:l i^ni i^ni 1-^:^1 %>^. ^ommn'^ ^ommni^ '^smmm'^ '^^/smm-}^ % < r-n SO .^MEUNIVERS/A >- &-> i>i ^lOSANCElfj-^ ^tllBRARYQ. %i30Nvsoi^ '^/iaMiNrt-awv** ^ojitvdjo^ AVIEUNIVER^ ^lOSANCflfX^ ^OFCAliFOi?,)^ ^OFCAllFOff/jt %a3AIN(13Wv' ^(?AaYa8ll#' •< © ^UIBRARYd?/^ -5^UIBRARYQ^ ,^\\EllNIVERy/A, ^.!/0JnV3JO^ %0JnVJ-JO=^' 'f— * c %a3AiNn-3i\v^ ^^^lllBRARYOc -^tllBRARY^/r. ^•yOJIWDJO^ %0Jn\QiO^ ^OFCAIIFO/?;)^ -<■ t^ ^0FCA1IF0%. 1— • ^ S 5 .. ( Von^' !Tuj THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE MAJOE-GENEEAL SIE JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B, LATE ENVOY TO PERSIA, AND GOVEENOR OP BOMBAY; UNPUBLISHED LETTERS AND JOURNALS. JOHN WILLIAM, KAYE, AUTHOR OF THE " LIFE OF LORD METCALFE," " THE HISTORY OF THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN," &C. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON : SMITH, ELDEE, AND CO., 65, COENHILL. BOMBAY: SMITH, TAYLOR, AND CO. MDCCCLVI. {,The right of Translation is reserved.'\ \ / V, I 4 DEDICATION. ^ TO I THE HONORABLE MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE THESE IVIEMOIES OF ONE OF HIS MOST DISTINGUISHED COTE]MPOEAEIES AND ATTACHED FEIENDS AEE KESPECTFULLY AND GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED. PREFACE. As I believe it will be more generally asked why the Life of Sir John Malcolm was not written before, than why it now makes its appearance, I think it is well to state, that many years ago the late Captain Hamilton, the ac- complished author of "Cyril Thornton," undertook to perform the task, which has since devolved upon me; but death arrested his labors. He had proceeded but a little way with his work, when he was thus prematurely lost to the world. Some of the earlier papers had been placed in his hands ; he had marked a few passages in the correspondence, and he had written, with little result, some letters of inquiry to the few surviving friends of Malcolm's boyhood ; but I have not been able to learn that he ever wrote a line of the Memou\ From the time of Captain Hamilton's death, in 1842, up to the autumn of 1854, when I undertook to prepare the present work for the press, the voluminous cor- respondence of Sir John Malcolm (with the exception of one very valuable collection of letters) remained in the possession of the family, with the fullest intention on their part, as soon as fitting opportunity should present it- vi PREFACE. self, of publishing some selections from it, accompanied witL. a narrative of Malcolm's eventful career. When this correspondence was placed in my hands, I found that the only difficulty it presented to the biographer was the diffi- culty of selection. Sir John Malcolm began, at a compara- tively early date, to adhere rigidly to the custom of keep- ing copies of all his own letters on public affairs, and preserving those which were addressed to him. As these letters were, for the most part, arranged in books, and were in a very tolerable state of preservation, I had no reason to complam of the quality or quantity of my ma- terial. It is true that the records of Malcolm's early life were somewhat scanty ; but this is a deficiency with which biographers have so commonly to contend, that neither writers nor readers feel any disappointment at its occurrence. It may be observed, too, that Malcolm, in his younger days, AVi^ote both rarely and briefly to his friends; in that respect fm-nishing a strong contrast to Munro and Metcalfe, whose biogi'aphies are among the few exceptions to the rule of which I have spoken. Voluminous as were the family papers placed at my disposal, they by no means constituted the whole of my materials. I had many large collections of Malcolm's letters in my possession before those papers passed into my hands. Some of the letters derived from foreign sources were the originals of those in the family letter- books. Others were hastily- written, but often suggestive communications referring to immediate topics of the day, of which no copies had been preserved. These undress effusions are often of more value to the biographer than more studied compositions; and it may be mentioned. PREFACE. Hfil whilst on this subject, that the very best biographical raaterials at my command have been Malcolm's letters to his wife. And I do not think that any reader will have just ground of complaint that I have suffered, in this work, the historical to overlay the biographical. The Life of Sir John Malcolm is the life of a man actively employed in the public service, with rare intervals, for half a cen- tury. And of these public services the Memoir furnishes a detailed account. But it may with truth be said, with reference to all the great historical events glanced at in this Memoir, that Malcolm was not merely in them, but of iheiTL—pars magna. To use one of his favorite ex- pressions, the " laboring oar" was always in his hand. So large apd so distinct was his individuality, that the man himself is ever to be seen in the foreground, impressing himself upon all the events with which he was connected, and shaping them by the force of his own personal cha- racter. I believe it would be no exaggeration to say til at the History of India can be but imperfectly under- stood without an understanding also of the character of Sir John Malcolm. And I am reminded by this of the obligations which I owe to some of the surviving friends of the subject of this Memoir, for oral communications of more value than written documents. As I never saw Sir John Malcolm, who died whilst I was on my way out to India as a cadet, Lhave endeavom^ed to the utmost to supply the wants of my own personal knowledge by gathering unrecorded information from those who knew him best. And as he was not one to pass readily out of the recollection of any viii PREFACE. who had once known him, I have seldom failed to elicit some characteristic reminiscences from the cotemporaries whose assistance I have sought. It remains only to be observed, that, with the excep- tion of two or three letters, the correspondence quoted in this Memoir is now published for the first time. In the later editions of the Wellington Correspondence may be found one or two of the Duke's letters to Malcolm, which appear also in the first of these volumes. The publication of the remamder, however, has not been an- ticipated by Colonel Gurwood. There was no one to whom the Duke of Wellington wrote more unreservedly than to Sir John Malcolm. This unreserve has rendered necessary a cautious use of the correspondence ; but enough is still given to show the intimate terms on which they corresponded, and to illustrate, at the same time, many interesting traits of the Duke's character. On turning over these printed pages, before finally dis- missing them to take their chance with the Public, and on again referring to the materials (literally a room-full) out of which the Memoir has been shaped, I cannot re- sist a strong sensation of regret at the thought of the many interesting and valuable papers still lying unused aroimd me. I must console myself with the thought that a selection from these may some day be laid before the Pubhc. J. W. KATE. London, November, 1S5G. CONTENTS OF YOL I. CHAPTER I. THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. [1709—1782.] PAGE Tlie Home in Eskdale — Ancestors — Parentage — Misfortunes of George Malcolm.— The Family at Burnfoot — Offer of a Cadetsbip— John's Visit to London — Ordeal at the India-House — Departure for India . . 1 CHAPTER n. SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INBIA. [17S3— 1791.] Arrival at Madras — Departure for Vellore — Pii'st Years of Service — Idleness and Extravagance — Early Reformation — TheWar with Tippoo —Operations of the Nizam's Force — Oriental Studies — First Staff Ap- pointment — Return to England ....... 9 CHAPTER III. EUULOTJGH TO ENGLAND. [179'1— 1795.] Restoration of Health — Detention in London — Introduction to General Clarke — Visits to Burnfoot and Alva — Resolution to Return to India — Arrangements for the Voyage— Appointment to the StalT of General Clarke— Departure from England— Capture of the Cape of Good Hope 30 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. IHE STAFF AT MADKAS. [179G-179S.] PAGE Appointment to the Staff of the Commaucler-iu-Chief — The Military Se- cretaryship — Letters to Burufoot — Departure of Sir Ahu-ed Clarke — Appointment to the Staff of General Harris — Departui"e of Lord Hobart— The Town-Majorship of Fort St. George .... 49 CHAPTER V. HYDEKABAD AND MYSORE. [1798—1799.] Arrival of Lord Wellesley — The Hyderabad Assistantship — Disbaudment of the Erench Corps — IMalcolm's Share in the Operations — Voyage to Calcutta — Meetiug with Lord Wellesley— The Siege of Seringapatam — The Mysore Commissionership— Return to Hyderabad ... 63 CHAPTER VI. ACROSS THE PENlNStJLA. [1799—1800.] Malcolm's Appointment to the Persian Mission— Its Objects— Rumored Invasion of Zemaun Shah — Local Attachments — Malcolm's Journey to Hyderabad — Business there— Incidents of Travel — Return to Bombay 89 - _ CHAPTER VII. THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. [ISOO— 1801.] Arrival at Muscat — Negotiations with the Imanm — Delays at Bushire — Presents and Ceremonies — Reception at Shiraz — Halt at Ispahan — Journey to Teheran — Interviews with the King — Negotiation of the Treaties — Their Character — Approval of Government — Return to India 105 CHAPTER VIII. THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. [ISOl— 1803.] Dangerous Voyage to Calcutta — Departure for the Upper Provinces- Intercourse witli Lord Wellesley — The River Voyage — Letters to Mr. Barlow — Confidential Mission to Madras — Retui-n to Bengal — Death of the Persian Ambassador — Mission to Bombay — Journey across the Peninsula — Dealings with tlic Persians— Return to Calcutta — Appoint- ment to the Mysore Residency 155 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER IX. GENEBAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. [1S03— 1804.] PAGB Llaliratta Politics — Plight of the Peishwah — .The Treaty of Basseiu — Malcolm at Head-Quarters — Intercourse Tiitli General Wellesley — Re- storation of the Peishwah — The Maliratta War — Illness of Malcolm — Departure from Camp — Effects of liis Return— The Treaty of Peace . 199 CHAPTER X. THE TREATY VITH SCIXDIAH. [1803—1804.] Progress of the "War — Malcolm's Return to Camp — His Genial Presence — Wattel Punt — Mountstuart Elphinstoue — Negotiations for Peace — The Subsidiary Alliance — ]\Iission to Scindiah's Camp — Scene at Dui-bar — Conclusion of the Treaty — Approval of Lord Wellesley — Death of Malcolm's Father 235 CHAPTER XL THE GWALIOK CONTKOVEESY. [1S04.] Malcolm's Continuance at Scindiah's Durbar — The Question of Gwalior and Gohud — Historical Antecedents — Opinions of General Wellesley, Malcolm, and the Governor-General — Correspondence with Calcutta — Displeasure of Lord Wellesley — Review of Malcolm's Conduct . . 262 CHAPTER XII. MYSORE A^'D CALCUTTA. [1804—1805.] Departure from Sciadiah's Coiu't — Residence at Vizagapatam and Ganjam — Correspondence with General Wellesley — Yoyage to Madras — The Mysore Residency — Departure of General Wellesley — Correspondence with the Governor-General — Summons to Calcutta — Councils of State 288 CHAPTER XIII. LOHB lake's CAMr. [1805—1806.] Journey to the North — Arrival at Head-Quarters — Malcolm and Met- calfe— Lord Cornwallis Governor-General — Malcolm's Perplexities — Succession of Sir George Barlow — Tlie Treaty with Scindiah — Resto- ration of Gwalior and Gohud— Piu'suit of Holliar — The Peace . . 314 Xil CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. CALCUTTA AND MYSORE. [1806-1807.] PAOB Malcolm and Barlow — Detention at Calcutta — Correspondence with Sir Arthur Wellesley— Departure for Madi-as— Return to Mysore— Pro- posed Expedition to Turkey — Love, Courtship, and Marriage . . 366 CHAPTER XV. CONTEMPLATED EXPEDITION TO PERSIA, [1808—1809.] The Peace of Tilsit— The Mission of Sir Harford Jones— Malcolm's De- parture for the Gulf — State of Politics at Teheran — Failure of Mal- colm's Mission — Voyage to Calcutta — Second Mission to the Gulf — Recall to the Presidency 399 CHAPTER XVI. THE MADRAS MUTINY. [1809.] Abolition of the Tent-Contracts — Conduct of General Macdowall — Arrest of Colonel Muuro — Excesses of the Army — Measures of the Madras Government — Tlie Mutiny at Masulipatam — Malcolm despatched tliither — His Treatment of tlie Mutineers— Return to Madras — Disap- probation of Sir George Barlow — Opinions of Sir James Mackintosh — Reappointment to Persia 457 Appendix 513 ERRATA. Page 42, line 10 from bottom, for "for those feelings," read "to those feelings." Page 91, line 4, for "Oosliegs," read " Oosbegs" Page 33(), line 18, for " millah," read "nullah." The name of Admiral Sir P. Malcolm should be spelt throughout "Pulteney." THE LIFE OF SIE JOHN MALCOLM. CHAPTER I. THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. [1769—1782.] HIS HOME IN ESKDALE — ^ANCESTOES — PABENTAGE — MISFORTUNES OF GEOEGB MALCOLM — THE TAMILY AT BUENFOOT — OFFER OF A CADETSHIP — JOHN's VISIT TO LONDON — ORDEAL AT THE INDIA-HOUSE — DEPAETUBE FOE INDIA. On the banks of the Esk, in the parish of Westerkirk, three miles from Langholm, in Dumfries-shire, lies the estate of Bumfoot. In all pleasant Eskdale there are few pleasanter spots. There the heather-covered hills slope down towards the sparkling waters of the river, as it ^vinds in a devious fantastic com^se over its stony bed, now between high wooded banks, and now between low grass-lands. A comely modern mansion,* almost on the water's side, stands where once stood the house in which John Malcolm was born. The Eskdale Malcolms were a younger branch of the Malcolms of Lachore, in Fifeshire. The first who settled in Dumfries-shire was Robert Malcolm, Son of David Malcolm and Elizabeth Melvill, he had been educated for the Scottish Church, and, in 1717, on the recom- * Now in the possession of Mr. "William Elphinstoue Malcolm. VOL. I. B 2 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. mendation of tlie Lord President of Scotland, nominated by tlie Earl of Dalkeith to the ministerial charge of the parish of Ewes, which borders on Westerkirk. During little less than half of the eighteenth century he con- tinued to occupy the manse, diligently and faithfully per- forming the duties of his office, dwelling among his own people, rich in their affection and respect. But the revenues of the parish were small, and it was with the kindly mtention of increasing them that his patron granted him a lease of the farm of Burnfoot at little more than a nominal rent. The farm was in those days mainly a sheep farm. Literally and figuratively, the concerns of the Eev. Robert Malcolm were of a pastoral character. But he had married Agnes, daughter of the Rev. George Campbell, Professor of Divinity, a man of rare piety and learning, one of the ablest and best, indeed, of the old Scotch divines ; and when, in due time, his son George grew to man's estate, he was entrusted with the manage- ment of the farm. In 1761, to the grief of all his parishioners, the good minister died. In the same year, George Malcolm took to wife Margaret, daughter of James Pasley of Craig.* The young man had been intended for the Church, and had received with that object a liberal education ; but some defect in his articulation caused an abandonment of the project, and he had devoted himself to agricultural and pastoral pursuits. On the death of his father, the lease of Burnfoot had been renewed to him, and he had become the tenant also of the adjoining farm of Douglan, under the proprietorship of his friend John Johnstone of Alva. To George and Margaret Malcolm the words of the old Hebrew benediction were literally fulfilled. Whilst the good man cultivated the lands of Burnfoot, there * And sister of Adinkal Six- Thomas Pasley, Baronet. CAREER OF HIS FATHER. 3 grew up around him a tliriving family of sons and daugliters. But his worldly wealth did not increase with his progeny. George Malcolm was a strong-minded, an honest, and a pious man — but he was not a pros- perous one. The necessities of a numerous family prompted him to look beyond his farm for means of support. He entered into speculations for which his pre- vious habits had not fitted him ; and carried on, in part- nership with others, mainly with borrowed capital, they failed. Mr. Malcolm's private estate was saddled with a large portion of the debts of the concern ; and all his little property was sold. A close investigation into his concerns revealed only the just dealings of the man.* Many sympathised with him. Some were eager to assist him. Not last or least of these was his brother-in-law, Dr. Gilbert Pasley, Chief Physician at Madras, who in this hour of need rendered him essential service. There was enough in this fatal miscarriage to cloud the happiness of any one. But George Malcolm of Burnfoot was something better than a man of a robust nature ; he was a Christian in the largest sense of the word. " I know not at this moment," wrote one whose testimony is worthy of all acceptationf to one of * He was so honest a man that he f The E,ev. Sir Harry Moucreiif, would not even cheat a friend, or a father of the late Lord MoncreifF, and stranger, in horseflesh. On one oc- grandfather of the present (1S56) Lord casion, he sent an agent to a fair with Advocate of Scotland. Lord Cockburn, a very good-looking horse to be sold in his " Life of Jeffrey," says of him : there ; but charged him, at the same " The prominent qualities of his mind time, with a letter to be delivered to were strong integrity and nervous the intending purchaser, indicating the sense. There never was a sounder defects on account of which he wished vinderstandiug. Many men were more to dispose of the animal. On another, learned, many more cultivated, and the same agent was selling one of Mr. some more able. But who could match Malcolm's cows at Langholm Fair, him in sagacity and mental force ? The when that gentleman joined the group opinions of Sir Harry Moncreiff might who were looking at her, and said, at any time have been adopted with " Ay, ay, gentlemen, she has a fine perfect safety, without knowing more show of milk — but she does not give about them than that they were his." much," B 2 4 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. Mr. Malcolm's cliildren, " whom I could conscientiously compare with your father, in sterling worth, in sound understanding, in the best affections of the heart, in un- affected enlightenment and genuine godliness." He felt the burden that was upon him, for he was a man by nature of an anxious and sensitive temperament ; but, sustained by a good conscience, he bore up bravely beneath it. There was not, perhaps, a day of his life in which he did not remember his misfortunes — but he suf- fered with true Christian resignation, and was thankful for the blessings which remained. And chiefest of these were his wife and children. Margaret Malcolm was a woman of higli principle and sound understanding — but womanly in all ; of quick parts and ready resources ; strong in doing and in suffering ; but gentle and affectionate ; a support in adversity to her husband ; and to her children a tender, a watchful, but not an over-indulgent mother. How much they all owed to her it is difficult to say. She lived to be the mother of heroes, and was worthy of such a race. To George and Margaret Malcolm ten sons and seven daughters were born ; a healthy and a vigorous tribe, who forded the Esk, clomb the steep hill-sides of Douglan and Craig, and gambolled in the heather. There was a good parish school in Westerkirk ; but, better still, there was plenty of fresh air and free scope for exercise, and the boys in early childhood, swimming in the flooded waters of the river, or scampering about the country on rough ponies, learnt lessons of independence, which were of service to them to the end of their lives. Of these boys, John was the fourth. He.was born on the 2nd of May, 17G9.* If he was conspicuous for any- * On llic clay after the birth of the tically a year of heroes. Napoleou Bo- Duke of "Wcliiugtou. It was empha- napartc was boru in the same year. THE FAMILY AT BURNFOOT. 5 thill o: in his cliildhood, it was less for a studious habit than for a certain quickness of parts, which enabled him to prepare his lessons as he trudged up the hill on his way to school; and for that fearlessness of heart and activity of body, the boyish result of which is commonly mischief. The tradition is, that "Jock" was the scapegrace and the scapegoat of the family. The "Westerkirk schoolmaster, Mr. Archibald Graham, used to declare, whatever wild pranks Avere committed, that " Jock was at the bottom of them." No matter how little apparent his participation in the exploit may have been, still the preceptor clung to his formula, and exclaimed, " Jock's at the bottom of it."* It mi2;ht well have been a matter of serious concern, even to one in prosperous cu-cumstances, how to pro\T.de for all these robust boys. To George Malcolm, after his misfortunes, it was the study and anxiety of his life. Fortunately he had many friends — friends in his own native Eskdale, and friends in the great English metro- polis. For the eldest boy, Robert, an appointment was obtained as a writer in the service of the great Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies. James, f the second son, was provided for in the Marines, with a fair field of distinguished service before him. For the third boy, Pulteny,J a midshipman's berth was secured in a man-of-war, and he was on the road to become a great admiral, and one of England's best naval heroes. And now, when yet only eleven years old, John was set down in the Burnfoot book of fate for a military career in the East. Among Mr. Malcolm's friends, it has been said, were * The schoolmaster lived to address have not, however, been able to authcu- his old pupil as Sir Jolm. There is an ticate the details of this story, anecdote in the family, that on the ap- f The late Sir James Malcolm, pearance of his " History of Persia," K.C.B. Malcolm sent a copy of it to ]Mr. Gra- J The late Admii-al Sir Pulteny Mal- ham, with an inscription on the fly-leaf colm, G.C.B. of "Jock's at the bottom of it." I 6 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. the Jolinstones of Alva. One of the family was the well- known " Governor Johnstone," whose influence at the India-House was not unwillmgly exerted in behalf of the tenant of Burnfoot. By him a nomination to the military service of the Company was tendered to Mr. Malcolm for his son John before the close of 1780;* but the extreme youth of the boy rendered it doubtful whether the offer could be turned to immediate accomit. The winter and spring passed away, and Jock remained in Eskdale, at the bottom of all the mischief as before. But in the course of the summer a visitor appeared at Burnfoot, who pro- posed to carry off the boy to London, and obtained the parents' ready consent. This was John Malcolm's maternal uncle, Mr. John Pasley, a London merchant of high character and posi- tion — a man of a kindly disposition and a generous nature, who had rendered much good substantial service to the Burnfoot party in their troubles, and whose knowledge of business was yet to be exercised to the profit of the younger members of the family. His summer visit to Eskdale was now a momentous one. It was agreed that Jock should return with his uncle to London. So mere a child was he, that on the morning of his departure, when the old nurse was combing his hair, she said to him, " Now, Jock, my mon, be sure when ye are awa' * John Johnstone to George Malcolm; point, that youn^ as Jolm is, it maybe December 6th, 1780. " The enclosed, doing the best thing to embrace the from my worthy brother, the Governor, offer. My brother's health is far from is a fresh proof of his never-ceasing at- being re-established, and his absence, tcntion and sympathy to his friends, or any accident to him, and ray dis- He thinks that John, the eldest of yonr tance from the scene of Indian affairs, boys now at home, if I have not mis- might render this appointment here- taken his name, and who you told me after very precarious What I was eleven years old, though young could wish most would be permission should nevertheless accept of tliis ap- for John to remain behind for another pointment. Could one dc certain of year after his appointment, with the such a hit hereafter, no question it consent of the Directors. It would be would be more to be wished, but so happy, perhaps, could this be effected, many accidents may occur to disap- but we must not depend upon it." FIRST VISIT TO LONDON. 7 ye kaim your head and keep your face clean ; if ye dinna, ye'll just be sent liame agen." "Tut, woman," was the answer, " ye're aye se feard ; ye'll see if I were awa' amang strangers, I'll just do weel aneugh." And the brave words were truly spoken. At the end of July, 1781, young John Malcolm, accompanying his uncle, Mr. John Pasley, for the first time crossed the Scottish border. A journey of two days brought him to the English metropolis, where he spent a week, nomi- nally in his uncle's house, but really abroad in the streets, seeing almost everything that was worth seeing, and enjoying himself beyond expression. During this brief period of sight-seeing his ideas began to expand wonderfully, and the childishness of his manners rapidly disappeared.* But there was other education in store for him than that of the great world. On the 7th of August his uncle carried him to school, placing Jock under the charge of Mr. Allen, a gentleman who was under some obligations to Mr. Pasley, and was sure, there- fore, to do justice to the boy. It was Mr. Pasley's desire to obtain an appointment for his nephe^v in the Company's military service with the least possible delay. But the boy was only twelve years old ; and though tall of his age, still of so juvenile an appearance, that there was little likelihood of his passing at the India-House. There were no fixed rules in those days respecting the age at which commissions might be held, but the candidate had to appear before a Committee of Directors, and from them to receive his credentials. There was no difiiculty about John's nomi- '^- Mr. John Pasley to Mrs. Malcolm; everything almost that was curious, August 11, 1781. " I allowed him to and was delighted beyond expression, remain with me all the week, that he His ideas began to open, his behaviour might see and become a little acquainted is much altered, and on the whole, with this immense city. His time was hitherto, I have a very good opinion of fuUy employed in traversing its streets, him." and during these few days he saw 8 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. nation; the difficulty was for one so young to pass the ordeal in Leadenhall-street.* The experiment, however, was to be tried. A free passage to India had been pro- mised by Captain Tod of the Bushridge^ and it was of importance that this should not be lost. So, towards the end of that year, 1781, John Malcolm was taken to the India-House, and was, as his uncle anticipated, in a fair way to be rejected, when one of the Dkectors said to him, "Why, my little man, what would you do if you were to meet Hyder Ali ?" " Do, Sir," said the young aspirant, in prompt reply, " I would out Avith my sword, and cut off his head." " You will do," was the rejoinder; "let him pass." The lofty spirit of the boy atoned for his lowly stature, and that was granted to his big words which would have been denied to his few inches. John Malcolm's first commission was dated in October, 1781. But he did not embark till some time afterwards. Cap- tain Tod, it appears, was to have sailed in the following- March; but circumstances with which I am not acquainted must have caused his detention till the autumn. In the mean while, John Malcolm continued to profit by the kindness of his uncle and the tuition of Mr. Allen ;t and embarked for India, at least as well educated as the ma- jority of lads who at that time, with small Latin and less Greek, set their faces towards the " shining Orient." * Mr. JohnPaslei/ to Mr. George Mai- employment, the delay will be attended colm ; November 13, 1781. " Johnny, witli many disadvantages, which I wish though tall of his age, I don't know to guard agamst. Whether the ap- how to dispose of. He ccrtamly will poiutmcnt is for Madras or Bengal I not pass at Die India-IIousc, and Tod sliall be contented. On Bob's account will sail in Jlarch. If he loses tliis I would )u-cfcr the latter, as his being opportunity, next year he may have his sent to jMa(kas might not, perhaps, be passage to pay for. In two or three so agreeable to my ])rothcr, which weeks Tod is expected in to\Mi. I will would liurt both." consult him on tlic subject, and en- f ]\lr. Allen thought him so pro- deavour, if possible, to get him out. mising a pupil, that he deplored the Another year at the academy would boy's early removal, and offered, if it not hurt him ; but thougli lie would Ijc were connected with pecuniary consi- by that means better qualiOcd for his derations, to educate lum gratuitously. SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. CHAPTER II. SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. [17S3— 179i.] ARRIVAL AT MADRAS — DEPARTURE FOR VELLORE — FIRST TEARS OF SERVICE — IDLENESS AND EXTRAVAGANCE — EARLY REFORMATION — THE WAR WITH TIPPOO — OPERATIONS OF THE NIZAM's FORCE — ORIENTAL STUDIES — FIRST STAFF APP0INT]MENT — RETURN TO ENGLAND. On tlie IGtli of April, 1783, the Bushrklge ancliored in Madi\as Roads. At that place young John Malcohii was received by the widow of his uncle, Gilbert Pasley. The lady had taken another husband, and now bore the name of Ogilvie. After a short residence at the Presidency, he accompanied his new friends to Vellore, and was appointed to do duty with one of the regiments com- posmg the garrison of that fort. Having nothing else to do, he had grown much on the voyage ; and his new friends were delighted with his frank, open manners, his sunny temper, and his genial, playful spirit.* At this time the English in India Avere at war with * Mrs. Ogihie to Mrs. Malcolm ; Vel- make liim liappy. He was too young lore, July 5, 1783. "By this con- to go to the fiekl, so we brought him veyance you will receive letters from up here and got hiai appouited to the yoiu- sou Jack, who, I suppose, will tell troops in this garrison. He is a very you of our journey up here, and of the old ensign, though a very young lad. wonders lie had seen in India He is grown a head and shoulders, and Jack came to us immediately on his is one of the finest and best-tempered landing from Captain Tod's ship, and young lads I ever saw, and very much happy was I, my dear sister, to receive liked by everybody." youi- son, and to do all in my power to 10 SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. Tippoo,* and at war with the French. When John Malcohn reached Vellore, a body of Enghsh troops was laying siege to the French position at Cuddalore. Tidings, however, came of peace in Europe; so hostihties ceased in India against our great continental rival, and left us to turn our undivided energies against our unscrupulous Mysorean foe. Those energies, however, were not ex- erted in a very formidable manner. Our comicils wanted union, and our army wanted a head. There were in- decent dissensions at Madras ; and the loss of Sir E^nre Coote could not be adequately supplied. So, after an- other year of desultory warfare, during which no great advantages were gained on either side, negotiations were opened with Tippoo ; and on the 11th of May, 1784, a definitive treaty was signed. Among other articles of this treaty was one for the release of the prisoners taken by the contending powers. Many Enghsh officers, in tlje extremity of suffering and humiliation, had long been hopeless captives in the hands of Hyder Ali and his son. The -peace, if it had no other good results, restored to liberty these brave, enduring men ; all who had not perished under the cruel hands of their captors. Sir Thomas (then Major) Dallas, who had commanded the escort of the commissioners appointed to negotiate the peace with Tippoo, received charge of the English prisoners, and was instructed to conduct them to the safe precincts of our English territory. At the same time, a detachment of two companies of Sepoys was sent out from our side of the Mysorean frontier to meet DaUas's escort on its way from Seringapatam. In com- mand of this party went Ensign John Malcolm. This was his first ser\dce — and it was long remembered by * Hydcr Ali liad died in the pre- his promise at the India-House by ceding year, so Jolinny Malcolm was cutting off bis Higlmess's head, spared the necessity of making good " BOY MALCOLM." 11 others than the youthful hero himself. When the detachment met the prisoners' escort, a bright-faced, healthy Enghsh boy was seen by the latter riding up to them on a rough pony. Dallas asked him after his commanding officer. "Zam the commanding officer," said young Malcolm. Amid something of pride on one side and amusement on the other, a friendship was formed between the two, which nothing but death termi- nated. Dallas, who lived to a green old age, survived to see the bright-faced English boy grow into one of the most distinguished officers of his day ; and there were few of the reminiscences of his lonsj life to which he re- curred mth greater pleasure than to tliis his first meeting Avith Malcolm, in the old time when Warren Hastings was Governor-General of India . Of the next five or six years of the young soldier's life the records are very scanty. But I am not sure that the absence of authentic materials relating to this period of his career is much to be regretted. He arrived in India, and was his own master before he was fourteen — an age at which the majority of boys of his station are drink- ing weak milk-and-water, and being whipped into Latin hexameters. I am afraid that he was not a prodigy of youthful virtue. He was a fine, free-spirited, active, ex- citable boy, fonder of play of all kinds than of study — a good horseman, a crack shot, accomphshed in all gym- nastic exercises. In his regiment, and wherever he was known beyond his regiment, he went by the name of " Boy Malcolm" — a name which he retained many years afterwards — there was something so open and joyous in his manner, so active, and so frolicsome. Of course he was beset by all manner of temptations. What he re- sisted, and what he did not, I do not particularly know; but he was soon immersed in debt, and surrounded by all its attendant difficulties. 12 SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. One anecdote relating to this period of his life is extant. Being with his regiment at some out-station, and in very straitened circumstances, paying off his debts, I believe, as best he could, and scorning to borrow from his comrades, he was often sore beset for a meal. One day the colonel of his regiment sent for him and said, " I don't see any smoke come out of the chimney of your cook-room, Malcolm — come and breakfast with me." The young soldier fired up at this indelicate invitation — an unwar- rantable interference, as he thought, in his private affairs ; and he either actually called out the colonel, or was with difficulty restrained from sending the challenge. I have heard, too, that at one time, in the course of these years of early struggle — probably at the identical period to which the above anecdote refers — an old native woman in the bazaar voluntarily supplied him with provisions, for the payment of which, she declared, she was content to wait his own time and convenience. For the good feeling thus displayed, Malcolm was ever grateful; and liis gratitude took a practical shape, for he pensioned the good woman to the end of her days,* It was about the year 1787-88 that the dawn of better things commenced; and young John Malcolm began to see the folly of his ways. He had begun life early, and before he was nineteen was able to speak of himself — and truthfully too — as a reformed character. He was at this time stationed with a wingr of his remment at Masuli- patam — where his eldest brother, Robert, was residing as Company's agent — and liad made so much progress in * To render this more iiitcllig'iblc to lliosc avIio have perusctl Sii- Thomas the purclyEiigli^lireadernot acquainted !Munro's delightful letters (iu Mr. witli the history of tlie Indian serviees, Gleig's|,i\Icmoir), in which he speaks it shouhl l)c stated tliat at this ]ieriod with so nuieh good-humor of the early the pay of the youuf'cr Company's ofli- hardsliips to which he was exposed cers was much smailer than it is at the for lack of funds to procui-c ordiuary present time. Tliis cautionary sen- comforts, tcncc, however, will be unnecessary to LETTER TO HIS FATHER. 13 the detail- work of professional duty, that he was ap- pointed to act as adjutant of the detachment. The earliest letter preserved by his family touches on these points, and expresses in a few words so much good peni- tential feeling, that it would be unjust to the young soldier to omit it : JOHN MALCOLM TO HIS FATHER. Masulipatam, Feb. 9, 1788. My dear Father, — My not receiving a single line from you last season, made me almost suppose you thought me no longer worthy of your advice, as I had made such a bad use of what you had formerly bestowed upon me. I must own to my shame you had too much reason to think it would be thrown away. All that I now expect is, that my friends avIU forget the past (I hope I may now say) part of my conduct. I have informed my mother how very agreeably I am now situated, though I believe I shall not remain long here ; as I have been six years and four months an ensign,* I expect promotion every day, and with it a removal. I am at present doing duty as adjutant of that part of my regiment stationed here. Though I receive no pay for doing that duty, it is a great recommendation to a young man to act, as it gives him a chance, when any vacancy happens in the staff line, to be ap- pointed and receive the allowances annexed. I would with pleasure give you some idea of the politics of this part of the globe if I was in any way competent; but they are so little known, that it is almost impossible to meet with a man who can give any account of them. The Mahrattas and Tippoo have ceased hostilities for this some time past. The latter is now in the field against one of his own vassals on the Malabar coast, called Ibed Beg — but I suppose he will soon be crushed, as it is not possible for him to bring forces nearly sufficient to cope witli his master. I am, dear father, Your affectionate and dutiful son, John Malcolm. * From tliis it -^ould appear that liis first commissioiL was dated iu October, 17S1. 14 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. It is probable that lie owed inucli to the judicious management of his brother Eobert, of whom he always spoke in terms of the warmest affection and the most zealous praise. Robert's kindness was not of that yield- ing, indulgent sort, which smooths down present difficul- ties, careless of the amount of evil with Avhich the future may thus be burdened. He thought that the day of reckoning could not come too soon; and therefore not only abstained from assisting John to extricate himself from his pecuniary difficulties, but prevented others from rendering that assistance. John Pasley, the London mer- chant, always generous, and always fond of his nephew, was willing to make advances to the young soldier which would have relieved him at once from the incumbrance of debt; but Eobert Malcolm thought that obhgations thus easily discharged might be soon incmTed again, and accordingly stopped his micle's remittances. John was left, therefore, to pay his own debts as best he could ; and before the end of 1788, he had discharged them all by his own unaided exertions.* A life of active service in the field was now before him. The peace had lasted as long as peace generally lasts in India. The turbulent, aggressive spirit of Tippoo Sultan had not been laid to rest. We had many warnings of a coming ruptm^e. But they had been disregarded. And when at last the crisis came — when our insolent enemy threw off the mask and dared the contest by attacking the lines of our ally the Rajah of Travancore — we found ourselves on the eve of a great war, unprepared for the * Robert Malcolm to Mrs. Malcolm Had he got the money iny uncle ordered oflhirnfoot; Fchrv.ary1^),Yi%^. "Do — viz., 200/. — he would effectually have not blame John, poor fellow. Nothm^ been ruined. But I kuew too well his but distress led him to what he dicL situation to give him a shiUiuo-. He It was even unknown to me until I has now cleared himself from debt, and received my uncle's letters, which I is as promising a character in his pro- suppressed, and wrote to John in a dif- fessiou as lives." ferent style than his uncle had done. HIS FIRST CAMPAIGN. 15 coming struggle. The year 1790 dawned upon us with scanty resources and debilitated establishments, making hasty provision for an emergency that had long been foreseen ; and paying, as was said by Lord Cornwallis, in millions for our unwillingness to venture on a timely expenditure of groats. But the war upon which we were now entering was not to be undertaken single-handed. It was as necessary for the peace and security of the Deccan as of our own dominions that the unscrupulous ambition of Tippoo should be held in control. So the ruler of that country, known as the Nizam, took the field as our ally ; and the Mahrattas were brought into the confederacy. It hap- pened that at this time Lieutenant Malcolm's regiment* was stationed in the country which lies between the seaboard and the confines of the Nizam's dominions. When, therefore, according to our wont in such cases, a detachment of British troops was ordered to co-operate immediately with our ally, Malcolm's corps formed part of this auxiliary force. Commencing their march from Ellore — a rapid and laborious one — in the burning month of May, they suf- fered terribly from the heat of the weather and a fatal scarcity of water. By the middle of July they had reached Rachore, in the Nizam's dominions. " I am now," wrote the young soldier on the 20th of that month to his friends at Burnfoot, " at Rachore, the capital of a beautiful country that bears the same name. It is five hundred miles from Masulipatam. We marched here about ten days ago. Our road was terrible — all rocks and deserts, in the hottest season that perhaps was ever known. The thermometer at 115 deg. for nearly a month. It is true, I assure you, though the hearers of * The 29th battalion of Native lufautry. 16 SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. tliis paragraph, I am sure, will think otherwise. I walked nearly the whole way, as my horse was sick ; and we frequently marched at twelve o'clock at night, and did not arrive at our ground till two p.m. next day. We were sometimes greatly distressed for provisions— often forty and fifty hours without any — but that was little compared to the dreadful want of water on the road. You can have no idea of that, as, thank God ! you never could have experienced it. Officers in general supply themselves, and have a servant for the purpose ; but, in some of our long marches, I have seen men raving mad, go into high fever, and die in a few hours. We are going on service in a few days." At Bhoospore, the detachment joined the army of the Deccan. The Nizam himself had made a crreat show of o taking; the field with all liis chief officers of state. His force was computed to number, camp-followers included, 500,000 people, and to cover an area of ten miles by three or four. It was rather an 'immense migra- tory multitude than tlie moving camp of a reguUir army. The mixture of barbaric splendor with dis- order and confusion — the strong contrasts presented everywhere by the magnificence of the Court and the ragged grotesqueness of the inferior components of the motley force — made a strong impression upon the imagi- nation of the young soldier. But that which most filled his mind at this time, was the thought of the misery inflicted on the people of the country through which he passed, by the cruelty and rapacity of the Nizam's troops. Eveiy kind of extortion was practised upon the inhabi- tants both of their o"\vn provinces and the country on the other side of the border after they had passed into Tippoo's dominions. Cowards to the strong — tyrants to the weak — they made enemies, without any local dis- THE SIEGE OF COrOULEE. 17 tinctions, of all who had no power to resist their merci- less aa:2Tessions.* The history of Malcolm's first campaign may be given in a few sentences. " When we marched from Each ore to the enemy's country," he says, in an early paper which I have found in a somewhat fragmentary state, "we were said to be accompanied by from 25,000 to 30,000 of the Nizam's troops, with a respectable train of artiller}^ But this was far from the truth. 18,000 horse and foot Avere the utmost extent of om' numbers, and, with very few exceptions, a more complete set of ragamuffins was never assembled. . . . Nothing worthy of remark hap- pened before we entered into Tippoo's dominions. . . . We met with no place to impede our progi^ess to the westward in the Doab till we came to Copoulee and Behaudur-Bundur — two forts within a mile and a half of each other. . , . Copoulee is, without exception, the strongest place I have seen in India." After a protracted siege, the place surrendered. " Six tedious months," as young Malcolm wrote, " were spent opposite the fortress, and some valuable lives were lost before it was finally carried." The work fell principally upon the European artillery; and we had then early ex- perience of a fact which subsequently came to be univer- sally understood, that little or no reliance is to be placed * The foUowiug may be taken as an large stones upon their breasts ; whilst example of the atrocities committed by others had their fingers pinched with the Nizam's people — it shows the man- hot pincers. Their cries of agony and ner in which the ransom money was declarations of inability to pay aj)- coUected from a conquered village: pearedonlyto whet the appetite of their "The scene which presented itself to tormentors. Most of those not under the British ofSeer was beyond all de- their hands seemed in a state of star- seriptiou shocking. The diii'erent quotas vation. Indeed, they were so far dis- to be paid by each inhabitant had been tracted with hunger, that many of them, fixed ; and every species of torture was without distinction of sect, devoured then being inflicted to enforce it. Men what was left by tlie European officer and women, poor and rich, were suffer- and Sepoys from their dinner."— -[IT/y. ing promiscuously. Some had heavy Memoir by John Malcolm.'] muskets fastened to their ears; some VOL, I. C 18 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. on native allies, and that therefore, in all nominally con- joint operations, it is expedient to act independently of them. But it was less by the physical agency of our guns than by the moral effect produced by the fall of Bangalore that Copoulee was eventually subdued. Of this flxct, tlie bare outline of which is traced in History, all the more dramatic details are given in one of Mal- colm's later journals : " The strong fortress of Copoulee," he wrote, " had been be- sieged for six months without our making any practicable breacla ; but the commandant, from the whole of the country round being- conquered, entered into a negotiation for its surrender. The result of this depended in a great degree upon the truth of an account which had been received of the fall of Bangalore. The Minister of Dara Jah asserted that this was the case; but the persons de- puted from the fort expressed their doubts of the fact. They were asked what would satisfy them of its truth? 'If Sadooilah Khan* says it is so, we will believe him,' was the reply. He was sent for, and the question put to him. 'I have heard it reported tliat Bangalore has been taken, but have no positive knowledge of its truth,' was the reply. The Minister was quite indignant, whilst the deputies from the tent exulted at his answer. But he requested of both to be allowed to saiisfy himself by going to the English camp. I was in the tent of the commanding officer, Captain Read, when he came to him and asked if Lord Cornwallis had taken Bangalore. Captain II. said he had. ' I beg your pardon,' said he, mildly ; ' I know an English officer always speaks truth, but have you received accounts of this event through a channel in which you repose entire confidence?' The official letter which announced it was shown and explained to him. He thanked Captain II., and went direct to the tent where the con- ference was held, and addressing the deputies, said, ' Bangalore has been taken by the English.' Not a question (T was assured by a person present) was asked, nor an observation made, further * SadooUali Khan was a Mussul- city and good faitli in that part of the man chief, of Arab stock, who was held countiy. in high repute for his scrupulous vera- DAWN OF BETTER THINGS. 19 than the deputies lamenting the bad fortune of their sovereign. They returned into the fort, and the capitulation was instantly signed." Behaudur-Bundur capitulated a few days afterwards, and the garrisons of both places were humanely per- mitted to retire without molestation. After some further operations of no great moment to this narrative, the detachment to which young Mal- colm belonged was ordered to join the main body of tlie Nizam's army, which, accompanied by the Eesident, Sir John Kennaway, was then assembling to march upon Seringapatam, and co-operate with the British forces under Lord Cornwallis, The records of this period of John Malcolm's life are very scanty ; but I know enough to declare that we now see him at the turnmg-point of his career. In the camp of the Nizam he became acquainted with Sir John Kennaway, Mr. Graeme Mercer, and others of the diplo- matic corps then representing British interests at the Court of Hyderabad. He soon grew into favor with them, and lived for a time in familiar intercourse with the magnates of the Eesidency. The high position which they occupied ; the important duties entrusted to them; the stirring life which they led, fired his young ambition. He began to ask himself whether he might not do likewise. A new world opened out before him. He burned to be a diplomatist. The first step towards this consummation was to acquire a competent knowledge of the language of the Native Courts. He determined that he would study Per- sian. His friends of the Eesidency encouraged this good resolution, and Mr. Gramme Mercer lent " Boy Malcolm" the services of his moonshee. And very resolutely did the young man apply himself to the mastery of the c2 20 SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. Oriental character and the construction of the language.* His younger companions laughed at him, and endeavoured to lure him back to his old pursuits. But he had laid aside his gun, and manfully declared that he would not fire another shot, or mount his horse again, imtil he had made certain progress in his studies. And he studied to some purpose. Nor was it to the native languages alone that he applied hin^self at this time. He seems to have begun not only to reflect, but to record his reflections upon the interesting events which were passing before him — upon the character of the people by whom he was surrounded — the nature of the connexion existing between the British power and the Native States ; and the conduct to be observed by the * See the following extract of a letter from Mr. Grremc Mercer to Captain Hamilton : " Oar acquaint- ance commenced in 1791, when I was attaclied to the Residency at Hyder- abad, and John joined us as an ensign in the detachment of Madras troops which was settled by treaty to be stationed in the Nizam's country. lie soon became' a favorite with us all, and particularly with Sir John Keuna- way, the Resident. lie was then a care- less, good-liumored fellow, illiterate, but with pregnant ability. He took a fancy to learn Persian, and I made over to liim my moonsliec, under wliom he made rajjid improvement. The Kesi- deney soon afterwards marched Avith tlie Nizam's son and Minister to join Lord Cornwallis's army, and I have no recollection what became of Malcolm, but a faint one that lie had lost his liealth with tlie detachment, and re- turned to tlic Company's provinces." In another letter, addressed to Mr. Elphiustone, the same writer says: "He was quite illiterate when he joined us, but an adept in all games, and a canital shot; and, in short, possessedanintellcct which only required to be set a-going, either for frood or evil. He had bccu accused of gambling before I knew him ; but I never heard of his exer- cising Ids talents in that way after he had been engaged in any employment of consequence. His overflowing spirits made him riotous, and he was generally known by the name of ' Boy Malcolm.' I think I recollect his speeHncj the tent- poles witli Edmonstone, and probably all of us; but gymnastics formed a great part of our amusements, and he ex- celled in them. I gave him tlie use of my moonshee for some time, and he dubbed him 'Long Tom.' Ten years afterwards, on his return from Persia, when we were both voyaging up the Ganges with Lord Wellesley, John came into my boat. Finding his old friend Long Tom with me, he embraced him most eorcUally, and began to nar- rate his adventures; but, stopping short, he said, ' It is nonsense to be prolix — in short, whatever you have read, I have seen.' ' Ay, Boy Malcolm,' re- plied the moonshee ; ' I hope you will indulge me then with particulars of the journey of Mahomed to heaven upon a Borak.' This, John said, was one of the few points he had not had an op- portunity of inspecting himself, or as- ccrtainiufir from others." PEOVIDENTIAL ESCAPE. 21 former. He was, in a word, preparing himself to gra- duate in the school of diplomacy, eager for an opening whereby he might obtain admission even to the lowest class. And it was not long before such an opening seemed to present itself. Eeferring to this period of his life, Sir John Malcolm, in after years, used to relate that a vacancy having occurred in one of the diplomatic circles of Southern India, he was prompt to make' application for the post; but was anticipated by a quarter of an hour. As he entered the great man's tent to prefer his petition, he met, issuing from it, a young officer upon whom the appointment had been conferred.* He was told, that if he had called a little sooner, the assistantship should have been his. Thus he lost it; and so bitter was his disap- pointment, that on returning to his tent he threw himself down and wept with very grief and vexation. But the loss, though he knew it not, was great gain to him. It was nothing less than the gain of his life. The officer who had anticipated him had no sooner proceeded to the scene of his new duties, than he was murdered in open Court. It was not the man, but the office-bearer — the representative of the English Conqueror — who had been marked out as the victim : so Malcolm, had he been suffered, in this instance, to shape his own course, and to succeed in his own way, would have perished miserably at the very threshold of his diplomatic career. This lesson was not thrown away. It was often dwelt upon, in after years, gratefidly and reverentially, and impressed with becoming fervor on his children. He whose ways * Tliere is necessarily more or less ferred from the preceding note, be was vagueness in all traditionary anecdotes in Lord Coruwallis's camp, and the ap- of this kind. Whether the appoint- plication was made to the Governor- ment for which Malcolm applied was General himself, must remain a matter in the gift of one of the Residents (per- of doubt. The story, however, loses haps Sir Jolm Kennaway), or whether little by this want of circumstantiality at a little later period, as may be in- in its details. 22 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. are not our ways liad mercifully vouchsafed to preserve him, turning the apparent failure into a bountiful deliver- ance, and teaching him the folly of human repinings. It was after the field-operations briefly noticed above that young Malcolm, for the first time, attempted an his- torical record of the events in which -he had been an humble actor. In this early paper may be traced the germs of much which in after days made up the perfec- tion of his character as a soldier and a diplomatist — a mix- ture of firmness and gentleness — of sagacity and courage. I have mentioned how much the oppressions exercised by the Nizam's troops upon the defenceless people weighed upon his mind. It is pleasant to learn that the forbearance and good conduct of the Company's troops presented a remarkable contrast to the licentiousness of their allies. On this fact the young narrator dwelt with manifest delight. After recording an instance of the pro- tection afforded by a British officer to some persecuted villagers, he proceeded thus with his narrative : " It fell to my lot afterwards to witness an occurrence not very dissimilar to the afore-mentioned, where the commanding officer, by a spirited refusal to comply with a requisition of men for op- pressive purposes made by a leader whom he was ordered to assist with troops when required, not only gained the approbation of the English Resident at Hyderabad, but the esteem and respect of his own troops and those of our ally. The latter are lavish in their admiration of the justice and discipline observed by the Company's troops, though they never think of imitating them. I cannot here omit mentioning a trifling anecdote to the credit of our Sepoys. Whenever the guard paraded to march to the ill- fated village I have mentioned, they made a collection of as much rice as each man could afford to give for the starving inhabitants. This was distributed when they went. Such conduct (which was not confined to this single instance) was deemed folly, and excited a smile of pity on the countenances of the unfeeling, plundering horsemen of the Nizam's army, but made different impressions on POLITICAL OPINIONS. 23 the inhabitants of the country. They, accustomed to the worst of treatment, received at first with suspicion and hesitation the kind protection which we always gave them when in our power. Convinced of its reality, and of our acting thus upon system, they spread our fame far and near. The sight of a Company's Sepoy quieted the minds and gave assurance of safety to a body of un- fortunate wretches who, the moment before, were trembling at the thoughts of being plundered, and perhaps murdered, by our allies. I could observe no difference in the conduct of the Irre- gular Horse when in their own country and in that of the enemy. They seemed to consider the defenceless everywhere as their prey, and to attack all under that denomination indiscriminately. The spirit of intrepidity which our Sepoys showed in defending those they were ordered to protect, deterred our allies from venturing on plunder where they saw them posted. The strong prepos- session which the inhabitants of every country through which the English detachment marched must have had for them, may, in some future day, be of the highest value. Reputation for justice and humanity preceding an army is of more consequence than an advanced guard of 10,000 men." From the following noticeable passage, taken from the same early paper, it may be gathered that even at this period of his life he had reflected upon those principles of conduct in accordance with wdiich, in maturer years, he shaped his diplomatic career: " An invariable rule ought to be observed by all Europeans who have connexions with the natives of India — never to practise any art or indirect method of gaining their end, and from the greatest occasion to the most trifling to keep sacred their word. This is not only their best, but their wisest policy. By this con- duct they will observe a constant superiority in all their trans- actions ; but when they act a different part — when they condescend to meet the smooth-tongued Mahomedan, or the crafty Hindoo, with the weapons of flattery, dissimulation, and cunning, they will to a certainty be vanquished. For a successful practice in these little arts, perhaps no people on earth excel the natives of India. They begin the study as they learn to speak, and continue 24 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. it with uninterraitting application through their lives. A friend of mine who lately came to India, strongly struck with this cha- racteristic, observed, that from what he had seen he was convinced that if a bag containing a thousand pagodas were placed between William Pitt and a Madras Dubash, and if the attainment of the money so placed were to depend on specious art and cunning, the former would not get ten out of the thousand. I shall conclude this long digression with recommending a very circumscribed and cautious confidence to be placed by Europeans — especially those in power — in their native servants. Men who neither have, nor pretend to have, honor themselves^ are not the properest guardians for that of others; and when they are detected in having pursued their interest beyond the strict bounds of justice, the master, how- ever innocent, meets with heavy censure; and though his guilt is short of what an ill-natured public think of it, he deserves blame for having placed confidence where he was not warranted. Lord Cornwallis, whose abilities, joined to the opportunities he had of gaining information on this subject, give his opinion the greatest weight, on all occasions testified his marked disapprobation of employing the natives in a confidential manner, and held the master strictly responsible for the acts of his servants." Nor is the following less remarkable as an indication of the early growth of those opinions respecting the col- lision of the commercial and political elements in the constitution of the East India Company, and the mex- pediency of sufltering the former to predominate — opinions which came to be moulded into a leadins; article of faith with the disciples of what in after years was called the " Malcolm School" of Indian politicians : " Economy in a Government is, no doubt, a most laudable quality. But it may easily be carried too far; and, by an im- prudent practice of it in a rigid degree, it is possible, without any injustice, to ruin the country. The Court of Directors give credit to that Governor who realises the best revenue; he gives the same credit to inferior Boards, they to collectors, and so on : thus a system of realising on the public account as much as possible is established; and if a person of a more liberal judgment points out FAILING HEALTH. 25 the good policy of building granaries, of repairing tanks and roads, of restoring choultries, of walling villages — in short, of any mea- sure that he thinks would tend to the comfort or safety of the in- habitants — that he thinks would alleviate, if not entirely prevent, the horrors they are, from their situation, likely to suffer from war or famine — he is treated as a speculator, and his counsel neglected. In short, they know that the expense attendant on all such schemes would be considerable, and that lessening tlie revenue even for one year is not the way to gain the approbation of their honorable employers." In the autumn of 1791, John Malcolm fell sick, and was compelled to proceed to the Coast. He had borne up against the summer-heats better than he had ex- pected;* but in November, although there was much stirring work on hand, for Lord Cornwallis was preparing to advance on Tippoo's capital, his health was so shattered by long exposure to the climate, that he was necessitated to quit the Camp and visit Madras.f From the Presi- * " I have kept my health," lie wrote to his friends at Burnfoot, "as yet, better than could have been expected from being obliged to march at such a season. You will think me a traveller, when I assure you that the thermometer has been upwards of 100 degrees every day since we left Kurpa, and was, the day before yesterday, 110 degrees, in the coolest tent of the lines. We have not had a shower of rain for four months, and have little prospect of being blessed with any for two months to come. The state of the country is indescribable. So many of the inhabitants have already perished from want, that even if a fall of rain would admit of their once more cultivating their country, I am afraid that there are not enough left to per- form the work of cultivation We have our Camp at present in a thick wood near the hills. We expect daily to move towards our old fort, Copoulee. It and all the countries around it were ceded by the late treaty to the Nizam. The inhabitants found the difference between the mild and just government of Tippoo and the oppressive and weak management of the Nizam too great to bear. They were plundered by the Nizam's officers, and have, in conse- quence, rebelled. We are to be sent to reduce them — poor wretches ! — to obedience, and to be the instruments of oppression. It is with the utmost dif- ficulty that rice is prociu'ed to supply our troops ; and as the supplying the Camp almost eutii'ely falls on my sta- tion, I cannot now leave Camp, whicli I intend to do as soon as possible, and to pay a visit to my brother and the sea-coast." This letter, like many of Malcolm's at all periods of his career, is without date. How much easier biography would be, if so large a por- tion of its materials were not, for want of some record of the time and place of their birth, utterly valueless without an exercise of inference and analogy very troublesome indeed to the bio- grapher. f I have not been able to trace tlie precise spot at which he quitted Camp and proceeded to the Coast, but if Mal- colm at this time (the latter end of 1791) was, as Mr. Graeme Mercer re- 26 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. dency, where it would seem that he Avas ahnost tempted to apply for leave on sick-certificate to England, and to take his passage in the 3IcmsJiip^ he wrote to lus mother, on the 9th of January, 1792, " You will learn from other letters the situation of my health. I leave this in fom* hours for Camp. The packet Canada is this instant come from England. I have as yet got no letters, but am just going into the fort along with Mr. Haliburton (at whose gardens I now live) to try and get some, if there are any for me. Mr. Petrie has promised much, and his behaviour to me since I came down to Madras has been very attentive. I have not seen Colonel Harris yet, but will, I hope, soon. He is able to serve me if he has inclination." And it was well that he did not return to England. Had he done so, he would' have lost an opportunity which might never have been regained. He joined Lord Cornwallis's camp before Seringapatam, and his merits were soon recognised and rewarded by that nobleman. It happened that an officer with some know- ledge of the Persian language was required to act as interpreter to the troops serving with the Nizam ; and Malcolm, then a lieutenant, was selected, on the score of especial fitness, for the post. It is probable that Sir John Kennaway, who accompanied the army, brought his young friend's qualifications to the notice of the Governor-General. Be this as it may, John Malcolm had now planted his foot on the ladder; and from this time, to the close of his career, he was uninterruptedly employed on the Staff.* lates, " speeling tent-poles with Ed- officer with European and Native corps monstonCj" lie must have reached the (without ever having one week's leave head-quarters of the army ; for the of absence) for nine years. In 1792, latter gentleman was at that time Per- when at Seringapatam, I was appointed sian translator to Lord CornwalUsj who Persian interpreter to the detachment was at Bangalore in November. serving with the Nizam by the Marquis * Nearly thirty years afterwards, Cornwallis, on the express ground of Malcolm wrote to his old friend, Mr. being the officer with that corps best Cockburn : " I served as a regimental qualified for the station." VISIT TO THE COAST. 27 On his return to Camp, he wrote to the family at Burnfoot : " I wrote you last when I was on my return to Camp, after an absence of two months, which my heakh necessitated me to make. I was very near taking my passage at that time in the Manship, and I almost wish now that I had. I should have been, at this time, most probably enjoying good health and amongst my relations. Don't think that I have any great attachment to those cold regions that you live in — so far from it, that were my relations in India, I never would think of home. When I can afford it a little better than I now can, I will, sans double, take a trip to see my friends, and at the same time renovate a broken constitution. " When our little Camp was ordered to halt here, we were warned from building, as our stay was supposed to be very uncertain. But this could not prevent a set of men who had been three years in bad tents from housing themselves. In short, we thought it was impossible to pay too dearly for a little comfort, and erected a cantonment of very excellent buildings. My house consists of a hall, bedroom, cook-room, and stable, which cost me about three hundred rupees. I have now been in it six months, and if I moved to-morrow would not repent the expense. I am a hard student at the Persian when other business does not intervene ; and when I meet with a pretty story, shall send a translation home to my sisters Why don't they think of sending out a young brother? I want one, that I may play the elder brother and monitor — parts that I am just beginning to learn how to act." It would seem that soon after his return to Camp, the state of his health little recruited by his brief visit to Madras, compelled him again to repair to the sea-side.* -« This is stated on the authority of after our campaign, when Malcolm Mr. Graeme Mercer, who, ui a letter joined us. He was then very unwell, already quoted in part, says, " On our and his constitution seemed to be so return to Hyderabad from Seringa- much broken that I strongly ui-ged patam, I accompanied Sir John Ken- him to get leave to return for some naway to the sea-coast, to rally a little time to Europe. He took my advice. 28 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. There he met his friends Sir John Kennaway and Mr. Grceme Mercer. The war with Tippoo had been brought to a close before the end of February; and the Residency having returned to Hyderabad, these gen- tlemen had gone down to the Coast to recruit their energies after the fatigues of the campaign. The climate of the country had for some time been doing its sure work upon Malcolm's constitution. He had been much exposed to the sun during the worst season of the year, and his health had suffered to such an extent, that it was beyond the power of a brief sojourn at the sea-side to repair the ravages it had sustained. He was unwilling to return to England, for he believed that he was now in a fair way to rise in his profession. But it was impossible to struggle any longer against the increasing debility which rendered exertion painful, and good public service almost an impossibility. His friends counselled the trial of a milder climate. Sir John Kennaway himself was then about to return to England, and he recommended that Malcolm should accompany him. The good advice was not thrown away. The young soldier sent in his papers, obtained leave of absence, and in the cold season of 1793-94 prepared to embark for England. In the course of February,* the vessel in which he had taken his passage sailed out of the Madras Roads; and under the invigorating influence of the pure breezes on the open sea and the dolce-far-niente of life on shipboard, his health soon began to revive. Of this homeward voyage I know little, except that he devoted some part of his abundant leisure to the study and as Kennaway was also returning very of my liealtb, which had suffered to Europe, Malcohn embarked witli severely from the fatigues to which I him iu the course of the following had been exposed during the four season." years that I had been in the field with * " In 'February, 1704, 1 was obliged the Nizam's detachment."— [i¥>S'. 3Ie- to embark for England for the reco- morandum.'] THE HOMEWAED VOYAGE. 29 of the Oriental languages, in which he was assisted by his friend Kennaway. That he either quarrelled, or intrigued, or over-ate himself, as men are wont on shipboard, I do not think very probable. But I have little doubt that he promoted and took active part in every frolicsome expedient for relieving the tedium and diversifying the monotony of the voyage, which his own ingenuity or that of his fellow-passengers could devise. Even a retiring Governor-General, embarking in the midst of an un- exampled crisis, has been known to divert himself with pitch-and-toss on the Avay home. And we may fairly assume that "Boy Malcolm" played at ship-billiards and leap-frog on the quarter-deck, and at whist in the cuddy; that he shot Caj^e-hens, haply an albatross or two ; speared porpoises and bonetes, and angled off the poop for sharks. It would have been very much unlike him, not to have been foremost in all such recreations as these. In the course of July he reached England, from which he had been absent some twelve years. They had been years of toil and trial bravely and hopefully en- countered. He had borne the burden and heat of the day during those years as one of the working officers of the army; and they had made him a good soldier. Henceforth we shall see Mm mainly in the character of a diplomatist and an administrator. But he had learnt much during liis early subaltern-life in Southern India — much that was never foro-otten. The habits and the feel- ing-s of a soldier cluns; to him throusrliout his career. Whatever mi2;ht be his official environments, his heart Avas continually turning with a tender and sympathising interest to the single-poled tent of the regimental officer and the matted hut of the faithful Sepoy. 30 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. CHAPTER III. FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. [1794—1795.] RESTORATION OF HEALTH — DETENTION IN LONDON — INTEODUCTION TO GENERAL CLARKE — VISITS TO BURNFOOT AND ALVA — RESOLUTION TO RETURN TO INDIA — ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE VOYAGE — APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF GENE- RAL CLARKE — DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND — CAPTURE OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. The records of John Malcolm's sojourn in England at this time are but scanty. The benefit which he derived from the homeward voyage was so great, that he had scarcely set foot on his native soil before he began to think that he was in a condition to return to India again. Nothing but necessity could keep him away from the scenes on which something within him whispered that he was destined to achieve distinction. It was great joy to him to be in Eskdale again — to receive the blessmgs of his parents and the embraces of his sisters — and to look with a man's eyes upon the dear old burn and the familiar hills, which had put on their best purple to greet him. But he had work to do in London — not the less imperative because it was not marked out by others, and written down in an order- STATE OF THE COMPANY'S ARMY. 31 book. So the autumn found him busy in the great me- tropolis ; with his heart at Burnfoot all the same.* The constitution of the Anglo-Indian army was at this time a prominent subject of investigation and discussion with the authorities of the East India Company and the Crown, and in all military circles throughout India and the mother country. The Company's army had for some time been in an extreme state of depression. It was ridden over at all points by the royal service. The Company's officers did all the drudgery work ; the King's bore all the honors. For the former there was no higher rank than that of colonel. The battalions were commanded by cap- tains. Promotion was intolerably languid. There were no retuing pensions. There was no furlough-pay even for sick officers. This state of things, severely felt as it was throughout the commissioned ranks of the army, had been readily apprehended by the benevolent mind of Lord Cornwallis, who had drawn up a scheme for the reorganisation of the Indian service, which was naturally regarded with extraordinary interest by all whom it con- cerned, both at home and abroad. From the armies of the three Presidencies deputies were despatched to Eng- land to watch the momentous proceedings of the autho- rities; and wherever the English uniform was worn, or * To one of his sisters he wrote iu " My uncle and I," wi'ote John Mal- October : " I fear there is little pros- colnij " went to see the new play ; but pect of my being down in Scotland finding the doors of Coveut Garden as soon as I expected. The present is Tlieatre not open, we wandered over a very eventfj^l time for my interests, to Drury Lane, and w"ere tempted iu and I must attend to it myself, or I to see Shakspeare's As Ton Like It, cannot expect others will. I want no which was inimitably well performed, extra-inducements to hasten my return Mrs. Jordan acted Rosalind. She is to Burnfoot. My inclinations, when incomparable. The plaudits bestowed I can indulge them, will always lead upon her shook the house ; and she me there, for rest assured that I drag deserved them all. No one ever copied a lengthened chain everywhere else." nature with more success. I wish From another letter, written a week you had her in Langholm for a fort- afterwards, I may take a brief passage : night." — [Octoher 30, 1794;.] 32 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. men were gathered together who had once worn it, there was this great project earnestly discussed. It was natural that a question so important in itself, and personally so interesting to every officer of the Company's service, should have engaged at this time much of Mal- colm's attention. He communicated Iris ideas respecting the claims of the Company's officers to many men in autho- rity at home, and appealed to the general Public through the medium of the Press. His first appearance as a public writer was in a long letter signed " Mullagataunay," and published, I believe, in the North Briton^ in which the whole question is considered in a very clear and com- prehensive manner. The grievances under Avhich the Company's officers labored were described, one by one, in language at once forcible and moderate. He dwelt upon the galling fact that no officer of the Indian army could, by the existing system, rise higher than the rank of colonel. He spoke of the services tliat had been ren- dered by men brought up in the bosom of that army — by Lawrence, by Clive, by Smith ; of their knowledge of the manners and languages of the people of India, which gave them " innumerable advantages over a general im- mediately appointed from home;" and asked whether it was just or politic to tell such a body of men that they were not only forbidden to aspire to the chief command,* * Speaking of the chief command, him equal to the task, liis being a Corn- he said in a subsequent paragraph :" I pany's officer shall be no preclusion freely own that I conceive the station to his being elevated to that distin- of Commander-in-Chief of any of the guished rank. It oughtf on the con- tliree settlements to be one of so serious trary, to give him additional claims." and important a nature, and to involve Sixty years have passed since this was so much responsibility, that I am con- written ; but the invidious distinctiou vinccd the selection of a man for tliat of which Malcolm then complained ofEce will and always should remain in has not yet been practically removed, the hands of the Ministry ; but I liope No officer of the Company's service they will be happy to seize the first has been appointed to the cliief com- 0])portunity that offers of showing that mand of one of our Indian Presi- when they meet with a man whose dencies, up to the time in which I now known abilities and past actions speak write — the summer of 1855. PAPER ON THE STATE OF THE ARMY. 33 but that they were never to attain any higher rank than that of colonel—" in plain language," he said, " that they were only qualified to fill subordinate stations, and that men educated on the fields of Germany or America should be regularly sent to lead them to victory on the plains of Hindostan." Then he referred to the stagna- tion of promotion in the Company's army. He showed how, in an army lacking the higher grades, and recently subjected to great reductions in the strength of its esta- blishment, the avenues to promotion were necessarily blocked up ; he pointed out that a battalion of Sepoys, as the army was then constituted, of the strength of a King's reginlent, was commanded by a captain and eight subalterns, and that a captain of one of the royal regi- ments, commanding only a company, superseded the Company's officer in command of an entire corps. " To obviate this," he said, " and to give that promotion which the Company's officers have such good reason to expect, it is requested that a lieutenant-colonel, a major, and a similar number of captains and subalterns as are deemed necessary for the discipline and duties of a corps in every other service, be appointed to each Sepoy battalion."* " This measure adopted," he added, " the stream will again flow ; hope will take the place of despondency. The drooping veteran will revive, and anxiously seek an opportunity of showing he is not ungrateful to his country for the notice it has deigned to take of him." Having brought forward other cogent arguments in support of the expediency of increasing the number of Sepoy officers, Malcolm proceeded to point out the third * It need hardly be said that the tion made ou the average of the three reorganisation here spoken of was car- Presidencies, the yonngest major-genc- ried into effect. But owing to the in- ral woukl have served in India thirty creased longevity of Indian officers, years," &c. The average age of the promotion is not more rapid than it major-generals of the Company's service was under the old system. In this is nowsixty-two; which gives an average paper Malcolm says: "By a calcula- of more than forty years of service. VOL. I. D 34 FUKLOUGH TO ENGLi\JTD. great grievance of the Company's army — the want of proper Furlough and Retiring Reguhitions. He showed that if a Company's officer, on account of ill-health con- tracted, or wounds inflicted in the public service, was necessitated to leave the country for a while, his pay immediately ceased until his return; and that, in conse- quence of the non-existence of any " comfortable and honorable retreat for the wounded and infirm veteran in his native country, he was compelled to pass the rest of a short life in an ungenial climate, banished from his native country and from every one he holds most dear, or return to his friends, after an absence of twenty years, an object of charity, abandoned by those masters in whose service he had lost his blood, or spent his days of vigor and youth." We read of this state of things now as Ave do of the rack or the thumb-screw, with curious anti- quarian interest. The Furlough and Retiring Regula- tions of the East India Company's army are now the most liberal and meet humane that have ever been devised for any military establishment in the world. Having thus set forth the peculiar grievances of the Company's army, Malcolm declared that there was good reason to believe that they would be speedily removed, as the interests of the Company's army had been en- trusted to good and to true hands : "It is peculiarly fortunate," he wrote in conclusion, "that those who from their stations must decide on the claims of the Company's army, are men eminently qualified for the task. The Court of Directors are disposed to grant every relief; and Mr. Dundas, President of the Board of Control, has in his plans for the Government of India evinced a most extensive knowledge of the British interests in the East, and has suggested a mode of securing and improving them that does equal credit to liis wisdom and liberality. No man could give a more enlightened opinion upon this subject ; but he, and every other person, seem to turn their eyes upon the Marquis CornwalHs as the person who, from great abilities and recent experience, is best calculated AFFAIRS OF THE COMPANY S ARMY. 35 to recommend a satisfactory plan for the new modelling of the Indian army. And from whom can the Company's officers expect a more equitable consideration than from that elevated character who for a period of six years had a daily opportunity of observing, and so often gave the most flattering testimonies of liis approbation and admiration of tlieir conduct ? l^o one ever more lamented the grievances be saw they were at times oblie^ed to endure, from the narrowness of the system upon which their service is now established In my opinion, the in- terests of the army cannot be in better hands. I may be accused of being too sanguine, but I shall never cease to think as I now do until the event proves that I have erred." This paper attracted some notice at the time, and in conjunction with, other communications of a more private character, recommended the Madras subaltern to the consideration of men in authority. Among others who recognised the value of the document, and noticed with commendation the writer, was Mr. Dundas, the President of the Board of Control.* It was the first of those numerous elaborate papers on the military affairs of our Indian Empire, which caused him in time to be regarded as the very first authority on all subjects connected witli the affairs of the Indian army.f Nor at this time were all his efforts made with the pen. He was one of many Company's officers who met in London to deliberate on the affairs of the army. " I will accompany Pulteny to Cambridge to see you if I can," he wrote, on the 21st of * lu a memorandum of his services, clistinguisliecl characters, in terms flat- writteu many years afterwards, Mai- teriug to my feeHngs." colm says : " When in England, cir- f See the latest testimony to this cumstances led to my making public effect in the speech of Sir Erskine my sentiments on tlie military arrange- Perry, on the 10th of May, 1855. The ments for the Company's army, which speaker, however, erred when he cited were then under discussion ; and the Sir John Malcobn as an authority in tendency which those sentiments had favor of the amalgamation of the to inform and satisfy the public mind Queen's and Company's army. This upon that subject was recognised by subject will be noticed in a subsequent Lord ISIelville, then President of the chapter of the IMemoii-. Board of Control, and several other D 2 36 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. October, to his brother Gilbert, then a student at that university, " but I have been attending meetings (no treason) these last two da3^s, and shall be in the same predicament for four or five more. A ship soon leaves this for India, and the Company's officers now in Lon- don are attending to the interests of their fellow-soldiers. You will change your address of Lieutenant to Captain in a month or two." It would seem that during this sojourn in London he renewed his acquaintance, either personally or b}^ letter, -with General Eoss, who had been secretary to Lord Cornwallis ; and that partly through the General's in- fluence, and partly through that of Colonel Dirom, who had been Quartermaster-General during the first My- sore war, and had written a history of the campaign, he was recommended to the favorable notice of Sir Alured Clarke. That officer was about to proceed as Com- mander-in-Chief to Madras, and appeared not unwilUng to listen to the recommendations which were made to hhn in favor of Lieutenant Malcolm. At what precise period the introduction took place I do not know ; but it led in time to important results, and shaped the whole future of Malcolm's career. There were others, too, with whom he renewed his acquaintance — his brothers Pulteny and James. They arrived from the West Indies in October, and John met them with a full heart, delighted to embrace them again. Both were on the high road to distinction. It was a happy meeting, made happier by the circumstances that, during his brief visit to London, Lord Chatham, then First Lord of the Admiralty, made Pulteny a post- captain, and soon afterwards appointed him to the com- mand of the Fox* The family pictures of the young sailor drawn at this * " I was fully resolved to visit Cam- put it out of my power by appointing bridge, but yesterday Lord Chatham me to the Fox, well mauued and ready FAMILY PICTUEES. 37 time are very charming. " I never saw Pulteny look so well," wrote one of his sisters from Burnfoot, to which he paid a brief visit in November. "He is very hand- some, and has the most open, manly comitenance I ever saw. His manner is uncommonly cheerful, and he pos- sesses a flow of good-humoured raillery. He Avill be the delight of every party he enters. He only stayed with us one week." Of James, too, " our open-hearted, generous James," these sisters wrote in terms of lovmg eulogy. And what said they of John ? We may be sure he did not appear less attractive in their eyes. " I dare say," wrote one sister to brother Gilbert, then studying at Cambridge, " you are longing for a letter about our Indian brother. The cause of our silence is really the delight we take in that brother, which makes us regret every moment we are absent from him. When every one prepared us to love and admire him, we scarcely dared hope our ex- pectations would be fulfilled; and I must not hesitate to pronounce them surpassed." "I do not think I have written to you," wrote another sister to Gilbert, " since I had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with this most excellent brother, of whom I think more highly than I can express. His heart, head, disposition and manners, are truly excellent. Any one of them taken separately, and placed among even unpleasant qualities, would render a character worthy of admiration ; but when united, as in his attractive person, they form a character that does honor to the human race. Your friend Mrs. Elliot Avrites of him in the highest terms ; and Mr. John- stone says he is the finest young man he ever saw." Good reason, indeed, had those young Eskdale lassies for sea. I shall join her to-morrow, liglitful. Nowhere do I find such a John is with me, and will, I hope, ac- house." In the Fo.v, Pulteny Malcolm company me to Portsmouth. The few carried out Colonel Artluir Wellesley days I spent at Burnfoot were de- (the Duke of Wellington) to India. 38 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. to be proud of three such brothers as James, Puheny, and John Malcohii ! Nor were these all of whom something must be said in this place. George Malcolm, it has been stated, had ten sons. Eobert, the eldest, as has been shown, was in the Madras Civil Service. Then followed James, Pulteny, and John. Thomas, the fifth son, was engaged in mercantile affairs ; and two younger brothers, David and William, were in training for a similar line of life. Another son, George, a Lieutenant in the Navy, had died early in this year (1794) of yellow fever, at the boyish age of eighteen.* Charles, then a boy, was to enter the same service under Pulteny's protection ; and Gilbert, the sixth son, was then a student at Cam- bridge ; a youth of promising talents, amiable disposition, and unostentatious piety, Avhich ripened into the perfec- tion of a character suited to the career that was marked out for him — the peaceful career of a country clergyman. * The death of George cast a broad day's post, this hojoe will vanish. Were shadow over the famil}' party at Burn- we to hint to my lather our hopes that foot, and filled every member of it John may arrive in tolerable health, he not only with grief for the dead, but would consider us wanting in feeling." fear for the living. Pulteny and — " Pulteny, I fear, is in the greatest James were in the West Indies, within danger. That fatal fever still rages, the influence of the yellow fever, and May our Almighty God preserve him. John,by the last accounts, in bad health What a shock George's death will be in the East. In a family of seventeen to James on his arrival. But nothing children, it was a proof of the signal is to be compared with what poor favor of tlie Almighty that death up Pulteny must have felt on going on to tliis time had not once broken in board the Fenelope to see him for the upon their liappiness. But for the last time." — " We had two of the veiy reason, perhaps, that they were kmdest letters from uncle John (Bas- so favored they felt the blow most ley). He is very anxious, he allows, severely when it came. The family about John, but he will not suffer a letters, written early in 1794, contain gloomy thought on the subject. God many such passages as tlicsc : " We grant he may reach ns in tolerable have many causes of alarm at present, liealth." — He arrived in such ex- You would observe the arrival of the cellent liealth and admirable condition Queen Cliarlotte. She seems to have that many jokes were cut at his ex- spoken with several homeward-bound pense. One of the Directors of the ships, in one of which we hope John Company, on seeing him, observed, may be. Sometimes we flatter our- drily, that " the Indian gentlemen have selves that Bobert or John may have a happy knack of recovering their written, but if no letters come by this health on the voyage." RESOLUTIOX TO RETURN. 39 Nor were the sisters of the family unworthy of their brothers. "You said a great deal," wTote John to a member of the family, " but I now think that you gave but a cold description of Burnfoot and its inhabitants." He Avas as much pleased with them as they were with him. The meeting could not have been a happier one. But the happiness was only too brief. The young soldier spent his Christmas at Burnfoot ; and it would seem that, dming the visit, he finally resolved to return to India in the course of the ensuing spring, with a good prospect of accompanying General Clarke as secretary or aide-de-camp. From Burnfoot he went to Edhiburgh, and thence to Alva, the estate of the John- stones. From that place he wrote to one of his sisters at Burnfoot, on the 18th of January: " You don't seem pleased with my resolution to return to India; but I am sure I will convince you when we meet that I have not only acted a prudent part, but that I should have been highly culpable had I done otherwise. I applied to Mr. Bell, and rather exaggerated than diminished in my account of both my past and present ailings ; and his opinion was decided and positive for me to go. ' There is a tide in the affairs of men,' &c., and I like to go with the tide in my favor. I have tugged against it in my day. " My uncle John, in answer to my letter from Burnfoot, strongly objects to my return, and urges much against it. In his answer to a very full one I wrote from Edinburgh, he allows that the reasons I give for the part I then determined to act were un- answerable, and that he could not but approve. I am yet in the dark with regard to General Clarke's motions, but must be in London before the middle of February. If^go with him (there is much virtue in your if), most undoubtedly it Avill be as one of his family I pass my time very pleasantly here. I keep much within doors for two reasons : — 1st. The continual fall of snow for some days past has rendered both riding and walking disagreeable. 2ndly. My legs are quite recovered, and I wish not to induce a relapse by too early exertions. I am sorry I was not at home to see and hear Catherine Armstrong. Tell Minny that she speaks of her so highly, that I will waive all con- 40 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. siderations of caste, and do hereby empower her to open a treaty of matrimony between her and me." — [Alva, January 18, 1795.] I am told tliat during this winter he attended some of the college classes in Edinburgh, to which attractive city he returned after his visit to Alva. There are those now living who remember him at that time as a light-hearted, amusing young man of five-and-twenty, with a great thirst after knowledge, and a prodigious memory. He would give the substance, often the very words of a lecture which he had heard, with extraordinary accu- racy, or repeat a sermon (sometimes imitating the pe- culiar manner of the preacher) with equal fidelity. The society of Edinburgh delighted him. It need hardly be said that he was hospitably entertained in a city where every man of good character and intelligence is sure to be hospitably entertained. "You are ac- quainted with this town," he wrote to his brother Gil- bert, on the 22nd of February. " It is, in my opinion, one of the most agreeable I ever was in. Probably the flattering attention I have met with makes me a partial judge. But as there is no place in the world where such encouragement is given to literary men, so I believe there are nowhere to be found men of more deep learning and science. Learning is a plant cultivated in proportion to the demand. Independent of the medical line, the law, and some others, the numerous professors' chairs hold out rewards both of fame and fortune to the aspiring youth I have been both instructed and enter- tained by a casual attendance at some of their classes. I have given up a good deal of my time to the Oriental Professor, a sensible, modest man. His name is Mudie. I have read Persian Avith him whenever I have had a leisure hour, and have found him grateful to a degree for the little instruction I could give him. I was so happy as to be made acquainted with Dr. Blair, and was in the SELF-CULTIVATION. 41 habit of paying liim frequent visits, until our intercourse was interrupted by a severe misfortune happening to him. His Avife, a partner of forty-six years, fell a victim to the severity of the weather."* A boy who goes out to India at the age of twelve can carry little education with him. John IMalcolm had long felt the want of scholastic training, and had been endeavouring to compensate for it by assiduous self- cultivation, carried on as it always must be under diffi- culties, amidst the turmoil of the camp. The idea of improving his mind had been ever present to him when he turned his thoughts tOAvards home, and had had no small share in inducing him to return to England. " The satisfaction of seeing my relations and the improvement of myself," he wrote to his mother, f "exclusive of the perfect re-establishment of my health, are very great inducements to a man of my way of thinking." " My favorite amusement," he said, in the same letter, " is reading; and being assisted with a good memory, I seldom have occasion to read a Avork twice. Of all reading I prefer history. It pleases most upon reflection, and the impressions it makes are more lasting. Poetry is a pleasant relaxation, but I believe I expose my Avant of taste when I confess that there are very foAV poets that I can dwell upon Avith much satisfaction. I have for some years past made the languages of this country my * The winter was a vei-y severe one. yet I believe it was to them I owe ;^, In this letter Malcolm says that he was as they led me to pui-sue my amuse- detained at Edinburgh " by an irre- ments with but too little consideration gular sally of this charming climate to my health, which was first im- for the short space of tliirty-two days." paired by a too frequent exposure to f In this letter, written before liis the climate in hunting, shooting, &c. departure from India, Malcolm says : As I grow older I shall grow steadier, " I left you all so very yomig that you and pui-sue both my amusements and must have but a faint recollection of my studies witli less warmth, and very me ; and what a pleasure it would be probably with more advantage. I have to see again those who are so dear to sincerely told you wliat I am, and mc ! I have a flow of spirits that though I have many foibles, I trust I never leave me ; and though they have have few vices." supported me through a long illness, 42 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. study, more with the hope of their being useful than entertaining, as thek knowledge is very confined, and nothing new to be met with amongst them. I lament much the want of a branch of education which never ought to be neglected in the forming an officer — a com- plete knowledge of mathematics and 'drawing. I have labored a good deal to improve myself in these sciences, but the want of proper masters has prevented me from attaining any proficiency m them. If I w^ere ever to revisit my native country I should apply myself closely to these studies." And that he did all that he could do when the time came to fulfil these intentions we may be sure. But great as was his desire to improve himself by entering upon a new academical career, his opportunities were but scanty. The w^uiter was scarcely over w^hen he found himself agam in London. All doubts, not only as regarded his return to India, but the situation in which he w^as to return, had passed away. He was to go out again to Madras, not as an unconnected subaltern, but as a member of the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief. " I go to India this season," he wrote at the end of March, " and shall have been about eight months in my own country before I embark for the East again. But I have not lost one hour of the eight months. Every day has been more joyful than yesterday. I look forward with apprehension to that period when I shall be less alive (for I never can be dead) for those feelings which have made me so happy since I came to Britain." At the end of April he w^as busily occupied with the necessary arrangements for his voyage. " My de- parture is yet uncertain," he wrote to Burnfoot on the 28th, "but I am determined the arrangement of my little matter shall not be put off to the last day, and am therefore now despatching my trunks for Portsmouth." The tune for his departure was, however, very near. Whether he had, before shipping his lighter goods for DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND. 43 Portsmouth, taken lecave of his family at Burnfoot, or whether, previous to his embarkation, he was able to pay another visit to Eskdale, does not very clearly appear. The parting must have been a painful one ; for at the age to which his parents had now attained there was little hope of his ever seeing them again. The benedic- tion which he then received he well knew would be the last in the flesh. The spirit might often go forth to bless him ; but those venerable hands had now per- formed their office for ever. In the month of May he embarked at Portsmouth. " I have this moment," he wrote on the 14th of that month, " received orders to go on board, as our ship is getting under weigh. I am ax)pointed Secretary to General Clarke, on a secret expedition. My prospects are very flattering." The vessel in which he sailed formed part of a considerable fleet of Company's ships, conveying a large body of European troops to India under the General's command. Of the early part of the voyage I have no private records. It is to be gathered from public despatches* that the fleet stretched out to the coast of South America, and was detained for some time at St. Salvador.f At the beginning of Sep- tember they sighted the western coast of the Cape of Good Hope, and at daybreak on the 4th looked out upon the picturesque many-coloured hills sloping down to St. Simon's Bay, in which they Avere securely anchored. The colony was then in the very crisis of its fate. Its destiny, trembling in the balance, was decided by the opportune arrival of the troops under General Clarke. Whether the Cape of Good Hope was thenceforth to be a Dutch or an English settlement was the great prac- tical question now to be solved. General Craig and Ad- miral Keith Elpliinstone had been for some time main- * General Clarke to Mr. Dundas, in the Annual Register for 1794. I Baliia. 44 rUKLOUGII TO ENGLAND. taining an unequal contest with the Dutch burghers ; and never were reinforcements more welcome than those which Clarke now brought to their aid. But I may leave the story to be told by Malcolm himself, who Avas a witness and a participator in the events which trans- ferred the Cape colony to hands by ^vhich it has ever since been retained : " We ancliored," he wrote in a long narrative and descriptive memorandum, drawn up shortly afterwards, " in Simon's Bay, on the night of the 3rd of September. The General, &c., went on shore next day to see Sir George Elphinstone, whose squadron was lying there. We were soon informed that they were at open war with the Dutch, who had refused to accept of the favorable terms which Sir George and General Craig had offered them. The latter, with a little army of about 2000 men, principally sea- men, was encamped at a place called Muysemburg (seven miles from Simon's Town, on the road to the Cape), from which a party had been driven five weeks previous to our arrival, by the fire of some ]nen-of-war sent for the purpose. It had not been judged proper to advance further. Frequent skirmishes had taken place, in which three men on our side had been killed, and three officers and seventeen or eighteen privates wounded. Both fleet and army were in anxious expectation of our appearance, as they had lost all hopes of succeeding without our aid. No time was lost in landing our three regiments and artillery. They were marched immediately to Muysemburg. Their junction made the whole about 5000 men, 3000 of which were soldiers. The remainder Avere sailors and marines. " Our greatest difficulty was the transporting provisions to camp. They were carried in boats within two miles of the camp, and from that on the soldiers' backs. The sea at times run very high in the bay to which the boats came, which rendered the task very arduous. But the decided and zealous admiral soon surmounted this difficulty, and principally from his exertions we were en- abled to march on the morning of the 14th, with four days' pro- visions on our men's backs. Eight days' provisions and a quantity of military stores were left under the charge of a strong party at Muysemburg. " The army marched in two columns. The 'principal, with CAPTURE OF THE CAPE. 45 wliicla were the Commander-in-Chief and Major-General Craiir, consisted of 3000 men. With it were ten 6-pounders and two howitzers. Its route was the high road for Cape Town. The otlier cokimn, consisting of 1600 men and two 6-pounders, com- manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, marched to the left, to scour the country in that direction. The grenadiers and liglit infantry were detached to the front, and on the right flank of the main column ; and the corps of marines covered the left. Before this column had advanced five hundred yards we observed scat- tered parties of Burgher horse preparing to annoy our right flank. They were mounted on small but active horses, and were armed with long guns. Some of them had attendants on foot who carried a second firelock. They appeared to have no discipline ; and any person who had seen irregular cavalry must instantly have concluded them to be a very contemptible enemy. These Burghers were the farmers of the country, who were far the most violent party against any terms being entered into with us. Un- accustomed to fire at anything but roebucks or ostriches till our an'ival, they were eager to try their hand at ' new game,' as thev used scoffingly to call our troops. They had met with petty successes against the advanced party of General Craig's little army, who-ge prudent conduct in not advancing against Cape Town till General Clarke's arrival they readily construed into a fear of their prowess. " But all their golden dreams were doomed to vanish on this day. Though the groimd was particularly favorable for the species of warfare they carried on — high sand-hills covered with brushwood, and intersected with deep lagunes, which were only fordable at particular places, which they knew, and of which we were ignorant — they no sooner perceived that our troops were not intimidated by their fire, but advanced as rapidly as the ground would permit, than they fled from one height to another, keeping up an irregular fire, seldom nearer tlian a quarter of a mile. This skirmishing continued for nearly four miles. The country then opened, and we came to a level plain, about a mile and a half in breadth. On the other side was the hill, or rather eminence of Little Wyndburg. To this, after a little galloping about the plain, the Burgher horse retreated, and joined a party of infantry who were already formed on the summit. Their number appeared altogether nearly 1200 — 400 of whicli were cavalry. They had nine field-pieces. The post they occupied was very strong by nature, and the high road lay immediately 46 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. througli the centre of their line. It was possible, as I afterwards found from observation, to have passed to the right of Wyndburg and out of reach of their cannon. But this circumstance was not known at the time to any one in our camp. " We halted at the beginning of the plain for the column under Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, who, from want of proper guides, had been much detained. They joined abaut four o'clock, and the whole immediately advanced. " A detachment of 800 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Mac- kenzie, were ordered to turn the enemy's left flank; and one of 600j under Lieutenant-Colonel M'Murdo, to turn their right; while the remainder advanced in two lines to attack in front. They opened their guns before they corJd reach us; when we were nearer, some of our field-pieces were advanced, and opened a brisk and well-directed fire, which very soon threw them into confusion ; on which the corps composing the front line were ordered to advance. Alarmed at this, and at the appearance of the parties on their flanks, the enemy took flight. Having excel- lent cattle, they easily drew ofi" their guns. Our advanced corps pursued them till they reached the Great Wyndburg. Here, as it was dark, the General ordered the whole to halt and lie on their arms for the night. We found the casualties of the day had been very trifling — particularly considering the great noise that had been made. One man killed and about twenty wounded (two of whom are since dead) on our part; and a few more on that of the Dutch. "The fugitives carried the alarm into the town; and at ten o'clock at night a flag came from Governor Sluyskin, &c.j re- questing a truce for forty-eight hours : one for twenty-four was granted. General Craig met some commissioners from Cape Town half-way from Camp on the morning of the 15th, when the capitu- lation was agreed upon; and on the 16th the fort, the ordnance stores, &c., were taken possession offer his Britannic Majesty. " Nothing could have been more fortunate than the termination of this affair. Had the original terms oflered by Sir George Elphinstone and General Craig (before the arrival of our fleet) been accepted, our commanders would have been tied down to the invidious task of supporting a system of government deservedly odious to almost all classes. The divided authority of the civil government, under the Prince of Orange, and the military, under his Britannic Majesty, would have proved a continual source of LETTER TO HIS SISTER. 47 discord. No blame can be infeiTed from this on these two com- manders, who acted under direct orders from home, and whose primary object was to get possession by any means. The force they had was not equal to the reduction of it ; and the arrival of our fleet in time was uncertain. On the other hand, had they obliged us, by continuing an infatuated resistance, to attack the lines, the consequences would have been dreadful. Our success would have been certain; and no power could have restrained an army composed, like ours, of wild sailors, and raw — I might almost say undisciplined — soldiers, from carnage and plunder. Of their tendency that way we had sufficient proofs. General Clarke, by taking every precaution possible, prevented any depredations of consequence. " We were no sooner in possession of the place than the com- manders began to try by every means in their power to quiet the minds of the inhabitants, to conciliate their affection, and to reconcile them to the sudden change of government. This, to judge from outward appearance, they were successful in; for, in a very few days, all seemed restored to its former state. The women, who had mostly fled to the country on hostilities com- mencing, returned. Even the most violent Burghers, allured by the prospect of gain, began to bring in their cattle. Every man followed his former occupation, and a stranger would not have believed a change had happened." From tliis memorandum of public events, which con- tains one of tlie clearest narratives of the circumstances attending the surrender of the Cape which I have ever read, we may turn now to the record of Malcolm's indi- vidual impressions. In a passage of a letter to his eldest sister we see not only what he thought of the Cape and its people, but what he thought of his situation on the General's Staff, and how he was employed during the two months wliich elapsed before his departure : " I remain behind with the General, and do not expect to leave this before the 15th of November. My situation with General Clarke is everything that I could wish. He is a man of a stamp not often met with — mild and gentlemanhke in his manners, clear and just in his own conduct. He is a declared foe to all dark dealings and to peculation; and in everything that 48 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND. regards the Government he is scrupulously just beyond any man I ever knew. He never will, I am convinced, himself make an' indirect halfpenny; nor allow any person whom he can control to do it. This is a proper man for an Indian to be with, for you know we are all reported to have very different sentiments. He carries on a good-humoured war Avith my negligent habits, and my desire to please him makes me endeavour to conquer them. I never was a swearer; but I can venture to say I never now, even in an unguarded moment, let slip an oath. He abominates the practice. " This is a charming place — not very large, but uncommonly neat- and clean. The appearance is like the best part of Glasgow. Their meat, vegetables, and fruit, are superior to (those of) any country I ever was in ; and their wines, of which they have great variety, are excellent. Had I been i-icli enough, I would have purchased some Constantia; but it is very dear, so I must there- fore defer for a short period sending a pipe to Burnfoot. " The inhabitants of the town are a cheerful, good-humoured people — rather too phlegmatic; not so mad as I could wish them, but on the whole make an agreeable society for sober-minded people. The Dyong-Frows are some of them very pretty — play on the harpsichord, and dansc bien tolerable. They appeared more lovely when their decent modest manners* were contrasted with the ridiculous extravagance, both in dress and manners, of some young ladies escaped from a London seminary on their flight to India, to lead the fashions there, whose behaviour made me blush for them. I was at great pains to assure all I was ac- quainted with that they were very different from the young ladies in general in Great Britain " I have got an honorable, but troublesome, employment in recruiting men out of the prisoners of war for the service of the Company in India. A set of finer fellows I never knew — all Germans. I have been very successful. I have hitherto acted together with Lieutenant Owen from Bengal; but as he sails to- morrow, the whole business falls on my shoulders. I expect in a month to have upwards of 200 for Madras. Nearly 300 are already embarked for Bombay and Bengal." • Lady Andrew Barnard, ulio went dcsty of the young ];idies of the Cape, to the Cape with Lord Macartney two "WHiatever their manners may liave years afterwards, gave a very iiufavor- been, it seems that tlicir morals were able account of the decency and mo- execrable. THE STAFF AT MADEAS. 49 CHAPTER IV. THE STAFF AT MADRAS. [1796— 179S.] APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF — THE MILITARY SECEETAKYSHIP — LETTERS TO BURNFOOT — DEPARTURE OF SIR ALURED CLARKE — APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF GENERAL HARRIS — DEPARTURE OF LORD HOBART — THE TOWN-MAJOESHIP OF FORT ST. GEORGE. On his return to India in the cold season of 1795-96, John Malcolm found himself still a lieutenant. But as Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, he was in a better position than many a much older officer. And how happ}' and contented he was (in all respects but that of separa- tion from his family), the following hastily-written, but characteristic letters to Bumfoot, plainly declare : JOHN MALCOLM TO HIS MOTHER. Madras, Feb. 6, 179G. My dear Mother, — Although I am told that the ships will not sail for near a fortnight, I shall seize this leisure moment to write to you. I am well, and situated in every respect as I could wish. I am secretary to General Clarke, wdio is, without excep- tion, one of the best men I ever knew. The employment is of that nature as to leave me hardly one idle moment — all the better you will say ; and all the better I say. The sight of all of you at home has filled my breast wath emulation to be worthy of such relations. Bob will be rewarded for all his trouble in a princely VOL. I. E '50 THE STAFF AT MADEAS. manner. He is, to a positive certainty, to be nominated Com- mercial Resident at Vizagapatara, an appointment worth 4000?. a year. His prospects now are great, and it is fortunate for all who have claims upon him, for he has a noble heart. In disposition, he resembles more his father than any of the others, as I have often told you — anxious and warm, but only for the moment. 'Tis a serious disappointment to both our not being destined soon to meet, for I have a thousand things to communicate which I never can by letter, though I (should) give him one once a day Ever your affectionate son, John Malcolm. to his sistek mina. Madi-as, Aug. G, 1796. My dear MiNNY, — .... Experience makes wise. I have determined to surmount all that dread that used to attach to the writing of Europe letters, and though I may now and then honor the seniors of the family with a production, you insignificant folks shall have nothing but hasty, uncorrected effu- sions. These shall be short, but frequent. My present situation leaves me but little time at my own disposal; but we must be attendant and dependent upon the will of others before we can expect attendance and dependence on our own. Bob is well, and must soon be a man of affluent fortune. Jack is on the road to preferment, but not of a lucrative nature. If he has good luck, he will be able to show hundreds for Bob's thou- sands, ten years hence. Fortune was pictured blind, but she was clear-sighted when she made your elder brother one of her fa- vorites. He has not a thought of the value of money but as it enables him to indulge the dictates of his noble disposition. I would give the world for a month's leisure to go and see him I have hardly wrote a line of poetry since I left you. My time is so completely engaged, and it is, perhaps, one of the most idle amusements in the world. Should (which is very probable) my next situation give me more employment than this, I will com- mence encore, and sing you all to sleep. . . , . Stephy mentions a long letter from you, in which you give a description of a Miss Coates and a Miss Munro. The latter I have seen. Her DEPARTURE OF SIR A. CLARKE. 51 brother Tom* is a constant correspondent of mine. He is an uncommon clever fellow. Ever yours most affectionately, J. M. At this time Sir Jolm Shore was Governor-General of India. Lord Hobart was Governor of Madras. And Sir K. Abercromby was Commander-in-Chief of Bengal. In the beginning of 1797, the last-named officer resigned his command, and Sir Alured Clarke stood appointed to succeed him. The vacancy thus created at Madras was filled by the appointment of General Harris, who was then at Calcutta, to the command of the Coast army. Early in the month of March, 1797, Sir Alured Clarke sailed for Bengal; and General Harris, on assuming the duties of his new office, appointed his predecessor's mili- tary secretary to the same situation on his own staff. There were circumstances, with the precise nature of which I am not acquainted, to place it out of the power of Sir Alured Clarke to appoint Malcolm his military secretary at the Chief Presidency.f But, attached as the * The late Sir Thomas Muni'o. tolOOO rupees per mouth for pay, batta, ■f The appointment of Secretary to and house-rent, as Secretary ; and you the Commander-in-Chief of Bengal was, would have the management of the in those days of splendid contracts and military dawk without the provinces, nmnificent jobs, a most lucrative one, which is worth 2500 to 3000 per month. The following extract from a letter The allowance for laying the dawk is vsritten to ]Malcolm by a friend at 2700 rupees, and the expense does Lucknow exhibits, in a very amusing not exceed 400, which is more than manner, the perquisites of office : defrayed by the postage of letters. " At the same time that I shall be Taking your advantagesat 3500 rupees, disappointed in not seeing you in and supposing General Clarke will re- Bengal, I am very glad that it will be main three years in Bengal, I cannot owing to yoiu* having secured a com- help thinking it would be much to fortable and advantageous situation at your advantage to come round with Madras. In your readuiess to sacrifice liim. You would be able to save a a splendid prospect' to secure a mo- lakh of rupees; nor, after having ful- derate advantage, you have shown filled the respectable situation of Se- your good sense ; but it is possible cretary to the Commander-in-Chief, you may not be aware of all the ad- would yon find any difficulty in obtain- vantages which belong to the Secre- ing an appointment at Madras of equal tary of the Commander-in-Chief in value with your present one whenever Bengal. You would receive from SOO you chose to return to that establish- E 2 52 THE STAFF AT LIADEAS. latter was to liis old master,* he found his new position as secretary to General Harris an agreeable one; and his letters, whilst a member of that excellent man's family, are full of cheerfulness and buoyancy of spirit. "You, with all the rest," he wrote to one of his sisters on the 15th of March, 1797, "will be rejoiced at my good for- tune, the particulars of which I have wrote to my father. Pulteny is ordered to Bengal, which, though it disap- points my expectation of seeing him soon, I am happy at, as it aifords him an opportunity of refreshing his crew, who are mostly ill of the scurvy; and he has already seen his elder brother. The family I am now in is an uncommon pleasant one. The General appears every- thing that is honest and worthy — Madame, an amiable, good woman; and Mademoiselle, sensible, pleasing, and unaffected. This is a sketch on a very short acquaint- ance. I promise that you shall become acquainted with them as fast as I do General Clarke left us on the 6th instant. I never felt more than in parting with him. His attention to me was excessive; and I meiit." — [3Ir. George Jolmstone, Luck- Malcolm. Mr. Lusliiugtou, indeed, now, to Lieut. John Malcolm ; October tells us that Lord Harris, " after a 26, 179G.] sliort experience of his position iu the From the date of this letter, it would Council of Madras, felt that the mili- appear that Malcolm had secured the tary patronage was so entirely iu the succession to the military secretaryship hauds of the Civil Government, as to at Madi'as as far back as the autumu be detrimental to the public service." of 1796. But Mr. Lushiugtou, in his This would appear to be the true solu- Life of Lord Harris, says that " iu the tiou of the difficulty, month of January, 1797, he (Harris) * The attachment was reciprocal, received at Calcutta the unexpected Su* Alurcd, soon after his departure, intelhgence of his appointment to wi-otc to Malcolm, saying, " Lord Ho- command the army of Madras." This bart, I hope, M'ill continue his friendly seeming discrepancy miist be accounted attention to you. Mine you may always for ou the hypothesis, either that the rely upon. For, to be sincere, long allusion in Mr. Johnstone's letter is acquaintance has satisfied mc that the to the Towu-Majorship of Madras, the rectitude of your head and heart eu- reversion of which may have been se- title you to expect and receive from cured to him by Lord Hobart ; or that mc ail those good offices which the par- the gift of the Military Secretaryship tiality of your other friends wished me was m the hands of tlie Governor, and to show you when we first met." had been promised by him to John GENERAL HARRIS'S FAMILY. 53 have every I'eason to believe that he was as sorry to leave me as I was to stay. He condescended to tell me the circumstances which placed it out of his power to make my situation in Bengal equal to what it was in Madras ; and in a point where my interest was the chief thing consulted, attending him was out of the question. I sin- cerely hope that he will return, as I have good reason to think it will be seriously for my advantage ; and I am sure he is a man who, from his just and dispassionate character, is peculiarly fitted to shine in a high civil station I keep my health uncommonly well — rather inclined to get too stout. However, the con- stant exercise I use will prevent that, in some degree. . . . . I am not fond of going out visiting at night. The truth is, I get sleepy. I fear that this is a symptom of age. To-night I am on duty, having the honor of attending Mrs. and Miss Harris to return about a dozen visits. I wish it were over You know I can be the most serious man on earth when I assume that character. I have not found that necessary for more than five hours of my life, and I hope that I may laugh through the remainder as happily. Laughing or crying,, I always am your affectionate brother." It may be gathered from his letters that John IMalcolm w^as never more in a " laughing" mood than at this period of his life. He had good health, good spirits, and good prospects. He was still " Boy Malcolm;" and he wrote both to his friends in India and to dear old Burnfoot in a strain which must have imparted something of its own cheerfulness to the recipients of his laughing epistles. A young officer on the staff of a governor or commander-in- chief leads a careless, though not an idle life. He is in the midst of public affairs, but he is scarcely of them. He sees history, but does not act it. He has all the excitement, but none of the responsibilities of greatness. 54 THE STAFF AT MADRAS. He shares the pomp, but not the troubles of office. -John Malcolm at this tune saw little of diplomacy, except its ceremonials; and at these he could afford to laugh. The following letters — the first of which relates to a grand public interview between the Governor of Madras and the Nabob of the Camatic* — are - significant of the elasticity and sunny-heartedness of the writer at this time: JOHN MALCOLM TO COLONEL CLIFFE. Madras, April 7, 1797. My dear Cliffe, — It is some time since I wrote to you, and had matters gone on without any extraordinaries, I should have been silent longer — but we have had this morning a grand cere- mony. To do it justice by description exceeds my ability; but I Avill attempt to give you an idea of it. At nine o'clock, all Company's servants assembled in the Go- vernor's house in the Fort, and at ten the procession set out for the Nabob's. Josiah Webbe, Esq., the Grand Secretary, went first in a palanquin. He bore on his knees a silver salver, curiously carved, on which lay a gold-embroidered purse that contained the important letter from the Company to the Nabob. It was followed by a party of troopers, who preceded the Right Honor- able Lord Baron Hobart, who rode in a state-coach, attended by aides-de-camp Beresford and Burroughs ; after which, in a chariot, came Lieutenant-General Harris, accompanied by Major Gardiner ; next Colonel John Richardson, in a bandy, with an ornamented hood ; and after him Captains Young and Mal- colm, iilom of ouu statesmen aiul the oourago of oui' troops ; how the ivduotioii o( Tippoo's power luid placed us in i^ossession ot" tlie Avhole eoast of ^folabar, and how, with the exeo[itiou ot' the ishuuls ol" Ceylon, Malaeea, and Aniboyna, there was not a port, iVom Surat to Caleutta, in whieh a vessel eould anehou without I lie eonsent of the Faiglish. AVhat then, he asked, wa^ to beeome of the tamed eotnineree ot' Miiseat/"" it' the harbours of tlie whok^ Indian IVninsula were to be closed against the merchant ships oi' Muscat by the llat of the paramount power? To such a question no answer could be retiirneJ, except an avowal ot' the I'aet that the prosiHM'ity of "Muscat was dependent upon the iavor o( the Knglisli. The Governor Avas "willing, indeed, to acknowledge everything that was said, and to accede to anything that was proposed ;f but although Malcolm produced the agreement into which he desired to enter ibr the location of a Uritish agent at Muscat, and gave a copy of it to Ben ^[aluMued, he declared that it was only to the Imaum himself he could deliver the Governor- GcueraVs letter, and only with him tliat he could ratify the compact. So he took ship again and set oiV in pur- suit of the Imamn, whom he had expected to tlnd at Ormus. Uut when he reached that island, he found that the Prince, at'ter reducing the neighbouring island of Kishm, had sailed tor Jalfa, on the Arabian side ot' the Gulf Malcolm, however, once on tlie track, was not likely to give up the pursuit : so, after cx]^loriug on foot * I have an old print of Muscat, f Taking his tone of discourse fi\->m from a dnuvinj; taken two centuries aucd evening. At the conclusion of this, that he could not wear a Khclat over one of the chief officers, who had been his clothes from any person except the appointed to wait upon me, being much King, and therefore he hoped the Go- intoxicated, spoke in a mamicr ratlier venior woiUd not send it ; out that he disrespectful, of which I took no notice, would have no objection to ride one except by ending the conversation and of the horses, provided he was allowed retiring."— [i¥a/co/;«'5 MS, Journal.'^ to put liis own saddle upon it : so RECErTION BY THE KING. 131 General. On reaching the inner gate, having dis- mounted, the Ambassador was conducted to an apartment in which the Dewan-Beg* was sitting, and desired to seat himself on the other end of the same cusliion. The Governor- General's letter was then placed between them. Coffee and pipes were introduced ; and after the lapse of nearly an hour it was announced that the King himself was seated on the throne, and that he was pre- pared to receive the English Envoy in the Dewan-Khana, or Hall of Audience. Conducted by the chamberlams, or masters of the ceremonies, Malcolm advanced, wearing the uniform of an English ofEcer.f The audience-chamber was at the further end of a great square, " in various parts of which the officers of the Court were marshalled accordmg to theu" respective ranks." It was a lofty chamber, pro- fusely ornamented, in one corner of which the Ejiig, gorgeously attired, and one blaze of jewellery, was seated upon his cushioned throne.J As Malcolm advanced, attended by the masters of the ceremonies — one of the officers of the Court bearing- the Governor-General's letter on a golden salver — he uncovered his head when- ever they made obeisance. As he neared the throne, a herald proclaimed that Captain John Malcolm was come from the Governor-General of India to see his Majesty of Persia. " He is welcome," replied the King. Then * The Dewan-Beg (or Lord of the to scorn all such mninmery, and de- Court) was Solimaun Khan, chief of clarcd that he would appear at the Per- the great Kujjar tribe, aud therefore a sian Court as an Englishman and a man of the liighest consideration. A soldier. dispute subsequently arose out of the % " The King," wrote Malcobn in refusal of this man to rise upon Mai- his journal, " has a fine countenance colm's entrance. and an elegant person. He was dressed t Mehcdi Ali Khan had endeavoured with a magnificence which it is impos- to persuade Malcolm to array liimself sible to describe— bcmg covered with in costly apparel, more in accordance jewels, many of wliich are those of with the ideas of the people than his Nadir Shah. His dress could not be plain soldier's uniform.. But he laughed worth less than a million sterling." k2 132 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. Malcolm walked up to the door of the audience-cham- ber, made a low bow, advanced to the centre of the room, and there took the seat provided for him. The gentlemen of his suite sate at a distance below him.* The Prime Minister received the Governor-General's letter, and presented it to the King, who ordered it to be opened; and one of the Secretaries of State then "broke the seal and read it with a very loud voice, in a clear and distinct manner." Having repeated his expressions of welcome, the King inquired after his Majesty of England ; hoped that King George was in good health ; asked how many wives he had; and put some perplexing questions re- specting the manners of our Court. Then, havingin- quired after the treatment which the Ambassador had received on his journey, and how he liked the climate of the country, his Majesty spoke of the friendship which had always existed between Persia and Great Britain, and of the pleasurable feelings with which he contem- plated its establishment on a firm basis. But beyond these general expressions of good feeling nothing passed at the interview relating to business of state. Malcolm, however, had every reason to congratulate himself on his reception. The affability with which the King had discoursed with him was declared to be " Q-racious be- yond example." On the 27th of November, Malcolm was again con- ducted to the audience-hall. The magnificent presents which he had brought with him were now to be laid at the feet of the King. Watches glittering with jewels ; caskets of gold beautifully enamelled ; lustres of varie- gated glass ; richly chased guns and pistols of curious * Tliis niattcr, as at Sliiraz, had being ready with his precedeut?, the caused souie difficulty ; but Malcolm obstacle had bccu removed. PRESENTS TO THE laNG. 133 construction ; marvels of European science, as air- guns and electrifying machines ; besides a diamond of great value, and the mirrors, which had been brought up with so much toil, were now spread out before the gratified eyes of the Persian monarch. He received them with every mark of satisfaction, and spent an hour in affable discourse with the Elchee. He had many questions to ask. He was curious to know what were the manners and customs of the people, and more especially the Courts of England and India ; how many princes of the blood there were in the former coimtry ; how they were treated by the King ; and how the succession to the throne was regulated. To all of these Malcolm returned short but satisfactory answers ; and took his leave pleased as before. The present which he had made to the King was, doubtless, a magnificent one ; and it put the Company to very heavy charges. It was much larger than Malcolm had designed ; but he believed that it did not exceed the amount which sound policy at the time dictated. He had begun thoroughly to understand the character of the magnates of the Persian Court ; to know what very little people they were — people with the weak- nesses of children, and only the vices of men. If he had had to deal with men of probity and good sense, he would have acted differently — but with such a people, with " a Government," as he said, " not two stages re- moved from a state of barbarism," what could he do ? He would have been but a sorry diplomatist if he had not shaped his conduct in accordance with the temper of the Court to which he was deputed. He beheved that the object for which he had been despatched to Persia would be best attained by bribing the Court into acquiescence ; and he thought it was sound pohcy 134 THE PEKSIAN EMBASSY. and good economy to bribe not like a pedlar, but a King.* And the system adopted was, at all events, crowned with success. No sooner had Malcolm delivered his presents than business proceeded apace. After some intrigues on the part of another Persian nobleman of iuferi'or rank and official position, Hadj.ee Ibrahim Khan, the chief Minister, was appointed to negotiate the treaty with the British Ambassador. Many months had now been expended in the observance of forms and the per- formance of ceremonies ; and Malcolm was eager to report some substantial progress to the Government which he represented. The delay had not, however, been without its uses. The "whirligig of Time had brought in its revenges." Zemaun Shah, the once- dreaded invader, had been reduced to impotence by fear of invasion. The assailant of other kinsfdoms was now * As the extravagance of Mai- of the power of an. European nation colm's mission, especially in the matter to rival it in a country where so much of presents, has been commented upon depends on show and expense as in by some writers (myself among the Persia. Thuxlly, in proportion to tliis number), it is only right that his own particular act the conduct of the King- recorded justification should be given must, to a certain degree, be regu- ui this place. " I had good grounds," lated in the Embassy which he sends he wrote in his journal, " to conclude to the Governor- General ; and not only that mv conduct on this point wiU the dignity of the British Government establish me an influence that would wiH be advanced, but the present ex- enable me to carry both the Political pense in some measure met, by the and Commercial objects of my mission, value of the presents he sends on that without subjecting the Government to occasion. Fourtlily, not only my per- any heavy engagements ; and that, at soual consequence, which is of the last aU events, tuc King would be so import to my success, will be esta- plcased as to have had no liesitation bbshed, and the most honorable treat- in making a campaign to Khorassan ment secm-ed, but all tongues wUl be next season — a subject in which I silenced — none daring to speak in this had reason to think there was a differ- country against a man with whom the ence of oi)inion among the IMinisters — sovereign is pleasjed. And, fifthly, it and this in itself appeared an object is probable that my stay in Persia will of primary importance. Secondly, so be shortened two months by my nego- grcat a present is in consistency with tiations being facilitated— a cireum- the style of the INIission ; and I may stance whicli, if it takes place, wUl venture to say, will put it almost out meet the additional expense." THE FALL OF ZEALA.UN SHAH. 135 trcinbling for the safety of liis own. He had enemies abroad and enemies at home. War and revolution threatened not only his sovereignty but his life. The invasion of Khorassan by the Persians, which Mehedi Ali Khan had suggested, had brought Zemaun Shah back to Western Afghanistan, just as Malcolm was entering the Persian territory ; and now the rebellion of Prince Mahmoud, which Futteh Ali had fomented, cleansed the mind of the Douranee monarch of every vain thought of attemptuig the invasion of Hindostan. Whilst Malcolm was negotiating the Persian treaty, the unhappy ruler of Afghanistan was nearly at his last gasp. This circumstance was greatly in our favor. That which Mehedi Ali Khan had asserted with diplomatic mendacity might now be truthfully repeated by Malcolm. The English in India were no longer disturbed by any thoughts of the armies of Ze- maun Shah. One source of embarrassment was thus removed. Mal- colm could now assume a tone far more independent than that which was permitted him whilst the with- drawal of Zemaun Shah was in reality the leading object of his mission. He could adopt the language of his pre- decessor without lying. So he told Hadjee Ibrahim that it was necessary, to the cultivation of the friendship of the two states, that a Commercial Treaty advantageous to the interests of both should be concluded ; but that, as to the Political Treaty, although prudence would seem to recommend it, there appeared no immediate necessity for it on the part of either. This, he added, " being particularly the case -with the English Govern- ment, he was anxious to know the sentiments of his Majesty before he entered into any particulars respecting such a treaty ; but if he found them favorable, he should, 136 THE PEESIAN EMBASSY. without hesitation, prepare a schedule of that as well as of the commercial one."* But Hadjee Ibrahim clutched at the double treaty ; and asked Malcolm to prepare the schedules. On the 3rd of December the latter presented the requhed do- cuments to the Persian Minister. The different articles of the two treaties were accompanied by a running com- mentary, setting forth the reasons which seemed to re- commend them to the adoption of the two States. The Commercial Treaty declared that there should be un- restricted trade between the two countries ; that the Eno;lish should have the ridit of establishing factories wherever they pleased on the coast or the interior of Persia ; that they should have tlie power to punish (but not with loss of life) Persian subjects attached to the factory, and offending against its laws; that natives of England or India belonging to our factories should be free from the payment of taxes and other imposts; that no import duties were to be levied on the staple articles sent by the East India Company to Persia; that the authorities of both States should render every assistance to each other's vessels in distress; and that the English should be placed in possession of the islands of Kishm, Anjam, and Khargh, in the Persian Gulf, with per- mission to fortify and occupy them.f It was a sketch- treaty, indeed, very advantageous to the British Govern- * Malcolm's MS. Jo?irml. Further sure, I should neither persist in it, nor on he sajs : " On the political part of enter into fiu'ther explanation." my mission I spoke with indifference, f These islands did not then ac- lest I should, ])y showing any anxiety, tually belong to Persia, though the give an idea tiiat the English would King claimed a right of sovereignty purchase the assistance of the Persian over them. They were occupied by monarch. I told the Hadjee, that if the Arabs of the opposite coast. It the King his master saw his advan- was, however, in the power of the tagc in entering into political engage- Persians at any tunc to reannex them mcnts on principles of prudence and to their empire ; and it was only under equity, that such I was authorised by their alliance that we could have occu- thc Governor-General to contract ; but pied or rctaiucd possession of them, that if he was averse to such a mca- THE TREATIES. 137 ment. Its advantages to tlie Persians were, that they were to be permitted to purchase as much of our produce as we were disposed to send them. The Pohtical Treaty declared that neither State should, on any occasion, give assistance or countenance to the enemies of the other; that the ambition of Zemaun Shah should be repressed ; that the King of Persia should make no peace with that monarch which did not stipulate that he should for ever abandon all tliouo;hts of invadmo- Hindostan; and that if he should ever break the en- gagement, the King of Persia should immediately attack him ; that the East India Company, on their part, if Zemaun Shah were to invade the Persian territory, should aid their ally by sending him military stores, and by any other practicable measure ; that in order to further the King of Persia's existing attempt on Kho- rassan, the English should undertake to land at Bushire, within a given time, certain pieces of ordnance with theh* equipments ; that if the French should attempt to effect a landing in the Persian Gulf, or should invade any other part of the Persian dominions, the King of Persia should either lead or send an army to expel them, and that the English should despatch ships of war and troops to co- operate with the Shah, and supply ordnance and mihtary stores for the purpose ; and finally, that the King of Persia should engage never to allow the French, or any European power in alliance with them, to build a fort, or to settle in any part of the Persian dominions. Such was the substance of the two treaties, the dif- ferent articles of which Malcolm supported with an over- whelming array of written argTiment in the shape of mar- ginal memoranda. That the French were not spared we might have been sure, even without a record of the fact. It was one of the objects of the English Ambassador to alarm the Persian Court by dwelling upon the demo- 138 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. cratical tendencies and the regicidal propensities of the French ; and this it was easy to do without a word of exaggeration. But before the purport of the Pohtical Treaty had been communicated to the King, intelligence was received by Malcolm to the effect that the French had evacuated Egypt. Coupled with tidings of the con- tinued success of the rebellion of Prince Mahmoud in Afghanistan, the news from the banks of the Nile ren- *dered Malcolm even less anxious than before to press the Political Treaty upon the Court. He thought it would be well, imder all these improved ckcumstances, to leave it to the Kiugj to take the initiative himself. In the mean while, that article of the Commercial Treaty which stipulated for the surrender of the islands in the Persian Gulf was creating much excitement and discussion among the statesmen of the capital. It was generally unpopular. Some believed that the objections to it were insuperable. Others thought that acquiescence might be bought, after the usual fashion. At the head of the opposition was Meerza Sheffee, whose influence was then on the ascendant at the Persian Court.* It was intimated to the Envoy that a few hundred tomauns would secure the support of this man ; and to Malcolm it seemed bad policy to withhold a douceur which was to produce such desirable results. So the money was given. But the opposition continued. It was plain that there were other impediments than the cupidity of this intriguing politician. The King himself Avas alarmed. And what wonder ? Ignorant as were the Persians, they knew at least that the English had somehow established factories on the coast of India, and that out of these factories had arisen the greatest political phenomenon the world had ever * He subsequently reached the iu the later history of our relations with, highest eminence, and was conspicuous the Persian Court. THE ISLANDS IN THE GULF. 139 seen — the British Empire in the East. They may not have been thoroughly acquainted with all the progressive steps by which this great result had been attained ; but, perhaps, they had a strong suspicion of the fact that this very " permission to fortify," now sought in the Persian Gulf, had been the beginning of the conquest of India. There was a warning conveyed by this page of history, very intelligible, when once suggested, to the Shah. And Malcolm had sufficient candor and sufficient saga- city to acknowledge the force of the suggestion. He saw that if the idea once took possession of the Persian mind, it was sure to be^ and not unreasonably, an obstacle to the conclusion of the Commercial Treaty. So he intimated, in familiar converse to some of the chief officers of state, that he was sorry he had said anytliing about the islands ; that it was perfectly plain that if the English required them for their own uses, they could easily take them ; but that the protection of the Persian trade, especially against the pkates who infested the Gulf, was a great matter, and unless the Enghsh occupied some such post as was proposed it was difficult to secure this desirable end. But the alarm that had been created was not easily to be allayed. It was intimated to Malcolm that the terms generally of the Commercial Treaty were acceded to by the King — that his Majesty was willing also to conclude the Political one without any curtailment — but that, as the cession of the islands involved many important considerations, he thought it expedient that the settlement of the question should be deferred ; and that as he pm-posed to depute an Ambassador to India, the matter could then be dis- cussed and arranged. Whilst these negotiations were going on — necessarily in an indirect and desultory manner — the old year wore to a close, and Malcolm grew eager to bring the business 140 THE PEESIAN EMBASSY. to a conclusion, and to receive formal leave to depart. The time, however, was not suffered to hang heavily on his hands. He was everywhere entertained with over- flowing hospitality. The Persian noblemen and great officers of state vied with one another in their efforts to regale, after the most sumptuous fashion, the represen- tative of the English nation; and did the best they could to render their capital a garden of delights. Nor were these compliments paid only to the country to which the Elchee belonged, and the Government which he served. The Persians appreciated the character of the man. Malcolm had become very popular among them. His cheerful, cordial manners; his wonderful flow of conver- sation ; his copious supply of anecdote ; and a sort of general bonhommie, which made him, within proper bounds, all things to all men, rendered him, indeed, a common favorite ; whilst his manly bearing and his reso- lute honesty commanded universal respect. That they lusted greatly after the rich gifts of which he was the bearer is not to be denied ; but they were not insensible to the good qualities of the young Englishman ; and in spite of all their transparent selfishness there w^as some sincerity in their affection for the man. And by no man was he more regarded than by the King. He had several audiences of his Majesty, and at all was he received not only with marked respect, but with an affability of manner which was a flattering tribute to the personal character of the Envoy. He presented Malcolm with a di^ess of honor, which the English gen- tleman wore over his uniform on the occasion of his next visit to the Shah ; he gave him a jewelled dagger and an elaborate portrait of himself, as marks of his royal affection ; and at the last visit which the Ambas- sador paid him, he said that he " should always consider DIPLOMATIC DIFFICULTIES. 141 Malcolm as a favorite, and desire his Ministers to write to him in whatever part of the world he might be." And when he assured Malcolm, at parting, that he should ever feel the warmest interest in his welfare, the words were more truly spoken than are commonly the compliments of kings. The month of January wore on ; but still the cession of the islands remained an unadjusted question. The request which Malcolm had made had become matter of such notoriety that he was unwilling to abandon it, — at all events without a compromise. So he put forth more arguments and distributed more presents ; and hoped to be able to introduce an article pledging the Persian Government not to resist the occupation of the islands if the British at any future time should urge the expediency of the measure. But the embarrassment which might be occasioned by such a pledge was too obvious to be overlooked ; and the concession was not to be wrung from the King. The point, however, was not one on which Malcolm had been instructed to insist. There was an object in urging it upon the Persian Government altogether irrespective of the result, and that object had been attained.* So Malcolm, upon a full consideration of the matter, determined to content himself with the in- troduction of a clause, stating in general terms that there were other matters to be arranged between the two States, which might be fully discussed when the Persian * " The reason," wrote Malcolm in they were at a loss to account ; and his journal, " of my hitherto pressing it the political part of my mission has so much on this Court, has been chiefly thence appeared a just and equal, but to facilitate the other parts of the ne- a subordinate object. It has been, in gotiation, which it has effectually done, consequence, easily concluded, which The demand of these islands has at the avarice of the Court would have once satisfied short-sighted, ignorant prevented, had they ever dreamt it was men of the cause of my embassy, and the principal object of the Embassy." the great expenses incuiTcd, for wliieh 142 THE PEESIAN EMBASSY. Ambassador, whom the King was about to despatcli to Hindostan, should reach that country. Everything now promised a speedy conclusion to these long-protracted negotiations. One difficulty after another had been cleared away, and the goal seemed to be really in view. But when, on the 25th of January, copies of the two treaties, drawn up by the Persian Ministers, were presented to Malcolm, he found that they had been " altered and mutilated in such a manner as to have lost their original form." Tliis was too much for the patience even of the most enduring of ambassadors ; and Malcolm was not one to submit to it without manifesting his in- dignation. So he sent back the treaties with a message to the Mmisters, requesting them, as a favor, at once to put an end to their trifling and duplicity, and declaring that he was anxious to leave Teheran, but could see no end to the negotiations, unless they would be pleased to proceed in a straightforward manner. This remonstrance had the desired effect. The treaties were returned with a request that he would correct them, and a promise that they should be immediately made out in the words of his amended copies. No time was lost in amending the drafts and returning them to the Persian Ministers. But Malcolm's patience was tried by further delay. So, after the lapse of two days, feeling certain that without some such demon- stration upon his part the fair copies of the treaties would not be sent to him, he ordered forward his tents and his baggage, and made every preparation for the march. On the 28th, the chief Minister, Hadjee Ibra- him, dined with him; and after dinner the treaties were brought. All the necessary formalities of signing and sealirn^ were then 2;one throuo;h in the manner which D DO had been previously agreed upon; and then Malcolm rejoiced, for he knew that his work was done. ' VALIDITY OF THE TREATIES. 143 Whether these treaties* were ever formally concluded and rendered binding on the two States, has been some- times questioned. A treaty between two states is not binding on either until the signatures or seals of the two contracting powers, or thek legitimate proxies, or repre- sentatives, are attached to them. It seems that in the very midst of the negotiation it was declared that the king could not attach his seal or signature to a treaty made Avith any one of lower rank, and that as the Go- vernor-General of India was at most only a Viceroy, the treaty then under consideration could not bear the royal seal, or the royal signature. But this difficulty was sur- mounted by the suggestion that a firman, in the name of the king, should be attached, under the royal seal, to each of the treaties, calling upon all the officers of the state to fulfil its prescribed conditions. The copies of the treaties, with the royal firman attached, and sealed by Hadjee Ibrahim, as proxy for the king, were given to Malcolm; and another set, signed by Malcolm, was delivered to the Persian Minister. This latter set was to be retained by the Persian Court until other copies, issued in the name of the English Government, under a mandate corresponding with the King of Persia's firman, could be formally given to the ambassador deputed to receive them.f It would seem, therefore, that up to this point the treaties had not been formally concluded. It had been agreed that a Persian nobleman, Hadjee Khalil Khan, should be despatched immediately to India * The treaties themselves will be Those wliich had the firmans of the found in the Appendix. I doubt whe- King affixed, after being sealed by the ther they have been published before. Hadjee (Ibrahim Khan), -were given to They are not given in the collection of me ; and another set signed and sealed treaties published by order of Parlia- by me were delivered to him to keep, ment at the outset of the Afghan war. till copies with an order in the name •f Malcolm's words, as contained in of the English Government should be his journal, are — " After dinner the given by the Governor-General to the fair copies of the treaties were brought. Ambassador from the King of Persia." 144 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. to conclude the business ; but a lamentable accident, of whicli I shall presently have occasion to write, prevented its conclusion. In whatever state our relations were when Malcolm quitted Persia, they remained for some years afterwards, until, indeed, a new treaty was con- cluded. Neither statesmen nor public writers, at the time or since, have had any very clear"perception of the state in which our relations actually were after the first Mission to Persia. The question was never raised by the necessity for any practical solution of it. We had sthring work nearer home ; and, whether the obligations of the Persian treaties would, or would not, have been regarded, they remained in effect a dead letter. But although the letter of the treaty may have been a dead letter, its spirit was a living influence. It is not to be doubted that whatever may have come, or may have not come, of the articles to which Captain John Malcolm and Hadjee Ibrahim Khan affixed their seals, the mission of the former to the Court of Persia had an effect upon the mind both of the king and the people very beneficial to our interests. It raised the character of the British nation in their eyes ; and in proportion as we rose in their favor our enemies declined. What was really established was a general good feeling between the two countries. The specific advantages accruing from the Mission it is not so very easy to define.* Of the treaties themselves it has been said that they were distinguished by nothing so much as the truculence with which they proscribed the French. But the passages which have been most condemned are contauied not in * Tliat this Mission may have had a for he endeavoured to conceal the im- tendcncy to lay bare our secret fears portauce attached to the Political phase of invasion by an European power ad- of the qiiestiou, and to keep the Com- vancmg on India through Persia, would mereial Treaty promuicntly forwai'd as appear to be more tliau probable. Mai- the real object of his niission. coliu seems to have been aware of this, CHARACTER OF THE TREATIES. 145 the treaties, but in the firmans which the King attached to them. Those firmans, as I have shown, were written merely for the purpose of getting over a formal difficulty ; and it does not appear that Malcolm was responsible either for the letter or for the spirit of these sanguinary edicts. In one of these firmans an order is issued to the provincial Governors, directing that they shall expel and cxtu'pate the French, and never allow them to obtain a footing in any place, and that in order to accomplish this they were " at fidl liberty to disperse and slay the in- truders." But whether this order was intended to be taken in its literal acceptation, or (as assuredly it was) a mere Oriental flourish in keeping mth the rest of the firman, Malcolm does not appear to have originated it. The firmans of the King were his own, and he was re- sponsible for them. If the words had been in the body of the treaty it might have been a different matter.* That the lano;ua2;e of the treaties themselves was suffi- ciently strong, will appear to every one who takes the trouble to read them. The two contracting parties undertook to expel and extirpate the French if they ever attempted to occupy the islands or shores of Persia. But we must no more read these treaties of 1801 with the eyes of 1855, than tlieir Oriental verbiage with the mider- standings of Englishmen. Every Englishman in those days hated the French. In no one was the anti-Gallican feeling stronger than in the Governor- General. Lord Wellesley had instructed Malcolm to keep the French out of Persia; and those were not times in wliich we were wont to be over-nice in the language wherem we pro- * It has been stated (in the Calcutta ' to expel aud extirpate— to disperse Review, vol. xii.) by one of tlie highest aud slay,' " &c. But it will have been possible authorities on aU subjects seeu that this is hardly a correct ver- counected with our Persian diplomacy, siou of the matter, the firman having that " Captain Malcolm persuaded the been attached to the treaty as a mere Shah to issue a firman to the provin- makeweight, in order to enable the cial Governors, which dii-ected them King's seal to be set upon it. VOL. I. L 14:6 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. scribed our enemies. I doubt not that many tilings were said and written in those days which it would not be pleasant to read in the spring of 1855 in the Champs Elysees or the trenches of Sebastopol. But at the dawn of the present century it was considered only proper patriotism to speak of the French as savage animals beyond the pale of civilisation. And the English in India, who knew the results better than the causes of the French Revolution, were, perhaps, even more bitter against them than their brethren at home. The feeling may not have been creditable, but it was very natural ; and Malcolm, who did everj^thing in a hearty, outright manner, I have no doubt cursed the French with as much complacency as the rest. A chapter of pure diplomacy is one neither pleasant to write, nor pleasant to read. Indian diplomacy, how- ever, is for the most part of a mixed character. Its accompaniments are the din of arms and the roar of artilleiy, not the splutter of fireworks and the lying euphuism of silken courtiers. It was on fields of enter- prise and danger, where treaties were to be dictated at the point of the bayonet, not bought by jewelled watches and bags of sugar, that the nobility of Malcolm's nature shone out to the greatest advantage. He was sent to Persia by Lord Wellesley, commissioned to do a certain work, which he did, in as manly and as effectual a way as it was possible to do it. But he had to deal with tricksters and liars ; with men beyond all example selfish and cupidinous; and it was impossible to nego- tiate with such a people in perfect singleness and sin- cerity without incurring the risk of eventual failm^e. If there were any deviations from that pure simplicity of truth, which it is so dehghtful to contemplate both in public and in private life, they are chargeable to the profession of diplomacy, and the position in which Mai- AKRIVAL AT HAMADAN. 147 colm was placed, not to the character of the man ; wliilst, on the other hand, to the character of the man we are to attribute the fact that, m spite of his profession, and in spite of his position, there was so much manhness and straightforwardness, so much firmness and honesty, a^^parent in these very trying negotiations with a most contemptible Court. Glad, indeed, was Malcolm when it was all over, and he had turned his back on the Persian capital.* But knowing the difficulties which he had encountered, he felt no common anxiety to learn that his efforts were approved by the Governor-General. From Hamadan, whence he despatched his public report of the conclu- sion of his labors, he wrote privately to Mr. Edmonstone on the same day : Hamadan^ February 20, 1801. — You will see by my public despatch of this date that I have brought my labors in this quarter to a close; whether with credit or not, it is the province of my superiors to judge. I can only say, in self-defence, that I have done as mucli as I was able, and no man can do more. I am far from admiring my own work, or considering it (as termed in one of the preambles) a beautiful image in the mirror of perpetuity . It is, on the contrary, I know, a very incorrect performance, and I can hope it to meet with a favorable consideration only on the grounds of the difficulties I had to encounter in a first negotiation with a Government not two stages removed from a state of bar- barism. I shall be in a state of suspense and anxiety until I know the Governor-General's sentiments, which I cannot expect before I reach Bombay. I beg you will write me the moment you can with certainty on this subject, and relieve me from my cares, or fears, if possible; if not, acquaint me with the causes of dis- pleasure. * For sonic iutcresting incidents wMcb, in tlie belief that it has been' connected -with Malcolm's departure extensively read, I have purposely from Teheran, I would refer the reader made but little use in this chapter, to his Sketches of Persia — a work of L 2 148 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. The motives which have guided my conduct in this Mission will be best seen in my journal, which I shall present at my return to his Lordship, not as a made-up, dressed paper, but as a faithful diary of my actions, which has little to recommend it but truth devoid of ornament. Such an account I not only thought would be more useful than any other, but also more in conformity to the instructions I received from his Lordship on that subject. As I was obliged to hasten my departure from Teheran in order to bring my negotiations to a conclusion, and as I did not get the treaties till a few hours before I left that capital, I could make no translations of them till I reached Hamadan; and as I have hardly yet recovered my sight, which I entirely lost for several days by my journeys through the snow, I fear the translations are not so good as they should have been. The preambles are the most difficult papers I ever read. How often have they made me curse Meerza Reza Runt, the Moonshee-ul-Mamaluk, and all the tribe of Mous- taphas, who, in defiance of reason and remonstrance, persisted in writing such bombastic nonsense. I wwfortunately produced a copy of a late Indian treaty as a sample of that sim-plicity of style which was the best to use in engagements, though I allowed it was not elegantly written. The Meerza, after reading two articles, said he would give in his resignation to his sovereign before such n paper was copied into the records ot the office over which he presided. Two days afterwards he wrote to Colonel Kirkpa- trick:* Hamadan, Feb. 22, 1806. — .... Campbell shall join you as fioon as possible. His going before me is out of the question, as I mean to post to Calcutta. Perhaps he may be a month later, as there are many points requiring arrangement that I cannot well trust to any other person. Of this you may rest assured, * Colonel Kirkpatrick, wheu Mai- appointed Resident at Poonali, and colm left India, was Political Secretary the latter succeeded to the Political to the Supreme Government, and Mr. Secretaryship. These changes were, Edmonstone was Persian Translator, however, unkno-mi to Malcolm when But in January, 1801, the former was he wrote the letters in tlie text. LETTER TO COLONEL KIRKPATEICK. 149 that we shall all be in Calcutta as soon as possible — none, pro- bably, before June, and none, I hope, later than July. I promised you two months' accounts from this, and I am ashamed to break my word. But what is to be done ? The terrible march we have had through the snow has quite laid up Charles Pasley, who was ill when I left Teheran, and is now con- fined with a fever. Campbell has had all the arrangements of the march on his shoufders, as my eyes, the sight of which I lost for several days from the snow, with difficulty served me to finish the long despatches which I have sent by this packet to Lord Wel- lesley. I, however, enclose a memorandum which will enable you to judge pretty nearly the expenses of this Mission. They are, no doubt, large ; but I hope the object accomplished will be considered adequate. If all my letters have reached you, I think your alarms respecting any invasion this season must have been sufficiently decreased to have prevented the annual expense on that score ; and I trust that this will be equally the case in the next. And on that ground alone the heavy charges of this Mission may perhaps be met. I do not mean this as an excuse for my disbursements. Such must rest on different grounds. They have been made with a double view of answering tem- porary purposes, and of establishing, on the footing on which it ought to rest, the name and reputation of the British nation in a country, which so many events may hereafter connect with its interests, like that of Persia. How far the first object has been answered a few years will show. A longer date must explain the latter. ]\Iy journal, which is a plain paper written from day to day, is the best record 1 can give Lord Wcllesley to enable him to form a decisive judgment of my conduct. Of my anxiety to know his sentiments, you who know my disposition can judge. IMy alarms on this subject arise from no want of confidence in his indulgence and liberality. It is a knowledge of the place I hold in his estimation, and the value I attach to that, which makes me fearful of forfeiting a good opinion of which I have hitherto had such cause to be proud You may rest assured of two facts — one, that Zemaun Shah, if he preserves his kingdom, can alone do it by marching to this quarter ; and the other, that the Kinsr of Persia will advance into Khorassan. 150 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. The apprehensions expressed in the letters to Edmon- stone and Kirkpatrick were removed by communications which in course of time reached Malcohn from Calcutta. Among others who wrote to assure him that what he had done met with the hearty approbation of the Governor- General was Mr. Henry Wellesley, who had recently returned from a hasty visit to England,' and who had now to tell not only what was said of Malcolm in Cal- cutta, but what was said of him also in London. The receipt of the following letters must have gladdened the heart of the returninsj Ambassador : MR. HENRY WELLESLEY TO MAJOR MALCOLM. Fort William, March 28, 1801. My dear Malcolm, — You have so much reason to think me very negligent for not writing to you, that I shall not attempt to make any excuses for my silence, but trust to your generosity for forgiveness. You will be the less disposed to pardon me when I tell you that while I was in England I frequently heard Mr. Dundas, and other great men, speak of you in a manner which gave me great pleasure, and ought not to be less gratifying to you. Whenever you were the subject of conversation, I always deter- mined to write to you the next day; but, as it usually happens in London, something always occurred to frustrate my good in- tentions. Having thus made amende honorable, I shall proceed to state to you that all icise people in England think that very satisfactory consequences are likely to result from your Embassy. There are not wanting some who are disposed to blame it, as tending to give umbrage to the Court of St. Petersburg ; but these are of that description of person who never look at a measure but with the view of condemning it, and who, rather than not find fault with it, will attempt to combine interests " far as the poles asunder." I am led to hope that this will find you at Bombay ; and I am further gratified by hearing from my brother that he intends to summon you to the Presence. I shall then have it in my power to communicate to you in person all the handsome things which LETTERS OF HENRY WELLESLEY. 151 I heard of you in England, and to thank you for my Arab horse, which, however, is better suited to your skill as a horseman than to mine. I end my letter, as most people would have commenced theirs, by telling you that I arrived here on the 21st of February, after a very tedious passage of more than five months. Remember me to Strachey and to Pasley, and Believe me, dear Malcolm, Yours most sincerely, Henry Wellesley. I forgot to mention that the Prince of Wales told me he should be delighted to receive, and should be much obliged to you for, any arms you may have it in your power to send him. When you send them you had better accompany them by a letter from yourself; or if that does not please you, address a letter to Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, his private secretary. I see no reason, however, why Baba Khan should not address a friendly letter to the Prince of Wales. According to Asiatic notions, I rather think the former is degraded by writing to the latter. My brother, hearing I was writing to you, has this moment desired me to summon you to the Presence. This is really no joke. Pray come as soon as you can. My brother has also de- sired me to say that no time should be lost in retrenching the expenses of the Embassy, MR. HENRY WELLESLEY TO CAPTAIN MALCOLM. Barrackpore, May 19, 1801. My DEAR Malcolm, — Although I think it probable that this letter will cross you on your way to Calcutta, yet I cannot help writing to tell you that my brother highly approves of all your proceedings, and that he thinks you have conducted the whole of your negotiations in a very masterly manner. If the report be well founded of the Emperor Paul's intention to invade Hindostan through Persia, it is possible that your Embassy may be attended Avith more important consequences than we are yet aware of; and I should not be at all surprised if it were to be found expedient to send you back to the Court of Persia. I sincerely hope, how- y y 152 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. ever, that you may not again be obliged to traverse such inhos- pitable regions as those you have lately passed, particularly as I have reason to think that a career no less brilliant is open to you in India. You have probably heard that Colonel Kirkpatrick is seriously ill at Madras — so ill as to lead him to apprehend that a change of climate is absolutely necessary to his recovery. Should he be compelled to leave India on account of his health, the Residency at Poonah will be open, and I have reason to believe that you will either be appointed to that situation, or to some other equally creditable and advantageous — and that without loss of time. I hope my assurances of ray brother's entire approbation of your conduct will be sufficient, until he can express to you in person, and in terms more nearly adequate to the services you have rendered, his high sense of the important advantages result- ing from your Embassy. Ever, ray dear Malcolm, Most sincerely yours, Henry Wellesley. On tlie 23rd of February the Mission left Hamadan, and proceeded on tlieir homeward journey. Malcolm was the bearer of a letter from the Governor-General to tbe Pacha of Baghdad. They therefore struck off to- wards the Turkish frontier; and on the 15th of March they crossed the ill-defined boundary of the two countries. Friendly as was the object of theh advance, they created some alarm in the mind of the Pacha. The large number of Persian attendants in the train of the English Ambassador excited the apprehensions of the Tm'kish chief, who dreaded a collision with his OAvn people. So Malcolm halted on the banks of the Tigris, and there dismissed his Persian retainers. And he dismissed them with a display of generosity which crowned the reputa- tion of the English for exceeding liberality and munifi- cence. It was well to show that our gifts were not ARRIVAL AT BAGHDAD. 153 confined to people high in place, from whom something was to be expected in retm^n.* In piursnance of the system which he had followed along the whole line of road, Malcolm, now that he found himself in the Turkish dominions, was eager to pay for his supplies ; but the Pacha of Baghdad resisted with so much determination what seemed to him to be a reflection on his hospitality, that the Envoy was at last reluctantly compelled to allow the Embassy to be main- tained at the expense of the State. In spite of a cer- tain unaccountable timidity which the Pacha evinced,! it was plain that he was eager to embrace the British alliance. He regretted that he had not been brought as * I give an account of this parting distribution of largesses in the Avords of Malcohn's journal : " I this day- made arrangements to discharge my Persian servants, and various consi- derations induced me on this occasion to act in a most liberal manner, and to fix by this last step the most favor- able impression of the English Go- vernment in the minds of the people of Persia. No means could so well tend to effect this object as kindness and generosity to my Persian servants. The treatment these had experienced in my camp was so different from that which they were accustomed to receive from their own countrymen, that I be- lieve it had attached them to the ser- vice ; and my behaving to them with even justice (when in a situation to be no longer dependent on their exertions) was what, agreeably to the common usages of their country, they could have no reason to expect. Liberality on such an occasion was calculated to excite both gratitude and astonishment in the individuals who were immedi- ately benefited, and to show all others that the condiict I had pursued was consistent throughout. The place at which I discharged these followers also called for consideration — at a distance of nearly two months' journey from their home, and in the midst of the tombs of Imauns, to whom it was indispensable that they should all pay their devotions. Liduced by the mo- tives above stated, I ordered that a present of six months' pay should be given to all the head servants in camps, and three months' to all others. I also gave a horse apiece to the head servants and jelwadaurs. This last present was of less consequence, as the servants' horses were, from the fatigues they had eucoimtered, so reduced as not to be worth thirty rupees each. To Meerza Aga Meer, my head Moon- shee, who was a man of excellent fa- mily, who had conducted himself in the most vmexccptionable manner, and had been usefully and confidentially employed in forming the treaties, I made a present of an excellent horse and two thousand krosh." f Besides the apprehensions which he displayed with respect to Malcolm's Persian retainers, he sent to request that when the Embassy entered Bagh- dad in state Malcolm would order his troops not to di-aw their swords. The English ofiicer said it was impossible to give such an order as that ; but that he might meet the difiiculty by not ordering the men to draw swords. 154 THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. a third party into tlie Persian treaty, and was willing to consent to all tlie conditions whicli we should have imposed upon him. The stay, however, of the Mission at Baghdad was but short ; and the business was con- fined to a grand ceremonial visit, the delivery of the Governor-General's letter, and the presentation of the usual rich gifts and astonishing cmiosities. On the 31st of March, the Mission quitted Baghdad,* dropping down the Tigris in a vessel which the Pacha had placed at the Envoy's disposal. On the 8th of April, near the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, Malcolm was met by the state barge of the Governor of Baghdad, and that also of the Company's Agent. Accepting the accommodation of the latter, he proceeded to Mr. Ma- nesty's country house ; and on the followmg day sent his heavy baggage on board the Governor Duncan^ which had been waiting at Bussorah for his reception. Having exchanged visits with the chief officers of the place, and distributed more presents, he embarked on the 14th for Bushire. After a brief detention at Karrak, into Avhich he was driven by stress of weather, he reached Bushire on the 22nd ; and having spent two days there, re-embarked for Bombay. Adverse winds, and want of water, drove him into Muscat ; and after putting out again to sea, a violent gale, rendered formidable by the leaky state of the vessel and the inefficiency of the crew, placed him for some time in real jeopardy ; but he finally reached Bombay in safety on the 13th of May, very grateful for his preservation. * Mr. (afterwards Sir Harford) Jones and Malcolm here first made his ac- ^^■as at this time resident at Baghdad ; quaintauce. THE PBIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. 155 CHAPTER Ylll. THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. [1801—1803.] DAXGEKOIJS VOYAGE TO CALCUTTA — DEPABTI'IIE FOB THE UPPER PROVINCES- INTERCOURSE WITH LORD "VVELLESLEY — THE RIVER VOYAGE — LETTERS TO MR. BARLOW — CONFIDENTIAL MISSION TO MADRAS — RETURN TO BENGAL — DEATH OF THE PERSIAN AMBASSADOR — MISSION TO BOMBAY — ^JOURNEY ACROSS THE PENINSULA — DEALINGS "WITH THE PERSIANS — RETURN TO CALCUTTA — APPOINTMENT TO THE MYSORE RESIDENCY. It was, in all probability, at Bombay that Malcolm received the letters from Henry Wellesley which sum- moned him to " the Presence." He lost no time, there- fore, in embarking for Calcutta. But here again, as on the voyage from Bussorah, he encountered violent gales, which dismasted and Avell-nigh sunk the vessel in which he had taken his passage. The danger, however, immi- nent as it was, w^s sm-mounted, and earh^ in July he arrived in Calcutta to give the following account of past perils and brilliant prospects to the venerable parent whose declining years he was doing so much to com- fort and support : TO IIIS FATHER. Calcutta, July 10, 1801. My deae Fatheh, — You will hear with pleasure of ray arrival at Calcutta, after running some imminent risks in my passage 156 THE PRIVATE SECEETARYSHIP. from Persia, but particularly in my last voyage from Madras to this place. We had a very violent gale of wind. The ship lost all her masts, had three feet water in her hold, and all her pumps choked. When we had least reason to expect it the gale abated ; and soon after a vessel hove in sight that towed us into the river. An escape so providential made me return thanks with a heart full of gratitude to my Creator. You will learn with pleasure that Marquis Wellesley has ho- nored my conduct in Persia with his most unqualified appro- bation, and has assured me, that the moment the rains will admit of my travelling, I shall either be noininated to Poonah or some other Residency equal to it both in rank and emolument. In the interim, the Marquis has appointed me acting Private Secretary in the absence of his brother, Mr. Henry Wellesley — a nomination at once honorable and flattering in the extreme. To these marks of distinction from the Governor-General, when I add the atten- tions I receive from all ranks at Calcutta, I am convinced you will wish me a great share of humility to bear my prosperity with a good grace. I consider it all as a reward for past, and an inducement to future, exertion ; and I enjoy my good fortune most when I contemplate the fair prospect it gives me of return- ing in a few years to spend the remainder of my days with those I love. I have again written Mr. Pasley about Langlands. If he pur- chases it, he will make it over, in the same manner as I desired Douglan should be done, to you and my mother. If he does not get it, he will pay out of the remittances I have made 200Z. per annum, from the date of the last bills I sent to my mother and sisters.* Your affectionate son, John Malcolm. Great, indeed, were the pride and the delight with which the family at Burnfoot, and above all its vene- * In a letter, under date April 5, If any accident should happen to him, 1800, Mr. Jolui Pasley writes to Mai- it will receive the family, as they would colm : " I will treat with Mr. John- lose Burnfoot." For some reason or stone for the purchase of Douglan, as other, witli which I am not acquainted, I find the family arc an>dous to have the purchase of Douglan was never that property. It will amuse your carried out. father to build a liousc at Douglan. STATE OF rOLITICS. 157 rable chief, were watching John's brilliant progress in the East. " The account of your employments," wrote Mr. Malcolm to his son, "is like fairy tales to us." To all the members of that beloved circle John's success was a source of continuolly increasing comfort of the most substantial kind ; and his generosity was appre- ciated from the very core of the heart. " Your filial effusions," wrote his father, " brought tears of joy to the eyes of your parents. A good head will gain you the esteem and applause of the world, but a good heart alone gives happiness to the owner of it. It is a continual feast." But these are home-scenes, at which it is permitted to the biographer only to glance. Malcolm is still with the harness on his back. His career is one which admits of no pause, and gives little time for family correspondence. He has been summoned to Calcutta — there to be placed at the right hand of the Governor-General, as his confi- dential minister and friend, in the chair recently occupied by Lord Wellesley's own brother. A higher compliment could not be paid to him in such stirring times. There were many great questions then pressing for- ward — many great events taking shape in the womb of Time : but the affairs of Oude were engaging the immediate attention of the Governor-General. There are States, as there are individuals, whicli defy the pres- sure of a complication of disorders, any one of which would seem to be sufficient to bring them to the brink of dissolution. The unhappy country of the Nabob- Wuzeer, which has for upwards of half a century been in a state of mortal convulsion, even then presented itself to us as what modern diplomacy calls "a sick man," to put an end to whose sufferings is only a v/ork of mercy. The remedy which was to be tried by Lord Wellesley was merely the amputation of a limb. It was 158 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. proposed, that instead of tlie annual subsidy paid for the support of the troops posted, according to treaty, in the Oude dominions, a certain tract of country, yielding a million and a quarter sterling, should be ceded in per- petuity to the Company. To negotiate this cession, in conjunction with the Eesident, Colonel Scott, Mr. Henry Wellesley had been despatched to Lucknow ; and when Captain John Malcolm took his place, as Private Se- cretary to the Governor-General, preparations were in progress for the joiurney of Lord "Wellesley and his Staff by water to Upper India, mainly for the puq^ose of visiting in person the Court of the Newab-Wuzeer. To Malcolm, who had never visited Northern India, the movement of the vice-regal circle was a source of no common satisfaction. They were to ascend the river in a fleet of boats — the Governor- General's yacht, the Soonamookee, at their head — and visit all the principal stations on their route. On the 15th of August they embarked at Chandpaul Ghaut. The ascent of the river is always tedious. At this season of the year the stream, fed by the periodical rains, offers a powerful resistance to the rower, whilst the wind, u^ncertain m itself, is rendered doubly so by the windings of the river. But Malcolm made continual progress with his work, whatever he may have done with his journey. He had much to say and much to do. Neither tongue nor pen was idle. It was his business, as it was his pleasure, at this time, to communicate to the Governor-General all the experiences of his Persian travel and his Persian diplomacy — to ans^vcr many questions which were put to him, and clear away, by explanation and illustration, any doubts and obscurities which might before have existed in the minds of Lord "Wellesley or his Secre- taries. It was during the early part of this river-voyage that Lord Wellesley wrote to the Secret Committee a GRAND TIGER-HUNT. 159 long letter, justifying the despatch of the Mission to Persia,* which the Company considered to be an unne- cessary and inexpedient movement; and bearing strong testimony in favor of the personal conduct of the Am- bassador. It was Malcolm's duty also, at this time, to be the immediate medium of communication between the Governor-General and the President in Council at Calcutta and the heads of the minor governments on all points of a personal character. And it will presently be seen in what delicate negotiations he was employed, not only as a mere channel of communication, or literal in- terpreter of the views of the Governor-General, but as his immediate personal agent with large discretionary powers. And there was other occupation for him at this time than the actual business of his office. Malcolm was not one to consider time spent in active exercise and health- ful recreation as time thrown away. He had heard that he was likely to find game on the river banks, and in Bengal we may be sure that he was eager to encounter the nobler game for which that province is celebrated, even in the minds of the commonalty of England. And it was not long before he was engaged in one of the most remarkable tiger-hunts which India has seen since our first occupation of the country — for Lord Wellesley him- self was an active participator in it. In the following passages of Malcolm's correspondence with Mr. (after- wards Sir George) Barlow, who was Chief Secretary when Lord Wellesley left Calcutta,! but afterwards suc- ceeded to a seat in Council and the Vice-Presidential * It is dated Moughyr, September 28, April, 1801, the Court of Directors •^ 1801. Some portions of this letter appointed a new Council, consisting ^^mll be found in the Appendix. of Mr. Barlow and Mr. Udney. The t When Lord Wellesley left Cal- former took his seat as senior member cutta, Mr. Speke, who had been in in 1801, in place of Mr. Speke, and Council ever since 17S9, was sworn in was accordingly sworn in as Vice-Pre- as Vice-President in Council. Put in sident in CouncU. 160 THE PRIVATE SECRETAEYSHIP. cliair, tlie principal events of the river- voyage to Alla- habad are narrated, an account of the great tiger-hunt being given in the first extract: September 13, 1801. — You used to write I might meet with game. I have had noble sport yesterday and to-day. Yesterday, after shooting six brace of black partridges, information was brought that three Bengal tigers were lodged in a tree at the dis- tance of six miles from the tent. A party of us, four in number, immediately armed ourselves and started in quest of the noble game, and after an action of four hours, not very desperate, but sufficiently dangerous to be interesting, we returned, after having killed two enormous tigers — the smallest of which was eight feet long — with the resolution of renewing the combat against the third, next morning. You will be surprised to hear that the Marquis was so animated by our victory and the sight of the slain, that he determined to accompany us in our attack on the only remaining enemy. We set out early this morning, and, after an action which, from a fortunate shot, was more barren of inci- dent than that of the preceding evening, we slew the last of the party, which proved to be a most beautiful tigress. I need not add that Lord Wellesley was delighted with the novelty of the sport. He (in spite of remonstrances) advanced as near as any person, and fired eight or ten rounds at the animal when seated on the cleft of the tree. Our attack was made from boats, and there fortunately hap- pened to be a slip of deep water on the side on which we were, that obliged the first tiger we wounded to swim when he came towards us. On all other quarters there was so little water, that we found the second tiger, who returned from the tree towards another, at the distance of a quarter of a mile, moved much quicker than we could run in a small boat. I was a great advocate against the Governor- General's going on such a party. I am happy, now it is over, that he went, because he is much gratified, and the sight was altogether novel and grand. But I liope this success will not lead him into any more such adventures, which you will no doubt think with me are more calculated for his aides-de-camp and secretaries. The joy shown by the villagers at the destruction of these ani- PROSPERITY OF BENGAL. 161 mals, who have been their dread for several days past, is not to be expressed. They told us that they had killed four bullocks the night before last, and that they daily expected they would kill some of the inliabitants, who could not muster a sufficient armed party to attack them at once. We have had a contrary wind for two days; but this moment a favorable breeze has sprung up, and if it holds to-morrow we shall reach Colgong. Two miles from Patna, October 3. — You will rejoice to hear that our progress from Monghyr has been so unexpectedly rapid. This is only the ]\Ionday since we sailed, and we are close to the city of Patna. Nothing can be pleasanter than our voyage has hitherto been. The weather within these few days has been hot ; but we are told we may expect the cold weather in a fortnight. Nothing can exceed the beauty of the country through which we have lately passed. I never saw, in any part of the world, so much cultivation, or sucli a general appearance of comfort and happiness among the lower classes as I have in this voyage. Before you re- ceive this, you will have taken your seat as Vice-President — an event upon which I offer you my sincerest congratiilations. I re- joice on your account, but I rejoice more on account of the public, the interests of which I consider to be most essentially promoted by your succession to that distinguished station. Benares, November 14. — We have, since you left us, passed through one of the finest and most highly cultivated tracts of country in the world. What adds to my pleasure in contem- plating these scenes, is to hear every man I ask tell how jungles have been cleared, and waste plains brought into cultivation. I cannot but envy your feelings upon this subject. I confess, before ^ I travelled through your provinces, I was not perfectly reconciled to your system. I have now observed its effects, and must ever think it one of the most wise and benevolent plans that ever was conceived by a Government to render its subjects rich and com- fortable. We can only hope that, a sense of gratitude will be the primary feeling in the breast of those who benefit by this admirable system, and that they will repay the State for the care it takes of their interests by a firm and lasting attachment. Benares, November 21. — I enclose, by desire of his Excellency VOL. I. M 162 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. the Governor-General, a letter from Lord Clive, by wliich you will observe that his Lordship has resolved to proceed to Europe by one of the earliest ships of the season. Lord Wellesley relies on your making every necessary arrangement with respect to a ship for the conveyance of Lord Clive. It only remains on this subject to inform you that Lord Clive, in a private letter, has expressed his desire to have the Charlton (Captain Cumberledge) reserved for his accommodation; and it will afFoi'd his Excellency great pleasure if you are able to make an arrangement in this instance agreeable to the wish which Lord Clive has expressed. His Excellency requests you will correspond with Lord Clive upon this subject, and attend, as far as you are able, to any sug- gestion his Lordship may make, as you can readily believe Lord Wellesley is most anxious to contribute, as far as is in his power, to Lord Clive's comfort and convenience. You will conceive better than I can express, how his Excellency feels upon the circum- stances that render this intimation necessary. Your friend Mr. Webbe has acted in the delicate and painful situation in which he has been placed with a spirit of honor and virtue that raises his character higher than ever, and which must ensure his triumph over his wicked enemies. Allahabad, December 19. — Lord Wellesley having judged it ex- pedient that I should proceed to Madras to make some communi- cations on the part of his Excellency to Lord Clive — and as the early period fixed for Lord Clive's departure for England makes it necessary that I should use every possible expedition — Lord Wellesley has directed me to request you will take measures to secure me a passage to Madras. If the Charlton has not sailed, it would, ])crhaps, be best to detain that vessel a day or two for the purpose ; and in the event of the Charlton having left the river, and no other good vessel being on the point of sailing, his Lord- ship thinks the object of my reaching Madras at an early period of sufficient consequence to send the Mornington cruiser with me. On this head his Excellency is assured you will make an arrange- ment that will prevent delay. I expect to leave this on the 23rd, or at furthest the 24th, and shall be, as I go dawk, at Calcutta on the 1st or 2nd of January. As I have no business there except to communicate with you on the causes of my trip, I can leave Calcutta with convenience in four or five hours after I reach it, if DIFFICULTIES AT MADRAS. 163 tlie vessel is ready to sail. I have written to the postmaster at Benares to have the Company's bearers ready for me, I beg you will condescend to give directions to the post-office at Calcutta to prevent the possibility of detention, from any traveller proceeding up the country at the period I am coming down. There are passages in these letters which require ex- planation. Lord Clive had determined to return to England in the cold season of 1801-2 ; but as Lord Wellesley was journejdng up the country, intelligence reached him, in a private but authentic shape, from Eng- land, which made him consider it a matter of much public importance that his colleague at Madras should postpone his departure. The intimation was, that the Court of Directors were about to order some important changes to be made in the constitution of the local government of the Coast. Mr. Fallofield, one of the members of Council, was to be superseded by Mr. Dick ; Mr. Webbe, who had long been performing, with re- markable ability, the duties of Chief Secretary — a man of vast knowledge and incorruptible integrity — was to be removed from his office to make room for Mr. Chamier, who Avas coming out from England as the nominee of the Court, with a provisional appointment also to Council; and Mr. Oakes, under similar orders from the Lidia House, was to take the place of Mr. Cockbrnni at the Revenue Board. Tliese appointments, Avhich were in effect a direct practical censure upon Lord Clive's Government, were in many respects of a very embarrassing and injurious character. They inter- fered — and Avere perhaps intended to interfere — with the extension of that general system of internal admi- nistration which Lord Cornwallis had introduced, and Avhich Lord Wellesley had unreservedly adopted. It seemed to the latter almost a necessary consequence of these orders from home that Mr. Webbo and Mr. M 2 164 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. Cockburn would accompany or follow Lord Clive to England ; and that the government of the Coast would thus be delivered over to the hands of men under whom there was little chance of the new revenue and judicial Regulations being brought into speedy and effectual operation in the provinces of Madras. Great difficulty in extending these Regulations to the Southern Presi- dency had always resulted from the want of a man qualified to carry out all the executive details. At one time, indeed, Lord Wellesley had contemplated the despatch of a Bengal civilian* to Madras, charged with the duty of giving effect to the Regulations in the latter Presidency. But that intention had been abandoned; and full confidence reposed in the ability of Mr. Cock- biu^n, as an experienced and competent revenue officer, to plant the Permanent Settlement in Madras. Of the good effects of this system Lord Wellesley had seen the most gratifying evidences on his journey to the northern provinces; and he was now more than ever convinced that it was his duty to lose no further time in extending its benefits to the South. To retain IMr. Cockburn in India was therefore a point of very great importance. To retain Mr. Webbe was a matter of still greater importance. For the latter gentleman had for some time been the very right hand of the Madras Government. At this time no successor to Lord Clive had been appointed. In the event of his departure, therefore, the Government Avould have devolved upon Mr. Petrie, in whose desire to con- duct the administration upon the principles upheld by Lord Wellesley his Lordship had no confidence. To retain Mr. Webbe as the chief ministerial officer of the provisional or the new Governor, seemed, therefore, * Mr. II. St. George Tucker. DIFFICULTIES AT MADRxVS. 165 essential to the furtlierance of tlie Governor-General's measures. He had just completed, with remarkable addi-ess, the settlement of the Carnatic ; and it was essential that lie should remain on the spot " to carry into effect the orders of the Governor-General for the in- troduction of an improved system of judicature and revenue in the territories subject to Fort St. George."* To him and to Mr. Cockburn Lord Wellesley looked as the agents of his domestic policy in Madras, and he Ijelieved that without their aid that Presidency would be engulphed in ruin. The orders of the Court of Directors filled Lord Wel- lesley with indignation. But he resolved to proceed in this matter with temper and with caution. It was an emergency in which he could have consulted no one so fitly or so advantageously as Malcolm ; for no one about the person of tlie Governor- General was so well ac- quainted witli all the members of the Madras Govern- ment, and the feelings by which they were likely to be actuated in such a crisis as this. So with his Private Secretary Lord Wellesley took frequent counsel. Many w^ere the conversations held between them; and many tlie joint memoranda, which grew" under their pens, on those half-margin sheets of foolscap which statesmen and authors find so convenient for purposes of correction and expansion. Many were the expedients which were hit upon, and the arrangements which were prospectively made. There were great interests at stake ; and both Lord Wellesley and Malcolm were prepared to make great sacrifices. To the former it Avas a sacrifice of feeling — not the least difficult of sacrifices to men of high spirit and quick temper. To the latter it was an immediate sacrifice of personal interests — a sacrifice of * MS, no/es of Lord Welleslei/. 166 THE PlilVATE SECEETARYSHir. that diplomatic promotion which had long been the object of his honorable ambition. The Eesidency of Mysore was about to be vacated. Colonel Kirkpatrick, the Eesident at Poonah, was about to return to Europe; and Colonel Close, the Resident at Mysore, had been nominated to the Mahratta capital in his place. To him in turn Malcolm was to succeed. It was one of the best appointments m the service ; and as at that time Lord Wellesley had determined, at no dis- tant period, to retire from the Government of India, it seemed essential to Malcolm's welfare that provision should be made for him. The appointment was osten- sibly in the gift of the Madras Governor ; but these high diplomatic offices were always conferred upon the recom- mendation of the Governor- General. Already had Lord Clive signified in writing to Malcolm the pleasure he would feel in. appointing him to the Mysore Eesidency;* and already had Malcolm intimated to his friends at * I give the letter itself iu a note, poor friend Grant to be Town-Major principally for the sake of the graceful of Tort St. George opened a different allusion it contains to the circum- and more splendid career for the em- stances, referred to in a previous chap- ploymeut of your activity and talents ; ter, under which Malcolm had been and although the extended scenes iu superseded in the Town-Majorsliip of which you have since acted, and the Madras : important stations you have filled, must have made the loss of the former LOKD CLIVE TO MAJOK MALCOLM. situation at least no subject of regret, " Government House, Madras, I have not been the less anxious to Sept. G, 1801. possess the means of manifesting the " My dear Sir, — The intimation in. high estimation in which I hold your your letter of the 8th ultimo, of its pubKc services, and the sentiments of being the intention of Lord Wellesley private regard which I entertain for to suggest your name to me as sue- you; and shall accordingly embrace cessor to Colonel Close in the Resi- the suggestion of Lord Wellesley with dency of Mysore, accompanied by your the same approbation and cordiality as wish of being appointed to that situa- if the selection had originated from tion, is pai'ticularly grateful to my myself. feelings. Although you were con- "I remain, dear Sir, with the greatest vinced that the reverse of indisposition regard and esteem, your faithful ser- towards you prevailed in my mind at vant, the time when the appointment of our " Clive." filALCOLM's MISSION TO MADRAS. 167 liome the certainty of his immediate succession to the office. But now the pubHc interests seemed to require that the appointment should be held in reserve, to be conferred on IMr. Webbe or Mr. Cockburn, as an induce- ment to retain one or other of those gentlemen in the country. And Malcolm was not one to desire for a moment to place his own interests in competition with those of the public service. But willing as were these two men to sacrifice their feelings and their interests, the task which now lay before them was one of equal delicacy and difficulty. It was expedient above all things that no time should be lost in communicating with the Madras statesmen ; and yet the work was one which could be but imperfectly per- formed by epistolary correspondence. To despatch Mal- colm at once to Madras seemed to be the best — nay, the only means of extricating the Government of that Presidency from the embarrassments which had arisen ; but he was then far up the country — he had some hun- dreds of miles to travel by land and sea before he could personally take part in the troubled politics of Fort St. George. He at once, however, prepared himself for the journey. In the mean while, letters must be written to Madras. It happened that one of Lord Wellesley's oldest and most esteemed fellow-councillors. Colonel Kirkpatrick, was then at the Southern Presidency. Much was expected from his co-operation. So Malcolm, under the Governor-General's instructions, first of all addressed a secret and confidential letter to that officer, in which a rough outline was given of the course which it seemed expedient to pursue, and reference made to the effect which tlie arrangement would have on the writer's own situation: 1G8 THE PKIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. MAJOR MALCOLM TO COLONEL KIRKPATRICK.* My DEAR Colonel, — I am directed by Lord Wellesley to make a communication to yon of the most private nature, in order that you may mention it in the strictest confidence to Lord Clive and ]Mr. Wcbbe — the persons who are most concerned in having the earliest intimation on the subject. Lord Wellesley has received private accounts, which he cannot but consider as authentic, that it is in agitation to make great changes in the Government of Madras — that it is probable Mr. Dick or Mr. Oakes, or both, will be appointed to Council at that Presidency — and that the Court of Directors, acting solely and declaredly upon the ground of private information and clamor, have it in contemplation to remove Mr. Webbe from his office of Secretary, which they hope to prevail upon Mr. Chamier to accept [under a direct nomination from themselves], by appointing him at the same time to succeed to the first vacant seat in Council. Such arc the outlines of this arrangement, wdiich has, as you may imagine, filled Lord Wellesley's mind with indignation. He feels, however, that he may be constrained, by his great and various duties, from acting in the manner his feelings would prompt, upon its adoption. His conduct upon this, as upon other almost equally trying occasions, must be regulated by that temper and dignity which he no less owes to his own elevated character than to the interests of his country. It is a delicate and a painful task to offer advice to Lord Clivc upon this subject, and yet to remain wholly silent would be, in Lord Wellesley's opinion, to betray a want of interest in his situation which would be inexcusable. If this arrangement is positively ordered to be carried into exe- cution, Lord Wellesley tliinks it would not be prudent even to delay; and it is obvious that Lord Clive's situation under so ex- traordinary a change would be most unpleasant, and nothing but the sense his Lordship might entertain of his duty to the public could perhaps conquer his [just] feelings so much as to incline him to remain as Governor of Fort St. George even for a limited period. * My copy of tliis letter (ilic ori- terpolatious iu Lord Wellesley's liaad- giiial draft) is without date. The pas- -^'ritiug. sages printed in brackets [ ] are in- LETTER TO COLONEL KIRKPATRICK. 169 With respect to jNIr. Webbc, his Lordship wislies him to be in- formed, that as he has hitherto had his Lordship's approbation, he shall [on public grounds, while he shall continue to pursue the same course of diligence, public zeal, and honor] always meet with Lord Wellesley's fullest and most unreserved support ; and though he must be sensible that his Lordship cannot uphold him in his present station against the express orders of the Court of Directors, he may rest assured that he Avill ever find Lord Wellesley disposed, both in India and Europe, to treat him as a man who, from dis- tinguished ability, [extensive knowledge,] and proved integrity, merits his utmost regard and confidence. In conversing with his Lordship, it occurred that there were three lines of conduct for Mr. Webbc to adopt, each of which has its difficulties, but one of which must be followed — either to accept the Residency of Mysore; to resign before the orders arrive; or to brave the storm, and to retire indignantly to claim that justice which he has not met with in the present instance from his superiors. The Residency of Mysore is still open, as Lord Wellesley has not yet formally suggested my name by a letter from himself to Lord Clive. Independently of many reasons, arising out of the late despatches from England, which might make it desirable to appoint a person in the Civil Service to succeed Colonel Close in that station, Mr. Webbe may be assured, that were I in every way eligible to the station, and were it likely my appointment would be confirmed by the Court of Directors, I should be much more happy at my interests being sacrificed than by seeing any attention to them interrupt an arrangement so necessary as the present. As Resident of Mysore, INIr. Webbe would be placed in a station where he could at least remain with comfort, till his circumstances enabled him to return to Europe. His resigning immediately would, under many points of view, appear objectionable; and if he had no other information on this subject than what is conveyed in this letter, such a step would be impossible, as it must be stipulated, as a condition of that con- fidence in which this communication is made, that no step what- ever is to be taken upon it [nor the communication at any time revealed to a third person]. The meeting the whole affair boldly, and retiring as a person who considered himself deeply wronged, must depend so much 170 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHir. upon feeling and circumstances of a private nature, that it is im- possible to give any advice upon the subject; and the making an appeal against the justice of the proceeding would, perhaps, be attended with little effect, as that appeal must of necessity be made to those by whom the injustice was committed, and with whom it would appear neither virtue nor talent are ever likely to obtain much credit. I know, my dear Colonel, that you will feel this arrangement most severely in many respects — and in none more than as it affects me. This you must explain, particularly to Mr. John Pasley and my other friends, as they are under an impression, from letters which I cannot now recall, that I am actually fixed as Resident at Mysore. Assure them that I consider my interests as little af- fected by the circumstances that have occurred, and that I con- tinue to preserve — what Mr. Pasley knows has ever been my primary object — Lord Wellesley's favor and confidence. I am, my dear Colonel, yours ever most sincerely, John Malcolm. Malcolm made all speed to Calcutta, and then took ship for Madras. On the morning of the 26th* of January he landed, and, having reported his arrival to Lord Clive, at once entered into council with Mr. Webbe and Colonel Kirkpatrick. All his apprehensions were abun- dantly confirmed. Mr. Chamier had arrived with his appointment to the Chief Secretaryship in his pocket. Mr. Cockburn had been superseded at the Board of Revenue, and had determined to return to Endand. This Mr. Webbe declared to be '' an insuperable obstacle to the immediate introduction of the Regulations, as that gentleman (Mr. Cockburn) was alone competent to the task, and his successors at the Board of Revenue were "* " 26tli. Landed at Madras. After ship on the part of his Excellency the breakfast, I requested Lord Clive Governor-General. By this I gained would be so indulgent as to permit sufficient time to discuss Math Mr. nie to read my despatches from Bengal, Webbe and Colonel Kirkpatrick the and to sort my papers, that I might be question of Lord Clive's remaining in f idly prepared to communicate next India till next season." — [_Mcilcolm's morning all I had to say to his Lord- Mi). Journal.'] MEASURES AT MADRAS. 171 avowedly hostile to the measure."* It was his opinion, and also Colonel KirlqDatrick's, that any delay in carry- ing the Regulations into effect " threatened nothing less than a total discomfiture of that measure, against which there was a great party both at Madras and in Leaden- hall-street." How then was all this threatened evil to be averted? Regardful rather of the public interests than his own fee lings, Mr. Webbe consented to remain m India. But he expressed his conviction that he could do little good under the Government of Mr. Petrie. The next step, therefore, was to induce Lord Clive to forego his intention of immediately returning to England; and this accomplished, to make an appeal to the public spiiit of Mt. Cockburn. On the following morning, therefore, Malcolm waited upon the Governor, and stated clearly and explicitly what were the opinions and feelings of Lord Wellesley. The result of the interview he immediately communi- cated to the Governor-General in the following letter, which, encumbered as it is witli " Lordships" and " Excel- lencys," clearly states the progress of his negotiations: MAJOR MALCOLM TO LORD WELLESLEY. My Lord, — I have the honor of informing your Excellency of my arrival at this place on tlie 26th instant, and that there is every probability of being able to commence my journey to Bengal by land in a few days, after having accomplished the objects for which your Excellency sent me to this quarter. Tlie point of most importance which first called for considera- tion was whether circumstances of the moment demanded tliat I should express to Lord Clive your Excellency's wish that he should remain in India another season or not. This consideration was connected with the object of keeping Mr. Cockburn and Mr. Webbe at Madras, as the former was resolved to go home, and the * Malcolm's MS, Journal. 172 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. latter, of course, to assume lils station at Mysore, in the event of Lord dive's departure. After the most serious discussion of this point with Mr. Webbe and Colonel Kirkpatrick, it was our decided opinion that it was, under the circumstances of the moment, not only most accordant with the sentiments which your Lordship entertained and ex- pressed on this question, but indispensable to the security of the public interests, that Lord Clive should postpone his departure for Europe until October. In consequence of this opinion, I communicated your Lordship's sentiments on the late conduct of the Court of Directors to Lord Clive, informinfij him at the same time of the resolutions that conduct had induced your Excellency to take, and of your deter- mination to meet in the fullest and most decided manner the important questions respecting the Government of India which the conduct of the Court of Directors were to brinsf Into aixitation. I also informed his Lordship that your Excellency had desired me to express your hope that, notwithstanding the injury which his Lordship's feelings had sustained, a further consideration of the actual state of public affairs, united with the communications with which I was entrusted by your Excellency, would induce his Lordship to suspend the resolution which, with your Excel- lency's concurrence, he had formed of returning to England. I explained, at the time I intimated this hope to his Lordship, your Excellency's just sense of the motives which had induced his Lordship to resign the Government of Madras, and added, as a proof of this, that it was your Excellency's opinion that his Lordship sliould express his unalterable resolution to retire, by the same despatch that informed the Court of Directors of his having protracted his departure for a limited period at the solicita- tion of your Excellency. Lord Clive replied, that the conduct which your Excellency had observed towards him was such as compelled him to consider your Excellency's wishes as commands. He, therefore, could have no hesitation in complying with your Excellency's request in the present instance, and should have a pride in the continuance of his exertions to promote the success of your Excellency's admi- nistration. I shall to-morrow more particularly detail the circumstances which have led to this arrangement, and the benefits which may RESULTS OF THE MISSION. 1 73 be expected to result from its adoption ; and rest satisfied with expressing my fullest conviction that your Excellency may, under its operation, depend upon receiving the fullest co-operation and support from Lord Clive's Government during the remaining period of its existence. 1 am, &c., &c., John IMalcolm. The great object of Malcolm's mission to Madras was thus gained. Lord Clive had consented to remain at liis post until the end of tlie year.* But it was not so easy to induce Mr. Cockburn to forego his intention of returning to England. After leaving Government Llouse on the 27th of January, Malcolm tried all his arts of persuasion upon that gentleman. But liis charmings were of no avail. All that Mr. Cockburn could promise was, that he would give the matter his fullest considera- tion, and return a definite answer on the morrow. The morrow came ; and he sent a brief note to Malcolm, declaring that, after the most deliberate reflection, he could recognise only the absolute necessity of continumg firm in his first resolution. Still, with Lord Clive at the head of the Government, and Mr. Webbe at his right hand,t it was felt that much might be accomplished, even without INIr. Cockburn's * In his second, letter to Lord Wei- Settlement would be made within the leslej, j\Ialcolm says: "The known year in so great a proportion of the disposition of some of the members of territories of Tort St. George, that the Council, joined to the characters the final execution of this important of the expected members of the Board measiu-e will be cflectually secured of llcvenue, made it almost certain upou the principles directed by your that if Lord Clive and Mr. Cockburn Excellency." returned to England, and Mr. Webbe f Mr. Webbe was to be appointed went to Mysore, the important object Resident at Mysore; but it was not of introducing the Reflations for the necessary that he should join the ap- im proved revenue and judicial system poiutment, though lie drew its allow- would not be accomplished during the anees. It Avas suggested by Lord period of your Exeellcney's admiuis- Wellesley that Lord Clive should de- tration ; whilst on the other hand no tain him on special duty at the Presi- doubt could be entertained that, if dency, to form the Permanent Settle- Lord Clive remained, the Permanent ment and introduce the Regulations. 174 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. aid. And Malcolm now prepared to return to Bengal, satisfied with the present aspect of affairs, and hopeful of the future. He had earned by his conduct the increased good--will and respect of all with whom these delicate negotiations had brought him into contact ; and he carried with him the hearty wishes of all for the con- tinued prosperity of his career. When Malcolm reached Calcutta, he found that Lord Wellesley, after the .conclusion of his business at Luck- now, was returning by water to the Presidency. So he made good speed to meet the vice-regal party ; pushed up the country with the least possible delay by dawk; and early in the month of March was again at the elbow of the Governor-General. All his proceedings at Madras met Avith unqualified approbation; and he returned to his old situation of Private Secretary in the enjoyment of the increased confidence of his chief. The records of the voyage down the river supply but little incident. On the 18th of March the Governor- General's party were at Buxar.* On the 23rd they reached Patna, where they were detained for three days * In one of Malcolm's letters from bined with some parts of the conduct Buxar (to Mr. Barlow), there is a pas- of Russia (as stated by Lord Elgin), » sage which reads cm-iously at the pre- rather inclines me to conclude that he sent time : has succeeded in persuading the Em- " Buxar, March 18, 1802. — There peror that his interests will be advanced are no letters from England, and the by joining with Erance in her designs papers, which are as late as the on Turkey. There cannot be a doubt ^ 29th of October, contain little news but the ralers of France will make that we have not before heard. The every exertion after the peace to dimi- meeting of Parliament is the most nish the commercial greatness of Great important article, and tlie likelihood of Britain. Among other means, I am, great division in tlic House of Com- and always have been, convmced they mons on the subject of peace. I con- will encourage Russia to extend her fess I have little hopes of its perma- Asiatic dominions, not more with a ncncc if it does take place; for nothing view of idtimate effect on the Bi'itish can be more clear tlian that Bonaparte, Empire in India, than witli the imme- from his conduct towards the Porte, diate object of dissolving those bands has not lost sighi of his favorite object that have hitherto (with an exception of aggrandising France at the expense of a late rupture) always united Russia of that weak Government ; and the and Great Britain." change of Ministry at Petersbui'g, com- MxiLCOLM AT CALCUTTA. 175 by contrary winds. On the SOtli tliey left Monghyr; and on the 4th of April were at Boghwangolah, where they were joined by Colonel Mouson, who was to be entrusted with important despatches for England. From Boghwangolah Malcolm wrote, to Mr. Barlow that it was not Lord Wellesley's wish that any of the officers of Government should come higher than Barrackpore to meet him; and that he purposed to spend five or six days at that place before returning to business at Cal- cutta. The various experiences of Jolm Malcolm were now to be augmented by the trial of a hot season in Calcutta. It does not seem to have reduced his spirits or diminished his energies. He was a general favorite with men of all classes and all ages. There are cotemporary letters extant which speak of him as " Lord Wellesley's fac- totum, and the greatest man in Calcutta "* — but abun- dantly testify to his unpretending kindliness of heart. His own correspondence, at this time, relates principally to affairs of State. The accounts which he received from Madi'as assured him of the success of his diplomacy — success in which he rejoiced all the more Avlien he .thought of the many evidences which he had seen in * The following was written at the ' My old father has asked me to he- beginning of 1S03, by Lieutenant friend you, Young. Anything that he (afterwards Colonel) James Young, of wishes is a firman, whieh I put on my the artillery, one of the ablest men head as a Turk does the Grand Scig- whom India has ever seen : ueur's, and which I will obey at all " Calcutta, Felj. 9, 1S03. — TeU my hazards.' Since then I have frequently father — indeed, tell every member of been at Major Malcolm's house, in the the family — what I am now about to short intervals he remained at Cal- write of Major Malcolm. About this cutta He has treated me time last year he arrived here from in the kindest and most affectionate Madras, where he had been sent to manner — this, too, when lie was Lord prevent Lord Clive from departmg to Wellesley's factotum, and the greatest Europe. He sent for me to see him, man in Calcutta I mcn- and told mc in the most sincere and tion this that you may all, with one friendly manner his intention to be- voice, thank the old gentleman, _ and friend me ; and among other words delight his heart witli licaring ol Iiis made use of these remarkable ones : son's filial piety and kindness to mc." 176 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. Bengal of the good results of the Coriiwallis Regulations. "Writing to Lord Hobart, he said^ after dwelling upon the increased prosperity of the people under British rule: " This effect is solely to be ascribed to the happy operation of Lord Cornwallis's system of revenue and judicature, which has in a very few years changed the whole appearance of the coun- tries and inhabitants subject to the British power in that quarter in a manner which, to be believed, must be seen. This system is not less calculated to improve the state of the country and the condition of the inhabitants than to fix upon the firmest basis the Britisli Government in Lrdia, by securing the attachment of their subjects, and to give, from the obvious principles of justice and moderation on which it is founded, the most favorable impression of the Eno'lish Government to all the nations of India. Your Lordship will be happy to hear that the system is actually intro- duced into several districts on the Coast, and that it will soon be established over all our provinces in the Peninsula. From it alone can we expect an end to the constant rebellions among the Polygars and other troublesome inhabitants of the mountainous parts of the territories under the Government of Fort St. George ; and from it alone can we expect that the more valuable tracts of level country subject to that Government will recover from that state into which they have been thrown by a system of rule which existed on the insecure basis of individual honor and individual ability, and which acknowledged no principles but those of expe- diency, and knew no knvs but those of necessity. Your Lordship will have lieard from Mr. Wcbbe of my late journey to ]\Iadras, and you Avill be happy to learn from the same quarter of the many benefits which have and are likely to result from the measures which Lord Wellesley took to prevent an abrupt change i;i that Government. Of the effect which that change would have produced no person can judge with more precision than your Lordship." Writing to his uncle about the same time, he spoke of his situation and his prospects ; and intimated that Mr. Webl^e was willing to resign the Mysore Residency in liis favor : DEATH OF THE PERSIAN AMBASSADOR. 177 Calcutta i August 9, ISQ'2. — .... You have been fully informed of my present situation, which I shall no doubt hold as long as Lord Wellesley remains in India ; and upon his departure I have the fullest confidence that I shall succeed to a Residencv. Indeed, Mr. Webbe, the present Resident at Mysore (which is the station in India that I would prefer to any but the one I hold), on hearing it suggested that Mr. Wellesley was Hkely to return to the duties of Private Secretary, sent the resignation of his office to Lord Wellesley for the express purpose of enabling his Lordship to make a permanent provision for me before he quitted India. I mention this circumstance that your mind may be at rest respect- ing my success. I also mention it, from a motive of pride, to show you how high I stand in the estimation of ]\Ir. Webbe — a gentleman with whom I trust you will one day be acquainted, and you will then admit that I am not proud without cause of pos- sessing his friendship. But it was not written down in Malcolm's book of life that he should be condemned to any lengthened repose. As long as there was any trouble in the State there was sure to be stirring work for him ; and those were days Avhen growing difficulties and sudden accidents kept the Government in a continual state of inquietude. Properly to describe Malcolm's position at this time it should be said that he was Lord Wellesley 's Ambassador-General. At the right hand of that energetic statesman, ho was always ready for every kind of honorable mission. It is no exaggeration to say that for many years, whenever any unusual embarrassment arose — whenever there was work to be done, delicate and difficult, demanding an equal exercise of tact and vigor, the common formula of sucTorestion at Government House, current alike with tlie CD Governor-General and his advisers, was, " Send Malcolm." So when, in the month of July, 1802, the Persian Am- bassador was shot in a riot at Bombay, of course the old words rose to every one's lips; and it was promptly de- termined to " send Malcolm." VOL. I. N 178 THE PRIVATE SECEETARYSHIP. The story need not be told witli much circumstan- tiahty. It has been mentioned that when Malcohn was at Teheran it was determined that an ambassador should be despatched from that Court to obtain the formal ratification of the treaties which had been negotiated at the Persian capital. The person selected for tliis duty was Hadjee Khalil Khan — a man of ho very high rank or distinguished ability, but of respectable character and good discretion, who had taken some secondary part in the furtherance of the diplomatic business between the two Courts, and whose selection had been approved by Malcolm. With a considerable retinue of attendants he reached Bombay on the 21st of May, and halted there, as Malcolm had done at Shiraz, during the progress of some of those preliminary formalities which in Eastern countries render ambassadorial progress pompously and ludicrously slow. It would have been well for him if there had been no such delay. For it happened that one day a quarrel arose between some of the Am- bassador's retamers and some of the English Sepoys forming his guard of honor. The dispute became loud. The number of partisans increased with the heat of the contention. And soon there was a desperate affray in front of the Ambassador's house. Unfortunately, Hadjee Khalil himself went out to quell the tumult. The con- tending parties were then resorting to the last extreme of violence, and firing on each other mth blind fiiry. A ball from one of our soldiers' muskets, not intended for so exalted a victim, shot the Ambassador dead upon the spot. It would be difiicult to describe the sensation which this incident excited in the mmds of all the European inhabitants of Bombay, from Governor Duncan down to the youngest ensign in the service. The whole settle- ment went into mourning. A firigate was despatched MALCOLM S MISSION TO BOMBAY. 179 immediately to Calcutta to bear the melancholy tidings to the seat of the Supreme Government, and to seek for counsel in so unprecedented a conjuncture. The strongest minds in India were shaken by this terrible intelligence from Bombay. Even Lord Wellesley for a time was stunned and stupified by the disaster. A general gloom hung over the Presidency. Some spoke of the danger, some of the disgrace. To Malcolm the accident was peculiarly afflicting. He could not help feeling that the Ambassador, though the guest of the nation, was pecu- liarly his guest. It was Malcolm's visit to Persia which Hadjee Khalil Khan was returning when he thus cala- mitously and ingloriously lost his life in a broil at the hands of one of our own people. He knew and he liked the man; but, beyond all, his heart was in the object of the Persian's mission. He saw now that all his own work was undone at a blow, just as the cro^ni was about to be set upon it; and he knew not how long a time it might take to remedy the evil, even if the outrage did not lead to a total rupture with the Persian Court. " It brings sorrow to all," he wrote to Lord Hobart. " To me it brings the most severe distress. I see in one moment the labor of three years given to the winds (and that by the most unexpected and unprecedented of all accidents), just when it was on the point of com- pletion." It was natural that in such a conjuncture as this Lord Wellesley should have taken counsel with Malcolm — natural that he should have sought his advice and assistance. Nor was it less a matter of course that the result of the conference between them should have been the immediate despatch, to the seat of the late disaster, of the man who of all others was best acquainted with the character and the temper of the Persians, and whose name was held by them in the highest repute. So N 2 180 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. there presently appeared at Calcutta an Extraordi- nary Gazette announcing tliat Captain John Malcolm, Private Secretary to the Governor-General, had been appointed to proceed on a special mission to Bombay. " I am ordered upon a mission to Bombay," he wrote to Lord Hobart on the 14th of August, " and I am entrusted with powers that will enable me to 'alleviate in some degree private grief, and perhaps I may avert public mis- fortune ; but I have little heart to undertake a work under such inauspicious circumstances." On the 30th of August Malcolm embarked on board the CMffonne^ and stretched across the Bay to Masuli- patam. An unfavorable voyage of twenty days' duration brought him to that port; and he at once took dawk for Hyderabad. There was work to be done there and at Poonah. This second journey across the peninsula was not to be a mere transit from point to point. There were great events then taking shape in the womb of Time — events in which both the Nizam and the Peishwah were likely to be important actors. Upon the temper of their Courts much depended; and at such a time it w^as no small thing that one fresh from the atmosphere of the Government House of Calcutta, and charged wath all Lord Wellesley's views and opinions, should commu- nicate personally with the Resident, and attend a Durbar at the two Courts. Much was there for him to commu- nicate and much to ascertain ; and some business of im- portance to initiate. The primary object of his mission was not for a moment to be forgotten, nor the im- portance of a speedy execution of his business at Bombay to be superseded by any extraneous considerations. But Malcolm was a man who, when occasion required, dashed off such episodes of business as these without impeding the main action of his primary career of duty. On the 25th of September Malcolm reached Hyder- ARRIVAL AT HYDERABAD. 181 abaci, and plunged at once into the distracting politics of that Court. Writing some time afterwards to Lady Clive, he narrated the principal incidents of his second journey across the peninsula — a more adventurous one than the first — in so animated a manner that the original record may well be left undisturbed: " I went direct," be wrote, " from Calcutta to Hyderabad, where I found my native friends looking towards the rising storm with great complacency, and exulting in that foresight which had led them to form a treaty of defensive alliance with the Britisli Government, which, since the conclusion of the conquest of Mysore, had been rendered more complete by a considerable addition to the English subsidiary force and the transfer of territory for its perpetual payment — an arrangement which gave a new character to the connexion, as it removed those annual, or rather monthly, irritating discussions which must ever attend the recurring demand of pecuniary payment from a weak and extra- vagant Court. On a visit I paid to the Minister Azlm-ool- Omrah, he told me that I should find ail in confusion at Poonah, and ' before your return,' he added, ' we shall have war.' ' I hope not,' said I.* 'It is quite impossible to avoid it/ returned * Writing at the time from Hycler- Nizam should be without a propor- abad to Mr. Edmonstoue, Malcohn tiou of Europeans. Lord TV. before said : " I by no means tliiuk that wished to send an European regiment, there is any immediate cause of appre- but the jealousy of the Nizam then hension from tlie Mahrattas ; but tlic prechided the possibility of such an French ! — the French !" — In the same arrangement. That is now much re- Ictter {September 26, 1S02) he urged moved. The connexion is more fami- tlie expediency of strengthening the liar, and I do not tliink the same ob- Hyderabad subsidiary force by substi- jectious would be offered. With a tuting an European regiment for two regiment of Earopeans, and the other Native battalions. " In the event," he regiment of cavalry, this force would, said, " of the Nizam's death, and the from its situation and its equipment, possibility of the Mahrattas being command the peace of the peninsula ; troublesome, I wish his Lordship for it would then be fully competent would instruct the Resident to en- to overthrow either the Poonah or deavour to commute the two batta- Berar branch of the Mahratta Empire lions of Infantry (that remain to be in three months; and iu effecting either furnished) for an European regiment, of these objects, it wovdd require little It would add more to the strength of aid from the co-operation of our troops this force than a reinforcement of six in other quarters. Mcer Allum's si- Native battalions. No body [of troops] tuatiou is most cruel. The Resident of the magnitutlc of this with the docs not know whether any endeavours 182 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. the Minister. 'You know how exhausted the countries around Poonah are from the large armies that have been constantly encamped in the vicinity of that city for several years. The temporary absence of Scindiah and Holkar has permitted them to recover a little ; but both these chiefs are now hastening towards this quarter with hordes of plunderers, and you are bound to defend us and the Rajah of Mysore ; and supposing these Mah- ratta chiefs were to abandon that policy by which they exist, and to desist from plundering their neighbours, the situation into which they are bringing their armies makes it impossible they should persist in so virtuous a resolution. The country into which they are coming cannot support them, and if they mean to keep their lawless bands together, they must lead them to plunder. I am not sorry,' he concluded, ' things are coming to this crisis. These Mahratta gentlemen want a lesson, and we shall have no real peace till they receive it.' Though I told Azim-ool-Omrah that I trusted his conjectures would prove unfounded, and that the clouds would disperse, I could but feel that there was too much truth in what he stated, and I was more satisfied when I entered the Peishwah's territories, which I found in even a worse state than he had described them. " When arrived within about fifty miles of Poonah I found myself very unexpectedly close to a camp of Horse. I inquired of his to alleviate it would be improved, of two battalions of Native iafautry (a This is a subject upon which I dare not point by no means certain), a reduction trust myself." might be made, without an infraction On the following day he wrote again of the treaty, of 1400 firelocks — the to Mr. Edmonstone, saying : " I have supernumeraries of the corps now pre- beeu so late at the Durbar that I have sent. The Minister expressed himself not time to write to his Lordship, wliich highly satisfied and pleased with his is of no consequence, as I have nothing Lordship's proclamation to the rela- material to communicate. The old tions of Hadjee Khalil Khan. TJie re- Nizam was very gracious. The Mi- ported sentiments of the Moguls of nister was so also. The conversation l?yf/erai«^ upon this subject merit little was general, except on one point. The attention. They arc a discontented Minister urged, in the Nizam's name, race, whose views in visiting India are the completiug the subsidiary force, frustrated at every Court where our wliich he said some late alarms on the influence prevails. This is a general borders rendered particularly necessary, reason for their taking any opportvuiity I made a general answer, with which of endeavouring to defame the English he was satisfied ; but said he should, character ; and their only patron, Meer on my return, make some commuuica- Allum, being in disgrace, is another tions of importance that 1 might con- cause of their aversion to us at this vey them to his Excellency. If the moment." European regiment is accepted in lieu ARRIVAL AT POONAH. 183 w]io they were, and was told they belonged to an army under Futteh Jungh Mama, a Rajpoot leader in the service of Holkar, who liad been laying waste all the country around. As I was alone and quite defenceless, I thought it most secure to proceed to the camp, and was fortunate enough to fall in with a Mahratta Jemadar, with whom I was well acquainted. This man, the moment he recognised me, was very civil and attentive. I asked liim why Futteh Singh had come to this quarter. * Char roupeea ka- waste' (for the sake of four rupees), was the answer. As four is commonly used by the natives of this part of the country to signify an indefinite number, my friend's speech implied that his commander had come to obtain, or rather to extort, as much as he possibly could from the inhabitants. " On the day after this adventure I arrived at Poonah, where I accompanied the Resident to Durbar. The negotiation was then in that half-and-half state in which it suited the disposition as well as the crooked policy of the Peishwah to keep it. As I came immediately from the Governor-General, it was expected some opening would be given that would enable me to press upon his Highness the urgency of a speedy settlement ; and this seemed more likely to occur as, soon after I had paid my respects in the public hall of audience, he, with much apparent earnestness, requested the Resident and myself to accompany him to another room, in order to have a secret conference, from which he point- edly excluded his most confidential advisers. This, however, proved to be only a part of the game he was then playing. The moment we were in private he commenced his inquiries after the Governor-General's health, and asked if he ever thought of him. I replied that he did — ' and with that anxiety which the welfare of a prince excited on whose conduct at this critical period the peace of India in a great measure depended.' The Peishwah, though he appeared to listen very attentively to this observation, replied to it by asking, in a very cold and indifferent manner, ' Whether the Governor-General did not spend a great part of his time at his country house?' The expectation of the Resident that the Peishwah would voluntarily enter upon the subject of the pending negotiations was dissipated by this turn of tlie conversation, and he said to me aside, in a tone of disappointment, ' See how he winces at the least touch.' "After a stay of two days at Poonah I proceeded for Bombay. 184 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. Horses were posted for me to perform the first fifty miles of the journey, and palanquin-bearers the remainder. When I arrived at Tallagaum I found all the inhabitants with alarm in their countenances gathered round an old Brahmin, who was standing on the bank of a tank (reservoir), and prophesying all kinds of liorrors. I joined the throng, and heard him, among other miseries which he anticipated, declare that he discovered from the aspect of the heavens that there would, in less than a month, be a terrible battle fought in their vicinity, and that the river which flowed through their village would run ankle-deep in blood. . . . "It was dark before I arrived at Keroli. My palanquin was waiting there. I went into it, and, being fatigued with my ride in a hot sun, I had fallen into a very profound slumber, when I was suddenly awoke by the noise of a number of armed men on foot and horseback, and the light of twenty or thirty flambeaux. Springing out of the palanquin, I demanded to know why I was so surrounded. ' You are our prisoner,' said a man, who appeared to be the leader of two hundred pikemen, who now encircled me. " ' And who are you?' I asked ; ' and by what right do you detain an English officer proceeding on the affairs of his Government?' The man begged I would have patience. ' No injury is intended you,' he said. ' But these are troubled times. My master has seized the Boor Ghaut, which you are now entering, and can let no one pass.' ' Very well,' I replied; *you will let me proceed to Poonah?' *No,' he said; ' that was against his master's orders. He was directed to send me with a guard to a village a little way off' in the mountains, where I was to remain till matters -were more settled.' I found remonstrance in vain ; and walked away with my guard, who were very civil, and from the commander of wliich I had learnt before I reached my destined place of confine- ment the reasons of my extraordinary adventure. The chief by whose direction I was stopped exercised some local authority in the neighbourhood of this place, and having understood by exag- gerated accounts from Poonah that an action between the troops of Holkar and Scindiah would certainly occur in one or two days, he had in consequence seized upon the Boor Ghaut, parts of which he had fortified, Avith an impression that the power this gave him over a principal road would aid him in making terms with the victorious party, whichever that should be. He had, it seems, been informed of my approach, and had made me prisoner MALCOLM A PRISOXER. ] 85 under an idea that I might be usefully detained as a hostage for the same purpose." With his high courage, his cheerful disposition, and his natural love of adventure, Malcolm was not a man to be disquieted by such an accident as this. He was a prisoner; but even captivity he could turn to profitable account. The annoyance of detention could not repress his inclination to study the habits and feelings of the simple inhabitants of the remote village where he was detained. And in the course of a few hours he had so ingratiated himself with this little community, only one member of which had ever seen an Englishman before, that they opened their hearts to him as though he had been an old friend. There is nothing pleasanter than the following in St. Pierre's charming historiette^ and no- thing more characteristic of Malcolm in all his writings: " I managed to send by tlie post a short note to the Resident at Poonah, to acquaint him with my situation; and then, having satisfied the officer of the guard placed over me that I would make no attempt to escape, I laid down to rest, and rose early next morning, not a little anxious to contemplate the little com- munity, whom my arrival at so late an hour of the night had thrown into no slight alarm. I found myself in a small village whose inhabitants were IMahrattas of the pastoral tribe. They ■were burled among the undulations of wooded eminences at the top of the Ghauts, and seemed, though only three or four miles from the great road between Poonah and Bombay, in a great degree out of the busy world, and exempt from those cares and troubles to which their neighbours were exposed. Before two hours of the morning were passed I was acquainted with the whole village. They had none of them, except one man, who had been a Tappal-Peon, or a post-office runner, in the service of the Post-office at Bombay, ever seen an European before. This man, who had made a little money, had for twenty years lived retired in his native village, and was considered as next in conse- quence to the Potail, or head man. My arrival gave him no 186 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. slight additional consequence, as he became, from his supposed better knoAvledge of English customs and character, the principal medium of communication between the village and their new visitor. I soon found that this had excited the Potail's jealousy, which was roused into anger by the Tappal-Peon's insisting on supplying me with milk for my breakfast and on dressing my dinner. This was a serious matter, as it involved some expecta- tion of profit. I was, therefore, glad to set' the question at rest by declaring that I would take a breakfast and dinner from both- — by which jDerfect harmony was restored. " The inhabitants of this hamlet hardly knew the names of the chiefs who were wasting the plains in their vicinity with fire and sword. They paid, they told me, a trifle of rent to the lord of the country. They had, they said — and they thanked God for it — no fields to be trampled. Their sole wealth was in their cattle and sheep, which, on the slightest alarm, were driven into the recesses of the hills. Their huts afford no temptation to plunderers, and therefore they were never plundered. The diet on which they principally lived was milk. What rice they had was bought by the sale of sheep or butter. They had besides a quantity of poultry, whose eggs, the head man said, were occa- sionally sold at neighbouring villages and to passing travellers. I never saw a more marked difference of character and habits than there appeared to be between the inhabitants of this retired village and those upon the high road and in the open country. And though nothing could be more disagreeable than my deten- tion, there was a novelty and simplicity of manners in my new friends which quite pleased me, and the two days I passed with them have been ever since recollected with satisfaction. " I had made such advances to the good opinions of all ranks, by talking to them, laughing with them, distributing a few rupees among the men, giving a silk handkerchief to the Potail's wife, and a few pieces of sugar-candy which I happened to have with me to the children, that I found on the second day all were pre- pared to express their gratitude by giving me an entertainment. The place of our assembly was an open pandal, or rude canopy, in front of the Potail's hut, which was made with a sliijht neat roof and four bamboo posts. Under the shade of the pandal some men began the ball with a shepherds' dance ; next the little children, male and female, gave us two dances, one called the Sheep Dance, A VILLAGE EPISODE. 187 and the Fowl Dance. In the former they ran and skipped about on all fours, and bleated like the animals they were imitating. In the second they sate upon their thighs, and putting their right liand over their head to imitate the beak of a fowl, they liopped about and pecked at one another in a very ludicrous and amusing manner. " But the important part of my entertainment was now an- nounced. A small crowd opened to the right and left, and showed the Tappal-Peon, attired as an English lady. If the dress of this post-office runner, which consisted of a piece of old muslin made into a cap, or bonnet, a common white cloth, which was tied at the sleeves and waist to look like a gown, and bulged out on each side, with some sticks to make a hooped petticoat, was ludicrous, his dancing was still more so. He began by walking slowly up and down, which I concluded was meant as a minuet. During this ceremony, for such I imagine the spectators thought it, all were grave ; and I felt obliged to be the same. But the period of sufferance was not long ; for in an instant the imitator of English manners began to sing La, la, la — Tb/, lol de rol; and danced, and jumped, and whisked about in every direction. At the country dance, for as such it was intended, all laughed, and expressed their admiration by loud plaudits. I joined the general voice. The old Tappal man, when it was over, came up to me, and said, ' It is nearly thirty years since I looked in at the door and saw these fine dances. I wanted to teach them to the people of this village, but they have no sense, and cannot learn such things.' " The next morning put an end to my village episode. The officer of my guard came, and said he had received an order to inform me that I was at liberty to proceed, I concluded from this communication that effectual measures had been adopted at Poonah to secure my release ; and having taken a kind leave of my rural friends, I proceeded to the Boor Ghaut. As I was walking down the rugged path, across which several small works had been thrown up, I came to a place where the chief and some of his principal attendants were assembled, apparently to receive me. He rose as I approached, and sent forward one of his men to beg I would sit down and rest myself I saw from his coun- tenance and the looks of those around him that he was alarmed; and I could not deny myself the gratification of a petty triumph. 188 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. ' Tell your master,' I exclaimed to the messenger, in a voice loud enough to be heard by the whole group, ' that I have rested, because it was his pleasure I should do so, for two days ; at pre- sent I have no time to lose; I must proceed on my journey.' "The meaning of this gentleman's conduct was explained before I had been four hours at Copouly — a village at the foot of the pass. A horseman came from an officer of the Poonah Government to inform me that he had been 'detached with fifteen hundred horse the moment information was received of my treat- ment, and that he had, by a forced march, just arrived at the foot of the pass, where he had already made prisoner the chief who had so insulted me. 'And you may be sure,' he added, 'the fellow will be severely punished, for the Pelshwah is in a great rage.' In a few minutes I received a message, through one of his relations, from the chief, praying that I would Avrite to the Eng- lish Resident in his favor. He had acted, he said, on false intel- ligence, and with no view but to his own safety ; and had never intended me any harm. I told the man that I should certainly inform the Resident that thouo;h detained I had been treated with kindness. My representation, however, did not prevent a very heavy fine (which in this State is the usual punishment for all irregularities) being levied upon him; and he wtis, I understood, kept a close prisoner until it was paid." On the 10 til of October, Malcolm reached Bombay. His services were much needed there. The Governor of that Presidency, one of the worthiest and most respect- able of men, had grown old in the civil service of t'he Company, and had risen to eminence by the force rather of a sustained career of unostentatious utility than by the energy of his character or the splendour of his achieve- ments. There are few names which more deserve to be held in honorable remembrance than that of Jonathan Duncan.* But he was not the man for a crisis. The deplorable accident which had happened at Bombay * Malcolm had a high opuiion of a man of more honest prineiples, good his integrity and public spirit. " There intentions, or hiborious zeaL" exists not;" lie wrote, " in the universe AERIVAL AT BOMBAY. 189 required to be dealt with in u conciliating spirit, but at tlie same time with firmness and decision. Above all things, it was necessary to betray no sjTnptom of alarm. But as Lord Wellesley had been alarmed at Calcutta, it was not strange that Mr. Duncan should have been alarmed at Bombay. Natural and excusable as was this betrayal of anxiety on the spot, it was more pernicious than at a distance. Presuming upon the Governor's good-nature, the Persians rose in their demands, and en- deavoured to intimidate him into compliance with their unreasonable requests. But Malcolm's opportune arrival soon restored things to their just balance. He had made up his mmd what to do, and he began at once to do it. Two or tlu^ee days after his arrival, he -wTTote to ]VIi\ Edmonstone a sketch of the measures he proposed to adopt : MAJOR MALCOLM TO MR. EDMONSTONE. Bombay, Oct. 13, 1802. My dear Edmonstone,— I do not like to write a public letter until I can clearly inform Government of the steps I have taken, and the tcht/s and iclicreforcs which have influenced my conduct; but it will be pleasant for you to know that I am going on well, and that I trust all will be speedily and satisfactorily arranged. The Hadjce's body will be conveyed on board a ship in a day or two, and it will be accompanied to Kirbalah by Abdul lAiteef, who will now behave as he ought, and about forty Persians. The others (about eighty) will remain here imtil his Majesty's ])lcasure is known. I shall direct Mr. Strachey* to remain at Poonali till his evidence is required, and Mr. Smithf to continue * Mr. Edward Strachey, of the Civil cumstautiality all the details of the Service — a member of a distinguished luitoward event. He afterwards ac- family — ^yas appointed to attend the compauied Malcolm back to the Bom- Persian Ambassador, and was with him bay Presidency, halting, it appears, at when the affray took place which ended Poonah. in the Elchce's death. After the occur- f Mr. T. Hanky Smith, who was, rencc he went round to Calcutta, and at a later period, sent on a mission to reported with great candor and cir- Siudh. 190 THE PKIVATE SECKETARYSHIP. acting as Mehtnendar, for the duties of wliicli he is well qualified. I shall send Mr. Pasley with the Hadjee's body, which will not only be considered as a high compliment, but be useful in a thousand ways. It will preserve this transaction from the touch of Mr. Manesty and Mr. Jones. It will enable me to convey a correct state of the feeling here upon the subject to many respectable Persians, and I shall obtain from Mr. P. a true account of the manner in which the transaction is received in Persia. He \n\\ give Lovett* information which will secure him from error at his outset, and be of the highest utility to him during his residence in Persia. I shall take a particular account of the Hadjee's public and private property, and divide it : the former shall be held at the disposal of the King, while the latter shall be given by Mr, Lovett and Abdul Luteef (who shall have joint charge of it) to his legal heirs, on their granting regular receipts, and agreeing to restore any part of it that ever may be claimed by the King. I shall satisfy the reasonable expectations of Luteef, remunerate his expense, authorise a handsome present to the Hadjee's son and wives at Abushire, a dlstribixtion of alms at Kertulai, and make a noble present to every person in the Embassy in the name of the Govern or- General, and not exceed the limits of one lakh of rupees. The pensions which I shall recommend will amount to about forty- six thousand rupees per annum. You have here the outline of my plans, and I am sanguine in the hope that they will be ultimately crowned with success. I am, as you may suppose, overwhelmed with business. I enclose a letter from the King of Johanna. Yours ever most sincerely, John Malcolm. Lovett is sick on the road. This is the only cross accident which has occurred. He is too fat. Two days afterwards he wrote again to the Political Secretary : * Mr. Lovett was a young civilian by his proficiency in the Native lau- of considerable promise, wlio had dis- guages. His career was unhappily a tiuguishcd liimsclf greatly in College brief one. PROGRESS OF RECONCILIATION. 191 MAJOR MALCOLM TO ME. EDMONSTONE. Bombay, Oct. 15. My dear Edmonstone,— All's well— we arc going on swim- mingly. Since my last, I have only altered my opinion on one point — " respecting the property." I will take an inventory of the whole, but not divide it. The inventory will be transmitted by Aga Hussan to the King for the royal orders. This proceedino- is more safe and more politic, though perhaps less just than that I proposed ; but, upon mature reflection, it is the only mode. The publicity of the transaction gives the heirs a good chance of obtaining their right, as the King would incur much obloquy if he was to plunder them. I keep a journal of my proceedino-s, and I think they will be attended with success. I never was more sanguine in any hope. Mr. Smith, who lives with the Persians, assures me that since I first spoke to them he has never been troubled with one complaint, though before he used to be mobbed from morning to night, and that they all appear satisfied. Your friend Luteef is, after a •private lecture^ the best-behaved and most moderate man in Bombay. Mr. Duncan, with that good-nature and candor which he so eminently possesses, congratulated me this morning on the great change which had been effected in his Persian friends, and said my conduct had convinced him that an over-desire to conciliate had led him into error. The fact is, his errors all arose from timidity — the rascals bullied him — Luteef at the head. Aga Hussan has always behaved well. He has suffered much, but is perfectly recovered. God bless you, and believe me yours always, John Mal'colm. Whilst the measures traced in tlie preceding letters were in progress of execution, Malcolm addressed him- self, in terms of condolence and conciliation, to the Kins; and the chief Ministers of Persia. From this cor- respondence, which necessarily contains much repetition and much Oriental exaggeration, it will suffice to quote a few passages : 192 THE PRIVATE SECRET ARYSHIP. TO THE KING OP PERSIA. It is not becoming in me to speak of the melancholy event which has taken place here by the decrees of an inscrutable Pro- vidence — God knows the heart ; and He knows what mine has suffered on this occasion. But it is not for man to question His dispensations. Your Majesty being acquainted Avith the attach- ment and friendship which the Governor-General entertains for you, can well appreciate the severe affliction into which he has been thrown by this fatal accident. His Excellency has sent me to this quarter to administer to the comfort and consolation of your Majesty's subjects at this place, and to forward his letter to your Majesty ; and I hope I have not been deficient in executing these duties. TO MEERZA SHEFFEE. You will have heard long before you receive this letter the accounts of the melancholy deatli of Hadjee Khalil Khan. I shall not, therefore, write you particulars of that event. Who shall arrest the blow of fate? Who can question the dispensations of Providence ? It is our duty to submit with resignation to the decrees of the Eternal, whose ways are mysterious and Avhose judgments are awful. You have known the pains with which the English Government courted the friendship of your illustrious King. As the unworthy instrument of the Governor-General, I exerted myself to be the means of establishing friendship between the two States. From the greatness and generosity of your King, and the kindness and wisdom of his Ministers, I was successful, and on my return to India the Governor-General was rejoiced at the favorable result of my mission. The solid foundations of a friendship so beneficial can never be shaken by the whirlwind of misfortune Avhich accident has raised; but must continue firm and durable for ever. The tears which we have all shed on this melan- choly occasion are the sincerest proofs of the friendship of the British State for your illustrious monarch. I have come to Bombay by orders of the Governor- General, to endeavour to alleviate the sorrows of the King's slaves and ser- vants who arc now here, and to forward a letter from the Go- vernor-General to his ]\Iajesty. ... I send the body of the late Khan, with every circumstance of honor, to Karbula for inter- LETTERS TO PERSIA. 193 ment. A number of Persians will accompany it. Others, with the near relations of the late Ambassador, Aga Hussun and Aga Hoosain, will remain here until his Majesty's orders are known. TO MEERZA BUZOORG. Although this affair must be considered as an accident, all per- sons concerned in the affray have been committed to prison ; and the Eno-lish Government is now ens-aged (in the mode which is agreeable to the established laws and usages of British jurispru- dence) in discovering to whom guilt attaches, that they may here- after be brought to condign punishment. You, my friend, are well acquainted with the laws and usages to which I here allude. TO CniRAGH ALT KHAN. Mr. Lovett, a gentleman of rank and respectability, has been nominated Resident at Bushire, and he has been particularly appointed to take charge of the letter from his Excellency the most noble the Governor-General to the King. Should Mr. Lovett receive his Majesty's commands to repair to Shiraz or Teheran, or should his Ministers inform him that they consider such a step advisable, he will, in concert with you (on whose proved friendship he will wholly rely on this occasion), proceed without hesitation, and give, if required, a full and satisfactory account and explanation of the late melancholy accident. If this takes place, I indulge a hope that the whole will be settled in the most desirable and amicable manner through your kind and friendly mediation. Postscript. — After writing this letter, I have been induced, by the severe illness of ]\Ir. Lovett and the fear of detaining for a longer period his Lordship's letter to the King, to send that letter with an Urzee from myself and several letters to the nobles of the Government, by Mr. Pasley, who will, till the ai'rival of Mr. Lovett, fulfil his duties ; and with respect to forwarding the letter to his Majesty, which requires expedition, he will act in conformit}^ to your desire and. advice. A fortnight's activity at Bomlmy seems to have enabled Malcolm so far to perform his appointed work as to per- VOL. I. 194 THE PRIVATE SECEETARYSHIP. mit him to contemplate an almost immediate return to Calcutta. On the 27th of October he wrote again, pri- vately, to the Political Secretary : MAJOR MALCOLM TO MR. EDMONSTONE. Bombay, Oct. 27. My DEAR Edmonstone, — I have made all my arrangements to my satisfaction, except those with Meer Abdul Luteef, who is one of the most troublesome gentlemen I ever met. The body and about seventy Persians embark to-morrow, and I hope they will sail on the 2nd, which will allow of my starting on the 3rd of next month. Of Lovett's arrival I have little hope. He must follow. Pasley will execute his duties that appear urgent. I hope Lovett will not fall into the hands of the Pindarrees. These scoundrels so completely occupy the road, that I doubt much whether I shall be able to return by that route. I have a vessel ready to go to Cannanore, and from that I shall go via Seringa- patam. Strachey's business is not connected with that of any other per- sons. He is in a state of much anxiety, and I have promised him to write you to expedite the resolution respecting him as much as possible. It may, however, be better for him that it should be delayed until I return. Though I am vexed that my absence should have been so long protracted, I have the consolation of thinking that I have been able to put the whole of this transaction into a creditable shape ; and I have been able to do more than I at first expected. My success lias been wholly owing to my being personally knovv^n to the majority of the Persians, and obtaining from them a confidence which enabled me to set aside all intermediate agents, and conse- quently freed me from all intrigues. Yours ever, John Malcolm. But these sanguine expectations of a speedy return to Calcutta were not realised. Several causes co-operated to delay Malcolm's departure from the Western Presi- MENDACITY OF MEHEDI ALL 195 dency. Amoug tliese was the receipt of letters from Mehedi Ali Khan,* which rendered it essential that new instructions should be given to Mr. Lovett. The astute Mahomedan diplomatist seems to have had a rooted con- viction that he could best serve his Christian employers by an unlimited amount of lying. So as soon as he heard that the Persian Ambassador had been killed, he invented an account of the transaction, from which it appeared that the mihappy man owed his death entirely to some folly or misconduct of his own, and that no one else was deserving of blame. But these falsehoods INIal- colm utterly repudiated. It was abhorrent to his nature to blacken the reputation of a dead man. The mendacity of Mehedi Ali Khan was continually obtruding itself upon him, and embarrassing his operations. So he recom- mended that the Persian should be removed and pensioned, and an English gentleman appointed agent at Bushire in his stead. Of the eventual success of JMalcolm's measures there can be no doubt. He understood the Persian cha- racter, and he was personally acquainted with the people with whom he had to deal. All were satisfied, from the Eang on the throne to the humblest of the defunct Elchee's retainers. But the magnitude of the crisis had been greatly exaggerated. The death of the Ambassador created but little sensation in Persia, and that little soon passed away. It was not regarded as a national outrage, but as a debt contracted by us which money-payments might promptly discharge. And it was said soon after- wards at Shiraz that the English might kill ten ambas- sadors if they would pay for them at the same rate. Towards the close of November everything was in a state to admit of Malcolm's departure from Bombay; * Our agent at Buslm-e, of whom mentiou has been made in the prccedhig chapter. o2 196 THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. and before the end of the year he was again at the elbow of the Governor-General, deep hi councils of such magnitude as for a time to throw into the shade all the flatulent littlenesses of Persian diplomacy, and to render him unmindful of the avarice and mendacity of the Per- sian character. We were on the eve of a great contest. The arena was on our own frontier, an'dthe prize was the supremacy of Upper India. But whatever might be the magnitude of the trans- actions to which he gave his mind, or the pressmg cha- racter of the business which forced itself iipon him, there was one remote spot, many thousand miles away, across the black water, to which his thoughts were continually turning. Whatever might be the environments of his daily life, he had still a place in his memory for Burn- foot. I have said this before ; but I must say it again, before all such references are deluged and borne away in the whirl of Mahratta pohtics. John Malcolm's father was now an old man, and his days were numbered. It was great solace, in exile, to the successfid Indian diplo- matist, to think that, although he had not gTown and was not yet growing rich, he had sufficient of this world's store to increase the comforts of his parents' declining years. His father had remonstrated with him on his want of prudence and economy. To this Malcolm wrote back in reply : " You are perfectly correct, my dear father, in what you say respecting my Avant of economy. It is my weak side, and it is a fault which I am anxiously endeavouring to correct ; and I shall persevere, I hope, in doing so in a manner which will enable me to return in a few years to Burnfoot, to enjoy myself in the midst of a family who, amid all my honors, occupy my thoughts by day, and my dreams by night. I have only one request to make of you, and your granting it will determine that share of happi- ness which I am to enjoy until my return to Europe. It is, my CORRESPONDENCE WITH BURNFOOT. 197 dear father, that you do, upon every occasion, call upon Mr. Pasley to furnish you with whatever sums you may require for the comfort of yourself, my dear mother, or any of my family, from funds of mine in his hands ; and I entreat that you will deny yourself no indulgence that my means can supply. Your acting otherwise upon this point will make me really unhappy. I have written to Mr. Pasley to the same effect, and shall be most severely disappointed if I do not hear that you have done in this instance as I wish. Your exercising: this latitude will make no diiference in the period of my return to Europe, as the fortune which I have now a certainty of obtaining will be on a scale beyond my hopes and expectations ; and I shall regret its possession if one shilling belongs to the heap which ought, in my own opinion, to have been devoted to the use of my fl^mily." Not very many montlis after the despatch of this letter, une of his sisters wrote to John Malcolm, saying : " In how many ways do you contrive to add to the happiness of your family. You are making the old age of your parents easy in pecuniary respects, except what it is natural for them to feel in being so expensive to you. You enable your sisters to gratify their inclinations with- out being burdensome on their own family ; and all this you do ill such a manner, that our obligation to you is only an additional pleasure. Should our extravagance prolong your stay in India, it would be a misfortune indeed, fur no present comfort or future expectation can equal the happiness we propose to ourselves from your return." He was in the very thick of Mahratta politics, perhaps of Mahratta battle, when the letter containing this passage was put into his hands. Wherever it may have found him, it must have done him good. He was in a fair way, he said, when writing to his father, to amass a fortune at last. The appointment to the Mysore Eesidency which he had surrendered for the public good some time before, was now in reality to pass into his hands. The new year, 1803, saw him busy 198 THE PEIVATE SECEETAKYSHIP. with preparations for his departure from Calcutta. Mr. "VYebbe had declined the Eesidency, except as a tempo- rary arrangement, and it was the opinion of the best-qua- lified lookers-on that Mr. Cockburn, though endowed with many high qualities, had not those Avhich would especially fit him for such an office. So strong, indeed, was Barry Close's* opinion that Malcolm alone possessed the necessary qualifications, that he declared he would have most reluctantly consented to the change of station which had placed him at Poonah, if it had not been for an assured con\dction that Malcolm woidd succeed him at Mysore. But events were then developing themselves which rendered even the administration of Mysore a matter of secondary importance ; and Malcolm's services were required on fields of more exciting enterprise and strenuous action. * Colonel Close was then considered neral Wellesley expressed an equally — and justly — to be at the very head strong opinion respecting the necessity of the Indian diplomatic body. Ge- of appointing Malcolm to Mysore. GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMr. 199 CHAPTER IX. GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. [1803—1804.] MAIIKATTA POLITICS — FLIGHT OF THE PEISnWAn — THE TEEATY OF BASSEIN — MALCOLM AT HEAD-QUAKTEKS — INTEECOTJE.SE WITH GENEKAL WELLESLEY — KESTORATIOJT OF THE PEISHTTAH — THE MAHKATTA -^AR — ILLNESS OF MAL- COLM — DEPASTUILE FROM CAMP — ^EFFECTS OF HIS RETUKN— -THE TREATY OF PEACE. " I CAN answer for it," wrote the Duke of Wellington, in 1824, to Sir John Malcolm, "that from the year 1796 no great transaction has taken place in the East in which you have not played a principal, most useful, conspicuous, and honorable part ; and you have in many services, diplomatic as well as militaiy, been distinguished by successes, any one of which in ordinary circumstances would have l)een deemed sufficient for the life of a man, and would have recommended him to the notice of his superiors." If Malcolm had been distmguished only by the part which lie played in the great transactions of the first Maliratta wars, he would still have been con- spicuous among the worthies of Anglo-Indian histor}^ and the architects of the Anglo-Indian Empire. But the multitude of these services brings perplexity to the biographer. The life of Sir John Malcolm must necessarily be a history of tliose important mihtary and 200 GENERAL WELLESLEY'S CAMP. diplomatic operations by whicli tlie English made them- selves masters of the continent of Hindostan. But it is my study to keep the purely biographical element ever uppermost in this work ; to show not what was done, but what was done by hwi ; and only to throw in as much of the background of independent history as will duly define the outline and determine -the proportions of Malcolm's own individual acts. On his last journey across the Peninsula of India he had been told in the Mahratta country that the storm was rising ; and soon after he quitted Poonah, it rose. The Mahratta chiefs were warring among themselves. Scindiah and Holkar were contending for a paramount influence at the Court of the Peishwah, who was among the recognised princes of India, and, though little to be trusted, one of our allies. The others, according to the political vocabulary of the day, were nothing better than " freebooters." Amidst the ruins of the Mogul Empire they had been groping and scrambling for what they could get. Bold, energetic^ unscrupulous, they were growing into formidable powers ; and in proportion to the recklessness of their own usurpations were the jealousy and mistrust with which they regarded the military successes and the territorial progress of the in- truding Feringhees. It was not then so obvious as it subsequently became, that the progress of our own poAver and that of these Mahratta chiefs could not be cotempora- neously developed — that the one must necessarily obstruct the other, and that only a collision could determine which power was to be held in check. But it was plain even then, that if a hostile influence were established at the Court of Poonah, the country of the Nizam would speedily be overrun by the Mahrattas, and the balance of power which we had exerted ourselves to establish, effectually destroyed, to our own detriment and peril. TLIGHT OF THE PEISHWAH. 201 On the 25tli of October, 1802, ca great battle was fouglit iu the neighboui'hood of Poonah between the troops of Holkar and the united forces of Scmdiah and Badjee How. Victory declared itself in favor of the former ; and the Peishwah abandoned his capital and fled. The opportunity was not to be lost. In his extremity he sought a closer union -wdth the British. His weakness now readily conceded what his capricious and untract- able temper had before withheld. And our English statesmen, who had for some time desired to establish at Poonah an influence similar to that whicli they main- tained at Hyderabad, now proflted by the danger wliich threatened the Peishwah, and determined to fix in his dominions a strong subsidiary force. " The line in Mahratta aftairs is taken," wrote Mal- colm to Ku'kpatrick, on New Year's-day, 1803, " and it is, I think, the most politic, as it is evidently the most just proceeding that could have been adopted. If w^e lix a subsidiary force with the Peishwah, there can be no doubt of obtainmg all that we can wish for, both for ourselves and the Nizam, at the same time that we secure (which is the great object) the peace of the Peninsula, which, till that event takes place, must be periodically disturbed by such freebooters as Scindiah and Holkar, Avliom nothing but the terror of the British arms will ever cause to desist from their ruinous incursions into the countries which lie to the south of the Nerbuddah. I anticipate every success from an armed negotiation, and I trust that the affairs of the Mahratta Empire will be settled without blood. The present appearance is favorable to such a result ; but should it be otherwise — should we be required to repel attack or to punish perfidy — can there be a doubt of success ?" Ten days afterwards Malcolm wrote from Barrackpore to the Commander-in-Chief: ^ • 'c 202 GENERAL WELLESLEY S CAMP. " The Peisliwah has arrived at Bassein, and Colonel Close has joined him. A party of British troops have been encamped in the vicinity of that town for his protection, and there is every reason to expect that he will sliortiy execute a formal treaty upon the basis of the engagement into which he has already entered. This great object once effected, I can have little doubt with respect to other points. Holkar, though vain of his late success, is alarmed at Scindiah, and is by no means prepared to enter upon so unequal a contest as that with which he has been tlu'eatened if he refuses acquiescence to any arrangement which is supported by the English Government and that of the Nizam ; and Scindiah, how- ever adverse to the establishment of a British force at Poonah, feels too sensibly the danger to which his northern territories would be exposed to hazard a rupture with the English Govern- ment From what I have stated, your Excellency will observe that circumstances are most favorable for the full and peaceable accomplishment of the Governor-General's views ; but security as well as policy requires that his Lordship should, upon this occasion, show that he possesses ample means of commanding that tranquillity which he solicits, as it is only to such an impres- sion that he can owe its establishment. As I consider hostilities to be very improbable, I shall not take up your time with specu- lations upon the likely result of such an event — I shall only express my full conviction of a prosperous issue. The British arms would meet with little opposition from even the combined efforts of the weak and discordant branches of the Mahratta Empire, and one short campaign would for ever dissipate the terror with which the Indian politicians in England are accustomed to contemplate the power of the Mahratta nation." The Commander-in-Chief to whom these over-sanguine speculations were addressed was General Lake. Perhaps, in after days, he reminded Malcolm of the " one short campaign" which was for ever to have crushed the hos- tility, and settled the turbulence of the Mahrattas.* •* In the same letter Malcolm, -nliicli had been made, says : " All speaking of the military preparations these are calculated to prevent hostili- sy THE TREATY OF BASSEIN. 203 Meanwhile, on the last day of the old j-ear (1802), the treaty with the Peishwah — known in history as the treaty of Bassein — was concluded. Malcolm had been in constant communication with Colonel Close, by whom the treaty was negotiated, and had conveyed to him the views of the Governor-General. " He has had to deal," wrote the former to Mr. Webbe, with reference to the Colonel's diplomacy, " with wily scoundrels, who do not possess respect even for the most solemn engage- ments, when they conceive that the}^ operate against their interests. After all, we must depend upon the able application of our force, for we can owe the good faith of the Peishwah, and the acquiescence of the other Mahratta chiefs in the treaty we form with him, to no motive but apprehension, and, in consequence, the more formidable our preparations for war, the more chance we have of effecting our object in peace." Such, described in Malcolm's own letters, was the state of politics in the great Indian Peninsula when he prepared to leave the family of the Governor-General and assume his new office at Mysore. He left Calcutta with a heavy heart. He was warmly attached to Lord Wellesley ; he had become accustomed to take part in the councils, and to participate in the schemes of the Gover- nor-General ; and now, little knowing the great events in which he was about to become an actor — little dream- ino; that one greater even than the Governor-General was about to become his associate both in council and in action — he felt almost as though he were going into exile, condemned to a future of comparative isolation and re- ties, which it is the Governor-Gcueval's avoid a Mahratta war ; and Malcoki v coniident expectation he will be able entirely participated in these senti- to avoid." Lord Wellesley, indeed, at ments. thi^ time, both desired and expected to 204 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. tiremeut. To be Kesident at Mysore in sucli a conjunc- ture was to hold a post of honor, demanding energy and abihty of no common order for the due performance of its duties 5 but it was to take Inm away from the great centre of action, and from the elbow of the accomplished statesman whom he so much loved and revered. Early in February, Malcolm took ship for Madras ; and when the first bustle and confusion of embarkation were over, he sate down and unburdened his heart in the following letters to Lord Wellesley and his brother Henry : MAJOR MALCOLM TO LORD WELLESLEY. United Kingdom, at Sea, Feb. 9, 1803. My Lord, — Before I left Calcutta I attempted personally to express to your Excellency the feelings of my heart ; but I had not the power ; and if I were to endeavour to state them in a letter I should be equally unsuccessful. Acknowledgments of obligations and professions of gratitude — the current payment of common favors — shall never be offered to your Lordship in dis- charge of a debt so serious as mine. An unshaken adherence to the principles of honor — a firm and onward tread in the path of virtue, and an unwearied exertion of talents which your Lord- ship's approbation has persuaded me are not contemptible, will, I trust, combine to guide me in a course of action which shall convince your Lordship I have not thrown away the extraor- dinary advantages I have enjoyed, in holding so long a confiden- tial station near your Excellency's person ; and I entertain the proud hope that no one action of my life (to whatever period it may please Providence to extend that blessing) shall ever give your Lordship cause to regret the partial kindness with which I have been treated, or the marks of honorable favor with which I have been distinguished. Among the various feelings which at this moment occupy my breast, I recognise with exultation that of a personal attachment to your Lordship to be predominant ; and I shall glory in every opportunity I may have of showing the nature of the zeal which that attachment inspires, and how far it places me above the LETTER TO HEKRY WELLESLEY. 205 common motives which influence men who are busy in the self- interested pursuit of fortune. I have the honour to be, &c., &c., J. Malcolm. MAJOR MALCOLM TO THE HON. HENRY WELLESLEY. At Sea, Feb. 9, 1803. My DEAR Wellesley, — After the usual delays, we are at length at sea, and we shall, I hope, make a good voyage to Madras, though we cannot expect the present fair wind to be steady. You know the state of my mind so perfectly that I shall not trouble you with my feelings. I have none of which I am ashamed, though I have many whiclr I might hesitate to express. One circumstance which has, perhaps, escaped your memory recurs so often to mine, that I cannot avoid mentioning it. A few days before we parted at Allahabad, you told me that there was no one event in your Indian life with which you were better satisfied than that of having promoted my advancement. I know not what answer I made at the instant, but I never heard an ex- pression which made so deep an impression on my mind. It has dwelt there ever since ; it has been present to my recollection on every occasion when ray exertions have been demanded, and will be so during my continuance in public life ; and I am convinced the thought of that expression will preserve me (were every other motive wanting) from any actions which are low or unworthy, while it would lead me, if destitute of ambition, to aspire to the attainment of all that is good and excellent. I contemplate with sincerest joy the happy and noble prospects which open to you in your native country. At an age when most of your rank begin their course in life, you can boast the per- formances of duties which, from their magnitude, have required the application of all the resources of an informed, liberal, and great mind; and you can rest your pubhc character upon the solid basis of their complete and successful accomplishment. Your great experience and extensive knowledge of Indian affairs will, I am convinced, give you an early opportunity of employment in this quarter of the world ; and I am unconscious of a private motive when I express an anxious hope that no cir- 206 ge:n-eral wellesley's camp. cumstance may prevent you from accepting it. In the full con- fidence that you will continue to fix your mind upon a subject so little understood in England, but of such ultimate importance to the existence of that kingdom in its present scale of greatness as the British Empire in the East. I shall become a voluminous, and, perhaps, a troublesome correspondent; but to console your mind under the alarm which this threat must naturally excite, I promise not even to expect the acknowledgment of, much less answers to, my letters, and to content myself with discharging on your devoted head all my narratives, statements, politics, true his- tories, opinions, reports, and conjectures — in short, all the devices of my brain which do not assume a poetical form, and from all such, a regard for your peace of mind, no less than a desire to preserve your good opinion of my prudence, leads me to promise you the fullest exemption. May God Almighty bless you, and preserve you, and send you a prosperous voyage to England; and may it be ordained that I shall soon have the pleasure of seeing you again, either in this country or in old England. I am, my dear Wellesley (with the most sincere respect and regard), your grateful and affectionate friend, John Malcolm. The voyage down the Bay was not a rapid one, tliougli the wind was, or ougiit to have been, in his favor ; and we find liim, on the 16th, still "at sea," writing to Lord Hobart on the pohtics of the day, and detailing the course of operations which Lord Wellesley had deter- mined to pursue : " Lord Wellesley," he wrote, " will leave no measures unadopted to effect tlie restoration of the Peishwah, except such as involve the risk of a Mahratta war, or of danger to the tranquillity of the Bri- tish possessions. A detachment of eight thousand men will move with the Nizam's army towards Poonah, to countenance the Peishwah's return to the capital ; and another corps of equal, or superior, strength will advance in co-operation with the Southern Mahratta Jagccrdars, and in communication with the army from Hyderabad, along the Tangabudra, until they are joined by the LETTEK TO LORD HOB ART. 207 Peishwali, who will march from some part of the Coast near Bombay, protected by some of his own followers and a small corps from that settlement. " Whilst these armies are proceeding towards Poonali to re- instate the Peishwah in his authority, the main body of the Coast army will occupy a position on the frontier of Mysore, for the purpose of covering that country and the Carnatic from the inroads of freebooters, and preserving open the communications with its advanced detachments. " This plan of operations, whilst it exposes nothing to risk, must, if the majority of the Peishwah's subjects are favorable to the restoration of that Prince's authority (a fact which has always been presumed, and on the fact of which the present treaty has been concluded), ensure complete success; nor is it in the power, if it was in the contemplation, of either Holkar or Scindiah to defeat, or for any length of period to protract, its accomplishment. But these chiefs have both shown a disposition towards an amicable adjustment, and no means will be neglected which can induce their acquiescence in this important arrangement. For that ac- quiescence, and for all the success which may attend this nego- tiation, we shall be chiefly indebted to those formidable military equipments which have been made with unexampled vigor and celerity, and which have already answered the first great object for which they were assembled — viz., that of securing our own ter- ritories and those of our allies from the invasion of a nation who have too often been induced by a common desire of plunder to reconcile for the moment their discordant interests, and to imite their armies in an attack on their unguarded and defenceless neighbours. I mean to leave Madras, a few days after my arrival, for Mysore; and as I shall then be an actor in the important scene, I shall make it my duty to give your Lordship information of the progress made in the accomplishment of the objects in view." To a friend in England lie wrote, at the same time, speaking unreservedly of his plans and prospects, in a manner which, shows how modest were his views, and how limited his ambition, at this period of liis life : " I am ashamed of having so long delayed my answer to your kind letter of the 6th of May ; but I have been a busy man this 208 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. last twelvemonth, and am now actually sailing down the Bay of Bengal on my third political mission within that short period. I am on my way to Mysore, and though my nomination to the Residency of that place has been chiefly dictated by the situation of affairs at the moment, I shall probably remain there for some time ; and if my mind were bent on the attainment of comfort or the accumulation of wealth, I could never desire a change. But while I continue in public life I am determined never to attach myself to the soil, and to be ready for all services, as the only principle of action on which I can expect to raise my character to that elevation which I am bold enough to contemplate. . . " . . . You will see by the enclosed extract of a letter from the Marquis to the Court of Directors that my late mission to Bombay has been honored with approbation, and that I am not losing ground in the diplomatic line, though advancing in that or any other in India appears to be a matter of very little considera- tion in England, where I believe you think all Indians alike — that all acknowledge the same sordid motive of action, and that all are equally undeserving of any mark of honor or distinction. However, this is of little consequence to me. I shall continue to do my utmost till I am a pensioner, which I shall be in 1806. My pension and savings will then give me 1500/. per annum, and on that I can live with my friends. Nor is it in the power of gold to bribe me to lono-er banishment." On or about the 26th or 27tli of February Malcolm reached Madras. He was the bearer of despatches to Lord Clive, containing instructions relative to the move- ment of the troops Avhich were to support the restoration of the Peishwah ; and, charged with the Governor-Ge- neral's views on the great question of Mahratta poHtics, he was soon deep in council with the Madras Governor and Mr. Webbe. The latter had been instructed to pro- ceed to the Court of the Rajah of Berar,* there to hold * Mr. Wcbbe was very anxious to be nominated liis secretary, and Mr. see both Jolni Adam and Rioliard Jenkins one of his assistants. He is Jenkins appointed liis aides at Nagpore. personally acquainted with the former, Writing to Mr. Edmoustone on this and would prefer him as a secretary to subject, Malcolm says : " It is his any young man in India, and he has (Wcbbc's) liope that Llr. Adam will heard sufficient of the character and COJVIMUNICATIONS WITH LORD CLIVE. 209 the same position which was held by Colonel Collins at Scindiah's Court, whilst Malcolm himself, making ar- rangements in the mean while for the proper performance of the duties of the Mysore Residency, was to join the army in the field, for the purpose of communicating also to the Commander-in-Cliief the views of the Governor- General. His sojourn at Madras was short, but not unimportant ; for he not only made Lord Clive and Mr. Webbe thoroughly acquainted with the opinions and the wishes of Lord Wellesley, but he rescued the first from an embarrassment which might have had a most inju- rious effect upon the out-turn of those events which were fast developing themselves mto a great and glorious war. By some inadvertence on the part of the secreta- riat, the official letter to Lord Clive, which conveyed the instructions of the Governor-General respecting the plan of mihtary operations and the strength of the corps to be despatched in advance, gave discretionary power in these matters to the Governor "in Council." With a Council arrayed against him, and in most cases eager to obstruct his measures, Lord Clive felt that he coidd do little to further the views of the Governor-General, unless the power were delegated to himself in his individual character as Governor of Madras. With equal clearness of perception Malcolm saw the difficulty, and promptly cut the knot asunder. He took upon himself to assure Lord Clive that the insertion of the words "in Council" was an oversight, and that it was the intention of Lord Wellesley to delegate the discretionary powers conferred in the official letter solely to the Governor himself. Fortified by this assm-ance, Lord Clive took into his qualificatious of the other to make him once ou his success." Richard Jcnldiis desirous to have him attached to his went to Nagpore, and made a great re- suite I shall rejoice to putatioii there, but John Adam cluBg see ray friend Adam enter the diplo- resolutely to the secretariat, matie corps. I -will pledge my exist- VOL. I. P 210 GENEEAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. o"\\Ti hands tlie direction of the military operations, free from the restraints which would have been imposed upon him by an antagonistic Council. " I propose leaving Madras in a few days," wrote Malcolm to Lord Wellesley on the 27th of Febniary; "and as I travel post I shall soon join the army, and convey to the Commander- in -Chie'f, in the clearest manner I can, a correct idea of the conduct which, in your Excellency's judgment, the present emergency demands." On the same day he wrote also to Mr. Edmonstone, intimating these intentions, and adding : " Your instructions to Close about his negotiations with Holkar, which are excellent, give me great hopes of a good and speedy arrangement." On the 4th of March he wrote again to IMr. Edmonstone, saying : " I leave this on the 7th inst. for Camp, where I expect to arrive in six or seven days. I like appearances, and am strong in hope of a speedy and happy termination to the present nesrotiations. I never was more engaojed than I have been since my arrival. My time is spent in occupations of a serious and a trifling nature. I wish I were clear of Madras." On the day fixed for his departure he wrote a few hasty lines to the same correspondent : "I am getting into my palanquin, and shall be on the frontier in five or six days; and then for the misseeb! I cannot tell you the state of my mind, but honest hope, thank God! is uppermost." A long palanquin journey is favorable to meditation. It is easy to conjecture the character of Malcolm's re- flections as he posted onward to join the camp of the Commander-in-Chief A strong force had been assem- bled in the preceding autumn on the Mysore frontier ; and now a division of this army under General Arthur Wellesley was to take the field, and to co-operate with the Hyderabad subsidiary force under General Stevenson, MALCOLM AT HEAD- QUARTERS. 211 for the restoration of the Peishwah to the capital from which he had been expelled. On the day after Mal- colm's departure from Madras, Wellesley's force had broken ground from Hurryhur. Stevenson had marched from Hyderabad a few days before; and the two divi- sions were to unite on their way to Poonah. The great question now was whether this movement would bring on a collision with Holkar, or Scindiah, or both. The just and moderate character of the treaty of Bassein, which guaranteed to all the Mahratta Jagheerdars their respective rights, was calculated to secure peace ; but Malcolm well knew the delusive character of such calcu- lations when we had to deal with men of unscrupulous avarice and ambition, who, by no means content with their own rights, were eager to grasp all they could of their neighbours'. He knew, too, that the Mahratta chiefs in Northern India were aided and influenced by the French — that our great European rivals had been for some time organising and disciplining the troops of Dowlut Rao Scindiah, whose territories were almost interlaced with those of the Company on our north- western frontier. But great as was the jealousy with which our continued successes were regarded by the French — great as was the jealousy with which they were regarded by the Mahratta chiefs, the latter were still more jealous of each other. In this internal jealousy om^ best hopes centred ; but it was one which many circum- stances might frustrate. And Malcolm, as he posted towards the British camp, w^eighed the chances of peace and war in the balance, and was sorely perplexed. About the middle of the month, Malcolm reached the head-quarters of the Madras army, at Hurryhur, and after two days spent in General Stuart's camp, during which he made that officer thoroughly conversant with the views of the Governor-General, he pushed on to join p 2 212 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. the advanced force under General Wellesley. On the 19th of March he arrived in Camp, at Hoobly, and on the following day wrote to General Stuart, saying : " I arrived in Camp yesterday, and I have since had the fullest and most satisfactory communications with General Wellesley — all of whose arrangements a]3pear to me calculated in the utmost degree to promote the success of the public service. The General thinks the present state of affairs, as connected with the pending political questions, makes it desirable that I should proceed at least as far as Moritah with his detachment ; and, as this opinion is entirely consonant with my own, I have presumed upon the con- fidence which you have reposed in me so far as to anticipate your approbation of this measure. General Wellesley does not expect to reach Moritah before the 2nd of April, and by that period we must have some information of the state of the negotiations which Colonel Close has opened with Holkar. We must also before that time be able to form a decided judgment of the aid to be ex- pected from the Southern Jagheerdars, and have learnt the Peish- wah's intentions as to his own movements, which I have written Colonel Close will, I trust, be all directed to the great object of forming an early junction with General Wellesley. A knowledge of the above circumstances will fully enable me to decide the quarter in which my exertions may be hereafter employed with that prospect of benefit to the public interests ; and if there does not seem to General Wellesley and myself any necessity for my proceeding further, I can return to the frontier from Moritah ; and present appearances, I am happy to say, give assurance of my being able to move with my escort in that or any other direction to the south of the Kistnah, without meeting any obstacle or im- pediment."* * On the following day he wrote Hyderabad, bnt rest assured we shall from Camp, near Durwar : " You may manage to give a decided turn to satisfy his Excellency that I have not affau's at Poouah before either the taken the resolution of proceeding Bhoonsla (Rajah of Berar) or Scin- with General Wellesley without being diah, respecting both of whom they fully satisfied that my absence from croak, have time to interfere with Mysore could be productive of no evil, effect. When Close jouis us, General The zeal, activity, and attachment of Wellesley, he, and myself will form a the Dcwan (Purncah) insures every committee who will act with tolerable exertion being made in that quarter, decision, and in full ' confidence of his You will get alarms from Lordship's approbation." WELLESLEY AND MALCOLM. 213 It was not likely that when two such men as Arthur Wellesley and John Malcolm found themselves in Camp together they would be in any hurry to part from each other. They met as old friends and comrades. They had both, since they separated at Seringapatam, led active, stirring lives; and they now met again with enlarged experience, ripened judgment, and increased confidence in their own resources. There were many points of resemblance between them — more, perhaps, than were afterwards apparent. They were as nearly of the same age as they could be without being bom on the same day. A quarter of a century later, in his general bearing and demeanor, Malcolm was apparently much the younger man of the two; but in 1803, Arthur Wellesley could respond to the geniality and playfulness of his friend, and enjoy a joke with as lively a relish. A man of thirty-four must have been indeed of a saturnine nature not to be infected by " Boy Malcolm's" good spirits. But they never laughed at a wrong time, or joked in a wrong place. They had serious business in hand, and were both impressed with a due sense of their respective responsibilities. Malcolm was the older soldier of the two — but he was only a major in the army, whilst Wellesley was a major-general. But diplomacy levels all ranks; and, as the representative of the Go- vernor-General, Malcolm was at least the second man in Camp. It was soon determined between them that they would work on together. " A political agent," wrote Malcolm to the Commander-in-Chief* — and we may be sure that General Wellesley heartily agreed with him — " is never so likely to succeed as when he negotiates at the head of an army ; and, in a crisis like the present, it appears indispensable to speedy and complete success, * Camp, near Viiigorla, March 24, 1803. 214 GENEEAL WELLESLEY'S CAMP. that the military operations and political negotiations should be conducted from the same point. Otherwise, we never can take full advantage of the various events which we must expect to arise in the course of an affair which involves such complicated interests as the present." The force under General Wellesley pushed forward to Poonah with a rapidity which assured our friends and disconcerted our enemies. Alarmed by the approach of the British troops, Holkar had quitted the Mahratta capital, leaving a detachment of some fifteen hundred men there under the command of one of his lieutenants.* This man had purposed, or been instructed, to lay the city in ashes before the English could enter the streets; but the forced marches of Wellesley's light troops brought them to the gates of Poonah before the Mahratta chief could give effect to this design, and the capital of the Peishwah was saved. With this advanced brigade went Malcolm, whose letters, written from day to day, to Mr. Edmonstone and General Stuart, narrate clearly the progress of this remarkable march, and the circumstances attending the restoration of Badjee-Rao : [To Mr. Edmonstone.] — Without date. — We are now witliin four marches of Poonah, and shall no doubt soon effect the resto- ration of Badjee-Row to his capital; but future success must depend as much upon that Prince's wisdom as upon our strength. There seems, at this moment, just reason to conclude that our very spirited operations will defeat the councils of our enemies, and that we shall effect our immediate objects without that formidable opposition which was threatened. But this is not certain, and it is proper that the case should be considered under every possible result. I have not been idle in doing this to the best of my ability, but I shall not send you any of the papers I have ■written till I have Colonel Close's opinions, who will judge with a more * Amrut-Rao, He was a member appointed by him to act as Viceroy at of the Holkar family, and had been Poonah. ADVANCE OF THE ARMY. 215 correct view of circumstances, as far as relates to the Peishwah, than I possibly can. We have not been joined by all the Sirdars who were expected, and on whose co-operation the Peishwah de- pended. We have not required their assistance, and their absence is only to be regretted, as it affords a proof of their want of zeal and attachment in their master's cause Colonel Stevenson will be on the Beemah, twenty miles from Poonah. The Nizam's troops will not be called out of their own territory unless it is absolutely necessary. I entertain a sanguine hope that we shall not proceed to hostilities, and if we do, I have no alarm as to the result. [To General Stuart.] — Camp, April 15, 1803. — We are now certain of reaching Poonah, without any opposition — of re- establishing the Peishwah on the Musnud — of receiving our sup- plies from Bombay, and of having time to make such an ar- rangement of the force in this quarter as will enable us, in the event of hostilities, to act with advantage — and I do not entertain a doubt (should the Peishwah regulate his proceedings by our councils) that we shall defy the efforts of any combination which can be formed. But I am flir from thinking such a combination certain. Scindiah and Holkar may unite ; and the Bhoonsla may guarantee the league ; but it does not follow that we shall be attacked. Scindiah may hope that such a formidable compact will alarm the Peishwah and the Nizam sufficiently to make them withdraw from the compact with the English, and that the latter Government may be deterred from pursuing a line of policy which is threatened by such an opposition. But if he finds the phalanx firm, and that the British nation is resolved to bring all its strength into action, he will hesitate before he enters upon a war of uncertain issue, and which must commence by the certain loss of his personal possessions. [To Mr. Edmonstone.] — Camp, Poonah, 2\st April. — We ar- rived here yesterday, after a march of forty miles, which our light troops would have performed with great ease had we not been obliged to pass a most difficult ghaut, which, though not half a mile in length, detained our guns five hours. After all, our damage does not exceed seven or eight horses and two or three tumbril wheels. We arrived several days before we were expected, and have probably saved the city from destruction by fire, or, at all events, from promiscuous plunder, which was to have taken place 216 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. after all the regular modes of extortion and robbery were ex- hausted. The spmted manner in which we arrived, the means which have been taken to give confidence to the inhabitants, and the steps which have been taken for the introduction of the Peish- wah's authority, have already been attended with the happiest effects, and though it will be long before this city can recover the vast property of which it has lately been plundered, I have not a doubt of its being restored in a few days to a state of as much tranquillity as it lias ever enjoyed. The General expects a person this morning from the Bhy-Sahebas, who are at Sewaghur, to whom he last night intimated his arrival. These ladies will give instructions for the authority they wish to be supported in the city, till the arrival of the Peishwah, and will probably send an officer of their own to take charge. (An answer is this moment arrived, and an officer from the Bhies, with a party to take charge of the town, is on his way from Sewaghur.) The General wrote a letter to Amrut-Row, signifying his approach to Poonah. He this morning received an answer from that Prince, who is now beyond Juneer, on his way to the northward. The answer is friendly and polite, and expresses an intention to depute a re- spectable person to communicate with the General on some points of importance. I wish much that means could be devised to detach Amrut-Row from the interests of Holkar. This defection would be of particular consequence at this period, and would deprive both that chief and Scindiah of an important instrument. We move from this towards the top of the Ghaut on the 23rd or 24th, and I shall see Colonel Close in all this month, and after a full com- munication with him, I shall give you my sentiments in the freest manner on the present state of affairs in this quarter. [To Mr. Edmonstone.] — Cam-p, Purnaleah, IstMay. — I went to the head of the Bhora Ghaut, but returned on finding the Peishwah was not to be there before the 4th instant. He will not be in Poonah before the 8 th. How provoking is this delay ! We understand that Holkar has moved to Aurungabad, and threatens that town. General Wellesley has, in consequence, directed Co- lonel Stevenson to move in that direction, with a view of keep- ing him in check. If Scindiah does not advance from Boor- hanpore, and Holkar continues his depredations, General Wel- lesley will advance to the Nizam's frontier with most of the force from Poonah. Everything will go right if we can make the Peish- RESTOEATION OF THE PEISHWAH. 217 Avah act as we wish, wliich we must find means of doing, or we cannot go on. Upon this subject I have sent Colonel Close some memoranda, which I will hereafter transmit to you. I am not certain but a strict adherence to the fundamental principles of our alliance with the Peishwah may require the modification or alteration of some of the conditions of the present treaty; and I should conceive it better to adopt such modifications than to depend on the constant exercise of our power for the benefits of the alliance, which we must do, unless it is rendered pleasant and palatable to some one of the interests of this divided empire. On this subject, however, I shall write fully when I see Colonel Close; and at present I can only assure you, that if we can make the Peishwah adopt some liberal measures, and obtain his pardon to some offenders and the restoration to favor of others, all of whicli I trust we shall accomplish, there is no doubt but we shall give this Government a form, in a very short time, which will disturb the measures of the threatened combination, and make the chiefs who compose it abandon all hope of defeating the present arrange- ment. The forward state of our military operations gives us incalculable advantages, and if they provoke us to action we shall (by the aid of a bridge of boats now making at Bombay) destroy numbers of them during the monsoon. Do not persuade yourself, from my speaking so boldly, that I am inclined to such measures. On the contrary, I would preserve peace at the sacrifice of some advantages ; but it is comfortable to possess such efficient means of meeting them in arms, should we be reduced by circumstances to that unfortunate necessity. . . . If Badjee-Row were at all practicable, I should have no fears, but I apprehend much difficulty from the weakness and depravity of his character. However, we have no children's play in hand, and must devise means of directing his councils, or of rendering ourselves independent of their operation. I have written to Webbe, begging he will request Lord Clive, in General Wellesley's name and my own, to suspend for a few days the introduction of the Engfish authority into the ceded countries on the frontier, as much evil might arise from this step being taken before we had settled with the Peishwah what remuneration was to be made to those who lose their Jagheers and Jaidads by that cession, who, unfortunately, happen to be those by whom we have been most aided. 218 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. [To Mr, Edmonstone.] — Camp, near Poonah, 5th May. — Amrut-Row has sent me a long letter in answer to that of the General. It all ends in two propositions : 1st. That he and his friends may have a share of the Govern- ment. 2ndly. In event of the former not being complied with, that they may have a provision made for their support. He requires, whatever arrangement is made, that it should be guaran- teed by the English General, in whose faith he professes unlimited confidence. The Peishwah has at last ascended the Ghauts. General Wel- lesley and myself proceed to-morrow to meet him and Colonel Close. You shall hear shortly from me after our first interview. I have this day perused the letter to Lord Clive respecting General Wellesley's remaining in command of Mysore. The principles which are asserted in that letter will preserve untainted the province of Mysore, though it should be surrounded by vil- lany and corruption. I am really anxious to return to my duties at that station, which are as delightful as they are important. The chief object of the Resident there has hitherto been, and will, I trust, long continue to be, to stimulate the Dewan to improve the state of the country and of its inhabitants, and to impress him strongly with the idea that his favor with the English Govern- ment is in proportion to the activity of his exertions in this pursuit. To prevent abuse, and to forward the views of the Dewan, a Resi- dent ought to be seven or eight months every year in tents on continual circuit. When Malcolm wrote this letter his health was giving way, and for some days he was incapacitated by illness. " Malcolm is not well, and is gone to Poonah," wrote General Wellesley to the Governor- General on the 10th of May ; " but I have proposed to him to go to Bengal to point out to you the state of affairs in this quarter." Two days afterwards Malcolm himself wrote to Mr. Ed- monstone : " I am not sufficiently recovered from a severe attack of illness to be able to write you a long letter ; but I send you voluminous enclosures of memoranda, which I have written at different periods, on the mode which it appeared best to pursue to prevent injury CONDUCT OF THE PEISHWAH. 219 to the public interests from the strange weakness or perverse con- duct of the Peishwah. These papers were all given to Colonel Close, and both the Colonel and General Wellesley approve of the line of conduct suggested in the third memorandum. Though I am happy to add that the Colonel has hopes of the Peishwah's doing that which is right without obliging him even to give in so strong a remonstrance, General Wellesley has summoned one or two forts in the Concan which opposed the Peishwah's au- thority, and they have been instantly ceded. The first that dis- putes his Highness's authority, and refuses to surrender on the General's summons, will have a deputation of grenadiers from the 74th and 78th sent to them, and their Gaelic addresses will produce an excellent effect. The Peishwah is very sensible of the General's conduct, which has been invariably calculated to mark the nature of the alliance. There has been no interference with the Government, but a decided and spirited support has been always given to the Peishwah's authority, and the readiest attention and obedience has been always paid to his wishes and orders. I am well satisfied that the great point of keeping the Peishwah firm to his engagements will be effected, though it may at times be necessary to address him in very plain and decided language; and if we are sure of him, and can depend on his regulating his conduct upon the principles of the treaty, we may smile at the ill-assorted union of the northern chiefs, against whose efforts it is nevertheless our duty to take every possible precaution. On this point it is my intention to address his Lord- ship in a few days. General Wellesley will, I think, leave Poonah about the 22nd. I shall depart soon after; but whether I take a journey to Bombay, or return by General Stuart's army to Mysore, will depend upon the state of my health." Ten days afterwards, being still at Poonah, Malcolm wrote a long letter to the Governor-General, in Avhich he reviewed the state of Mahratta Politics, and especially commented on the character and conduct of the Peishwah, saying : " The conduct of his Highness the Peishwah, since his arrival at Poonah, has evidently shown that the extraordinary delays 220 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. which protracted his return to his capital were wholly occasioned by his fears and his superstitions; and that whatever might have been the reluctance with which he originally entered into the present connexion with the English Government, he is now satis- fied of the wisdom and policy of that measure, and trusts solely to the alliance with that nation to preserve him in security on the Musnud, which he has been enabled to reascend through the means of its great and spirited exertions. With these sentiments on the Peishwah's mind there will be little difficulty in prevailing upon him to act in conformity with the dictates of good faith and good policy, except such as arise out of the natural habits and confirmed prejudices of his personal character, and these will be overcome by the firmness and ability of the British Resident." After some important observations on the temper of Scindiah, Holkar, and the Eajali of Berar, and tlie course of conduct they were likely to pursue, lie proceeded thus to state what had now become a hope, rather than a conviction, of the possibility of maintaining peace : " I am still sanguine in the hope tliat the great measure of settling the Peishwah's Government will be accomplished without even the appearance of a war; but this happy result must obviously flow from a perseverance in the same spirited and manly policy which has advanced affairs to their present stage; and, above all, it seems necessary to take advantage of our forward state to press the several points of difference to an immediate issue, and it would be hazardous to return any of the British forces into quarters till the assembled armies of the Mahratta chiefs now on the Nizam's frontier either separate or are dispersed, after which the defence of this quarter may be safely left to the subsidiary corps at Poonah and H}derabad, who will, when the alliance has had time to settle (with the aid of the forces at the Prince's capital, where they are now stationed), be fully equal to sustain any attack which can be made upon the territories which they are employed to defend. " I have not presumed in this letter to offer your Excellency any opinion on the plan of military operations which it will appear advisable to pursue in the event of the English Government being forced by acts of aggression to enter upon hostilities with any MAHRATTA POLITICS. 221 one, or all of the chiefs of the threatened confederacy. These operations will^ fortunately for the British interests, be planned and conducted by officers in whose talents and knowledge I know your Lordship reposes unUmited confidence, and under their able guidance there remains not a doubt that any contest into which the English nation may on this occasion be brought, will early terminate in the establishment of the reputation of its arms on such a decisive ground of superiority as will enable your Lordship to accomplish with facility the great object of restoring perfect peace to this distracted empire, and by that measure securing the permanent tranquillity of the Peninsula of India." On the 5tli of June, Malcolm -svrote (still from Poonali, and still in bad health*) to Captain Merrick Shawe, who liad succeeded him as private secretary to the Governor- General : " The General (Wellesley) marched yesterday, having ex- changed one of his weakest Sepoy corps for the 78th Regiment, by which he has greatly increased his strength in the essential article of Feringhees. I am much recovered, and expect to follow him in three or four days. I have remained behind, not more with a view of recruiting strength than of adding my exertions to those of Colonel Close to push through this impracticable Durbar t some arrangements which are indispensable to the suc- cess of our affairs The great object is now to bring Scindiah to a declaration Should he declare himself hostile, it is of the utmost importance that we should attack him immediately; and General Wellesley will, I should hope, be able * On the 26th of May he wrote expect the cool weather which is now from Poouah to Mr. Edinoustoiie : " I setting in will enable me to go to Camp am interdicted by a doctor from the in a few days." use of pen, ink, and paper f In a subsequent letter, dated I am out of all temper with myself at June 13, Malcohn thus alludes to tlie being unwell at a moment like the pre- character of Badjee-llao : "The Pcish- sent. However, everything ^vill soon wah is, I believe, satisfied with our terminate prosperously and gloriously." alliance; but he is slow, jealous, and On the 8th of June he wrote : " We indecisive, and it is impossible to carry are flogging this fellow (the Peishwah) such a character along with us in a through a performance of his treaty, course of wise, strong, and decisive I had the fever again yesterday, but measures." 222 GENEEAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. to commence operations against him early in July, and to con- tinue them through the monsoon." On the 28tli of June, Malcolm again found himself in General Wellesley's camp — "a little recovered of his ill- ness." On the following day he had " a long consulta- tion with the General." The conduct of Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar, and the pohcy to be pursued towards those chiefs, were then discussed in all their bearings upon the momentous question of peace or war. As they sate there in Arthur Wellesley's tent, then " eight coss from Ahmednuggur," they asked each other what could be done with men so intent upon their own destruction as those confederate chiefs. The treaty of Bassein, founded as it was in equity and moderation, and con- cluded with the sincerest desire on the part of the British to preserve the peace of India, could be viewed with re- pugnance only by men in whose councils equity and moderation had no place, and to whom the peace of India was nothing in proportion to the self-aggrandise- ment for which they lusted. To Wellesley and to Mal- colm both it seemed plain that neither the one chief nor the other would willingly give in his adhesion to the terms of the treaty. Six months had now passed since its conclusion, and still those two Mahratta princes gave answers to our demands which, from the language of evasion and deceit, were fast assuming that of insolence and defiance. Their conduct, too, was even less sugges- tive of peace than their words. They had formed a junction on the borders of the Nizam's country, and were evidently taking counsel with each other as to the best means of resisting the Feringhees. Colonel Collins, the Resident at Scindiah's Court, could obtain no satis- factory answer to his demands. It was plain, therefore, both to Wellesley and to Malcolm, that the time had RUPTURE WITH SCINDIAH. 223 now come for the adoption of a decided course of con- duct; that if CoUins, within a given time, could not obtain satisfaction, he ought without further delay to leave Scindiah's Court, and that his departure thence should be the signal for the commencement of war. In anticipation of an unfavorable issue. General Wellesley had determined on his plan of operations. The first movement of the war was to be an attack on Ahmed- nuggiir.* The month of July, however, found the great question undecided, and as it wore on there was still no greater prospect of a solution. But on the 18th of July the General received from Lord Wellesley an official letter, written on the 26th of the preceding month, investing him with large political and military powers in the Mahratta country. The game was now in his own hands, and they were the best. On that same 18th of July, he instructed Colonel Collins to inform the con- federate chiefs that unless they withdrew immediately from the Nizam's frontier war would be declared. The month, however, came to an end, and still the question was undecided. On the 1st of August the General wrote to Major Kirkpatrick : " The question whether there will be peace or war will be decided in a few days. I think that there is some reason to hope we may have peace — but we may be obliged to commence hostilities." Whilst thus the month of July passed away, laden with painful doubt and anxiety, Malcolm was lying sick in Camp. A sore trial was upon and before him. The pressure of bodily infirmity condemned him to inaction, rendered him almost useless at a time when he earnestly desh-ed to devote his best energies to the service of the * " The day the General arrives at means to follow the moment the place 'Nuggur/' wrote Malcolm on the 4th falls, which he calculates will be in of July, "he wiU send the cavalry to four or five days. The investment of commence crossing the river, and he ^Nuggur will be the signal of war." 224 GENEEAL WELLESLEY S CAMP. State, and prevented him from taking part in acMeve- ments wliicli he knew would shed lustre upon all who might be engaged in them. It was no slight ailment that could take Malcolm from his work or damp his spirits at such a time. He was suffering under a complication of disoi'ders, and the severe treatment to which they sub- jected him.* There was enough in these disorders to engender a general depression of mind without the vexa- tion attending the thought that they had come upon him in so important a conjuncture — on the eve, perhaps, of a great and glorious war. There were external annoyances, too, incidental to the circumstances of the moment, which aggravated his ailments and retarded his recovery. The precise official position which Malcolm at this time occu- pied in General Wellesley's camp it is not easy to describe. According to the Gazette^ he was Resident at Mysore. By the particular instructions of Lord Wellesley, and in accordance with the wishes of the General, he was acting as the representative of the former and the political asso- ciate of the latter. His duties were not defined — nor, indeed, was it necessary to define them. He was sure to do his best, as the varying circumstances of the day dictated or suggested; and he was sure to temper his zeal with tact and discretion. But he was in a difficult, be- cause in an anomalous, position ; and his sickness increased the difficulty. Even General Wellesley, to whom large powers had been delegated, felt that they were inade- quate to the responsibilities entailed upon him, and was * On the 4tli lie wrote : " You will day, writing to Colouel Close, he said : hardly be able to read this letter. I "1 have been very unwell with liver- write in pain. To add to my other complaint, for which I have begun a ills, I have some symptoms which make course of mercury. I have had a me think that my liver is afl'ectcd." bowel complaint — my spirits begin to On the 7th he wrote again : " It has fail me. I feel incapable of holding this day been decreed that I am to out much longer in Camp against an suffer a course of mercury for the liver, accmnidation of such disorders." Pleasant enough !" On the following COMPLAINTS FllOM HEAD-QUArtTEES. 225 uneasy under tlie burden of the latter.* But Malcolm had m reality no power; and yet he felt that he was re- sponsible to the Governor-General for any errors that might be committed or any failures that might occur. Of this he soon became painfully conscious. At the beginning of the month of August he had emerged from the acute stages of his disorder, and written that he was " now recovered, though still very weak," and sub- ject to " fever every night." His spirits had been very variable; but as the month advanced they would pro- bably have recovered their old healthy tone, if before the end of the first week he had not received from Cal- cutta letters written both by the public and the private Secretary, expressive of Lord Wellesley's displeasm^e. ; The Governor-General had been greatly disturbed by an intimation received from Colonel Close to the effect that General Wellesley's force had been rendered in- capable of movement by a deplorable want of carriage- cattle. No similar announcement having been made directly from General Wellesley's camp, it took the Government by surprise. The Marquis had relied upon Malcolm for information, and he was now both disap- pointed and angry at the failure. " Ilis Excellency," v/rote Captain Shawe in cypher, "requests that you will contrive to wTite daily from General Wellesley's camp. A few -words will be sulficient. It matters not who Avrites, provided he states the situation and condition of the army. Lord Wellesley has received no accounts of General Wellesley's army, except through private chan- nels, since it left Poonah. The General's official corre- * Ma jnr Malcolm to Colonel Close ; as he naturally feels most uucasy at Juli/ S, 1S03 : " It will be necessary the heavy responsibility now tlirown to give the General your opinion in a npon him without adequate powers to letter to himself on any plan that may act under it." teud to bring matters to extremities, VOL. I. Q / 226 GENEEAL ^YELLESLEY*S CAIMP. spondence, he is aware, is properly confined to General Stuart; but it is indispensably necessary that his Lord- ship should receive daily accounts of the movements of the army, the state of its equipments and supplies. A passage in Colonel Close's last letter disturbed his Lord- ship a good deal. Colonel Close states in his memorial to the Peishwah that, uuless his Highness furnishes a supply of bullocks, the British army must fall back. His Lordship doubts the policy of informing the Peishwah that the British army is at his mercy. The declaration can only be justified by its being contrary to the fact, and by its being calculated merely to intimidate the Peishwah into more active measures. But in this case it ought to have been accompanied by some explanation to secure his Lordship's mind from the apprehension that the British army was actually in danger of suffering from distress. His Lordship is disposed to believe that the case is otherwise; but he is displeased at the omis- sion which has caused him so much uneasiness, and which might have been productive of much mischief" At the same time, Mr. Edmonstone, according to his Excellency's directions, wrote to say that "ho i& surprised at not having received from you any explanation relative to the statement of General Wellesley's distress for bullocks, contained in Colonel Close's despatches. The state of uncertainty in which his Excellency is left by that unex- plained statement has really occasioned him great anxiety of mind. Pray, my dear INIalcolm, take care in future to communicate all circumstances with respect to the army, &c., of which it may bo advisable for his Excel- lency to be informed." To these reproofs, which Malcolm felt acutely, he replied : MALCOLM S EXPLANATIONS. 227 " I shall not attempt to clipguisc from you the very serious con- cern it has given me to find from your letter that I have incurred his Lordship's displeasure, by concurring in a proceeding -^ith the policy of which he is not satisfied, and by being guilty of an omission which has caused him uneasiness, and which mio-ht. lie conceives, have been productive of much mischief. " There is, perhaps, one reason for my feelings being more grieved upon this occasion than it was intended they should be, which is, my never having, during a period of nearly five years that it has been my pride to execute his Lordship's commands, been so unfortunate as to incur his displeasure in the most trifling degree; but although I regret the occurrence, I by no means deny that the weakness of my judgment in one instance, and my cul- pable negligence in another, did not fully merit the censure which I have received. " The peculiar delicacy of the situation in which I have acted during the campaign has made me most studious to observe a conduct which, whilst it gave offence to no person by even the appearance of interfering with his duties, should enable me to contribute, as far as my trifling aid could contribute, to the success of the public service. In pursuit of this line I have hitherto avoided (as you will see by my correspondence), all details of operations either in the field or the Cabinet ; and have confined myself in my communications to remarks and opinions on principal events and general poHcy. But, at the same time that I observed this rule, I have never hesitated, when my opinion on any particular subject has been asked, to give it to the best of my ability; and the declaration which was given in to Badjee-Row by Colonel Close was given with my full assent and concurrence, conceiving as I did (perhaps erroneously) that it would cither produce extraordinary exertions on the part of his Highness, or, on his remaining inactive, justify the British Government in having immediate recourse to those extreme measures which appeared (in such case) indispensable to the security of the British army. The Peishwah had never in the most trifling degree afforded any assistance to the army; and Colonel Close had written, a few days before, to GeneralWellesley that all his efforts had failed. The General in his answer, which was written after he had lost in six days upwards of 6000 bullocks, plainly stated q2 228 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. that as he had no right to expect the country roimtl him ■\voixIcl be able to replace his casualties, and as he had but a very few days' rice in his camp, that he must (should the Feishwah not perform his part of the treaty by sending some supplies) be vuidcr the necessity of detaching a small part of his force to reinforce Colonel Stevenson, and falling back with the rest towards Poonah. In this critical situation of affairs, it appeared, both to myself and Colonel Close, that the Pcishwah should be called upon in a manner that would admit of no evasion, and in the event of his not exerting himself, that the extremity of the case would justify the most violent measures; and it was actually in contem- plation to have seized by military force all the carriage-cattle at Poonah and its vicinity — which desperate expedient appeared, from General Wellesley's report of his own situation, to be the only one left that could be adopted in the event of the Peishwah'a continued inertness, to enable the army to keep its position beyond tlie Burnuk. Fortunately, the return of fine weather, the unex- pected success of General Wellesley's agents, who had been sent into the Nizam's country to purchase bullocks, and the little aid which the Pcishwah was roused by Colonel Close's remonstrances to afford, gave a change to affairs, and the army was once more set up, though not before the troops had been obliged to live some days on wheat and other grains, their rice being all expended. I have stated one cause in the beginning of this letter for my not entering on details. There is another still stronger, which is my ignorance of numerous particulars necessary to render such in- formation correct, and my fears of misleading by erroneous or incomplete statements. This applies more especially to ever}'- thlng connected with the supplies and equipment of an army that attempts to take the field during the monsoon. Its state varies every hour; and twenty-four hours sometimes make a deficiency of 1000 cattle. In short, it is an incessant struggle with diflQcul- ties that appear insurmountable, and which are only to be over- come by the most extraordinary efforts. It is, I am assured, from fi wish of not keeping Lord Wellesley's mind in a state of con- tinual anxiety, that General Wclleslcy has hitherto confined him- self to general statements, and I have, as I said before, from ignorance, been afraid to touch the subjects. I shall, however, in future, be more attentive. This letter is longer than I intended, MALCOLMS DEPARTURE FROM CAIiIP. 229 and I have, perhaps, said more than I ought; but the state of my mind would not permit me to say less."* How deeply Malcolm felt the reproof, this letter clearly sliows ; and one subsequently written to Mr. Edmonstone is equally expressive of his uneasiness under the disapprobation of one whom he so much loved and respected. But he had little time to dwell upon what was then the most distressing incident of his official career, for there was stirring work before him. On the 3rd of August, Colonel Collins had quitted Scin- diah's Court. On the 6th, whilst Malcolm was writing the above letter, intelligence of this anticipated event reached General Wellesley's camp ; and on the same day the great soldier wrote to Scindiah, saying, " I offered 3'ou peace on terms of equality, and honorable to all parties ; you have chosen war, and are responsible for all consequences." He was already prepared to strike, and he struck, as predetermmed, his first blow at Ahmednufroiur. On the 8th, the outworks were attacked and carried ,• and on the 12tli the British colors floated over the fort. Utterly broken down as Malcolm was at this time by the continued assaults of dysentery and fever, he would have been unable to take any very for- ^ Much as Lord WcUesley's reproof replying to the one quoted in the text, stung Maleolm, they jested in Cal- the same Nvriter says : " Lord Wel- cutta at the Avound "they were iniliet- lesley was coucerncd to find that my ing: "You have, I hope, received a letter of the 15th of Jidyhad occa- mff in cypher," Avrote Merrick Shawc, sioued you so much uneasiness as if. " which I was directed to send vou on appears to have excited in your muid. tlie 15th. I since learn that you re- He desires me to tell you, however, ceived one in plain English from Ed- that it is only a fair return for Icttnig monstone by the same dawk. The a circumstance escape which you (who do/Me cud to your wig is allowed to knew how anxious he is ou such be too much; but great things and points) might have foreseen would daily reports arc expected from it. have disturbed him extremely, 1 as- Lord W. says you deserved it for sured him I had written to you agani letting Colonel Close write without on the subject to relieve your anxiety, explanation." In a subsequent letter, which eased his conscience." / 230 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CAMP. ward part in tliese operations, even if his position had warranted it. But he was useMly employed in drawing lip an engagement by which Amnit-Row was detached from the Mahratta cause.* And having done this, he yielded at last to the solicitations of General Wellesley and other friends, and suffered himself to be carried out of Camp. He soon began to revive. " I left Camp four days ago, "f he wrote on the 17th of August, "and whether it is the fine weather, the quiet I have enjoyed, or the relief from business, I know not, but I am much reco- vered, and am able to travel four hours in my palanquin, in which, on the day I left Camp, I could not travel two without bring;in2f on both faintino;s and fevers." It does Do D not seem that he encountered any adventures on his road; and at the beginning of September he was at Bombay in a greatly improved condition — so much improved, that he \vrote to Mr. Edmonstone, saying that he " expected soon to be quite stout again." His recovery at Bombay was rapid. A few days after his arrival he found himself well able to take his place at the desk, and to bring up his arrears of correspondence. One of the first letters which he wrote was the followmsj to Henry Wellesley, which is inserted not more for its allusions to Malcolm's recovery, than on account of the compendious narrative it contains of the progress of events in the Mahratta country : MAJOR MALCOLM TO THE HON. HENRY WELLESLEY. Bombay, Sept. 5, 1S03. ]My dear Wellesley,— Had I not resolved that! would let * Sec WcUingtoii Lesjuifches, vol. ii. to his zeal in the public service ; and pp. 206, 207, edition 1S37. they -wrote from Government House t The Governor-General and aU his that the news of his dcpartm-e from staff were rejoiced to hear that Mai- Camp was almost as good as that of colm had quitted Camn. They were Collius's departure from Sciudiah's • afraid tliat his life would be sacrificed Coui't. LETTER TO IIEXKY WELLESLEY. 231 no opportunity escape of writing to you, I would not write by tlie vessel which sails to-day, as she is likely, on many accounts, to have a long passage. After ineffectual efforts (of the particulars of which you shall be informed) to maintain peace, the conduct of Ragojee Bhoonsla and Scindiah has forced us into war ; and on the 8th of last month General Wellesley attacked Ahmed- nuggur, a fort belonging to Scindiah, which may be termed, both from its strength and position, one of the most important in the peninsula. It was taken in four days, though not without loss, which fell chiefly on our Europeans. The General immediately pushed across the river; and he is now operating in conjunction with Colonel Stevenson against Scindiah and the Bhoonsla, who are trying to penetrate with their cavalry into the Nizam's coim- tr}'. We yesterday received an account of the fall of Baroach to the Bombay troops, and the consequent subjection of all Scin- diali's territories in Guzerat. General Lake was, by last accounts, prepared to move towards Cool the moment he heard hostilities were commenced ; and I have no doubt he is, before this period, far advanced in the great and glorious work of destroying the last nests of French scoundrels in India. Colonel Campbell, with 3000 men, has entered Cuttack, and that valuable province will soon bo annexed to our dominions. I cannot conceive how Scindiah and Bhoonsla purpose to repair the serious losses they have and must continue to sustain. They gain little by their predatory incursions; and as they have but few infantry and hardly any guns with them, they can make no serious impression on the countries they attack, while they are every moment exposed to defeat and ruin. Ilolkar has not yet joined the confederacy, and I am inclined to hope he will not join it. The Peishwah is hitherto pretty firm; and we have a large body of INIahratta chiefs who are our pro- fessed friends, and will be sincerely so when they sec that we are successful. I am just arrived at Bombay, where I came to recover my health, which is already pretty well restored.* I left the General two days after his victory at Ahmednuggur, and mean to join him * Writing two days afterwards to to England, for six hours, and am not Arthur WeUesley, he says : " I am fatigued. I am not yet permitted to greatly recovered. For instance, I ride." have been at my desk, writing letters 232 GENERAL WELLESLEY's CMIP. again the moment I cai^ travel. I received letters yesterday from y Bengal. The Marquis is in high health and in high spirits at the prospect of rooting out JNIonsieur Perron and his blessed brethren. Excuse this hasty scrawl. I shall write to you by the overland despatch. After the Hamburgh manifesto, you surely cannot have a scoundrel in England with whom the war with Bonaparte is not popular. I am, &c., &c., John Malcolm. Whilst Malcolm was thus acquiring new health and new energy at Bombay, great tidings came to him from the Camp wliich he had recently quitted. In the above letter to Henry Wellesley he tells his correspondent in England how the General, at the date of the last advices, Yv'as looking after the enemy in Berar. That letter had not proceeded far on its destination before Arthm- Wel- lesley had come up with the armies of Scindiah and Ragojce Bhoonsla, on the plains of Assy e, and gloriously defeated the Mahratta confederates. The General an- nounced this great event to his friend m the following brief, but characteristic, letter : GENERAL WELLESLEY TO MAJOR MALCOLM. Camp, Sept. 2G, 1803. My dear Malcolm, — Colonel Close will have informed you of our victory on the 23rd. Our loss has been very severe, but Ave have got more than ninety guns, seventy of which are the finest brass ordnance I have ever seen. The enemy, in great con- sternation, are gone down the Ghauts. Stevenson follows them to-morrow. I am obliged to halt, to remove my wounded to Dowlatabad. It is reported that Jadoon-Row is missing. They say that Scindiah and Ragojce are stupified by their defeat. They don't know what tcdo, and reproach each other. Their baggage was plundered by their own people, and many of their troops are gone off. THE VICTORY OF ASS YE. 233 I return your letter. I send Mr. Duncan this day a copy of my letter to the Governor-General, in which you will sec a detail of the action. Believe mc ever yours most sincerely, Arthur Wellesley. The bay horse was shot under me, and Diomed was kicked, so that I am not now sufficiently mounted. Will you let me have tlie grey Arab ? I must also request you to get for me two good saddles and bridles.* The tidings of this great victory — a victory which, in a congratulatory letter to Lord Wellesley, Malcolm de- scribed as one " which, in a military point of view, must be deemed the first ever gained in India, and which pro- mises, in a political hght, to be attended with conse- quences as important to British interests as the most brilliant of our former successes"! — stirred the very depths of Malcolm's heart. But his emotions were not all of a pleasurable kuid. Great as was his delight in his country's and m his friend's success, he could not help feehng some regret at the thought that he had not been there to share the dangers and the honors of that memorable day. " It was a glorious day," he wrote to Henry Wellesley, " and I could dwell on its events for ever. My fate did not permit that I should share in the honors which every individual who fought on that field has acquired. During life I shall regret my absence. I * Diomed was lost at Assyo, but sad condition, but lie sliall be treated subsequently rceovcrcd by Malcohn. like a prince till I have the pleasure ot " I was this morning astonished," he restoring lum to you.' ^ wrote from Sciudiah's Court on the f " '^^"^ ^^^ws," adds Maleolm, ot 3rd of Tebruary, 1804, " at the sight this event, which gives m, to all, of old Diomed, whom you lost at must convey to your Lordslup s mind Assye. I, however, concealed my feelings of the most enviable uaiurc; pleasure tiU by hard bargainbg I had and the happiness you experience on got him in my stable for 250 rupees, hearing of this glorious deed must be The fcUow gave me your Gibson's bit doubled by the rcilectiou ot i^^ I'^'^'i".? into the bargain. The old horse is in been achieved by a beloved brotlicr. 234 GENERAL WELLESLEY S CAMP. am a good deal recovered, and set out to join tlie army in fifteen days." In truth, lie was growing impatient- of inactivity — chafing under this continued absence from Camp, when such great events were being evolved, and such a harvest of honor Avas ripening on the fields from which his bodily ailments had unfortunately driven him. He was eager to put in his own sickle and share ahke the labor and the reward. Prudent or imprudent, he was determined to leave Bombay. Before the end of the month of Octo- ber he thus announced his intentions to the Governor- General : MAJOR MALCOLM TO LORD WELLESLEY. Bombay, Oct. 25, 1803. My Lord, — I have much satisfaction in informing your Lord- ship tliat my health is sufficiently re-established to admit of my rejoining the army under Major-General Wellesley, and I leave Bombay with that intention the day after to-morrow. I have lamented, as a most serious misfortune to myself, my absence from the scene of glory in which the General has been engaged since my departure from Camp. But I anxiously hope it may still be my lot to witness his further achievements, which, combined with the highly brilliant and important successes in Hindostan (on which I offer your Lordship my heartfelt congratulations), must rapidly accelerate that period when your Lordship can conclude a peace on terms that will remove all apprehension of a future attack on the British power in India. I have the honor to be, &c., &c, John Malcolm. So, on the 2 7 til of October, Malcolm turned his back on Bombay, and started again for General Wellesley's camp. THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAK. 235 CHAPTER X. THE TREATY "WITH SCINDIAH. [1S03— ISOi.] PKOGRESS OP THE VTAH — MALCOLM's RETURN TO CAMP — HIS GENIAL PRE- SENCE — WATTEL PrXT — MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE — NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE — THE SUBSIDIARY ALLIANCE — MISSION TO SCINDIAH's CAMP — SCENE AT DURBAR — CONCLUSION OF THE TREATY — APPROVAL OF LORD WELLESLEY — DEATH OF MALCOLM'S FATHER, The autumn of 1803 was a season of intense excite- ment from one end of India to the otlier. To the English it was one of glorious excitement. Never had so many great successes been achieved within so small a circle of time. As Malcolm once more journeyed into the heart of the peninsula, " one news came huddling on another" of victory — and victory — and victory. Wliilst Wellesley was operating triumphantly on the plains of Berar, Lake, with equal success, was breaking up the Mahratta power on the banks of the Jumna. Alighur, Delhi, Agra, had fallen before the battalions of the latter, and now, at Poonah, Malcolm learnt that the veteran commander had fouo-ht a great battle at Laswarrie, and routed the flower of Scmdiah's disciplined troops. Boorhampore and Asseediur had fallen before the Hyderabad subsidiary force under Colonel Stevenson ; and then came tidmgs to the effect that General ^Yellesley had met the enemy 236 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. aoiain, and disastrously beaten them at Argaum. It was palpable to Malcolm, as lie proceeded onward to join Wellesley's camp, that nothing was left to the Mahratta confederates but to sue ignominiously for terms. Indeed, they were already prostrate at om^ feet, and Malcolm knew that his services would be required to negotiate the peace for which they were pleading. But he was compelled to wait for some time at Poonah, until a sufficient escort could be collected to conduct him through the troubled country. " I am much better," he wrote from that city, " and trust the cold weather will soon restore me to such stren2;th that I shall not even dream of such schemes as I wrote you about qji my arrival at Poonah.* I await a convoy from the south- ward, which is expected in a few days, and shall then march to the army." As he approached the neighbourhood of Wellesley's camp he was excited by the sound of distant firing. Something was evidently going on. He was eager, therefore, to push forward, and take, if he could, an active part in it. At Anjengaum he sent his bearers in advance, with the following hurried note to Captain Bar- clay, the Adjutant-General of Wellesley's force: Anjcugaum, Dec. 15. Dear Barclay, — I send the bearers to discover the direct route to head-quarters ; return them instantly, and tell me in a note what you arc doing. We have heard a severe fire of cannon and musketry between nine and ten, which we conclude was the storm, and, from the fire ceasing, we further conclude it has been successful. God grant it. Yours, John Malcolm. The note was put into the General's hand, and he said * The scheme was a inissiou to Euglaud, of wluch subsequent mentiou will be made. CAPTURE OF GAWILGHUR. 237 that lie would answer it himself. So, turning over the page, he wrote on the other side of Malcolm's manu- script : We have taken the fort without much loss. I am this instant returned from thence, and have opened this letter. I don't detain the hearers a moment, and send them back to you. God bless you, my dear Malcolm. I long to see you. Ever yours most sincerely, Arthur Welleslet. I believe you will be able to join to-morrow, as I think An- jengaum is not more than sixteen miles ; at all events, it is not more than that from the cavalry camp at Baurgaum, four miles from hence. The place which Arthur Wellesley, aided by General Stevenson, had just taken, was Gawilghur. Malcolm had pushed on with all possible despatch, but he was not in time to.be present at the capture. " I arrived in Camp two days ago," he wrote on the 18th of December, " a few bours after Gawilghm^ came into our possession. The most important news is, that a treaty was this morning signed between the Bhoonsla and the English Government by General Wellesley on one part, and the Wakeel of the Rajah of Berar on the other. It is gone to the Bhoonsla ; he is allowed eight days to refuse or confirm it." * * Tlie hopes and expectations of Ambassador, when he arrives. But returning health which Malcobn had the fact is, I liud that my health has expressed at Poouah, were but of brief so completely failed, and I am so continuance. In this letter he wrote thoroughly convmccd that my corn- neither in good health nor good spirits, plaints are radical, and unlikely to There had been some talk of summon- give way without a serious change ot inff him to Calcutta, and now he wrote climate, that I rather wish at this rao- to" Major Shawe : " With regard to ment to revive the hints I gave vou myself, I am higldv flattered by Lord of my plans from Poonah. I shall Wellesley's intentions of bringing me continue to do my utmost till the war round to Bengal with the Persian is over; and on the sctticmeut ot 238 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. Malcolm's arrival in Camp was like a sudden burst of sunshine. He pitched his tent in the near neighbourhood of head-quarters, and his presence was welcome in the extreme to the General's Staff. Upon Wellesley himself an immense weight of responsibility had been thrown, and the labors of his double office pressed heavily upon him. When not engaged with his military duties, he Avas writing in his private tent those letters and de- spatches, the recorded number and variety of which are as illustrative of the laboriousness as of the genius of the man. The few preceding months, laden as they had been with serious work and heavy responsibility, had aged and solemnised his outer bearing, whilst they de- veloped the great qualities of his mind. Something of this gravity communicated itself to his associates. Much work and much thought imparted a sombre tint to the social aspects of life at Wellesley's head-quarters. There was little form or ceremony, but there was less vivacity. The party that assembled at table in the evenmg were generally weary with the labors of the day, and there was little or nothing to rouse and animate them. Unless there was something of unusual interest to excite him, the General spoke little at table. Grave and taciturn, he was brooding over the weighty matters which depended so much for a satisfactory adjustment upon his own per- sonal energy and skill. Great and immediate, therefore, were the social results of Malcohn's appearance in Camp. Half a century has not effaced the recollection of its cheering and inspiriting effects. He was deliglited to find himself again among old friends, and again on the scene of action. Imperfect peace 'n;ith all parties, I should be most budget that should satisfy even Leaden- proud if I were made the messenger hall-street that the political benefits of of the glad and glorious tidings to the peace were equal to the glorious Europe ; and it would be my most actions of the war." anxious endeavour to convey home a MALCOLM IX CAMP. 239 as had been the restoration of his strength, and subject as he even then was to occasional depression of mind, he seemed to be, on his lirst arrival, m the enjoymeut of high health and overflowing spirits. He had much to ask, and much to tell. There was a continual flow of lively conversation in his tent. He was accessible to friends and to strangers — to Europeans and to natives. Every morning, at breakfast and after breakfast, there was a social gathering within or without the canvas- walls of his home, Avhen there was good cheer and amusement for all who sought it. The Arab horses he had brought round from Bombay were then brought out and exhibited — or, amidst a brisk explosion of jokes at the starving condition in which he had found his friends, his supplies of wine and beer and other generous com- modities were opened out and distributed. When the larger circle of his acquaintance had gradually dispersed and he found himself in his tent with a few more-inti- mate associates, he would still rattle on, with the same unfailing flow of animal spirits, now discoursing on the grave politics of the day, now on lighter topics; some- times reading aloud elaborate state papers, sometimes sentimental or ludicrous verses of his own composition — but always ready to break off at a moment's notice to attend to some matter of business, or to greet a visitor, European or native, with befitting dignity or with genial welcome, as the occasion required. His native visitors he was wont always to receive not only with unfailing courtesy, but with that thorough understanding of the character and circumstances of each individual, which I believe Malcolm possessed in a greater degree than any of his cotemporaries. One he would address with an elaborate compliment ; another with a well-directed plea- santry — each according to the particular humor of the man ; and he seldom failed to send them away gratified 240 THE TIIEATY WITH SCINDIAH. witli the manner of their reception, and well pleased with themselves. But great as were his social qualities — unfailing as was his flow of hearty animal spirits — Malcolm never forgot what was due to the public service. His business at this time Avas done by snatches, but it was done thoroughly and conscientiously. No one ever did so much work with so little display. It was one of his peculiar characteristics, that, being continually engaged in public affairs, he was, of all the distinguished function- aries of whom I have ever read, the least affaire. And it might almost have been supposed by those who knew him at this period of his career without being cognisant of the result of his labors, that it was his especial voca- tion to amuse the inmates of General Wellesley's camp. In after life, he used to tell his assistants who applied to him for instructions, that the first thing they had to do was to keep every one in good humor. He knew that not the least important part of public business is that which does not bear the name. It has been said that a term of eight days was allowed for the ratification or rejection of the treaty submitted to the Eajah of Berar. On the seventh, it was returned duly ratified, and on the same morning tlie principal Ministers of Scindiah — for the two chiefs, though they fought side by side, treated separately for peace — ^pre- sented themselves in the English camp. Already for some time had Scindiah's Wakeels been in attendance upon General Wellcsley, but the negotia- tions had made but little progress until Wattel Punt, the Maharajah's Prime Minister, made his appearance on the 23rd of December.* He was a man far ad- ^* He ^ was attended by Moonslicc Scindiali's Durbar; but Wattel Punt Kavel Kjn, a man of some note at was the prime negotiator. WATTEL PUNT. 241 vanced in years, but of unbroken energy, and formed both by nature and habit for diplomatic address. Ilis self-command was wonderful. He had a sour, super- cilious, inflexible countenance, in which no penetration could ever discern a glimpse of feeling. He wore, indeed, an impenetrable mask. The most startling demand or the most unexpected concession was alike received without the motion of a muscle. Malcolm said of him that he never saw a man with such a face for the game of Brag. From that time Wattel Punt was known by the name of "Old Brag" in the British camp. And years afterwards, when Malcolm met General Wellesley, then the Duke of Wellington, in Europe, and the con- versation one day turned upon the characters of the great men of France, the latter, when questioned regard- ing Talleyrand, replied that he was a good deal like " Old Brag" — but not so clever. On the day following the anival of Wattel Punt, there was a grand conference in the General's tent, when the great question of peace, and the conditions on Avhich the English Government could consent to make it, were fully discussed. That Government was represented by General Wellesley and Major Malcolm. A third Eng- lish diplomatist was also present, and took part in the negotiations. The two whom I have named were young men. The third was some ten years younger. Mount- stuart Elphinstone had first gone to the Mahratta country, a few years before, as an assistant to Colonel Close at Poonah; and so rapid had been the growth of his knowledge and experience, and such were the early evidences of those rare diplomatic and administrative powers which subsequently placed him in the first rank of Indian statesmen, that he was selected, on the de- parture of Malcolm to Bombay, to be General Wellesley 's political assistant. In that capacity, having joined the VOL. T. Tv 242 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. General's camp at Ahmednuggur, lie liad been a par- ticipator in all those great military operations wliicTi had laid the foundation of Arthur Wellesley's renown, and had brought the Mahratta chiefs as suppliants to the feet of the English General. Young as he then was, he had negotiated, under General Wellesley's instructions, the treaty with the Rajah of Berar, and had been appointed to represent British interests at that prince's Court, until IMr. Webbe, who had been nominated as Resident, could join his appointment at Nagpore. He now remained in Camp only until the negotiations with Scindiah's agents were brought to a close. The first day's discussions gave good promise of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. The next was Christ- mas-clay (in what strange places and under what strange circumstances do our Indian exiles celebrate the great Christian festival!), and Malcolm spent no small part of it in writing a long letter to Major Shawe,* relating to the negotiations of the preceding day : "The Wakeels of Scindlab," lie said, " had yesterday a long audience, and if their declarations are to be believed, we shall soon have a peace with their chief. They made general over- tures towards defensive engagements, which were encouraged ; but it has been found expedient to separate the treaty, which stipu- lates for the cessions in Hindostan, Guzerat, and the Deccan, and which re-establishes peace between the two States, from the sub- sidiary alliance ; and in the treaty which is to be proposed for the Maharajah's immediate signature, there is an article to the follow- ing effect: — ' That as the Maharajah has declared his wish to be connected with the Honorable Company in defensive engage- ments, he is to be hereafter admitted to the benefits of the alliance * Or, in reality, to the Governor- dress tlicm directly to Z/w. Upon this. General. Even General WeUesley ad- Arthur Wcllcslcy wrote to " my dear dressed his private letters to the Morninyton^^ as if he were unwilling GoveiTior-General's private secretary ; to cease from the old familiar style of but after some time Lord "^V'ellcsloy address, asked his brother why he did not ad- THE TKEATY OF PEACE. 243 Avhich subsists between the British Government and the Soubali, &c., &c. A treaty is be formed as soon as possible, and the Eno-hsh Government agree (with a view to provide for the future security of the Maharajah's Government) to furnish for his defence a force of six battahons, &c., &c., which force is to be paid out of the revenues of the countries ceded by Scindiah at the conclusion of the war.' This separation of the two engagements appears to me highly politic. The treaty of peace is one which must be pressed upon his acceptance at the point of the bayonet. The subsidiary arrangement should be the result of persuasion ; and to secure its beneficial operation, it is, perhaps, necessary that it should not be forced." On the 30th of December, the " treaty of peace be- tween the Honorable English India Company and their allies on the one part, and the Maharajah AliJah Dowlut Rao Scindiah on the other," was concluded by the repre- sentatives of the two Governments.* Its conditions were those which Malcolm had recommended. Indeed, Ge- neral Wellesley had modified his original plan in ac- cordance with opinions which his friend had expressed in a memorandum forwarded to Camp some weeks before. It only remained now that Scindiah himself should ratify the Treaty of Peace; and of this little doubt existed. This done, Malcolm was to proceed to Scin- diah's camp to conclude a supplementary treaty for the establishment ot a subsidiary force in the Maharajah's dominions. On the first day of the new year he wrote to Major Shawe, saying: "We are daily expecting the arrival of the treaty from Scin- diah's camp, ratified by that chief I am prepared to start for his camp, where, however, I shall probably not sojourn long. Strachey will join me first; and I think it not improbable but * The treaty will be foimd iii the " It is," he mote in a private letter, Appendix. It was ratified imme- " a glorious and brilliant termination diately by Lord Wellesley, with, as to the war, and equal to the lustre ot he said, " the utmost satisfaction." the campaign." k2 244 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. that We"bbe may be eventually requested by the General to pro- ceed to Scindiah's instead of to the Blioonsla's Durbar. That arrangement must, however, depend upon a variety of circum- stances. If I should be sent to England, I should be anxious to make people there understand the revolutions which have taken place in the Mahratta Empire since the treaty of Salbhye; for that is the date at which anything like general information of the Mahrattas terminates. I have got everything necessary for this except the correspondence of Mr. James Anderson, Colonel Kirk- patrick, and Colonel Palmer, from Hindostan, respecting the pro- gress of Madajee Scindiah's army in that quarter, after the peace of Salbhye. Tell Edmonstone to send me an abstract of that correspondence, if possible. Any of the boys* will write it for me." A few days after this was written, Malcolm started, in very feeble health, f for Scindiah's camp, near Boorhan- pore. He took with him a memorandum, drawn up by General Wellesley, in which the objects of the mission, and the difficulties with which, in all probability, he would have to contend, were set forth in a manner which evinced the clearest possible understanding of the temper of Scindiah's Court. J " The principal features in the * The "boys" were the young' civi- jects to which I wish to draw your lians in Lord Wcllcsley's office — attention during your residence at Bayley, Metcalfe, Monckton, Forbes, Scindiah's Durbar. The topics in this &c., &c. memorandum have been tlie subject of f On the 8th of January he wrote many discussions between you and to Lord Lake : " The state of my me, but I liave put them in tliis form health is so very precarious, that I fear in order to recall them to your recol- I shall not be able to remain nmch lection, and that I might lay my senti- longcr in the field. I do not, how- mcnts before the Governor-General, to ever, mean to quit my present duties whom I shall send a copy of this me- till I am relieved by some person morandum." A week afterwards the whom Maior-Gcncral "Wellesley con- General wrote again on the subject, ceives to be equally adequate to the in cousequenec of the receipt of charge." letters from the Governor-Geueral : X The memorandum was the result " Both by tliis paper and by Shawe's of several conversations between Mai- letter," he says, " a copy of which will colm and the General. The latter, in go to you to-morrow morning, it ap- forwardiiig it, wrote : pears that the Governor-General is "Camp, Jan. 7, ISOi. — I enclose very anxious upon the subject of the you a memorandum upon certain sub- subsidiary alliance. By Shawe's letter AREIVAL AT SCINDIAH S COURT. 24:0 treaty of defensive alliance," it was said, " are the subsi- diary force in the territory of our ally ; the engagement of our ally to have no communication with any foreign power, excepting with our knowledge, and to be guided by om^ advice in his foreign relations ; and the aid to be derived from our ally upon the occasion of war." "It is my opinion," added the General, " botli from the nature of Scindiah's Government and from what passed in the conference with the Wakeels, that the only pomt to which Scindiah will have any objection is that fixing the force within his territories." And then he proceeded to argue, in a very convincing manner, that, viewed even from the English side, there were more objections to such a location of the subsidiary force than advantages in it, and to express his belief that the Governor-General would authorise the deviation recommended from the original plan when he came to consider all the circum- stances of the case. Fortified Avith these instructions, Malcolm reached the Mahratta camp on the lltli of January, and on the 12th was presented to Scindiah. He had seen much of Ori- ental Courts, but never, perhaps, before or after, in all his manifold experiences, had he to report so strange a scene as that Avhich inaugurated his negotiations with the young Mahratta Prince. " We were well received," he wrote to General Wellesley, "by the Maharajah, who is a good-looking young man. He preserved great gravity when we first went in ; and probably we might have left him without seeing that his gravity was affected, had not a ridiculous incident moved his muscles. A lie appears to insist upon the admission well to settle tlie treaty in the mamicr of the force into the country as ue- the Governor-General M'ishes it. Pro- cessary. The' more I consider this bably you may be able to arrange to subject, the more convinced I am of exclude Europeans entirely, excepting its impolicy, nay, of its impracticability with the permission of the Govcrnor- at present. But I think you will do General." 246 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. severe shower took place wliilst we were in his tent. The water lodged on the flat part of the tent, under which Mr. Pepper was seated, and all at once burst in a torrent upon his head. From the midst of the torrent we heard a voice exclaim, ^ Jesus P* — and soon after poor Pepper emerged. The Maharajah laughed loud, and we all joined chorus. A shower of hail followed the ram, and hailstones were brought in and presented in all quarters. My hands were soon filled with them by the politeness of Dowlut Kao and his Ministers ; and all began to eat, or rather to drink them. For ten minutes the scene more resembled a school at the moment when the boys have got to play than an Eastern Durbar. f We parted in great good humor ; and, as far as I can judge from physiognomy, every one in Camp is rejoiced at the termination of hostihties."J * " Mister Pepper begs permission to deny the ' Jesus,' though he is free to cout'ess the sousing." — J. M. f This incident greatly amused Ge- neral Wellesley, who wrote an account of it to the Governor-General, in wliicli he says : " It rained violently, and an ofiicer of the escort, Mr. Pepper, an Irishman (a nephew of old Bective's, by-thc-hy), sate under the flat of the tent, which received a great part of the rain which fell. At length it burst through the tent upon the head of Mr. Pepper, who was concealed by the torrent that fell, and was disco- vered after some tunc by an ' Oh Jasus !' and a hideous yell. Scindiah laughed violently, as did all the others present ; and the gravity and dignity of the Durbar degenerated uito a Malcolm riot — after which they all parted on the best terms." — \_Wcllin(/- ton Despatches, vol. ii. p. 701.] X In this letter Malcolm says; " My health docs not improve. I am plagued still with the pam in my side, tor which I mean to administer another blister. However, I do not expect much relief. M.j most sanguine hopes now are that I may be able to go through my duties here to your satis- faction, and in a mamier that will meet Ms Excellency's approbation, for a month — or till I am relieved. Send Strachey on to help me as fast as pos- sible." It appears from General Wel- lesley's letters that Malcolm's friends had even a worse opinion of his case than he had himself. The General wrote to Major Shawe on the 14th of January : " I believe that ]\Ialcolm ^vrote to you to propose that he should be sent to England with the Governor- General's despatches upon the peace. I think this will be an advisable mea- sure. At all events, Llaleolm must go to England. His health is entirely gone, and the medical people think that his remaming in this country will be attended with danger. He is at present entirely incapable of doing business, and he was knocked up by what he had to do in this camp when Elphiustone went away; so that to detain him will be useless." DIFFICULTIES AND EMBARRASSMENTS. 247 The negotiations proceeded slowly. It was difficult to bring the Mahratta politicians into anything like a straightforward, consistent line of action. There was a mixture of childish ignorance and simplicity mth the cunning and dissimulation of veteran intriguers, which vexed and embarrassed Malcolm. " I am a good deal annoyed," lie wrote on the 26th of January, " at the slow progress of my negotiations, particularly as I have now a glimpse of bealth, which enables me to do a little busi- ness, and which I know by experience cannot last above a few days longer." On the 30th he wrote privately to Mr. Edmonstone : " You will see from my public despatch of this date the state in which the negotiation stands. I hope I shall be able to bring it to a satis- factory issue ; but I have learnt never to be sanguine in my expectations of either sincerity or consistency in a Maln-atta." A day or two afterwards a new difficulty arose. Scindiali fell sick, and the negotiations Avere thrown back again.* But a favorable change soon took place. Malcolm was admitted to the sick room of the young Prince, and found him — mollified perhaps by illness — in a temper which seemed to promise well for a satisfactory adjustment of the business in hand. " I went to see Scindiah last night," he wrote to General Wel- leslcy on the 3rd of February, " and am sorry to say that he is still in a very low state. He could not rise from his bed above two or three minutes at a time, and spoke with hesitation and difficulty. His fever has, however, * On the 1st of February, Malcolm of what he was on our arrival." On wi-ote to General Wellesley : " I have the same day he wrote to Colonel reeeived yoiu's of the 2Gth, and am Dowdeswell, givmg a dreadful picture glad to flud you approve of the treaty, of the state of Scindiah's camp : " The which I hope to persuade this Court distress in this camp is at present great, to accept, though they are evidently Numbers die daily from want, and I lukewarm. The Maharajah has been see no prospect of any speedy relief, very ill. Kistua, who saw him last . . . The army arc all in a state of nigiit, says he is a perfect skeleton mutiny for their arrears." 248 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. left liim, and he will probably recover fast. The visit was very satisfactory. I obtained his consent to an ar- rangement by which I trust a complete end will be put to these vexatious disputes about unpaid contributions." Ten days afterwards Malcolm reported that the Maha- rajah was recovering, and that the negotiations were pro- ceeding, slowly but satisfactorily : . ..." I have now," he wrote to Mr. Edmonstone, " a pros- pect of the negotiation of the subsidiary alHance being carried on in earnest, as the Maharajah is much recovered, and a change has taken place in his councils which promises well to his Govern- ment and to the increase of friendship between it and the British ' nation. I have great hopes of ciFectlng an arrangement on the 7th article of the treaty of peace, which will give us a decided and permanent influence at his Court. I have had a long discus- sion upon the subject with the Ministers; but all is, I believe, now settled to ray wishes, thanks to their distresses, which have made some of the very highest of the chiefs at this Court more pleased than could have been exj^ected. I shall grant to the principal Sirdars, wdiose names the IMaharajah will send me to- morrow, sunnuds (grants) for the amount of fifteen lakhs, payable by the Company's Government in land or in cash, at the pleasure of that Government ; and I mean to grant bills to a certain amount for the immediate relief of some of the chief Sirdars in Camp who are sunnud holders. These sunnuds will only be for the life of the individuals to whom they are granted ; they will be made liable to forfeiture on the party rebelling against D. R. Scindiah, or acting hostilely against the British Government. At least, this is the mode in which I have drafted them, and I have every reason to think it will be approved. The moment this article is carried into complete execution, and the Sirdars of this Court have tasted Its sweets (which I mean they shall do by anticipation), the British Government will have the most powerful tic upon this State, the chief offices of which will always form a considerable and the most certain part of their revenue, depending on the continuance of the friendship between the two Govern- ments." MAHRATTA DIPLOMACY. 2-49 His clifBculties, however, were not over. There were contending parties at Court, and there was a general scramble for the benefits derivable from the treaties mth the British. The IMaharajah thought less of business than of pleasure; and the chiefs were taking advantage of his apathy to serve themselves instead of the State. After long consultations they drafted a treaty of their own — to what purpose, and with what eifect, may be gathered from the following letter: MAJOR MALCOLM TO GENERAL WELLESLEY. Camp, Tcb. 20, ISOi. My DEAR General, — I enclose a letter from Sliawe, with my answer. I sincerely wish you could go to Bengal. But under present circumstances it is impossible for you to leave the Dcccan. Vv'^ebbe should liasten to this Court, where he will find scope for all his exertions. They are a strange set. I received yesterday the fruit of their long consultations in the draft of a treaty of" nineteen articles: so great a jumble of nonsense was never col- lected into a regular form. They had altered almost all the ex- pressions, and some of the most essential principles of the treaty I gave them. They had added all the Memorandum of Requests Avhich Bappoo gave you on leaving Camp; and each of them they wished me to agree to as an article of tlie defensive treaty ; and the last and most important article of this admirable treaty was, that the English Government agreed out of respect for the firman of the King — out of regard for the tribe of the Peishwah — out of friendship for the Maharajah, and with a view to increase its own reputation among the natives of the country, to allow no cows to be killed in Ilindostan. I have treated this jumble with every attention. I have, to gratify them, introduced what I could, without sacrificing any of the principles of the aUiancc, and I am preparing an answer, article by article, to the whole. I trust I shaU be able to convince them, and to persuade them to adopt something very similar to the draft of the treaty which I before transmitted for your perusal. I have, however, been a good deal shaken in my confidence by 250 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. the draft I liave received; and I think I can trace in it the hand of intrigue. The fact is, at a moment when two different parties are fightinoj for the conduct of the administration, it is to be expected that every measure will be opposed and obstructed. Though I mean to be as conciliatory as possible, I shall, never- theless, be very firm and explicit; and by such means I shall at least bring them to a clear and distinct line of proceeding in a very few days. It is becoming intolerably liet ; but I am, on the whole, a little better than I have been for some time past. The Maharajah is again pretty well. He was to have paid me a visit to-day; but he got an account of a tiger nine miles off, so he sent to request I would admit of the visit being put off till to-morrow, and if I were well enough, to come and help him to kill the tiger. I told him I was afraid to venture in the sun, but should pray for his success, and, to ensure it, sent him my large rifle-gun as a present. I am, my dear General, yours most sincerely, J. M. The expectations expressed in these letters were not falsified by the result; and eight days afterwards Mal- colm forwarded to Government a copy of the treaty. Its conclusion spread great joy through Scindiah's Court. In the fulness of his delight, the young Prince himself determmed to celebrate the occasion by a frolic, to whicli INIalcolra was not a man to object. " I am to deliver the treaty to-day," Avrote the latter to General Wellesley, " and after that ceremony is over, to play liooley^ for which I have prepared an old coat and an old hat. Scmdiali is furnished with an engine of great power by which he can play upon a felloAv fifty yards distance. He has, besides, a magazine of syringes, so I expect to be well squiited." * This consists in throwing reel Malcolm no good. lie wrote to Major powder and squirting colored Vatei- Sliawc that " the cursed lioolev play" over every passer by. The sport did had given him a sharp attack of fever. DOUBTS AND ANXIETIES. 251 Malcolm had. not long despatched the treaty to the Governor- General before pamful doubts began to assail him. He knew that he had done his best ; he beheved, too, that what he had done was the best that could be done for his country. But it was possible that Lord Wellesley might take a different view of the expediency of the com-se he had adopted, and certain that, taking it, his Lordship would refuse to ratify the treaty. The position of an envoy at such a Court as Scindiah's, with limited powers and great responsibilities, at an immense distance from the seat of Government, compelled to shape his measures in accordance With circumstances rather than with principles, and yet knowing that the superior authorities are disposed to try them by the touchstone of theories which cannot be applied to them without error and without injustice, is an embarrassing and un- enviable one. It was one of Malcolm's maxims — the first, indeed, Avhich I find recorded in the pages of his common-place book — that " a man who flies from respon- sibility in public aflairs is like a soldier who quits his rank in action. He is certain of ignominy, and does not escape danger." He acted, indeed, in all such cases as though he were himself the supreme human judge of his conduct — as though his measures were sure to be approved. His errors, therefore, were all on the side of boldness and decision. On the present occasion, his subsidiary treaty narrowly escaped the rejection of Lord Wellesley — how narrowly may be gathered from the following letter, and the manly answer which it evoked : ME. EDMONSTONE TO MAJOR MALCOLM. Calcutta, Pcb. 2G, ISOl. My deae Malcolm,— Your official letter, No. 4, dated 30th ultimo, has just been received; and I have received your private 252 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. letter of the same date. His Lordship, deeming it necessary to furnish you with instructions on the subject of that despatch with the least possible delay, has directed me to communicate them summarily in a private form without losing a moment. Official instructions will follow as speedily as possible. His Lordship objects entirely to the 11th article of the treaty. He thinks the stipulation which authorises Dowlut Rao Scindiah to muster our forces utterly inadmissible, and the authority to muster his own of little or no importance. The establishment of the subsidiary force within Scindiah's territory is extremely desirable, but need not be a sine qua non. The alternative which you have proposed, that Scindiah should cede Champaneer, Godree, and Dohud, appears to his Lordship to be impracticable. His Lordship cannot devise any territory which we could relinquish in exchange for those districts. To the alternative of increasing the subsidiary force his Lordship has no objection, provided funds be found for the payment of it; otherwise his Lordship thinks it would have the effect of mani- festing a design on our part to establisli a complete control over Scindiah's Government. His Lordship trusts that you will not have concluded the treaty with Scindiah in its present form. If you should have concluded it, you must be prepared for his Lordship's rejection of it. On the subject of ratification, his Lordship directs me to remark that you appear to engage absolutely by the terms of the treaty that it shall be ratified within a certain space of time. His Lordship hopes, however, that this engagement will be considered merely as conditional, and not as precluding his Lordship's option to ratify or reject it. If the treaty should arrive executed in its present form, another treaty will be here prepared with the neces- sary modifications, ratified, and transmitted to you for Scindiah's acceptance. You have allowed a space too short for the return of the ratified treaty. Your present despatch has been twenty-seven days in coming, so that it would not be possible to return a ratified treaty within the space of fifty. It should be extended to sixty-five or seventy days. Yours ever sincerely, N. B. Edmonstone. MALCOLM S EXPLANATIONS. 253 MAJOR MALCOLM TO MR. EDMONSTONE. (Private and confidential^ Camp, near Boorhaupore, March 18, ISOi. My dear Edmonstone, — I have received your letter of the 26th ultimo. The stipulations of the 1 1th article, which you inform me his Lordship considers as inadmissible, arc not in the treaty which I have executed. Their omission I shall ever consider a most fortunate occurrence, as I certainly was not, at the time I offered them to the acceptance of this Court, aware of their im- propriety. The endeavours which I originally made to obtain Champancer, Godree, and Dohud, were in consequence of instructions from General Wellesley. The subsequent expedients which I devised to effect that object were prompted by a strong, though perhaps erroneous, impression upon my mind of the great importance of the provinces in a military point of view : that I failed in my exertions to effect their transfer to the Company's authority was at the moment a subject of as severe disappointment as it is now of sincere joy. From the stipulations of the 15th article of this treaty of peace, I certainly thought that, if Dowlut Row Scindiah did not accept the terms on which the defensive alliance was offered in two months, that he forfeited the advantages he was otherwise to derive from that article. If he did accept them (as they were offered) within that period, it followed, in my opinion, that he by that act established a right to those advantages wliich never afterwards could be disputed, however much the English Govern- ment might condemn the conduct of the person who was cm- ployed. Under such impressions I proceeded, in the full convic- tion that any treaty I made would be ratified, and I never gave this Court the most distant cause to expect the contrary ; and I am convinced that if I had, the alliance would not now have been concluded. I was fully aware, when I was appointed to negotiate this treaty, of the heavy responsibility that I incurred ; and tliat responsibility was much increased by the uncertainty of comnui- nication with General Wellesley during the latter part of the negotiation, a circumstance which deprived me of the benefit of 254 THE TKEATY WITH SCINDIAH. his instructions on several points on which I was anxious to re- ceive it. I nevertheless ventured to conclude the treaty in the form it now has. The difference between it and engagements of a similar nature (which I knew Lord Wellesley had approved) did not appear to me of sufficient consequence to Avarrant my risking the success of the negotiation. As far as I could understand, none of those principles which it is essential in such alliances to main- tain were sacrificed, and no points were admitted that could ope- rate injuriously to the interests of the British Government. I may, however, be mistaken, and there may be a thousand objections to the alliance even as it now stands, which my stu- pidity has made me overlook. If such is the case, it will, I conclude, be disapproved, and the treaty will not be ratified. On such an event occurring, the exclusive blame of this proceeding must attach to the agent employed to negotiate it, of whom it will be charitable to remark, that he was more distinguished for boldness and zeal than for prudence and judgment. I am, my dear Edmonstone, Yours ever sincerely, John Malcolm. Altliougli the particular objections made at Calcutta to the treaty had been removed, by accident rather than by design, and although Malcolm had therefore reason to rejoice in this especial escape, he could not help feeling upon how slight a thread the ratification of the engage- ments into which he had entered with Scindiah's Court really depended. The Governor-General, indeed, stood prepared, with pen in hand, to cancel them without compunction. And what he declaredly would have done on one special ground of complaint, he might do upon some other. It was no small relief to Malcolm, therefore, to receive the following letter from Lord Wel- lesley's private secretary : MAJOR MEREICK SHAWE TO MAJOR MALCOLM. Calcutta, March 22, ISOi. My dear Malcolm, — The duplicate of your subsidiary EATiriCATION OF THE TREATY. 255 treaty was received this morning through Hindostan. I have the most sincere pleasure in telling you that it meets his Excel- lency's approbation in every point. His Excellency means, if possible, to write to you this evening with his own hand, to express his decided approbation of your conduct and of your excellent treaty. As it is possible, however, that he may be prevented from writing himself^ I am desired to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches, and to assure you that the treaty is considered by his Excellency to accomphsh every object which he had in view, to be highly creditable to 3'our character, zeal, and talents, and to confirm all the advantages ' obtained by the war, and by the general pacification. It will be ratified to-morrow, and copies will go by land and sea to Europe to-morrow night. Once more I congratulate you. Yours ever, Meeeick Shawe. At the same time a letter, couched in equally commen- datory and congratulatory terms, was received from the public secretary, in which Malcolm read with no com- mon satisfaction these reassuring words : " Under all the circumstances of the case, his Excellency in Council entirely approves all the stipulations of the treaty of sub- sidy and defence which you have concluded with Dowlut Row Scindiah. His Excellency in Council considers you to have mani- fested great judgment, ability, and discretion in conducting the negotiation of this important treaty with Scindiah, and to have rendered a public service of the highest description by the conclu- sion of the treaty of defensive and subsidiary alHance." In truth, Malcolm needed at this time some such re- assurance and encouragement. He had toiled on, reso- lute to do his duty, in spite of the contmucd assaults of a depressing malady. A man with a severe liver com- plaint, under repeated courses of mercury, is not com- monly in that philosophic frame of mind which enables him to take no account of small evils, and to make 256 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. light of great ones. Perhaps Malcolm was never more severely tried than at this particular point of his career. He was doubtful and uneasy about the present, pain- fully uncertain about his future prospects. At the end of January he had written: "I think I must have my negotiations here brought to a close, one way or another, before the 15th of next month. I shall then proceed to join the General, and from that to Bombay, which I should by this plan reach about the 15th of March; and I must at that time be distmctly informed of the Governor- General's wishes with respect to my destination. If it is his pleasure that I should remain at Mysore, I shall go by sea to Madras, and it is possible that a short trip may do me some good, though my complaints are, I fear, too radical to admit of an expectation of a complete recovery from anything short of a voyage home. I may, however, if that is not deemed advisable, be able to get on in a sick- and-well way for a twelvemonth or two longer." General Wellesley had urgently impressed on the Governor- General the expediency of deputing Malcolm to Eng- land; but the latter soon began to regret that he had ever touched upon the subject, though it lay very near to his heart. "I am almost sorry," he wrote on the 27th of January to the General, "that I ever agitated the subject. Lord Wellesley may conceive that my request to go home, with a recommendation to retain my allowances, is improper. I wrote to Shawe not to bring it forward if there appeared the least fear of such a conclusion." But a few days afterwards he received the following letter from his friend: GENERAL WELLESLEY TO MAJOR MALCOLM. {Secret and co/ifideutial.) Camp, Jan. 31, 1S04. My dear Malcolm, — The Govcrnor-Geneml has received a LETTER FROM GENERAL WELLESLEY. 257 letter from Henry (Wellesley), in wliich Henry informs him that he had had a long conversation with Mr. Addington on the subject of the support which the Governor-General was to expect from INlinisters hereafter, in which Mr. Addington said plainly that they could not support the Governor-General against tlie Court of Directors. INIr. Addington talked in strong terms of the services of the Governor-General, but almost in the same breath he told Henry that, as his private friend, he would not advise him to stay beyond the year 1803. The Governor-General has asked my opinion what he ought to do, and writes of staying till December. I have told him that it is obvious that INIinlsters are not more desirous than the Court of Directors that he should remain in oflice, and that if he remains one moment beyond the first oppor- tunity that will olTer for his going home after receiving notice that he is not to have their support (allowing a reasonable time to Avind up his Government and the affairs at the end of the war), he will be ordered to resign the Government to Sir G. Barlow, and that in this manner greater injury will be done to his character and to the public cause than could result from the failure of all his plans, supposing that to be certain. I have, therefore, recommended him to fix the 1st of October for the period of his departure, and to apprise the IMinisters that he would go at an earlier period if the season would permit. He referred to my opinion upon several points connected with the Residencies. I have recommended to liim to send you home, to appoint Wcbbe to Scindiah's Durbar (which, by-the-by, he desired me to offer to you), and Elphinstone to Nagporc; and to make the arrangement for Mysore, which we agreed was the best, supposing that you were not able to go back. I expect a dupli- cate of the Governor-General's letter, which I will send you. I have not time to copy that which I have written to him. But tliis letter contains the outHne of it ; and I will show you when Ave meet the copy which I have taken in the press. I have recommended to the Governor-General to send you to England from Bombay. Ever yours most sincerely, AuTHUR Wellesley. Whilst Malcolm was brooding over the suggestions con- tained in this letter, and encouraging revived hopes of a VOL. I. s y 258 THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. mission to England on the public service, intelligence came to him from that couutr}- which much abated his home- ward aspnations, and deepened the depression of spuits which continued sickness had engendered. A letter from his uncle, John Pasley, announced the death of his vene- rable father. The sad tidings came upon him with pauifril suddenness. A few weeks before he had received a letter from his younger sailor-brother, Charles,* announcing that all were well at Burnfootf — and now he learnt that the head of the family had been gathered to his rest. Mr. George Malcolm died peaceably in his own home, sm^- rounded by his own people. He died as the Christian dieth, with an assm-ed belief in the efficacy of his Ee- deemer s merits. To John Malcolm this thought — con- firmed as it was by some beautiful letters from his sisters — ^brought great consolation. But still how deep was the sorrow which these tidings struck into his heart, may be gathered from the followmg letter which he wrote back to his uncle : MAJOR MALCOLM TO MPw. JOHN PASLEY. Camp, near Boorbanpore, Feb. 10, 1804. My dear Uncle, — Your letter, announcing the death of my father, reached me some days ago. No news could have been more afflicting. The loss that my dear mother and all of us have sustained is irreparable. But we should rather pray to die like him, than mourn over an event which came not unexpected, and for which our dear parent was fully prepared. He died as he lived, an example to his children, and I trust the remembrance of his virtues will live in our hearts. It wall make us more firm in the path of honor and rectitude. This loss has effected a great * The late Sir Charles Malcolm. knew it. Though iu general I enjoyed f Less than two months before his good health, I had little attacks of gout death — iu the last letter, indeed, that and cold, which I have been free from he ever wrote to liis son — Mr. Malcolm this lon^' time." This was written on had said : " My health is uuintcrrupt- the lOtli of March ; on the 13th of cdly good— indeed, more so than 1 ever May he died. DEATH OF Malcolm's father. 259 change in my sentiments respecting my present pursuits. The greatest enjoyment I have from the acquisition of fame and honor, is in the satisfaction which my success in Hfe affords to those to whom I owe my being, or, what is more, the principles of virtue and honesty which I am conscious of possessing. The approba- tion of my conduct conveys to my mind more gratification than the thanks of millions or the applause of thousands; and as the number of those to whom I attach such value diminishes, a pro- portion of the reward I expected is taken away, and part of that stimulus which prompted me to action is removed. The sanguine temper of my dearest parent made him anticipate a rank in life for me which I shall probably never attain ; but a knowledge that he indulged such expectations made mc make every exertion of Avhich I was capable. I am still sensible of what I owe to myself, to my friends, and to my country; but I am no longer that enthusiast in the pursuit of reputation that I formerly was, and I begin to think that object may be attained at too dear a price. My mind has perhaps been more inclined to this way of thinking from the state of my health, which continues indifferent. How- ever, as I have fully accomplished all the objects for which I was sent to this Court, I expect soon to be released, and to be enabled to repair to the sea-coast, where I have no doubt a short residence wnll make me as strong as ever. I see from my last letters from Scotland that you were expected at Burnfoot in July. Your affec- tionate kindness will console my dearest mother, and make her more resigned to her great loss, and your presence will restore the whole family to happiness. Your own feelings, my dearest uncle, will reward you for such goodness ; may you long live to enjoy the gratitude and affection of a family who owe all their success and happiness to your kindness and protection. I know not what arrangement you may think best for my mother and sisters. You are acquainted with my means. I have 10,000/. in my agent's hands in this country ; about 3000Z. is due to me, which I shall hereafter receive. Of the amount in your hands I cannot speak, as I know not how much of it has been applied ; but I have directed 400/. to be remitted annually, 300Z. of which I meant for my parents, and 100/. for my sisters. You will now judge what is sufficient, and dispose of all, or any part of what I possess, as you think proper ; above all, let my dearest mother enjoy aflluence. S2 2 GO THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. One of my sisters states tliat Douglan would be a desirable pur- chase now that Howgill is separated from Burnfoot. In this I beg you will not hesitate if you think it is desirable, or if you think my mother wishes it. I am not insensible to the value of money. I have lately learnt to appreciate its value, and to regret that I have not more; but that regret has been excited by finding myself limited in my means at a moment like the present of contributing to tire comfort and happiness of a family that I love, and with whom it is my wish to pass the remaining years of my life. You will hear both from Robert and Tom ; you will learn from other quarters that I have not been undistinguished amid the great scenes which have lately passed in this country, and my recent success at this Court will, I am satisfied, gain me still higher approbation. Charles Pasley is well, and going on well ; so is Tom Little and Gilbert Briggs ; all in excellent situations. I am, my dear Uncle, Ever yours affectionately, John Malcolm. It is better to be the writer of such a letter as this than the framer of a score of successful treaties. George ]\Ialcolm of Burnfoot died in a full and firm reliance on the noble character of his sons. All his life long, since that untoward speculation of which mention has been made at the outset of this narrative, had the thought of the liabilities with which the law had burdened him pressed heavily upon his mind. But he died in the assured conviction that the sons, who had done so much honor to his name, would remove every stain from his memory by paying off his debts to the uttermost farthing. Five years before he had drawn up a memorandum addressed to his " dear children," to be read after his death, in which he declared " before God, who will have judged me before you receive this," that he had never intentionally done an injury to any man. In this docu- ment he had told his sons that nothing but the prospect of a settlement with his creditors by thek means gave MR. m^vlcolm's debts. 261 contentment to his mind. This, he said, was meant especially for Robert, who at that time was the only one on the road to opulence — but the last five years had made a great change in the relative position of his sons, and Mr. Malcolm, on his dying bed, assured his wife that he departed happy in the con\dction that John would dis- charge his debts. In this pious work Pulteny IMalcolm joined to the full extent of his ability; but although his career had been a successful one, he had acquired more fame than fortune ; and the bulk of his father's obliga- tions was discharged by the subject of this Memoir. 262 THE GWALIOE CONTROVERSY. CHAPTER XI. THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. [1804.] Malcolm's contintjance at scindiah's dtjrbah — the question of gvalior and gohtfd — histokical antecedents — opinions of general wellesley, malcolm, and the goyeknoe-general — cokeespondence with calcutta — ^DISPLEASUKE OF LOED WELLESLEY — EEVIEW OF MALCOLM's CONDUCT. It will have been gathered from the preceding chapter, that on the conclusion of the war with Scindiah it was considered expedient to enter into two separate treaties with that Prince. The first was a " treaty of peace," negotiated in Wellesley's camp by the General liimself ; the second was a " subsidiary alliance," or an engagement for the location of a British force in Scindiah's dominions, for the negotiation of which Malcolm had been despatched to the Court of the Maharajah, then held at Boorhan- pore. On the conclusion of this latter treaty, the imme- diate business of his mission was at an end. But there were some important details connected with the execu- tion of the treaty of peace which called for speedy ad- justment ; and General Wcllesley was of opinion that Malcolm could best promote the public interests by remaining at Scindiah's Durbar until Mr. Webbe, who SCRAMBLE FOR TERRITORY. 2G3 had recently been appointed Resident at that Couit, should permanently relieve him.* It was a difficult and a delicate task which was then entrusted to him. It was his duty to interpret the pre- cise meaning of the treaty, and to determine the limits of the possessions to be held under it by Scindiah, by the lesser feudatory chiefs, and by the Company. But it would have been strange, indeed, if the boundaries could have been adjusted, in all cases, -without a dispute.f The immediate danger being over — the peace sought for having been granted — it was only natural that every man should have endeavoured to render it as advan- tageous as possible to himself "All parties were de- lighted with the peace/' wrote General Wellesley to Malcolm; "but the demon of ambition appears now to have pervaded all ; and each endeavours, by forcing con- structions, to gain as much as he can." There was sharp contention about Gwalior. All that remains of Mahratta power in India is now indissolubly associated in men's minds with thoughts of this famous fortress. There are few living who have known it as anything else but the home of the Scindiah family, and the capital of their remaining empire. But half a cen- * As early as the 20tli of February, health by rest ; aud you will have a General Wellesley had written: "Every- better season for your march to the thing, but particidarly the change of southward than you have at present." councils, convinces me that you ought -j- The difficulty was greatly on- to stay at Scindiah's Durbar till you hauced by the circumstance of there shall be relieved by Webbc, or by the being two officers empowered to enter person whom the Governor-General into treaties with the Native Princes shall appoint as permanent Resident on the part of the British Government with Scindiah. Your health is mended, — General Wellesley in one part of the aud you have given up all thoughts of country, and General Lake in another. going to England, uidess sent home on The engagements of the one did not a public mission. . . . That being in all instances square with those of the case, you surely cannot be better the other ; and General Wellesley was, employed than at "Scindiah's Durbar ; for a lon^ time, left in ignorance of the and by the delay of your departure for nature ot the treaties which General some time, you not only will have an Lake had made with the Mahratta feu- opportunity of rendering essential ser- datories, vices, but you possibly will regain your 264 THE GWALIOE CONTEOVERSY. tury ago there was a conflict among the chief British authorities as to the right of the Maharajah to possess himself of the place. The question is even now a per- plexing one. To argue it in all its bearings would demand a greater space than the reader of this narrative would willingly see accorded to it. Even the clear, strong head of Arthur Wellesley could not solve the entangled problem to his own or to others' satisfaction. He oscillated between two opinions. Malcolm was strong in his conviction, and nothing shook it, that justice and policy alike demanded that the fortress should be given up to Scindiah. And the Governor- General declared that justice did not require us to surrender the place, wliilst sound policy imperatively called upon us to keep it out of Scindiah's hands. The historical facts of the case were simply these. On the disruption of the Mogul Empire, Gwalior had fallen into the hands of a petty Prince known as the Rana of Gohud. From him it was wrested by the INIahrattas ; but when INIajor Popham took the place by assault, in 1780, he gave it back to the Rana of Gohud.* The con- duct of this man, however, did not justify the protection which we had afforded him. He was unfaithful to the Government to which he owed everything, and was therefore abandoned to his fate. Madhajee Scindiah * It was to this that General Wei- not, I should be inclined to give it lesley referred, in tlic following passage to him. I declare that when I view of a letter to Malcolm, written at the the treaty of peace and the conse- end of January : " As to Gwalior, the quences, I am afraid it will be ima- question is, To whom did it bclonjj ? To gincd that the moderation of the Bri- the Eana of Gohud or to Scindiau ? I tish Government in India has a strong tliink to the former. I know that our resemblance to the ambition of other Government always considered it so, Governments." It was true that Gwa- and that under this consideration lior had once belonged to the Eana of Gwalior was heretofore given over to Gohud, but it had long passed out of the Rana of Gohud when we had his possession. It was held by a ser- taken it. If Gwalior belonged to vant of Scindiah at the commencement Scindiah, it must be given up ; and I of the war. acknowledge that, whether it did or rORMER HISTORY OF GWALIOR. 265 laid siege to the place, bribed the garrison, and marched into it. This was in 1784. From that time Gwalior had been held by the family of Scindiah, who had, some time before the war with the English, appointed Ambajee Ingiiah governor of the place. This man, a double- dyed traitor, undertook, in 1803, to surrender the fortress to the enemies of his master, but secretly instigated the commandant not to deliver it up at the appointed time. It was therefore invested by the British troops, and on the 5th of February, 1804, it fell into our hands. The treaty of Surjee-Anjengaum had been concluded — the treaty of peace which General Wellesley had negotiated with "Wattel Punt. By this it was declared, that " such countries formerly in the possession of the Maharajah (Scindiah) situated between Jyepore and Joudpoor, and to the southward of the former, are to belong to the Maharajah." Another article also set forth, that whereas " certain treaties have been made by the British Govern- ment with Rajahs and others heretofore feudatories of the Maharajah, these treaties are to be confirmed; and the Maharajah hereby renounces all claims upon the persons with whom such treaties have been made, and declares them to be independent of his government and authority, provided that none of the territories belonging to the Maharajah situated to the southward of those of tlie Rajahs of Jyepore and Joudpoor and the Rana of Gohud have been granted away by those treaties." Upon the construction of these articles the question necessarily turned. The treaty with Scindiah had been negotiated m ignorance of the engagements which had been entered into by General Lake with the feudatory chiefs. And there was now some difficulty in recon- ciling with each other our different obligations to the several parties with whom we had contracted alliances at the end of the war. At Scindiali's Durbar, Malcolm saw 266 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. plainly what were the hopes and aspirations of that Court. He saw that Scindiah and his Ministers were e?iger to obtain possession of Gohud, and the possession of Gwalior lay very near to their hearts. With respect to the former, the justice of the case was at least doubtful. With respect to the latter, Scindiah's title might have been explained away by a not wholly inadmissible inter- pretation of the letter of the treaty. But Malcolm was not a man to shape his diplomatic conduct in accordance with dubious interpretations of ambiguous passages in hastily- executed treaties. It was the spirit, not the letter of an engagement which he regarded; and where doubt existed, he believed that the interpretation should ever lean to the liberal side. It was clear to him that Scindiah had executed the treaty under the strongest possible conviction that Gwalior, which had belonged to him before the war, would be restored to him on the conclusion of the peace : " As to the fort of Gwalior," wrote Malcolm to General Wel- lesley, " I am persuaded one of the chief causes of the peace was to save it ; and such is the importance they attach to that place, that I sincerely beUeve our having insisted upon its surrender would have protracted the conclusion of the peace. I wish to God that demand had been made, and that you had either ob- tained it, or left it by a specific article in the possession of this Government. I enclose the copy of a letter to Shawe which I sent yesterday by the Hindostanec dawk. I am afraid that I liave said more in this, and in other private letters, than will please Lord "Wellesley, and I expect, instead of credit, to meet with censure for my conduct at this Residency, as it may be sup- posed from the tenor of my private letters, and the full manner I have stated the sentiments of this Court in my public de- spatches, that I am hostile to a system which the Governor-General thinks it wise to pursue, and that I have gone too far in the as- surance which I have given this Court with respect to the prin- ciples which will guide his Excellency in carrying the treaty of MALCOLMS JUSTICE AND MODERATION. 267 peace into execution. There is one evil in this world which I dread more than the Marquis's displeasure — the loss of my own esteem, which I must have incurred had I acted contrary to what I have done on this occasion. I wish to God you would con- trive to let me escape from this scene with honor and without reproach." This was written on the 6tli of March. A few weeks afterwards, in a letter to his old friend Mr. Grasme Mercer, Malcolm still more emphatically expressed the same noble sentiments, and demonstrated that even as a mere stroke of policy it was expedient that Gwalior should be given up to Scmdiah. MAJOR MALCOLM TO MR. MERCER. Camp, near Boorhauporc, Marcli 30, 1804. My dear Mercer, — I have to acknowledge your letter of the 20th instant, with enclosures, for which I thank you. A peace with Holkar seems to me impossible. You will see from my public letter of yesterday what this Court think ; though God knows they are so much out of humor I shall hardly know how to trust them. If you got a private wig about Gwalior, I shall get a dozen. But I nevertheless shall continue to be convinced we should give that fort to this state: first, because there is some room for doubt upon the subject, and if we determine a case of disputable nature in our own favor because we have power, we shall give a blow to our faith that will, in ray opinion, be more injurious to our interests than the loss of fifty provinces. What has taken us through this last war with such unexampled success ? First, no doubt, the gallantry of our armies ; but, secondly — and hardly, secondly — our reputation for good faith. These people do not understand the laws of nations, and it is impossible to make them comprehend a thousand refine- ments which are understood and practised in Europe. They will never be reconciled to the idea that a treaty should be negotiated upon one principle and fulfilled upon another. The plain fact is this: General Wellesley was wholly ignorant about Gohud and Gwalior ; he thought the Rana's was a state to be maintained 268 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. Instead of being one that It was meant to restore — hence all these mistakes. As to the treaty with Ambajee Ingliah, though we may satisfy them of the propriety of our reaping benefits from it after it was broke at the expense of Ambajee, we can never per- suade them of our right to reap them at the expense of Dowlut Row ; unless we could prove that he was a party with Ambajee in the act of treachery. But on grounds of policy I would, if possible, satisfy this Court ; first, that we may preserve its friend- ship, which is of ultimate Importance; and secondly, that we may enable it to take a number of plunderers into its service to check others of the same tribe, and to prevent tlie whole country being overrun, as it must be (if there are no regular Governments to give them service), with bands of robbers, who will join every ad- venturer that starts, and who, If they once taste the sweets of our provinces, will never be out of them. I do not think we could have a better frontier than the Jumna, nor a better neighbour in India than Dowlut Row, if we act with a liberal and conciliating policy towards him. Of the revival of his Infantry we can entertain no dread; and as to his Horse, if they are to be led to plunder, a slip of country which they could pass in two or three days, and the hill forts, which could never stop their progress, would prove a slight Impediment to prevent their desultory invasion; but allowing the contrary — and your know- ledge on this point must have more weight than my Ignorance — It Is not the safety of the Doab which we are to look to in arguing this question, but the safety and tranquillity of India, which is, I think, likely to be most seriously disturbed by the state In which I know the Deccan, and in which you represent Plindostan to be ; and this is only to be averted by our conciliating and supporting the more regular Governments. Yours ever, John Malcolm. These opinions, to a great extent, were shared by General Wellesley ; but not at all by the Governor- General. The letters of the former show that, although he believed advantage might be taken of the term.s of the treaty to refuse the restoration of Gwalior to Scindiah, he entirely sympathised with the generous sentiments, SUrrORT FROM GENERAL WELLESLEY. 269 and concurred in the high notions of public faith, which were thus earnestly enunciated by his friend. He may have halted between two opinions in respect of certain points of mere interpretation ; but he placed the question on a broader basis, and rejected all thoughts of present expediency. " I would sacrifice Gwalior," he wrote to Malcolm, " or every frontier of India ten times over, in order to preserve our credit for scrupulous good faith, and the advantages and honor we gained by the late war and the peace; and we must not fritter them away in arguments drawn from overstrained principles of the laws of nations, which are not understood in this country. What brought me through many difficulties in the war, and the negotiations of peace? The British good faith, and nothing else." But although such assurances of sympathy as these had a bracing and invigorating eifect, and fortified Mal- colm in his resolution to forfeit even the friendship of the Governor- General rather than the sustaining approval of his own conscience, he was greatly disquieted by the knowledge that, for the first time in his life, he was declaring opinions and recommending a course of x')olicy which he knew were regarded with disapprobation by his master and friend. He never forgot that he was only a diplomatic agent, and that it was his business to execute Lord "Wellesley's orders, not to shape measures of his own. But he had gone to Scindiah's Court with no instructions relative to Gwalior and Gohud. He was in ignorance of the precise character of the engagements contracted with the Rana of Gohud* and the feudatory chiefs in Hindostan. He was severed from Calcutta by * General "WeUesley frankly acknow- fact is, that there M'as no sueh princi- ledged, that when he negotiated the pality in cxistenee. It had been ex- peace he knew nothing about the tin^uishcd by Scindiali, and was now Eaua of Goliud and tlie position to be re-established, which he held before the war. The 270 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. an extent of country wliicli it then took three weeks to traverse. He was in constant communication with General "Wellesley, who had, vested Avith full powers by the Governor-General, negotiated the Peace. He had reason to believe that the Hne of policy he was pursu- ing at Scindiah's Court was in consonance with the Ge- neral's views. And he had already committed himself in his discussions with Scindiah's Ministers, when the opinions of Lord "Wellesley on this question were first made known to him in a manner which admitted of no misconstruction. He could not reproach himself either for disobedience or precipitancy. He never doubted that he was right. But the approbation of Lord "Wel- lesley had long been very dear to him ; and it was a sore trial to him to feel that, justly or unjustly, it was now, wholly and absolutely, withheld. The clouds were gathermg over him, and he felt that the bursting of the storm would not be much longer delayed. The General had seconded Malcolm's views in his correspondence with Calcutta, and at one time ex- pressed a hope that Lord "Wellesley would modify his first opinions, and consent to the liberal measures which Malcolm had recommended.* But the latter had no * See tlie folio wiug passages iu Ge- questiou, from the change of ground ncral Wcllesley's corrcspondeuce with which the Governor-General has made Malcolm : " It appears that Scindiah's on which to place the question. He Ministers have given that Prince reason first founded all his arguments on the to expect that he could retain pos- treaty with Ambajee and that of the session of Gwalior ^ and T think it Rana of Gohud ; and in the instruc- possible, considering all the ch-cnm- tions to you the treaty witli, Ambajee stances of the ease, Ids ExccUeucy the is laid aside, and the treaty with the Governor-General may be induced to Rana of Gohud is alone brought for- attend to Scindiah's wislics on this oc- ward. In my opinion, that treaty af- casion. At all events, your despatches fords ^ood ground for your arrange- contain fresh matter on wliich it would mcut aoout Gohud, but none for Gwa- bc desirable to receive his Excellency's lior." — \_March 29.] " I hope that orders l)eforc you proceed to make you will have received mine of the any commmiication to Scindiah's Dur- 17th in time to delay the discussions bar on the subject of GwaHor." — on the subject of GwaUor, which it [J\Iarck 17, 1801.] " I anticipate a appears by another letter that you in- favorable decision of the Gwalior tended to bring forward. However, I DISAPPROBATION OF THE GOVEEXOR-GENEEAL. 271 sucli expectation. He knew that tlie Governor-General was tenacious in the extreme of liis own opinions, and prone to resent anything like opposition to them. It was with much less surprise than pain, therefore, that he received from Major Shawe a long letter, in which Lord Wellesley's dissatisfaction was thus distinctly expressed : " Lord Wellesley is not at all satisfied with j^our arguments in favor of the restoration of Gwalior and of the country of Gohud to Scindiah's authority. The necessity of retaining Gwahor and Gohud upon the peace was so strongly stated in his original plan embracing the objects of the war, that his Lordship says they ought to have been specifically secured by the treaty The treaties widi Ambajee and with the Rana of Gohud, of which copies have been sent to you, will satisfy you that it is not in the power of this Government to restore the territory of Gohud to Scindiah without violating our faith with the Rana. Lord Wei- lesley says the treaty with the Rana cannot be touched With respect to the fortress of Gwalior, the British Government has a right to dispose of that in whatever manner it pleases, under the treaty with the Rana of Gohud, which is confirmed by the ninth article of the treaty of peace.* Lord Wellesley is not very willing to part with it. But to please Scindiah, his Lordship will, I believe, consent to give it up, provided the Commauder-in- Chief does not think it indispensable to the defence of our frontier. Lord Wellesley says that the question for which you contend is one which will decide whether General Wellesley has not made a worse peace than Wattel Punt. If it is decided that the treaty of peace does not cover Gwalior and Gohud, Wattel Punt will have the advantage. But, in Lord Wellesley's judgment, have but faint hopes that I shall sue- wisliiug to avoid all discussion ou the ceed in inducing the Governor-General subject was, that it was carried on m to alter his intentions, as by a letter such a tone that I feared something which I received vesterday from ]\Ir. would be said which would render it Edmoustone, it appears that he insists impossible for the Governor-General upon the confirmation of all the trea- to concede, which I think stdl that he ties made with the feudatories."— may be inclined to do. God send that [March 30.] " I have received your he may, for the subject will not stand letters to the 2-ith of Marcli. Yoiu- discussion."'— [4/^/-«V 1.] breeze about Gwalior and Gohud went - Quoted coife, page 265. off tolerably well. My reason for 272 THE GWALIOE CONTROVERSY. tlie treaty of peace, by confirming those which had been contracted with the feudatories of Scindiah, does cover Gohud and Gwalior ; and if any part of tliese possessions shall be restored to Scindiah, he must first renounce his pretensions to them, and accept it as a boon." There was worse than this yet to come. As time ad- vanced, Lord Wellesley became more and more anxious regarding the progress of events at Scindiah's Court. Malcolm knew, as I have said, that the Governor- General was naturally impatient of opposition ; but he did not, perhaps, know at this time how much more impatient and irritable he had become since they had parted, a year before, in Calcutta. The combined anta- gonism of the Court of Directors and the desertion of the Crown Ministers, from whom he had expected sup- port, sorely vexed and exasperated him. He had a great work to accomplish ; he had great responsibilities to sustain. If he had been vigorously supported by the Governments at home, he might still, without discredit, have been greatly disquieted by anything which tended in his estimation to mar the completeness of the vast scheme of policy which he had mapped out. But when every fresh fleet from England brought new proofs of the stern opposition which he had to encounter — when he knew that the authorities in Ena;land, who misunder- stood and misjudged him, were eager to detect the minutest blot, and ready to sacrifice him on any pretext, it was doubly vexatious to be thwarted by his agents. He knew that any difference of opinion between himself and his ministers would be tm-ned to his disadvantao-e. And it was gall and wormwood to him to think that Malcolm, his own familiar friend, with whom he had taken sweet counsel, should become the instrument of his dishonor. If it had been an enemy who had done this thing, then he could have borne it. But it was hard LORD WELLESLEY S ANXIETIES. 273 indeed to liim to tliink that the blow should have come from the man on whose support above all others' he had most reason to rely. If he had wronged Malcolm he was eager to be un- deceived. He was continually thinking about the pro- gress of events at Scindiah's Court. He requested that all the private letters received thence by Edmonstone and Shawe — the public and private secretaries — might be given to him for perusal. He compared these confi- dential communications with the public despatches, and gathered but too plainly from the whole that Malcolm had favored the pretensions of Scindiah to Gwalior and Goliud — especially to the former. But he readily caught at any indications in the correspondence laid before him of a different course of conduct ; and at one time thought that Malcolm had " recovered his credit" by a vigorous assertion of the rights of the British Government. Then it was that Major Shawe, eager to remove the painful feelinixs which his former letter must have occasioned, wrote the following, in a strain of hearty congratulation : " I had sufTered much uncnsineps on the suLjcct of your opi- nions respecting Gwalior and Gohud for some days previous to the receipt of your despatches Nos. 23 and 24. Lord Wellesley -was so anxious on the subject that he eagerly perused every public and private letter which came from you. It appeared from most of your letters that you were excessively eager upon the subject of concihating Scindiah and liis Government, and that you were disposed to make considerable sacrifices to secure his good-will. 'Jhe politicians on this side of India did not attach so much im- portance to the conciliation of Scindiah. But they considered the possession of Gohud and Gwalior to be of the utmost importance, in a political as well as a military point of view. They were dis- posed to form their judgment of the peace of Surjee-Anjengauni u]-)on the turn which this question might take. It was Bappoo Wattel versus General Wellesley I cannot tell you how much I Avas gratilied at your having recovered your credit so VOL. I. T 274 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. handsomely by your late despatches on this subject. Your credit on this occasion is the more honorable to you, because you had not received any intimation of the Governor-General's view of the subject at the period when you adopted the line of conduct which he has recommended to you in his late instructions. Your resi- dence at the Court of Scindiah will have been short and brilliant, and you will quit it with honor." — [April 22, 1804.] But the belief which prompted these expressions was speedily obscured. Before the day had gone, the lan- guage of congratulation was changed to the language of reproach. Other letters from Malcolm were received, which showed that he had not yet checked the presump- tion of Scindiah and his Ministers ; and Lord Wellesley, all his previous annoyance swollen by his recent disap- pointment, broke out into expressions of resentment stronger than any he had manifested before. His anger was so great that he could not contain himself till the morning. Mortified and indignant, he desired his private secretary, late as it was, to despatch at once a letter to Major Malcolm, expressive of the extreme displeasure of the Governor-General. So Shawe reluctantly wrote : " I am sorry to tell you that your last letters have rekindled all Lord "Wellesley 's displeasure on the subject of Gwaliorand Gohud, and upon your listening to the claims fabricated by Bappoo Wattel to the restoration of those possessions, and to the complaints of Scindiah's Ministers upon every question that occurs, which, Lord Wellesley desires me to say, are framed in a tone and spirit which arc insulting- to the British character, and are delivered rather in the language of conquerors than of the vanquished. He desires you to be prepared to complain in full Durbar to Scindiah of the insolence of his Minister. In short, my dear .Malcolm, he is excessively displeased at the indulgence with which you have received the tricks which, Lord Wellesley desires me to say, tlie Ministers have endeavoured to put upon you. I will write to you to-morrow very fully ; but I was desired to write a few lines to-night, and I have thought it fair to you as well as to Lord SOURCES OF LORD WELLESLEY's ANNOYANCE. 275 Wellesley not to disguise the degree of liis displeasure at what has occurred relative to Gwalior and Gohud." — \_April 22, 1804, 8 P.M.] A longer and more explanatory letter on the same pain- ful subject was despatched on the following day; and a week afterwards Major Shawe wrote another letter to Mal- colm, in which, for the first time, the main source of Lord Wellesley's disquietude was distinctly revealed. On many accounts the following passages are worthy of quotation : " It would be impossible for me to describe to you the painful sensations with which I have observed the progress of the late cor- respondence between Boorhanpore and Calcutta. It will cost you many pangs, and I assure you it has given your friends here the deepest uneasiness and concern ; and although Lord Wellesley is excessively angry at your conduct, every animadversion which he has found it necessary to make upon it has cost him pain. " You may be assured that no exertion of mine was wanting to disarm Lord Wellesley 's anger, and to place the motives of your conduct in the favorable point of view which they deserve (in my judgment, or rather in my conviction, founded on a knowledge of your character and ardent attachment to Lord Wellesley) to be considered. But whatever your motives may have been, your conduct has certainly placed Lord Wellesley in a very embarrassing situation, and when that is the case, you know that he is always inclined to vent his feelings freely against those who have occa- sioned him difficulty and trouble. " Your having shown a great disposition to admit the justice oi Scindiah's right (claim) to Gwalior and Gohud is hkely, Lord Wellesley thinks, to give his enemies in Leadenhall-street room to found an accusation against Lord Wellesley of injustice and rapacity in insisting upon retaining these possessions contrary to the opinion of the Resident. Lord Wellesley is firmly satisfied of the right of the British Government to retain these possessions under the treaty of peace. There is not a man on this side of India who does not think with Lord Wellesley that the exclusion of the Mahrattas from Hindostan, which is stated over and over again in Lord Wellesley's Instructions, Declarations, &c., to be a T 2 276 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. main object of the war, will depend entirely upon the retention of Gwalior, &c. Under this conviction, and under a sense of our engagements with the Rana of Gohud, Lord Wellcsley thinks the restoration of Gwalior and Gohud to Scindiah- would be a breach of his public duty. But, in retaining them, he is apprehensive that the countenance which you have given to Scindiah's preten- sions will induce common observers to believe that the right is Avith Scindiah, and that it has been trampled upon by Lord Wellesley."— [3% 1, 1804.] It will be gathered from these letters that Lord Wel- lesley's irritation was extreme. But nothing has so clearly revealed to me how deeply he felt what he consi- dered Malcolm's " disobedience" as a circmnstance perhaps unknown to the latter, whose private letters to Edmon- stone and Shawe were, as I have said, by his Excellency's desire, submitted to the Governor-General. Li one of these, addressed to Edmonstone, Malcolm wrote: " God knows, throughout the whole of this troubled scene my attention has been exclusively directed to one object — the promotion of the public interests." These last two words, on reading the letter. Lord Wellesley under- scored, and appended to them this note in the margin — " Mr. Malcolm's duty is to obey my orders and to enforce my instructions. I will look after the public interests." ■ How deeply Malcolm was grieved by the displeasure of Lord Wellesley it is almost superfluous to tell. The love of approbation was very strong within him. The praises of his official superiors always gladdened his heart. But Lord Wellesley was something more than an official superior. He was a beloved and venerated friend. Still, with an approving conscience, Malcolm might have borne up against even the vehement disapprobation of the man whom, at that time, he most honored in the world. But it cut him to the soul to think that he should have put a weapon into the hands of the Governor-General's ene- mies wherewith to smite not only the friend to whom he MALCOLM S DISTRESS. 277 owed so much, but the statesman who was fighthig so bravely the great battle in which no one more than Mal- colm desired his triumphant success. It was this that hurt him most of all. Unintentional as was the blow that he had inflicted, he felt almost as though lie were an apostate from tlie true faith — a deserter from the good cause — fighting in the ranks of his master's enemies. Although he knew that he had done what was right, some feelings of self-reproach marred the content of his approving conscience, and he feared that he was charge- able with ingratitude and presumption. Moreover, he was in ill health — struggling vainly against a complica- tion of ailments ; and his constitutional cheerfulness had yielded to the depressing influences of continued sickness in the most trying season of the year. No wonder, there- fore, that these repeated notes of censure from Govern- ment House wrung from him a sharp cry of pain. He declared that he w^as broken-hearted : MAJOR MALCOL:\r TO MAJOR SIIAWE. Camp, May 20, ISOi. My dear Sri awe, — I have received your letter of the 30th uhimo, and I liavc perused your despatch to Mr. Webbe, enclosing- Lord Wcllesley's note of the same date relative to my conduct. I am perfectly heart-broken from these communications — in reply to which, neither the state of my mind nor my body will admit of my saying much at present. I may trouble you hereafter. From what you stated in a former letter, I am satisfied that you meant me benefit instead of injury, when you showed all my private letters to Lord Wellesley. It was, however, never in my contemplation you should do so. It happened that three men — yourself, Edmonstone, and Mercer — with whom I was on terms of unlimited confidence, filled stations of a description wliich re- quired you should have every information on political subjects, and I (presuming on the confidential way in which I could address you) conveyed in a private form every sentiment of my mind as 278 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. it arose. Some of these must have appeared to Lord Wellesley highly presumptuous ; and I am punished accordingly. ]\Iy pre- sumption is on record, where my name is placed as a beacon to Tvarn others. Do not feel personally sore at the warmth of my expressions. I am satisfied no man on earth could less intend to hurt my cha- racter than you did, or to deprive me of the possession of that esteem on which I so highly valued myself But all has been wrong from the commencement of this ill-fated mission, which I commenced with mistaken views (as it now appears) of the mode of conduct I was to pursue towards this Court. The charge is now resigned into abler hands, and I shall trouble you no further, except, perhaps, with a short letter from Poonah or Bombay, in which I shall inform you of my future movements. The state of my health will probably make me determine on a visit to England ; and I will not conceal from you that the con- viction of my having lost his Lordship's confidence will make me less repugnant to such a step than I before was. It will probably restore my health, and will be attended with no disagreeable cir- cumstance but that of returning to India. Yours very sincerely, J. Malcolm. Great, however, as was Malcolm's distress at this time, it was not without some alleviation from without as well as fi'om within. There was one, at least, who warmly sympathised with him, and appreciated the manliness of his conduct. General Wellesley, who knew better than any man the circumstances in which Malcolm had been placed, and the difficulties with which he had to contend, thought that the cutting censures, which had wounded him to the heart, were " quite shocking." The letters which at this time the great soldier addressed to his friend, clearly indicate his opinion on the subject : GENERAL WELLESLEY TO MAJOR MALCOLM. Camp at Pauoulali, May 29, ISOi. My dear Malcolm,-— I can easily conceive that you must LETTERS FKOM GENERAL WELLESLEY. 279 have been rendered very uncomfortable by everything that has been written in Bengal relative to affairs at Scincliah's Durbar. Ho^Yever, I will talk more upon that subject when we meet. If there is water forward, I shall march immediately. If not, I must wait for a little rain. Three ships have arrived from England, in one of which Recorder Mackintosh is come out. They sailed the 13 th of February. I have no news that is not contained in the enclosed letters and papers received from Osborne. I have added notes, that you may understand the latter. Ever yours most sincerely, Arthur Wellesley. the same to the same. Camp at Cluudlioorec, Juue 0, 1804 My dear Malcolm, — I have just received your letter of the 30th May. I saw the notes to which you allude, and think them quite shocking. You did not deserve such treatment, positively, and I am not astonished at its having distressed you. I wrote to Webbe to desire that you could make any use you pleased of my letter to you of the [ ] April, in which I refused to authorise the delivery of the forts of Asseeghur, &c., as I observe that the omission to deliver up those forts is made a great handle against you, and most unjustly. I shall be here for some time. No rams have set in. Ever yours most sincerely, Arthur Wellesley. Camp at CkiudUoorcc, Juuc 9, ISOl. My dear Malcolm,—! am rejoiced to hear that you are so near us again. I will go to see you at Poonah if you cannot come here; but you can have no idea what a fine healthy camp I have got. What do you mean to do ? Do you stay with me, or go to Mysore, or go to Bombay and to sea ? If you adopt the last plan, I shall be obliged to you if you will let me have some of your finest camels. Forbes writes rac from Bombay that you have got two Mocha Arab horses, but he does not like them much, although one of them cost 1000, the other 950 dollars. Hoav- ever, Forbes is not a good judge of horses, for, ii I recollect 280 THE GVv^ALIOR CONTROVERSY. right, lie joined in opinion with the ^Yllg3 who did not admire the Wahaby Ever, my dear iMalcohn, Yours most sincerely, Arthur Wellesley. But Malcolm's trials were now over. The recollection of tliem only survived. Glad indeed was lie when his old friend Mr. Webbe, who had been appointed Resident at Scindiah's Court, made his appearance, and relieved him from * duties which had long been only painful to him. He was now at liberty to seek, in change of air and comparative repose, the reinvigoration of his shat- tered health. The Gwalior controversy, as far as he was concerned, was at an end — at all events for a time. The restoration of the place to Dowlut Rao Scindiah was to belong to another stage of the great contest with the Mahrattas. Malcolm never swerved from his original opinion. But, practically, in all such controversies the will of the higher authority prevails. Lord "Wellesley had been very angry, and he had caused his displeasure to be communicated in unsparing terms. But he loved and respected Malcolm ; and he was grieved to learn that his censures had sunk so deeply into his friend's heart. So he sate down and wrote a long explanatory letter, entering frankly and unreser- vedly into the feelings by which he had been moved, and declaring that, in spite of this distressing episode. Lis confidence in Malcolm was unshaken : LORD AVELLESLEY TO INIAJOR MALCOLM. Barrackpore, June llj ISOi. j\Iy DEAR INIajor, — I am concerned to learn that your mind lias been considerably distressed by an idea that your conduct in the late discussions at the Durbar of Scindiah has not been satis- factory to me. A plain and candid statement of my sentiments LORD V/ELLESLEYS EXPLANATIONS. 281 on that subject will, I trust, relieve you from your anxiety. I approve in the warmest manner the aid you afforded to my brother Arthur in all the important arrangements which preceded and immediately followed the restoration of the Peishwah, and all the negotiations which led to the restoration of peace with the ^lahratta confederates. In these most arduous allairs you have rendered a most useful service to your country, and greatly augmented your public fame and your claims on my gratitude and esteem. In the negotiation of the defensive alliance with Sciudiah you accomplished one of the most essential services which any diplomatic exertion could have eiFectcd in India, and one of the objects most valuable in my estimation. In the dis- cussions relating to Gwalior and Gohud it is candid to acknow- ledge that you have not allbrded me the satisfaction which I have usually derived from your assistance in the execution of my in- structions. You should either have refused to listen to any discus- sion on the subject until you could have received my orders, and tlius have silenced that acrimonious and irritating contention which was provoked and protracted by your suffering the question to be agitated in the interval of my decision; or you should have silenced all contention by your peremptorily insisting upon our right under tlie treaty of peace, and by refusing to make any reference on a question so clear. In either case our cause would have been aided under any possible decision which I might have made. Your repeated and vexatious discussions served to influence expectation, and to cherish hope ; nor was the evil abated by the ability and force with which you stated the justice of our claims, since the mere circumstance of admitting discussion and reference served to exasperate the temper of the INIahrattas, and to encourage a prospect of success which, if disappointed, must prove a fresh source of discontent and jealousy. Every advantage would have been gained by a fn-m discouragement of all hope on this question. For if it had been possible for me to concede the point of solicitude, the concession would have acquired additional grace and value from a firm assertion of our right in the first instance, and from every previous proceeding tending to discourage and to repress the arrogance of the original claim. But my principal objection to your conduct on this occasion arose from observing an appear- ance of a more zealous desire to reduce my judgment to your opinion, than to examine carefully the real objects and foundation 282 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. of my instructions, and to devise tlie most certain means of ac- complishing what it evidently had ordered after full and deliberate consideration. This was an error of conscience, I am persuaded; but it is an error of a dangerous tendency; and, in the present case, operated entirely in favor of Scindiah's Durbar, without producing any favorable change in my judgment. You are well apprised of my disposition to give the utmost attention to your opinions, but it is vexatious to perceive in any friend, however respectable, the symptoms of a disposition to force or embarrass my judgment ; although such a disposition may arise from a sin- cere conviction of the superior justice of his own opinions, and from a conscientious solicitude to place me in the path which he deems right. More consideration should have been given to the serious importance of the proposed concession (which, after all, I must have estimated with reference to many points unknown to you), to the positive terms of my instructions, and to the public faith on the side of our allies in the war. Nor should the idea have been harbored for a minute either that I could have issued an instruction so positive on a subject so important without full knowledge of the subject, or that I could change my opinion suddenly at the suggestion of any person, however deserving of attention. The fact is, that it was not possible for me to make the proposed concession ; the assiduity and perseverance, therefore, with which I was assailed, for the purpose of compelling me to act in contradiction to my judgment, were at least vexatious, if not disrespectful. Freedom of discussion and full communication of opinion are necessary duties of friendship towards all persons exercising great power; but it can never be a duty to circumvent or to influence the deliberate judgment of those who are respon- sible to their country for the discharge of high functions of state; and the repetition of a course of proceedings manifesting a sys- tematic purpose rather of leading or driving than of aiding and informing my judgment in the discharge of my pubhc duty, would not tend to strengthen my confidence in any friend or adviser. In the present case, however, no doubt even ever arose in my mind, since the point whicli you contested so strenuously was that I should, upon Sclndlali's peremptory demand, instantly restore Gwalior and Gohud, for no other reason than because Sclndiah demanded them, and would not be satisfied without obtaining LORD WELLESLEY's EXPLANATIONS. 283 instant possession of them. At all events, if the concession is to be made, it will be more politic in the form of an act of grace than in that of an act of necessity. And, therefore, your pro- position was utterly inadmissible under any circumstances. I now possess the means of making the concession with the greatest advantage, if circumstances should admit of my conferring such a favor upon Scindiah. But to have conceded such a favor as a matter of right to Scindiah, or before he had acknowledged our right, or had even fulfilled the stipulations of the treaty of peace, would have been extremely impolitic, even if it had been prac- ticable. The discussion, however, is now happily terminated, and I am most sincerely glad that you were present at its honorable and wise termination ; and that in fact you contributed principally to remove all the difficulties which had unfortunately been accumu- lated on this embarrassing question. Whatever vexation and distress I have suffered (and never have I suflered more) were entirely removed by your last conference on the day of your taking leave of Scindiah. And I have dismissed all trace of my sufferings from my mind. In the official notice of these trans- actions I shall be careful to avoid any expression that can prove painful or injurious to you. Your general conduct will require tlie highest approbation, and the special points upon which I think the negotiation might have been improved, perhaps, ma}' not require official notice. At all events, the observations will be made with a temper which will mark the strongest general senti- ments of respect and esteem. You may be assured that, although these discussions have given mc great pain, they have not in any degree impaired my friend- ship and regard for you, or my general confidence and esteem. You cannot suppose that such transactions did not irritate me con- siderably at the unseasonable moment of their pressure. But you have already received from me suggestions of the same nature with those expressed in this letter, and you are aware of my aversion to every description of attack upon my judgment, ex- cepting fair, distinct, direct argument. Reflecting on these ob- servations, I entertain a confident expectation that you will always pursue that course of proceeding, in the discharge of the duties of friendship towards mc, which you now know to be most congenial to my character and temper; and I am satisfied that V 284 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. you -will continue to possess the high place in my esteem and attachment, to which you are so justly entitled by every con- sideration of gratitude and respect. I am extremely grieved to learn that your health has been so deeply affected. I trust, however, that the sea air and repose will entirely restore you. I leave you at liberty, either to return to Mysore, or to join me in the Upper Provinces, or to prepare for another mission to Persia, or to prepare for Europe, as you may judge most advisable. I have apprised the Secret Committee of the probability of your return to Europe, and of my intention to employ you in communicating to them the details of the recent events in the Mahratta Empire. My own intention (although most secret) is to return to Europe in January or February next, provided the state of affairs in India should permit, which event now appears probable. In the mean while I expect to depart for the Upper Provinces in about ten days, all my preparations being completed. You will act upon this information as you may judge best. I shall be happy to see you at Agra or Delhi, or to have your company to Europe. You may rest assured of my constant good v/ishes for your health and welfare. Ever, my dear Major, yours most sincerely, Wellesley. General Wellesley has not told me whether he ever received the horse which I sent to him, or how that horse turned out ; somebody told me that he had suffered the same fate as " Old Port," who was shot under General Lake at Laswarree. — W. There arc many, perhaps, who will agree with me in opinion, that in spite of its seeming unimportance, the postscript is the best part of this lengthy letter. It has, and doubtless was intended to have, a significance not very apparent on the surface. Nothing could have more unmistakeably conveyed to Malcolm the desired impres- sion that Lord Wellesley still stood towards him in his old position of a familiar friend, than a reference to a strictly private matter of this kind at the close of such a communication. Perhaps, on reperusing the letter, the Malcolm's RErLY. 285 writer felt that it was somewhat cohl and stately, with a little too much of the Governor-General in it, and that if he did not descend from this high ground, he might fail to set Malcolm at his ease. If such were the benisn object of the postscript, it was sufficiently attained. The letter reached Malcolm some weeks afterwards at Madras, and drew from him the following acknowledgment: COLONEL MALCOLM TO LORD WELLESLEY. Port St. George, July 2G, ISO-i. My Lord, — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 14th ultimo, which, from Its having first gone to Poonah, only reached me yesterday. The extraor- dinary kindness with which your Lordship has condescended to explain the causes which led to your displeasure at part of my conduct at the Durbar of Scindiah, has completely banished from my memory every painful feeling which the first knowledge of that displeasure had excited, and has filled my mind with senti- ments of tlie warmest gratitude and most devoted attachment. The full justice which your Lordship has done my motives makes it unnecessary for me to enter into any explanations of what has passed. It is sufficient to assure your Lordship that the whole tenor of my future conduct shall be regulated in the strictest conformity to your desire; and I shall be proud in every oppor- tunity I may hereafter have of showing that I am not unworthy of the favor and condescension with which I have been treated. I am fiattercd by the solicitude which your Lordship has been pleased to express rcspcctino- my health, which is improved, though far from being restored. The gentlemen of the faculty have pro- posed my proceeding for a few weeks to Ganjam — a measure which I am more inclined to adopt from the vicinity of that place to Calcutta, whither it is my wish to proceed the moment my health will permit me to encounter the climate. With respect to my future destination, I can have no wish but to be governed by your Lordship's commands. I shall explain to General Wellesley, before he leaves Madras, how fully jirepared I am to execute them in any quarter of the world. The horse which your Lordship gave me in charge for your 286 THE GWALIOR CONTROVERSY. brother has been more fortunate than Old Port. He is alive, and in high health and beauty, and is esteemed by his present master, as well as by every other person who has seen him, the finest charger in India. I have the honor to be, &c., John Malcolm. I think that this is a passage in Malcolm's life which may be dwelt upon with unmixed pleasure. For the diplomatic imhroglio out of which the controversy arose he was not responsible.* When he first went to Scin- diah's Court the treaty with the Rana of Gohud had not been made; he knew nothing, and General Wellesley knew nothing, of what was going on in Upper India. At this time, indeed, there was no such state as that of Gohud. It was not Malcolm's fault that negotiations on the part of the British Government were going on at the same time in two different parts of the country. At Scindi all's Durbar he saw plainly that the Ministers of that Prince had concluded the treaty of Surjee-Anjengaum in the belief that Gwalior and its dependencies formed part of the country to be secured to the Maharajah, and, * The mauucr in whicli the cliffi- enable the Company to preserve its culty arose is stated very correctly by engagements, ana made neither with Malcolm himself in a private letter to a view of adding to the strength of Mr. Edmonstonc. " You will see with the English Government, or to that of regret," he wrote, " the serious mis- any of its allies, unless such allies understandings about Gwalior and its should have their country specifically dependencies. Tiiey origuiated in de- guaranteed by an engagement made be- ceit on the part of Scindiah's Wakeels, fore the arrival of the treaty of peace. I and in want of information on ours, and wish to God this point had been clearly in a dislike of eitlicr to enter directly adjusted, and that Gwalior in particular upon a point which both were sensible (which is the great bone of contention) might delay the negotiation. General had either been ceded to the Company, Wellesley let Gwalior, Gohud, &c., &c., or left to Scindiah in the body of the lake their chance of coming under the treaty; for liowcvcr clear our right to ninth article. Scindiah's Ministers it under the engagement with Ambajee, then thought, and continue to think, it will never, I fear, be possible to sa- they cannot l)c brouglit, under that tisfy this Government of this right, article. They rest nnich upon tiie de- though their present reduced state, and claratiou of the General when that their total want of confidence in Holkar, article was framed, which went to will, I think, force them to acquiescence assure them that it was inerely to in any arrangement that is made." REVIEW OF THE QUESTION. 287 ill tlie absence of all knowledge of other entanglements, he believed that good faith demanded our recognition of the desired arrangement, whilst sound policy suggested, the augmentation rather than the diminution of Scin- diah's power. He acted, too, under the assured conviction that General Wellesley, who had. received full powers to negotiate the treaty out of which the Gwalior contro- versy arose, approved of what he was doing ; and before he was made aware of the opinions and wishes of the Governor-General, he had already committed himself to the support of Scindiah's views. Whilst, therefore, Mal- colm must be acquitted of the charge of disobedience and presumption, he is entitled, on the other hand, to the highest praise for the manly independence and honesty with Avhich he stood up for what he believed was the right, even at the risk of losing that which, next to the approbation of his own conscience, he valued most upon earth. No one acquainted with the character of Lord Wellesley, even as portrayed in softened colors by him- self, and the affectionate veneration with which he was reg;arded, can doubt for a moment the extent of tlie sacrifice which Malcolm was prepared to make. The moral courage and integrity of the man were tried as m a furnace, and bravely they stood the test. 288 MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. CHAPTER XII. MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. [1S04— ]S05.] UErARTUKE FKOM SCINDIAH's COURT — RESIDENCE AT YIZAGAPATAM AND GANJAM — CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL WELLESLEY — VOYAGE TO MADRAS — THE MYSORE RESIDENCY — DEPARTURE OF GENERAL WELLESLEY — CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL — SUMMONS TO CAL- CUTTA — COUNCILS OF STATE. On leaving Sciiidiah's Court, in the hot weather of 1804, Malcohn proceeded to the Coast, partly to recruit his health, and partly to visit his brother Robert, tlie civilian. General Wellesley had already taken his de- parture from the scene of his recent triumphs. Malcolm spent some time at Vizagapatam in a state of almost entire repose. He seems to have put aside official business for a time, and to have well-nigh ceased i'rom private correspondence. His health rapidly im- proved. He said that he " enjoyed idling in perfection," and at tlie beginning of September wrote that he was " growing quite stout.'' Tlie first letter of any impor- tance which I can find to indicate that he had beo;un again to occupy his mind with public affairs, is a long- letter, written on the 4th of September, to General AVellesle}', who had anived at Calcutta* three weeks * " I arrived here," wrote the Ge- was received in great style by tlic iicral to Malcolm, "ou the 12th, and Governor-General The Go- LETTER TO GENERAL WELLESLEY. 289 before. Great events were then developing themselves in Hindostan. Scarcely had we concluded a peace with Scindiah, before Holkar was up in arms against us. ' The event known m history as " Monson's retreat " had filled men's minds with anxious thoughts and forebodings ; and there was a cry for the victor of Assye and Argaum to lead the British battalions against our enemies on the banks of the Jumna. Malcolm was especially eager for his friend's return to the army, and wrote earnestly beseeching him to consider the advantages of his con- tinuance in India, and liis reap2')earance on the scene of action : COLONEL MALCOLM TO GENERAL WELLESLEY. Yizagapatani, Sept. 4, ISOl. My dear General, — What renders every war a subject of alarm to niy mind, is neither our want of troops nor of refeources (we have sufficient of both), but the want of commanders. I know only two — General Lake and yourself — to whom armies could be entrusted, and on this side I know no officer, except Close, to whom the conduct of a large detachment coukt be given with implicit confidence. I can conceive many reasons why you should be averse to a trip to the Dcccan; and yet, if Holkar is not soon reduced, I can see no other measure that will secure our interests in tliat quarter. Close having lull powers, and taking the field, is the next best expedient; but still this is greatly short of your presence. Your name is everything. The Nizam, the Peishwah, the Bhoonsla, and k?cindiah, would all be kept in order It is at the present crisis impossible to conjecture the operations vernor-General does not go up the adds : " When you give advice in fu- country; and orders have been sent ture, you must enter into liardcuUirs. to me to go to Lake and carry on You desired me to admire \Viudham's the war in reality and with activity, picture— but you did not say whctlier ... He has been ill since I arrive'd, it was that in crayons or in mnuaturc. and I have not been able to do more I admired that wliicli I ought not, and than go into the question of the war got into a worse scrape tlian that m with Holkar, the mode of carrying it which I should have been it" I had not on," &c. In this letter the General acbnircd any picture at all." VOL. I. U 290 MYSOEE AND CALCUTTA. of the next campaign, which must depend upon the conduct of cur allies and the movements of the enemy ; but it is probable ths war will be much confined to Malwah; and no doubt, if both you and the Commander-in-Chief are in the province, every political arrangement must fall to the latter. But, independent of the aid he would receive from you in the conduct of the military opera- tions, he would also derive the most essential assistance in effecting a political settlement ; so that even in that case you would have an opportunity of rendering most important services ; and in any other, such as the Commander-in-Chief being in Hindostan or in Bundelkund, you would have the arrangement of everything in Malwah to yourself. I know circumstances might arise which would make your situation, in the subordinate part it might fall to your share to act, unpleasant; but a sense of duty and zeal for the public service would prevent such feelings having weight ; and after the principles of the line to be followed being clearly laid down, as they will be while you are at Calcutta, I can see no chance of a difference of opinion in any of those employed. At all events, we should not decline a station in which we are positive we can do a great deal of good, from a fear of not having it in our power to do all the good we might wish or intend. You will, while at Fort William, discuss with the Governor-General all the affairs of the Deccan ; and if you come round clothed with his power, you will be able, from that circumstance, to act with great advantage during a critical period — you will be able to decide a thousand points without a reference, which will tend to attach and confirm the friendship of our allies, and you will be able (with half the trouble any other man could) to carry into effect the diflibrcnt arrangements which are necessary to secure not only the temporary, but the permanent tranquillity of that quarter. I continue of opinion, that unless there is a change in the Ministry, which I pray to God there may be, Lord Wellesley should go home in January. The risks incurred by his departure arc serious ; but not half so much so, as far as I can judge, as those incurred by his stay. A coalition has been formed between weak and designing men, which, if not stifled in the birth (as it will be, Lord Wellesley in England), may subvert our empire in India. It will, I fear, be in vain to combat this coalition at a distance. Should, however, Lord Wellesley go home next January, his fame and the public good would demand that he GENERAL WELLESLEY AT CALCUTTA. 291 should require others to remain till the contest with Holkar was brought to an issue — and, indeed, till the agitation in which late events have thrown the peninsula has so far subsided as to admit of our armies leaving the field. Till all this is eflPected, you should, I think, remain ; and the loss Avhicli your brother would feel would be most amply compensated by the advantage which his reputation and the public service (which are inseparable) would derive from your exertions. Upon Lord Wellesley's personal efforts the fate of India now rests — not as that is likely to be affected by the desultory invasion of Jeswunt Rao Holkar, or the ravages of a Mahmoud Shah (these can be resisted and repelled by his agents), but as it is likely to suffer from the more serious attacks of a presumptuous and ignorant President of the Board of Control, or an illiberal and prejudiced Chairman of the Court of Directors. It is therefore against these that the great effort must be made, and the action Avhich is to decide the destiny of our Indian Empire must be fought — upon the banks of the Thames, not on the banks of the Ganges. You must consider the large questions which I have touched on in this letter with the aid of a thousand lights which I have not. I have written in the same manner as I have been accustomed to speak while partaking your favorite recreation (as reported by Scindiah's news-writer) of Chehel cuddum* I leave for Ganjam on the 10th. Yours ever most sincerely, J. M. To this the General returned the following reply : f GENEKAL WELLESLEY TO COLONEL MALCOLM. Fort WilUaui, Sept. 11, 1S04. My" DEAR Malcolm, — I have just received your letter of the * Literally, "forty paces"— signi- series of private letters to Malcolm fyiBg any short distance, and alluding, relative to the state of affairs at Cal- I believe, to the General's habit of cutta. These letters exhibit, more pacing the ground in front of his tent, unraistakeably than could anything t At this period Arthur Wellesley, else, the intimate and confidential re- divested for a little space of the trap- latious subsisting between tlic two pings of war, wrote a number of friends. There was not anotlier man elaborate memoranda on the great mi- living to whom ^b'thur Wellesley would litary and political questions of the have written such letters. To say this, day ; and despatched a most interesting is to say that they arc sacred. u2 292 MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. 4tli. You are already acquainted \Yith my intentions to go into the Deccan again, and I shall stay there as long as it may appear that my presence is necessary, owing to the state of affairs in Hindostan, and the consequences of Monson's defeat. But I acknowledge that I don't exactly see the necessity that I should stay several years in India in order to settle affixirs which, if I had been permitted, I should have settled long ago, or any reason for which I should involve myself in fresh troubles and difficulties with wdiich I have hitherto had no concern. I look to England, and I conceive that my views in life will be advanced by returning there. I don't conceive that any man has a right to call upon me to remain in a subordinate situation in this country, contrary to my inclination, only because it will suit his views, and will forward objects for which he has been laboring. If an officer in my situation is the proper person to be entrusted with the execution of the measures to secure those objects, there must be many equally capable with myself of performing those duties. If they are duties which require extraordinary qualifications in the person who is to perform them, let General Lake, or the Commander-in-Chief at Fort St. George, or anybody else, be charged with them. But surely it is not exactly reasonable to expect that I should remain in a subordinate situation, contrary to my inclination, only to involve myself in fresh troubles and difficulties. I am positively determined that, whether the Go- vernor-General goes or stays, I quit India as soon as Holkar will be defeated, I don't exactly understand your reasoning about INIalwah. Surely you don't suppose that I have the smallest objection to serve in any situation under the Commander-in- Chief ? The question is, Am I to join his army witliout his permission, or without his expressing a wish that I should do so? The Governor- General gave him an opportunity of desirin^r that I should join it, of which he did not avail himself; on the con- trary, he desired that I miglit return to the Deccan. If I am not to join his army, how am I to serve under him in IMalwah? You forget wliere I am, the distance from Murray's corps, &c., &c.; and you also forget the state of inefficiency in which Murray's corps is, or at least appears to be. What, then, will be the result of my joining I\Iurray's corps? That I must, in the first instance, endeavour to place it in security by making certain its supply of provisions ; and, in the second, that I must afterwards follow the DEATH OF AVILLIAM MALCOLM. 293 limited plan of operations laid down for IMurray, and wlilcb, I must say, that ^Murray or any other man is as equal to as I can be. This follows from the constitution of Murray's corps, and if Buonaparte himself was at the head of it, he could not overcome that defect. As for penetrating into Malwah with a force from the Deccan (I mean the countries south of the Taptee), that is a question which depends upon the state of the corps and of the season in Candeish, and other affliirs in that quarter, of which I can be no judge till I shall arrive on the spot. I am very certain that it will be much more easy for General Lake to enter Malwah with a proper army from the northward, and that, if he does that, Hclkar must be destroyed. You and I have frequently had dis- cussions upon military and political subjects, the result of which has generally been that we don't much differ in opinion. You generally see what is right and what is desirable, I what is prac- ticable ; and in this instance I think I have taken a correct view of the subject. Nothing shall induce me to stay in India one moment after Holkar will be defeated. Accounts have been received from England of a date as late as the 7th of May. They are very satisfactory in respect to the operations of the late war. I have not a doubt but tliat tlie Ministry has been changed. No- thing new from the northward. Ever, my dear INIalcolm, Yours most sincerely, Arthur Wellesley. Malcolm received this letter at Ganjam, for "wlucli place he had started in the middle of September.* The * Whilst still at Vizagapatam, Mai- those calamities. To you our eyes arc colm received iutelligeucc of the death now turned, and on your health and of Ids brother Wdliam, who had for happiness must depend the happiness some time been in a hopeless eouditiou. of us all. My unele John has my fidl The letter of condolence whieh he wrote authority to extend the allowance to his mother contains some passages made by me to any sum you may re- which ought not to be omitted. " In quire, and let me entreat you, my dear- my former letters," he wrote, '= I had est mother, to allow no false delicacy expressed my feelings on the loss wc to prevent you enjoying every comfort had all sustained iu the death of our and luxury that can make your valu- dear father. Your letter of the 2nd able life pass in ease and affluence; and April, which reaclied me yesterday, in- above all, I entreat you will indulge forms me of the fate of poor William, tliat desire which I know your exeel- May God in his mercy grant you, my lent heart has of Mlcviating misery and dearest parent, strcn"^gth to support relieving the poor. I am already a 294 MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. tidinp's which it contained were to him of the utmost O interest and importance. The glow of returning health was upon him. His heart was pulsing again with newly- revived hopes of splendid action beside the great soldier whose military glories he had been hitherto forbidden to share. Might not the future yet compensate the disap- pointments of an unfortunate past ? More than a year had elapsed since the news of Wellesley's great victory at Assye had reached Malcolm at a distance, in sickness and inaction ; but he had never ceased to lament the calamity of his enforced absence from that memorable field. But now there was a prospect of new triumphs to be achieved under the directing hand of the soldier- statesman, in whom he had such unbounded faith — triumphs which he now beheved he would be permitted to share. Arthur Wellesley was about to return to the Deccan; and he had written to say that on his passage down the Bay of Bengal he would touch at Ganjam, and pick up Malcolm on his way to Madras. It was whilst the latter was anxiously awaiting the arrival of the Bombay frigate, that he wrote the following letter to his old friend Mr. Webbe, then Resident at Scindiah's Court : COLONEL MALCOLM* TO MR. WEBBE. Ganjam, Nov. 2, 1804. My dear Webbe, — It is some time since I wrote to you, but in fact I have had nothing to communicate — not even respecting my own movements, which remain doubtful till General Wel- lesley's arrival, and when that will be, God knows, for I have literally been led to expect him every day for this last fortnight. man of fortune ; my wealth daily in- you, by aets of eharity and goodness, to creases, and tlicre is no purpose on gratify the best feelings of the human earth to which it can be applied with so heart." much pleasure to mo, as in ])lacing you * Malcohn obtained Ills Lieutenant- in that state of adluencc wliich your Colonelcy on the 21st of September of age and health require, and enabling this year. FAMILY AFFAIES. 295 He is, I imagine, reluctant to go to a scene Avhere he conceives nothing can be clone; but he is wrong, for his presence alone would effect wonders, in keeping those firm who are disposed to vacillate. When I reflect on the events which have occurred since I left you, and on the present undecided state of the contest with Holkar, 1 can conceive nothing more torturing than your situation at Scindiah's Court; and unless Holkar is completely defeated, and all impressions made by our former victories revived, that will daily become worse; and should fear prevent his becom- ing an open enemy, no hope of the full establishment of our influence, or of any benefit from the treaty of Boorhanpore, can be expected. The elevation of Surjee Rao to power will, I fear, be hurtful.* He will play the very devil with the whole race of Brahmins. All I desire is, that your health may continue good; and, if that is unimpaired, you will soon forget all your temporary vexations. My health is now well restored, and two months of the cold weather will make me as strong as ever. Ingledew says that by returning to Camp I shall bring back the whole train of my com- plaints; but I am not of his opinion, and, if I were, it should not prevent my accompanying the General to the field, if he will permit me. ■ I feel (almost as a stain) my unfortunate absence from Assye and Argaum; and I shall rejoice iir the most distant prospect of attending the General on similar occasions. My trip to the Circars has been attended w4th much benefit to my family. Robert had been very ill; and his old Circar habits had, perhaps, in some degree, contributed to his bad health. I have weaned him from them entirely. I have made a settlement of his accounts and an arrangement of his affairs, by which he will be enabled to retire to the elbow-chair of his virtuous father at Burnfoot, whenever the pension of the Civil Fund comes to his turn. I have married Thomas to a charming young woman who was sincerely attached to him,f and the couple proceed in a month * Surjee EaoGliautka, whose daugh- f Thomas Malcolm was married to ter Sciudiah had married, had obtained Miss Trances Deauc. He died at a predominant influence at Court, and Madi'as, in 1809, leaving two sons, the was, both politica% and morally, cor- eldest of whom (George Alexander) rupting the mind of the young Prince, was carried off, ui his twenty-first year, Malcolm's predictions were only too at Teheran. — I understand Malcolm to sm-cly verified by the result. mean that he actually performed the 296 MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. to Bombay, under circumstances of such aclvanttigc as secure his making a speedy fortune.* .... I am, very sincerely yours, John Malcolm. A few days later the Bombay frigate was off Ganjam, and Malcolm, delighted to rejoin his friend, embarked for Madras. After a few days spent at the Presi- dency, in the course of which he laid the foundation of a hfe-long friendship with Lord William Bentinck, who had succeeded Lord Clive as Governor of Fort St. George, he proceeded with General Wellesley to Mysore. During all the time of his employment at Scindiah's Durbar he was nominally Eesident in that country; but the detail duties of the administration had been entrusted to Major "Wilks,f who had found in the native Minister Purneah a coadjutor as able as he was upright. No very absorbing duties, therefore, aAvaited Malcolm on his arrival at the Residency. Nor was there any immediate necessity for his formal assumption of the charge. In the mean while, however, the prospect of active employ- ment on the theatre of war was rapidly fading away. Tidings of great successes achieved by the British troops in Hindostan soon reached Wellesley and Malcolm. Prepared to take the field at a moment's notice should ■marriage-ceremony for his brother. In even for a horse of his height. His those days (chaplains being scarce) temper is excellent. Le(/s looks like marriages were often solemnised by a foal beside him; and yet the Arab's Political Agents. legs and sinews are greater than John * The rest of this letter is devoted Bull's I mean to carry to a characteristic communical ion re- or send to England my fine horse lativc to some English and Arab horses, Sid Ian (of whose superiority to every- in which both the writer and the rcci- thing in the known world Close will picnt of the letter were interested, have written you). If you go home " There is a fine English blood-horse," before me, you must receive and keep says Malcolm, after si)eaking of other this wonder and perfection till my equine matters, " called Champwu — arrival." sou to St. Fcler. I rode him two days ■\ Mark "VVilks, the historian of ago, and wa'i delighted with his action. Southern India. Ilis stretch at a gallop is wonderful, GENERAL WELLE SLEYS ANXIETIES. 297 their services be required, they liad intently •\vatclicd tlie progress of events in Hindostan. At the commencement of the cold weather, Lake had set his battalions in motion, and had opened the campaign with a vigor and a success which promised the speedy demolition of Holkar's power. The capture of Deeg, after the rout of Jeswunt Rao's army in the open country, was a death-blow to the hopes of the great "freebooter;" and, as the hopelessness of his cause became more and more apparent, and the prospect of a permanent peace, there- fore, less remote, General Wellesley began to think that the time had come when he n:iight sheathe his sword for a while, and retire to his native country. Continued residence in India had been rendered, by many painful and embarrassing circumstances, distasteful to him in the extreme ; the uncertainty of his position was harassing and annoying him, and his health and spirits Avere yielding to the pressure. There was no period, per- haps, of the great soldier's career to which he looked back, in after life, with less satisfaction than that em- braced by the year 180-1 — the interval between the con- clusion of the peace with Scindiah and his final departure from India. The services which he had rendered his country were not wholly unrequited, for the Indian communities had testified their admiration of his genius in a manner that must have cheered his heart ; but the pro- fessional rewards to which the soldier ever looks, the public marks of approbation which only Governments can bestow, had been tardily forthcoming. He was kept in a subordinate position — regarded, perhaps, with some- thing of envy by liis military superiors. He was cramped — confined ; he wanted scope for action. lie felt a na- tural reluctance to quit the seat of war whilst he could do anything to serve his country and to promote the suc- cess of his brother's administration ; but he was eager, 298 MYSOEE AND CALCUTTA. at the same time, to quit a scene where he felt that he might be compelled to act in defiance of his own judg- ment, and where even his best services seemed to gain neither meet recompense nor intelligent appreciation from the dispensers of public honors and professional rewards. All this was now made clear to Malcolm. He saw that his friend was frettino; and tormenting; him- self; that a slow fever was preying upon him ; that he was losing his strength and his energy ; — how then could he any longer endeavour to persuade him to remain in India ? With the new year, therefore, came new exhor- tations. In February, Malcolm wrote that General Wel- lesley would do well to set his face towards the West : COLONEL MALCOLM TO MAJOR SHAWE. Mysore, Peb. 4, 1805. My deae Shawe, — The General (Wellesley) wrote you yes- terday of the resolution he had taken to go to Europe unless he should find the Governor- General desirous of his remaining in India. He asked my opinion upon this point, and, after the fullest consideration of the question, I was satisfied that his returning to England at this crisis would, independent of the probable benefit to his personal interests and to his health — which latter has been, since he came here, very indifierent indeed — more essentially benefit the public service than his remaining in India. The information, experience, military fame, and public character which General Wellesley combines, must give his opinion an irresistible force ; and he will be able to exhibit in so clear and convincing a light the wisdom and necessity of every measure that has been adopted, that I must anticipate, as one consequence of his return, an unqualified approbation of every past proceeding, and a firm and manly support of Lord Wellesley 's future admi- nistration, or of any other conducted upon the same principle and policy. After the destruction of Holkar's infantry and guns we can cer- tainly have nothing serious to fear from any Native power in India; QUESTION or GENERAL WELLESLEY's DEPARTURE. I? 9 9 but I am not sanguine enough to think that the waves which have been so violently agitated will immediately subside. It will, no doubt, require years to bring to maturity a system which has for its ultimate object the complete tranquillisation of India. Nothing, however, can prevent the final and happy accomplish- ment of that great end but an opposition on the part of the rulino- power in England to the principles and measures of Lord Wel- lesley's administration ; and I therefore consider the danger from that quarter to be much more imminent than from any other, and it is for that cause it should be encountered by the man who is most likely to command success. I have most strongly advised General VVellesley not to with- draw his views from India. He owes to himself, to his family, and to his country a sacrifice of private comfort to public duty ; and as this consideration will also lead him to desire employment, he should prefer the scene of which he has most knowledge, pro- vided there is a disposition to employ him there in a station adequate to his rank and pretensions. If the wisdom of past proceedings is recognised, and it is determined to give that unre- served support which the present state of India so urgently demands, both results which I have anticipated as consequences of General Wellesley's return, I can have little doubt but that he will soon be sent to India in a station suitable to his talents ; and if this support should be withheld, I conclude neither his Lordship nor General Wellesley would remain one hour longer than some public exigency might require their presence. Taking as comprehensive a view as I can of the present state of our power in India, both as that is likely to be disturbed or attacked by Native or European enemies, I deem Bombay the point of the greatest importance of all our possessions, and I con- sider a complete change of the whole character of the Government to be essential to our safety as well as to our prosperity. I know no man so well calculated to effect this as General Wellesley. And I consider his appointment as Governor and Commander-in- Chief (with less powers than these united offices he could do little good) would secure complete success to this great national object. The late changes in the Mahratta Empire, and the efficient military checks which must at some period be established over that nation — the vicinity to Bombay of the subsidiary corps with Scindiah and 300 MYSOEE AND CALCUTTA. the Peishwah — upon whose efficiency, and the support they m^y receive, the peace of India may materially rest — the likelihood of the French directing an attack against tliat settlement — the advance of the Russians towards the Persian Gulf, and a thousand other causes, demand at this particular crisis the departure from a general rule, and the powers of two stations, which in ordinary times it may be wise to separate, should be centred in one man, that the public may have the full benefit of his ability and ex- perience. This arrangement would, I think, be made without difficulty, if it were resolved to give an honest and hearty support to the principles of Lord William's administration. If not, Jonathan and his expedients may, under the favor of a protecting Providence, go on very well for a few years longer, but we shall never be right till that whole system of government has had a radical reform. I write all this without General Wellesley's knowledge, though I am satisfied, from a conversation I had with him some days ago, that he would consider such a station as highly desirable — 1st, as it presented in its immediate occupation a rich harvest of reputation — 2nd, as it opened the road to higher honors.* I mentioned the General being unwell. He appears plagued with a slow fever. He frets himself, which I never knew him do before. He told me yesterday he believed his illness was partly caused by the anxiety and vexation of not being able to decide, in a manner satisfactory to himself, the question of going to Europe. He thinks he has been shamefully used in not being put upon the Staff, &c., &c. As he goes lean, I get into con- dition. I am now as stout as ever again. Believe me yours, &c., &c., John Malcolm. So Wcllcsley, meditating a speedy return to England, went down to Madras, and Malcolm, abandoning his high » On tlic following day, Malcolm Wcllcsley. "VVit.li respect to yourself, \vrotc_ to Gcnci-al AVcUcslcy liinisclf : I feel that no wealth or rauk could "If either you or your brother (lleury i)lace mc above the desire of acting ■Wellesley) shoidd return to India, I under your orders, or being attached should of _ course be (upon personal to your person, in whatever quarter of considerations) as much at your com- the globe your abilities arc employed." mand as I am now at that of Lord —{I^Iysore, Feb. 26, 1805.] GENERAL WELLESLEY S DEPARTURE. 301 liopcs of another glorious campaign, began to turn his thoughts towards a life of literary leisure at the My- sore Residency, the chief event of which was to be the compilation of a History of Persia.* From Madras, General Wellesley wrote repeatedly to Malcolm. " I determined last night upon going to Eng- land," he wrote on the 17th of February. "Five ships arrived this morning, which left England on the 4th of September. General Lake was made Lord Lake of Delhi and Laswarree, and I a Knight of the Bath, on the 1st of September." On the following day he wrote again, saying, " The Admiral has offered me a passage in the Trident, but I am afraid that I have paid for one in the 3Iarchioness of Exeter. ''' " I cannot express to you," he "wrote a week later, " how much distressed I am at going away and parting with my friends in this country."t * It a])pears that lie assumed cliarge of the itesidency at the commence- ment of tlie new year. To Lord W. Bentinck he -^Tote, on the 23rd of December : " It is not improbable but the late brilliant success which has attended our arms may prevent General Wellesjley from S'^^ing to Poouah ; in which case I shall immediately assume charge of the llcsidency." A montli afterwards he vaote to Lord AVcl- leslcy: "As General Wellesley has, for reasons which he has stated to your Lordship, abandoned his intention of immediately proceeding" to the Dcccau, I have resumed the charge of this Re- sidency, and have removed to the city of Mysore, where I am hajjpy to say ihe Dewan and all the public oflicers of the Circar are now permanently estuWished. It is my intention to take advantage of the leisure which I shall enjoy at the Residency, to digest the materials that I have collected re- specting the Persian Empire into some kind of form, and I feel confident that I shall be able to add considerably to the information already before Government respecting that important quarter, which must soon become an object of the most serious attention to Great Britain. Though the prospect of ac- complishing this task is in a manner worthy of your Lordship's approbation, and the nature of the duties of this Residency makes me feel sincerely attached to the very honorable situation I now hold, I nevertheless entreat your Lordship will not cease to consider me as prepared to undertake, at a moment's warning, any service what- ever on which you may conceive 1 would be employed with advantage to the public interests My health is at last Avell established, and I should now feel coniident of its enabling me to go through any scene of fatigue." f In another letter to Malcolm, written on board ship, Sir Arthur Wel- lesley says : "I cannot express to you the concern which I felt at leaving Madras ; indeed, I feel it still. But 1 am convinced that I never took a step with the propriety of M-liich I have so much reason to be satisfied — whether I view it in relation to my private views, or to the public interests." 302 MYSOEE AND CALCUTTA. " I go on board to-day," lie wrote on the 9tli of March. The Trident was to convey him to England. He em- barked in very bad health ; but he speedily recovered under the invigorating influence of the sea-breezes and the tranquillity of mind resulting from a settled purpose. " I am convinced," he wrote to Malcolm from St. Helena, " that if I had not quitted India, I should have had a serious fit of illness. I was wasting away daily; and latterly, when at Madras, I found my strength failed, which had always before held out. I do not recollect, for many years, to have been so well as I have felt lat- terly, particularly since I have been here." General Wellesley went to England — never to re- turn to the scene of his early triumphs. He went ; but the friendship thus formed between the two men was the friendship of a life. In Malcolm's eyes, Arthur Wellesley had been from the first the beau-ideal of a soldier-statesman. He had early prophesied his coming glories, and now he looked eagerly for the fulfilment which he never doubted. The correspondence between them was only interrupted by death. The foremost man of the age cherished the same affection for John Malcolm as did the young General in the Mahratta camp ; and never did he hold out the hand of fellowship with more cordial familiarity to his old friend than when all Europe was ringing with the name of the man who had just conquered the great conqueror on the battle-field of Waterloo. Malcolm's dreams of repose were very soon disturbed. Early in November, Lord Wellesley had written a letter to him, intimating, though not very distinctly, a wish to see him in Calcutta, and Major Shawe had written at the same time more clearly and decidedly upon the subject. The letters, of which, on many accounts, I sub- join the former, were not received till after Malcolm had reached Mysore : SUMMONS TO CALCUTTA. 303 LORD WELLESLET TO COLONEL MALCOLM. Barrackpore, Nov. 2, 1S04. My dear Major,* — I return you many thanks for your several kind letters, especially for your congratulations on my supposed honors. His Majesty, however, has not been pleased to signify any approbation of my services, nor am I aware that any mark of his royal favor has been conferred on me, or any officer employed under me, excepting Lord Clive. I am not certain of the views of the present administration with regard to the system of govern- ment and policy in India, although I have received a very kind / and flattering letter from Mr. Pitt. In these times, no man can repose confidence beyond the limits of his own conduct, judgment, and conscience ; resting upon these foundations, I entertain no fear for this empire as long as it may remain in my hands, nor for my own reputation whenever I may relinquish my present charge. Tlie ultimate result of councils placed beyond the reach of ray knowledge or influence I cannot anticipate. It would be an infirmity of mind to deplore evils which I can neither prevent nor remedy, which originate in principles contradictory to the whole tenor of my policy, and which cannot affect my character with the present age, or with succeeding times. I shall rejoice if the fabric, which has grown up to so proud an eminence under my care, shall be strengthened and secured by similar councils ; but if it should be destroyed, I shall contemplate the pro- gress of the work of demolition without remorse, if not with- out concern, from a retreat which can want neither security nor respect while a trace of the British constitution or of the British national spirit shall remain in England. When I speak of retreat, however, I request you not to understand me to intend any conduct so unmanly and unworthy of an hereditary councillor of the empire as a retirement from the public councils of the nation. I will not hold any office under the Crown in such times. But I will never abandon the duty of a free and full declaration in Parliament of my sentiments on every branch of pubhc affairs, especially that which has been so long entrusted to my management ; and they who may be disposed to govern the empire on improved principles, shall at least have the full merit of a pubhc, broad, and irreconcileable difference of opinion with me. ■* Malcolm's promotion, as Lieute- It took effect retrospectively from the naut-Colonel, was not then gazetted. 21st of September. 304 MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. I shall be glad to see yoii here whenever you choose to move this way. General Welleslcy probably left the pilot this morning in the Bombay frigate for Madras. I have been very unwell for a long time, and at present continue much indisposed. — Yours ever sincerely, Wellesley. If the letters conveying the wishes of the Governor- General to see Malcolm at the Presidency had reached him on the coast, he would at once have taken ship for Calcutta. But before they were put into his hand he had made his way to Mysore. He was again the com- panion of General Wellesley — again likely to accompany him in the field. " It has been a subject of much regret to me," wrote Malcolm from Seringapatam, a few days before Christmas, " that your Lordship's desire to see me in Calcutta (as communicated b}'' Major Shawe) did not reach me at Ganjam. In joining General Wel- lesley, and preparing to attend him to the field, I followed the impulse of duty ; and though the late splendid events in Hindostan may perhaps render the General's visit to the Deccan unnecessary, I am assured my conduct on this occasion v>'ill be judged consistent Avith my zeal in the public service, and my personal gratitude and attachment to your Lordship." The departure of General Wellesley removed what it has been seen was the chief cause of Malcolm's deten- tion in that part of the country. He had been thinking of a season of repose and literary leisure — of the History of Persia, which was to grow under his hand as he environed liimselfwith the luxurious quiet of the Mysore Residency. But the summons to Calcutta was renewed. The Governor-General felt that lie needed his council — perhaps, that he would soon need his services on a new theatre of action. So in the month of March Malcolm quitted Mysore, and in the course of April again found himself deep in the councils of Government House in Calcutta. CONDUCT OF IIOLKAK. 305 When Malcolm reached Calcutta the great question -which occupied the mind of Lord Wellesley was the state of our relations with Holkar and Scindiah, and the course of policy which it behoved him to pursue towards those chiefs. With the former we had then been at war for many months; war which had opened with disaster to our arms, but had since been prosecuted with con- tinued success. Scarcely had we concluded the treaties v.-ith Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar, which promised to restore peace to Ilindostan, than the great "free- booter" Jeswunt Rao Holkar rose up in arms against us. The distraction of the Mahratta Empire had been the great source of liis new-born greatness. His power resided not in the extent of his territorial possessions, but in the number of his adherents. Witli an overgrown army, and no substantive source of revenue from which to draw their pay, a state of peace was to him a state of difficulty and danger, from which he was continually endeavouring to extricate himself by some new act of outrage and rapine. His standard was the common rally- ing point of all the disbanded soldiery of Upper India, and of all those lawless spirits who desired rather to enrich themselves by plunder than to rise by honest industry or professional desert. He had no settled Go- vernment. His empire was, indeed, the empire of the saddle. But he was bold, lawless, unscrupulous; and he had sixty tliousand horsemen and an imposing park of artillery always at his call. To what extent and in what manner it was desirable to interfere with the concerns of the Holkar family — whether it were expedient to apply to the state of things which had arisen in consequence of the growing power of Jeswunt Rao the piinciple of counterpoise, and to depress Holkar by elevating Scindiah ; whether it were advisable to interfere in the internal relations of the VOL. I. X 306 . MYSORE AND CALCUTTA. former family, and, by supporting anotlier member of it to the injury of Jeswunt Rao, secure the allegiance of the former ; or whether it behoved us to regard Holkar as any other prince, and deal with him for good or for evil — for peace or for war — as the circumstances of his own conduct might suggest, were questions which at this time were warmly discussed by Lord Wellesley and his advisers, and debated by the authorities at home. The subject was one which had engaged much of Mal- colm's attention. From Scindiah's camp he had written to Mr. Edmoiistone many long private letters on the Holkar question, which had been submitted to Lord Wellesley. It was, in his opinion, our soundest policy to depress the power of that chief by elevating and up- holding Scindiah : " The command," he wrote, " of an army far beyond his means to pay, forbids any expectation being formed of Jeswunt Rao Holkar ever settling into quiet. The personal character of that chief is also against that hope. The personal character of Scin- diah, on the contrary, inclines him to peace, and he will only be roused into action by the clamors of his plunder-loving adhe- rents, who will not be content to starve, and he no longer has the means of feeding them. In short, I will confess to you in confi- dence, that if I were (with my present experience) called upon to give my opinion again upon the subject of the late peace, I should give it either for his total extinction, or for his being left with possessions more adequate to the rank he had obtained among the states of India ; and in the latter case I should hope, by securing his alliance, to make him a check upon all the other plunderers of India, and to establish by degrees an influence and control over his Government that would secure it for ever in the British inte- rests. This, I am satisfied, would have been done with perfect ease. These are my sentiments, communicated in confidence to you." In another letter, after arguing at considerable length against the policy of supporting the claims of another TREATMENT OF SCINDIAH AND HOLK^\.R. 307 member of the Holkar family* to the exclusion of our enemy, he had enumerated still more emphatically the same opinions as those recorded above : " Should we be completely successful," he wrote, " in the event of Jeswunt Rao's rashness provoking war, it would be most ad- visable to destroy altogether the power and independence of the Holkar family, the different branches of which might, on a general partition, be assigned moderate jaghirs. Such an event would, I am satisfied, tend to simplify the politics and to consolidate tlie peace of India. The fact is, that flxmily have no possessions in ter- ritory that are equal to the support of one half of the troops which their chiefs are in the habit of maintaining; and that army must be paid by plunder, and that (as long as the Holkar family con- tinues on its present footing) will be the system by wliich its power will be preserved. Scindiah has hitherto pursued the same system, but his Government is more regular, and was, before the late war, possessed of much greater resources; and confident hopes may be entertained that, under the operations of his new relations with the British Government, his state will assume a more settled shape, and endeavour to make its receipts answer its disbursements. Under present circumstances, I think that the interest of the British Government would be promoted by this State acquiring additional territory, provided that such was not, from local position, likely to give it means of offensive measures against the English Government or its allies; and the regainment of part of the Holkar possessions, which were delivered over to Jeswunt Rao at the opening of this war, would recover this state from its present distress, make it more equal to the duties of friendship, and attach it to an alliance from which it had derived such early and essential benefit." But these views had found no favor with Lord Wel- lesley. When the letter containing these passages was submitted to him, he had taken the ever-ready pencil, and in his quick, impulsive way, interpolated, in place of commentary, a few emphatic words — so that the con- * Cashee E/ 1, ISOS.] that if it is not done here the Court of 460 THE MADRAS MUTINY. abolition of the latter had created. Barlow, indeed, was moved by so strong a desire to act not only justly, but generously towards the officers of the Madras Presidency, that he exceeded in his recommendations the line pre- scribed by the Supreme Government for the general re- gulation of the allowances of the army.* But the new year came, pregnant with great results. Affairs were rapidly reaching a crisis. The recommen- dations of Colonel Munro, the quartermaster-general, for the abolition of the tent- contracts had been supported by certain arguments of a general character, which most unprejudiced men will now admit to be sound. It was presumed, however, that they contained a reflection upon the character of the officers ; and although the communi- cation was in reality a confidential one, the substance of it was in time made public. The adjutant-general, Colonel Capper, was a friend of General Macdowall. He circulated the obnoxious paragraphs in Munro's report. Some of the senior officers believing, as I have said, that they were reflected upon, then appealed to the Commander-in-Chief, and clamored for a court-martial — * " "We go ou as qiiietly as possible when an arrangement is out that is at this Presideuey. There is, I under- now preparing for improving the situa- stand, some grumbling, in consequence tions of officers commanding regiments of the reduction of the bazaar allow- and Government stations. The in- auces and the tent-contract ; and I be- tention is to give full batta to officers lieve that there is an address preparing commanding corps in peace, and su- among some of the Company's officers perior full batta in the field; to allow to the Supreme Government, soliciting superior full batta to officers holding to be jnit on an equality of allowances Government commands ; and to give with the officers of Bengal. The pro- brigadiers' allowances to the senior position lias, liowever, I understand, officers at all stations where two corps been rejected by all the King's regi- arc assembled. Sir George Barlow has ments, and by one or two in terms of viewed this matter in a very proper great judgment and propriety. Such light, and, being satisfied of the pro- a measure is quite impossible, as it priety of the measure, he intends to would entail such an insupportable exceed, in a considerable degree, the burden on the finances of this Govern- line which was laid down by the Su- ment as to make it at once better to preme Government regarding the al- rcnouiicc the country to any power that lowanccs of this army." — [Mr. Secre- would take it. I have little doubt that taryBuchaii to Colonel Malcolm; June 5, we shall hear no more of the matter 1808,] I CM -^A '^A (UA PROGRESS OF DISiVTFECTION. 461 not to investigate their own conduct, but Munro's. Upon this, Macdowall placed the quartermaster-general under arrest. About the same time, a memorial to the Court of Directors from the officers of the Coast Army was for- warded to Government by General Macdowall, in direct violation of his own orders — a memorial which, amon"- other grievances to be redressed, called for the appoint- ment to Council of the Commander-in-Chief, as " the re- presentative of the Army." These were blows struck at the local Government to wliich a man of Sir Geoi'ge Barlow's courageous temper was not likely to submit in patience. Colonel Munro was released from arrest, and General Macdowall removed from his command. Then the General issued a farewell address to the army, and a general order, censuring Colonel Munro — both of them couched in language calculated to increase the excite- ment which pervaded military society. The Adjutant and Deputy-Adjutant-General, both vehement partisans, })ublished the obnoxious order, and were suspended by Government for the act.* The irritation of the army now became extreme. Cap- per and Boles were regarded as martyrs to a righteous cause. A subscription was got up to remunerate the latter for the loss of his allowances ; and an address of sympathy and commendation was presented to him by his brother-officers. Another memorial, also, was ad- dressed to Lord Mhito, calling upon the Governor-Ge- neral not only to redress the grievances of which they complained, but to remove the Governor who had so wronged and insulted them. Such proceedings as these could not pass unnoticed. On the 1st of May, Sir George Barlow issued an order, condemning the conduct of the misguided officers, and suspending some of those who * It was signed by the Deputy, iicral, Colonel Capper, boasted of his Major Boles ; "but the Adjutaut-Ge- acquiesceuce in its contents. 462 THE MADRAS MUTINY. had been foremost in tlieir opposition to constituted authority. The order was received as an act of insuUing tyranny; and the cuhninating point of excitement was reached. Then followed seditious meetings; violent discussions; inflammatory appeals to the army ; and insulting letters to Sir George Barlow.* There are men now living who look back with astonishment — almost with incredulity — to that period of mutinous excitement. At many of the large army-stations the officers of the Company's regiments avowed themselves ready for any act of daring revolt. They encouraged one another in treason. They talked of fighting against a tyrannical Government in defence of their rights to the last drop of their blood. Seditious toasts were given at the mess-tables and drunk with uproarious applause. From day to day tidings went forth from one excited station to another — tidinofs of progressive insubordination, which fortified with assur- ances of sympathy and support the insane resolves of the scattered mutineers. The arrival of every post raised a fever of expectancy. Letters from the disafFecfced can- tonments were eagerly read and instantly chculated. The moral intoxication pervaded all ranks, from the colonel to the ensign. The evil stimulant worked apace. The accumulated bile and bitterness wanted an outlet. If the goddess Cloacina, in the shape of a Free Press, had been at hand, all might have gone welL But there was no such safety-valve in existence. One officer made the experiment; but the loyal editor sent the letter to Sir George Barlow. * Take, for example, the following seutiineut Do you wish it to passage of a letter to Sir George — one be said of you, ' Sir George sacrifieed of many similar productions before me : the territories he governed, and all the " . . . . Even the parties whom you English people in tliem, by making have set in opposition will unite in them butcher each other, rather than execrating you, though it is not pro- confess he had done wrong, though it bable they will be agreed in any other was notorious he had done so ?' " THE ARMY IN ItEBELLION. 463 Loud and inflated as was the talk — tremendous as were tlie denunciations uttered against Government at this time, they were not mere turgid menaces. The disaffected officers were in reahty ripe for action. They were prepared to cast off the authority of the local Go- vernment, and to march at the head of their regiments to the Presidency to demand redress. They knew, as in most instances their men were prepared to follow them, that this might result in a bloody internecine war. For the contagion was not universal. There were regiments still true to constituted authority. There were officers who, in spite of the appeals of their comrades, addressed Sir George Barlow Avith assurances of support. The King's corps, it was believed, would support Go- vernment. The threatened crisis was, therefore, nothing less tremendous than a war to be waged by one-half of the Madras Army against the other. The two great centres of insurrection were Hyderabad and Masulipatam. Of the rebellious movements at the former place it is not necessary that, on this occasion, I should write much in detail. At the latter was posted the Company's one Madras European regiment. It was naturally a great point with the mutineers that this corps of Englishnien should be upon their side. There had never, indeed, been much doubt regarding the part that it would take. It had for some time been in a state of relaxed discipline. The officers were disaffected, and they had communicated the spirit of discontent to their men. An address, distinguished by unpardonable indis- cretion, which General Macdowall had delivered after an inspection of the regiment, had increased the ill feeling against Government. They had been taught by the Commander-in-Chief to believe that they had been thrust into a remote corner, and purposely left there to rust away in obscurity and inaction. The feeling of dis- 464 THE MADRAS MUTINY. affection was shared by the other officers, and in the spring of 1809 it might have been said that there was not a loyal soul in all the force at Masulipatam. It was whilst the garrison was in this temper, and, encouraged by the Hyderabad subsidiary force, ready to break out into open mutiny, that Colonel Innes arrived, early in May, to take command of the European regiment. He appears to have been a man of unimpeachable loyalty, of good intentions, but defective judgment. And he arrived only too well-prepared to find sedition in every word, and mutiny in every gesture. On the first evening, he was invited to dine with the officers of his new regi- ment. Several strangers were present on the occasion. Among the toasts given after dinner — those were toast- giving days — " The Friends of the Army" was one. There was a vagueness in the words, whatever the intent of the proposer, which rendered them harmless enough to satisfy the most loyal natm-e in the country. But it is a significant proof of the excitement which inflamed men's minds in that conjuncture, and confounded the judgments alike of the loyal and the disloyal, that Colonel Innes recoiled from the toast. He had heard that sedi- tious toasts were sometimes given at the Mess^ and de- tecting sedition in " The Friends of the Army," he pro- posed to drink " The Madras Army" in its place. The amendment Avas not acceptable, and was not accepted. So the Colonel rose and quitted the room. The toast was then drunk with acclamation; and as the noise of the loud huzzas reached his ears, he believed that the members of the Mess were hootincf in derisive honor of his departure. A connexion with a regiment, commenced at such a time under such circumstances, could only have had one result. The Madras European regiment was soon in a state of internal as of external mutiny. It was at war EXCITEMENT AT MASULIPATAM. 465 with Government and at war with itself. It is unneces- sary to relate all the circumstances attending the rupture between Colonel Innes and his officers. They assumed many different complications, and at last drew from the Colonel, apparently on the strength of a communication from higher authority, a threat that the regiment should be disbanded. It happened that, at this inopportune season, orders were received from the Presidency for the embarkation of a certain number of men of the European regiment, duly officered, on board one of the King's frigates, to act as marines.* The intent of this measure was at once misconstrued. Some believed, others pre- tended to believe, that this Avas but the first step towards the breaking up of the corps. The ferment then became extreme. Innes was warned of the danger of carrying out the orders of Government; but he would not be deterred from the execution of his duty by any mutinous threats. He declared his intention of obeying the in- structions he had received. So the remment rose aiiainst o o him to a man. They called in an officerf from a Native battalion to take command of the corps ; declared Colonel Innes under arrest; placed sentries over him, and held him in personal restraint. This was on the 25th of June. On the 1st of July, intelligence of this outraere reached Madras. Malcolm had then been for some weeks at the Presidency. He had been in constant communication with Sir George Barlow and all the higher civil and military officers of the State. His opinions he had freely expressed. lie had many correspondents at the large army-stations, and * This was not unusual in those Guards proliibiting such employmeiit days. The service had previously of his Majesty's soldiers, except in been performed by the King's troops ; cases of extreme emergency, but orders had come from the Horse f Major Storey. VOL. I. 2 H 466 THE MADRAS MUTINY. he knew botli what was the extent of the disaffection,* and what was expected from his personal exertions. f He saw that Sir George Barlow was not fully alive to the real proportions of the danger which threatened the State; that the orders of the 1st of May had exaspe- rated, not overawed the army; and that the feehng among the principal officers was, that 'they had so far committed themselves, that it was almost impossible to recede. There were those who argued that having gone so far, firmness was " the only salvation of the army."J The hope then entertained by Government that the storm was dispersing itself, was clearly a delusion. They spoke approvingly of the better temper of the Hyderabad force. * Take, for example, the following from a Jauliiali letter: "Be assured that I have had many opportunities of observing the sentiments of the otficers of the army in general ; and rely upon it, Malcolm, that at this present mo- ment a greater and more general sen- sation is prevalent than even you are aware of. The publication of the late order to the subsidiary force has occa- sioned a general emotion ; and was either, I fear, suggested by some per- son who wished to assume a degree of credit with Government that he was not entitled to, or prompted by some evil genius. It savors too much of the ' Divide et impera ;' aud that it has been so considered, the late adckess to the Commander-in-Chief (which has, I understand, been forwarded from the officers at Secmiderabad) must be con- sidered as a convincing proof." — [Co- lonel Boveton to Colonel Malcolm, June 16,1809.] f " Your conduct in embarking in the stormy sea is worthy of you, and what must have been expected by all those who are at all acquainted with your mind. I would have no half mea- sures. Every Government has a right to call for the abilities of those cha- racters on whom they can confide in times like the present, and I should be almost inclined to pronounce that man a traitor to his country who refused to obey such a call I consider yoiu" arrival one of the most fortunate possible circumstances for Sii" George Barlow's Government, and I have every reason to suppose that such is the concuning sentiment of the army in general." — \Colonel Doteton to Colonel Malcolm, June 18, 1809.] % Take, for example, the following, addressed to Malcolm by Colonel Scott : " The extremity to wliich the army has at last had recourse is doubtless to be deplored. But having commenced, you must be sensible that firmness becomes the only salvation of the army. That or Sir George Barlow (not the Govern- ment) must sink or swim ; and I must still confess myself sufficiently the friend of the army to hope that it may swim. Nay, I will confess to you fur- ther, that even if I were convinced that I were wi'ong, I would not now desert the cause which I have espoused, or the principles which I have avowed ; and I declare that if opposition to the Coast Army were to take place, and I, as a Government officer, were called upon to act against them, I would re- sign my appointment and live or die with my brother-officers." MALCOLM SENT TO IMASULIPATAM. 467 and the Hyderabad force flung back the approbation into the face of Government with scorn. But now, on the 1st of July, the whole painful truth broke rudely upon the statesmen of the Coast. On that day Malcolm went by invitation to Sir George Barlow's garden-house, in the pleasant suburbs of Madras ; for on that day the Governor had received from the Hy- derabad force a disrespectful remonstrance, calling upon him in peremptory language to annul the orders of the 1st of May. From Masulipatam also on that day had arrived intelligence of the outrage of which I have spoken. Malcolm's advice was eagerly sought. There was a long and animated discussion. He recommended that an officer of rank should be despatched at once to the latter place, to take the command of the European regiment and the garrison, and that a letter should be sent to the Commandant of the Hyderabad subsidiary force, point- ing out the dangerous tendency of such addresses, and the impossibility of complying with their requests; and, at the same time, instructing a general caution to be con- veyed to the officers of the force, warning them of the certain ruin Avhich would result from their perseverance in such a course of procedure.* To this Sir George Barlow assented. But who was to be sent to Masulipatam? Malcolm knew that the duty was one which could not be regarded with much complacency by any officer in the army — that such a command would be shrunk from rather than sought. So he did what every reader of this narrative wall be prepared to read of his doing : he offered to go himself to the scene of trouble ; and. the offer was at once accepted. It was agreed that he should sail on the following day. There was no time to draft instructions; but the whole subject was fully discussed * Colonel Close was afterwards sent to take command of the Subsidiary Force. 2 H 2 468 THE MADRAS MUTINY. in all its bearings. Malcolm believed that the Go- vernor thoroughly understood his views, and placed the utmost confidence in his discretion. It subsequently, however, came to be matter of poignant regi^et that he had gone forth on this dangerous mission without the written orders of the Government he represented. For Malcolm's views, as it will presently appear, dif- fered greatly from those of Sir George Barlow. He knew that the army was dissatisfied. He knew that it had long been dissatisfied, and not without reason. The abolition of the tent-contracts was only a crowning grievance. In all parts of the world men require an adequate motive to exertion. In India it is especially required. The sacrifices which a man makes in leaving his native country are not small. The sources of discon- tent and despondency are many. Perhaps in two words, Profit and Honor, the sum and substance of all incentive are contained. The officers of the Indian army looked for the means of comfortable retirement in old a^e : but the emoluments of their profession had been dwindling down before their eyes, until it seemed to be the sole wish of their masters to ascertain how much of retrench- ment and reduction they could bear without an outbreak of open mutiny. The profits of the service were fast disappearing; and the honors had never appeared. In those days, mdeed, the Company's officer knew nothing of honor but that which he carried about in his own breast. Fifteen years before, Malcolm had emphatically pointed out the invidious distinctions which kept the service to which he belono;ed in a continual state of degradation. But the Company's officers Avere still the Pariahs, the King's officers the Brahmins, of the ser- vice. All the honorary distinctions for which the sol- dier yearns were religiously guarded against the profane touch of the Pariahs by the fiery sword of Privilege. SOURCES OF DISCONTENT. 469 It might happen, as had happened in the case of Mal- cohii, of Close, and one or two others, that reputation might be gained for the Company's officer by a career of successful diplomacy. But to the general body of the army this was no consolation. To the soldier nothing was conceded ; and it was into the soldier's breast that, from one end of India to the other, the shame of this exclusion was burning.* All his adult life long Malcolm had been keenly alive to this the great reproach of his order. For years he had heard, growing louder and louder, the groan which spoke the discontent of liis comrades. He knew that they had just grounds of complaint, and he sympathised largely with their sufferings ; but now that their "wrongs declared themselves in language violent, disloyal, seditious, and in acts no less violent, disloyal, and seditious, there was no longer any community of feeling between them. He could see nothing to justify the outrages they had com- mitted. But remembering the circumstances out of which the unhappy state of things had arisen, and be- lieving that there was much good and loyal feeling still left in the Coast Army, he thought that it would be more just and more expedient to endeavour to win the recu- sants back to their allegiance by mild and conciliatory measures, than to dragoon them into obedience by acts of overamng severity. With these feelings Malcolm undertook the mission to Masulipatam. If in the difficult work which lay before him he thought that he might trust somewhat not only to the inherent force, but to the prestige also of his per- sonal character, I think that it was an lionest pride, a * See letter to Colonel Close, quoted especial complaint on the score of their ante, page 393. This part of the ar- pecuniary allowances, which Mere in- gument applied to the whole Indian fcrior to" those enjoyed by the Bengal army. But the Coast Army had an officers. 470 THE MADE AS MUTINY. noble self-reliance that sustained him. He was an officer of the Coast Army of whose services that army was na- tm^ally proud. No member of it had a higher reputa- tion. But beyond this, Malcolm knew that he was held in esteem as a man of a genial nature, and a frank, manly character. He believed that he might be received in a friendly manner, where men of more stately habits and of colder temperament, more addicted to the specialities of red tape^ would be rejected with scorn and indigna- tion. Still, there was difficulty and danger in the work which lay before him. He was going to face a body of men highly excited and exasperated by the past acts of Government, with a commission from that Government to place himself in command of them, and hold them in control. It was a task which required for its due fulfil- ment an equal amount of high courage and sound judg- ment. Of the former, no man in India possessed a larger share than Malcolm. The latter did not often fail him; but he was a man of quick and generous impulse; sanguine temperament ; strong s}rmpathies ; and prompt action. It was, perhaps, in consistence with such a character as his to regard a question too exclusively in one point of view, and to shape his conduct in accord- ance with the limited aspects thus presented to him. He had mixed largely with men, and he had consi- derable knowledge of mankind — but he knew more of the better than of the worse side of humanity; and he sought to govern men through their good feelings rather than through their bad. If this were an error, it is very possible to err also on the other side ; and I would rather go wrong in the sunshine than in the shade. Such were the sentiments with which Malcolm re- garded the great and painful question to the practical solution of which he was about to address himself He was a man of a most unreserved nature — never chary Malcolm's sentiments. 471 of discourse. He, freely declared Lis opinions to men of all ranks. He had, ever since liis arrival at jMadras, been recommending the adoption of conciliatory mea- sures.* And now that he had received his commission to proceed to Masulipatam, he spoke in the same open, undiso'uised manner of the sentiments with which he would embark on the duty before him. On the day on which this duty was entrusted to him, he had a wann discussion with some of the principal officers of the Staff, who insisted on the expediency of sending a body of Eang's troops to Masulipatam and the other rebellious stations, to attack and overawe the mutineers. One officer declared his belief that Malcolm was friendly to concessions which would degrade the character of the Government; and that miless he determined on send- ing the ringleaders of the Masulipatam mutiny under a guard to Madras, more harm than good would result from his mission. Angry and indignant, Malcolm fired up, and flung back the imputation with a warmth which well-nigh led to a personal encounter. The interference of friends prevented a colhsion ; but it was plain to Malcolm that if such were the opinions of the princi- pal councillors of the Governor and the Commander-in- Chief, it was not improbable that measures would be adopted in his absence at variance with the com^se which he intended to pursue. So he went again to Sir George Barlow, stated what had passed, and urged the impossibility of his proceeding to Masulipatam if such opinions were endorsed by Government. " Sir G. Barlow," says Malcolm, in his account of this interview, * He had proposed to Sir Geoi-ge Madras Government ; and he had pre- Barlow, among other measures, to cu-- pared more than one draft of the pro- culate and to obtain signatnres to a posed document. But Sir George Memorial, of a respectful but not too Barlow, on consideration, disapproved humiliating character, to be addressed of the plan, by the officers of the army to the 472 THE MADRAS MUTINY. " gave me at this second conference every assurance that could be given to satisfy my mind. He declared he would not listen to any such violent counsels as I had heard, that he gave me his entire confidence, and vested me with the fullest discretion to act in all respects as I thoucrht proper in my endeavours to reclaim the deluded men to whom I was proceeding to reflection and duty, and that he was satisfied the honor of his Government was perfectly safe in my hands. He determined at this moment to return the address from Hyderabad, and to write a letter to the commanding officer of that force, in terms calculated to show his forbearance, and indeed to evince to the violent, misguided officers of that station the same temperate, conciliatory disposition as had led him to depute me to Masulipatam. He desired me to make a memorandum of what I conceived he should write upon this occasion. I instantly drew out a memo- randum. With this Sir George Barlow was perfectly pleased, and desired me to give it the form of a letter, and deliver it to Lieutenant-Colonel Barclay, that it might be despatched next day.* I did so, and carried the copy of the memorandum with me to Masulipatam." " Sir George Barlow's desire then was," wrote Malcolm in another place, " to conciliate and reclaim the Com- pany's army, not to render them desperate. I was par- ticularly desired to point their views to England, to persuade them by every effort to await the decision of the Court of Dh-ectors, and to prevent their precipitating themselves into guilt from which they could never retreat. * "Instead of sending this letter, Malcolm complained afterwards, that the order for the marcli of a battalion as he told the officers at Masulipatam from Hyderabad to Goa, in prosecution tliat the memorandum would be sent of the plan of dividing the Sepoy corps, to Hyderabad, the subsequent failure was sent two days after my departure, caused him to be charged with wilful and provoked, as was to be expected, deception. Such an imputation must open resistance and rebellion."— J. M. have grievously annoyed him. MALCOLM AT MASULIPATAM. 473 Sir George Barlow appeared satisfied that I could effect this through the influence of my general character and the power of reason, aided by the justice of the cause I had to support." On the following day Malcolm crossed the Madras surf, and on the 4th of July he landed at Masulipatam. He found the oarrison in an extreme state of excite- ment — nay more, " in a state of open and bold mutiny." They had made thek preparations to march towards Hyderabad and effect a junction with the Subsidiary Force. We were on the eve, indeed, of a great interne- cine conflict, which might have overthrown the British empire in the East. The exasperation of the officers was greater even than Malcolm had anticipated, and his arrival at first increased it. Their first impulse was to resist his authority at all hazards. But he met the principal officers of the garrison at once, heard what they had to say, and argued the case fairly with them. It need not be said that the violence was upon their side — the reason upon his. They stated their grievances again and again, and declared that nothing would bring them back to their alleeriance but a distinct assurance that their wrongs would be redressed. From all pledges and promises Malcolm resolutely abstained ; but he spoke to them in a conciliatory spirit ; he told them that they had erroneously and injuriously interpreted the temper of the Government under which they served, and that the surest means of obtaining redress for any real grievances resided in their return to loyalty and obedience. He told them that concessions extorted by threats of insur- rection would have the effect of overthrowing the Go- vernment, and that to overthroAv the Government would be to seal their own destruction. Little by little his arguments made their way at that excited meeting. During four lon^r hours the strife of words continued. 474 THE MADRAS MUTINY. But the violence gradually abated ; and when the con- clave broke up, Malcolm believed that he had brought his opponents to a juster view alike of their interests and their duties. But they would make no other acknow- ledgment than that if they consented to delay the execu- tion of the extreme measures for which they were pre- pared, it was only in regard for the character and in consideration of the position of an officer whom they held in such great esteem. Malcolm, they declared, was the only officer of rank in India whom they would have ad- mitted into the garrison at all. This at least was something gained. But the ground on which he stood required to be trod with caution. Any hasty assertion of authority would, he felt, have marred his success. He did not, therefore, at once address the troops, or issue any explanatory orders. There was one measure, however, which he deemed it improper to defer for an hour. He instantly ordered Colonel Innes to be released from arrest. The sentries who had been placed over him were sent to then' barracks. On that evening Malcolm dined at the Mess of the European regiment. There the same trial awaited him as had been too much for Colonel Innes. Several strangers were present ; and the party was a large one. After dinner the standing toasts were given ; and among them the " Friends of the Army "• — with three times three. There appeared to Malcolm no good reason why he should not join in such a toast. It was, he said, one of so general a character, that he was sure it included most men, both in India and in England. So he joined in the toast, and I doubt not swelled the chorus of ap- plause. But a more formidable trial was before him. A gentleman at table sang a nautical song in which there were frequent allusions to some " common cause." The MALCOLiM AT MASULIPATAM. " 475 words were eagerly caught at by some of the younger officers, who were flushed with mne ; and presently, at their instigation, the whole party rose to drink " The Common Cause." For a moment — but only for a moment — Malcolm felt perplexed and embarrassed. With cha- racteristic promptitude he rose, filled his glass to the brim, and in a loud, animated voice, exclaimed, " The Common Cause of our Country !" The amendment was accepted by all, and di'unk with enthusiasm. Soon after- wards Malcolm rose to retire, but had scarcely quitted the room before his own health was proposed and drunk, three times three, with acclamation. " Thus closed," he wrote that night in his journal, "the most anxious day I ever passed in my life. May my efforts be successful in reclaiming these men from the errors into which they have plunged !" On the following day, several of the officers waited on him at his residence, which was a garden-house outside the fort. The discussion of the preceduig day was then resumed ; and some obscure hints were thrown out that the garrison, if no assurances were given them, would cease to recognise Malcolm's authority. He told them that they knew httle of his character if they thought he would make any pledges which the Government had not authorised, or be deterred from doing his duty by any threats. But they parted in good humor, and again Mal- colm felt, that if he had done nothing else, he had gained time. He was now acting on Mackintosh's sound ad- vice,* and he felt that, in such a conjuncture, time was ever}^thing to the cause of Government. But he clearly saw the extent of the danger ; and he wrote to Sir George Barlow, emphatically urging upon him the ex- pediency of adopting conciliatory measures : * Ante, page 419. 4.76 THE MADRAS MUTINY. " Tliese deluded men," he wrote, " are aware of the ruin they are bringing upon themselves ; but their infatuation is so great, that they are reconciled to their ruin, in the expectation that it will equally involve that Government against which their rage has been so industriously and so successfully excited. All attempts to reason with men in the state of mind they are in appears vain. Even the circulation of the able letter from Bengal is, as I appre- hended, likely to inflame, instead of appeasing their passions. It is so true, that when men's minds have gone completely wrong, that which ought to put them right has, in general, a direct con- trary effect : and the fact is, that all those correct principles and loyal feelings which are so eloquently expressed in the letter from the Supreme Government, but serve to impress them more forcibly with a sense of that guilt into which they have so precipitately rushed, and to render them more desperate in their proceedings, as they can (after what has passed, and particularly late events at this place) only see individual safety in all being equally involved in the deepest guilt. I entreat you to be persuaded that these sentiments are quite general ; or, at least, that the few who do not entertain them have neither the means nor the courage to oppose their progress ; and allow themselves, with an indefensible passiveness, to be borne along witli the tide. Under such a state of circumstances, all hopes of this spirit of insurrection subsiding must be at an end. Some steps must instantly be taken ; and no good can result from the application of any partial remedy. The disease is general, and the remedy must be so also. It remains with you to decide on the measures that are to be adopted. The first and most military, though not, perhaps, the most political, that suggests itself, is the employment of actual force. In such a contest, however, not only the means must be calculated, but the result; and, as far as I can judge, success, even in this extreme, would not save us from the most baneful consequences. It seems, therefore, not wise to have resort to sucli a measure, till every other that it is possible for Government to take, without the anni- hilation of its own power and dignity, has been tried and failed. Unqualified concession to the demands of the army, either in dis- missing public servants of Government, or in rescinding its orders, would be a virtual resignation of its power, and cannot, therefore, be made. It would, indeed, be better and more honorable, if matters were at the worsts that Government should fall by any ADVICE TO SIR G. BARLOW. 477 hands than its own. Should Government not resolve on having immediate resort to force, one line only remains that could at the present moment afford a rational hope of the necessity of having recourse to that extreme being avoided, or at least of its being resorted, to with advantage : which is, to meet the crisis at once, by a General Order to something of the following purport : " ' Government finds, with concern, that it can no longer in- dulge that sanguine hope which it once entertained, that the irri- tation which a variety of causes have combined to produce in the minds of the Company's army on the coast would subside ; and as it is satisfied that the evils which must result from the existence of those combinations against its authority that are now formed in almost every station, will, if suffered to continue, be as injurious to the public interests as if those by whom these proceedings are carried on were in a state of open hostility to Government ; it feels compelled to anticipate every extreme that can occur, and to publish to the army at large the final resolutions which it has adopted under this extraordinary and unparalleled situation of affairs: and these resolutions will, it is satisfied, be found to com- bine as much attention to the feelings of the army as it is possible to show without a sacrifice of the public interest, and an abandon- ment of the authority and dignity of Government. The Governor in Council can and does make every possible allowance for feel- ings so strongly excited as those of the officers of the Coast Army have been, and is disposed to refer that great agitation of mind into which they have been thrown by a concurrence of causes which must greatly mitigate, if they do not altogether extenuate, that degree of criminality which must always attach to such pro- ceedings; and, under such impressions, he can view their extreme solicitude reo-ardins; those of their brother-ofllcers whom he has DO thought it his duty to suspend the service, with that consideration which is due to a highly meritorious body of officers, acting under the strong impulse of warm and honorable, but mistaken feelings. And with such sentiments he cannot deem it derogatory to Go- vernment to state that he intends, in the full confidence that the officers of the Coast Army will abandon their present dangerous course of proceeding, to recommend to the Honorable the Court of Directors the restoration to the service of those officers whose suspension, and the reasons which led to it, have been reported to them, and who are consequently the only authority by wliich 478 THE MADRAS MUTINY. that act can be repealed : and he can have no doubt but the earnest desire of their brother-officers, combined with the high character which most of the officers under suspension formerly held, will induce the Honorable Court to overlook their late conduct, and comply with this recommendation. Acting upon the same principle, Government is pleased to appoint Colonel Bell to the charge of the battalion of artillery at the Mount, and Colonel Chalmers to the command of the subsidiary ibrce in Tra- vancore. Lieutenant Maitland is appointed quartermaster of the European regiment of infantry. " ' The committee of inquiry ordered to assemble at Masuli- patam is repealed ; and no act, either of any body, or of individual officers in the Company's service, of which no cognizance has yet been taken, and which occurred before the present date, will be made subject of future notice, or even operate to the disadvantage of such body of officers or individuals, unless they should, by a perseverance in the same course, and a repetition of the same conduct, forfeit all claim to such lenity and consideration at a moment when Government has taken such steps to tranquillise the agitated minds of the army, and to leave even the most mis- taken without a plea for perseverance in their present dangerous course. It must declare its positive and final resolution neither to alter nor modify this proceeding. It will yield no more to the entreaties or demands of the army; and if any officers are so in- fatuated, and so lost to every consideration of the public good and the general prosperity of their country, as not immediately, on the promulgation of this order, to abandon their present course of proceeding, Government must, however much it may deprecate such an extreme, meet it with that firmness and courage which becomes a constituted authority of the empire of Great Britain. It has contemplated this possible, though, it trusts, highly impro- bable event; and the different officers entrusted with command are directed, should any spirit of turbulence and insubordination appear among the officers of the troops under their command, to punish the individuals with all the severity of martial law. And should the operation of the regular course of justice be impeded, either by a combination among the officers or men, such will in- stantly be proclaimed rebels against the legal authority of Govern- ment and their country; as Government is perfectly satisfied that the public interests will receive more injury from any effort to con- ADVICE TO SIR G. BARLOW. 479 ciliate men who persevere (after what has passed) in principles so opposite to the restoration of order and discipline, than it ever can meet from them as open enemies to their King and country.' "I am aware that a thousand objections may be made to an order of this nature ; but it must only be tried by the times ; matters have arrived at such a crisis, that something decided must instantly be done. There is not an hour for delay. And what I have suggested is only the first proclamation in a war that seems to me, even with this step, almost unavoidable. If human means could avoid it, this act will; for it holds out every motive that can incline men to good and deter them from. evil. It concedes, no doubt, in some points; but the case is urgent, and the spirit of concession is corrected by the firmness and resolution which is mixed with it. But your own mind will suggest everything. I am, as you know, devoted to the cause of my country. It will depend upon you where I am to act, if matters draw to an extreme. I should prefer my station at Mysore, as that in which I have most influence, and could, in consequence, contribute most to the sup- port of the public interests. I cannot conclude without again en- treating you not to allow yourself to be lulled into security, and to be satisfied of the absolute necessity of taking some step or another to save the State from the imminent danger to which it is exposed. But inaction, even dangerous as it is, may be better than the commencement of a coercive system, before steps have been taken to gain more friends to Government than it has at present in the army: and I confess I can see no mode of doing this but by a measure which is completely decided and final; and which, while it grants every indulgence even to erroneous feelings, looks to the close of this great question with a moderate and con- ciliatory, but a firm and manly spirit." Whilst this letter was being conveyed to Madras, Mal- colm was steadily pursuing what he regarded as the object of his mission. He believed that it was his duty to exert liimself to tlie utmost to conciliate the deluded officers of the garrison, without in any way lowering the dignity of the Government wliicli he represented. They endeavoured to wring from him promises and p)ledges which, he would not yield. But he mixed freely mth 480 THE MADKAS MUTINY. them — freely used the language of exhortation and per- suasion — and again and again pointed out the horrible results of the unnatural contest they were provoking. He saw that they were oscillating between two opinions. There was no stability in their resolutions. They were moved by the violent appeals of the Hyderabad force, and afraid, by any concessions, to appear as though they had deserted their comrades. It was this alliance which surrounded .Malcolm's duty with so much difficulty and perplexity. " If this were only a mutiny of the garrison of Masulipatam," he wrote, " it would be an easy ques- tion ; and I should be proud to hazard my life in an effort to quell it to-morrow morning ; but one step of any de- scription taken in this affair at the present moment would undoubtedly cause a general rise of the army ; and it is, I conceive, of ultimate importance that you should know and prepare for this great political danger; and I have, consequently, labored incessantly, and I hope with suc- cess, to prevent its breaking out at this most inflammable of all quarters." Malcolm knew how great a thing it was in such a crisis to gain time. And in this, at least, he succeeded. But for his arrival, the Masulipatam force would have marched early in January to join their brother-mutineers of Jaulnah and Secunderabad. They deferred their march, as they declared, solely from respect to Malcolm's personal character; and he was pleased to see, as time ad- vanced, that they showed by their conduct an increased respect both for him and for themselves. They abstained on social occasions from intruding the painful subject upon him, and for a while ceased from their toasts. But he did not delude himself into the belief that these were any signs of a permanent restoration to loyalty and good feeling. There was no hope, indeed, of this, whilst every post brought letters from the other rebellious stations, TEMPER OF THE SOLDIERY. 481 the intent and tendency of which were to inflame to the highest pitch the evil passions of the mutineers of Ma- siihpatam. But he knew that Government were not inactive in the direction of Hyderabad, and he felt that if he could hold back the garrison under his command, even for a time, the threatened combination might be entirely prevented. In the mean while, he sought a favorable opportunity of addressing the European regiment. An appeal to the men against their officers he held to be a measure as little justifiable in principle, as it was likely to be suc- cessful in practice. " The garrison here," he wrote to Sir George Barlow, "is not more than 1100 effective men (exclusive of the artillery); and if an effort had been successful to detach the men from their officers, who are, to a man, combined against Government, it would not have prevented the explosion; it would but have in- creased that despair and madness which are impelling men to these acts of disobedience : and no partial benefit that could have arisen would have counterbalanced the general effect of this measure. Besides, I cannot speak with confidence of the success of this attempt : the men even of this garrison have been already debauched from their duty; and as it has been hitherto my object to reclaim the officers to their allegiance, and at all events to delay the execution of their plans, it was incompatible with the success of such a line of conduct to attempt to sound their men, or to make any private efforts to shake their attachment to their officers. Such attempts would have produced an instant open mutiny: and this, for causes before stated, I was anxious to avoid. Besides, such an expedient would have been baneful to the ser- vice, and was not to be resorted to while a hope re- mained of reclaiming the officers to a sense of thek duty." But an opportunity soon occurred of feeling the pulse VOL. I. 2 I 482 THE MADRAS MUTINY. of the regiment. On the 14th of July, a regimental court-martial sentenced four men to be flogged. Early on the following morning, Avhen the punishment-parade was assembled, and the crimes and sentences had been read, Malcolm, in that impressive moment, when even the sturdiest heart begins to sicken, addressed the men forming that terrible hollow-square in the following em- phatic words : " Regiment ! As this is the first time I have met you upon such an occasion, I forgive these men: but I desire you will not mistake the motives of this act of lenity. It is my intention, as it is my duty, to enforce the strictest discipline: and I must punish those that merit it, not only to maintain the character of the corps, but to enable me to grant indulgences to the good men of it, which I never can do unless I punish the bad : but I trust, from what I have seen of your conduct, I shall have little occasion to exercise severity. It is, indeed, you must all feel, most incum- bent upon you to preserve the utmost regularity and order at the present period. A late occurrence in the regiment, which has, I am satisfied, been solely produced by misapprehension and misre- presentation, is on the point of becoming a subject of investigation before a military court, who will inquire into the causes by which it was produced. I shall, therefore, say nothing on that subject : but I consider it my duty to declare to you at this moment, that it never was in the contemplation of Government to disband or disperse this corps, and that it never meant to employ any ofiicer or man of the regiment in any manner or upon any service but such as was suited to the honor and character of British soldiers, and which it, of course, conceived both officers and men would be forward to proceed upon. It was, soldiers, from a full conviction that a serious misunderstanding alone of the intentions of Govern- ment could have caused what has passed, that made me receive with pride and gratification my nomination to the command of this regiment: and I am convinced, from what I have already seen, that I shall (whenever I quit that station) have to make a I'eport which will add, if possible, to the high reputation which the corps already enjoys, and satisfy all, that as it is the first in rank of the infantry of this establishment, it is also first in fidelity, LETTERS FROM GOVERNMENT. 483 loyalty, and attachment to the Government it serves, and to Its King and country." The address was favorably received. Malcolm had been only waiting for an opportunity thus publicly to declare that Government had never entertained an idea of disbandino' the reg-iment. It was thouojht afterwards that the declaration ought to have been made before ; but it is not easy at a distance to compute all those nice cir- cumstances and delicate considerations which, in such a conjuncture, make up the sum of a fitting opportunity. The right thing done at the wrong time may be the wrong thing. Malcolm felt confident that he did the right thing at the right time. In the mean while answers to his first letters were tra- velling up from Madras. Simultaneously with his ap- pointment to the command of the European regiment and the gaiTison of Masulipatam he had been nominated president of a committee appointed to inquire into the circumstances under which Colonel Innes had been forcibly removed from the command of the corps. The two other members who were to have accompanied or immediately followed him to Masulipatam fell sick ; so Malcolm, in the first letter he received from Government, was authorised to prosecute the inquiry by himself. In this letter he was commended for the measures he had adopted on his first arrival; but the next letter indicated that Sir George Barlow was not disposed to adopt the conciliatory course of conduct which Malcolm had re- commended. " Sir George Barlow," wrote the Military Secretary, " desires me to express to you his thanks for the very unreserved manner in which you have commu- nicated to him your opinion of this important subject. After the maturest consideration, he cannot satisfy his mind of the policy of the course of measm^es which you 2 I 2 484 THE MADKAS MUTINY. have recommGndccl for his adoption. You have, indeed, been long apprised of the sentiments of Sir George Bar- low with regard to that course of policy; and the in- formation which you have now communicated to him, instead of altering these sentiments, has confirmed him in his opinion of the necessity of maintaining the autho- rity of the Government with unshaken firmness and re- solution," This letter was written on the 12th of July. It reached Malcolm on the 17th. It was phain to him now, either that he and Sh' George Barlow were hopelessly at variance, or that they did not understand one another. One thing, however, was certain. Malcolm was in pos- session of information relative to the feelings and inten- tions of the mutinous officers, with which, in all its length and breadth, the Governor of Madras was not acquainted; and as it was probable, in Malcolm's estimation, that a fuller knowledge of all these circumstances would cause Barlow to modify his views, he wrote off at once to sug- gest the expediency of personal communication : " If I did not consider," he said, " the present as one of the most serious crises that ever this empire was placed in, I certainly should not again intrude myself on your notice ; but I feel bold in the consciousness that I am performing a duty of the most sacred nature; and you will, I am assured, pardon the earnestness with which I solicit leave to be allowed to report to you personally the result of the proceedings here, and of all I have seen or heard connected with the general combination in the army, as well as those means by which I think it may be averted, or its objects, if it does not occur, in some degree defeated. It is quite impossible for rac to convey to you in any letter the extensive information I now possess upon this subject; and I should only be four days in going to Madras, and could return, if required, with equal celerit}-. Little time would be lost by my making this journey; and I feci satisfied its results might be of the utmost consequence to the COnilESPONDENCE WITH THE AMIY. 485 public interests. Major- General Pater will be lierc the day after to-inorrow; and no inconvenience could result from the want of a high military authority; but I would not of course proceed, if I thought that tliere was any urgent call for my remaining here. But such a trip would, I am assured, tend to calm instead of irri- tating men's minds; as they would suppose that I had gone to make a full representation of all that had passed and all that I have observed. I entreat you to pay attention to this earnest request; and if you do that, you will order Colonel Barclay to station bearers as far as Migool. I shall lay them to that place in the confidence that your kindness will not deny this opportunity of endeavouring to promote the public interests by important com- munications." But altliougli Sir George Barlow scouted the idea of conciliatory measures, there were many able and expe- rienced officers who believed that only such measures could be applied with success to the existing evil. No man had more friends, or a wider circle of correspondents, than Malcolm. No sooner had it become apparent that violent convulsions were threatenins; to disoro;anise the Avhole body of the Coast Army, than Malcolm, in default of the possibility of bringing his direct personal influence to bear upon more than one place at the same time, scattered about in every direction his epistolary appeals to the good sense and the good feelings of his com- rades and friends. From Masulipatam, too, he wrote fre- quent letters of this description, which he showed to the officers of the garrison. The more violently disposed of the Hyderabad conspirators, alarmed by his appearance at Masulipatam, wrote to caution their brother- rebels against jMalcolm, whom they described as a thorough diplomatist, and a man of such consummate address that he would detach them from the good cause before they were aware of it. But tlierc were others who wrote to Malcolm himself in a widely diffi?rent strain, declaring 486 THE MADE AS MUTINY. emphatically tlieir belief that the happiest results would flow from Malcolm's mission, and the conciliatory course of conduct which he proposed to pursue.* But whether these anticipations were right or wrong, such were not the views of Sir George Barlow — such was not the line of proceeding which he believed to be the line of duty. General Pater arrived at Masulipatam, and Malcolm took post for Madras. Starting on the 22nd of July, he made another of his rapid palanquin- journeys, and reached the Presidency on the 26th. He saw at once that during his absence other councils had prevailed — nay, more, that m the estunation of Govern- ment he had wholly missed the mark of success. Sir George Barlow received him coldly, and discussed his conduct disapprovingly; and, after that first interview, closed his doors against him for ever. A totally oppo- site system of policy was now on the ascendant. Barlow "* One officer of rank ■wrote to him : lation of Malcolm's letters : " The " I am sanguine that yon TviU not horrid intelligence to which I alluded meet with any unreasonable opposition was the solemn determination of the to the conciliatory Init sound argu- officers of the Subsidiary Force at raents which your o^vti imderstanding, Secunderabad, as well as at Jaulnah, your knowledge of mankind, and your to march to the support of the officers own feelings will suggest to you. I at Masulipatam, should Govermnent fel{ no small degree of satisfaction in attempt to use force against them — perusing the General Order appointing and which intelligence I had been made you to the regiment ; because I truly acquainted with in a very extraordinary anticipate the happiest termination to manner. I immediately made known the discontent which now agitates the the contents of your letter to me to aU whole army. And matters appear to parties here, and I am happy to say me now to have been carried to such that it is a subject of universal con- an extreme, that it would be as easy gratulation. Indeed, I think I may to tui'n the stream of the Godavery to veutui-e to prognosticate that if Sir the north-west as to succeed by a sys- George will only persevere in the plan tem of compulsion and terror to dis- he has now adopted, his friends and suadc the captains and subalterns of supporters will daily increase, and the the Coast Ai-my (even if unassisted by wild and dreadful schemes of his oppo- the field-officers, which is not the case) nents be completely frustrated, lle- against feeling a disposition to resist member that the whole army have their what they conceive to be great inju- eyes now fixed on you and affairs in ries. Nothing now remains but mea- your quarter. I am certain that you sures of a conciliatory nature." will, and the happiest results may be Another of Malcolm's correspondents expected." Other letters to a like thus wrote regarding the good effects effect might be quoted, which he anticipated from the cii'cu- MEASURES OF SIR G. BARLOW. 487 had determined to dragoon down insuiTection — to show the misguided officers the danger of arraying themselves against constituted authority ; and already had he begun to strike panic and disorder into their ranks. The crisis, indeed, was a fearful one. It demanded the highest resolution to manage it aright. Looking back, coolly and dispassionately, after the lapse of nearly half a century, at this momentous epoch, we may still hesi- tate to decide whether (viewed without regard to the event) the policy recommended by Malcolm or that pur- sued by Barlow were, at the time, the wiser of the two. Either course, in such a conjuncture, might well have had its advocates. The verdict of the higher authorities was on the side of Barlow ; for the event fully justified the act. His policy, too, had a higher merit than that of success. It was distinguished by the firmest "courage, under the pressure of circumstances which, without dis- grace, might have appalled the stoutest heart in the country. It is matter of history that Sir George Barlow called upon the officers of the Madras army to sign a declara- tion of loyalty, under a penalty of dismissal from all com- mand if they refused compliance with the test ; that he ordered all the Native officers of the army to be assembled, and full explanations made to them of the circumstances under which this test had been submitted to the Euro- pean officers ; that at the same time it was to be impressed upon them and the Native troops generally that their first duty was to the Government, and that to follow their misguided officers would be to compass their own destruction ; and that Barlow resolutely determined, should opposition be made to these orders, to march the loyal part of the army (and he could rely upon the King's troops to a man) against theu- rebellious com- rades. It is matter of history iiow these measures were 488 TPIE MADRAS MUTINY. successful in the southern part of the Presidency ; how the King's and Company's troops were actually brought into bloody collision at Seringapatam; and how Colonel Close was despatched to Hyderabad, fortified by instructions, and armed with authority from Government, to bring the Subsidiary Force to order and obedience. When Malcolm arrived at IMadras these measures were yet in progress of execution, and the result of them was uncertain. He did not believe that they would succeed. He could not conscientiously bring himself either to ex- press approbation of such a policy or to take any part in its practical development. He desired, therefore, to retire from the scene. The field of Persian diplomacy was again open to him. Lord Miuto had written that the course of events in that country seemed now to render it expedient that Malcolm should proceed thither without delay. So on the 1st of August the latter ^vrote the following respectful, but manly letter to the Go- vernor, asldng permission to withdraw from a scene in which he could no longer be useful to the State : COLONEL MALCOLM TO SIR GEOKGE BARLOW. {Private and co/ifidential.) Madras, Aug. 1, 1S09. Dear Sir, — I have this day transmitted a report of the result of my investigation into the conduct of the garrison of Masuli- patam to Major-General Gowdie, and an official statement to you of my proceedings at that place. I trust both these letters will meet with yoiir approbation, and that you will see in them the same anxious desire that I have ever shown to satisfy my supe- riors that I have discharged my public duties to the best of my ability. I have received another letter from Lord Minto since I had the honor of seeing you, informing me that Sir Harford .Tones has not left Teheran, but that circumstance has only confirmed his Lord- ship regarding the necessity of my immediate mission to Persia, MALCOLM S EXPLANATIONS. 489 and he has actually sent a letter to the Knig, by Mr. Jukes, to inform his Majesty of his intention of deputing me to his Court, and I am to proceed the moment an answer is received, which will probably be early in October. Under such circumstances I trust you will have no objection to my proceeding immediately to Calcutta, as it is indispensable I should see Lord Minto before I go to Persia; and, from the state of the season, I cannot go at all without losing several months. I cannot but have been flattered by the confidence which you have always shown me, and your conduct in this particular demands from me a candid and full private declaration of every sentiment by which my mind is actuated in a crisis like the pre- sent; and it is a sense of this obhgation alone that could make me think it necessary to intrude at such a period a subject of so per- sonal a nature upon your attention. 1 must, therefore, with the same freedom with which your kindness has always allowed me to express my sentiments, declare that, urgent as I consider the service that requires me to go to Calcutta, I would not think of requesting your leave to proceed there if I had the most distant idea that I could be of the slightest use by remaining in this quarter ; but I am quite convinced I cannot. No man is more aware of the imperious nature of public duty than I am, and while I remain a public servant no consideration upon earth would induce me to swerve from the path of personal respect and of implicit obedience to that constituted authority of my country under which I am placed ; but the large and important duties I have to perform demand more than this — they require a warm, active, and devoted zeal, and a perfect accord in the mind of the agent with the measures he has to execute ; and no officer that fills a high and confidential situation, whatever may be his expe- rience or his ability, is fit to be employed in such times as the present unless all his sentiments are In unison with those of the superior under whom he acts. This is a principle by which my conduct has been regulated ever since I was elevated to the rank I now hold in the public service. I had occasion to express it upon a very trying occasion to Lord WcUesley, and it was honored with his fullest approbation. I acted i;pon it In consequence of being informed I should be called upon to execute certain mea- sures under the administration of the late jNIarquis Cornwallis; and when you succeeded to the supreme government you were far 490 THE MADRAS MUTINY. from censuring the line I had adopted ; and it is from this know- ledge of your personal consideration to me that I feel emboldened to state, in that confidence with which I have always been required by you to communicate my opinions, that with the sentiments I entertain upon the course of action and policy now in progress, and its probable effects both upon the service of the Company and the public interests, that I am altogether unqualified to be a confidential or principal agent in any part of 'its execution. I entreat that you will not mistake the intent of the expression of this opinion. It is given to account to you for my personal con- duct, and it is communicated in that spirit of unreserved confi- dence which your kindness has ever allowed me to use towards you ; but I am far from arrogating to myself the most distant right to question either the expediency or policy of the line you are pursuing — your superior wisdom no doubt points out to you the measures that are most proper for the emergency, and you are fulfilling the high duties of your station wlien you act agree- ably to the dictates of your own judgment ; all I claim is your indulgence for my feelings, and a pardon for this free expression of ray sentiments. You are no stranger to that enthusiasm with which I embarked in the present scene, and whatever has been my success I am assured that you are satisfied I have not been deficient in zeal in the exertion of my humble endeavours to reclaim my brother-oflficers to temper and to the path of duty ; and I indulged, to the very moment of my arrival at Madras from Masulipatam, a hope that this great object of your solicitude would be effected without having recourse to coercive measures, or, at least, that a great proportion of the officers of the Company's army (including almost all who had weight and influence with the men) would be re- covered, and that the early submission of the rest would have been a certain consequence of the return of their seniors to their duty. The highly criminal violence of the force at Hyderabad (which is known to the Avholc army to be guided by weak and wrong- headed men) has unfortunately precipitated a very different issue to that which I was so sanguine as to expect. That force has declared that they speak the sentiments of the whole, or at least those of a great proportion, of the Madras army, though it is evident at the moment they made such an assertion they could not have received an answer from any station to that absurd THE "test. 491 paper which they term an ultimatum, which they have had the audacity to forward to Government, but which I conscientiously beheve would (if it had been publicly promulgated) have been disowned and disclaimed by great numbers of the senior and most respectable officers at every station in the army. I can speak positively with regard to some, indeed all, of the senior officers of the garrison of Masulipatam upon this subject, and they have lately been considered as the most violent of the whole. I am far from meaning (such meaning would, indeed, be as contrary to that high respect I have ever entertained for your character as to the duties of my situation) to ojBfer even an opinion on the wisdom and policy of that step which Government has lately adopted with the Company's officers of this establishment. The test these were required to sign was, as far as I understood it, a mere repetition of the obligations of the commission that every one of them held, and the only rational objection that could be made to it by men Avho were devoted to their duty, and who had never deviated from it in thought, word, and deed, was, that it was unnecessary ; that it was, with regard to them at least, an act of supererogation, and one that had a taint of suspicion in it. These Avere, indeed, the feelings that passed in my mind when this paper was first put into my liands, but they were instantly subdued by a paramount sense of public duty, and I signed it to show (as far as my example could show) my perfect acquiescence in a measure which the Government I served had thought proper to adopt. But I am satisfied it was not the terms of this paper which led the great majority of the Company's officers, both in Camp and at the IMount, and in the garrison of Madras, to refuse their signa- tures ; it was the manner in which it was presented, and the circumstances by which the whole proceeding was accompanied. The minds of the most honorable and of the most attached to Government and to their country revolted more at the mode than the substance of the act. They felt (perhaps erroneously) that they were disgraced, because the manner in which their consent was asked showed they were not in the least trusted ; and this was, I am assured, one of the chief causes of their almost general rejection of this proposed test of fidelity. It appears to me of the greatest importance that you should be aware of every feeling that this proceeding excited, and it is in discharge of the duties of that friendship with which you have ever honored me that I have 492 THE MADRAS JIUTINY. stated my sentiments so freely upon this subject. I am very, inti- mately acquainted with a great number of the officers of whom I siDcak. Some of them would, I am certain, have given their lives for Government at the very moment they refused to give a pledge ^Yhich they thought, from the mode in which it was proposed, reflected upon their honor; and others, who had unfortunately gone to a certain extent in the late culpable and unmilitary pro- ceedino-s, but who viewed the criminal excesses' of some of their brother-ofUcers with undisguised horror and indignation, would, I am assured, if it had been possible for Government to have par- doned w^hat was past, and to have expressed in indulgent language its kind intentions for the future, have been the most forward in their efforts to punish those who, by an unwarrantable perse- verance in a guilty career, merited all the wrath of the State; but unfortunately (though such an intention, I am assured, never entered into your mind) an almost general sentiment prevailed that it w^as meant the service should be destroyed by the first blow, and that all were, therefore, included in one general mass as just objects of suspicion and disgrace. I am far from defending such an interpretation of this measure of Government. I liave only stated what I considered to be the fact, and explained, as far as I could, those causes by which I believe it to have been produced ; their operation is, I fear, now almost irremediable, and events must take their course. I know (and my personal conduct has proved it) that my brother-officers are deeply wrong, and I am quite heart-broken when I reflect on the consequences to themselves and country which the guilt of some of them is likely to produce. I need not assure you of my sincere happiness at the success which has hitherto attended the execution of the measure you have adopted, and I anxiously hope it may meet with no opposition. I have never doubted the success of this measure (if it was resorted to) as far as related to the accomplishment of its immediate object, and most earnestly pray that my judgment may have deceived me with regard to the collateral and remote consequences by which I have always deemed it likely to be attended. It is necessary I should inform you that I applied, between three and four months ago, to Lord iMinto for leave to go to England, and that nothing can induce me to remain beyond October except to fulfil a promise I made his Lordship to go to Persia if he thought it indispensable that I OPINIONS OF COLONEL CLOSE. 498 should. Under sucii circumstances it can be no sacrifice of pri- vate interest to resign immediately my station as Resident at Mysore ; and it may, perhaps, be your wish that the person in charge of that station at a moment like the present should be a permanent Resident. This is a point, however, that will entirely be decided by your own judgment. I cannot conclude this long letter without again entreating your pardon and indulgence for that great freedom with which consi- derations of personal feeling and public duty have led me to ex- press my sentiments. I am, &c., &c., John Malcolm. Resolutely and conscientiously did Malcolm cling to tlie opinion that justice and expediency both demanded the adoption of conciliatory measures. It cost him much, however, to adhere to a course which had now been scouted, disgraced, and abandoned. There were not wantino; men of hio;h character and intellig;ence who endeavoured to persuade him that the conciliatory system having been tried (though it may be doubted whether it ever had been fairly tried), he might now consent, without any sacrifice of consistency, to become the agent of a more vigorous policy. Foremost amongst these, too^ was the man whom, of all others, perhaps, in India, he most re- spected. Colonel Close was not only the advocate but the agent also of the coercive system of Sir George Bar- low. He had performed his part with a vigor and an address which, if he had done nothing else to earn the distinction, would have placed him in the front rank of the heroes of Indian history ; and it was with no com- mon regret that he now saw how w^idely Malcolm's opinions differed from his own. "When you departed for Masuhpatam," he wrote on the lotli of August, " you do not seem to have understood sufficiently the line of proceeding which Sir George Barlow had it in n^.ind to 494 THE MADEAS MUTINY. pursue. This I consider as extremely unfortunate, as it led you to propose a plan of proceeding to him which he was little inclined to adopt, and the result is a little soreness, which is, perhaps, mutual. You have made the only explanation which was possible to Sir George, namely, that you were not master of his intended line of proceeding; but it does not appear to me to follow, that, because you observed a conciliatory mode of conduct at Masulipatam, con- ceiving that you were acting all along according to the wishes and intentions of Government, therefore, since that conduct failed of effect, you should not give in to a coercive mode of action as that only calculated at the present stage of affairs to serve the public cause by restoring obedience and order. In the civil disputes in Ireland, Lord Cornwallis first endeavoured to conciliate the mal- contents; but finding that this plan failed, he coerced them with vigor and reduced them to submission. Two points appear to me to be evident: first, that as the malcontents on the Coast continue to hold out, they ought to be coerced ; and secondly, that Govern- ment is so powerful in means as to be able to coerce t?iem." To a certain extent, perhaps, Malcolm might have assented to this. He believed that " if the malcontents continued to hold out" — after Government had prO' claimed a general amnesty — " they ought to be co- erced." But he was eager that the past should be buried in obhvion; that no single source of irritation should remain. Full of this desire, the growth of a tender compassion for the misguided men who had fallen from their allegiance, but who yet might do their duty for years as brave soldiers and loyal servants of the State, he addressed, a few days before the receipt of Close's letter, the following appeal to Sir George Barlow : COLONEL MALCOLM TO SIR GEORGE BARLOW. Madras, Aug. 18, 1809, 9 P3r. Dear Sir, — I wrote a note to Colonel Barclay some hours ago, which he informed me he sent to you for perusal. I have since received a letter from Masulipatam, at which place they are LAST APPEAL. 495 between hope and despair, but have refrained from further guilt, and mean to refrain, unless called upon by those who have now (thank God !) shown them an example of returning to their duty. I am assured you will not blame that extreme anxiety which makes me intrude unasked my opinion at a moment like the pre- sent. I have, I am satisfied, the fullest information of the real temper of the army at the present period; and if I am not the most deceived man in the world, there is an opportunity given by the conduct of the Hyderabad force which enables you to com- bine the immediate and complete settlement of these afflicting troubles with the advancement of the reputation, power, and dignity of Government. I am aware of the very deep guilt into which almost all have gone — some in intention, others in act — but the force at Hyderabad, who since the 1st of May have been the cause of all the present evils, and who lately insulted Govern- ment with demands, are now supplicating clemenc3^ A dreadful example has occurred in Mysore, which must make a lasting im- pression on both officers and Sepoys, of the horrors to which such illegal combinations lead. If it were possible to close the scene here, an example must be given that will for ever prevent the re- petition of such crimes ; and the effect of shame and contrition which the clemency and magnanimity of Government must pro- duce, will have more effect on the minds of liberal men than twenty examples. Men's minds will be at once reclaimed, and they will be fixed in their attachment by a better motive than fear. But this is not all. The officers at Hyderabad, like those at other stations, act at the present crisis entirely from the impulse of passion and feeling ; and they fly, as I have witnessed, from one extreme to another with a facility which is not to be credited by persons under the influence of sound reason. Such men can never be depended upon, whatever pledges they make, while any strong- causes of agitation remain ; and no act, therefore, which does not embrace the whole can give that complete security and tran- quillity which is the object of desire. If a single question of irri- tation and inflammation is left, it is a spark Avhich may again create a general explosion. You will, I am assured, pardon this communication. Nothing could have induced me to the freedom but a conviction that this is one of those happy moments when all the dangers that threaten us can be dissipated. If you can, on the 496 THE MADRAS MUTINY. ground of your granting that clemency to supplication w'hicli you never would to demand; of military justice being satisfied and the army lessoned by the dreadful example that has been made in Mysore; and if you think it not derogatory, at such a moment, to grant a general amnesty and to bury the past in oblivion, desiring all those who mean to perform their duty to join their corps, and those who do not to consider themselves out of the service, and proclaiming every man a traitor and liable to immediate execution who opposes legal authority one hour after the receipt of this order, I will answer with my life for the immediate re-establish- raent of the public authority on more secure grounds than perhaps it ever rested. Such an act as this will, I am assured, while it advances the fame and dignity of Government, raise your own reputation in the highest degree, and you will receive, as you will merit, the blessings of thousands with the applause of your country. I have, perhaps, already said too much upon this subject; but I could adduce many more forcible reasons to those I have urged; but I shall not trouble you further. If you think the suggestions I have offered worthy of any attention, I shall attend you and state them (more fully). With regard to the success of this measure I cannot liave a doubt. If all did not immediately submit, they would be completely disunited ; and those who ventured to oppose, if there were any such, would be the proper objects for example. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, John Malcolm. To this no answer was returned. Other councils had prevailed. Other measures were in progress. An am- nesty so universal as this was not to be declared. It was the opinion of Sir George Barlow that the offended dig- nity of Government required that some examples should be made — that the law should assert itself, mildly and sparingly, but with effect. Already were the officers returning to their allegiance. They saw the hopelessness of the contest ; they saw that the King's troops would act against them, as at Seringapatam, and dragoon down rebellion with the sabre's edge. Lord Minto, too, was LETTER TO THE SECRET COMxMITTEE. 497 coming round from Calcutto, to take npon himself, if necessary, tlie final settlement of this ill-omened affair. At all events, Sir George Barlow felt that he had no longer any need of the services or of the advice of Co- lonel John Malcolm. Here, then, we might cease to speak altogether of the Madras mutiny, for here Malcolm's connexion with it may be said to have terminated. But long after the officers of the Madras army had returned to their alle- giance the contest furnished an unhappy subject of histo- rical controversy of the most acrimonious kind. In these painful discussions Malcolm was compelled, in self-de- fence, to take a part. Whilst he was yet at Madras, in September, 1809, the Governor in Council despatched a long letter to the Secret Committee relating to the dis- turbances on the coast — a letter in which the following paragraphs occur : " On receiving intelligence of the mutiny (at ?JasuIipatam) we appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, in whose zeal and talents we entertained the fullest confidence, to the command of the Madras European regiment and of the garrison of Masulipatam, for the purpose of re-establishing the authority of Government over the troops, inquiring into the causes of the mutiny, and placing the most guilty of the offenders under arrest. Lieutenant- Colonel Malcolm was not furnished w4th any written instructions. It was left to his discretion to adopt such measures as circum- stances might render advisable, with the view to the accomplish- ment of the objects of his deputation. "Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm immediately proceeded by sea to Masulipatam. On his arrival he found that the officers of tlie garrison had formed themselves into a committee, in which every officer had a voice. The greatest anarchy and confusion pre- vailed, and it was with difficulty that he prevailed on the officers to acknowledge his authority. " As it was never in the contemplation of the Government to disband the European regiment, it was expected that Lieutenant- VOL. I. 2 K 498 THE MADE AS MUTINY. Colonel Malcolm would have taken tlie earliest opportunity to communicate to the men a distinct and public disavowal of that intention on the part of the Government, and have employed the most strenuous exertions to recall the men to a sense of their duty, by impressing upon their minds the degree of guilt and danger in which their officers, for purposes entirely personal to themselves, had endeavoured to involve them. It was also expected that Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, by establishing his influence and authority over the troops composing the garrison, would have secured their obedience, and by that means have deprived the officers of the power of prosecuting their designs, and brought the leaders to trial for tlieir mutinous conduct. " Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm appears, however, to have adopted a course of proceeding entirely different from that which we had in' view in deputing him to Masulipatam. He abstained from making any direct communication to the men, and when we authorised him, with the view of detaching the troops from the cause of their ofhcers, to proclaim a pardon to the European and Native soldiers for the part which they might have taken in the mutiny, he judged it to be proper to withhold the promulgation of the pardon from an apprehension (as stated in his letter to our President, dated the 18 th July) of irritating the minds of the European officers, and driving them to despair. " To this apparently unreasonable forbearance, and attention to the feelings of officers who had, by their acts of violence and aggression, forfeited all claims to such consideration, may, we conceive, be ascribed Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm's failure in the establishment of any efficient control over the garrison ; and he appears to have been principally occupied during the period of his residence at Masulipatam in negotiations with the disorderly com- mittees, calculated, in our opinion, to compromise rather than establish his authority, and in fruitless attempts to induce them by argument to return to their duty and abandon the criminal combination in which they had engaged." It was not until some three years after these j^ara- graplis were written that Malcolm was made aware of their existence on the records of Government. They were then drawn forth by order of Parliament from the Malcolm's defence. 499 archives of the India House, and published among a mass of other papers rekUing to the Madras mutiny. They stung Malcolm to the quick. The charge which they contained was a grave one. He had either dis- obeyed or misunderstood orders. The statement implied that he had acted contrary to the declared Avishes of Government. In either case, of disobedience or miscom- prehension, he had proved himself, by his contumacy or his stolidity, unworthy of the confidence that had been reposed in him ; and this sentence was now to pass into the hands of every one who might interest himself in Indian affairs. What could he do in justice to himself, to his family, and the great cause of historical truth, but vindicate the reputation which was thus assailed by the Government which he had served at least with fidelity and zeal ? The best reply, the best defence, w\as a plain recital of fiicts. Malcolm sat down and wrote a narrative of the proceedings to which this chapter is devoted. He showed that he had neither disobeyed nor misunder- stood orders. He had clearly stated his opinions to Sir George Barlow and to the chief officers of the Staff before he embarked for Masulipatam. He had gone there expressly and declaredly to follow a conciliatory course of conduct, and under no other circumstances would he have undertaken the mission at all. He may have been right or he may have been wrong in this decision, but whatever were his vieAvs he made no secrets of them ; and it seems hardly possible to believe that he took his departure from Madras leaving behind him an impression that he was about to carry out a line of policy against Avhich ho had remonstrated with so much vehe- mence that he almost involved himself in a personal quarrel Avitli one of the principal officers of the Staff and chief advocates of the dragooning system. 2 k2 500 THE MADRAS MUTINY. It was stated by the Madras Government that Malcolm had abstained from making any direct communication to the men. But he took Avhat he believed to be the first good opportunity of addressing them on parade. It was the opinion also of Government that, at an early stage of his proceedings, he ought to have endeavoured to detach the men from their officers, and thus to' have overawed the latter. But Malcolm believed that such a course was as vicious in principle as it was dangerous in practice, and he recoiled from it with horror. The question here in- volved is one of the deepest interest even in quiet times. We may surmise, therefore, Avith what earnestness it was discussed at a period when the civil power was threatened by a rebellious army, and the very existence of Govern- ment Avas at stake. At the head of those Avho differed from him was Colonel Close, a man Avhose judgment Avas as clear as his action Avas vigorous ; but it Avas no small consolation to Malcolm to knoAv, on the other hand, that Sir James Mackintosh shared his opinions, and Avarmly approved his conduct. Such letters as the folloAving, in Avhicli the whole question is discussed, must have had, in such a conjuncture, an invigorating and sustaining effect : SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO COLONEL MALCOLM. Bombay, Aug. 20, 1809. My dear Friend, — I have written you only t\Yo or three scraps since you left this place, because I knew too little of what occupied your mind to speak about it, and I was sure that every other subject would be for the time uninteresting. But I can no longer forbear from thanking you for the communication of the letter from Masulipatanij tlirough Colonel Close, and of the papers, through Pasley, especially your letter of the 1st instant to Sir George Barlow. These remembrances at such a time are in themselves most gratifying; but they are of such a nature as to have greatly heightened their own value. To be so remembered LETTERS OF SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. 501 by a person who acts and writeg as the hist paper shows yovi to have done, is, I assure you, a distinction of which I shall never cease to be proud. That paper would have raised my opinion of you, if that were now possible. But in all the larger features of your conduct it has only realised my expectations. In some smaller points you have gone beyond them. I really should be at a loss to point out so respectful an assertion of independence. The exact propriety of your conduct will for the present be most strongly proved by the degree in which the advocates of violence on all sides will blame it. The time will come when the army will distinguish incendiaries from friends, and the Government councillors from sycophants. Then you will have another more agreeable, though not a more decisive, proof of your rectitude. From the moment I heard the measures adopted towards the officers at and near Madras, I was perfectly certain that your councils no longer prevailed ; and it was with no small pleasure that I heard of your being in a sort of disgrace at Court. I conceived that the first indispensable requisite to the consi- deration of such an expedient was the absolute certainty of its immediate, imiversal, and permanent success. Of this I much doubted ; and the fatal events which have occurred at Hyderabad and other places seem to show that my doubts were reasonable. But this appeared to me, I will confess, a secondary question. I considered the success of such a measure as a great public calamity. I waive the impolicy of a measure which seemed to be contrived for the express purpose of imposing rebellion upon the officers as a point of honor, and of afterwards involving them in indiscriminate proscription. All these and many other considera- tions respecting the officers, however important, seem to be in- ferior. An appeal to the privates against their immediate superiors is a wound in the vitals of an army. The relation of the private soldier to the subaltern is the keystone of the arch. An army may survive any other change, but to dissolve that relation is to dissolve the whole. There begins the obedience of the many to the few. In civil society this problem appears of most difficult solution. But there it is the obedience of the dispersed and un- armed many. It is rare, and in well-regulated communities almost unfelt. In military bodies it is the hourly obedience, even to death, of the armed and embodied many. The higher 502 THE MADRAS MUTINY. links which bind subalterns to their superiors, and these to one chief, are only the obediences of the few to a fewer, and of these fewer to one. These things are easily intelligible. Honor and obvious interest are sufficient to account for them. But the obedience of the whole body of soldiers to their immediate officers is that which forms an army, and which cannot be disturbed without the utmost danger of its total destruction. Remember what our master* has said of the French : " Tliey have begun by a most terrible operation. They have touched the central point about which the particles that compose armies are at repose." All that is said on armies will reward you for a reperusal. It is towards the latter part of the Reflections. But it may, perhaps, be said that this was a case of necessity; and that when the alternative exists the army must be sacrificed to the state, for which alone it exists. It must first, however, be shown that no other means were possible. It must, secondly, be considered that the destruction of the army may be a greater evil than the mere weakening of the civil authority, and that the proper opposition is the destruction of the Government or the destruction of the army. Finally, it must be remembered that we are here to apply our principle to a country Avhich we only hold by an army, and where the dissolution of the army must be, in fact, the destruction of the State. You will not suspect me of underrating the mischiefs which attend military revolutions and deliberative armies. I detest them from principle, from reason, from habit, and from prejudice. But if I am asked whether the deposition of a governor by military force or an appeal to private soldiers against their officers be the greater evil, I am compelled to own that I must hesitate; and that if I were to confess the inclination of my mind in such a terrible dilemma, I might be accused, though most unjustly, of less zeal for the maintenance of the supremacy of the civil j)ower than was to be expected from my opinions or my station. If this be in the least doubtful, it must be most certain that any compro- mise with British officers is a less evil than an appeal to sepoys or to rajahs. I trust in God that before this time sounder counsels have been adopted, and that India has been saved from the * Burke, of whom Malcolm Avas as great an admirer as Mackintosh. LETTERS or SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. 503 ^greatest as "svcll as the most imminent danger that ever hung over it My heart is refreshed by the prospect of seeing you again. Fanny* is very impatient to renew her Hindostanee dialogues -with you ; and Robert * will be bote cooshee (much pleased) to see you My friends in England, condemn me to a longer absence — indeed, I can hardly say how long. But of this more when we meet. Ever most affectionately yours, J. Mackintosh. SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO COLONEL MALCOLM. Bombay, Sept. 16, 1S09. My dear Friend, — Your letter of the 2nd. I received yester- day, and am now loohing forward with great anxiety for your promised papers, as well as for the decision of Lord Minto, on which the permanent existence of the British power in India seems to me in a great measure to depend. Perhaps the most consummate wisdom may fail in healing these fatal wotmds. But if a whole army be treated as delinquents, if any system be adopted by which the Madras officers are to be considered as a proscribed or even degraded caste — then T think that every man who looks beyond the moment must see the axe applied to the root of our Indian empire. I hope that a man of great abihties and humane disposition, like Lord Minto, will be disposed, by his character as well as his understanding, to healing counsels. Your influence over him will be the first criterion by which I shall estimate the safety of this measure. If you have that ascendancy over him which you ought to have, I shall not despair of the commonwealth. A medium in this respect will, probably, be difficult for you to preserve. If your principles be not preva- lent, you may be obliged to withdraw from the appearance of a participation in counsels you cannot approve, according to the principles so admirably laid down in your letter to Sir G. B. of the 1st of August. In such a case there would certainly be a strong temptation to you to go to England, to lay the important information iu your possession before those who might even then * Sir James Mackiutosh's eliikli-eu. 504 THE MADRAS MUTINY. turn it to some account. Your extensive information on these lute unfortunate events, your insight into those circumstances in the situation of tlie army which you foresaw and foretold would produce some unfortunate effects, and your being the only eminent person in India wlro could be called truly impartial, would cer- tainly give you a weight to which no other individual could pretend. If you yield to these temptations, I shall lose one of the very, very few out of my own family to whom I look in India with sentiments of confidence. But I must endeavour to console myself with the hope that our friendship and intercourse would continue, and that your absence would enable you to do more justice to yourself and more service to your country. If you with- stand them, and accept Lord M.'s confidence in the affairs of Persia, without perfectly enjoying it in those of Madras, you will do an act which will, I am sure, require all your generosity Ever yours affectionately, J. Mackintosh. SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO COLONEL MALCOLM. Tarala, Dec. 2, 1809. IMr DEAR General, — I have read your papers on the late un- happy state of the Madras army with great instruction and with feelings of pride that one for Avhom I have such a friendship should, on so difficult an occasion, act, in my opinion, with an exact propriety which few of the wisest men have, in such cir- cumstances, been able to retain. There Is no part of your reason- ing to which I do not assent, or of your conduct in which I do not exult. You appear to me to have demonstrated — 1. That in the middle of July the fatal delusion of the officers of the Madras army had presented four possible events to the contemplation and almost to the choice of Government ; — the subversion of the civil power, the destruction of the first British army in India, a civil war of uncertain termination, or a con- ciliatory measure on the part of the Government, which might have brought back at least tlie majority of the ofilcers to reason. 2. Tiiat the Government might then have adopted such a con- ciliatory measure as would, in all probability, have reclaimed the most numerous or the most leading part of tlie officers with a LETTERS or SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. 505 sacrifice of dignity very slight compared with the dangers of con- test or the evils of victor3\ 3. That in rejecting such measures at such a time the Govern- ment entered on a contest where even their success was not certain ; where that success did, in fact, arise from many causes quite independent of their policy ; and where it has been pro- cured by the dreadful price of an appeal to sepoys against their officers, of native powers against our own army, and to the King's troops against the Company's, at the risk, or rather with the certainty, of sharpening that animosity between them which it requires the greatest wisdom to lay asleep, and of teaching the King's troops to consider the Company's with more disrespect, and the Company's to regard the King's with n:iore jealousy. It appears to me that these proceedings have struck at the vitals of military subordination, that they have set to native powers an example of interference in our dispute, and that they have increased tenfold the dangers inseparable from a double military establishment. If, however, they had been indispensably necessary to avert the subversion of Government, I should have lamented without dis- approving of tliem. But I cannot read your suggestions from Masulipatam without considering them in a difl'erent light. That you, who have taken so conspicuous a part in disputes which so much interest the passions, should be an object of attack, is not to be wondered at. You Avill, perhaps, be surprised to learn that I, for having, in the liberty of confidential conversation, professed some of your opinions, have been the object of calumny. In consequence, as I have been informed, of a report made of my conversation after dinner, by an old field-ofScer, and by an officer of General Jones's flxmlly, the General was pleased to speak of me as having prevented several ofiiccrs in this army from having subscribed the test proposed to them ; and immediately after, with that gentlemanlike and chivalrous spirit which I have experienced more than once here, Lady Mackintosh was excluded from all the parties, so large as to make the exclusion quite marked, given to General and Mrs. Jones on their departure. The persons who excluded us from these parties on such grounds were persons to whom I had behaved with uniform civility, and who could not pretend to allege the slightest private complaint : — many of them, I acknowledge, entitled to be believed if they 506 THE MADRAS MUTINY. alleged that they misunderstood language sufficiently plain to all men of tolerable understanding. Their privileges of that sort are large. But I think that it would have been more modest if they had supposed it possible that a person who had spent many years in reflection on the means and principle of civil and military obe- dience might differ fro}n them without criminality ; that it would have been more decent if they had been slow to charge with dis- affection the chief legal and judicial servant of his Majesty in this Government; and that it would have been more gracious if they had not confined their observations to the only person who was under an official necessity, as well as a moral obligation, not to resent them, while other very considerable numbers of this com- munity, who thought and spoke much more freely than I did, were suffered to pass by without observation. I say nothing of the womanly and peculiarly unofhcer-llke practice of betraying private conversation ; for if mine had been fiirly represented and properly understood, I had no interest in wishing it to remain unknown. TJie proposal of a test here, in consequence of an anonymous letter, I certainly disapproved, as a measure of most wanton impolicy, Avhich might lead to all the evils of a caballing and debating army. But when once proposed, I washed it to be adopted, and, in the case of one officer of high rank, who came to tell me that he liad refused it, and to show me his official letter on that occasion, I suggested to him the insertion of words in that letter equivalent to the professions and disavowals contained in the test. His objection I well knew was not to the substance. He adopted my suggestion, and afterwards, I believe, took another mode of subscribing the test. I strongly objected to the appeal to sepoys in the Madras army, in execution of the General Orders of the 26th July; but my objection w'as founded on horror of mutiny and sacred regard to tlie most essential of all the principles of subordination. I know that you would not honor me Avith that degree of your friendship I am proud of possessing, if it were necessary for me to disclaim any principles which could lead me to wish success to a revolted army, an event equally subversive of authority and of liberty. I merely wish to place in your hands this very short protest against the unworthy treatment which I have received, that you may be enabled to silence any calumnies of this sort which you may hereafter hear. I have no objection ANOTHEE PERSIAN EMBASSY. 507 to your imparting the last part of this letter — I mean that con- cerning myself — to any person whom you may think proper. Ever yours affectionately, J. Mackintosh. There must liave jjeeii to Malcolm no little comfort and consolation in these letters; for there Avas no man in India whose opinion he held in higher esteem than Sir James Mackintosh's. But, in truth, he needed them very little at this time. 'Ne^Y scenes of enterprise were open- mg out before him, and thoughts of the future were now to supplant memories of the past. He had been again invited to conduct an embassy to the Persian Court, Sir Harford Jones had made his way to Teheran in the summer, and had concluded a treaty with the Shah. What were the obligations it imposed upon the contract- ing parties, and in what manner they affected the British- Indian Government, and called for renewed efforts of diplomacy, will best be gathered from the following pas- sages of a long and elaborate letter Avhich Lord Minto addressed to Malcolm in July : "It is not very necessary to consider critically at present the merits of Sir Harford's treaty, because the public faith is clearly pledged by engagements upon which the Court of Persia has acted, and has committed the most important interests of that Crown. Sir Harford Jones had authentic credentials for his ministry. Although all treaties arc subject to the ratification of the Government A\dilch deputes the IMinister, yet the circumstances under which a treaty is concluded by the Minister deputed may be such as to leave no option to his Court. The present negotia- tion seems to stand in that predicament, and to place us, with whom, I conceive, it has been the intention of all parties (I mean both the King's Government and the Court of Directors) that the option should rest, under the absolute necessity of ratifying and performing the engagements contracted by Sir Harford Jones. In consideration of those engagements, Persia has renounced lier 508 THE MADUAS MUTINY. alliance witli France — lias recalled her own IMinister from Paris — dismissed, in a manner higlily offensive, the French Ambassador from her own Court — cancelled all her recent treaties with France — and, in a word, provoked the resentment and indignation of the most powerful monarch in the world. It is too late, therefore, to tell the King of Persia that Sir Harford Jones was subject to in- structions which he has exceeded; and that although he had full powers to negotiate and conclude, his acts were subject to ratifi- cation, which is withheld. The same answer may be justly given to any argument derived from the imperfect obligation of preli- minary articles, until reduced into a final and definitive treat}'. Persia has been induced by an accredited Minister to fulfil the principal engagements contracted on her part, upon the faith of a preliminary treaty, and has established an onerous title to the performance of ours. My opinion, therefore, is, tliat we are bound to execute the principal and leading conditions of Sir Harford's treaty. By these I mean the stipulated succors against France and Russia, or against Russia singly, during war between Great Britain and Russia. With regard to the continuance of those succors against Russia after a peace may have been concluded between the latter power and England, tee can neither ratify nor positively reject. That is a point of imperial policy on which we must ourselves receive instructions from the Kind's Government, and implicitly obey them. We possess, indeed, instructions on that question already, but we must ask for fresh orders, founded on the new fact of Sir Harford's having actually pledged the faith of the Kino- to that cncao-ement. " When I say that we are bound to fulfil this treaty, I assume the faithful performance of it by Persia. If the French shall have been recalled to Court, and an intercourse recommenced with that Government, there will be an end to our treaty. If that shall happen at any future time, we shall be released from our engagements. It is indispensable, therefore, that the periodical payments of the subsidy should be regulated, that is to say, should be made or withheld, by a person of confidence, residing at the Court of Persia ; and that limited duty miglit, undoubtedly, be performed by a person of less calibre ; but there are larger and yet more important objects now in view, which require once more precisely you. In the first place, aflfiairs have relapsed from OBJECTS OF THE NEW MISSION. 509 a pleasant but short intermission into a state wliich requires a vigilant eye on which we can depend for a just view of events, present and approaching, in that quarter. We want a judgment on the spot, for counsel and advice ; and a hand that may be trusted out of sight, if sudden occasion should arise for action. " There is, however, a more specific call for your services. I need not tell you all that has been done through the zealous ministry of Sir Harford Jones to lower the rank and estimation of the British Government of India within the sphere of his influ- ence. I am entirely convinced that the empire at large is deeply interested in maintaining, or rather, I must now say, in restoring the British dominion in India to that eminence amongst the states of Asia on wliich the mission of Sir Harford Jones found it established. But if I had any doubts of my own upon that point, I should still think it amongst my first duties to transmit to my successor the powers, prerogatives, and dignities of our Indian Empire in its relations — I mean with the surrounding nations — as entire and unsullied as they were confided to my hands ; and I slrould esteem it a disgraceful violation of my great trust to let the most powerful and the noblest empire of the East suffer in my custody the slightest debasement, unless the commands of my Sovereign and superiors should require in very explicit terms a change so much to be deprecated. I entreat you, therefore, to go and lift us to our own height and to the station that belongs to us once more. " I confess that I apprehend considerable difllcultics. If things have gone worse in Europe, you will probably not be received at all. That point, however, must be finally determined before you quit Bombay, or, perhaps, I might say, Calcutta, for why should you not take your departure directly from hence, touciiing at Bombay for your escort, unless that which is yet in Persia should answer the purpose ? " The single conditions tliatneed be made on our parts arc that you shall be received without hesitation or delay at Teheran, and treated on all points as on the occasion of your first embassy. Without those assurances you must not advance a step from India. But those points being established, none other should stop you; and the actual residence of Gardanne at Teheran should not prevent your repairing to Court. It would furnish, on the con- 510 THE MADKAS MUTINY. trary, a fresh motive for your hastening to the combat. In those circumstances no subsidy can be paid, and the whole treaty becomes void. But the field would be open for your efforts to expel Jinalli/ the French influence, and finally establish our own by new engagements suited to the circumstances, " I have left, I do not doubt, many things unsaid. But these pages will give you the general color of my thoughts on this subject; and presuming that you will wish t-o confer fully with me upon many points that would escape, or be imperfectly treated in letters, I shall reckon on the happiness of seeing you and Charlotte, for so I shall soon acquire a title to call her, at the time that may appear to you most convenient." Before Malcolm could practically accept this invitation, another letter came from Lord Minto — a few hurried lines, exhorting him to " stand fast," as his Lordship was about to start for Madras. On the lltli of September, the Governor-General crossed the surf. He received Malcolm with all his old cordiality and kindness. He found the mutiny already quelled. Little remained for him to do but to punish a few offenders and to forgive the rest. He was soon able, therefore,' to attend to the business of the Persian Mission. Malcolm needed no encouragement. Past disappointments had not allayed his zeal. He was soon agam busy with his preparations. They were not, this time, of a very elaborate or costly character. Beyond a suJSicient escort to give dignity to his ambassadorial character, there was no military force to be organised and equipped. Malcolm went on a mission of peace attended only by his " family," but the family was a large one. It was no small part of the business of the Envoy Extraordinary to restore the prestige of the Company's Government; and Lord Minto, therefore, readily agreed to render the new Embassy more imposing than that which, under the Malcolm's suite. 511 conduct of Sir Harford Jones, represented tlie Crown of England. There were, moreover, some supplementary objects to be attained by the Mission. The want of in- formation relative to the countries beyond India on the north-west had long been severely felt by Government, especially in times when the invasion of India by an European enemy was supposed to be a probable event. The opportunity of supplying this want now seemed to present itself, and Malcolm was all eagerness to attach to his Staff men who would delio-ht in the work of ex- ploring unknown regions, and bringing back intelligence relating to their geography and their resources. Malcolm made his selection well. He required the assistance of active, energetic men — full of enterprise, courage, and intelligence ; and all these attributes he found abundantly in the numerous members of his Staff. Charles Pasley had already approved himself in the Persian territory a diplomatist of the first class ; Henry ElUs had given promise of those many high qualities which afterwards secured for him an European reputation ; in John Briggs were discernible the germs of the ripe scholar and warm-hearted philanthropist, who still discusses questions of Indian policy or Indian philo- sophy with all the ardor of a boy. In Grant, doomed to perish miserably by the hand of an assassin; m the young giant Lindsay ; in Josiah Stewart and John Mac- donald ; in the engineer Monteith and others, Malcolm discerned tlie best characteristics of the true soldier and wise diplomatist, and we may be sure that whatsoever good qualities they possessed were developed under such a master. He had a wonderful faculty of drawing out the best part of those who worked under him. All that was excellent in his associates seemed to ripen rapidly under the genial and encouraging warmth of his example. His 512 THE MADEAS iMUTINY. words and acts alike gave them energy and strength ; and he never from first to last had reason to complain of any lack of good service.* * The following- is llie official mus- ter-roll of Malcolm's Staff: "Captain Charles Pasley, secretary ; Lieutenant Stewart, first assistant ; 11. Ellis, Esq., second ditto, at Bombay; and A. Jukes, Esq., third assistant, now at Bushire ; Lieutenant J. Briggs, supernumerary assistant at dii to ; Lieutenant Macdo- nald, ditto ; Lieutenant Little, ditto ; Mr, Surgeon Colhoun, Mr. Surgeon Cormick ; Captain N. P. Grant, com- manding the escort ; Lieutenants Erc- derick, Martin, Lindsay, Johnson, Eo- theringham, attached to ditto ; En- sign Montcith, Engineers. The escort consists of one subadar, one jemadar, two havildars, two naigues, and twenly troopers of Madras Horse Artillery ; one sergeant, tfro corporals, one trum- peter, and ten privates of his Majesty's 1 7th Light Dragoons ; and one suba- dar, one jemadar, two havildars, two uaigucs, one drummer, one fifer, and forty Sepoys of the Bombay establish- ment." Lieutenant Christie and En- sign Pottinger had previously started from Bombay, APPENDIX. MEHEDI ALI KHAN's MISSION". (Chapter VIL, page 116.) (From the Jotirnals of Sir John Malcolm^ "After we were seated, tlie Meerza commenced by observing, that to make me master of all his actions since he was sent into this quarter, he should take a cursory view of them from the time of his arrival at Bushire until the present time. He had been in- formed, he said, by Mr. Duncan, that while the Company was engaged on one hand with Tippoo Sultan, Zemaun Shah, on the other, threatened an invasion of the provinces of Oude ; and that he had suggested the possibility of creating a diversion in the Afghan dominions by exciting the Persian monarch to hostilities in that quarter, which certainly would have the effect of recalling Zemaun Shah from any attack upon India ; that having been authorised to make an attempt of this nature, he had, with the aid and advice of Hadjee Khalil Khan, opened a correspondence with the King and also with the Prime Minister, and in the course of this he had artfully avoided pledging the Company's name ; that he liad represented as from himself the ravages of the Afghans at Lahore, and mentioned that thousands of the Sheea inhabi- tants of that quarter, who had fled from his cruelties, had found an asylum in the Company's dominions ; that if the King of Persia possessed the ability to check the career of such a prince he would be serving God and man to do so ; if he did not, wliy of course he would remain quiet. He also endeavoured to accelerate the VOL. I. 2 L 514 APPENDIX. advance of Mahmoud and Feroze Sliah, the fugitive brotliers of Zemaun Shall, and he added that all his endeavours were (as I had heard) crowned with success. " Last season the King of Persia had lost his time in besieging Nishapoor (it was true), and effected nothing. But the object, Mehedi Ali Khan said, that he had been directed to accomplish, was to prevent Zemaun Shah's invading India, not to destroy that monarch; and that object had been gained. Zemaun Shah, alarmed at the movement of the Persian monarch, had returned from Peshawur and hastened to Herat ; and the winter, which was the season for his invading Hindostan, had been lost. " After the King's retreat, Mehedi Ali Khan said he had gone to Teheran, where he was honorably entertained, and that his Ma- jesty had received him with distinction, and lodged him with the Prime Minister. Mehedi 'Ali Khan added that as he found that affairs had taken the most favorable turn, and that the King of Persia was obliged in honor to continue the contest with the Afghan Prince, he saw no good in making use of those powers with which he had been entrusted, and incurring an unnecessary expense for the Company. He therefore, when asked the purport of his mission, declared he was only sent to condole with the King on the death of his uncle, and to congratulate him on his auspi- cious succession. What he had before stated respecting Zemaun Shah's cruelties, and the protection which the Company had afforded to those whom his inhumanity had forced from the country, he declared was from himself, not from the English, who, so far from desiring aid against Zemaun Shah, wished him to ad- vance, that they might try him in arms ; that it was a matter of indifference to them whether the King of Persia advanced or not, further than they would always rejoice to hear of his Majesty's good fortune and increased power. " As there was a necessity for Mr. Duncan's letter to the King corresponding with this language, Mehedi Ali Khan said he took the one sent from Bombay out of the purse, as its contents (which represented him as a man charged with power to make any agree- ment he chose) would have excited suspicion, and made the King urgent for an advance of money, and substituted in its place a letter which condoled with the King on his uncle's death, and con- gratulated him on his own succession. APPENDIX. 515 " Respecting the French, Mehedi Ali Khan said he had procured orders to be sent for their persons to be seized, and their property to be plundered, if they came to any ports in Persia ; and that he himself had orders to that effect from the King to the Sheikh of Bushire. " He concluded by saying that at an audience before he left Court, where all were excluded from the presence except himself and the Prime Minister, a long conversation had taken place on the intended expedition to Khorassan and Candahar, which the King swore by his head he intended to prosecute. On his advice being, asked whether he thought it should be proclaimed as a war of religion or one of ambition, IVIehedi Ali Khan stated that both grounds were objectionable, as they were likely to unite those whom it was his Majesty's interest should be divided ; that it was best for his Majesty, in his opinion, to take public notice of the Prince Mahmoud, who was at his Court, and to proclaim his royal intention of placing that prince, who was Zemaun Shah's elder brother, on a throne which was his birthright.* This pretext was honorable, and would probably gain friends to the King among the chief leaders of the Afghan tribes, who were, by all accounts, not a little disaffected. The King approved this advice, and told him he was resolved to send Prince Mahmoud with Sadik Khan in advance, in the beginning of April, and he should himself follow in the rear with 20,000 men. " This was the state of affairs, IVIehedi Ali Khan said, when he took his leave, and he had no doubt that the King would march ; and if he does, there must be war between him and Zemaun Shah ; and, let who would conquer, the purposes of the Honorable Company would be answered." * This, however, is a mistake. Ha- Shah ; Zemaun, the second ; and Mah- mayoon was the eldest son of Timour moud, the third. — K. 2 l2 51G APPENDIX THE PERSIAN TREATIES. (Chapter VII., page 143.) Translation of a Firmaun from Futteh All Shauh, King of Persia, and an annexed Treaty concluded by Haiijee Ibraheem Khaun, Prime Minister, on the part of the King of Persia, by whom he ■was fully empowered ; and by Captain John Malcolm, on the part of the English Government, by virtue of powers delegated to him for that purpose by the INIost Noble the Marquis of Wellesley, K.P., Governor- General of India, &c. &c. Firmaun. In the name of the beloved and great God. The earth is the Lord's. Our august commands are issued : That the high in dignity, the exalted in station, the refuge of power and glory, the noble and great in authority, the chiefs of high nobles, the Beg- lerbegs, the Haukims, the Naibs, and Mootasuddies of the king- dom under our protection (who are raised by our royal favor), become acquainted, that, at this period, the dignified and eminent in station, the prudent, able, and penetrating, the greatest of the exalted followers of the Messiah, Captain John Malcolm, deputed from a glorious quarter (from the Government of the King of England, whose Court resembles the firmament, an emperor in dignity like Alexander, possessing the power of the globe, and -from the repository of glory, greatness, and ability, endowed with nobility, power, and justice, the Governor-General of the kingdom of Hindoostaun), for the purpose of establishing union and friend- ship between the two great States, has arrived at our threshold, founded on justice, and has been honored by admission to our royal presence of conspicuous splendor, and has expressed a desire that the foundations of amity and union should be laid between the two States, that they should be connected together in the bonds of friendship and harmony, and that a constant union and reciprocal good understanding should exist. We, from our august selves, have given our consent, and have granted the requests and -desires of the high in rank above mentioned, and a treaty, sealed APPENDIX. 517 with the seal of the Mhiister* of our ever-enduring Government^ has been given to him ; and you, exalted in station, are posi- tively enjoined of the necessity (after you become informed of our royal and august order) for all of you acting in strict conformity with the conditions of the treaty concluded and exchanged be- tween the high in rank, the exalted in station, the great and glorious in power, near to the throne, on whom the royal confi- dence is placed, Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, and the high in rank the Envoy (Captain John INIalcolm) whose titles have been before enumerated. Let no one act contrary to this high command, or to the contents of the annexed treaty ; and sliould it ever be repre- sented to us that any of the great nobles conduct themselves in opposition to the stipulations of this treaty, or are in this respect guilty or negligent, such will incur our displeasure and punish- ment, and be exposed to our royal anger, which is like fire ; and let them view this as an obligation. Dated in the month of Shaubaun, in the year of the Hejree 1215, corresponding Avith the month of January, a.d. 1801. Sealed in the usual form on the back of the Firmaun by the following Ministers: Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, Meerza Shuflfee, Meerza Roza Kooh, Meerza Assud Oollah, Meerza Rezy, Meerza Ahmud, Meerza Mortiza Kooli, Meerza Fazoollah, and Meerza Yoosuf Treaty Annexed. Preamble. Praise be to God, who has said, Perform your covenant, for the- performance of your covenant shall be inquired into hereafter. As establishing the obligations of friendship between all man- kind is a charge from the Almighty, and it is a most laudable ' and excellent institution, and as the Creator is pleased, and the happiness and tranquillity of his creatures consulted by it, there- fore, at this happy period of auspicious aspect, a treaty has been concluded between the high in dignity, the exalted in station, attended by fortune, of great and splendid power, the greatest * Literally, one iu whom confidence is placed. 518 APPENDIX. among the high viziers, in whom confidence is placed, tlic faithful of the powerful Government, the adorned with greatness, power, glory, splendor, and fortune, Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, on being granted leave, and vested with authority from the part of the high King, whose Court is like that of Solomon, the asylum of the world, the sign of the power of God, the jewel in the ring of kino-s, the ornament in the cheek of eternal empire, the grace of the beauty of sovereignty and royalty, the King of the universe, like Cahermaun the mansion of mercy and justice, the phoenix of good fortune, the eminence of never-fading prosperity, the King powerful as Alexander, who has no equal among the Princes exalted to majesty by the Heavens in this globe, a shade from the shade of the Most High,' a Khoosrow whose saddle is the moon, and whose stirrup is the new moon, a Prince of great rank before whom the sun is concealed. Arabic Verse. [Thy benevolence is universally dispensed ; everywhere drops are scattered ; thy kindness shadows cities ; may God fix firm the basis of thy dominion !] And the high in dignity, the great and able in power, the adorner of those acquainted with manners. Captain John Malcolm, delegated from the sublime quarter of the high in power (seated on a throne, the asylum of the world, the chief jewel in the crown of royalty and sovereignty, the anchor of the vessel of victory and fortune, the ship on the sea of glory and empire, the blazing sun in the sky of greatness and glory, lord of the countries of Eng- land and India, may God strengthen his territories, and establish his glory and command upon the seas!) in the manner explained in his credentials, which are sealed with the seal of the most powerful and most glorious possessing fortune, the origin of rank, splendor, and nobility, the ornament of the world, the completer of the works of mankind, the Governor-General of India. This treaty between the two great Powers shall be binding on race after race, and the two Governments must ever, while the world exists, act in conformity to what is now settled. Article 1st. The merchants of the high contracting States are to travel and carry on their affairs in the territories of both nations in full security and confidence, and the rulers and governors of all APPENDIX. 519 cities are to consider it their duty to protect from injury their cattle and goods. Article 2nd. The traders and merchants of the kingdoms of England or Hindoostaun that are in the service of the English Government shall be permitted to settle in any of the seaports or cities of the boundless empire of Persia (which may God preserve from calamity) that they prefer, and no Government duties, taxes, or requisitions shall ever be collected on any goods that are the actual property of either of the Governments, the usual duties on such to be taken from pui'chasers. Article 3rd. Should it happen that either the persons or pro- perty of merchants are injured or lost, by thieves and robbers, the utmost exertions shall be made to punish the delinquents and re- cover the property. And if any merchant or trader of Persia evades or delays the payment of a debt to the English Govern- ment, the latter are authorised to use every possible mode for the recovery of their demands, taking care to do so in communication and with the knowledge of the ruler or governor of the place, who is to consider it as his duty to grant on such occasion every aid in his power. And should any merchants of Persia be in India attending to their mercantile concerns, the officers of the English Government are not to prevent them carrying on their affairs, but to aid and favor them; and the above-mentioned mer- chants are to recover their debts and demands in the mode pre- scribed by the customs and laws of the English Government. Article 4th. If any person in the empire of Persia die indebted to the English Government, the ruler of the place must exert his power to have such demand satisfied before those of any other creditors whatever. The servants of the English Government resident in Persia are permitted to hire as many domestics, natives of that country, as are necessary for the transaction of their affairs ; and they are authorised to punish such in cases of misconduct in the manner they judge most expedient, provided such punishment docs not extend to life or limb. In sucli cases, the punishment to be inflicted by the ruler or governor of the place. Article 5th. The English are at liberty to build houses and mansions in any of the ports or cities of Persia that they choose, and they may sell or rent such houses or mansions at pleasure. 520 APPENDIX. And should ever a ship belonging to the English Government be in a damaged state in any of the ports of Persia, or one of Persia be in that condition in an English harbor, the chiefs and rulers of the ports and harbors of the respective nations are to consider it as their duty to give every aid to refit and repair vessels so situated ; and if it happens that any of the vessels of either nation are sunk or shipwrecked in or near the ports or shores of either country, on such occasions whatever part of the property is recovered shall be restored to its owners or their heirs, and a just hire is to be allowed by the owners to those who recover it. Final Article. Whenever any native of England, or India, in the service of the English Government, resident in Persia, wishes to leave that country, he is to suffer obstruction from no person, but to be at full liberty to do so, and to carry with him his property. The articles of the treaty between the two States are fixed and determined. That person who turns from God turns from his own soul. Dated in the month of Rumzaun, in the year of the Hejree 1215, corresponding with the month of January, a.d. 1801. Seal of Seal of Haujee Ibraheem Khaun. Captain John Malcolm. (Signed) John Malcolm, Envoy. Additional Article. It is further written in sincerity, that on iron, lead, steel, broadcloth, and perpetts, that are exclusively the property of the English Government, no duties whatever shall be taken from the sellers ; a duty not exceeding one per cent, to be levied on the purchasers. And the duties, imposts, and customs which are at this period established in Persia and India (on other goods) are to remain fixed, and not to be increased. The high in rank, Haujee Kliulleel Khaun, Malek-oo-Tijaur, is charged and entrusted with the arrangement and settlement of the remaining points relative to commerce. Seal of Seal of Haujee Ibraheem Khaun. Captain John Malcolm. (Signed) John Malcolm, Envoy. APPENDIX. 521 Political Treaty. Translation of a Firmaun from Futteli All Sliauli, King of CD Persia, and of an annexed Treaty, concluded by liaujee Ibra- lieem Khaun, Prime Minister, on the part of the King of Persia, by whom he was fully empowered; and by Captain John Malcolm, on the part of the English Government, by virtue of powers delegated to him for that purpose by the Most Noble the Marquis of Wellesley, K.P., Governor-General, &c. &c. Firmaun. In the name of the beloved and great God. The earth is the Lord's. Our august commands are issued: That the high in rank, the exalted in station, the great Rulers, Officers and Writers of the ports, sea-coasts, and islands of the provinces of Faurs and Khoozistaun, do consider themselves as particularly honored and advanced by the royal favor; and whereas, at this period, the foundations of union and friendship have been cemented, and the habits of amity and intercourse have been increased between the Ministers of the (Persian) State of eternal duration and the Ministers of the high Government of the refulgent sun of the sky of royalty, greatness, and eminence, the Sovereign of the countries of England and India ; and, as various engagements and treaties calculated for duration and permanence, and for mutual good vmderstanding, have been contracted, therefore this command from the palace of glory, requiring obedience, has been pro- claimed, that you, high in rank, do cheerfully comply, and execute the clear sense and meaning of what has been established. And should ever any persons of the French nation attempt to pass your ports or boundaries, or desire to establish themselves either on the shores or frontiers, you are to take means to expel and extirpate them, and never to allow them to obtain a footing in any place ; and you are at full liberty and authorised to dis- grace and slay them. You are to look upon it as your duty to aid and act in a friendly manner to all traders, merchants, and men of rank of the English nation. All such you are to consider as pos- sessing the favor of the King, and you must act in conformity to 522 APPENDIX. the conditions of tlie annexed treaty, that lias been concluded between the trustworthy of the high State, the bracelet of the^ graceful Government, Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, and the high in rank, Captain John Malcolm. View this as an obligation. Dated the 12th of Shaubaun, in the year of the Hejree 1215, corresponding with January, A.D. 1801. Sealed in the usual form on the back of the Firmaun by the fol- lowing Ministers: Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, Mcerza ShafFee, Meerza Reza KouH, Meerza Assud Pollah, Meerza Rezy, Meerza Ahmud, Meerza Moortiza Kouli, Meerza FazooUah, Meerza Yoosuf. Treaty Annexed. Preamble. Praise be unto God, who said, O you who believe, perform your contracts; perform your covenant with God when you enter into covenant with Him, and violate not your engagements after the ratification thereof. After the voice is raised to the praise and glory of the God of the world, and the brain is perfumed with the scent of the saints and prophets, to whom be health and glory ! whose rare perfec- tions are perpetually chanted by birds* of melodious notes, furnished with two, three, and four pair of wings, and to the highest seated in the heavens, for whom good has been predesti- nated, and the perfume mixed with musk, which scenteth the celestial mansions of those that sing hymns in the ethereal sphere, and to the light of the flame of the Most High, which gives irra- diate splendor to the collected view of those who dwell in the heavenly regions, the clear meaning of (the treaty) which has been established on a solid basis is fully explained in this page, and it is fixed as a prescription of law, that in this world of existence and trouble, in the universe of creation and concord there is no action among those of mankind that tends more to the perfection of the human race, or to answer the end of their being and existence, than that of cementing friendship and of establishing * Metaphorically, angels. APPENDIX. 523 intercourse, communication, and connexion betwixt eacli otlier. The image reflected from the mii-ror of accomplishment is a tree fruitful and abundant, and one that produces good, both now and hereafter. To illustrate the allusions that it has been proper to make, and to explain these metaphors worthy of exposition, at this happy period of auspicious aspect, a treaty has been con- cluded between the high in dignity, the exalted in station, attended by fortune of great and splendid power, the greatest among the high viziers, in whom confidence is placed, the faithful of the powerful Government, the adorned with greatness, power, glory, splendor, and fortune, Haujee Ibraheem Khaun, on being granted leave and vested with authority from the port of the high King, whose Court is like that of Solomon, the asylum of the world, the sign of the power of God, the jewel in the ring of kings, the ornament in the cheek of eternal empire, the grace of the beauty of sovereignty and royalty, the King of the universe, like CaheiTnaun the mansion of mercy and justice, the phoenix of good fortune, the eminence of never-fading prosperity, the King powerful as Alexander, who has no equal among the Princes, exalted to majesty by the Heavens in this globe, a shade from the shade of the Most High, a Khoosrow whose saddle is the moon, and whose stirrup is the new moon, a Prince of great rank before whom the sun is concealed. Arabic Verse. [Thy benevolence is universally dispensed ; everywhere" drops are scattered; thy kindness shadows cities; may God fix firm the basis of thy dominion, and may God fix and extend thy power over the servants of the Almighty !] And the high in dignity, the great and able in power, the adorner of those acquainted with manners. Captain John Malcolm, delegated from the sublime quarter of the high in power (seated on a throne, the asylum of the world, the chief jewel in the crown of royalty and sovereignty, the anchor of the vessel of victory and fortune, the ship on the sea of glory and empire, the blazing sun in the sky of greatness and glory, lord of the countries of England and India, may God strengthen his territories and establish his glory and command upon the seas !) in the manner explained m 524 APPENDIX. his credentials, which are sealed with the seal of the most powerful and most glorious possessing fortune, the origin of rank, splen- dor, and nobility, the ornament of the world, the completer of the works of mankind, the Governor-General of India. This treaty between these two great States shall be binding on race after race, and the two Governments must ever, while the world exists, act in conformity to what is now settled. Article 1st. As long as the sun illuminating the circle of the two great contracting parties shines on their sovereign dominions, and bestows light on the whole world, the beautiful image of ex- cellent union shall remain fixed on the mirror of duration and perpetuity, the thread of shameful enmity and distance shall be cut, conditions of mutual aid and assistance between the two States shall be substituted, and all causes of hatred and hostility shall be banished. Article 2nd. If the King of the Afofhauns should ever show a resolution to invade India, which is subject to the government of the monarch (above mentioned), the Prince of high rank, the King of England, an army overthrowing mountains, furnished with all warlike stores, shall be appointed from the State of the conspicuous and exalted high and fixed in power (the King of Persia), to lay waste and desolate the Afghaun dominions, and every exertion shall be employed to ruin and humble the above- mentioned nation. Article 3rd. Should it happen that the King of the Afghaun nation ever becomes desirous of opening the gates of peace and friendship with the Government of the King (of Persia), who is in rank like Solomon, in dignity like Jumsheed, the shade of God, who has bestowed his mercy and kindness on the earth, when ne- gotiations are opened for an amicable adjustment it shall be stipu- lated in the peace concluded that the King of the Afghauns or his armies shall abandon all design of attack on the territories subject to the Government of the King above mentioned, who is worthy of royalty, the King of England. Article 4th. Should ever any King of the Afghauns, or any person of the French nation, commence war and hostilities Avith the powerful of the ever-enduring State (of the King of Persia), the Rulers of the Government of the King (of England), whose Court is like heaven, and who has been before mentioned, shall APPENDIX. 525 (on such event) send as many cannon and warlike stores as possible, with necessary apparatus, attendants, and inspectors, and such (supply) shall be delivered over at one of the ports of Persia, whose boundaries are conspicuous to the officers of the hio-h in dignity, the King of Persia. Article 5th. Should it ever happen that an army of the French nation, actuated by design and deceit, attempts to settle, with a view of establishing themselves on any of the islands or shores of Persia, a conjunct force shall be appointed by the two high contracting States, to act in co-operation, and to destroy and put an end to the foundations of their treason. It is a condition, if such event happens, and the conquering troops (of Persia) march, that the officers of the Government of the King (of England), who is powerful as the heavens, and has been before mentioned, shall load, transport, and deliver (for their service) as great a quantity of necessaries, stores, and provisions as they possibly can; and if ever any of the great inen of the French nation express a wish or desire to obtain a place of residence or dwelling on any of the islands or shores of the kingdom of Persia, that they may there raise the standard of abode or settlement, such request or representation shall not be consented unto by the high in rank of the State en- compassed with justice (the Government of Persia), and leave for their residing in such place shall not be granted. While time endures, and while the world exists, the contents of this exalted treaty shall remain an admired picture in the mirror of duration and perpetuity, and submission to the fair image on this conspicuous page shall be everlasting. Seal of Seal of Haujee Ibraheem Khaun. Captain John Malcolm. (Signed) John Malcolm, Envoy. {The spelling of the names and titles in the above treaties differs from that cm- ployed in the text. The orthography in MalcolvCs journal has been literally fol- lowed, — K.] 526 APPENDIX. THE TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. (Chapter X., page 243.) Treaty of Alliance between the Honorable East India Company and the Maharajah Do wlut Rao Scindiah. Concluded at Boor- hampore on the 27th February, 1804. Treaty of alliance and mutual defence between the Honorable the English East India Company, and the Maharajah Ali Jali Dowlut Rao Scindiah Bahadur, and his children, heirs, and suc- cessors, settled by Major John Malcolm, on the part of the Honor- able Company ; and by Bappo Eitul Punt, and Moonshee Kavel Nyn, on the part of the Maharajah Dowlut Rao Scindiah. After having communicated to each other their full powers, the said John Malcolm being deputed to the Court of Dowlut Rao Scindiah by Major-General the Hon. Ai'thur Wellesley; the Hon. Major- General aforesaid being invested with full powers and authority from his Excellency the most Noble Richard Marquis Wellesley, Knight of the most illustrious order of St. Patrick, one of his Britannic Majesty's most Honorable Privy Council, appointed by the Honorable Court of Directors of the said Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indies. Whereas, by the blessing of God, the relations of friendship and union have been happily established between the Government of the Honorable Company, and that of the Maharajali Ali Jah Dowlut Scindiah Bahadur, by a recent treaty of peace, the two Governments aforesaid, adverting to the complexion of the times, have now determined, with a view to the preservation of peace and tranquillity, to enter into this treaty of general defensive alliance, for the reciprocal protection of their respective territories, together with those of their several allies and dependents, against unpro- voked aggression and encroachments of all or any enemies what- ever. Art. 1. The friendship and union established by the former treaty between the two States, shall be promoted and increased by this treaty, and shall be perpetual ; the friends and enemies of cither State shall be the friends and enemies of both ; and their mutual interests shall henceforward be inseparable. 2. If any person or state whatever shall commit any act of un- APPENDIX. 527 provoked hostility or aggression against either of the contracting parties, and, after due representation, shall refuse to enter into amicable explanation, or shall deny the just satisfaction or indem- nity which the contracting parties shall have required, then the contracting parties will proceed to concert and prosecute such further measures as the case shall appear to demand. For the more distinct explanation of the true intent and effect of thi$ article, the Governor-General in Council, in behalf of the Honor- able Company, hereby declares, that the British Government will never permit any power or state whatever to commit, with impu- nity, any act of unprovoked hostility or aggression against the rights and territories of the Maharajah Dowlut Rao Scindiah; but will at all times, in compliance with the requisition of the Maha- rajah, maintain and defend the same, when such requisition is made, in the Hke manner as the rights and territories of the Honorable Company are now maintained and defended. 3. With a view to fulfil this treaty of mutual defence, the INIaharajah agrees to receive, and the Honorable East India Com- pany to furnish, a subsidiary force of not less than six thousand , regular infantry, with the usual proportion of artillery, and with the proper equipment of warhke stores and ammunition. This force is to be stationed at such place, near the frontier of Dowlut Rao Scindiah, as may hereafter be deemed most eligible by the British Government ; and it will be held in readiness, at such station, to proceed as soon as possible for the execution of any service on which it is liable to be employed by the condition of this treaty. 4. And it is further agreed, that, in conformity to the stipula- tions of the fifteenth article of the treaty of peace, concluded by Major-General Wellesley, on the part of the Honorable Company, and by Bappo Eitul, Moonshee Kavel Nyn, &c., on the part of the Maharajah Ali Jah Dowlut Rao Scindiah, that all charges and expenses of the six battalions above mentioned, and of their ordnance, artillery, military stores, and equipment, shall be de- frayed by the Honorable Company out of the produce of the revenues of the territories ceded by the Maharajah Ali Jah Dowlut Rao Scindiah, to the said Company, by the articles second, third, and fourth of the afore-mentioned treaty of peace, which territories are specified in a statement annexed to that treaty. 528 APPENDIX. 5. Grain, and all other articles of consumption, and provisions, and all sorts of materials for wearing apparel, together with the necessary number of cattle, horses, and camels, required for the use of the subsidiary force, shall, whenever the aforesaid force is within the territories of the Maharajah, in consequence of his re- quisition, be entirely exempt from duties ; and whenever any further force of the Honorable Company shall, in consequence of war with any other state, be in the dominions of the Maharajah, they shall, in like manner as the subsidiary force, be exempt from all duties upon the aforesaid articles of necessary use and consump- tion. And it is also agreed, that, whenever any part of the army of the Maharajah is in the territories of the Honorable Company, for purposes connected with the fulfilment of this treaty, no duties on grain, camels, wearing apparel, &c,, as stated above, which the party of the army of the said Maharajah may require, shall be collected ; and it is further agreed, that the officers of the respec- tive Governments, while they are in the fulfilment of the articles of this treaty, either with the army, or in the territories of the other, shall be treated with that respect and consideration which is due to their rank and station. 6. The subsidiary force will at all times be ready, on the re- quisition of the Maharajah, to execute services of importance, such as the care of the person of the Maharajah, his heirs and successors, the protection of the country from attack and invasion, the over- awing and chastisement of rebels or exciters of disturbance in the Maharajah's dominions ; but it is not to be employed on trifling occasions. 7. Whereas it is agreed, in the thirteenth article of the treaty of peace, that the Maharajah Ali Jah Dowlut Rao Scindiah shall never take, or retain in his service, any Frenchman, or the subject of any other European or American power, the Government of whicli may be at war with Great Britain, or any British subject wliatever, European or native of India, without the consent of the British Government ; the Maharajah now further engages that he will hereafter never employ in his service, or permit to reside in his dominions, any European or American whatever, without the consent and acquiescence of the British Government ; the said British Government on its part engaging that it never will employ, or permit to reside in its dominions, any person, subject of the Ma- APPENDIX. 529 liarajali, or others, who shall hereafter be guilty of cnmes, or of hostility, against the person or Government of the aforesaid Maha - rajah Dowlut Rao Scindiah. 8. As, by the present treaty, the union and friendship of the two states is so firmly cemented, that they may be considered as one and the same, the ]\Iaharajah engages neither to commence nor to pursue, in future, any negotiation with any principal states or powers, without giving previous notice, and entering into mu- tual consultation with the Honorable East India Company's Government: and the Honorable Company's Government, on their part, declare that they will have no manner of concern with any of the Maharajah's relations, dependents, military chiefs, or ser- vants, with respect to whom the Maharajah is absolute ; and that they will on no occasion ever afford encouragement, support, or protection, to any of the Maharajah's relations, dependents, chiefs, or servants, who may eventually act in opposition to the Maha- rajah's authority, but on the contrary, at the requisition of the Maharajah, they will aid and assist to punish and reduce all such offenders to obedience ; and it is further agreed, that no officer of the Honorable Company shall ever interfere in the internal affairs of the Maharajah's Government. 9. As the chief object and design of the present defensive alliance is the security and protection of the- dominions of the con- tracting parties, and their allies and dependents, from all attack whatsoever, the Maharajah Dowlut Rao Scindiah engages never to commit any act of hostility or aggression against any state or chief in alliance with the Honorable Company, or against any other principal state or power; and, in the event of differences arising, whatever adjustment tlie Company's Government, weigh- ing matters in the scale of truth and justice, may determine, shall meet with his full approbation and acquiescence. 10. The contracting parties will employ all practicable means of conciliation to prevent the calamity of war, and for that purpose will at all times be ready to enter into amicable explanations with other principal states or powers, and to cultivate and improve the general relations of peace and amity with all the principal powers of India, according to the true spirit and tenor of this treaty. But if a war should unfortunately break out between the contracting parties and any other state or power whatever, then the Maharajah VOL. I. 2 M 530 APPENDIX. Ali Jah Dowlut Eao Scindiali Bahadur engages, that the English force, consisting of six battahons, with their guns, &c., joined by a detachment of his army, consisting of six thousand of the Maha- rajah's infantry, and ten thousand of his Pagah and Sillahdar cavahy, which force the Maharajah engages always to keep ready, shall be immediately put in motion for the purpose of opposing the enemy; and the Maharajah also engages to employ every further effort for the purpose of bringing into the field the whole force which he may be able to supply from his dominions, with a view to the effectual prosecution and speedy termination of the said war. The Honorable Company in the same manner engage, on their part (on such event occurring), to employ in active opera- tions against the enemy as large a force as the service may require, over and above the said subsidiary force. 11. Whenever war shall appear probable, the Maharajah Ali Jah Dowlut Rao Scindiali engages to collect as many brinjarries as possible, and to store as much grain as may be practicable in the frontier garrisons. The Company's Government also, with a view to the effectual prosecution of the war, engage to adopt similar measures in their frontier garrisons. 12. The contracting parties entertain no views of conquests or extensions of their respective dominions, nor any intention of pro- ceeding to hostilities against any state or principal power imless in the case of unjust and unprovoked aggression, and after the failure of their joint endeavours to obtain reasonable satisfaction, through the channel of pacific negotiation, according to the tenor of the preceding treaty. If, contrary to the spirit and object of this defensive treaty, war with any state should hereafter appear unavoidable (which God avert), the contracting parties will pro- ceed to adjust the rule of partition of all such advantages and; acquisitions as may eventually result from the success of their united arms. It is declared that, in the event of war, and of a consequent partition of conquests between the contracting parties, the shares of each Government shall be equal in the division of any territory which may be acquired by the successful exertion of their united arms, provided that each of the contracting parties shall have fulfilled all the stipulations of this treaty. 13. The interests of the contracting parties being identified this defensive alliance, it is agreed, that the Honorable Com- APPENDIX. 531 pany's Government sliall be at liberty to employ the whole, or any part of the subsidiary force established by the treaty, in quelling of any disturbance which may arise within their territories, or in the performance of any other service which may be required by the said Honorable Company's Government, provided such service shall not interfere with any other duties on which the said subsi- diary force is liable to be employed, under the conditions of this treaty. And if disturbances shall at any time break out in any part of the Maharajah's dominions which lie contiguous to the frontier of the Honorable Company, and to which it might be in- convenient to detach any proportion of the subsidiary force, the British Government in like manner, if required by Dowlut Rao Scindiah, shall direct such of the Company's troops as may be most conveniently stationed for the purpose, to assist in quelUng the said disturbances within the Maharajah's dominions ; and if disturbances shall at any time break out in any part of the do- minions of the British Government which lie contiguous to the frontier of the Maharajah, the Maharajah, if required by the British Government, shall direct such of his troops as may be most conveniently stationed for the purpose, to assist in quelling the said disturbances within the dominions of the British Government. 14. In order to strengthen and confirm the friendship established between the two states, it is agreed that neither of the two con- tracting parties shall enter into any alliance, or have any concern, witli the tributaries or chiefs of the other ; and in order to support the independent authority of both Governments, it is agreed and declared, that hereafter neither of the contracting parties will give protection or countenance to the rebellious tributaries and subjects of the other, but they will use their utmost endeavours for the apprehension of such rebels, in order that they may be brought to punishment. 15. The Honorable Company agree to exert their influence to maintain the observance of such usages on matters of form, and ceremony, and other customs, as shall appear to have been fixed on all points of intercourse and communication between the Peishwah and his ancestors, and the Maharajah Dowlut Rao Scin- diah and his ancestors ; and the English Government also agree to recognise the right of Dowlut Rao Scindiah to all possessions he holds, whether by written sunnuds or grants, or by the un- 532 APPENDIX. written authority of the Peishwah, according to former usage, provided such sunnuds do not interfere with the faithful fulfilment of the treaty of peace ; and provided also, that in all cases where disputes may arise on the subject of possessions held by unwritten authority, the Maharajah Dowlut Rao Scindiah agrees to refer to the sole arbitration of the said British Government, who will de- cide with reference to former usage, on the principles of truth and justice. The English Government further agrees to use its en- deavour to prevent any acts which have been done by Dowlut Rao Scindiah, or his ancestors, under the authority reposed in him or them by the Peishwah or his ancestors, from being subverted, provided their being supported is strictly consistent with the pre- servation of the honor and dignity of his Highness the Peishwah, and of the stipulations of the treaty of peace. 16. This treaty, consisting of sixteen articles, being this day settled by Major Malcolm, on the part of the Honorable Com- pany, and by Eitul Punt and Moonshee Kavel Nyn, on the part of Dowlut Rao Scindiah ; Major Malcolm has delivered one copy thereof in Persian, and Mahratta, and English, signed and sealed by himself, to the said Maharajah, who, on his part, has also delivered one copy of the same, duly executed by himself: and Major Malcolm, by virtue of a special authority given him in that behalf by Major-General the Hon. Arthur Wel- lesley (himself vested with full powers as before stated), hereby declares the said treaty to be in full force from the date hereof, and engages that a copy of the same, from the Governor-General in Council, in every respect the counterpart of that executed by himself, shall be delivered to the Maharajah AH Jah Dowlut Rao . Scindiah, in the space of two months and ten days ; and on the delivery of sucli copy, the treaty executed by Major Malcolm shall be returned. Done at Boorhampore, the twenty-seventh of February, a. d. 1804, or fourteenth of Zeecada, A. H. 1218. APPENDIX. 533 SIR ARTHUR WELLESLEY ON THE PEACE AVITH SCINDIAH AND HOLKAR. [The following are the letters to which reference is made at the close of Chapter XIII. They are all written in the year 1806.] London, February 25, 1806. My dear Malcolm, — I returned from the Continent only a few days ago, and have not yet had leisure to read the Indian papers which have come into my hands, in order to enable me to form an opinion of the state of affairs up to the latest period. I think it probable, however, that you will have peace, and that it may be permanent or otherwise in proportion to our own firmness and the means of the enemy of disturbing our tranquillity.. So many principles, hoAvever, have been abandoned, or overturned, that we must look for peace from a course of accidental circum- stances, and not from the steady adherence to any settled system of policy. I will try to get a living for your brother, but you see that a revolution (commonly called a change) has taken place in the Government of this country. IFe are not actually in opposi- tion, but we have no power, and if I get anything for your brother it must be by the influence of private friendship. I don't think that this Government can last very long. You can have no idea of the disgust created by the harshness of their measures and by the avidity with which they have sought for office, and by the indecency with which they have dismissed every man supposed to have been connected Avith Pitt. His friends will, I think, remain connected, and will act together as a body, and a most formidable one they will be to any Government, on account of their numbers. I am tolerably well in health, and I shall be quite well if I can contrive to spend a few weeks at Cheltenham this summer. The regiment Avhicli they have given me, and the staff^ have made me rich. As soon as I shall haA'-e read all the Indian papers Avhich I liave got, I will sit down and write you a long despatch upon them. In the mean time, Believe me, yours most sincerely and aftectionately, Arthur Wellesley. There is a report about London Avhich I cannot bring myself to 534 APPENDIX. give credit to, that you had been hurt by a horse, and that your leg had, in consequence, been amputated. I was employed for two days tracing this report, and at last I found that you had been bit by a horse in the arm. I only hope not by Sultan. Hastings, iu Sussex, July 31, 1806. My deak Malcolm, — I have received your letters up to the 14th of January, for which I return you many thanks. The subjects to which they relate are too large to be discussed in a letter which must go to the post this afternoon, in order to be despatched by the ships which sail in a few days. I shall, there- fore, satisfy myself by telling you that I consider you have acted a part entirely consistent with your own character, and in strict conformity with my sentiments, in everything that you have done. The arrangement with Scindiah Is precisely that which you and I recommended long before, and which I urged, and I believe was ordered, when I was in Bengal, in the year 1804. I thought, also, at that time, and so did you, that the Rajpoots ought to have been subjected to the control of Scindiah 's Government, as the only mode of re-estabhshing it in the state in which it must exist, if it is to exist at all. This object might with ease and justice have been effected at that time, if the state of Scindiah's Government had permitted it ; and I am not sufficiently acquainted with all that has passed between the Rajpoots and our Govern- ment since the period of Monson's defeat to be able to decide that we ought not to deliver them over to Scindiah, notwithstanding the favorable change which has taken place in the state and dis- positions of his councils. I regret that it has been necessary to allow Holkar to exist and to be at large. I should be inclined to suspect that he will never allow us to be at peace, and without peace we cannot reduce the debt, which must be the great object at present. However, if it was necessary to allow him to exist, I see but one amendment which could have been made to the treaty with him, that is, to have kept permanently Amber and Chandore in the Deccan, and some place of similar consequence in Hindostan, either in our own hands, or those of our allies, as a perpetual memorial to the whole world that we had defeated him. The powers of India will not APPENDIX. 535 now believe that our moderation alone has occasioned the treaty which has been concluded, and I should not be surprised if it gave ground for a belief the most erroneous, that Holkar's power and his mode of warfare had been more destructive to us than the resources, and the efficiency, and discipline of the armies of the other Mahrattas. In respect to the necessity of peace with Holkar, no man can be a judge of it who has not been in this country, who has not sat in the House of Commons, and had means of ascertainino- the public opinion at its fountain head. I really believe that in the opinion of the majority of people in this country it would have been better to cede the whole of Oude to Holkar, than to con- tinue the war with him. As for myself, I am here now in the command of a force — stationed on this part of the coast — the old landing-place of Wil- liam the Conqueror. You will have seen that I am in Parliament, and a most difficult and unpleasant game I have had to play in the present extraordinary state of parties. I have desired Syden- ham to send you a copy of a speech which I made upon the Budget. I have seen your brothers Pulteney and Charles, both well. The former is in the Donegal off Brest, the other unem- ployed in London. But Sir Thomas, who I saw likewise, expects to be able to get a ship for Charles soon. God bless you, my dear Malcolm ; do not stay too long in India, and believe me, Ever yours most affectionately, Arthur Wellesley. Pray remember me most kindly to Wilkes, and all friends at Seringapatam. Deal, Dec. 10, 1S06. My dear Malcolm, — I hear that the ships will soon sail from Portsmouth, and I will not allow them to go without a few lines, although I have but little to tell you. I know no more of public news than Avhat you will see in the newspapers, which indeed, in these days, contain everything. You will read with horror the accounts of the French successes against the King of Prussia, but will learn with pleasure that, considering the line of policy which 536 APPENDIX. that Government has adopted for some years, those successes are not likely to do us any material mischief immediately, whatever may be their eventual consequence in relation to our ally the Emperor of Russia. Of the truth of this opinion I am thoroughly convinced, from a personal knowledge of facts, as well as because I know it is entertained by some, for whose judgment I entertain the greatest respect. As for India, I know but little respecting it. If I had been employed in North America, I might be informed and consulted on the measures to be adopted in India; but as it is, that is out of the question. Lord Minto will sail soon — I believe, early in next month ; and General Hewitt, who is appointed Commander-in- Chief, will go with him, or shortly after him. You will find this to be a sensible and good-natured gentleman, and well disposed to carry on his business in the manner which experience has proved to be most suitable to the country. I doubt whether his health or his age will permit him to remain long, or to be very active in the field. The last letter which I received from you was dated from Cawn- pore, in May, I believe, but I sent it to Lord W., who has kept it. You are already acquainted with my opinion generally about your peace with Holkar, and your treaty with Scindiah. I only wish that you liad kept anything from the former which might have been held out as a perpetual signal and memorandum to all India that he had been defeated by us, for I am apprehensive that the opinion to which I know all were inclined, that Hol- kar's system of warfare was the same witli the old Mahratta system, that it was the best against us, and that Scindiah was ruined by his adoption of a more regular system, than which no- thing can be more erroneous, may occasion another war with a confederacy. I know that we have no danger to apprehend from this war, if we keep up not so much the strength of our armies as our equipments ; and if our troops are commanded by officers who know how to make use of them. But I dread the expense, and the efiTect which the renewal of these wars will have in this country, and I know full well that there are many delicate ques- tions to be settled in the Mahratta Empire, the arrangement of which, in peace, will require all the impression from former vic- tories, all the vigor, all the prudence, and all the temper which APPENDIX. 537 have brought us throu^li our former difficulties. The fault which I find with the peace with Ilolkar, therefore, is, that it has strength- ened an erroneous opinion, which has deprived us of the greatest advantage of our victories, viz., their impression, and that in this manner it will increase the chance of war upon the occasion of the arrangement of every question which remains to bo settled in the Mahratta Empire. The want of this impression renders the exercise of a vigorous administration nearly impracticable, ex- cepting in a state of constant preparation for war, which, after all, is nearly as expensive as war itself; and yet I don't see how the Government in India is to be carried on excepting with vigor. I see no material objection to the treaty with Scindiah, and I believe that I recommended that the treaty of peace should be arranged upon the principles of that treaty, and that a treaty to a similar purport should be concluded with Scindiah when the treaty of peace was arranged differently. You will have heard with astonishment of PauU's attack upon Lord Wellesley. The impudence of this gentleman in setting himself up for Westminster, has afforded an opportunity of un- veiling him to the public, and his character is now well known. Only think of that fellow standing for Westminster, and having him not far from carrying his election ! He is not now in Par- liament, and I doubt whether he Avill come in; and if he should not be in the House of Commons, it is not quite clear that any- body will undertake the cause which he will have left. But whether there should be such a person or not, I have some reason to believe that the House will n ot allow the business to be brought forward again, although, from the state of parties, I am afraid that it will not be got rid of in the manner which would be most agreeable and honorable to Lord Wellesley and his friends. You who know him well, will be aware of the impression which all that has passed upon this subject, and the state of the public mind on Indian subjects generally, have made upon him. 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A hearty and earnest work, full of deep thought, and developing great and striking truths in art." — British Quarterly Revieic. "A very extraordinary and delightful book, full of truth and goodness, of power and beauty." — Noi-th British Review. THE STONES'OF VENICE. Now complete in Three Volumes, Imperial 8vo, ivith Fifty-three Plates and numerous Woodcuts, drawn hy the Author. Price 51. 15s. 6^/., in embossed cloth, with top edge gilt. EACH VOLUME MAY BE HAD SEPARATELY, VIZ.— Vol. I. The Foundations, icith 21 Plates, j^rice 11. 2s. Vol. II. The Sea Stories, loith 20 Plates, price 21. 2s. Vol. III. The Fall, ivith 12 Plates, price II. lis. 6d. " This book is one which, perhaps, no other man could have written, and one for which the world ought to be and will be thankful. It is in the highest degree eloquent, acute, stimulating to thought, and fertile in suggestion. It shows a power of practical criticism which, when fixed on a definite object, nothing absurd or evil can withstand ; and a power of appreciation which has restored treasures of beauty to mankind. It will, we are convinced, elevate taste and intellect, raise the tone of moral feeling, kindle benevolence towards men, and increase the love and fear of God." — Times. " The ' Stones of Venice' is the production of an earnest, religious, progressive, and informed mind. The author of this essay on architecture has condensed into it a poetic apprehension, the fruit of awe of God, and delight in nature; a knowledge, love, and just estimate of art; a holding fast to fact and repudiation of hearsay ; an historic breadth, and a fearless challenge of existing social problems, whose union we know not where to find paralleled." — Spectator. " No one who has visited Venice can read this book without having a richer glow thrown over his remembrances of that city, and for those who have not, Mr. Ruskin paints it with a firmness of outline and vividness of colourmg that will brmg it before the imagination with the force of reality." — Literary Gazette. " This work shows that Mr. Ruskin's powers of composition and criticism were never in greater force. His eloquence is as rich, his enthusiasm as hearty, his sjmipathy for all that is high and noble in art as keen as ever. The book, like all he writes, is manly and high-minded, and, as usual, keeps the attention alive to the last." — Guardian. THE SEVEN LAMPS OF ARCHITECTURE. Second Edition, ivith Fourteen Plates drawn hy the Author. Imperial 8vo, \l. is. cloth. " By the ' Seven Lamps of Architecture,' we understand Mr. Ruskin to mean the seven fimdamental and cardinal laws, the observance of and obedience to which are indispensable to the architect, who would deserve the name. The politician, the moralist, the divine, will find in it ample store of instructive matter, as well as the artist. The author ot this work belongs to a class of thinkers of whom we have too few among us." — Examiner. " Mr. Ruskin's book bears so unmistakeably the marks of keen and accurate observation, of a true and subtle judgment and refined sense of beauty, joined with so much earnestness, so noble a sense of the purposes and business of art, and such a command of rich and glowuig language, that it cannot but tell powerfully in producuig a more religious view of the uses of architecture, and a deeper msight into its artistic principles."— 6-';vo, 5s. cloth. " The pleasantest tale we have read for many a day. It is a story of the Tatter and Spectator days, and is very fitly associated ^\ith that time of good English literature by its manly feeling, direct, unaffected manner of writing, and nicely managed, well-turned narrative. The descrip- tions are excellent ; some of the coimtry paintmg is as fresh as a landscape by Constable, or an idyU by Alfred Tennyson." — E.vaminer. THE SCHOOL FOR DREAMERS. Crown 8ro, 5s. cloth. " A powerful and skilfully-written book, intended to show the mischief and danger of follow- ing imagination instead of judgment in the practical business of life." — Literary Gazette. Smith, Elder and Co. 13 ®l[iClTtHl THE CHINESE AND THEIR REBELLIONS, WITH AN ESSAY ON CIVILIZATION. By THOMAS TAYLOR MEADOWS. One Thick Volume, 8vo, with Maps, price 18s. cloth. " In this book is a vast amount of valuable information respecting China, and the statements it contains bear on them the face of truth. Mr. Meadows has produced a work which deserves to be studied by all who would gain a true appreciation of Chinese character. Information is sown broad-cast through every page." — Athcnwum. " This instructive volume conveys with clearness and accuracy the true character of the social and political institutions of China, and the customs and manners of the Chinese : it affords a complete compendium of the Chinese Empire. The whole of the political geography and administrative machinery of the empire is described, and the theory and practical working of tlie Chinese aristocracy." — Observer. THE CAUVERY, KISTNAH, AND GODAVERY: Being a Report on the Works constructed on those Rivers for the Irrigation of Provinces in the Presidency of Madras. By R. BAIRD smith, F.G.S., Lt.-Col. Bengal Engineers, &c., &c. In demy Qvo, with 19 Plans, pi'ice 28s. cloth. " A most curious and interesting work." — Economist. THE BHILSA TOPE S; or, Buddhist Monuments of Central India. By JklAJOR CUNNINGHAM. One Volume, Suo, xoith Thirty-three Plates, price 30s. cloth. " Of the Topes opened in various parts of India none have yielded so rich a harvest of Im- portant information as those of Bhilsa, opened by Major Cunningham and Lieut. Maisey ; and which are described, with an abundance of highly curious graphic illusti'ations, in this most interesting \ioo\ ^ ir-^I '^^ - £9 n U ( %, 3 1158 01205 7476 r\ % UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY ? ^lOSMElfj^ ^^lUBRARYOc. .^Wl■UNIVER% . c ^^0:1!1V3J0'*^ '%)JI1V3-J0^ "^XiiaONVSOl^ ^0!?A', 4.0FCMIFO% ^ aWEUNIVERS//) Q u_ % ii