth how slender it is at meny times." 
 
 In 1533, Anne Boleyn was the pious queen of Henry VIII. 
 She was escorted to him by the Lord Mayor of London, arrayed 
 in scarlet and clad in golden chains, " amidst the great melody 
 of trumpets and divers instruments, and a mighty peal of guns." 
 In 1536 her home was in the Tower. The traitor gates opened 
 wide to receive Queen Anne ; she came attended by her jail- 
 ers; her fair fame had departed, and the gloom of death 
 overshadowed her. Charged of unfaithfulness to her king, and 
 arraigned before the Duke of Norfolk, she was condemned to 
 death, at which she exclaimed, "O Father! O Creator! Thou 
 who art the way, the truth, and the life, Thou knowest I have 
 not deserved this death." On the 19th of May, 1536, a mourn- 
 ful procession passed over the green. Anne Boleyn, dressed in 
 black, surrounded by a retinue of sympathetic maidens, was on 
 the way from the Tower to the scaffold, there in person tran- 
 scendently beautiful, "mournfully brilliant." Here ended the 
 earthly career of a generous queen. 
 
 In 1553, dread royalty again is seen in the Tower, during the 
 ten days' reign of Lady Jane Grey, who, as it often is told, fell 
 a victim to the unholy ambition of the Duke of Northumberland. 
 Her husband, Lord Guilford Dudley, was executed about the 
 same time, on Tower Hill. Lady Jane, as declared by Fuller, 
 "had the inna^ense of childhood, the beauty of youth, the learn- 
 
 * Parliament conferred on the king, power as a supreme head of the 
 church of England. Hume's Hist, of Eng., VoL III, pp. 189-197, 430, 491.
 
 20 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 ing of a clerk, the solidity of middle life, the gravity of old age, 
 and the soul of a saint." She, like many others, died a victim 
 to a low ambition under a thirst for power, and against all law, 
 true religion, and common decency. 
 
 AT THE CELL OF SIR JOHN. 
 
 Here the brothers, conducted, have at length arrived. With 
 eager eyes they glance at their kind uncle, the martyr, in silent 
 solitude. The old man, startled at their footsteps, rising up, 
 turns himself hither and thither like a caged lion, as if from a 
 deep slumber, or from an absorbing reverie. A long imprisoned 
 beard rests loosely upon his breast; the frosts of dreary winter 
 hang, spread wide, upon his shoulders ; yet there is the blood of 
 an Eliot in the long, pale, furrowed cheek, and a flash of fire, 
 glimmering, still twinkles in the old man's eye. 
 
 The brothers draw near; and oh! with what gladness, what 
 love and thankfulness, does the oppressed martyr meet and greet 
 them, separated only by intervening bolts and bars. The old 
 knight, after an interchange of greetings, pauses, listening to a 
 brief detail of their designs for the future, as they were now 
 about to leave their native land, to sojourn for life in a wilder- 
 ness afar off, beyond the high seas, breaking silence, advises 
 them thus: "For the just liberties of the realm I remain here. 
 This Tower is my home. But, for you, full of life, England in 
 its distractions, having become offensive, it is but wise that the 
 Puritan should leave it. Full of vigor, you may as well go to 
 the New World. Accept of no office there. Trust to your own 
 strength in the faith of God. Divulge not incurable difficulties. 
 Keep your own councils, that the disadvantages of this sad Old 
 World may not encumber you there in the New; observe the 
 law and keep the faith." 
 
 The brothers are silent, sad. An extended hand, a half- 
 suppressed adieu, is had, and then an heart-felt, old-fashioned 
 farewell is extended and returned. Sadly away the brothers 
 turn ; the old knight sinks back into his couch, again thoughtful, 
 silent, at rest.
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 21 
 
 By this the shades of night are beginning to becloud the 
 Tower, and the brothers, turned, are beginning to tread down- 
 ward the various stairways that -wind in and about its dark 
 dungeons and lofty walls. Descending cautiously, the terrible 
 apparitions of England's royal cruelties, with unseemly sights of 
 her sainted subjects slain within this fearful fortress, fall con- 
 stantly upon their vision. At every footstep, the hollow, sepul- 
 chral rotunda resounds with the agonizing sighs and groans, as 
 the spectral victims of regal rage and power of the past seem 
 constantly to give unearthly utterances. From the ceiling, from 
 every step and stairway, the complaints of sainted souls, whose 
 blood had been shed here, and whose dust hath been trampled 
 under the foot of princely power, seem everywhere audible. 
 From the pores of the pilasters and crevices of the eternal 
 walls, the innocent blood of men and women, in the midst of 
 sepulchral accents, seems to ooze out. Nay, behind e* cry statue 
 or image of royalty, behind the bloody block, or rack of torture, 
 or statue, as they pass, unseemly ghosts of kings, or of queens, 
 or of martyred innocence, strangely appear, peeping out. 
 
 Thus, to the Apostle and brothers in the Tower, while ram- 
 bling in the midst of its terrible emblems, did injured humanity, 
 and the dread maledictions of a just God, move their Puritan 
 minds into a sad melancholy. Out of it, advancing to the arch- 
 way of the traitor's gate, there they pause, but to reflect, how 
 oft had royalty and grandeur passed beneath its portals; 
 how often here had "the dreams of honor and glory," and 
 " the brilliancy of courts," been exchanged for the dungeon, the 
 torture-room, and the scaffold. Advancing farther out, they 
 reach the Bloody Tower, where, near it, is the iron railing upon 
 the green, which encloses the block at which Lady Jane Grey 
 last kneeled, yielding up her life. 
 
 Thence backward they glance, taking a comprehensive last 
 look at that old vast white fortress, and the twelve great towers, 
 with embattlenients, that stand around it ; and thence, not far 
 away, to behold that ancient St. Peter's chapel, within which 
 the bodies of fated prisoners numerously in the silent dust 
 moulder.
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 LEAVING THE TOWER. 
 
 Now, with heavy hearts, but with lightsome step, leaving, 
 the Eliot brothers hasten away on their half-bewildered, back- 
 ward return. And now the pale moon, amid the bright stars 
 of heaven rising, beholds them wandering, first nearing the old 
 College of Heraldry, which records the valor of England's best 
 blood; and then next near the towering walls of St. Paul; and 
 then round through the stately gateway of Temple Bar, which 
 to this day marks the entrance through the once- frowning walls 
 of the first London ; and thence away they wander, to the ship 
 " Lyon," which on the morrow is to waft them away, away 
 from conflicting powers ; away from unholy, oppressive dynas- 
 ties ; away from a bewildered populace and a distracted repre- 
 sentation; away from an insane kingdom, driven to terrible 
 extremes by unhallowed, cruel conflicts. 
 
 On board the ship, after taking the required oaths of "allegi- 
 ance and supremacie," the brothers, in their bunks, tired, all 
 night long in dreams are thoughtful, both of the past and of 
 the future. Morning, now breaking in upon them, adorns the 
 Avorld with uncommon glories ; and the big ship on the way is 
 now beginning to brave the broad billows. The sweet breezes 
 of heaven, promising freerlom, prosperity, and progress, are 
 whispering in the rigging like the harp of a David, the thrill- 
 ing, peaceful acclaim of an evangelist, or like the seraphic 
 song of congregated angels; and away that brave old bark, as 
 if in the care of a God of Love, moves straight onward, west- 
 ward. 
 
 Another night has cast her lights and shades over the vast 
 expanse, bringing back again the beauteous morn, when a voice 
 from the high deck is heard, 
 
 " Come aloft, my companions, the billows are beauteous, 
 To the God of creation devotedly duteous." 
 
 Obediently all are aloft. And now the boundless ocean, rolling 
 p her billows to the sky, and the brilliant azure of the God- 
 given sunlight playing upon the wild waters, the ship's canvas, 
 and the clouds, inspires the world.
 
 ELIOTS IN ENGLAND. 23 
 
 " Ah! " says the Apostle to his comrades, " this is life, in its 
 progress ; life foreshadowed ! Still, indeed, there are storms 
 and gales and even tempests on the way. This highway vast 
 is fraught with doubt and dread dangers; yet through faith 
 and trust and trial, we will reach the New World. Nay, as we 
 advance farther onward iu life's journeyings, not less of storm 
 and of tempest will beset us on the way, advancing to that 
 beautiful land above, of which our dear old father had in fer- 
 vent faith advised us." 
 
 "Be heedful, my brother," said Philip. "Remember, when 
 in the Tower, our Sir John advised caution, that neither our 
 town of nativity nor the name of the dear father be disclosed." 
 
 "Yes," said the Apostle, " that name, always dear at heart, 
 needs never to be expressed. 
 
 O, no, I '11 never mention him, 
 
 That name shall ne'er be heard; 
 My lips are hence forbidden to speak 
 That once familiar word." " 
 
 Back now to the cabin the brothers return. The old ship, 
 keeping her course onward, the breath of heaven swelling the 
 sails auspiciously, outrides the storm and tempest, and at 
 length, after many days, beneath brighter skies, lands her 
 freight of valiant hearts at Plymouth on the shores of New 
 England. Philip had come, as if for the defence of liberty, 
 being soon found in the gallant ranks of the "Ancient and 
 Honorable," at its origin, and then next in the honored halls 
 of legislation. Jacob, also, a Puritan gentleman, had come, 
 making himself highly useful in support of a laborious indus- 
 try, and iu the furtherance of the benign rules of law and 
 justice. John was here also, to proclaim the divine law, 
 Love to God, and love to the red-man in the wilderness.
 
 LESSONS OP LAW AND LIFE. 
 
 " It is wise to recur to our ancestors. Those who do not look 
 upon themselves as a link connecting the past with the future, 
 do not perform their duty to the world." DANIEL WEBSTER.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 NOTHING in the acquisition of knowledge shall prove 
 more profitable than the study of the lives and charac- 
 ters of great and good men. Such men, like an index, 
 serve to lead the way to an improved civilization, and to 
 a more devoted fidelity to God and to mankind. To 
 study and know them is wisdom ; to follow their pre- 
 cepts and examples, bespeaks an abundant success in 
 this life, and the gain of a glorious reward beyond it. 
 The lessons thus to be learned are practical; tending to 
 manliness, to sobriety, to a stern integrity, to a diligent 
 industry, and to a fervent faith. 
 
 I therefore invoke the attention of my readers, for a 
 brief period, to such light and learning as may be ob- 
 tained from the extraordinary life and character of John 
 Eliot, as seen in and through his evangelical mission to 
 the Indian tribes of New England. For two centuries, 
 Eliot, with the faith and fruits of his mission, hath been 
 estimated as the common property" of all New England. 
 Like, as from a province of real estate, held jointly, the 
 generations have hitherto been constantly benefited by 
 his exemplary productive life and character. 
 
 Still onward, in this light of history, Eliot's force 
 
 26
 
 26 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 his holy aspirations, his labors of love, his vast under- 
 takings, and his valiant perseverance in the midst of 
 opposition, still exist, and shall afford to the intelligent 
 reader pleasure and profit forever. 
 
 The obstacles which encumbered his way were hazard- 
 ous and fearful, yet valiantly he advanced. History 
 points to no one man of so much force, against such em- 
 barrassments ; of so much perseverance, against such dis- 
 couragements ; of so much patience, under such provoca- 
 tions; of so much laborious industry, with an apparently 
 slender constitution ; of so much endurance, under severe 
 hardships and keen sufferings; and with so much faith 
 and consecration to his God and to his fellow-man, 
 never failing, never faltering. 
 
 Such was the man who made our English Bible speak 
 the Indian language ; who raised up missionaries ; and 
 who, for forty years, preached the Gospel to the wild man 
 of the wilderness; and who thereby had turned many 
 hearts from a savage life Zion-ward. And when the 
 dread conflict with Philip had come, and civilization in 
 New England, as against barbarism, seemed quivering 
 in the scale, yet, protesting against the use of carnal 
 weapons, Eliot held the balance of power, and thus, in 
 the end, served to tip the scale to the side of civiliza- 
 tion lost the tribes, but saved the white man, who still 
 pursued, leaving the lone Indian mother to her lamenta- 
 tions : 
 
 " I will go to my tent, and lie down in despair ; 
 I will paint me in black, and dishevel my hair ; 
 I will sit on the shore where the hurricane blows, 
 And will tell to the God of the tempest my woes. 
 I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed, 
 For my kindred have gone to the mounds of the dead;
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 27 
 
 But they died not of hunger, nor wasting decay, 
 The steel of the white-man hath swept them away." 
 
 That balance of power, which the Apostle, in his mission, 
 held, was none other than the power of Christian love. 
 
 LIFE AND DEATH. 
 
 John Eliot first lived in the far-off England, in the 
 year 1604. He left this world of care and conflicts, at 
 Roxbury, Mass., May 20, 1690, at the venerable age of 
 eighty-six years. 
 
 In personal appearance (if we may judge from his 
 portrait), he was a little above medium height, in form 
 slender, and in features not entirely unlike the honest 
 face of Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 After completing his education in England, Eliot 
 embarked for the New World, landed in Boston in 
 November, 1631, and there, at the age of twenty-seven, 
 raised the banner of the Cross. 
 
 Soon, a train of neighbors and friends followed him. 
 They settled near him, at Roxbury ; and the next year 
 they called him there, to be their minister.* 
 
 Obeying their call, he took his final stand at Rox- 
 bury, as if upon the loftiest part of Z ion's walls, and 
 he held his station there all the way onward, through 
 the remainder of his long life.f 
 
 INTOLERANCE. 
 
 That want of toleration, which had driven the Pil- 
 grims over here, eleven years previously, probably had 
 much influence, inducing Eliot also to sever the social 
 
 * Bacon'3 Hist, of Natick, ch. 2, p. 12; ch. 15, p. 152. 
 t Memoir of Eliot, pp. 8, 9, 10.
 
 28 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 ties, to forsake the friends of his youth, and, far away 
 over the great deep, to cast his lot among the sons of 
 strife. 
 
 Thus, over here, as if at the command of God, " Go 
 ye into all the world," the Apostle began his work. He 
 began it where every man ought to begin to labor, to 
 wit, at the main obstacle to be overcome where the 
 most good can be done, or where the noblest ends in life 
 may be accomplished. 
 
 THE POSITION. 
 
 Looking back, we seem to see the evangelist, as in full 
 life, standing on the highest point of that Zion's hill of 
 his, as if, at the outset, to look the landscape over. 
 Afar off before him, in the distance, the lofty moun- 
 tain-peaks tower up towards heaven ; they stand there, 
 against the sky. 
 
 His sharp vision seems to descry the Connecticut, the 
 mighty Merrimac, and the Saco, as they, in ten thousand 
 rills, leap forth from the mountains, forming these rivers, 
 up to that time unmeasured of the white man, and 
 which, ever since the Creation, had been rolling and 
 meandering downward, through a wild old wilderness, 
 to the sea. 
 
 INDIAN NATIONS. 
 
 In the dense forest, and in and about these rivers of 
 water, and along the shores of the sea, are thirty nations 
 of native Indians, numbering, in all, fifty thousand. 
 These nations, organized under laws unwritten, wander 
 iu tribes, as all the inhabitants of the world, before 
 civilization dawned, did wander in tribes. 
 
 The Pilgrim Fathers are at Plymouth and vicinity,
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 29 
 
 and the scattered Puritan settlements are beginning to 
 make openings in the landscape. 
 
 The field was to be the world ; and this New England 
 world, thus spread out before him, was thenceforth to be 
 Eliot's field, a field, then a wilderness, full of ferocious 
 beasts, and of ungodly, unbridled red-men ; and yet a 
 field which, through the Evangelical leadership of John 
 Eliot, is to be cleared up and cultivated ; and which, in 
 the far future, under the sunshine of heaven, is to become 
 a flowery field, bearing upon it, everywhere, not carnal 
 weapons, but the sweet fruits of a Christian civilization. 
 
 And now, at this distant day, although there are 
 secluded corners in the field, where the generations have 
 gone down, in which many of us have sometimes been 
 made to weep; yet it is plain to be seen that, through 
 the leadership of Eliot, in God's ministry, those corners, 
 all over New England, have been made to our people 
 as the very gateways to heaven. Plain it is, that this 
 New England field, with all its gates and guide-boards 
 heavenward, although two hundred years have passed 
 away, now remains, and, through all the generations yet 
 to come, shall remain, still to flourish and bear fruit, as 
 having descended, with all its vernal glories, from that 
 same ancient, original Christian proprietor, John Eliot, 
 the Evangelist. 
 
 His FIRST WORK. 
 
 At first the Apostle, in preparation for his final great 
 effort, directed all his sermons to the white man, 
 seeking to build up strong exemplary churches in the 
 hamlets held by English settlers, at his own Roxbury, 
 and elsewhere.* 
 
 * Dearborn's Sketch of Eliot'a Life, p. 13.
 
 30 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 His habits were like this : Every second Sabbath of 
 his ministry he preached away from home, to the white 
 settlers of the neighboring towns.* And thus onward, 
 for the first fifteen years of his ministry ; while, in these 
 same years, he was educating, as well as he might, his 
 Indian young men and others, who, in due time, were to 
 be his preachers, his printers, his proof-readers, and 
 interpreters ; and who, in the wilderness, were to aid 
 him in the vast undertaking of evangelizing the tribes. 
 
 During all these years he was at work with his pen, 
 by pamphlet, by letter, and by many books, shaping 
 and concentrating public opinion to the great plan of his 
 operations. Also, by prayer and petition, at home and 
 abroad, he from the commencement, and from time to 
 time, continually obtained material aid and encourage- 
 ment for the carrying out of his design. 
 
 His APPAREL. 
 
 Again, let us glance for a moment at the Evangelist, 
 as he appeared two hundred and thirty years ago, when 
 about to move upon his Indian mission. 
 
 We will imagine him still there, on the high hill at 
 Roxbury, in his common costume, an English dress- 
 coat or sack ; small clothes, long boots, and a slouched 
 broad-brimmed hat. 
 
 There he stands, as if divinely meditating, as if con- 
 templating the long labors of life, in that vast field 
 of which we have spoken, and which the God of Nature 
 had spread out before him. 
 
 * History of Natick, ch. 1, p. 12.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 31 
 
 LOCATION OF THE TKIBES. 
 
 From thence, away to the west of him (as he could 
 but discover), there are six nations of Mohawks, made 
 up of many tribes, leading useless, wayward, wandering 
 lives. 
 
 Northeast of him, on the Sagadahock, and all along 
 towards the eastern borders of Maine, he calls to his 
 vision those troublesome warlike tribes, the Tarratines, 
 or Abanaquise, who twenty years previously had come 
 up here from the East, wielding weapons of war ; and, 
 accelerated by the plague of 1617, had destroyed the 
 entire Patuxet nation, leaving their bones to be bleached 
 upon the hills and in the vales, seen often, doubtless, 
 of Eliot, as well as of the Pilgrims. 
 
 Not far away from him, on the left, are the ashes of 
 that great Indian fort, on the Mystic, where, as appears, 
 through the weapons of war and flames of fire, a hostile 
 Pequot nation had in one night (1637) all perished by 
 the English sabre. 
 
 To the southwest of him, as he there stands, are the 
 Narragansetts, in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, led 
 of Canonicus, and of that fated, but brave old chief, 
 Miantonimo. 
 
 From the same height, away to the left, are the flagrant 
 Mohegans of Connecticut, at the head of which Uncas 
 reigned as chief, wild in all of his infidelity and 
 barbarism. 
 
 Then next, more immediately in front of the Apostle, 
 as he looks northward, in contemplation, are the Nipmuck 
 tribes, roaming and hunting all over that tract of country 
 which lies between the great rivers Connecticut and 
 Merrimac. Hence, all of us who happen to reside
 
 32 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 southwest of the Merritnac, if natives, might be denom- 
 inated Nipmucks. 
 
 Northward, at Concord, and along the banks of the 
 Merrimac, wandered the peaceful Pennacook and the 
 Wamesit tribes, then led by that venerable sachem and 
 necromancer, Passaconaway, whose people, at a later 
 period, were ruled for several years by his son, Wona- 
 lancet. 
 
 Though a peace-maker, once, in a time of hostilities, 
 this chief, with becoming prudence, established an Indian 
 fortification at Fort Hill, on the east of the Concord 
 River, at Wamesit.* 
 
 ELIOT'S FIDELITY. 
 
 The soul-trying incidents of the forty years of the 
 Apostle's life, then yet to come, beginning to be disclosed, 
 are now breaking in upon his vision. There are lions, 
 terribly ferocious, prone, lurking along his pathway, in 
 prospect, all the way onward, with all their devouring 
 threatenings. 
 
 Yet he must advance, must move onward, to the 
 responsible, the noble, and soul-trying duties of an 
 evangelist, in the midst of unlettered savages. 
 
 Whatever there may be of trouble on the way or in 
 the field of operations, he is constantly, duteously to be 
 
 * We suggest, that on Fort Hill there ought to be erected two 
 statues, one to John Eliot, the Apostle; and another to the peaceful 
 Wanalancet, holding the fort. Such statues in our Wamesit, proclaiming 
 peace on the one hand, and a Christian civilization on the other, while 
 they would evince the magnanimity of our people, would tend, for a thousand 
 years, to inspire the generations to a becoming peacefulness, to a diligent 
 industry, to a truthful fidelity to mankind, and to a stronger faith in Him 
 whom the Apostle so devoutly loved and served.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 33 
 
 there. What though the very elements are to conspire 
 to hedge up the way ; what though the wintry blasts of 
 snow and hail and tempest, as they were wont to come, 
 sweeping away " the honors " of a thousand years, from 
 that vast old wilderness, John Eliot is to be there, 
 and there, too, in a fervent faith, faith that the same 
 God, who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb, would 
 also be there ; and he was there. 
 
 Nay r even though the thunders of war, in their threat- 
 enings, begin to break forth from a New England sky, 
 such in their terrors as were never known on earth 
 before (save in the bloody tragedies of a Homer), even 
 then John Eliot must be there, holding out a healing 
 hand divine, and bearing aloft the beautiful Christian 
 banner of peace and love. 
 
 And though destruction is impending, and a threatened 
 distraction may be about to fall upon his native churches, 
 driving and carrying his Indian Christian people into 
 exile and imprisonment; yet the Apostle, like the good 
 shepherd, is to follow the flock, is to stand between the 
 fires, is to administer comfort, and is to bind up the 
 broken heart.* 
 
 Nay, aside from the carnal conflicts of war, when its 
 tearful terrors have waned away, there arc to the 
 evangelist terrible trials still. And what of all this? 
 
 What though strong men refuse "to bow themselves," 
 heeding not the way ? What though the bowl, and the 
 wheel, and "the pitcher, be broken"? What though, in 
 the events of this New World, the sun and moon and 
 the stars are to be darkened? What even, if all "the 
 
 * Dearborn's Sketch of Eliot's Life, p. 15.
 
 34 JOHN" ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 keepers of the house" are trembling? List! list! High 
 above all, the tribes are to hear the clarion voice of the 
 evangelist, fearlessly proclaiming the word, faithfully 
 seeking to save that which seemed to be lost. 
 
 For Eliot knew, as we know, that " man goeth to his 
 long home " ; that his " dust must return to the earth as 
 it was"; and that his never-dying spirit must go back to 
 the God who gave it. 
 
 TROUBLES IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Eliot had left the Old World, as we have seen, in 1631, 
 when the unfortunate Charles the First was king, and at 
 the time when the religious creeds of the realm were 
 distracted, all in dread conflict; when the King was at 
 war against Parliament, and Parliament was angry 
 against the King; when our English government was 
 powerless to advance, its wheels being clogged up, the 
 kingdom throughout broken down, and falling apart into 
 factions. It was then the religious and political rights 
 of the realm were being trampled down under the feet 
 of tyrants,* and the armies of England, Scotland, and 
 Ireland in conflict were making sad havoc on bloody 
 fields of battle. 
 
 Eliot left England, and in leaving forsook, as we have 
 seen, the comrades of his youth, among whom there was 
 a strong young man, whose valiant heart, like his own, 
 was full of republicanism. That man, disgusted with the 
 English government in its distracted condition, had with 
 other refugees, packed up his trunks to embark for our 
 New England shores, but was prevented. It was 
 
 * Hume's History of England, vol. 5, pp. 85-434. Rush., vol 2, pp. 40P-418.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 35 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 But the God of governments, as if for wise ends, turned 
 the intent of Cromwell, to still remain in England ; * while 
 John Eliot was led, for another wise purpose, to seek his 
 field of apostolic labors in the wilderness of a new world. 
 
 At that time, as we have seen, the English government 
 was fast falling to pieces through its internal religious 
 and political infirmities, which resulted in the downfall 
 of King Charles the First, who, at length, was beheaded 
 at the decree of about seventy judges. 
 
 Thus, while Cromwell became the great Protector in 
 the Old World, John Eliot came over here, and became 
 renowned as the great primeval leader to a Christian 
 civilization among the settlers and Indian nations of the 
 New. 
 
 MATERIAL AID. 
 
 He was encouraged to advance upon his mission 
 through influences brought to bear upon the universities 
 of Oxford and Cambridge, and upon a missionary society 
 in his native England, as well as upon our own Colonial 
 government at home. 
 
 Cromwell, as appears, encouraged Eliot* and Eliot, in 
 his way, tried to obey and sustain the English govern- 
 ment, under him, as the great Protector of both countries. 
 
 THE BOOK. 
 During the existence of Cromwell's government, seven 
 
 *" Urged by his wants and his piety, he had made a party with Hambdcn, 
 his near kinsman, who was pressed only by the latter motive, to transport 
 himself into New England, now become the retreat of the more zealous 
 among the Puritanical party; and it was on an order of Council which 
 obliged them to disembark and remain in England." Hume, vol. 5, ch. 61, 
 p. 437.
 
 36 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 years, up to the end of his (the Protector's) life, Sept. 3, 
 1658, Eliot had written a work entitled " The Christian 
 Commonwealth," in which he planned, and bestowed 
 praise upon, and chalked out a republican form of govern- 
 ment. But, alas ! Before the book issued extensively 
 from the press, Cromwell dying, the government, in a year 
 or two, changed back to a kingdom ; and then Charles the 
 Second (a son of the beheaded Charles), being crowned 
 king, and becoming apparently dangerous, as against the 
 active adherents to Cromwell's administration, is filled 
 full of exasperation against all ideas of republicanism. 
 
 This event exposed the Apostle's head to great danger, 
 by reason of his having written that "Christian Com- 
 monwealth," which indirectly assailed the Crown. The 
 Colonial government became anxious, and advised the 
 suppression of the book ; and for the sake of his great 
 cause and of his life, Eliot suppressed the manuscript, 
 and the book never issued.* 
 
 These Avere times of trial in both countries. The. 
 tide in tyrannical events rolled high.f All of the Crom- 
 well adherents were narrowly watched. 
 
 The regicide judges, who had sat in the trial of the 
 late king, some of them, caught in England, were 
 beheaded there; some of them escaped to foreign 
 countries. Three of them at least, coming to Boston 
 in 1660, were followed, and were pursued here, in Con- 
 necticut, in and about Hadley, Mass., and other places, 
 by the king's constables. Fortunately, by flight and 
 concealment, from place to place, in the caves of the 
 wilderness, they escaped violent death. 
 
 * Eliot's Life, by Francis, p. 210. f 5 Hume, p. 434.
 
 JOHN" ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 37 
 
 Thus, more than two hundred years ago, did Jolm 
 Eliot foreshadow our republican form of government 
 in his "Christian Commonwealth," thus suppressed; yet 
 his cautious plans and suggestions became popular, and 
 lived to be adopted and sustained, by a noble nation, an 
 hundred years after his death. 
 
 " Truth crushed to earth shall rise again, 
 The eternal years of God are hers." 
 
 ELIOT AND THE KING. 
 
 Still he takes courage. Invoking the angry king, Eliot 
 makes him his friend, and also a contributor, in the 
 carrying forward his mission to the Indian nations. 
 With long and eloquent letters, he presented to the 
 king translations of our English Old and New Testa- 
 ments into the Indian language, and thereby obtained 
 favor and patronage from the throne itself.* 
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The Hebrew commonwealth, organized and officered 
 by Moses of old, undoubtedly had some influence upon 
 the Apostle's action, in the forming of a commonwealth. 
 In this respect, he could but see Moses had his seventy- 
 two elders, which would answer to our U. S. Senate; 
 his twelve tribes of Israel may be likened to the origi- 
 nal thirteen United States ; and his congregation of the 
 people, as appears, may be taken to accord with our 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 Moses himself, occupying the place of president, pre- 
 sided over the whole. Such a government is supposed 
 
 * Life of Eliot, pp. 258, 259.
 
 38 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 to be the best, if not the strongest, of all. In this, 
 Moses and Cromwell and Eliot and Washington all seem 
 to agree. 
 
 ELIOT'S ORDER. 
 
 In all his operations, the Apostle was exact, and full 
 of discipline. A civil officer, Major-General Gookin, a 
 wise, conciliatory man, usually attended him. Gookin 
 had been clothed, by the Colonial government, with a 
 power of organization over the people, a power, to a 
 certain extent, both judicial and executive. So, it 
 appears, Gookin appointed civil officers ; sat as judge, 
 holding courts ; and issued commissions to the Indian 
 rulers of hundreds or of fifties or of tens, as the tribes, 
 under the Apostle, saw fit to elect them, and as the good 
 of the Indian church, from time to time, seemed to 
 require.* 
 
 Thus Eliot and Gookin, moving together, constituted 
 an efficient, peaceful, executive power ; and, at the same 
 time, prudently led the way to a progressive Christian 
 civilization. 
 
 LAW. 
 
 Believing order to be the first law of heaven, it was 
 one of the axioms under which Eliot, in his economy, 
 always moved. From his life and example we gather 
 these rules: 
 
 1. There must always be a ruler, or leader, to every 
 organization. 
 
 2. That a ruler, or leader, is never to be ^ignored, but 
 
 * Bigelow's His. of Natick, p. 22. Sketch of Life of Eliot, p. 17.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 39 
 
 is always to be respected and followed, for the office' sake, 
 if for nothing else. 
 
 3. That the first great maxim in a kingdom, to wit : 
 that " the King can do no wrong " (though that may not 
 be true in fact), is sound in principle, and unless revolu- 
 tion is intended, must be observed and followed through- 
 out, from the king down to the humblest parent of a 
 family. 
 
 RULERS. 
 
 A leader, once known, whether appointed of man or 
 of God (as in case of a parent), must be recognized, and 
 must always be followed. Everything else would be 
 disorder; everything else is grief; everything else is 
 revolution, distraction. 
 
 To illustrate this : take the leader of the family, and 
 then the leader of a church organization, and then the 
 leader of a town, or state, or of the United States, as 
 may be seen in a President. Now every one of these, 
 for the peace, safety, and well-being of the respective 
 bodies which they severally represent, must be recognized 
 as such, and followed. 
 
 For instance, our President,* although many may disap- 
 prove some of his acts and measures, yet, in a general 
 sense, he must be upheld and sustained. What if he 
 was not well chosen ? He was so declared to be by the 
 united force and voice of this great nation. Hence he 
 must needs be sustained, otherwise anarchy, confusion, 
 and general distraction would follow. 
 
 What if he did (as some have alleged) bargain away 
 the rights of others, tending to cripple the political 
 liberties of the f reed-man? What if he did extend a 
 *1879.
 
 40 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 conciliatory compromise to a Ku-Klux Clan, then armed 
 offensively with thousands of rifles, threatening violence 
 and blood ? Even if all this be true, by the laws of God 
 and the rules of government, it is but wise and just in 
 the people to sustain him to the end of his term. Other- 
 wise anarchy, distraction, and confusion would follow, 
 and thousands of hearts would be made to bleed all over 
 the land. 
 
 Hence, duteously, as Eliot would say, we must always 
 follow the leader, in the country at large, in the state, 
 and in the family.* Thus, under the Apostle for the 
 Indian church, as elsewhere, you would always find a 
 leading ruler, with a teache^, and oftentimes an interpre- 
 ter, having a watchful care over ten Christians, or over 
 thirty, or over fifty, as the peace and prosperity of a 
 Christian civilization might require. And to the praise 
 of the red-men of the forest, Eliot's rules and ordinances 
 were generally observed, respected, and obeyed as such 
 by them.* 
 
 Although the Apostle, under the ordinations of God, 
 with the discreet Gookin at his side as a magistrate, thus 
 ruled, yet he never seemed to rule. 
 
 TEACHERS. 
 
 O that the spirit of John Eliot, in the sight of all these 
 subjects, like the light of heaven at early morn, might 
 break in upon us, to inspire our teachers to prepare them- 
 selves, that they may train the rising generations to the 
 true science and economy of life ; that we may all be 
 trained to a becoming servitude, to a code of genuine 
 
 * Cotton Mather's Magnalia, 3d B., Art. 2, p. 494.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 41 
 
 good manners ; without which there can be no substantial 
 success in the world; that they may train their pupils, 
 male and female, to love labor, industrious, ardent, 
 economical labor, without which there can be no sound 
 health, nor solid, enduring comfort; that we may be 
 trained to fervent, lofty aspirations; that henceforth the 
 wanderer may be reclaimed, and led upward in life to 
 a more congenial condition, and thence onward to a 
 glorious immortality. 
 
 Yes, let us be trained, if leaders, to lead justly, kindly, 
 and judiciously. If mere servants we remain (and we 
 are all more or less servants in this world), let us serve 
 heartily and faithfully over everything, throwing 
 bread upon the waters, helping the needy neighbor first, 
 and then ourselves, as Eliot would do. 
 
 Bear in mind, that man, in his best economy, lives, by 
 helping others to live; and remember, there are roads 
 enough to honor, and highways enough heavenward, "for 
 all to go up, without crowding one another." 
 
 CIVIL POWERS. 
 
 All the way along in the Apostle's progress, there were 
 many elements of power which had to be respected. 
 
 First of all, there was the parent English government 
 at London, then distracted, as we have seen, by terrible 
 conflicts. Then, there was the colonial government at 
 Boston ; and then, the loose, the rude, and undefined 
 governments of the Indian nations. The rights and 
 rules, habits and customs, of all these, at all times, were 
 to be heeded and respected. For there is no nobler 
 reward in this life, than the consciousness of having 
 " rendered to all their dues."
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 DISCIPLES. 
 
 Eliot had many pupils, first and last, some in prep- 
 aration for the ministry, some for teachers, interpreters, 
 etc. Many of them were schooled at the Indian college 
 at Cambridge, among whom there were Sassamon* and 
 Ephraira, James the Printer, Daniel, Waban,f Piambo, 
 Speen, Oonamo, Tukaperwillin, Ohatawan, Capt. Tom, 
 Old Jethro, Numphow, John Thomas, Solomon, Samuel 
 Peter, Nesutan,t and many others. Among his white 
 assistants, as clergymen, teachers, rulers, etc., there were 
 Rawson, Gookin, Thracton, Dettins, Bandit, Noyes, 
 Cotton, Mahew, Bourne, and some others. 
 
 ELIOT TAKES COURAGE. 
 
 From his lofty position, thus far he had been advanc- 
 ing, anticipating the obstacles which at times would roll 
 in to hedge up his way, and which already were often 
 encumbering him with many difficulties. 
 
 * Sassamon was murdered by Philip's Indians. Memoirs of Eliot, ch. 14, 
 p. 86. 
 
 t Waban served as Justice of the Peace at Natick, and held courts as 
 such. One of his warrants reads thus: "You, You, big constable, quick you 
 catch Jeremiah Offscow, strong you hold urn, safe youbring urn befforc me. 
 " WABAN, Justice of the Pea ae." 
 
 J Slain in battle fighting for the English at Mt Hope. Drake's American 
 Indians, B. II, p. 51.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 43 
 
 But now, in sight of the prospect, he is said to have 
 broken out in the pathos of his warm and glowing heart: 
 "I see [in the distance] the day-breaking, or the sun- 
 rising, of the Gospel of Christ in New England." 
 
 INDIAN SEEMON. 
 
 Among the many places where the tribes were wont to 
 congregate, when they came up from their fishing and 
 hunting excursions, was a place near Natick in Newton, 
 called Notiantam. This, in Indian language, means a 
 place of rejoicing. An intellectual Indian chief occupied 
 it, by the name of Waban.* And Waban's tent was 
 there. 
 
 Previously a proclamation had been sent forth, that 
 Eliot, on a given day, would preach to the native nations 
 at Nonantum. Accordingly, on the twenty-eighth day 
 of October, 1646, Eliot stood forth there, for the first 
 time, an Eoangdist, in the midst of the assembled 
 sachems, powovvs, sanaps, necromancers, the red-man 
 in his plumes, and squaws, women, and little children, 
 painted and adorned, as in primeval life, with rustic 
 beads and rings, and other appendages, fashionable and 
 ornamental. Eliot stands forth, above them, proclaiming 
 his text (Ezekiel xxxvii, 9): "Prophesy! unto the wind, 
 prophesy, son of man ! and say to the wind, Thus saith 
 the Lord God, Come from the four winds, O breath; and 
 breathe upon these slain, that they may live!" 
 
 All are silent. Above, as he stands over the multitude, 
 there is an open sky. The bleak winds of heaven are 
 moving the brave old tree-tops into silent, secret 
 
 * Life of Eliot, pp. 27, 28, 79, 80. Sketch of Life of Eliot, p. 13.
 
 44 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 whisperings. The voice of infidelity, the war-whoop, 
 the Indian wood-cry, and the hovvlings of the wild 
 beast, are hushed for the time being. The Apostle's 
 prayer went up to the God of the Red-man! They 
 sung a song of Zion, a sermon from that text, and 
 from that trumpet-toned, apostolic voice, reverberating, 
 fell upon the hearts of the then heathen inhabitants of this 
 New England world, for the first time. 
 
 Next? There 's something strange in the sun, 
 something strange in the earth and in the skies. 
 
 What ails that sanap out there? What ails the 
 soothsayers, and the necromancers, that the pipes they 
 were smoking have unconsciously fallen from their lips? 
 Out yonder, what ails that young squaw upon the leaf- 
 covered ground, with little children about her, that tears, 
 forbidden, are falling from her eye-lids ? And afar off, 
 what ails the brave old Waban, at the door of his tent, 
 weeping? 
 
 What is it but that a live coal from the altar of God 
 hath touched Waban's heart? 
 
 Ah ! how true ! how propitious ! Waban is beginning 
 to sing that new song, which no man of his race ever 
 had sung in New England, from the beginning of the 
 world. 
 
 Thence, that point, that place in the wilderness, em- 
 phatically had become a place of rejoicing, ever after- 
 wards to be held sacred. Indeed, it had become to the 
 tribes a temple of worship, a gateway to heaven. 
 
 NATICK. 
 
 Near to Nonantum, Eliot obtained a gift (or exchange) 
 of lands, on which to build up and organize an Indian
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 45 
 
 town, which they called Natick, and which, in their 
 language, means "a place of the hills." 
 
 This Indian town was peopled, organized, and offi- 
 cered by Indians, all the affairs of which were 
 conducted in a perfectly orderly manner, by its Christian 
 Indian inhabitants, for nearly a century, all through the 
 remainder of the Apostle's life, and for nearly fifty 
 years afterwards. 
 
 At Natick, Eliot, often attended by his Indian ministry, 
 continued to meet the assembled tribes of red-men, up 
 to the end of his days, as well as in other Indian towns, 
 then fast becoming civilized, within his spacious fields 
 of labor. 
 
 PRAYING INDIANS. 
 
 These numbered (up to the commencement of King 
 Philip's war, 1674) 1,150 ; first and last, in all, as some 
 say, 3,600. 
 
 INFIDELITY. 
 
 Many of the English settlers, from the beginning of 
 Eliot's undertaking, professed to have no faith in the 
 effort to civilize an Indian. 
 
 This, at the outset, tended to embarrass and afflict the 
 Evangelist. The desperado, thus aided by the weak and 
 jealous white man, who ought to have known better, 
 obtained encouragement. 
 
 And thus, oftentimes, his progress was retarded by a 
 secret foe within the camp. Yet the labors and achieve- 
 ments of John Eliot were more than equal to those of 
 ten ordinary active men put together, and his great 
 mission moved onward.
 
 46 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 He soared so far above the mediocrity of his fellow- 
 laborers in the vineyard, that the musketry of " the sap- 
 pers and miners," who are always combining and ad- 
 vancing, in pursuit of great and good men, to traduce 
 them, never could reach him. 
 
 SUNSHINE AND THE CLOUD. 
 
 Many years of his mission had now passed away. 
 Through storm and sunshine, he had already labored 
 among the tribes (from 1646 up to 1674) twenty-eight 
 years. In the mean time, our English Bible had been 
 made, by the Apostle, to speak the Indian language. 
 And our then New England wilderness, in its openings, 
 had been dotted with little Christian churches. 
 
 But, alas ! there is a war-cloud in the heavens. King 
 Philip is angry, meditating war and blood. John Sas- 
 samon, an Indian pupil and preacher, who had been 
 schooled in the Indian college at Cambridge, hath been 
 murdered by Philip's men. 
 
 Sassamon, heedlessly, while serving with Philip as an 
 interpreter, etc., had divulged to the English Philip's 
 secret purpose of making war against them.* 
 
 King Philip, obtaining knowledge of this supposed 
 treachery of Sassamon, instigated three of his Indians 
 to murder him ; and this gave rise to the trial of these 
 murderers in an English court. All this tended to 
 hasten a dread conflict. The war-trump is sounding. 
 It comes like the rushing of a terrible tempest, threat- 
 ening devastation and death all over this western New 
 England world. The tomahawk and scalping-knif'e, on 
 
 * Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 78, 79, 80. Bacon's History of Xatick, pp. 
 29,30.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 47 
 
 the one hand, and the English bayonet and the deadly 
 sabre on the other, are beginning to be sharpened. 
 
 Alas ! as against the vengeance of conflicting races, 
 as against ten thousand carnal weapons, upraised, threat- 
 ening extermination, indeed, what is to become of the 
 faithful old Eliot and his Christian churches ? 
 
 Ah ! when the beautiful oriole, down from a leafless, 
 wintry sky, animated by the sun-beams of spring, hath 
 hung her nest to a branch of the tree-top on high, she 
 takes joyful pleasure in that little church-like charge of 
 hers, which she holds at the hand of nature's God her 
 joys are the joys of Heaven. 
 
 But there is a cloud in the sky ; and there are fearful 
 mutterings beyond the mountains ; and the tempestuous 
 gale howls ; and, coming down, sweeps away the tree- 
 top, madly dashing that dearest little family of hers to 
 the deadly earth ! 
 
 Now, in the agonies of despair, she flies from place to 
 place, afflicted; and she mourns mourned, as we now 
 have it, the dear old Eliot, in prospect, thus doomed, 
 must mourn. 
 
 But when the clouds had cleared away, and when time, 
 that great healer of hearts that bleed, had brought an- 
 other lovely day, that little mother dried her tears (if 
 tears they have), and she turned again to her duteous 
 labors, bringing sticks, and strings, and other material 
 things, and builds aloft another habitation; and soon 
 rears, and faithfully takes charge of, another little God- 
 praising, parent-loving family. 
 
 In this similitude, I briefly foreshadow that part of 
 John Eliot's life, which, among other things, coming as 
 lessons from his exemplary wife, will be elaborated in 
 my next chapters.
 
 48 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Still there is a cry without King Philip is on the 
 war-path ! Murder ! murder 1 Sassamon is murdered of 
 Philip's Indians ! The terrible trump of war, afar, is 
 blowing its blast, with dread alarms, reverberating all 
 over the settlements ! 
 
 Meanwhile, the three Indian murderers Mattashu- 
 nanamo, Wam-pappaquam, and Tobias arrested by 
 English officers, are brought into court at Plymouth, 
 to be tried by English judges.* The judges are there, 
 and the jury is there, with five red men added to it, 
 as advisers, or as a mere show of fairness ; and the 
 Indian prisoner, above named, are there, standing, 
 trembling, doomed, upon an indictment, to be tried 
 for their lives. An allegation in the indictment reads 
 as follows : 
 
 " For that being accused, that they did with joynt consent 
 vpon the 29 of January anno 1674 att a place called Asso- 
 wamset, pond wilfully and of sett purpose and of malice fore 
 thought and by force and armes murder John Sassamon another 
 indian, by laying violent hands on him and striking him, or 
 twisting his necke, vntil hee was dead; and to hyde and conceale 
 this theire said murder att the tyme and place aforesaid did cast 
 his dead body through a hole of the ice into the said pond." 
 
 It is now that the much-suspected, much-feared King 
 Philip enters that court ; and, denying the right of the 
 English to try his own Indian subjects, for the killing of 
 an Indian, promulgates his own notions of law and right, 
 in language purporting, in substance, to be a plea to their 
 jurisdiction; if we may speak in poetic form, substan- 
 tially thus : 
 
 * Hubbard, Hist, of Indian Wars, pp. 80-82. Hist of Natick, pp. 29, 30.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 49 
 
 What right, what law, these prisoners to arraign, 
 
 Have Englishmen, in this, ray own domain ? 
 
 What lease of venue, from allotted lines, 
 
 To make invasions, and to adjudge of crimes! 
 
 Why seek the Indian's life, in guile forlorn, 
 
 Of these three men, of native mothers born? 
 
 Who one and all, with Sassamon, the slain, 
 
 Were my liege subjects, bound by laws the same, 
 
 Which governed tribes a thousand years ago, 
 
 But which, evaded, brings an endless woe. 
 
 What mind, wtiat project, points your boundless sway, 
 
 But hence to drive the red-man, far away 
 
 From this fair land, his birthright and his wealth, 
 
 And hold these regions vast, through royal stealth ! 
 
 With flagrant wrong, the tribes will ne'er concur, 
 
 And to your bold intrusion, I demur ! 
 
 My subjects here, an English court may try, 
 
 By spurious judgments, they may fall and die; 
 
 Yet vengeance, dread, shall point the red-man's steel, 
 
 And to the God of battles I '11 appeal ! 
 
 Philip withdrew, and ne'er returned again ; 
 
 His truthful talk was uttered but in vain ; 
 
 The prisoners held, and thus condemned to die, 
 
 Brought darkness, gathering o'er this western sky ; 
 
 The bloody sunset, and the forked light, 
 
 That broke the curtain of that fearful night, 
 
 Awaking English matrons, 'mid alarms, 
 
 To hug sweet infants with tenacious arms, 
 
 Foretold gross carnage of successive years, 
 
 And devastations in a land of tears. 
 
 True to his word which clanger thus defied, 
 
 Philip the pilgrims fought, and fighting died ; 
 
 With countless victims by the self-same blade 
 
 Which mutual madness had In folly made.* 
 
 * Prom my Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, p. 344. 
 7
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 IN the foregoing chapters we have spoken of the les- 
 sons which ought to be learned from John Eliot's life 
 and character ; have alluded to his birth in England, to 
 his education there, and to his arrival at Boston in the 
 month of November, 1631 ; and in the narration have 
 told of his former friends landing here in the follow- 
 ing year, and settling at Roxbury ; how he then and 
 there became their pastor, and remained their minister 
 to the end of his long life ; how, for the first fifteen 
 years, he preached solely to the white-man ; how, during 
 that time, he was educating Indian boys to the English 
 language, and white men's boys to the Indian language ; 
 and how, in the same period, he had prepared many 
 young men for the ministry, that they might, in the 
 Indian dialect, preach to the tribes of the wilderness ; 
 and how, at the same time, he had begun to make our 
 English Bible speak the Indian language. And when he 
 had prepared his young ministry to follow him in suc- 
 cession to the apostolic work, he then, Oct. 20, 1646, 
 amid the Indian wigwams in the wilderness, preached his 
 first sermon to the assembled tribes at Nonantura. How 
 Natick was obtained of the government, for the organ- 
 ization of an Indian town ; how it was officered by 
 Indians, who administered the government of it, as 
 Christian -citizens, for nearly a century. How our apostle,
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 61 
 
 from the first, advanced as a leader, a law-giver, and as 
 an evangelist ; how he wrote up his " Christian Common- 
 wealth," favoring a republican government under the 
 great Protector, Oliver Cromwell ; how Cromwell, then 
 dying (1658), and before the book effectually issued 
 from the press, Eliot, at the frown of the king, and at 
 the command of our colonial government, suppressed it, 
 and thus saving his mission, and perhaps his own head, 
 he appeased the wrath of Charles the Second, who had 
 then been crowned king of the reinstated kingdom 
 under which our fathers lived. His two letters to the 
 king, the one written in 1661, and the other in 1663, are 
 given below. 
 
 To the High and Mighty Prince Charles the Second, by the Grace 
 of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, De- 
 fender of the Faith, &c., the Commissioners of United Colo- 
 nies in New England with increase of all happiness, &c. 
 MOST DREAD SOVEREIGN: 
 
 If our weak apprehensions have not misled us, this work will 
 be no unacceptable present to your Majesty as having a greater 
 interest therein, than we believe is generally understood, which 
 (upon this occasion) we deem it our duty to declare. 
 
 The people of these four Colonies (confederated for mutual 
 defence in the time of the late distractions of our dear native 
 country) your Majesty's natural born subjects, by the favor and 
 grant of your father and grandfather, of famous memory, put 
 themselves upon this great and hazardous undertaking, of plant- 
 ing themselves at their own charge in these remote ends of the 
 earth, that, without offence and provocation to our Brethren, 
 and Countrymen, we might enjoy that liberty to worship God, 
 which our consciences informed us was not only our right, but 
 duty ; as also that we might (if it so pleased God) be instrumental 
 vo spread the light of the Gospel, the knowledge of the Son of
 
 52 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 God, our Saviour, to the poor barbarous heathen, which by his 
 late Majesty, iu some of our Patents, is declared to be his prin- 
 cipal aim. 
 
 These honest and pious intentions have, through the grace 
 and goodness of God, and our kings, been seconded with propor- 
 tionable success ; 
 
 That other part of our errand hither hath been attended 
 with endeavors and blessing, many of the wild Indians being 
 taught, and understanding the doctrine of the Christian religion, 
 and with much affection attending such preachers as are sent to 
 teach them, many of their children are instructed to write v and 
 read, and some of them have proceeded further, to attain the 
 knowledge of the Latin and Greek tongues, and are brought up 
 with our English youths in University learning There are di- 
 vers of them that can, and do read some parts of the Scripture, 
 and some catechisms which formerly have been translated into 
 their own language, which hath occasioned the undertaking of 
 a greater work, viz., the printing of the whole Bible, which 
 (being translated by a painful labor amongst them, who was 
 desirous to see the work accomplished in his day) hath already 
 proceeded to finishing the New Testament, which we here 
 humbly present to your Majesty, as the first fruits and accom- 
 plishments of the pious design of your royal ancestors. 
 
 " Sir: The shines of your royal favor upon these undertak- 
 ings, will make these undertakings to flourish, notwithstanding 
 any malevolent aspect from those that bear evil will to this Lion, 
 and render Your Majesty more illustrious and glorious to after 
 generations. 
 
 The God of heaven long preserve and bless Your Majesty with 
 many happy days, to his glory, the good and comfort of his 
 Church and people. Amen." 
 
 LETTEK II. 
 MOST DREAD SOVEREIGN: 
 
 As our former presentation of the New Testament was graci- 
 ously accepted by your Majesty, so wilh all humble thankfulness 
 for that royal favor, and with the like hope, we are bold now to
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 53 
 
 present the whole Bible, translated into the language of the 
 natives of this country, by a painful laborer in that work, and 
 now printed and finished, by means of the pious beneficence of 
 Your Majesty's subjects in England; which also by your special 
 favor hath been continued and confirmed, to the intended use 
 and advancement of so great and good a work as is the Propa- 
 gation of the Gospel to these poor barbarians in this (erevvhile) 
 unknown world. 
 
 Translations of the Holy Scriptures, the Word of the King 
 of kings, have ever been deemed not unworthy of the most 
 princely dedications; examples whereof are extant in divers 
 languages. But your Majesty is the first which hath received 
 one in this language, or from the American world, or from any 
 parts so remote from Europe as these are, for aught that ever 
 we heard of. 
 
 Publication also of these sacred writings to the sons of men 
 (who here, and here only, have the ministers of their eternal 
 salvation revealed to them by the God of heaven) is a work that 
 the greatest princes have honored themselves by. 
 
 But, to publish and communicate the same to a lost people, as 
 remote from knowledge and civility, much more from Christi- 
 anity, as they were from all showing, civil and Christian 
 nations, a people without law, without letters, without riches, 
 or means to procure any such thing, a people that sat as deep 
 in darkness and in the shadow of death as (we think) any since 
 the creation. This puts a lustre upon it that is superlative, and 
 to have given royal patronage and countenance to such a publi- 
 cation, or to the means thereof, will stand among the marks of 
 lasting honor in the eyes of all that are considerate, even unto 
 after generations. 
 
 And, though there be in this Western world many Colonies of 
 other European nations, yet we humbly conceive, no prince has 
 had a return of such a work as this ; which may be some token 
 of the success of your Majesty's plantation of New England, 
 undertaken and settled under the encouragement and security of 
 your royal father and grandfather, of famous memory, and cher- 
 ished with like gracious aspects from your Majesty.
 
 54 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Though indeed the present Poverty of these plantations could 
 not have accomplished this work had not the forementioned 
 Bounty of England lent Relief; nor could that have continued 
 to stand us in stead, without the Influence of Your Royal Favor 
 and Authority, whereby the Corporation there for Propagating 
 the Gospel among these Natives hath been established and en- 
 couraged, (whose Labor of Love, Care and Faithfulness in that 
 Trust, must ever be remembered with Honor;) yea, when 
 private persons, for their private Ends, have of late sought Ad- 
 vantages to deprive the said Corporation of Half the Possessions 
 that had been by Liberal Contributions, obtained for so Religi- 
 ous Ends. We understand that, by an Honorable and Righteous 
 Decision in your Majesty's Court of Chancery, their Hopes 
 have been defeated, and the Thing settled where it was and is ; 
 for which great favor and illustrious fruit of Your Majesty's 
 Government we cannot but return our most humble thanks in 
 this Public manner; and as the result of the joint Endeavors of 
 Your Majesty's subjects, there and here, acting under your 
 Royal Influence, We present You with this work, which upon 
 sundry accounts is to be called yours. 
 
 Religion is the End and Glory of mankind, and as it was the 
 professed End of this Plantation, so we design ever to keep it 
 in our eye as our main design, (both to ourselves and the natives 
 about us,) and that our products may be answerable thereunto. 
 Give us therefore leave, (Dread Sovereign) yet again humbly to 
 beg the continuance of your Royal Favor, and of the Influences 
 thereof, upon this poor plantation, The United Colonies of New 
 England, for the securing and establishment of our Civil Privi- 
 leges and Religious Liberties hitherto enjoyed; and upon this 
 Good Work of Propagating Religion to these Natives, that the 
 Supports and Encouragements thereof from England may be 
 still countenanced and confirmed. 
 
 May this Nursling still suck the Breast of Kings, and be fos- 
 tered by your Majesty, as it hath been by your Royal Predeces- 
 sors, unto the preservation of its Main Concernments. It shall 
 thrive and prosper to the Glory of God and the Honor of your 
 Majesty. Neither will it be any loss or grief unto our Lord the
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 55 
 
 King, to have the blessing of the Poor to come upon Him, and 
 that from these Ends of the Earth. 
 
 The God by whom Kings Reign and Princes Decree Justice, 
 Bless Your Majesty and establish your Throne in Righteousness, 
 in Mercy and in Truth, to the Glory of His Name, the Good of 
 His People, and to your own Comfort and Rejoicing, not in this 
 only but in another World." 
 
 PROGRESS. 
 
 I have already spoken of the New England landscape as 
 seen in 1631 ; of the location of the various Indian nations, 
 then roaming upon it, wild hunters of the wilderness. 
 We come now to speak more particularly of Eliot's 
 perseverance and progress in the fourteen Indian towns, 
 of his care, and of his 3,600 praying Indians, up to 1674, 
 when the tearful terrors of Philip's war began to becloud 
 New England, bringing dread dismay to the souls of men, 
 women, and children. How previously, in 1648, the 
 four colonies heedlessly, and perhaps unintentionally, 
 retarded Eliot's mission of love, by permitting the use 
 of carnal weapons, with all their appalling consequences, 
 as against Christianity; and by giving their unjust 
 assent to the same, as may be seen in the murder of that 
 life-long Englishman's friend, the brave old Miantonimo.* 
 Thus many instances of cruelty and of crime came like 
 clouds, floating in, polluting the atmosphere, all tend- 
 ing to hedge up Eliot's highway to civilization and 
 Christianity. 
 
 Yet in spite of these terrible happenings ; in spite of 
 all the carnal outrages on the one side and on the other, 
 of war, of conflagration, of skirmishes, and murders 
 
 * My Duston, and New England Wars, pp. 160-169.
 
 56 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 in the midst of his people, Eliot's mission of love had 
 prospered all the way through. Up to 1674, he had 
 made constant, fruitful progress. 
 
 His CARE FOR SCHOOLS. 
 
 From the first, Eliot had evinced uncommon interest 
 towards the rising generations. Cotton Mather bears 
 testimony to his strong force in that direction. 
 
 At one of the synods held in Boston, Mather says: 
 "I heard Eliot pray: 'Lord! for schools everywhere 
 among us ; * that our schools may nourish ; that every 
 member of this assembly may go home, to procure a 
 good school to be encouraged, in the town where he 
 lives ; that before we die, we may all be happy to see a 
 good school established in every part of the country.' " 
 
 INDIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 So it was, by his resistless force of character, as time 
 advanced, an Indian college at Cambridge, being erected, 
 was supplied with students for the ministry ; and thus 
 his disciples, both red and white, were schooled to be his 
 successors in the vast undertaking of evangelizing the 
 red-men of New England. Up to 1674, Eliot's mission 
 had advanced, and his progress had been favored, 
 apparently, by the great Head of the Church. 
 
 RULERS AND MINISTERS. 
 
 Many assistants, as well as successors, were needful to his 
 mission. Proceeding to the translation of the Bible into 
 
 * Memoirs of Eliot, p. 74. Adams' Life of Eliot, p. 51.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 57 
 
 the Indian tongue, scholars, well tutored in the languages, 
 both Indian and English, had become a necessity. Hence, 
 many had been raised up as volunteers, to enter his field 
 of progress, as teachers, as rulers, as printers, as trans- 
 lators, and as ministers, to supply the various towns 
 where the Apostle had established churches, or Indian 
 preaching stations. 
 
 In all this, as we have seen, Eliot had been encouraged 
 by the aid of " a Society " in the old world, organized 
 there, " for the propagation of the Gospel in New Eng- 
 land " ; and by Cromwell, by the Colonial government 
 here, and otherwise. For in his pastorate at Roxbury, 
 where he preached but once in two weeks generally, the 
 remainder of his time being devoted to his books, and to 
 the various tribes, as they gave him gospel gatherings, in 
 the wilderness or near the sea-shore, he was sustained by 
 a constant salary to the end of his life. 
 
 CONFERENCE OF SAGAMORES. 
 
 On the 10th of June, 1651, having called together, 
 from all quarters, the many sachems and sagamores, and 
 their attendants, of New England, he held a discourse 
 with them, on the subject of religions worship, and of 
 carrying his great undertaking into effect. 
 
 On that occasion, they were induced to subscribe to a 
 general approval of his purpose, and among other things, 
 they made choice of rulers, as follows: one ruler for an 
 hundred men ; two rulers of fifty each ; ten rulers of 
 ten men each.* 
 
 * Drake's American Indians, B. II, p. 113. Mather's Magnalia, B. Ill, p. 
 612. Memoirs of Eliot, p. 67. Life of Eliot, pp. 117, 118. 
 8
 
 58 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLK. 
 
 Before the adjournment, they signed Eliot's covenants, 
 and endorsed their consent generally to the days of 
 fasting and prayer, which, on that occasion, had been 
 appointed. 
 
 THE COVENANT 
 
 which the Indians had signed, though somewhat long, 
 was to the point. It began, and ended, thus : 
 
 "We are the sons of Adam. We and our Fathers have 
 a long time been lost in our sins; but now the mercy 
 of the Lord begins to find us out again. . . . Oh ! 
 Jehovah, teach us wisdom in thy Scriptures! Let the 
 grace of Christ help us, because Christ is the wisdom of 
 God. Send thy spirit into our hearts, and let it teach 
 us! Take us to be thy people and let us take Thee to 
 be our God!"* 
 
 CHURCH AT NATICK. 
 
 In the year 1661, Eliot's first Indian church was organ- 
 ized, it being a day of baptisms. At this date he had 
 completed his translation of the New Testament. In 
 1663 he had also completed the printing of the Old 
 Testament in the Indian language. At this, it is said, 
 the commissioners of the four colonies were greatly 
 pleased. 
 
 He then proceeded to the translation of the Psalter ; 
 and then to the " Practice of Piety," which, being printed 
 in the Indian language, became popular among the tribes, 
 who took several editions of it in the years 1665 and 
 1667, and up to 1687. 
 
 * Memoirs of Eliot, ch. 13, pp. 83, 84.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 59 
 
 In 1666, Mr. Eliot had established a lecture station at 
 Natick, his first Indian town; and about the same time, 
 making proclamation, he called together a multitude of 
 Indians at Alarshpee. There he took from them con- 
 fessions of their Christian knowledge, faith, and practice. 
 Afterwards (Aug. 17, 1670), Mr. Bourne was ordained 
 over the native church at Natick. 
 
 PEACE. 
 
 In the year 1671,* the settlers in Plymouth colony 
 were threatening to make war against a neighboring 
 tribe, the Missokonog Indians. Eliot hearing of this, 
 and trembling for the safety of his Indian churches, at 
 once dispatched a committee to proceed to that place of 
 danger, as mediators, with instructions (from Eliot) as 
 follows: 
 
 We, the poor church at Natick, hearing that the 
 honored Rulers, and good People of Plymouth, are 
 pressing, and arming soldiers to go to war .igainst the 
 Mis-so-konog Indians, for what cause we know not. 
 Though they pray not to God, we hope they will ! And 
 we do mourn, and pray for them, and desire greatly that 
 they may not be destroyed. Especially because we have 
 not heard that they have done anything worthy of 
 death. 
 
 Therefore we do send these two brethren, Anthony 
 and William, who were formerly our messengers to 
 those parts ; and we request John Sassamonf to join 
 them 
 
 * Bacon's History cf Xatick, pp. 24-S6. 
 
 t Sassamon was afterwards slain. Drake, B. IH, p. 9.
 
 60 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 And this trust we commit unto you, our dear 
 brethren and beloved 
 
 First, to go to the misso-konog Indians, or who else 
 may be concerned, in the quarrel; tell them the poor 
 churches in Natick, send them two Scriptures. 
 
 When thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against 
 it, then proclaim peace unto it. 
 
 And it shall be, if it make thee answer of peace, 
 and open unto thee, then it shall be, that all the people 
 that is found therein shall be tributaries unto thee, and 
 they shall serve thee.' 
 
 * Dare any of you, having a matter against another, 
 go to law before the unjust, and not before the saints ? 
 
 "'Do ye not know that the saints shall judge the 
 world ? and if the world shall be judged by you, arc ye 
 unworthy to judge the smallest matters ? 
 
 "'Know ye not that we shall judge angels? How 
 much more things that pertain to this life ? 
 
 " * If then ye have judgments of things pertaining to 
 this life, set them to judge who are least esteemed in 
 the church. 
 
 " ' I speak to your shame. Is it so, that there is not a 
 wise man among you? no, not one that shall be able to 
 judge between his brethren? 
 
 " ' But brother goeth to law with brother, and that 
 before the unbelievers.' f 
 
 "If they of Missokonog accept this our exhortation, 
 tell them, that the Church, also, have sent you to the 
 Governor; tell him that the Church hath sent you to 
 be mediators of peace; on behalf of the Missokonog 
 Indians, or any other of their neighbors ... 
 
 * Deut. xx, 10, 11. f 1 Cor. vi, 1-6.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 61 
 
 "Nay, beseech them all, to consider, what comfort it 
 will be, to Ml, or to be killed, when no capital sin hath 
 been committed, or defended by them 
 
 "And we request you, our beloved brethren, to be 
 speedy, in your motions. We shall endeavor to follow 
 you in our prayers ; and shall long to hear of a happy 
 peace, that may open a clear door for the passage of 
 the gospel among the people. 
 
 "Thus, commending you to God, in prayer, we do 
 send you forth, upon this great service of peace-making, 
 which is evidently the flower and glory of Christ's 
 kingdom." 
 
 (Signed) JOHN ELIOT, 
 
 with the consent \ 
 NATICK, Aug. 1, 1671. of the Church. / 
 
 INDIAN STATIONS. 
 
 About this time, the Apostle had towns of Christian 
 Indians as follows : 
 
 Natick, his first town, had in it some 29 families, and 
 145 inhabitants, occupying 6,000 acres .of land. Here, 
 as perhaps in other localities, the Indian people on the 
 Lord's days, and on other lecture days, were called 
 together at the sound of a drum. 
 
 Pekemit (Stoughton), then reckoned -to be 14 miles 
 south of Boston, contained 12 families, and GO Indians, 
 occupying 6,000 acres of land. 
 
 Ilas-sa-namesit (Grafton) had a church organized in 
 1671. About 30 of the natives had been baptized. It 
 is said, in general, they all sustained the Sabbath, and 
 church-worship, in a becoming manner. 
 
 Okom-ma-kemesit (Marlboro'), then 30 miles west of
 
 t>2 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Boston, had 10 native families, cultivated 6,000 acres of 
 soil, with orchards planted by Indians. Solomon was 
 their teacher. 
 
 Nashobah (Littleton), then 25 miles west-northwest 
 from Boston, contained 10 Indian families and 50 souls, 
 ho'ding lands 4 miles square. John Thomas was their 
 teacher. 
 
 Wagum-qua-cogr, situated between Natick and Grafton, 
 had 11 native families and 55 inhabitants, who, as 
 appears, " worshipped God, kept the Sabbath, and adhered 
 to the duties of civil order." Job was their teacher. 
 
 Pentucket (or Tewksbury), situated at the confluence 
 of the Merrimac and Concord Rivers, contained 2,500 
 acres, had 15 Indian families, and 75 souls.* 
 
 Numphow lived here, as their ruler, and his son Samuel 
 (named by the English) served his father here, as an 
 assistant teacher. They had been educated at the 
 expense of that society in England of which we have 
 spoken. 
 
 This being a favorable fishing station, the tribes at 
 certain seasons, from various quarters, often congregated 
 here. 
 
 Eliot had sometimes preached at Pawtucket Falls 
 during the long life-time of JPassnconawiiy f This ven- 
 erable sachem was generally present to hear the sermon, 
 to which he and his tribes usually listened attentively. 
 
 One day at the Falls, after the sermon, tho Indians 
 propounded to the Apostle many questions. 
 
 At one time (1648) the old chief, who probably had 
 seen, upon these hill-sides, the frosts of an hundred 
 
 * Memoirs of Eliot, pp. 101, 103, 140. 
 
 t Drake's American Indians, B. Ill, pp. 93, 94.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 63 
 
 winters, rose up at the close of the service, and publicly 
 announced his belief in the Englishman's God. Among 
 other thing-!, Eliot himself speaks of him thus: 
 
 " He said he never heard of God before as he now 
 doth; that he would consider the matter, and would 
 persuade his two sons [then present] to do the same." 
 
 THE TEXT 
 
 (Malachi 5, 11), translated for the occasion, was as follows: 
 " From the rising of the sun to the going down of the 
 same, my name shall be great among the ' Indians ' ; and 
 in every place, prayers shall be made unto my name ; and 
 a pure 'prayer'; for my name shall be great, among 
 the 'Indians' (saith the Lord 'of hosts')."* 
 
 AT WAMESIT AGAIN. 
 
 On the 5th of May, 1674, Eliot comes once again, to 
 meet the assembled tribes, Major-General Gookin at- 
 tending the Apostle, and holds a court here. They 
 were together when they came, and when they went 
 away. 
 
 Public notice had been given for the convention of 
 the tribes, held at that time, where the Eliot Church, in 
 Lowell, now stands. Gathering in, they filled up the 
 space-way between the wigwams on that hill-side, to 
 hear the Apostle, all curious, all anxious. 
 
 At that time, the dark cloud, which had begun to 
 overshadow New England, portending war, brought 
 dread fear to all. This must have quickened the foot- 
 step of the Christian red-man, as he came in with his 
 
 * Francis' Life of Eliot, p. 107.
 
 64 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 squaw and little ones, coming, as they did, from Amos- 
 keag and other places, that they might learn lessons, and 
 be encouraged by that great and good man, the Apostle! 
 Thus, now, the many tribes are here; Numphow is 
 here ; Samuel and Wonalancet are here ; and Gookin is 
 here. The sun has gone down beyond the Wachusette 
 hills ; the shades of night are spread out in the skies ; 
 the din of Pawtucket Falls is audible ; and beneath the 
 stars of heaven, as they seem to gaze down approvingly, 
 the voice of the Evangelist, like the voice of a God, falls 
 in upon the assembled tribes, at Wamesit, for the last, 
 last time.* 
 
 WONALANCET. 
 
 He, then about fifty years of age, being present, was 
 seriously impressed among others ; and rising up at the 
 close of the discourse, addressed Eliot and Gookin 
 thus : 
 
 "Sirs, you have been pleased for four years, in your 
 abundant love, to apply yourselves particularly unto me 
 and my people ; to exhort, press, and persuade us to 
 pray (to God). I am thankful to you for your pains. I 
 must acknowledge, have all my days been used to pass 
 in an old canoe ; and you exhort me to change that old 
 canoe, to which I have hitherto been unwilling. But 
 now, I yield to your advice." f 
 
 He was a son of Passaconaway. The father, at the 
 age of more than a century (as recorded), had gone 
 hence. The son succeeding him, as chief sachem of the 
 Penacooks, including the Wamesits, had spread his 
 
 * Text, Matt, xxii, 1-14. f Memoirs of Eliot, p. 103.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 65 
 
 wigwam tent here, and here, upon our beautiful Fort 
 Hill, had erected his fortification, as we have seen. This 
 was at about the beginning of dread hostilities, during 
 which, being a peace-maker, Wonalancet fled away with 
 many of his men ; but returned, when he had reason to 
 believe the conflict had come to an end. At length 
 (1G77), disgusted with the repeated, unprovoked ill- 
 treatment of some of the settlers towards him and his 
 kindred race, he, after selling out all his lands, finally 
 wandered away into Canada, leaving his native hills, 
 and never, never returned.* 
 
 ELIOT'S PROGRESS. 
 
 In 1674, and up to that time, although terrible difficul- 
 ties had intervened, yet Zion, even in a wilderness of 
 many conflicts, as appears, had made progress. But 
 now, through the threatenings of King Philip, under the 
 many outrages of individual settlers, a terrible war is at 
 hand. 
 
 The very elements are angry, and the mattering thun- 
 ders of war are everywhere breaking in against Eliot's 
 mission, and against the Christian civilization of tho 
 New England tribes. 
 
 The top of Zion's tree, so to speak, on which Eliot's 
 Indian churches hang, is now beginning to be tossed by 
 the tempest ; the tornado gathers blackness, and the light- 
 nings, followed by thunderbolts, are shooting down from 
 the skies, chilling the blood of mortals, and, in spite of 
 the Apostle and his peaceful Christians, distracting the 
 populace, and turning their God-given love into mad- 
 
 * Drake's His., B. Ill, pp. 95-97. 
 9
 
 66 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 ness, cruelty, and blood. Beneath its blackness are the 
 fagot and the tomahawk, with all their nightly and morn- 
 ing horrors. Indeed, on the one side and on the other, 
 it is known to be a war of extermination, a war, not 
 based upon the overwhelming power of Christian love, 
 but upon the madness of brute force, wielding the blood- 
 stained weapons of demons, a war in which the peace- 
 ful Christian Indian will not be allowed to stand neutral; 
 but is to be compelled to take up arms agninst his own 
 kindred race, or be manacled, imprisoned, or slain by the 
 white man ; and a war in which the Bible, the Psalter, 
 and the Prayer-book are to be laid aside, giving place to 
 the deadly carnal weapon. 
 To all this, Eliot, in the agonies of his heart, demurred.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE ALTERNATIVE. 
 
 So it was ; every neutral Indian, by the colonial gov- 
 ernment, was branded as an enemy, however pure in 
 thought or deed, or circumspect in life, he might be. 
 
 Under this pressure, some of the natives, not being 
 willing to allow their own kindred people to be de- 
 stroyed, fled into the ranks of King Philip; some of 
 them took up arms for the English ; some of them, like 
 Wonalancet, seeking peace, wandered away into the 
 dense wilderness afar off ; * while Eliot's non-resistant, 
 Christian red-men were seized, as at Natick, manacled, 
 and boated down Charles River, and were held at Deer 
 Island as prisoners of war.f 
 
 JAMES THE PRINTER. 
 
 In sight of the dread alternative thus offered, in which 
 Eliot's Indians were doomed to take sides, James, although 
 always heretofore faithful to the white man, now turning, 
 fled away, and joined his kindred nationality. He served 
 under King Philip, and was found with Philip's forces 
 in the invasion of Lancaster, which captured Mrs. 
 
 * Dearborn's Sketch of Eliot's Life, p. 15. 
 t Francis' Life of Eliot, pp. 277, 278.
 
 68 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Rowlandson, and held her for some months in captivity.* 
 James had a desire, it seems, to save his race from 
 the extermination then impending; yet remembering, 
 as he must, the many good things which he had learned 
 from the Apostle, redeemed himself in favoring the 
 redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson from her captivity as 
 follows. Long had this pious lady sought redemption, 
 after extreme abuse, privation, and sorrow, but in vain. 
 Being a clergyman's wife, a great price for her release 
 was demanded. 
 
 One day, Mr. Hoar, with others from Boston, by 
 permission entered King Philip's wigwam camp in the 
 forest, to obtain this lady from captivity, and offering to 
 Quinnopin, her master, an hundred dollars. lie refused 
 to give her up. The savage said it was not enough, and 
 persisted in the refusal. It was all the money; and 
 Mrs. Rowlandson is seen weeping, in a distracted, 
 hopeless condition. James the Printer, seeing this, and 
 his Christianized heart touched by the incident, ap- 
 proaching Mr. Hoar, said, "Go again to Quinnopin [her 
 master] ; offer him the hundred dollars again, and give 
 him a pint of rum." His suggestion was obeyed ; the 
 money, with the rum, was accepted ; and the oppressed 
 captive was set free. 
 
 Soon afterwards this lady went forth with her revered 
 husband, both as missionaries in New England preach- 
 ing the gospel, until he was slain by the tribes ; and then 
 Mrs. Rowlandson prepared and published her popular 
 book often found in our Sabbath schools, in which she 
 gives many a startling incident of her captivity. 
 
 * Drake's American Indians, B. II, pp. 50, 51.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 69 
 
 JOB NESUTAN.* 
 
 Nesutan, another of Eliot's disciples, when the dread 
 alternative came, taking sides in the use of carnal 
 weapons, elected to turn into the fight in behalf of the 
 English. Job had been long with James the Printer in 
 Eliot's service ; was a good linguist in the English 
 tongue, had worked on the Bible and other books 
 as a printer in the Indian language. In war he proved a 
 valiant soldier, and fell in the fight during the first 
 expedition at Mount Hope. 
 
 OLD JETHRO. 
 
 This pious Indian preacher had labored in the vine- 
 yard under Eliot and Gookin at Lancaster and other 
 places, and had been long in the service. But, sad for 
 him, when the dread alternative of the contest offered 
 itself, he was found on the side of his own kindred 
 and countrymen. This was the extent of his crime ; 
 yet the last his Christian brethren saw of him, he was in 
 the hands of desperadoes on the briery pathway to 
 Boston, with a rope about his neck, to be hanged.f And 
 the Christian "cry" of Old Jethro was heard no more 
 "in the wilderness." 
 
 Thus it was that numerous desperadoes could have 
 their own way, when carnal weapons had obtained the 
 ascendency, encouraged, as they were, by the barbarous 
 examples of cruelty and torture which had long lived 
 to disgrace the government of England. 
 
 * Drake's American Indians, B. II, p. 51. 
 
 t Jethro. Sec Drake's American History, pp. 81, &l, 90.
 
 70 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 DEATH OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 True it is, and it is but just to say it, when King 
 Philip, in the fight for his country and nation, had been 
 shot down in his native forest, his lifeless body torn 
 asunder, and divided, was borne away in pieces as by 
 brute beasts; and then the wife and the son were sold 
 into slavery. Against all these, and other practices of 
 the kind, Eliot, by his eloquence, by prayer and petition, 
 constantly remonstrated. Philip is no more.* 
 
 "He felt his life-blood freezing fast; 
 
 He grasped his bow, his lance and steel ; 
 He was of Wampanoag's last, 
 To die were easy not to yield. 
 
 "His eyes were fixed upon the sky; 
 
 He gasped, as on the ground he fell ; 
 None but his foes to see him die ; 
 None but his foes his death to tell." 
 
 THE SHAM FIGHT. 
 
 As truth impels us, we turn next to the great Training. 
 About a month after the death of King Philip, the war 
 then being supposed to be ended, proclamation had been 
 made by the English, that on the sixth day of Septem- 
 ber, 1676, there was to be a great training at Cochcco 
 (Dover, N. H.), in which the red-man, from every part of 
 New England, was invited to participate. That day 
 arrived. The peaceful Wonalancct was there; four hun- 
 dred other Indians were there ; among whom were that 
 scattered and bereaved remnant of Eliot's men, from 
 
 * Drake's Amer. Indians, Book III, pp. 42-44.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 71 
 
 Wamesit, and from other places; some of whom had 
 been pressed into the fight, as against a strong desire to 
 be neutral ; some of them, peaceful, had fled away, but 
 had returned at the joyful news of peace; and all, 
 willing to join the white man, bringing the Christian 
 olive-branch, had, as invited, come to the great training 
 at Cocheco. The brigade was formed, Major Waldron, 
 who four years afterwards was slain at midnight, was 
 the commanding-general of the day. In the order of 
 military exercises, there was to be a sham fight. In this, 
 the Indians, without weapons, were stationed to the 
 drag-ropes of the field-pieces of the artillery. The Eng- 
 lish, of course, had charge of the guns. All being ready 
 for the onset, a signal was given, by the discharge of a 
 field-piece ; at which, by a preconcerted manoeuvre, the 
 English infantry, closing in upon the Indians on all 
 sides, seized, manacled, and confined them all as prison- 
 ers of war.* 
 
 Thus, at Cocheco, were assembled the Wamesits, the 
 Penacooks, the Ossipees, Pequawkets, and others, all at 
 the pretended peace-making beck of the English ; and 
 were under the benign protection, as they thought, of 
 the peaceful Wonalancet, and of Eliot's Christian civil- 
 ization. But, alas ! they were all prisoners. 
 
 Then and there, without a trial, they were separated, 
 the peaceable from the perfidious. About two hundred 
 of them with Wonalancet, then thought to be harmless, 
 were released. The other two hundred, being suspected 
 of evil intent, were marched or boated away to Boston. 
 
 * Hubbard, historian of that day, complacently says : "They were hand- 
 eomely surprised, without the loss of any person's life, to the number of 
 400 Indians." Drake, B. Ill, pp. 96, 97.
 
 72 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Seven or eight of them were hanged as supposed mur- 
 derers ; some of them were sent to other parts ; some of 
 them sold into slavery.* 
 
 PETITION OF JOHN ELIOT AGAINST THE SALE OF INDIANS. 
 
 To the Hon. Gov. and Council, sitting at Boston, this 13th of the 6th, 1675. 
 
 THE HUMBLE PETITION OF JOHN ELIOT SHEWETH: 
 
 That the terror of selling away such Indians unto the Islands for perpetual 
 slaves, who shall yield up themselves to your mercy, is like to be an effectual 
 prolongation of the war, and such an exasperation of them, as may produce 
 we know not what evil consequences upon all the land. 
 
 Christ hath said, blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy. 
 This usage of them is worse than death. The design of Christ in these last 
 days is not to extirpate nations, but to gospelize them. His sovreign hand 
 and grace hath brought the gospel into these dark places of the earth. 
 When we came we declared to the world (and it is recorded) yea, we are 
 engaged by our Letters Patent from the King's Majesty, that the endeavour 
 of the Indians' conversion, not their extirpation, was one great end of our 
 enterprise in coming to these ends of the earth. The Lord hath so succeeded 
 that work as that, by his grace, they have the Holy Scriptures, and sundry 
 of themselves able to teach their countrymen the good knowledge of God. 
 And however some of them have refused to receive the gospel, and now are 
 incensed in their spirits unto a war against the English, yet I doubt not that 
 the meaning of Christ is to open a door for the free passage of the gospel 
 among them. 
 
 My humble request is, that you would follow Christ's design in this 
 matter, to promote the free passage ot religion among them, and not destroy 
 them. 
 
 To sell souls for money seemeth to me a dangerous merchandise. To sell 
 them away from all means of grace, when Christ has provided means of 
 grace for them, is the way for us to be active in the destroying their souls. 
 Dent, xxiii, 15, 16, a fugitive servant from a pagan master might not be 
 delivered to his master, but be kept in Israel for the good of his soul; how 
 much less lawful to sell away souls from under the light of the gospel into a 
 condition where their souls will be utterly lost, so far as appearcth unto man. 
 
 All men of reading condemn the Spaniard for cruelty upon this point, in 
 destroying men, and depopulating the land. The country is large enough; 
 
 * Drake's Amer. Indians, Book III, pp. 81-83.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 73 
 
 THE SQUAW. 
 
 We, as well as Eliot, have reason also to lament the 
 dealings of the desperadoes of our white race with the 
 squaw sachem of Saconet.* 
 
 Prior to the death of Philip, a proclamation had been 
 made, which called upon all his adherents to come in, giv- 
 ing them to understand, that they, in that case, should 
 be dealt Avith mercifully. Thereupon, this squaw sachem, 
 an ally of Philip, having first sent three messengers to 
 the governor of Plymouth, suing for life, promising, 
 under that proclamation, submission ; and accordingly 
 surrendered herself and tribes to Major Bradford. 
 
 But, sad to tell ! they were slain, the entire one hun- 
 dred and ten, that very day. "Well might the Apostle 
 expostulate. 
 
 Great God, forgive our Saxon race, 
 Blot from thy Book, no more to trace 
 
 Fraternal wrath infernal ! 
 That taints the atmosphere we breathe, 
 The sky above and earth beneath, 
 
 With dearth and death eternal ! f 
 
 here is land enough for them and us too. Prov. xiv, 28. In the multitude 
 of people is the King's honor. 
 
 It will be much to the glory of Christ to have many brought in to worship 
 his great name. 
 
 I desire the Honored Council to pardon my boldness, and let the case of 
 conscience be discussed orderly, before the King be asked. Cover my 
 weakness, and weigh the reason and religion that laboreth in this great case 
 of conscience. JOHN ELIOT." , 
 
 About three months subsequently, seven Indians were sold ["to be 
 transported to any place out of this continent"], by the Treasurer of the 
 Colony. See Genealogy of Eliot Family, pp. 133, 134. 
 
 * Drake's Amer. Indians, Book II, p. 40. 
 t From my Epics, etc., p. 167. 
 ' 10
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 EXTEBMIN A.TION. 
 
 THIS was avowed as well on the one side as on the 
 other. And at the hands of desperadoes, the natives, 
 in various ways, were constantly being crowded, to the 
 end of their lives. Provoked variously, to madness and 
 desperation, they fought, some against their own race, 
 some against the English settlers ; .and, as Cowper hath, 
 in truth, said, "the brands rusted in their bony hands." 
 
 In view of all this, it is much to be deplored that the 
 unbiased historian, aside from Eliot's influence, has 
 never been able to see any material difference between 
 the so-called civilization of that day of trial, and native 
 savage barbarism itself, as evinced by desperadoes on 
 the one side and on the other. 
 
 So it was at 
 
 WAMESIT. 
 
 In 1675, the Indians (Oct. 27 and Nov. 4) had been 
 provoked by English desperadoes, who had repeatedly 
 fired upon them, at Chclmsford and elsewhere, upon 
 suspicion that the Wamesits had been guilty of burning 
 a barn, by and for which some of the natives had been 
 killed.* Being thus indiscriminately accused and injured 
 
 * Francis' Life of Eliot, pp. 279, 280.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 75 
 
 as barn-burners, it of course came to pass that the 
 Wamesits, combining against the settlers in this locality, 
 by reason of these aggressions long and often repeated, 
 crossed the Merrimac in their canoes, and, falling in 
 upon the English settlers on the north side of the river, 
 near where the old garrison-house still stands (1880), 
 raising their fearful war-whoop cry, and burning down 
 three dwelling-houses, one or. more of which belonged to 
 Edward Colburn and Samuel Varnum; said Colburn and 
 others were shot at, and pursued by the Indians (forty 
 in number) ; and while upon the river, in attempting to 
 cross it, the two sons. of Varnum in the conflict were 
 slain. It was March 18, 1676. And on the 15th of 
 April, then next, fourteen or fifteen English cottages in 
 this vicinity were consumed. 
 
 MOKAL. 
 
 From all this, we may clearly see how great a matter 
 a little fire may kindle; indeed, how those, who unwisely 
 take the sword, may perish by it; and above all, how 
 wise it shall be to learn of Eliot, bearing, forbearing, and 
 forgiving, advancing valiantly onward, following peace 
 with the world under God's great golden rule, as he did. 
 
 OLD MEN AND WOMEN. 
 
 As Philip's war progressed, the Wamesits at one time 
 went away, deserting the station, leaving only some few 
 old men and women here, too old to get away.* Sad 
 to relate, soon after the young Indians left, their wigwams 
 at night were set fire to, and all those that remained 
 
 * Sketch of the Life of Eliot, pp. 15, 16.
 
 76 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 perished. Their ashes, no doubt, are somewhere in this 
 ground on which we tread.* 
 
 PHILIP'S FOKCE. 
 
 For a considerable time he appeared to be strong and 
 invincible. And yet that light and love, which by the 
 Apostle had been diffused among the tribes, tended 
 greatly to delay and dishearten a savage warfare. 
 
 But for this, the war would have been longer, and if 
 possible more terrible ; but for this, the general mass of 
 natives would have gone over to King Philip. And in 
 that event, the English settlers would have been most 
 likely driven out, if not entirely exterminated. Eliot's 
 mission to evangelize the Indian nations, although it 
 fell short of his grand purpose, politically, as we have 
 seen, it saved the white settler <ff New England, serving, 
 as it did, to concentrate a balance of power towards 
 civilization and economical progress. 
 
 All the way, 'neath the war-cloud or otherwise, Eliot's 
 constant prayer was for peace. So it was in the 
 Missakonog troubles, which he so nobly averted and 
 prevented. It was so in 1669, when the Massachusetts 
 Indians made a six-years' war against the Mohawks. In 
 that contest, along the borders of New York, seven 
 hundred Indians^ against the prayerful entreaties of 
 Eliot, waged war in that wilderness, and more than 
 half of them perished in the fight, f All this, and 
 more, the Apostle had foreseen, and had raised his 
 voice against it. 
 
 * Drake's American Indian Wars, B. II, p. 117. 
 t Drake, li. II, p. 45.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 77 
 
 MALICIOUS MEN. 
 
 Conflicts with the natives were got up, not by the 
 masses, on the one side or the other, but, through 
 occasional depredations, the kindling embers of anger 
 from time to time were fanned forth to furious flames. 
 And although terrible scenes of war and blood had 
 transpired, beclouding and hedging up the pathway of 
 the Apostle, in the killing of his educated ministers and 
 teachers, and in the distraction or destruction of his 
 Christian churches and people of his care, Eliot still 
 survived, yet he mourned, bereaved, and what follows. 
 
 They thence, advance 'mid oft-recurring strife, 
 Through conflicts desperate kindled into life, 
 By hate implacable still lingering long, 
 Avenging Philip's death; and flagrant wrong, 
 Remembered well, encroachments rash, designed, 
 Repeated oft, as self had long inclined 
 The natives here. But through the lapse of time, 
 Whence wayward hearts to better faith incline, 
 Whence discord wanes away, then Truth began 
 To shed with light the vagrant paths of man ; > 
 Distracted foes their errors soon discern, 
 And back to reason once again return. 
 Then Peace, that welcome harbinger of health, 
 Of generous thrift, foreshadowing weal and wealth, 
 Brings her glad-tidings down, and cheers the land, 
 With prompt good-will and noble deeds at hand, 
 To heal the broken heart, to make amends 
 For wilful waste, which from the past descends. 
 
 Thence this fair vale, from mountain to the main, 
 In vernal grandeur buds to bloom again ; 
 And plenteous harvest, with her golden ears, 
 Crowning the prudence of progressive years, 
 Adorns the field, and grace triumphant gives
 
 78 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 To honest toil. Here Wonalancet lives, 
 
 Unscathed by war, a sachem wise and true, 
 
 Of fragment tribes still roving far and few, 
 
 Along these banks, where Penacook had stood 
 
 For countless years, through tempest, storm, and flood; 
 
 And further seaward where Wamesit lies, 
 
 Still well entrenched, a wigwam city thrives ; 
 
 Rightly reserved, the home of hunters here, 
 
 A fort within and habitations dear 
 
 To friendly red-men. While from dearth released, 
 
 From scourge of conflict, and in strength increased, 
 
 Through many a favored year the Pilgrim mind, 
 
 By faith and works religious freedom find : 
 
 Such as the fathers sought and had foretold 
 
 Should come, in grace abounding as of old.* 
 
 In that dread war, the Apostle had followed his 
 disciples, his ministers, his teachers, his printers, his in- 
 terpreters, and other brethren to their places of im- 
 prisonment, at the pines on Charles River, as they were 
 boated away ; and at Deer Island and other places, while 
 held imprisoned and in chains ; and although powerle;*s to 
 rescue them, his kind, discreet voice, everywhere and to 
 all, administered comfort, encouragement, and consola- 
 tion.f 
 
 And when, at Philip's death, the rancor of war seemed 
 to subside, the Apostle again advanced, not as before, but 
 as well as he could. On foot in the forest, preaching, 
 and trying to re-establish his former missionary stations ; 
 advancing, sometimes through torrents of rain, storms 
 of hail, or drifts of snow ; and sometimes, for days to- 
 gether, without a dry thread in his garments. 
 
 * From my Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, p. 346. 
 
 f Dearborn's Sketch of Eliot's Life, pp. 14-17. Bigelow's Hist of Natick, 
 p. 36. Francis' Life of Eliot, pp. 277, 278.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLB. 79 
 
 ELIOT AT NASHUA. 
 
 At one time, in the summer of 1652, he had started 
 from Roxbury, to preach to the tribes at Nashua, some 
 sixty miles away, as then reckoned. But while on the 
 journey, a notice reached him of a conflict up there 
 among the Indians, that might endanger his own life. 
 Thereupon, for a day or two, he halted, turned aside, and 
 waited. 
 
 The old chief at Nashua, hearing of this, at once 
 organized an armed force of twenty Indian warriors, 
 headed them himself, and bounding through the forest, 
 surrounded their old Apostle, safely escorted him 
 through, with gallant honors, to the place of his appoint- 
 ment, thus they honored him, that he might preach 
 to their waiting, assembled people.* 
 
 His MANY FRIENDS. 
 
 His Christians, those that had already been driven out 
 from their native soil, those that had perished in the 
 fight, or otherwise had been slain, or had died of disease 
 or starvation during the conflicts, including those whom 
 he, in his long life, had parted with at the common 
 grave, had been thousands. 
 
 Yet he had consolation, that amid all the trials of 
 earth, he had constantly borne to the breeze that gospel 
 banner of righteousness, beautifully inscribed, " Love to 
 God ! Peace on earth, and good-will towards men." 
 
 Drake's Hist. Amor. Indians, Book III, p. 85.
 
 80 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 TESTIMONIALS. 
 
 Richard Baxter, the great author and scholar, in 1691, 
 upon his death-bed in England, declared, among other 
 sayings, " There was no man I honored above John Eliot. 
 . . . I hope as he did ; it is for his evangelical succes- 
 sion that I plead." 
 
 Shepard, one of his cotemporaries, then minister at 
 Cambridge, while the Puritan settlers were trembling 
 (in the war) for the fate of New England, exhorting his 
 people to take courage, declared, that " the country could 
 never perish, so long as John Eliot lived." 
 
 Cotton Mather, speaking of Eliot's eloquence, snys: 
 " He would sound the trumpet of God against all vice, 
 with a most penetrating liveliness, and make his pulpit 
 another Mount Sinai, for the flashes of lightning therein 
 displayed against the breaches of the law, given from 
 that burning mountain." * 
 
 Edward Everett, in his oration at Bloody Brook, an- 
 nounced his belief, that " since the death of St. Paul, a 
 nobler, a truer, a warmer spirit than John Eliot never 
 lived." f 
 
 But what need have we for witnesses? 
 
 John Eliot is known of all New England ; and 
 although his translations of the Bible and other books, 
 into the Indian language, have become as a dead 
 letter; and his Indian nations, whom he tried to save, 
 were nearly destroyed, their descendants, being now 
 unknown, and unheard of, save in some distant prairie 
 or wilderness, still wandering afar off, few and far 
 between. 
 
 * Life of John Eliot, p. 9. f Hist of Natick, ch. 2, i>. 12.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 81 
 
 T is sad to tell how the Indian fell, 
 How the storm had swept the deck, 
 
 How the tribes of yore, all dashed ashore, 
 The craft became a wreck ! 
 
 Bright stars shall burn, and seasons turn 
 
 Their sunny sides forever ; 
 But ne'er to change, that mountain range 
 
 Again shall know them never. 
 
 True, true they say, there's a better day, 
 
 And faith, we ought to find it! 
 For the lights of love, that burn above, 
 
 Are lit for man to mind it.* 
 
 ELIOT'S ADHERENTS. 
 
 Prior to the war, he had at his call many whom he had 
 schooled for the Indian ministry, as teachers, as printers, 
 as interpreters, proof-readers, etc., as we have seen ; and 
 who had aided him in his vast undertaking to civilize 
 and evangelize the Indian nations. But first and last, 
 and not least, among those who contributed to that great 
 cause, there was a lady, diligent, circumspect, duteous. 
 
 ANNA MOUNTFOET ELIOT.! 
 
 Their acquaintance had commenced in England ; and 
 after Eliot had been in Boston about a year, the cry, 
 " Come over and help us," or some other cry, had reached 
 the car of Anna Mountfort. At once she made haste 
 for the hazardous sea-voyage. Ah ! how the gallant valor 
 of that girl of the oldeu time looms up to our frail 
 imagination ! 
 
 * From my Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, pp. 191-195. 
 t Genealogy of Eliot Family, pp. 44, K. 
 11
 
 82 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Beyond the seas, I seem to see her there, at early morn, 
 about to sever herself from the mates of her childhood 
 and from kindred ties; there, at the dear old threshold 
 of home ; there, as she takes leave of a trembling, tearful 
 old mother, the sister, or the brother, with that last sad 
 good-by, which never on earth, orally, was to be 
 repeated. 
 
 Thence, through her truth and love to John Eliot, she 
 dares the dangers of the high seas; and three thousand 
 miles away from all else dear to her, in 1632 lands in the 
 New World, at Boston. 
 
 And such a girl! I'll tell you true, once here, it did 
 not take her long to find her John's tenement, or the 
 place of the parsonage. She had come here, bearing 
 woman's olive-branch of peace and love. She had come, 
 not to encumber, not to embarrass ; not as a worthless, 
 heartless image, embracing a bill of expense. No she 
 had come to help John, had come to his field of honest 
 labor. She had come to this wilderness, equipped and 
 fortified with that force and power which no man on 
 earth ever had, to wit, the transcendent power of 
 woman's peaceful, faithful love! She had come to follow 
 the leadership of the husband, and to advance to that 
 sphere and vocation which the great God, in his wise 
 economy, hath pointed out to all women. 
 
 Thus armed, thus endowed, with the power of woman's 
 unfaltering, faithful love, that lady, just then married, 
 was ready for duty, ready, if need be, to enter the 
 wild forest with her dear John, and to help him to fell 
 the trees, and to gather together the bark and the boughs, 
 and to build the wigwani.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 83 
 
 HER FIRST WORK. 
 
 In the beginning, she busied herself, among other 
 duties, in acquiring a knowledge of medicine and medical 
 practice. But this, too, without hinderance, or inter- 
 ference with the cares of the household. So that, when 
 disease, contagious or otherwise, came to the white-man 
 or to the red-man, there she stood, by the side of John 
 Eliot, a healing hand, holding an antidote for every 
 languishing heart, a balm for every wound. 
 
 It was thus from the day of her marriage, that Anna 
 Eliot became the leading exemplary spirit, in advance of 
 those brave old New England mothers, who followed her 
 in succession ; the equals of whom, for valor, for frugal 
 industry, for endurance, for truthfulness, and for a valiant 
 faith in their God, the history of the world hath never 
 known. 
 
 Thus this primeval leader of the wives of our fathers 
 began ; and thus she advanced, to the highest honors of 
 life, and to a glorious immortality. All the way along, 
 through a connubial life of more than half a century, 
 in the forest, in the field, in peace, and in dread war, 
 she had filled well her place, a wife, a Christian 
 pioneer, as well as a companion. 
 
 With truth, and trust, and patient pride, 
 At morn, at noon, or even-tide, 
 
 She calmed the cloudy hour; 
 Her heart was full of love and song, 
 She cheered her Eliot all along, 
 
 She brought him many a flower.f 
 
 Life of Kliot, p. 2G9. Eliot Genealogy, pp. 44, 45, 48. 
 t From rny Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, p. 160.
 
 84 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 HEU DEATH. 
 
 We have seen how the girl had left the home of her 
 childhood, and father and mother and friends, in the 
 far-off England; and now that lady, after the lapse of 
 more than fifty years, crowned with the plaudits of 
 "well done," takes leave of earth itself, in presence 
 of the Evangelist in tears ; animated by that true faith 
 in God which had led them onward together through the 
 wilderness triumphantly, that exemplary heroic spirit 
 fled away. 
 
 And when kind friends and neighbors had come to the 
 threshold of a lonely home, the Apostle, rising, covered 
 with the frosts of more than fourscore winters, and calling 
 them to the casket, said, " Here lies my dear, faithful, 
 pious, prudent, and prayerful wife." 
 
 O, what a God-given commentary ! 
 
 And now the funeral obsequies are performed, "the 
 long procession passes by," and the earth overshadows 
 the mortal remains of Anna Eliot. 
 
 It was a new tomb, consecrated and reserved to her, 
 as its first inhabitant, by the gallant people of old Rox< 
 bury.* It was a tribute to fervent faithfulness and to 
 the insignia of truth. Yet cold, too cold, as best they 
 could make it, was such a new tomb for so warm a 
 heart. 
 
 ELIOT'S CHARITY. 
 
 Thereafterwards the Apostle, for the want of strength, 
 could preach but little. lie had arrived at the last three 
 
 * Eliot, Gen. History, p. 53.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 85 
 
 years of his life. Knowing that Roxbury had been sup- 
 porting two ministers, to make his own labors less, he 
 appeared before its committee, and seeking permission 
 to relinquish his salary, said, ' ; I do here give up my 
 salary to the Lord ; and now, brethren, you may fix that 
 upon any mnn that God shall make a pastor." * 
 
 But his confiding society said, no ! They said it be- 
 cause they loved him, and because they knew that his 
 venerable presence in their midst was by far of more 
 value than any salary. 
 
 One day, the parish treasurer had paid him some 
 money, and fearing he would give it away before he 
 reached home, he tied it up in a handkerchief, closing it 
 in with the hardest knots he could make. 
 
 The Apostle started homeward, and on the way he 
 turned into the cottage of a good woman in poverty. 
 Perceiving her penniless condition, he said, " Oh ! I have 
 brought some relief to you." And he tried to untie the 
 knots, and could n't do it. At length, passing it to the 
 poor woman, he said, " Take it ; I believe the Lord de- 
 signs it all for you." t 
 
 His MANNERS. 
 
 Hearing one of his ministry complaining of others, by 
 reason of some unexpected coldness and ill-treatment, 
 Eliot replied, "Brother, learn the meaning of these three 
 little words : bear, forbear, and forgive ! " 
 
 He had students ; some of them, inclining to stupidity, 
 did not rise early. " I pray you," said Eliot, " see to it 
 that you be morning birds ! " 
 
 * Sketch of Eliot's Life, pp. 20, 22, 24. t Life of Eliot, p. 12.
 
 86 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Cotton Mather says, his manner of prenehing was 
 powerful, yet plain ; that "his delivery was graceful ; that 
 at times his voice rose into great warmth and energy." 
 
 In his old ag%, while, of a Sabbath morning, an attend- 
 ant was leading him up the hill to his church, "Ah!" 
 said the Apostle, " this is very much like the road to 
 heaven, it is up-hill." 
 
 His DEPARTURE. 
 
 At length, on his long anticipated death-bed, while the 
 sands of life were beginning to fall, a friend approaches 
 him, in kindness making an inquiry. "Alas! " said Eliot, 
 "I have lost everything, my understanding leaves me, 
 my memory leaves me; but, thank God, my charity 
 holds out stiJ." 
 
 Then, at a later hour, another of his ministry called, 
 sympathetically. At the first sight of his friend, he 
 whispered, " You are welcome to my very soul. Pray 
 retire into my study for me, and give me leave 
 to be gone." Of course the friend retired. Soon then, 
 obtaining leave to be gone, the noble triumphant spirit 
 of John Eliot vanished into thin air, beyond the clouds. 
 Its last rays, like the rays of the beautiful sunset, shoot- 
 ing upward, thence beamed backward on this world of 
 ours. 
 
 The very stars of heaven, at this moment, are typical, 
 just as if, bespeaking, they were still transfusing that 
 evangelical light and love, which was first diffused here 
 by the Evangelist, to the heathen nations of New Eng- 
 land. 
 
 * Memoirs of Eliot, pp. 150, 151. Adams' Life of Eliot, p. 275.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 87 
 
 The tones of his voice, audible everywhere, are still 
 rising above the ordinary whispers of a sainted soul. 
 In it there is no uncertain sound. It comes to us, 
 like the voice of one crying in the wilderness, "prepare 
 ye the way of the Lord," and make your paths straight. 
 
 From the very walls of your chuivhes that same apos- 
 tolic acclaim hath reverberated, for more than two hun- 
 dred years. It is still here. The voice of the Evan- 
 gelist still whispers to the young man, to the maiden, 
 and to the little ones, in the Sabbath school, at the 
 fire-side, and at the family altar. Known of all men, 
 the very name of the Apostle is glorious. Plainly it is 
 known, at the distance of two centuries, as if it had for- 
 ever been engraved upon the New England door-post, 
 known universally, as if from canvas it had swung upon 
 the guide-post in all the highways of the land. 
 
 So it is, that New England still profits by the far- 
 seeing leadership of John Eliot, by his apostolic plans, 
 purposes, precepts, and examples, which have come 
 down to us full of light, transfusing the primeval true 
 lessons of life. Everywhere, spiritually, his Evangelical 
 hand, far extended, is still writing upon the wall. It 
 is an index, true, faithful, and profitable, serving to 
 point the generations onward and upward, to that 
 great 
 
 CITY ABOVE Us, 
 
 Where the saints and the angels, with banners unfurled, 
 
 Chant holy hosannas to the God of the world ; 
 
 Up there, where the fields, bright beaming, arc proud, 
 
 Like the tints, 'mid the rain-drops, of the bow in the cloud; 
 
 Where the lakes and the rivers pure silver unfold, 
 
 And the rocks of the mountains are garnished of gold.
 
 88 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 There, sweeter than morn, in the glory of spring, 
 The lily waves wide and the wild warblers sing; 
 From the farthest fixed star, as ye see it bright burning, 
 Around which the spheres, vast, eternal are turning ; 
 Where did the great maker stand forth from his throne, 
 When he framed the creation, and called it his own ; * 
 
 There, there may you find the great New England 
 evangelical pioneer, amid throngs of the blest, in robes 
 of living light, and in the joys of his God. 
 
 EARTH'S CONFLICT. 
 
 This with the Evangelist was long and arduous. But 
 now (1690) it hath come to an end. Not so with the 
 Indian churches which he left living, of whom Cotton 
 Mather says : " There were [then] six churches of 
 baptized Indians in New England, and eighteen assem- 
 blies of catechumens professing the name of Christ. 
 Of the Indians, there are four-and-twenty preachers; 
 and besides these there are four English ministers, 
 who preach the gospel in the Indian tongue." 
 
 It is sad to say that these, partly through the infirmity 
 of membership, partly for want of constant ministerial 
 support, and mostly by reason of depredations and ill- 
 usage from many of the English settlers constantly 
 crowding, were finally driven to distraction and to 
 desperate ends. 
 
 Yet, as against all this, the Natick Indian church, after 
 Eliot's demise, for many years maintained its town 
 organization, until at length it became greatly diminished 
 in population ; and finally, by an Act of the legislature 
 
 * From my Epics, Lyrics, and Ballads, p. 18.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 89 
 
 it yielded its entire organization to the English. So 
 that, in 1792, there were in Natick but one Indian 
 "family of five persons and two single women." * 
 
 And then, with all the rest of the New England en- 
 feebled tribes disorganized, one after another, they 
 wandered farther back into the wilderness, and thence 
 vanished away to the ends of the earth. 
 
 During all these intervening years, from the death of 
 the Apostle, murders and wars and conflicts of every 
 description, with but brief interventions of peace, had 
 ensued, many of which were terrible. For instance, as 
 late as 1777, transpired the capture and murder of a 
 young lady, 
 
 JANE McCREA (LTJCINDA). 
 
 Thus it happened, that by reason of aggressions on the 
 part of the English soldiery (the contest for the native 
 soil not being then quite ended), a small tribe, skulking 
 about the camp of Jones, a young English captain, where 
 Jane, his betrothed, was briefly making a visit, seized her 
 there and dragging her by the arms and hair, mounted 
 her upon a horse, and hurried her back into the dense 
 wilderness. The captain, missing the girl, at once dis- 
 patched two friendly Indians to pursue and obtain and 
 bring back to him his dearest lost prize ; then, hastening 
 himself to another trail, he also pursued the tribe. Now, 
 as appears, the Indians had obtained the young lady, but 
 upon a dispute between themselves as to which should 
 present her to the captain, and obtain a barrel of rum 
 which had been offered for her return, they in the affray 
 
 * Memoirs of Eliot, p. 120. 
 12
 
 90 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 struck her down with a tomahawk. The captain at that 
 moment appearing in sight, and hearing the shriek of the 
 dying girl, fell upon the two Indians, and they also were 
 both slain at his hands. This was near the banks of the 
 Hudson. 
 
 These are facts which tend to show how carnal weapons, 
 even at that late day, were still used. How at the hands 
 of desperadoes, seeking neither Christianity nor civili- 
 zation, the earth was still being stained with the blood of 
 mortals. This incident was long ago poetized by 
 Barlow, and an extract is deemed appropriate. 
 
 " Lucinda's fate ! The tale ye nations hear, 
 Eternal ages trace it with a tear. 
 
 " He hurries to his tent. Oh! rage! despair! 
 No glimpse, no tidings of the frantic fair, 
 Save that some car-men, as a-camp they drove, 
 Had seen her coursing for the western grove. 
 Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, 
 Forth from his friends with bounding leap he bursts ; 
 Vaults o'er the palisade with eyes aflame, 
 And fills the welkin with Lucinda's name ! 
 
 " The fair one, too, with every aid forlorn, 
 Had raved and wandered, till officious morn 
 Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose, 
 To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. 
 
 " Two Mohawks met the maid, historian, hold! 
 She starts, with eyes upturned, and fleeting breath, 
 In their raised axes views her instant death. 
 Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed, 
 Bolls in loose tangle round her lovely waist ; 
 
 With calculating pause and demon grin, 
 
 They seize her hands, and through her face divine
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLB. 91 
 
 Drive the descending axe ! the shriek she sent 
 Attained her lover's ear! he thither bent 
 With all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, 
 Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field 
 The yelling fiends ; who there, disputing (stood) 
 Her gory scalp, their horrid prize of blood! 
 He sunk delirious on her lifeless clay, 
 And passed, in starts of sense, the dreadful day." * 
 
 STILL, TRUE IT PROVED, 
 
 that after the Indian conflicts in New England, which 
 had brought terror and dismay to our Pilgrim and 
 Puritan settlers for more than half a century from the 
 death of the Apostle, yet never forgetting him, the 
 Indians, withdrawing from their rivers and ponds and 
 from their hunting and trapping grounds, gradually 
 disappeared. In their departure they left behind them, 
 not the ruins of desolated cities nor lofty castles, but the 
 same old wilderness, for the most part dense and dark as 
 ever, and now and then on the banks of rivers and on 
 the lake and ocean shores they accidentally left many a 
 sample of their bows and arrows, their chisels, their 
 tomahawks, and their mortars made of stone. Still, on 
 the north, from the beautiful Lake Winnipesaugee in New 
 Hampshire, one that may be called the last lone tribe, 
 wandering, hunting, stili lingered in that dense wilderness. 
 Its great chief was the warlike, devil-daring 
 
 CHOCORUA.f 
 
 He w:w the last of the Pequawkets! Oh, what clusters 
 of incidents, terrible in their impressions, seem to rally 
 around that gallant but cruel historic name. Prior to the 
 
 * Drake's Amer. Ind., B. Ill, p. 101. t Pronounced Cbeh-corrua.
 
 92 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 year 1766, and for years perhaps up to that time, this 
 great chief had hunted that old forest, of which the town 
 of Burton had become the centre, and in which that 
 lofty mountain which still bears Chocorua's name now 
 stands, as it hath stood from the Creation. This moun- 
 tain historic hath ever been known and visited for its 
 tragical history, as well as for its scenery and the 
 beautiful landscapes that adorn it, near to it and in the 
 distance towards the great lake, towards the lofty white 
 mountain-peaks and far away to the high seas. 
 
 This old chief had a family. His squaw died, and 
 was buried (beneath a log structure, after the manner of 
 some of the tribes) by the brook-side where he had first 
 found her. 
 
 He had a small Indian boy, his son, who, after the death 
 of the mother, continued daily to tag after his father, 
 the chief, in his rahiblings and huntings in the 
 wilderness. 
 
 At length, one day, as it happened, while at the 
 cottage of one Campbell, a white settler, the boy got 
 poisoned, and, returning home to the wigwam, soon died.* 
 Chocorua averred that the white-man poisoned the boy 
 purposely. Afterwards, one day, when the father of the 
 family had left home, returning at night, he found the 
 wife and children of his house all murdered. After 
 burying the dead, the white settl ers followed Chocorua 
 to the same mountain which still bears his name, in Bur- 
 ton (now Albany, N. H.). They there discovered the 
 chief on the mountain cliff, at its highest pinnacle, and, 
 commanding him to jump off, "Ah," said he, "the great 
 Spirit gave Chocorua his life, and he '11 not throw it 
 
 * See Legend by L. Maria Child.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 93 
 
 away at the bidding of the white-man." At this, Camp- 
 bell shot him ; and, while dying, he, with doleful, husky 
 exclamation, pronounced awful curses upon the English. 
 
 From that day to this, the want of vegetation in that 
 mountain, all its deaths, and all the diseases upon the 
 cattle and upon the inhabitants of that region, have been 
 attributed to that "dread curse of Chocorua."* 
 
 Not many years since, on a hunting excursion to the 
 New England mountains, we encamped beneath the brow 
 of Chocorua over-night, and in a trance fell into the 
 following 
 
 SOLILOQUY. 
 
 The tired hounds at length are sleeping, 
 And over our tent, wild night is weeping 
 
 Dark dews in the Burton wood ; 
 While from her distant radiant fountain, 
 The queenly moon lights up the mountain 
 
 Where brave Chocorua stood. 
 
 To this the ills of earth had brought him, 
 
 'T was here the white-man sought and fought him, 
 
 In daring, dashing numbers ; 
 From whence despair had deigned to dwell, 
 Chocorua, wounded, faltering fell, 
 
 And here in death he slumbers. 
 
 Entranced beneath thy craggfid peak, 
 Creation vast! thy summit bleak, 
 
 Thy varied vales I ponder; 
 I reverence Him who shaped the hills, 
 These silvery lakes, those glittering rills, 
 
 Wild, in a world of wonder. 
 
 * Drake's Amef , Ind., B. Ill, p. 101.
 
 94 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Up 'neath the stars, you glimmering slope, 
 Piled range on range, they fill the scope 
 
 Of man's enchanted vision ; 
 Bold there nbove a heaving sea, 
 For aye U/ vie in majesty, 
 
 Earth's grandest, proud position I 
 
 Life and its joys Chocorua sought, 
 His tribe he trained, as nature taught, 
 
 Mild iu these magic mountains ; 
 With bow and arrow known of yore, 
 Vast wood-lauds, wild, he hunted o'er, 
 
 Dame fed him at her fountains. 
 
 Of what wild waters yield in view, 
 Chocorua launched his liglit canoe 
 
 On many a rapid river ; 
 Fierce falcons faltered in the air, 
 And the wild-deer bounded from his lair 
 
 At the rattle of his quiver. 
 
 From boyhood brave, a priest he roved ; 
 Faithful at heart, he fervent loved 
 
 Keoka, ne'er to sever ; 
 No happier pair could earth produce, 
 Keoka true and a proud pappoose 
 
 Inspired that wigwam ever. 
 
 With truth and trust, and patient pride, 
 At morn, at noon, or eventide, 
 She calmed the cloudy hour ; 
 Her heart was full of love and song, 
 She cheered Chocorua's life along, 
 .She brought him many a flower. 
 
 Such was the life Chocorua sought, 
 Such were the charms Keoka brought, 
 
 Unselfish, unpretending ; 
 Kings of the earth, I 'd envy not, 
 Give me to know Chocorua's lot, 
 
 Such faith, such favor blending I
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 95 
 
 Soon then, alas ! sad fatal years, 
 That moved heroic hearts to tears, 
 
 Fell heavy on Pcquawket; 
 Dread death, that brought Keoka blind, 
 Had mazed Chocorua in his mind, 
 
 The tribes began to talk it. 
 
 Of rushes rude they made her shroud, 
 In crooked form a casket proud, 
 
 And laid her in the wild- wood, 
 Beside a rippling river shore, 
 Where many a song and dance of yore 
 
 Had cheered her happy childhood. 
 
 Six logs laid high on either side, 
 Embraced tlicy hold that sacred bride, 
 
 With a rail-made roof around her; 
 Deep calm at rest, devoid of fears, 
 Of loves, of hopes, or tender tears, 
 
 Where first Chocorua found her, 
 
 A white flag fluttered in the air, 
 
 Sweet stars from heaven glittered there, 
 
 And the zephyrs came to love her; 
 Deep wood-lands whispered sighs unknown, 
 The plaintive pines tiieir loss bemoan, 
 
 And the wild rose cn-eps above her. 
 
 Ten times a day Chocorua wept; 
 Ten times a clay his shadow swept 
 
 In plumy form around her: 
 The partridge fluttered from his trail, 
 And the she-wolf nightly heard his wall, 
 
 To a troubled trance it bound her. 
 
 Where'er he turned, where'er he roamed, 
 Or when around the grave he mourned, 
 
 There prompt and true to mind him, 
 His little lad with lifted eye, 
 As if to hail that mother nigh, 
 
 Tripped on, and stood behind him.
 
 JOHX ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 'T was thus Chocorua's heart was pressed ; 
 Long months moved on, but gave no rest; 
 
 Sad thus, dread fate had made it ; 
 Still there is grief as yet unknown, 
 "One trouble never comes alone," 
 
 Our dear old mothers said it. 
 
 Next then indeed, how true it proved I 
 Another fate as fortune moved 
 
 Came cruel quite as t'other; 
 By hidden drugs, in malice made, 
 Alas ! the boy hath fallen dead, 
 
 To moulder with his mother. 
 
 Then wailed Chocorua wilder still, 
 Without a heart, without a will, 
 
 A ghost-like, lurking wonder ; 
 Yet in his flesh there 's native fire, 
 Though earth and hell in crime conspire, 
 
 To drive the soul asunder. 
 
 True, true the story oft is told, 
 Chocorua hateful here of old 
 
 Brought maledictions many ; 
 " Curse on yr white-man's soul ! " he prayed { 
 " Curse on yr living and yr dead, 
 
 Nor give him gospel any 1 
 
 " Yr war-path let it lay in snares, 
 Yr fields laid low of frost and tares, 
 
 Yr pestilence supernal ; 
 Of crime accursed, for aye to know 
 Prompt penalties of pain and woe 
 
 On all yr heads infernal. 
 
 " Vile, heartless knaves ! ye killed my boy, 
 My own Keoka's darling joy; 
 
 E'er in the grave she rested ; 
 By deadly drugs laid low, he died, 
 Me too, ye 've slain I let devils deride 
 
 Ye, tortured, damned, detested.
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLB. 97 
 
 " Ho ! let the war-whoop lead the fight, 
 The torch, the tomahawk, at night, 
 
 Yr habitations storming ! 
 Drive deep the axe, the scalping blade, 
 Spare never a white-man, child or maid, 
 
 Give carnage to the morning ! 
 
 " Great Spirit, let thy lightnings flash! 
 Thy fiery vengeance, let it dash 
 
 Down where the pale-face prowls ; 
 On Campbell's head, on all he owns, 
 Let panthers perch upon his bones 
 
 While hot in h 1 he howls 1 " 
 
 Thus prayed Chocorua, bleeding, slain ; 
 Vengeance from thence eternal came 
 
 To a devastation certain ; 
 Nay, ever since, from then to this, 
 Not a breath of hope nor breeze of bliss 
 
 Hath moved these woods of Burton. 
 
 Veiled now in shadows stands the sun, 
 The Indian hunter's day is done 
 
 In these New England borders ; 
 A baleful shaft his heart hath broken, 
 Out from the cloud the fates betoken 
 
 Unwonted strange disorders. 
 
 Dread on that night and hitherto 
 The heavens let fall malarious dew 
 
 Far down these murky mountains ; 
 Of all the flowers, not one is known; 
 The maple leaf is dry, half grown, 
 
 And death is in the fountains. 
 
 The moping owl hath ceased to hoot, 
 The scrub-oak falters at the root, 
 
 And the snail is lank and weary. 
 The fated fawn hath found his bed ; 
 Huge hawks, high-flying, drop down dead 
 
 Above that apex dreary.
 
 JOHIf ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. 
 
 Faded, the vales no fruits adorn ; 
 The hills are pale with poisoned corn ; 
 
 The flocks are lean, repining ; 
 No growth the panting pastures yield, 
 And the staggering cattle roam the field 
 
 Forlorn, in death declining. 
 
 'T is thus we 're made the slaves of earth, 
 Mope in miasmas, deep in dearth, 
 
 Sad, from some bad beginning ; 
 From cruelty to friend or foes, 
 Our morbid pains or mental woes 
 
 Prove but the pangs of sinning. 
 
 High now a voice is in the air, 
 As if Chocorua still were there 
 
 With wood-nymphs wild attending. 
 'T is heard far up the mountain-side, 
 That plaint of earth's down-trodden tribe, 
 
 Bleak with the zephyrs blending. 
 
 Great God, forgive our Saxon race ! 
 Blot from Thy book, no more to trace 
 
 Fraternal wrath infernal, 
 That taints the atmosphere we breathe, 
 The sky above, and earth beneath, 
 
 With dearth and death eternal ! 
 
 Come, boys ! we '11 take our tents away 
 To better vales. 'T is break of day ; 
 
 And the hounds are awake for duty. 
 Blow, blow the horn ! A gracious son 
 Hath brought a brotherhood begun 
 
 In life, in love, in beauty 1
 
 PHE MERRIMAC AND ITS INCIDENTS. Epic Poems 
 Boston : Inncs & Niles. 18G5. 12mo. 80 pages. Illus- 
 trated. Price, S2.00. 
 
 Under four divisions or heads : First, Its creation. Sec- 
 ond, Its landscape, disconnected with animal life, a mere 
 wild extensive surface, over which, by force of gravitation, 
 the water-shed of New England conducts its rains, gathered 
 from the mist and cloud, down the vales one hundred and 
 ten miles, now through broad intervales, now down in 
 dashing waterfalls, and now variously rolling onward to a 
 boundless ocean. Third, Its flnuy inhabitants, its animals, 
 and its native Indian tribes. Fourth, Its English settlers, 
 its peace and its wars, its founders of cities, arts and sciences, 
 and the onward advance of civilization. 
 
 " THE MERRIMAC AND ITS INCIDENTS. This is a finely printed book, 
 and relates to subjects of peculiar interest to those who dwell on the 
 banks of our nobly and beautiful river. The poet recites, in harmonious 
 numbers, the events whit-h happened in this region in the early history of 
 the country. Conspicuous among these arc the captivity and rescue of 
 Mrs. Duston. The verses celabr.nta her sufferings, her courage, and her 
 deliverance. It is a fresh honor to the heroine of Haverhill. The bard 
 pursues the narrative until he tails how she 
 
 ' Wandered through the wild, 
 And Haverhill reached.' 
 
 ' And there they rest. There upward points to-day 
 A monument of stone from Duston's clay. 
 Her noble deeds are held in high renown, 
 Sacred, like heirloom, in that ancient town; 
 And Ion- as Merrimac's bvi rht waters glide, 
 Shall stand that mother's fume still by its side.' 
 
 . . . The author of this poem is a distinguished lawyer of Lowell. Ho 
 has rendered an important si rvioe, and one not at all likely to be at once 
 remunerative to him. He has brought i-.ito fresh notice times and men who 
 should not be forgotten, and embalmed their deeds and memories in verse 
 which in this re-ion may well be immortal." From the HON. NATHAN VV. 
 HAZEN, in the Essex lidnner, Aug 10, 18G6. 
 
 " SELECT READINGS FROM MR. CAVEKLY'S POEMS, AT GREENWOOD. 
 
 The pastoral preludes on the organ did not more surely carry tne I
 
 CAVERLY'S (ROBT. B.} WORKS, 
 
 out into the pure, intoxicating enjoyment of Nature, than did the musical 
 beat of the speaker's words, as in his first and longest piece, lie described 
 the sights and sounds of primitive New England. As we listened, we 
 thought it might not improperly be called a symphonic sonff, or poem of 
 the creation, there, was such comprehensive blending of varied melodies. 
 We were taken back to the time when ' the morning stars sang together'; 
 and then, by the gradually more measured tread of the language, the 
 worlds were launched, and the mountains reared their crests up to the 
 stars. In majestic diction, the hills of New England were depicted. In 
 the more flowing numbers that succeeded, we were aware that the 
 streamlets were born, and trickling, drew their silver line down the 
 rocky slopes. Through the meadows meanders the peaceful river, 
 gladdening herb and bird and man. The songs of the happy tenants of the 
 air, and the sounds of many innocent and prosperous industries, are heard 
 from every side. Then, in'more constrained, almost impatient rhythm, is 
 given the vivid picture of Nature in chains, but even the captive is benef- 
 icent. No longer the sportive, rambling runlet, but now the f:iant Mer. 
 rimac in the hands of the Philistines. The noise of a thousand wheels, the 
 whirl of ten thousand spiudks, and the clatter of looms, arc pictured in 
 language fitly chosen to typify these active, gigantic, and incessant activi- 
 ties. And then, like peace a'ftcr strife, comes the melodious description 
 of the gorgeous fabrics, more wonderful than any fairy legend, and by the 
 rich, subdued spirit of content that fills the verse, we feel, without being 
 told, that a state of society in which sill amenities, graces, and charities 
 flourish, is the purposed end of the magnificence and wealth of the crea- 
 tion." REV. AUSTIN 6. GARVER, in an article as found in a public journal 
 of April, 1877. 
 
 "DESCRIPTIVE SCENES. Thoreau, Tracy, Walker, and Whittier have 
 cast their garlands of praise upon the Merrimac. Mr. Caverly brings 
 another, in the verse which Goldsmith used ; and makes it evident that he 
 not only loves the busy current, but that he has also carefully examined the 
 history of those inhabiting its banks, even to the remotest times." From 
 the New England Historic, Genealogical Register of 1867, p. 383. 
 
 GENEALOGY OF THE CAVERLY FAMILY, from the 
 year 1116 to the year 1880, made profitable and exempli- 
 fied by many a Lesson of Life. Lowell, Mass. : George 
 M. Elliott. 1880. Printed at the Vox Populi Office. 200 
 pages. 12mo. Fully illustrated. 
 
 "I have read with great pleasure the excellent oration of R. B. Caverly, 
 Esq., before the Caverly family, and the interesting lineage of the race. 
 I am thankful that he has been pleased to make such a fine contribution to 
 our genearogical literature. The book is an honor to him, and to his kin- 
 dred^ It is also highly creditable to the enterprising publishers I see 
 not why our works on genealogy need be so dull and dry. The family cer- 
 tainly is the home of poetry; and all our brightest hopes, and happiest, pur- 
 est thoughts concentre in it. Why, then, should works on the subject be so 
 dull and stupid? This fine volume shows us they need not be. He has 
 
 sel with his genealogy, and made almost a romance out of his material. 
 He has put himself and his bright ideas into it, and taught us how such 
 works may and should be written. The illustrations come in just right, 
 
 lights, and 
 
 and are very fine. I hope his book, so full of sprightly thoughts, and 
 bearing marks of careful research on every page, will be appreciated by 
 his kindred, and the public also. I shall place it amongst my choicest vol- 
 umes, and frequently refer to it." From the REV. ELIAS NASON, the 
 celebrated author.
 
 CAVERLY'S (ROBT. B.) WORKS. 
 
 EPICS, LYRICS, AND BALLADS. A volume of 4G8 pages, 
 comprising, with other poems, those included in volumes 
 1 and 2, with copious historical notes thereto appended. 
 Neatly printed on tinted paper, and beautifully illustrated. 
 Price, $3.00. 
 
 " This book is elegantly written, tastefully illustrated, skilfully printed, 
 and beautifully bound. I have perused the several pieces with keen 
 and sympathetic pleasure, and I congratulate f.ie author on the advanced 
 record he has made in ' beating the sweet lields of poetry.' Aside from 
 the intrinsic merit of his muse, the local scenes and circumstances which 
 he poetizes become a part of our own life and being; and thus, in 
 reading him, we have the joy, not only of perusing tuneful numbers, 
 but of seeing common things we know around us, as by an enchanter's 
 wand, transfigured into beauty. So the poet lives, because he makes 
 things live around him. Hence comes the dignity of the vocation." 
 From the liEV. ELIAS .NASON, of North liillerica, author of many books. 
 
 1 We have been permitted to glance at the proof-sheets of a new volume 
 Robert 1$. Caverly, Esq. Among others, the poem ' Arlington ' is a 
 tender, touching reverie, expressive of what occurred to him while 
 
 by Robert 15. Caverly, Esq. Among others, the poem ' Arlington ' is a 
 tender, touching reverie, expressive of what occurred to him while 
 standing upon the J'otomac bridge between Washington and Arlington 
 
 Heights, the one the great city of the living, the other of the dead; and 
 what occurred to him on a walk from there, over and around Arlington 
 and back, in the shades of the evening, after Grant's inauguration. Here 
 the poet wanders amid the desolated beauty of nature and the graves of 
 the fallen heroes; and recounts in his finest style the touching and 
 romantic history of the fallen hero, and the desolalion of war. The 
 volume contains copious notes, which assist the reader in recalling the 
 historic incidents to which allusion is made in the poems. 'Arlington' 
 appears to have been written on the day of the inauguration, and begins 
 thus: 
 
 ' Potomac rolls her fountr.ins down 
 Deep gliding 'neath the shades that crown 
 
 My theme' of contemplation; 
 While night begins to chase away 
 The living throngs and proud display 
 
 Of the great inauguration.' 
 
 " While wandering towards the heights, he inquires the way. A portion 
 of the answer is given thus : 
 
 '"Go back," he said, " and take the day; 
 Untimely spectres haur.t the way, 
 When'iii-ht l.t-l-ill her curtain; 
 There, where rebellion rose at first, 
 Where slavery, doomed of God, was cursed, 
 
 They strang'ely stroll, uncertain."' 
 
 ' What can be more touchingly beautiful than the following: 
 ' Half halting, 'mid the sainted throng, 
 In the pebbled path I pass along, 
 
 At the foot of the soldier sleeping; 
 Life's noblest history, brief and brave, 
 I trace it, l;-tt red on the grave 
 In careful, kindest keeping." 
 " And yet again we have a fine thought : 
 
 Eternal frosts, with deadly blight, 
 From the heavens above, fell down that nlgnt, 
 When Lee took marching orders;
 
 CAVERLY'S (ROBT. B.) WORKS. 
 
 Sweet fields no more could bloom to bear, 
 Nor tender vine, with vintage rare, 
 
 Had growth within these borders.' 
 "Two quotations more, and we are done: 
 
 ' Strangers, indeed ! but no less brave 
 In brunt of battle, there they gave 
 
 Sweet life to treason's havoc; 
 From bleakest, bloody fields they've come, 
 Out from the shades of Old Bull'Run, 
 
 And down the Kappahannock. . . . 
 How beauteous is the gateway here. 
 That leads from earth to heaven, so near 
 
 It meets my finite vision ; 
 It spans the whirling spheres afar. 
 The midnight moon, the shooting star, 
 
 That lingers in transition." 1 
 From the Lowell ( Courier) Star, Oct. 23, 1870. 
 
 " MR. CAVERLY'S NEW BOOK. The poem which opens the volume, and 
 gives it its name, was written to commemorate an event well known to 
 our readers, when an eagle lighted on the Ladd and Whitney monument. 
 The same eagle, as it is supposed, was shortly alter captured in Litchlield, 
 brought to Lowell, was purchased by subscription, and set free from the 
 top of Carleton Ulo:-k, in the presence of thousands. Mr. Caverly takes 
 this bird as the representative of his species, and calls for his experience, 
 which the bird proceeds to give, from the prc-historic si'-rcs down to his 
 capture and liberation." From the Lowell Courier, Oct. 28, 1870. 
 
 " MR. CAVERLY'S ENTERTAINMENT. The First Congregational Church 
 was well filled last evening, to Ik ten to the readings by 1{. It. Caverly. Ks<|. 
 Mr. Caverly's readings were all from his own Poems, giving a variety of 
 style and sentiment, and affording an opportunity to judge of his versatil- 
 ity of talent. He i- particularly fond of dressing up the <|iiaint legends of 
 tlie iibori nnes i:> the language "of poesy, and tho Wigwam of Contoocook, 
 and the Bride of Burton, were good examples of this work. There were 
 not wanting, however, the lighter strains, as in the 'Voice of Spring,' and 
 the 'Allegory' of the Squirrel, irresistibly reminding one of Wordsworth, 
 though not exactly like him. 'The Golden Wedding' was in a humorous 
 strain, after Saxc and Holmes, and caused a ripple of laughter to sweep 
 over the audience as the pictures of the olden New England life were 
 drawn. In those days, as Mr. Caverly said in his introduction, the long 
 winter evenings were occupied in surprise parties and golden weddings. 
 
 Mr. Caverly's second volume of poems, in dainty dress, is now 
 and will form a handsome holiday gilt for those who desire to do 
 honor to the poet of the Merrimac. The 'living voice and presence of the 
 
 author are a great help in the enjoyment of his verses, but those who have 
 been unable to hear him will find a fund of enjovment in perusing the 
 volumes at their leisure." GEORGE A. MARDEN, iCso,., Poet, and Propri- 
 etor of the Lowell Courier, Oct. 26, 1871. 
 
 HISTORY OF BARNSTEAD, from its first settlement in 1727, 
 to 1872. Lowell, Mass. : Harden & Rowell. Commenced 
 by Dr. J. P. Jewett, and after his decease, written, illus- 
 trated, and published by Robt. B. Caverly, of the Massachu- 
 setts (N. E.) Bar. Price, 2.00. 2G4 pages. 
 
 " This is a book skilfully written, well printed, and finely illustrated. It 
 will last much longer than ordinary books." From the Vox Populi, 1872.
 
 CAVERLY'S (ROBT. B.) WORKS. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS POEMS. VOL. I. THE EAGLE, ARLING- 
 TON, AND OTHER POEMS. Dover, N. H. : Freewill Baptist 
 Printing Establishment. 1871. Illustrated and beautifully 
 bound. Price, $2.00. 12mo. 166 pages. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS POEMS. VOL. II. BRIDE OF BURTON, 
 VICTORY, AND OTHER POEMS. Lowell, Mass. : Stone, Huse 
 &Co. 1872. Well bound and beautifully illustrated. Price, 
 $2.00. 12rao. 180 pages. 
 
 " Mr. Caverly was introduced, and premised the reading of passages from 
 Arlington,' which led him to pen the poem. The greatest interest waa 
 exhibited \>y the audience, as he progressed in his recital of a walk bn 
 took among the thousand mounds which mark the resting-places of fallen 
 soldiers on the heights of Arlington; and while passing from his prologue, 
 as lie carried his listeners in fancy from Washington city, over the Poto- 
 mac, and up the heights, \ve could almost imagine we heard the solemn 
 rustling of the trees, and could discern in the twilight the melancholy 
 records of the battle. We could almost hear the stranger, whom the writer 
 met at the outset, dissuade him from the visit by weird tiles of ghosts and 
 spectres; and we, in common with the whole audience, were forced into 
 a smile by the reply : 
 
 ' Why care,' said I, 'for ghost or elf? 
 
 How soon you Ml turn to one yourself, 
 More worthy of your minding.'" 
 
 From Z. E. STONE, ESQ., known as an eminent journalist, having been 
 present at the entertainment. 
 
 " MR. CAVERLY'S POEMS. What I most of all admire in them is the 
 patriotic spirit which animates them. In looking them over, the veteran 
 soldier must live over again some of the most interesting periods of our 
 national history, and in thought revisit some of the most remarkable 
 places which our country has to show." WM. C. BRYAXT, 1'oet and 
 Journalist. 
 
 JOHN ELIOT, THE APOSTLE. Lessons. With Historical 
 Introduction. Boston, Mass. 1880. 12mo. 100 pages. 
 Finely illustrated. 
 
 " The elegant volume from the Vox press, on the Caverly family, having 
 had a ready sale, the same author (Col. It. B. Cavern, of tins city) is 
 following it with a volume entitled ' Lessons of Law ami Life, from John 
 Eliot, the Apostle.' It opens with a sketch of the Eliots of England, down 
 from the Norman conquest, among whom was that brave Mr John Eliot, 
 who died in the Tower in IKJi, a year alter the Apostle's arrival here, and 
 who was as much a voluntary martyr to liberty as any man who ever 
 died, and is one whose life involves the main chapter of English and 
 American freedom. The author, in delineating the life ot the Apostle, 
 interweaves the history of New England in a brief, forcible manner. MM 
 learnedly follows out the conclusions and deductions of the story. Iho 
 book is to IK- in the same Hue style as the Caverly record, with beaut 
 engravings from the Vox copper-plate press It is (L'di.'nU-d by 1 1 e 
 author, at Centralville, Mass., to the Reverend Clergy <>1 Now England, 
 and to the Teacher or Advanced Student in the Snbbnth *<;l>o<,l or Church." 
 
 From the llos. JOHN A. GOODWIN, JMUor Vox 1'upult, ISbO.
 
 CAVERLY'S (ROBT. C.} WORKS. 
 
 POETICAL WORKS. Lowell, Mass. : Stone & Huse. 12mo. 
 
 " Such is the title of an extremely neat and elegantly printed work, on 
 heavy toned paper, through which line steel engravings are strewed. 
 Their contents prove that the prosaic details of Blackstone and Coke have 
 not obliterated the poetic element from the author's mind; the rather, 
 perhaps, have they acted as stimulants to its exercise. The most preten- 
 tious poem in the book, as appears to us, is entitled the 'Bride of Burton,' 
 which gives the legend of the death of Chocorua. The following lines wo 
 copy from it : 
 
 ' Entranced beneath thy cragged peak, 
 Creation y:ist! thy summit bleak, 
 
 Thy varied vales I ponder; 
 I reverence Him who shaped the hills, 
 These silvery lakes, those glittering rills, 
 Wild, in a world of wonder.' 
 
 The other contents are ' Victory,' and a variety of patriotic, personal, 
 and special poems. The execution of the work is commensurate with the 
 merits of its contents." From the fioston Traveller, 1872. 
 
 " PORTLAND, Sept. 17, 1872. 
 
 " I am in receipt of beautiful and choice volumes of Mr. Caverly's Poetical 
 works. ... I have read and examined them with interest, and lind 
 them filled with effusions that seem to carry me back to other scenes and 
 other times. In them there is the freshness of the present mingling with 
 the past in graceful measures that seem to touch the life and experience of 
 the many. I shall keep these volumes carefully, and at times re-examine 
 them with interest, wondering how they could be prepared during the 
 emergencies of a professional life But wonders will never cease, and 
 mysteries have no bounds." From the HON. Jui>GE JOSEPH HOWARD, 
 late of the Supreme Court of Maine. 
 
 " CONCORD, X. H., Aug. 21, 1872. 
 
 " E. S. Nutter, Esq. I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt from you 
 of a copy of Mr. Caverly's Poems, Vol. II, elegant in form, and beautiful 
 in expression and sentiment, for which you have, sir, my sincere thanks." 
 
 Fromtlte KEV. DR. N. BOUTON, late Historian of New Hampshire. 
 
 HEROISM OF HANNAH DUSTON, together with the Indian 
 Wars of New England, to which the History of the Duston 
 Monument, and its unveiling, is appended Elegantly illus- 
 trated. Boston, Mass. : B. B. Russell & Co. Price, $2.00. 
 12mo. 408 pages. 
 
 "Mr. Caverly's historic and legendary works have heretofore been hon- 
 ored with critical notices by London reviewers. We have now to notice a 
 like compliment from another quarter. The Daily rteriew, of Edinburgh, 
 devotes a column and more to a notice of Mr. Caverly's work, the ' Hero- 
 ism of Hannah Duston, together with the Indian wars of New England." 
 The writer's opinion of tiiis production is very plainly indicated in the 
 concluding remark, that 'both Americans and English have to thank Mr. 
 Caverly for his laborious and interesting retime of those old Indian wars " 
 
 From HON. CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, of the Lowell Citizen of January, 1876. 
 
 " It is a book of thrilling interest throughout." Boston Transcript.
 
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