A VIEW OF THE EARLY PARISIAN GREEK PRESS; INCLUDING THE LIVES OF THE STEPHANI ; NOTICES OF OTHER CONTEMPORARY GREEK PRINTERS OF PARIS; Atid various "particulars of the Literary and Ecclesiastical History of their Times. VOLUME THE SECOND. OXFORD M.DCCC.XXXIIL EDITED BY E. GRESWELL, B. D. Printed by S. CoUingiDood, Printer to the University. FOR D. A. TALBOYS. CONTENTS OF VOL. II. CHAPTER XVII. Page 1. FrANCISCUS Stephanus — Some impressions of his no- ticed — Carolus Stephanus — His works and impressions — Plagiarism of Cooper — Quarrel with Scaliger — His charac- ter defended. CHAPTER XVIII. Page 21. Series of Greek impressions continued from chapter V. — Other Greek printers — Thomas Richard — Michael Fezan- dat — Benedict Prevost — Gulielmus Morel — Martin le Jeune — Sebastien Nivelle — Adrianus Turnebus — Andreas Wechel— 1544.1560. CHAPTER XIX. Page 49. Series of Greek impressions continued from chapter XVIII. — Other Greek printers — Frederic Morel — Joannes Bene- natus — Frederic Morel the younger — Mamert Patisson — Estienne Prsevost — Claude Morel — Carolus Morel — ^gi- dius or Giles Morel— 1561-1640. CHAPTER XX. Page 87. Robert Estienne II. — Impressions — Further notice of Bu- chanan — Francis Estienne II. — Impressions by him — Ma- mert Patisson — Character of his press — Some impressions specified. 81 67:1 2 vi CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXI. Page 113. Joannes Passeratius — Biographical notice of him — His prose and poetical works — Calendse Januariee — Nihil et Rosa, cited and translated. CHAPTER XXH. Page 141. Henry Estienne II. — Early history — Travels, &c. — Inter- course with learned foreigners. CHAPTER XXIII. Page 157- Henry Estienne II. continued — His professional establish- ment at Paris — Earliest fruits of his press — Further travels — Subsequent editions — Named " Huldrichi Fuggeri Typo- graphus" — Proceedings in that character — 1554-1561. CHAPTER XXIV. Page 179. Henry Estienne II. continued — State parties and religious dissensions — Progress of Calvinism — Commencement of the civil wars — Policy of Catherine de' Medici — Confer- ence of Poissy. CHAPTER XXV. Page 201. Henry Estienne II. continued — His marriage — Further opera- tions of his press — " Traits de la conformity," &c. — " Apo- " logic pour Herodote" — M. de Sallengre's account of that work — Remarks upon it. CHAPTER XXVI. Page 229. Henry Estienne II. continued — Affair of Vassy, its effects — Disturbed character of the times — Renewed hostilities — Further Greek and Latin impressions — 1567-1569. CHAPTER XXVII. Page 247. Henry Estienne II. continued — Artis typographicse queri- monia, &c. — His intended Thesaurus Grsecus — Remarks on ignorant printers, &c. — Catalogue and verses — Pro- A VIEW OF THE EARLY PARISIAN GREEK PRESS. CONTENTS. vii jected impressions — Further productions of his press in 1570. CHAPTER XXVIII. Page 265. Henry Estienne II. continued — Antecedent Greek lexicons — Henry's Thesaurus Grsecus & Glossaria — Notices of that work — Plagiarism of Scapula, and its consequences — Edi- tions of the Thesaurus — Verses of Beza. CHAPTER XXIX. Page 295. Henry Estienne II. continued — Massacre of St. Bartholomew — Petrus Ramus — Dionysius Lambinus — Character of Charles IX. considered. CHAPTER XXX. Page 313. Henry Estienne II. continued — His further impressions and travels — " Francofordiense Emporium" — " Parodise Mo- " rales," and other original works — 1573-1576. CHAPTER XXXI. Page 329. Henry Estienne II. continued — Further impressions — Pseudo- Cicero — Schediasmata — Nizoliodidascalus — Platonis opera, Gr. Lat. fol. — Deux Dialogues — Pre-excellence, &c. — Va- rious movements — Other impressions and original works — 1577-1588. CHAPTER XXXII. Page 355. Henry Estienne II. concluded — Further impressions — Prin- cipum Monitrix — Dialogus Philoceltse, &c. — Unsettled cir- cumstances — Other works, and latest fruits of his press — Decease, and character — Funereal eulogies — 1589-1599. CHAPTER XXXIII. Page 381. Paul Estienne — Notices of him — Editions by him — Robert Estienne III — Character and impressions — Antoine Esti- enne — His principal impressions. CHAPTER XVII. FRANCTSCUS STEPHANUS SOME IMPRESSIOXS OF HIS NOTICED CAROI.US STKPHANUS HIS WORKS AND IM- PRESSIONS PLAGIxVRISM OF COOPER QUARREL WITH SCAMGER HIS CHARACTER DEFENDED. FrANCISCUS STEPHANUS, or Francis Es- tienne, first of that name, was one of the three sons of the first Henry Estienne, and an elder brother of Robert. He was a " libraire jure" of the university of Paris, and is supposed to have rendered himself conspicuous as a typographer about the year 1537; at which period he occupied the premises " in clauso Brunello, sub scuto Fran- " dad" which had formerly been the residence of his father. The insigne, or mark, peculiar to Francis Esti- enne, is a TRIPOS, placed upon a pedestal. From the tripos, or vase, issues a vine shoot. Under- neath is represented a closed BOOK, on which the tripos stands ; and on a base, or pedestal, beneath the whole, these words frequently appear inscrib- ed : " ttXIcv Ixaiov rj o'lvov : Plus olei quam vini." VOL. II. B 2 Franciscus Stephanus. Sometimes is found the addition of the following distich and adage : To pobov CLK^a^ei jiaiov xpovov' rjv Se TTapekdrj, ZrjTav evpT](Tets ov p68ov, aXka ^arov. Transient the rose's bloom ! when past and gone, Seek you the flower? — you'll find the bush alone. UavToyv 8vaxfpe(TTaTov to Traaiv dpecrKeiv. Of all things, the most difficult is to please every body. Sometimes after the example of Henry Estienne his father, he exhibited the arms of the univer- sity : " scuta, &c. binis hominum iconibus cincta, " superscriptis vocibus plvs olei dextrorsum, " QA'^AM viNi sinistrorsum, subscriptisque Uteris « F. S." {Maittaire.) He seems to have been in some measure pro- fessionally connected with his stepfather, Simon de Colines : as their names are in some books found in concert, with the mark of Colinaeus. He frequently employed the press of Francis Girault. Maittaire doubts whether he exercised the typo- graphical profession beyond the year 1547. No impressions by this Francis Estienne, exe- cuted entirely in the Greek language, are met with, excepting : 1. His Psalter of the year 1542. The title of this remarkable book is thus given by Maittaire : Impressions of his. 3 Psalterium cum aliis hjmnis BibUcis, Greece: Tov TTpoTepov ocfLoXwrorepov, (which seems to imply a former edition,) ap. Franciscum Stephanum^ 12mo. This impression has the " Psahnonun titii- " li,"and initials of every verse printed " en lettres " rouges." Maittaire considers it as a reimpres- sion of the " Psalterium" of Wolphius Cephala. 2. His " Horse Virginis," anni 1543 : thus more fully intitled : Horce in laudem heatissimcB Vir- ginis JMarice^ Gt'cece, secundum consuetudinem JRomcmcB Ecclesiee; ap. Franciscum Sfep/ianum^ 4to. It is decorated with rubrics (lettres rouges) like the preceding. The latter of these two Greek impressions contains " Graeca Aldi ad studiosos " brevis compellatio:" the former, "JoannisLeoni- " ci {AeovToviKov) praefatiuncula, in qua Wolphii Ce- " phalaei Typographi industria laudatur." {3Iait- faire.) The other impressions by this typographer, being comparatively very few, are those which follow. 1537. Vinetum, 8vo. 1538. T)e recta Latini sermonis pronuntiatione^ 8vo; Caroli Stephani Sylva, Frutetum, Collis^ Svo ; Terentius, cum argumentis, ex Donato^ 4to. 1541. Tere7itii Andria : Simon Colinceus ^ Francisc. Steph. 4to. 1542. Caroli Stephani Arhustum, Fonti- culus, Spinetum, 8vo ; Methodus Conjessionaria^ S. Colin. 8^ Fr. Steph. 4to. 1543. Car. Stephani B 2 4 Cnroht.s Stephanua. Pratum, Lacus, Arundinefum : S. Col. c^ JF^r. Steph. 8vo. ; Prohce Falconice Centones, 8vo. 1547. TerentU Andria, interpretatione Jac'iUo?' effecttty 8vo. The impressions of Francis Estienne the elder, both in the Roman and Italic character, are in the opinion of Maittaire, pleasingly executed, gene- rally accurate, and now seldom met with. Carolus Stephanus, or Charles Estienne, was the brother of Robert and of Francis last mentioned. Ricciolius says, that he had begun to attract public notice by his learning and talents, so early as in the year 1520. He became preceptor of Antoine, son of Lazare de Bayf ; and attended the latter in an embassy to Germany in 1540. The work of Lazare de Bayf, " De Re Navali," &c. was epitomized by Charles Estienne. This " Comjiendium" became the occasion of a quarrel with Doletus ; to whose violent invectives he thought it not proper to reply. In his preface to the learned treatise of Bayfius, he asserts that the figures of ships, vestments, and vases, which were engraved for the original work, were ac- tually copied from most ancient and undoubted monuments of antiquity, then extant, and espe- cially from specimens of ancient sculpture which were to be seen at Rome. Charles Estienne him- His Impressions and Works. 5 self travelled much, particularly in Italy. At Ve- nice he formed an intimacy with Paulus Manu- tius. He was a great admirer of the remains of ancient art, and took a singular pleasure in anti- quarian researches. He afterwards turned his thoughts and studies to medical science ; which he professed at Paris with reputation. In this quality of a physician, he is thus honourably mentioned by Buchanan, in his elegy on the gout : SjEpe mihi medicas Groscollius explicat herbas, Et spe languentem consilioque juvat. Ssepe mihi Stephani solertia provida Carli Ad mala prassentem tristia portat opem. On subjects connected with the medical pro- fession, he produced several considerable works, viz. De Dissectione partiiim Corporis humani, lihri Ill.fol. aj). Simon. ColincBum, 1550. Riverius, a skilful surgeon of that period, furnished the de- signs of the engravings which are found in this work. The work itself, almost from the year 1539, to the time of its appearance, was inter- rupted by a process of law, which occasioned the suppression of it for some years. In the mean time a few copies found their way abroad, espe- cially into Germany; and the figures and anatomi- cal plates were pirated. hibellus de re Hortensi^ recognitus (§ auctus^ B 3 6 Carolus Stephanus. 1536 — 1545. R. Steph. Charles's works on horti- culture, &c. comprising the Hortus, Seminarium, Vinetum, Pratum, Lacus, Arundinetuin, Sylva, and other tracts, appeared together, under the ge- neral title of Prcedium Rusticum, from the au- thor's o\^^n press, L,uteti(E^ 1554, 8vo. Maittaire thinks these tracts exhibit great erudition, and an extensive acquaintance with the ancient writers on natural history, as well as with those of his own times. The " Pra^dium Rusticum" was trans- lated with augmentations, into the French lan- guage, by Charles Estienne himself, assisted by his son in law Jean Liebault, under the title of " L' Agriculture, ou Maison Rustique." Various editions of this work appeared both from the presses of French and of foreign printers. Mait- taire says there is an Italian translation, intitled " Casa di V^illa, di Carlo Stefano." 4to. It ap- peared in English, 4to. and fol. under the title of *' the Country Farm," by Gervaise Markham. It was also translated into German, and printed at Strasburg, 1579, and 1588, fol. He composed a paraphrase in the French lan- guage of the " Veterinaria" of Vegetivis ; and a particular description of every kind of birds of prey, entitled De acc'ip'itrarus amhus liher. The celebrated naturalist, Pierre Belon, received great assistance from him in his work on Water Fowls; which was printed by Carolus Stephanus him- His Impressions and Works. 7 self, under the title, Petri Bellonii Cenomani de Aqiiatilibus, lihri II. cum iconihus, fol. oblong. 1553. Probably the like remark will apply to La nature S^ diversite des poissons, avec lew portraits^ par P. Belon du Mans, 8vo. which he also printed anno 1555. Besides these works connected with his profes- sion as a physician and naturalist, Charles Es- tienne composed several of a miscellaneous descrip- tion ; and others for the promotion of critical and grammatical studies, and the advancement of ge- neral learning. Of his lighter productions we may mention, his Abrege de fhistoire des Vi- comtes ^ Dues de Milan, extraict eyi partie du livre de P. Jovius, printed by himself at Paris, 4to. 1552, with portraits. Uiscours des histoires de Lorrain (§ de Flandre, 4to. printed by him- self, 1552. Les Voyages de plusieurs endroits de Prance, en forme d' Itineraires ; et les Fleuves du royaume de France, 4to. by himself, 1552, and again, augmented, 1553, 8vo : XXV Para- doxes, a Lyon, 1553. These paradoxes are said to be an imitation, and almost a translation of those of Ortensio Landi. La Comedie des A- huses. Par. 1540. This is a translation of an Ita- lian comedy, entitled " Gli Ingannati." His critical works of a more arduous and im- portant kind are, 1. Dictionarium Latino-Gallicum, fol. ex Offi- B 4 8 Carolus Stephaniis. cina sua, 1552, et plurimum adauctum, fol. 1561. Dr. White Keimett,in his life of Mr. Somner, speak- ing of the plagiarisms of various authors, makes the following remark with relation to this dic- tionary. " Nothing has been more familiar than " to hear that Holyoak borrowed most from Ri- " der, and he from Eliot, and so on. But I will " give you one instance which I have more lately " observed. Tho. Cooper's ' Thesaurus Linguae " Romana?,' &c. first publisht, London, 1565, " greatly raised the reputation of that writer, and " is said to have prefer'd him to his great sta- " tion in the church. Yet this mighty work is " very little more than a pure transcript of the " ' Dictionarium Latino-Gallicum,' by Charles Ste- " phens at Paris, 1553. I have collated them in " most parts, and find them literally the same in " allmost all words, and the direct order of them, " and in every classic phrase, with this only differ- *' ence, that those phrases are rendered in French *' by Stephens, and in English by Cooper : whose " disingenuity is much the greater, because in " his preface and Dedication he mentions the Bib- " liothece of sir Tho. Eliot, and the Thesaurus of ** Rob. Stephens, but speaks not a word of this other " Dictionary of Charles Stephens^ which was the " copy (I assure you) that he transcribed verba- « timr Dr. White Kennetfs Life ofJVilliam Som^ ner, addressed to 3Ir, Brome, Oxford, 1693, 8vo. His Impressions mid Works. 9 2. Dictionarium Latino-Gr cecum, 4to ; ex offi- cina sua, 1554. 3. LingucB Latince cum GrcBca collatio ex Prisciano S^ 'prohatissimis quibusque autliorihuSy 8vo ; ibid, 1554. 4. Thesaurus Ciceronis, fol. ibid. 1557. 5. Dictioyiarium Poeticum, quod vulgo inscri- bitur Elucidarius Carminum ; last printed by himself, multo quam antehac emendatius, 8vo, 1559- This work is better known to our times under the title, " Dictionarium Historicum, Geo- " graphicum, Poeticum ; authore Carolo Stepha- " no." It was revised and improved by " Ni- " colas Lloydius, coll. Wadham. in acad. Oxon. " socius ;" and printed Oxon. 1670, c^ variis mi- nis. It is a very elaborate and useful work, and evidently the source from which the most popular modern dictionaries of the same kind have been extracted. Thus we see that Charles Estienne, as a man of erudition and an author, evinced himself not inferior to the other eminent members of his fa- mily. All his critical works of an elementary na- ture I shall not particularise. Maittaire however, (in his Annales Typogr.) has distinguished one of them, written with a special view to the advantage of his nephew Henry Estienne, in his early stu- dies. This is, De yiatura nominum, anni 1540, abridged from Priscian, and drawn up in the 10 Carolus Stephajiiis. form of a lively and familiar dialogue. From one passage of this book, Maittaire infers the author's love and cultivation of music as a recreation. " Sed '' quid aliud me facere suades per hanc aeris pa- " rum benigni intemperiem ? Me vetant egredi " copiosi imbres. Obstat immensa luti colluvies, " qua nostra Lutetia per hyemem semper est lu- " tulenta. Praeterea testudinem commodate a me " petiit amicus quidam meam, qua solebam per " otium nonnunquam animum oblectare. Itaque " duobus sjjatiis tribusve per cubiculum factis a " prandio, cum aliud deesset quod agerem, hie tan- " tisper nugor cum Galeno meo, dum aut consi- " dat aer, aut imbres defluant." He thought it a religious duty (adds Maittaire) never to deviate from Galen, who was his oracle. From the same little work he cites the following prefatory dia- logue, which may serve as a further specimen of the easy Latinity of the author. Carolus. Henricus. "C. Ehodum Henricule, quo properas ? H. Ad " te : sed imprudens praeterieram domum. C. " Debuisti a vicinis percontari. H. Statueram " ex Fernelio : nam mihi dictum est te in ejus " viciniam commigrasse. C. Et meo Henriculo no- " tus est Fernelius ? H. Mihi vero cur non, aeque " ac tibi? C. At unde hsec famiharitas ? H. Ex " avi mei domo, cum illic Fernelius curaret libros His Impressions and Works. 11 " suos excudi : turn eriim ego paulo adhuc junior, " illuc animi causa secedens, memini multoties ab " eo bellaria accepisse. Nunc queniadmodum eru- *' ditissimi viri crevit apud omnes authoritas, una " etiam cum setate crevit erga eum nostra benevo- " lentia. C. O quam factum bene ! Nunquam te " poenitebit eruditorum consortium: atque utinam " hoc desiderium perpetuo accendatur, nee un- " quam nisi cum aetate intereat. Sed quid in " transpontana ? H. Quod solebat cum illic esses : " editur, bibitur, luditur. C. Prseterea nihil ? " H. Imo etiam datur opera literis, sed aliquanto " ignavior. C. A te fortassis : nam alieni laboris " censorem esse, perquam est difficillimum. H. Ita " aiunt; sed id dicebam,quod studiosorum bonapars " negotiis potius mihi videretur quam otiis indul- " gere. C. Quid ita? H. Rogas? propter bel- " lorum impetus ac procellas, quae tempestas (ut " scis) Musis est inimicissima. C. At nunc cessa- " bitur in decennium vit audis. Itaque liberior erit " posthac Musarum quies. H. Sane liberior, modo " ne novae perfringantur induciae." A suspension of arms for ten years had been agreed upon be- tween the emjjeror Charles V. and Francis I. in the year 1538. At length Charles Estienne betook himself to the hereditary occupation of typographer. His earliest impression appeared, as Maittaire believes, in the year 1544: none afterwards till 1551; none 12 Carolus StepJianus. beyond 1561. On account of his great personal merit and erudition, he was also decorated with the title of "Typographus Regius;" and with that designation his impressions are distinguished ah anno 1551, ad ami. 1561. His earlier impres- sions exhibit the device adopted by Robert, which afterwards became common to the family, viz. " Oliva cum ramo defracto," &c. Officially he used (though not always) the device which was peculiar to the Typographi Regii : " Thyrsus cum " ramo," &c. and sometimes he neglected the use of the mark entirely. I have met only with two entirely Greek im- pressions, which exhibit the name of Carolus Ste- phanus : the first is amii 1551, Appiani Alexan- drini Romanarum Historiarum lihri quinque, Greece, fol. Lutetice, typis regiis. This is a fine volume, corresponding in appearance and beauty with the most attractive productions of Robert Estienne's press. Maittaire indeed cites from the " Epistola H. Stephani," prefixed to his Appian of 1592, a notification, that though the title of the edition now imder our consideration bears the name of Carolus Stephanus, as its printer, it was really the fruit of the joint labours of his father Robert, and his uncle Charles. The second of these Greek impressions belongs to the year 1554; and is intitled, Dlonij,su Halicarnassei responsio ad Cn. Pompeii epistolam, in qua ille de repre- His Impressions and Works. 13 henso ah eo Plafonis stylo conquer ehatur. Ejus- dem ad Ammceum epistola, ^ alia^ Greece^ 8vo ; a very rare and beautiful little volume, in the smallest royal Greek character. Herein Carolus Steph. denominates himself, " Typographus Re- " gius," yet uses the family mark. He also signalised himself as a printer of ori- ental works, by the following impressions ; 1554. Compendhim Michlol, author e Rodol- pho Sayno Cantahrigietise, <§ sanctcs lingucB pro- fessore Regio Liutet'ice Parisior. 4to. This au- thor, as Bale says, was a native of the county of York; who having acquired great reputation as a linguist, whilst a member of St. John's college in Cambridge, became professor at Paris of the holy tongue. Two satirical epigrams of his, re- corded by Bayle, shew him to have been an advo- cate of the reformed opinions. {Scriptores Illustr. p. 727. vol. I.) Institutiones Linguce SyriaccB, AssyriaccE, atque Thalmudicee, una cum JEtliio- piccB atque Arabiccp, collatione, Angelo Caninio Anglarensi author e^ 4to. 1556. Pagnini Itisti- tutionum Hehraicarum ahhreviatio, 4to ; Tabula in Grammatlcam Hehr^am, auctore N. Clenar- do, 4to ; Genesis, Heh-aice, 4to. 1 559- Alpha- hetum Hebraicum, 8vo. As a printer of Latin classical works, he de- serves honourable mention for, Ciceronis Opera omnia^ in four volumes, fol. ; the parts exhibiting ] 4 Carolus Stephanus. different dates, from 1551, to 1555, inclusive. Al- meloveen pretends he renewed this impression anno 1558, which I think doubtful. Several of the detached works of Cicero will be found also, amongst the impressions which I intend finally to enumerate. The following, both for its rarity and beauty, deserves to be distinctly specified : Petri Bunelli familiares aliquot epistolcc^ in adolescentulorum Ciceronis stftdiosorum g?'atiam. Ltutetice, cura et diligentia CaroU Stephani, 1551, 8vo, cum priv. regis. Petrus Bunellus was a native of Thoulouse, where his bust is said to be still shewn in the Hotel de Ville. He studied in Italy, cul- tivated the friendship of Julius Camillus, Lazarus Bonamicus, Jacobus Sadoletus, and other eminent scholars ; and resided at Venice with Paulus Ma- nutius four years. The last mentioned, himself one of the most zealous and distinguished of the Ciceronian school, acknowledges Bunellus as his monitor and preceptor in the art of Latin compo- sition : " Ego ab illo maximum habebam benefici- " um, quod me cum Politianis & Erasmis nescio " quibus misere errantem in banc recte scribendi " viam primus induxerat." (See an epist. of P. Ma- nutius, cited by C. Steph. in his prefatory memoir of Bunellus: editio supradicta.) France therefore had reason to be proud of a native scholar, who could thus dispute the palm of Latin composition His Impi-essions and Works. 15 with the most skilful of any country. It was on this ground, that Charles Estienne consigned the " Epistolae Bunelli" to his own press ; and took care that the beauty of the imjjression should cor- respond with the elegance of the Latinity. Bunel- lus was attached to several French embassies to Venice, in which Lazare de Baif and George de Selve were under Francis I, successively employed. Afterwards attending the children of the president du Fane into Italy, in capacity of their preceptor, he died of a fever at Turin, in 1546. P. Manu- tius describes him as a person of great simplicity, ingenuousness, and integrity : though suspected of a leaning to the reformed opinions : " Satis scio " fuisse qui ilium depravatae religionis nomine in " crimen vocaverint, quorum vitam si cum Bunelli " vita comparares, Socratem diceres iniquorum " conspiratione circumventum," &c. {Epistolce, ut swpixi.) His letters are addressed to various persons of distinction : and some have the date of 1541. The productions of Charles Estienne's press, exclusive of those which I have already enume- rated, are thus recapitulated by Maittaire. 1544. Plutarque de la lionte vicieufie, par Fr. le Grand, 8vo. 1551. Clenardi histitutiones Liinguce GrcBCce, 8vo ; Apologia cujusdam, qua Ccesariani Regem Christianiss. arma S^ auxilia Turcica evocasse vociferantes calumnice argu- 16 Carol us Stephmms. untur, 4to. 1559.. E ad em, Gallice, 4to ; Apo- logia eadem, 8vo ; J. Valverdi de animi (^ cor- poris mnitate libeUus, 8vo. 1553. Barthelemy de Salignac Hisfoire du siege de Mets en 1552, 4to ; Traicte de la guerre de Malte, 8^c. par de Villegagnon, 4to ; Idem, iMtine, 4to ; Epistola Regis Chrisfianiss. ad ampliss. sacri Imperii or- dines, 4to ; Le Prince de MacJiiavel, trad, par Guil. Cappel, 4to ; Cicero de oratore^ cum com- mentariis Audomari Talcei, 4to ; Ciceronis in Catilinam orafiones, cum pi'cElecfionibus Petri Rami, 4to ; Novum Testamentum, 8vo ; Idem, 12mo. 1554. Junii Rahirii Hastarum ^ Auc- tionum origo, ratio, solemnia, 4to ; P. de Salig- nac 3Iissives, S^c. contenant le voyage du Roy Henry II. au Pais-has, 4to ; De Latinis ^ Grcecis nominibus arborum fruticum, herbarum, piscium, (§ avium liber; ex Aristotele, Theo- phrasto, Galeno, (&c.) cum Gallica eorum ap- pellatione, 8vo. This is an original and learned work. J. Pacchanellus de consensione Medi- corum in curandis morbis, et in cognoscendis simjdicibus, 12\\\o. 1555. Ciceronis Epistolarum familiar, liber secundus, Lat. Gall. 8vo ; Godo- fredi Proverbia, 8vo; La maniere a decliner les noms ^ les rerbes, 8vo. 1557. P)e diversis regulis Juris antiqui, 8vo. 1558. Rudimenta prima Latince grammaticcE, per Pelisson, 8vo. 1559, Contextus universce Grammaticce Despau- His Qua7'rel ic'ith Scaligcr. 17 teriance, per eundem, 8vo ; Rudimenta LiUtino- Gallica cum accentibus, 8vo ; Placitorum summcB apud Gcdlos curice Lihri XII. per Joannem Lu- ciiim, fol. Menage {anti-JBaillet, cap. 59.) charges the sub- ject of this memoir Avith great moroseness and irritability of temper; and founds the charge on a letter of Maumontius, or " De Maumont," to Ju- lius Scaliger, {inter Scaligeri episto/as). A letter of one individual to another, evidently written ad captandam gratiam, must not be allowed to in- fluence our conviction. This verbose epistle is given at length by Maittaire ; ( Vit. Stephcmor. p. 179.) but the substance of it may be comjDrised in a few words. De Maumont was employed to treat with Charles Estienne about the impression of Scaliger's " Artis '* Poeticae Tractatio." In this ejiistle he relates the particulars of the interview ; and jDretends " that he found our typographer ' plus justo po- " tus :' and that at the mention of the business he " broke out into a violent rage, which was ridi- " culously evinced by the most extravagant ges- " ticulations." A typographer may be angry occasionally, with- out any permanent imputation upon his morals or character. Scaliger appears to have given our printer just cause of offence, by a breach of pro- mise and by ill usage. He had promised to employ vol.. II. c 18 Carolus Stephaniis. him in the impression and sale of all his works ; and afterwards committed to Vascosan, and others of the profession, such of them as were likely to prove most saleable and lucrative. To Charles Estienne he left those, which on account of their subjects or execution, promised neither popularity nor advantage. Under these circumstances, he re- turned Scaliger's manuscript with expressions of indignation. " Narrabo omnem fabulam," (says Maumontius in his letter to Scaliger,) " ut habeas quem perjie- " tuo ridere possis," (meaning our printer,) " atque *' etiam effundere, (fortasse effundare) in risum " Sap^«v;&v." De Maumont, in this unfortunate mention of the " Risus Sardonicus," seems through ignorance, to reverse the intended order of things ; throwing the ridicule upon Scaliger, and giving the triumph to our typographer. Erasmus would have taught him that such a laugh was by no means one of gratification. I shall take the liberty of mentioning here, that the celebrated French scholar and critic, Joannes Passeratius, has in an admirable epigram, more classically and cor- rectly illustrated the force and meaning of this adage : ]jUX mea longinquas cum digredcretur ad oras, Cogerer & magna parte carere mei, Non tenui risum ! res nonne simillima monstri ? Quisnam hominis mcesti signa fuisse putet ? His Character defended. 19 Sed tamen at lacrymae rebus plerunique secundis, Lsetitia mentem concutiente cadunt : Sic mihi, dum nimio turbantur pectora luctu, Improbus invito risus in ore fuit. Sic quoque Sardois qui non sibi temperat herbis, Ridet : at hoc ipso tempore vita fugit. When late to rove in foreign climes my fair Left me forlorn, a victim to despair, I laugh'd — strange sign of sorrow ! and in vain I strove the untimely impulse to restrain ! But, as when sudden joys our hopes befriend, From their full source the gushing tears descend ; So, when my breaking heart with grief was torn, The laugh, the impious laugh ! was not forborne. Thus he that to his lips the herb applies Of Sardo — laughs — but laughs convuls'd, and dies. Two incidental particulars are communicated in the letter of De Maumont : namely, that Charles Estienne complained that his " Thesaurus in Cice- " ronem," though the subject was then popular, and the work unquestionably useful, brought no profit : and that he had been accused of great in- humanity towards his nephews : " Virum malum " paulo ante noveram, nam mihi fuerat narratum " eum erga nepotes, fratris filios, impie atque in- " humaniter se gessisse." If this charge is worthy of any notice, we may state, in opposition to it, the answer of Maittaire ; who thinks that such asperity might be affected from prudential mo- c 2 20 Carolus Stephanus. tives ; and that he might not be thouglit a secret partaker in Robert's and his children's heterodoxy. " Forsan nepotibus nimium favere non ausus est, " ne id sibi invidiam, ob fratris fugam mutatam- " que religionem, pareret." CHAPTER XVIII. SEKIES OF GREEK IMPRESSIONS CONTINUED FROM CHAP- TER V. OTHER GREEK PRINTERS THOMAS RICHARD MICHAEL FEZANDAT BENEDICT PREVOST GULI- ELMUS MOREL MARTIN LE JEUNE SEBASTIEN NI- VELLE ADRIANUS TURNEBUS ANDREAS WECHEL —1544-1560. JltAVING carried our account of the typogra- phical operations of Robert Estienne, not only through the whole period during which he dis- charged the office of Typographus Regius, but also to the time of his decease ; and noticed those also of his learned brothers, Francis and Charles; we may now turn our attention again to the minor performances of contemporary Parisian printers, as far as respects Greek impressions. To revert then to the year 1544. I find of this date from the press of Christianus Wechel, Aphthonii progymnasmata, GrAio\ Aristotelis tie ccelo liber primus^ Gr. 4to ; Herodoti Clio S^ Euterpe, Gr. 4to ; Aristopha- nis Comwdia, Concio7icmtes, Gr. 4to ; Erotemata Chrysolorce, (with other grammatical extracts from Chalcondyles and Gaza,) Gr. 4to ; Gregorii Na- c 3 22 Series ofGreelc Impressions ziatixeni in Julianum invectiva prior ^ Gr. 4to ; Ejusdem Tragoedia, Christus patiens^ Gr. 8vo. From the press of Joan. Ludovicus Tiletanus : Ltuciani dialogi deorum, Gr. 4to ; Ejusdem dia- logi 7}iarini, Gr. 4to. The following from that of Jacobus Bogardus : Hesiodi Theogonia 8^ scutum HercuJis, Gr. 4to ; Platonis noXn^ia^ Gr. 4to ; Ejusdem Epistolce, Gr. 8^ Lat. 4to ; Ejusdem. Apologia Socratis, Gr. 4to ; Xeno- pJiontis CEco7iomicus, Gr. 4to ; Plutarchus de placitis PMlosophorum^ cum Stidcei interpreta- tione, 4to ; Ciceronis Cato c^ Somtiium Scipio- nis, Gr<^ce, ex tradAictione Tkeodori Gazce, 8vo; Jani Lascaris Rhyndaceni Epigrammata^ Gr. Eat. 4to. Also impressions by printers not named: Hippocrates de jurejurando, de veteri medicina^ Ssp. Gr. Eat. interprete GorrcBo, 4to ; and Joan- nes Varennius de dialectis Greeds, 8vo. 1545. Ptolemwi Geographia, Gr. 4to. Christ. Wechel; SopJioclis Ajax, Gr. Svo. idem; Hip- pocrates de genitura, S^c. Gr. Eat. 4to. Michael Vascosan ; Pselli Aritlimetices compendium, Gr. Eat. Svo. Joan. Eudovicus Tiletanus; Eui'i- pidis 3Iedea, Gr. cum scholiis Gr. 4to. idem ; Ejusd. Hecuba, Gr. cum schol. Gr. 4to. idem ; Psalterium, Gr. Lat. cum argumentis (^ calenda- riis, l6mo. Carola Guillard; a pleasing little vo- lume, before mentioned. Pselli syntagma in qua- continued J^rom Chapter V. 23 tuor mathematicas discipliiias, G?'. 4to. Jaco- hus liogardus ; Scholia Grceca in Ari^tophanifi ThesmoplioriamLsas, ah ALgidio JSardio edita^ inscripta Francisco I. Gall, regi, Parisiis, 8vo. {Fabr.) ; Hippocratis apliorismi^ cum comm. Or, Lat. 8vo. [Ask.) ; Jo. Chceradami Lexicojmter etijmon. Gr. Lat. fol. {Fabr.) 1546. AristojjJianis ComoedicE, Greece, 4to. Chr. Wechel; Ptolemcei Geographice lih?'i VIII, Gr. 4to. idem ; Galemis de elementis, de opt. corporis constitutione, de ho7io Jiahitu, de atra hile, Gr. fol., idem ; Demosthenis contra Pliilip- pum orationes, Gr. 4to. Jac. Bogard. 1547. XenopJiontis Hieron. Gr. 4to. Christ. Wechel; Pliitarchus de institutione Uherorum, Gr. 4to. idem; Galeni sermo adhortatoiius ad artes, 8^c. Gr. Lat. 4to. idem ; Porphyrii Isa- goge, Gr. 4to. idem ; Chrijsolorce institutiones GrammaticcB : accedit Ubellus de verbis anomalis, Gr. 4to. idem ; Plutarchi convivium sapientum Gr. 4to. Mich. Vascosan ; Lycophron, Greece, 8vo. Jac. Bogard. {Fabr.) 1548. Platonis Epistolce, Gr. 4to. Christ. We- chel ; Ejusdem Politica, Gr. 4to. idem ; Hippo- crates de natura hominis, Gr. 4to. idem ; Lu- ciani marini dialogi XV. Gr. 4to. idem ; Ejus- c 4 24 Series of' Greek hnpressions dew llmon, Gr. 4to. idem ; Ejusdem p(drl(E en- comiiim (is; Cupido, Gr. 4to. idem ; Ori Apollini&' Hieroglyphica, Greece t^ JLtdine seorsim^ 4to, idem ; Hermogenes de methodo gravitatis, Gr. 4to. idem ; Muscei opusculum de Uerone 8^ Le- andro^ 8^c. Gr. 4to. idem ; Arisfofeles de Repub- lica, interprete J. G. Sepulveda, Gr. Lat. 4to. Mich. VascosuH. A copy of this most beautiful volume (as it is termed) in rich old morocco bind- ing in compartments, Grollier pattern, I have ob- served inserted in a modern London catalogue, at the extraordinary price of ten guineas. Georgii Diaconi, ^ Geo. PaclujmercB epitome Aristotelis Logicce, Gr. Lat. 8vo. Vascosan ; Aristotelis Politica, Gr. Lat. 4to. idem; Thucydidis liber primus, GrtEce, idem ; Ciceronis prima ad Len- tulum epistola, cum Grceca Theodori versione, 4to. apud Thomam Richard. This is one of a few instances of the name of Thomas Richard, as a Greek printer. He was probably a descendant of Jean Richard, who is mentioned as a Parisian printer of the preceding century. There were others of the name at vari- ous periods ; of whom, Guillaume Richard prac- tised the art circa 1533, his mark being " une " Poui.E," with the words " in pingui Gallina." A beautiful impression of Horce in landem B. mrginis Marice^ secundum consuetudinem Roma- nam, Gr. Lat. l6mo. ex qfficina Michaelis Fe- continued from Chapter V. 25 %andat, denotes the appearance of another Greek typographer in this year 1548. This impression of the " Horae," &c. is executed " en rouge & " noir," and ornamented with wood cuts elegantly designed. Fez and at had the reputation of a skilful printer, but works exhibiting his name are few. His impressions generally bear as a mark the VIPER which settled on the hand of St. Paul, with the words : " Si Deus pro nobis, quis contra " nos ;" which afterwards became the distinction of Michael Sonnius. 1549. Platonis Hijyparchus, Amatores, 8^ The- ages, Gr. 4to. Christianus Wechel ; Luciani Tyramiicida, Gr. 4to. idem ; Luciani dialogi mortiiorum, Gr. 4to. idem ; Luciani Menippus, Gr. 4to. idem ; Luciani Charon, Gr. 4to. idefn ; Aristophanis Pliitus, Gr. Lat. per Girardum, 4to. idetn ; Aristoteles de atiima, Gr. 4to. idem ; Dionis Chrysostomi " non temere credendum,'' 8^c. (^ Plutarchi Opusc. " quod docenda sit virtus,'' 6rr.4to. idem; Aristotelis vel Theophrasti lihellus de colorihus, Gr. Lat. 8vo. Micliael Vascosan ; Aristotelis Rhetorica, Gr. cum interprefatione Lat. H. Barhuri, Svo. idem ; CaUimaclii Hym- ni, cum scholiis, Gr. 4to. idem ; Oppiani Cynege- tica, Gr. 4to. idem; Nicandri Alexipharmaca, Gr. Lat. Svo. idem ; Gregorii Na%ian%eni Ora- tiones II. in nataJem nostri Servatoris ; S;, in 2fj Series of Greek Impressions. festo Ejnjyhanice, Gr. idem; Novum Testa- mentum, Gr. l6mo. Diipuis and Fezanclat ; Nov. Test. Gr. l6mo. Benedictus Prcevotius ; Dioscoridis Ubri VIII. Gr. Lat. folio, idem ; JEsopi (§ GahricB Fahidce, Homeri Batracho- myomachia^ Musmus de Herone 8^ Leandro, Agapetus, Hippocratis ju.yuraiidum, Gr. Lat. Gcdeomyomachia., Gr. 12mo. idem ; Nov. Tes- tamentiim, Gr. Lat. a}). Granjon. I find no other Greek impression of this period with the name of Granjon. The mark of his family was " un marais, dans lequel croissent de grands joncs," in manifest allusion to their name. Aristophanis Plutus, Nuhes, B,ana;, Gr. cum versione Latina <§ commentario copioso, 4to ; the name of Ma- thurin Dupuis is sometimes found in the title, but the printer is supposed to have been Chr. Wechel. I consider Dupuis merely to have employed occa- sionally the Greek presses of others. I find the following without note of printer's name. Dio- scoridis opera., Gr. Lat. 8vo. Paris. {Ask.) The- opliylacti Commentaria in IV. Evangelistas, Greece ^cum Latina CEcoIampadii interpi-etatione, Paris. {Biblioth. Barherina 8^ Fahr. tom. VII. p. 593, n.) Impressions of another eminent jirin- ter now first appearing ; viz. Gulielmus Morelius, Tilianus, are : Plutarchi E/ Ka\y yevog ovg ev ypdfxfjLa Kvkiv^eT: and underneath its Latin signification: " Haec genus infelix hominum unica litera ver- " sat :" or the representation of Truth, with the word 'Kk^Oeia, or that of Justice, with the word i:^iKaio3g : or (which his father sometimes used) the arms of France, supported by emblematical figures of Piety and Justice. I shall not imitate Maittaire, by particularising Fredericus Morellus, Filius. 61 his learned labours in this place, as they will in some measure aj)i)ear in the series of his Greek imjDressions. He however concludes his enume- ration with these words : " Ex his penes eruditos " esto judicium, quam fuerit utriusque linguae pe- " ritus, quam accurate calluerit in utraque scri- " here, quam apte & numerose versus, eosque non " uno genere deducere, quam limato politoque cum " judicio exemplaria conferre, quam recte ac fide- " liter interpretari. De quo non injuria sic clariss. " Huetius : quid in ea exercitatione Federico Mo- " rello nostro praestantius, sincere rerum explica- " tore, non ambitioso, non fucato, non turgido !" As a commentator, he particularly distinguished himself by very learned notes on Libanius, and on the Sylvae of Statins ; which include correc- tions and illustrations of various Greek and Latin authors. He was the author of a Latin tragedy, intitled Alexander Severus^ and translated into Greek metres several portions of different Latin poets. Frederic Morel, in the early part of his career, seldom connected himself with any other of the Parisian printers; but at a later period availed himself of the subsidiary press of Claude Morel, his brother. From that press, but under his own special superintendence, appeared, anno 1606, L,i- hanii Operum tomus primus, then first given to ()0 Fredericus Morelhts, Films. the public from the Bibliotheca Regia, " cum mag- " nifico doctanmi notarum, variarum lectionum " & duplicis indicis apparatu : opusRege dignum," (adds Maittaire,) " & regi Henrico IV. ab editore " dicatum." To this volume Sequier prefixed a congratulatory poem to Henry IV. on the restitu- tion of Libanius : from which Maittaire cites the following lines : Hoc Libani tibi consecrare volumen Gemmatum fratres conccrtavere Morelli, Mandatumque typis, cmendatumque decenter: Quorum alter Graise Interpres Latiaeque Camenae Regius est, alter Typica prieclarus in arte : Qui veteres rimantur opes, & scripta requirunt, Te quibus imperiumque tuum exornare laborant. The second volume of this magnificent work was finished (m}io 1626. It comprehends " Orationes " XXXVI. cum aliis paucis enarrationibus," is inscribed to Louis XIII. and was one of the last books on which this printer employed his critical labours. He died cddio 1630. I have elsewhere noticed the story that Budaeus studied many hours on his wedding-day. The same has been said of Turnebus. On the au- thority of Colomesius, {Pai'ticularite:^, p. 318. ed. 1709,) it is related, that whilst Frederic Morel was attentively engaged upon his Latin version of Libanius, he was informed, that his wife, Isabella Duchesne, daughter of one of the professors of the Mamertus Patissonius. 63 " College Royale," was very ill. He answered, I have only two or three periods to translate, and will then go to see her. The messenger re- turned to inform him she was dying. I have but two words to write, said he, and will be with you presently. At length they came to announce to him, that his wife had expired. I am very sorry for it, he replied — she was an excellent woman. 1578. Jacohi Billii Locutionum Grcecarum formulcB, 8vo. Paris. {Ask.); Caninii Hellenis- mus, Gr. Lat. Svo. Joannes Benenatus; Hip- pocratis de vulnerihus capitis liber, Greece, ^ Latinitate donatus a Francisco Vertuniano, Svo. aj^ud Mamertum Patissoniiim, Typographum Re- gium, in officina Roberti Stephani. This is the earliest mention I have observed of Mamertus Patissonius, as king's printer. He married (Maittaire thinks ciixa 1575) Dionysia Barbe, widow of a Robert Estienne, whom Mait- taire (I believe erroneously) considers as a son of the first Francis, or of the first Charles Estienne. Who this Robert really was, may be made a subject of our future inquiry: but on account of such a connexion, Patisson becomes entitled to a distinct place among the family of the Estiennes. He was unquestionably a learned printer, and his " officina" appears to have been beautifully pro- vided with Greek types : but if he gave any im- 64 Series of Greek Impressions. pressions strictly to be denominated Greek, besides that last mentioned, and (possibly) the volume specified before, {fiuh anno 1575,) which I there considered questionable, they must now have be- come the rarest of books. 1579. Chrysostomi de orando Orationes du(F, Gr. Laf. 8vo. Joannes Benenatus ; Platoiiis Ti- mceus, she de JJmversitate^ G?\ 4to. idem ; to this is frequently annexed the same JLathie, intei'j^re- tihus 31. TuU'io C'lcei'one & Chalcidio. 4to. from the press of Guil. Morel of a prior date : Theog- nidis Setitentiw, Gr. Lat. 4to. idem; Xeno- phoidis Soc?Yifis apologia, Gr. 4to. Fridericus Morel; Xenophontis Institutio Herculis, Gr. 4to. idem ; Hippocratis M&j^A/atov, sive de ciiran- dis luxibns, Gr. idem; Gregorii Naxianzeni SententicB GrceccB^ 4to. idem ; Septimii Florentis Christiani in Aristoph. Irenam Commentai'ia, ^ Aristoplianis Pax, Gr. Lat. 8vo. idem. 1580. Apollina?'ii Intetpi-etatio Psalmorum, Gr. Lat. 8vo. descrihehat typisque mandahat Joannes Benenatus ; Homeri Batrachomyoma- chia, Gr. 4to. Fed. Morel. Maittaire terms this " optimam & nitidissimam Homeri Batrachora. " editionem." Vita F. Morelli, p. 92. Luciani Judicium vocaliuin, Gr. 4to. idem ; Ezechieli poetce Judaici 'E^ayuy^ Tragoedia de Israelita- Estienne PrcevoHeau. Q5 rum Exodo^ Greece, cum Lafina Fed. Morelli versioiie, S^c. 8vo. idem. 1581. Historia Ecclesiastica, Gr. Lat. per Laur. RJwdomannum, Svo. Andreas JVechel, {Ask.) ; Hesiodi Opera <§ Dies, Gr. 4to. Fri- der. Morel. ; Platonis Phwdo, Gr. 4to. idem ; Syiiesii EpistolcB qucedam breves <§ laconicce, Gr. 4to. idem ; Sasilii Magni epistola de vita per solitudinem transigenda, Gr. Lat. Svo. ex Ty- pograpliia Stephani Prcevostcei Jiceredis Gul. Morelli^ in GrcBcis Tijpographi Regit; Ana- charsidis epistolce, Gr. Lat. 4to. idem. Estienne Pr^vosteau espoused Jeanne, daughter of Guillaume Morel, and adopted his " insigne." La Caille says he distinguished him- self by the impression of numerous and highly finished books. 1582. Homeri Odyssea, Greece, 4to. Ste- j)hanus Prcevostceus. 1583. Theophrastus de notis morwn, Gr. Lat. 4to. Fed. Morel. ; a rare edition. (Fabr.) : Ga- leni parapJirasis in Menodoti exliortationem ad artes, Gr. Lat. 4 to. idem; Virgilii Pollio, La- tine, 8^ Greece ab Eusebio Pampliilo, 4to. idem ; Pytliagorce Carmina aurea, Gr. cum versione VOL. II. F 06 Series of Greeli Impressions. Curterii, 12ino. Steph. Provost; GrcBcarum Epi- stolarum selectee LXII. Gr. 4to. idem; Juliani Imperatoris Opera omnia. Gr. Lat. 12ino. Par. {Heath.) The same is mentioned by Fabricius with the name of Dionysius Du Val, who probably was merely a "libraire." LiturgiaEvangelistcB^Iarci, Gr. Lat. Paris. {Ask.) ; HierocUs Commenta- rius in aurea Pythagoreorum Carmina, Gr. Lat. 12mo. ap. Nicolaum NivelUum. He was " li- " braire de la Ligue," and probably nothing more than a " libraire." I consider this the same im- pression as that before ascribed to Praevosteau, {suh hoc anno). 1584. j^schyli Tragcedia Septem-Thehana^ Greece, <^ seorsim Latine, stylo ad veteres Tra~ gicos Latinos accedente quam fieri potiiit a Qiiinto Septimio Florente Christiano, Lutetiee, Feder. Morel. Fabricius remarks that this Latin version is executed " stylo vere tragico." Odys- sece Lihri tres pi'iores, Gr. 4to. idem; Lyco- phronis Alexandra, sive Cassaridra, Greece, 8^ seorsim Latitio carmine per Jos. Scaliget'um, 4to. idem; Basilii Macedonis Capita exhorta- tionum, Greece, <§ seorsim Latine, 4to. idem; Geo?gii Pisidce Opns sex dierum, ^ Senarius de vanitate vitee, Gr. Lat. 4to. idem ; Fahri Pi- hrachii Tetrasticha, Gr. S^ Latinis versibus ex- pressa authore Florente Christiano, 4to ; Ejus- Series of Greek Imp7'essio}is. 67 de??i Prcecepta moralia, Gr. Lat. 4to. idem ; EmpedocUs Spheera, Greece, versihus lamhichs CLXVIII. 4to. idem ; folio fugitivo. {Fabr.) 1585. Hipjyocrates -nefi ywaiK^iav Liber I. in- terprete N. CordcBo, fol. Paris. [Fahr,)\ Pi- sides Senarii de vanitate vitce (^ fragmenta, Gr. Lat. 4to. Fed. Morel. ; Theocriti Idyllia ali- quot , Gr. 4to. idem ; Lucianus de non facile credendo calumnice, Gr. <§ seorsim Latine, 4to. idem; Gregorii Na%ian'^eni Sententice Greecee, tetrastichis iamhis comprehensce ., 8vo. S. Preevos- teau ; Hierocles in aurea Carmina Pythagoree, Gr. Lat. 12mo. idem, pro N. Nivelle. 1586. Aristophayiis ElpYjVY], Gr. cum emenda- tionibus § varr. lectionihus, 4to. Feder. Morel; Sophoclis Tragoedia Philoctetes, Gr. Lat. cum Florentis Christiani glossemate, 4to. ide7n ; Or- phei seu Mercurii ter maxiiui Prognostica, Gr. Lat. ab Ant. Payfio, 4to. idem ; Synesii Hym- ni X. oll. fol. 1633; Theophylactus in Evangelia, (iterum,) Gr. Lat. fol. 1635 ; aS*. Chrysostomi opera, Gr. Lat. 11 voll. fol. 1636 ; Justini 3Iartyris Opera, jiEgklius Morellus. 85 Athcnagoras, Tatianus, Hermias, G?'. Lett. fol. 1636. iEoiDius Morellus. Grego?il JVi/ssenl ope- ra, Gr. Led. fol. 1638 ; Isklori PelusiotcB episto- larum lihri V. Gr. Lat. interpretlhus Jac. JBlll'io c^ Conr. Rittershusioy 8^ Andr. ScJiotto, fol. 1638; Aristotelis opera., Gr. Lat. veterum 8§ receutio- rum mterpreUim studio emeyidatiss'ima, a Dio- nysio Du-Vallio aucta, cor recta., Ulustrata, 8§c. fol. 1639 ; Magna BihUotheca veterum Patrum, Gr. Lat. 17 voll. fol. 1643. These printers ge- nerally used the insignia of their father. I conclude the notices of this illustrious family of printers last recorded, by citing the words of Maittaire : " Late viguit Morelloruni noraen ; quo- " rum Typographeum ab anno 1557, ad 1646, ce- " lebratum diutius quam ullum aliud, si Ste- " phanos excipias, literariae reipublicae operam " suam indefessam consecravit." {Historia, nt supra., p. 160.) G 3 CHAPTER XX. ROBERT ESTIENNE II. IMPRESSIONS — FURTHER NOTICE OF BUCHANAN FRANCIS ESTIENNE II. IMPRESSIONS BY HIM MAMERT PATISSON CHARACTER OF HIS PRESS SOME IMPRESSIONS SPECIFIED. A HE reader will have observed that in the two last sections which have been devoted to the ope- rations of learned printers of the city of Paris, who were distinct from the family of the Estiennes, but contemporaries with some or other of them ; our inquiries, carried down to the year 1640, have with reference to this family, overstepped the bounds of a regular chronological series. This ir- regularity could not well be avoided, without re- linquishing a purpose which I have always had in view ; namely, of assigning to each individual of the Estienne family, a distinct notice. I shall now revert to that family ; in which we observe the typographical profession to have been in so sin- gular a measure hereditary ; and in the jwesent sec- tion shall first state such particulars, as I have been able to collect respecting Robertus Stephanus Se- cundus ; secondly, concerning Franciscus Stepha- G 4 88 Robertus Stephamis Secund^is. ims Secundus ; and thirdly, concerning Mamertus Patissonius, who through his matrimonial alliance, has acquired a claim to be mentioned in conjunc- tion with the Stephani. Robert Estienne the Second was a son of the first Robert Estienne ; consequently brother of the second Henry, and the second Francis, but whether younger or elder is uncertain. I have already noticed the tradition, that in consequence of his refusal to abandon the church of Rome, and to accompany his father Robert to Geneva, he was disinherited by him. La Caille reports, that with a special view to compensate him for this disad- vantage, he was put in possession of the royal cha- racters and printing materials : and that Charles IX. further honoured him with a royal commis- sion to travel in Italy, and other places, in search of manuscripts and rare books ; and ai)pointed a I^rovision for his family during his absence. The notices left us of this printer are very scanty and imperfect : but that he ably supported the literary character of his family cannot be doubted. Some of the principal scholars of the age, and amongst them, Joseph Scaliger, George Buchanan, and our learned countryman sir Thomas Smith, were par- ticularly desirous that their works should be given to the public through the instrumentality of his press. His impressions, though comparatively not Rohertus Stephanus Secundus. 89 numerous, furnish the most satisfactory proofs of his ability, diligence, and correctness : and as beau- tiful and perfect specimens of the art, may be placed in comj^etition with those of his father. Maittaire is mistaken in asserting that his per- sonal learning and poetical talents are evinced by several " Epitaphia," composed by him both in Greek and Latin elegiacs; and by a more elabo- rate poem in his native language, to the memory of the celebrated Thuanus, which he cites at length ; (m vita ejus ;) for I shall hereafter shew that these were the productions of a son of his, who bore the same name. This Robert Estienne is believed to have re- newed his paternal establishment at Paris, anno 1556. His name is found affixed to the beautiful impression of Anacreon, Gr. &^ Lat. of that date, in conjunction with the name of Gulielmus Morel; in the list of whose impressions I have more par- ticularly described it. In the year 1563, he was appointed " Typographus Regius :" after which period his impressions generally exhibit that title. Sometimes, says Maittaire, he wholly omitted the symbol or mark ; but frequently employed that of his father, namely the olive, " cum viri icone," and the inscription " Noli altum sapere," &c. As king's printer, he used the " Thyrsus Re- " Gius," in his title pages ; affixing (" ad calcem") his paternal olive. 90 Rohertus Stephanus Secundus. For his various impressions in the French lan- guage of mere ephemeral interest, I shall refer the reader to Maittaire : but the most important fruits of his press are those which follow. 1556. Anacreontis <§ alioriim Liyricorum Odce, Gr. Lat. 8vo. ut supra ; Moschi, Bioiiis, Theo- criti Idyllia aliquot^ ah H. Stephano hat. facta: ejusdem carmina non diversi ah illis argumentii 4to. 1560. Charles Ufenhove, L'ejJitajjJie sur le trespas du Roy Henry II. en Ebrieu, Chaldaic, Grec, Lat. Francois, Aleman <| Flaman, 4to ; Car. Stephani de nutrimentis, lihri III. 8vo; Ejusdem Dictionarium proprior. nominum viro- rum, mulierum, populo7'um, Ssf. 4to. 1561. Disticha moralitti 8vo. 1564. Querolus a7itiqua comoedia, {Plauto per- peram tributa^ jiunquam antehac edita, quce in vettisto codice 3IS. Pla?iti Aulularia inscrihitur, nunc prinium a P. Dan'iele luce donata S^ notis iUustrata, Svo. It was reprinted by Commelin, with a variation of title ; and also " a Vitale Ble- " sensi elegiaco carmine reddita," 1595, Svo; but this reimpression, says M. Renouard, is much less beautiful than the edition of R. Steph. 1564, yet Impressions by him. 91 preferable, as being corrected by a good MS., &c. The brothers Volpi, who added the Querolus to their edition of Plautus, did not know of the first edition of 1564. That edition is rare, but Com- melin's le§s known, and still more rare : Kenouard^ Bihl. vol.11, p. 311. 1565. Josephi ScaUgeri conjectanea in Varro- nem de lingua Latina, 8vo ; JBihlia sacra La- Una, II. voluminihus 8vo ; a reimpression of that of R. Steph. anni 1545, so at least Maittaire inti- mates, Vit. R. Steph. II. p. 506, & Catal. p. 52; but the wonder is that he should repeat so ob- noxious an edition. Georgii Buclianani Scoti Psalmorum Davidis Paraphrasis poetica^ nwic primum edita ; Psalmi aliquot a Theodoro Be^a versi ; Psalmi aliquot in versus Grcecos a di- versis translati, 8vo. aj). Henricum SfepJianum, ^ ejus fratrem Rohertum Steph. Tijpogr. Re- gium: no date affixed to this impression. Ejus- dem Ruchanani Psalmorum Paraj)hrasis ; Ejus- dem Jepthes ; Ccetera ejus opera seorsim edita sunt,12mo. apud eosdem; Maittaire considers both editions as belonging to this year. I have shewn in my notice of Jod. Badius As- censius, {ante Chapt. 3.) that Buchanan return- ed into France in the year 1552. Several years afterwards elapsed, during which his occupation is not stated : but about 1555, he accepted the pri- vate tutorship of a young person of distinction in 92 Robertus Steplianus Secunchis. Piedmont, where he remained five years. In the month of April 1558, was celebrated the marriage of Francis dauphin of France, with Mary queen of Scots. Buchanan wrote an Epithalamium on that occasion, in very beautiful Latin hexameters ; of which however, says M. le Clerc, unques- tionably the finest passage is his eulogy on the Scotch nation; which none had ever so happily praised before or since, in the opinion of that able critic. Buchanan retired to Scotland in 1560, and publicly joined the reformed church. The actual time when he composed his Latin ver- sion of the Psalms is not distinctly specified. Le Clerc thinks, he commenced this undertaking in Portugal. The same critic has pronounced Bucha- nan's translation an incomparable one; and says, it will always be held in admiration by those who have any taste for works of such a description. Theodore Beza (he adds) who made (perhaps par- tially) a similar paraphrase of the Psalms in Latin verse, had reason to yield the palm to Buchanan ; and when he caused or consented to allow his ver- sion to be printed parallel with this, (as in the edition which we have above specified, or in that printed under his own suiDerintendence, Genevse, 1593,) he put his own poetical reputation greatly to the hazard ; and certainly such a comparison reflects no honour on the divine. The dedicatory verses prefixed by Buchanan, to his paraphrastic Latin version of the Psalms, and Further Notice of Buchanan. 93 addressed to the queen of Scots, are both from their collocation and elegance, a subject of in- terest. It may not have occurred to scholars in general, that the Scottish poet selected as his mo- del on this occasion the fine elegiacs by which Sannazarius inscribed to pope Clement VII. his celebrated poem " de Partu Virginis." From a comparison of both, I think it will undoubtedly appear, that our northern bard was willing to hazard a trial of talent and ingenuity with the Italian poet, though for reputation and powers, confessedly inferior to none since the revival of letters. Sannazarius. CLEMENTI SEPTIMO PONTIFICI MAXIMO. Magne parens custosque hominum, cui jus datur uni Claudere ccelestes & reserare fores, Occurrent si qua in nostris male firma libellis, Deleat errores sequa litura meos. Imperiis Venerande, tuis submittimus illos, Nam sine Te recta non licet ire via. Ipse manu sacrisqiie potens Podalyrius herbis, Ulcera Pa^onia nostra levabis ope. Quippe mihi toto nullus Te prseter in orbe, Triste salutifera leniet arte malum. Rarus honos, summo se prseside posse tueri: Rarior, a summo prgeside posse legi. BUCHANANUS. AD MARIAM ILLUSTRISSIMAM SCOTORUM REGINAM. Nympha, Caledoniee quae nunc feliciter orae, Missa per innumeros sceptra tueris avos : 94 Rohertus Stephanus Secundus. Quse sortem antevenis meritis, virtu tibus annos, Sexum animis, morum nobilitate genus : Accipe (sed facilis) cultu donata Latino Carmina, fatidici nobile regis opus. Ilia quidem, Cyrrha procul & Permesside lympha, Psene sub Arctoi sidere nata poli : Non tarn en ausus cram male natum exponere foetum, Ne mihi displiceant quae placuere tibi. Nam quod ab ingenio domini sperare nequibant, Debebunt genio forsitan ilia tuo. Daughter of kings unnumber'd, whose fair hand Sways Scotia's sceptre now with empire bland, Passing in princely virtues regal place, Years, sex, in spirit — origin, in grace. Receive the songs of Israel's prophet king, (But kind) which cloth'd in Latian vest I bring. Those strains, in northern regions harp'd by me. Far from the clime and spring of Castalie ^, Scarce worth recording might the minstrel deem. Yet may he not reject what you esteem. Transient the fame his feeble art can give. Yet sanction'd by your smile they long may live. As epigrams addressed to queens are of rare occurrence, I am tempted to introduce here one ascribed to Bochart, in which Christina, queen of Sweden, is compared with the queen of Sheba : Regin^e celebres longo memorantur in sevo Vix duee, & in mundi partibus oppositis. a For not to have been dipt in Lethe's lake Could save the sou of Thetis from to die ; But that blind bard did him immortal make With verses dipt in dew of Castalie. Spenser. Impressions by Mm. 95 Una Noti regina, sacris pridem inclyta libris ; Altera in Arctoi cardine nata poli. Quas si contuleris, quam sit prsestantior orbem Quae regit Arctoum, carmine disce brevi : Ilia docenda suis Salomonem invisit ab oris, Undique ad banc docti quo doceantur eunt. 1566. Alphahetum Gr cecum, 8vo; Gnom(B Mofiostichce, ex diversis poetis Grcecis, cum La- tina ex adverso versione, 8vo. ex qfficina R. Stepli, 1567. Veterum Momanorum Leges a Ludov. Charunda restitutes, cum ejusd. commentariis, 4to; JBucJianani Sijlvce, Elegice, HendecasyU lahi, 12mo; De la Barte, la morte de Lucrece ^ de Virginie, femme (§ Jille tresjnidiques, 8vo ; Jaq. Grevin, Poeme sur fhistoire des Fran- cois t^ hommes vertueux de la maisou de Medi- cis, 4to. 1568. Ahen E%ra in Decalogum, per Merce- rum, 4to ; De recta (§ emendata UyigucE Grceccc jjrotimiciatione Thomce Smithi Angli, tunc i?i Acad. Catitabr. puhlici prcelectoris, ad Vintoni- ensem episcopum Epistola, 4to ; De recta 8^ emendata lingucE Anglicce scriptione Dialogus, Thoma Smitho equestris ordinis Anglo author e, 4to. 1567. Id. Nov. 1568. These distinct tracts, rendered so peculiarly interesting by the name of 9(3 Rohertiis Stephanus Secundus. our illustrious countryman, the nature of the sub- jects, and the period when written; are said to have been composed during the authors residence at Cambridge, (perhaps circa 1542). The editors of the new and general Biographical Dictionary- have observed that sir Thomas Smith, while he was ambassador at Paris, caused both these trea- tises to be printed there by Robert Stephens, in 1568, 4to. — Alphahetum Gr cecum, 8vo. {Ask). 1569. H- Estienne Traicte de la conformite clu language Francois avec le Grec, (if we may credit the Bibliotheca Askeviaiia) ; GalUcce Grammatices lihelhis, Svo; Novum Testamen- tum, Greece i ex Bib. Regia, l6mo.^x off'. R. Stej)h. Typogr. regiif typis regiis. Of this singularly beautiful little volume, copies occur with the date of 1568, in the beginning, and 1569, at the end. It may be considered generally as a re-impression of the editions minori forma of R. Steph. the elder, annorum 1546, 1549, but with some few readings of his folio edition, anni 1550, and with the addition of summaries of the different books, {charactere Grceco minutissimo), and a numerous list of various readings. Thus our learned typo- grapher, in his " ejiistola candido lectori." " Cum " Testamentum Gr. hac minore forma a j^atre " meo semel atque iterum typis commissum, a mul- " tis quotidie desiderari animadvertissem, id iis- Impressions by him. 97 " dem characteribus denuo excudendum curavi : " additis tamen ad priores illas editiones, variis " antiquorum exemplarium lectionibus, non qui- " dem omnibus, sed iis duntaxat quae aut sensum *' juvare, aut ei aliquid detrahere viris quibusdam " doctis visae sunt .... addidi, vice indicis, sum- " maria cujusque sectionis," &c. This impres- sion, which Masch has pronounced " nitidissima & " emendatissima," may be considered as the most valuable monument of the printer's skill and in- dustry; and was probably the last of any im- portance which he lived to execute. Most of those which follow, are erroneously attributed to him by Maittaire, as I shall endeavour to shew in my sub- sequent notice of Mamert Patisson. Some of them were indeed executed in the office of R. Estienne, but by his widow, viz, 1571- Imperatorum Tkeodosii, Valentmicmi, 3IaJo?'iani, Anthernil Novellce Constitutiones XLII. nunc primum in lucem eilitce, 4to. 1573. Fragmeyita qucedam veterum Juris au- thorum cum legibus Moysis collata, cum notis Pithoei, 4to ; Suetonius, emendatus ex vetusto codice, 4to. 1575. Psalmorum poetica paraphrasis c^ Jeph- thes, Buchanano authored 12mo ; Les premieres VOL. II. H 98 Franciscus Stephanus, Secimdus. Oeuvres de PhUip'pe des Partes, 4to ; Hippocra- tis Prognosticwn lat'ina ecphrasis ex mente Ga- leniy auctore P. Blondello Calexio, Medico Re- gis, 4to. L?(f. R. Steph. {Fahricius.) 1577. Bihlia Sacra, cum notis Vatahli (§ Pag- nini, 2 voll. fol. ; Catonis Disticha, Laherii, Syri ^ alior. sententice. Iamb, versihus comprehensce, 8vo. 1580. Alphuhetnm Gr.i Buchanani Psalmor. paraphrasis (§ Jephthes, 12mo. 1582. P. Angeli Bargcei Syriados liber pri- mus § secundus, fol. 1584. Terentius, Svo. 1585. j^lii Donati de octo partibus oratiouis libellus, Svo ; Catonis Disticha. Franciscus Stephanus secundus, another son of the first Robert, has by La Caille been erroneously considered as a son of the first Fran- cis Estienne. Concerning him little more is re- corded, than that he also was deeply skilled in the learned languages ; and that having embraced the reformed religion, he practised the typographic art at Geneva from the year 1562, to 1582. He gave Impressions by him . 99 to the public various works of Calvin, several im- pressions of the New Testament, both in French and Latin, in the years 1567, 1568 ; and if we may credit La Caille, " La sainte Bible" bearing those dates : " Histoire de Portugal," fol. a trans- lation from the Latin of Osorius, and " Gram- " matica Graeca & Latina, a Roberto Ste^^hano " scripta." Perhaj^s the existence of the last men- tioned work is dubious. Maittaire says he had never met with it. He doubtless printed various other works on his own account, or at the request and charge of others. Maittaire informs us that he was also the printer of several treatises by Lambertus Danasus, or Lambert Daneau, a person eminent by his writings in the reformed church, whose conversion from that of Rome was occa- sioned by a remarkable incident. He happened to be present when Anne du Bourg, counsellor to the parliament, was burned at Paris. Having all his life admired that celebrated man for his learn- ing and integrity, he was so affected by the con- stancy which he exhibited under his sufferings, that concluding he had not without good reasons embraced the religion of the protestants, he im- mediately began to study its principles ; and sub- sequently became a public professor and able de- fender of them, first at Geneva, afterwards at Ley- den, and other places. ( Vide Teissier, Eloges cles hommes s^avans.) La Caille affirms, that Fran9ois Estienne II. H 2 100 Franciscus Stephanits, Sccundus. finally settled in Normandy, married there, and became the father of a numerous family : amongst whom are mentioned Gervaise and Adrien Esti- enne, who were " libraires" at Paris, and a daugh- ter, Adrienne. This second Francis Estienne generally used as his insigne, a variety of the family device, thus described by Maittaire : " Icon viri, aliquando ge- " nua flectens, aliquando stans, cum nube olivae " superimpendente, ex qua duae manus, dextera " falcem,sinistrasurculum,tenentes,videantur pro- " dire." Sometimes he exhibited the olive, with its broken branches, in an oval, without the hu- man figure. His impressions, recorded by Mait- taire, are those which follow : 1562. Sermons de Jean Calvin sur la Deca- logue^ 8vo ; Vingt-deux Sermons de Calvin sur le 119*"^ Pseaume, 8vo ; Sermons de J. Calvin sur le Cantique de Execliias, 8vo. 1563. Commentaire de Calvin sur le cinq livres de Moyse, fol. 1567. La Sainte Sible, traduite en Francois, 8vo ; Le Nouveau Testament. 8vo ; Novum Tes- famentum, Latine, 8vo. 1568. Les Pseaumes,mis en rime 'par Clement Marot ^ Theodore de Beze, l6mo. Mamertus Patissonius. 101 1569. Traite de la Grmmnaire Fran^oise, 8vo ; Traite cles Dances, 8vo. 1581. Histoire de Portugal, fol. 1 582. StepJi. Jun. Sriitus de la puissance le- gitime du prince sur le peuple, et du peuple sur le prince, 8vo ; Les Oeuvres morales (§ meslees de Plutarque, translatees de Grec en Francois, reveues 8^ corrigees en plusieurs passages par le Translateur, fol. Perhaps that of Amyot. The second volume is dated 1581 : 2 torn. fol. Mamertus Patissonius is acknowledged ge- nerally, to have connected himself with the family of the Estiennes, by marrying the widow of Ro- bert Estienne : but of what Robert ? Not of Robert, the brother of Henry, argues Maittaire ; for he survived probably till 1588, or at least to compose some Greek verses on the death of Bellai in 1577 ; a French monody in honour of Chris- tofle du Thou, in 1582 ; and an epitaphium on Ronsardj in 1585 : but Patisson, in his impres- sions anni 1576, subscribes " apud Mamert. Pa- " tissonium, in officina Roberti Stephani." This leads to the reasonable presumption that he was then become the proprietor of an " Imprimerie," formerly belonging to a Robert Estienne. Again, Maittaire cites a royal " privilegium," found in a H 3 102 Mamertus Patissonius. work intitled, " Paraphrase du droit des Dismes," &c. granted on the 11th Sept. 1571, to " Denise " Barbe, veuve du feu Robert Estienne, en son " vivant, imprimeur du diet seigneur," &c. This work was reprinted anno 1574, " par la meme " veufe de Robert Estienne." He doubts not, that this was the widow who soon afterwards became the wife of Mamert Patisson ; but he conckides justly, she could not be the widow of Robert Esti- enne the elder, who died at Geneva, and certainly never was king's printer toCharles IX; less justly, that she could not be the widow of the second Robert ; and therefore imagines her to have been the relict of some other Robert, possibly a son of the first Francis, or Charles. But Du Verdier expressly says, that Mamert Patisson espoused the widow of the son of Robert Estienne, father of Henry, meaning evidently Ro- bert Estienne II, ; and such was probably the fact. What then shall we oppose to Maittaire's strong objections, grounded on the supposition of his late survival, his impressions of posterior date, and his jDoetry? I answer, there are cogent rea- sons for believing that Robert Estienne the se- cond, actually died before the year 1574. It is acknowledged that he left a son Robert, and a son Francis ; for so La Croix du Maine positively at- tests ; and no doubt a son Henry also, as Du Ver- dier intimates ; for this I shall shew^ in my sub- Mamertus Patissonius. 103 sequent memoir of Robert Estienne the third. The impressions then, attributed by Maittaire after 1570, to Robert Estienne II, or to the unknown Robert, must in reality belong to his son, the third of this name ; who afterwards became con- spicuous as a printer, and may be presumed to have exercised the profession, or at least to have conceded his name to the establishment, during some part of his minority. This presumption is strengthened by the entire suppression of the title of Typographus Regius, beyond the year 1569 : and also generally, by the inferior importance of those later impressions, which with very few exceptions, are incompatible with the dignity of king's printer. If these considerations are sufficient to obviate the first difficulty, the other, arising from the poems and " epitaphia," said to have been com- posed by R. Estienne the second at so late a pe- riod, whence Maittaire infers his survival till 1582, or several years afterwards, will be more easily removed. The " poemata," &c. in question, are actually the productions not of the second Robert, but of his son. Maittaire has cited them as the productions of the father; but the proof which he brings from La Croix du Maine affords a complete contradiction. That author says, " that Robert " Estienne (brother of Francis ; both, sons of Ro- " bert II. and nephews of Henry) was living when '• he wrote; {anno 1584,) that his residence was H 4 104 Mamertus Patissoniiis. " then in the family of M. de Portes ; that he was " then a young man of great skill in Greek and " Latin ; and had already composed many jioems " in the beforesaid languages, which are to be " found in (or among) the works of Philippes des *' Portes, and also a poem on the death of Messire " Christofle de Thou, and others in praise of " other jDersons of quality," &c. Here then we have in particular the very poem in honour of M. de Thou, which Maittaire expressly ascribes to the father, restored to the son : and on the whole, this perplexing alliance of Mamert Patisson with the family of the Estiennes, may be satisfactorily explained by the assertion that he married the widow of Robert Estienne II. Having thus endeavoured to ascertain the affi- nity of Patisson to this learned family, I come now to the brief particulars recorded of his life and character. He was a native of Orleans, and probably a person of liberal education. La Croix du Maine describes him as well skilled in the learned languages, and his own : extols his judi- cious selection of works for his press, his accuracy in printing, the fine paj^er and characters which he used, and the ample margins of his copies : and concludes his eulogy by asserting, that as an ac- complished printer, he evinced himself truly worthy of Messieurs les Estiennes, with whose house he had by marriage connected himself. Mamertus Patissonius. 105 Scsevola Sammarthanus, in an epigram address- ed to Patisson, in which he requests him to under- take the impression of his works, at the same time pays him no inelegant compliment in the fol- lowing lines : Mamerte optime, qui sacros inerti A caligine vindicas poetas, Doctorumque vetas perire lusus, Hunc incultum etiam tibi libellum Commendo, auspiciis tuis in auras Deserto cupidum evolare nido. And Regnier, whilst in his fourth satire he com- plains how difficult it is for a poet of his day to interest the public in his works, with whatever recommendations of intrinsic merit or typographic embellishment they come before them, has how- ever left it upon record, that for a volume to have been printed by Patisson, was considered one of the most powerful of its exterior attractions : Or que des ta jeunesse ApoUon t'ait appris ; Que Calliope meme ait trace tes ecrits ; Que le neveu d'Atlas les ait mis sous sa lyre ; Qu'en I'antre Thespean on ait daigne les lire ; Qu'ils tiennent du savoir de I'antique legon ; Et qu'ils soient imprimes des mains de Patisson ; Si quelqu'un les regarde & ne leur sert d'obstacle, Estime, mon ami, que c'est un grand miracle. Henry Estienne evinced his opinion of the skill and industry of Patisson, by entrusting to him the impression of his treatise " de linguae Gallicae prae- 106 Mamertus Patissonius. " stantia :" Muretiis, Thuanus, Fauchet, Scaliger, Passeratius, and other most eminent scholars of the age and country, also employed his press. Patisson frequently executed his impressions in a large and bold Italic character ; of which his " Ka- " lendae Januariae" of Passeratius, cinni 1597, ex- hibit a pleasing specimen. His INSIGNE was in general that of the Estiennes, with the motto " Noli altum sapere," &c. : and (which Maittaire considers as a token of his respect for that family) he seldom failed in addition to his own name to add the words : " Ex officina Roberti Stephani." His impressions of royal edicts and state papers sometimes bear "in fronte," the arms of France and Navarre, instead of the jjrinter's insigne. The like substitution has been observed in some other works printed by him, in the Imprhnerie Roy ale. He became " Typographus Regius," as Maittaire be- lieves, in 1577; from which time till his decease his subscriptions exhibit that honourable distinction. Maittaire had seen a solitary impression by Pa- tisson, mini 1568, but no further specimens till 1575. There seems also to have been an extraor- dinary suspension of his press between 1587, and 1594. He is supposed to have survived a little beyond 1600. The earliest of those works which bear the name of his widow, are of the year 1602 : and she continued the establishment during the years 1603, and 1604. Impressions by him. 107 1568. Hymne Genethliaque su?' la naissance de M. le Conte de Soissons, a Paris, Mamert Patisson. 1575. La Venerie d'Oppian. par Florent Chrestien^ 4to ; Petronius Arbiter, cum notis doctorum viroriim, 4to. 1576. Verrius Flaccus 8^ Pompeius Festus, 8vo. ap. Mamert. Patisson. in officina R. Ste~ phani ; Lemons de Perspective de J. Androuet du Cerceau, fol. ; Antonii Mureti hymni sacri, 4to. 1577. Catullus, Tibullus, S^ Proper tins, ^ Jos. Scaligeri castigationes in eosdem, 8vo ; Antonii Bayjii jmemata, 8vo; SccEVolce Sammarthani poe- mata, 8vo ; Remigii Pellaquei tumulus, 4to; Christ, du Pre, les Larmes funehres, 4to ; Ansel du Chastel, Recueil de plus notables sentences de la Bible, par quatrains, c^c. Dix sonnets sur le tr'iomplie de la verite, 4to ; Petronii Arbitri Sa- tyricon, lib. XII. 1578. Du Pert'on, Avant-Discours sur Tun § f autre curieux de Pontus de Tyard, 4to ; Discours du tems de Van, S^c. par Poiitus Ty- ard, 4to ; Les Oeuvres poetiques de Remy Belleau, 8vo ; Hippocratis de capitis mdneri- bus liber, Greece, (§ Latinitate donatus a Fran- 108 Mamertus Patissonius. CISCO Vertuniano, 8vo ; a beautiful volume, and as I have already said, the only Greek impression by Patisson I have met with. Francisci Ulmi de Liene libellus, 8vo ; frequently found in con- junction with the preceding. Ciceronis epistolcB ud familiar es, 8vo; Ecedem, l6mo ; Les pre- miers Oeuvres de Philipjje des Poi'tes, 12mo. 1579. Picherellus in Cosmopceiam^ 4to ; CEu- vres de Scevole de S. 31arthe, 4to ; Discours sur les medailles 8^ gravures antiques, ^9;'/wc«- 2)alement Romaines, jjar Antoine Lepoix, 4to ; a rare and curious work : JBuchaiumi Elegies, Sylvce, Hendecasyllahi, Baptistes, 12mo ; Ejus- dem Psahni, Jephthes, 8§ poemata alia, ISImo ; H. Estienne, Precellence du language Franpois, Svo ; Manila Astronomicon liber, cum Jos. Sca- ligeri commentariis, Svo ; a most beautiful vo- lume. 1580. Quintilia7ii Declamationes, Calphurnii Flacci 8^ Rhetorum minorum qiK^dam,, 8^c. 8vo. 1581. Joannis Thuani tumulus, 4to; Claude Fauchet, son recueil de Vorigine de la langue (^ poesie Fra?ifoise, des rimes ^ i'omans, 4to. 1582. Seaujoyeul, Ballet comique, 4to ; Les tragedies de Robert Gamier, ISImo. Impressions by him. 109 1583. Christo][)liori Thuani tumulus .,'^io\ Jos. Scaliger de emendatione temporum, fol. ; Ugo- lini Kerini de illustratione urhis FlorenticB libri treSi fol. 1584. Oraison funehre de Ann de Thou^ 4to; SccBVolcE Sammarthani Pcedotroj)hia, 4to ; Thua- nus de re accipitrai'ia, 4to ; Les Vers du S'leur de Pyh?'aCy 4to. 1585. Hospitalii Sermonum lihri sex, 4to ; Juvencdis, Persii, Sul^iicice, Satyrs, 8 vo ; Oeuvres poetiques de R. Belleau, tome premier, 12mo. 1586. Vill'iomarus in locos conti'ov. R. Titii, Svo ; Voyage de M. le due de Joyeuse en Alle- magne 8§ autres lieux, Svo. 1587. Sammarthani de re accipitraria lihri tres, Svo; Petro7iii Arhitri Satyr icon, 8§ vett. poe- tar. carmina non dissimilis argumenti, cum notis doctor um, 12mo. 1588. Rufii Festi Breviarium rer.gestar. Pop. Romani, Svo. 1594. Chronicon Prosperi Tironis, Svo ; Ec~ clesicB GallicancE in schismate status, Svo ; Les lihertes de fEglise Gallicane, par P. Pithou, 110 Mamertus Patissonius. 8vo ; Playdoije de 31. Ant. Arnauld contre les Jesuites, 8vo ; Lettres j^our la pre-seance du Roy de France ; Extralct des registres stir la concile de Trent, 8vo ; Tillet, sur les lihertes de VEglise Gallicane, 8vo ; Joly Panegijrique au roy Henry IV. 8vo ; De canonica ahsolutione Henrici IV. 8vo ; Extraict de la Genealogie de Hughes Ca- pet, 8vo. 1595. Genealogie de la maison Montmorency, 8vo ; De la dissolution du marriage par im- j)uissance. 1597. P- Pithoei elogium, Papirio Massono autliore, 8vo ; Replique a la remonstrance de quelques minisfres, par du Perron Evesque d'Evreux, 8vo; Ahelis Sammartliani poemata, 8vo; Johannis Passeratii eloquenticBprofessoris S^ interpretis regit Calendar Januaria;, 4to ; Ejus- dem de ccecitate or alio, 8vo. 1599 ; Jac. Aug. Thua^ii poemata sacra, 8vo ; Edit du roy 8^ declaration sur les precedents edits de pacification, 8vo; Oeuvres poetiques de Philippe des Porte s, 4 to. The following were from the press of the wi- dow of Mamert Patisson. 1602. Ees Oeuvires deJean Passer at, 8vo; Ver- ses amoureux <^ stances du Sieur Be7'taut, 8vo. Impressions by Mm. Ill 1603. Joafinis Passeratii poemata^ 8vo. 1604. Lies Pseaumes de David, mis en vers par Phil, des Partes, 8vo ; Jac. Aug. Thuani Historiarum sui temporis jtars prima, fol. ; Ece- dem 2 tomis, 4to. This first part of the History of Thuanus con- tains passages which, as offensive to the court of Rome^, were suppressed in subsequent impressions, and not restored till the fine London edition, aniii 1733, in 7 vols. fol. appeared. The first edition of the History of M. de Thou, (says Niceron,) or to speak more accurately, the commencement of that history, was executed at Paris in 1604, fol. by the widow of Mamert Patisson, and thus en- titled : " Jac. Aug. Thuani Historiarum sui tem- " poris pars prima." It is divided into eighteen books, and extends from the year 1546, to 1560. Titius, who undertook to give a detail of all the editions of M. de Thou's History, was unac- quainted with this; which is not a matter of sur- prise, for it is extremely rare. Colomies marks its value in his " Bibliotheque Choisie," when he thus speaks of it : " Quelque edition que Ton ait " de I'Histoire de M. de Thou^ il faut y joindre les " dix huit premiers Livres imprimez chez Patis- " son, a cause de certains endroits qui ne se ren- " contrent point dans les autres editions." It con- tains a Preface addressed to the king, Henry IV, 112 Mamertus Patissonius. which has been inserted in all subsequent impres- sions. This preface is a " chef d'oeuvre" in its kind, and is one of those three which the learned have considered as transcending all others. The remaining two are that of Casaubon, in his edi- tion of Polybius, and that of Calvin, found at the head of his '* Institutiones Christianae." Vid. N'i- ceron, torn. IX. p. 326. <^ seq. CHAPTER XXI. JOANNES PASSERATIUS BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF HIM — HIS PROSE AND POETICAL WORKS CALEND.E JANUA- RI.E NIHIL ET ROSA, CITED AND TRANSLATED. PaNTALEON, the father of Jean Passerat, and his mother Nicole Thienot, were both of Troyes, in Champagne ; in which city he was born on the festival of S. Luke, in the year 1540. His parents were probably poor though respect- able ; for it was to an uncle on the mother's side, a canon of St. Peter's in Troyes, that he was in- debted for his education. By him he was first placed in a college or seminary, of his native city. But the master was severe, and young Passerat, impatient of such discipline, absconded from Troyes, fled to Bourges, and for a time earned his subsistence as a menial servant. After an ab- sence of no very long duration, he returned home : his uncle the canon pardoned his indiscretion, re- placed him in the same college, and maintained him there three years. The next scene of his studies was at Paris, in the college of Rheims. VOL. II. I 114 Joannes Passeratius. His learning and diligence soon recommended him to an official situation in the college of Du Plessis, and subsequently in that of the cardinal Le Moine, where Eniond Richer presided, who afterwards distinguished himself as a strenuous defender of the Galilean chui'ch. He continued to deliver lectures on Latin au- thors at Paris for some time, much to the satisfac- tion of a respectable auditory, (amongst whom were two considerable poets, Pierre Ronsard, and Jean, son of Lazare de Bayf,) but not entirely to his own. For perceiving that a radical know- ledge of the Latin language was not to be ob- tained without an acquaintance with the phraseo- logy of the ancient jurisconsults ; since even Cicero cannot be understood without it ; he resolved to accompany Alfonso d'Elbene, bishop of Albi, to Bourges, and to study there under the celebrated Cujas, the great restorer of the old Roman juris- prudence in these latter ages. After a stay of three years, returning to Paris by way of Es- pernay, he undertook with some other persons, a deputation to the prince of Conde, who was then meditating a siege of that place, and succeeded in dissuading him from it. To Paris then Passeratius returned in 1569 ; and speedily commenced a lecture on a title or portion of the Pandects, " de verborum significa- " tione," which gave him an opportunity of ex- Joannes Passeratius. 115 hibiting the proficiency he had made in the civil law, under Cujas, and his own extended know- ledge of the Latin tongue. From this time, all who were studious of the " belles lettres" at Paris, frequented his auditory : and he acquired the ad- miration and esteem of many persons illustrious for their learning, quality, or employments. The principal of these was Henri de Meme, (or Memes,) Maitre des Requetes, who offered him apartments in his own " hotel," or palace ; and with whom he continued to reside twenty-nine years. Petrus Ramus, who at the same period filled the chair of Professor Royal in eloquence at Pa- ris, through the jealousy and hatred of one of his colleagues, perished in the massacre of S. Bartho- lemew, anno 1572 ; and Passeratius was appointed to the vacant chair. Turnebus, Auratus, and Lambinus, however well skilled in the Latin lan- guage, had signalized themselves more in this school by explaining Greek authors, than Latin. But Passeratius, though a proficient in Greek, as appears from his writings ; cultivated the Latin tongue still more, and attached himself principally to the exposition of Roman writers. And this he performed with extraordinary applause, and to continually increasing auditories ; amongst whom were found both young persons, and such as were of more advanced age, foreigners and natives, and even presidents and counsellors of the parlia- I 2 116 Joannes Passeratius. ment. " Plurimiim refert" (says le Clerc, after Pliny) " in qua? cujusque virtus tempora incide- *' rit." Had Passerat found himself thrown upon those ages when there was no taste or judgment, his talents would have been buried in obscurity, and lost to mankind. Charles IX. and Henry HI. testified their esteem for him ; and as he possessed fine talents for French poetry, the latter engaged him to comjiose in that language a poem on " Hunting." It is addressed to the king, and thus commences : '• Henri, grand Roi, fleur ties Princes du monde." He treats in this poem of the best kinds of hunt- ing-dogs, of the manner of distinguishing and training them, of their diseases, &c. It was highly approved by Ronsard, Du Bellay, Bayf, and other French poets of the time ; though the style is nei- ther so turgid, nor so full of Latinisms, as their own. From his own account in his "seventh Dis- " coui'se," a just idea may be formed of this pro- fessor's diligence in the preparation for his lec- tures. To illustrate Plautus, and explain him with success, he read attentively all the ancient Gram- marians, (whom he often cites,) and the " Glossae " antiquse," which Henry Estienne had not long before published : he drew up distinct indexes of Latin words, and of letters which have an affinity Joannes Passer atius. 117 to each other, specifying the manner in which they are reciprocally changed : he compared the manuscripts and editions of Plautus, to collect va- rious readings ; and then re-perused his author from beginning to end. If, says he, it be asked what advantage I gained from this process, my answer is this : I learned that before, I knew little or nothing of my subject : — I became more cau- tious : — I found myself less inclined to give credit to the " reveries" (meaning the critical conjec- tures) of others, or my own. Having been in no respect a partisan of the League, in 1593, he assisted in composing an in- genious satire, termed " le Catholicon d'Espagne." Three other j^ersons had a share in that work : Jaques Gillot, a counsellor of Paris ; Le Roy, a canon of Rouen ; and Nicolas Rapin, prevot or commandant of the " Gardes de la Connetablie." Gillot and le Roy wrote the prose, as M. de Thou says in the ninth book of his History ; Rapin and Passerat composed the poetry found in that sa- tire, as M. du Puy asserts in his notes on the work, and M. le Duchat after him. In 1594, Henry IV. being master of Paris, Passeratius re- commenced his lectures, which had been inter- rupted, by interweaving, in an oration relating to the works of Cicero, an animated invective against the Jesuits ; whom he describes as hypocrites and harpies, who, under the pretext of gratuitous in- l3 118 Joannes Passeratius. struction, and the profession of entire disinterested- ness, had ah-eady amassed great riches ; and were of the Spanish party, and enemies to France. Of this passage of the oration, M. de Thou has intro- duced a large portion in his history, suh anno 1594. It appears from the "Orationes," introductory to his lectures, XXIX of which are extant, that he discoursed " ex cathedra" on various comedies of Plautus, many of the orations of Cicero, and his other writings, on Sallust, on the speech of Cato concerning the Oppian law, on the " Con- " solatio" of Ovid, (as he considered it,) " ad Li- " viam," on the contest for the armour of Achilles in the same poet, and on the Bucolics of Virgil : besides those " Commentarii" or " Prselectiones " solennes" of his, on Catullus, Tibullus, and Pro- pertius, which are now extant, and appeared as a posthumous work. His eulogists speak of his talents in this way with great praise ; and from the specimens which remain, the judgment of Le Clerc is, that he was extremely capable of giving a high finish and perfection to all his works, if he had found leisure for revising them himself, and preparing them for publication. Passerat had (probably in his youth) the mis- fortune to lose an eye by the stroke of a tennis- ball. This accident, which disfigured him not a little, did not restrain him from study and inces- Joannes Passeratius. 119 sant application. In the year 1597, he experienced a severe paralytic affection, and moreover lost the sight of that eye, which alone remained to him be- fore. This misfortune gave occasion to an ora- tion, the last which he is supposed to have in- dited, " on the loss of sight :" which affords a pre- sumption that he endured his calamitous circum- stances with great constancy. Thuanus asserts, that his faculties towards the close of his life be- came much impaired ; and indeed a palsy could scarce fail to produce such an effect. He died Sept. 14th, an7ii 1602, aged 68 years. A monu- ment, erected to his memory at the expense of Jean Jaques de Memes, in the Dominican church at Paris, exhibits the following inscription beneath a bust of marble : Jo. Jac. Memmius Errici Fil. Jo. Jac. Nepos. Supp. Libell. in Reg. Mag. Discip. Praecept. cariss. Hoc Monum. de suo fieri cur. Objit. XVIII. Kal. Octobr. die S. Crucis IOC. 10. CII. Another funereal inscription attributed to the pen of that Rapin, whom we have before men- tioned, but perhaps composed merely as a trial of skill, manifestly confirms the effect of disease on this distinguished scholar, as stated by Thuanus. Nos, qui Passeratum plures jam vidimus annos Dimidia vivum vix bene parte sui, l4 120 Joannes Passeratius . Non ilium vere dicamus niortuum, amici ; Dicamus potius, desiit ille mori. But Passerat, who without prejudice to his re- ligious or moral qualities, appears to have been when in the enjoyment of health, of a facetious disposition, had more than once performed the same office for himself. The most remarkable of these " Epitaphia" extant among his Latin poems, is that which follows : Hic situs est parva Janus Passertius urna, Ausonii Doctor Regius Eloquii. Discipuli, memores tumulo date serta magistri, Et vario florum munere vernet humus. Hoc culta officio mea moUiter ossa quiescent, Sint modo carminibus non onerata malis. This Urn's contracted bound contains All that of Passerat remains. Imbued by him with Latian lore, Ye pious youths his loss deplore: Grateful, the wreath funereal weave, And deck with flow'rs your Master's grave. So — tranquil shall his ashes rest, If by no barbarous strains opprest. The portrait which is prefixed to his poems, does not represent him as one who could jDlease, or create a favourable prepossession by his good mien. His eyes (whilst he enjoyed the use of them) were diminutive, his nose disproportionably Joannes Passeratius. 121 large, and he had also, it is said, an excessive red- ness or floridness of countenance. As to the cha- racter of his heart and morals, (says Le Clerc,) there is no reason to suppose it evil. He was a good Frenchman, a great enemy of the League and its partisans, and probably a good catholic. Masson attests, in his Eulogy, that he readily espoused what he believed right and just; and that if in the warmth of irritation, he had chanced to deviate from that equity which he held in such high esteem, he frequently made his acknowledg- ment to the friend who told him of it : repeating these words of a comic writer, " mutor veris :" truth compels me to change my opinion. Le Clerc says, he finds no malignity in the writings of Passeratius ; though M. de Thou, who otherwise commends him, insinuates that he set no great value on the productions of other scho- lars. He is also accused of combating too often the criticisms of Joseph Scaliger, in his notes on Catullus, Tibullus, and Propertius. Scaliger pub- lished those three poets from the press of Patis- son, in 1577, so rapidly, that he spent not a whole month in drawing up his remarks, which occupy two hundred and fifty pages in 8vo. Learned as those notes are, it is reasonable to suppose they betray some errors. Passerat had a right to cor- rect them ; but Le Clerc had not observed that he does it any where with asperity. Be this as it 122 Joannes Passerathis. may, if the " Scaligerana secunda" is a work to be credited, (for it contains much matter of very doubtful authority,) Scaliger, in his Table-talk, repaid our professor with interest ; accusing him of gross ignorance, and alleging other charges, from which he is well vindicated by Le Clerc. The entire collection of the French poems of Passerat, " ses Oeuvres Poetiques Francoises," was first given to the public in 1606. A portion of them had indeed appeared in the lifetime of their author. But the edition of 1606, is said (in the title) to be augmented " de plus de la moiti^" be- yond the former impressions. His nephew, J. de Rougevalet, superintended this posthumous edi- tion, and inscribed it to the Due de Sully. The French poetry of that time has been said to differ almost as much from that of the present day, as the diction of Ennius does from Virgil's. It sa- vours more of Latin than of French. It is full of words fabricated in despite of the genius of the French language, of harsh and forced construc- tions, of concurrences of vowels without elision, and the like blemishes. Passerat is however one of those poets of the time, who are least infected with such faults. He is more French in his style than most of his cotemporaries, though he had more skill in Latinity than they. "Poemes," (specifically so termed,) " elegies, son- " nets, chansons, odes, epigrammes, eiDitaphes," al- Joannes Passeratius. 123 most all descriptions of poetry, are found amongst his works. Felicitous turns of expression, and fine verses are frequently met with in them. Some of his vernacular poems are still read, and reprint- ed in collections, on account of their simple and natural expression or character, which sometimes resembles that of Marot. Such is the " Meta- " morphose d'un Homme en un Oiseau." In a word, there are passages not a few, both grave and facetious, in these poems, which are still agreeable to readers who are fond of the " old " language." Of his Latin poems, which are published with the title of " Kalendae Januarise, & varia quaedam " Poemata," part had appeared in 1597, from the press of Mamertus Patissonius, inscribed to Jean Jaques de Memes. Nine years afterwards, this collection was republished by Rougevalet, with the addition of all his other Latin poems that could be found. We have already noticed the friendship which Passerat, after his return to Pa- ris in 1569, formed with M. Henri de Memes, who was himself a learned man, and the Maecenas of those scholars which Paris then possessed. The father of Henri was Jean Jaques de Mesmes, seign- eur de Rossy, of an illustrious house of Guienne ; a nobleman who had been distinguished by his personal learning and merit, the high offices which he held under the queen of Navarre, and the fa- vour of Francis I. The patron of Passerat in- 124 Joannes Passeratius. herited his father's talents and taste, and like him discharged high state offices ; but his favourite gratifications seem to have been derived from the intercourse of private friendship, and the pursuits of literature. Domesticated with such a patron, Passeratius addressed to him annually, during the space of twenty-six years successively, a Latin jioem, by way of an " Etrenne," or new year's gift. These, intitled " Calendse Januariae," as be- fore mentioned, commence with the year 1570, and are continued as far as 1596, in which year his patron died : so that M. Baillet is mistaken in attributing their discontinuance to the poet's in- disposition. Before we lose sight of so generous a benefactor, let it be observed, that from several " epigrammata" found in the volume, he appears to have frequently signalized the return of the year, by a gift to the poet, far more substantial than that which he received. Affixed to the verses intitled " Gratulatio," and dated 1574, we find an " epigram," on occasion of the receipt of fifty j)ieces of gold, presented by M. de Memes to the author. The latter had indeed sent back the purse, and declined the acceptance of it : but his patron in- sisted on his receiving it ; which gave rise to the verses here cited. AuuEOLOS decies quinos, tua dona, remisi: Ecce iterum accipiam dona remissa jubes. Quod tribuisti olim, poterat satis esse, superque; Et tamen hoc, Memmi ! toUere cogor onus. Joannes Passeratius. 125 Ista quidem vis est, fioque e divite pauper, Contento quoniam non licet esse raihi. Far, far transcending all desert of mine, I own your bounty, and the gift decline. In vain the gold's return'd, in vain my hands Reject the boon enforc'd with your commands. Your liberal hands that made me rich before, Impoverish the Bard — by giving more. 'Tis downright violence, though kindly meant. That thus forbids him to remain content. Passerat, says le Clerc, had formed his Latin style and taste on the best models of ancient Rome, and wrote in a Latinity which had ceased to fluctuate since the age of Augustus : we are therefore not surprised to find him in his Latin compositions superior to himself; because he speaks a French which is now antiquated, and wrote such French verse, as was written in the infancy of French poesy. He pronounces the " Calendae" to be full of genius and invention ; and expressed in a language as pure and elevated as poems of that nature will admit. Their general character how- ever is that of ingenuity, rather than dignity. They every where display extensive and varied erudition, which ministers to a sportive fancy, de- lighting itself in point and antithesis, " in equi- " voques," and " jeux de mots." Amongst them Le Clerc has noticed with special approbation, those intitled " Hortus Memmii," " Villae Mem- " miae Lucus," " Aqua Memmia," and the playful 126 Joannes Passerat'ius. " Etrennes," which are severally superscribed " Umbra," " Pavo," " Aura," " NugcX%" and " Ni- " hil." By the Latin term " Nuga?," he consi- ders to be meant, Gallice, " de bagatelles de toutes " sortes." Nothing, adds the same critic, he jo- cosely makes the greatest thing in the universe, " par vine equivoque de la langue Latine, qui jirend " le mot Nihil pour une simple particule negative, " & qui le prend aussi pour un nominatif :" or as Dr. Johnson has observed of a poem on the same subject by Rochester, Nothing must here be con- sidered as having not only a negative but a posi- tive signification ; and Passerat confounds the two senses. After the poem entitled " Nihil," is found an epigram by Theodore Beza, ingeniously writ- ten, in praise of the author. Another of these poems, entitled " Nemo," exhibits a similar play upon the word. Passerat's description of an " Elephant," taken from Pliny, is translated with great felicity : other subjects are " Gallus," " Co- " lumba," " Oliva," " Morus," Ficus," " Palma," " Psittacus," "Gratise," "Laurus," "Rosa," "Olor." All his poems, says Le Clerc, are fine ; but those here specified have " une grace particuliere." Speaking highly in praise also of the other occa- sional and minor Latin poems of Passeratius, he cites as peculiarly excellent that "Epigram," whicli I have already adduced in the Chajiter relating to Charles Estienne. To notice more briefly other learned produr- Joannes Passeratius. 127 tions of Passeratius ; — in 1606, appeared at Paris his " De litterariim inter se cognatione & permu- " tatione Liber ;" pronounced to be of great use in critical studies, and said to have obtained the suf- frage of Scaliger himself : his " Orationes," publish- ed by his nephew in the same year, and afterwards once or twice reprinted. They are twenty-nine in number, and served as introductory discourses to his lectures. Two years subsequently came forth his "Commentarii in Catullum, Tibullum, & " Propertium," Parisiis, 1608, fol. exhibiting the text of these respective poets, copious remarks on each, and a very extensive and elaborate index. The last, a small volume of " Conjecturae," was printed at Paris, 1612, 8vo. It comprises sixty- eight pages only, explains and corrects by conjec- ture various passages of ancient authors ; but being entitled Lib. I. is to be considered as a part only of an intended larger work. The i3articular merit of this " Professor Regius," and his con- nexion with the press of Patisson, may justify so extended a notice of him. Le Clerc has spoken very fully of all his learned works, and given long translated extracts from some of them, Siblio- theque A?ic. c^ 3Iod. Tom. VII. I conclude with citing the terminating words of his article re- specting the literary productions of Passeratius, which are : " Que ce qu'il a fait est tres digne " d'etre lu par la Jeunesse, & qu'il y a plus a pro- " fiter, qu'en mille livres nouveaux." JOANNIS PASSERATII NIHIL. CAL. JAN. ANNI M.D.LXXXIl. Janus adest, festae poscunt sua dona calendse : Munus abest festis quod possim ofFerre calendis. Siccine Castalius nobis exaruit humor ? Usque adeo ingenii nostri est exhausta facultas, Irnmunem ut videat redeuntis Janitor anni ? Quod nusquam est potius nova per vestigia quseram. Ecce autem, partes sese dum versat in omnes, Invenit mea Musa Nihil : ne despice munus : Nam Nihil est gemmis, Nihil est pretiosius auro. Hue animum, hue igitur vultus adverte benignos, Res ea nunc canitur quae nulli audita priorum. Ausonii & Graii dixerunt csetera vates : Ausonise indictum Nihil est Graiseque Camoense. E coelo quacunque Ceres sua prospicit arva, Aut genitor liquidis orbem complectitur ulnis Oceanus, Nihil interitus, & originis expers : Immortale Nihil, Nihil omni ex parte beatum. Quod si hinc majestas & vis divina probatur, Nunquid honore Deum, nunquid dignabimur aris ? Conspectu lucis Nihil est jucundius almse. Vere Nihil, Nihil irriguo formosius horto, Floridius pratis, Zephyri clementius aura. Nobilius Nihil est magnorum sanguine Regum. Firmius est adamante Nihil, Chalybumque metallis. Fata Nihil superat; Nihil cequiparabile Coelo. In bello sanctum Nihil est, Martisque tumultu. Felix cui Nihil est : (fuerant heec vota TibuUo :) Non timet insidias : fures, incendia temnit : Sollicitas sequitur nullo sub judice lites. lUe ipse intrepidis qui subjicit omnia plantis, Zenonis sapiens Nihil admiratur, 8v, optat. Joannes Passe7-atms . 129 Socraticique gregis fuit ista scientia quondam Scire Nihil : studio cui nunc incumbitur uni : Nee quicquam in ludo mavult didicisse juventus : Ad magnas quia ducit opes, & culmen honorum. Nosce Nihil, nosces fertur quod PythagorcBe Grano hserere fabse, cui vox adjuncta negantis. Multi IVIercurio freti duce, viscera terrse Dura liquefaciunt, simul & patrimonia miscent, Arcano instantes operi, & carbonibus atris : Qui tandem exhausti damnis, fractique labore, Inveniunt, atque inventum Nihil usque requirunt. Hoc dimetiri non ulla decempeda possit. Nee numeret Libycse numerum qui callet arense. Vel Phcebo ignotum Nihil est : Nihil altius astris. Tuque^, tibi licet eximium sit mentis acumen, Omnem in naturam penetrans, et in abdita rerum, Pace tua, Memmi, Nihil ignorare videris : Sole tamen Nihil est, & puro clarius igni. Tange Nihil, dicesque Nihil sine corpore tangi. Cerne Nihil, cerni dices Nihil absque colore. Surdum audit, loquiturque Nihil sine voce, volatque Absque ope pennarum, & graditur sine cruribus ullis. Absque loco, motuque Nihil per inane vagatur. Humano generi utilius Nihil arte medendi. Ne rhombos igitur, neu Thessala murmura tentet, Idalia vacuum trajectus arundine pectus : Neu legat Idaeo Dictaeum in vertice gramen : Vulneribus ssevi Nihil auxiliatur Amoris. Vexerit & quamvis trans moestas portitor undas. Ad superos imo Nihil Jiunc revocabit ab Oreo. Inferni Nihil inflectit praecordia regis, Parcarumque colos, & inexorabile pensum. Obruta Phlegrseis campis Titania pubes Fulmineo sensit Nihil esse potentius ictu. Porrigitur magni Nihil extra moenia mundi. Diique Nihil metuvmt. Quid longo carmine pluru Commemorem ? Virtute Nihil preestantius ipsa, A'OL. II. K 130 Joannes Passeratius. Splendidiusque Nihil : Nihil est Jove denique majus, Sed tempus finem argutis imponere nugis, Ne tibi si multa laudem mea munera charta, De Nihilo nihili pariant fastidia versus. NOTHING. A POEM OF PASSERATIUS, ADDRESSED TO HIS FRIEND MEMMIUS ''. Janus is here, — the festal day Demands a tributary lay. The barren Muse no lay can bring, Dried up is the Castalian spring. What ! not a spark of mental fire The sluggard genius to inspire ! Must she with empty hand appear Before the Porter of the year } Rather, in paths untried before. Let us what nowhere is, explore. Lo ! whilst the iindetermin'd Muse Now up, now down, the search pursues : Turns here, and there, and round, and round, Nay, do not smile : she has nothing found. Nothing more worth than gems we hold ; Nothing more precious is than gold. With kindness, sir, your ears incline. No hackney'd, ransack'd theme is mine. Grecian and Roman bards, we own. Through all Pieria's heights have flown. " This translation has been reprinted with numerous cor- rections, from a publication entitled " Prolusiones Poeticse," &c. Chester, 1778, 8vo. As it was a contribution of the au- thor of the present work to tliat collection, he has considered himself at liberty thus to revise and republish it. Joannes Passeratms. 131 Notliing's the subject yet unsung By Grecian or by Roman tongue. Where'er from heaven, in prospect wide Her harvests Ceres kens with pride ; Where'er old Ocean shews his face. And clasps the Earth in close embrace ; Nothing beginning wants, and end ; Nothing doth bliss complete attend. If hence indisputably shine The power and energy divine. What offered gifts, what flames can rise. Worthy the Ruler of the skies ! Nothing's more pleasing to the sight Than the clear day's fair-beaming light : Nothing more beauteous verdure spreads Than watered lawns, and flowery meads : Nothing more jocund is than Spring, More soft than Zephyr's balmy wing : Has firmness, more than steel evinces : Is nobler than the blood of princes: Can rule the Destinies, and say. With Heaven I hold divided sway. Nothing the rage of war defies, Nothing in tumult sacred lies : Nothing in peace is right and just ; Nothing in treaties you may trust. Happy, who Nothing still enjoys : Be this my boon, Tibullus cries : He nor for doubtful lawsuits cares, Nor baleful fires, nor thieves, nor snares. Nay — he whom grave old Zeno owns The chief of Wisdom's favoured sons, Though every thing to Fate he leaves. Nothing admires, and Nothing craves. K 2 132 Joannes Passeratius. Among the old Socratic crew, The wise were they, who Nothing knew : And, sir, I speak it to our praise. Nothing's the study now-a-days. Still 'tis our youth's supreme concern Nothing, at school, at home, to learn : Who Nothing know, are sure to rise To wealth, and fame, and dignities. If from the classic ^ appellation Of Nothing, you'll abstract negation. The Pythagoric bean's excrescence Will stand revealed in name and essence. Many, with Mercury their guide. Earth's bowels pure have liquefied : Willing their substance to consume In secret works, and fire, and fume ; Till with long loss and labour, weak, They Nothing find, yet Nothing seek. Not he, whose speculative brains Can sum the sands of Lybian plains, With measuring staff, and outstretch'd line, Can boundless Nothing's length define. Nothing evades Sol's effluence bright. And soars beyond the astral light. Even you, whose intellect profound Can scale the skies, and pierce the ground ; Whose vigorous and sagacious mind To depths unknown a clue can find ; a Nihil per apocopen extremse syllabse factum est ab co (|uod est nihilum, ut Priscianus ait ... . Quid hilum sit, docet Festus : Hilum, inquit, putant esse, quod grano fabae a ha;ret, ex quo nihil & nihilum, Consule Vossii Etymologi- cum Lingua Latins, Neapoli, 1762, fol. Joannes Passeratius. 133 (Forgive my freedom) seem to me Ignorant of Nothing, sir, to be. Yet Nothing's clear, as Sol's bright beam ; Conspicuous, as the lambent flame. Touch Nothing — and you must profess To touch what's really bodiless. View Nothing, and you'll doubtless view What's colourless — and shapeless too. Nothing, though deaf, can hear, and speak. Though silence never known to break ; Devoid of wings, through ether wend ; And footless, in the race contend : Nothing pervades the realms of space. Though lacking motion, parts, and place. Nothing more useful, sir, you'll find Than art of healing, to mankind: Let no fond lover then, rehearse The muttering wizard's magic verse : Nor with the rhombus' rumbling roll Inconstant Luna's course control : Nor vain Dictsean herbage crop Along the lofty Ida's top : For Nothing's lenient aid, be sure. The pining lover's wounds can cure : Or if, by Charon ferried o'er, Can fetch him from the Stygian shore. Nothing has influence to control Stern, grisly Pluto's ruthless soul ; To curb the rigid sisters three ; And stem the force of Destiny. Stretch'd on the fam'd Phlegraean field, And taught by mightier force to yield. The Titan offspring Nothing prove More powerful than the bolts of Jove. K 3 134 Joannes Passeratius. Nothing, how strange to tell, is found Beyond the universal round. Nothing — but wherefore add we more- Nothing, even gods themselves adore. Virtue to merit has pretence : Nothing has greater excellence. In fine, let Jove his honours claim : Nothing can boast a higher name. But hold ! no more the theme prolong ; 'Tis time to end a trifling song : No more of Nothing, Muse ! rehearse. In this thy good for Nothing verse : Lest, after all, a theme so light Should Nothing but disgust excite. THEODOm BEZ^ IN NIHIL PASSEKATII. Pace mihi liceat, Sapientes, dicere vestra, Qui factum ex Nihilo dicitis esse Nihil, En qui vos verbis, qui vos ratione refellat : Et quiddam esse probet quod fuit ante Nihil. Quiddam, inquam, ex Nihilo faciat, quo credere quicquam Grandius, aut etiam fingere velle, nefas. Imo, quod mirum magis est, qui misceat una Sic Alicui Nihilum, sic Aliquid Nihilo, Ut confirmet idem simul esse Aliquidque Nihilque: Et neutrum esse probet quod sit utrumque tamen. Mirus homo ! Nihil esse Aliquid ponensque negansque ; Quodque negat statuens, quod statuitque negans. On the nihil of Passeratius. With your leave, ye that deal in scholastic surmises. And tell us from Nothing that Nothing arises, Joannes Passer atius. 135 Here's a bard, who in numbers with argument fraught Proves that to be Somewhat, which ante was Nought. " What ? Something has made out of Nothing !" you'll ask. Yes, I say, and affirm it, though strange is the task : Nay more, has so mingled in dextrous oration. With NONENTITY, BEING with ESSENCE, NEGATION That SOMETHING and nothing you'd own to be either. Yet what really is both, he has shewn to be neither. That Somewhat is Nought, is affirm'd, is denied. And that either is either, the talent employ'd Shall extort your assent : and he finds you complying, His negatur affirming, — his datur denying. JOANNIS PASSERATII ROSA. CAL. JAN. ANNI M.D.XCV. SuccEDENS gelido rediit lux prima Decembri, Et de more novus nova munera postulat annus. Ecce tibi adventum tepidi parit ante Favoni Musa Rosam, gracilique simul te carmine donat. Quod nee ab ingenio, nee commendatur ab arte. Carmine digna Rosa est : vellem caneretur, ut illam Teius arguta cecinit testudine vates. Tramite qui obliquo duodena perambulat astra, Magni Oculus mundi, Rosea face temperat orbem. Contemplare polum, rutili domus utraque Phoebi Plena Rosis ; & qua Eda sese exerit unda, Herculeo & qua fessus equos in gurgite mergit. Ipsa manu Rosea Roseos Aurora jugales Matutina quatit. Roseo est Thaumantias ore. Est regina Cypri Roseis spectanda labelhs, Estque sinu Roseo, & rosea cervice refulget. Fervidus ille puer, qui lampade ssevit & arcu In vacuas mentes, Roseis florentia sertis Membra gerit. Sunt vincta Rosis tibi tempera. Liber. K 4 136 Joannes Passeratius. Virtutum custos Roseus Pudor, atque deccntcs Inficit hie malas, cupido cum nupta marito Ducitur, cS: Roseuni mox est scansiira cubile. Non ita laetatur pomis Autumnus & uvis, Torrida nee gaudet spicis flaventibus ^stas, Purpureis ut verna Rosis se tempora jaetant. Ver ut honos Anni, Rosa sic est gloria Veris. ToUe Rosas, tu delicias, tu gaudia vitse Sustuleris, omnisque lepos, ludusque, joeusqiie Occidet ; algebunt positis convivia mensis. Redde Rosas, lucem tectis caligine rebus Reddideris ; tristi decedent nubila fronte. Cum fundit Terra alma Rosas, coelique marisque Pura nitet facies, Naturaque tota renidet : Graminibus campi, vestitur frondibus arbos : Fratribus inclusis, Zephyri genitabilis aura Sola viget, resonant avium concentibus agri. Talis prima dies nascenti conscia mundo. Est Rosa flos florum : atque alios tantum eminet inter. Quantum inter glaucas salices Cj'belei'a pinus. Colla comasque Rosis Junonia cingitur Hebe, Alcidcnquc subit Roseis complexa lacertis, Oetieaj renovans antiqua ineendia flamrase, Blanda Rosam gestat, geminie connexa sorori. Gratia, nee Paphiam sinit huic contendere myrtum. Quicquid nudus Arabs metit in bene-olentibus arvis, Imbellesque Syri : quicquid Gangeticus ales Congerit in nidum, sua\'i Rosa vincit odore. Non illi, Tyrio quae rursus tingitur ostro, Ebria non Afi'o certabit murice lana. Exuperat cunctos nitido fulgore lapillos, Quos sub Erythrseo legit sequoi'e decolor Indus. Ilia quidem, spinas quia nascitur inter aeutas, SiBpe manus avidas teneris lassura puellis : Sed placitum hoc Veneri, laetis quae tristia miscet Dulciaquc objiciens, succis adspergit amaris, Joannes Passeratius. 137 Mella ut apes nobis, simul & mala spicula figunt. Sacra Rosa est Genio : Rosa nos brcvis admonet sevi : Quippe oriente oritur, cadit & Rosa sole cadente. Hoc vestram in speculo formam spectate, superbse, yEtatisque bonte fugientia carpite dona, Dum licet ; hora dedit, florem auferet hora cadiicum. Spes animis moestis hilares Rosa visa reducit ; Aut capite, aut gestata sinu, vel pendula collo. Manibus est imis Rosa grata, & grata sepulcris : Elysioque micat semper Rosa plurima campo. Ornantur pia templa Rosis, & signa deorum. Nata coronando calici Rosa^ nata theatro. Pulchrius in terris nihil & jucundius ilia Idalium summo prospectat ab sethere sidus. Quis calathi ridentis lionos, cum luce sub ipsa Panditur, aut radiis Hyperionis icta deliiscit, Explicitoque croci semen recludit amictu ? Forsan & hie flos est ortus de sanguine regum. Certe equidem sceptris vetus est insigne Britannis, Nobilitasque Rosse percusso fulget in auro. Caerulea vinctus glacie dura Sequana torpet, Plaustraque marmoreo perfert stridentia tergo. Hoc tibi depropero mvmus, clarissime Memmi ; Ut Rosa lecta tibi mediae inter frigora brumae Acceleret Zephyros, exoptatamque salutem. Quas ego turn superis, memori quam pectore, grates ? Quam suscepta libens turn vota Coronide nato Persolvam, reducem videas si sanus Aprilem ? THE ROSE. TO THE SAME. Now, cold December quits his drear domain, And lo ! the first of months renews his reign. 138 Joannes Passerat'ms. On these bleak regions dawns the festal day. And asks the gift the Muse was wont to pay. Emulous of Spring, e'er yet mild Zephyr blows. The grateful bard presents a blooming Rose ; And with the Rose a song. The song, my friend ! Though worthless, let the unrivall'd Flow'r commend. Oh ! could our numbers breathe Anacreon's fire, This theme were worthy of his tuneful lyre. Yon bright orb that pervades the circling signs. Great source of light, with Rosy splendors shines ; Mark his bright course, the wide expanse survey. Exuberant Roses strew the ethereal way ; Whether yon eastern steep he haste to gain, Or whelm his glories in the western main. Harness'd with Roses, Morning's coursers glow. And Rosy splendors tinge the arching bow ; On the ambrosial lip of Venus dwells The vermeil Rose, and in her mien excels. The wanton Boy that wings the pointed dart, And tortures with his flame the unguarded heart, A gay festoon of mingled Roses wears. A Rosy wreath thy brow, O Bacchus, bears. The blushing cheek of Modesty, the pride Of every virtue, is with Roses dy'd : Such tints suffuse the face of beauty led By Rosy Hymen to the nuptial bed. Let fruitful Autumn boast the purple vine; Bright Summer, be the golden harvest thine : For Spring's mild scenes the flow'r of beauty blows, Pride of the year — his pride the blooming Rose. Robb'd of its fragrance. Pleasure's self would pine, And festive Mirth her drooping head decline ; But foe to dull chagrin, the Rose dispels Each cloud that on the brow of beauty dwells. Joannes Passeratius. 139 When vernal Roses shed their sweets around. How nature smiles ! behold what joys abound. Peaceful the sea's expanse, the heaven serene, Mantled the fields and woods in loveliest green ; Silenc'd each rude blast, Zephyr skims the plains, And birds delighted pour their sweetest strains. Such Nature's form, so smil'd the conscious earth, In the blest morning of creation's birth. Queen of the bright parterre ! to excel is thine. As 'mid the osiers, Cybele's towering pine. Thine, loveliest Rose, to embellish Hebe's charms. When on Alcides' neck, with Rosy arms The goddess hangs, enkindling soft desires, And in his breast renews the CEtean fires. For thee each Grace, in triple band conjoin'd. Slights the green wreath of Paphian myrtle twin'd. Not with the Rose Arabia's incense vies. Nor all the unwarlike Syria's realm supplies. What to his nest the bird of Ganges bears Of choicest odours, not with this compares In fragrance, while its leaves a blush disclose, Surpassing dyes the Tyrian purple shows ; Or rubies, prone for which the diver cleaves With swarthy brow the Erythraean waves. Yet, on a pungent stem its beauties borne, The maid who crops the flow'r may feel the thorn. Thus, pleas'd with contrast, Venus loves to join Bitter with sweet, and tears with bliss combine : Thus, fluttering bees mellifluous sweets afford. Yet with keen stings avenge the rifled hoard. Its transient honours prompt the instructive lay ; With morning they expand, at eve decay : On swiftest pinions youth and beauty move ; Haste to be blest — the genial hour approve. 140 Joannes Passeratius, SfC. The Rosy chaplet weeping beauty wears, Imparts a charm to grief, and smiles to tears ; Nay, dear the Rose to phantom forms and tombs, In blest Elysium most profusely blooms. On earth, our temples are with Roses hung ; See every imag'd form with Roses strung : Roses to crown the mantling goblet born, Our banquets grace, our theatres adorn. When Hesper on the night his brilliance throws. What flow'r reflects his lustre, like the Rose. At dawn, conspicuous 'mid the rich bouquet. What blush so modest greets the early ray. But see Hyperion's warm caress explore The yellow germs conceal'd in silken folds before. Who knows, for Ovid such mutation sings. If this flow'r sprang not fi-om the blood of kings. Hence the proud token Britain's monarchs hold Ennobled — and instamp the Rose on gold. Whilst bound with icy spells, our sluggish Seine On his broad surface bears the creaking wain ; In wintry scenes the bard has cuU'd a flow'r, And antedates for you the vernal hour. Accept the pledge of Spring ! when Spring prevails, For you may health and pleasure wing his gales ; And, as the seasons run their annual round, Heaven spare my friend, and bid his joys abound. CHAPTER XXII. HENRY ESTIENNE II. EARLY HISTORY TRAVELS, &C. INTERCOURSE WITH LEARNED FOREIGNERS. XTenricus Stephanus, or Henry, son of the first Robert Estienne, was born at Paris in the year 1528, which was the fourteenth of the reign of Francis I. His education was such as might be expected from the solicitude of a parent, who was himself so distinguished for his personal eru- dition. The Greek language became the object of Henry's study in early years, and even before the Latin. His preceptor having explained to some of his older pupils the Medea of Euripides, and put them upon the representation of that drama, the musical sound of the language pro- duced such an effect upon Henry's youthful ear, that he was from that time occujjied with an ar- dent desire of becoming a Greek scholar. This story he himself has recorded in a preface to his " Parodise morales," anni 1575; adding that he had indeed obtained some mechanical acquaint- ance with the Latin in his early childhood, by hearing it spoken in the family of his father ; but 142 Hcnricus Stephanns Secnndus. absolutely refused to submit to the labour of learn- ing it grammatically, as a preliminary to the Greek. Robert Estienne inclined to the opinion of those who maintained that the Greek should be learned before the Latin. He therefore indulged the in- clination of his son : who applied to his Greek studies with incredible ardour, and was soon per- mitted to take in hand that very Medea of Euri- l^ides, by which his puerile sensations had been so powerfully interested. His preceptor undertook to explain it to him in the French language, con- trary to the mode then prevalent, which was to render Greek into Latin. Henry's proficiency was such, that he soon became one of the " dramatis " personse" in future representations of this play; and by frequently performing, sometimes the part of Jason, at others of Creon, and occasionally that of Medea also, he impressed it entirely and almost indelibly upon his memory. He afterwards became a scholar of the Greek professor Petrus Danesius ; who was so much the friend of Robert Estienne, and thought so favour- ably of his son's talents and deserts, that he con- sented to take upon himself the charge of his education ; a favour which he could never be pre- vailed upon to render to any other young person, though earnestly solicited by individuals of the highest rank. At seventeen, Henry was an at- tendant upon the public lectures of Jacobus Tu- His early History. 143 saniis, who had succeeded to the Greek professor's chair in the royal college founded by Francis I. From a prefatory ejjistle, by which Carolus Ste- phanus inscribes to Henry his book " de re Hor- " tensi," we derive the confirmation of this fact, and of our young student's extraordinary profi- ciency: "Video in te, nepotule, quod jampridem " summo desiderio cupiebam, atque id quantum " gaudeam, satis exprimere non possum. Magnum " enim est, adolescentem paternis non solum mori- " bus sed etiam ingenio adsequendo ita studere, ut " jam ab ineunte setate foelicem omnibus ingenii sui " expectationem relinquat. Sed nescio an omnium " maximum esse dici debeat, prseceptorem nactum " fuisse, qui bene natum ingenium excolat, patri " similem efficiat, omniumque bonarum literarum " ornamentis illustrem atque insignem reddat. " Qualem foelicissime te adsecutum fuisse audio •' Jacobum Tusanum, virum & in docendo & in " dicendo ac scribendo tantae apud eruditos omnes " authoritatis, ut nunquam Ciceroni magis com- " mendatus Cratippus." After having successively profited by the in- structions of the two distinguished scholars whom we have last mentioned, Henry attended also the official lectures of Adrianus Turnebus, who was the successor of Tusanus in the chair of Greek professor. At the same period he began to distin- guish himself by his expertness in calligraphy ; 144 Hennats Stcphamts Secundum-. and more esiJecially by the beauty and perfection to which he had attained in writing the Greek characters ; in which study he was not only a dili- gent imitator of the skill of Angelus Vergetius, the king's writer in Greek % of whom I have for- merly made mention ; but if we may rely on the testimony of the " Scaligerana," as cited by Mait- taire, received the personal instruction of that most ingenious scribe. The same bibliographer has directed our atten- tion to another singular story which Henry has recorded concerning himself. {A. Gell. Specim. Emend, pp. 150, 151.) Such he says, was his youthful eagerness for the acquisition of every species of learning, that it prompted him to the study even of judicial astrology. He therefore clandestinely placed himself under the instruction of a certain charlatan, professing that wonderful science : and to enable him to satisfy his rapa- cious fees, was with imprudent indulgence fur- nished with pecuniary means by his mother. After having been exercised in a pretended course of prejjaratory calculations, he was at length con- ducted to the sublimer " arcana" of the art, the casting of nativities, and the like. Then it was a Thus Maittaire, from the "Scaligerana." " Messer Angelo " quern vidi, & quern Fi'andscus advocaverat, docuerat H. Ste- " phanuni, qui bene scribebat, & tarn bene quam preceptor, " ([ui cudit illos praestantes characteres regios." His early History. 145 that our young student's good sense led him to the discovery of the imposture. He relinquished this unprofitable pursuit in disgust; yet not en- tirely regretting that even at the expense of so much money and time, he had been cured of his ridiculous credulity. In the year 1546, as Maittaire thinks, Henry was associated with his father in his typogra- phical labours ; and assisted in collating manu- scripts for Robert's impression of the historical works of Dionysius the Halicarnassian. We have already seen, that this was the year in which Ro- bert published his beautiful edition of the N. Test. Graece, denominated the " O mirificam." The col- lation of the codices MSS. of the royal library was antecedent to this impression ; and Henry at so early an age is reputed to have performed this office also. In 1547, about the nineteenth year of his age, though but of a feeble bodily temperament, he de- termined upon exploring the literary treasures of other countries, and endeavouring to increase his personal erudition by the society of learned fo- reigners. This was about the period when Ro- bert Estienne was deprived of the powerful pro- tection of Francis I. by the premature decease of that monarch ; and consequently was exposed in a manner defenceless, to the malice of his inveterate persecutors. He spent three years and a half in visiting the different cities of Italy. Rome and VOL. II. I. 146 Henricus Stephanus Seciindus. Florence were the places which excited his special interest. The monuments of classical antiquity in which the former abounds, were during many months the objects of his attentive curiosity. From an ancient manuscript in the " Bibliotheca " Medicaea" at Florence, he transcribed the "Graeca " Homericorum heroum epitaphia ;" from which Ausonius has been charged with borrowing freely without acknowledgment. Henry was the first to invest them with a Latin dress. Partly at the same city, and partly at Naples, he collated not fewer than fifteen manuscripts of jEschylus. At Rome, a scholar denominated Gulielmus Sirletus, submitted to his inspection a copy of Athenagoras, an author of whose " Apologia" he gave the first, and of whose tract " de Resurrectione," a much improved edition, anno 1557, in 8vo. The same person furnished him with valuable corrections of " Xenojohon, de re equestri," and some other of his " opuscula." On this, or a subsequent visit to the imperial city of classical antiquity, he tran- scribed into the margin of his Athenaeus, " ex " codice Farnesiano," all the " lectiones variantes" which he found there ; and subsequently commu- nicated them to Casaubon, who about forty years afterwards gave them to the public in his edition. Henry relates, that he was present at a certain conversation of Roman " litterati" and poets, who ignorantly condemned the Hebrew " ut linguam His early History. 147 " asperam & horridam," as a language unsus- ceptible of poetic harmony and beauty; and ex- pressed their surprise that M, Antonius Flaminius had selected the book of Psalms, for the exercise of his poetic and metaphrastic powers. Henry, who was well versed in the Hebrew, successfully defended the sacred language, and resolutely vin- dicated the cause both of David and his inter- preter. At Padua, he enjoyed a literary intercourse with Jean Bellievre, ambassador of the French king to the Swiss cantons ; formed an intimacy with Fran- ciscus Robortellus, and communicated his own ob- servations upon Horace to Dionysius Lambinus. Robortello, who was a native of Udino in Friuli, taught rhetoric and moral philosophy at Lucca, Pisa, Bologna, and lastly at Padua, with great reputation. He became well known to scholars for his " Miscellanea," or collection of critical ob- servations on various Greek and Latin poets, and other authors; and especially by his " iEschylus," Gr. 8vo. Ven. 1552, extended his reputation to modern times. But it may reasonably be asked, what was become of the mutual good opinion which Maittaire considers to have subsisted be- tween him and Henry, when Robortellus after- wards, speaking in one of his critical treatises, " de " generibus chartarum," thus expressed himself: " Quare perridiculus est is, qui nuperrime editis L 2 148 Henriciis Stephanus Secinulus. " quibusdam insulsi hominis Graeci lusibus, Ana- " creontis odas esse scribit, hoc utens argumento, " quod in cortice essent descripti, ut liac ratione " scilicet nobis imponeret." {Gr uteri Lampas, torn. 2. p. 17. ed. 8vo.) At Venice, he became acquainted with Muretus, and conversed with Michael Sophianus, a native of Greece, in the Greek language : his readiness in which he attributed to his having begun to learn it in his earliest youth. He also visited Genoa, where he says he was entertained not only hospitably, but with dishes prepared so exactly in the French fashion, that he fancied himself enjoy- ing the pleasures of the table, in Paris his native city. Henry observed in his literary researches, that of the " priores tragoediae" of Euripides, so called from the order in which we find them usually ar- ranged, " exemplaria," or manuscripts, were to be met with in most of the libraries of Italy ; but that scarcely every tenth, or even twentieth, could boast of manuscripts of the " tragoediae posteri- " ores." This applied both to public and private collections. {Annott. in Soph. S^ JEurip. p. 98.) He says, the fruits of his diligent researches were liberally imparted by him to such of the learned, as were engaged in editing Greek authors. If this was the case, he was more communicative in his youth than he is acknowledged to have been His early History. 149 in advanced years. He brought with him from Italy " Sexti Pyrrhoniarmn Hypotyposecoj/ libri " tres," " Appiani Hispanica & Annibalica," and the odes of Anacreon, which were ahnost the earliest fruits of his discoveries. Castelvetro, An- nibal Caro, and the cardinal Bernardino MafTei, are also mentioned amongst the most distinguish- ed friends, acquired by Henry in his travels. From the latter he received letters of recommendation to Petrus Victorius ; whose guest he became dur- ing his stay in Florence." Petrus Victorius, or Pietro Vettori, was highly respected in those times for his classical erudition, and profound skill in the Greek language ; and by Cosmo de Medici had been advanced to the professorshij) of elo- quence and moral philosophy at Florence. He combined, as we are told, with his literary ac- quirements, great political and diplomatic talents ; discharged various important embassies, and was honoured by Julius HI. with the successive titles of knight and count. In the midst of affluence, and of such distinctions, he survived till 1585, having attained to the advanced age of eighty- seven years. The learning and talents of Victo- rius were most conspicuously displayed in critical emendation, and verbal criticism : and there were few of the Greek and Latin writers, on which he did not exercise his skill and ingenuity. Henry Estienne, on this occasion, presented to his learned L 3 150 Henricus Stephanus Sccundus. host the ode of Anacreon, Ktyoviiv al ywaiKeg, which he said he had accidentally found " in antiqui libri " tegmine." With this si3ecimen Victorias was highly delighted ; considering it even before the discovery of the rest, as a confirmation of what Cicero had said, namely, that the poems of Ana- creon were wholly amatory ; and also of the " nu- " merorum brevitas," by which Demetrius had described them as characterized. The narrative of this transaction Maittaire has transcribed from the " Varias lectiones" of Victorius himself, which appeared Floreyitice, 1553, fol. ; and Lugcluni, 1554, 4to, inscribed to the cardinal Farnese. Thus it appears that Henry, in the course of his peregrinations, never lost sight of the main object, which was to jn'ovide materials for the illustration of his future typographical labours. For this end, sparing neither of expense nor time, he explored with unwearied diligence and zeal the repositories of literary lore, with which Italy abounded. Florence was especially, after Naples, the place of his admiration and agreeable recollec- tions ; and he asserts that it would have been still more so, were it not the birth-place of Macchia- velli. However unjust this prejudice, it convinces us of the superlative dislike which he cherished for the name and works of that remarkable au- thor. It appears from his own testimony, that he was resident at Florence in the year 1547, and His early History. 151 probably in 1553 ; and at Venice in 1556. Mait- taire supposes, he must have renewed his visits to Italy twice or thrice. Whether his residence there of three years and upwards, embraces the several entire periods of his various journeys thi- ther, or relates only to the first, he is unable to determine. He thinks it probable that his first excursion commenced ah anno 1547, as before mentioned, and that he returned in 1549^. In that year, Robert his father was engaged in the completion of his fine impression of the Greek Testament in folio, in which, as I have already said, are found some prefatory Greek verses com- posed by Henry, who was still a young man. Janssonius ab Almeloveen had met with a copy of this edition of 1550, in which he observed this note, written in most elegant Greek characters by the hand of Henry himself: "EppiKo^ Sre^avo^- viog wv Tovi ef evavTia^ ariyovi; eypaxpa, tuvt YjOvj yepcov wv tj Tco y-^pa €yyi^ccv."E. YT€cf)avo^. In 1549, he also illus- trated an edition of Horace from the press of Robert, with " scholia," or brief notes, and argu- ments. In 1550, Henry visited England, and was ho- ^ Henry, speaking of the infi-equency of robberies in Italy, incidentally uses this expression : " Et de faict, en I'espace " d'environ trois ans & demi que j'y ay demoure, employant " une partie de ce temps a me promener de ville en ville, " j'ay bien peu ouy parler de voleries." Apologie pour Hero- dote, chap. 1 8. L 4 152 Henricus Stephanus Sccundus. iioured with the notice of Edward VI. who then reigned. In his edition of the " Poetae Graeci " heroici carininis," and in his " Apologie," cap. 18, he attempts to give something like credit to the story of Arion and the Dolphin, or the achieve- ments of the harp of Orpheus, by relating a cir- cumstance of which he was a spectator in the tower of London. In the latter work here alluded to, he speaks thus : " As to the lion, it cannot be " denied that he takes pleasure in the sound of " musical instruments : of which I had myself " ocular demonstration in the instance of a huge " lion, kept in the tower of London : for whilst I, " with some others, was looking at him, it hap- " pened that one of those strolling minstrels, who " go from house to house playing on the violin ^, " (of which description of persons there are many " in that country,) came in, and had no sooner " begun to play, than the beast, leaving the flesh " which he was devouring, began to use a rotatory " motion, as if performing a kind of dance. As " often as the minstrel left off playing, the animal " returned to his banquet : but as soon as the in- " strument was sounded anew, he repeated his '^ Henry tells the stoiy with some variation in his " Pras- " fatio to the Poetse Graeci principes," &c. He there de- scribes the instrument as a portable organ. " Forte accidit " dum, &c. ut ingrederelur juvenis organum quoddam cir- " f'umferens," &.c. His early History. 153 " former movements. I was not satisfied with " seeing this merely once, but returned thither " some time afterwards, bringing with me others, " to whom I had mentioned the fact, without hav- " ing been able to persuade them of its truth : " purposely also taking with me another mu- " sician, who played on a different instrument. " The effect upon the lion was precisely the same " as before, with this only difference of circum- " stance, that he had then no meat before him." He left England in 1551, with an intention of returning through Flanders and Brabant ; visited the university of Louvain, and conversed with Petrus Nannius, one of the principal professors there, with whom he had before formed a friendly intercourse. This eminent scholar was a native of Alcmaer. Like Victorius and Robortellus, he also distinguished himself by his illustrations of obscure passages in many classic authors ; and zealously defended Erasmus against many invi- dious criticisms of the last named professor. His entertaining " Miscellaneorum Sylloge" is inscrib- ed by an interesting preface, " Gulielmo Pageto, " Lancastriae cancellario, ac supremo regise aulae " praefecto." His translations from various Greek orators, historians, and poets, were numerous, and those from the Greek fathers yet more so. In Latin poetry he especially excelled ; and his ver- sions of the Psalms are allowed to combine the 154 Henricus Steplianus Secundus. graces of poetic diction with the majestic simpli- city of the sacred text. The same praise has been given to his " Paraphrases & scholia in cantica " canticorum," which are said to be worth a mul- titude of prolix commentaries. Such was this able grammarian, critic, and poet, whom Henry was anxious to visit at Louvain. Various English- men of eminence were students there : and at that university Maittaire believes he also happened to meet with Joannes Clemens, or John Clement, whom Knight, in his life of Erasmus, mentions as having been tutor to the children of sir Thomas More, on the recommendation of cardinal Wolsey, through whose interest he had also been appointed in 1519, professor of Greek and of rhetoric at Ox- ford. In the reign of Edward VI. he appears to have been a member of Corpus Christi college, in the same university. He was also of the college of physicians in London. At length he left Eng- land on account of his adherence to the catholic faith, but returned in the reign of queen Mary, and practised physic in Essex. On the accession of Elizabeth, he again crossed the seas, settled finally at Mechlin, and survived there till 1572. From a manuscript in the possession of this coun- tryman of ours, Henry transcribed some Greek epigrams, which he afterwards inserted in his edi- tion of the " Anthologia." But a still more im- portant and interesting present, which he received His early History. 155 from the hands of this learned Englishman, was a manuscript of the poems of Anacreon, as we now have them. " It has been generally mentioned," says M. Monnoye, in his communication to M. Bayle, " that Henry Estienne was the first to " bring to light these poems; but few know where " or how. It was on the cover of an old book " that he found the first ode, as Victorius records " in Variant. Lect. lib. XX. c. 17. Hitherto " nothing more of Anacreon's had been seen, than " what Aulus Gellius has preserved. Accident " brought into the hands of Henry Estienne two " MSS. containing diverse pieces of this poet. For " the first he was obliged to John Clement, an " English scholar, a domestic of sir Thomas More: " he brought the second with him from Italy to " France. Having carefully compared these MSS. " with each other, he formed the editio princeps, " which was published by him at Paris in 1554. " This book was variously received. The ma- " jority of the learned considered it as a happy ** discovery : but some mistrusted it. Robortellus " would not acknowledge it as legitimate : Fulvius " Ursinus, in his edition of Greek lyric poets, de- " nied a place to Anacreon. It were to be wished " that the two MSS. of which we have spoken " had been preserved : but unfortunately Henry " Estienne, at the end of his days, having fallen " into a sort of aberration of intellect, suffered 156 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. " them to perish, with many others, which he " communicated to no one, not even to his son-in- " law Casaubon." {Vid. Bayle, Art. Anacreon, note L.) Henry's intercourse in Flanders and in Eng- land with persons of the Spanish nation, procured him an initiatory acquaintance with the Spanish language ; which he afterwards eagerly and suc- cessfully improved by a diligent perusal of the best writers. Such then, are the few particulars which we find incidentally recorded concerning Henry's travels in Italy and elsewhere, prepara- tory to the commencement of his labours in the typographical department. On his return to Paris, at the close of the year 1551, it may be presumed that he found his father Robert preparing to leave his native country. CHAPTER XXm. HENRY ESTIENNE 11. CONTIXITED — HIS PROFESSIONAL ESTABLISHMENT AT PARIS EARLIEST FRUITS OF HIS PRESS FURTHER TRAVELS SUBSEQUENT EDITIONS NAMED " HULDRICHI FUGGERI TYPOGRAPHUS" PRO- CEEDINGS IN THAT CHARACTER 1554-1561. JVl AITTAIRE imagines, though as he confesses, on no certain grounds, that Henry Estienne ac- companied his father on his removal from Paris to Geneva. But if that was really the case, he soon returned, and established an " Imprimerie." That he entertained the same religious opinions for which Robert had been persecuted, is not to be doubted ; nor has he ever been accused of disguis- ing those opinions : yet we hear of no opposition experienced by him from the Sorbonne or from any other quarter, either on his own account, or as resulting from the continuance of that enmity which had been exercised towards his father. We have no evidence that he found himself in any re- spect involved in the obloquy or disgrace of Ro- bert's clandestine retirement ; or that he suffered personal annoyance from any of the charges or re- flections, whether unjustly or otherwise, said to 158 Hem-kus Stephanus Sccundns. have been cast upon his parent. This may well appear a subject of surprise; but by the scanty par- ticulars of Henry's life and circumstances known at this period, cannot be explained. True it is indeed, that he was not advanced to the dignity of " Typographus regius :" but in the exercise of the typographic profession it can scarce be ima- gined that he exj)erienced any impediment : foras- much as we find him printing under the protec- tion of a royal " privilegium," or license, as will be shewn by the first of those impressions, which he gave to the public in his own name. Maittaire inclines to suppose, that he availed himself merely of a privilege of this kind, which had been granted by king Henry to his father : but comes to such a conclusion solely on the evi- dence of a passage in Henry's "Apologie pour " Herodote," cJicqi. 22, which requires only to be cited, to evince its complete inconclusiveness as to the point in question. In this chapter having spoken " de la gourmandise & yurongnerie des " gens d'eglise," he proceeds thus : " It is said " that they (the theologians) after they are well " soaked, agree together like cats and dogs ; but " this point I shall leave my readers to determine, " not knowing wliether it be true that they come " to blows, when they have drunk freely: but this " I well remember, that the Sorbonists holding " their synagogue at the Bernardins, before they His Typographical I mjiressions . 159 " commenced drinking, (so tliey said at least, and " in reality it was then early in the morning,) " when they had caused me to withdraw, as well " as my advocate and ' procureiir,' and whilst " they proceeded to deliberate what answer it was " proper to give to a letter presented by us, which " my late father had obtained from king Henry, " (by which he imposed some command upon " them not much to their liking,) we observed " them in great danger of pulling each other by " the beard, after having fatigued and made " themselves hoarse by dint of screaming. A " story this, which I should not have dared to " tell, had I been without the testimony of those " two good people, who were much more scanda- " lized at such a scene than myself, forasmuch as " I had before heard some little of their gentle " pranks." That Maittaire should represent Henry to have rested his authority as a Parisian printer on a license obtained previously by his father, upon the solitary evidence of this jocular story, does not appear very reasonable. But I must now proceed to Henry's typographical operations. 1554. In this year then, and in the twenty- sixth year of his own age, he gave to the public, from his own press, Anacreon, Gr. Lat. 4to, the earliest, and one of the most finished and beautiful of all his impressions. It is more fully entitled. 160 Hem'icus Stephanus Secundus. Anacreontis Teii Odce, ah Henrico Stephano luce (^ Latinitate nunc prinium donatce. Lute- tiw, aptid Henricum Stephanum, 3I.D.LIV. ex privi/egio Regis. It is executed in the larger royal Greek characters ; having a Greek epistle of four pages, two Latin epigrams, and a Greek Anacreontic by Henry, prefixed. To the work are added some fragments of Alcaeus and of Sappho. In the notes, he offers his own conjec- tures concerning some corrupted passages, and shews in what instances Horace has imitated Anacreon and Alcaeus. Lastly, he subjoins his own Latin versions, given in correspondent mea- sures, of those odes only which he considers most elegant and uncorrupted. Joseph Scaliger seems to ascribe this Latin version to Joannes Auratus ; but his casual assertion cannot weigh against Henry's own assertions and claims. Helias An- dreas, a few months afterwards, published his ge- neral version of all the odes of Anacreon, printed with the original Greek by Gulielmus Morel and Robertus Stephanus, the brother of Henry, anno 1556, as we have shewn. As he does not always follow the same readings, his translation some- times gives a sense which differs from that of Henry, who in his edition of the Lyric poets of 1560, thought proper to specify the conjectures on which his own interpretation was grounded. In the notes to the preceding first edition by Henry, His Typographical Impressions. 161 he alludes to a French translation, which he had previously made. Another note to page 1, ode I, makes mention of the MS. written " in cortice," by which we have seen Robortellus so much of- fended : " In altero exemplarium, nimirum in eo " quod in libro, id est cortice, primum locum occu- " pat haec oda," &c. Henry adopted the mark or '* symbolum ty- " pographicum" which was used by his father, namely, the olive, with the inscription, " Noli " altum sapere," and occasionally perhaps, with the additional words, " sed time." Robert Esti- enne seldom omitted either the name of the city, or his own : Henry, frequently the " nomen loci," and sometimes even his own. In his impression of Plato, atmi 1578, and " in Historiis ex Mem- " none Greece excerptis," anni 1590, he adopted a new legend, " Ut ego insererer, defracti sunt rami." Rom. ck. xii. 9- These words proceed from the figure of a man in a kneeling posture, looking up- wards, and having his hands extended in the act of supplication. In his impression of the letters of Pliny, of 1591, he gives the usual " symbolum " cum viri icone," but without any motto. In his Homer of 1588, he exhibits, instead of the cus- tomary device, a cipher, or as Maittaire terms it, " nota compendiaria sui nominis;" which is also affixed to the end of the fourth volume of his " Thesaurus Linguae Graecse." VOL. II. M 162 Henr'icus Stephanus Sccimdiis. In the same year 1554, and indeed before the completion of his Anacreon, he gave, throngh the press of Carolus Stephanns, his uncle, a small but exquisitely beautiful volume, containing Dionysii Htdicarnassei responsio ad Cri. Pompeii episto- lam, in qua ille de reprehenso ah eo Platonis stylo conqueritur ; to which are added various other " opuscula" by the same author. This is an 8vo, of seventy-eight pages, exclusive of a Greek epistle of six pages, addressed by Henry to Odettus Selva, and a Latin one of Uvo pages, to Petrus Victorius. In the former, Henry fluently exercises his Greek pen in defence of Plato's style, against the censures of his critic : and ends with excusing himself to Selva for the smallness of his present typographic offering ; which he says, must be imputed to the unfavourable state of his pre- sent circumstances, avTi ttoXXxv Kai ixeydXoiv, av (701 VTreay^OfXYjv, okiya riva. Kai fxiKpa 7re/x7r« croi. ov^\ jap eyw aniog, aAA' yj rav efxav itpayfxaT'Jiv Trovrjpa KaTaTvaa-ig. (TTCt^Yj ^e TO. TrpajfJiaTa ov yiverai ag PovkofxeSa, wg yive- Toci ^ovXwfx^Ba *. In the Latin epistle to Victorius, he speaks of the Anacreon as being about to ap- pear, and again more fully describes his two MSS. of that author : " ex duobus his, alterum in mem- '•' branis, alterum in cortice arboris scriptum erat : '^ As Henry Estienne annexed no Latin translation to this impression, Stanislaus Hovius supplied the deliciency by pub- lishing one, Basilete, 1557, in 8vo. Niceron. HisJ'nrthcr Travels. lfa'3 " illiid coiifusum, & alicubi non satis emend atum : " hoc adeo antiquum ut in singulis verbis litera " aliqua oculos fugeret." At the close of the same year, he revisited Rome ; i^rol^ably embracing the same opportunity of paying his respects to his father at Geneva. At Rome, he met with a volume containing, amongst other collections, some " excerpta" from the latter historical books of Diodorus ; which at the instance of a certain nobleman, he translated from the original Greek into Latin. From Rome he directed his course to Naples ; and by his dex- terity and skill in the Italian language, was enabled to manage a political intrigue, and to dis- cover some secrets which the French ambassador was desirous of knowing. He met the ambassa- dor again at Venice, communicated the desired in- formation, and was admitted to his jjarticular con- fidence, and to a place at his table. In this in- trigue, Henry who seems to have had by nature an extraordinary propensity to intermeddle with politics, had nearly been discovered and recog- nized as a French agent. He escaped by a false- hood, declaring himself to be really an Italian : and his fluency in the language obtained credit to his assertions. He examined the library of S. Mark's, and that of S. Antoine, at Venice, in each of which he found a MS. of Xenophon. Again, in the year M 2 104. Hcnrkus Stephanus Sccundus. 1556, having in company with Carolus Sigonius and some A^enetian noblemen, visited the " Bib- " liotheca Bessarionis," he collated a German edi- tion of Diog-enes Laertius with an ancient manu- script, once the property of Bessarion. 1556. This year, which was the twenty-seventh of his own age, Henry again returned to Paris : and gave from an " Imprinierie," which bore his own name, Davidis Ps(dmi aliquot. Latino car- mine expressi a quatiior illustrihus Poetis, quos quatiior regiones Gallia, Italia, Germania, Sco- tia, genuerunt, in gratiam studiosornm inter se commissi ah H. Stephano, ciijus etiam nonnulli Psalmi GrcEci,cum aUisGrcecis itidem comparati, in calce lihri hahentur, ex officina H.Steph. 1556, 4to. pp. 96. The four poets here alluded to, are Georgius Buchananus, a Scotchman ; M. A. Flami- nius, an Italian ; Salmon Macrinus, a Frenchman ; and Helius Eobanus, a German : to whom Henry also has added Rapicius, an Italian poet. The hours which he could spare from more important studies, and particularly the prosecution of that Herculean labour, the " Thesaurus Graecus," on which, together with sundry other scholars, he was at his father's instance diligently engaged, he employed in the lighter task of turning into La- tin verse some of the Idylls of Moschus, Bion, and Theocritus ; and in composing other poetical His Typographical Imprcssiuns, 165 pieces ; all which were printed by his brother Robert in this year. 1557. Now actively resuming the typographic operations on his own account, he produced vari- ous impressions; to the titles of which he sub- scribed, '•' Ex officina Henrici Stephani Parisiensis " typographi ;" but seldom imitated his father's I)ractice of subjoining any note of the month or day : whence it becomes difficult to ascertain the precise order of their succession. This however cannot often be a matter of importance. I shall therefore, as in the account of Robert's life and labours, note the imf)ressions of every distinct year, from Maittaire's Index and other sources, and occasionally offer some special remarks on such as appear most interesting or important. The impressions of the year are those which follow : ^scliyli TragoedicB sept cm, Scholia in casdem plurimis in locis locuplctata ^ castigata : Petri Victorii cura c^ diligentia, Greece, 4to ; an ele- gant volume. Aristotelis c^ Theophrasti scripta qucedam,qiice vel nunquam antea, vel minus emen- data quam nunc edita faerunt, cum prarfatione H. Stephani, Greece, 18mo; Ciceronianum Lexi- con Grcsco-ljatinum : id est. Lexicon ex variis Grescorum scriptorum locis a Cicerone interpre- tatis, collectum ah H. Stephano. Adjuncti loci ipsi cu7n Ciceronis Interprefationibus, 8vo ; In M 3 166 Henricus Stephanns Secundns. Ciceroii'is qiiamphirhnos locos castigationes H. Stej)lian\,'partm ex ejus itigenio,partini e.v vetus- iiss'imo quodam 8^ emendatissimo exemplari, 8vo; Ex Ciesia, Agatha rchide, Memnone excerptce H'lstorice, Appiani Iherica, item de gestis An- nibalis, omnia nunc primuni edita, cum H. Ste- phani castigationibus, Greece. 8vo ; Athenagorce Atheniensis, jMlosophi Christiani, apologia pro Christianis ad imperatores Antoninum <§ Com- modum ; Ejusdem de Resurrectione mortuorum ; ex antiquis cxemplarihus die nunc primum pro- Jertur, hie autem castigatior quam antea editur. Uterque Greece ^ Latine, 8vo. The translation of the " Apologia" is by Gesner ; and that of the Discourse on the Resurrection, by Petrus Nannius. Maximi Tyrii Philosophi Platonici sermones sive disputationes, Greece^ nunc primum editcB ; Ejus- dem sermones sive, &,c. Latine, ex Cos?ni Pactii a?'chiej)iscopi Florentini iiiterpretatione, ah H. Steph. quamplurimis in locis emendata, 8vo. We have already given some account of the friendship of Henry with Petrus Victorius. This scholar consigned to him his own collations and corrections, marked in the margin of a prior copy of /Eschylus, for his use in the foregoing im- pression; to which Henry subjoined critical obser- vations of his own. He had seen, in the posses- sion of Victorius, a very ancient MS., in which Hi.^ Typographical Impressions. 167 were contained all the extant Tragoedise of Ms- chylus and Sophocles, together with the Argo- nautica of Apollonius. Of the tragedies of ^s- chylus indeed, the concluding part of the Aga- memnon, and the beginning of the Choephorae, were wanting ; which deficiency gave occasion to a mixture (" in unum confusio") of these dramas in the edition of Turnebus. The latter, Victorius was unable to complete : the former he supplied and corrected from another copy, and collated with the MS. of the Bibliotheca Farnesiana. Of the Scholia Graeca on the ancient Tragedians, Victo- rius assigns the first place to those upon jE,schy- lus ; which in the opinion of Eustathius, are of high authority and estimation. Next in value to them are the scholia upon Sophocles; a separate edition of which was printed by order of Leo X. RomcE, circa 1510, 4to. The last place of honour and credit has been assigned to those upon Euri- pides. Henry, in his impression of ^schylus, (willing by his own diligence to second that of the critic above mentioned,) subjoined a collection of " variae " lectiones," with his own remarks upon them, al- ready mentioned. He evinced also great judg- ment and discrimination, in editing the ancient scholia, which he found to have been frequently adulterated ; marginal notes inserted by unskilful hands, having surreptitiously crept into the text. M 4 16*8 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. Of the two Treatises of Athenagoras, Henry professes to have given that " pro Christianis," Graece, for the first time : Harwood however men- tions an edition, Basil, 1551 ; which is perhaps an error. Maittaire observes that in the same year 1551, Petrus Nannius received from Henry the very agreeable tidings of the discoveries he had made of several tracts of this valuable author. Nannius had himself composed a Latin version of the tract " de Resurrectione :" (printed Par. 1541, 4to.) from which probably, it was turned into English by Richard Porden, Loud. 1573, 8vo. With regard to the " DisiDutationes" of Maxi- mus Tyrius, the celebrated Janus Lascaris had been the first to rescue them from the obscurity and oblivion, in which the neglect of the middle ages had involved them. They had been presented by that scholar, amongst other valuable works, to Lorenzo de' Medici ; at whose instance and charge a diligent search after such remains of ancient literature had been instituted. At the request of Lascaris, Cosmus Paccius, (Pazzi,) archbishop of Florence, made a Latin translation of the " Dis- " putationes" of Maximus Tyrius, after two faulty copies of the original, and inscribed his version to pope Julius XL This work, Petrus Paccius, after the translator's decease, with the sanction of Las- caris and of other scholars, committed to the press. The Greek original, with corrections of the text, His Typographical Impj-cssions. 169 was now, in the year 1557, by Henry Estienne ■first presented to the public. In this impression, he derived assistance from several, though con- fessedly imperfect, manuscripts. Of those works relating to Cicero, of which Henry was the author, and which he this year gave from his own press, Maittaire says : " he construct- " ed his Lexicon Ciceronianum Grceco-Latinum ; " in which he brought together whatever Cicero " had from philosophers, historians, poets, and " prose writers, either interpreted or imitated : and " to this lexicon he speedily added his own * casti- " gationes in plurimos Ciceronis locos,' partly from " his own conjectures, and partly from an ancient " and very accurate MS.; subjoining specimens of " the errors, and stating the causes of them : and " moreover freely animadverting upon certain over " scrupulous worshippers of Cicero, who carried " their superstitious veneration so far, as to be te- " nacious even of the blunders of stupid scribes, " and drowsy typographers." The " Lexicon Ci- " ceronianum," either for its extraordinary merit or excessive rarity, has usually been estimated by modern booksellers at a high price. 1558. This year Henry assumed the appella- tion of " Typographus illustris viri Huldrici Fug- *' geri, Domini in Kirchperg, & Weyssenhorn." Huldric Fugger was a native of Augsburg, born A. D. 1526, and sprung from a family conspi- 170 Henr'icus StcpJtanus Sicunchi,^. cuous both for its antiquity and wealth. For a time, he discharged the office of " camerier" or chamberlain to pope Paul III, but afterwards be- came a protestant : was himself learned, and an eminent patron of literary men : and expended ex- traordinary sums in the purchase of good MSS. of ancient authors, and in procuring the impression of them. Henry Scrimger, a Scotch professor of considerable erudition, was specially engaged by him on munificent terms, to carry into effect these liberal views. Scrimger was at this period connected by friend- ship and literary intercourse with Henry : it is therefore probable that through his recommenda- tion in particular, Henry was constituted typo- grapher to this German baron. An annual gratu- ity was assigned him in consequence, which some accounts have estimated at the sum of fifty gold crowns : but how long our printer had the good fortune to enjoy this pension, it does not distinctly appear. We find it recorded that the family of Huldric, offended at the excess to which he car- ried his passion for collecting MSS. and books, and his patronage of letters, at length instituted a legal process, and caused him to be declared inca- pable of the administration of his own property. Some accounts have stated that this sentence pro- duced a melancholy, which accelerated his death : but according to M. Bayle, his epitaph says that Huldrici Fuggeri Typographies. 171 lie was unshaken by this rude blow, and that he also recovered possession of his property, and in- herited the succession of his brother. He had re- tired to Heidelberg, and there died at the age of fifty-eight years, in the month of June 1584 ; be- queathing to the Palatinate his fine library, and I)erpetuating his own memory by various literary and charitable foundations. He purchased the " Bibliotheque" of a person by name Achilles Gas- sarus, whom Melchior Adam describes as a " ve- " rus helluo librorum." Vif. Medicor. p. 234. Huldric Fugger was not the first of his family who collected a magnificent library : for the author last cited relates, that Hieronymus Wolfius having gone to Augsburg, was there kindly received by Antonius Fugger, and that to his care was in- trusted the celebrated *' Bibliotheca" of Joannes Jacobus Fugger, (an elder brother of Huldricus,) who was also a distinguished votary of literature. Wolfius, says Mr. Bayle, composed some Greek verses, in which he testified that this " Biblio- *' theque, garnie d'autant de livres qu'il y a d'etoiles " au ciel," was a place where he passed entire days, collecting both flowers and fruits ; and found such abundance both of entertainment and instruction, that in fact he preferred it to every other. 'Ai/tI fiev ovv TravTdtv alpovfiai j3il3\iodr]Kr]i/ <^0VKKapiT]v, ev^ijs Kpfirrovn rrjvSf (f)iXa). The learned Freigius, in the preface to his 172 He7iri(u.s Stephanas Secunchis. '* Quaestiones Justinianse," describes this library as abounding not only in elegant printed works, but in MSS. ; Greek more especially ; which were gratuitously permitted to the inspection of all vi- sitors : " but," he adds, " though every thing is ad- " mirable, yet nothing is more a subject of admira- " tion than Wolfius himself, the host and very soul " as it were of this repository, who like a kind of " living library, has treasured up in his own me- " mory the various erudition dispersed through the *' shelves of this noble edifice." Afterwards de- scribing the other wonders of Augsburg, he adds, " What shall I say ' de parva ilia Fuggerana " urbe,' placed in the suburbs of the city ?" after expatiating upon which, he proceeds to describe the extraordinary magnificence of their city re- sidence, its outward decorations, interior furni- ture and splendour, its delightful gardens, its pic- tures and other works of art ; its " mensa tessellata " ex porjihyretico marmore," decorated with a profusion of gems of the most precious kind ; its " Imperatorum primorum imagines tredecim," brought from Italy, and there purchased at a vast expense ; exquisite statues, marbles, and other mo- numents of genuine antiquity, denoting opulence and a taste for magnificence, scarce exceeded by the Medicean family of Florence. Such was the account of the Fuggers of Augsburg, given by Freigius in 1578. The name indeed appears Hnldrici Fiiggeri Typographns. 173 greatly diversified : Moreri terms them *' Fouch- '• ers ;" Rabelais, " les Fourques d'Auxbourg ;" his annotator, " la fainille des Foucres, oil Fuggers." They were very distinguished merchants, " il- " lustres & fameux negocians d'Augsbourg," says Mr. Bayle. Charles V, when in 1548, he changed the government at Augsburg, highly distinguished this family, advancing them to the dignity of Ba- rons ^ ; and their descendants retained the same rank, and in subsequent times became connected by marriage with some of the most illustrious houses of Germany. Other accounts say that they received their patent of nobility from the emperor Maximilian I. No less than ten indivi- duals of this munificent family are noticed by b Many of our readers will pi'obably, in one form or another, have seen recorded " the polite reception which Vokeer, the " rich Augsburgh merchant, gave the emperor Charles V. " He had," says the story, "lent the emperor a very consi- " derable sum of money, for which his majesty had given " him a promissory note or order upon his exchequer, or " some written security of that kind. Soon after, the empe- " ror on his march, (by way of doing honour to his friend,) " lay at his house at Augsburgh. The merchant gave him a " most magnificent supper, and when the emperor retired to " his chamber, there was a fire laid of cinnamon wood, which " Vokeer himself set alight with the emperor's note of hand "or order for the money, and then wished his majesty a " good night." (rBI- NUS CHARACTER OF CHARLES IX. CONSmERED. J. HE year 1572, was signalised by the massa- cre of St. Bartholomew ; an event no less re- markable for its almost unparalleled atrocity, than for that extraordinary secresy with which it had long been premeditated, and deliberately matured. Davila, a writer evidently partial to the catho- lic cause, and the measures of the French court, hesitates not to enter minutely into recitals, by which it is demonstrated, that though the original conception of this cruel design was to be attri- buted to the queen-mother, yet the king himself was both uniformly privy to it, and invariably contributed with the most unrelenting apathy, to bring it to effect. Charles IX. is described as of a disposition naturally malevolent and resentful ; subject to impetuous bursts of passion, which he often found it difficult to control ; yet versed to the utmost in the art of dissimulation. u 4 296 Henricus Stephanus Secimdus. The battles of Brissac and of Moiicontour had been succeeded by a desultory warfare, no less harassing to the court than unavailing to the in- surgents ; Catherine de' Medici had therefore been again eager to revert from the perils of open hos- tilities, to that Machiavelian game of intrigue and deceit, in which she was so deep a proficient*^. New terms of accommodation and indulgence were of- fered to the Huguenots, so exceedingly liberal and favourable, as by their very appearance to excite suspicion : but to obviate all doubt of the sincerity of pacific assurances, which had so often before been falsified, a marriage was now by the royal sanction proposed, between the princess Margue- rite, the king's own sister, and the young king of Navarre. The leaders of the Huguenot party, with little of that hesitation which might have been expected a Thus Voltaire iu his " Henriatle," Chant second. AprCvS dix ans entiers de succes & de pertes, Medicis, qui voioit ses campagnes couverts D'uu parti renaissant qu'elle avoit cru detruit, Lasse enfin de combattre & de vaiiicre sans fruit, Voulut sans plus tenter des efforts inutiles. Terminer d'un seul coup les discordes civiles : La cour de ses faveurs nous offrit les attraits; Et n'aiant pu nous vaincre, on nous donna la paix. Quelle paix juste Dieu ! Dieu vengeur que j'atteste. Que de sang arrosa son olive funeste ! Ciel, faut il voir ainsi les maitres des humains, Du crime ^ leurs sujets aplanir les chemins ! Massacre of St. Bartliolomew. 297 on their part, who had so often experienced the duplicity of the French court, suffered themselves to be allured into the snare thus laid for them. Coligny, with many of his distinguished fol- lowers, presented himself at court, and was received with the most flattering honours and caresses : and during some months, appearances remained such, as to encourage in the reformed party every pleasing anticipation of permanent favour and religious liberty. On the 17th day of August, 1572, the marriage of the king of Navarre and madame Marguerite was solemnized in the cathedral of Notre Dame. Some days afterwards, in the midst of pageants and rejoicings in honour of this event, the admiral Coligny, whilst proceeding from the Louvre to- wards his own residence, was wounded by a shot from an arquebuse, discharged through the bars of a grated window. The deadly instrument had been loaded with two balls, one of which carried off the middle finger of his right hand, the other lodged itself near the elbow of his left arm. An instant alarm was given ; but the assassin Maure- val, who had been engaged by the duke of Guise for this daring purpose, had already secured his own retreat. The admiral thus dangerously hurt, was conveyed home by his friends. The king being speedily informed of the circumstance, broke out into the most violent expressions of indigna- ^98 Hcnricus Stepha7ius Seaimhi.s. tion : declaring that he would have instant and severe justice inflicted upon the perpetrator of this deed. He ordered that military guards should be presently stationed at all the gates of the city ; ostensibly that the retreat of the assassin might be intercepted, but in reality that none of the in- tended victims might escape. His next measure was to visit the admiral ; whose misfortune with the most pathetic demonstrations of grief and af- fection, he lamented ; adding assurances, which by reiterated and solemn oaths he confirmed, of his determination to inquire into and revenge the out- rage. It had been expected by those who were privy to this treacherous act, that the Huguenots, of whom there were more than eight thousand then in Paris, either citizens or strangers, attracted thither by the festivities of the time, would in- stantly rise to revenge it. But as no such con- sequence ensued, the king and queen-mother had no other resource, than to persist in their dissimu- lation. Whilst affected sympathy thus effectu- ally concealed the most nefariovis purposes of ex- termination, the eve of the festival of St. Bartho- lomew arrived; which that year fell upon Sunday, being the 214th day of August. Measures for the intended tragedy having been arranged, the duke of Guise, by the king's order, in the obscurity of evening, sought out the president Charron, Pre- Massacre of St. Bartholomew. 299 vost des Marchands, whose office gave him the most extensive authority over the Parisian popu- lace. Him he enjoined, to have in immediate readiness two thousand men at arms, who should be directed to wear each on his left arm a white scarf or badge, and on his hat a cross of the same colour : that he should also privately call forth all the local or district officers : that in the win- dows of every house, on the ringing of a bell at- tached to the great clock of the Louvre, lights should be displayed : to all which injunctions the duke's authority, and the activity of his subordi- nate agents, procured speedy obedience. In the mean time the dukes of Montpensier and Nevers, with many other lords and gentlemen, who were usually about the king's person, had armed themselves : the sentinels also of the dif- ferent gates, and in the " basse cour" of the Louvre, stood prepared for action. At the instant of time agreed upon, the duke of Guise, accompanied by the duke d'Aumale, mon- sieur d'Angoulesme, the king's illegitimate bro- ther, and soldiers and officers to the number of three hundred, proceeded to the house of the ad- miral ; where having found another body of men by provision of the duke of Anjou already under arms, they broke down the gate of the " basse " cour," which some halberdiers of the king of Navarre, aided by the domestics, feebly guarded ; 300 Henricus Stephaniis Secundus. all of whom were instantly put to the sword. When the lower court had been thus gained, the leaders halted there ; whilst La Besme a servant of the duke of Guise, Petrucci, a Siennese, and another, who was a military officer, and various soldiers, ascended the stairs to the admiral's cham- ber. He having heard the tumult, and risen, had placed himself on his knees, with his head reclined upon the bed. Presently, seeing one of his friends enter in great alarm, he asked the cause of the disturbance. " God calls us to himself," replied the fugitive, and precipitately continued his flight through another door. The appointed assassins soon entered, and approached the admiral. He turning towards La Besme, whose sword was al- ready bared for his destruction, said to him : " Young man, you ought to respect my grey " hairs ; but do your pleasure : it is by a brief " space only that you can shorten my life." At the same instant La Besme plunged the weapon into his body ; and the others with their poniards soon finished the work of death. The body was then thrown from the window of the chamber into the " basse cour," and thence dragged into a stable. In the same house were put to death Teligny, son in law of the admiral ; Guerchy, his lieutenant, who bravely defended himself to the last; and other distinguished officers belonging to his suite. The king, who had retired into the apartment Massacre of' St. Bartholomew. 301 of the queen-mother, having been apprized of what had been already done, sent for the king of Navarre and the prince of Conde ; who came in great alarm, seeing that none of their attendants were allowed to pass. At the same time, a mili- tary officer of the king began to call, one by one, the principal Huguenots who were in the Louvre. These, as they severally entered the " basse cour," were instantly despatched, by soldiers who had been stationed in long lines for that purpose. Thus perished various noblemen, gentlemen, ca- valiers, and distinguished leaders of the reformed persuasion, with others of greater or less cele- brity, to the number of two hundred. At the same time, the signal was given by ring- ing the bell of the palace, to those who had re- ceived instructions, and stood ready for the pur- pose, to commence the slaughter of other Hugue- nots, who were dispersed throughout their differ- ent lodgings and habitations in the city ; and they also, without distinction of age, sex, or quality, were presently involved in one promiscuous mas- sacre''. Under the direction of their municipal ^ Qui pourroit cependant exprimer les ravages, Dont cette nuit cruelle etala les images ! La mort de Coligny, pr^mices des hoi-reurs, N'^toit qu'un foible essai de toutes leurs fureurs ; 302 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. officers, the populace had every where taken arms; and the windows in general being filled with lights, they found no difficulty in proceeding with a kind of systematic ferocity, from house to house, in execution of the dreadful commission which they had received. These cruel measures how- ever, notwithstanding all the precautions used by leading individuals, could not be conducted with sufficient discrimination to prevent the destruc- tion of many catholics also ; who either perished in the universal confusion, or were purposely made the victims of public dislike or private en- mity. The Louvre remained closed during the follow- ing day. In the meantime, the king and the queen-mother endeavoured to quiet the apprehen- Je ne vous peindrai point le tumult et les cris, Le sang de tous cotez ruisselant dans Paris ; Le fils assassin^ sur le corps de son pere, Le frere avec la sceur, la fiUe avec la mere, Les ^poux expirans, sous leurs toits embrasez, Les enfans au berceau sur la pierre ^crasez ; Des fureurs des humains c'est ce qu'on doit attendre: Mais ce que I'avenir aura peine a comprendre, Ce que vous meme encore a peine vous croirez, Ces monstres furieux de carnage alterez, Excitez par la voix des pretres sanguinaires, Invoquoient le Seigneur en egorgeant leurs freres. Et le bras tout soiiille du sang des innocens, Osoient offrir k Dieu cet execrable encens. La Henriade, Chant Second. Massacre of St. Barfholomezv. 303 sions of the king of Navarre and the prince of Conde ; alleging that they had found themselves obliged to do that, which the admiral had so often endeavoured to do to them. As to these young princes, they observed, youth pleaded much in their favour : great consideration was also had of their nearness of blood. Their lives should con- sequently be spared ; and they should even be henceforth loved and cherished, provided they would embrace the catholic religion, honour the king, and pay him due obedience. The answer of the king of Navarre was cautious and concilia- tory. He should always, he said, be ready to submit to the king's will and pleasure : thus yielding to the necessity of the time, and reserv- ing himself for better fortune. But the prince of Conde, either from the imprudence of youth, or a disposition naturally hasty and contumacious, seemed inclined to act resolutely, and to dispute the royal mandate ; saying, the only favour he asked, was not to be constrained in matters of conscience. Upon this, the king exceedingly irri- tated, reproved him in terms of the greatest acri- mony ; and even threatened to have him put to death, if he did not within three days become a catholic, and give satisfactory proofs of repent- ance. Over him and the king of Navarre guards were placed ; their former attendants were taken from them and put to death ; and their households 304 Henriciifi Stephanus Secundus. were remodelled according to the king's plea- sure. Those Huguenots who were lodged beyond the Seine, in the Fauxbourg St. Germaine, amongst whom were the conte de Montgommery, and the visdame de Chartres, (who, apprehensive of some danger, had declined restricting themselves to the quarters of the admiral,) having heard the uproar, whilst the Parisians, yet at a distance, could not intercept their movements, had recourse to flight. But the duke of Guise, with numerous cavalry and foot soldiers, passed the river at break of day, and surprised these fugitives, some half naked, others without saddles and bridles, and all un- armed ; so that to despatch them was a work of no difficulty. The two noblemen before-mention- ed, and about ten other persons, with great peril and risk, reached at length the sea-coast, and passed over into England. The body of the admiral, dragged from the stable into which it had been thrown, became a peculiar subject of outrage to the infuriated mul- titude ; who having cut off the head and hands, trailed the miserable remains through the streets of Paris ; and at length suspended them upon a gibbet, where criminals were usually executed. Not content with these indignities, amidst savage jeers and mockeries, they kindled a fire under- neath, by which even those pitiable relics were in Massacre of St. Bartholomezo. 305 a great measure consumed. What scanty portion of them eventually was left, some domestics of the mareschal de Montmorency secretly conveyed away in the night-time, and buried at Chantilly*^. The day after the admiral's death, the duke of Anjou came forth from the Louvre, attended by the regiment of the king's guards ; and proceeded through the city and fauxbourgs, causing to be thrown open the houses of those who had made resistance. But it was found that the greatest part of the Huguenots had already perished. Some indeed yet surviving, had either as a dis- guise, assumed the token or distinction of the white cross, which all catholics wore, or were en- deavouring to secrete themselves ; but if any of them, from chance or necessity, appeared in the streets, and had the misfortune to be pointed out or recognised, the populace rushed upon them in- stantaneously, and threw them into the river. The Seine was in a manner covered with floating ' The head of the admiral is said to have been embalmed by order of Catherine de' Medici, and sent to Rome ; a satis- factory and triumphant refutation of all those doubts and suspicions, in which the past impenetrable simulation and dissimulation of this daughter of the church had involved her orthodoxy, in the opinions of the popes and cardinals them- selves. Credible French historians have recorded, that Gre- gory XII. instituted a solemn procession and thanksgiving, for this massacre of St. Bartholomew. VOL. II. X 306 Henricus Stephajius Seciindus. corpses. Various living fugitives strove also to make their way across ; and Charles IX. (says Daniel, after Brantome,) in defiance of all sense of humanity or shame, entertained himself with firing upon these miserable persons out of long arquebuses, charged by his attendants, and suc- cessively pvit into his hands : which savage act he accompanied with this exclamation, uttered with all the force of which his voice was capable : " Tuez, tuez !"— Kill, kill ! On the day which preceded this terrible execu- tion at Paris, the king had also despatched nume- rous couriers, with express orders to the several governors of the cities and provinces of France, to put in practice the like cruel measures : but these orders were executed with more or less rigour, according to the feelings and disposition of each. The same night at Meaux, and the following day at Orleans, Rouen, Bourges, Angers, Thoulouse, and in many other places, (but more especially at Lyons,) there was an immense slaughter of the Huguenots, without compassion of age, or rank, or sex. But in those towns, the governors of which were either dependent on the princes, or partisans of the house of Montmorency, these san- guinary mandates were obeyed tardily and reluc- tantly. In Provence, the comte de Tend firmly and nobly refused to comply with them ; for Pctriis Ravm.s. 307 which reason, a few days afterwards, in the city of Avignon, he was himself put to death, and that by the king's express order, as it was generally believed. Strange and terrible occurrences, says the historian, might here be related ; forasmuch as in i:>laces so many and so various, and with a correspondent variety of event and circumstance, this scourge extended itself over individuals of every rank and character. Common fame has been constant in asserting, that within the space of a few days more than forty thousand Hugue- nots perished. The celebrated Petrus Ramus was amongst the victims of this cruel tragedy. Like several other scholars whom we have had, or shall have occasion to mention, he had acquired great erudi- tion, and advanced himself to literary eminence, in spite of the difficulties consequent upon low birth and early penury. The thesis which he had the boldness to propose as an exercise for one of his academical degrees, " that every thing Ari- " stotle had taught was erroneous," filled the whole university of Paris with indignation; whilst the subtilty and ingenuity with which he main- tained this proposition excited general astonish- ment. I have already noticed the obloquy in which this dispute involved him, and the judicial process which it occasioned. Ramus however, subsequently found patrons and protectors. In X 2 308 Henricus Stephaniis Secnndus. 1551, he was promoted by Henry II. to the pro- fessorship of philosophy and eloquence in the royal college ; and distinguished himself in that character, and in various literary controversies of the time. He had been educated a catholic ; but an assiduous perusal of the writings of the re- formed induced him to embrace their opinions. His zeal, evinced in the destruction of the images belonging to the chapel of his college, occasioned the forfeiture of his official station there ; but even under such circumstances, by the king's indulg- ence, he was allowed to cultivate philosophy and the mathematics, which were his favourite sci- ences, in privacy at Fontainebleau. In 1553, during an interval of accommodation between the religious factions, he resumed his public lectures ; but on the renewal of the civil war in 1557, was driven from Paris, and took refuge with the army of the prince of Conde. He afterwards for a time, delivered lectures in the university of Heidelberg, and was disposed to consult his own safety by a permanent retirement from France ; but the love of country prevailing, in 1571, he had returned to Paris, and resumed his station in the college de Presle. When the fatal outrage of St. Bartholo- mew occurred. Ramus lay hid in a cellar two days. At length discovered by one Charpentier, he entreated that his life might be spared. This favour Charpentier promised, on condition of be- Dionysius Lanihinus. 309 irig put in possession of all the money he had; but no sooner had received it, than he delivered the unfortunate professor into the hands of the assas- sins. The very scholars of Ramus, excited by other university functionaries who were jealous of him, are said to have treated his lacerated remains with every mark of insult ; and at length to have thrown them into the Seine. He perished at the age of sixty-nine, after a life of strict celibacy, rigid temperance, and exemplary disinterestedness. The distinguished classical scholar and critic Dio- nysius Lambinus also, lost his life on this occa- sion. By some accounts, he is said to have been involved in the promiscuous slaughter : by others, his death has been attributed to terror merely, or to the shock occasioned by the horrible catastrophe of Ramus his friend. Various French historians and writers of " Me- " moires" have endeavoured to relieve the cha- racter of Charles IX. from part of the infamy con- sequent upon the affair of St. Bartholomew, by the pretence that he neither consented, nor became privy to the projected treachery, before the admi- ral had been wounded : but that the actual con- trivers of the plot, by persuading him that the Huguenots were intent upon avenging that insult, procured his sanction of the measures which fol- lowed. Those, who examine the minute and cir- cumstantial details furnished by Davila, and other x 3 '310 Hem-iciis Stephanus Secundus. authorities, will probably find little reason to cre- dit this apology, however imperfectly available to answer the end intended. The act itself, equally impolitic and atrocious, excited universal horror and indignation among the protestant states. The cause of the reformed acquired from it new sympathy, and a warmer interest. The injured party themselves were now convinced, that no reliance could thencefor- ward be placed on specious promises and profes- sions. They were consequently actuated by the most enthusiastic resolution of vindicating their religious liberty and personal safety, by force of arms : and the civil war acquired a new character of obstinacy and perseverance. Whilst the court of France thus found itself involved in renewed hostilities, the effects of its own treachery, and em- barrassed also by new political factions within it- self, the health of the king became alarmingly de- teriorated. Some accounts have described his disease as originating from ordinary causes, and exhibiting the character of a regular decline. Others have represented it as attended with symp- toms of a very extraordinary and distressing kind ; and say that he contemplated his dissolution under strong feelings of remorse^, and sincerely lament- ■' Je le vis expirant. Cette image efifraiante, A mes sens etonnez sera toujours presente. Death and Character of Charles IX. 311 ing the barbarities which he had sanctioned. He died on the 30th day of May 1574, not having fully attained the age of twenty-four. Charles IX, notwithstanding the ferocity of his disposition, is said to have possessed good abili- ties, and to have been favourably inclined towards the fine arts and literature. To the cultivation of such a taste he had been diligently incited by his preceptor Amyot, the admired translator of Plu- tarch ; whom he constituted bishop of Auxerre, and his grand almoner. Poetry is said to have been the study which he peculiarly favoured. He gave some indications of a personal proficiency in that art; and distinguished D'Aurat,Ronsard, and Jean Antoine de Baif, by special remunerations. It was however, a jocular remark of this mo- narch, that if poets were placed in circumstances of complete independence, they would cease to labour : like spirited horses therefore, they ought to be well fed, but not to be pampered. French writers consider some of their wisest laws to have Son sang a gros bouillons de son corps elance, Vengeoit le sang Fran9ois par ses ordres verse, II se sentoit frappe d'une main invisible ; Et le peuple etonne de cette fin terrible, Plaignit iin Roi si jeune & sitot nioissonne ; Un Roi par les medians dans le crime entraine, Et dont le repentir promettoit a la France, D'un empire plus doux quelque foible esperance. La Henriade. chant troisieme. x4 312 Henric'us Stephamis Secundus. been enacted in this reign ; the merit of which is mainly attributed to the celebrated Chancellor de I'Hospital ; to whose invention also, is ascribed a royal device then adopted ; with which Frederick Morel, and other considerable printers of a subse- quent period, occasionally decorated their impres- sions : " Deux colonnes, avec ces mots. Pie t ate " et JusTiTiA." What a device, it has been said, for the author of the massacre of St. Bartho- lomew ! CHAPTER XXX. HENRY ESTIENNE II. CONTINUED — HIS FURTHER IMPRES- SIONS AND TRAVELS " FRANCOFORDIENSE EMPO- " RIUm"" " PARODI.E MORALES," AND OTHER ORIGI- NAL WORKS. 1573-1576. i HE appearance of the " Thesaurus Graecae " Linguae," as the reader may have observ^ed, nearly coincided in point of time with the dread- ful occurrence of the eve of St. Bartholomew. This adds probability to a conjecture of Fabricius, that Henry carried on and executed that great work at Geneva. Had he been domesticated at Paris, when that horrible insurrection against all Hugue- nots took place, it can scarce be imagined that either the kindness of individual friends, or any precautions of his own, could have jDreserved him or his family from the common vengeance. Whilst however, the prominent outlines of this printer's professional life have been preserved, we remain in almost entire ignorance of his private history ; and of the solicitudes or enjoyments, perils or escapes, with which it is probable his mortal ca- reer, like that of others, was diversified. 314 Henricus Stephanus Secimdus. Henry III. now succeeded to the throne of France, which we have lately seen vacated by the death of his brother. He was a prince who tar- nished the military reputation which he had ac- quired as duke of Anjou, by many subsequent acts of licentiousness, effeminacy, imbecility, and folly. His reign exhibited moreover, a continua- tion, or rather an aggravation, of the same wars and dissensions which had disturbed those of his predecessors. Amidst a course of such distrac- tions, he could be expected to confer few benefits upon literature : and historians are indeed almost silent even with regard to his disposition in this particular. Henry Estienne was however occa- sionally admitted, as we shall hereafter shew, to a friendly intercourse with this French monarch ; and actually received various tokens of his patron- age and kindness. Having in the last section, extended my notice of public events somewhat beyond the point of time to which Henry's typographical labours have been traced, I shall now revert to the chronologi- cal series of his impressions. 1573. Glossaria duo, noticed sub mino 1572; Aristoteles de atomis, de auditu, 8^ miraculosis aud'itionihus, Greece, 8vo. «/^. H. Steph.; this I mention on the authority of Fabricius. De ahusu iuigucc GrceccE, &c. 8vo. This edition rests on His Typographical Impressions. 315 the authority of Almeloveen. The original has been mentioned .suh anno 1563. Francisci Ho- tomani Juriwon,s-iflfi, Qiifestiomim illuntrium li- ber, 8vo ; Juris Orientalis lihri trc\s, Gr. Lat. 8vo ; Homer i c^ Hesiodi cei'tamen, nunc j)rimum luce donatum. Matronis (§ aliorum 'parodice, ex Homeri versibus parva immutatione lepide de- tortis consular. Homericorum Herouni Epita- pJiia, cum duplici interpretatione Latina, 8vo. Of the two Latin versions of these Epitaphia, one is by H. Steph. the other by Gulielmus Canterus. Poesis Philosophica, vel saltern Reliquice poesis philosophiccB Emjjedoclis, Xenoplianis, Timonis, Parmenidis, Cleanthis, Epicharnii ; adjuncta stmt Orp/iei carmina, item HeracUti &^ Demo- criti loci quidam, 8^ eorum Epistolce, Greece^ 8vo. This collection is highly interesting, and the typo- graphy is beautiful. Jani Parrhasii liber de re- bus per epist. qucesitis, 8vo. (ante, sub anno 1567 ;) Virtutum Encomia, sire Gnomce de vir- tutibus, ex Poetis (§ Pkilosopkis utriusque lin- gure ; Grtscis versibus adjecta interpretatione H. Stephani, 8vo ; Terentii Varronis Opera, cum JosepM ScaUgeri conjectaneis, appendice, 8^ notis, Adriani Turnebi, Antonii Augustini, ^ Petri Victorii emendationihus, 8vo. Henry after- wards repeated this edition, but with the omission of a passage commencing page 211, and ending p. 212, ab "obviam occurrunt," usque ad "hie 316 Ilenricus Stephanus Secundu-s. '* est," &c. This passage was omitted at the re- quest of its author, Jos. Scaliger ; who had intro- duced into his notes some lines, which Muretus had imposed upon him, as a fragment of an an- cient jioet, (" velut ex Harpace,veteris ComiciTra- " heae fabula"). Scaliger also revenged the af- front by the following caustic epigram : Qui rigidae flammas evaserat ante Tolosae, Rumetus fumos vendidit ille mihi. This alludes to a scandalous imputation against Muretus, when he was a professor at Thoulouse ; and which though confirmed by no testimony, yet rendered it expedient to provide for his own safety by flight. The " fictum pro antiquo" was an exercise commonly practised by early scholars ; and often with so much ingenuity as to deceive the ablest critics. Muretus had been on the most friendly terms with Scaliger, and had com- posed several epigrams in praise of his father ; but in the case before-mentioned, Scaliger morti- fied by his own want of discernment, vented his spleen by the ill-natured epigram above cited. Marc Antoine Muret in the early part of his life, was employed as a professor in the university of Paris, and successively in those of various other cities of France. When he absconded from Thou- louse, he was condemned by the magistracy of that city to be burnt in effigy , as a Huguenot, and an offender in the odious sense before alluded to : Marcus Antonius Muretus. 317 and the former of these imputations probably then sufficed to give weight to the latter. There is a story, that when Muretus in disguise, and under great pecuniary distress, was seeking safety by flight, from the persecution which threatened him, he fell sick in a town of Lombardy : and that cer- tain physicians having been called to administer relief to the unfortunate traveller, were overheard by him consulting together, and saying in the La- tin tongue, " Faciamus experimentum in corpora " vili." The patient it is added, remained silent during their stay ; but the instant they had de- parted rose from his bed, and pursued his journey; cured by the alarm which their proposition had excited. He exercised subsequently the profession of letters at Padua, and Venice, six years ; came at length to Rome, under the patronage of the cardinal Ippolito d'Este ; and explained there the ancient classic authors, and particularly the Ethics of Aristotle, with the greatest applause. Pope Gregory XIII. conferred on him the citizenship of Rome. Muretus pronounced in behalf of Charles IX. of France, before the pope and cardinals assem- bled, an oration in praise of the massacre of St. Bartholomew; thus exhibiting a splendid specimen of talent and eloquence perverted ^. He died at a In this extraordinary oration, Muretus has incidentally confirmed the story of the Thanksgiving, solemnized at Rome 318 Hcnr'ictts Stephanns Secundics. Rome, a zealous catholic clergyman, in 1585, falsi- fying the former charge of Huguenotism. Per- haps no scholar to whom France gave birth, ever maintained a higher character of erudition. His works are held in esteem by scholars of modern times; and his explanation of Aristotle's Ethics is deservedly popular in our own universities. Maittaire has observed, that Henry Estienne, partly by his peregrinations, and partly by other pressing engagements, was prevented from fulfill- ing his promise of giving to the public several other useful works ; amongst which was a pro- jected impression of " Dioscorides," with the notes of Joannes Sambucus ; who had earnestly desired him to print the Greek text of that author " regiis " typis elegantioribus;" transmitting for that pur- pose his own collection of various readings, and recommending him to revise the Latin version of Ruellius, and annex it to the impression. He appears often to have visited the different cities of Germany ; where he formed intimate friendships with various learned men. It was his custom to present himself almost annually at the great mart or fair of Frankfort, whither let- ters were frequently addressed to him. He men- in honour of the massacre. " O diem denique plenum hila- " ritatis, quo tu, Beatissime Pater, hoc ad te nuncio allato^ " Deo immortali et divo Ludovico regi, cujus haec in ipso " pervigiUo evenerant, gratias acturus, indictas a te suppHca- " tiones pedes obiisti." Vol. I. Oral. XXII. Francoford'iense Emporium. 319 tions his having met with sir Philip Sydney, then a young man, at Heidelberg ; again at Strasburg, and afterwards at Vienna. Henry speaks hand- somely of our illustrious countryman's skill in the Greek language : and Sydney received from him a present of great curiosity, namely, a small Greek book, written by Henry's own hand, in characters at once of the minutest and most elegant form. This was on the occasion of their meeting at Strasburg, in the year 1573. 1574. AjwUonii Rhodii Argonauticcov I'lbri IV. Scholia vetusta in eosdem libros, qu. TI. Y 322 Henricus Stephanus Seciindus. 7nagis comj)endiarius, Greece S^ Latine, l6mo. (ante, S2ih anno 1565 ;) Orator um veterum^ j^- scJiinis^ Lysice, Andocidis, Iscei, Dinarchi, Anti- jihontis, Lycurgi., Lesbonactis, Herodis, Dema- dis, Antisthenis^ Alcidamantis^ Gorgics, Orati- ones Greece, cum Latina inter pretatione qua- rundam, vi%. jEschinis in Timarchum ^ de falsa Legatlone, per Hieron. JVolfium : ejusdem in Ctesijihontem ^ Demostlienis pro Ctesiphonte, per Dionys. Lambmum: Lysice de ccede Erato- sthenis per Henr. Stephanum, ejusdem in Era- tostJi. <^- in Alcibiad. per Claud, Groulartum: excud. H. Steph. fol. " Edition rare et tres " belle," says Clement, who regrets that he has omitted "la vie d'JiLschine d'un anonyme, & celle " d'Apollonius Grammaticus, qui se trouvent dans " I'edition d'Aldus." Of the preceding " Oratores " Graeci," Henry asserts that he has given a much more correct edition than the Aldine ; and amend- ed gross errors in that impression ; to which the German, and especially the Basilean editions have added. He pronounces the corrector of the latter, " flagris dignum." Arriani (qui alter J[^enoj)hon vocatus fuit) de Expeditione Alex. Magni His- toriarum Libri VIII. ex Bo7iavent. Vulcanii Urug. nova inter pretatione, cum Indice copio- sissimo. Alexandri Vita ex Plutarc/io, Ejusd. Libri II. de fortuna, nel virtute Alexandri, fol. The editor Vulcanius had the assistance of a His Typographical Impressions. 323 " vetus codex Coustantinopolitanus," which had been sent to H. Steph. with some other Greek MSS. He left some passages of doubtful integrity untouched, rather than indulge in mere conjec- ture. Antisthenis Orationes Ajacis (| Ulyssis, Greece, fol. This is mentioned by Maittaire, on the authority of Almeloveen. Quinti Horntii Flacci Poemata, novis schoUis c^ argumentis ah H. Stephano illustrata : ejusdem H. Stepliani DiatribcE de hac sua edifione Horatiii <^ variis in earn ohservationihus, Oliva H. Stephani, 8vo. This impression being without date, is conjectu- rally placed by Maittaire suh anno 1577. Niceron argues that it must belong to this year 1575, be- cause Henry has said, in his " Pseudo-Cicero," p. 157, (which bears the date of 1577,) that two years had then elapsed since the Horace had been published. His five Diatribae found in this edition, are increased in a subsequent one, {cmni 1588,) to nine. He observes that there are more MSS. of Horace extant, than of any other Latin author; and that he has suffered more than any " ab audacibus " conjecturis :" allows that the notes of Lambinus on this poet are full of erudition, but says he is diffuse on many unimportant passages, and silent where he should have been diffuse ''. ^ Mattaire wonders that Henry, enumerating the various editions of Horace, makes no mention of that of Michael Y 2 324 Henricus Stephanus Secimdits. VirgiUi Opera, 8vo. thus briefly mentioned in Maittaire's list. Like the Horace, it is without date, but supposed to be a contemporary impres- sion : a second edition of this also appeared, anno 1583. The Virgil (as well as the Horace) is il- lustrated with marginal notes. To the second edition are added " Indices, & schediasma de " delectu in diversis lectionibus adhibendo." — Lastly, I have found mention of Catherince Me- dicecE Regincs matris vita, acta, ^ consilia, S^c. 8vo. 1575 ; a volume in which was found the fol- lowing note by its former possessor, J. Meerman : " Auctor hujus rarissimi opusculi est Henricus Ste- phanus ^." Annexed to the same volume is, Gas- paris CoUnii Castellonii, magni quondam Fran- cicE AmiralU}, vita, 8vo. 1575. Both tracts are without indication of printer, or place. A tract corresponding with the former of them, but in the French language, will engage our notice un- der the ensuing year. Sometime in the early part of 1575, Henry vi- sited Hungary. Happening to express his com- miseration of the state and circumstances of that country, he received from a certain Hungarian Brutus, who, anno 1566, published upon the Odes and Epodes " scholia brevia quidem, at erudita." That book is of rare occurrence. ^ Possibly, if it exists, the same work in a Latin dress, with that mentioned infra, sub an7io 1576. His Typographical Impressions. 325 who was present, this answer : " Quuin satis pa- " triaj tuae, quae nostra miserior est, vicem dolueris; " turn si dolendo fessus nondmn fueris, nostram " quoque dolebis," Henry afterwards, namely when at Lyons in the same year, called to mind this conversation, on finding his own devout wishes and those of others, for the restoration of peace in his native country, frustrated. 1576. Novum Testamentum, Greece, cum H. Stephani preefatione 8^ notis marginalibus, nee non argumentis Latinis. Typ'is H. Steph. l6mo. This is inscribed to sir Philip Sidney. The pre- face forms a copious and learned dissertation " de " stylo N. Test. Gra^co ;" and contains many cor- rections of the version given by the " vetus inter- " pres." Niceron mentions the reimpression of it, in a collection of a kindred nature, Amst. 1702, 4to. and remarks, that for its excellence it deserves to be prefixed to every edition of the N. Test. Gr. The marginal notes by Henry, explanatory of the more difficult and obscure words, were inserted in the Critici Sacri. — De Latinitate falso suspecta expostulatio H. Stephani. Accedunt ejusdem de Plauti Latinitate dissertation S^ ad illius lectio- 7iem Progymnasma, 8vo. In this work he ridi- cules the fastidious scrupulousness of those who rejected all words and phrases, not found in the writings of Cicero ; who might more properly be Y 3 326 Henricus Stcphanus Secundus. termed " Nizoliani," than " Ciceroniani." He thought Nizolius had introduced unnecessary- doubts and scruples on the subject of Latinity; and that even Laurentius Valla, though in other respects so well deserving of the Latin tongue, was liable to the same imputation. JFrancisci Hotomani Qucestionum illustrium liher^ secunda editio7ie ah authore lociq^letattis, 8vo. JBe%ce Poe- 7nata, in hac tertia editione partim recognita, partim locupletata. Ex Buchanano aliisque i?i- sig7iibus Poetis excerpta carmina {qiice secundce illorum poematum editioni subjuncta erant) seor- sim excude7itur cu77i 77iag7ia accessione^ 8vo. Quce ad Pe%(B Poe7nata accesserunt, 8vo. Discours 77ierveilleux de la vie, actions, et deporter7iens de CatJierme de Medicis, Iloi7ie-Mere, declarant les Tnoijeus qiCelle a te7ius pou7' usn7^pe7' le gouve7'7ie- 77ie7it du Royaume de France, et 7'iii7ier Vestat d'icelmj, Svo, without note of printer's name, or place. This early impression is said to include two letters, and a poem, in which Mary de Medicis and Jezebel the Jewish queen are compared. These are not found in a subsequent edition of 1663, l6mo. sa7is lieu. As to the Satire itself, it has been generally ascribed to the pen of Henry Esti- enne ; and the style of it exhibits much of that morose and prolix character, by which his " Apo- " logic pour Herodote" is distinguished. La Caille pretends that he composed this, and some other His Typographical Impressions. 327 works, under the name of St. Griere, which was the appellation of his villa near Geneva. Niceron says, that Guy Patin ascribed it to Theodore Be:^a : and that others considered it as the production of Jean de Serres, or Serranus. Catherine de Medi- cis survived till the year 1589- Though she dis- agreed concerning political measures with her son Henry III, yet it does not seem probable that so bitter a satire upon her life and actions could be agreeable to that monarch ; or that he should have extended such a measure of indulgence and pa- tronage to its author, as Henry is admitted to have experienced from him. Such then is the mystery in which the origin of this work is in- volved. It may be found reprinted, adds Niceron, in the third volume of the Memoires du Regne de Charles IX. Middlehourg, 1578, in 8vo. Y 4 CHAPTER XXXI. HENRY ESTIENNE II. CONTINUED FURTHER IMPRES- SIONS PSEUDO -CICERO SCHEDIASMATA NIZOLIODI- DASCALUS PLATONIS OPERA, GR. LAT. FOL. DEUX DIALOGUES PRE-EXCELLENCE, &C. VARIOUS MOVE- MENTS OTHER IMPRESSIONS AND ORIGINAL WORKS 1577—1588. X HE year 1576, became remarkable for the con- clusion of a fifth peace between the French go- vernment and the Huguenots. This accommoda- tion, like most of the former, having been on the side of the court the result of political expediency, terms of unlimited indulgence were again accorded to the reformed party, with the usual insincerity of intention as to their fulfilment on the part of the government. The very name and appear- ance however of indulgences so extensive and alarming, sufficed to excite the most violent emo- tions of jealousy and rage in the bosoms of all ri- gid catholics ; and now it was, that availing him- self of the general religious ferment, Henry of Lorrain, duke of Guise, (whose father perished by the hand of the assassin Poltrot as we have men- tioned,) having placed himself at the head of the 330 Henricus Stcphanus Secundus. catholics, and acquired great popularity and in- fluence, with the assistance of his brother the car- dinal of Lorrain projected the League, which be- came so famous in French history ; and rendered it formidable by numerous and powerful adhe- rents. This was ostensibly a solemn league and covenant, for the defence of the catholic faith, the king, and the government ; but in reality was in- tended to conceal and promote very ambitious, and even treasonable designs, of the duke of Guise and his partisans. This celebrated league gave in some measure, a new character and complexion to those civil dissensions ; in which we have already ob- served so incongruous a mixture of political in- trigue and religious fervour. It proved also, as my readers will doubtless bear in mind, a fruitful source of new and obstinate, and very varied com- motions. I shall however, with little or no fur- ther mention of events which concern the public history of the times, whether civil or ecclesiastical, henceforward confine myself to Henry Estienne's individual story; and hasten to bring my notice of him to a conclusion. 1577. Pseudo-Cicero, Dialogus H. Stephani, de multis ad Ciceronis sermonem pertinentihus, de delectu editionum ejus,^ cautlone in eo legendo, 8vo. This work, inscribed to Joannes Sambucus, contains many valuable observations relating to //i,y Typographical Ivipressions. 331 Cicero, and the state of his text. Henry condemns the editio Badiana as of no great authority. To the Nizoliana, an Italian edition, anni 1535, he pays great respect. He notices two impressions by his father R. Steph., namely, that of 1543, fieqq. and a prior one in fol. ; also another, Caroli Stephani, considerably subsequent. With Lambi- nus he finds cause of offence, for presuming to in- troduce his own conjectures into the text. Lam- binus had enumerated eighteen Italian and thirty French names of critics, who had laboured in the correction of Cicero ; amongst whom Petrus Victo- rius claimed the most distinguished place. Henry (" non sine sui vana quadam venditatione") would add his own name to the number. He makes ho- nourable mention of Adrianus Turnebus, for his edition " Qusestionum Academicarum" anrii 1553. He discovers in Manutius, " non tantam quantam " in Lambino audaciam, sed valde tamen pericu- " losam & istam ;" but finds him more modest in the editio postrema of Cicero's epistles, Venet. 1572. M. T. Ciceronis Epistolarum volumen, quce familiares olim dictw, mine rect'ms ad fami- liar es appellantur. Lihrorum XVI. octavus Coelii Epistolas habet. Diversorum commenta- tiones ad Ciceronis Epistolas ; 8vo. The " com- " mentationes" are those of P. Manutius, Cante- rus, who turned into Greek the first epistle of the sixth book, Lambinus, Turnebus, Ragazonius, and 332 Henricus Stephamis Secundus. Henry's own tract " cle variis generibiis Epistola- " rum Ciceronis, deque varia earum scriptione." To these he added an " appendix ad Manutii Scholia." Callimachi CyrencBi, Hymni cum suis schoUis Gracis, epigrammata 8^ fragmenta. EJusdem Poemation cle coma Berenices, a Catullo versum. Nicodemi Frisclilini interpretationes duce hym- noi'um (^ epigrammatum, 8^ annotationes in hym- nos,cum H.Stephani annotationihus (^ interpreta- tionibus, 4to. This fine impression is executed in a style of beauty and accuracy, corresponding with those of Henry's other quarto Greek classics. Dionysii Alexandrini ^ Pomponii Melee situs orhis descriptio. jEtJiici Cosmographia. C. J. Solini Polyhistor. In Dionysii jyoematium Com- mentarii Eustatliii. Intefpretatio ejusdem poe- matii ad verhum ah H. Stephano scripta, nee non annotationes ejus in idem, 8^ quorundam alio- 7'iim, Joajinis Olivarii annotationes in Melam, Scholia JosicB Simleri in jEthicum, Emenda- tiones Martini Delrio in Solinum, 4to. Robert Estienne had formerly given an edition of the first-mentioned geographical poet ; but the copies were become scarce. Henry not only renewed the impression, with the augmentations above recited, but added some notes of Ceporinus, Gul. Morelius, and Andr. Pappius, from the editions of Basil, 1523, Lutet. 1556, and Antverp. 1575. Niceron mentions Dionysius Alexandrinus de situ Orbis, His Typographical Impressions. 333 Gr. & Lat. in 8vo. without date : says it exhibits a poetical Latin version, " a cote de Grec" ; after which is found " Dionysii interpretatio altera, ver- " bum e verbo expressa, auctore H. Steph. ;" and lastly, "H.Stephani,Ceporini,ac Papii annotationes " in Dionysium." He adds that Fabricius makes no mention of that edition. Maittaire certainly does not recognise it, neither have I seen, or else- where found mention of it. Did such an impres- sion really proceed from Henry's Officina ? If so, it must be " inter rariores, rarissima." EpistoUa, Dialogi hreves^ Oratiunculce, Poematia, ex variis utr'msque linguce scriptorihus, Greece, with La- tin versions, some of which are by Henry. To this collection is added, Satijra elegantissima, quce inscrihitur Lis, non prius edita. This satire was considered by Barthius as the production of some ancient poet ; but the real author was Mich. Hospitalius (L'Hospital). It has been observed by Fabricius, that at this period Henry was also occupied in his impression of Plato, upon which two presses were constantly employed. 1578. H.Stephani ScHEDiASMATUM variorum, id est ohservationum, emendationum, expositio- num, disquisitionum lihri tres, qui sunt pensa succisivarum horarum Januarii, I^ehruarii,Mar- tii, Svo. Of " Schediasmata," Henry composed six books, three of which came forth as above, and 334 Henricus Stephanus Secunchis. the rest in 1589- The books comprehended in this year's impression, are not less philosophical than critical ; elucidating obscure parts of the doc- trines of Plato, as well as difficult passages in his text. The three books which appeared in 1589, are more miscellaneous, deriving their tincture per- haps from classical writers, who had passed more re- cently under the author's review. He contemplated the extension of these " schediasmata" to twelve books. The original volumes, as far as Henry executed and gave them from his own press, are singularly scarce : but Gruterus inserted them in the supplementary part oitoni. 5. of his " Lampas, " sive fax artium liberalium," Fi'cincof. 1607, in 8vo. NhoUodidascalus, sive Monitor Cicero- nianoriim Ni%olianoru7n^ Dialogiis, 8vo. This is another of Henry's original productions, in- scribed to Hubert Languet, in whose life, {j)er P. Ludovic. 1700, J). QS) it is said to be levelled against " quosdam velut minorum gentium Ciceronianos, " qui Latine loquendi normam non ex ipsius Ci- " ceronis, sed ex Nizolii duntaxat & aliorum quo- " rundam observationibus hauriebant, plerisque " nugarum plenis, & Ciceronis verba perperam in- " terpretantibus." Homeri 8§ Virgilii Centones, utrique in qucsdam liistorice sacrcB capita scripti. Nonni parapJirasis Evangelii Joannis, Greece (§ Latine, cum prcefatione H. StepJi. l6mo ; Pla- TONis opera quce extant omnia, ex nova Joannis His Tupographical Impressions. 335 Serrani inter p7'etatione, perpetuis ejnsdem notis ilhisfrata. Hcnrici Stephani de qiiorundam lo- corum iiiteipretatione judicium, 8^ multorum con- textus GrcBci emendatlo, tomi tres, fol. In this magnificent impression of Plato, to the notes and " jjerpetua interpretatio" of Serranus, Henry add- ed his own annotations, as above mentioned, and Latin and Greek " Indices." The first voknue is inscribed to Elizabeth, queen of England ; the second, to James VI. of Scotland, then in his mi- nority ; the third, " Bernatum reipublicae." These several dedications bear the subscrii^tion, not of H. Stephanus, but of Joannes Serranus. In this work, says Maittaire, Henry exhibited all the splendour of the royal printing apparatus. He collated the antecedent editions ; namely, the Aldine, that of Basil, apud Valderum, and that of Louvain comprising the " Libri de legibus" only. He observes, that the Basilean editor, in attempt- ing to rectify the errors of the Aldine, had intro- duced more dangerous ones. He very generally reprehends the version of Ficinus ; though Leo Allatius asserts that it is approved by the learned as the most faithful, whilst that of Serranus is acknowledged to be more elegant. A peculiar feature of this impression is, that scarcely a single typographical error is to be found in the Greek text: at least, so Fischer is said to have remarked. It is interesting to observe in what terms Henry 336 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. at this juncture speaks of the richness and copi- ousness of his own typographical materials, and of the professional consciousness which he feels of the technical beauty and perfection of this " chef- " d'oeuvre" of his press. " Statim autem mihi in " mentem venit, turn demum Platone dignam ju- " dicatum iri meara editionem, si in regis philoso- " phorum libris excudendis regiam quandam (ut " ita dicam) magnificentiam adhiberem, & ut " emendatissimi prodirent operam darem. Ac " omne quidem magnificentiae genus statim mihi " promisit, quae apud me est non solum ampla & " varia sed etiam pretiosa supellex typographica : " eamque promissis stetisse, omnes, ut spero fate- " buntur," &c. H. Steph. lectori. In turning over the voluminous Bibliotheca Graeca of Fabricius, a work now seldom explored, I find the following Greek iambics, attributed to Joannes Mauropus, Metropolita Euchaitensium sub Constantini Monomachi et Coninenorum im- perio ; the curiosity of which may perhaps be a sufficient apology for their introduction here. EtTTf/j Tivas jSovXoio rap dWorpicov T^s criis dTreikTJs i^iKicrdai, Xpiare fiov, nXartui'a kui nXovrap^ov e^eXoto fioi. Afi(f)a> yap fieri rov \6yov Ka\ tov rponov Tolj crots vofiois eyyirrra TrpocnrfcfiVKOTes . Et B ■qyvorjcrav ws Geoy crv rcav oKuiV, 'EvravBa t^? crrjs xp^o'forrjTos Set fiovov. At' r/v aTravTas Sapfciv crw^dv dikeis. His Typographical Impressions. 337 The following translation is by Wernsdorf, for- merly a professor of Dantzic. Si, Chrisle, justis a minis velles tuis Extraneonim liberare quospiam, Rogo Platonem mique Plutarchum eximas. Uterque nam dictis probisque moribus Accessit ad leges tuas qiiam proxirae. Si nesciant quod universi sis Deus, Solum benignitatis indigent tuaj, Salvare gratis qua cupis Tu quoslibet. Bihl. Gr. vol. V. p. 156, 7. To the impressions of 1578, already mentioned, we may add, Deux Dialogues du nouveau lan- guage Italianise^ ou autrement deguise princi- pale))ie?it entre les courtisans de ce temps., de quelques coiirtisanismes modenies, <§ dc quelques singidaritex courtisauesques, 8vo. Niceron de- scribes this work as without date, but presumes that it issued from Henry's press this year. He says also that it reappeared " a Anvers," in the subsequent one. Maittaire remarks in it a saying of Henry's, that Francis I, grandfather of the king then reigning, who so zealously patronised the study of the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues, was yet so tenacious of the .purity of his own, as indignantly to discountenance the innovations complained of in this work. From these " Dia- " logues de Langage Francois Italianise," M. Sal- lengre has inserted some amusing extracts in his " Memoires de Litterature," tom. I. p. 205. seqq. VOL. II. Z .338 Henr'icus Stephanus Secundus. 1579. Theocriti 8^ aliortim Idyllia. Ejusdem Ejngrammata. Simmice JRhodii carm'ma ^ Do- siadis ara. Greece ^ Lathie, cum H. Stej)Jicnii obserrafionihU'S in Theocriti Virgilianas c^ Na- sonianas imitationes ; iGino; a little volume of rare occurrence, which contains H. Steph. " emen- " dationes in Theocritum, Prolegomena," &c., the Idylls of Moschus and Bion, poetical versions by Ang. Politianus, Eobanus Hessus, and others, " Poematia variorum poetarum Graecorum, Au- " sonii de vita humana Idyllium a Fed, Jamotio " Graece expressum, ac secundam Propertii libri II. " elegiam, cum sua Grseca interpretatione." Pro- jet du livre intitule de la preexcellence du lan- guage Fram^ois. Parisiis, 3Iamert Patisson, 1 579, 8vo. Some conversations which Henry about this time had with the French king Henry III. are said to have given occasion to this tract, which he inscribed to that monarch. La Caille pretends it was one of those works which our printer put forth under the name of St. Griere ; and adds, that for this, and other works written by the king's express command, he received an order upon the royal treasury for three thousand livres. I shall however introduce, at the bottom of the page, a passage from Niceron, which though exhibiting a slight anachronism in date, seems pretty clearl}'^ to prove that this munificent order of royalty proved to Henry a mere His Typographical Impressions. 339 blank ^. I may add here, that La Caille also cites a " brevet," addressed by the same monarch to his treasurer de Sancy, assigning to our typographer an annual pension of three hundred livres, in con- sideration " des services que luy & ses predeces- * " Le long sejour qn'Henri Estienne fit a la cour, lui '* inspira de rinclination pour ce lieu ; mais il s'en degouta " enfin, lorsqu'il vit que toutes les esperances qu'il avoit " con(;ues, s'en alloient en fumee, & que les bienfaits du Roi " devenoient inutiles a son :wns. 367 " transferred by sale to the Wechels. But some " suppose that Henry sold many of the materials **• of his "officina," to Chouet of Geneva: others, that " he disposed of them to that Wechel who printed *' Hanoviae : which they infer as well from the ** form and beauty of the pages, as from the letter ; " which however would be more conspicuous, if the " paper were of the same fine texture and whiteness " with the French." A great difference (Maittaire thinks) is observable betwixt those books which Henry printed at Paris, and those which he exe- cuted at Geneva. Of the former, the paper is glossy, fine, and compact : of the latter, bad-co- loured and spungy. But this (he admits) is not always the case. A few (" unus & alter") of the works printed at Geneva, in the glossiness and fine texture of the paper, rival those which were executed at Paris. Concordantice Grceco-Latince JVovi Testamenfi, cum H. Stephani prcefatione^ fol. Henry intended to add an appendix to this concordance ; but some circumstance or other frustrated his design. It may be considered as the last important monument of his own labour and skill, which he gave to the public. 1595. Hei rustiat author es vetei'es, Cato, Co- lumella^ Palladius, 8vo ; (Almeloveen ;) Justini MarUjris Epistola ad Diognetum, 8^ Oratio ad GrcBCo.s, Greece, &, Latine per H. Stephaniim^ 368 Hcnricus Stcphanus Secundus. cum ejus Hofls, 8vo. (ante, 1592 ;) De Lipsii La- tinitate palcestra 'prima. Franco/. 1595, 8vo ; BexcB poemata varia, omnia ah ipso aiithore in unum corpus coUecta c^- recognita, 4to. To this which came forth with the date of 1597, Henry appears not to have given the finishing hand. He printed the " Poemata varia;" but the " Emble- *' mata cum figuris" and other matter, were brought to a conclusion by Jacobus Stoer, who thus completed what Henry had left imperfect. I also find mention of a poem attributed to the pen of Henry Estienne, under the following title. Carmen de senatulo Jwminarum, magnum sena- tui virorum levamentum atque adjumentum alla- turo. Argentorafi, Berframus, 1596, in 4to. Of this I am enabled to give no further account, than that it is described as a volume of rare occurrence. {Voye^ JBrunet, Manuel, &c. tom. III. p. 377. ed. a Bruxelles, 1821, 8vo.) The most ardent and indefatigable exertions of human enthusiasm and industry must at length find a period : and we have now attended our dis- tinguished typographer through his various pere- grinations and labours, as far as they can be traced, to the last act, and almost the closing scene, of the drama. Few ever experienced more vicis- situdes in the literary walks of life, or more dis- His Death and Character. 369 couraging reverses of fortune. Perhaps no indivi- dual scholar ever rendered greater services to lite- rature ; yet none ever found his own erudition turn to less account. Henry Estienne might justly be numbered " inter litteratorum infelicissimos." He moved occasionally in the train and splendours of courts : he lived in intimacy with the rich and the great : yet poverty was his prevailing lot. " Aliis recludit Thesaui'os, sibi ipsi, pro thesauro " carbones reperit." When we consider the inter- ruptions, difficulties, and discouragements, with which he was almost constantly compelled to struggle, our admiration of his patience and perse- verance, and our astonishment at the number and magnitude of his literary achievements, must be proj^ortionably increased. I shall not swell this narrative by a recapitula- tion of other less important original works, which he is known or reputed to have composed, or given to the world ^, in the learned languages, and in his native tongue, prose and verse, on an almost endless diversity of subjects : neither shall I attempt to enumerate all those classical works, books of general literature and criticism, and " opuscula," which, as we discover by the inciden- tal testimony of his own prefaces and other writ- ings, he had it in contemplation to publish. The ^ On this subject, the curious reader may consult the exten- sive list given by Maittaire. Vita H. Steph. pp. 466, seqq. VOL. II. B b 370 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. literary acts and projects of Henry remind us of those heroes of old, whose strength and physical powers are said by the prince of poets, so far to have exceeded those of after-times. To a modern, the task of transcribing even the titles of Henry's literary labours achieved or projected, would pre- sent itself as an undertaking of almost alarming magnitude. Certain it is, that Henry Estienne was actuated by a strong affection of what some may deem the " cacoethes scribendi :" and was an author of a verbose description ; who brought with him far greater patience to the composition of his works, than the generality of modern read- ers can exert during their perusal. Maittaire regrets that he did not more closely follow the example of Robert Estienne ; who when unable to carry on with personal safety his typographical operations at Paris, did not expose himself to the inconveniences of a wandering life, but established his permanent abode at Geneva ; and there continued his useful career. Henry ap- pears to have visited his son-in-law Isaac Casau- bon, some months before his decease ; and to have promised his assistance in the intended edition of Athenaeus. At length, constantly possessed with an attachment to his native country, he repaired to Lyons : where at the age of seventy years, and suffering at once under an entire decay both of external fortunes and of mental powers, melan- His Death and Character. 371 choly to relate ! this enterprising typographer, and confessedly supereminent scholar, finished his mortal career in an hospital of that city, in the year 1598 ". Almeloveen had been informed, that the remains of Henry were interred in the cemetery of the chapel of S. Benedict, at Paris ; and that some sepulchral memorial of him was to be seen there. But Maittaire believes that Lyons, the place of his decease, was also that of his sepulture. Thus also his son Paul, in some hexameters in honour of his father, says : Lugdunseo requiescunt ossa sepulchre. Maittaire considers, that both Robert and Henry united in their own persons two qualities rarely to be found in Typographers, (at least of after-times,) fidelity and erudition. They evinced equal skill and zeal in the profession. But Ro- c " Vixit varia fortuna Stephanus, quam partim tempori " partim moribus acceptam tulit : quumque Parisiis & Ge- " nevse aliquamdiu larem tenuisset, tandem per Germaniam " diu vagatiis : donee Lugdunum reversvis, quum patriae obli- " visci nesciret, fatis ibidem concederet anno 1598." Malin- krot. ap. Maittaire, p. 488. Chevillier also mentions, after Tollius, that Henry died at the Hotel de Lyon, amio 1598, aforesaid: that Casaubon was his son-in-law, Paul Estienne his son : that Antoine, son of Paul, and last of the family, became a catholic, distin- guished himself also as a printer, and died at the Hotel-Dieu de Paris. Besides his son Paul, Henry left also two daughters, Florentia and Dionysia, as I have before mentioned. B b 2 372 Henricus Stephanus Secundvs. bert was less ostentatious of his own merits : more ingenuous, and more free in acknowledging the casual assistance of others. He honestly records the names of all those scholars, who assisted him in the compilation of his " Thesaurus Latinus." But Henry in his Greek Thesaurus makes no mention of Fridericus Sylburgius ; who has been said so materially to have contributed to the work, that he might justly claim the greatest por- tion : "eum adeo juvitegregie, ut potissima Grajci " Thesauri pars ejus labore constet." (Maittaire, p. 483.) This however, I consider as a very ex- aggerated assertion, derived from the pages of Melchior Adam : (" in vita Sylburgii.") But be- cause the " Thesaurus Graecus" (proceeds Mait- taire) was the most important of all his produc- tions, he would admit no partner in the credit and glory of it, his father Robert only excepted ; whom he acknowledges as the projector, and in no incon- siderable measure the architect of that great lite- rary edifice. Sylburgius had been the pupil (" dis- " cipulus") of Henry; and possibly he felt ashamed of being indebted to his assistance on that account. But on some occasions, (it is admitted) he made honourable mention of those whose labours had been useful to him. Henry displayed a moroseness and arrogance of temper, which often created unpleasant sensations in persons with whom he was connected or con- His Character. 373 cerned ; and led him into violent altercations with some individual scholars. This infirmity increased with age. He is charged with unjustly detaining the works of learned persons, which had been sent to him for publication, when he was unable to ful- fil the purposes for which he had received them : and with being so churlish in the evening of life with respect to literary communication, as to guard his own precious books and manuscripts with more jealousy than the Indian griffins their gold : quam Indici gryphi aurum. It has been said, that whilst he freely indulged himself in the use of the literary treasures of others, he would suffer his own to perish by moths and dust, rather than fall into the hands of those, who could apply them to purposes of utility or improve- ment *^. His vanity fully appears in his own writings, wherein he often makes fulsome men- tion of himself. Maittaire instances in a passage of his " Pseudo-Cicero," where, says he, " haec le- " guntur ipsius de se loquentis verba : •' Henricus " Stephanus Roberti Stephani filius, Orator & " Poeta.' " He did not always escape the imputation of infidelity. Boeclerus defends Politian, accused by him as an unfaithful interpreter of Herodian, by charging our printer with greater transgressions d " Casauboni Epistolae, apud Vit. H. Steph. a Maittaire," pp. 486, seqq. B b 3 374 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. of the same kind. Scaliger, (in " Scaligeranis,") amongst his " importuni correctores," assigns a conspicuous place to Henry : " Qui omnes quot- " quot ediclit, editve libros, etiam meos, suo arbi- " trio corrumpit, & deinceps corrumpet," &c. Al- meloveen thinks this charge of Scaliger, if really his, should be excused as the result of some sud- den haste or passion ; forasmuch as one says of the Scaligers : SjEpius irarumque omnes effudit habenas, Et Pater & Natus. And to the preceding censure, Maittaire opposes the testimony of Joseph Scaliger, {in Epist. ad Is. Casauhon.) " Magna jactura Graecarum lite- " rarum ille (H. Steph.) decessit ; si prseterita " ejus in literas beneficia spectes : quae majora fu- " issent, nisi ipse Uteris sive potius sibi defuisset. *' Equidem non possum facere quin ejus & vlvi " actus, & mortui vicem a^gre feram. Doleo quod " non praestitit quae potuisset, doleo quod amicum " perdidi," &c. In conclusion, Maittaire thinks Henry justly merited the eulogy composed to his honour by Joannes Posthius, a physician of Wurtzburg. I presume he deserved a better than this ; which seems to partake as much of the ludicrous, as of the serious : but such as it is, I adduce it : Et libros facere & doctos excudere libros, Longus uterque labor ! durus uterque labor ! Funereal Memorials of Him. 375 Huic gemino invigilat pariter tua ciira labori, Henrice ! O mira sedulitate virum ! Toilsome, the lore-fraught volume to indite ! And tedious, through the Press, to bring to light ! Ceaseless thy labours were in each vocation, Henry ! O man of wondrous application ! The concluding lines of a monody composed by Paul Estienne on the death of his father, might furnish a more appropriate inscription to his me- mory : PAKENTI DULCISSIMO, AC PI^ MEMORI^, HENRICO STEPHANO, P. STEPHANUS MOESTUS POSUIT. Vos sacri vates inspergite vestra sepulchro Munera, quae possunt cineres placare sepulti. Illum non oculis morientem Grajcia siccis Cernere sustinuit, sensitque ex funere vulnus. Vos quoque Pierides Latio ingemuistis amatse. In laudes chari sed non licet ire parentis. Exhaustee noctes, seriesque immensa laborum, Dignus hones tumuli, domino pro absente loquuntur, Et sunt magna satis gelido monumenta sepulchro. Ye sacred bards, the offerings song can shed Bring ye, if plaints are grateful to the dead. Not Henry dying, Graecia saw unmov'd. Nor felt she not the pangs of him belov'd : Nor did the Latian Muses check the tear Of sorrow, that bedew'd their votary's bier. B b 4 376 Henricus Stephanus Seaindus. His praise at least, though filial effoi'ts fail, To speak shall studious nights and days avail ; And laud the man by toilsome vigils spent, O'er his cold grave a deathless monument. The following amusing chit-chat, cited by Mait- taire from the " Scaligerana," should not perhaps be omitted here. " H. Estienne. C'est ignorance grande de medire ' de Henry Estienne, qui a tant servi aux lettres. ' Mr.Casaubon mesme reconnoit sa rusticite, mais ' de le mespriser pour cela dans les lettres, quid ' hoc ad rem ? Rittershusius en ayant mesdit ' n'est pas aime de Casaubon. H. Estienne ne ' voulut point voir sa fille femme de Casaubon. ' II n'aymoit point son gendre. Que H. Esti- ' enne estoit s^avant en Grec, les notes sur les ' autevu's, qu'il a fait imprimer, le montrent ' bien. Curavit excudi quicquid habuit MSS. Je ' voudrois sc^avoir qu'est devenu son Sextus Em- ' piricus. J'en fis mon extraict. H. Stej)hanus ' non solus fecit Thesaurum. Plusieurs y ont ' mis la main. R. Estienne n'estoit pas fou : ' mais son frere H. Estienne stultus etiam ex ' matre. II estoit fou, je me courrou^ois tous- ' jours contre luy, & postea me tractabat valde ' laute. Semel erat paratus apostatare. Volebat ' manere Parisiis. Erat vestitus a la Parisienne, ' avec des bandes de velours pendantes. Rogavit ' Regem ut liceret sibi excedere Geneva, & pro- Extracts Jrom the Scaligcrana. ijlll " curaret infringi testamentuin patris Roberti, quo " dederat sua bona filio H. Stephano ea lege, ut " maneret Genevan. Rex noii obtinuit, quia Ge- " nevenses voluerunt servare leges suas, nee Rex " in nialam partem cepit. H. Estienne avoit de " beaux livres. II faisoit relier le grand Ciceron " en un volume. " Roaldus, H. Estienne, M. du Plessis escri- " voient bien, quando volebant; festinantes, pes- " sime. Quo seniores sumus, eo pejus scribimus. " Sylburgius a travaille au Thresor Grec " d'Henry Estienne. " Testament Grec de R. Estienne, se vendit 22 " sols, lorsqu'il fut imprime. " Q. Sept. Flor. Christianus avoit apris a escrire " en Grec d'Henry Estienne, & escrivoit fort bien, " tout comme son maistre en Grec, en Latin, & " en Francois. " Constantini Dictionarium non valet. Stephani *' optimum." Maittaire extracts the following particulars from " Les Eloges des Hommes S^avans par Mr. Teis- " sier," torn. 2, p. 292 ; but Teissier derives them also " Ex Scaligeranis." " H. Estienne faisoit paroitre autant de dere- " glement en ses moeurs, que d'erudition dans ses " ecrits. II etoit arrogant, chagrin, rustique, & " de si mauvaise humeur, qu'il avoit de I'aversion " &: pour sa fille, & pour le docte Casaubon son 378 Henrin/s Stephanus Secundus. " gendre. II a fait im livre de Latinitate Lip- " siaiia, oil il ne parle que de la guerre centre les " Turcs, ce qui fiit trouve si ridicule, qu'on al- " longea plaisamment ce titre de deux mots, de " Latinitate Lipsiana adversus Turcam. " Quelques uns trouvent ses Traductions infi- " deles & negligees. Mais le docte M. Huet [De " Claris interp.) assure qu'H. Estienne s'est ac- " quis beaucoup de loiiange par cette sorte de " composition, & dit qu'il rend les paroles de ses " auteurs avec une extreme exactitude, & le sens " avec une fidelite admirable, qu'il exprime heu- " reusement leur caractere, & qu'il en explique les " pensees avec beaucoup de clarte & d'elegance. — " La Croix du Maine dit qu'il a ete plus fidele " dans ses Traductions Fran(^oises, que dans les " Latins." Teissier, torn. 3. p. 418. " Henri Estienne a ete " sans contredit, non seulement le plus s^avant de " sa docte famille, mais encore de tons les impri- *' meurs, qui ont paru jusqu'a present. II passoit " pour le plus habile de son terns dans la langue " Grecque, depuis la raort de Bude. II n'y avoit *' que Turnebe, & peut-etre Camerarius, Florent " Chretien, qui pussent luy tenir tete en ce point. " — Suivant la coutume de ceux de sa profession, " il avoit entrepris de mettre sous la presse un " trop grand nombre d'ouvrages, & y avoit fait " des depenses, qui etoient au-dessus de ses fa- Extracts from the Scal'igerana. 379 " ciiltez. Ainsi n'ayant pii debiter promptement " les livres qu'il avoit imprimez, ses heritiers fu- " rent dans I'impuissance de satisfaire a ses crean- '* ciers, & ils furent obligez de vendre ses livres a " vil prix. On estime fort son Platon de Ser- " ran, tant pour les notes que pour la beaute de " I'impression. Casaubon avoit ete correcteur de " son Imprimerie. Deux de ses livres ne peu- " veut etre assez estimez suivant M. de Marville, " [Melange dliist. § de litt. torn. 2.) L'un est " intitule Castigatio7ies in Ciceronis locos quam ^* plurimos, & I'autre traite de origine mendo- " rum. Comme ces livres sont rares, ils merite- " roient d'etres reimprimez. Louis Capel s'est " servi utilement de ce dernier dans sa critique " sacree. C'est un ouvrage, qui est tres agreable " aux S^avans, tres utile a ceux qui pretendant le " devenir commencent a lire les bons Auteurs. " Cependant Mr. Burcard, {Gotthelfius Struviiis " iii In trod, ad Not. rei Utter.) pretend, que le " livre de origine mendorum n'a pas ete im- " prime, &c. " Waremond de Erenberg, cite par Crenius, dit " que H. Estienne etoit un homme de petit juge- " ment, quoyqu'il eut quelque talent pour ecrire ; " que d'ailleurs il etoit un ingrat ; car oubliant les " bienfaits qu'il avoit re^eus des Allemans, il avoit " voulu faire accroire, qu'en Allemagne, de meme " qu'en Flandres, on mettoit sous la table autant 380 Henricus Stephanus Secundus. " de pots a pisser, que de verres, ce qui est une " calomnie manifeste. Avant Henri Estienne on " avoit peine a trouver des livres Grecs. Le Pere " A^avasseur temoigne etre surpris de ce que H. " Estienne a rendu le dernier distique d'une epi- " gramme Grecque par 50 distiques Latins tout " differens. Ce Jesuite ne sc^avoit pas sans doute, " que le meme H. Estienne dans un choix d'epi- " grammes Grecques imprime en 1570, a rendu le " meme distique par 104 distiques Latins. " Sa preface sur le N. T. Grec 1576, en 12, est " excellente, suivant M. Crenius. Cependant elle " a ete omise dans toutes les autres editions, hors- " mis dans celle de Baudouin Valaius, a Leyde, en " 1653, oil meme elle n'est pas toute entiere. On " prttend que H. Estienne a publie com me siennes " les Observations de Louis Carrion sur A. Gelle. " H. Estienne fit un Traite de quelques Courti- " scmismes modernes, & singularitez Courtisa- " nesques, imprime a Geneve 1579, in 8vo. " Ex Pithoean. Les Fuggers donnoient 50 es- " cus de gage a H. Estienne pour se dire leur im- " primeur." Maittaire, Kit. H. Steph. p. 501, seqq. CHAPTER XXXIII. PAUL ESTIENNE NOTICKS OK HIM EDITIONS BV HIM ROBERT ESTIENNK III CHARACTER AND IMPRESSIONS ANTOINE ESTIENNK HIS PRINCIPAL IMPRESSIONS. Paul ESTIENNE, son of the second Henry, was born probably in or about the year 1566 ; and received his education chiefly at Geneva, and as it is supposed, in the house of his father : whose parental solicitude in his behalf is pleasingly evinced by an epistle prefixed to the " Noctes At- " ticae" of Aulus Gellius, printed by Henry, Pari- siis, 1589. From this document it appears, that during his own absence from home, which oc- curred so frequently, he maintained a constant epistolary intercourse with his son; requiring from him a regular account of the progress of his stu- dies, prescribing various rules necessary to be ob- served under the circumstances of his bodily tem- perament, and both giving special precepts, and carefully pointing out books to be diligently per- used, in order to his mental improvement. When Paul had completed his juvenile studies, he began at an early age to travel ; and after the example of his father, visited various seats of 382 Paulus Stephaniis. learning, and formed an intimacy with some of the most eminent scholars of the age ; which he was careful afterwards to cherish and increase. Thus, in the year 1587, he is found in the so- ciety of Justus Lipsius, who probably for a short time was the director of his studies. The periods of his different excursions in pursuit of knowledge and improvement, cannot at present be accurately defined : but it appears, that at intervals he took an early share in the labours of his father's " Im- " primerie," repeating as opportunity served, his visits to distant places. Probably with a more particular view of improving himself in the typo- graphic art, in 1595, he was at Heidelberg, with Commelinus, an eminent printer there : and from thence, by his father's direction, proceeded to Lyons, to avail himself of the skill and experience of Jan de Tournes, (Tornaesius,) king's printer of that city. In the year 1598, Janus Antonius Saracenus procured an impression of Dioscorides, at Frank- fort, " apud Wecheli haeredes f ' to which work a portrait of the editor is prefixed, with a Latin epigram underneath by Paul Estienne. That he was some time resident in London also, Maittaire has no doubt. He believes he visited our metro- polis " ante 1594." Amongst others with whom he is presumed there to have formed an intimacy, a person is especially remarkable, whose latinized His early H'lstorij and Impres-swns. 383 name is Joannes Castolius. Concerning this scho- lar, I have elsewhere met with no specific mention. Paul however, inscribed to him his improved edi- tion of his father's " Concordantiae Gr. Novi Tes- *' tamenti," a work which will be noticed in its order. The inscription commences thus : " Joanni " Castolio suo, apud Britannos, P. Stephanus. " Veterisne oblitus amici tamdiu silentium te- *' nuisti, Castoli dulcissime : nee abs te ullas am- " plius expectem literas ? Speravi de te melius : " atque en tibi quam tui semper memorem foveo " mentem." &c. It thus concludes : '* Vale, & ** Londini quod superest amicorum saluta." He is believed also to have contracted an inti- mate friendship with John Norton, then possess- ing in London the honourable distinction of " Re- " gius in Latinis, Grsecis, & Hebraicis Typogra- " phus," to whom Paul Estienne permitted the use of his family mark or symbol. This mark was first used by Norton in the year 1605, as Maittaire believes. The year which followed the decease of Henry, is considered as the first of Paul's typographical career. His professional mark was generally the paternal one, " Oliva cum viro adstante," with the legend, " Noli altum sapere:" sometimes, " cum " viro gesticulante," and the words " Rami ut ego " insererer defracti sunt." He occasionally adopt- ed that variety of the mark, which had been used 384 Pmilus Stephanus. by his uncle, the second Francis ; and in some instances added embellishments of his own inven- tion. Maittaire finds no impressions bearing his name after the year 1626. His decease probably occvirred soon afterwards, at an age not much ex- ceeding seventy years. Paul became an author at an early age. His father Henry, himself an indifferent though pro- lific Latin poet, was particularly solicitous that his son should become a proficient in that species of composition. Mention is made with commen- dation of " Pauli Stephani versiones epigramma- " tum Grsecorum Anthologiae Latinis versibus % " & ejusdem Juvenilia," Geneves, 1593, aj). Fran- ciscum le Prenx. Perhaps the most interesting, and one of the most successful of his poetical efforts, is the monody on the death of his father, prefixed to the " Concordantiae Gra&c. Nov. Testa- " menti," anni 1600. 1599- Plinii EpistoliE ^ Pcmegyrici, 12mo; VirgiUi Opera, cum notis H. Sfejyhani, 8vo. This is the third impression of Henry's Virgil, mentioned in my memoir of him, {suh anno 1583.) There was a fourth, Aurel. Allohr. 1612, 8vo. ^ Thus described by Fabricins : " Epigrammata Latina ex " Anthologia Graecorum petita, Latino carmine reddita a " Paulo Stephano. Ejusdem P. Stephani Juvenilia." Lugduni (Geneva',) ap. Fratir^ois le Prcux, 1593, 8vo. His Typographical Impressions. 385 P'mclari Olympia, Nemea, Lsthmia, Gr. Lett, cum scholfis GrcFcis, 4to ; Oliva P. Sfeph. Ad calcem, excudehat P. Sfeph. X. Ccd. Sept. 1600. Q. Horatii Flacci Poemata, &c. 8vo. This is also a reimpression of Henry's Horace, with his dissertations. (Vita ejus, sub 1575). Concordant'ice GrtFCO-Latince Testamenti Novi nunc primum plenw edit 94- Mauraont de, ii. 17. Mauropus Joannes, ii. 336. Maynus Gulielmus, i. 106. Melanchthon Philip, i. 187. ii. 176. Melissus Paulus, ii. 204, 348. Memes Henri de, ii. 115, 205, 211. Memes Jean Jaques, ii. 119, 123. Mercerus, ii. 394. Michaelis, i. 404. Michel- Jean, i. 359, 360. Morel Jean, ii. 29. Morrhius Gerardus, ii. 269. Munsterus Sebast., ii. 271. Muretus M. Ant., ii. 148, 316. N. Nannius Petrus, ii. 153, 166. Navarre queen of, i. 182, 291, 359. See Valois. Neustrius Johannes, i. 37. Norton John, i. 15. ii. 383. O. Ochin Bernard, i. 376. Oliv^tan, i. 363. Orleans Cordeliers of, i. 362. Osorius, ii. 99. Paccius Petrus, ii. 168. Pagetus Gulielmus, ii. 153. Papias, i. 195. Parr Dr., i. 81. ii. 263. Parry's Plot, ii. 359. Passavantius, i. 350. Passeratius Joannes, ii. 18, 39, no, TII. Pathehnus, i. 86. Pellicanus Conradus, i, 318. Perezius Jacobus, i. 28. Pernocel, i. 373. Perottus Nicolaus, i. 197. Perrier Charles, ii. 50. Perrin, i. 370. Phavorinus, ii. 267. Picherellus, ii. 108. Pimander, i. 64. 412 INDEX. Plantinus Christoph., ii. 50. Politianus Angelus, i. 28, 38. Postel Guillaume, i. 105. Poyet, i. 373. Psalterium quincuplex, i. 15, 65, 71- Q. Querolus Comoedia, ii. 90. R. Ramus Petrus, i. 223, 374. ii. 115. .233- Rapicius, ii. 164. Rapin Nicolas, ii. 117, 119, Regius Lodovicus, i. 52, n. Regnier, ii, 105. Ren^e duchess, i. 360. Reuchlinus Johannes, i. 99, 196. Rhenanus Beatus, i. 73, 255. Ricoldus, i. 67. Riverius, ii. 5. Robertus Abbas, i. 69. Robortellus Franciscus, ii. 147. Roigny Joannes, i. 40, 41. Ronsard Pierre, ii. 114, 311. Rossetus P., i. 86. Rougevalet J. de, ii. 122. RuceUai Giovanni, 1. 249. Ruellius, i. 90, n. S. Sacro Bosco J. de, i. 65. Sadoletus Jacobus, i. 58. Paulus, ii. 195. St. Gelais Melin, i. 57, 273. St. Paul Francis de, ii. 193. Salmon Jean, i. 270. Sambucus Joannes, ii. 318. Sammarthanus Abel, ii. 1 10. Scaevola, ii. 105, 107, 108^ 109. Sannazarius, ii. 93. Sarbievius, i. 275. Sarrasin Philibert, i. 371. Saville sir Henry, i. 15. Savoye duke of, i. 368. Saxo-Grammaticus, i. 30. Scaliger Josephus, i. 274,371. ii. 88, 91, 107, 108, 109, 121, 122, 316, 374. Juliiis Caesar, ii, 17, Scaligerana, ii, 376. Scapula Joannes, ii. 282, seqq. 344- Scholia Graeca, ii. 167. Scrimgerus Henricus, ii. 170, 174, 175, 203. Seguier, ii. 62. Selva Odettus, ii. 162. Serranus Joannes, ii. 327, 335- Servetus, i. 370, 387. Sigebertus, i. 68. Sirletus Gulielmus, ii. 146. Smith Sir Thomas, ii. 88, 95- Socinus Faustus, i. 376. • Ltelius, i. 375. Sophianus Michael, ii. 148, Sotericus, ii. 38. Stephanus Carolus, i, 303. ii. 90,143,272. Henricus, ii. 10. Stoer Jacobus, ii. 368. Strozii pater et filius, i. 86. Suidas, i. 5, n. Surseus Hugo, i. 269. Susannseus Hubertus, i. 86. Sydney, sir Philip, ii. 319, 325'. 345- Terentianus Maurus, i. 81, seqq. Theodoritus, i. 15. Thuanus Ann de, ii, 109, INDEX. 413 Thuanus Christophorus, ii. io9'393- J. Augustus, ii. 1 1 o, II I, 395- Th ylesius Antonius, i. 86. Tilmannus Godofridus, i. 253. Tinghius Philippus, i. 200. Tiro Prosper, ii. 109. Tissard Francis, i. 145, 257. Tonstallus Cutbbertus, i. 205. Toriniis Gotofredus, i. 86. Tortellius, i. 196. Tournon cardinal de, i. 290, 373. Travis archdeacon, i. 322, 355- Trebellius Theodorus, i. 201. Treschel Joannes, i. 40. Triboulet, i. 278. Trismegistus, i. 64. Turrellus Petrus, i. 285. Tusanus Jacobus^ i. 135, 138. Joannes, ii. 51, 142, 272. TiphernasLil. Gregorius, i. 97 . V. Valla Laurentius, i. 85, 86. Valois Marguerite de, i. 182, 279. 291, 359- Vatable Francis, i. 174, 224, 240, 246, 254.^ Vavasseur Pare, ii. 214, 38c. Vegece, Vegetius, i. 115. Vergetius Angelus, i. 224, 227. ii. 144, n. Vei'inus Ugolinus, ii. 109. Victorius Petrus, ii. 149, 162, 166. Vida M. HieronymuSj i. 86. Viennense Concilium, i. 97. Viret Pierre, i. 362. ii. 193. Virorum trium Liber, i. 69. Vitre Antoine, i. 342. Volmarius Melchior, i. 106, 358. Voltaire, i. 281. Vulcanius Bonavent. ii. 363. U. Ulmus Franciscus, ii. 108. Ursinus Fulvius, ii. 155. Utenhovius Carolus,ii. 34,90. W. Walden Thomas de, i. 35. Wechel Andreas, i. 1 13, 407. Widmanstadt J. Ant. i. 156. Wolfius Hieronymus, ii. 171. Wolmar Melchior, i. to6, 358. X. Ximenes cardinal, i. 13. Z. Zuinglius, i. 173, 362. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 1. Memoirs of Angelus Politianus, Joannes Picus of Mi- RANDULA, ACTIUS SiNCERUS SaNNAZARIUS, PeTRUS BeMBUS, HiERONTMUs Fracastorius, and the Amalthei : Transla- tions from their Poetical Works, and Notes and Observa- tions concerning other Literary Characters of the Fif- teenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Second edition, 8vo. price in hoards los. 2. Annals of Parisian Typography, containing an Account of the Earliest Typographical Establishments of Paris, and Notices and Illustrations of the most remarkable Pro- ductions of the Parisian Gothic Press, &c. with engrav- ings in wood, 8vo. price in boards \os. A few copies of each of the above works remain^ and may be had from the booksellers in Oxford, or Messrs. Clarkes, Market Place, Manchester. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Aneeles This book is DUE on the hist date stamped below. - JUL 5 W. " J INTERLIBRARY LOANS '•; OCT 1 4 ■ ^ lIUiE TWO WEEKS FROM D \TE OF RECEIPT n j^H I I * Form L9-Series 493Q — 3 1158 00195 3271 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 001 091 965 2