IN SURRECTION OP POLAND In 1830-31; AND THE RUSSIAN RULE PRECEDING IT SINCE 1815. BY S. B. GN GROW SKI. 'I * • * * « o gens Infelix, cui te exitio fortuna reservat ? Si genus humanum et mortalia temnitis arma, At sperate Deos meraores fandi atque nefandi." LONDON : JAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY. MDCCCXXXIX. LONDON: PRINTED BY T. BRETTELL, RUPERT STREET, HAYMARKET. -D/V":Ob GSS TO THOMAS CAMPBELL, ESQ. THE AUTHOR OF " THE PLEASURES OF HOPE," &c. &c. &c. THE FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE LONDON LITERARY ASSOCIATION OF THE FRIENDS OF POLAND ; THE EARLIEST, THE MOST TALENTED, GENEROUS, AND PERSEVERING CHAMPION OF THE POLISH CAUSE IN ENGLAND; WHOSE GENIUS HAS EVER BEEN DEVOTED TO LIBERTY, JUSTICE, and TRUTH ; Si) is &Boxk is MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, BY THE AUTHOR. M500O7J3 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. AsHBURNHAM, Countess of COPIES, 1 Bacon, J. Esq. Barathy, Miss Barathy, Miss Sophia Barathy, Miss Louisa Beolchi, C. Esq. Bisset, Lady Catherine Blundell, E. S. Esq. M. D. Bowyer, George, Esq. Brent, J. 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Wirtemberg, Maria, (born Princess Czartoryska), Princess Young, G. A. Esq. • • Zamoyski, Ladislaus, Count Colonel 10 of. 2 2 INTRODUCTION. Poland, in the Progress of Restoration, and at the Congress of Vienna. Since the last partition of Poland in 1795, her independence has never been entirely annihilated. Until 1806 it survived in the legions of Dombrowski and Kniaziewicz, fighting for the French in Italy, Egypt, Germany, and St. Domingo, where no less than 30,000 Poles perished. To their valour Bona- parte bore witness, saying, that " they fought like " devils ;" but when they demanded to share in the benefit secured by treaties, he only answered, " that " the prayers of every friend of freedom were for " the brave Poles, but that time and destiny alone "■ could re-establish them." What he called destiny, they held to be the justice of their cause ; and, confident in its ultimate success, fought on, to their war-cry, " Poland is not lost while we live*." Fully sensible how important the Poles would prove to him as allies in the expedition of 1806, * The first line of a Mazurka, composed for the legions, which subsequently became the most popular of their national airs. B 2 INTRODUCTION. against the united forces of Prussia and Russia, Napoleon would gladly have persuaded Kosciuszko, then living at Fontainebleau, and whose call would have sufficed to raise their whole population, to join him. But Kosciuszko, suspecting that the military despot would prove not less treacherous than here- ditary ones, gave a decided refusal. The more sanguine amongst the patriots were less sceptical, and the event, in this instance, seemed to justify their faith, for the battle of Jena (1806) enabled them to re-enter their country after ten years of voluntary exile. Their welcome, and the eagerness with which all classes took arms, forced from a French grenadier the exclamation so strongly characterising the effects of a foreign rule in Poland : — '* Great God ! Is it " for this wretched country that the Poles sacrifice " so many lives ?" Kosciuszko's suspicions proved true. It had never been Napoleon's design to restore Poland. In a bulletin, bearing date the 1st of De- cember, 1806, were these remarkable expressions : — " Shall the throne of Poland be re-established, " and shall that great nation, springing from the " tomb, resume its life and independence? God " only, in whose hands is the issue of all events, " can decide this political problem ; but, truly, " there has never been one more important and " interesting." This phrase, " political problem," was a blunder, which did not pass unobserved by Russia, then in great anxiety at the conqueror's approach. Intent on INTRODUCTION. 6 reversing ail that his mother had done, Paul had already shown a disposition to restore the kingdom, and had caused the skeleton of Stanislaus to be crowned in its coffin — as he had before crowned that of his own father — when, after this last strange act, he was declared insane, and soon after strangled. Moved by self-interest, rather than by a filial desire of vengeance, Alexander feigned an inclination to carry the scheme of Eeter into effect ; and whilst supporting Austria with his presence in 1805, he ob- tained, by intrigue, from her Polish subjects and from those of Prussia, an invitation to be their king, and actually bore that title for three days. His fear lest Napoleon, by wresting Galicia from Austria, should prepare the way for the restoration of the whole kingdom, induced this measure ; his generosity in- creased, and he grew more and more lavish of pro- mises and pity to the Poles, as it appeared more probable that Napoleon would attempt to humble Prussia and Austria, and stifle the coalition by their re-establishment. Sparing no pains to gain their love, to sow dissensions amongst them, and, lastly, to render them hostile tow^ards the French, he sent for General Kniaziewicz, then living retired in Volhy- nia, to his head-quarters near Konigsberg, to tell him that " the partition of Poland was a political " crime, to which, had he then been emperor, he " would never have consented, and which he now felt himself bound in conscience to repair, as far as lay in his power." He then offered to equip 4 INTRODUCTION. some Polish legions to be under the command of Kniaziewicz *. At this time, however, the French had occupied Warsaw, and every Pole believed that a part at least of his country would again become in- dependent, in which case the Polo-Russian legions would have been a protest of the Poles themselves against their own wishes. The general, therefore, re- membering that " 'Tis time to fear when tyrants seem " to kiss," declined the offer, saying that, " he shud- " dered at the bare idea of a fratricidal war." The treaty of Tilsit (the 7th of July, 1807,) put an end to hostilities, and 43,000 square miles of Polish ter- ritory, wrested from Prussia, were then erected into the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, under Frederick Augustus, king of Saxony f, in whose family the Polish throne had been declared hereditary, by the constitution of the 3rd of May, 1791. At the same time the city of Dantzic was declared free, and the dis- trict of Bialystock (3,200 square miles) was ceded to Alexander, who did not scruple to despoil his Prus- sian ally, and had further insisted that no part of Poland should recover its name. Thus was Poland dismembered for the fourth time ; and if Alexander had condemned the former partitions, it was only because tlie whole of the kingdom did not fall to his share. The duchy of Warsaw answered Napoleon's pur- * Memoirs of Count Oginski. t He was the son of Augustus III., King of Poland. INTRODUCTION. 5 poses. It equipped an army of 30,000 men, of which the greater part was employed against the indepen- dence of Spain. Prince Joseph Poniatowski could, in 1809, only bring 9000 men to oppose 30,000 Aus- trians under the Archduke Ferdinand ; yet even these few repulsed their adversaries, and reconquered a considerable part of Galicia. Their further progress was, however, paralyzed by Alexander, who, appre- hensive for his own interests, hastened with 48;000 men to give a feigned support to Napoleon. By the treaty of Schonbrunn (October 14, 1809) the palatinates of Lublin, Podlachia, Sandomir, and Cracow (20,000 square miles), and one-half of the salt mines of Wieliczka, were addded to the duchy ; Austria retaining the rest of Galicia, the province of Tarnopol (2600 square miles) excepted, which Alexander reclaimed for himself. In this fifth par- tition of Poland Napoleon was the less excusable, as Austria had offered to renounce the whole of Galicia in consideration of a trifling compensation in Illyria. Since the treaty of Tilsit, the two great objects — the partition of Turkey, and the prevention of the re-establishment of Poland — inseparably connected, had filled the mind of Alexander. Napoleon, on the other hand, hampered by Spanish affairs, and more than ever needing the emperor's co-operation against England, had, at the conference of Erfurt, made im- mense concessions to him, actually engaging not to move in favour of the Poles. The late additions to the 6 INTRODUCTION. duchy rendering Alexander apprehensive that he in his turn might be called upon to expiate his share in the partition, he demanded from Napoleon an explicit promise, that the kingdom should never be restored. To avoid the ridicule as well as the odium at- tendant on his assuming a tone suited only to the Deity, Napoleon at once cut the knot, by transmitting the follov\^ing declaration to the Duke de Vincence, his ambassador at the Court of St. Petersburgh : — *' Si je signals que le royaume de Pologne ne sera " jamais retohli, cest que je voudrais le retahlir, et " Vinfamie dhine telle declaration serait effacee par le " fait qui le dementirait *." The mere existence of the duchy was, indeed, under any circumstances, a source of much uneasi- ness to Russia ; since, in the event of a French war, her Polish provinces would inevitably separate from her de facto, and her expulsion from Europe might be the consequence. So impressed was Alexander by this idea, that, on receiving tidings of Napoleon's marriage with the Archduchess Louisa, he is reported to have shed tears, and to have uttered these memo- rable words : — " I foresee the fate of Russia ; the " moment is approaching when I shall bid farewell to ^' Europe and welcome to the steppes of Asia." A rupture between these two autocrats becoming daily more probable, Alexander endeavoured to preserve by * Bignon, Histoire de France sous Napoleon. INTRODUCTION. 7 intrigue what he could not defend by force. " Do " you desire a constitution?" said he to some of the Poles at St. Petersburgh — " You shall have it. " Would you be again united ? You shall be so. " Why should not I take the title of King of Poland, " if that would please you — (si cela pent vous faire " plaisir*)." So artfully did he conduct himself, that it almost seemed as if he wished to snatch from Napoleon the glory of the re-establishment. To give some colouring to his flattering promises, he affected much anxiety for the happiness of his Polish subjects ; and that those of the Vistula might understand his disposition, and not pity their brethren beyond the Bug, whilst these on their part should have no cause to envy the independence of the others, he summoned Count Oginski to listen to a scheme for erecting the provinces into a kingdom, united with Russia, as Hungary is with Austria; as well as to " his grand project," unless prevented by fresh war, for ameliorating the condition of the in- habitants. Eight distinguished Lithuanians were commissioned to prepare the draft of a constitution for the provinces, and two Polish generals were to draw up a plan for organising a national army. The necessity of calming the patriotism which found its focus in the duchy, and of consigning, if possible, to oblivion, the injuries inflicted by Russia on the Lithuanians during the preceding fifty years ; the * Memoirs of Count Oginski. 8 INTRODUCTION. necessity, in short, of paralysing the efforts of the Poles in the approaching struggle, prompted him to these measures, which have since been deemed mag- nanimous; and many Lithuanians, though prover- bial for caution, fell into the snare, hoping to enjoy from him the benefits of a constitution, whilst their own efforts might have rendered them free and independent. Napoleon, on his part, did much to counteract the exertions of the Poles. His evasive answer, when requested at Vilno (1812) to proclaim their indepen- dence, might be epitomized in the thrice repeated words — if — if — if. To comprehend his motives on that occasion, it should be recollected, that he did not wish irrevocably to break with Alexander, by depriving him of his Polish provinces ; that the ob- ject of his campaign was to crush England, and with that view to dictate from Moscow a treaty, despatch- ing a joint force of French and Russians to India *. * Prior to the campaign of 1812, he had sent M. Gardanne to Persia, ostensibly for scientific purposes, but really to discover the best overland route to India, M. Gardanne corresponded vi^ith the emperor from Teheran, via Russia, and it v^^as some time before the Russian government suspected the object of his mission. At the commencement of the war of 1812, his maps and papers fell accidentally into the hands of the Czar, v^^ho then engaged him and his thirteen companions in his own service. A copy of Napo- leon's plan was subsequently found in the War Office at Paris, and of this Alexander i)ossessed himself during his stay there. The proposed campaign had been calculated for 70,000 men, French and Russian. Thcv were to reach the Indus in less than INTRODUCTION. VJ Believing his quota of men to be already sufficient, he discouraged the Poles from arming ; 70,000, nevertheless, joined his army. The frost defeated his gigantic schemes. Had he followed a simpler and less unjust course, and taken up his winter quarters in Poland, he might still have been Empe- ror, and Poland might have been free. This un- looked-for overthrow inflamed the ambition of Alex- ander, who next determined to appropriate the whole of Poland, by means in which the Poles themselves should concur. With this view, therefore, whilst in Paris, he paid great court to all those who distin- guished themselves against Russia, especially to Kos- ciuszko, placing an honorary guard at his residence, and overwhelming him with offers for his ill-fated countrymen. Sensible of their helpless condition, Kosciuszko confined himself to the following de- mands : — " That the Emperor should grant them full " amnesty — that he should proclaim himself King of " Poland, and give a constitution resembling that of " Britain." Would the Emperor but grant these con- ditions, Kosciuszko, who had refused to listen to Na- poleon, offered, though out of health, to serve Alex- ander in person, as a faithful subject. The Czar pur- posely delayed his answer till the 3rd of May — the day dear to every Pole — and then promised all — . the best proof that he intended to perform little. 119 clays, the principal stations being Taganrog, Palubiarskaya, Czarytchyn, Astrachan, and Astrabad, from which place Napo- leon assigned forty-live days march to the river. 10 INTRODUCTION. Whilst Kosciuszko and other eminent patriots were thus begging for a constitutional Poland under his sceptre, the Congress of Vienna, moved by the active though invisible influence of Prince Adam Czarto- ryski, resolved to re-establish the whole kingdom ; not from any respect to national rights, since at the same moment they were violating those of other countries, but from a sense of self-interest and self- preservation. The fall of Constantinople being the inevitable result of the partition of Poland, and of most con- sequence to Great Britain, Lord Castlereagh was the first to demand the complete re-establishment of Poland under a dynasty of her own. Prince Met- ternich declared that the Emperor was ready to make the greatest sacrifices to effect this consumma- tion, and Prince Talleyrand supported these minis- ters with great force of argument. Prussia merely offered to restore her share for a compensation in Germany. Alexander was determined, at all events, to wrest from Europe the nation thus considered essential to her future security, and hoped so to contrive as to make the Poles themselves accessory to his designs. His troops still occupied the duchy of Warsaw, and a Polish army was by his orders being rapidly organized throughout the territory, although he was pledged by the treaty of Reichenbach (27th of June, 1813), and by that of Toplitz (the 0th of Septem- ber, 1813), to decide, in common with Prussia and INTRODUCTION. 11 Austria, upon the ultimate destiny of the duchy. He endeavoured, by every kind of intrigue, to force the Congress into acquiescence v\^ith his ambitious views. With this object he sent Constantine from Vienna to Warsaw, where, on the 11th of December, 1814, he issued a stirring patriotic proclamation, calling on them to arm for the defence of their father- land ; and admonishing them, " that only by un- " bounded confidence in Alexander could they attain " that happy state which others would promise, but " which he alone could confer." The Congress, how- ever, was not to be persuaded that the Poles would, from attachment to Alexander, decline freedom, power, and independence ; and the rapacity of Russia caused such indignation, that on the 15th of February, 1815, a treaty, offensive and defensive, was secretly concluded between England, France, and Austria. A European war could alone have cut this Gordian knot, when the sudden landing of Napoleon from Elba, in March, changed the aspect of affairs, most fatally for Poland. The allies, who now regarded the smallest diminution of strength as ruinous to the common cause, and did not expect the new struggle to terminate without the aid of Russia, con- sented to propitiate Alexander by despoiling Poland. A sixth partition, therefore, took place, though under auspices more favourable to her regeneration at no very distant epoch. To Alexander were assigned three-fourths of the duchy of Warsaw (46,200 square miles), nicknamed the kingdom of Poland ; to 12 INTRODUCTION. Prussia, the Grand Duchy of Posen, with Thorn, Elbing, and Dantzic ; and Austria retained Galicia, with the entire salt mines of Wieliczka. The city of Cracow, the ancient capital of Poland, with a territory annexed to it of 500 square miles, was declared free, independent, and strictly neutral. The stipulations for the Poles were, that the kingdom to which the full enjoyment of the consti- tution was guaranteed, should be united to the Rus- sian empire, the Czar being allowed to take the title of king only on this condition, but with liberty to confer on that state, possessing a distinct administra- tion of its own, such extension of territory as he might judge expedient; in other words, to incorpo- rate with it the other Polish provinces under his rule — that the Polish subjects of the other contract- ing powers should also be respectively governed by liberal and national institutions, — that they should have representative governments, and, finally, that trade, and the navigation of all rivers and canals throughout the whole of the country, as it existed previous to 1772, should be thrown open to all Poles equally, of whatever government they might be the subjects. Every expression of the several plenipotentiaries clearly shows that they did not themselves believe in any permanent realization of a scheme so truly Utopian, as that the Poles could exist as a nation, and enjoy all the privileges of nation- ality, except independence, under several govern- INTRODUCTION. 13 meiits, each following its respective line of policy. " Without retracting hisjhrmer representations,''' said Lord Castlereagh, " he should urge on the partitioning powers to pursue a conduct which might do them honour in the eyes of their Polish subjects, and guarantee their happiness ; for the thwarting of their nationality would only occasion revolts, and awaken the remembrance of past misfortunes. By that conduct, too, the fear may be removed that any danger to the liberty of Europe should result from the union of Poland with the Russian empire, already so powerful — a clanger, which ■would not be imaginary, if the military force of the two countries shoidd ever he united under the command of an ambitious and warlike monarch.'''' Prince Metternich's protest was yet more remark- able : — " The conduct of the Emperor of Austria can have left no doubt in the mind of the allied powers, that the re-establishment of Poland as an independent state would have fully accom- plished the wishes of his Imperial Majesty ; and that he ?voidd have been willing to make the greatest sacrifices to promote the restoration of that ancient and. beneficial arrangement Austria has never considered free and independent Poland as an inimical or rival power, and the principles upon which his illustrious predecessor acted were aban- doned only under the pressure of circumstances, which the sovereigns of Austria had it not in their power to controul." 14 INTRODUCTION. The moral view taken by Prince Talleyrand, was of a higher order, when, with all the authority of genius, he observed, " that the partition of Poland " was the prelude, the cause, and perhaps an " apology for the commotions to which Europe " had been exposed ; and, in order to prevent them " for the future, it was necessary to restore to com- " plete independence the Polish nation, so worthy " of regard by its antiquity, its valour, its misfor- " tunes, and the services it has rendered to the " world." In short, the language of Europe seemed to be, " so long as you continue to be Poles, I am " secure ;" and thus sanctioned the object of the insurrection of 1830, fifteen years before its occur- rence. Alexander praised the generosity of the Con- gress, and expressed the satisfaction he felt in fully concurring with the liberal sentiments expressed by Lord Castlereagh. The decision of the Congress gave much uneasiness to Kosciuszko, who, however, still fancying he perceived some hope for Poland in the article of the treaty empowering Alexander to give an internal extension to the kingdom, which of course implied the reunion of Lithuania, Vol- hynia, Podolia, and Ukraina, requested the Czar to give him some further information on that head. But Alexander had gained his point, and no longer deemed him worthy of an answer. With a bleeding heart Kosciuszko then addressed a letter to Prince Adam Czartoryski (June 1815), in which, amongst other things, he thus wrote : — " I will not act without INTRODUCTION. 15 " some guarantee on behalf of my country, nor " will I be deluded by false hopes. I hardly know " what warrant I have but my own ardent desires, " for the expectation that he (Alexander) will fulfil " his promise to me, and to so many of my coun- " trymen, by extending the frontiers of Poland to the Dvvina and the Dnieper; such an arrange- ment would establish some sort of proportion, in strength and numbers, between ourselves and the Russians, and so contribute to mutual respect " and firm friendship." . . . . " We had the Emperor's " sacred word that this union should take place. " May Providence be your guide ! For my own " part, as I can no longer be of any service to my " country, I shall take refuge in Switzerland." Kosciuszko's refusal to go to Poland was a reproof to the duplicity of Alexander, who retaliated by stigmatising the virtuous patriot, as an indolent old man. a CHAPTER 1. Tlie Administration of the Constitutional Kingdom of Poland. The kingdom of Poland as established by Con- gress, was a mere appendix to Russia, the European powers having prevented it from becoming an inte- gral part of the Russian empire, Alexander had now to render it so ; and the Poles eagerly seized the opportunity, that seemed to present itself, for making that part of their country an engine for the re-establishment of the whole. Thus, may the history of the ephemeral kingdom be epito- mized. The edifice, therefore, constructed hastily and without a solid foundation, was doomed to fall, and with no little risk to the crafty architects who had raised it with that design. The first act of Alex- ander's reign was a fraud. By a proclamation of the 25th of May, 1815, he announced to the Poles, " That the maintenance of the equilibrium of Eu- '' rope did not admit of their re-union, and that it " was desirable that their country should so exist, " as neither to excite the jealousy of their neighbours, " nor create war in Europe." These being the very reasons adduced at the Congress, why Poland should be made independent, and he neglected no THE CONSTITUTION. 17 opportunity of impressing on the Poles, that the guilt of the sixth partition, lay not with him, but with Europe. Shortly after the basis of a consti- tution for the kingdom was published, with the clause that Poland should be united to Russia by the sole tie of the constitutional charter. But when the constitution itself was promulgated, on the 24th of December of the same year, it no longer contained that clause, and thus he cannot be said to have observed the Vienna treaty even for a single day. By this charter the govern- ment was made to consist of the King, the two Houses of the Diet, the Chamber of Senators, to be appointed by the king, and the Chamber of De- puties, to be elected by the nobility and commons. The Diet was to meet every second year at Warsaw, to sit for thirty days, and to deliberate only on propositions brought forward by the royal command. The king had power to appoint a lieutenant, to be assisted by a state or adminis- trative council, consisting of ministers and coun- cillors, also selected by the monarch. The liberty of the press, and the independence of the courts of justice, were guaranteed, and the nation also was to possess the important prerogative of voting the subsidies. This was a far more liberal constitution than those granted to their Polish provinces, by Austria and Prussia, which powers preserved a mere phantom of the Vienna treaty. Yet they were 18 THE ADMINISTRATION OF perhaps, more sincere than he, who, pledging him- self to grant more, thought only how to take back what he had already given. Lithuania, but lately flattered with the hope of constitutional liberty, became the object of persecution, and it was con- sequently with much reluctance, that Alexander, whilst at Warsaw, would consent to give audience to Count Oginski at the head of a Lithuanian deputation. " I have established the kingdom," he told them, " upon a very firm basis, for I have " forced Europe to guarantee, by treaties, its exis- " tence;" the reverse being exactly the case: — " I *' shall do the rest as I have promised — but con- " fidence is necessary," &c. The disappointed Li- thuanians quitted Warsaw, resolved henceforth to look to their own exertions for the salvation of their country. Alexander was not long in discover- ing the false position in which his new constitutional kingdom placed him, not only with regard to his hereditary empire, absolutely governed, and his eleven millions of Polish subjects, but also as res- pected foreign cabinets, and the whole of liberal Europe. Muscovy, that is, the Asiatic aristocracy, became jealous on finding, that, even after all the misfortunes of the Poles, the possession of certain privileges was still ensured* to them. " If," said the Muscovites, " we, the conquerors, obey an absolute " autocrat, why should he, at the same time, be the " constitutional monarch of the Poles?" Foreign THE CONSTITUTIONAL KINGDOM. 19 cabinets, on the other hand, felt their security to depend, in some degree, on their confining his authority in the kingdom within constitutional limits; and on compelling him to respect Polish nationality in the other provinces. The opinion of the liberal party in Europe, whose applause he had courted, also tended to keep him in check ; for having announced himself in Vienna, Paris, and London, as the patron of liberal institutions, he dared not and could not at once assert himself a tyrant in Poland. He chose, therefore, the more prudent course of gradually undermining the con- stitution, in order, finally, to merge the constitu- tional excrescence in his imperial dominions : a course quite congenial to him whom Napoleon had characterized as " le plus Jin des Grecs.'' From that time commenced a series of encroach- ments on the charter, which, notwithstanding the responsibility of ministers, remained unpunished; since it was no difficult task for the absolute Czar to absolve his ministers from their share in the transgressions of the constitutional sovereign. For Europe he had constitutional exhibitions and speeches at the opening and closing of the Diet. To establish his despotism as securely in Warsaw as at St. Petersburgh, he left there his brother Constantine, thus rendering the government a com- bination of constitutional authority with unlimited absolutism. The appointment (at the suggestion of 20 THE ADMINISTRATION OF the Grand Duke, who hated every man of merit^)j of a decrepit old general as lieutenant of the king- dom, instead of Prince Czartoryski, to whose exertions the nation chiefly owed its present im- proved condition, afforded sufficient proof, to a few clear-sighted individuals, of Alexander's in- sincerity. The majority, however, were dazzled; the monarch himself seemed so delighted with his work, as he termed the constitution, that the first meeting of the Diet, in 1818, was passed in mutual congratulations. Alexander lauded the li- beral institutions to the skies, renewed his promise to incorporate the sister countries, and promised to limit his autocratism in Russia by a consti- tutionj*. The representatives scarcely knew how sufficiently to express their grateful reverence; but such harmony did not last long ; the deputies availed themselves of their prerogative to comment on the report of the state council, and pointed out, with all due respect, that no judicial authorities, according to the constitution, had yet been esta- blished; that taxes were not equally levied; that * The Grand Duke used to say, " Ceci sont des gens comme " il faiit, fen conviens ; mais ceux-ld sont des gens — comme it " menfaut." t The Emperor Francis of Austria, who had refused to give his Italian subjects a constitution, on reading the speech of Alexander, exclaimed with his usual naivete : " Sofalsch bin ich " nkht." — (" So false am not I.") THE CONSTITUTIONAL KINGDOM. 21 the liberty of the press was not secured; nor na- tional schools founded. Their boldness displeased the emperor, who returned for answer, " That the " Diet was not privileged to censure the govern- " ment, but only to deliberate on its proposed " measures. That, for the future, it was to confine " itself to this simple proceeding, and refrain from " propagating constitutional theories, only calcu- " lated to produce mischief." This new doctrine, by which the national representation would be transformed into a royal privy council, was fol- lowed up by the total abolition of the freedom of the press, and by depriving the Diet of its prero- gative of voting the budget, which was now left entirely to the caprice of the executive. Two years and a half had elapsed since its first session, when the Diet assembled for the second time, in September 1320. The character of the con- stitutional kingdom was now accurately designated by Alexander, in his speech to the representatives from the throne : — " In summoning you to work ** with me for the consolidation of your national *' institutions, I have followed the impulse of my " heart. These institutions being the result of my " confidence in you, &c." .... and further, " That " the duration of the Polish name depended on the " strict observance by the nation of Christian mo- " rals;" which was equivalent to saying, " I have " given you a constitutional existence, because " such was my pleasure, and will annihilate it 22 THE ADMINISTRATION OF " when I shall think fit." But such was not the light in which the origin of the kingdom, and the obligations of the constitutional monarch, were regarded by the members of the Diet. Besides the summary punishment with which the nation was visited for the observations made during the first session, the rule of Constantine, generally, was that of a barbarian. Students and editors of the press were persecuted ; the freedom of conversation, even, was checked by the introduction of a secret po- lice, and the many cruelties committed in consequence of its denunciations ; the liberty of individuals was daily violated; and the provincial administration generally oppressive, and, in some districts, intoler- able. The system which Alexander wished to establish gradually, contrary, probably, to his design, was developed with frightful rapidity ; and excited in the Diet a powerful opposition, of which Vincent and Bonaventura Niemoiowski, represen- tatives of the palatinate of Kalish, were the leaders. Anxious to gratify the sovereign, the Diet, during its first session had, rather prematurely perhaps, voted a criminal code ; but as the law would avail little without adequate means of enforcing it, ministers now required the Diet to sanction ano- ther, for proceedings in criminal cases, framed evidently with a view to legalise the caprices of the discretional power vested in the Grand Duke Constantine. The representatives, from the conviction that it THE CONSTITUTIONAL KINGDOM. 23 was better to preserve the statum quo, than to frame bad laws, almost unanimously rejected the ministe- rial proposals ; Vincent Niemoiowski, in particular, materially contributing to this result, by exclaiming — " I know that there is but a step from the *' Capitol to the Tarpeian rock, but nothing shall " deter me from uttering the truth, — the charter " is national property ; the king" (be it remembered that that king was the autocrat of all the Rus- sias) " has no right, either to take it away, or to change it. We have lost the liberty of the press — individual liberty is gone — the right of pro- *' perty has been violated. Now they would " abolish the responsibility of ministers, — what " will be left of the constitution ? Stat magni " nominis umbra! Let us rather at once resign " fallacious guarantees, serving only as snares to " the good faith of the patriots who trusted in " them : ut satim liceat certos habuisse dolores ! " The boldness and self-devotion of the two brothers had secured general esteem, and the Czar resolved on punishing them, as a warning to all who should dare to oppose him. His dissatisfac- tion appeared in his speech at the closing of the Diet : — " Following an illusion," said he, " but too " common in the present age, you have sacrificed " the hopes which a sagacious confidence would " have realized. You have retarded the work of " your country's restoration." He alluded by this both to the incorporation of the sister countries 24 THE ADMINISTRATION OF and to the prolonged existence of the kingdom. The address of the deputies was still more dis- pleasing to him, and he prohibited the ministers from complying with it in any degree, assigning, as his reason, " that he alone could explain the con- " stitution, for being its author he must best know " his own intentions." Being unwilling, however, that his quarrel with the Diet should become public, he instructed his ministers to make a semi-official communication to the electors, of the grounds of his dissatisfaction with the representatives. This appeal could only expose him to ridicule, as it was, in fact, the sovereign calling upon the nation to censure its representatives for having opposed his encroachments. The ministers addressed the elect- ors through the palatinate councils*; some reproved the illegal insinuation of the angry monarch, others yielded, terror-struck. The councils for the Kalish palatinate alone refused to give any answer to this unconstitutional proceeding. Not long afterwards, the Niemoiowskis were elected members of their palatinate council, which so incensed Alexander, that he abolished the council, and refused to restore it until its representatives should give the sovereign. * The duties of the palatinate councils, composed of officers nominated by electoral assemblies, were to appoint judges for the first hearing, and the first appeals ; to assist in forming the list, and selecting the candidates for the offices of administration, and to watch over the concerns of their respective palatinates. THE CONSTITUTIONAL KINGDOM. 25 either in or out of the Diet, a sufficient guarantee for their better conduct in future. This suspension of the constitution in one part of the kingdom did not yet tranquillize Alexander, who was so alarmed by the Kalish opposition, that he anxiously sought for some pretext for terminating the existence of the kingdom, and soon found one in the state of its finances. A small annual deficit, arising rather from mismanagement than from dis- ability in the country to meet its own expenditure, called forth a royal rescript to the state council, bearing date 25th May, 1821, and containing these words : — " Matters have at length arrived at a point " where the question no longer regards the aboli- " tion of this or that office, the continuance or " relinquishment of certain public works, but the " ascertaining, experimentally, whether the resources *' of the kingdom be competent to the expenses of a " separate government, or whether, their inadequacy " being proved, a new order of things shall be " established." An appeal to the nation by Prince Lubecki, the new minister of finance, soon raised by voluntary subscriptions the sum necessary to supply the de- ficit, and thus postponed the critical moment \ but what value could any Pole attach to this fragment of their country, this mockery of a constitution ? The declaration of the Czar was with many pa- triots the signal to prepare for insurrection. Some writers assume two different periods in the 26 THE ADMINISTRATION OF opinions of Alexander, the one of constitutional liberalism, the other of unlimited absolutism, and suppose that his generous views were altered by reflecting on the revolutions in Naples and Spain, the student associations in Germany, and the symp- toms of liberal opinions amongst his own troops, especially among those who had resided in France for several years under the command of General Woronzoff. His duplicity towards the Poles at the commencement of his reign has been already described; and if, from 1815 to 1821, he amused himself by acting the liberal Czar, it was only because he felt himself compelled to show some deference to the potentates, who, at the Congress of Vienna, had, in the anxiety they manifested for Polish independence, betrayed their apprehensions at his growing power. But when the attention of Austria was diverted by the revolutions just al- luded to, and Prince Metternich had come to the erroneous conclusion that Europe had more to fear from liberalism than from Muscovite ambition, the motives vanished which had induced Alexander to temporize, and the congresses of Troppau and Ley- bach, so far from curbing, rather enabled him openly to throw off the mask of the constitutional king. The constitutional character of the government was abolished, and from that time forwai-ds replaced by oppression in the fiscal department, the spirit of darkness in the public schools, and of ignorant ser- vility throughout the whole administrative system. THE CONSTITUTIONAL KINGDOM. 27 To have placed one palatinate under interdict, — to threaten to transform the kingdom into a Russian government, was deemed by Alexander insufficient to show the inhabitants what they were to under- stand by the constitution, and the consequences they might expect from a longer parliamentary insubordination, as the opposition of the diet was styled at St. Petersburgh. Believing that the presence of the public encouraged the representa- tives to reject the ministerial bills, he added, on the 13th of February 1825, an article to the charter, abolishing the publicity of debates, " in order," he said, "to consolidate his work." Having taken these precautions, he summoned the third diet (the last during his life,) for May 1825. Not one had yet assembled under such unfavour- able auspices. A criminal prosecution, purposely got up against him by the Czarewitch Constantine, had deprived Bonaventura Niemoiowski of his seat, and his brother Vincent had been compelled to sign a document, purporting " that he had offended ^' his sovereign, who forbade him ever again to " appear in his presence." In signing this, Vin- cent Niemoiowski added an express declaration that he did not thereby resign liis seat in the diet, as the king was present only at its opening and close ; but Constantine interpreted it as the renun- ciation of his representative mission. Determined that no personal danger should deter him from fulfil- ling his sacred duty, he proceeded to Wai'saw. That 28 THE RULE OF THE which he had foreseen, but did not fear, occurred. He was arrested at the barrier by Constantine and the poHce, and sent under an escort of gens d'armes to his estate, where he was detained prisoner till 1830. The freedom of representatives, the last guarantee of the constitution, was thus violated in his person ; and a session opened under such circumstances could no longer be an object of interest. The terror-stricken diet, deprived of its magnanimous members, shut up from the public, and insulted by the presence of Russian reporters, consented to all that the ministers demanded. But what might be the subject of debate, was no longer the important point. The late outrage would have justified the diet in, at least, keeping within the limits of the parliamentary veto ; and the king would have been compelled to dissolve the rebellious house, and to order a new election, which might have brought the people and their foreign masters into absolute collision. But the deputies, thinking the time was not yet arrived for such an extreme measure, con- sidered it their duty to temporize, and, by sub- mission, to protract the existence of constitutional Poland. Tlie rule of the Grand Duke Constantine. Considered with reference to its diets, the kingdom was a mere concession made to Europe by the crafty Alexander. Its real form is about to be GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 29 exhibited under the discretional government of the Czarewitch Constantine, commander-in-chief of the Polish army. Some fatality persecuting Poland made Con- stantine, the most extraordinary and original man ever known in the annals of the world, her master. The abhorrence, for instance, felt by a son for the murderers of his father, is so natural a feeling, that it ought to offend no one, still less become the scourge of many milions; yet the Poles, and they alone, were foredoomed to atone for the filial piety of one member of the Muscovite dynasty. La Harpe, his preceptor, and others who knew the Czarewitch personally, have given him credit for kind-heartedness ; and the death of Paul produced very different impressions on the two brothers. Alexander, intent on reigning, forgot all besides. Constantine forgot nothing, and for his father's death vowed hatred to all Russians, determined some day to take exemplary revenge on them. All those whom Paul had persecuted, (and the num- ber was considerable, for he had not fallen by the hands of a few obscure assassins, but through widely spread conspiracy) became after his death partisans of his successor. Constantine swore eternal hatred against them. Alexander, on the contrary, looked to these very men for the security of his throne, stained with the blood of his father and his grandfather. Yet this contrast of feeling did not disturb the harmony between the brothers. No 30 THE RULE OF THE Czar, Paul himself not excepted, had been so savage and violent as was Constantine. It is one of the mysteries of Providence, that such a man should have been destined by birth to possess absolute power. To have allowed him to remain in St. Petersburgh, would only have been, exposing him to his father's fate; to regard him as heir- presumptive would have compromised, not only the empire, but autocratism itself. The only alterna- tive was to keep him at a distance, and Alexander, therefore detained him in Lithuania, while the duchy of Warsaw existed, and after Napoleon's fall, in the kingdom of Poland. — The love of woman seems no less natural a feeling than filial affection. Constantine became passionately attached to a Polish lady, Joanna Grudzinska, of a noble but not wealthy family. Strange to say, even this cir- cumstance served but to extend the Russian yoke, and to protract its duration, over her countrymen. He renounced his right to the empire to become her husband. Alexander eagerly removed every obstacle to his cUvorce from a princess of Saxe Coburg*, * This lady was tho elder sister of the Duchess of Kent. Their union was rendered unhappy by the preference of the Czarewitch for a Swiss woman, whom even after his second marriage he still retained, till Alexander one day compelled her to quit Warsaw at twenty-four hours notice. Constantine, in his rage, would have placed her under the protection of the constitution. " Je la mets sous la protection do la constitution," he exclaimed ; but Alexander only laughed at him. GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 31 and obtained the consent of the Holy synod, and the empress mother. He added, however, to the laws respecting the imperial family, the important clause, by which any of its members, marrying a person of inferior rank, should forfeit his prerogatives, and the issue of such marriage be incapable of inheriting the crown. The marriage with Joanna Grudzinska, thenceforth called princess Lowicka, was celebrated on the 27th of May, 1820. Nineteen months afterwards, Constantine visited St. Petersburg!!, vyrhere, on the 19th of January, 1 822, he signed the memorable abdication, in which he acknowledged himself deficient in the mental capacity and strength, requisite for the possessor of supreme power*. Hence it would appear to have required nearly two years to persuade him to con- firm, formally, the declaration which he must have given verbally at the epoch of his second marriage. He received, as the reward of his abdication, the appanage of the kingdom and of all the Russo- Polish provinces, except the government of Kiow. By this singular transaction, Alexander, in order to lighten the sacrifice thus made by Constantine, resigned to a certain extent his personal influence, not only on the affairs of the kingdom, but also on those of the sister countries ; a striking instance of * " Ne me croyaiit ni I'esprit, ni la capacite, ni la force " necessaire, si jamais j'etais revetu de la haute dignite a " laquelle je suis appele par ma naissaiice." 32 THE RULE OF THE the unfortunate truth, that the fall of nations too often depends on the domestic interests of their rulers. The barbarian who had professed to have neither mind, nor capacity, nor strength, to govern the Muscovites, and whose neck*, as he himself said at Dresden, was not strong enough for being Czar at St. Petersburgh, found himself all-sufficient for op- pressing fifteen millions of Poles, and probably only because he did not tremble for his life amongst them. He was, indeed, said to love them ; but it was with such love as children feel for the toys which they amuse themselves by breaking. Poland, sacrificed for the security of Russia, became at once his appanage, his prey, and his sport. In other countries, despotism may be systematically and logically exercised; in Warsaw it was the result, partly of system, and partly of Constantine's aberration, caprice, and temper. An inhuman tyrant, possessed of exalted genius, may revolt, but he does not degrade his subjects. He may rouse their intellect, and stir up their spirit of revenge ; but he does not debase their national character. But the endurance of a harlequin, with a field- * He frequently visited the court of Saxony, where, being- asked one day by the Queen dowager why he had abdicated the throne of Russia, he paused a little, and then made her the fol- lowing extraordinary answer : — " C'est que, voyez-vous, Madame, " en Russie il faut avoir un coU fort, et moi, je suis un peu " chatouilleux." GRAND DUKE CONSTANTTNE. 33 marshars staff, dreaming of craft and despotism, is a satire on the sense and courage of the sufferers. Such was Constantine. This persecutor of students and of Jews, this terror of degraded women, with whom he often quarrelled, and ordered them to shave their heads; — this spy, trembling and suspicious, listening with a thousand ears to the low whispers, to the loud complaints, and to the secret councils of the nation; — this executioner of soldiers, whom for a button fastened contrary to regulation, a false step in march, or an ill-adjusted knapsack, he deprived of honour, liberty, or life ; — this architect and gaoler of state prisons ; — this distributor in person of blows and stripes ; — this doubtful, intermediate point in the hierarchy of beings, placed on the confines, where the brute race ceases, and the human begins, half-man, half- monkey, in whom the Asiatic physiognomy, Kalmuck features, bristle eyebrows, flattened and turned-up nose, and hoarse and stifled voice struggled for mastery with some few traces of the European countenance, and a studiously polished manner ; this type of the savage of Muscovy as propagated under the Tatar rule ; this incarnation of her spirit, institutions, and history, ruled Poland for fifteen years. Perhaps destiny would not or dared not push further this irony of fortune. What the hat of authority placed upon a staff was to the countrymen of William Tell, such was Constantine's, with its white feather, to the Poles. For fifteen D 34 THE RULE OF THE years were they doomed to bow to this hat, unless warned in time by the rattling of his carriage wheels to escape in all directions. Let it not, however, be supposed that his des- potism was without a plan, and a deep one. His pleasure, like that of the fiend, lay in the moral ruin of good men ; and his business was to convert honest patriots into ruffians, and to degrade any man, distinguished by chivalrous deeds, by inte- grity, by talent, by civic merit, into a member of his household, — a loiterer in his anti-chamber. His modes of effecting this object were various. Some were dishonoured by public insults ; others, by a show of special favour. Some were imprisoned — others marked with ignominy, or exposed to the ordeal of public contempt. To shake hands with him being held infamous in Poland, the Grand Duke, aware of this, would offer his arm to one suspected malcontent ; embrace another as his friend ; or by a pat on the shoulder, or a pinch on the cheek (his customary caress) devote a third to the mistrust of his countrymen. Frequently his cunning was suc- cessful, and nothing remained for the victim but to become secretly or openly the oppressor of his brethren, or to end his life in some subterranean dungeon. Thus, on the square of Saxony, where Constantine was in the daily habit of mustering the troops for hours, did many a warrior, honoured in the campaigns of Kosciuszko and Napoleon, survive his well earned reputation. GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 35 One part of his satanic scheme, was to immerse the nation in ignorance. There was a period, truly an appalling one, when he prohibited writing — and no one wrote : when he forbad thought — and no one presumed to think. Tor- rents of national blood might hardly wash away such ignominy. Novosilzoff, the intimate friend of Constantine, suggested the introduction of this system of igno- rance into the national schools. This Russian senator had been appointed imperial commissary, under the pretext of facilitating the intercourse between the constitutional kingdom and the empire ; but having once obtained a seat in the state council, and a voice in its consultations, he acquired much general influence. Beside his official charge, ru- mour attributes to him a secret mission from the Russian party, which had sworn the extermination of the very name of Poland, and which certainly no one was better qualified to accomplish. It was his custom, on all occasions, to say in the council — Lubecki alone daring to oppose him — " that the " Poles were horn Jacobins — that revolution flowed " in their veins, and was imbibed, with their mother s " milk;''' stigmatizing, by these phrases, their innate patriotism, and hatred of Muscovite rule. Drunken in his habits, openly atheistical by conviction, a rogue, like every other Russian proconsul, and re- markable for dissolute morals ; he was, nevertheless, constituted guardian of the Polish youth, and the apostle of bigotry. By his advice, the higher 36 THE RULE OF THE clergy were rendered rich and oppressive; the inferior orders were reduced to poverty and indolence; and instruction, moral and religious, was withheld from the people. Official spies, styled inspectors, were introduced to the lectures in the universities and high schools, to note the opinions of the teachers and students ; and able professors were, in consequence, removed, to make way for the tools of government. Amongst the students, abilities, application, and good conduct, did but mark them for ruin and persecution ; and, horresco referens, licensed dissipation was even held out to them as a reward. If the youths passed unharmed through these infernal snares, they owed it to their jaco- binism ; that is to say, to their innate hatred of Muscovite dominion. Conscious of his guilt, but defying public opinion, Constantine established the most perfect system of secret police that ever existed, for de- nouncing not only every spoken word, but even unuttered thoughts and feehngs. The Belvedere Palace, fitted for his residence at the expense of the citizens, was the head quarters of this police, from whence it extended throughout, and even beyond, the kingdom. It was divided into two branches, exterior and interior. The first of these consisted again of two departments ; one of which, directed by the Polish general Rozniecki, took cognizance of the countries immediately adjacent to the kingdom ; and the reports for warded to Warsaw by his agents in Prussia, contained details as accu- GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 37 rate, of the military stations, fortresses, garrisons, &c., and other resources of each of its provinces, as if that country had belonged to Russia. Amongst the papers afterwards found in the Belvedere, was the plan for an invasion of Galicia and Hungary. The other department, under the control of Colonel Fenshawe, an Englishman by birth, extended to Germany, Italy, France, and England. The reports transmitted from those countries, contained curious illustrations of their respective governments, their public characters, the hopes and wishes of their subjects, and, in many instances, of their military force and resources. Let not this warning be disre- garded at the present moment, when Russian writers and Russian spies, both male and female, are carrying on their intrigues in all the capitals of Europe. The police of the interior was under the special direction of Constantine himself, aided by the municipality of Warsaw and the post-office. To penetrate the privacy of domestic life, all families were compelled to hire their servants at an office established for the purpose at the municipality. In this seminary of spies, even old and faithful ser- vants were bribed or terrified into betraying their employers, and thus all social confidence and com- fort were destroyed. Conversation was carried on in foreign languages, to diminish the risk of denun- ciation by menials ; and to avoid suspicion when an entertainment was given, it became customary to 38 THE RULE OF THE invite a commissioner of the police to join the party. Not only were public assemblies, public walks, the theatres, and private conversations, watched by po- lice agents, but the very looks and gestures of indi- viduals. Cemeteries, the tombs of patriots, state prisons, became so many tests for loyalty ; and the mournful look, or unbidden tear of the passers by, was construed into high treason, and punished accord- ingly. Every honest man was marked ; the esteem of his fellow citizens being an influence dangerous to government. Some, for speaking in public were denounced as agitators ; others, for remaining silent, as secret plotters of mischief. In thousands of in- stances, the only alternative was to serve the tyrant's hateful ends, or to tmst only in Providence. To such a degree did Constantine carry persecution, that even birds, taught to sing the national melo- dies, were taken from their ovvners and killed. Individuals often disappeared, no one knew how j and the whispered lamentations of a mother or a wife alone bore witness to her loss. Many such victims lingered for years in prison, without being told the cause of their captivity ; and, if at length set free, it was usually under an extorted oath, never to divulge the secrets of the dungeon. The cries of persons under torture were heard by night in the Belvedere ; and it was rumoured that Constantine himself was the torturer ; a statement confirmed by the death- bed confession of the late Warsaw executioner, as to ? GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 39 the nocturnal executions which he had been com- pelled to inflict. The food usually administered to the prisoners, was salted herrings, without drink of any kind ; but even this exquisite torment was, in one instance at least, surpassed. A Pole, named Adam Cichowski, disappeared from his home under circumstances of more than usual mystery, and was supposed to have been drowned in the Vistula, on the banks of which his clothes had been found. Seven years afterwards, on the outbreak of the insur- rection of 1830, he was discovered in prison. He related subsequently, that two Cossacks had been employed to stare alternately at him, without inter- mission, until the diabolical invention sickened him to madness. For months after his return to his family, he was unable to recognize either wife or children, making no other reply to their question.^, than, " Let me be at peace ! I know nothing !" No distinction of classes was observed, nor any difference made, between foreigners and natives ; Constantine acknowledged only that of master and slaves. On arriving at Warsaw, foreigners were forced either to enter the army, as was the case with several Germans, and even some Russians, or were immediately sent away. By some papers, since found in the Belvedere, it was ascertained that several foreigners were condemned to be branded with marks of infamy : whether the punishment was really in- flicted remains unknown. Constantine persecuted even abroad those who had opportunities of acquir- 40 THE RULE OF THE ing information in Poland. A German*, who had served in the Russian army at Warsaw, and after- wards wrote on Russia, disappeared from Dresden, leaving no trace behind ; a circumstance the more remarkable, as the Saxons boasted that their police was so vigilant, that not even a nightcap could be stolen without detection. The following anecdote may be useful to editors of public journals. The French Constitulionnel re- ported, that on the day of the coronation of Nicholas, Constantine had mingled with the populace of War- saw like a policeman. Greatly incensed, he des- patched Fenshawe, his chamberlain, to bring the bold editor to Warsaw ; but, on reaching Berlin, Fenshawe found the object of his mission stated in the Constitutionnel itself, and he consequently returned disappointed of his victim. But volumes would scarcely suffice to relate all the singularities of this remarkable tyrant. He had, besides, in the Bel- vedere, a cabinet noir, or perlustration office, as it was called, for the examination of all letters, both native and foreign, and copies of the more important amongst them were usually deposited in the palace. Not even the correspondence of ministers with the court of St. Petersburgh, nor that of the Prussian and Austrian consuls at Warsaw, was exempted from * Lieutenant Martens of Hanover, who pn1)Hslied a work under the fictitious name, " Russlancl in der neusten Zeit von E. Pabel."— 1821). GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 41 this investigation, who thus felt compelled to send, not only their despatches, but their private letters, by express. The only exception was in favour o^ Princess Lowicka's letters, as Constantine read them beforehand. Colonel Sass, who was assassinated in the insurrection, had, during his residence of several years in England, invented means of opening letters and resealing them, without leaving any trace of the operation. More remarkable than all, the imperial family themselves were surrounded by the same halo of treachery. That very Colonel Sass was the Czar's spy over his brother ; who, in his turn, had agents to report to him every word uttered within the court of St. Petersburgh. A curious account was found at the Belvedere, of a visit made by Nicholas to Berlin, detailing the most trifling actions of the then Czare- witch and his consort. The extent of this canker may be inferred from the following abominable oath, usually taken by the spies, and which was adapted both to the Roman Catholic and Greek creeds : — " I '' swear by God Almighty, Unity in Holy Trinity, by " the Holy Virgin Maiy, Mother of Christ, by all the " Saints, and by my patron Saint in particular, that " I will most zealously exert myself in fulfilling the " duty I am entrusted with by the Government, and " most faithfully attend to all the articles of in- struction" (here the instructions are read to them) which have been communicated to me ; and that I will not divulge anything connected with the 42 THE RULE OF THE " office I have undertaken, to any person whomso- " ever ; neither to my relatives, nor to the members " of the other departments of the police, nor to any " of their chiefs. I solemnly promise to exercise " my office without any distinction of persons, not " excepting my nearest relatives." The oath ended, " So help me God, Unity in Holy Trinity, and all " the Saints, to fulfil faithfully this oath *." The object thus impiously veiled under a pre- tended solicitude for the public welfare, was merely to establish an unparalleled despotism upon uni- versal mistrust. Divide et impera. Vile agents, preying upon the nation, were loaded with honour- able decorations, and even Christian orders were bestowed on Jews. Speaking of the return to office of these wretches, the Prussian State Gazette (February 1, 1832) thus expressed itself: — " We *' need but mention the names of the functionaries " whom the Emperor Nicholas has in his magna- " nimity appointed, whose personal characters were " the pledge of their future conduct," &c. Yet, after these words of bitter irony, the editor still re- frained from publishing their names. He had, also, asserted that the seizure of Polish children and young females commanded by Nicholas, was the result of the purest benevolence (die reinste 3Ienschenliehe). One crime leads to another, and the ministerial * Russlchcs SchrecTcens iind Verfolgungs-System, dargestellt a\is officicllen Quellen Von Michael Hubc Polnischen Staats- Refcrcndarc. — Paris, 1832. GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 43 journal of Berlin, by that apology, probably sought to excuse the introduction of the same system into Prussia and the German States. The decision of Constantine, the daily violator of the Charter, the absolute ruler of the kingdom, and the presumptive heir of the imperial throne, to accept the mission of national representative at the Diet, in preference to the senatorial dignity to whicii his rank entitled him, is another striking trait in the character of this singular man. The inhabitants of Praga, hoping to be indemnified for the calamities of war which had pressed upon them ever since the time of SuwarofF, elected him their deputy, with the view of furthering their claims at the Diet ; and he accepted the charge, having previously consulted Alexander, who reaped therefrom fresh harvests of panegyrics from the liberals of Europe. Constan- tine spoke only once in the Diet, and in the French language, on the occasion of his presenting a petition from his constituents, which, of course, was success- ful. His presence there was rather a subject of curiosity than of any other feeling. The populace, who filled the avenues of the palace, usually fled, horror-struck, at his approach, and returned, with bursts of laughter, after he had retired. His favourite occupation was to marshal the sentinels round the Diet-hall ; and so anxious was he not to forfeit his pretensions to infallibility, by mistaking his seat, that, regardless of the most important discussion, he 44 THE RULE OF would, before he sat down, count on his fingers all the members who had preceded and followed him. It is not alone by political, moral, and intellectual slavery, that a nation may be undone ; by the ab- straction of private and public property it may be also reduced to the servitude of pauperism. The Czars, having made such rapid progress in transform- ing the kingdom into an integral province of their empire, now prepared to consummate their designs on its financial and economical relations. At the head of this department was Prince Xavier Lubecki, a Lithuanian nobleman, and the personal enemy of Novosilzoff. He had originally entered the Russian army, but, disgusted with military service, he quitted it for the civil, and was made governor of Vilno, and after the retreat of the French, in 1813, a member of the provisional government of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. On the installation of the kingdom, he was sent to Vienna and Berlin, for the purpose of liquidating the claims of the Polish subjects of those respective governments ; and, consequently, not only were individuals defrauded of their claims, but, in com- pliance with the injunction of the Russian chancellor (Nesselrode),he applied the capital which should have enriched the Polish treasury, to indemnify Prussia for her services to Russia during the late war with Napoleon. On entering upon his office, therefore, in 1821, he had the advantage over the other minis- ters, of having zealously served Russia, and only PRINCE LUBECKI. 45 Russia. Notwithstanding much disorder in the financial department, it was not bankrupt, as Alex- ander had asserted ; and Lubecki, after considering with his usual coolness and discernment the exigen- cies of the country, and its resources, exclaimed, with much self-complacency. " The machine shall " work !" Under his direction affairs soon assumed a different aspect. Active, eloquent, with the experi- ence resulting from the study of men rather than of books — a true Russian minister — so impenetrable in his caution, that he used to say of himself, in his eccentric manner, " he would burn his shirt, if it " knew the secrets of his mind," he rapidly sup- planted Novosilzoff in the imperial favour, and, mo- nopolizing the influence of his colleagues, ruled Poland like a Turkish pacha. Perfecting the cen- tralization of power, and the official hierarchy, he widened the interval between the government and the people, till the former became, for the first time, everything, and the latter nothing. By his instrumen- tality, the mania for office, and the supremacy of mercenary service over civic merit, took deep root in the once generous soil of Poland. At the very outset of his administration, Lubecki had recourse to unusual measures, inventing new taxes and reviving many that had been discontinued and forgotten for ten years, in order to make up the deficit which threatened the political existence of the kingdom. Little as that existence was really worth, the Poles would have yielded all, to disprove the 46 THE RULE OF assertion that their own resources were inadequate to its necessities. Had Lubecki, after supplying this deficit, endeavoured to establish a just balance be- tween the revenue and the expenditure, he would have been entitled to the nation's thanks ; but far from so doing, he persevered in endeavouring to in- crease the former by violent measures, introducing monopolies of every article of food and drink, which he farmed out to a Russian Jew ; and, finally, esta- blished a fiscal tyranny, so intolerable, that even Constantine, who had an appanage on the principa- lity of Lovicz, remonstrated. The wary minister, however, silenced his protest, by bribing him with funds for the maintenance of the police, and for the erection of more state prisons. His system of finance was to supply ready money, without regard to the justice or injustice of the means employed. The brewers of Warsaw were entitled, by a privilege formerly conferred on them by their monarchs, and since not only respected both by the Austrian and Prussian governments, but guaranteed by the law, to make and sell both beer and brandy. Under the pretext that this was of juris regalis, as in Russia, he deprived them of their right, and rendered it a government monopoly. The brewers, secure in the lawfulness of their claim, brought an action against the minister, which ended in the lawyers, who had dared to defend their case, being struck off the lists, and in the condemnation of one citizen to sweep the square of Saxony, chained PRINCE LUBECKI. #7 to a wheelbarrow. Spirits were in consequence smuggled into Warsaw, and many street murders committed in tlie contests between the contraband and fiscal agents. For the trial of the illegal dealers, Lubecki, on his own authority, established a court, and the fines imposed being absurdly heavy, many aged persons, who were unable to pay, were con- demned to fifty or sixty years imprisonment, and much misery and disgrace entailed on families pre- viously prosperous. He was indefatigable in devising modes of ruin. There were many estates charged with pious legacies, the occupants paying an annual sum towards the support of public institutions. These sacred funds he seized for the benefit of the treasury. With a view to the preservation of certain national domains, which from the custom of short leases had become dilapidated, as also to increase the comfort of the peasantry, who suffered greatly by the frequent change of landlords, the Diet proposed to make the tenure of these estates perpetual; but Lubecki, whose object was to bring them to auction, opposed the project, and, as usual, being backed by the Czar, with success. A plausible excuse for these sales, however, being still wanted, he bethought himself of encumbering the lands with debt. For this pur- pose he established a Company of Land Credit, having a capital of public landed property, and then opened a government bank, which, by lending large 48 THE RULE OF sums ill paper at a low interest, in a few years entailed a load of obligations on private and public- lands. He then professed to see no alternative but that of selling those which belonged to the nation, and thus inflicted a deadly blow on its property. Banks, and other analogous institutions, may be beneficial to the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests of independent states, but are fraught with danger to a country under a foreign yoke. An independent people may put all their property into circulation without peril, but a nation which has to recover its political existence by force of arms, should give all possible stability to every kind of property until the moment for insurrection arrives. In this lies its hope of success ; and the future independence of Poland was not risked so long as Russia could not, if she would, take anything from it. This was the case until Lubecki, by his land credit operations, crippling with debt, and then selling the national domains, and involving both public and private property, finally placed all that the Poles possessed at the Czar's discretion, by an affiliation of the Warsaw bank with that of St. Petersburgh. He did not yet expend all, but commenced by lending forty-two millions of florins to Russia, lodging forty more in the bank of St. Petersburgh, and six in that of Berlin, besides lavishing immense sums on objects of extravagant luxury ; thus finally PRINCE LUBECKI. 49 maturing the financial part of his plan for trans- forming the kingdom into an integral province of Russia. By the public at large finance is as little compre- hended as metaphysics ; and although Lubecki had dissipated the foreign capital of Poland, and impo- verished the country internally, he yet had admirers, and sincere ones, amongst the Poles themselves. " What a pattern minister," exclaimed the officers, vv^ho w^ere growing rich under his patronage : " he "■ is all powerful at vSt. Petersburgh," said others : and truly the Czars were so well satisfied with him, that they would gladly have had as able a financier in Russia, to empower them the better to prosecute their aggressive wars. " What an incomparable " head has this minister," again thought others, and believed that he was deceiving Russia in favour of the kingdom, forgetting that the anti-constitutional measures by which for a time he protracted its exist- ence, were ruinous to it, and beneficial to Russia alone. The few, who perceived the true state of affairs, were deterred from explanation by the fate of the Warsaw brewers. One intrepid censurer of the system, however, arose in the state council, in the person of Novosilzoff. He denounced the Land Credit Company and the bank as illegal, having been established without the sanction of the Diet, and predicted fatal results from the sale of the national property. But this opposition only furthered Lubecki's plans, and increased his popularity, for E 50 THE RULE OF no one could believe that any measure disapproved by Novosilzoff, could be injurious to the country ; for they were not aware that he opposed the sale of the domains, only because he hoped to reap a harvest from them in case they should remain in their actual condition. Still Lubecki was by Russia and Prussia styled the author of material prosperity to the Poles, whom they reproached with ingrati- tude. This material prosperity, had such existed, which it did not, would have been a legacy of national slavery, and it should be observed that no merely physical well being will ever make the Poles forget that they were once a powerful and inde- pendent people. The reproach of ingratitude too, was at least illogical, in attributing to the Russians any good which the Poles might themselves have effected ; since the institutions of the kingdom were Polish, and not Russian, and according to the constitution it governed itself. The king could only be the agent of the people's will. But the boasted prosperity was a glittering illusion, which vanished into nothing on a nearer view. More effectually to sever the constitutional king- dom from the provinces and the rest of Europe, three lines of Cossacks were stationed along the frontier. The importation of Prussian goods being thus interrupted, Prussia augmented the duty on Polish grain sent to Dantzic ; and Alexander, avail- ing himself of this as a pretext for breaking off' all commercial intercourse between the nations, com- PRINCE LUBECKI. 51 manded a canal to be cut (which cost the nation several millions yearly), uniting the Vistula and Niemen, in order to convey the grain by w^ater to Riga. Had this extravagant project been carried into effect, it would only have facilitated the tran- sport of Russian armaments against Poland and the rest of Europe, for every enterprise undertaken by the Czars in Poland, is always with this twofold object. The kingdom thus isolated, the government was obliged to establish home manufactories, the mono- poly of which fell exclusively into the hands of German colonists. Without competition in the markets, and aided by large sums advanced by government, articles of inferior quality were offered at an extravagant price, which the Poles were com- pelled to pay ; and hence German artisans, who in their own country scarcely earned a subsistence by sixteen hours daily labour, with half the toil acquired riches in Poland, and soon flocked there, to the number of 30,000. The inevitable results were, that the Poles, instead of purchasing good articles at a low rate abroad, were obliged to buy the worst and dearest at home, and that the advantage which Germany ought to have derived from commercial intercourse with a neighbouring country, was trans- ferred to the hands of a company of fortune hunters. The kingdom was thus deprived of the benefit of large capitals, which were invested elsewhere; and although Polish cloth was exported to Muscovy and China, it did not enrich the country. The establish- 52 THE RULE OF ment of manufactures in the kingdom, in its actual state, might be compared to constructing the roof of a house before its foundations should be laid. Only such hands should be there employed in them as are not required for agriculture, and even in former times, when the native population was more numerous, it was inadequate to the full cultivation of the soil, and, consequently, is still more so now that it has been diminished by so many wars. The constitutional kingdom, for instance, could support a population three times its actual number, and twice as many hands were requisite for its full cul- tivation. Nothing, therefore, could exceed the ab- surdity of making the Poles emulate manufactures already brought to a high degree of perfection in other countries, and at the same time neglect the agricultural pursuits in which they excelled all others. The sole effect of these manufactories was to ruin agriculture, of which Mr. Jacob, who was sent into Poland by the English government on an agricul- tural mission, has given a melancholy picture. The country around Cracow may be compared to England; abounding in silver, copper, zinc, iron, and extensive coal and salt mines. Poland may still be called the granary of Europe. The timber, flax, and hemp of Lithuania, are the best and cheapest. Podolia and Ukraina abound in the finest cattle, and a magnificent breed of chargers. Numerous rivers, of the first, second, and third magnitudes, afford natural facilities of internal comnmnication ; PRINCE LUBECKI. 53 and the Baltic and Black Seas enable her to trade with foreign countries. These natural communica- tions are so interwoven with each other, that no province can be severed from ancient Poland with- out detriment to the remainder ; and it might have been the knowledge of this fact that induced the Congress of Vienna to guarantee absolute freedom of commerce to all Poles. And now that all the pro- vinces are separated by impassable barriers, what can be said of the physical well being of the country in general, and more particularly of that portion nick- named the Constitutional Kingdom, isolated as it is from the adjacent countries, and especially from Dantzic. Unless Russia should succeed in convert- ing this part of Poland wholly into a desert, she must either restore it (which she will never do but by compulsion), or take possession also of Dantzic and the Polo-Prussian provinces. The Russians boast of having embellished War- saw. It is certainly true that some public edifices have been constructed, under the immediate direction of government, though at the expense of the citizens exclusively ; but the Asiatic Chinese style of these new buildings, is ill-assorted to the classic architec- ture (jf Warsaw. The Russians usually adorn the capital of the countries they subjugate, as if in token that they never mean to abandon their prey. € CHAPTER II. National Conservatism — Secret Societies — National Education — Prince Adam Czartoryski. The destructive system, so universally pursued in the kingdom, by the erection of w^hich the Congress of Vienna offended the interests of Russia, was essential to the conservation of the autocratic empire of the Czars. The existence of the consti- tutional kingdom in the vicinity of the sister coun- tries, was an obstacle to their incorporation with the Russian dominions, and contributed to preserve the national character still more distinct, since every patriotic scene occurring on the Vistula found sym- pathy beyond the Bug, and each word whispered in Warsaw was heard at Vilno. The kingdom, form- ing an excrescence of the empire, was like a sponge, which absorbed everything from Western Europe, and then emptied it into the interior of the colossus. Poland of the Vistula therefore, the land lacerated by the bullets of so many insurrections, and sur- rounded by a revolutionary atmosphere, haunted the Czars like a spectre, threatening the dissolution of their empire. To such thoughts, influencing, though they could not justify their conduct, may be added NATIONAL CONSERVATISM. 55 the jealousy of their native subjects, who regarded it as a personal affront that the less powerful Poles, after all their calamities, should enjoy rights and privileges vi^ithheld fi-om themselves. Constantine's marriage, too, was another source of evil. Having renounced the greatest throne in the world for a Polish wife, he thought that he was, in conse- quence, entitled to exert absolute rule over fifteen millions of her countrymen. This abdication was acknowledged by Alexander to be essential to the existence of autocratism, and thenceforth the history of Russian Poland was only that of a cabal for reform in the imperial succession. On the other hand, had the constitution been observed, a liberal administra- tion, a free press, and unintimidated Diets, could not have failed to awaken, in even a still shorter period than tyranny required to do it, the national desire of independence. So reasoned the cabinet of St. Petersburgh. But if, as Novosilzoff said, it was dangerous to grant the Poles a moment's breathing time in their sufferings, or leave them even a shadow of liberty, because they would avail them- selves of it to regain their freea'>m, it was no less certain that every injury inflicted, every privilege torn away, would but excite them to more deter- mined struggles against the stranger's yoke. Thus, after the partition of their country, liberty or oppres- sion, a mild or tyrannic government must ever produce the same result, — a contest for lost but still merited independence. Such is the unalterable 56 NATIONAL CONSERVATISM. condition of their existence under foreign rule — if it be mild, they rise because they can — if tyrannical, because they must. They can never be reconciled to subjection, either by moderation or tyranny. It is this necessity for incessant oppression on the one side, and for constant resistance on the other ; this fatality, which lies heavy alike on the Poles and on their foreign rulers; which gives that high tragic character to all their insurrections, and renders their history so interesting and instructive. The open rising of an independent people against a national government that has become oppressive, is termed a revolution. The Poles, no longer inde- pendent, were obliged first to conspire in secret, until such a number of individuals should be col- lected as would suffice to rouse the whole nation against their foreign masters. This is called an in- surrection. The first secret associations in Poland were synchronous with the first intrigues of Russia ; and the first insurrection that resulted from them was the confederation of Bar, headed by Casimir Pulawski. Next came the first partition, after which the national Diet voted the celebrated constitution of the 3rd of May, 1791 ; but the sudden annihila- tion of their political existence prevented them from carrying into effect that great measure of reform. Hence the third partition was the murder of a living nation, nerved and strengthened by exalted ideas, which it was on the eve of realizing. Thus the territory alone was dismembered ; the individuality NATIONAL CONSERVATISM. 57 of the nation remained entire. The two above- named events were great efforts, the one armed, the ether legislative — two great results of national thought, when Poland, losing her station amongst the European powers, retained her firm resolve to regain it at some future time. This legacy of the country, at the moment of her political death, is the clue to the phenomena of extraordinary activity dis- played by the Poles after their fall. Ejected by violence from the community of European states, Poland developed within herself, a mode of exist- ence unknown till then in the historv of the world — a domestic national vitality ; all the strength by which she had once swayed widely in the North, was, after the partition, concentrated within the circle of family life. This fact may be thus ex- plained. Under the Piasts she was an absolute power. Under the Jagellons a free, constitutional, and well-ordered monarchy, powerful both at home and abroad. She next became a republic, with an elective king, full of internal though anarchical life ; but weak in her external relations, and losing thereby a part of her importance with other powers, she became obnoxious to partition. But that very weakness of her government having prevented the dissipation of her strength in wars of ambition, she still retained sufficient force to rise repeatedly after the dismemberment had taken place. In short, the accident that Poland was an anarchical republic during the two last centuries, that she had not a despotic government, but was a free nation ; in other 58 NATIONAL CONSERVATISM. words, that she was more of a family than a state, preserved to the subsequent generations a powerful force that will resist many centuries of oppression. This result does not justify, but it explains, the effects of the anarchical republic. Family, home, constitute at once the secret of Polish insurrections. The family existence, strong on the eve of political death, is the sinew of these insurrections. Such is the nature of Poland, that she struggles with all the energy of her social internal life for poli- tical independence, and, in this respect, has greatly the advantage over the three powers that dismem- bered her. A single defeat (at Jena) destroyed the whole work of Frederick the Great, and in less than fifteen days Prussia no longer an in- dependent power, was indebted solely to the bright eyes of her queen for the preservation of her poli- tical existence. Such empires as Prussia, Austria, and Russia, may be termed unnatural — the crea- tions of violence, not having the principle of stability within themselves. Make, for instance, a republic of Russia, and give free constitutions to Prussia and Austria, and the various nations of which they now consist would separate into so many independent states. Which of these powers could subsist, as Poland has, for sixty years, with- out a central government, without fortresses, armies, or funds, and oppressed by the tyranny of a triple foreign yoke ? The history of Poland, since the partition, may be considered under the double aspect of public and SECRET SOCIETIES. 59 private ; the one, a record of the nation's slavery, with her enslavers ; the other, a narrative of national efforts to shake off their chains. The former con- tains as many chapters as the portions into which she was divided ; the latter, is one and the same for the whole country. Secret societies, the source of all insurrections, are its principal features ; but secrecy being their characteristic, the information respecting them is necessarily scanty. By their means the insurrec- tion under Kosciuszko was brought about. A few Poles, scattered in foreign lands, maintained secret intercourse with those in their own, and returning suddenly with that patriot at their head, without an army, and without funds, they yet declared war against Russia and Prussia, and for a year defeated the armies of those powerful states. There is nothing so great in the world's history, with which this insurrection may not vie. Many patriots emi- grated at its close, and whilst they wandered beyond unknown seas, as says the Archbishop Woronicz, maintained the unconquerable will in the hearts of those who were in chains at home. The Pole emi- grates in the name of his country : his mission is not to seek fortune, but to proclaim his country's wrongs, and then return to avenge them. A band of Polish emigrants is not a faction chased by an opposing faction, but the remnant of the nation protesting against foreign tyranny. The existence of the Poles, since the partition, is, to a certain 60 SECRET SOCIETIES. extent, easily systematized. They resolve to rise, and having failed, they emigrate ; but only to con- spire again, again to fight, and emigrate again. Se- cret societies, insurrections, exile, are the three for ever recurring stanzas of the same melancholy lay. Each has its peculiar characteristic ; viz., secret as- sociations — sacred, sworn fidelity; insurrections — enthusiasm and valour ; exile — resignation. Thus the love of fatherland assumes amongst the Poles something fantastic and religious. Secret societies commenced in 1819, when the first violation of the Constitution took place. They kept pace with the progress of public affairs until the insurrection of 1830, which was their result. The Poles delight to find something poetical in their patriotic enterprises. A tradition transmitted from society to society, named Dombrovvski, the commander of the Polish legions in Italy, as their first institutor. Words, said to have been uttered by him on his death bed, sank so deeply in some patriotic breasts, that they were recorded as a dying behest, which the nation subsequently rose to execute on the field of battle. If this were but the invention of some patriot, it must be acknowledged, that a fiction, tracing to the dying words of an old warrior, the origin of an armed insurrection, was eminently poetic. Major Lukasinski, of the fourth of the line, esta- blished the first association in the kingdom, applying the rules of a masonic society (still permitted in 1810) SECRET SOCIETIES. 61 to the national free masonry, exclusively suited to Poland. It consisted of four orders, or classes. Mem- bers of the first class were bound to support military men who had suffered in the late campaigns : those of the two next were employed in enlightening their countrymen, and spreading the spirit of nationality. By the fourth class, the national independence, resulting from the exertions of the other three, was openly discussed. The symbol of ordinary masonry, the reconstruction of Solomon's temple, is typical of the restoration of the depraved moral nature of man. This regenerative christian principle was applied by Lukasinski to Poland, as requiring to be reconstructed and restored. The other symbols were of easy application. The death of the inno- cent Hiram represented the partition, and his three murderers the three partitioning powers. The Poles were the children of Hiram, bound unremit- tingly to pursue and combat the usurpers of his throne. Finally, the belief in his resuscitation, amidst the greatest difficulties, was transferred to the hoped-for restoration of Poland. This national free masonry spread rapidly in the army, the kingdom, and the grand duchy of Posen, and existed, thus disguised, until 1821, when an order of Alexander, abolishing all associations, caused it to disappear nominally, but not in fact. From the elements of this national masonry, Lukasinski established a great patriotic secret society, sub-divided into commons, respectively 62 SECRET SOCIETIES. limited to ten members, and several of these com- mons formed a district; and a certain number of districts constituted a province. Seven provinces comprehended the whole of ancient Poland ; each province having a president, who formed one of the central committee, which had its seat in Warsaw. This committee, unknown to its su- bordinates, superintended the whole fabric. Thus the government might cut off a branch, without uprooting the tree. It was also empowered to send emissaries through the country, and incorporate and communicate with new societies. Acting on the principle that an unseen power is always mag- nified by men's imaginations, in the ratio of its mystery, its influence was great. The national free masonry, so sagaciously conceived by Lukasinski, gave, notwithstanding its short duration, a powerful impulse to the country, and, in the space of a few months, secret societies were every where established. Illustrious names, wealth, talents, all were enlisted by a few patriots, anxious to restore their country by means of its own resources. Many noble families in Podolia and Ukraina, prepared for an armament according to their ancient usage. They procured arms and buried them in the earth, forged lances, and gradually increased the numbers of their ser- vants and horses, whilst the oriental luxury of their usual habits enabled them to pursue their prepara- tions without exciting suspicion. Even beyond the sphere of the great central society, and without NATIONAL EDUCATION. 63 its knowledge, others, animated by the same spirit, started into existence ; and it often occurred, that two distinct societies formed in the capital, met far from their original source. The agency of the central committee was even better organised than Constantine's police ; and no sooner traced a newly formed society, than they incorporated it with the great one. It often happened, that the same in- dividuals were members of several, without betraying the secret; which may be accounted for partly by the reserve of the Poles, and partly to their abhor- rence of the foreign dominion. Amongst many others, was the society of the Templars, established by Captain Maiewski, who, during his captivity, had been a member of the Templars' lodge in Scotland. Its object was the same as that of the national masonry, with this difference only ; that women were admitted, in order to extend its influence over the whole social frame of national life. It soon came into com- munication with the patriotic society, but still preserved its independence. A still more powerful engine of national con- servatism, was public education ; the two principal foci of which, were at Warsaw and Vilno. Prince Adam Czartoryski was eminently service- able in this department. His family (a branch of the Jagellon dynasty), are celebrated for their efforts to establish a vigorous administration, during the reign of Stanislau^ Poniatowski ; but were baffled 64 PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKl. in the attempt, by the blind opposition of the de- mocratic nobility, influenced by Russian intrigue. They were the chief promoters of the Constitution of the 3rd of May, and its champion, Kosciuszko, was educated in a mihtary school established by them. Prince Adam served as Major under him, and emigrated after his catastrophe. The Empress Catherine then threatened to confiscate the immense family estates, unless the young Princes, Adam and Constantine, were sent as hostages to St. Petersburgh. On their arrival there, they were treated with particular distinction, and admitted as companions of the young Czarewitch Alexander, and his brother Constantine. Prince Adam, per- ceiving in Alexander some indications of a generous disposition, resolved, if possible, to implant upon it the kindred sentiments which he himself had learnt from Burke and Fox ; trusting that the young monarch, if once taught to act on just and humane principles towards his own subjects, might also be led to acknowledge and redress the wrongs of the Poles. His success at first surpassed his hopes, Alexander becoming so ena- moured of liberal ideas, as at one time to propose their escaping together to the United States, there to enjoy the benefit of republican citizenship. Madame de Stael called Alexander an exception, an epithet which has no meaning, as applied to him ; Czars being ever more perfect in their sort, as they approach nearer the Tatar stock, their PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI. 65 type being, not Marcus Aurelius, but Ivan the cruel. For a moment, indeed, Alexander seemed to be of a mixed character : but he ended by equalling, if not exceeding, the most genuine of former Czars. The transient tinge of liberalism that marked a portion of his reign, was the result of his friendship with Prince Czartoryski ; and the very fact that a Czar, by coming in contact with a Pole, should be adopted a son of civilization, and be considered an e.vception, is yet another tribute to Polish merit. Whilst his countrymen were shed- ding their blood for France, Czartoryski made the best of his singular position in behalf of his coun- try ; and, towards the beginning of 1804, when the chancellor Woronzoff resigned the office of minister for foreign affairs, he consented to be his successor, on condition of being permitted to resign, whenever Russian policy should become hostile to the interests of Poland. At that period, Russia was at peace, and in close alliance with France ; a circumstance which, owing to the Polish legions having also remained there, was erroneously attri- buted to the Prince by the Russian aristocracy who still remembered with indignation the disgrace cast upon them by SuwarofF's unsuccessful cam- paign. Their suspicion rather assisted Prince Czartoryski's views, for he was, in fact, desirous of an alliance with England, partly from respect for her institutions, but still more from the appre- hension of mischief to Poland in case of a protracted F 66 PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI. peace between Russia and France. He then saw enough to convince him, that just in proportion as the power of Napoleon increased, did Alexander grow liberal to the Poles, whose co-operation with France it was his wish at least to neutralize. Thus, what some attributed to the generosity of Alexander, did, in fact, result from selfish cal- culation; and it is the province of history to explain the policy of cabinets by interest, and not by sen- timent. At this day, the same effect would follow any pressure from the West ; and were France still equally prompt to draw the sword, even Nicholas would become generous to the Poles. It was, therefore, with secret satisfaction that the Prince, in 1805, signed a treaty of alliance between Russia, Great Britain, and Austria, against Napoleon ; and his hopes were justified by the friendly disposition soon evinced by the Russian cabinet towards his countrymen. Anxious to profit by the indecision of the King of Prussia, Alexander urged Prince Joseph Poniatowski, then in Warsaw, to insurrec- tionize the Polish subjects of the former, and proclaim him king of Poland. The proposal was listened to, and would have been carried into effect, had not the Muscovite party (the opponents of Czartoryski) brought Prussia over to the northern alliance ; England was at that time so ill disposed towards Prussia, that, to enable Alexander to crush it, she offered to transfer to him the subsidies pre- viously promised to that state. NATIONAL EDUCATION. 07 In the meantime, Czartoiyski, disgusted with t]ie turn affairs had taken during the war against Austria, in 1805, and still more so with the Russians, by whom Alexander was surrounded, retired from office at the commencement of 1806*. On the establish- ment of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw he even with- drew from his presence, and refused to enjoy the prerogatives of friendship, foreseeing in the next collision between France and Russia, and in the ascending star of Napoleon, the salvation of Poland. Thenceforth he devoted himself to his duties as Curator at the University of Vilno, a post to which he had been appointed in 1801, when public educa- tion in the Polo-Russian provinces had been re- duced to the lowest ebb. This university (esta- blished in 1583, by Stephen Batory) had been, after Kosciuszko's catastrophe absolutely deserted, both * On accepting office, Czartoryski stipulated that neither salary, decoration, nor any kind of remuneration, should be forced upon him. All his subordinates were Poles, and to defray the costs of the office, he expended several millions of his own fortune during the short period of his ministry. In 1815 he declined accepting the Polish order of the White Eagle, sent him by Alexander, pleading his former engagement ; but on the latter indignantly ordering him to accept it, he interpreted the command as the signal of his disgrace at court. Such disinterestedness is so little understood in Russia, that Nicholas, as a punishment for the part taken by Czartoryski in the late insurrection, issued an ukase (1831) declaring him unworthy to wear a Russian decoration; but on perceiving his blunder, deprived him, by another the next year, of his Polish order. 68 NATIONAL EDUCATION. by professors and students, and five other schools of an inferior description alone remained. This aspect of things was quickly changed by Czartoryski, and one hundred and twenty-seven provincial colleges arose, supported by him and other patriots. At Krzemieniec, a college containing eight classes, and on a plan much resembling that of a university, was established by his indefatigable coadjutor, the historian Thaddeus Czacki. The university of Vilno was re-organized by the Prince himself, and a new statute drawn up, by which it was declared the highest school and the supreme board of public education for all Polono-Russian provinces. Placing distinguished men in all the chairs, he chose for rec- tor John Sniadecki, an author well known for his astronomical labours*, who with uncommon ardour set about introducing the system of science then prevalent in continental Europe. At the beginning of the present century, France and Germany were the two main sources of scientific knowledge ; the French presiding over matter, the Germans over spirit. Scepticism carried to the extreme, yet leading to important results in politics ; criticism, the material part of human knowledge, distinguished the French beyond every other continental nation ; speculation, rather than practice, beguiled the Ger- * Sniadecki published a biography and a very able commentary on the system of his countryman Copernicus (Kopernik), which was translated into French and English. NATIONAL EDUCATION. 69 mans beyond the regions of reality. It was the very essence of French science, to be universally ap- plicable to all places and all people ; but German philosophy was local, peculiar to the metaphysical turn of the natives, vibrating in a state of chaos from which they are still unable to emerge. Snia- decki did not hesitate long before he decided ; and, preferring certainty to uncertainty, adopted the French system of natural science and mathematics, to the utter neglect of moral science. The students might be divided into two classes — those who meant to follow theology, law, or medicine, with profes- sional views, and those who studied for the pure love of knowledge, or to provide themselves with an agreeable pastime in the capital. Now as scien- tific qualifications in Russia corresponded to military grades (fourteen in number), and the degrees of candidate (lieutenant), master (captain), or doctor (major), were conferred exclusively by the faculties of natural science, it followed that all students pur- sued them with the view of obtaining one of these grades, without which in Russia a man is a slave ; and that moral science was, in consequence, almost wholly abandoned. The result will be important. It has been said that, besides its task of instruc- tion, the superintendence of the education of twelve millions of Poles was committed to the university of Vilno, which thus became a ministerial department. All the professors were members of it de facto, and had the rank of colonel, the rector being counsellor 70 NATIONAL EDUCATION. of state (general officer). The large salaries of the professors enabling them to live in ostentation ; and the circumstance that bishops and prelates formed a part of the council, secured its consideration, and converted these dispensers of literature and science into an aristocracy of learning, on whose province neither the civil nor the military authorities were permitted to infringe. Such was the university when Sniadecki, in 1816, resigned a post in which he had done good service to his country, by awakening the spirit of research, and diffusing far and wide an immense mass of knowledge. By him also and other professors the phraseology of natural science was brought to great perfection in their native lan- guage, which in precision and clearness equals, and in purity surpasses, that of France. Their own writings were models for style, and Vilno became a second focus of national literature. — Soon after Sniadecki's retirement, a society of persons, terming themselves " The Satirists," was formed in Vilno. To criticize and ridicule every abuse in government, literature, and manners, was the business of its members, and the society thus became a practical ex- pression of the spirit of the university. The Satirists were charged with being cosmopolites, and not with- out reason ; for a patriotism like theirs leads as directly to indifference for the fatherland, as indiffer- ence in religion does to atheism. The students on their part also furnished ample subject for ani- madversion, the sons of rich families being accus- NATIONAL EDUCATION. 71 tomed to waste their money in idle pursuits, and return home without having learned anything useful, since mathematics and jihysics do not suffice to form a citizen. The pooi^er students too, the only real seekers of knowledge; still merely used it as a means of livelihood, fitting! themselves to be teachers in private families, or officers under government. This tendency of the enlighte(ied classes inevitably resulted from the system intr/jduced by Sniadecki, which, occupying the youths ej^:clusively with mate- rial nature, left them no time jto investigate what lies beyond her limits. The la/vs, institutions, and politics of Europe,even the history of ancient Poland, of her constitution, diets, &c., concerned not the old man entirely absorbed in his observatory, and for- getful of all that was passing around him, even when Alexander threw off the mask of the pretended benefactor of mankind. It is also worthy of remark, that experimental science, calculations by rule and compass, systems without imagination, exclusively followed, often form the character to epicurism. The year 1820, when so many secret societies sprung up, was also an epoch in the annals of the university of Vilno. Amongst the few penetrating minds who discerned its anti-national tendency was Thomas Zan, the son of poor but noble parents. Having attained great proficiency in physical and mathematical science, he still continued to attend the lectures, anxious to teach something beyond these to the academical youths, with two generations of whom V 72 THOMAS ZAN. he had become acquainted, being himself the eldest amongst them. On the e^e of any important event it would seem as if Providence raised up such men to be the originators of j^reat social reforms. To Zan the university was yot a mere resort for the promotion of physical science, the boundary beyond which nothing remained to be known. The young men of Lithuania, Siimogitia, Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina entered f fieir names annually by thou- sands as her studen\s. Were they to be nothing more ? Might nothing great be formed out of such elements ? Thus thought Zan, and thus far did he succeed in realizing his thought, that so long as Lithuania shall exist, patriotism, courage, and the love of Poland will never be extinguished in that country. By the amiability of his manner, and the cultivation of his intellect, Zan secured the affection of the youths, and the confidence which he needed, in order to unite them for one great purpose. At the close of 1819 he established the Society of the Radiants. Seven rays of light was the symbol representing its seven classes ; its object being to diffuse patriotism and the love of knowledge. Bar- tering the intellect of the poor for the possessions of the rich, he employed them all in aid of one another. If a student found himself perplexed by the prospect of an approaching examination, or unable to comprehend some lecture, gratuitous as- sistance was immediately offered. If another was in pecuniary difficulty, relief reached him from some THOMAS ZAN. 73 unknown hand. Every student seemed to have received new life. Each now possessed a small library of certain books hitherto unknown, and some there were who even transcribed whole volumes ; one, for instance, treating of the Constitution of May 3. Casting away former frivolities, they ex- changed theatrical songs for patriotic hymns. They thronged to the lectures on moral philosophy, to the astonishment of the professors, and the regret of Sniadecki, who could not understand the change. Zan, however, was the invisible reformer, assisted by the seventh class of the Radiants, called Phila- retes, who, on their part, were subordinate to a supreme committee, consisting of Philomates. Thus commenced a revolution, not only in the manners and character of the students, but also in the litera- ture of the country to which Adam Mickiewicz, one of the Radiants, added a lustre and originality never before attained. This reform among the students happened at a most propitious moment, and prepared the way for that of the whole university. In 1821, four new professors were added to the faculty of moral sciences, amongst whom were Goluchowski, a fol- lower of the German philosophy*, and Lelewel, an eminent Polish historian, and incomparable as a * He was the author of a valuable philosophical work, which he wrote in German, and dedicated to the celebrated Voa ScheUing, whose pupil he had been. 74 THOMAS ZAN. professor. They were enthusiastically welcomed by the students, besides whom a large audience, both male and female, generally attended their lectures. The precedence now given to moral sciences wrought a complete alteration in the university, which, in its twofold character, collegiate and magis- terial, dispensed education to twelve millions of Poles. Lelewel, in his lectures on universal history, was compelled to introduce politics. Goluchowski, in his exposition of what the Germans call philo- sophy, and which alone is properly so called, forced the mind to analyze itself, independently of the external world. Are not the people intent on re- covering their independence bound to be both poli- ticians and philosophers ? Napoleon, in whom every instinct of despotism seemed innate, did away with political and moral sciences in the French In- stitute, stigmatizing them as ideology, too well aware of their power to awaken the imagination, the most potent of man's faculties, and to produce a poetic ardour, impatient of any yoke, making men delight in extreme perils. This was especially true in regard to Poland. Whatever spoke to the ima- gination seemed to have the enslaved country for its object, and whatever was poetical was also patriotic. Thus Zan induced the whole youthful generation in the sister countries to conspire openly against the Russian dominion simultaneously with the secret associations of the kingdom. The Warsaw university needed no such reform, NATIONAL EDUCATION. 76 for the students here were in the very focus of pa- triotism, and ready to rush into danger at the first signal. There was also at Warsaw a Royal Scien- tific Society (established in 1801), consisting of the most illustrious men of Poland, whose principal object was to diffuse the knowledge of Polish history, from the conviction that a subjugated nation may still protract its existence, by preserving the constant recollection of its past. Niemciewicz, its then pre- sident, the companion and friend of Kosciuszko, also took that moment to publish his " Historic Songs," metrical sketches of the principal events in the history of Poland, and of her most remarkable monarchs and heroes, with illustrative notices and engravings ; and the sensation excited by this work was in itself tantamount to an important political event. Another poet, the Archbishop Woronicz, produced a national epic, the temple of Sybilla at Pulawy, so called after an edifice belonging to the Czartoryski family, where, since the partition, they had collected all the national relics in art, literature, and history. To this sacred shrine every patriot made a pilgrimage at least once in his life. There also misfortune, talent, or desert, might de- pend on finding an asylum or reward ; useful works were printed there for the instruction of the people. This spot was celebrated by Woronicz, in that splendid poem wherein he records the deeds of his countrymen from the remotest time to the present day. 76 NATIONAL CONSPIRACY. Without seeking to systematize that which might be accidental, it is yet interesting to observe that at the same time that the secret associations sprung up in the kingdom, science assumed at Vilno a charac- ter congenial to them — that the Satirists retired before the Radiants, and that Polish literature underwent a remarkable change. These simultaneous phenomena in every part of Poland explain the element of her posthumous existence — Conspiracy ! Such was the state of national conservatism in 1822, when the secret police became aware of Lukasinski's preparations for an insurrection, which was to commence on the departure of 100,000 Russians, who, according to rumour, would soon be marched into Italy, to suppress the Neapolitan revolution. Lukasinski, and four other officers, were arrested, and two of them committed suicide in prison, to preclude the possibility of any revela- tions being extorted from them. Lukasinski, and the two others, after a protracted court martial of two years, were condemned to ten years imprison- ment at Zamosc, on suspicion only, flogging having been employed in vain to f<^rce confession. Their constancy saved the great patriotic association, the committee of which was shortly after strengthened by Colonel Krzyzanowski, Prince Jablonowski, and the senator Soltyk. Persecution began, at the same time, at Vilno ; Constantine, on visiting that city, was dissatisfied with what he saw there, and Prince Czartoryski foreseeing the danger, ordered NOVOSILZOFF AT VILNO. 77 the Philomates to dissolve their secret committee, which was accordingly done in 1822. NovosilzofF, however, who perceived in the detection of conspi- racies a source of great emolument to himself, repre- sented to the Grand Duke that all Poland was plotting against the Czar, and that the universities were so many seminaries of Jacobinism, under the guidance and protection of Prince Czartoryski, and it was not long before an event occurred highly favourable to his views. In May 1823, Michael Plater, only ten years of age, a pupil at the Vilno College, wrote on one of the school slates, " Long live the Constitution " of May 3 ! Who shall restore it to us ?" On being informed of this offence, Constantine des- patched Novosilzoff to Vilno, where he sentenced the young Jacobin, with five of his companions, to continue their education in military colonies, and addressed letter after letter to the Grand Duke, re- presenting the alarming state of Vilno, and the necessity of summary chastisement. Detemiined on discovering some plot, in December 1823 he imprisoned 1200 students in eight convents at Vilno, where he detained them six months. The usual means of torture were scourges and salted herrings, and their terror-struck parents paid enor- mous sums to Novosilzoff in the hope of saving their unfortunate children. He received, for in- stance, from Count Tyszkiewicz, 30,000 ducats, for the rescue of his son, twelve years of age. Deeply 78 PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKT. moved by the wretched fate of his companions, Zan sacrificed himself for all, confessed that he alone had formed the society of Philaretes, and offered himself in atonement for it. His self-devo- tion was of no avail. An ukase was issued in Sep- tember 1824, dismissing Goluchowski, Lelewel, and three other professors of moral faculty, and con- demning eleven Philomates and nine Philaretes to exile for life, in Siberia or Caucasus, for having, as it stated, " had the unreasonable desire of promot- " ing Polish nationality." NovosilzofF was re- warded by the curatorship of the university, and in a report, forwarded by him to St. Petersburgh, he accused Czartoryski of having " retarde de cent " ans Vamalgayiie de la Pologne avec la Russie.'' The Poles themselves could have bestowed no higher praise ; and Alexander, in furnishing him with the opportunity of acquiring such merit, committed " une grande faute d'etat,'' though ho- nourable to himself, in so far as it was the result of his friendship for the prince. — That the students should be persecuted by Russia, for patriotic opi- nions, was natural; but that the curator should convert their virtue and their sufferings into a source of sordid gain to himself, seemed indeed an anomaly. He ruled Lithuania like a Verres, sui frofusus, alleni rapax. He was constantly inventing new reports of conspiracies, in order to obtain bribes from the parents of his victims ; he depraved their youthful minds by obscenities PERSECUTION OF THE NOBILITY. 79 not to be named, and sold the professorships to gamblers and fortune hunters, wholly isolating the province from the rest of Europe. The latent hatred of the rising generation, enlightened by Czartoryski, Sniadecki, Zan, and Lelewel, prepared a merited retribution for their oppressor. As if the penalty he had inflicted on children for imputed guilt, were not sufficient, Alexander aimed a blow at even unborn generations, by an ukase, excluding all who were not of noble birth from the university and other colleges. Czars alone may be able to explain how this ukase could be reconciled with another, conferring nobility on those who should follow up a course of study in the university. To render it still more effective, Nicholas, in 1828, ordered all nobles to prove the legitimacy of their rank. During the wars, catastrophes and exiles, so frequent latterly in Poland, many a nobleman had lost his diploma of the rank which rendered them masters of them- selves, or freemen. The object of this ukase was to reduce thousands to the station of peasants, serfs, or rather slaves, liable to military conscription, or the periodical transportation of the population, and tending to get rid of the nobles, the natural protec- tors of the peasants, to replace them by Russians, less dreaded by the Czar. It served, also, to in- crease the revenue, by the capitation-tax, to be paid by those it would render rateable as serfs, and was a source of great profit to the heraldic committee' 80 PERSECUTION OF THE NOBILITY. instHuted in St. Petersburgh, for the purpose of deciding upon the authenticity of documents. The illustrious family of Tyszkiewicz, for example, were pronounced to be peasants, and only recovered their rank by the payment of 100,000 gold ducats. The consequence of this measure was, that most of the rich nobles were ruined, and the poor became serfs. The wholesale transportation of the nobility, now carried on by Nicholas, commenced at that epoch, and reduced not less than half a million of the bravest nation in the world to despair. The other classes, too, were equally, or even more incensed, by the Russian administration, which would have even stirred up negroes. Legalized injustice, hier- archical robbery, and authorised venality, constitute the character of the Russian government in the Polish provinces. Its principle is, that all officials, from the highest dignitary to the lowest attendant, steal ; and they do so in the utmost rigour of the term. They are compelled to steal, since the existence of the government depends upon it. That by which Russia supports her existence, and has become a European power, is hers neither by conquest nor inheritance ; and whatever is not ob- tained by one of these means, politically considered, is robbery. What treasure could suffice to pay the salaries of all the officials who swarm from the Black Sea to Moscow, thence to St. Petersburgh, and on to the United States of America ? Such an adminis- tration must maintain itself, like an army in an THE RUSSIAN ADMINISTRATION. 81 enemy's country, for it is beyond the power of finance to devise other means. The secret extor- tions of the Czar's officials compensate for a salary so scanty that it would be hardly sufficient for a week. A budget in that country is a mere dream. Salaries increase or diminish, not annually, but weekly, or daily, according to the cunning or daring of the individual. It is impossible to calcu- late the taxes — always too great — yet, whatever the amount, four times as much is paid to the official agents. " Where all are rogues, no one is a rogue," is a Russian saying. Muscovy exhibits a singular spectacle to an impartial observer, having merely her slaves and taskmasters, i. e. the fourteen classes, forming so many grades of the sole institution — the Autocratism. The emperor, however, notwith- standing his crown and sceptre, as the representa- tive and head of the government, is still only the first rogue in his empire, since he must submit to suffer other rogues in office. The word must seems to contradict the idea of unlimited absolutism ; yet, unhappily for fifty millions of subjects, the Czar's power, though absolute in all other respects, is re- stricted in this by the very nature of things. Nicholas has lately proclaimed himself (and any Czar could have done the same) the fourth person of the Trinity, without a single individual in his dominions dreaming of questioning the legitimacy of his divine pretensions ; but woe to that Czar who should refuse to patronize the chartered rogues ! 82 OPPRESSION OF ALL CLASSES. The Czars may in safety erect scaffolds for princes, or banish them to Siberia, but dare not take cogni- zance of the mal-administration of their officers, lest the very scarf with which they gird themselves should serve to teach them by what physiologic law mortals may perish in a critical moment. They know it ; and in consonance with this unyielding law, Nicholas has issued an ukase, threatening equal punishment to the briber and the bribed, in order at once to crush all prosecution of legal venality. The system is so familiar to the Russians, that they have embodied it in a kind of proverbial idyl : — " The buck robs the " sallow — the wolf robs the buck — the shepherd " robs the wolf — the landlord robs the shepherd — " the attorney robs the landlord — the Czar robs the " attorney, and the Devil himself robs the Czar*." Thus did the government scatter poverty with one hand, whilst with the other it implanted slavery. The rich were insurrectionized by the first, the poor by both ; and though the welfare of the country, liberty and independence, are sacred objects above all price, yet private and selfish interests are often more influential in provoking the resistance of the bulk of mankind. In the Polono-Russian pro- vinces every interest, moral and physical, national and private, were outraged, and there wanted but * Russice : — " Werbu kaza dierot, kazu wolk dierot, wolka " pastuch dierot, pastucha zasidatel dierot, zasidatela prokuror " dierot, proknrora hosudar dierot, a hosudara sam Czort dierot." OPPRESSION OF THE JEWS. 83 an able head to direct the force and resentment of the sufferers. Aliens did not escape the universal oppression, and Nicholas now compelled the Jews, settled in the country, to take military service. Persecuted during the middle ages in every othei- country, the Jews had found in Poland an asylum so hospitable, that it was proverbially called their paradise, as it was the heaven of the nobles. Their number is not accurately known, but it is certain that there are as many in Poland alone as in the rest of Europe. The prejudices of the Jews must be understood before the offence given by this new ukase can be fully appreciated. Their customs do not allow of military service, and least of all in Russia, where no one who has not received baptism can rise from the ranks. What cares a Jew for any war that does not tend to the recovery of the holy land ? To preserve, and, if possible, to increase the race, is also one of the sacred dogmas of their religion and their policy. During twenty centuries of persecution they have maintained a kind of negative existence, and may be said to have, in many countries, rendered themselves a poison, in order that oppression may not digest them. The new ukase proved for them an era of calamity. The young men being chiefly taken as recruits, the population was diminished both by the chances of war and the loss of heads of families. The Jewish soldier is not allowed to marry, nor can he enrich himself by mercantile pursuits. In the 84 OPPRESSION OF THE JEWS. Russian marine the Jews annually average one in three; and now, by a second ukase, Jewish children were seized and sent to Sebastopol and other ports of the Black Sea, to be brought up as sailors, but every one of these infant victims perished in the hospitals*. In every instance this exterminating system proceeded with equal severity. The Jews of Ostryn (a miserable borough, belonging to the Count of St. Priest, a French peer), being in arrears for taxes to the amount of 50,000 paper roubles, Nicholas ordered " the account to be settled, by *' taking one Jew for 500 roubles, and 115 were " accordingly torn from a community of scarcely " 1200, including women and children." In bitter aggravation of this cruelty, they were prohibited from entering a Muscov te province, on any pretext whatsoever ; and thus, by diminishing the numbers and the gains of his Jewish subjects, Nicholas created a host of dangerous malcontents. Though very numerous in the Muscovite provinces, it would be difficult to prove their origin. It is said, that at St. Petersburg!! alone there are 8000 baptized Jews, and numerous instances show that the race does not die under any metamorphosis, least of all in Russia ; the oppression of Israel is as keenly felt by the humble pedlar as by the rich monopolist, the state * Latterly, since Nicholas extended the same barharity to Polish children, many of them have been stolen by Russian officers and sold to Jewish parents, to be delivered to the government, in lieu of their own. CHARACTER OF THE POLISH QUESTION. 85 dignitary, or the general officer. What a prodigious number of these mysterious personages swarm in Russia ! They are closely connected with their breth- ren in Poland; and these again with those dis- persed over the continent, forming an association more powerful than the Russians are willing to believe. The financial operations of the empire are in their hands, as well as the army contracts, both for peace and war, and all the inferior official me- dical establishments. On the issuing of the ukases the Jews began to pray for the success of the Poles, whom it rested with them most effectually to assist, by furnishing arms and money, or by reducing Russia to a state of bankruptcy. Thus one common feeling of abhorrence for the rule of Russia, animated her subjects, of all classes and persuasions, in the very provinces most essential to her existence and to the safety of Europe, and especially of England. A few words will elucidate the fact. Russia had, in- deed, no sooner gained possession of the Polish pro- vinces, than by her new acquisitions she immediately extended her influence through Poland of the Vistula over central Europe, and by the provinces beyond the Bug, over Turkey, intending, on the one side, to wrest from Austria and Prussia all the Sclavonian countries, and, on the other, to subjugate the Ottoman Porte. It is this real view of the Polish question that renders it one of universal interest, as it involves, not alone the civilization and libertv of central and western Europe, together so THE NATURE OF THE with the future destiny of the Sclavonian nations, but also commercial prosperity in the East, and the higher interests of policy and morals. The influence already attained, by Russia, in Moldavia, Wallachia, Greece, and Turkey, might convince the most sceptical of her ultimate aim. Yet, there are English v^aiters, who maintain that the Czars do not covet the possession of Con- stantinople, lest her rivalry should prove injurious to their empire. Let not these authors suppose that the conquests of Russia are so devoid of logic : — Putant enim qui mari potitur eum rerum poiiri. Of this truth the Czars are perfectly aware, and their settlements on the Caspian and Black Seas, are but their first bivouacs on their march to Constantinople. Strong incentives prompt, the will and power are not wanting. The most important portions of the empire, European and Asiatic, lie towards the South, communicating far more easily with the Mediterranean than the Baltic, but deprived of those natural advantages by the eccentric position of the capital. St. Petersburgh may be compared to a leech unprofitably sucking the vital resources of the empire. The dangerous centralization, at one extremity of Russia, of all branches of its administration, of its riches, and of the court, causes the blood of the giant empire to flow unnaturally from fertile countries to deserts and steppes, from a genial climate to a temperature of snow and ice. Built by dint of the knout, in the POWER OF RUSSIA. 87 centre of a morass, and peopled by an ukase, St. Petersburgh keeps the whole emphe in a state of apoplexy. Sound, policy calls on the Czars to abandon a situation of such incessant and violent constraint ; and, by transferring their capital to the South, to give the empire a more natural constitution, and secure its future existence and extension. It is known that St. Petersburgh was originally built with the view of acquiring the maritime power essential to the protection of commerce. Success did not crown the plan. The Russians, it is true, have no rival on the Baltic ; but as it is navigable during only half the year, their ships of the line are usually in dock for seven, if not nine months, a burthen rather than an advantage to the state ; the naval service remains imperfect, and able sailors cannot be trained. To secure (as Peter the Great advised) their power on land, by means of power at sea, the Czars now seek to effect on the Mediter- ranean what they have failed to accomplish on the Baltic. Empires have certain absolute requisites peculiar to each. Large tracts of water are as essential to the prosperity of vast extent of land, as air to animal life, and ere the present century shall be half elapsed, Russia must descend in the scale of poli- tical importance, if she does not acquire maritime power. The events of the last hundred years justify the apprehension that she will acquire it. Had any one, previous to the time of Peter the Great, pre- dicted her actual state, his plans would have been 88 THE POSSESSION OF CONSTANTINOPLE, IS deemed visionary ; for there was less chance that the Russia of that day would arrive at what she now is, than that she should ever achieve what she cannot fail to do, unless she fall crushed by her own weight. Large masses of land seem to have indeed a poetic impulse in themselves, and something fantastic is exhibited in the rise of a political Colossus. Im- mense material power gives to the Czars a bearing of omnipotence, by which, in order to preserve their autocratism, they inebriate, as with a narcotic bever- age, the minds of their subjects with incessant con- quests. That same bearing seems to excite in them the political rapacity with which they strive to devour every thing around them. Call it the instinct of a monster or a savage, still the charms of an eastern clime, the monuments and ruins of past glory, the prestige of the City of Con- stantine the Great, which alone long averted the fall of the Greek empire, and which, as Gibbon remarks, was erected on the only eligible spot for universal dominion — more than all, the Mediterra- nean itself, — offer irresistible attractions to the ima- gination of the Czars. After a victory at the isle of Aland, over the Swedish fleet, Peter the Great exclaimed, in a prophetic spirit — " Nature made " Russia unique, and she shall have no rival in her " career ! " It may be added, that he who built one capital on Swedish ground, and in spite of Swedish cannon ; who burnt down a second under the eye of Napoleon, may possess himself of a third incom- THE ULTIMATE VIEW OF THE RUSSIAN CABINET. 89 parably more desirable. As the seat of the Czars, Constantinople would soon become the greatest naval arsenal in the world. The timber of Asia Minor, the iron of the Caucasus, the strong long hemp of Sinope and Trebizond, the power of steam, the Greek and Muscovite sailors, to whom nature has not refused docility, would combine to give Russia a fleet powerful enough to realize the most sanguine plans of Peter the Great; and this fleet might, besides, be commanded by naval officers from the United States of America, who would see, with infinite satisfaction, a rival to England in the old world. The fall of Turkey would then make Eng- land regret the dismemberment of Poland, the natu- ral ally of the Porte. To be blind to the chances of such a consummation, and, should England at- tempt to oppose it, to the no less probable attack on India, is, no doubt, comfortable, but neither wise nor safe. Had Poland remained independent and intact, these gigantic schemes could never have been contemplated by the Czars. Let Russia (the geographical situation of Poland being borne in mind) be imagined as extending from the Icy sea to the Crimea, without the Polish provinces, on the one hand ; and, on the other, Poland supposed to be re- established, Russia would then at once be cut off from Odessa and Turkey, as well as from all com- munication with central Europe. Poland has, there- fore, become the conductor of the Czar's power from the North to the East, South and West, and is, in 90 THE IMPORTANCE OF POLISH his political system, that which the heart is for the circulation of the blood, the pulse of a new North. Ancient Poland, as the Congress of Vienna proposed, and the insurrection of 1830 vainly endeavoured, to re-establish her, stretched towards the Black Sea, and comprised Odessa, Akerman, and the mouth of the Dnieper. The Tatars of the Crimea were her neigh- bours, and those of OtchakofF recognised her supre- macy. The Dniester separated her from Moldavia, and towards the mouth of the Dnieper were the Cos- sacks, who, in their expeditions down the Black Sea, carried alarm to the suburbs of Constantinople. Organized as a regular militia by Sigismund the First and Stephen Batory, they formed an effective guard to Christendom against the Turks, the Tatars, and the Muscovites. This force, now wielded by Rus- sia, enables her to press upon Turkey ; but it is evi- dent that her PoHsh provinces, both in the North and South, occupying a central position in this aggressive system, and uniting her former to her new acquisitions, would, if thrown into a state of insurrection, interrupt the military, administrative, and commercial intercourse throughout the em- pire, and finally dislodge the Colossus from its pedestal. In this point of view, a protracted war- fare would prove more advantageous than even a victory near Warsaw. In speaking of Russia, the idea of her being a desert, physically and politically, should be borne in mind. Inaccessible in the inte- rior, her invulnerable points are on the frontiers, of INDEPENDENCE TO ENGLAND. 91 which the Polish provinces form the boundary line to- wards Europe. Her real strength lies in her conquests, all situated towards the limits of her empire. Take these away, and the remainder can neither be con- quered, nor is worth the attempt. Had Napoleon been aware of this, his campaign would have been successful ; and never was there a greater mistake than that he committed in sacrificing strategy to tactics through his desire for battles, after he had obtained the object of war by the occupation of the Polish provinces. From Vilno or Kiow, but not from Moscow, he might, had he consented to winter in Poland, have dictated a treaty as favourable for France as disastrous to Russia or England. Besides the peril which the Czars entailed on their native empire, by the oppression of the Polish pro- vinces, they were threatened by one of no less mag- nitude on the part of their own Russian subjects. Their intercourse with the Poles, since the partition, aided by foreign education, and their campaigns against Napoleon, have awakened the conviction amongst the military aristocracy of Russia, that their country can only become free and civilized by the dismemberment of her parts. Upon this principle, " The Secret Society of the True Sons of Russia," was established, in 1816, at Moscow; and subsequently directed by a Committee foi- the Northern department of St. Petersburgh, and for the Southern at Tultchyn, at the head of which 92 THE RUSSIAN CONSPIRACY, were Pestel and Ryleyeff, both men of consider- able ability. The idea of the fomier was to separate Russia into as many independent nations as it originally consisted of, which he proposed then to form into two Confederative Republics — a North- ern and a Southern — on the model of the United States of America ; and the Polish and Russian Jews scattered through the empire were to be settled in some part of Asia. A military revolution, of which examples were not wanting in Spain, Naples, and Piedmont, was the appointed means for carrying this scheme into effect. Speaking of the Romanoff dynasty, Pestel said — "I must have thirteen vic- ^' tims ; for, though it be cruel to murder women, " it is indispensable that the whole of the Imperial " family should be for ever cut off" from the throne." He did not quite forget himself in his arrangements, reserving as his own share the Presidency of one of the republics for ten years, after which he intended to retire into some monastery at Kiow, and die a monk ! The Association spread still wider in 1824, by its union with the Sclavonian Society of Borysoff, which had for its object the formation of a Confede- rative Republic, to consist of Russia, Poland, Hun- gary, Bohemia, Moravia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Servia, Bosnia, Moldavia, and Wallachia — in other words, of all the Sclavonian countries. This gigantic pro- ject promises now to be effected in the form of an absolute monarchy. THE INTERVIEW AT KIOW. 93 The presence, however, of a brother of the Czar at Warsaw, who might march at the head of the Polish and Lithuanian corps to quell a revolution in St. Petersburgh, caused some anxiety to these Rus- sian associations. They learned, therefore, with much satisfaction, that the Poles also meditated breaking their chains, and under these circumstances it was easy to establish a mutual understanding. Shortly after Colonel Krzyzanowski had an inter- view at Kiow with BestuzefF and Muravieff, two members of the Russian Association. " It is time," said the Russian, " that the two nations should " cease to hate each other, the interest of both being " the same. Our Association will use every effort " to obliterate all cause of mutual aversion." He then endeavoured to obtain a promise, that, in the event of a Russian revolution, the Poles would rid themselves of Constantine, without scruple as to the means employed ; but Krzyzanowski, who had been sent thither to make observations, rather than to con- tract engagements, was inflexible on this point, and the parties separated without deciding on any deter- minate plan of action. A second interview took place at Kiovv in the beginning of 1825, between Prince A. Jablonowski for the Poles, and Pestel for the Russians, at the residence of the Russian Prince Wolkonskv. Pestel construed the aversion of the Poles to shed royal blood, into a personal attachment to Constantine, and desired to know what kind of goveinment they 94 THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER. intended to establish. It was with much difficulty that Jablonowski could make him comprehend that, though conspiring against the same power, the views of the two parties were different — that of the Russians being to acquire liberty — of the Poles, to recover their territory and independence. At length it was decided, that the latter should prevent Con- stantine from marching to St. Petersburgh, regain their provinces, and establish a government of their own choice ; but as respected eventual co-operation, nothing was even this time finally determined. In December, of the same year, Alexander died at Taganrog, just as a dangerous revolution was on the eve of breaking out. The words of a French writer, that, " Une belle vie est une j^^nsee de la jeunesse " executee jMr Vdge mur,''' cannot be applied in full to him ; for though in youth animated by a generous spirit, in after-life his motto was, " Concolor vero " dolus.'' A liberal Czar would be an anomaly, which Alexander was not. That he was not devoid of sensibility, is evident from the remorse he felt for his crimes. " Two years before his death," says Sir James Wylie, his English physician, " Alexander fell into " marasmus and insanity. Like all madmen, he had *' lucid intervals, in which the last ray of reason is the " brightest that the dying lamp emits. In that im- " mediately before his death he exclaimed, * What " ' an atrocious action.' To what did he allude ?" asks Sir James, and thus replies, — " Alexander had " committed two great crimes ; he suffered his father THE EXECUTION OF PESTEL. 95 " to be assassinated, and Napoleon to be slowly " murdered." It is certain that his parricide destroyed his peace of mind, and that he sought refuge from the spectre that haunted his imagination, in religious mysticism, and finally embraced the Roman Catholic creed, which does not refuse absolution to any penitent who sincerely repents of his sins*. By Constan tine's abdication, Nicholas ascended the imperial throne, which was, as usual, stained with blood ; but on the present occasion it was with that of the subjects. The Pestel revolution broke out and failed, both in St. Petersburgh and Kiow; and Pestel, Muravieff, and others, died on the scaffold, martyrs for Russian liberty. There was scarcely a family of distinction in the empire but was more or less implicated in the catastrophe ; and though the great scheme did not then succeed, it is * His conversion is proved by the following fact : — During his journey to Taganrog, at Orsza, he had three private interviews, each lasting several hours, with a Franciscan friar, celebrated for his piety. In his last agony, he refused to see any priest of the Greek church, and died without spiritual aid. The empress had been converted to the Roman Catholic faith by the Jesuits, and on her death-bed was attended by a Romish priest. This reli- gious apostacy produced a romantic affection between the imperial couple, who had before mutually avoided each other. The Jesuits effected many conversions, especially of females, and on this account were subsequently expelled from Russia, at the instigation of the Greek clergy. 96 THE PERSECUTION OF POLISH PATRIOTS. believed that the day may yet come when it will be effected. By the confessions of the Russian conspirators, the new Czar learnt the existence of the Patriotic Association in Poland, and, in consequence, he authorised Constantine to arrest whomsoever he might think proper. Colonel Krzyzanowski, who was certain to be amongst the number, refused to listen to the entreaties of the officers at Warsaw, either to hasten the insurrection, or to secure his own safety by flight. Believing that the insurrection would break out of itself, in the mean time he chose the doom of a martyr, rath er than that of a hero ; and so also did his colleagues. Constantine executed the order to its fullest extent, and having filled seven state prisons in Warsaw, besides the fortresses of Zamosc and Modlin, he instituted a committee of his courtiers to examine the prisoners. After the lapse of a year, eight persons were committed on a charge of high treason, which the interviews, already mentioned, with the Russians, tended greatly to aggravate. Resolved that the affair should end tragically, Constantine demanded that they should be tried by a court-martial, by which he thought to justify his former acts of violence, illegal imprisonment, and oppressive decrees ; and in this he was supported by Novosilzoff, who was anxious to prove, by a bloody sentence, that he was right in whatever he had advised for the destruction of Poland. THE HIGH NATIONAL COURT. 97 The supremacy of the one in the administration, and the credit of the other at the court of the new Czar, depended on their counsel being approved. It was sufficient that any opinion should be held by them, to ensure its opposition by Lubecki, who had, besides, all along assured the Czars of the unshaken fidelity of the Poles, and advocated the propriety of a legal trial by a high national court, composed of senators. A violent contest ensued in the state council, conducted with extraordinary skill by Lubecki, whose wish to humble his two opponents, rendered him the guardian of the law, and the defender of the prisoners in the first instance, and then of their judges. All that high intellect and eloquence could do — animated by such motives, and by the difficulty of his position between Russian policy, ably supported by Novosilzoff, and the necessity of saving the state prisoners — between the Czar and the Czarewitch — was done, and with perfect success by Lubecki, whose character for patriotism was thus established. Beaten on this point, Novosilzoff still did not relinquish his design, and demanded of the State Council, what should be done with the prisoners, in case of their acquittal ? This question — proposed for the first time in a civilized country — was seriously discussed, and it was resolved that they should be detained in prison, until the decree of the court should be confirmed by the sovereign — in H 98 THE HIGH NATIONAL COURT. other words, that they should be punished, in spite of their acquittal. Although the government apparently adopted a legal course with regard to the prisoners, still NovosilzofF, at the suggestion of Constantine, and with the Czar's approbation, drew up an organic statute of proceedings, by which the High Court was directed to adhere, during the trial, and which, when applied to the Polish criminal code, was found to contain such glaring contradictions, that the senators might acquit the prisoners with perfect security to themselves. The High Court, in which the senator Bielinski presided, began by annulling the report of the special committee, the state- ments therein contained having been extorted by flogging, as was proved, on the person of the senator Soltyk, a man eighty years of age. After a full investigation of the affair, it appeared that the charge of high treason could not be substantiated ; Colonel Krzyzanowski was alone found guilty of the non-revelation of the Russian conspiracy. Every effort was made to induce the High Court to pass sentence of death on the prisoners, hints being thrown out, in that case, of royal mercy, whilst, at the very time, a proposition was before council, for establishing a colony of condemned Poles in Siberia ! Pending the trial, obstinate and scandalous struggles continually occurred between THE HIGH NATIONAL COURT. 99 the police and the populace, to the infinite vexa- tion of Constantine as well as Novosilzoff, who sought comfort in intoxication. To Lubecki this was a season of the highest satisfaction, not at the aspect now assumed by the trial, but at the triumph which he considered it afforded him, at St. Petersburgh, over the imperial commissary, forgetful that he was thus preparing a mine which might ruin, by its explosion, himself, his rival, the kingdom, and his master's throne. The populace repairing in throngs to the palace, where the trial was conducted, Constantine, in his hatred of them, rendered himself a policeman of the court, forbidding those without, uniforms to enter at all, and compelling the rest to inscribe their names in a book, with a view to facilitate future persecution. Driven from the avenues of the palace, the people collected in the adjacent square ; and on a squadron advancing to expel them, fresh fights ensued. Malignant satires, or bold appeals, were circulated in MS., in default of a free press ; their effect being the greater, as the authors were un- known, and remained so, in spite of the efforts of the police to discover them. Close watch was kept by the spies over the relations, and even the visitors of the senators, who continued to rise in public opinion in proportion as they were persecuted. The court was thus beset, on the one hand by the Grand Duke and all the mercenary in Poland, on the other by all who desired to humble him and his 100 THE HIGH NATIONAL COURT. minions. Their wish was gratified. The High Court, with the exception of General Krasinski, unanimously acquitted the prisoners of higli treason, Krzyzanowski alone being condemned to six years' imprisonment (commencing from the time of his arrest) for not having revealed the conspiracy. Such a verdict, pronounced by the most distinguished men of the country, might have proved to the despotic triumvirate, that when Poles make an effort to restore their country, no intimidation will induce other Poles to view it as a crime. The national spirit had never been so decidedly mani- fested, since the establishment of the kingdom. Warsaw was actually in insurrection, having its government in the High Court, against which Constantine struggled in vain for the interests of the empire, endangered by the observation of a single article of the charter, introduced by Alexander, and sworn to by Nicholas. As if still further to exasperate the emperor, thirsting more than ever for vengeance on the Poles since the late effusion of Russian blood, Bielinski, the president, forwarded a report illustrative of the sentence passed by the court, which may be thus epitomized : — " That so far from being guilty of " high treason, the prisoners had done no more than " their duty in promoting the interests of nationality, " guaranteed by the treaty of Vienna, and by *' Alexander's solemn promise to unite all his Polisli *' subjects." THE HIGH NATIONAL COURT. 101 It needed not the commentary with which Con- stantine accompanied this document, to infuriate Nicholas, indignant not less at the irony veiled under terms apparently respectful to the throne, and dignified for the nation, than at the boldness with which it justified the prisoners by the very words of Alexander, and hinted at the separation of the country in case of further aggressions on the charter. After reading the report, he wrote to his brother, " J' en conclus que le president, par ce " rapport, a manque a ses devoirs enters son rol, " envers sa patrie, et quil doit etre accuse de crime " d'etat.'' The difficulty lay in selecting the persons to conduct the trial of the president, who, on being interrogated as to the author of the document, and whether it expressed his ovvn opinion, or that of all the senators, replied that he was merely the organ of their sentiments, and that Prince Czartoryski had drawn up the report. On being superseded at Vilno, by NovosilzofF, the Prince had gone to Italy ; but on receiving intelli- gence of the impending trial, he hastened back to resume his seat in the senate, and no longer restrained by personal considerations for Alexander, had openly joined the opposition. To his marked interference in favour of the prisoners, it may be attributed, that Nicholas dropped his design of calling the senate to account. Constantine, however, was little disposed for submission ; and by his advice, in September 1828, 102 OPINION OF THE MINISTERS. Nicholas demanded of the council whether the sentence of the High Court might be attributed to the imperfection of the code, or to the disposi- tion of its members to encourage criminal designs ; as in that case he would tai^^e measures to extirpate such abominable doctrines. Lubecki, as the origi- nator of the High Court, without which a court- martial could have condemned the prisoners (a practice usual under Alexander), was accountable for its acts. Constantine and Novosilzoff, there- fore, hoped, by these questions, to force him either to confess that the senators had countenanced high treason, thus virtually owning himself guilty, or to declare that in not condemning an attempt to throw off the yoke of Russia, they committed no guilt. He chose the latter alternative, and still more signally foiled his antagonists. A contest now ensued in the State Council, and lasted two months, during all which time he displayed such talent, patience, and rhetorical power, sometimes speaking for eight hours at once, as commanded the ap- plause even of his adversaries, and secured to him a character for patriotism, of which he afterwards availed himself to mislead the insurrection. The debate concluded, by resolving that the acquittal arose from a defect in the law ; and a separate report was drawn up, and presented by each minister, for the consideration of the emperor. Lubecki's was the most remarkable. With incom- parable acuteness it traced the manifold contradic- OPINION OF THE MINISTERS. 103 tions of the code, and pointed out the organic statute composed by Novosilzoff, as the cause of endless confusion, by providing the High Court with a justification as efficient as could have been devised by the greatest foe of Russian sway. The following extract may serve as a specimen of his sophistry : — " Had I been in the place of the judges, " I would have surmounted every obstacle, impel- " led by the high feeling, that the slightest attempt '• against the royal authority, or even the non- " revelation of such an attempt, should be visited " with the utmost rigour. On this ground alone, " I would, without scruple, have condemned the " prisoner Krzyzanowski, although guilty rather of " imprudence than of any criminal intent. Still, as " I should have done so in absolute defiance of " existing statutes, and as such contempt of the " law might have entailed fatal consequences, it " follows that one who would so have dared, " would have deserved the greatest punishment ; " and had there been two Luheckis, the one ml- " 7iister, and the other judge, the former ought to " have sentenced the latter to he hajiged.^' Similar reports were forwarded by all the other ministers except Hauke (a naturalized German), who sug- gested, for such cases, in future, a court-martial, consisting of Poles and Russians. The minister Mostowski, in his approval of Lubecki's opinion, made the following profound and ambiguous observation, the deep sense of which, however, was 104 TRANSPORTATION TO ST. PETERSBURGH. probably lost to the congealed brains on the Neva : — " II est difficile qu'une nation conquise s'en- " tende avec ses dominateurs, surtout lorsque les " principes de leurs gouvernemens respectifs ont pen- " dant des siecles ete entierement opposes. II faiit " voir ecouler des generations avant que les sujets " nouvellement acquis parviennent a comprendre " qiill 7ie s'ttgit plus de discuter, mais simplement " d'oUlrr This blow was the more irritating to Constantine, as it was dealt by men who had hitherto been sub- servient to him. He forwarded to the Czar a fresh report upon those of the ministers, which produced no effect. His disappointment was so great, that he compared it with that which he considered the greatest calamity that had befallen him in life — the introduction by Nicholas of a new form of military pantaloons and buttons, contrary to his representa- tion, and in the language of the courtiers of the Belvedere, he thenceforth wore the aspect of a cloud. Following the example of his minister NovosilzofF' he sought comfort in intoxication. Notwithstanding their acquittal, the prisoners were carried to St. Pe- tersburgh, where they lingered a year in the prison of Petro-Paulosk ; Colonel Krzyzanowski was never released, and his fate is still unknown. The sena- tors remained for six months under the surveil- lance of the Warsaw police, till, at length, Nicholas was persuaded to ratify their sentence, not without assuring them, at the same time, of the paternal FUNERAL OF BIELINSKI. 105 displeasure he felt towards them all, except General Krasinski, whom he pronounced to have deserved well of his own country, and of the empire. Bielinski died shortly after, and his funeral was a national so- lemnity. Czartoryski delivered an oration in honour of the deceased. The students of the University followed his remains to the grave, and beat off the police, who endeavoured to prevent their dividing the pall amongst them, every one being desirous of preserving some memorial of the virtuous patriot. General Krasinski's son, not attending the proces- sion, was the next day expelled from the University by his fellow students, and not even Constantine ventured to interpose in his behalf. This funeral raised the insurrectionary spirit to the highest pitch, even the dead thus conspiring with the living against the Czars. A word from any of the senators would have sufficed to rouse the people ; but having per- formed their duty, they also were more ready to become martyrs than heroes, leaving the task to younger men, and it was not long before these were found. In barracks not far from the Belvedere, more than 160 pupils pursued their military studies, as ensigns or cornets, cut off from all communication with any one besides Constantine, who caressed, invited, or con- demned them to merciless chastisement, according to his momentary caprice. These youths, each com- petent to command a regiment, a brigade, or a divi- sion, to the satisfaction even of the much requiring 106 CORONATION OF NICHOLAS. Constantine, — patriotic, with all the enthusiasm belonging to their age, were thought, by their super- intendent, Peter Wysoeki, a sub-lieutenant of the gre- nadier lifeguards, fit instruments for an insurrection. This man, thus accidentally rendered the first mover of the insurrection in 1830, though he had read many works on history and tactics, possessed little know- ledge, and was entirely destitute of what is usually called '■'■ genius." His inspiration was in his heart; feeling supplied the place of thought ; and his talents were his passionate love of his country, his courage, and his inflexible honesty. The great trial was no sooner over than he formed (December 1828) the ensigns into secret societies, ready to rise in arms at the first fitting opportunity — nor was it long before that opportunity offered. In June 1829, Nicholas, accompanied by all his family, arrived in Warsaw, to be crowned. The ceremony was marked by the following occurrence. The Czar, having placed the crown of the Polish king upon his head, the Archbishop Woronicz read the prayer for the sovereign, ending with, " Long " live the king ! " The aspiration was echoed only by the walls of the cathedral, — and a second time was received in nearly equal silence, a iew voices only joining. A more explicit protest against Rus- sian usurpation had been meditated by the ensigns ; and they accordingly came to parade on the square of Saxony, in presence of the Imperial family, with their muskets loaded, resolved, by one blow, to THE DIET. 107 punish the house of Romanoff for a century of crime. Russia being then at war with Turkey, these young men considered their coup-d'etat as far supe- rior to what any diplomatist could devise on that occasion. But certain members of the diet repre- senting to them, that no Pole had ever stained him- self with royal blood, they desisted, after vainly urg- ing the salus patri(B suprema lex esto, and that their present ruler was not a king, but an usurper. The Tui'kish war being ended to his satisfaction, Nicholas, in May 1830, summoned the first and last diet held during his reign, at the same time informing the deputies that they were called together solely by his will. Alexander would have termed it the impulse of his heart. The diet, though recruited by some cou- rageous characters, still fell far short of the lofty feel- ing so powerfully raised by the High Court, and which now urged the nation with irresistible force against the foreign rulers. This characteristic of the diet, which was destined afterwards to rule the insurrec- tion, should be constantly kept in mind. It endea- voured, though vainly, to bring to trial the minister who had delayed the publication of the sentence pronounced by the High Court, and was constrained to vote the erection of a monument to Alexander, proposed by Nicholas himself, in honour of his pre- decessor's tyranny. The existence of the kingdom may be said to have terminated with the fourth diet. From this moment le terns vole et les evenemens avec lui. Yet, before 108 SCHISM IN LITERATURE. the Poles rose to expel the foreign intruder, they gained an important moral triumph. The general excitement, which found no utterance in the diet, burst forth like a volcano, and found a channel for its glowing vitality in the wide field of literature, where two parties soon took their stand — the respec- tive followers of Classicism and Romanticism. Their dispute may be said to have hinged upon the ques- tion, whether poetry should be fettered by the rules of Horace, or left free as the muse of Shakspeare. The former, in fact, contended for the maintenance of foreign authority, the latter preached a crusade against all authority. The nation, from its abhor- rence of foreign rule, joined the Romanticists, and they gained a further triumph, by the support of A. Mickiewicz, one of the Vilno Radiants, who, having been banished to the Caucasus by Alexander, and subsequently, at the request of Prince Gali- czyn, removed to St. Petersburgh, had there, under the very eye of the enemy, published his Conrad Wallenrod, a poem conveying a profound political lesson to the heart of his compatriots. The hero, a Lithuanian and a Pagan, taken prisoner by the Teu- tonic knights during one of their wars of extermina- tion with his country, accepts service in the ranks of the crafty order, rises to be grand master, and being thus obliged to lead the war against his native land? betrays the Teutonic army to inevitable ruin, and then delivers himself up to death at the hands of the knights. The Poles, identifying Wallenrod with MOCK REVOLUTION. 109 Prince Czartoryski, showed, by the avidity with which the work was read, that they comprehended the poet's meaning. He made a no less powerful appeal to his countrymen in Grazyna, another poem, cele- brating the devotion of a Lithuanian lady to her husband and country. Such compositions did much to fan the flame of independence ; and thus, when accounts of the French July revolution reached War- saw, the whole population, as with one voice, spoke only of insurrection. Constantine, now alarmed in his turn, endea- voured, as a conciliatory measure, to reform an abuse which hitherto he had himself counten- anced. A committee (consisting entirely of his courtiers) had formerly been established in concert with the Warsaw municipality, for the purpose of providing quarters for the officers of the Russian garrison; and, although magnificent barracks had since been erected at the expense of the city, the householders were still required to pay the previous exorbitant tax for the accommodation of 200 gene- rals attached to 8000 troops. The Czarewitch now appointed a commission to inquire into tliis abuse ; but this tardy semblance of justice only plunged him into still greater perplexity. Suddenly rumours burst forth of an approaching revolt ; appeals were circulated amongst the Polish regiments ; bills stuck on the walls of the Belvedere, announced it to be let from the commencement of the new year. Yet the police, with all their alertness, could no where 110 GENERAL CHLOPICKI. find the conspirators, the alarm being a fabrication of the committee, in order to divert the thoughts of Constantine from his proposed reform, as also to obtain further marks of his protection for themselves, the greater part of them being chiefs of the Secret Police*. Sheltered by the interest taken in the false revolution, Peter Wysocki was enabled more securely to mature the true one, and daily to gain fresh parti- sans in the garrison. There was no hesitation about the choice of a leader. The nation, as well as him- self, unanimously assigned that post to the non-com- missioned General Chlopicki; and Constantine, aware of the popular admiration, did what he could to undermine it, by assuming that the general was on friendly terms with himself. The 18th of October, 1830, and the square of Saxony had been the day and place first fixed upon for the outbreak ; but all things not being ready, it was deferred till the 29th of November. By some mismanagement, however, notice of the alteration was not given to all the con- spirators, and many young men, armed with pistols, appeared in the square on the day first assigned. Chlopicki was present, and the Czarewitch, anxious to show the people that the general did not share their animosity, hastened to meet and walk with him. This remarkable scene recalled that of Egmont and the Duke of Alba. Armed young men v\'ere placed all around, impatient for the signal, whilst * Memoirs of M. Kozuchowski, a lleferendary of State, (Polish Kronika, Vol. V.) DESIGNS AGAINST FRANCE. Ill the future chief of the insurrection walked with the brother of the Czar, the first victim or prisoner of that same insurrection. So moved this stately man through the streets of Warsaw, a problem for his nation, doomed to repose in him a blind confidence, and not less so to Russia, who had not such a gene- ral to oppose him. Affairs went on yet more rapidily, during the month of November. An imperial ukase, placed the Polish army on a war establishment, with a view, as was then surmised, and afterwards demonstrated by papers found in the Belvedere, of making it the vanguard of a possible coalition of the northern powers against France. Lubecki also received an order to hold in readiness the funds accumulated by his ruinous measures. Thus the Poles were menaced with infamy, should they take part in a liberticidal war, and merited ruin, should they allow their resources to be applied in its support. It was wiser, therefore, to employ both their arms and treasure against a foe already weakened by the late campaign, at a moment also when no hostile intervention was to be apprehended from Austria, and when an effect- ual check on Prussia, if not other positive aid, might be expected from the France of July. But, although these considerations might hasten, they certainly did not cause this last effort of the Poles; who must have utterly sunk as a nation had they, with resist- ance still in their power, continued to compromise and submit. 112 EVE OF THE INSURRECTION. With regard to Wysocki, as a military man, he foresaw the perdition of Poland in the first victory won by the Polish troops in conjunction with those of Russia, which would cement their fraternity by the powerful prestige of common danger and glory j the insurrection therefore, was unalterably fixed for the 29tli of November. Let the tyranny of their oppressors justify the insurgents with those who think they require justification ; Poles admit of no such need, and assign no other reason than their irrevocable determination to be free. On the 27th, all being prepared for the following Monday, some of the young conspirators went to a ball to amuse themselves, as they believed, for the last time. Thus eleven years of conspiracy closed with dancing. The following Sunday the same youths went to church and confessed themselves, and thus confirmed the words of the poet : — " Between the acting of a dreadful thing, " And the first motion, all the interim is " Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream : " The genius, and the mortal instruments " Are then in council ; and the state of man, " Like to a little kingdom, suffers then " The nature of an insurrection." CHAPTER III. Insurrection at Warsaw. The conspirators had formed their plan with a view of disarming, or, in case of resistance, of dis- abling the Russian garrison at Warsaw, which at that time consisted of five regiments; two infantry, and one cuirassiers, one hussars, and one lancers ; in all, about 8,000 men, with six pieces of artil- lery. The Polish force consisted of three regiments ; the grenadier life guards, the horse chasseurs life guards, and the fourth of the line, with a battalion of sappers, sixteen companies drawn from various other regiments, and twelve pieces of artillery. Total, about 9,000. Thus the Poles had the superiority, both as to numbers and effectiveness, as the Russian cavalry could not possibly act with advantage in the streets. The Grand Duke Constantine was to be taken, alive or dead. The signal for the attack, which was to commence at six o'clock in the evening simultaneously at all points, was the setting fire to an old brewery in Solec, at the southern extremity of Warsaw, and near the Belvedere. Between the palace and the bar- racks, where the Russian cavalry were quartered, lies the park of Lazienki. I 114 SIGNAL PREMATURELY GIVEN. On the 29th of November, eighteen civilians, mostly young students of the university, who had been admit- ted into the conspiracy, assembled at the appointed hour in the park, by the bridge of Sobieski. Owning to some unaccountable accident the fire was kindled at half-past five instead of six, and had already died away, and this mistake nearly caused the failure of the plot. The Russian cavalry as well as the police had taken alarm ; numerous sentinels with lights traversed the park in every direction, and the student conspi- rators owed their safety solely to the extreme darkness of the night. Tranquillity was soon restored; but the eighteen adventurers had still to wait a full hour, long as a century, for a new signal of attack. The delay was owing to the non-appearance of Wysocki, who, contrary to his usual punctuality, had remained thus long in the city. At seven o'clock he arrived, and im- mediately hastened to the ensigns' barracks, whilst Louis Nabielak, a civilian of great courage, divided the eighteen young men into two bands, of nine persons each. At the head of one of these, composed of the strongest men amongst them, for in moral courage all were equal, he marched to the Belvedere by the principal gate, whilst the other watched the palace from the rear. Rushing into the court-yard, he vociferated " Death to the tyrant !" and the cry, accompanied by the report of firing in the adjacent barracks, alike terrified the household and animated the invaders. They pursued their way, breaking through doors, without encountering any opposition. A deep ATTACK ON THE BEF-VEDERE. 115 silence reigned in the palace; at length they perceived a man lying down behind the door. It was the Vice President of Municipality Lubovidzki, who had brought the information that a revolution was on the eve of breaking out. Several strokes left him sense- less on the floor, but not dead, owing to the inexpertness of the young men in the trade of arms. The bird, so they called Constantine, was however flown. He had been dragged out of bed by his ser- vants on the first alarm, and carried to the princess Lowicka's pavilion. She instantly summoned her ladies in waiting, and placing Constantine in the midst she knelt with them in prayer, persuaded that the defence offered by religion, and by sex, would disarm all Polish revenge. These first avengers of their nation, having spread alarm through the palace which had for fifteen years served as a bastille to their countrymen, were retreating, when they accidentally met the Russian General Gendre, " the basest of the " base," as Constantine used to call him. " Je suis *•' General du jour," he exclaimed; but with them it was the day of long protracted vengeance, and he fell dead beneath their weapons. Having rejoined his other band, Nabielak hastened back to the bridge of Sobieski, where he found the ensigns at a propi- tious moment, a part of the Russian cavalry driven from their barracks having galloped to the Belvedere. When Wysocki presented himself to the ensigns, who vvere at that moment listening to a lecture on tactics, he drew his sword, loudly exclaiming, " Poles ! 116 ATTACK ON THE BARRACKS. *' the hour of revenge is come at last, we conquer or " die this night, let our breasts prove a Thermopylae *' to our enemies !" To arms, to arms ! responded the young athlets, while they loaded their muskets and rushed down, prepared in less time than is re- quired for the pen to describe the scene. They marched directly to the cavalry barracks, and on reaching them, fired in the air as a signal to six companies of Polish grenadiers, whose support they had been assured of; and these were the shots heard when Nabielak invaded the Belvedere. Advancing rapidly the ensigns fired on the Russian cavalry, a great number of whom were already mounted, and fifty men were killed on the spot. The rest fled from the barracks. Another such attack on the opposite side would have annihilated them. Wysocki, with his one-hundred and sixty com- panions, finding it expedient to quit the barracks, took position at the bridge, in order to await there the arrival of the before-mentioned companies. The enemy, however, recovered from their first surprise, and ashamed of having been expelled from the fortified barracks by a handful of young men, prepared to avenge their defeat. The cuirassiers had already occupied the road leading to the city, in order to cut ofi' Wysocki's retreat, but without losing a moment he attacked them so sharply with the bayonet that they could not resist. The regiment of lancers, which had marched upon the ensigns threatening to cut them to pieces, also fled before RETREAT TO THE CITY. 117 their bayonets, as did a hussar regiment, which had advanced on the rear of the young warriors. These at length reached the barracks of Radziwill, where Wysocki endeavoured to occupy the three cavalry regiments as long as possible, to prevent them from paralyzing the insurrection within the city ; but on hearing the cry of the standard-bearers, " the Russians " besiege us !" he abandoned his project. They were again compelled to attack the three regiments alternately, and were successful as before, the cavalry taking to flight in great disorder. After this extraordinary achievement, the young heroes marched unresisted into the city, through the New World-street. Meeting with General Stanislaus Potocki, they entreated him to put himself at their head. On his refusal they allov/ed him to pass on, not being aware that it was he who had sent to Con- stantine the six companies of infantry, and thus endangered the success of the insurrection*. As deep a stillness prevailed in the city as though nothing had occurred ; the very houses seemed asleep ; the brave youths began to suspect that they * He was afterwards killed by the people, for continuing to act against the insurrection ; he was not actuated by a want of patriotism, for he had ever proved a staunch Polish patriot ; but unacquainted, hke all field-officers and generals, either with the object or extent of the movement, by the early damping of it he hoped to deserve well of the country. He is said yet to have thought the insurrection to be that false revolution spoken of in the foregoing chapter. 118 DEATH OF TREMBICKI. had risen alone. To break the appalling silence they shouted again and again, "to arms !" In vain, despair was already creeping into their hearts. Would death alone rouse the capital ? must blood stain their virgin laurels ? Some steps further they met their com- mander. General Trembicki, oneof Constantine's aide- de-camps, and him they entreated, as they had done Potocki, to lead them on. He reprimanded them, and advised them to submit to the Grand Duke's mercy. Professing their respect for his military acquire- ments, they still urged their request ; and on his persisting in his refusal, forced him to join them. Trembicki, a haughty man, reluctantly accompanied them, still continuing his reprimands, when they unexpectedly came upon three Polish generals, avowed partisans of Russia, who were immediately stretched dead. Once more they addressed Trem- bicki, " General, you have witnessed the fate of " traitors, we conjure you to join the nation." He still answered, with perfect coolness, " No, I will not " command you ; you are wretches — you are mur- " derers." They were still unwilling to part with their tutor, and again telling him, "• We allow you " time for reflection," they conducted him through two long streets, and paused at the Bielanska-street. He then resolutely said, " You may take avvay my life, but cannot force me to break my oath of alle- giance." He fell, and would have deserved a better fate, had not his heroism been that of a slave. No part of the concerted plan was realized in the THE ARSENAL. 119 southern part of Warsaw. The first alarm over, Constantine rallied his cavalry at the Belvedere, and his forces were increased by the Polish regiment of horse chasseurs, brought him by his aide-de-camp Trembicki, brother of him who was shot, and by Potocki's six companies of infantry. This general had also given up to him four Polish cannon, which were to have been fired as alarm guns from the Radziwill barrack. Owing to the untimely signal at Solec, the insur- gents at the north end succeeded no better in dis- aiTuing the enemy. They did not begin to move till half past seven o'clock, and the Russian troops, forewarned by Constantine's messengers, were under arms even before the Polish. The latter had still to combat the opposition of the field officers (none of whom had been initiated into the con- spiracy), before they could leave their barracks. The disarming of the Russians, an easy task within the barracks, proved impracticable with- out. Detachments of Polish troops immediately occupied the two bridges across the Vistula, and the city of Praga, in which were warlike stores. Some companies marched straight to the arsenal, situated in the middle of the city, whither also a regiment of Russian infantry was hastening. A contest ensued, and the Russians fled with the loss of some men. During these transactions two officers hurried to the Theatre des Varietes. Drawing their swords, they called out, " Poles ! You are amusing 120 THE ARSENAL. " yourselves, whilst the Muscovites murder us. " To arms ! " In a moment the theatre was tumul- tuously cleared. Many Russian generals then made their escape. Whilst this was passing in the theatre, some patriots endeavoured to insurrectionize the populace in the old town, the classic ground of former insur- rections. Large groups collected at their appeal ; but no sooner did the report of firing at the arsenal reach their ears, than they dispersed. Nothing more timid than an unarmed mob, generally, drawn together at first only by curiosity. When the alarm had subsided, the few agitators again attempted to stir up the people, and this time they succeeded in bringing vast multitudes to the arsenal. The ensigns, the artillery pupils, the army of the line, and an immense concourse of persons now thronged in the vicinity of the arsenal. The insurgents having entirely failed in the execution of their plan, and now inferior to their enemies in number, thought it advisable to arm the people, who, according to the original design, were only to have sanctioned by their presence the great national act. Thirty thousand muskets were taken from the arsenal and distributed among the multitudes present, who were harangued by several prisoners of state, just released, after a captivity of many years. Some had actually died on being brought into the light, owing to their long confinement in dark and airless dungeons The suffering-marked THE PEOPLE ARMED. 121 countenances of others were, in their very silence, eloquent enough to have stirred the stones to mutiny. The armed multitudes dispersed through- out the city, firing volleys in the air, and uttering shouts of joy, but abstained from all excess. The insurgents instinctively assembled at the arsenal, as being a position commanding all the principal streets. But without a leader, they knew not how to set about any act of aggression, although all were animated by an admirable unity of purpose. Where many command, defensive measures are more easily agreed upon, and the insurgents resolved to remain in their present position, at all events until the next morning, and sent detachments to se- cure the Bank, and other public edifices. About midnight they advanced as far as the square of Saxony, where the fight with the horse chasseurs still continued. On being informed of the distribution of arms to the people, the command of Constantine to his generals was, " Messiews, pas un coup de fusil.'' The recent example of the July revolution in Paris, had, perhaps, impressed him with some respect for the population of Warsaw ; or, by allowing only the horse chasseurs to harass the Poles, he, perhaps, hoped to plunge them into civil discord, which might turn to his advantage. Whatever was the motive of his indecision, it was at least the cause that the insurrection survived the night. The insurgents did not immediately proceed to 122 NEW GOVERNMENT. establish a government of their own, nor did they make known by any printed document the object of their insurrection. Peter Wysocki too, the chief of the conspiracy, was not to be persuaded that the insurrection ought to have had a govern- ment of its own from the very beginning. Lelewel, who was initiated into the conspiracy, had in- deed been charged some days previously with the choice of members to form an insurrectionary government ; but the death of his father, on the very 29th of November, it is said, prevented him from executing the task. By these accidents the insurrection first appeared without a head, presenting itself only in the form of a mere military riot, or, which was still worse, of civil strife. Much, there- fore, had been done to send many an individual to the scaffold, much to entail calamity on the country, and nothing to burst her bondage. On the other side, a powerful government still existed unharmed, and supported by a numerous cast of employes, grown fat upon the oppression of the nation, — by 20,000 German, Greek, French, or English fortune- hunters, and 30,000 Jews, those powerful instruments of the foreign tyranny, now threatened with dis- solution. All these formed a great mass hostile to the insurrection — backed by Constantine, and by the immensity of vengeance which he impersonated in the name of him who sways from Kamczatka to the Vistula. The common people alone fra- ternized with the insurgents, — but what dependance xNEW GOVERNMENT. 123 can be placed on that most variable element? All the others shut up their houses on the first alarm, and the capital wore the appearance of a besieged city at the moment of assault. Some individuals onl}'', influential by their riches, ability, and personal merit; patriots grown grey in resisting the foreign yoke, and in teaching the young to resist it, yet unwilling to lose, by imprudence, all that was still worth preserving, came forward at this portentous moment, as mediators between Constan- tine and the military rioters, and for the country at large. Whilst the lieutenant Wysocki raised the standard of Poland's liberty, another. Count Ladis- laus Zamoyski, one of Constantine's aide-de-camps, caused a new government to be organized. He acci- dentally heard of the attack on the Belvedere from a Russian officer, and, by his advice, was proceeding to Constantine, when he met Potocki. This latter en- joined Zamoyski to tell the Grand Duke that the in- surrection could be put down only by the Russian cavalry, as the Polish troops were not to be depended upon. On hearing this, Constantine shrugged his shoulders, and exclaimed sorrowfully, " I have now no army," although, at that moment, he was sur- rounded by many squadrons of fine cavalry, a glance at whom, was Zamoyski's only answer. " They are " Russians," observed Constantine, " and I wish not " to mix in what has been done by the Poles. Je " ne m'en mele pas," he continued, " que les Polo- " nais s'arrangent ; c'est leur affaire ; on verra main- 124 NEW GOVERNMENT. " tenant s'ils sont dignes des bienfaits qu'ils ont " regu, et si je n'ai pas eu toujours raison de les " traiter en rehellesy In the words " que les Po- •'' lonais s'arrangent," Zamoyski at once perceived the security of the insurrection. It was now accom- plished, since Constantine made no opposition to it. With this important intelligence, he hastened to his uncle Prince Czartoryski, and, representing to him that a man of his influence ought not to remain neutral in a civil war, urged him to try whether a proclama- tion issued in his own name, joined with that of the administrative council, would not bring the Poles to unity and concord. The prince, in consequence, convened the Council, of which he was an honorary member, and sent Zamoyski to summon the others. Prince Lubecki, on the other hand, when apprised that the insurrection was without a head, perceived the unpardonable blunder, and as quickly resolved to avail himself of it, to crush all further proceed- ings ; and, with this view, he also summoned the Administrative Council. Besides the ministers, the following distinguished patriots attended : — Prince Czartoryski, Prince Radzivvill, General Count Pac, the Senator Castellan Kochanowski, and the venerable Niemcewicz, the most popular poet of the nation, and secretary to the senate. Zamoyski, at the request of Prince Lubecki, dictated the words, " que les Polonais s'arrangent," as an in- troduction to the sitting ; adding, at the same time, that the Council might hear tliem from the PROCLAMATION. 125 Grand Duke himself. In consequence of this remark, Gzartoryski and Lubecki were deputed to wait upon him. He received them bluntly, with " je n'autorise " rien — -je ne me mele de rien — laissez-moi tran- " quille." — He then bitterly reproached Lubecki for his monopolies and fiscal extortions, and Prince Czartoryski for his exertions in the curatorship of Vilno, as the principal causes of the revolution, for- getting that he was himself its primary author. As nothing could shake his determination to remain neutral, Lubecki was compelled to make the follow- ing declaration — " Because you who possess the " power, and the right to use it, refuse to act, the " Council of Administration, being without means of " defence, is obliged to composer avec le mouvement " qui sopere dans la ville, in order to save the capital." On his return, Lubecki, between two and three o'clock in the morning, drew up an Act, by which the above-named patriots were appointed, in the name of the sovereign, members of the council ; with the addition of General Chlopicki, whose presence there Lubecki deemed indispensable on this extraordinary occasion. The reformed council then drew up the following proclamation : — " Poles ! the events of " last night, as deplorable as unexpected, have " compelled the government to associate with " deserving patriots, and to make this appeal to " you. His Highness, the Grand Duke Con- " stantine, has prohibited the Russian troops from " all interference, as the dissensions amongst the i( ii (( oleon said, and all strategists have repeated the proposition, that the master of the triangle formed by Warsaw, Modlin, and Serock, would be master of Poland. Within this triangle, Chlopicki resolved to decide his country's fate ; and, his determination once taken, no remonstrance was able to shake his iron will. There chanced to be about him two men of brilliant military talent. Colonels Prondzynski and Chrzanowski, whom, it would seem, he had overlooked when estimating the merits of his officers. Between these two existed a distinction such as sometimes occurs between two persons devoted to the same art or science ; between the poetical and the practical man, the man of im- pulse, or of forethought. Prondzynski, full of re- source, no sooner saw his first plan rejected, than he at once brought forward another; a third, a fourth, and all differing from each other. Chrzanowski, on the other hand, practical rather than imaginative, having once matured a plan, would not abandon it. He was more reasoning and determined than Pron- dzynski, and was therefore superior to him in action. Each of these men w^as destined to exercise his specific influence on the destiny of Poland. Pron- dzynski, in his inexhaustible fancy, found arguments to support all the old general's visions. He entered N 178 PLANS OF WAR. into his plan of giving battle within the triangle, but insisted, in the event of defeat, upon the propriety of defending Warsaw, which the Dictator in that case proposed to abandon. Chrzanowski's idea of an insurrectionary war with Russia was diflferent. He objected, not without reason, to the triangle, of which one angle, Serock, was not fortified at all, — Modlin was scarcely in a state to resist the feeblest attack, and Warsaw was also almost without defence. The Polish army, he said, might perish gloriously at Warsaw, but could assuredly not conquer. Not satisfied with stating his objections to the proposed plan, he submitted to Chlopicki's consideration, one of his ow^n, which, if it had been adopted, might have decided the fate of the hostile nations. Impassable morasses, beginning about six leagues from Brzesc Litewski, and extending one hundred in length towards the Dnieper, cut off all commu- nication between Lithuania and Volhynia. They are never frozen, and no army has yet ventured to attempt crossing them. The Polish insurrection surprised the Russian troops separated by these morasses, when preparing to march against France, in consequence of the July revolution. Among the papers belonging to Constantine, found in the Bel- vedere, both the itinerary and the number of the troops were minutely detailed. Upon these facts, and upon the principle as true with respect to a nation, as to an individual, a battalion, or an army, that the weaker party, incapable of defence, ought PLANS OF WAR. 179 to attack, Chrzanowski based his plan of an offen- sive campaign. Having accompanied the Russian army in the late Turkish war, he was also aware that the four corps advancing from the Turkish fron- tier were in so disorganized a condition, that they could not reach Poland before the middle of March ; and, added to these strategic considerations, he felt convinced, as a statesman, that the autocrat, at the first intelligence of the insurrection, would issue an ukase for the extermination of the rebels. For these weighty reasons, he urged on Chlopicki the propriety of attacking, with a superior force, the five other Russian corps advancing through Lithuania, and dispersed over a long line extending from St. Peters- burgh to Brzesc Litewski, beginning with the Lithu- anian corps of 30,000 men, chiefly officered by Poles. The four others were respectively not more numerous. He conjured Chlopicki to adopt his plan, which he offered to carry into effect with 50,000 men only ; and on the objection being made that Lithuania would not rise, he urged that they might advance by conquest. Victory, in his opi- nion, was ensured by the daring of the manceuvre, independently of all other circumstances. To make his object still plainer, he said that Poland would not come forward spontaneously, but must be made to come — that, at all events, fifteen millions of Poles had a better chance of success than four ; and that, in a defensive campaign, four of the palatinates would be immediately occupied by the enemy, and 180 PLANS OF WAR. the remaining four be doomed to struggle against the whole force of Russia. To reconcile his pro- position to the system of negociations, he observed that nothing could more effectually promote them than the advance of the Poles into Lithuania. Great empires, like great men, have their weak moments. Russia, without historical merit, grown into power by the robberies of one century only, a barbarian state without society, lay then at the mercy of the Poles. Providence — for an historian sees in such events the finger of Providence — seemed, for a moment, reconciled to them. But some fatality blinded Chlopicki ; and he shrunk before the great- ness of the attempt, and of the glory that must thereby have accrued to him. He rejected Chrza- nowski's plan, fearing that the Russians would find means to avoid a battle until all their forces should be united, and that the pursuit of them, during a rigorous winter, on bad roads, and amid deserts of snow, would expose the Poles to inevitable destruc- tion. Chrzanowski, as an artist yet unknown does his first composition, carried his plan to many a general of repute, but not one would enter into his views. In pursuance of his defensive plan, the Dictator gave orders for repairing the fortifications of Praga, situated on the left bank of the Vistula, opposite to Warsaw ; and at his invitation persons of every age, sex, and rank, laboured at the work from morning till night, beguiling their toil by singing patriotic PLANS OF WAR. 181 melodies. On one occasion, about a hundred beau- tiful country girls, with spades in their hands, led by the Starostine Zaleska, went in procession to work on the walls. The fair group was preceded by a young girl dressed in white, with purple ribbands flowing from her hair, holding in one hand a spade, and in the other a standard, on which patriotic lines shone in glittering letters. The charm of such a sight, irresistible to Polish hearts, so wrought upon the higher orders in the town, that they too joined these vestals of patriotic devotion. One poor artisan never left the walls, day or night. His father had fallen in the savage massacre under Suvvaroff; and the son, attributing the misfortune of the city to the weakness of its fortifications, now devoted his ow^n existence to render them impregnable. Such enthusiasm must be contagious. Chlopicki seemed to apprehend this, and never appeared in public. Surrounded by the academical garde d'hon- neur, who watched night and day over the idol of their hearts, he spent his time in meditation — perhaps on the contrast between his self-imposed inaction, and the ardour of the nation. Aroused from his apathy, he at last sent, at Colonel Szyrma's suggestion, some of that guard to the Lithuanian frontier, to ascertain whether the Russians were making any warlike preparations. Lelewel also, as one of his ministers, sometimes whispered the propriety of marching some troops, volunteers perhaps, to insur- rectionize Lithuania. Chlopicki objected, because. 182 MEETING OF THE DIET. as he affirmed, no insurrection to shake off the foreign yoke had broken out, but only a revolu- tion, excited by the abuse of power. " Let the " Lithuanians rise of themselves," said he, " and " then I shall not abandon them. At present, I " have not even cartridges for them." Lelevvel then proposed to dispatch messengers to ascertain what spirit prevailed there ; to which Chlopicki consented. Lithuania was groaning under oppression, and they thought it necessary to inquire if she wished for relief. The 18th of December, the day on which the Diet was to open, drew near. Some apprehension had been entertained as to the integrity of the representatives elected under the Russian rule of corruption. To the honour of the Poles, that apprehension proved groundless. In preparatory meetings, the deputies discussed the question, whether the Diet should be opened by the Dicta- tor in person, or should constitute itself by its own authority, and the latter course was resolved upon. On the 17th of December, a deputation of twenty members of the Diet, with Prince Czar- toryski at their head, waited on Chlopicki, at his own desire. The Prince stated the aversion felt by the country to negociation, and the general call for war. Chlopicki replied, that he would not at that time go to war ; nor would he pledge him- self to do more than procure sufficient guarantees for the observance of the charter ; and that no MEETING OF THE DIET. 183 Russian garrison should be, in future, left in Poland. <' I cannot promise any thing further," he concluded ; " such is my unchangeable political profession." " But, Dictator," said the deputy Zvvierkowski, " we " ought not to abandon Lithuania, Podolia, Volhy- " nia, and Ukraina, which have no constitutional " king. Let us act honestly, or not at all." — " lam " here in the place of the constitutional king. I will " hold no debate with you," replied the Dictator, and quitted the room in great excitement. On Lelewel observing, that although Chlopicki had fre- quently made similar declarations, he had never- theless generally added, that, in case the Muscovites were defeated at Warsaw, he would set no bounds to his demands, together with their conviction that he was the only man to whom the command of the forces could be safely entrusted, the deputies came to the conclusion that their wisest course was still to conceal his declaration from the public. Such were the auspices under which both cham- bers of the Diet met on the 18th, at five in the afternoon. The members who had waited on the Dictator, presented a report, showing that it had been agreed to open the Diet on the 21st, and that the Dictator hoped to do it in person. " Why " such delay ? Let us begin business at once ;" resounded from all sides ; and the Chamber of Deputies, in consequence, immediately declared itself constituted. Ladislaus Ostrovvski was elected marshal (speaker) by unanimous acclamation, and 184 MEETING OF THE DIET. placed in the chair. With yet louder acclamations was the insurrection proclaimed to be a national affair, and thanks voted to its authors. The depu- ties then added, " We demand the liberty and inde- " pendence of all Poland ! We wish to embrace " within these walls the representatives of Lithuania, " Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina." Liberal con- tributions were then deposited on the altar of the Fatherland, the first offering being made by the marshal. The Senatorial Chamber expressed, through its president, Prince Czartoryski, its entire sympathy with the measures of the Chamber of Deputies ; and these acts of the Diet, breathing the same patriotic spirit which animated the nation, placed it at once in direct opposition to the Dictator. As yet no de- puty had dared to destroy the general illusion. Lele- wel alone hinted, in his mysterious manner, that the proceedings of the Diet would prove distasteful to him. But Chlopicki comprehended his own position, and perceived, at once, that they were condemnatory of his policy. He sent in his resignation about mid- night, having previously communicated his resolu- tion to the marshal, who vainly endeavoured to persuade him to retain the authority until the Diet could provide other means for carrying on the government. The ex-dictator even taxed the Diet with having produced a counter-revolution. Two revolutions, widely differing in their objects, did indeed exist. Chlopicki confined the insurrection MEETING OF THE DIET. 185 within eight palatinates — the Diet extended it as far as the boundaries of ancient Poland. During the 19th, nothing was heard in Warsaw but lamentations : " The enemy is at our gates, and " our army without a commander ;" and the hostile feeling towards the Diet vented itself in menaces of doing away with it. Meanwhile the government appointedatemporary general, and prepared a report of the actual state of the country, to enable the Diet to decide what form of power was best adapted to the exigencies of the insurrection. Ostrowski, however, apprehensive still more than the rest, of civil anarchy, and thinking that, provided Chlopicki did but vanquish the Russians at Warsaw or in Lithuania, it mattered not whether he fought in the name of the national insurrection, or in that of the constitutional king, took upon himself to again impose his dictatorship upon the country. In a private interview which he had that evening with him, they concerted certain conditions, by which the dictatorship should thenceforward be restrained. Chlopicki was to be invested with unlimited power, in the exercise of which he was not to be held responsible ; but a committee was to be appointed to watch over his conduct, and at its will, or by his voluntary resignation, the dictatorship was to cease. This committee was to consist of two sena- tors and three deputies, elected by the marshal of the Diet and the president of the Senate. The Diet had been adjourned till the 21st, but Ostrowski, on 186 MEETING OF THE DIET. pretext of the critical situation of affairs, summoned it for the 20th, when, by his own authority, he changed the object of the meeting. Instead of the government report, the new project, relative to the dictatorship, was brought forward by the marshal himself, who prefaced his motion by observing, that amendment or discussion were here out of the question, and that it must be accepted or rejected, as it now stood. Not less than twenty-four deputies spoke in suc- cession in favour of the dictatorship, recommending, however, a modification of the proposed conditions. But they were silenced by the marshal's unvarying assertion that Chlopicki would not consent that a letter of them should be changed, and the motion was carried, as it were, by assault. The third article was, however, so far altered as to permit the Diet to elect eight, and the senate five, of their respective members, who, with the marshal and the president, were to compose the committee of surveillance. The Diet then condescended to refer the proposed amendment to Chlopicki, to which he gave his consent without further hesitation. The tribunes were at this time filled with officers and academical guards, who, by their hisses and clamour, drowned all oppo- sition to Chlopicki. Lelewel, not satisfied with the discussion, had recourse to his habitual intrigue. Quitting the ministerial bench, he mingled alternately with the deputies and the public ; and on being asked the motive of his strange conduct, replied in MEETING OF THE DIET. 187 a low voice, accompanying his words with indignant gestures, " Because affairs are conducted in an *' unworthy manner." Yet he wanted courage to embody his sentiments in one of those bursts of eloquence which sometimes decide a nation's fate. Ninety-three deputies voted for the unrestricted dictatorship, and fourteen, of which number was the marshal, qualified it by introducing the words " under " existing circumstances." One individual only, the deputy Morowski, opposed it altogether. Lele- wel, still declaring that in a discussion of such a nature he could not make known his real opinion, voted with the majority ! The act, proclaiming the insurrection to be a national affair, was then signed by all the deputies ; after which the marshal proposed that a manifesto of the nation to the rest of Europe should be drawn up, setting forth the causes of the insurrection, and its object. As the precipitate vote on the dictator- ship had left no time for discussion, a committee, elected by the Diet, was authorised to publish, in unison with the committee of surveillance, that mani- festo, the political principle of which was solemnly inserted in the protocol of the Diet. The deputies then proceeded to the senate, where Chlopicki presented himself in order to be invested with the dictatorial power. On entering the royal castle, he placed himself close to the throne, whilst Prince Czartoryski thus addressed him — 188 MEETING OF THE DIET. " Honourable Dictator — The Diet confers upon " you, this day, the most dazzling testimony of " unlimited confidence that a man can receive from " his fellow citizens. Labour for the welfare of our " beloved country. Far from us be even the shadow " of suspicion, for we know your noble character, " and rely on your firmness, on your word as a " true Pole. In that word lies the pledge of your glorious reward — your own unclouded fame, and the happiness of our posterity. Both chambers of the Diet entrust their authority to you." Ostrowski next spoke, and concluded his address with these remarkable words, as if he attempted to change the political creed of the Dictator, " Your " name augurs victory. You are destined to re- " conquer the independence of our country." Chlopicki's reply was in the following terms : " Representatives of the nation, — I esteem myself happy in the confidence you repose in me ; a life would be too short to justify it. I accept the dictatorship, because I see the salvation of the " country only in the unity of power. I will do " my utmost to realize the expectations of my " countrymen. I shall retain the power you " entrust to me until you shall judge fit to with- " draw it from me ; then, bowing to your decision, " I shall retire to private life, happy in the thought *' of having consecrated my last exertions to my " country." He then left the ancient dwelling of the kings of Poland, at nine in the evening, MEETING OF THE DIET. 189 invested with a power such as the Poles had never committed to any of their kings. The populace took off the horses, and would have drawn his carriage. To this, however, he would not consent, but could only avoid receiving this testimony of public esteem by getting out and walking through the streets, whilst the multitude filled the air with joyful acclamations. The city was immediately illuminated. The proceedings of the session of the 18th, were a re-echo of the national enthusiasm. The session of the 20th, proved, that it is sometimes easier to terrify or to blind an assembled body of men into taking a measure prejudicial to the public good, than to coerce the will of one resolute individual. Ostrowski's apprehension of domestic anarchy pro- cured the confirmation of Chlopicki as dictator. His wish to accustom the mind of the people to the authority of one individual, as the only means salvatory of the insurrection, was in itself most praiseworthy and patriotic ; but the confirmation of Chlopicki, whose antipathy for action resulting from his ignorance of the national force was known, proved a fatal transaction. CHAPTER V. Second Period of the Dictatorship. About this time Chlopicki introduced a change in the administration. He substituted for the Pro- visional Government a Supreme National Council, to see to the execution of his decrees, to supply money for the treasury, food for the army, and to take measures for spreading the insurrection, and enlightening public opinion. No satisfactory communication having arrived from St. Petersburgh, Chlopicki once more dis- patched Colonel Wylezynski with a letter to the autocrat, stating, that he had re-assumed the power, lest it should fall into the hands of agitators, and assuring him " que la tempete sest calmee." He ad- ded, however, that the same sentiment which united the troops under one standard, armed the capital, and penetrated, like an electric spark, into the pala- tinates, still animated all hearts. That the wish of the nation was not to dissolve all connection with Russia, but to receive guarantees for their own con- stitutional liberties, and the extension of them to the sister countries. " Should those liberties — not a PATRIOTISM OF THE POLISH WOMEN. 191 " concession on the part of the sovereign, but resulting " from a solemn contract between him and the " people — be finally refused, the nation was prepared " to risk all for the accomplishment of its dearest " wish — national independence." Urged, however, by Prince Czartoryski, not to depend too much on negociation, Chlopicki now began to introduce some useful reforms in the old army, and ordered several detachments to march towards Lithuania. He also showed himself oftener in public, and visited the fortress of Modlin. These indications of approach- ing war were hailed with joy by the citizens, who offered to equip a third regiment, to be called " The " Children of Warsaw ;" and the women proposed forming themselves into three companies, to follow the army, and in case of need, to contribute their assistance. But this idea not being approved either by their countrymen or the Dictator, they organised a society under the presidency of Madame Hoffman Tanska (eminent by her literary productions), for the care of the sick and wounded ; and all ranks, whether of the city or country, occupied themselves in preparing lint and other necessaries. Chlopicki also turned his attention to the means of procuring arms, and offered large premiums to those who should furnish them. In spite of a formal prohibition, some thousand stand of muskets had been imported from Austria. He also issued an order, that all the church bells which could be dispensed with should be con- verted into cannon, and the arsenal was in conse- 192 COURT OF TRIBUNES. quence soon stocked with metal. But, as under the Russian government, the manufacture of arms had been prohibited, much delay arose in the casting, owing to the inexpertness of the workmen, which was unjustly attributed by the public to secret dis- loyalty, and Chlopicki's neglect. Other complaints were also made of him. The Lithuanians resident in Warsaw had repeatedly solicited him to send troops to insurrectionize their province, or at least to allow them to organise a legion from amongst themselves, to which request he had always given the discouraging reply, that he had not cartridge for them. Many natives of Austrian Galicia, and of the Grand Duchy of Posen, particularly the collegians of Cracow, came to Warsaw to join the insurrec- tion, a step which much displeased the Dictator, as endangering his pending negociations ; and so deter- mined was he on sending them back, that they were obliged to enter the city by stealth. The public dissatisfaction was embittered by the continuance in office of many persons known formerly as Russian partisans, and the murmurs, at first only whispered, finally broke out in the very hearing of the dictator. Colonel Szyrma, one of his greatest sup- porters, then established a Court of Tribunes, to be chosen from among the academical guard. Their office was to discover and denounce to govern- ment such of the public functionaries who were either indiflferent, or half-Russianized. Many trembled lest the noble youths should prove so many bloody St. UKASE ISSUED BY NICHOLAS. 193 Justs ; but Szyrma's popularity was so great, that even the Dictator thought it advisable to permit this bold innovation, and to promote its success. Szyrma commenced the publication of a periodical paper, called " The Journal of the Guard of Honour." His example was followed by others ; and the number of such periodicals in Warsaw which, pre- vious to the insurrection, did not exceed eight, soon increased to thirty, amongst vvhich the Polish Courier, edited by several distinguished political writers, held undisputed pre-eminence. All these literary pugilists, from first to last, aimed their blows at the dictatorship, destroying, piece by piece, that power so admirably calculated to meet the emergency. But whilst Chlopicki's inactivity continued to be the theme of animadversion, the press found a fresh object for its bitterness in a proclamation published by Nicholas on the 18th of December, commencing thus : — " Poles ! an *' infamous attempt has troubled the peace of your " country. Men, who dishonour the Polish name, " have conspired against the brother of your " sovereign, have trampled upon oaths, and blinded " the people to the dearest interests of your coun- " try." After thus stigmatizing the authors of the insurrection, the autocrat further commanded, 1st. All Russians, prisoners of the insurrection, to be set at liberty ; 2nd. The council of admi- nistration to reassume its functions ; 3rd. All the other authorities to pay it implicit obedience ; o 194 PARTIES. 4th. All the troops to assemble at Plock, and there await further orders ; 5th. The new levies to be immediately disbanded, and their arms delivered up to the proper authorities, &c. &c. Even the insult- ing and arrogant tone of this proclamation, which caused every patriot to thrill with indignation, did not suffice to awaken Chlopicki from his torpor, and to dispel the visions of peace which entranced him. At the very outbreak of the insurrection, its supporters formed two classes ; each animated by a spirit entirely opposed to that of the other. The one panted to march on — still on, — the other desired first to look around. The dictatorship was hailed by both; and Chlopicki, therefore, had it in his power to destroy the germ of disunion, by directing each to important objects. But, pent up in the streets of Warsaw, the insurrection was doomed either to languish, or to prey upon itself; internal discord became unavoidable, and parties fatal to the cause arose. Differences of opinion as to the best means of delivering the country, gradually became the distinctive marks of certain ranks and classes of society. Their origin may be discovered in the political changes which Poland had under- gone since her partition, and should rather be viewed as so many projects for re-conquering the national independence, than considered as social theories. Some descendants of the ancient families still survived, forming a tie between the old Poland and the young ; when the latter burst her chains, ARISTOCRATS. 195 ancient Poland rose with her, — the grave of her thoughts opened. Prince Czartoryski, a descend- ant of the glorious djaiasty of Jagellons, imper- sonates that sacred tie between the two worlds of Poland. Nobles without the privileges of caste, without court or courtiers, often impoverished by the stranger, sometimes distinguished, but never rendered more illustrious bv the title of German Count or Baron*, they still enjoy an influence in Poland such as is elsewhere exercised only by a patrician or monied aristocracy. Many were there who, without questioning whether the government proceeded well or not, espoused the cause sanc- tioned by the names of a Czartoryski or a Radzi- will, &c., &c. These were now designated as aristocrats. Possessed of material as well as moral influence, if the existence of a party could have been admitted, they constituted the only national one. — As during the reign of Napoleon, there had never been time for debates, which, besides, must have proved unavailing, no parliamentary reputation had survived the period of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw ; but the Diet of the constitutional kingdom could boast of * There is no titled nobility in Poland, except a few princely families. According to Polish law, every nobleman assuming a foreign title lost the rights of citizenship. Eques Polonus par omnibus, nemini secundus (Polish noble, equal to all, inferior to none). Every Polish noble is a baron of the German empire, according to a decree issued by the Emperor Leopold I., as an acknowledoment of services rendered to him by the Poles under Sobieski. l96 CONSTITUTIONALISTS. two popular opposition leaders in the brothers Niemoiowski. Deeply versed in the English and French theories of constitutional government, they view^ed the insurrection through the prism of the charter, which they wished to extend to the sister- countries. Their rallying word was : " Let the " constitutional king declare immediate war against " the absolute Czar." Some deputies sympathized with them, and formed what was styled the consti- tutional orKahshian party; but, as on every import- ant occasion they voted with the aristocrats, their shadow party soon ceased to be observed. Another — the revolutionary party — still remained, which at one time comprehended the nation, the army, and more especially — as the authors of the insurrection — the ensigns. But when these last were dispersed in the different regiments, when Maurice Mochnacki, the advocate both of military and revolutionary ab- solutism, had been driven from the arena, this also lost its importance. Marauders from the late patri- otic club, idle politicians, or political pretenders, alone remained under the nominal presidency of Lelewel. To heap invective on the slumbering Dictator, to recite verses, and to riot at the Honoratka coffee-rooms, was their political creed ; no other could have been advanced. The dissensions already alluded to, which, though arising from pure mo- tives, did considerable mischief, by consuming much valuable energy, became more evident with the advance of the new year. The insurrection in SPIES. 197 Warsaw ought to have rolled on in a tranquil at- mosphere ; but instead of this the citizens were kept in a continual anxiety by the presence of the vile brood of spies and denunciators, beneath whose influence the nation had writhed for so many years. Some lingered in prison, while others were permitted openly to show themselves, and the idea of putting them to death was too revolting to be entertained by the government. The press teemed with bitter dis- cussions on this subject. The aristocrats maintained that revenge would be ungenerous — .tlie constitu- tionalists, that they were amenable to no existing law — but the revolutionists denounced them as traitors, and demanded that capital punishment should be inflicted on them. There were no less than 6000 of these wretches under the Russian government. ^ The Committee of the Manifesto at length com- pleted its work. Its members, as well as those of the Supreme National Council, having affixed their sig- natures to the document, the Princes Czartoryski and Radziwill, and the deputy Ledochowski, waited on the Dictator, to inform him that it was ready to be printed. He strongly objected to the measure, and, with much irritation, threatened to publish a countermanifesto of his own. Ledochowski, how- ever, assured him that the manifesto would be imme- diately published, notwithstanding his opposition, and it was accordingly inserted the following day (3rd of January) in the Polish Courier, though with- out signatures. The contents of the manifesto, the 198 MANIFESTO. eloquent and dignified tone of which, has been tlie theme of much and general approbation, may be thus epitomised : — " The conditions forced on the Poles, by the " Congress of Vienna, having been violated by *' Russia, in the so-called kingdom of Poland, as *' also in the sister-countries, all legitimate connec- " tion between that power and the nation has in " consequence, ceased to exist, and the people are " become slaves, possessing the right to burst their " chains and forge them into arms." After an elo- quent exposition of the abuses which had driven the nation to this extremity, the manifesto thus proceeds — " The Polish people rise from ignominy and " degradation, with the firm resolution never again " to bend to the yoke they now throw off, and never " to lay down the arms of their ancestors until they " shall have re-conquered their independence ; — " until they shall have insured to themselves the " enjoyment of that freedom which they demand, " under the two-fold right of their noble inheritance, " and by the pressing necessity of the times ; — " until they shall have delivered their brethren from " the Russian yoke, and made them partakers in " their liberty and independence. *' We are not injluenced by any national hatred " against the Russians, whose race and our own " have a common origin. There was a time when '* we consoled ourselves for the loss of our inde- MANIFESTO. 199 pendence by the reflection, that, although an union under the same sceptre might be unfavourable to our particular interests, it might be the means of extending to a population of forty millions the enjoyment of free institutions*, now considered objects of primary necessity throughout the civi- lized world, for the well-being both of monarchs and subjects. *' So far from our ancient liberty and independence having been prejudicial to our immediate neigh- bours, we are fully persuaded, that they have ever served as a balance and safeguard to Europe, and will in that light be henceforth of higher import- ance and utility than ever. Thus circumstanced, we appear at the tribunal of sovereigns and of nations, in the entire conviction that the voice both of policy and humanity will be listened to in our favour. " Should it, however, happen that in this conflict, of which the dangers and difficulties cannot be denied, we are doomed to defend, unaided, the general interests of civilization; still, confiding in the justice of our cause, in our valour, and in the never-failing aid of the Almighty, we shall fight for freedom to our last breath ; and should it then appear that Providence has destined this land to eternal slavery, every true Pole may cheer his dying moments with the consolatory reflection, * {See the first Diet under Alexander. 200 MANIFESTO, " that, if he was not permitted by Heaven to save his " country, he vs^as, at least, by his heroism, in the '* death-struggle, shielded for a time the nascent " liberties of Europe." The basis of this manifesto is unsound. It derives the rights of the Poles from the treaty of Vienna, which did but sanction the sixth partition of their country. Their right to rise and expel their inva- ders, based as it is on eternal justice, is not to be proscribed or sanctioned by any treaty. The prin- ciple of deducing from the abuse of power, aright to shake oW allegiance to such power, was, besides, a dangerous one. France and England might have reasoned, Austria and Prussia might have threatened, the autocrat into redressing the grievances of the Poles; and had Nicholas possessed more wit and less pride, he would have done it of himself, and thus have removed all ground for insurrection. There was also a great omission in the manifesto concerning the forfeiture of the Polish crown by Nicholas — and which the Committee had not been empowered to supply. On the 7th of January, Wylezynski returned from St. Petersburgh, bringing an order from the auto- crat, enjoining the strict execution of the ukase of the 18th of December. Nicholas was pleased also to thank Sobolewski, the President of the late Coun- cil of Administration, for his loyalty in having resigned office rather than consent to sign the order for the convocation of the Diet ; and, as a still fur- LACII SZYIIMA. 201 ther proof of his loyalty, and that of the other members, he required their presence, dead or alive (morts ou vifs) at St. Petersburgh. On receiving this document, the Supreme National Council, and the Committee of Surveillance, again represented to Chlopicki the extreme risk to which he would expose the cause by further procrastination, and urged him to commence hostilities : but he still refused to take upon liimself the responsibility of interrupting the pending negociations, and convoked the Diet for the 17th, that the representatives of the nation might pronounce upon the fate of the country. As the Deputy Jezierski was soon expected back from his diplomatic mission, both the Council and the Com- mittee determined to await his arrival. Chlopicki, in the meantime, prepared for war. Instead of the two regimentaries he appointed four experienced generals, and ordered the moveable guard of safety to be formed into sixteen infantry regiments of three battalions each. He also withdrew the command of the Academical Guard from Lach Szyrma, and gave it to a veteran officer, upon the pretext that this sacred legion would soon be marched into the field ; but his real motive w^as the dread he had of the influence of the Tribunes. The noble youths were very unwilling to part with their commander, who, however, persuaded them to submit from the consideration that all rightful power ought to be obeyed. The Diet had acknowledged, by a vote of public thanks to Lach Szyrma, the invaluable 202 POLICY OF THE CZAR. services he had rendered to his country during that momentous period. The measures adopted at St. Petersburgh mean- while, were full of energy. On the first news of an insurrection in Warsaw, a loud huzza re- sounded through the empire, a cry of the hate which had existed for ages. Whilst the represen- tatives of the Poles asserted that they were not influ- enced by national animosity, the autocrat left no means untried to inflame the ignorant prejudices of the Russians, to awaken the deep-rooted antipathy of race, and to rouse their religious fanaticism. He called upon them to renew their oath of fidelity, and himself swore not to sheathe his sword until the last of the rebels should be punished. His audacity in- creased in proportion to the humanity and modera- tion of the Poles. Elate with pride and power, in a thundering ukase, addressed to the Russians on the 29th of December, he thus expressed himself: — ' Though already trembling in fear of the chastise- ' ment which awaits them, they (the Poles) dare ' yet, for a moment, to think of victory ; and pro- ' pose that we should place them on an equality ' with ourselves ! Russians, you know that we ' reject such a proposal with indignation. To the ' first intelligence of their treason, your response ' was a fresh oath of unshaken fidelity. One sen- ' timent alone animates all hearts ; the resolution to ' spare nothing, to sacrifice all, even life itself, for ' the honoihr of your emperor. God, the defender of NEGOCIATIONS. 203 " right, is with us, and all-powet^ul Russia will be " ahle, by one decisive blow, to silence those who " have dared to disturb her tranquillity," &c. Deeds confirmed his words. He slipped his dogs of war, and set all his force in motion against Poland, whilst no means were omitted to paralyze any attempt of insurrection in Lithuania. Such was the state of affairs, when Prince Lubecki and Jezierski reached St. Petersburgh on the 25th of December. They were detained a considerable time at Narva, and not permitted to proceed till Lubecki declared that it was only in his ministerial character that he now begged an audience of the emperor, in order to lay before him a report of the occurrences at Warsaw. Jezierski, on his part, demanded his audience in quality of a member of the Polish Diet. Lubecki had but one interview, and by what means the cunning minister accomplished his mission, re- mains unknown. Jezierski had several, at which General Benkendorf was also present. The Polish envoy shrunk from displaying the whole truth to the monarch. " The insurrection in Warsaw," he told the emperor-king, " was caused by a small number " of young officers and students. The correctness *' of this statement was proved by subsequent events " not less than by the circumstances of its outbreak, " for the insurgents had no other leaders than •' lieutenants. At the call ' to arms, the Russians " ' murder us,' the insurgents, were, however, joined *' by the fourth of the line, the battalion of sappers, 204 NEGOCIATIONS. " and the populace; but their measure showed neither " a decided object nor any decided plan ; and it was " not until two days after that the citizens armed, in " order to protect their property from the mob." — " I understand," replied Nicholas, " why the citizens, " in the first instance, organized the guard of safety ; " but what reason can be given for the armament " throughout the country ? — for the warlike prepara- " tions ? — against whom are they arming ? Do they " presume to carry on war against me?" — " The " fear lest all the nation should be punished for the " fault of some individuals," replied Jezierski' " has united all against the common danger, and " this fear can alone be removed by a word of mercy, " pronounced by the sovereign." — " I am king of " Poland, and will continue so," rejoined Nicholas ; " but I will listen to no concession demanded of " me by armed men. Am I to enter into negocia- " tions with my subjects ! — I, their legitimate sove- ** reign ? Am I to endure that they prescribe to " me the conditions under which they will continue " my subjects ? I do not, however, wish to act " rashly. Suggest some means worthy of a king " of Poland who is at the same time emperor of " Russia, calculated to bring the affair to an amica- " ble arrangement." Jezierski remaining silent, Nicholas gave him to understand that he wished the Poles themselves to remove the difficulties ; in other words, that in case they would erect scaffolds for the authors of the insurrection, he might then be per- NEGOCIATIONS. 205 suaded to treat with them. Finding that Jezierski still continued silent, he proceeded to touch on the subject of the re-union of the provinces, and de- clared it to be out of the question, as he ought not to favour one part of his dominions by injuring the other. Jezierski then replied that he was not pre- pared to discuss such profound mysteries of policy; and was dismissed with a solemn declaration, on the part of Nicholas, that the first cannon fired by the Poles would be the decree for their destruction, and with a permission for him to write to General Ben- kendorf whenever he wished to make any further communication. Jezierski availed himself of this permission to address a letter to the general, in which he repeated his previous statement of the origin of the insurrection, and suggested, as a means of re- storing tranquillity, some better guarantee of the constitution in the kingdom, and of the rights of nationality in the sister-countries. With a thrill of emotion, he added, that, although neither diplomatist nor statesman, he could not abstain from observing that the constitution had been in many instances violated by the government. On the margin of this letter, Nicholas wrote, with his own hand, various comments, such as — " I did not violate my oath — " the nation, on the contrary, has broken its oath to " me, and I may, in consequence, consider myself " released from mine. I have not, however, done " so, and this is all I can now say. A different line " of conduct would be an unpardonable weakness 206 NEGOCIATIONS. " in me, and to which no power shall force me. " Let them submit to my mercy, and they shall he " happy — the word of a monarch, able to appreciate " honour, has its weight," &c. Lubecki remained at St. Petersburgh. Jezierski returned to Warsaw on the 13th of January, with the above letter, commented upon by the autocrat. Meeting on his way back a considerable number of Russian troops, he was so struck with alarm, that, on entering Poland, he did not scruple to say, that the Russians, with their tschakoes alone, would beat the Poles, and for this coward expression he narrowly escaped hanging at several post stations. This dis- couraging intelligence aggravated the general dissa- tisfaction with the man who had so long held the insurrection in bonds. The popular displeasure vented itself in rumours of an ultra revolution, and Lelewel, the antiquarian, was pointed out as its author. Colonel Dobrzanski accused him to the Dictator, who ordered both the denunciator and the denounced to be arrested. The National Council, on this outrage being offered to one of its members, tendered its resignation ; but, fortunately, the whole affair proved to be merely an invention of some friend of the Dictator, and it dropped without entail- ing any serious consequences. On the 16th, the Committee of Surveillance waited on Chlopicki, to learn his opinion of the intelligence received from St. Petersburgh. He abruptly declared he would no longer retain his power, as the praises RESIGNATION OF THE DICTATOR. 207 bestowed on him by the emperor might diminish the confidence reposed in him by the pubb'c. He advised that the negociations should be pursued through the mediation of Prussia, and even refused to lead the army into the field, as, when opposed to the giant force of Russia, it must, in his opinion, inevitably be vanquished in the first encounter. The catastrophe, he concluded, obvious as it was, would, however, be imputed to him alone, and might cast upon him the stigma of treachery. Some of the Committee then observed, that when assuming the dictatorship he had not calculated upon a diminu- tion of the national forces, and that he ought not now to withdraw from it the powerful support of his talents. Still more irritated, Chlopicki repeated that he would not command, as, in case of defeat, he should be called a traitor. Another member then suggested the augmentation of the ranks by scythe- men : — " Command thou thy scythemen, for I will " not," cried the Dictator, absolutely furious ; and, losing all self-control, he added : — " If young men can conscientiously believe themselves absolved from their oath, I, for my part, shall remain faith- ful to the sovereign :" and, with these words, he resigned the dictatorship, which he professed to have taken with the sole object of saving the country from civil anarchy. Prince Czartoryski endeavoured to induce him to retain at least the military command, and was warmly seconded by Ledochowski. " I 208 RESIGNATION OF THE DICTATOR. "■ should be a scoundrel in doing so/' cried Chlopicki, still much agitated ; on which Ledochowski observed to him, that he would then be obliged to serve as a private. " Well, Ledochovvski," rejoined the Dic- tator, " I will so fight, but thou must do it also." His rage exceeded all bounds : he struck the door so violently with his fist, that it gave away. All present were amazed at his conduct, and Prince Gzartoryski observed, " C'est le soldat le plus mal " eleve que j'aie vu." Their remonstrances at length calmed him, and he dismissed the delegates with civi- lity. The following day, the Committee of Surveil- lance made another effort to persuade him to retain the command of the army, but in vain. He would only consent to remaining unconditional Dictator, and was in consequence compelled to resign. Mean- time his physician sent to conjure the government not to give him any appointment, on the plea that he was actually labouring under insanity ; but this was afterwards proved to have been merely an arti- fice for the purpose of saving his life, which was in no small danger from the popular indignation. The Academical Guards, in particular, could not forgive his having so long abused the confidence of the nation ; but Colonel Szyrma interposed, and his influence persuaded these youths to spare the man whom they had so much honoured, and whose ob- stinacy, however fatal in its effects, proceeded from conscientious motives. They contented themselves MEETING OF THE DIET. 209 with confining him as a prisoner in his own resi- dence, where he amused his captivity by reading novels. It must be recorded, to the honour of the Poles, that, in this hour of abandonment by him whom they had idolized as their only deliverer, their cou- rage did not sink, but that their energy rose with the increasing danger. A total change of opinion ensued, however, respecting the form of government to be adopted. Their confidence in man was gone, since Chlopicki, in whom they had reposed unlimited trust, had not only disappointed the general expecta- tion, but was even deprived of his senses, as it was reported in Warsaw and throughout the country. Not a single individual, therefore, but an inert insti- tution, a Diet of one hundred and fifty dictators, was to be the nation's pilot in her passage from death to life. Fatal change — the unhappy consequence of Chlopicki's non-use of the power entrusted to him. The Diet was opened by Prince Czartoryski on the 19th. All the deputies and senators signed the manifesto of the Polish nation to Europe, after which Roman Soltyk moved that it should be completed. The first article deprived the family of Romanoft' of the Polish crown ; the second absolved all Poles from their oath of fidelity to Russia ; and the third proclaimed the sovereignty of the Polish nation. A profound silence of some minutes followed the reading of this motion, which was broken by the Deputy Morozewicz, proposing to refer it to the 210 ELECTION OF THE GENERALISSIMO. consideration of a Committee. At the next sitting, the Diet elected out of seven candidates Prince Rad- ziwill Generalissimo of the Army. Considerations of policy determined this choice, the Prince being related to the Royal family of Prussia, and having great influence in Lithuania, where he was proprietor of vast estates. But a still more weighty reason with the Diet was the conviction that Chlopicki would assist no other than the Prince with his advice. Radziwill briefly acknowledged the honour with, *' Such as I have been, such I shall be ;" and ex- pressed his willingness to resign as soon as an abler warrior should be found. On the 24th they settled the privilege and degree of power with which the generalissimo was to be invested. He was autho- rized to appoint officers up to the rank of colonels to institute courts-martial, to confer military decora- tions, and to have a seat in the government, with a casting vote on military subjects. He could be dis- missed only by the Diet. Not even in the time of the greatest liberty had the Diet ever appointed a generalissimo. An insurrectionary government ought to watch, map in hand, every step of the general-in- chief, and have pow^er to dismiss him, if necessary, even on the field of battle. But such salutary pro- visions were overlooked by the Diet on this occasion. At the same meeting, Lelewel presented a petition from a considerable number of Lithuanians and Vol- hynians then in Warsaw, that their countries might be admitted to share the struggle for the independence ^PATRIOTIC SOCIETY. 211 of all Poland, and that they might be authorized to organize a Lithiianio-Volhynian legion. Both requests were granted with acclamations, and a com- mittee for carrying on the affairs of those countries appointed, of which Lelewel was chosen president, and Prince Radziwill, honorary president. AVhilst not a day passed without the Diet taking some im- portant measure, the worn-out revolutionists of the Honoratka, some idle politicians, such as abound in every capital, and a few of the wrecks of the patriotic club, embodied themselves in a society, to which they gave the name of " The Patriotic Society," under the presidency of Lelewel ; Roman Soltyk, and Mau- rice Mochnacki, being elected vice-presidents. The latter, from having been the first to pronounce Chlo- picki a traitor, was now very popular with these would-be revolutionists. He availed himself of this to endeavour to do away with the Diet, or, at all events, to raise a Tarpeian rock for its members, by establishing a revolutionary commune. He found a zealous supporter in Adam Gurowski, an ex-count, a political weathercock, and born demagogue. Cyni- cism, cosmopolitism, and obstinacy, were the ele- ments of his singular character. The society, how- ever, contained within itself the germ of its dissolu- tion, or, at least, of its inefficiency. Lelewel ima- gined that the proceedings of the society might be made to harmonize with those of the Diet ; and so also thought Roman Soltyk, who joined the revolu- tionists, in order, as he said, to gain popularity ; and 212 PATRIOTIC SOCIETY. the society, in consequence of their opinion, sent an address to the Diet to inform the latter of its exist- ence. " Away with your patriotic society — every " man in the nation is a patriot," cried the deputies, and rejected the address with scorn. Mochnacki had foreseen this insult, and flattered himself that it would rouse the energies of his associates. Convinced at last that the society was wholly devoid of what the French call du mouton dans le parti, he left it for the bayonet. Gurowski did not yet lose all hope, and tried every means to agitate the citizens. Amongst other contrivances, he got up a funeral procession in honour of the celebrated bootmaker, Kilinski, who, in the time of Kosciuszko, headed the populace, and drove out the Russians, and was subsequently a colonel in the Polish army. But no procession could call forth such another bootmaker. Disgusted at his ill success, Gurowski determined to follow Mochnacki's example, but he wished first to create some alarm in the city. The 25th of January was fixed by the Diet for proclaiming the deposition of Nicholas, and Gurowski determined to have a funeral procession on that day in honour of the first Russian martyrs of liberty, executed in 1826. Both cere- monies were equally solemn, and equally unsuccess- ful. Russia still groans in slavery — Poland bleeds still under the iron sceptre of the Russian autocrat. The funeral procession commenced early in the morning. Thousands went out to gaze, as it moved from the chambers of the University. Some of the PATRIOTIC SOCIETY. 213 academical guard bore on their crossed muskefs a coffin covered with black cloth, and adorned with wreaths of evergreens, and tricoloured flags. The celebrated names of RyleyefF, Bestuzeff, Pestel, MuraviefT, and Kochowski, glittered on five suits of armour. At the coffin head walked one of the academical guard, carrying the tricoloured flag, and three captains of the same guard acted as masters of the ceremony. An immense concourse of persons, military and civil, joined the procession. It stopped in the square of Sigismond, adjoining the Royal Castle, where the Diet was then engaged in debate ; and Gurowski, wearing a red cap with a white fea- ther, addressed the multitude in language which, had it been understood, might have produced a terrible commotion. Similar addresses were delivered in several other places, and, finally, in a Greek chapel, where a service was performed for the Russian mar- tyrs, without, however, producing any sensation. The cortege, after parading through the capital, returned to the place from whence it started. Whilst this was passing in the streets, the Diet was listening with indignation to the delivery of the diplomatic message, by Jezierski. The words writ- ten by Nicholas, " That he had faithfully observed *' the obligations transmitted to him by his predc- " cessor, and that the Poles were guilty of high *' treason," filled the measure of their resentment. Much laughter was excited by his statement, " That *' the Poles had carried their ingratitude so far as to 214 DETHRONEMENT OF THE " turn against himself the pieces of artillery he had " sent them from Varna ;" and " that he had spent " annually 14,000 ducats out of his own pocket in " carrying on their diplomatic affairs." The de- puties observed that the expenditure alluded to was, no doubt, for the maintenance of spies. Such complaints were, indeed, ridiculous. Their indig- nation was yet increased by two proclamations from the Russian field-marshal Diebitch-Zabalkanski. In the first, addressed to the Polish nation, he stigma- tized all Poles as criminals, and offered them no alternative but that of unconditional submission to the mercy of his master, or the scaffold. In the other — to the Polish army — he endeavoured to flatter the soldiers, by alluding to the well known chivalry and loyalty of Polish warriors, and was profuse in his promises of reward to all who should join him, and assist in bringing the guilty nation to obedience. The Marshal of the Diet, availing him- self of this moment of indignation, introduced in a few energetic words the subject of the deposition. " Diplomatic communications," he said, " as well " as the proclamations of Diebitch, have fully de- " monstrated that the object of the insurrection ** cannot be attained without war. The decisive " moment is come ; the Czar of Muscovy has " commanded his hordes to invade our soil, to " rivet again on a freeborn nation chains they have " just burst. It is not the first time that thebarba- " rians have strewed our country with their bones. i( EMPEROR NICHOLAS. 215 " and fertilized it by their blood. Shall we, terror- '•' stricken, or bowed down by slavish habits, still " acknowledge Nicholas as our lawful sovereign ? No ; he was the first to break the oath imposed " upon us by the sword. That oath alone which *' the Poles swore to the Piasts, to the Jagellons, '* and to their freely elected kings, should bind us *' now. Let Europe cease to regard us as rebellious '* subjects — let her recognise in us an independent " nation, which must exist in accordance with the " rights vouchsafed to it by God." When the marshal had concluded, a solemn silence prevailed, and his brother then added, " As Nicholas himself *' cannot conscientiously deny that the constitu- " tion has been violated, let the prophetic words " be fulfilled which my father uttered, when, as " president of the Senate, he received the Consti- " tutional Charter from the Imperial Commissary, " ' Woe to him who shall violate it ! ' " Ledo- chowski next arose, and exclaimed, in that powerful voice which soon resounded in St. Petersburgh, and was echoed far and wide, " That which is in " our hearts, let our lips utter. Let us with one " voice proclaim — Away with Nicholas ! " All present, impelled by the force of his expression, unanimously echoed the words, " Away with " Nicholas!" and Niemcewicz immediately drew up the act of deposition, which was signed by the deputies and senators. This great measure did not, however, produce 216 NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. much impression on the public. It came too late. All attention was turned to the field of Grochow ; to those stately woods, which, in a wide semi-circle, gird the capital of Poland; those woods, dark and gloomy as the nation's fate, through which the savages of Suwaroff had once come to butcher the population of Praga. {Still the deposition, though so unheeded, was an heroic reply to the insulting language of Diebitch. After a discussion of four days, the Diet, on the 29th, completed their arrangements concerning the government, which they resolved should be called the National Government of the kingdom of Poland. The constitutional royalty was conferred on five persons. Measures were to be decided upon by a majority, and in case of the votes being equal, in the absence of the president, a member of the govern- ment, elected by the smallest sum of votes, was to go out. The same member was also to cede his place to the Generalissimo, whenever the latter should think proper to make use of his privilege. Prince Czartoryski, ever the zealous advocate for a vigorous government, objected to this arrangement, as inadequate to realize this paramount condition. Yet he gave his consent to it for the moment, in the conviction that the Diet would not contrive any thing better. The deputies, indeed, impressed with the fatal consequences of the dictatorship, so much dreaded concentrated power, that they even desired to establish a committee, consisting of thirteen ADDRESS OF PRINCE CZARTORYSKI. 217 members, to superintend the government. Prince Czartoryski was unanimously elected president of the government, and the other members chosen were the deputies Vincent Niemeiowski, Theophile Morawski, the Kalishians, Stanislaus Barzykowski, the aristocrat, and Lelewel, the revolutionist ; — the smallest number of votes were for the lat- ter, and he would probably not have been elected at all, but for the fear entertained by the de- puties that he might otherwise prove a Robe- spierre to them. A groundless fear, for Lelewel was still, even in the midst of the political storm, nothing more or less than an historian and an antiquarian — at best, a tool in the hands of others. The next day (30th of January), at a meeting of both chambers, Prince Czartoryski thanked the representatives of the nation for the high trust they had reposed in him ; and, in an eloquent address, exposed his political profession, which was, at that time, an object of much attention in Europe. During his long career of public life, it had been his constant aim to re-establish Poland by the instrumentality of Russia herself. The late events, he said, had entirely destroyed this expectation. The benefits his policy had procured to his country, were great. The guarantee of her nationality by the treaty of Vienna, the national spirit in the sister-countries fostered by education, the liberal charter and in- stitutions of the kingdom ; in short, the gradual preparation of a force adequate to the accomplish- 218 POLAND DECLARED ment of the crowning act, national independence, were the fjuits of his long and arduous labours. " Heaven," said the minister Kaunitz, " is a hun- " dred years in forming a great mind for the resto- " ration of an empire." Poland would have been restored in half that time, had Heaven blessed her in Chlopicki with a warrior as great as Czartoryski was a statesman. He was educated in England, in the principles of the enlightened Fox, then in their ascendancy. To a profound knowledge of the world, as well as to that derived from study, he joins courage superior to all trials. Virtuous, penetrating in his judgment of human affairs, remarkable for his modesty and want of pretension, notwithstand- ing his lofty descent ; without ambition, or ambi- tious only of doing good ; — possessing an attractive and imposing person, with a certain expression of melancholy in his countenance, especially in the eyes ; — the last of those Poles who preferred electing kings to being themselves elected ; — ^Prince Adam Czartoryski is a noble type of the misfortunes of his country, and of the services she has rendered to the world. The Diet completed its insurrectionary legislation on the 4th of February, by declaring Poland a Con- stitutional Monarchy ; and that throne, once desired by all the sovereigns of Europe, was again vacant. But it had now no charms for foreign princes. The road to it lay through bloody battles. Military absolutism, too, was out of credit 3 the idea of a A CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY. 219 revolutionary commune was abhorred ; the only wise measure would have been to proclaim one of the nation king, and this would have tripled the strength of the insurrection, and rendered it at once intelligible to the world. Instead of which, the constitutional monarchy, rendered inefficient by the distribution of its administration amongst five per- sons, influenced by as many different opinions, was the feeble engine 023posed to the absolutism and Jacobinical measures of the Russian cabinet — that cabinet which never despairs of obtaining its object, and hesitates not to lie, to poison, and to bribe in the pursuit of it. But gunpowder possesses a re- vivifying power, and Polish bayonets may yet repair the errors of Polish policy. CHAPTER VI. Impression produced in Eiu^ope by the Insurrection. Result of Diplomatic Negociations. The first report of the transactions of the 29th of November, caused much amazement in Europe. The temerity of the Poles was the theme of all discourse. Ignorance had exaggerated the number of the Russian trooj^s to at least a million of men, and it was believed that the Czar's nod would suffice to bring the Poles to obedience. The continental press was silent, partly from deficiency of correct information, partly from want of encouragement. In Germany, the land of literature, par excellence, it laboured under a strict censorship ; and all idea of awakening, through its medium, public opinion in favour of the Poles, as on a former occasion for the Greeks, was at the moment wholly out of the question. In France, too, even the most liberal papers spoke with extreme reserve of their insurrec- tion, and treated it as " a mere sign of the times to " monarchs." A few well-turned phrases of sym- pathy with the brave Poles constituted all the tribute paid by the French journalists to their once glorious companions in arms. Next to Russia, Prussia was the state most HOSTILITY OF PRUSSIA. 221 nearly concerned in the affair. The awkward situa- tion of her territory, and the apprehension of revo- lutionary movements in the Rhenish provinces, and in the Grand Duchy of Posen, caused her no small degree of perplexity. In a ministerial coun- cil immediately called at Berlin, General Grollman advised the king to march his troops into Poland, to suppress the rebellion, and at the same time to insist on Russia redressing the grievances which had excited it. The old monarch, however, did not relish the bold proposal, and being father-in- law to Nicholas, was easily persuaded to become his active ally. The Berlin Official Gazette, from which the press of other countries derived its intelligence, misrepresented and vilified the Poles and their cause. The Prussian Consul was recalled from Warsaw, and money sent to Poland was seized by the Prussian authorities. Not only were the natives returning home from France, England, and Italy imprisoned in Prussia, but even foreigners proceeding to Poland were sent back by the govern- ment. These acts of hostility were crowned by a cabinet order from the king himself, on the 6th of February, forbidding all Poles of the Grand Duchy to enter Poland on pain of forfeiting their property ; but, notwithstanding this prohibition, many indivi- duals, of both sexes, repaired to Warsaw. Colonel Szyrma, the ex-commander of the academical legion, sent by the government to England with the manifesto, was arrested and imprisoned for several weeks at Breslau ; and, on the false report that the 222 FRIENDLY DISPOSITION OF AUSTRIA. Russians had taken Warsaw, he was escorted by Prussian gens-d'armes to the Polish frontier, to be delivered to the Cossacks, and this breach of the law of nations was yet further aggravated by his being compelled to sign a declaration that he would never again enter the Prussian territory*. Austria did not partake the anxiety of Prussia. Always apprehensive of Russia, by whose dominions she is daily becoming more encircled, she left her frontiers open to the Poles during a full month, and would probably have continued to do so, but for some revolutionary symptoms in Italy, which she dreads even more than Russian power. Influenced by Prince Constantine Czartoryski, the brother of Prince Adam, the Imperial family manifested friendly dis- positions towards Poland ; and all the antagonists of Prince Metternich who was in the Russian interest, seized this opportunity to endeavour to force him out of office. Many Hungarian and Bohemian noblemen protected the Poles ; but, on the other hand, every Pole denounced by the agents of the Russian ambassador, TatiszczefF, was immediately sent out of Vienna by Metternich's order, or for- bidden to enter. Prince Constantine still laboured to overcome Metternich's antipathy, cherishing the hope that a victory gained by the Poles would * The Prussian gens-d'armes were enjoined, on delivering the colonel to the Cossacks, to take a receipt for him, as for a bale of goods ; thus anticij^ating what has been since done by the order of the king with regard to the Polish soldiers dehvered up to Russia. POLISH ENVOY AT PARIS. 223 induce the old emperor to give them some decided mark of friendship. But a more effective support than that of Austria was expected from France, between whom and Poland the most friendly relations had always existed. The elder branch of the Bourbons were ever friendly to the Poles, and, since the July revolution, the younger had been considered by them as their yet more natural ally. At the very commencement of the insurrection. Monsieur Wolicki had been sent to Paris as Polish envoy. He found the ministry of Lafitte in much perplexity, harassed on one side by the republicans and legitimists, together with the affairs of Belgium ; and, on the other, compelled by Russian insult, to augment the military force, which the exiled branch had left in very ill condition. Wolicki therefore was well re- ceived by Sebastiani, to whom the insurrection was a welcome occurrence ; and who, having once com- manded a corps in the Polish army, felt confident that some months must elapse before the Russians could restore tranquillity. The cabinet of St. Peters- burgh, however, always on its guard, took care to cool the nascent sympathy, by recognising the sove- reignty of Louis Philippe, which it had, till then, deferred doing, under various pretences. This im- portant point gained, Sebastiani intimated to Wolicki, that a deputation having been sent to St. Petersburgh, it might be hoped that the Poles would come to a friendly arrangement with Russia, and, consequently. 224 FRENCH MISSION TO ST. PETERSEURGH. the interference of a foreign power in their behalf would only prejudice their cause. The envoy ex- plained that the deputation was merely intended to convince Europe that the Poles did not object to negociations for peace; but that, considering the aver- sion of Russia to make concessions, it was but too certain that the sword alone must decide the ques- tion. On the 15th of January, Lafayette brought forward the Polish cause in the Chamber of Deputies, and energetically called upon the government not to abandon the nation. The ministry having so modi- fied the principle of non-intervention, that it now excluded only armed interference, complied, in some degree, with the popular wish ; and the Duke of Montemart was sent to St. Petersburgh, with instruc- tions to keep within the limits of the treaty of Vienna. On his way he met near Berlin a Polish agent, sent expressly to him from Warsaw. On learning from this man, that the deposition of Nicholas was in contemplation, he requested him to hurry back to Warsaw to stop the measure. On his arrival, however, the deposition was already pro- claimed, and thus the duke's mission ended before he reached St. Petersburgh. National sympathy now displayed itself more powerfully in France. The speeches of Lafayette, Bignon, and General Lamarque, awakened great interest in the Polish cause, and much contributed towards forming a committee, under the presidency of the former, for supplying the Poles with arms and money. The POLISH ENVOY IN LONDON. 225 Committee also published an address from the French nation to the Poles, and the omnipotent voice of the press was now heard in a louder tone. From these circumstances the hope rose high in Poland, that France would not desert her sister in the hour of need. The Marquis Wielopolski had still less success in London. As the Whigs had just taken their mag- nanimous resolution of preserving peace at any price, the Grey administration, once so zealous for the independence of Poland, now refused even to join France in insisting upon the observance of the treaty of Vienna. On the publication of the manifesto, the English press, however, warmly advocated the rights of the Poles ; and ' The Times' especially thundered against " the blasphemous, hypocritical, and barba- *' rous manifestoes of the Russian autocrat." The mission to Sweden was a total failure. The king, whose legitimacy was endangered by the pro- tection afforded by Austria to Prince Vasa, was entirely under Russian influence, particularly since the visit of the Prince Royal Oscar to St. Peters- burgh ; and the Polish envoy, Count Roman Zaluski, was not even allowed to land in the Swedish terri- tory. Thus, after two months of harassing expecta- tion, the Poles found themselves with no other allies than those they possessed at the commencement of the insurrection — confidence in their own valour, and trust in the Almighty protector of right. Q CHAPTER VIL The War. At the opening of the campaign, the principal army of the Poles consisted of 35,700 infantry, 10,600 cavalry, 3000 artillery, with 136 guns, and one battalion of sappers, amounting in all to 50,000 men. The garrisons of Praga, Modlin, and Zamosc, mustered in all 10,000 troops. General Dwernicki, with a corps of 2800, and six pieces of artillery, and General Sierawski, with 3000 scythemen, were ap- pointed to protect the left side of the Vistula above Warsaw. The troops left the environs of the capital in the beginning of February. They marched through the streets between two immense lines formed by the members of the National Government, the senators, the deputies, and a great multitude of every age, sex, and rank. Shouts of exultation, and the national hymns sung by the people, rendered this scene yet more impressive. One occurrence in particular con- tributed to render that day memorable in the annals of Poland. When the fourth of the line was about to depart, the soldiers, knowing how scanty was their stock of powder, and how great the number of the THE FOURTH OF THE LINE. 227 enemy, threw themselves on their knees before their colonel, and entreated him to allow them to fight with the bayonet only, and to lead them wherever danger would be greatest. This regiment had been a favourite with the Grand Duke Constantine, and was so well trained, that every man belonging to it was reckoned a perfect master of arms*. Prince Radziwill then addressed the following proclama- tion to the army : — " Companions in arms ! With ' the impatience of outraged heroism, you have ' awaited the hour for avenging your country's ' wrongs — that hour is arrived ! Every hour of ' inaction seemed to you a century of endurance. At ' length your prayers have been heard. The enemies * of our freedom behold you — their presumption ' prepares for you a career as glorious as those of ' Czarnecki,Sobieski,andKosciuszko. Confiding in ' their numbers, the satellites of the Czar imagine * you terror-struck. Undeceive them — teach them ' that the Pole never counts the battalions of his ' enemy, but measures only the degree of his ' arrogancef." The force destined by the Russians for the invasion, amounted, according to their own statement, to 200,000 men, with 400 cannon. But this number, purposely overstated, in order to impress Europe * The privates of this regiment offered for the service of the country thirty roubles each ; the proceeds of their savings during seven years. t Chlopicki accompanied Radziwill into the field, and in fact commanded under the name of the prince. 228 RUSSIAN INVASION. with an idea of their power, climinisliecl, after tlieir boast of finishing all by a single battle, had been silenced by Polish valour. At the commencement of the war, there were not, in fact, more than 150,000 troops, with 400 pieces of artillery. On the 6th of February, they passed the frontier of the kingdom at three ditferent points. Prince Szachowskoi, at the head of 25,000 grenadiers, invaded the northern extremity. The great army, under the immediate command of Diebitch, followed the chaussee of Ostrolenka, while General Geismar, at the head of 9000 cavalry, and General Kreutz, with 6000 cavalry, entered the palatinate of Lublin. In compliance with the will of his Imperial master, Diebitch made a plan calculated to finish the whole campaign in twenty days. Szachowskoi was to cross the Vistula by Plock, and march straight to Warsaw — Geismar and Kreutz were to do the same above the capital ; and the great army, advancing by the chaussee from Ostrolenka, were to drive towards Praga the Polish troops. These latter were joined, on their retreat, by thousands of the population, flying at the ap- proach of the Asiatic hordes. On the 9th of February, the thaw having unexpectedly commenced, the enemy halted during the 10th, to ascertain whe- ther it would be temporary or permanent. The latter proved the case ; and Diebitch considering it hazardous to carry on the war between two such considerable rivers as the Bug and the Narew, sur- rounded by marshes, transferred the line of opera- tions to the chaussee of Siedlce. On the 13th, BATTLE OF LIVrEC. 220 Rosen made an unsuccessful attempt to cross the river Liviec. Peter Wysocki, with one battalion and two pieces of cannon, opposed his passage during the whole day. On that memorable occasion the first gun was fired by the Poles, a shot which was to decide the fate of their country. In the evening they abandoned their position, which was the only point where any local obstacle could impede the march of the Russians to Praga. During the three following days the great army remained stationary, in order to allow the two wings to come up. General Geismar advanced rapidly through the palatinate of Lublin towards the Vistula, intending to cross at Pulawy. General Dwernicki, to whom the defence in this quarter was entrusted, passed to the right bank, and on the 14th, he fell in with his entire corps, near the town of Stoczek. The Polish force consisted of only 2000 cavahy and 800 in- fantry, both newly equipped, — but they were the descendants of those Poles who once told their king (Sobieski) that " should heaven fall, they would " prop it with their lances.*" After a short can- nonade, Dwernicki, exclaiming " Poland is not lost " while we live!" attacked two Russian columns * The Russians arc robbing even the history of Poland, and have lately made use of the same expression in their negociations with the Circassians. Bossuet thought so highly of the Polish cavalry, that he even said that its defeat would be a proof that Heaven had withdrawn its favour. — See his " Discours sur I'His- " toire Universelle." 230 BATTLE OF STOCZEK. with indescribable impetuosity, and the victory was decided in less than a quarter of an hour. The Russians fled in disorder, leaving 400 killed and 500 prisoners, besides 1 1 guns. The loss of the victors was trifling, only 16 killed and 18 wounded. This first success was hailed with the utmost joy. Sol- diers and officers mutually embraced, and Dvvernicki reminding his men that he had discharged his pro- mise of leading them at once against their enemies, congratulated them on their having fulfilled their's, by beating them. Geismar did not stop in his flight until he reached the great army, but Dwernicki could not pursue, as the corps of Kreutz had already crossed the Vistula, and was advancing towards Warsaw. He therefore re-passed the river, and overtook Kreutz at Nowawies on the 17th of Feb- ruary. A combat there ensued still shorter than the last, in which the Polish lancers soon broke the squadrons of Russian dragoons ; and Kreutz having lost four pieces of artillery and several hundred pri- soners, hastened to re-cross the river. The approach of night saved him from total destruction. Dwer- nicki, however, dared not profit by his victory, as another Russian corps threatened to cross near Warsaw. On the 17th, the great army again moved forward j the Poles retiring, in order to concentrate their forces in the environs of Praga. The same day, Rosen's corps of 30,000 men came up with a Polish division under General Skrzynecki, occupying a strong posi- BATTLE OF DOBRE. 231 tion in the marshes at Dobie. A brilliant action took place. Eight thousand Poles resisted for nine hours a force four times their number. It was on this occasion that the fourth of the line performed their first exploit in arms, by attacking in single compa- nies the Russian battalions, and driving them back at the point of the bayonet. The Russians lost 1500 killed and wounded ; the Poles comparatively few. Skrzynecki did not quit his position until he had ascertained that General Zymirski, retiring along the chaussee, was no longer in danger of being intercepted on his way to Praga. On the 19th, the Polish troops drew up on the plains of Grochow, where the ex-dictator had determined to risk an engagement. Zymirski and Szembek's divisions were stationed on both sides of the chaussee, near the inn of Waver, where the enemy was expected to emerge from the wood, and were ordered to engage in the conflict only so far as should suffice to draw the enemy to Grochow. About ten in the morning the Pahlen corps arrived, as was anticipated, and was preparing to occupy a position on the skirts of the wood, when Szembek attacked them with such impe- tuosity that they were thrown back with disorder, but on being reinforced they returned and pressed him so closely, that Zymirski found it necessary to bring up his division, when the Russians were a second time repulsed, and lost two standards and six can- non. They next had recourse to their numerous cavalry, and charged with twenty squadrons, but 232 POSITION OF THE PULES. General Lubienski, at the head of two regiments of lancers, at once dispersed them. Chlopicki find- ing that the combat was not proceeding according to the plan he laid down, ordered the generals to withdraw to Grochow, and the retreat was executed in perfect order, a general cannonade on both sides terminating the action. On the following day the Polish troops took a very strong station. Their right wing was protected by the Vistula and the marshes, and on the left of the chaussee stood a little wood of elders, bidding defiance as it were to the opposite forest, which seemed ready to fall upon it. Here was the central point of their position, to which the wood was the key, for the enemy's columns could not advance along the chaussee whilst it remained in possession of the Poles; the whole formed a semi-circle, of which Praga w^as the focus, its strength increasing as its radii shortened, whilst the elder wood inter- posed a barrier which threatened to divide the forces of the enemy. The position of the Rus- sians was equally strong, being protected by the Vistula, the marshes, and the forest, at the edge of which a range of hills formed a kind of natural fortification, well adapted for their artillery, which, therefore, besides being thrice as numerous as that of the Poles, had now also the advantage in position. Yet the latter not only maintained its ground, but gained immortal honour. Early in the morning of the 20th, the Russians BATTLE OF GROCHOW. 233 opened the battle by a formidable cannonade, which they kept up till noon. Diebitch then, with his infantry, made repeated attacks on the elder wood, especially directing his operations on the left side. The 4th of the line defended this post of honour, and as the enemy's battalions approached they were successively repulsed at the point of the bayonet^ Many Russian regiments were on that day reduced to single battalions. At length, exhausted by un- successful attacks, the enemy terminated their efforts with a cannonade along their whole line. Diebitch then discovered that his expectations of victory, by means of masses of infantry and numerous artillery, were vain. The gallant conduct of Dwernicki had frustrated a considerable part of his plan, and his troops, fatigued, and wanting provi- sions, sensibly diminished. He found himself com- pelled to await the arrival of Szachowskoi's corps, and the next day condescended to demand a suspen- sion of hostilities for three days, under pretext of burying the dead. General Witt, who was sent for this purpose to the Polish camp, taking occasion to express his astonishment that two friendly nations should shed their blood in a quarrel brought about by a band of mere youths, was answered by General Krukowiecki as became a Pole, " That far from con- " demning the heroic self-devotion of their sons, " the fathers would endeavour to consummate, by " their judgment and experience, the virtuous and " courageous deed they had begun." An armistice 234 CAMP OF GROCHOW. of only three hours was then accorded. The Polish camp presented just then a very remarkable specta- cle. Fathers, mothers, and sisters came to embrace their sons and brothers, and to look upon the field of glory which might yet prove their tomb and that of their country. The vicinity of Warsaw afforded great conveniences to the Polish troops : the wounded received every assistance, ladies of the highest rank superintending. Their camp was abundantly supplied with comforts, and even luxu- ries ; whilst the enemy's soldiers, in spite of the violence with which they endeavoured to extort contributions from the inhabitants, actually lacked provisions, and fed only upon boiled barley or rye. The national government also took the soldiers' wives under its protection, and the Diet voted ten millions of florins, to be distributed in money or land amongst the troops, after the campaign should be over ; but they, when made acquainted with this liberal measure, feeling that their task was not yet accomplished, answered with sublime simplicity, " Provide us with bread and brandy, and keep the " money for more urgent purposes." Three days passed without any engagement. The position of the Poles, admirably adapted for defence, but not for attack, was the cause of their inaction. Diebitch also was unwilling to undertake any thing before the arrival of Prince Szachowskoi, who was marching day and night to join the triumphant entry, which he had been led to expect, into the COUNCIL OF WAR. 235 rebellious capital. General Jankowski having been despatched from Grochow, with two regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, met Szachowskoi's corps at Neporent, on the 24th. After a short skirmish, the Poles retired to Bialolenka, three miles from Praga, where, being reinforced by two infantry regiments, an obstinate combat ensued, which lasted till night-fall, when the enemy remained in possession of the village. Szachowskoi's force consisted of 25,000 of the best Russian troops, and their advance on the left of the Poles, compelled Chlo- picki to detach a third brigade of infantry from the army at Grochow to Bialolenka, under General Krukowiecki ; but no more fighting took place that day. At night a council of war was held in a solitary house of the devastated Grochow. " What is to " be done to-morrow ? Shall we retreat ? " asked Chlopicki, " and leave poisoned provisions behind " us ? " The latter proposal was rejected by all. The retreat was stated to be impracticable, as the soldiers would never consent to retire without first risking a general engagement, though, in case of defeat, destruction seemed inevitable, there being only one bridge across the Vistula, which was, be- sides, liable to be destroyed at any moment by the breaking up of the ice. The fortifications of Praga, too, were either commanded by the adjacent hills, or not strong enough to protect a discomfited army. Still the soldiers would not hear of retreating. 236 BATTLE OF BIALOLENKA. " We cannot now," continued Chlopicki, " hope " to conquer nearly 145,000 men, and our only " alternative is to die." " Die," replied Skrzynecki ; and the other officers joined in the reply — " Die " sword in hand on freedom's field." Pulchrumque mori in ai'mis. The character of a nation is best exhibited in the hour of danger. The Romans proved worthy of their fame after the catastrophe of Cannse. Once more, the Poles showed themselves the unflinching defenders of that liberty of which they had so long stood the vanguard, when, on the night of the 24th of February, they deliberately resolved to die for the sacred rights bestowed upon them by God. Standards inscribed with the words, " For our " liberty and your's," were distributed to the regi- ments, and with these hallowed ensigns they moved forward to meet the Russian columns. On the 25th, at day-break, General Krukowiecki attacked the enemy in Bialolenka with the impe- tuosity suited to the ardent spirit that animated his soldiers. Szachowskoi evacuated the place in dis- order, leaving behind 2,000 killed and wounded, and six pieces of artillery. Krukowiecki at first pursued, but the Russian general, opposing him with a part only of his troops, soon concealed himself with the remainder in the wood, and by noon had entirely disappeared. This was the time when Krukowiecki should have joined the army at Grochow, and he was about to do so when he BATTLE OF GROCHOW. 237 leceived an order from Chlopicki to continue the pursuit. On hearing of this attack Diebiteh imme- diately gav e the signal for general battle. His first object was to get possession at any rate of the elder wood, and under cover of the artillery, he pushed forward a division of foot, which, however, was dispersed by the Poles before it had advanced half way. A valley, a mile wide, separated the two armies. In a moment, far as the eye could reach, it was covered with Russian battalions. The Muscovite soldiers are trained, by a brutal discipline, to fear more their officers than their enemy; and on this occa- sion, though exposed to an admirably conducted fire, twenty-six battalions resolutely advanced, and at- tacked Skrzynecki's division on the left of the elder wood ; but the 4th Hne kept its oath ; other regiments did no less ; and of all these twenty-six battalions only a wreck found safety in flight. They were replaced by as many more, and the elder wood was taken five times, and as often re-conquered by the Poles. The carnage had continued five hours, Chlo- picki leading on every attack, when precisely at two o'clock. General Zymirski, whilst defending the right of the wood, was reached by a cannon-ball. His division fell into disorder, and the enemy had gained possession of the post, when Chlopicki at- tacked them with the grenadier guards, and again drove them back. But after this conflict, during which two horses were killed under him, and him- self slightly wounded, the grenadiers, assailed in 238 BATTLE OF GROCHOW. their turn by a superior force, once more abandoned the post to the enemy. The danger was imminent, as in this case Skrzynecki could scarcely hope to maintain the other side of the wood, and the enemy would thus gain the object of their deadly struggle. But Chlopicki was now in his element. Swift as his own thought, he brought forward a brigade of Szembek's division, and, at the same moment with Skrzynecki, made so irresistible an onset that the enemy again abandoned the wood in the utmost confusion. Chlopicki, to whom Napoleon once presented a dart, in compliment to his eagle eye, then perceived that the Russians were exhausted, and that the moment was arrived for striking a decisive blow. Exclaiming, in the exultation of certain suc- cess. " Now will I beat that boaster ! Bring up the " cavalry ! — the cavalry ! " he had shouted a second time, when his horse was knocked down by a cannon ball, and himself wounded in both legs. " La tombe un vieux guerrier, qui, ne dans les alarmes, Eut les campa pour patrie, et pour amour ses amies." He was carried from the field at half-past two, borne on the crossed weapons of the scy themen, and the melancholy sight filled the soldiers, and even the officers with despair. There was, however, no time for lamentation ; for at that moment Szachowskoi joined Diebitch with the whole corps of grenadiers, whilst the Poles remained without a reinforcement, Krukowiecki having only then received orders to BATTLE OF GROCHOW. 239 advance. Diebitch, as though aware of Chlopicki's fall, prepared for one more effort, and, as the grena- diers advanced, preceded by a long train of light artillery, their columns suddenly opened, and a cloud of cavalry poured into the valley. A division of lancers charged Skrzynecki's battalions, but without success ; and after strewing the ground with their corpses, the remainder fled. A second division of hussars attacked Szembek's corps on the right of the chaussee, and, was alike repulsed. A third, the cuirassiers, called " invincible*," marched up the chaussee, and, profiting by a wide interval between the Polish columns, passed the first line. Prince Albert of Prussia's regiment led this column with blind intrepidity, and a squadron of Polish lancers, which charged them, without being able to arre t their course, was hurried with them along the chaussee. Meantime a scene of tumult arose on the road to Praga. Prince Radziwill had issued no orders since the fall of Chlopicki, and Szembek, who should have assumed the command, had been overthrown with his horse, by the invincible cuirassiers. Wag- gons loaded with the wounded men were pressing onwards, surrounded by civilians and ladies, who had come from Warsaw to assist the sufferers. Baggage and ammunition waggons also were hurry- ing thither, and, to complete the confusion, several * From having been the first who entered Paris in 1814. 240 BATTLE OF GROCHOW. powder chests blew up. Praga w^as now set on fire, in order to uncover the cannon on the walls. It was whispered that the Russians had taken it, and the report, echoed in Warsaw, found its way into the Prussian Gazette, and spread through Europe. The President of the Government hastened to the scene of danger, ready to encounter death, as became the representative of a nation in her mortal agony. In the meantime, the cuirassiers had imprudently advanced to the second Polish line, but were effec- tually repulsed hy a battalion, whilst Colonel Pron- dzynski poured on them a shower of Congreve rockets, and General Kicki attacked them with the 2nd regiment of lancers, and two of the Zamoyski squadrons. Assailed from every quarter, the flying cuirassiers met as they fled the division of Skrzynecki, and a carnage as great as that in the elder wood took place. They would not yield, and all perished- The Polish artillery then advancing, poured a grape fire on the Russian battalions which were coming up, though too late, in support of the cuirassiers, and completed the discomfiture of Diebitch, whose men were now in full retreat. Skrzynecki, the hero of the day, at length confident of success, urged Prince Radziwill to renew the attack, more especially as Krukowiecki had just arrived at Praga with 15,000 fresh troops ; but since the fall of Chlopicki, the prince was not to be persuaded to undertake any thing upon his own responsibility, and fearing also that the bridge across the Vistula might be broken BATTLE OF GROCHOW. 241 down, he gave the word for retiring. Thus both armies drew off in opposite directions, as driven by some unseen influence from the spot of that day's butchery. Leaving Praga in flames, and three bat- talions to defend the fortified advanced post of the bridge, the remainder of the PoHsh army re-entered Warsaw in the night. To convey an idea of that day's conflict, it is enough to i'emark,that there was scarcely a general or staff officer amongst them who had not his horse killed or wounded under him ; two-thirds of the officers, and 8000 privates, were wounded, and 4000 killed. The Russians, according to their own statement, lost, during the three engagements on the 19th, 20th, and 25th, 30,000 killed and wounded*. They suffered most on the last day, in their assaults on the elder wood, which has since been called " the forest of the deadf ." Amongst those who perished in this memorable combat> Count Louis Mycielski, who had hastened from the Grand Duchy of Posen, to enter the 4th of the line, as a volunteer, stands distinguished both for his gal- lantry and the remarkable circumstances of his death. Three of his fingers being carried away by a grape shot, he twisted his cravat round the hand. — pierced * One of Diebitch's staff related, that on seeing so great a number of wounded, the Russian ofl&cers clasped their hands, and exclaimed, " The hand of God is upon us !" t The elder wood has lately been cut down, by the order of Nicholas, with the view to silence the voice of history. Tyranny and folly go here side by side. R 242 BATTLE OF GROCHOW. in the foot by a musket ball, he bound up the wound, and still advanced. Whilst in the act of nailing up one of the enemy's guns, another grape shot shat- tered his knee, and, as his companions were bearing him away from the field, a cannon-ball terminated his heroic career. " Un ange me soutint sur son aile invisible " Pour raconter au monde un sublime trepas, " Qua vu ce siecle impie . . . et qu'il ne croira pas." For ever memorable will be the battle of Grochow, where 145,000 Russians, with 400 cannon, were not able to vanquish 35,000 Poles (after the departure of Krukowiecki they amounted to no more), with only 100 cannon. Had not Chlopicki been disabled, the Poles would have been victorious at Grochow ; and the Russian empire, which had collected all its disposable force, might have been overthrown. Considered in this light, the battle was perhaps as important as any in modern times, since, had Russia been defeated, the condition of the world at large might have been changed. Even under existing circumstances, the defeat at Grochow, in its result, may be compared to Sobieski's victory over the Turks at Vienna (1683); for, as the latter have never since advanced, but gradually lost their former conquests, so, in this hard-vvon struggle, Russia received a blow, the effects of which she will for ever feel. DESTRUCTION OF PUI.AWY. 243 Dwernicki being absent, Kreiitz dared not again cross the Vistula ; but his vanguard, under Prince Adam of Wirtemberg, committed every species of vandalism in the palatinate of Lublin. This man, the son of Prince Adam Czartoryski's sister, had, before the insurrection, served in the Polish army, which he then quitted, giving his word never to bear arms against Poland ; yet he now, with two regiments of dragoons, attacked Pulawy, where his mother and grandmother were actually then residing. Colonel Lagowski and Julius Malachowski, with some of the new cavalry, and 200 sharp shooters, had passed the Vistula, surprised his party, and made two squa- drons prisoners ; but on the approach of Kreutz corps, they retired, leaving Pulawy (one of the finest residences in Europe, and adorned with precious works of art) to the fury of the prince, by whom it was set on fire, and soon presented only a mass of ruins. He even caused several persons suspected of having taken part in the late action, to be hanged, and, to crown his atrocities, discharged two cannons at the princely dwelling, intended, as he said, for his mother* and grandmother, who were at that time * The Princess of Wirtemberg, his mother, is now living a refugee in France, Nicholas having confiscated her estates in favour of her son Prince Adam, who did not scruple to accept the gift. He, however, acquainted her with the step of his and her Imperial master, signifying, at the same time, that he was dis- posed to give her a portion of his revenue. To this she replied, with the dignity becoming a princess of the house of Czartoryski, viz. — " Master I know not ; son I have none." 244 BATTLE OF KUROW. waiting on the wounded soldiers to whom they had given shelter. He also carried off from the palace a young lady conspicuous by her patriotism and beauty. When Dwernicki heard of these outrages, he hastened to Pulawy, from which the enemy re- treated at his approach. As a Pole, he felt it incum- bent on him to offer his tribute of respect to " the " venerable lady of the castle ;" but when he beheld the scene of desolation, he and his officers advanced in dread, lest they should find that the princess herself had fallen a victim to her savage grandson. Great was their astonishment when she appeared in the porch, and addressed them with, " How happy " am I that God has granted me to see you once " again before I die." Then presenting them to her ladies, she continued — "Do not be surprised at seeing " us in the best clothes left us by the enemy. We " are arrayed in our funeral attire ;" and pointed to the holes pierced in the walls by the Russian ball. It was with difficulty that Dwernicki could prevail on the venerable lady, eighty years of age, to retire into Galicia, while he hurried forward to avenge the insulted feeling of the nation. He overtook the rear- guard of Kreutz at Kurow, killed 200 of his men, and took 300 prisoners, besides the five pieces of cannon, which he had brought into action. The following day he came up with him again in Lublin, and drove him from the town. Kreutz then joined Diebitch, and Dwernicki proceeded to Zamosc, increasing his company on the march by volunteers from Galicia. From Zamosc he had to approach Volhynia, sup- NEW GENERALISSIBIO. 245 posed to be on the eve of insurrection. This officer, who, with only 3000 newly levied soldiers, had de- feated two Russian corps, much superior in number, greatly influenced the fortune of the campaign ; for Diebitch concluding, from his success, that he must at least have 15,000 men, detached 20,000 under Toll, the most able of his generals, to oppose him. On the 26th of February, before dawn, the National Government summoned a council of general officers, when Prince Radziwill, acknow- ledging his errors, and his unfitness to remain general-in-chief, resigned the post. Chlopicki* re- commended that he should be replaced by Skrzy- necki, the hero of Dobre and of the forest of the dead ; the other generals elected him, and the Diet confirmed their choice the same day. John Skrzynecki, a native of Galicia, then about forty -five years of age, began his military career in 1809, as volunteer in an infantry regiment raised by Prince Constantine Czartoryski. At the battle of -4ms surVAube, in 1813, he saved the life of Napoleon, who then uttered this prophetic remark : — " C'est un commandant qui commander a."" Under the Russian government he was colonel of the 8th of the line, and his independence of character, as well as his military science, drew upon him the hatred of * Chlopicki soon after weut to Cracow, where he remained during the war, not being able to take any further part in it on account of his wounds. 246 NEW GENERALISSI5IO. the Grand Duke Constantine. When the Duke of Welhngton visited Warsaw, on his way to St. Peters- burgh, Constantine presented Skrzynecki to him with these words : — " This officer can always tell " what is in the English or French press, but " knows nothing of what passes in his own regi- " ment." Tall in stature, with a noble and chival- rous expression of countenance, his courage rises superior to every trial, but it is rather of a resigned than sanguine nature, analogous to the mysticism of his religious faith. When asked by the Diet on what plan he proposed to carry on the war, his reply was truly characteristic : — " Let the deputies recollect the " senators of Rome, who died in their curule chairs — " for myself, I will be their Fabius Cunctator." By Skrzynecki's recommendation, the Colonels Pron- dzynski and Chrzanowski were made generals ; and with their assistance he concerted the plan of the coming campaign, attending first to the re-organi- zation and recruiting of the army. The soldiers, who had hitherto known their chiefs only by name, saw Skrzynecki daily amongst them, training them by moral and military discipline. He rewarded merit, promoted talent, and endeavoured to inspire them with courage superior to all misfortunes. Amongst other regulations established with this object, he forbade any order of merit to be con- ferred on officers or soldiers without the express approval of both, nor did he omit any opportunity of winning their love. FALSE RUMOURS. 247 Since the night of the 25th, the Polish cavalry had occupied positions a few miles above and below Warsaw, the infantry and artillery being encamped either within the walls, or near them. All was pre- pared for resistance, in case the enemy should attempt to pass the still frozen Vistula, the left bank of which, at that spot, commands the right, together with Praga and its environs ; and a battery of twenty- four pounders was therefore placed on the left bank, in order to cover the adjacent plains and overpower any hostile guns that might be pointed against Praga. This city was divided into two parts ; the one bordering on the Vistula, and strongly fortified, formed the advanced post of the bridge ; the other, at a greater distance, and not fortified, was set on fire, and abandoned to the Russians. A false report of the capture of Praga, and even of Warsaw, had gone the round of the European papers. But though encamped in its presence, no one knew better than Diebitch himself, how far he was from accom- plishing the object of his desires. Of Praga he pos- sessed little beyond its ashes, which refused even shelter to his men : before him lay ramparts de- fended by heavy cannon, and brave men determined to die rather than surrender ; beyond was the Vis- tula, which might open to swallow his artillery and men, should they attempt to pass ; and beyond that the yet stronger rampart of Polish breasts and bayonets. Like another Suwaroif, he gazed for some days upon the beautiful capital of Poland, 248 RETREAT OF DIEBITCH. and then retired to Grochow, where an altar had been raised on the field of battle, at which thousands- of Russian soldiers daily raised their discordant voices in prayer. For what did they pray ? The Czar best knows, he who stands between them and their God, and sends them forth to the murder of nations. Kneeling in the midst of them, the field- marshal also prayed. Did he supplicate his idol, Nicholas, for pardon, that he had not conquered the rebellious capital ? Such must have been his prayers, for he interrupted them only by his attempts to take Warsaw by treacherous means. He first resorted to the Russian policy usual in such cases. Two Polish prisoners of war were dismissed by him with a gift of four ducats each, and enjoined to make it knov/n amongst their troops that the same sum would be given to all Poles deserting to the Russians. On their arrival in Warsaw the two soldiers communicated this transaction to Skrzy- necki, and deposited the money in the public trea- sury. In the order of the day Skrzynecki men- tioned their good conduct, and the baseness of Diebitch. Bribery having failed, the field-marshal next attempted, in nightly excursions, to burn the bridge ; and baffled in this also, he left Grochow on the 5th of March, and transferred his head- quarters to Siennica, forty miles distant. General Geismar, with the rear-guard, remaining at Waver. On the 11th of March the thaw commenced, and for u time suspended all military operations. RESULTS OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN. 249 The retreat of Diebitch, and the advance of Dwernicki on Zamosc, opened the eyes of Europe to the real results of the fight of Grochow ; and the reports of Russian victories, circulated by the Prus- sian gazettes, were found to have been mere inven- tions. It is a melancholy consideration, that even in the nineteenth century, might should still constitute right ; but it certainly appeared as if victory had added yet more sanctity to the claims of the Poles, so warmly did every generous heart now sympathise with '* le peuple des heros," headed in their sublime struggle by the noblest of their countrymen. The tide of public opinion now setting against Russia, had made a wide breach in her power ; and had the other governments of Europe chosen to drive her back to her Asiatic steppes, and to prevent the murder of a nation, the time for doing so was not yet passed. But they contented themselves with secretly exulting at her humiliation ; and the French cabinet, which had pronounced, at the commence- ment of the insurrection, that " la Pologne etait " destinee a perir," even went so far as to regret the success that now attended the Polish arms. Prince Czartoryski, whose diplomatic talents are well known, advised Skrzynecki to rest his hopes of the independence of Poland solely on the national troops, until some brilliant victory should tempt the European cabinets to interfere. But as the thaw suspended for a time all offensive operations, {Skrzy- necki, wishing to relieve his men from the fatigue of 250 ATTEMPT AT NEGOCIATION. incessantly watching so many different points, deter- mined to try whether he could not amuse Diebitch by negociation, so as to induce him to suspend his pre- parations for passing the Vistula. For this purpose he sent Colonel Mycielski, under pretext of an exchange of prisoners, to the Russian camp, where, in an interview he had with Diebitch, the latter observed, " that the Poles had entered on a hope- " less struggle ; that their army having set the ex- " ample of insurrection, ought to be the first to set " that of submission, after which things might be *' restored to their former state ; and that he desired " this on account of the sincere esteem he felt for *' the nation." To this communication, which, under the mask of humanity, was designed to disunite the army and the people, Skrzynecki answered by let- ter, that ** before submission could be thought of, " the Emperor must give positive guarantees for the " observance of the treaty of Vienna ; — as for the army, it would never separate its interests from those of the people; but would perish, if neces- sary, to preserve that legal state of things for " which all had united." Diebitch replied, " that " Russia would listen to no proposal until the act " of dethronement should be abrogated, and the " Diet which proclaimed it dissolved." Upon this demand the National Government would have broken off the negociations ; but Skrzynecki opposing, as he said, humanity to arrogance, wrote once more : " Before we can enter into the (question of dethrone- (( <( VICTORY OF WAVER. 251 " meiit, Russia must give us the most solemn and *' unquestionable guarantees ; otherwise we may be *' called inconstant and light-minded, although our " mistrust is justified by the perjuries of half a " century." This last letter happily ended the negociations, which Diebitch now pronounced use- less. The nation never approved them, remember- ing the Polish proverb, " he who once quarrels " with the Czar must either fight for his life or pine " away in Siberia." By imprudently dividing his troops into detach- ments, Diebitch afforded Skrzynecki a fair oppor- tunity of acting up to his words. During the night of the 30th of March, he left the environs of War- saw with 35,000 men, and, to conceal their march, the bridge over which they passed was covered with straw. Veiled by fog and darkness they approached, unseen, the inn of Waver, where General Geismar lay entrenched with 8000 men. Taken by surprise, the Russians fled along the chaussee, losing 2000 killed and wounded, 3000 prisoners, and four pieces of cannon ; and at Dembe Wielkie, about twenty- five miles from Warsaw, joined General Rosen, com- manding there 20,000 men. At five p.m. the Poles came up with them, and found them in a strong position, protected on one side by a wood and marshes, and on the other by a marshy river, the ground also on both sides of the chaussee being so loose as to be impassable. Skrzynecki, however, immediately attacked him. Two regiments, the 4th 252 VICTORY OF DEMBE WIELKIE. and 8th of the line, first advanced along the chaussee, and although able to bring only two cannons to act, they at length dislodged the Russians from the vil- lage. Eight squadrons then charged, and in a quarter of an hour the Russian battalions were broken, their cavalry cut to pieces, the artillery taken, and Rosen himself compelled to seek refuge in a neigh- bouring wood. Darkness prevented the Poles from pursuing, and they passed the night on the field. At day-break they moved forward. A division of cavalry, headed by the 4th lancers, of which one squadron was commanded by Count Ladislaus Zamoyski, composed the vanguard, and Rosen, though a full night's march in advance, was soon overtaken. To save a part of his corps he sacrificed the rest, and stationed some battalions, at intervals, in the wood, to check the Polish cavalry, who, how- ever, galloped through their fire, and soon over- came all resistance. Amazed at such boldness, the Russian soldiers threw down their arms, attributing their success to the displeasure of the Virgin, an image of whom had been lost by General Geismar at Stoczek. Zamoyski, at the head of his squadron, which did in fact the work of a regiment, achieved, near Kaluszyn, the most brilliant exploit of the day, defeating three battalions successively, and himself taking three standards with his own hand. Rosen retired in the night to Siedlce, bejond the river Kostrzyn, and joined the corps of Pahlen 11. , just arrived from the interior of Russia. The same day PLANS OF WAR. 253 Skrzynecki took up his head-quarters at Kaluszyn. In these two days the enemy lost 14,000 prisoners, and 5000 killed and wounded, together with 15 pieces of cannon, 16,000 muskets, and many ammu- nition and baggage waggons. The loss of the Poles in killed and wounded was verv small. Four thousand Lithuanians, whom they took prisoners, recollecting, at last, that they also were sons of Poland, volunteered their service. Had Skrzynecki taken the advice given him by Prondzynski, and im- mediately pursued Rosen to Siedlce, to complete the destruction of his corps, which had now joined that of Pahlen IT., the whole of the Russian force might possibly have been annihilated ; for Diebitch with his 50,000 men, hemmed in between the river Wieprz, the Vistula, and the Polish army, must have been ultimately defeated ; or he might, as Chrzanowski urged, have struck a still more decisive blow, by leading his army, elated with its recent victory, to attack Diebitch himself. But he was too cautious to adopt either of these counsels ; objecting, to the first, the danger of being cut off from Warsaw ; and, to the second, that the roads were impassable, especially for artillery. The position occupied by Diebitch, near Macieiowice, was the very spot where Kosciuszko fell ; and this was, perhaps, another reason why Skrzynecki, whom the press already called a second Kosciuszko, would undertake nothing in that quarter. On learning the defeat of his two corps, Diebitch caused the preparations 254 VICTORY OF IGANIE. made for the passage of the Vistula to be burnt, and hastened to Siedlce, in order there to collect his forces. It was now in Skrzynecki's power to pre- vent their junction, and on the 10th of April he began to take measures to effect that object. Pron- dzynski, with 8000 men, was to attack the right wing, Skrzynecki to advance by the chaussee upon the centre, and Chrzanowski to cut off the retreat by the bridge over the Muchaviec. Prondzynski was the first who arrived, and he waited several hours for the other corps. In presence of an enemy four times his own strength, and compelled to attack, or to risk being himself attacked on his retreat, he chose the first alternative, and as he approached the village of Iganie, encountered ten Russian squadrons prepared for the charge. General Kicki fell on them with one regiment of lancers, cut many to pieces, and made 400 prisoners. Prondzynski next led on his battalions, explaining to them, as they went, the superiority of the bayonet to the musket on this occasion. The shock was terrible; 3000 Russians were killed and 4000 taken, besides five cannon and 4000 muskets. Two regiments (the 13th and 14th light infantry), called by the Emperor Nicholas, since the last Turkish war, " The lions of " Warna," perished to a man. Three Russian colonels were also killed, and three taken prisoners. The loss of the Poles amounted to 500 killed and wounded. The battle was over, and the enemy had already effected their retreat by the bridge BATTLE OF VENGROW. 255 before mentioned, when Skrzynecki and Chrza- nowski arrived, their delay having been caused by the badness of the roads. The town of Siedlce might still have been carried without much diffi- culty ; but Skrzynecki, knowing that within its walls were 15,000 men wounded, or sick of the cholera, abandoned the idea. That disease had now also reached the Poles, and proved more destructive than the sword. The following day, they abandoned Iganie, and returned to their former position near Kaluszyn. In the meantime. General Uminski having ob- tained some advantages in the palatinate of Plock, over the imperial guard, joined the main body of the army, and was appointed to defend the passage of the Liviec at Vengrow, where, on the 13th of April, a severe engagement took place. Here again Polish valour overcame superiority of numbers; three squadrons of lancers defeating six of Russian dragoons, and making 400 prisoners, whilst a newly formed regiment of infantry successfully resisted through the day several of the enemy's regiments. A fortnight of mutual inaction succeeded, during which Skrzynecki endeavoured to reinforce Dwer- nicki, in order to favour the insurrection in Volhynia. He therefore ordered General Sierawski, then sta- tioned with 6000 new levies, chiefly armed with scythes, on the left of the Vistula, to advance on Zamosc, but, if possible, to avoid an engagement. Sierawski, however, had no sooner crossed the river, 256 DEFEAT OF SIERAWSKI. (on the 17th of April), than he was attacked by General Kreutz, with 12,000 men, and notwith- standing the inferiority of his own force, successfully resisted him during the greater part of the day. Towards evening, in hopes of deciding the victory, the gallant veteran made a charge with two squadrons of Kalisz, and had already taken the enemy's can- non, wdien his troops were seized with a panic, and fled, thus compelling him to give the signal for retreat. It was, however, executed in good order, and the next day they reached the Vistula at Kazimir. There was no bridge. The cavalry had swum across, and a part of the infantry had already passed in boats when the Russians came up. Young Julius Malachowski, with 200 rifles, for a time covered the retreat ; but at length the greater part of his men having been killed or disabled, he seized a scythe, and shouting, " this was Kosciuszko's weapon ! Brave soldiers, on with me!" — rushed upon the nearest battalion, and put it to flight. Short was the triumph — he fell pierced with many balls, and the scythemen fled. A thousand Poles perished, more however in the waves than by the sword. The Russian loss was as great. Yet the Poles called it their defeat, and justly. It was a moral check. On the 24th, after his long repose, Diebitch again began to act on the offensive. The Poles being de- sirous to choose their ground for the next battle, retired before him, General Dembinski, with a rear- guard, making a brilliant stand at Kuflew, to cover BATTLE OF MINSK. 257 the retreat. On the 25th, they reached Dembe Wielkie. General Gielgud, commanding then' rear- guard of 10,000 troops, having profited by an ad- vantageous position at Minsk to arrest the progress of the Russians, with much loss on their side, during the whole afternoon, joined Skrzynecki at Dembe Wielkie in the night, who was desirous to entice Uiebitch once more to Grochow. This latter, how- ever, had no inclination to revisit the field where so many of his men had perished j and having advanced but three miles beyond Minsk, withdrew, on the 28th, to his entrenched position at Siedlce. A second inaction of a fortnight intervened. Im- portant motives compelled Diebitch to suspend thus his military operations. It seems that his late move- ment was undertaken solely in compliance with the express order of the Emperor Nicholas, who, igno- rant of the difficulties attending the present war, insisted on its being immediately brought to a con- clusion. The excuse Diebitch offered for his late promenade, was want of provisions. The real cause, however, was the disorganized state of his troops. Rosen's corps, amounting to 30,000 men, no longer existed ; that of Pahlen, equally strong, had been half destroyed by the Polish arms, and was daily decimated by cholera. Added to this, the destruc- tion of Geismar's 9000 men, the death of all the wounded by want of hospitals, the rising in Lithua- nia, and the presence of Dvvernicki in Volhynia s 258 BATTLE OF KOCK. threatening to interrupt the communication with the interior, were sufficient motives for waiting until the success of the Russian troops in those two provinces should enable them to send him a further reinforce- ment. Skrzynecki, on his part, was not disposed to molest Diebitch in his fortified position ; but more than ever anxious for the safety of Dwernicki's corps since the defeat of Sierawski, he sent him 5000 of his own best men under the command of General Chrzanowski. This corps, on the 8th of May, sur- prised at Kock 4000 Russians, who had been simi- larly dispatched by Diebitch to assist Kreutz, and took 800 prisoners. At Firlei, ihey were opposed by Kreutz himself, whom they compelled to draw off with a loss of 400 prisoners, and continued their march, without interruption, Kreutz hanging on their rear till the 10th, when he again attacked them at Levartow on the banks'of the river Wieprz. After a severe fight of several hours, Chrzanowski suc- ceeded in crossing the river, not only with his own troops, but with his prisoners. One infantry com- pany, left by him in a monastery, to arrest the enemy, and enjoined rather to die than to surrender before the passage should be effected, as long as their powder lasted, made so admirable a defence, that Kreutz, deceived as to their numbers, brought up many battalions and several pieces of artillery : he could not refrain from uttering an expression of respect, when only 111 men at length surrendered to RUSSIAN CRUELTY. 259 his arms. Owing to the winding of the river, Chrza- nowski had to cross it again no less than three times ; and after marching fifty-seven miles in three days, during which he had several encounters with the enemy, arrived at Zamosc on the 11th of May, bringing with him 1200 prisoners, 400 of whom enlisted in his corps. This was one of the finest opera- tions of the campaign, but did not attain its object; for Dwernicki had long since left this fortress for Volhynia, where it was now too late to attempt join- ing him. Had the three generals been able to have combined their forces, they would, in all probability, have destroyed the corps of Kreutz, and carried on a successful contest beyond the Bug. By whose fault the opportunity was lost, let the event show. The Diet had been discussing the relation in which the kingdom stood to the insurrectionized sister countries, and also the degree of retaliation to be exercised upon the enemy. Hitherto the Russian prisoners had been treated with unparalleled kind- ness, and their wounded tended by Polish ladies with as much care as they bestowed on those of their own countrymen. This humane conduct was ill requited by the Russians, as the ruins of Pulawy and the number of Polish prisoners hanged or shot in cold blood sufficiently testified ; but after the battle of Iganie and Diebitch's late reconnoissance, several children and pregnant women were found murdered. In some instances the breasts of women 260 RUSSIAN CRUELTY. were cut oft, and two Cossacks were actually seized bearing about them the proofs of their revolting barbarity. Beyond even these atrocities, the ukases of Nicholas against the insurgents of Lithuania and the other provinces,— so cruel that they were not at first believed in Europe to be genuine, — seemed to demand some protective measure of reprisal. One was proposed by the Chamber of Deputies, but rejected by the Senate as unworthy of the Polish name ; and the following resolutions in regard to Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina, were finally thought sufficient. 1st. That all portions of those provinces formerly belonging to ancient Poland have now recovered the rights and privileges impre- scriptibly possessed by them before the first parti- tion. 2ndly. Wherever the inhabitants of provinces shall rise to shake off the Russian yoke, whosoever shall endeavour to replace that yoke, or do any thing prejudicial to the insurrection, shall be considered a traitor, and punished accordingly; — and, 3rdly. That the National Government and General-in-Chief be charged with the execution of this decree. In con- sequence, Skrzynecki addressed a letter to Diebitch, informing him that any attempt to execute the im- perial ukases would be followed by retaliation upon the 20,000 Russian prisoners now in the hands of the Poles ; and, should the war assume a character so abhorrent to their dispositions, the cruelties ensu- ing would be attributed, both by present and future RUSSIAN CRUELTY. 261 generations, to those with whom thej first com- menced. Diebitch read the letter, sent it back, and proceeded to inflict barbarities more cruel than ever. Yet neither the government nor the general permitted themselves to use their asserted right of retaliation, thus preserving the nation guiltless of innocent blood. CHAPTER VIII. Insurrection of the Russian Countries:^ or of Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina. When a country that has formed a part of Poland, borne her name and breathed her social spnit, is deprived of the national appellation, it be- comes an unintelligible cipher; the import of which can be found only in the records of ten centu- ries back, when Sclavonia lay as a tablet on which the sword successively traced and obliterated em- pires, and on which the only enduring characters are those impressed by Christianity. Such an empire was Russia, a part of which now bears the names of Volhynia, Podolia, Ukraina. But, that the present subject may be more fully understood, it is necessary to define distinctly, what were ancient Russia, Muscovy, and the Russian empire of the present day. A few retrospective remarks will elucidate the question. In the ninth century, whilst the Poles were establishing the centre of their power on the banks of the Vistula, a tribe of the Scandinavian warriors, known in western Europe as Normans, the Varan- CHARACTER OF POLAND AND RUSSIA. 263 gian Russians*, led by Rurik, subjugated the Scla- voniaii countries along the Dnieper (Borysthenes), and founded an empire, of which Kiow was made the capital. The Poles were originally a Sclavo- nian tribe; the Varangian-Russians were foreign interlopers, and thus two antagonistic elements settled in the bosom of the Sclavonian family : the essential principle of the one, being to diffuse liberty to the extremest limits of the community — that of the other, to absorb every particle of social vitality to the centre of power. Poland protecting the Sclavonian tribes from German subjugation, Russia enslaving them by millions. These distinc- tive characteristics of the two powers became yet more evident as time rolled on. The Roman world had split into two parts, and the young nations, which established themselves upon the ruins of the western half, infused fresh life into that portion of the empire. The eastern was but the propped up fragment of a crumbling edifice. The sacred doctrine of Christ was readily received by the healthy west, and imparted fresh vigour to its social communities. The Gieek em- pire was weighed down by heathen sophistry and Oriental despotism, and the seed of Christianity fell there upon the stony ground. The germ of schism, * The primitive country of the Varangian Russians would seem to have been some tract on the eastern side of Sweden. The Finns, in their vernacular idiom, still call Sweden a Russian country. — Rouize Moa. 264 CHARACTER OF THE SCLAVONIANS. though concealed, thus already existed in the Chris- tian church. The new doctrine approached the Scla- vonian nations both through Germany and the Greek empire. Hence it was an important consideration, not only to themselves, but to the rest of the Chris- tian community, whether, in becoming its members, they would range themselves on the side of the eastern or the western church. Mieczislas, king of Poland, embraced Christianity in 965, according to the Latin ritual ; — Vladimir, Grand Duke of Kiow, was baptized in 991, according to the Greek. Poland thus became associated to the western powers — Russia turned to the east, and their geo- graphical character was thus stamped for future ages. At that eventful moment, the two kindred nations, as if impelled by antagonistic forces, di- verged towards the opposite poles of civilization, and the question arose, at what spot between the Vistula and the Dnieper, the fraternal bond should be severed. The question remains undecided still. The greatest extent of territory possessed by Russia, was during the reign of Vladimir the Great. The Bug, the Dniester, and the Karpats, constituted her western limits ; and towards the east, she extended her power to the sources of the Oka and the Volga. It is the characteristic of the Sclavonian nations to absorb into themselves every foreign element. The vast country bearing the name of Russia, still preserved its aboriginal features. The descendants PARTITION OF RUSSIA. 205 of Rurik learned to speak from Sclavonian mothers, and the band of Scandinavian invaders soon dis- appeared among the native millions. In point of language, therefore, Russia still remained Sclavonian. The universal adherence of the inhabitants to the Greek ritual alone, distinguished them from those of the other states. Still, as Constantinople acknow- ledged the supremacy of Rome, religion as yet formed no barrier of separation. Political power was thus the only tie which held together so many millions of Sclavonian origin. This power was foreign, founded upon the ruins of their national liberties, and its despotic character was aggravated by being united with the oriental despotism of the Greek empire. In 1015 Vladimir, on his death bed, divided his conquests among his twelve sons, enjoining them to regard the Grand Duke of Kiow as their chief. Their mutual quarrels, however, soon rendered them vassals to Boleslas the Great, king of Poland ; but during the long contest in which the latter was subsequently involved with the German emperors, Jaroslas the Great, having slain his brothers, once more united the provinces of Russia, and dying in 1054, in his turn divided them between his five sons. This partition proved more durable, and 300 years after the arrival of Rurik, the very name of Russia was forgotten, and three new states arose out of her ruins. In the north, the principal commercial towns formed there a confederative republic. Their power 266 PARTITION OF RUSSIA. and riches were so great, that Novogrod and Pskow were admitted as members of the Anseatic league, (1169). Eastward beyond the Dnieper, the des- cendants of Rurik, having shaken off their allegiance to the Grand Duke of Kiow, had established an absolute rule over various tribes. Vladimir on the Klasma, was the capital of their duchy. They rendered their rebellious separation still more com- plete by throwing off the supremacy of Rome, (1164), which Kiow continued to acknowledge. After that epoch, southern Russia had her own distinct history. Lacerated for more than a century by the domestic quarrels of her dukes, she was by turns the vassal of Poland and of Hungary, until, in 1239, Daniel, a descendant of Jaroslas, united some portions of the distracted land, and formed the kingdom of Halic (Galic or Galicia). Towards the end of his reign, two heathen nations, the Tatars and the Lithuanians, accomplished the final sepa- ration of Halic from the eastern or northern parts of the ancient Russia. The former, bursting from the borders of the Caspian, deluged the Sclavonian countries with their numbers, while the latter gathered like a storm on the shores of the Baltic sea. Repulsed from Poland, the Tatars subjugated the Dukes of Vladimir (1224), who subsequently, with the permission of their conquerors, transferred their capital to Moscow (1295), and assumed the title of Grand Dukes of Muscovy. Henceforth the existence of Muscovy was entirely isolated from EMPIRE OF THE LITHUANIANS. 267 the rest of Europe, until her dukes, trained in the school of the Tatars, once more emerged, to show the world the tenets they had there imbibed. The heathen tribes settled on the banks of the Niemen and the shores of the Baltic, pressed on one side by the Teutonic Knights (1230), and on the other by the Knights of the Sword (1204), aban- doned their country, and sought refuge in Lithuania and Samogitia. There they established the capital of Paganism, there its power was concentrated in its full energy, and forcing a passage through the outworks of Christendom, it pursued its conquer- ing course along the banks of the Dnieper. The current of this magnificent river seems to impart irresistible force, and no sooner does a warrior start from its source, than he pastures his charger on the plains of Kiow, and bathes his hoof in the waters of the Black Sea. Following in the steps of the Scandinavians, the Lithuanians now arose, and, under their Duke Gedimin, took Kiow in 1336, and afterwards extended their conquests far and wide on both banks of the Dnieper, down to the Black Sea ; the Niemen, the Bug, and the Dniester, separating them from Poland, and the Baltic form- ing their northern boundary. Eastward, they had no determined limits ; and the Lithuanians three times advanced as far as Moscow. Meantime, Poland recovered the tract beyond the Dniester, the San, and the Karpats, torn from her by Vladi- mir the Great, and now again united to her (1340), 268 CONVERSION OF JAGELLON. This terminated the existence of the kingdom of Halic, and no part of ancient Russia now preserved its independence. The Christian vv^orld remained divided. Western Europe breathed an ardent spirit of self-devotion and liberty. The East continued to wither like a branch separated from the parent tree. The Western Latin community, successfully combated the infidels both in Europe and Asia. The Greek schismatics lay prostrate beneath the sword of the Crusaders, the Tatars, the Lithuanians, and the Poles. Of the great Sclavonian family, Poland alone had pre- served her independence, and by her liberal insti- tutions, and higher degree of civilization, asserted her kindred with the west of Europe. Of the three powers — the Polish, the Lithuanian, and the Muscovite-Tatar — which now shared the empire of ^he Sclavonian countries, the genius of Poland alone had a civilizing tendency, and consequently all her advances eastward, were so many triumphs of Euro- pean civilization over eastern barbarism. As it was evident that the Lithuanian Dukes and their subject millions must ere long embrace Christianity, both Europe and Sclavonia watched with anxiety to see for which of its rituals they would declare. The question, providentially for western civilization, was decided by the marriage of Duke Jagellon with Hedwige, Queen of Poland (1386), on which occa- sion, he and his people adopted the creed of Rome, and so great a revolution has seldom been attended SLOW PROGRESS OF REFORM. 269 > with fewer sacrifices. The spirit of civilization which had so long struggled against opposition on the banks of the Bug and the Dniester, now spread at once beyond the Dnieper and the Dwina, and the two parties destined to represent among the Sclavonian nations the two opposite principles that agitated the Christian world, stood forward in their distinctive characters during the subsequent period, and displayed in still more striking contrast their social and religious discrepancies. The Polish laws and institutions were at once introduced into Lithu- ania, but improvements on parchment avail but little, where the popular mind has not been in some degree educated to receive them, and it required two centuries to bring her to an equality with Poland. The difficulty was still greater in Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina*, provinces which had belonged to the Russia of Vladimir the Great, and had originally received the Christian faith from Constantinople. That city had since disclaimed the supremacy of Rome, and these provinces therefore, although nominally incorporated with Poland, restricted their union to political submission, whilst their secret partialities must necessarily have tended towards the state to which they owed their religious con- version. The Greek emperors, menaced by the Turks, felt the necessity of alliance with Rome. The re-union * Volhynia has its name from the city of Volhyn. — Podolia means a level, or low coimtry ; and Ukraina, the extreme province. 270 UNION OF FLORENCE. of the churches took place in consequence at Florence in 1439, although a portion only of the Greeks, and even these but for a short time, adhered to the compact. Muscovy rejected it altogether, but Isidor, metropolitan of Kiow, accepted it. This spi- ritual covenant promised to prepare Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina, for a more complete assimila- tion with Poland ; but important events interrupted then and since her social influence over those countries. Constantinople was taken by the Turks in 1553. Pope Julius II. in vain conjured the Christian potentates to advance, under Sigismond king of Poland, against these powerful enemies of their faith, and the Poles were left to maintain the combat alone. The situation of Ukraina, Podolia, and Volhynia, at this period, deserves a peculiar attention. They had long been the theatre of in- cessant warfare. Once studded thick with cities, and inhabited by a numerous population, they were now reduced to a wilderness by the Mahometan tribes, which swept like a storm over the inheritance of Jagellon. His son Ladislaus, the champion of Christianity, had perished at Varna (in 1444). Amidst tombs, which rising like mountains, marked the bloody passage of the multitudinous nations whose names, as Chateaubriand says, are known only to God; — amidst walls raised by unknown hands, and cemeteries whitening with the bones of Varangian Russians, of the Polovtzy, Mogols, Hun- garians, Lithuanians, and Poles, the Tatar still INCURSIONS OF THE TATARS. 271 discerned the several tracks along which he carried desolation from his maritime steppes to the flourish- ing abodes of the Poles. One of these tracks led from Oczakoff through Podolia ; another followed the right bank of the Dnieper, and passed through the plains of Ukraina to Volhynia. A third proceeded from Valachia into Galicia, and all met at Lemberg. Flights of rapacious birds arriving from the South, announced the approaching scourge, and the true omen was quickly confirmed by the glowing sky that reddened in the glare of burning villages. The barbarian hordes in their sudden attacks, over- powered the inhabitants, and seized the fruits of their toil, before the warlike proprietors of the adjacent castles could descend to their defence. Prompt in aggression, prompter still in flight, they dragged into infamous captivity, the youth of both sexes ; driving off the herds, and leaving behind them only heaps of ashes, and the corpses of the aged. Notwithstanding this immense havoc, the population still renewed itself upon that beautiful soil, " cut up," as says a Sclavonian poet, '' by the " tramp of horses, fertilized by human blood, and " white with bones, where sorrow grew abundantly" — and that population, like the soil, never ceased to be Sclavonian. About sixty miles below Kiow, the Dnieper forms a variety of isles, upwards of seventy in number. The banks of the river, here fringed with woods, there steep and marshy — the deep caverns in the 272 ORIGIN OF THE COSSACKS. rocky islands, concealed by spreading trees, or tan- gled thorn bushes, offered a favourable place of refuge, whilst the open country lay exposed to the barbari- ans. At the epoch of the first general invasion of the Tatars, and again during the Lithuanian war, many persons found shelter there ; and their number was subsequently increased, by the arrival of adven- turers, guided by necessity or pleasure, by deserters from the Lithuanian, Polish, Hungarian, and Vala- chian ranks, by fugitives from Tatar bondage, or by the poor escaping from the oppression of the rich ; sometimes also by criminals flying from merited punishment. The motley community was at first held together by a rule enforcing celibacy, fishing, and hard labour. Gradually, they ventured upon secret excursions to the neighbouring countries, which, by degrees, they extended into daring expe- ditions down the Dnieper, and along the Black Sea as far as the very walls of Constantinople. In more peaceable times, they condescended to inhabit the plains, there to cultivate the soil, and enjoy domestic comfort in the bosom of their families. Such was the origin of the nation since known by the name of Cossacks. The usual characteristic of the Scla- vonian race prevailed amongst them, and their lan- guage is the same as that of the Ukrainians and Podolians. Their religion remained Russo-Greek, for the union of Florence could not easily penetrate to their hidden abode. Such a rallying of the lowest classes had the inevitable effect of widening still POLISH CIVILIZATION. 273 more the social interval between them and the nobi- lity. Villages and towns rose again and again, under the protection of the adjacent castles, which, whether ancient or new, still served as the bulwarks of the country, and the resort for the young or less wealthy nobles in their warlike exercises. Within their walls, side by side, with the descendants of Rurik and of Lithuanian dukes, Polish lords lived in brotherly concord. They served the same sove- reign, fought the same foe, and glowed with equal ardour for the honour and independence of tlieir comrnxon country. Heroes of the blood of Czarto- ryski, Ostrogski, Wisniowiecki, Yazlowiecki, and of many another princely house, achieved, on this soil, the deeds which adorn the Polish and Lithua- nian annals, and large portions of it became their inheritance. Thousands of national militia were ever ready to rally round their standard, in case of foreign invasion. In peace, they were the king's counsellors, and the nation's representatives and judges. They were, besides, the channels by which, first the nobility, and subsequently the burgesses and lower orders, received those treasures of liberty, literature, and civilization, of which Poland might justly boast under the Jagellons. Through their moral influence, exercised unremittingly during two centuries, the inhabitants of Lithuania, Volhjaiia, Podolia, and Ukraina, not only learned to think like Poles, but to speak the Polish idiom. The various parts of the Polish empire having respectively T 274 FINAL SCHISM IN RELIGION attained a sufficient degree of moral development , Sigismond Augustus, the last of the Jagellons, thought it time to extend the same privileges to all, and, in consequence, the Diet held in Lublin (1569) declared that Poland and Lithuania should, for the future, constitute one and the same republic, and elect in concert their common sovereign. The moral sense, the unvarying idea imparted by Heaven to the human race, is the only key which interprets the innumerable ciphers, the many for- mulas, and the various relations which constitute the history of a free community like Poland. The history of despotic states is, on the contrary, strongly marked in clear and prominent characters. The throne is the pivot round which absolute power revolves, rending, in its relentless course, nations, families, and the hearts of men. Within that circle one alone is free ; the rest are numbered things — slaves, whose destiny is varied only by the greater or less degree of physical good, of trade, taxes, &c. Hence it has been thought by many that in writing the history of Muscovy, it is sufficient to give the 'vecord of her conquests and statistics. To under- stand the rest, however, requires a more profound investigation of the past. The religious differences between Kiow and Mos- cow, ended in open schism in 1458, when the respective Metropolitans of those cities declared them- selves independent of each other. The Metropolitan of Moscow acknowledged for a time the supremacy BETWEEN MUSCOW AND KIOW. 275 of the Patriarch of Constantinople, then in posses- sion of the infidels. He of Kiovv attached himself to Rome. The schism became yet wider in 1590, when the Patriarch Jeremias, who had been expelled from Constantinople, sold to the Grand Duke of Muscovy the patriarchal dignity, and ordained an independent patriarch. The spiritual independence took place simultaneously with the temporal. Muscovy shook off the yoke of the Tatars in 1480. Her dukes in- herited the despotism of their late masters, and, with a double weight of authority, oppressed their sub- jects. A twofold career lay open to them — either, like the Tatars, to subjugate other countries by the sword, or, as schismatics, to separate nations from the European community. At the epoch of the conclusion of the middle ages, fortune smiled on Muscovy, and gave her a monarch destined to build up out of these remnants of barbarism which Europe was labouring to shake off, the colossal basis of the throne of Catherine and of Nicholas. Ivan Vasile- witch was a Varangian by blood, a true Tatar in heart, a perfect schismatic in soul. His subjects had the courage to call him "severe;" Europe gave him' the ill-assorted title of " cruel." He alone of all monarchs could say : Muscovy, c'est moi. He formed her after his very image and likeness, and clothed her savage nakedness with regal decorations. At the beginning of his reign, Muscovy contained no more than 288,000 square miles of territory, with a population of six millions. Assisted by the Tatars, 276 MUSCOVY V. RUSSIA. Ivan extended her possessions by the conquest of Novogrod, in 1479 ; and his name began then to be echoed in Europe, mingled with the groans of the Anseatic league. Fortune again hastened to cover with the purple the bloody cradle of his power. Sophia, a niece of the last Greek emperor, Paleo- logus, consented to marry him, and in her right he called himself legitimate heir to the imperial dignity, and hung a double-headed eagle on the walls of Moscow. Then looking around him, he at length remembered that a Russia once existed, and pro- claimed himself Czar of all Russia. The idea em- bodied in those words, embracing past and future ages, declared interminable war against Poland. Could that name be applied to Muscovy? She contained barely a rebellious fragment of the con- quests of Rurik. Her main possession consisted now in the spoils of the Knights of the Sword, and those of the Anseatic League ; of some Tatar steppes, and of countries bordering on Asia, and inhabited by tribes of a different race from the Sclavonians. The Muscovite language, a mixture of Scandinavian, Tatar, German, and Sclavonian words, is not under- stood by a Russian*. In point of nationality, there- fore, Muscovy had nothing by which to prove her relationship with the former Russia. The Russo- Greek creed formed the sole tie that united her with * A proof of this may be inferred from the circumstance that the Empress Catherine, in 1 794, ordered that tlie Lithuanian statute, written in Russian, should be translated into Muscovite, UNION OF FLORENCE. 277 many Sclavonians. Should, therefore, Ukraina or any other province break its spiritual union with Rome, a sympathy would immediately arise between such province and Muscovy, the strong hold of schism. During the reign of Ivan the Cruel, Luther had convulsed Western Europe by his denunciation of Papal abuses, and the conflicting elements that had hitherto brooded in silence among the Sclavonian nations, now started into life. Protestants flying from German and Bohemian persecution, took shelter in Poland, and availed themselves of her free press to assail the Church of Rome at everv vulnerable point. They raised a cry against the union of Flo- rence, which, joined with that of numerous Musco- vite emissaries, finally produced its dissolution, in 1520. Deep as was this moral wound to Poland, her political unity was still unscathed. The Musco- vites had yielded to her arms, and, thus released from the oppression of their Tatar-bred princes, offered to transfer their obedience to Sigismond III. But Poland, not actuated by the grasping spirit of abso- lute monarchism, rejected the offer, unwilling to associate herself with a people with whom she had no sympathies, national or religious, and lea\ing them to find another Czar, devoted all her energies to the renewal of the union of Florence ; an object which was finally effected late in the sixteenth cen- tury. Still there were many recusants ; and hence 278 UNIONISTS AND DISUNIONISTS. arose the two sects distinguished as the unionists and disunionists of the Greek Church. Whilst other European governments were gradu- ally degenerating into absolute monarchies, Poland, although too firmly established in social and poli- tical liberty to make so retrograde a step, was never- theless checked in her career of reform by theologi- cal disputes, and remained vacillating between pro- gress and stagnation. Another source of disquietude was the rising discontent of the Cossacks ; those adventurers constituting but one class of the nation ; no longer satisfied with the rights of freemen, which the}'^ had hitherto enjoyed, demanded to share in all the prerogatives of the Polish nobility, even in that of electing the sovereign. To grant these preroga- tives to a people so numerous, was deemed hazard- ous ; and the more so, as they were suspected of leaning towards the Muscovites, whose religion they professed. The Poles having rejected the Muscovite crown, expressly because they would not connect themselves with a nation differing so essentially from themselves, could not consent to admit the repre- sentatives of those very Muscovites amongst their senators. The Cossacks did not conceal their dis- satisfaction at the refusal, and they burst into open rebellion, massacred the unionists, and pillaged their property. Muscovy, considering them as so many armed supporters of the disunionist party, encou- raged their revolt ; and backed by her, they, sword in RELIGIOUS CONCORD. 279 hand, reiterated their demand. Poland remained in- flexible; and, as her only answer, unsheathed the sword. The thirty years' war, which had desolated Germany, was succeeded by one of a century in Poland, carried on by Muscovy, under the banner of the Russo-Greek religion. At length one portion of the Cossacks, under the promise (never fulfilled) of the same liberties they had hitherto enjoyed, sub- mitted to the dominion of Muscovy ; a second to that of Turkey, and the third and largest remained faithful to Poland. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, religious dissensions had of themselves ceased in Poland. The priests of the disunited church again joined that of Rome, and in 1710 not a single schismatic bishop remained : but though the union of Florence was generally received in all the cities, its progress was less rapid among the villages. It was once more solemnly declared in Zamosc (1 720), and civil privileges cemented religious concord. Sobieski was the last European monarch who drew his sword in defence of Christianity. The eighteenth century beheld the completion of the work of evil commenced amid the din of arms two centuries before. Diplomacy, standing armies, commercial advantages, were the considerations which now influenced every national question; and Muscovy, with her Asiatic Tatar spirit, naturally took the lead in this atheis- tical disposition of human affairs. At this very time 280 REFORM OF PETER THE GREAT. she underwent a new metamorphosis. In proportion as the Christian spirit of Europe cooled, Muscovy encroached with giant steps upon her, each period being marked by the appearance of some individual destined to add a new feature to the colossal form. Ivan the Cruel was the contemporary of Luther ; and now, when the last glow of Christian fervour faded on the banks of the Dnieper, some evil genius of the North showed to Peter the Great the kingdoms of the world, and vvhispered " the hour is come." By intuition rather than by study, Peter comprehended " the signs of the times," broke off his correspond- ence with the French academy, and commenced a reform consistent v.ith the peculiar character of his mind. He first usurped the patriarchal dignity, pro- nouncing himself the mediator between his subjects and their God. He next compelled his subjects, by the terror of the knout, to adopt the Euroj^ean style of dress, improvised a capital, a new form of govern- ment, an academy, a fleet, an army, and finally a cabinet, which, by secret springs, set in motion the infernal machine, framed with a view to perpetual aggression. The inheritance of Ivan, thus meta- morphosed, might perhaps no longer bear the name of Muscov^y. While Frederick the Great pored over ancient chronicles, doubtful whether to call his king- dom Prussia or Vandalia, Peter the Great, moie poli- tic than erudite, looking, with prophetic eagerness, only to the future, set the past at defiance, and PARTITION OF POLAND. 281 announcing that the word Czar had the same signifi- cation as emperor, commanded his empire and his subjects to be henceforth called Russia and Russians. Prussia, Holland, and England, congratulated PetCi- upon his ingenious invention, and at a later period, France followed their example. Poland alone un- derstood the significance of the word, and so long as her voice was free, called Muscovy by her real name; but the Czarism insinuating itself, like the serpent into Europe, gradually enclosed Poland in its strangling grasp, and shared the victim's spoils with the two sceptered robbers who had assisted in the guilty deed. By the partition of Poland, Muscovy and Austria became possessed of the territory once called Rus- sia. Austria gave to her portion, the forgotten name of Galicia ; and Muscovy thought that she had now acquired a sufficient pretext for her newly assumed name. In the disquietude arising from the con- sciousness of robbery, Russia endeavoured, by the aid of hireling writers, national as well as foreign, to impose on the European public, by asserting that the dynasty of Romanoff was identical with that of Rurik, and that the Russia of the Scandinavian warriors was the same as the Muscovy of Ivan the Cruel. The monarchs of Europe, whether Protes- tant or Catholic, judging nations according to an atheistic code, did not refer to the testimony of ages. The Russian cabinet dictating treaties as 282 POLISH NATIONALITY. well as history, alone knew the nature of its power and the origin of its subjects*. The Czarine Catherine, a monster in female form, and head of the Russo-Greek creed, in contemplating the newly acquired Polish provinces, still feared to meet with something that should resist all her efforts to destroy their nationality. She beheld the nobles there as elsewhere, Poles in blood and heart. They might be robbed of their property, and liberty ; but only by effecting their moral corruption, could she hope to extinguish it amongst them. She therefore deferred the execution of her design against the nobles, and taking a lower aim, directed her atten- tion to the cities. Tradesmen of every description were found enjoying the same privileges and liberties as the nobility, speaking the same language, and breathing the same spirit. Descending still lower, Catherine perceived vi^ith vexation, that in the vil- lages also, a Sclavonian language prevailed, differing but little from that spoken by the higher classes ; and the spirit of the peasantry, if less intense, was still essentially Polish. She sighed (if indeed she could sigh), and began once more to review her newly * The history of Russia, which lately appeared in Dr. Larduer's CyclopEedia, is rather an eastern tale, than an historical work. The distinction between Muscovy, and what wiis once called Russia, is still preserved; the Muscovites calling themselves Bossianie (Rossians), and their country Rossia, while the inhabi- tants of Russia call themselves Rusini (Russians), and their country — Rus. RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 283 acquired subjects. On Sundays, she saw the nobles and tradesmen in her Russo-Polish provinces go to the Catholic churches. In Lithuania there were no other than Catholic churches thronged by the peasants, and not a single Russo-Greek Basilic. South- wards she found a few, and in Podolia and Ukraina, she discovered that a large portion of the peasantry frequented the chapels of the disunited Greek creed, and at once discerned where to strike the first blow against the union effected by Jagellon's marriage. Then commenced the moral attack which has ever since been undeviatingly carried on for forty years. In 1794, Catherine issued an ukase, declaring the union to have been effected by compulsion, and prescribing the rules by which unionists should be converted to the rival creed. All resistance against this violation of the liberty of conscience, was pro- nounced tantamount to high treason. A propa- ganda commenced by the agency of civil and military force, and the cruelties then committed, can only be compared with those exercised during the persecutions of the primitive Christians. The churches of the new creed, however, remained, in many districts, as empty as the prohibited temples ; the peasantry preferring to go to distant towns to offer up their prayers according to the mode of their fathers : but in many parts of Ukraina and Podolia she effected her purposes. Nicholas always ex- cepted, Catherine was the most merciless of Poland's oppressors, and this artful measure proved fatal to 284 SLAVERY IS THE CHARACTER the southern states, and severed the great tie between the peasantry and nobles. Less philosophical than his mother, Paul, who looked upon his dominions and their inhabitants merely as so much property, issued in 1796 an ukase, dividing all Russia into goubernies (govern- ments), in which were afterwards included the Russo- Polish provinces constituting the goubernies of Kiow (Ukraina), Podolia, and Volhynia. The emperor Alexander adopted a different policy from that of his grandmother. The Polish pro- vinces could not be reduced to a similarity with Russia, without first receiving that peculiar Musco- vite organization, by which despotism is extended from the throne to the lowest class, and which may be called the back-bone of the Russian automaton framed after the likeness of a civilized society. Above all, it was deemed necessary to give the nobles despotic power over the peasants, in order more effectually to rivet the despotism of the auto- crat over themselves ; in other words, to attach the nobles to an immoral government by an immoral tie. Such is the life-blood of the giant power, and all its laws, regulations, and ukases, however discord- ant with each other, still agree in this principle of evil. The administration of the provinces was accordingly changed. Under the Polisli government, taxes were levied upon the soil, which effectually excluded slavery. Russia, in accoidance with her Tatar principle, counted the souls of men, and made OF RUSSIAN ADMINISTRATION. 285 the register of the population the basis of her system of taxation. The distinction between free peasants and vassals of the nobility, was thus abolished, and the memory of it survived only in the double taxes, thenceforth extorted from the once independent peasants. Landlords were made an- swerable for the payment of these taxes, and thus rendered accomplices of the Czar's oppression. Military service, formerly a career of glorious emulation, now devolved entirely on the peasants? attended by all the horrors of Muscovite conscrip- tion. The word " conscript," epitomizes the misery of the Russo-Polish peasant, loaded with chains like a criminal, and driven by blows to the camp. If no other affliction weighed him down, this alone would make him regret the Poland of other days as a lost paradise. The proprietors of the soil were also rendered responsible for the quota of conscripts required by the ukases. Nicholas, a true descendant of Catherine, claimed Ukraina as having been dismembered from the inheritance of Rurik. With genuine Muscovite tyranny, he was labouring to establish a similar right to the Podolian and Volhynian provinces, when the Poles once more denied his pretensions, and in the struggle of 1831, amid torrents of blood, asserted their ancient limits. That blood is not yet cold, nor that struggle ended. It began on the banks of the Dnieper, ten centuries back ; — 286 ENTHUSIASM OF THE VOLHYNIANS. there it again raged in full force seven years ago ; — it pines now in silence, and in dungeons. " The intelligence of the insurrection in Warsaw," says a Volhynian writer*, " was received by us with " the joy that a child might feel at the sight of its " mother awakening from a death-like trance. We " sought our friends and neighbours, our counte- " nances expressing the ardent patriotism of our " souls. The young, beaming with the hope of " recovering our native land, our liberties, and rights. *' The aged renewed in sti'ength, and the women " lamenting the weakness of their sex. We spoke " but little; — the silent joy of our Polish hearts " showing itself in the warmer pressure of each " other's hands." That intelligence arrived acci- dentally about the 20th of December, and spread rapidly through the other two provinces. Had a single Polish detachment then been sent amongst them, it would soon have swelled into a formidable army. But so energetic a measure was never con- templated by the Dictator, who would not even con- sent that the provinces should be invited to co-ope- rate, whilst they waited for his signal in anxious expectation. While Chlopicki thus condemned the patriots to inaction, no measure of precaution was omitted by the Russian government. On the day (December 13th) when Constantine entered * Memoirs of Colonel Charles Rozycki. RUSSIAN OPPRESSION. 287 Volhynia, the emperor signed an ukavse, which placed the sister countries under martial law. He accom- panied a second, assuring the nobles of his confi- dence in their loyalty, by a private injunction that they should give public testimony of it, and addresses were consequently forwarded to St. Petersburgh, and paraded in the journals, dictated by a power which, not satisfied with corporeal oppression, tortured the secret feelings of the soul, to ascertain how much dignity, loftiness, and patriotism still harboured there. Ukraina, Podolia, and Volhynia, contain 53,328 square miles, with a population of about four millions and a half. Of these, 300,000 are nobles — 500,000 Jews, or Greek and Armenian ad- venturers, ever ready to side with the strongest party, and the remainder peasants, nearly all professing the Russo-Greek creed. The insurrection would, there- fore, have been at first confined to the nobility, who, on that account, were now more closely watched than ever, not only by the civil and military autho- rities, but by the priests (popes), who were enjoined to employ the moments of confession in persuading the peasants to act as spies and informers, and even to use violence against their Catholic lords. Blas- phemous proclamations against the insurgents were officially read from the pulpits, and sermons were preached, announcing that the end of the world would follow upon their success. Yet, before Mus- covy can effectually establish her iron rule, she must destroy every generous sentiment of the human 288 OPPRESSION OF THE PEASANTRY. heart. Perhaps it is only in an icy atmosphere, and amongst a pecuHarly constituted nation, that a sys- tem such as hers can prosper. The people, although weighed down by centuries of misfortune, are still as rich in noble feelings as their fair fields are in their fertility. Sighing over the present, aged peasants remember better days — the days of Polish rule. Fettered by inhuman oppression, they look for re- lief only to the nobles — the men of Polish birth. After the partition, the preservation of the country's hopes devolved exclusively on them, and they ac- quitted themselves as true Poles only in proportion as they truly practised Christian virtues. When called upon to render an account of their high trust, it has often happened, that many a Russo-Greek priest, or government officer, has been found to sympathize in deeds as well as words with Poland, and not a single peasant has been known to betray his lord. In speaking of their country, their usual expression, accompanied by sighs, was, " God grant " us better times— the times of old. May God " prosper those who are well disposed towards " us." Disappointed of all aid from Warsaw, moral and material, the patriots at length resolved to rise with- out. Enthusiasm, gave way to prudence, and secret associations were formed, in order to make the neces- sary preparations with security in the presence of a vigilant enemy. Their emissary Nyko returned in March with Prince Czartoryski's answer: — i"That DWERNICKI IN VOLHYNIA. 289 *' the government leaves it to the consciences of the *'^ citizens to decide upon the propriety of rising." A secret meeting was therefore held, and the insur- rection in Podolia and Ukraina resolved on, befal what might the national arms within the kingdom. Each of the twenty-four districts was to furnish 500 horsemen fully equipped, and the 5th of May was fixed for the rising. It was decided to give unconditional liberty to the peasants, and to make them proprietors of the soil they cultivated, but not to put arms into their hands until the Russian au- thorities should be driven away, or some position gained, lest the priests or government agents should tempt them to acts of violence. It was also pro- posed to send to Warsaw all articles of plate for the support of the common cause, and to levy a separate contribution amongst themselves for that of their own insurrection. The Volhynians were not able to form associations on a scale equal to that of the two other provinces, owing to the presence of a larger Russian force ; but many rich individuals continued to make ready privately for the first favourable opportunity. Such was the state of affairs when Dvvernicki arrived. On reaching Zamosc, he had dispatched towards Uscilug a reconnoitring party, which surprised a Russian detachment, and took 500 prisoners. He then himself advanced towards Volhynia ; and, on the 10th of April crossed the Bug, with his small, but tried band, of 1346 infantry, 2523 cavalry, and u 290 VICTORY OF BOREMEL. the artillery men attached to 12 cannon, amounting, in all, to 4088. Returning thanks to Heaven for allowing him once more to unsheathe his sword in those countries, Dvvernicki followed the steps of the enemy along the frontiers of Galicia. On the first day's march he destroyed 100 Cossacks ; the next he cut to pieces at Poryck a regiment of Russian cavalry, and from thence addressed a proclamation to the Volhynians, which terminated thus : — " I bring " you your nationality and your liberty. Rise now " or never!" But these stirring words reached no farther than the enemy's columns, and were lost there. The Russian General Rudiger retreated with 13,000 troops, unwilling to face Dwernicki without being first reinforced. On the 16th, the latter halted at Druzkopol, where he instituted a provincial government, and was joined by 100 insurgents. On the 19th, he arrived at Boremel, where Rudiger having discovered his numerical inferiority, no longer declined an engagement. The river Styr lay between them, and the Russians lost a day in unsuccessful attempts to take the bridge, and the Poles 300 men in defending it. In the night Dwernicki was in- formed that the Russians were crossing the river higher up. " So much the better," was his reply — " to-morrow we shall beat them, and cross in our *' turn." On the 19th, about noon, Rudiger com- menced his attack by a heavy cannonade, and Dwer- nicki leaving his infantry to guard the bridge, and a part of his cavalry to watch another important point, BATTLE OF VLADIMIR. 201 with the remainder threw himself upon the enemy. The combat, as was ever the case when he com- manded, was soon over. His lancers first silenced the artillery, and by two brilliant charges routed the Russian cavalry, killing 800 men (amongst whom was a general officer) and taking 400 prisoners, besides eight cannon — their own loss being 400 killed and wounded. This victory was one of the few recorded in military annals gained over an enemy four times as numerous as the conquerors. On the 20th, Dwernicki passed the Styr, and just at the moment of his leaving Boremel, Count Stecki, with 120 insurgents, took possession of the town of Vla- dimir, and expelled the Russian authorities, to the great satisfaction of the inhabitants. But their joy was of short duration. General Davidoff dispatched by Kreutz with a reinforcementtoRudiger, intercepted Dwernicki's communication with Zamosc; and, being in close pursuit of him, surprised the little band at Vladimir. After a short skirmish, the cavalry saved themselves by flight, and joined Dwernicki's corps ; but tlie infantry, after a stout resistance in a barri- caded house, were compelled to surrender. The Cossacks set fire to the house, with the intention of destroying the Countess Stecka, who had been em- ployed during the action in tearing up cushions and chair covers to make cartridges for the soldiers* Her life was saved by two Russian officers. On leaving Boremel, Dwernicki endeavoured, by hasty marches to reach Podolia, to support the 292 BATTLE OF LULINCE. intended rising ; but Rudiger (whose force was now more than doubled) resolved to prevent him, and also to cut him off from Galicia, which protected his flank, by occupying a strong position near Lulince, a village close to the frontiers of that pro- vince, and but a few miles from that of Podolia. Dwernicki, however, outmarched him, and arriving there on the 23rd of April, two hours before him, made ready for battle. This Rudiger still declined, notwithstanding his great superiority in numbers, and after two days of inefi'ectual manoeuvres to entice Dwernicki from his position, sent a detach- ment over the Austrian frontiers, surprised two Austrian sentinels, and attacked the Poles in the rear. Dwernicki had now no other resource than to enter the Austrian territory, driving the Russians before him ; and they fought until an Austrian colonel interfered ; but the Russians still continued to pursue the Poles, and killed fifteen of their men after they had ceased to fire. By an order from Vienna, the Poles were disarmed, and sent into the intei-ior of Austria, w^hilst the prisoners and cannon they had taken, were restored to the Russians, who were permitted to leave the territory unmolested. By the connivance of the Galicians, however, nearly all the Poles, about 3000, made their escape, and returned to Poland, all but their gallant chief, who was too closely imprisoned. After this calamity the people used to say, " with Dwernicki fortune has " forsaken us ; " and indeed the loss of his corps, INSURRECTION PARALYZED. 293 known only by its victories, was fatal to the re- mainder of the campaign. Dvvernicki has since said' that, with one more regiment of experienced infantry Poland would now have been independent. Yet history wdll reproach him for having left Zamosc before either Chrzanovvski or Sierawski could bring him support. On quitting Boremel, he should have returned to Zamosc, when he perceived the impossi- bility of successfully contending against the ov^er- whelmins: force of the enemy. The error also he committed in keeping close to the Austrian frontier was so striking, that, when it was known at Skrzy- necki's head-quarters, Chrzanovvski pronounced at once that he was lost. Or had he even marched from Boremel into the middle of the country, he would have found thousands of willing hearts and hands, and his incomparable cavalry would have increased to 30,000 men, mounted on chargers, swift as the winds of the Ukraina steppes. " The fate of Dwernicki," says the beforenamed Volhynian writer, "acted upon us as does the ice " upon our rivers. To outward appearance, we " became motionless and frozen, but the current of '' patriotism and hope flowed unchecked beneath." Their bright anticipations had been chilled, but, determined to assert to the last that the rights of Poland ceased not to be imprescriptible even de facto in any of her provinces, they resolved that the rising should take place. In this also they were unfortunate ; and iheir plan was disconcerted by 294 INSURGENTS AT GRAN'OW. Dwernicki's agent, who, after appointing the 27th of April for the commencement of the insurrection, countermanded his order on the very day. Great numbers were of course compromised. Of these some escaped to GaHcia, and some were sent to Siberia. Some few fled to the woods, where they organized insurgent bands, aided by women who risked their lives to supply them with arms, ammunition, and food. These were, however, soon dispersed by the Russians. Much in the same way was the outbreak para- lyzed in Podolia and Ukraina ; but the patriots in those provinces having greater facilities for acting in concert, were able to bring together at Granow on the 13th of May, a body of 2500 men, consisting of 17 squadrons of cavalry, and two foot companies, with one piece of cannon. Yelowicki's squa- dron stood foremost, where the aged chief and his three sons served in the same rank with their followers. Next came that of Alexander Sobanski, whom his countrymen likened to another Achilles. There also were the squadrons of Potocki, in whose race the bleeding sires bequeathed their patriotism to their children ; of Waclaw Rzewuski, called the Emir by the Turks, on account of the exceeding beauty of his chargers, and his unequalled skill as their rider, — a poet, moreover, a musician, and a per- fect master of arms. The supreme command was entrusted to General Kolyszko, a companion of Kosciuszko, eighty years of age. The next con- ADDRESS OF YELOWIECKI. 295 sideration was, what to do ? The old general pre- sided like a patriarch, giving no directions, but listening to the suggestions of all. Unskilled in tactics, but confident in their valour, the patriots thought only of preparing the peasants to take arms. They therefore immediately adjourned to Granow, an estate belonging to Prince A. Czartoryski, where his benevolent administration had been rewarded with the filial affection of his vassals. A summons being issued, the Russo-Greek priests assembled in the church, with numbers of the aged peasants, and were thus addressed by Alexander Yelowiecki : *' Behold your sons," he said, pointing to a squadron composed solely of peasants, " Ask them whether " they took arms willingly ?" — (here a shout bore loud witness to their enthusiasm). "They are now " free, and from henceforth on an equality with '* their masters. We offer you the same freedom ; " deliverance from Russian oppression, from servi- *' tude, and from conscription. The soil you " cultivate shall be your own. Your sons, if " they will receive instruction, shall become magis- *' trates or officers. You will be governed by the '* same laws with ourselves ; you will become " Poles. Your fathers thought themselves happy " in living under Polish government. Your con- " dition will now be infinitely better. Your " landlords have long desired to make you happy, " but have been prevented by the Czar, which " title means not God, but Devil (Czort). You 296 ADDRESS OF YELOWIECKI. " are witness that many of your landlords have " been sent to Siberia for merely wishing to make " you free. At length God has shewn his mercy " upon them and you. The Poles have driven " away the Czar who called himself their king, " and they have now a king of their own nation. " You know that your own prince is now king of " Poland*, and you know also that the Czar has sent " all his troops against the Poles. You have seen " them pass, but you will not see them return, for " half have already perished and the rest shall also fall. " The blessing of God is on a righteous cause. He " has commanded to fight for freedom, and who *' fights not for freedom, never shall be free. You " are well aware that we have power to oppress " you, we have been made rich by your toil, and " might remain so, but we have left our palaces* *' and renounced our riches, to liberate you from " bondage, to restore you to those rights of freemen *■' which God gave and the Czar has taken away. " We are willing, we are prepared to die for our *' native land, but alone and unassisted, we cannot " uphold the freedom which we bring you. You " also must fight, if you would transmit to your " children freedom, vvealtli, and happiness. Follow " therefore the example of your sons. Join with " us, and we will lead you to victory, and then * A report had spread amongst the peasants that Prince Czar- toryski was become king of Poland. BATTLE OF DASZOW. 297 " return to render thanks to God for allowing us *' to drive away the Czort (the Devil)." During this true portraiture of their wretched condition, the peasants could not refrain from tears, and solemnly promised that their sons should fight. The priests did not weep ; but on being assured that their religion would be respected, and parti- cularly when they were told that their ecclesiastical profits would be increased, they did not spare holy water, nor their blessings on the insurgents. The same day some hundred young villagers of Granow, joined the army, and there was no longer any doubt of the peasantry. The first victory was to be the signal for their rising. That victory was not granted to the patriots. The following day they marched towards Daszow, hoping to surprise a detachment of Russians stationed in Biala Cerkiew. But so entirely had they neglected every military precaution, that they did not even conjecture that General Rott was close behind them, until having taken position about four miles beyond Daszow, a sudden firing proclaimed his approach. One squadron repulsed him twice, but on the death of its chief, retired in confusion. Major Orlikowski with two more then advanced, and General Rott stopping short ordered a cannonade, which not proving at first very destructive, the Poles called upon their chief to lead them on. Orlikowski, however, who perceived that Kolyszko was pre- paring for a general charge, would not run this 298 BATTLE OF DASZOW. risk, and ordered them to retire. Unused to mili- tary phrase, they did not understand the command until it was reiterated a third time in ordinary language ; and some few voices from the ranks, then exclaiming, " we are lost, let us escape," the panic spread, and they all fled with ungovernable speed. The rush of the fugitives disordered the first squadron of Kolyszko's column, which fell back on the second, and thus successively all the seven- teen were thrown into utter confusion. The vene- rable general tore his grey locks in despair, and other chiefs endeavoured, but without success, to rally their men. " Shall it be said that Polish " nobles fled before the enemy" thought the few, (about fifty in number,) who vainly opposed the fatal flight, and drawing themselves up at the entrance of Daszow, they awaited unmoved the advancing foe. They were a noble band. Their names are amongst the most illustrious in the heraldic annals of Poland. Possessed of many thousand miles of territory, lords over many thousand subjects, a single tomb may now con- tain these willing martyrs for the freedom and welfare of all. " Forward," they shouted, and fell like the thunder-bolt upon the hostile columns. Each was opposed to many, each dealt his deadly blows. They took the enemy's cannon, and killed hundreds of Paissians. They were entirely sur- rounded, but, Decius like, they hewed a passage with their swords, and effected their retreat. Awed VICTORY OF TWROW AND OF OBODNE. 299 by such valour, the Russians retired four miles from Daszow, yet General Rott afterwards reported that he had vanquished many thousands, and that, notwithstanding the desperate resistance, he had lost only 200 men. The insurgents lost only their single piece of cannon and six men killed. But their moral defeat was complete. Of the seventeen squadrons 400 only remained ; the rest dispersed in the woods, and many were afterwards taken and sent to Siberia. On the 1 7th of May, the remaining handfull of insurgents fell in at Tyvrow with two Russian squa- drons. General Kolyszko would have avoided a battle, but Edward Yelowiecki, upon the plea that a victory would raise the courage of the soldiers, obtained permission to pass the river Boh, and charge with 200 men. The squadrons were com- pletely destroyed, and the few who escaped the sword, perished in the river. This success, however, rendered no material service to the insurgents, who remained surrounded on all sides. In the moment of perplexity, they intercepted a dispatch from the Russian general Szczucki, by w^hicli they learned that he was advancing, with three squadrons and two cannon, to cut off their retreat. The letter was no sooner read, than the sound of artillery gave notice of his attack ; but so sudden and vehe- ment was their onset, that, before he could fire a second time, they had taken his guns, and put his cavalry to flight. This occurred at Obodne, the 19th 300 DEFEAT OF MAYDANEK. of May, and on that day many were the Russian veterans who laid down their arms at sight of lances, waving the flags embroidered in secret by Polish ladies, and yet warm with their sighs and tears. Of the three squadrons only three men escaped, the general himself being amongst the prisoners. Major Orlikowski was deeply affected by these successes, and bitterly reproached himself with having ruined the cause by his retrograde movement at Daszow. The insurgents finding their prisoners an incumbrance, released them next day, accompa- nying their clemency in this instance, as in many others, with liberal gifts of money, and eloquent discourses on liberty. It would seem that Poland so long martyred, and still a stranger to any vindic- tive feeling, was not yet destined to recover her in- dependence by the shedding of blood. Christian magnanimity has remained like a flower twined in her wreath of thorns. May its seed not fall upon the rock, but bring forth fruit in its appointed season ! Kolyszko marched his victorious band to the dis- trict of Latyczew, not far from Kamieniec Podolski, to join another party of insurgents ; but still in- cautious, although in a country swarming with foes, his rear-guard was surprised at Maydanek on the 23rd of May, by 2000 Russians. After a long struggle the Poles were overpowered by numbers, and many perished. The aged Yelowiecki and his son were found lying side by side amongst the DEATH OF ORLIKOWSKI. 301 slain, and Orlikowski beholding the defeat, and ever reproaching himself as the cause of every mis- fortune, threw down the sword with which he had defended the cannon to the last, and shot himself in J^resence of the victorious army. Kolyszko, with the wreck of his men, was compelled to take refuge (26tli of May) in the Austrian territory. In the north of Volhynia, near its capital, Zytomir, Major Charles Rozycki, since the fall of Napoleon, had lived in retirement upon his own estates. His high character had secured the esteem and confidence of his countrymen, who, on the outbreak of the insurrection in Warsaw, looked to him as their future chief. Owing to the luckless counter-order of Dwernicki's agent, instead of the 800 rifles and 500 horse, who would have assembled at his call, he could collect only 120 of the last, and with them he left his home, a wife and five children, regardless of the cruel ukases which condemned such orphans to Siberia. Still further, to inspire his men with confidence in him, he bound himself by the following oath : — " The moment is come " when divine mercy shines forth. The tyrant's "■ forces vanish beneath the sword of our brethren. I, Charles Rozycki, elected your leader, swear before the Almighty to use my powers only for the good of the fatherland. No human force, no " fear of persecution, shall intimidate me, nor all the treasures of the enemy, nor any personal • views, bribe me to change. So help me God, and (( ti (I 302 VICTORY OF MOLOCZKI. " the martyrdom of Christ." His men ha vino-, on their part, sworn unlimited obedience, he gave them some instruction in tactics, and suggested that on going into battle they should be drawn up in a single rank, and reply to the savage hurrah of the enemy, " Glory to God ! " He then marched at once into Podolia to join Kolyszko, and on the 20th of May destroyed at Cudnow a party of 150 foot and horse, escorting 560 conscripts, whom he sent back to their homes. On the news of the unfortunate defeat, and subsequent withdrawal of Kolyszko into Galicia, he bravely resolved to retrace his steps through Volhynia, in order to join the national standard in the kingdom, and his men consented to follow him in this career of a thousand perils. Daring this retrograde movement his band augmented, in a few days, to two squadrons. By great speed, and sudden changes in the line of march, he avoided falling in with any overwhelming force. A battalion of the Russian regiment, named after the Duke of Wellington, barred his passage at Moloczki, in Volhynia, and fell, where it stood, to rise no more. Only three soldiers remained unhurt, and these accepted service with the patriots ; twenty wounded were sent, provided with money, to the next village, but had not strength to reach it. The remaining 600 had perished. Raising their holy war-cry, " Glory to God ! " Rozycki and his men pursued their course day and night. At Ulcho he intercepted a convoy of cannon, and sunk them in VICTORY OF UCHANIE. 303 the river Slucz ; at Ostrog he took 200 ammunition waggons, the contents of which he also sunk, and gave tlie waggons to the peasants. On arriving (May 31) at Miedzyrzec, where was a college, under the superintendence of the Piarists (priests), he found it impossible to withstand the earnest desire of the elder students to form a squadron, and join him. To the younger pupils (between fourteen and fifteen) he positively refused his permission. Unknown to him, however, the lads contrived to conceal themselves in the baggage waggons, and the next day many of them were barbarously mur- dered in an aflfair with the Russians, just as he was leaving the town ; fifty of the Russians were killed, and as many taken prisoners. The rest fled, but having for a moment possession of the waggons, they destroyed these children, and were only pre- vented, by a hot pursuit, from slaughtering every one of them. Two of the elder students were found in the town, one already dead, and the other mor- tally wounded — three Russian soldiers laying slain beside them. The commandant of the two discom- fited squadrons having reported that he had encoun- tered several thousand insurgents, the Russians withdrew their forces from the Bug, in order to cover their exposed points, and Rozycki then crossed the river. But he had yet many difficulties to surmount before arriving at Zamosc. At Uchanie he was obliged to fight his way through one regi- ment of dragoons and another of Cossacks, and 304 VOLHYNIAN REGIMENT. made 150 of them prisoners, besides taking 300 horses and as many swords. He reached Zamose on the 10th of June, after a march of 530 miles in twenty-eight days. His three squadrons were after- wards embodied as a regiment of Volhynian cavalry, himself being appointed colonel. It was considered one of the best in the army, and was much admired for its peculiar adoption of a single rank. Rozycki was a true champion of those countries ; and so long as they can furnish men like him, the descendants of Ivan the Cruel will not extend their rule to the shores of the Bug. CHAPTER IX. Expedition against the Guards. On receiving the melancholy intelligence (May 9th), of the fate of Dwernicki's corps, Skrzynecki resolved to carry into immediate effect a plan long since suggested by Chrzanowski, against the imperial guards — and which, both in a political and military light, was well worthy attention. From the abso- lute immobility of this magnificent body of men, 20,000 in number, commanded by the Grand Duke Michael, it would seem that it was originally merely intended to grace by its presence the triumphal re-entry of the Russians into Warsaw. At least it was evident that the emperor wished to spare a corps, the destruction of which, officered as it was, by the sons of the most illustrious Russian families, would have carried dismay into the very heart of the empire. Such, indeed, was the anxiety to preserve them from the slightest risk, that General Sacken, with 8000 men, was detached by Diebitch, to carry on the insignificant skirmishes against a Polish band, in which they must otherwise have engaged. X 306 GUARDS IN DANGER. Stationed in the palatinate of Plock, they formed the enemy's extreme right wing, and any Polish attack upon them would be eminently favoured by the rivers Bug and Narew, and the fortress of Modlin. Another powerful inducement was the demand of the Lithuanians, who had now been long in arms, for troops, and especially for able officers. Their request had been urged in vain by Prince Czar- toryski, but the misfortune of Dwernicki at length decided the general-in-chief to send a reinforcement, in the hope that it might encourage the Lithuanians to form a new corps in the rear of the enemy. Skrzynecki commenced his operations skilfully. He despatched General Chlapowski with the 1st lancers, accompanied by 100 officers and 100 mounted infantry, to make their way into Lithuania, between the Russian army and the guards, taking good care, though with much affectation of secrecy, to make their departure public. Diebitch accord- ingly sent notice of it to the Grand Duke^ in order to secure to him the honour of capturing the little band. The various detachments of the guards which had been stationed at intervals between Lomza and Vysokie-Mazowieckie, were, in consequence, col- lected, and a division of cavalry, with one of in- fantry, marched upon Vonsew, while the Grand Duke, having the Narew on his rear, continued at Zambrowo with the remainder of the troops, believ- ing himself secure of his prey ; whilst, in fact, the very position he had chosen exposed him to BATTLE OF YENDRZEYOW. 307 complete defeat. Quitting the environs of Kaluszyn on the 12th, Skrzynecki, to cover his manoeuvre, left there 12,000 men, under General Uminski, with orders, in case of attack, to resist the enemy as long as possible, but if needs must, to fall back on the walls of Praga, and there renew the contest, assisted by the garrison (6000 men), and the national guard of Warsaw. Diebitch, although aware that only a detachment had departed for Lithuania, advanced on the 13th, with his whole force, towards Kaluszyn, to reconnoitre the Polish army. Upon this the advanced-guard of the Poles immediately abandoned the town, and joined Uminski, who was advantage- ously posted, with the main body, at Yendrzeyow. The enemy proceeded straight forward, and attacked them. The Poles stood firm for eight hours, and then retired, without any pursuit, Diebitch imagin- ing from their resistance, Skrzynecki to be on the ground ; and little suspecting that he was, on the contrary, advanced two days' march in an opposite direction, returned to his camp at Siedlce. This success enabled Skrzynecki to pursue his plan without molestation. He received the intelli- gence of it on the 15th at Serock, where he made the following distribution of his forces. General Dembinski, with 4000 men, marched along the right bank of the Narew, with orders to dislodge Sacken's corps from the bridge opposite Ostrolenka; and in the event of the guards endeavouring to retreat in that direction, to cut off their passage, by destroying 308 DISTRIBUTION OF POLISH TROOPS. it. Twelve thousand men, under General Lubienski, on the right hank of the Bug, weie directed to observe Diebitch's movements, and to throw a bridge across the river for Uminski's corps, which was to follow Diebitch, step by step, and then join Skrzynecki, who, with the remainder of the forces, consisting of three infantry divisions and two of cavalry, was to advance in three separate columns. Towards the evening of the 16th a vanguard of the guards was met at Przetycza ; but being too weak for resistance, it retired, in haste, with the loss of some prisoners. The next day all the detachment of the guards assembled at Sokolow, and the Poles took a station in face of them, but night prevented further operations. The Grand Duke Michael was, no doubt, sur- prised to find himself so far repulsed by a little corps which he had considered as his certain prize ; but he was undeceived as to the small number of his adversaries by a Polish officer, who was taken prisoner on the night of the 18th, and revealed that Skrzynecki himself was present with his force. The intelligence, however, came too late to be of any use. He was enclosed with his corps on an elbow formed by the Narew between Ostrolenka and Lomza ; and although there was a bridge at the latter place, yet, owing to its being surrounded by marshes, and only accessible by a dike a mile long, the retreat in that direction could not be effected without the greatest peril. There was also another INDECISION OF SKRZYNECKI. 309 road open to them, leading from Sniadow to Tyko- cin, but in passing that way there was great reason to apprehend that the Poles, who lay encamped within the distance of a cannon-shot, would be able to drive them into the marshes of the Narew, which extend along it. Thus even nature joined to favour the enterprise, but fortune in war smiles only on the bold. The morning of the 18th dawned on the Polish army, awaiting with general impatience the signal for attack. The day passed in disappointed expec- tation — that day which they trusted had been des- tined to carry consternation to Nicholas on his blood-stained throne. Skrzynecki remained passive in the presence of the enemy, after having marched 150 miles with the sole object of engaging them. He had conceived the unseasonable apprehension that Sacken, stationed at Ostrolenka, about ten miles off, would attack him in the rear; and having, in consequence, deprived himself of 10,000 men, whom he sent, under General Gielgud, to assist Dembinski to dislodge that corps, he could no longer hope that his remaining force, thus diminished by a third of its infantry, would be victorious over the guards whose resistance would be rendered still more reso- lute by despair. This was the consequence of not having listened to Chrzanowski, who had objected to the troops under Lubienski being sent away ; and proposed, by falling on the Russians with an overpowering force, to crush, on the same day, both 310 BATTLE OF RUDKI. the guards and Sacken's corps. Gielgud found Dembinski in Ostrolenka, Sacken having withdrawn in alarm at his approach to occupy Lomza, from whence he could reinforce the guards with 8000 men. Skrzynecki was thus compelled to wait another day until the return of Gielgud, which delay gave time for the guards to execute their retreat in perfect order. Early in the morning of the 20th the Polish army broke up, and towards the close of the day overtook a rear-guard of the enemy in the great forest of Rudki. Skrzynecki immediately attacked them, but owing to the night, and the thickness of the forest, could only capture one battalion. The same day Gielgud entered Lomza, which Sacken had quitted in great haste, leaving behind him 2000 soldiers sick or wounded, and a quantity of baggage and ammunition. He then advanced along the chaussee on the right of the Narew, hoping to in- tercept the guards at Tykocin, but a portion of them crossed the river there early on the 21st, and the rest at Zoltki ; but not having time to destroy the bridge, they were closely pursued by the Poles, who, however, could not get possession of a long dyke, all the bridges over which had been broken up, and which was defended by several battalions and a powerful artillery. During the night the Russians evacuated Tykocin, and so ended the ex- pedition against the guards. On the 22nd of May Skizynecki assembled his SKRZYNECKI AT TYKOCIN. ^11 troops at Tykocin, around the statue of Stephen Czarnecki, one of the heroes of Poland, to offer up their thanks to Heaven. It was a brilliant moment. Two bulletins, announcing his arrival on the Lithu- anian frontier, inspired the hope of ultimate success. Europe, which had but two months before daily expected to see Poland laid prostrate by a single blow, now scarcely knew whether most to admire the Poles, or to detest their oppressor. Many were the instances in which " Poland and Skrzynecki" were all but apotheosised ; and he, her hero, ranked amongst the greatest captains of all ages. The me- taphysical Germans outdid all other nations in their enthusiastic praise of his genius. " Mighty nature," so said one journalist, " works and creates in still- " ness and in night. In stillness and in night " Skrzynecki meditates his plans, and the curious " Aurora beholds them grow and ripen." Carica- tures of Diebitch and his Imperial master were everywhere exhibited, and the eulogists of Russia found themselves obliged to be silent. The enthu- siastic of all nations now believed that Skrzynecki was about to drive back the barbarian power, that, like the frost of Siberia, chills the breath of liberty in Europe. But such great works are accomplished only by men of as daring and mounting genius as Czarnecki, at the foot of whose statue he had knelt. By his indecision Skrzynecki had lost a second op- portunity, and it was doubtful whether the Russians would commit fresh blunders, and fortune offer him 312 ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. another. Whatever may now be the event, the Poles, at least, have done enough to merit the ad- miration of posterity. Though the expedition had failed in its principal object, it was still thought that important advantages would result from the arrival, in Lithuania, of the detachment under General Chlapowski, who, having passed between the guards and Diebitch's army, reached that province on the 21st. Prince Czarto- ryski, bitterly disappointed by the result of the ex- pedition against the guards, hastened to Skrzynecki's head-quarters, carrying with him an address, drawn up by himself, from the National Government to the Lithuanians. As an historical document, embo- dying, in a masterly manner, the mind of its author ; ever striving, like a watchful father, to guide his countrymen in the noble path of their ancestors, it deserves to be recorded at length. " BRETHREN AND FELLOW CITIZENS ! " The National Government of regenerated " Poland, rejoicing in at length being able to address " you in the name of liberty and of the bond of " brotherhood, hastens to describe to you the actual " state of our country, and to lay before you its " necessities, its dangers, and its hopes. " The wall tliat separated us is broken down. " Our wishes and yours are realised ; the Polish " eagle hovers over your land. United, heart and " hand, we shall henceforth labour together to a (< a a a (( ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. 313 *' accomplish the difficult and dangerous, but great " and holy work of our country's restoration. " The manifesto of the Diet, in explaining the motives which determined us to rise, expressed your sentiments as well as ours. Our insurrec- tion was scarcely organised, our resources were yet feeble, and our plans still immature, when we proved to the world and to the Emperor Nicholas, that we were animated by the same spirit, and desirous to constitute, as formerly, one and the same nation. The emperor Nicholas would not hallow his brother's tomb by a monument which, " during the life of Alexander, would have sealed " the glory of his reign. He would not view us " as injured Poles, as citizens of a free and inde- " pendent country. No ; he chose to treat us as " rebel slaves of Russia. " We have arrested, we have repulsed his threat- " ening phalanxes. Some of the various corps " which compose our army, are here resisting his " main force ; others are penetrating your provinces, " to summon their brethren to the national standard. " You did not wait for the summons. From the " very commencement of the insurrection, many of " you declared their sentiments and their wishes in the national assembly, and organised legions distinguished by the names of your provinces ; finally, whole districts of Lithuania and Volhynia " rose en masse. 314 ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. " The partition of Poland was pronounced a " crime by the unanimous voice of Europe. Who " at this day will revoke the decision ? Who will " declare himself the champion of that deed ? No ** one, assuredly; and we have even the well- " grounded-hope that Europe will hasten to recog- " nise our existence as soon as we shall have proved " ourselves worthy of being an independent nation. " We will prove it by our courage, our union, and " our noble and moderate conduct. " Our insurrection is a consequence of our mis- " fortunes, and the oppression we have endured : it was the wish of our hearts, and arises from the nature of our history. Vigorous from its very origin, it is of no foreign growth; it is no civil " war ; it is not stained by brethren's blood : we •' have overturned no social institutions to be re- placed by others, as blind chance might direct. Our resolution is a war for independence, the most just of wars. It is daring and gentle, as the na- tional character ; with one arm overthrowing the enemy ; with the other raising and ennobling the " native cultivator of the soil. " We admire England and France ; we would be " a civilized nation like them, but without ceasing " to be Poles. Nations cannot, and ought not to, " change by violence the elements of their existence. " Each has its climate, its industry, religion, morals, " character, degree of cultivation, and history. From te (( ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. 315 " these various elements arise the passions, the revo- " liitions, the specific conditions of tlieir future des- " tiny. Strongly marked individuality constitutes " a nation's strength ; we have preserved ours " in the midst of slavery. Love of our country, always ready to make every sacrifice, courage, piety, magnanimity, gentleness, were the virtues of our forefathers ; they are ours also. The insur-* " gent inhabitants of Warsaw were triumphant on the '* 29th of November, without a leader and without '* restraint. With what crime can they be charged ? " The capital, the 30,000 men of our army, the " whole kingdom, rose as by enchantment. How " did they conduct themselves towards the Grand *' Duke Constantine ? That prince, who, during " his merciless rule of fifteen years, had shown no " regard for our feelings and our liberties, was now " in our power. But he knew the nation, and just to us for once, and once only, he trusted his own person and his troops to our honour. No Sicilian vesper-bell resounded to the cry of national ven- geance, and we respected him and his soldiers without availing ourselves of our advantages. " Our battalions, whilst awaiting, unmoved, the " united forces of Russia, opened their ranks to " grant a passage to the fallen enemy, whose safety " was guaranteed by Polish faith. Numerous in- " stances attest the generosity of the nation. " Europe admired our moderation no less than " our valour. Brethren and fellow-citizens ! equal 316 ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. " admiration awaits you. Come forward, then, " simultaneously, and act in your united strength. " In peace as in war, the people are the source of " power ; to the people, therefore, direct your views and your affections. Sons, worthy of your fore- fathers, you, like them, will break your hated ' bonds, and cement a holy alliance by benefits conferred on the one side, and by gratitude on the other. In other countries it is by force that the people win back their liberties ; with us they receive them as a gift from their brethren. A " generous, just, and necessary measure will be the " act of your own free will. You will yourselves " proclaim deliverance to the people, and it is thus " that you will celebrate the return of the Polish " eagles to their native soil. Your fields will not " be less fertile nor less peaceful for being cul- " tivated by the hands of the free. You will have " ennobled yourselves in the eyes of civilised " Europe, and the country will have gained mil- " lions of citizens, who, like our brave peasants, " will fly to the defence of liberty, to throw " off dominion characterised by servitude." The address, after enlarging on the respect paid by the Poles in former times, to religious rites and feelings, and calling upon the people to follow that example, proceeds to describe the im- mense power of Russia, and the difficulties to be encountered in a conflict with her ; and con- cludes thus : — (( (( (( C( a ADDRESS TO THE LITHUANIANS. 317 " All the nations of Europe, all who are sensible " to the voice of humanit}^ who are moved at wit- " nessirig unmerited suflfering, tremble for our fate ; they thrill at every report of our success ; perhaps they only wait for our general rising, to receive us as members of their family, to hail us inde- pendent. Lithuanian brethren ! Now is the " moment. Unite all your resources, all your " forces ; and when together we shall have finished " this terrible and unequal struggle, we will invite the potentates of Europe to form a tribunal. We will appear before them covered with our blood ; we will open in their presence the book of our annals, unroll the chart of Europe, and say, — " * Behold our cause and yours ! The injustice ' committed against Poland is known to you ; you ' see our despair. For our courage and our ' magnanimity, consult our enemies ! ' Brethren ! Let us hope in God ! He will send his spirit into the hearts of our judges, and, guided by his " eternal justice, they will pronounce, ' Long live " ^ Poland, free and independent ! ' " In the meantime, Diebitch, dispirited by continual reverses, had dispatched a letter to St. Petersburgh, which was intercepted by the Poles, and the import of which was as follows : — " J'ai perdu la confiance " de I'armee, j'ai perdu la mienne; je prie votre " Majeste de me sauver, c'est-a-dire, de donner le " commandement de I'armee a un autre." He was roused from his painful meditations by the intelli- 318 BATTLE OF STRZALKOW. gence of the peril to which the so highly-prized guards had been exposed during the five days of his inaction. Sacrificing all other considerations to the desire of saving them, he immediately left Siedlce, and marched day and night to their rescue. In one day he advanced forty miles. On the 22nd, when the guards were already out of danger, he passed the Bug at Granna, above Nur> where General Lubienski had taken 150 of them prisoners, and had remained since the 17th. Pursuant to his instructions, Lubien- ski then withdrew to Czyzew, where he joined the main army on its retreat from Tykocin ; but having neglected to give notice of this to his van- guard, one brigade of infantry and a cavalry regi- ment, with ten guns, were intercepted at Strzalkow by six regiments of Russian cavalry and eighteen guns. The night was far advanced, when they were summoned by the Russians to lay down their arms, as all resistance would be useless. Replying, that' the way was ever open to Polish bayonets, they forced a passage through their enemies, of whom they destroyed a considerable number, losing themselves only fifty men. On the 24th, all the Polish forces, except Gielgud's corps (which had not retired beyond Lomza), concentrated at Nadbory. Diebitch halted during the 23rd and 24th at Vysokie-Mazovieckie, for the guards to join him. Had the latter been previously destroyed, Skrzynecki might at once have attacked him ; but under the actual circum- BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. 319 stances, it would have been dangerous to oppose their junction. During the 25th, the Poles ad- vanced toward Ostrolenka, and in the night, all their corps except Lubienski's, crossed to the right bank of the Narew. Gielgud still continued at Lomza. Ostrolenka, on the left bank of the Narew, presents advantages for defence, which may have sug- gested to Skrzynecki the idea of leaving a detach- ment on that side of the river, although the fact that only a single bridge existed to afford the means of retreat ought to have decided him against it. Another motive, however, prevailed. After his late unprofitable march of 250 miles, he was anxious to do something that might gratify public expectation, and felt encouraged by the successful actions at Minsk and Yendrzeyow, to venture another partial engagement. Lubienski's corps, therefore, was exposed alone to the ensuing day's struggle, whilst the rest of the troops passed the bridge to take some repose ; and so sanguine was he as to the result of this arrangement, tha the allowed the greater part of the artillery ammunition to be sent back towards Pultusk. On the other hand, Diebitch having assembled 70,000 troops and a formidable artillery, pushed rapidly forward, and early on the 26th of May, perceiving a part of the Polish army which he had lost all hope of overtaking, stationed within two miles in advance of Ostrolenka, immediately prepared to attack them, advancing numerous 320 BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. columns of infantry and cav^alry on their front, left and right, in order to cut them off from the town. Thus pressed, nothing remained for the Poles but a prompt retreat, and this was executed better than could have been anticipated. The 4th of the line (and no fitter regiment could have been chosen) covered the movement, and repulsed with its usual gallantry the charges of the lancers of the guards. The Russians, however, outflanked the Poles, and had taken possession of the bridge before the 4th of the line could reach it. Any other regi- ment would probably have perished ; but with bayonets fixed, they forced their way through the burning streets, and with terrible speed rushed to the bridge. Then commenced the fiercest conflict of the day, the Polish soldiers fighting with only their bayonets for half an hour, until they had passed the river, but could not destroy the bridge for want of the necessary preparations. A fire was then opened by two Polish guns on the Russian artillery posted behind the bridge, but the gunners were soon stretched dead by rifle shot from the houses of Ostrolenka. A Russian battalion ad- vanced to take the two pieces, but they were imme- diately recovered by the Poles. Fresh Russian reinforcements were again opposed by the Poles, till, without any previous plan, the battle became general on the right bank of the river. At that moment Skrzynecki appeared. The presence of the enemy on the right bank of the river so disturbed BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. 321 him, that he determined, at any expense of Polisli blood, to prevent what seemed to him so pregnant with danger. Diebitch, on his part, was equally resolved on keeping the position, ior which purpose he had already sent over twenty-four battalions. A combat which lasted ten hours then commenced, the Poles exhausting their strength in vain to drive the Russians back over the river, whilst these were not more successful in their endeavours to advance beyond the bridge. The field of battle extended partly over a space of some hundred square yards, and partly on the chaussee along the marshy banks of the Narew. The enemy had the advantage in position. The elevated chaussee, behind which their infantry was placed, served as a strong rampart against that of the Poles, and, co^ ered by the exten- sive marshes, it was able to defy all the efforts of their cavalry. From the hills of Ostrolenka the Russians opened a battery of thirty-two pieces on the left of the town, and another of thirty-six on the right, which, by a cross fire, effectually protected their infantry. In the teeth of such overwhelming difficulties, the Poles had to conquer the bridge, or, at all events, to maintain possession of the chaussee, the only way by which they could retreat, as the impassable marshes commenced within half a mile of the bridge. Ski-zynecki ordered three consecutive infantry attacks to be made upon it, all of whicli were Y 322 BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. successful, and had they but been provided with the means of destroying it, the Russian battalions on the right must either have laid dovi^n their arms, or perished in the river. As it was, the Poles were obliged to retire ; and each time they retreated, the Russian artillery poured, with blind fury, a destruc- tive fire both on them and their own troops. Diebitch continued sending reinforcements to his broken and wavering battalions, thirty-six of which had already traversed the bridge. Skrzynecki led his men to fresh attacks, but was so severely assailed by the artillery, that he could not penetrate beyond the bridge, and retired with very great loss. Only twenty Polish pieces were allowed to keep a mea- sured fire, in order to spare the ammunition, which was, notwithstanding, all expended by three o'clock. A light horse battery of twelve pieces, under Colonel Bem, was reserved for a moment of extreme peril. The Russian fire was therefore exclusively directed against the Polish infantry, the last division of which was now brought into action. All the battalions repeatedly made for the bridge, at the point of the bayonet, but could never gain a decisive advantage. Notwithstanding the unfavourableness of the ground, General Kicki was thrice ordered to charge with cavalry, but his heroic efforts could not avail against the local difficulties. A fourth charge was led by Skrzynecki in person, who then became convinced that it was not possible to employ the cavalry with advantage. About six o'clock, the Polish battalions BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. 323 being all broken, Skizynecki abandoned the hope of driving the Russians beyond the bridge, and directed his efforts to prevent their passage. From that moment, he effectually served his country. Intrepid, undaunted as on the plains of Grochow, he moved through the field like a standard, round which all rallied. The Russians now passing from the defen- sive to the offensive, were in their turn unable to advance beyond the bridge. The battle assumed a more remarkable character, the PoHsh artillery having for many hours ceased to fire. Towards even- ing, fresh columns of the enemy appeared. This was their last effort. Colonel Bem, with his horse battery, regardless of the enemy's tremendous cannon- ade, advanced at full speed, and charged the Russian infantry within musket-shot distance, while Skrzy- necki made such an effective attack with the in- fantry, that they were repulsed to the river, and did not renew their assaults. The exertions of the Polish soldiers in this last encounter were extraordinary ; one of them killed eleven Russians with his scythe, for which exploit Skrzynecki invested him on the spot with his own cross. The field of battle presented a spectacle such as has seldom been recorded in the annals of war. Twenty thousand bodies of the slain, together with slaughtered horses, broken swords, muskets, lances, and scythes, so loaded the ground, to the extent of half an English square mile, that no space could have been found for a single foot-step. Amidst heaps 324 BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. of the dead, were several women, with their infants, struck down by the Russian cannon, as they were flying from the flames of Ostrolenka. Many Rus- sian soldiers were seen struggling in their last agony to force out the Polish bayonets which had been thrust, and left, in their intestines. The philosopher may smile or weep, according to his temper, as he views this mass of human victims ; but the historian will discern amongst them 5000 Poles, who fell in the defence of their country's honour and independence, and of all that constitutes the worth of man's exist- ence. The glorious death of 300 Polish officers sheds lustre on that fatal spot. Generals Kamienski and Kicki also perished there — the latter, the bravest and the handsomest, the very essence of chivalry. Always exposing himself wherever danger was greatest, he was wont to exclaim, after each escape, " How wonderful, oh my God, that I am still alive." He was usually called the Polish Alcibiades ; and probably his merit might in part be traced to a source whence many of the virtues of men derive their origin — to the influence of his accomplished and romantic lady, who used to beguile his leisure hours by reciting to him passages from Homer, or singing the historic songs of Niemcewicz. Skrzy- necki had two horses killed under him, and several musket balls pierced his unifojm. Owing to the officers on this occasion generally preceding their columns, the battle of Ostrolenka has been called the Battle of the Officers. The more than ordinary BATTLE OF OSTROLENKA. 325 courage, with which the Poles fought on that day, has since been a matter of wonder even to them- selves ; and indeed men are capable of marvellous achie\ements when animated by the knowledge that their former laurels and their future hopes are set upon a single stake. The Russians also exhibited more than ordinary courage in this battle, owing to their artillery, which, being posted in the rear, prevented them from re- treating. The river close to the bridge was choked with their corpses, and the loss of 1 5,000 men was the cause of their inability to pursue the Poles the following day, and of their long subsequent inaction. In the stillness of the night, Skrzynecki summoned his generals to council, and asked whether the field conquered with so great a waste of life should be maintained during the next twenty-four liours. This resolution should have been adopted, both in order to allow Gielgud to come up, and to avoid the unfavourable impression at home and abroad, which a sudden retreat could not fail to produce. It was, however, generally opposed, on the grounds of the impossibility that the exhausted troops could be able to hold out, and of the peril to which Gielgud would be exposed during a flank march to join the main body in the presence of the enemy. Timidity Is contagious, and Skrzynecki, not to stand single against all his generals, ordered an immediate retreat. With regard to Gielgud, two squadrons of the Posen cavalry were sent to him under Dembinski, with orders that he should march into Lithuania. 326 BATTLE OF RAYGROD. On the 27th the army arrived at Pultusk, without having been pursued. Here Skrzynecki entrusted the command to General Lubienski, and throwing himself into a carriage with Prondzynski the chief of his staff, drove to Warsaw, weeping, and repeat- ing the words of Kosciuszko, " Finis Polonice.'' The troops followed unmolested, and on the 29th entered Praga. Amongst the errors with which Skrzynecki has been charged, one of the gravest was his leaving Gielgud at Lomza. This officer commenced his march towards Lithuania on the 27th, along the chaussee of Kowno. On the 29th he attacked General Sacken, who, with 8000 men and sixteen pieces of artillery, occupied a position at Raygrod, deemed impregnable, being protected on each side by lakes. But the Poles overcame these difficulties. The two squadrons of Posen cavalry, especially, distinguished themselves by breaking through several battalions, and Sacken lost two cannons, 1800 men killed, and 1200 taken prisoners. No further obstacle remained to obstruct Gielgud's march into Lithuania, and he had no longer to apprehend the double fire from the troops of Sacken, and those sent against him by Diebitch. On the 3rd of June he passed the Niemen at Gielgudyszki, and entered the Lithuanian territory. CHAPTER X. The Insurrection of Liihuania. The Duchy of Lithuania, three times as extensive as the Polish kingdom estabHshed in 1815, contains about 8,000,000 inhabitants, chiefly Roman Catholics. The men, whose virtues shed undying glory on the last days of Poland's political existence, Kos- ciuszko, Reytan, and Korsak, were of this province ; so also are the poets Niemcevvicz and Mickiewicz ; so also, by origin, is the guardian of the country. Prince Czartoryski. The Lithuanians have always been forward for the restoring of Poland ; and, on the present occasion, no one except Chlopicki, who knew but little of his country, or the Czar, M'ho dreaded such an event, could have doubted their co-operation. The Warsaw insurrection was hailed in Lithuania as joyfully as in any other part of ancient Poland. The majority of the officers of the Lithuanian corps sympathised with it, but Chlopicki's fatal nego- ciations gave time for precautionary measures, and 600 of them were transported into the interior of the empire, and their places supplied by men of Muscovite origin. Such an alloy would have sufficed 328 ENTHUSIASM OF THE LITHUANIANS. to demoralize any army, and the Poles felt its evil influence, until the corps was finally disabled at Dembe Wielkie. Then, however, 4000 of the men entered the national service. The whole population was forced to renew their allegiance to the Czar, who by this measure tacitly admitted the illegality of the former. As in the other provinces, the nobles had to forward to St. Petersburgh loyal ad- dresses, and aspirations for the success of the empe- ror against their rebellious countrymen. But even this act of compliance could not tranquillise his paternal solicitude, and by a confidential ukase, addressed to all persons of distinction who had ever borne arms, he required them to emigrate for an indefinite period to the government of Oren- bursrh, on the Asiatic frontier. Next came an order, that all weapons of offence should, on pain of death, be delivered up to the Russian authorities. It was rigorously enforced, and the inhabitants were de- prived not only of all their fire arms, but of their scythes, forks, long knives, and all iron instruments, though evidently agricultural. Even after this, the Russian troops carried their mistrust so far, that ihey usually marched with loaded guns and lighted matches. They knew the hatred borne them by the Lithuanians, whom, not even their formidable presence could intimidate into inaction. Three thousand persons, mostly servants and young men, contrived to escape into the kingdom during the month of Januaiy, and an ukase was in consequence RUSSIAN OPPRESSION. 329 issued, wherein masters were declared responsible for their servants, fathers for their children, and public officers for their clerks. It had been the policy of Russia for forty years to carry on her aggressive wars at the expense of the Polish nation ; and on the present occasion, the Czar employed the resources of the Lithuanians as a means of destroying the Poles. The peasants were compelled to convey both their own and their land- lords' provisions to the Russian camp, over a space of between two and three hundred miles, from the Dvvina to the Niemen and the Bug, during the depth of winter, and over bad roads, the chaussees being exclusively reserved for the army. Frequently they were ill-used, and obliged to return without their waggons, or perhaps detained for weeks, waiting to deliver their contributions. The houses of the nobles were used as hospitals for the invalid soldiers, and the amiy adv^anced like a scourge of heaven, leaving behind it hunger, sickness, and affliction. The battle of Grochow having baffled the Empe- ror's hope of crushing the insurrection at a blow, he next ordered the Lithuanians to furnish an extra number of conscripts, and provisions which would have sufficed for 300,000 men during a year. This crowning act of despotism, purposely designed to deprive them of all means of resistance, raised their indignation to the highest pitch ; and, in despair, they unfurled the banner of insurrection. On the 25th of March, the rising commenced in the three 330 GENERAL RISING. districts of the Vilno government, comprehended under the name of Samogitia, and bounded by Prussia, the Baltic, and the Duchy of Courland. Six hundred Russian soldiers, stationed in various gar- risons, were disarmed. Two hundred of them, however, escaped into Prussia, from whence, soon permitted to return, they occupied Polangen, a sea- port of the Baltic. They were, however, when driven out by the insurgents, who, in their turn, retired on the approach of a Russian force from Courland. In four days the whole of Samogitia was successfully insurrectionized, and placed under Polish authorities. The Russian Colonel Bartholo- meus, with 1200 men, then sought refuge in Prussia, and the Samogitians believing that, in accordance with the existing neutrality, he would be disarmed and detained till the conclusion of the war, did not pursue. Contrary to their expectation, however, after eighteen days' detention, he returned furnished with food and ammunition to attack them, as Prussia, designating them as brigands, professed to owe them no neutrality. The insurrection had spread through the whole government of Vilno, and various small garrisons had surrendered. Hitherto, about 1200 cavalry stationed in Vilkomir, under General Bezobrazoff, had prevented all attempts of the insurgents in that district. Yet the fears of the Russian general so magnified their number, that he evacuated the place, in order to join the garrison at Vilno. On reaching the river Viessa, his passage DEATH OF LABANOWSKI. 331 was barred bv Labanovvski, a nobleman, at the head of eighty rifles. Aware that he was closely pur- sued by other parties, the general implored Laba- nowski by their former friendship, to allow him to pass, promising to refrain from hostilities in the country he was about to traverse. Labanowski with more kindness than tact, not only agreed, but even threw a bridge across the river to facilitate his pas- sage. The Russian requited the service by forcibly carrying him to Vilno, where he was subsequently beheaded. This dishonourable conduct, shewed the insurgents the degree of trust due thenceforth to their enemy. They swore to fight to the last, and having overtaken Bezobrazoff before Vilno, captured 100 of his men, with all his baggage and stores. In one week the whole government, excepting the towns of Vilno and Kowno, was cleared of the Russians. The clergy, who had been elsewhere hostile to the cause, were here to be seen marching at the head of the parties, with the cross in one hand and the sword in the other. The women also took an active part, reproaching the luke-warm, animating their husbands and brothers to the combat, and devoting themselves to the care of the wounded ; even after all hope was lost, they still concealed their wounded countrymen in the wood, and exposing themselves to privation and danger in their service, aided their escape into foreign coun- tries. The name of one who has acquired European fame must not be left unrecorded here. 332 EMILIA PLATER. In a district of the Vilno government, which lay between that of Vitepsk and the Duchy of Cour- land, and was commanded by the fortress of Duna- burgh, the banner of insurrection had not yet been unfurled. Men shrunk from the perilous task, but it was undertaken and achieved by a young and heroic woman. The Countess Emilia Plater was only twenty-two years of age. In her ardent ima- gination, to which the study of the Polish poets had given a colouring of deep sadness, the love of coun- try had become passion. Secretly quitting the resi- dence of her aunt, accompanied by six other young ladies, all disguised in male attire, she appeared at mid-day in the village of Dusiaty, and displaj^ed the national flag. The sight roused the inhabitants. Enthusiasm kindled some, shame compelled others to rise ; and, in the district where but a day before no one had dared to name the insurrection, all now were in arms. Such an exploit, in the very presence of a numerous Russian garrison, was a striking instance of moral couraj^e. Possessed of everv de- sirable accomplishment, the Countess Plater was weary of existence, because her country was in slavery. The report of her having commanded a regiment, and charged at the head of the ca\alry, is false. Although she animated the combatants by her presence, her sword was ne\ er stained with blood, and she would have shuddered at the \ery idea. Under a warrior's gaib, she retained a woman's heart, and her existence was so bound up FOREST OF BIALOWIES. 333 in that of her country, that she could not survive its fall. The insuri'ection was less general in the govern- ment of Grodno, owing partly to the absence of many leaders, who had long before escaped into the kingdom, and partly to the large reserves of Russian troops stationed there. It was confined to the forest of Bialowies*, which served as a stronghold to the adjacent country ; and as the chaussee by which it is traversed was one of the two principal lines of communication between Diebitch and the empire, his convovs of ammunition and their escorts were perpetually intercepted by the Poles emerging from its inaccessible retreats. In the government of Minsk, Vileyka and Dzisna were the only districts which rose, the others being restrained by the Rus- sians. Eighteen ensigns, emulating those of Warsaw, escaped at imminent risk from the fortress of Duna- burgh, put themselves at the head of peasants, ex- pelled the Russians from Dzisna, and then, unable to stand against the superior force of the enemy, fought their way into the government of Vilno. There the * The Bialowies, forty miles in lengtli and twenty-six in breadth, may be called a primitive forest. In this extensive tract there are but three villages, and some portions of it are said to be as yet unexplored. It is the only spot in Europe where the bison (Zubr) is found, of which it is estimated there are here about eight hundred. In 1802, the Emperor Alexander issued an ukase, prohibiting any of these animals to be destroyed on pain of death. 334 RESULTS OF LITHUANIAN WAR. insurgents, emboldened by success, collected about 6000 horsemen, and, led by Count Zaluski, were on their march to fall upon Vilno, when they received a check which convinced them of the unfitness of their irregular and ill-armed troops to engage in pitched battles. They therefore again divided, in order to carry on a partisan war. Those who endeavour to trace the fall of Poland to local disad- vantages, and deficiency of natural defence, show but little discernment in their mode of justifying crime. It was owing to the innumerable .small rivers which intersect that province, and the impenetrable woods which cover half its surface, that the handful of insurgents were enabled to resist, during several months, and almost without arms, 30,000 regular troops. The loss of a great battle could not have more effectually perplexed Diebitch than did the Lithuanian war, as, by the occupation of the two great roads of St. Petersburgh and Moscow, his operations in the kingdom were suspended and his supplies cut off; and this he admitted in one of his bulletins, assigning it as a justification of his inac- tivity, and of his withdrawal towards the Bug. The accounts of the insurrection, all tending to show the precarious state of the Imperial power in Poland, greatly exasperated Nicholas, who, on the 3rd of April, issued the following ukase, unequalled for severity even in Muscovite annals : — " 1st. Every nobleman taking part in the revolt, " shall be tried by a court martial, and executed on BARBAROUS UKASE OF NICHOLAS. 335 " the spot ; his estates and personal property eon- *' fiscated, and his children sent as recruits to the " military colonies. — 2nd. Individuals of lower rank " taken under arms, shall be sent to Siberia, and " incorporated with the battalions stationed there, *' and their children sent as recruits to the military " colonies." The ukase, however, came too late to prevent the insurrection, and did but increase the hatred borne to its inhuman author. About the same time, the National Government ordered the insurgents to make themselves masters of Polangen at any price, as an English vessel was expected at that port with a supply of arms. The Samogitians alone made two assaults ; both were unsuccessful, and the vessel moreov^er never made her appearance. The merchant, an Englishman of the name of Evans, had accepted a commission for arms, and then sailed for Smyrna, with the very cargo for which he had already received payment. The students of Vilno, unable to remain inactive within its walls while the flag of freedom waved without, determined to join their countrymen. On a day appointed, 550 of them, accompanied by some of the Professors, left the town ; and, though pur- sued by the garrison, they repulsed three attacks, and joined the insurgents, in the district of Troki, and subsequently served in the ranks of the national army. But the fate of Lithuania was soon to be decided. Ten thousand men, detached by Diebitch, and fresh 336 BUTCHERY OF OSZMIANA. troops from the interior, under General Pahlen, the Governor of Courland, and others, traversed the country in every direction, exceeding, in their bar- barities, even the dictates of the ukase, for proof of which let one instance suffice. The Russian Colonel Verzulin, after a successful contest with the insur- gents, entered the town of Oszmiana on the 13th of May, the day of a religious festival and the hour of divine worship. The men capable of bearing arms fled, and the aged, the women, and the children, sought refuge in the church. Neither the sanctity of the place nor the helplessness of the victims dis- armed the fury of the barbarians, and 300 innocent beings, together with the priests, were massacred at the foot of the altar by the Cossacks of Caucasus. Children's ear-rings, still hanging in the ears which had been cut off; and women's rings upon the severed fingers, were afterwards openly exposed in the market-place of Vilno. Pressed on everv side, the Lithuanians still de- sisted not, night or day, from their attacks on the enemy. The destruction, however, of the Samogi- tian foundiy at Vornie, and far worse of their pow- der mill, effectually crippled their efforts, as, after that loss, even a successful skirmish did but accele- rate their ruin by diminishing the stock of ammuni- tion which they vainly endeavoured to supply, at any expense, of gold or life. Still, though abandoned, as it at last seemed, even by Heaven, wandering and ARRIVAL OF CIILAPOWSKl. 337 proscribed, with no prospect but death or Siberia, the love of their prostrate country supported them — their hopes still rested on the appearance of the Poles — who, so long expected, at length arrived five months later than the time appointed. It has already been mentioned, that Chlapowski entered Lithuania on the 21st of May, with 800 men and two pieces of cannon. His progress was marked by successes. At Bronsk he burnt a large train of the enemy's provisions ; and at Bialy stock, on the 22nd, captured 1000 of their infantry. Push- ing forward to attack General Linden, who, with 600 foot, 200 horse, and two guns, was besieging the forest of Bialowies, he took 500 prisoners, both the guns, and 400 muskets. By forced marches, day and night, he next surprised the garrison of Lida, 400 strong, with four guns, one officer only saving himself by flight. At Uzgowice, he dispersed 1000 Cossacks, and thence had projected an assault on Vilno ; but on hearing of the intended rising in Minsk, was already on his march thither, when he was surprised by the unwelcome arrival of Gielgud. General Chlapowski has rendered full justice to the enthu- siasm with which his troops were received by the Lithuanians. " Not one false brother," so he wrote, *' was found amongst them. All classes favoured " our march, collected intelligence, and always " brought us true reports. That march, of 400 miles '■' amidst the hostile garrisons, proved to me that I " was still in the land of my fathers." As the news z 338 ADDRESS OF THE INSURGENTS. spread of his approach, the insurgents left the forests to hail their deliverer. At Kitoviszki, the aged Prince Oginski, accompanied by 2000 insur- gents, presented him an address, the following extract from which conveys but a faint idea of the feeling which greeted him : — " To obey your orders, *' we will sacrifice life and property, and in return *' we ask neither glory nor rank — we desire only to " do the duty of all Poles. If, General, you " should speak of our devotion to the National " Government, and to the General-in-Chief, assure *' them that our strength, our means, our faculties, " whatever we may call our own, will be consecrated *' to the general good, to the preservation of the " Polish name." Chlapowski possessed the unbounded admiration of his soldiery, and the same sentiment was soon imbibed by the natives, who regarded him as a supe- rior man. Yet he, whose recent progress had given proof of such great zeal and talent stood paralyzed by the approach of Gielgud, whose incapacity he knew, but whose orders, as the senior officer, he was bound to obey. From that moment he was jealous and disheartened. The National Government, aware of the evil, hastened to remove it by giving him the supreme command, but the commission never reached him. On the other hand, the Lithuanians beholding Gielgud at the head of 10,000 men, and a train of 24 guns, and not in the least suspecting his arrival to be the result of Skrzynecki's mistakes, received ARRIVAL OF GIKLGID. 339 him as their destined deliverer, and converted his march into one continued triumph. At every village the whole population came out to salute the troops. The priests, in their official vestments, blessed their arms — women strewed jflovvers in their path, and every household received them as long lost and lamented sons and brothers. Such cordiality brought tears even to the bronzed cheeks of the veterans, and Gielgud's vanity was so flattered, that he entirely lost his head. His first blunder was to summon the insur- gents from their forestambuscades, and form them into regiments, thus converting excellent sharpshooters into bad regulars, and at the same time enabling the enemy to unite against himself. Again, though his only chance of success lay in rapidity and sudden movements, he wasted much time, after his arrival on the 3rd of June, in total inaction. At length, having detached two battalions of his newly-formed infantry under Colonel Szymanowski against Polan- gen, where the landing of arms was still expected, he resolved, with the remainder of his force, to make an attempt upon Vilno. The capital of Lithu- ania might easily have been taken when the Poles first entered the province ; but the garrison, at that time not exceeding 5000, was now increased to 30,000. Beyond the moral effect of the triumph, and the temporary disturbance of the Russian com- munications, of which it formed the centre, few advantages would have attended the conquest, nor had its difficulties been sufficiently considered by 340 BATTLE OF VILNO. Gielgud. Brave himself, he thought his men could execute, by mere bravery, a now impracticable plan. The town is least accessible on the side of Ponary, so celebrated in Napoleon's campaign of 1812 ; and Gielgud ordered Chlapowski to make a demonstration on that side^ whilst Dembinski was to feign an attack from the North, and both were to await the main body under his own command. On the 18th, Dembinski obeyed the order, but not finding himself supported, effected a retreat under the fire of the enemy with his usual presence of mind. His co-operation for the following day, for which Gielgud had, without any sufficient reason, delayed the general assault, was, however, lost. His troops advanced with ardour, anxious to display their courage to the Lithuanians, who, on their part, were full of emulation. Under an able leader, im- possibilities almost might have been achieved ; but Gielgud not only opened the assault on the most diflficult point, but conducted it with so little com- bination, that the efforts of his men were entirely vain. After a sanguinary conflict of eight hours, their perilous retreat was covered by the 1st lancers, who, by three vigorous charges, deterred the Russian cavalry from pursuit. Eight hundred Poles were killed, but the general discouragement of the insur- gents, on witnessing the defeat of the regular troops, was a still greater evil. So dissatisfied were Gielgud's officers, that 300 of them waited on Chlapowski, and offered him the BATTLE OF KOWNO. 341 chief command. Without disputing the general's incapacity, Chlapowski expressed his disapprobation of their proceeding, and threatened them with a court-martial, on the ground that even failure would be preferable to insubordination ; and that should the insurrection fall, it ought still to leave an example of unity and concord. This disciplinarian logic, as- suming that the welfare of the cause must give way to the rules of the service, was partly prompted by Chlapowski's despair of restoring affairs from the ruin to which Gielgud was rapidly reducing them. It was not long, however, before his efforts were again required. The chief of his staff being found drowned in the river, Gielgud, in deference to the general voice, devolved the post on Chlapowski, and from that time the chief command was also virtually his. The enemy now re-assumed the offensive, and advanced in three columns, 30,000 strong. The first column attacked a single regiment at Kowno, which was soon dispersed, the Countess Plater, who was present, owing her preservation to Colonel Kie- kiernicki, who gave her his own horse, and was in consequence himself taken by the Cossacks. The possession of Kowno was of great importance to the Russians, as it enabled them to prevent the Poles from retiring beyond the Niemen. A second column advanced upon the main body under Giel- gud, who retired without making an effort at resist- ance, but passed on to Szavvle, where the other 342 BATTLE OF SZAWLE. troops were ordered to join him. Dembinski alone continued to uphold the character of the Polish army. On the 29th of June, he repulsed the third column at Wilkomir, and successfully maintained his position till the 1st of July, when, in obedi- ence to Gielgud, he commenced his retreat, still forcing the enemy to pay dear for every inch of yielded ground, and again repulsing them at Ponie- wir. On the 7th, all the forces, amounting to 14,000 men and twentv-four cannon, united before Szawle. This town, defended by field fortifications, and 4000 Russians, and containing military stores, had been twice unsuccessfully assaulted by the insurgents? and once actually held for a short time by them. It was now attacked by Gielgud on the 8th of July, but, as usual, to no purpose, notwithstanding his great superiority of force. This being his last ex- ploit in Lithuania, the system of government which he there introduced, should now be adverted to. Previous to his arrival, no central power existed, but as each district was freed from the Russian autho- rities, a local government was established, as trans- ferable as the insurgent bands, and all maintaining the strictest unity of purpose. One horseman was levied upon every twenty houses, and one foot soldier on every five, and the government of Vilno alone, thus raised 24,000 foot and 6000 horse. The levies were differently conducted however, in the districts, which rose en masse, such as Samogitia, which asserted its independence during the war. INSURRECTIONARY GOVERNMENT. 343 Gielgud had been enjoined by the National Govern- ment to abstain from all legislative interference, and to act only as an auxiliary, avoiding a pitched battle until the arrival of a reinforcement. A central power was to be formed of members chosen by the Lithuanians, the first act of which, would have been to ratify the emancipation of the peasantry. Religious toleration was to be strictly observed, and places in the Polish senate promised to the Greek bishops. In order to ensure the co-operation of the Jews, the refusal of the army contracts was to be given to them. Taxes were to be levied only upon the nobles and the towns, the necessary contribu- tions having been all along furnished by the insur- gent leaders. The general was instructed to spare no pains in propagating the insurrection through the other governments, by suitable manifestoes, and by the establishment of a periodical journal calculated to convey the requisite intelligence to the Lithuanians isolated in their forest residences. Had these injunc - tions, dictated by Prince Czartoryski been observed, the isssue would have been very different. But Gielgud, once arrived in Lithuania, spurned- all counsel or control, and, like all inferior minds, thought only of asserting his own supremacy. Without consulting the Lithuanians, he established a central board of five members, all, either unac- quainted with insurrectionary affairs, or without mental capacity, to the exclusion of those individuals who were universally trusted and esteemed. This 344 DEATH OF GIELGUD. futile power, counteracting the effect of the previous judicious measures, did but accelerate the corning downfall. From Szawle, Gielgud proceeded to Kur- szany, where the discontent of the officers finally rose to such a height, that they deprived him of even his nominal command, and separated the troops into three corps, under the respective guidance of Chlapowski (accompanied by Gielgud), Dembinski, and Roland. The next day, Chlapow- ski proceeded towards Memel, Roland's corps form- ing the rear guard. On the 11th, the Russians overtook him at Povedynie, and a sharp action ensued, during which Chlapowski, although but little in advance, instead of rendering any assistance, continued his march, and having passed the Prussian irontier, laid down his arms on the 12th, at the village of Schlungsten. Roland followed in the same direction, but refusing to enter Prussia, ap' proached Jansbork, intending to cross the Niemen there. The sight of his soldiers, resolved to fight their way into Poland, recalled those of Chlapowski to their duty, and resuming their arms, they joined their countrymen. Nothing could now exceed the exasperation of the commanders. Suspicions of treachery were murmured by some, and at length a lieutenant, attached to Roland's corps, suddenly quitting his regiment, galloped up to Gielgud, and shot liirn in the midst of a group of officers. He died asserting his innocence. Having reached Jansbork, HOSTILITY OF PRUSSIA. 345 and finding himself completely hemmed in, and his progress homewards cut off, Roland also entered Prussia on the 15th. This lamentable conclusion was owing to a mistake in their line of march; and Dembinski, by marching in a contrary direc- tion, has acquired undying fame. His celebrated retreat will be mentioned hereafter. Upwards of 6000 Poles laid down their arms in Prussia, not being permitted, like the Russians, to re-cross the frontier. On the contrary, Prussia provided their enemies with the means of destroying them, and then undertook the task of giving them burial. Finding themselves handed over to their foes, few, or none of the Lithuanians, sought refuge there. They escaped to their forests, where they partially protracted the war till the close of November, from whence, if human calculations be not wholly vain, they will emerge in pristine energy and with better fortune. CHAPTER XL The retreat of the Polish army from Ostrolenka to Praga, was equivalent to a defeat. Previous to the expedition against the guards, the emperor Francis had conceived so favourable an opinion of the national prospects, that he had proffered his support, and even proposed to restore Galicia, on condition that the Polish crovv^n should be bestowed on the Archduke Charles. But the unfortunate affair of Ostrolenka changed the views of Austria, who, considering the cause as now hopeless, at once broke off the negociation. It is worthy of remark, that Austria had twice before, in 1809 and 1815, offered to restore her share of the spoils of Poland. A time may come when she may find it ad- visable, for her own sake, to carry the proposal into effect. All hope too from the Ottoman Porte, once the implacable enemy, but of late the sincere ally of Poland, faded at the same time. Fully apprecia- ting the opportunity of escape from the insolent protection of the Russian, the Sultan, on receiving assurances of the co-operation of the French, through their ambassador General Guilleminot, had prepared for hostilities, although his army of the line had been reduced to 10,000 during tlie late unfortunate ADDRESS OF CONFIDENCE. 347 war. The ambassador had, however, exceeded his instructions, and was recalled in consequence by his government. On reaching Praga on the 28th of May, Skrzy- necki declined entering the capital till he had seen some of the members of the Diet, the majority of whom were favorably disposed towards him. On their appearance, he assured them that the army was still unbroken, although it had suffered severe loss in a murderous action of twelve hours, exposed to a tremendous fire of artillery, — adding, what his pierced uniform fully confirmed, that he himself had been obliged to per- form the duty of a private, but that he would yet lead his men to fresh victories. This frank avowal was received with cheers by the Diet, and amidst a burst of approbation, the deputy Ledochowski moved that, imitating the Roman Senate, they should declare the general to have deserved well of his country, notwithstanding he had fought an unsuc- cessful battle ; that so, added the deputy, he might be restored to his own confidence and to that of the army. On the presentation of this address of con- fidence, Skrzynecki seized the opportunity to attri- bute his past failures to the government, complaining of the delay occasioned in his march by the non-arri- val of provisions, and tracing this neglect and other marks of inefficiency, to the too great number of members which composed it ; adding, that nothing better could be hoped until the authority should be 348 REFORM OF THE GOVERNMENT. vested in the hands of a single individual. He was certainly right in asserting that a government which did not possess the privilege of appointing or dis- missing the generalissimo, ought to be changed for one of greater power. His words were not without effect upon the deputies, and on the 3rd of June, Ledochowski moved for a reform in the governments assuming Skrzynecki's demand for it, as an argument for its propriety, and forgetting that the public, disappointed in Chlopicki, was no longer disposed for mihtary absolutism. Against this disinclination? all arguments for undivided authority proved vain ; and the question, which ought rather to have been, whether the existing government should be entrusted with a minus or plus of power, was, after six days' animated debate, rejected by a majority of only two. As it thus became evident that the government did not possess the confidence of the nation. Prince Czartoryski offered to resign, but Barzykowski alone, of all his colleagues, being disposed to follow his disinterested example, no change was made. On the other side. General Krukowiecki, a man of haughty temper, could not forget that Skrzynecki had been raised above him, after the battle of Grochow ', and his envy, at first quelled by the success of his rival, now burst forth, and he did not scruple to say, that if the Russians had not been such '^ grandes hetes,'' not a Polish soldier would have escaped from Ostrolenka. He even addressed an insulting letter to Skrzynecki, who, in consequence, required his PLAN OF CHRZANOVVSKI. 349 dismissal from the command of Warsaw, a request of which Krukowiecki anticipated the result by resigning. He remained, however, in the capital, prosecuting his machinations in concert with the members of the patriotic club, which still existed under the presidency of Lelewel. Prondzynski also declared against the general-in-chief, and sub- mitted a memoir to the government (which, how- ever, he refused to make public), commenting on his errors. A fresh victory, however, was all that Skrzynecki now stood in need of to silence his antagonists, and for this, a most favourable opportu- nity soon offered. Before he could decide on risking the main force on a new expedition, he ordered Chrzanowski to march with his 6000 men from Zamosc into Volhynia, a measure to which the other objected as useless, offer- ing instead, another masterly suggestion, which, had it been carried into effect, might have yetensured com- plete success. After Dwernicki had taken refuge in Galicia, General Rudiger had entered the Palatinate of Lublin with 16,000 men to supply the place of Kreutz, then in Lithuania. General Kayzaroff, with a corps of 6000, lay at the same time encamped near Zamosc, and General Rott, with 12,000, was still in Volhynia. For Chrzanowski therefore to enter Vol- hynia in the face of those three Russian corps, was but to seek a catastrophe like that of Dwernicki. Tlie central position of Praga favoured any attempt of the Poles upon Rudiger, since, by 350 ORLOFF, THE HARBINGER OF DEATH. moving along any radius, they would always out- march the Russians, following, as they must, in a circular line. Herein lay the virtue of that famous triangle, and Chrzanowsl^i accordingly proposed an attack on Rudiger's corps, only stipulating that after its destruction, to which he felt very sure of contributing, 5000 men might be added to his detachment, thus rendering it strong enough to crush in succession, the various Russian corps already alluded to, and enabling him to prosecute his victori- ous career to Kiow. Skrzynecki at once approved the plan, promising to give him 8000 additional men, and the National Government appointed him supreme governor of Podolia, Volhynia, and Ukraina. The precarious condition of the Russian army enhanced the chance of success. When Diebitch left the devastated environs of Ostrolenka to advance upon Pultusk, he had dispersed his troops along the Narew with a view to their obtaining food, the supply of which, as well as of military stores, had been totally cut off by the insurgents of Lithuania, and had himself taken up his head quarters at Kleczew near Pultusk, where, on the 10th of June, Count Orloff unexpectedly joined him, on a mission from St. Petersburgh. This Russian noble, known in his own country as " the harbinger of death," inherits the sobriquet from his grandfather and father; the first being the celebrated favourite of the Empress Catherine, raised from the ranks in reward of his two-fold murder of her husband Peter, DEATH OF DIEBITCH. 351 by poison and strangling — the second having taken an effective part in destroying the Emperor Paul, father of Nicholas. The present Count Orloff is supposed to possess the talent of his race. The day after his arrival, Diebitch died suddenly, as first stated, of cholera, and as afterwards of apoplexy. The Russians again, said he had poisoned himself, and a Pultusk apothecary was arrested, on suspicion of having furnished him with the means. Finally a certificate signed by four Russian physicians, once more attributed his death to cholera. History may be allowed to doubt such evidence, and to record facts in the order of their occurrence. Shortly before this event. Field Marshal Count Paszkiewicz arrived in St. Petersburgh from Caucasus, — a circumstance which was thought to indicate some intention on the part of the emperor to supersede Diebitch ; which intention was perhaps confirmed by his own letter, requesting leave to resign. But as an abrupt dis- missal would have been considered tantamount to an acknowledgment of defeat, and was not therefore to be thought of in the Russian cabinet, it was natural to recur to the policy which had already been found convenient towards many members even of the Romanoff line. The command now given to Paszkiewicz was held, ad interim, by General Toll ; and his provisional appointment binding him, by the regulations, to act exclusively on the defen- sive, was a circumstance favourable to Chrzanowski's meditated expedition. The army thinned by the 352 JiATTLE OF LYSOBYKI. late struggle, was l^esides obliged to wait both for reinforcements and stores. To solicit these. Count OrlofF hastened to Berlin, with a letter from the empress to the king her father, who, it was not doubted, from his general habit of yielding to momentary impulse, would be easily moved to comply with his son-in-law's request. On the 14th of June, the Poles commenced their operations. General Skarzynski, with two divisions, was sent towards Serock to observe the enemy on the Narew, Skrzynecki at the same time advancing a day's march on the chaussee of Siedlce to Siennica, where he stationed himself with a part of the forces to protect the capital, whilst General Jankowski with the rest went in quest of Rudiger. Entering Kock on the 18th, Jankowski heard with satisfaction, that the Russian general had crossed the Wieprz at Lysobyki, and had destroyed the bridge with a view to ensure the capture of General Ramorino, who had just passed the Vistula at the head of Sie- rawski's corps. Thus taken unawares, when he believed he had to deal only with Ramorino, Rudiger found himself in considerable perplexity. But Jankowski, in his over anxiety lest any part of the enemy's force should escape, dispersed his men over too long a line, sending General Turno, with four battalions and seven squadrons, to reconnoitre the Russians at Lysobyki. In the morning of the 19th, he fell in with their vanguard, which was quickly joined by Rudiger with his whole force. RETREAT OF THE POLES. 353 Turiio stood his ground during several hours, when, according to an order sent him, he fell back upon the main body. On the following morning, Jan- kowski determined to attempt repairing his blunder of the day before, and was in the act of commanding the attack, when he received a communication from Skrzynecki, who believed he had already beaten Rudiger, informing him that the great Russian army had crossed the Narew, and enjoining him to give over all pursuit, and march towards Warsaw. As the order originated in a mistake, Jankowski ought to have persevered in his plan ; but perplexed, and unable to comprehend the case, he summoned a council, and proposed the question, whether to with- draw at once, or, first of all, to fight Rudiger. All, excepting Geneial Milberg, gave their advice in writing for an immediate retreat. Thus, by an acci- dental misunderstanding, did the Poles lose the chance of an important victory, for not a Russian had in fact crossed the river. When General Toll assumed the provisional command, he reviewed each division in turn ; and at Serock, accompanied by a numerous escort, examined the works on the banks of the Narew, the plan of which had been made under Napoleon's direction. Peter Wysocki, sta- tioned with a battalion on the opposite side, gave notice to General Skarzynski, that they were about to pass, and the latter, calculating that the messenger could not have required less than two hours to bring him the intelligence, sent on at once to Skrzynecki, A A 354 CHRZANOWSKl's MARCH FROM ZAMOSC. that the enemy passed the Narevv, instead of going in person to ascertain the fact. Thus misinformed, Skrzynecki was so fearful of being cut off from War- saw, that, instead of returning from Siennica by the chaussee, he chose a much longer march, by crossing the Vistula at Potycza. The retreat of Jankowski's corps placed that of Chrzanowski in extreme danger. Conformably to his plan, he left Zamosc, and reached Lublin on the 22nd, where, instead of encountering Rudiger, as he had hoped, in his flight, he found himself confronted by a victorious body of 16,000 men, and pursued by Kayzaroffwith 6000 more. Yet so rapid and masterly were his manoeuvres, that, although hampered by the twenty-seven heavy guns brought from Zamosc for the defence of Warsaw, he contrived to cross to the left bank of the Vistula, losing only one man, while the Russian cavalry at Lublin lost at least 100. The disappointment in the capital, and throughout the nation, at this failure, was extreme, and soon a universal cry of treachery was raised against Jan- kowski. The military council, however, summoned by him, saved him from a court martial ; and, to the charge of weakness, Skrzynecki had not dared to add that of treason, until, on the evening of the 28th of June, a special communication from a dis- tinguished Galician converted suspicion into cer- tainty. It stated, that General Hurtig, ci-devant commander of Zamosc, under the Grand Duke Con- stantine, had kept up a secret correspondence with IMPRISONMENT OF JANKOWSKI. 355 the Russians, and that amongst his papers would be found proofs of a conspiracy conducted by Jankowski and others for arming the Russian prisoners against the capital. On the following day, warrants were issued for their apprehension, and as it was Sunday, and the monthly celebration of the 29th of Novem- ber, a crowd soon gathered in the streets, and, at the sight of Genera] Hurtig, formerly the merciless gaoler of the state prisons, their indignation broke fortli. His uniform was pulled to pieces, and his hair torn from his head ; and it was with much difficulty that a strong escort of the national guard could at length convey him to the Royal Castle, where he wa^ joined by Jankowski and four others. Nor did the peril cease there. The crowd were vociferating death to the traitors, when Prince Czartoryski appeared, and his carriage was stopped by thousands, demand- ing justice. To restrain them, he pointed out the disgrace that would be cast by any violence upon their sacred cause. This appeal was not in vain, although some still asked for summary punishment; but the prince again assuring that the prisoners would be punished if their guilt were proved, the populace was satisfied, and would v^dllingly have drawn his carriage in token of gratitude. A want of money, the sinew of war, was now be- ginning to be felt. One hundred millions of florins had been expended, in addition to the liberal contri- butions forwarded to the capital from all parts oJ ancient Poland, and especially from Galicia. The 356 WANT OF MONEY. government, however, preferred a further appeal to the country, rather than to raise money, by drawing on the sympathy of Europe, or by mortgaging the future existence of the nation to a foreign capitalist. By a decree of the 22nd of June, the funds of all public institutions, and all the gold and silver belonging to the churches, not indispensable to divine service, were borrowed, to be returned at the close of the war. The government also gave notice that they should require horses and provisions for the use of the troops, and requested gifts of plate and jewels. These demands awakened no discon- tent, and the women hastened to offer their orna- ments, even their wedding rings, and the people their savings, saying, " we shall be poor, but we shall " have our fatherland." When General Paszkiewicz arrived at Pultusk, towards the end of June, to replace his deceased rival, he found his army in good order, and well provided. Count Orloff had not been disappointed by Prussia ; she had thrown off the mask, and was now openly assisting the Russians. The National Government, alarmed for the consequences of this decided co-operation, delivered in remonstrances to the European powers, more particularly to France and England. " For some time," they said, " while there was reason, for supposing that the " Russians would triumph unassisted, Prussia " had looked coolly on, or confined herself to occa- " sional acts of vexation towards tlie Poles ; REMONSTRANCES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 357 '* and so long as these injuries were not of vital " importance, the Poles had remained silent. But " now that their fate as a nation depended on the " course adopted by Prussia, the time for forbear- " ance was past. The Russian arm}^ hemmed in " on all sides, could receive neither men nor pro- " visions from home. The Polish General-in-Chief, " in forming his plans, had contemplated this result ; '•' and now that victory seemed within his grasp, *' or rather, that without even striking a blow, the " retreat of the Russian army was unavoidable, " Prussia had at once removed their difficulties, and " become their arsenal, their storehouse, and their " fortress. The Russian army, not more than 60,000 " strong, once on the left of the Vistula below Plock, " could no longer communicate with the empire ; " and it was evident that no general would have " placed himself in such a position, without a pre- " vious understanding that he might rely on the " assistance of Prussia in case of defeat. The " Polish government possessed undeniable proofs " that such was the fact, and their statement would " the more easily find credit, as they could have no " motive for accusing a state with which it was ob- " viously their interest to remain in amity." To the remonstrances dravvn forth from France and England, by this appeal, the Cabinet of Berlin merel}^ replied, that the king had never professed neutrality, but had only abstained from taking an active part ; that he had always desired the ultimate success of 358 THE POSPOLITE. Russia, and had a right to contribute to it by what- ever means he might think proper. The passage of the Vistula, thus rendered prac- ticable to the Russians, the Poles, deserted by all, after raising no less than four levies in a very short period, at length resorted to their last means of defence; and, on the 1st of July, the Government issued the decree for the Pospolite (levee en masse) opening with this preface : " In the name of God " and our liberty, now on the brink of life or extinc- " tion — in the name of the heroes and kings who " have died for religion and mankind— for the sake '' of posterity, of justice, and the emancipation of " Europe, we call on the ministers of Christ, on " the citizens, on the cultivators, expecting rights " only to be conferred by free Poland," &c. The appeal was answered, and even from the palatinates which were actually in possession of the enemy, came bands of volunteers who served their country most efficiently. The army of the line was eager to engage, and had its chief breathed the same spirit, the hopes of the new Field Marshal might have vanished like those of his predecessor. On the 4th of July, Paszkiewlcz commenced a flank march from Pultusk towards Plock, with 86 battalions, 136 squadrons, and 300 pieces of cannon. On hearing of this extraordinary move- ment, Skrzynecki hastened the next day to Modlin with about 30,000 men. Fortune seemed once more to invite him to attack a foe rash enough to face thus DIPLOMATIC TREACHERY. 359 a large Polish force. It was indeed a bold attempt of Paszkiewicz, out of all rule, and more fitted to his previous warfare with savage tribes. It was suc- cessful, however, for Skrzynecki would not attack him, though urged on all sides. On the 8th, the Russian columns collected at Plock, as if intending to attempt the passage of the Vistula ; and, on the 1 1 th, wholly unmolested by the Poles, they drew off and marched towards the Prussian frontier, where a bridge was thrown across the river near the village of Osieck. The Pahlen corps passed first. During the passage, which occupied thirty-six hours, the Szachowskoi grenadiers and the guards remained in battle array, expecting to be attacked ; and had Skrzynecki fallen on them during their separation from the Pahlen corps, they could ha^ e made but little resistance, and Paszkiewicz must have sought safety in Prussia. The Russians effected their pas- sage unharmed on the 19th of July. On this occasion, however, Skrzynecki's con- duct had its excuse in a most unparalleled act of diplomatic treachery. The selfishness of the French government, which, true to the maxim of one of its statesmen*, " chacun chez soi et pour " soi," sacrificed Poland to its own narrow policy, has been mentioned. That same government which, by the mouth of Sebastiani, had proclaimed, that " la Pologne etait destinee a perir," now stooped * Dupin, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 360 DIPLOMATIC TREACHERY. to solicit the aid of that insulted nation in one of its political negociations. When it was appre- hended that the Belgian Congress would oppose the twenty-four articles drawn up in London, by which Leopold of Saxe Coburg was to hold their sceptre, Count Zaluski, then residing there as envoy for Poland, was induced, by Prince Talley- rand, to go to Brussels, and to avail himself of the sympathy subsisting between his nation and the Belgians, in order to remove their objections, Talley- rand assuring him also that these affairs once ad- justed, the London Conference would immediately proceed to those of Poland. Count Zaluski effected the object of his mission, the assurance of Talley- rand that the Poles should be assisted against Nicho- las, whom, for his support of the King of Holland, the Belgians regarded as their natural foe, having contributed in no small degree to his success. Fresh demurs, however, on the part of Holland, occurring to retard the arrangement, which a Russian victory on the Vistula might still further perplex, it was in- timated to the two Polish envoys then in Paris, that Sebastiani having an important communication to make, invited them to meet him at the house of a Polish lady. There his first inquiry was for some Pole who might go as a French courier to Berlin, offering, at the same time, 2000 francs for the ex- penses of the journey. At his dictation, the Polish envoy then wrote, " that the French ministry re- '' quested the Polish generalissimo to avoid a battle DIPLOMATIC TREACHERY. 361 " for the next two months, as within that time " Poland should be saved by France." This dis- patch, however, proved a premeditated deception ; and Sebastiani's conduct appeared in a still more odious light, when he subsequently, in the Cham- ber of Deputies, dared to deny his own docu- ment, on the plea that, although he had dictated, he had not written it. It would seem that his original object was to make a show of energy on the part of the French Cabinet, in order to induce the other powers to yield the Belgian question, and, at the same time, to give Russia occupation on the Vistula sufficient to nullify her interference. His easy con- science might suggest that he was at liberty to trifle with a cause which he Imd already declared to be hopeless, and that there was no guilt in a measure, which, by delaying the catastrophe for two months, gave the Poles a further chance of some favourable change. His dispatch, which reached Modlin on the 6th, produced the efTect designed on Skrzynecki. It did not enter into that devout and chivalrous heart to suspect the governors of a nation in amity with his own, of contemplating its ruin ; and his hopes of foreign intervention being thus apparently confirmed, he thought himself justified in turning a deaf ear to Chrzanowski and Prondzynski, and to Prince Czar- toryski, who, better able to judge than Sebastiani of the state of affairs, also urged him to attack Paszkiewicz. Chrzanowski had gone into Podlachia about the 362 BATTLE OF KALUSZYN. same time time that Skrzynecki entered Modlin, and on the 13th of July, had increased his force to 16,000 men, by uniting at Dembe Wielkie with Rybinski's division. The next day he forced Gene- ral Golowin with 10,000 men to evacuate, first Minsk and then Kaluszyn, with a loss of 2000 killed and wounded, 1400 prisoners, and several pieces of cannon. Anxious to aid in defeating Paszkiewicz, he did not pursue, and had already commenced his march to Modlin, when he heard, with astonishment, that Skrzynecki had returned to Warsaw. Meantime events of a more favourable aspect compensated in some degree for the unmolested passage of the Russians. The noble nation of the Magyars, actuated by the most generous sym- pathy, set an example which might have shamed the unfeeling caution of other Europeans. About the middle of July, information was received in Warsaw that the following petition from twenty-two Hungarian counties, had been presented to the Emperor of Austria, by the county palatine of Bar, on the 19th of June. " The recollection of the " enormous power at one time wielded by the " Ottoman dynasty, their long wars against Greece, '• and the misfortunes subsequently ensuing to our *' own country, has taught us that the great error " of that period lay with ourselves, in abandoning " the Greeks unaided to their struggle, and final " subjugation. An analogous case now reminds us (( PETITION OF THE HUNGARIANS. 363 " that we ought not to look with indifference on " the gigantic strides of the northern colossus, " whose power so rapidly increases, not by inheri- " tance, nor by free popular election, but by force '* of arms alone. By checking it while there is yet " time, by confining it to its just limits, we shall at once provide for our own security, and dis- charge a debt of gratitude to the undaunted Poles, now fighting for their national existence. By " neglecting to assist them, should they fall over- whelmed, though not subdued, we fear to expose " ourselves or our descendants to the like peril, *' from the same foe, and we may hereafter lament " in vain that there is no Sobieski to deliver us. " May it therefore please your Majesty graciously " to consider the unhappy prospects of the Poles* " should their noble efforts not be crowned with the " success which the justice of their cause deserves. " Their claim. Sire, on your august house, and on our " country, ought never to be forgotten ; they are " now, with unparalleled courage and unequal force, '' struggling with their oppressor, and can only '' succeed by the greatest sacrifices. Taking into '' consideration besides, the danger which threatens " from the north all neighbouring nations, we most " humbly pray your Majesty, before it be too late, " to make the fate of unhappy Poland a matter of " deliberation with your faithful subjects at the " approaching Diet, and in the mean time graciously " to remove from us the prohibition to export arms. 364 SYMPATHY OF THE GERMANS. " ammunition, and scythes, almost the only branch " of commerce left ns by the severe restrictions of the " Custom House." This petition, which the Hun- garians accompanied by an offer of arming and maintaining 100,000 men, was rejected by the Aus- trian Cabinet as having come too late. On the 9th of July, twelve deputies from the insurgent corps of Kolyszko and Rozycki took their seats in the Diet. The presence of any representatives from Podolia, Volhynia, and Ukraina, for the first time since 1793, was regarded as a triumph, and their as yet undaunted spirit raised the courage of the assembly. Amidst the indifference, or antipathy manifested by the governments of Europe, the warm sympathy of the Germans cheered the gloomy prospects of the nation. Addresses and supplies of money, and lint, were sent to Warsaw, from Saxony, Hessen, Wirtemberg, Baden, and Bavaria. The German press was effectively encouraged by Polish com- mittees in the various states, and the Poles and their battles were every where the theme. The feeling was contagious, and even spread through Prussia ; and although the magistrates were obliged to sign certificates that they would hold no poli- tical discourse, it was found impossible to prevent the news of a Polish victory from being openly exulted in. In many cities, especially in Breslau, the expression of favour towards Russia, was often followed bv insult and personal violence. The FORTIFICATIONS OF WARSAW. 365 Poles still looked towards France, and cherished the hope that on the July anniversary, " la pre- " miere nation du monde" would compel its government to assist " les Franyais du Nord." On that day, the national guard shouted in the court yard of the Tuileries, " Vive la Pologne," which the citizen king echoed in a voice too low to compromise him*. The untiring zeal of the people of Warsaw received fresh encouragement from these symptoms of foreign favour. At the appeal of the government, all classes laboured at the fortifications on the left of the Vistula, going forth to their task as in a solemn procession, adorned with garlands, vvaving standards, and accompanied by military music. It was an interest- ing moment when Prince Czartoryski appioached to join in the work. The commander of the National Guard had planted on the walls the flag of the citizen hero of Warsaw, the bootmaker Kilinski. It was unfurled as the Prince appeared, and all voices welcomed him with filial love. Such feeling showed that he was worthy to have w^orn the thorny crown of Poland. The intelligence of the passage of the Russians damped their hopes, and all eyes turned to the Diet, which still bestowed every mark of con- fidence on Skrzynecki. To relieve the general * The French Government contrived to entirely mystify the Parisians, by spreading a rumour of the Poles having gained a great victory. 366 COUNCIL OF WAR. anxiety, B. Niemoiowski moved " that the govem- " ment should summon a council of war, consist- *' ing of the members of the government, the ** general-in-chief, eleven deputies, and the generals " in active service, to inquire into the military posi- " tion of the country." It met on the 27th, and comprehended both favourers and adversaries of Skrzynecki. It was opened by Prince Czartoryski, and the fii-st question that arose, was, whether the general-in-chief should be called upon to account for the past, or merely required to communicate his plans for the future. V. Niemoiowski and Lelewel, strongly advocated the last proposition, and Pron- dzynski proposed to read his memoir; but Skrzy- necki forbade him, and was supported by the other generals, who contended that so long as he retained his rank, no subordinate officer had the right to accuse him. On being next reproached with having allowed the Russians to pass the Vistula, he replied by referring to Sebastiani's letter. Skrzy- necki spoke so modestly, and yet with so much elo- quence, as to put to shame those who had entertained any mistrust of him. The majority, therefore, decided on proceeding to the consideration of future plans. It appeared that there was still sufficient ammunition for three more battles, but provisions for only twenty-eight days ; and as the harvest had not yet commenced, and the presence of the enemy on the left prevented their obtaining supplies from that quarter, the generals rather advised to risk an COUNCIL OF WAR. 367 engagement, than expose the soldiers to starve by lingering near Warsaw, especially as the Russians were not more than 60,000 strong, and (what at the commencement of the war could scarcely have been anticipated,) the Poles now equalled them in number, though their cavalry was too ill-mounted for effective pursuit. Skrzynecki yielded with reluctance to the vote of the council, observing that, hitherto, he had shrunk from such a measure on his own responsibility, but that since the generals now advised it, and the Diet commanded, he was ready to perish with his whole army for the honour of the nation. His evil genius was, however, still at work, and he had no sooner left the capital on the 30th of July, than he received a letter from Count Flahault, French Ambassador at Berlin, urging him to folio vv Sebastiani's counsel, and at any price to avoid a battle. He hurried back, to persuade the deputies who were present at the late council, to cancel the resolution j but when, instead of this, they reiterated the injunction, he took leave of them much agitated, yet still professing himself ready to obey till his last gasp, and requesting that public prayers for the Polish arms might be offered up in all the churches. It would seem that the insurrection was destined to end, as it had begun, in negociations. On the 31st of July, the Russian general Tiemann, having demanded an interview with some Polish general, Cbrzanowski was deputed to meet him. The imperial plenipotentiary then oflfered the following 368 NEGOCIATION. conditions of peace : — 1st. That things in the kingdom should be restored to the state in which they were previous to the insurrection. — 2nd. That the rights of Polish nationality should be gua- ranteed to the sister countries. — 3rd. That there should be no confiscation of property either in the kingdom or the sister countries, but full amnesty proclaimed excepting only five individuals, not named, who should, however, be permitted to dispose of their property, and emigrate. — 4th. As a guarantee for the fulfilment of these promises, it was held out that Austria would pledge herself to their performance, that all Russian garrisons should be withdrawn, and that the stipulations should not be binding on the Poles till every Russian soldier had evacuated the kingdom. — 5th. The Poles were re- quired to invite the emperor, by a deputation to St. Petersburgh, to a second coronation, and thus the legality of his deposition by the Diet was recognised. That such ample concessions should now be offered, when hitherto every overture of the Poles had been scornfully rejected, need not excite surprise. If, on the one hand, they seemed to bear witness to Polish valour, they were also calculated, in case of acceptance, to ensure a more complete triumph to Russia. The passage of the Vistula having been made a point of honour by either nation, Nicholas might now, without loss of dignity, make proposals for a reconciliation which would render him the dictator of Europe. The resources of the empire also being NE GO {'[AT [ON. 309 SO exhausted, that it was necessary to solicit aid from Prussia, he iiaturallv dreaded the result of an unsuccessful battle on the left of the Vistula : besides which, the paramount obstacle to reconciliation no longer existed, the Grand Duke Constantine having died at Minsk on the 13th of July, the day after a visit from Count Orloff, the harbinger of death, on his return from Berlin. As matters now stood, so many opportunities of defeating Russia having been lost, and the national resources so exhausted, the Poles might have followed the dictates of pru- dence, and accepted the proffered conditions, without any impeachment of their honour or constancy. But the National Government, aware of the ill faith of Russia, refused now in their turn to listen to the autocrat. Skrzynecki also objected to these terms, though unluckily he trusted for obtaining better ones to the since celebrated phrase given by the French Moniteur as pronounced before the deputies by the sovereign of thirty-three millions of people — " la " nationalite Polonaise ne perira pas!" When he joined the troops at Sochaczew, the Russians were already masters of an impregnable position at Lo- wicz, so that he was constrained to continue inactive for a time. Meanwhile public attention was unex- pectedly riveted on Dembinski, who had been left by Chlapowski and Gielgud in the forest of Kur- szany. On his first advance, a thin wood had almost miraculously concealed him from a Russian column B B 370 RETREAT OF DEMBINSKI. coming from Courland ; and he had executed a very difficult march, when his satisfaction was damped by Chlapowski's absolute refusal to send him the 1st lancers, on the plea that it was only exposing those fine troops to be butchered. Thus he was abandoned-with only 3800 men ; the greater part mere raw recruits, six guns, and about 450 artil- lery cartridges. To undertake, under such circum- stances, a march of thirty days through a country overrun by the enemy, demanded great courage ; and Dembinski felt that if one only of the little band survived to tell of the attempt, neither himself nor they would be forgotten in their country's annals. Taking Vilno as the centre, he resolved to march to Poland in a circular line ; and on the 10th of July surprised and took a Russian battalion. Proceeding next to Janiszkiele, he learned that the Russian General Savoiny, who had awaited him at Szavle till the 9th, had just made room for him by evacuating Poniwir, where he captured 200 Russians and some baggage. Here he summoned a council of twelve field officers, to consult once more as to the expediency of returning to Poland ; for, though himself decidedly in favour of the measure, he chose to provide against any future charge of selfishness in abandoning Lithuania : and though, as he had ex- pected, the majority decided for the return, yet he, the better to conceal his opinion, voted for staying. Savoiny being now in full pursuit of him, he broke up on the 14th, and had no sooner reached RETREAT OF DFCMBINSKI. 371 Avanty on the 16th, than the Russian general fell upon him with his whole force. His destruction seemed inevitable. Strong Russian detachments were garrisoned on his right and left, and the only escape was across the lake of Inturki, by a bridge which might already be in the enemy's hands. He, however, maintained his ground till the failing light allowed him gradually to draw off his men, unper- ceived, to the adjacent wood ; then, contrary to the advice of the Lithuanians, approaching the lake, he found the bridge unguarded, and the next morning Savoiny beheld his intended victims safe on the opposite side. Following the course of the river Murza, Dembinski pushed on without delay to Pod- brzeze, although aware that the town was garrisoned by 2000 Russians ; but as it lay in his line of retreat, he resolved to meet the danger, and rushing across the bridge at full speed, took prisoners 200 of them, besides seizing 40,000 cartridges, and, what was still more fortunate, the whole apparatus of the sappers, of which he stood in need, to enable him to cross the Vilia and Niemen. He contrived to baffle Savoiny in his pursuit during three following days, and on the 19th of July arrived at Daniszew on the banks of the Vilia, several miles below Vilno. There, in- tercepted dispatches from Minsk apprised him, that Constantine was dead, and that the Governor of Vilno, not knowing his real force, and apprehensive of his attacking Duneburgh, had detached two regi- ments to the Dwina, and two to the Vilevka. Of 372 RETREAT OF DEMBINSKI. this good fortune he availed himself by crossing the Vilia at once. He then continued his march still unmolested towards the Niemen, which he intended to cross at Zboiska ; but seeing a detachment of Russian hussars on the opposite side, he believed himself surrounded, and was about to conceal him- self in a neighbouring wood, when he learned that those men themselves were flying from the insur- gents of Novogrodek, and on seeing him, they fled once more. He had crossed on the morning of the 22nd ; and on seeing the river between the again baffled enemy and his men, he ordered a gun to be fired in token of his moral triumph. It will for ever be a matter of wonder, how 3800 raw soldiers, pursued by a corps of 8000 men, could effect their retreat during a fourteen days' march through a country where, from Kurszany and Cour- land to the Niemen, they had to pass within a few miles of seventeen places where the enemy had gar- risons, every one of which respectively exceeded them in number. It may be said, and truly, that fortune favoured Dembinski ; but fortune in war is variable, and it is by the manner in which a general avails himself of lucky events that his real capacity is dis- played. Although the want of skill of the Russian generals contributed to Dembinski's success, the strategist must acknowledge his superior military talent, and the historian his high moral courage. From the Niemen, Dembinski directed his course towards the forest of Bialowies, where he again con- RETREAT OF DEMBINSKI. 373 tiived to elude the enemy. At Novogrodek, he was joined by 300 insurgents ; and 3000 Russians sent against them by the Governor of Slonim, so little expected Dembinski's arrival in that quarter, that they hastily retired on perceiving his vanguard. Sending some of the cavalry in pursuit of them, he feigned a design upon Slonim witli the main body, and then suddenly advanced to the river Szczara, between which and Dereczyn is a dyke four miles long, having six bridges. Had the enemy been more on the alert, Dembinski's expedition must have terminated here ; but on the report of liis march upon Slonim, 500 hussars, by quitting Dereczyn, to cover the threatened position, left him a free passage along the dyke, which must have seemed almost providential to him, as an intercepted dispatch had stated that all the bridges over the Szczara having been destroyed, Dembinski would be com- pelled to surrender. He reached the forest on the 27th, and found it surrounded by Russian troops, as some insurgent bands within still carried on their warfare. Here, like another Columbus, he was exposed to a still greater peril than all the past, and from his own companions in arms. A report was spread through the corps by an officer whom he had severely reprimanded lor breach of discipline, that he had sold them to the Russians ; and, as ever since Gielgud's affair, suspicions of treachery had become familiar to men's minds, the falsehood found believers. The sight also of more troops approach= 374 RETREAT OF DEMBINSKI. ing seemed to sanction the charge, and greatly increased the peril of his situation. But nowise daunted, Dembinski at once placed the ringleader of the discontent under arrest, and by a short ex- planatory address, recovered the confidence of his men, who were further tranquillised by recog- nising, in the apprehended enemies, a band of Poles. It was the Polish General Rozycki, with 1000 men, whose late progress from Siedlce to Lithuania had been attended with numerous, though not very important successes. On the 28th he had a severe contest with a Russian force, which was lajdng siege to the forest ; and at Narevvka, on the 29th, he heard that Dembinski was arrived, and marched forward to meet him. The latter, after the late painful occur- rences, was so overpowered with joy at his appear- ance, that he knelt down, and, with tears in his eyes, returned thanks to Heaven. Rozycki was at first unwilling to go back, but consented, on Dembinski representing the impossibility of holding out longer in Lithuania. The last and perhaps the greatest of his perils still awaited Dembinski. General Rosen had been for eight days on the look out for him with a strong force at Siematycze, and had made so sure of his prize, that in his preposterous exulia- tion he used to say daily, as he pointed out the spot on the map to his officers, " here Dembinski must '' perish !" Pie was the more vigilant, as the cap- ture of this devoted band would have been some compensation for the loss of his own corps of RETREAT OF DEMBINSKI. 375 30,000 men ; but Dembinski detached some cavalry upon Bronsk ; and while Savoiny's and Rosen's van- guards were expecting him in that quarter, he was entering the kingdom by Sterdin. On hearing of his escape, Rosen, it is said, tore his hair with vexation, and uttered bitter imprecations against himself. On the 3rd of August Dembinski approached Marki, three miles from Praga : and here a triumph awaited him such as he had never dreamt of. Prince Czartoryski, accompanied by some generals and several members of the Diet, first came out to give him welcome, under the impression that he had only effected a lucky escape. No one indeed knew the extent of his achievement, yet, as if by a secret intimation of the honour rendered to the country, the population of the city poured out in throngs to meet him. Colonel Sierakowski hurried forward before his regi- ment to catch a sight of his wife and family ; and his little son, a boy of five years old, being lifted on his horse, repeated the lines of Krasicki, " Oh, sacred " love of the dear Fatherland," while the people listened to the infantine accents with gushing tears. When finally Dembinski appeared, the simultane- ous cheer of at least 60,000 voices, and the cry of " Poland is not yet lost," told him that his worth was at least appreciated, though the precise nature of his recent efforts might not yet be understood. His soldiers, worn out with fatigue, clothed as they were in Russian uniforms of all regiments, furnished with weapons not less various, and with horses and 376 RETREAT OF DEMBlN.SKI. accoutrements, Samogitian, Polish, Circassian, Cabar- dian, and Cossack, bore witness, by their motley and picturesque exterior, to their past difficulties. The women and children followed the crowd still thick- ening round Dembinski, kissing his hands and feet, and shouting wishes for his long life. Before the vice-regal palace, he was met by the other members of the government, and there V. Niemoiowski thus addressed him : — " General ! forsaken by fortune, you " did not forsake the cause. We thank you in the " name of the nation ; you have restored husbands to " their wives, — to the country her sons." — "Wives," rejoined Dembinski abruptly, " must now expect to " become widows, for by thus receiving us, you so " raise the spirit of self-sacrifice, that at the next *' opportunity every one will brave certain death, " rather than not prove himself worthy of the *' country." The Diet bestowed on him and his men an honour never before conferred on any general. A vote was passed, " that they had deserved well of " their country ;" and printed copies of it were pre- sented to every officer and soldier. No one, except Chlopicki, had ever arrived at such popularity; but it required extreme tact to maintain it amidst the irritation and anxiety now pervading all parties. Dembinski, whose speech was as sharp as his sword, and who would no more have spared his friends (if he had any,) than his adversaries, loudly censured all who were dissatisfied with Skrzvnecki, whose noble character, courage, and patriotism he revered. DEPUTATION OF THE DIET. 377 On being appointed Governor of Warsaw, he was scarcely installed in his new office, before he drew upon himself universal odium. One of the National Guard having called the Governor of Praga a traitor, Dembinski would have had him shot for the offence, and the government was obliged to interfere, and pronounce that such an act was beyond the limits of his authority. The Diet, still farther augmented by seventeen Lithuanian deputies, now took upon itself to express the public impatience at the continued inactivity of the general-in-chief ; and, on the 9th, sent three members of the government and ten senators and deputies to his head quarters, with directions to ascertain the sentiments of the army, and to super- sede him in case he no longer possessed their confi- dence. After the 4th of August, the Poles had occupied a position at Sochaczew, having their centre on the chaussee ; but Skrz3^necki, in the fear that the Russians, by advancing upon Bolimow, might out- flank him and get to Warsaw, resolved to take that station himself. The troops on arriving at the extensive plain before Bolimow, believed that a battle was at length intended, and cheered him loudly wherever he passed. These shouts he con- tinued to excite by his presence, as an evidence to the delegates of the Diet who were then at hand, and whose mission he comprehended, of the good- will they entertained for him, — and in truth, the deputies were perplexed, and half tempted to accept 378 DEPUTATION OF THE DIET. this burst of enthusiasm as an intimation that their mission was closed. At length, however, they resolved to notify to Skrzynecki, who was apparently quite re- gardless of their arrival, that a deputation from the Diet desired an interview. At first, his tone towards them was rather ironical, as if he supposed them come to assist him in beating the enemy ; and on their inquiring for some place of conference, he pointed out a barn close to his head quarters. In that barn the fate of Poland was decided. There they at once requested him to explain frankly, why he persisted in temporising, when the enemy was so anxious to fight, and the capital so discontented. Without entering into military details, of which the deputies would have understood but little, he assured them, in general terms, that no man loved his country more than he did, but that honour and duty, no less than experience, forbade him to shed one drop of blood contrary to his convictions, and that no popular or ill-judging cry should force him to set all upon a single die, by giving battle at Bolimow. The arguments of the deputies were vain. He again declared, that if he were to come off with the loss of one life, he never would ffive his consent to the battle, but if the Diet should think fit to appoint some other ready to risk it, he was, on his part, ready to serve under that person in any capacity, in which he would do his duty as a soldier and a Pole. Pursuant to their instructions, the delegates then DISMISSAL OF SKRZYNECKI. 379 desired him to summon all the generals, colonels, and commanders of artillery companies. These soon assembled to the number of 200, and from their respective written statements, it was evident that Skrzynecki had lost the confidence of the troops, but that a battle at Bolimow was considered by the officers as impracticable, and that they in con- sequence advised a retreat towards the vicinity of Warsaw, there to adopt a new plan of operations. After these statements, the deputation was bound to elect a new generalissimo, and another council of sixty-seven generals and colonels was called for this purpose. Twenty -two of these voted in favour of Skrzynecki, considering that his firmness of character and matchless valour in defence, rendered him the fittest commander in the actual state of the war. As there was no majority in favour of either of the three other candidates, the deputation ap- pointed Dembinski provisional commander until further orders from the Diet. Ever prompt to obey, he arrived at Bolimow on the 11th, but on becoming more distinctly acquainted with the proceedings of the delegates towards Skrzynecki, he severely cen- sured their convening a military diet under the very eye of the enemy. As they appeared to entertain some doubts of Dembinski, and actually forced Prondzynski upon him as the chief of his staff, he would only consent to hold the command for sixty hours. His present position was by no means enviable. Having acquired his high rank 380 DEMBliNSKI, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF. and characteat a distance from the principal scene of action, he was but little known to the army, and had besides to contend against the military prejudices of the infantry officers, by whom it was considered irregular to entrust the supreme command to a general, who, at the outbreak of the war, had been merely the chief of a squadron. Fully aware of these disadvantages, he was anxious to obtain Skrzynecki's patronage, and at his own request, was presented by him to the troops on the 1 2th of August. They naturally felt some regret at parting with the general who had so often led them to battle and to victory ; and his noble countenance, his composed and stately bearing, and the more than ordinary pathos of his voice, formed a con- trast with the toil-worn aspect of his successor, by no means favourable to the latter. All the regiments unanimously cheered him, while they received Dembinski in torturing silence, who, losing his presence of mind, joined in their applause, and told them that he wished only to imitate their late chief, a man without fear or reproach. Quickly they drew the inference, and asked themselves what had they gained, if the new commander meant to follow in the steps of the old one, and to his faults would probably not join his brilliant qualities; and from that moment he lost their confidence. Upon receiving the report of their delegates, stating that the present embarrassment had arisen from the participation of the generalissimo in the executive, REFORM OF THE GOVERNMENT. 381 the Diet resolved that the office should in future be held without any share in the government and by its appointment. This decree annulled the nomination of Dembinski, for V. Niemoiovvski and Morawski the constitutionalists, and Lelevvel, the w^ould-be revolutionist, could not forget nor forgive his aver- sion to the interference of the civil authority in military affairs. It was, however, easier to dismiss one generalissimo than to find another. Pron- dzynski refused the high trust, alleging that, although not a fit commander-in-chief, Skrzynecki was yet the best infantry officer, and, as it was not to be expected that he would serve under one who had been his accuser, the army would thus be deprived of his valuable services. As the three already named members persisted in refusing their votes to Dembinski, as also to Chrzanowski, who had incautiously advocated military dictatorship, the perplexed government dispatched the Deputy Zwierkowski to the camp, to offer the chief com- mand to General Malachowski, or, in case of his refusal, once more to Prondzynski, and should he still decline, Zwierkowski was authorised to invest Lubienski with temporary command. Meantime Dembinski had divided the army into three corps, one of which he placed under Skrzynecki, and in conformity to the decision of the military council, left Bolimovv for Warsaw on the 15th. Towards noon his rear-guard, under Ramorino, was overtaken at Szymanow, and had not Dembinski felt con- 382 THE CLUBBISTS. scions that he was actually no longer m command, he would have seized that opportunity for a general engagement. The real motives for the return of the army not being known in Warsaw, a report arose there, that Dembinski and Skrzynecki had combined to assume a dictatorial power, which the apparently usurping proceedings of the one, and the imprudence of the other at Bolimow greatly tended to confirm, and which Lelewel and his set, rendered yet more alarm- ing by their ignorant anticipations of danger. The 15th of August was a holiday, and the streets were thronged when the news that the army was on the retreat, reached the capital. The patriotic club, secretly worked upon by Krukowiecki's agents, immediately assembled, and resolved to depute three members to demand from government the dismissal of Skrzynecki, and the immediate punishment of the state prisoners. On arriving at the Royal Palace, where the members of the government had assembled, and obtaining admission under pretext of an audience for the people of Warsaw, they dilated on the general consternation at the return of the army; adding also their recommendation to government to take measures for the public safety, and without further delay, to pronounce sentence on the state prisoners. With his usual affability, Prince Czarto- ryski condescended to assure them, that the govern- ment was not neglectful ; that although the situation of affairs was difficult, it was not desperate ; and THE CLUBBISTS. 383 that the decision concerning the prisoners, which had been delayed by the number of documents to be examined, would very shortly be made public. Such of the clubbists as still kept within the bounds of propriety, were satisfied with this reply ; but one of them presuming to stigmatize Skrzynecki as a traitor, they were desired to retire. Lelewel, pale, and seemingly absorbed in reading, had remained silent during the whole scene ; but on being re- proached by the Governor of Warsaw for foment- ing the disorders, he did not attempt to deny the charge. The clubbists next endeavoured to inflame the populace, by insinuating that the government were endeavouring to delay the passing sentence against the prisoners, who were already acquitted of the charge of high treason ; and Jankowski was about to be absolved by a court martial from that of insub- ordination, or rather of incapacity. Ever ready to become the tool of demagogues, and blinded by Krukowiecki's agents, the mob proceeded tow^ards evening to the Royal Castle, intending to execute their execrable justice; but a shower coming on dispersed them quickly, just as Prince Czartoryski, who had been warned that his life was threatened that night, drove by on his way to the camp. At night-fall, all signs of the storm, which had lowered during the day, having disappeared, the governor and the commander of the national guard, 384 DEATH OF JANKOWSKT. not suspecting that the vigilant Krukowiecki was labouring in darkness to perfect his plot, imprudently neglected taking further precautions, when, at half- past eleven, about 100 men, of respectable appear- ance, rushed to the gates of the castle. Some sixty of the national guard on watch fired, upon which the agents of Krukowiecki immediately raising the cry of " the guard is butchering the people," accom- panied by assurances that their only object was to ensure the punishment of the traitors, whom the guards also viewed as such, overcame all resistance, and got possession of the prisoners. Jankowski was first dragged forward ; and, on the remark of some of the guard, that the palace of Polish kings ought not to be polluted with blood, he was hunied away, and hanged on the nearest lantern-post. His companions suffered the same fate, whilst an- other party of the mob, also led by Krukowiecki's emissaries, murdered thirty sp"es in the prison of Wola. The whole affair took up but a quarter of an hour. Meantime, Niemoiowski, Barzykowski, and Mo- rawski receiving notice of the assumption of the authority of governor by Krukowiecki, although the former governor still nominally held the office, deemed it more prudent to render him responsible by confirming him in the charge than to permit him to usurp it unauthorised. The three beforenamed generals having all refused REFORM OF G0VERN3IENT. 385 the supreme command, the constitutionalists at length yielded, and gave their votes to Dembinski, and he, on hearing of these lamentable occurrences, approached Warsaw that same evening. The next morning, the 17th, he rode into the city, determined by the late excesses, to proclaim himself dictator. As a preparatory step, he issued an address to the army, representing the horrors of the 15th, as a deep device of the enemy, in the prosecution of which, not even children nor pregnant women had been spared. This, however, was not true, for except a Russian woman, no female nor child perished, and the crimes of that night were wholly chargeable on the clubbists. Seventeen of them were next brought to a court-martial. He then hastened to the Royal Palace, where he found that the govern- ment, on the motion of Prince Czartoryski, had just dissolved itself, from unwillingness to associate any longer with Lelewel. Dembinski now deemed the moment come for his assumption of the supreme power; but he gave way to his friends, who entreated him to consult the Diet. Upon the very first men- tion of his pretensions, the deputies threatened to fire upon him rather than sanction them, and unwilling to add another bloody page to his country's annals he relinquished his project. The Diet then met to provide a new government, and at the suggestion of B. Niemoiowski, resolved that it should in future consist of an irresponsible president (a constitu- tional king), who should appoint six responsible c c 386 BATTLE OF ILZA. ministers, as also a commander-in-chief, but that he should not be eligible to that office himself. During the debate, the palace was surrounded by cannon, the gunners standing ready with matches lighted. The astonished deputies anxiously inquired of each other the cause of this precaution, some conceiving it to be a device of Dembinski to terrify them into electing him president, whilst the greater part attributed it with more reason to Krukowiecki. Aware of their apprehensive state of mind, he had circulated lists of certain deputies whose lives were threatened, and this stratagem, added to their exaggerated idea of his influence over the citizens, secured to him a majority of votes. At the moment of Krukowiecki's usurpation, scarcely any part of their country, excepting War- saw, Modlin, and Zamosc, remained in the pos- session of the Poles. General Rozycki being appointed governor of the palatinates of Kalish, Sandomir, and Cracow, had departed with his small band for Sandomir on the 4th of August, but arrived too late to prevent Rudiger from crossing the Vistula with 14,000 men and eighteen cannon. Having collected from the various depots, eight cannon and about 5,000 men, amongst them C. Rozycki's Vol- hynian regiment, he awaited the Russians at Ilza on the 9th, and for seven hours resisted their overwhelm- ing superiority of force. C. Rozycki, at the head of his cavalry, drawn up as usual, in single rank, advanced against the dragoons of Colonel Gienich, RESPECTIVE FORCE OF HOSTILE PARTIES. 387 a man not less chivalrous than himself. They seemed to seek each other out, and whilst their troops made a sudden pause, they amazed them by a single combat, recalling those of Homer. At length, the Russian fell, and his men were cut to pieces. Rozycki, however, retired during the night, in order to guard 14,000 Russian prisoners in the palatinate of Cracow. The Russian army now poured in from all quar- ters, and encompassed Warsaw. Paszkiewicz lay encamped before the walls with 70,000 men and 350 cannon. Kreutz was marching in from Lithua- nia, with 25,000, — Rosen, with 1 6,000, was stationed a few miles from Praga, — Kayzaroff and Rudiger, with their respective corps of 10,000 and 14,000 men, were in the palatinate of Lublin, and San- domir ; and Rott was daily expected from Volhynia with 16,000. The Polish army at Warsaw, including the garrison of Praga, reckoned about 60,000 regu- lars, with 140 field pieces, besides 5000 national guards, and the garrisons of Modlin and Zamosc ; and thus the forces of both nations were as nume- rous as at the commencement of tiie war, and, as then, a defeat of either would have been decisive, since both had put at stake all their available resources. But it was no longer with the Poles as at Grochow, when they had four unoccupied pala- tinates to fall back upon. Now shut up in Warsaw, their provisions and ammunition exhausted, their only hope was, by one last great struggle, to recon- 388 COUiNClL OF WAR. quer their country, or to perish in the attempt. But to Krukowiecki the insurrection seemed ah-eady at an end, and he was desirous to retain his power, with the sole view to employ it in the final pacifica- tion, and monopolise an advantageous result of the catastrophe. On the 19th, summoning a council of war, he invidiously asked what remained to be done in the situation to which Skrzynecki had reduced the country ? Chrzanowski advised battle on the plains of Warsaw, before the enemy could collect their force, though the dismounted state of the cavalry rendered this measure hazardous. Dem- binski proposed to abandon Warsaw, and march into Volhynia ; a bold plan, which, if adopted, would at least have protracted the war six months longer. The rejection of both these alternatives did but afford another proof of the inefficiency of mili- tary councils, and it was resolved to adopt the more practicable, but less vigorous proposition of the three, and send two corps, one against Rosen, and the other into the palatinate of Plock, each with the object of providing the army and the city with pro- visions. Krukowiecki was so much alarmed by the plan of Dembinski, which must necessarily have brought his reign to a speedy close, that he imme- diately dismissed him, under the pretext of disobe- dience to orders in suffering Skrzynecki to remain in the camp*, and induced Malachowski to take his * Skrzynecki was then compelled to take refuge at the Austrian consul's residence. BATTLE OF MIRDZYRZEC. 389 place, by assurances that he should be relieved from all responsibility on every important occasion by the decision of a council of war. On the night of the 20th, Lubienski, with 4000 cavalry, departed for the Plock palatinate; and 20,000 men, with 40 cannon, under General Ramorino, marched against Rosen in Podlachia. Prince Czartoryski, the guiding star of the insur- rection, accompanied them, exchanging his late dignified station for the fatigue and danger of a camp. Ramorino, admirable for his personal valour, and precision in executing a plan, showed himself so utterly incapable of concerting one, that the prince, at the very commencement of the march, found himself compelled to apply to Krukowiecki for a more able commander. Pron- dzynski was accordingly dispatched from Warsaw, and would at once have attempted to cut off Rosen from Brzesc Litewski ; but this general, fore- warned by Rudiger with promises of succour, that Ramorino was approaching, hastily withdrew to Miedzyrzec, destroying all the bridges behind him. He had got so far, that Prondzynski, losing hope of overtaking him, detached a division of infantry towards Kock, for the chance of enticing Rudiger to cross ; and, on the 29th, with the remainder of his force, followed in the track of Rosen. The latter, reinforced at Miedzyrzec, awaited the Poles there in a strong position ; but Prondzynski, amusing him by a show of intending to attack the town, sent an infantry division and two cavalry regiments through 390 VICTORY OF ROGOZNTCA. tlie wood to Rogoznica, situated behind Mie- dzyrzec, upon the chaussee of Brzesc Litewski, and where there was an equally strong party of the enemy. Exulting in the thought of at length en- countering their foe, the Poles rushed on them at the point of the bayonet, and for a long time refus- ing to give quarter, killed 3000 of them in an entrenched cemetery, and took 2000 prisoners, whilst Rosen availed himself of the darkness to quit Mie- dzyrzec. The object of the expedition was effected, for the capital was now furnished with two months' provisions ; but Ramorino, after Prondzynski's re- turn thither, still continued to pursue Rosen, who, but an hour's march in advance, succeeded in cross- ing the Bug at Brzesc Litewski. In the meantime, the Lelewel party at length woke from their delusion, and perceiving that Krukowiecki would hasten the ruin of the country, conspired against his life. He discovered their plot, and employing one regiment to guard his residence, he sent away the best part of the national guard to Karczew, upon the pre- text, that the enemy were about to throw a bridge there across the Vistula, and prohibited the arming of 14,000 of the guard of safety ; a measure to which even the Diet had assented. Thus did Lelewel twice injure his country ; first, in bringing Krukowiecki into power; and then, by his treasonable intrigues, depriving the capital of its best defenders. When Kreutz joined the Russian army on the 27th, Paszkiewicz determined on assaulting Warsaw during the absence of Ramorino's corps. Desirous FORTIFICATIONS OF WARSAW. 391 to lull the Poles into security, he sent an officer to Warsaw on the 4th of September to offer peace, on condition of their evacuating the city, and once more acknowledging the emperor as their monarch, in which case things were to remain as they had been previous to the insurrection. To offers which in fact implied unconditional submission, Kruko- wiecki's ministers would not listen, and the next day Prondzynski bore for answer to the Russian camp, that the Poles would treat only on the principle of national independence. Still Krukowiecki did not seem to apprehend an assault, and, although an aide- de-camp departed that very morning for Miedzy- rzec, neglected to recall Ramorino. At this critical moment the Polish forces in Warsaw amounted to about 30,000 men and 92 field pieces ; its strongest material defences consisting in the barricades across the streets, and in various mines prepared beneath. The rampart beyond the walls was, in general, only musket proof, although, at certain points, it had been strengthened to resist artillery. A double chain of luneites outside the ramparts surrounded the city, and to defend all these works the besieged pos- sessed only 108 heavy pieces of cannon. The line of operations extending eleven miles, the average of defensive force was one soldier to every six feet ; and as the city, by its position on the vast plain of Wola, where the Poles used formerly to elect their kings, was accessible on all sides, and that the Russians were at liberty to choose their point of 392 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. attack, it was evident that no stand could be made beyond the walls. Tlie Russian army now amounted to 108 batta- lions, 120 squadrons, and 386 cannon, in all about 100,000 men. In the night of the 5th, they de- camped from Raszyn, and drawing up opposite to Wola, left no room for doubting that the assault was intended to begin the next day, though it might be a question whether they would open the attack on that point, the most strongly fortified of all. On the 6th, the two months' delay demanded by France was to expire, yet she made no effort to save the Poles, though but for her treacherous interference not a Russian would by that time have been left in their land. On the 6th, at five in the morning, the Russians opened a ninety-gun battery upon two lunettes to the left of Wola, the one defended by two infantry companies, with five guns, and the other by one company and four guns. The Russian battery played for an hour before it could silence these four cannon, after which four regiments rushed to the assault. The Poles fought desperately, and even when finally driven from the breast work, some of the privates who would have surrendered, were killed by their own officers. The lunette being scaled on the left, the rest gathering together on the right, fought, till even, by the Russian statement, four men only remained alive. This was a company of the 8th of the line, which, before the insurrection, had been ASSAULT ON WARSAW. 393 commanded by Skrzynecki ; and thus would lie, had he remained at the head of the army, with them have fought and fallen. The other lunette party was assailed by five regiments ; they also resisted, with great havoc of the enemy, until only eleven men of the two companies being left. Lieutenant Novo- sielski set fire to a powder magazine, blowing up himself and them, and strewing the earth around him with Russian corpses. This carnage lasted two hours. The battery of Wola was too remote to afford assistance ; and General Bem, who had a reserve of fifty cannon, remaining passive at the Warsaw observatory, under the impression that the main attack would still take place at the barrier of Mokotow, the Russians having in fact made some demonstration on that side, but were repulsed with loss by Uminski. At seven o'clock, a one-hundred gun battery was opened against Wola, which was defended by 2000 infantry and eight cannon ; one battalion being com- manded by Peter Wysocki, and the whole corps by General Sowinski, who, on that day nineteen years back, had lost a leg at the assault on Mozaysk, and had, at his own earnest request, been entrusted with this stronghold, which he had vowed never to sur- render but with life. His eight guns being soon silenced, thirty battalions rushed forwards on all sides. The slaughter continued for an hour after the enemy had forced the village, the Poles disputing every inch of ground till Wysocki, being mortally 394 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. wounded and a prisoner, Sowinski retired into a church, where, seated in a chair, refusing quarter, he continued firing the loaded muskets laid by his side till he also expired, pierced by many bayonets, " still " preserving, even in death," said a Russian eye-wit- ness, " a menacing aspect." Paszkiewicz then pushed forward numerous squadrons towards the barrier of Wola, which Bem repulsing with his admirable artillery, the Poles were tempted to endeavour to recapture the place ; but the Russians presenting themselves in great numbers before Mokotow, and Krukowiecki asserting that their main attack would be in that quarter, only four battalions, one of which belonged to the 4th of the line, could be spared for this service. Supported by Bem with his artillery, and two squadrons, they advanced with matchless energy, while Paszkiewicz, equally resolved on retaining his conquest, poured out fresh columns upon them. The Russians represent this as the severest part of the action. Three times were their battalions driven back into Wola ; but the Poles being unable to force an entrance, or any longer to support the tremend- ous fire, desisted from their enterprise, and retired about four o'clock. A cannonade through the whole line wound up that day's struggle. Only one small part of the outer line of fortification was lost, the Russians having been unsuccessful at every other point. On the failure of this attempt to retake Wola, Krukowiecki announced to his ministers, that the ASSAULT ON WARSAW. 395 fall of Warsaw could not be protracted beyond the following day, and that he therefore demanded an authority to treat. They replied, in the words of the national motto, " conquer, or die ;" whereupon he referred to the standing committees of the Diet, who, under the impression that he would not over- step his authority, but was only endeavouring to gain time for Raraorino's return, gave him to under- stand that, according to existing laws, he certainly had the right to negociate. It was late in the even- ing when their opinion reached him, and towards midnight he charged Prondzynski with the follow- ing letter to Paszkiewicz : — " Blood has again " flowed ; thousands of fresh victims have fallen. " The President of the National Government there- " fore considers it his duty to inquire whether the " terms on which the generalissimo of the Imperial " troops will consent to treat, are such as the Poles " may accept consistently with their honour and " safety." At three o'clock in the morning Pron- dzynski delivered this letter to Paszkiewicz, who agreed to suspend hostilities till nine, at which hour Krukowiecki was to come to Wola to arrange the conditions of peace. Accompanied by Prondzynski, he arrived, and was received by Paszkiewicz and the Grand Duke Michael. On the plea that the capture of Wola had materially changed the aspect of affairs in his favour, the Field Marshal now demanded uncon- ditional submission, and the surrender of Warsaw. Krukowiecki replying that before he could comply. 396 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. he must have the authority of the Diet, and throw- ing out hopes that he might obtain it, the armistice was prolonged till two o'clock in the afternoon. His ministers in the meantime abhorring any share in such treasonable proceedings, sent in their resigna- tions. Deprived of their countenance, Krukowiecki sent Prondzynski to the Diet, in order to obtain their sanction by exaggerating the danger. His nerves, shaken by long imprisonment under Con- stantine, and at this moment distracted by passionate anxiety for the fate of his young wife, exposed, like others, to fall into the hands of the Russians, Pron- dzynski fulfilled his mission with dishonourable ability. On entering the Diet, he demanded a pri- vate audience, and introduced his subject with nerv- ous eagerness, stating, that in going round the Rus- sian camp with Paszkiewicz, he had observed all with a keen eye, and had beheld, in the first line, 20,000 men, in front of vvhom stood multitudes of volunteers provided with engines for the siege, " destined," so said Paszkiewicz, " to fill the ditch " with their bodies, over which 60,000 more were " ready to pass." He had also seen their well-stored magazines of ammunition. The Poles, he reminded the Diet, had only 14,000 effective men, not enough to defend the town for another hour from the savage enemy, wild to slaughter, burn, plunder, dishonour, and destroy. He called upon them, therefore, to save the capital of Poland, the cradle of her civilization, of science, and art. He represented the ASSAULT ON WARSAW. 307 conqueror, as promising to respect the treaty of Vienna, to restore things to their former state — as offering full amnesty to the kingdom, mercy to the sister provinces, liberty of the press, and the depar- ture of every Russian soldier ; and concluded by saying, that should the honour of the Diet forbid them to accept the terms, there was yet a resource, for Krukowiecki was ready to take upon himself the painful duty ; and that the Diet had but to adjourn, and authorise him in general terms to conclude a treaty. Yelowiecki rose to counteract the effect of his coward eloquence. He had just spoken, he said, with Bem, who warned him not to trust Krukowiecki, asserting also — and he, Bem, was a competent judge — that the city could still hold out twenty -four hours, until the arrival of Ramorino, and that the Russians having already expended as much ammunition as Napoleon had provided for the whole Moscow campaign, would not be able to maintain another such cannonade as that of the preceding day. Abide, therefore, by your manifesto, he added ; recollect that Russia must ulti- mately observe the treaty of Vienna, to avoid a war with the other powers. These words restored the courage of the deputies. The clock struck one ; Prondzynski, incessantly drawing out his watch, repeated continually, " Gentlemen, decide. You " have still another hour, and then the roar of the " cannon will be heard, and the enemy will burst " into the city." At a quarter to two, the Russians broke the armistice, and opened a tremendous fire of 398 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. two hundred guns, in a line perpendicular to the palace of the Diet. This, answered by a Polish battery of eighty guns, caused the building to shake. A deputy then rose, and admonished his colleagues to await in their places the issue of the combat, and to dismiss the general to the field, where he might be of use. This proposal was received with acclama- tions, and Prondzynski was charged with the verbal answer, that the president must conduct any negoci- ations according to the existing laws. The marshal then moved that the public should be re-admitted ; and the deputies resumed a debate respecting the gift of landed property to the peasantry, that the enemy on coming might find them occupied to the last, with the welfare of the people. Still keeping up the fire from Wola, at three o'clock the Russians commenced a severe attack on the left, which was resisted till five by Uminski, who entirely destroyed two hussar regiments. The Poles were less successful in the direction of Wola, and were obliged to abandon the rest of the 3rd line of fortification. Paszkiewicz having been wounded at the commencement of the assault. Toll assumed the command, and prepared to make a decisive attacK. Meanwhile Krukowiecki availed himself of the message from the Diet to send Prondzynski to the Russian camp, with authority "to conclude a treaty." The Grand Duke Michael could not believe in this authority until Prondzynski affirmed it upon ASSAULT ON WARSAW. 399 his honour. General Berg was then sent with him to Warsaw, but returned to Wola, on finding that Krukowiecki could not in fact produce it in writing. Upon this, the latter sent in his resignation, which the Diet accepted, and was debating on the election of B. Niemoiowski, when the attack upon the suburb of Wola commenced, and Prondzynski again de- manded from the Diet a written statement of its former verbal communication. The Diet com- plied reserving, however, to itself the right of ratifi- cation. Krukowiecki now made a treacherous use of the authority he had obtained, by addressing the following letter to the Emperor Nicholas : — " Sire, " charge dans ce moment meme du pouvoir de " parler a votre Majeste Imperiale et Royale au " nom de la nation Polonaise, je m'adresse par son " Excellence M. le Marechal Comte Paszkiewicz *' d'Erivan a votre cceur paternel. En nous soumet- " ta,nt sans aucune condition a votre Majeste notre Roi, " la nation Polonaise salt qu'Elle seule est a meme " de faire oublier le passe, de guerir les plaies pro- " fondes qui ont lacere ma patrie." Prondzynski consented even to carry this letter. The attack on the suburb of Wola continued. The Russians having forced one lunette, assailed the others in flank with their artillery, and the Poles were thus obliged to abandon the second line after a desperate but useless struggle. The houses in the suburbs were then set on fire, and the combat continued in the gardens. The 400 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. Ruvssians thrice advanced to the barrier, but, deprived of the aid of their artillery, could make no progress against the 4th of the line, who gave no quarter, and they suffered severe loss. Towards ten o'clock at night Uminski, who had not lost a single lunette of the 2nd line, found himself in the rear of the enemy ; and Malachowski sought to avail himself of this advantage to fall upon them, but found to his astonishment, that the greater part of the army as well as the whole reserve of artillery were already in Praga. The treachery of Krukowiecki was now beyond a doubt, and the Diet, informed of it by Malachowski, at length dismissed him, upon which he fled, in fear of the Russians, whom he had deceived no less than his country. By this time Prondzynski had returned with General Berg to Warsaw, and was much surprised at finding B. Niemoiowski in the place of Krukowiecki, with whom alone he would consent to treat ; and the new president on his part was equally perplexed, for the greater part of the troops having been induced to withdraw, the surrender of the city was be- coming indispensable. At length the Russian general consented to accept a convention, to be signed by the marshal of the Diet ; but he declared that no force should compel him to such an act, and it became necessary to send after Krukowiecki, who was five miles distant. He, however, refused his signature to any thing but a definitive treaty of peace. Finally, the veteran Malachowski was pre- ASSAULT ON WARSAW. 401 vailed upon to sign a convention in the name of the army, by which the Poles engaged to evacuate Warsaw and Praga, and retire into the palatinate of Plock, in order to carry on negociations with St. Petersburgh ; and the Russian general, on his part, accorded a truce of thirty-six hours, to give the Poles time to remove their military stores ; a compliance, for which his desire to terminate the war by negociation can alone account, for the con- vention was not signed till eight o'clock in the morning of the 8th, whilst the Polish troops went off to Praga before six. At half-past eleven the Russians entered Warsaw ; at twelve the Poles left Praga for Modlin, followed by the members of the Diet, the editors of the press, and a great number of civilians. Prondzynski remained as a hostage ; and Krukowiecki, who would have accompanied the army, but for Dembinski threatening to shoot him, returned to Warsaw. Eleven other generals also remained there, amongst whom, though against his will, was Chrzanowski, whom B. Niemoiowski had dismissed, on the false report that during his gover- norship, he had prevented the people from arming, the measure having been Krukowiecki's, coun- tenanced by the Diet, in consequence of the alarm inspired by the intrigues of the Lelewel party. In the two days' assault, the loss of the Russians, according to their own return, was 10,000 killed and wounded, 500 of whom were officers. Their artillery suffered severely, thirty-nine officers, 400 D D 402 ASSAULT ON WARSAW. cannoneers, and 800 horses having perished; but allowing for the little veracity of their bulletins, their loss may be estimated at double the number ; and it is well known that not less than 12,000 of their wounded v^^ere lodged in the Warsaw hospitals. They computed the killed and wounded of the Poles to be 9000, that is nearly the same as their own ; the absurdity of which is manifest, when it is remembered that the Poles fought from behind the ramparts, and that the Russians were the assailants. But for Krukowiecki's treachery, the Poles might undoubtedly have held on some fifty hours, till the arrival of Ramorino, though at the risk of exposing the city to conflagration from the Russian cannon. Ramorino, who was still at Miedzyrzec on the 7th, when he heard that the assault had commenced, instantly broke up, and arrived at Siedlce on the 8th towards noon, having marched thirty-two miles in fourteen hours, his vanguard being already at Kalu- szyn. There he was informed of the fall of Warsaw, and the withdrawal of the troops to Mod- lin. He received no orders to join them there, nor could he have obeyed any such, without exposing himself to be attacked in flank from Praga, as also by Rosen's corps in pursuit, now increased to 35,000 men, and by the troops coming from Lithuania. As he looked upon the station at Modlin as a cul de sac between Prussia and these various hostile corps, he easily persuaded a council of war either to march to BATTLE OF OPOLE. 403 Zamosc for a winter campaign, or to cross the Vis- tula at Zavvichost, and join Rozycki in the palati- nate of Cracow. On the same day (the 9th) he arrived at Lukow, where he found an order from Malachowski to go on to Modlin. With this he refused to comply, for the reasons above stated, as also because he could not collect his scattered troops in time. The appearance of Ramorino in the palatinate of Lublin was so unexpected, that several detachments of the enemy were made prisoners ; and a party who were watching a bridge thrown across the Vistula at Pogurze com- pletely taken by surprise by General Zawadzki, and but for his credulity, this accident might have changed the face of the war. The Russian com- mander immediately pretended an armistice, refused to fight, and commanded his men to stick their bayonets in the ground. Zawadzki hesitated. The Russian proposed to occupy the bridge in com- pany, and then having passed over first, suddenly broke it down, leaving 1000 men behind him prisoners. He probably borrowed the idea from the French, who had played the Austrians a similar trick in 1805, when they surprised the bridge over the Danube at Vienna. By this accident, Ramorino, who was advancing full of hope to the bridge, found himself at once cut off from Zamosc, and separated from Zawadzki. In order to rejoin him, he on the 15th approached Opole, where he checked the pur- suit of Rosen, but a threatened attack upon his 404 BATTLE OF JOSEFOW. own rear near Josefow, compelled him to retire within that town. A sharp struggle ensued in the streets, which lasted till the arrival of Zawadzki, and they then fought their way to Rachow, where, to give time for the construction of a bridge at Zawichost, they proposed to mai^e a stand for at least two days. Their hungry, barefooted, and harassed battalions were, meanwhile, daily thinned by desertion, especially amongst the natives of the palatinate, who, partakers of the fatal prejudice which rested the hopes of the insurrection on the preservation of Warsaw, now regarded all as lost. Hearing that the enemy were on the march to fall upon his fiank, Ramorino left Rachow the next day, and amid continued skirmishes, reached Borow opposite to Zawichost, and close to the frontier. The expected bridge had not been constructed, and the Poles, reduced to 11,000 men, with whom to oppose 35,000, entered Austria. But before they adopted this deplorable alternative as a solemn protest against foreign invasion, they opened a bat- tery of forty cannon, and mustered their battalions for the last fight of honour. The cannonading lasted several hours, until the ammunition was spent, and then came a long pause. History, which registers with an iron pen the march of human affairs, may sometimes record man's feel- ings on such a solemn occasion as the present. " The " Russian cannon," relates an eye witness*, " was * Colonel Lacli Szyrma. BATTLE OF LAGOW. 405 " Still heard at intervals in the distance, echoing *' along the ridge of mountains, and, as its sound " died away, it seemed for the moment to the " Polish patriot, that the last blow for his country " had been struck, and that his efforts had terminated, " as the anxieties of man terminate when the final " struggle of life is over. The patriotic songs, so " often heard in the Polish camps, were hushed ; " here and there horses strayed, deprived of their " riders ; — the soldiers leaned on their arms in " mute despondency ; many of the veterans who " had served in the campaigns of Napoleon, broke " their muskets, while others binied their swords " in secret places, in the hope that they would again " be required in the service of their country." They passed the frontier in the night, and laid down their arms at Chwalowice. Prince Czartoryski did not accompany them ; he went over to Zawichost, animating Rozycki's corps by his presence, and thus fulfilling the Pole's oath, to fight so long as a foot of his native land remained unenslaved. Ramorino being thus beyond the boundary, a considerable part of the Rosen corps marched into' the palatinate of Cracow, to assist Rudiger in dispos- ing of Rozycki. With a force scarcely 6000 strong, this brave general still made head against the over- whelming numbers, and on the 22nd of September, encountered Rudiger with 18,000 men at Lagow. On this occasion C. Rozycki again distinguished him- self. The Russians, since the battle of Ilza, had 406 RESIGNATION OF MALACHOWSKl. held him in such dread, that at the appearance of one Volhynian squadron, thirteen squadrons of their cavahy made a sudden halt, excusing themselves by saying, " bielu czapku ne dajut par^don,'' (white caps give no quarter.) They fought all day with unwonted animosity, but fresh reinforcements pouring in against them, the Poles finally followed their comrades into Austria. As soon as Malachowski reached Modlin on the 9th, he resigned the command, deeming himself un- worthy to retain it, after having signed the capi- tulation of Warsaw, and expressing a hope that his example might be a warning to younger generals. At a military council for the election of a new generalissimo, Dembinski again displayed his want of prudence, by declaring that the army ought to be independent of the civil powers, while on the other hand it was urged that the existence of the Diet and Government w-ere, in the actual crisis, essential to the national dignity. Two par- ties, the one for war, the other for negociation, then arose, and the former, though the most numer- ous, yet, owing to Dembinski's imprudent expres- sion, voted wdth the latter in favour of General Rybinski, an able officer, but much in years. On the 11th, eleven senators and seventy deputies, who, true to their manifesto, accompanied the army, met in a monastery at Zakroczym, where they took measures for discharging, as far as they could, their high trust. It was agreed to publish a periodical, MEETING OF THE DIET AT ZAKROCZYM. 407 called, " Poland is not lost while we yet live ;" and an order was instituted with the motto usque ad Jinem, to be conferred on such as should persevere to the last. A circular, addressed to foreign powers, was also drawn up, which contained, amongst other things, an epitome of the struggle. " We scraped " the walls of our houses," thus it recapitulated their efforts, " and searched old ruins besprinkled " with the blood of our forefathers, in order to obtain " saltpetre. We learned to forge weapons and to " cast cannon, — our churches yielded their silver, and " our widows their mite, — with scythes we attacked " the foe, and wrested the greater part of our muskets " from his hands. We gave arms to our children and " tender women, — we destroyed the harvest in the " ear, and trod under foot the germ of future growth ; " and abandoned, amid these struggles and adversities, " in vain imploring support from other nations, must " we now believe that justice does not exist on earth, " that we do not live in a civilized age ? In ancient " times it was held infamous to despair of the country's " rescue; happen what may, the Poles shall never be " found guilty of this crime in the most desperate " situation." Informed of Ramorino's entry into Austria, Rybinski would gladly have joined Rozycki in the palatinate of Cracow ; yet, instead of at once attempting it, he resorted to negociations. At first the Russians appeared to grant every request, always contriving, however, to start some difHculty involv- ing a fresh reference to Paszkiewicz, in order to 408 NEGOCIATION. amuse the Poles, till Ramoriiio being disposed of, and themselves encompassed at Modlin, submission would be inevitable. At length an armistice of four weeks was agreed to, during which time the Poles were to evacuate Modlin, and withdraw to the palati- nates of Lublin, Cracow, and Kalish. On the 17th, however, Rybinski was informed that Paszkiewicz would cede onlj the southern part of the Lublin palatinate, and in this arrangement, to prevent further delay, he acquiesced. But the intelligence of Ramo- rino's retirement into Austria having in the mean time reached the Russian field marshal, he now insisted that that event would suffice to secure peace in the southern provinces. Disgusted with such bad faith, the Poles abandoned Modlin, reached Plock on the 23rd, and resolved to force their pas- sage to Cracow, Dembinski crossed the Vistula with the vanguard, and advanced the same day to Gostyn, having destroyed several detachments of Cossacks. Paszkiewicz, alarmed at their resolution, endeavoured once more to paralyze it by negocia- tions, for listening to which, the generalissimo was dismissed by the government. The officers, how- ever, would not obey Uminski, the general appointed to succeed him ; and Dembinski, the fittest for the task, was recalled ; but vexation at this delay, which rendered the junction with Rozycki impracticable, threw him into a fit of illness, and, in consequence, Rybinski was re-ai)pointed. Unconditional submis- sion to Nicholas, not as constitutional king of Poland, ENTRY OF THE POLES INTO PRUSSIA. 409 but as emperor of Russia, was demanded by Paszkie- vvicz, and indignantly rejected, by both army and Diet, who, choosing rather voluntary exile, now turned their steps towards the Prussian territory. The honour of striking the last blow was reserved for Dembinski, and the enemy overtook him on the 4th of October, as he marched in the rear. Previous to the conflict, Paszkiewicz sent him a message remon- strating against such ill-timed obstinacy, to which Dembinski bade the messenger reply, " that if the " marshal thought he had now to do with his " kindred hordes of Asia, he would find himself " mistaken; that the Poles struggled for liberty and " independence, and if heaven yet withheld success, " they would rather seek shelter among civilized " nations than yield to insulting conditions." He then opened a heavy fire of artillery, and com- manded the cavalry to charge. Had Rybinski joined with his whole force, that last battle might have been one of the most destructive to the Russians. In the afternoon of the 5th of October, about 24,000 Poles crossed the frontier, amongst whom, scarcely 8000 remained of those who had fought at Grochow ; and in the 4th of the line, about 200 only, of the 2000 who com- menced the insurrection. So long as the soldiers were permitted to retain their arms, they bore their fate with fortitude, but when summoned to surrender them, as the word of command for the last time sounded in their ears, they burst, like children, into 410 SURRENDER OF MODLIN AND ZAMOSC. loud laments. They wept, they embraced their chargers, those faithful companions of their watch and toil, some even died broken hearted on the spot ; and no unprejudiced spectator but must have grieved that the colossal work so gloriously begun, should end here and thus. The attention of the European powers was drawn to this spot, and even those least friendly to Poland, respected her affliction, and were silent, — all but France — Sebastiani was not ashamed to utter from the tribune, " I'ordre regne a Varsovie." The garrisons of Modlin and Zamosc capitulated on an assurance of full amnesty to every individual within the ramparts ; but no sooner had Zamosc surrendered, than all the Volhynians and Podolians, with shaven heads, and branded with numbers, were sent into the interior of the empire, which in European idiom, implies Siberia, the mines, or Caucasus. Thus were the Poles once more enslaved, and doomed to inscribe with their blood the record of their unavailing struggles. Their failure was, in the first instance, owing to the overwhelming numbers of the Russian army. The infantry alone consists of thirty-two divisions — twenty-six of the line, three of grenadiers, and three of the imperial guard ; — the cavalry of twenty-one divisions, three of them attached to tlie imperial guard. Each infantry divi- sion contains six regiments of three battalions, the third battalion constituting the reserve. During the late struggle, the whole reserve was called out STREiNGTH OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY. 411 to complete and re-organize the three corps of Rosen, Pahlen, and Szachowskoi ; and thus each division had eighteen battalions, which, with the artillery attached to thirty-six pieces, might be calculated at 15,000 men : and the twenty-two divisions, there- fore, which took part in the war, amounted to 330,000 men. Every cavalry division is composed of four regiments, of six squadrons each, and thus, at the lowest estimate, one cavalry division has 4000 horsemen, and the fifteen, which had entered Poland, would therefore contain 60,000, without counting 30,000 Cossacks. Hence, during the period of eight months, not less than 420,000 Russians had been poured into Poland, of whom fewer than 200,000 escaped death by the sword or by cholera, and 40,000 were captured by the Poles ; a fact worthy of remark when it is recollected that Napo- leon, at the head of 300,000 men, never made 10,000 Russian prisoners. Since Poland, possessing only 30,000 troops at the outbreak of the insurrection, did that which had never been done before, might she not also, but for her own errors and foreign treachery, have achieved what seemed equally im- possible — the defeat of her giant foe ? The radical mistake, the making the war defensive within the triangle of Warsaw, Modlin, and Serock, lay with Chlopicki, which involved the gradual exhaustion of the four palatinates thus left to struggle against all Russia. Still Polish valour achieved prodigies, and several times reduced the enemy to the verge of defeat, 412 BARBAROUS CONDUCT OF NICHOLAS. as at Grochow, where the opportunity was lost by Krukowiecki's absence and Chlopicki's wound ; — after the victory at Dembe Wielkie ; in the expedition against the guards ; and, finally, when the passage of the Vistula was permitted by Skrzynecki, whilst relying on the promise of intervention, that most insidious and deadly blow dealt by the French Government. No sooner did Nicholas find Poland in his power, than the work of vengeance began, whilst no arm was lifted, nor a remonstrance heard in her behalf. The ancient hall, where the senate used to assemble, was dismantled ; — the army vi'as disbanded ; — officers, soldiers, and the flower of the Polish youth, enrolled in Asiatic regiments. All institutions tending to promote science, literature, and the national lan- guage, the public and private libraries at Warsaw and Pulawy, the museums, — all were plundered to enrich Moscow. The national colours and armorial bearings were destroyed; — ancient names of pro- vinces abolished, and the constitution shut up in an iron chest under a double lock*. The national reli- gion was not spared, — the tombs were violated, and their mouldering relics scattered to the winds. Fami- lies were transported ; — children torn from their parents to be bred up as janissaries of the Czar, * Nicholas erected a monument to Alexander in Moscow, which represents him as treading under foot the Polish constitu- tion enclosed in an iron chest. BARBAROUS CONDUCT OF NICHOLAS. 413 and murderers of their countrymen ; young girls carried off by conscription, and consigned to the paid assassins of their fathers and brothers. Thou- sands of noble victims pine in Siberia and Cau- casus ; and, finally, all that history records of Chris- tian martyrdom, or of Jewish and Moorish extirpa- tion, has been converted into a permanent system by Nicholas*. Amazed at the extent of Polish emigration, he offered amnesty to privates and non-commissioned officers ; but they knew his heart, and would not trust his word. Prussia then joined against these now defenceless warriors, whose personal liberty she had guaranteed to Rybinski. The officers were se- parated from the men ; and these being next per- suaded to divide into small parties, were then in several cases driven back into Poland by Prussian bayonets. On the 11th of December, 1831, one of * The following anecdote, given to the writer of these pages by a party concerned in it, may serve to illustrate the character of Nicholas. Whilst yet Czarewitch, he had a pregnant bitch, one of whose puppies he had promised to Count A. P. (since dead) at that time Grand Master of the Ceremonies at the Court of St. Petersburgh. The Count happening to call upon him on a winter's morning, found his Imperial Highness employed in throwing the puppies one by one upon the chimney fire, and burning them to death, out of pity to the poor animal which had given birth to six young ones. What were the pastimes of Nero in comparison with those of Nicholas ? No doubt it is from similar motives of commiseration for Polish mothers, that he destroys their children. 414 MURDER OF THE POLES AT FISCHAU. these parties being surrounded by Prussian infantry at Fischau, and commanded to return to Poland or be fired at, announced their determination to retire to France or to die, and refused to advance a step. The bloody scene commenced. The unarmed Poles stood firm, calling on God to witness their murder, whilst the Prussians fired, killed six on the spot, and wounded seven dangerously. The relics of the gallant 4th of the line were shut up for two years in the fortress of Graudenz, and condemned to labour as convicts. Scarcely 7000 escaped ; but these were no sooner out of Prussia than they exchanged per- secution for sympathy and honour. No conquering army was ever greeted with more enthusiasm than were these sufferers by the Germans. From every town the citizens went out for miles to meet them, with the flags of the different guilds entwined with the Polish colours. Their path was strewed M'ith flowers, and their exploits sung in their native lan- guage, while music and artillery proclaimed their entry. Praises of Poland mingled with prayers for her in the churches, the poets mourned her fate ; and all classes felt so deeply for the distress and want of the patriots, many of whom had lost immense wealth, that it was proposed to raise a statue at Frankfort- on-the-Main to a compassionate German*, who had taken off his own coat to put it on a Pole. In their sympathy was much prophetic wisdom. Six months * See " Letters of Borne." WORDS OF PRINCE CZARTORYSKI. 415 after the fall of Warsaw, their ungrateful princes deprived the true-hearted people of their liberties. It may be asked, where does liberty now exist on the continent ; nay, whether Russian intrigue is not creeping up the cliffs of Albion ? The tears and blood of Europe will reply, and assign the place which the Polish struggle ought to hold in the his- tory of the world. For themselves, the Poles may address the nations in the words of Prince Czar- toryski, " Behold your cause and ours ! We " appear before you covered with our blood ! The " injustice done to us is known to you ; — for our " courage and generosity ask our enemies ;" — and conclude with the poet (Campbell,) * * * proudly may Polonia's bands Tlirow down their swords at Europe's feet in scorn, Saying — " Russia from the metal of these brands " Shall forge the fetters of your sons unborn ; " Our setting star is your misfortunes' rising morn." FINIS. LONDON : PRINTED BY T. BRETTELL, RUPERT STREET, HAYMARKET.