THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 O F 
 
 J U N I U S 
 
 Complete in ONE VOLUME. 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 WITH A COPIOUS INDEX. 
 STAT NOMINIS UMBRA. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1786.
 
 503 
 A^ 
 
 ngfc 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAG& 
 
 pvEDICATION to the Englijl Nation, - 7 
 
 *>*, PREFACE, - ij 
 LETTER I. Junius to the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advert ifer, - - 29 
 LET. II. Sir William Draper s anfiuer to the 
 former letter of Junius, addrefftd to the 
 
 Printer ; - 39 
 
 LET. III. Junitis to Sir William Draper, - 44 
 
 LET. IV. Sir William Draper to Junius t - 49 
 
 LET. V. To Sir William Draper, - 55 
 
 LET VI. To Junius from Sir William Draper , 57 
 
 LET. VII. To Sir William Draper, 58 
 
 LET. VIII. To his Grace the Duke cf Grafton, <5o 
 
 LET. IX To his Grace the Duke of Graf ton, 65 
 
 LET. X. To Mr Ed-ward Wefton, 68 
 
 LPT. XL To his Grace the Duke ofGrafton, 70 
 
 LET. XII. To his Grace the Duke of Graf tent 74 
 LET. XIII. Phih Juntas to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Adver lifer, - - 8z 
 LET. XIV. Phih Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advertifer, - - 84 
 
 LET. XV. To his Grace the Daks of Graf ton t 88 
 LET. XVI. T; t!:: Printer >fihc Public Adver- 
 
 tifer, 94 
 LET. XVII. F.( r fi:iter sftbe 
 
 Public Advertiftr, - - 99 
 LET. XVill. Tc. Sir J'/illiam Bfakjlont, Soli- 
 citor General tc her MaJ&y t 102 
 LET. XIX. Phih Junius to the Printer cf the 
 
 Public Advertiftr - - IO 7 
 LET. XX. Junius, to the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advert'ifer^ - - - 115 
 LET. XXI. To the Printer of the Public Ad- 
 
 ucrtifer.) - - - 122 
 a z LET-
 
 4 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 LET. XXII. Phi/o Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advertifer, 123 
 
 LET. XXIII. Junius to the Duke of Bedford, 127 
 LET. XXIV. Sir William Draper to Junius, 136 
 LET. XXV. Junhn to Sir William Draper, 138 
 LET. XXVI. Sir William Draper to Junius, 141 
 LET. XXVII. Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public AJveriifer, - - '145 
 
 LET. XXVIII. To the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advertifer, - - 1 50 
 
 LET. XXIX Phih Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Acivertifer, - 151 
 
 LET. XXX. Junius to the Printer cf the Pu- 
 blic Advertif.'r, - 155 
 LET. XXXI. Philo Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advert 'ifer, 161 
 
 LET. XXXII. Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advertifer, - 165 
 
 LET. XXXIII. To his Grace the Duke of Graf- 
 ton 1 66 
 LET. XXXIV. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, 1 68 
 LET. XXXV. To the Printer of the Public Ad- 
 
 vertifer, - - 172 
 
 LET. XXXVI. To the Du\e cf Graf ton, - 188 
 LET. XXXVII. To the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advrrtiftr, - - 197 
 
 LET. XXXVIII. To the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advertifer, - 2O2 
 
 LET. XXXIX. To the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advertifer, - 209 
 
 LET. XL. To Lord North, - - 220 
 
 LET. XLI. To the Right Hon. Lord Mansfield, 223 
 LET. XLI I. To the 1'r inter of the Public Ad- 
 vertifer, 235 
 LET. XLIII. Phih Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Pu blic Advert r/er> 244 
 
 LET. XL1V. Junius to the Printer of the Pu- 
 blic Advettijcr, - 246 
 
 LET. XLV.
 
 CONTENTS. 5 
 
 PAGE 
 
 LET. XLV. Philo Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advert if er, 257 
 
 LET. XL VI. Phih Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advertifer. - 258 
 
 LET. XLVII. Philo Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advertifer, - - 260 
 
 LET. XLV III. Phih Junius to the Printer of 
 
 the Public Advertifer, - - 262 
 
 LET. XLIX. Junius to the Duke of Graft on, 265 
 LET. L. To his Grace the Duke of Graf ton, 269 
 LET. LI. From the Rev. Mr Home to Junius, 274 
 LF/T. LIE. Junius to the Rev. Mr Home, - 276 
 LET. L1II. From the Rev. Mr Home to Junius, 279 
 LET. LIV. Junius to the Printer of the Public 
 
 Advertifer, - - 2pZ 
 
 LET. LV. Phih Junius to the Printer of the 
 
 Public Advcrtijer, - 301 
 
 LET. LVL The Rev. Mr Home to Junius, - 303 
 LET. LVII. Junius to hit Grace the Duke of 
 
 Graf ton, - ~ 35 
 
 LET. LVIII. Addrefjed to the Livery of London, 3 1 1 
 LET. LIX. To the Printer of the Public Adver-- 
 
 tifer, - - 313 
 
 LET. LX. Philo Junius to the Printer cf the 
 
 Public Advertifer, - -v 323 
 
 LET. LXI. Philo Junius to Zcno, - 32> 
 
 LET. LXII. Philo Junius to an Advocate in the 
 
 Caufe of the People, - - 33 1 
 
 LtT. LXIII. Obfervations by a Friend of Ju- 
 nius in anfiver to a Barrifter at Law, - 332^ 
 LET. LXIV. Declarations in behcJf of Junius, 334 
 LET. LXV. Junius to Lord Chief Jujiice Mans* 
 
 field, 33 7 
 
 LET. LXVI. Junius engages to make good his 
 
 charge againft Lord Mansfield, - 338 
 
 LET. LXVII. Junius to the Duke of Graf ton, ibicf. 
 
 LET. LXV1H. To Lord Chief Jujiice Mansfeld,.^ 
 
 LET. LXIX. To the Right Hon. Lord Camden, 365 
 
 * 3
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ENGLISH NATION. 
 
 T DEDICATE to You a colle&ion of Letters, 
 written by one of Yourfelves for the com- 
 mon benefit of us all. They would never 
 have grown to this fize without your conti- 
 nued encouragement and applaufe. To me 
 they originally owe nothing but a healthy, 
 fanguine, conftitution. Under Tour care they 
 have thriven. To Tou they are indebted for 
 whatever ftrength or beauty they pofiefs. 
 When Kings and Minifters are forgotten, 
 when the force and direction of perfonal fa- 
 tire is no longer underftood, and when mea- 
 fures are only felt in their remoteft confe- 
 quences, this book will, I believe, be found 
 to contain principles worthy to be tranfmitted 
 to pofterity. When you leave the unimpair- 
 ed, hereditary freehold to Your children, You 
 do but half Your duty. Both liberty and pro- 
 perty are precarious, unlefs the poflefifors have 
 fenfe and ipirit enough to defend them. This 
 is not the language of vanity. If I am a vain 
 
 man,
 
 8 DEDICATION. 
 
 man, my gratification lies within a narrow 
 circle. I am the fole depofuary of my own 
 fecret, and it mall pcrifh with me. 
 
 If an honeft, and, I may truly affirm, a la- 
 borious zeal for the public fervice, has given 
 me any weight in Your efteem, let me ex- 
 hort and conjure You never to fuffer an in v a- 
 fion of Your political conftitution, however 
 minute the inftance may appear, to pafs by, 
 without a determined, perfevering refiftance. 
 One precedent creates another. They foon 
 accumulate, and constitute law. What ye- 
 flerday was fact, to-day is doctrine. Exam- 
 ples are fuppofed to juftify the moft danger- 
 ous meafures ; and where they do not fuit ex- 
 actly, the defect is fuppHed by analogy. Be 
 affured that the laws, which protect us in our 
 civil rights, grow out of the conftitution, .and 
 that they mull fall or flouriih with it. This 
 is not the caufe of faction or of party, or of 
 any individual, but the common intereft of 
 every man in Britain. Although the King 
 fhould continue to fupport his prtfent fyftem 
 of government, the period is not very dtftant 
 at which you will have the means of redrefs 
 in your own power. It may be nearer per- 
 haps than any of us expect, and I would warn 
 You to be prepared for it. The King may 
 pofilbly be advifed to diffolve the prefent par- 
 liament a year or two before it expires of 
 courle, and precipitate a new election, io 
 hopes of taking the nation by furprilc. If 
 fuch a meafure be in agitation, this very cau- 
 tion may defeat or prevent it.
 
 DEDICATION. 9 
 
 I cannot doubt that You will unanimoufly 
 affert the freedom of election, and vindicate 
 your exclufive right to choofe your reprefen- 
 tatives. But other queftions have been ftart- 
 ed, on which your determination ihould be 
 equally clear and unanimous. Let it be im- 
 preiied upon your minds, let it be inftilled 
 into your children, that the liberty of the 
 prefs is the Palladium of all the civil, politi- 
 cal, and religious rights of an Englifiiman \ 
 and that the right of juries to return a general 
 verdict, in all cafes wnatfoever, is an eflential 
 part of our conlHtution, not to be controuled 
 or limited by the judges, nor in any (hape 
 qocftionable by the legiilature. The power 
 of King, Lords, and Commons, is not an ar- 
 bitrary power *. They are the traftees, not 
 the owners, of the eitate. The fee-fimple is 
 
 in 
 
 * This pofitive denial, of an arbitrary power being 
 
 vefted in the legislature, is not in fa<vt a new do&rine. 
 
 When the Earl of Lmdlay, in the year 1675, brought 
 
 a bill into 'he Houfs of Lords, To prevent the dangers 
 
 'which might arife from per font difaffttted to government^ 
 
 by which an oath and penalty w .,-, to be impofed npoa 
 
 the members of both houfcs, it wa* affirmed, in a proteft 
 
 figned by twen.y-three lay peers, (my lords tht bifhopa 
 
 were not accuftomeJ to protelt), " Ttiat the privilege 
 
 of fitting and voting in parliament was an honour 
 
 they had by birth, and a right fo inherent, in them, 
 
 and infeparable from them, that nothing could take it 
 
 away, but what, by the law of the brid, mult withal 
 
 tt, k.c away their lives, and corrupt their blood." 
 
 Tiivfc nobie peers (whofe names are a reproach to their 
 
 poAerity) have, in this inftance, folemnly denied the 
 
 power of parliament to alter the conftitution. Under 
 
 a particular proportion, .hey have afTerted a general 
 
 truth, in which every man in England is concerned.
 
 TO DEDICATION. 
 
 in US. They cannot alienate, they cannot 
 wafte. When we fay that the legiflature is 
 fupreme, we mean, that it is the higheft power 
 known to the conftitution ; that it is the 
 higheft in companion with the other fubordi- 
 nate powers eflabiifhed by the laws. In this ' 
 fenfe, the word fupreme is relative, not abfo- 
 lute. The power of~the legiflature is limited, 
 not only by the general rules of natural ju- 
 flice, and the welfare of the community, but 
 by the forms and principles of our particular 
 conftitution. If this doctrine be not true, we 
 muft admit, that King, Lords, and Commons, 
 have no rule to direct their refolutions, but 
 merely their own will and pleafure. They 
 mi ht unirc thelegiflative and executive power 
 in th? fame hand?, and diffolve the conftitu- 
 tion by an aft of parliament. But I am per- 
 fuaded You will not leave it ro the choice of 
 feven hundred persons, tio:oriouliy corrupted 
 by the Crown, whether levcn ivrliions of 'their 
 equals lhall b* freemtn or flav-:s. The cer- 
 tainty of forfeiting th^ir own rights,' when 
 they facrifice thole of the nation, is no check 
 to a brutal, degenerate mind. Without iiv- 
 fifting upon the extravagant conceffion made 
 to Harry the Eighth, there are inftances, in 
 the hiftory of other countries, of a formal, 
 deliberate furren-dcr of the public liberty into 
 the hands of tht Sovereign. If England docs 
 not mare the fame fate, it is becaufe we have 
 better refourccs than in. the virtue of either 
 houfe of parliament. 
 
 I faid that the liberty of the prefs is the 
 
 palla.-
 
 DEDICATION. n 
 
 palladium of all your rights, and that the right 
 of the juries to return a general verdict is part 
 of your conftitution. To preferve the whole 
 fyftem, You muft correct your legiflature. 
 With regard to aay influence of the conftitu- 
 ent over the conduct of the reprefentative, 
 there is little difference between a feat in par- 
 liament for feven years and a feat for life. 
 The profpect of your refentment is too re- 
 mote ; and although the laft feflion of a fep- 
 tennial parliament be ufually employed in 
 courting the favour of the people, confider, 
 that at this rate your reprefentatives have fix 
 years for offence, and but one for atone- 
 ment. A death-bed repentance feldom reaches 
 to reftitution. If you refit-It, that in the 
 changes of adminiftration which have mark- 
 ed and difgr^ced the prefent reign, although 
 your warmeft patriots have in their turn 
 been in veiled with the. lawful and unlaw- 
 ful authority of the crown, and though other 
 reliefs or improvements have been held forth 
 to the people, yet that no one man in of- 
 fice has ever promoted or encouraged a bill 
 for mortening the duration of parliaments, 
 but that (whoever was minifler) the oppofi- 
 tion to this meafure, ever fmce the feptennial 
 act pafied, has been conflant and uniform 
 on the part of government. You cannot but 
 conclude, without the poflibility of a doubt, 
 that long parliaments are the foundation of 
 the undue influence of the crown. This in- 
 fluence anfwers every purpofe of arbitrary 
 power to the crown, with an expence and 
 oppreffion to the people, which would be un- 
 
 neceflary
 
 12 DEDICATION. 
 
 necefiary in an arbitrary government. The 
 bed of our minifters 'find it the eafieft and 
 mofl compendious mode of conducting the 
 King's affairs ; and all minifters have a gene- 
 ral intereft in adhering to a fyflem, which of 
 itfelf is fufficient to fupport them in office, 
 without any affiftance from perfonal virtue, 
 popularity, labour, abilities, or experience. 
 It promifes every gratification to avarice and 
 
 ambition, and fecures impunity. Thefe are 
 
 truths unqueftionable. 'If they make no ini- 
 prefiion, it is becaufe'they are too vulgar and 
 notorious. But the inattention or indiffer- 
 ence of the nation has continued too long. 
 You are roufed at laft to a fenle of your dan- 
 ger. The remedy \vill foon be in your power. 
 If Junius lives, You fhall often be reminded 
 of it. If, when the opportuniiy prefents it- 
 felf, You neglect to do your duty to your- 
 felves and to pofterity, to God and to your 
 country, I mall have one confolation left, in 
 common with the meaneft and bafeft of man- 
 kind : -Civil liberty may ftill laft the life of 
 
 3 JUNIUS. 
 
 PRE-
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 TH E encouragement given to a multitude 
 of fpnrious, mangled publications of the 
 letters of Junius y perfuades me, that a complete 
 edition, corrected and improved by the author, 
 will be favourably received. . The printer will 
 readily acquit me of any view to my own profit. 
 I undertake this troublefome tafk, merely to ferve 
 a man who has deferved well of me, and of the 
 public ; and who, on my account, has been cx- 
 pofed to an expenfive, tyrannical profecution. 
 For thefe rcafons, I give to Mr Henry Sampfon 
 Wocdfallj and to him alone, my right, intereft, 
 and property in thefe letters, as fully and com- 
 pletely, to all intents and purpofes, as an author 
 can poflibly convey his property in his own works 
 to another. 
 
 THIS edition contains all the letters of Juniur t 
 Philo Junius, and of Sir William Draper and Mr 
 Home to Junius t with their refpective dates, and 
 according to the order in which they appeared 
 in the Public Advertifer. The auxiliary part of 
 Philo Junius was indifpenfably neceflary to de- 
 fend or explain particular paffages in Junms t in 
 anfwer to plaufible objections ; but the fubordi- 
 nate character is never guilty of the indecorum 
 of praifing his principal. The fraud was inno- 
 cent, and I always intended to explain it. The 
 notes will be found not only ufeful, but necef- 
 B fary.
 
 ! 4 PREFACE. 
 
 fary. References to facts not generally known, 
 or allufions to the current report or opinion of 
 th* day, are in a little time unintellligible. Yet 
 the reader will not find himfelf overloaded with 
 explanations. I was not born to be a commen- 
 tator, even upon my own works. 
 
 IT remains to fay a few words upon the liberty 
 of the prefs. The daring fpirit, by which thefe 
 letters are fuppofed to be diftinguifhed, feems to 
 require that fomething ferious fhould be faid in 
 their defence. I am no lawyer by profeflion, nor 
 do I pretend to be more deeply read than every 
 Englifh gentleman fhould be in the laws of his 
 country. If, therefore, the principles I maintain 
 are truly conftitutional, I {hall not think myfelf 
 anfwered, though I fhould be convicted of a 
 jniftake in terms, or of mifapplying the language 
 of the law. I fpeak to the plain underftariding 
 of the people, and appeal to their honeft, liberal 
 conftru&ion of me. 
 
 GOOD men, to whom alone I addrefs myfelf, 
 appear to me to confult their piety as little as 
 their judgment and experience, when they ad- 
 mit the great and effential advantages accruing 
 to fociety from the freedom of the prefs, yet 
 indulge thenifelves in peevifh or paffionate excla- 
 mations againft the abufes of it. Betraying an 
 unreafonable expectation of benefits pure and 
 entire from any human inflitution, they in effect 
 arraign the goodnefs of Providence, and confefs 
 that they are diffatisfied with the common lot of 
 humanity. In the prefent inftance, they really 
 create to their own minds, or greatly exaggerate, 
 the evil they complain of. The laws of England 
 provide as effectually as any human laws can do, 
 for the protection of the fubjeft, in his reputa- 
 tion,
 
 PREFACE. 15 
 
 tion, as well as in his perfon and property. If 
 the characters of private men are infulted or in- 
 jured, a double remedy is open to them, by ac- 
 tion and indictment. If, through indolence, falfe 
 ihame, or indifference, they will not appeal to 
 the laws of their country, they fail in their duty 
 to fociety, and are unjuft to themfelves. If, 
 from an unwarrantable diftruft of the integrity of 
 juries, they would wifh to obtain juflice by any 
 mode of proceeding more fummary than a trial by 
 their peers, I do not fcruple to affirm, that they 
 are in effect greater enemies to themfelves than to 
 the libeller they profecute. 
 
 WITH regard to ftrictures upon the charac- 
 ters of men in office, and the meafures of go- 
 vernment, the cafe is a little different. A con- 
 fiderable latitude mufl be allowed in the difcuf- 
 fion of public affairs, or the liberty of the prefs 
 will be of no benefit to fociety. As the indul- 
 gence of private malice and perfonal flander 
 (hould be checked and refilled by every legal 
 means, fo a conftant examination into the cha- 
 racters and conduct of minifters and magiftrates 
 fhould. be equally promoted and encouraged. 
 They who conceive that our ivewfpapers are no 
 reftraint upon bad men, or impediment to the 
 execution of bad meafures, know nothing of this 
 country. In that flate of abandoned fervility and 
 proftitution, fo which the undue influence of the 
 crown has reduced the other branches of the le- 
 giftature, our miniiters and magiftrates have in 
 reality little punifhment to fear, and few diffi- 
 culties to contend with, beyond the cenfure of 
 the prefs, and the fpirit of refiftance which it 
 excites among the people. While this cenforial 
 power is maintained, to fpeak in the words of a 
 sioft ingenious foreigner, both minifter and ma- 
 B 2 giftrate
 
 itf PREFACE. 
 
 giftrate is compelled, in almoft every inflance, 
 to cheofe between his duty and his reputation. A 
 dilemma of this kind perpetually before him, 
 will not indeed work a miracle in his heart, but 
 it will affuredly operate, in fome degree, upon 
 his conduct. At all events, thefe are not times 
 to admit of any relaxation in the little dicipline 
 we have left. 
 
 BUT it is alleged, that the licentioufnefs of 
 the prefs is carried beyond all bounds of decency 
 and truth: that our excellent minifters are con- 
 tinually expofed to the public hatred or derifion : 
 that, in profecutions for libels on government, 
 juries are partial to the popular fide j and that, 
 in the mod flagrant cafes, a verdift cannot be 
 obtained for the King. If the premifes were ad- 
 mitted, I fhould deny the conclufion. It is not 
 true, that the temper of the times has in general 
 an undue influence over the conduct of juries. 
 On the contrary, many fignal inftances may be 
 produced of verdicts returned for the King, when 
 the inclinations of the people led ftrongly to an 
 undiftinguifhing oppofition to government. Wit- 
 nefs the cafes of Mr Wilkcs and Mr Almon. 
 In the late profecutions of the printers of my 
 addrefs to a great perfonage, the juries were 
 never fairly dealt with. Lord Chief Juftice Marf- 
 Jield, confcious that the paper in qudtion con- 
 tained no treafonable or libellous matter, and 
 that the fevered parts of it, however painful to 
 the King or offenfive to his fervants, were ftrict 
 ]y true, would fain have reftricled the jury to 
 the finding of fpecial fads, which, as to guilty 
 or not guilty^ were merely indifferent. This par. 
 ticular motive, combined with his general pur- 
 pofe to contract the power of juries, will account 
 for the charge he deliveied in Woodfafft trial. 
 
 He
 
 PREFACE. 17 
 
 He told the jury, in fo many words, that they 
 had nothing to determine except the fact of 
 -printing and publtjbing, and whether or no the 
 blanks or inuendos were properly filled up in 
 the information , but that, whether the de- 
 fendant had committed a crime, or riot, was no 
 matter of consideration to twelve men, who yet, 
 upon their oaths, were to pronounce their peer 
 guilty^ or not guilty. When- we hear fuch non- 
 fenfe delivered from the bench, and find it fup- 
 ported by a laboured train of fophiftry, which a 
 plain underftanding is unable to follow, and 
 which an unlearned jury, however it may fhock 
 their reafon, cannot be fuppofed qualified to re- 
 fute, can it be wondered that they fhould return 
 a verdict, perplexed, abfurd, or imperfect ?^ 
 Lord Mansfield has not yet explained to theworld r 
 why he accepted of a verdict which the court 
 afterwards fet afide as illegal; and which, as it 
 took no notice of the inuendos* did* not even, 
 correfpond with his own charge. If he had 
 known his duty, he fhould have fent the jury back,. 
 I fpeak advifedly, and am well allured that 
 no lawyer of character in Weftminfter-hall will 
 contradict me. To (how the falsehood of Lord 
 Mansfield's doctrine, it is not necefiary to enter 
 into the merits of the paper which produced the 
 trial. If every line of it were treafon, his charge: 
 to the jury would dill be falfe, ablurd, illegal,. 
 and unconftitutional. If I .ftated the merits of 
 my letter to the King, I fhould imitate LORD 
 MANSFIELD, and * TRAVEL OUT OF THIJ. 
 B 3 RECORD*. 
 
 * The following quotation from a fpetch delivered 'by Lord Cba* 
 tkam on the eleventh of December 1770, i$ taken with exa&net^,. 
 The reader will find it curious in itfl-lf, and very fit to be ir.ferted 
 here. " My Lords, The veidict given in Windfall's trial, ws 
 " guilty of printing and publfiing ONLY : upon which two mo- 
 * tions w^re made in court ; one, in arreii of judgment, bv
 
 J8 PREFACE. 
 
 RE cell D. When law and reafon fpeak plainly, 
 we do not want authority to direct our under- 
 (landings. Yet, for the honour of the profef- 
 fion, I am content to oppofe one lawyer to ano- 
 ther, efpecially when it happens that the King's 
 j orney General has virtually difclaimed the 
 doclrine by which the Chief Juftice meant tv 
 infure fuccefs to the profecution. The opinion 
 of the plaintiff's counfel (however it may be 
 ctherwife infignificant), is weighty in the fcale cf 
 the defendant' My Lord Chief Jujlice De Grey y 
 \vho filed the information ex officio^ is dire&ly 
 with me. If he had concurred in Lord Manf- 
 falcFs doclrine, the trial muft have been a very 
 ihort one. The fafts were either admitted by 
 WoodfalFs counfel, or eafily proved to the fatif- 
 fa&ion of the jury. But Mr De Grey> far from 
 thinking he fhould acquit himfelf of his duty by 
 
 barely 
 
 *' the defendant's connfel, grounded upon the ambiguity of the 
 ** verdict ; -the other, hy the counfel for the crown, for a rule 
 " xipon the defendant to (how caufe, why the veriidt fhould not 
 " be entered up according to the legal import of the word?. Oh 
 ' both motions, a rule was granted, and foon after the matter 
 *' was argued before the court of King's Bench. The noble 
 11 judge, when he delivered the opinion of the court upon the 
 verdict, went regularly through the whole of the proceedings 
 11 at A'/I Prius, as well the evidence that had been given, as his 
 44 own charge to the jury. This proceeding would have been 
 ' very proper, had a motion been made of either fide for a new 
 . " trial; becaufe either a verdict given contrary to evidence, or 
 " an improper charge by the judge at Niji Prius, is held to be * 
 *' fufficient ground for granting a new trial. But when a motion 
 41 is made in arreit rf judgment, or for eflahlilhing the verdict 
 ' by entering it up according to the legal import of the words, 
 ' it muft he on the ground of fomet-hing appearing on the face of 
 the record: and the court, in coi.fidcnng whether the verdict 
 ' (hall be eflablifhed or nor, are fo confined to the record, that 
 they cannot take notice of ar.y thing that does not appear on 
 the face it; in the legaT phrnfe, they cannot travel cut of lie 
 -V^rtcord, The noble judge did travel out of the record; and I 
 " affirm that his difconrfe was irregular, extrijitdicial, and ur.fre- 
 ' cedenied. His apparent motive for doing what he knew to he 
 41 wrong, was, that he might have an opportunity of (tiling the 
 41 public extrajuiiicialty, that the other three judges concurred ia 
 | the dsftrine laid down in his charge."
 
 PREFACE. 19 
 
 barely proving the fads, entered largely, and I 
 confefs not without ability, into the demerits of 
 the paper, which he called a /editions libel. He 
 dwelt but lightly upon thofe points, which (ac- 
 cording to Lord Mansfield) were the only matter 
 of confideration to the jury. The criminal intent, 
 the libellous matter, the pernicious tendency of 
 the paper itfelf, were the topics on which he 
 principally infifted, and of which for more than 
 an hour he tortured his faculties to convince the 
 jury. If he agreed in opinion with Lord Ma-nsfifflJ, 
 his difcourfe was impertinent, ridiculous, and un 
 reafonable. But, underflanding the law as I do, 
 what he faid was at leaft confiftent and to the pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 IF any honeft man fhould ftill be inclined to 
 leave the conftruftion of libels to the court, I 
 would intreat him to confider what a dreadful com- 
 plication of hardfhips he impofes upon his fellow 
 fubjects. In the firft place, the profecution com- 
 mences by information of an officer of the crown, 
 not by the regular conftitutional mode of indiftment 
 before a grand jury. As the fact is ufually ad- 
 mitted, or in general can eafily be proved, the 
 office of the petty jury is nugatory. The court 
 then judges of the nature and extent of the of- 
 fence, and determines ad arbitrium the quantum 
 of the punifhment, from a fmall fine to a heavy 
 one, to repeated whipping, to pillory, and unli- 
 mited imprifonment. Cutting off ears and nofes 
 might dill be inflicted by a refolute judge ; but I 
 will be candid enough to fuppofe that penalties, 
 fo apparently {hocking to humanity, would not 
 be hazarded in thefe times. In all other crimi- 
 nal profecutions, the jury decides upon the fal 
 and the ciime in one word; and the court pro- 
 nounces a certain fcntence, which is the fentence 
 
 of
 
 20 PREFACE. 
 
 of the law, not of the judge. If Lord MansfieltTs 
 doctrine be received, the jury muft either find a 
 verdicl of acquittal, contrary to evidence (which, 
 I can conceive, might be done by very confcien- 
 tious men, rather than truft a fellow-creature to 
 Lord Mansfield's mercy); or they muft leave to the 
 court two offices, never but in this inftance uni- 
 ted, of finding guilty, and awarding punifti- 
 ment. 
 
 BUT, fays this honeft Lord Chief Jujlice, " If 
 " the paper be not criminal, the defendant (tho* 
 " found guilty by his peers) is in no danger, for 
 " he may move the court in arreft of judgment." 
 True, my good Lord, but who is to determine 
 upon the motion ? Is not the court ftill to de- 
 cide, whether judgment (hall be entered up or 
 not? and is not the defendant this way as effec- 
 tually deprived of judgment by his psers, as if he 
 were tried in a court of civil law, or in the cham- 
 bers of the inquifition? It is you, my Lord, who 
 then try the crime, not the jury* As to the pro- 
 bable effect of the motion in arreft of judgment, 
 I (hall only obferve, that no reafonable man would 
 be fo eager to poffefs himfelf of the invidious 
 power of inflicting punifhment, if he were not 
 predetermined to make ufe of it 
 
 AGAIN : We are told, that judge and jury 
 have a diftindl: office; that the jury is to find 
 the faft, and the judge to deliver the law. De 
 jure rcfpondent j-udices, de fatto jurat i. The dic- 
 tum is true, though not in the fenfe given to it 
 by Lord Mansfield. The jury are undoubtedly to 
 determine the fa dr., that is, whether the defend- 
 ant did or did not commit the crime charged a- 
 gainft him. The judge pronounces the fentence 
 
 art*
 
 PREFACE. 2i 
 
 annexed by law to that fact fo found ; and if, in 
 the courfe of the trial, any queftion of law arifes, 
 both the counfel and the jury muft, of neceflity, 
 appeal to the judge, and leave it to his decifion. 
 An exception, or plea in tar, may be allowed by 
 the court ; but, when iffue is joined, and the jury 
 have received their charge, it is not poffible, in the 
 nature of things, for them to feparate the law from 
 the fact, unlefs they think proper to return affe- 
 cial verdict. 
 
 IT has alfo been alleged, that, although a com- 
 mon jury are fufficient to determine a plain mat- 
 ter of fact, they are not qualified to comprehend 
 the meaning, or to judge of the tendency, of a 
 feditious libel. In anfwer to this objection, 
 (which, if well founded, would prove nothing as 
 to the ftritt right of returning a general verdict), 
 I might fafely deny the truth of the affertion. 
 Englfomen of that rank, from which juries are 
 ufually taken, are not fo illiterate as (to ferve a 
 particular purpcfe) they are now reprefented. Or, 
 admitting the fact, let a fpecial jury be fummoned 
 in all cafes of difficulty and importance, and the 
 objection is removed. But the truth is, that if a 
 paper, fuppofed to be a libel upon government, be 
 fo obfcurely worded, that twelve common men 
 cannot poffibly fee the feditious meaning and ten- 
 dency of it, it is in effect no libel. It cannot in- 
 flame the minds of the people, nor alienate their 
 affections from government; for they no more 
 underftand what it means, than if it were published 
 in a language unknown to them. 
 
 UPON the whole matter it appears, to my un- 
 derftanciing, clear beyond a doubt, that if, in 
 any future profecution for a feciiticus libel, the 
 jury fhould bring in a verdict of aquittal not war- 
 ranted
 
 tza PREFACE, 
 
 ranted by the evidence, it will be owing to thtf 
 falfe and abfurd doctrines laid down by Lord 
 Mansfield. Difgufted by the odious artifices made 
 ufe of by the Judge to miflead and perplex them, 
 guarded againft his fophiftry, and convinced of 
 the falfehood of his afiertions, they may perhaps 
 determine to thwart his deteftable purpofe, and 
 defeat him at any rate. To him at leaft they will 
 
 do fiibjtantial jujiice. Whereas, if the whole 
 
 charge, laid in the information, be fairly and 
 honeftly fubmitted to the jury, there is no realbn 
 whatfoever to prefume that twelve men, upon 
 their oaths, will not decide impartially between 
 the King and the defendant. The numerous in- 
 ftances, in our (late-trials, of verdicts recovered 
 for the King, fufikiently refute the falfe and fcan- 
 dalous imputations thrown by the abettors of 
 Lord Mansfield upon the integrity of juries. But 
 even admitting the fuppofition, that in times of 
 univerfal difcontent, anhng from the notorious 
 maladministration of public affairs, a feditious 
 writer mould efcape,punifhment, it makes no- 
 thing againft my general argument. If juries are 
 fallible, to what other tribunal fhall we appeal ? 
 If juries cannot fafely be trufted, fhall we unite 
 the offices of judge and jury, fo wifely divided 
 by the conftitution, and truft implicitly to Lord 
 Mansfield? Are the judges of the court of King's 
 Bench more likely to be unbiafled and impartial, 
 than twelve yeomen, burgefles, or gentlemen, 
 taken indifferently from the county at large? 
 Or, in fhort, fhall there be no decision, until we 
 have inftituted a tribunal, from which no pof- 
 fible abufe or inconvenience whatfoever can arife? 
 If I am not grofsly miftaken, thefe queftions 
 carry a decifive anfwer along with them. 
 
 HAVING cleared the freedom of the prefs from
 
 PREFACE. 23 
 
 a reftraint equally unnecefiary and illegal, I return 
 to the ufe which has been made of it in the pre- 
 fent publication. 
 
 NATIONAL reflections, I confefs, are not ju- 
 flified in theory, nor upon any general princi- 
 ples. To know how well they are deferred, and 
 how juftly they have been applied, we muft have 
 the evidence of fats before us. We muft be con- 
 verfant with the Scots in private life, and obferve 
 their principles of acling to its, and to each other; 
 the characleriftic prudence, the felfifh nation- 
 ality, the indefatigable fmile, the perfevering affi- 
 duity, the eveilafting profeflion of a difcreei and 
 moderate refentment. If the inftance were not 
 too important for an experiment, it might not be 
 amifs to confide a little in their integrity. With- 
 out any abftradl reafoning upon caufes and effects, 
 we mall foon be convinced by experience, that the 
 Scots, tranfplanted from their own country, are 
 always a diftindt and feparate body from the peo- 
 ple who receive them. In other fettlements, they 
 only love themfelves ; in England, they cordially 
 love themfelves, and as cordially hate their neigh- 
 hours. For the remainder of their good qualities, 
 I muft appeal to the reader's obfervation, unlefs 
 he will accept of my Lord Barrington's authority. 
 In a letter to the late Lord Melcembe, publimed 
 by Mr Lee, he expreiTes himielf with a truth and 
 accuracy not very common in his Lordfhip's lucu- 
 brations ; " And Cockburn, like moft cf his coun- 
 *' trymen, is as abjet to thofe above him, as he 
 
 " is infolent to thofe below him." 1 am 
 
 far from meaning to impeach the articles of 
 the union. If the true fpirit of thofe articles 
 were religioufly adhered to, we mould not fee 
 fuch a multitude of Scotch commoners in the 
 lower-houfe, as reprefentatives of Englifh bo- 
 roughs,
 
 24 PREFACE. 
 
 roughs, while not a (ingle Scotch borough is ever 
 reprefented by an Englimman. We fhould not fee 
 Englifh peerages given to Scotch ladies, or to the 
 elder fons of Scotch peers, and the number of 
 fixteen doubled and trebled by a fcandalous eva- 
 fion of the act of union. If it (hould ever be 
 thought advifable to diflblve an act, the violation 
 or obfervance of which is invariably directed by 
 the advantage and intereft of the Scots, I fhall fay, 
 very fincerely, with Sir Edward Coke, * When 
 " poor England flood alone, and had not the ac- 
 " cefs of another kingdom, and yet had more and 
 '* as potent enemies as it now hath, yet the King 
 of England prevailed." 
 
 SOME opinion may now be expected from me, 
 upon a point of equal delicacy to the writer, and 
 hazard to the printer. When the character of the 
 chief magiftrate is in queftion, more muft be un- 
 derftood than may fafely be exprefTed. If it be 
 really a part of our conftitution, and not a mere 
 diftum of the law, t bat tht King can do no wrong, 
 it is not the only inftance, in the wifeft of human 
 inftitutions, where theory is at variance with 
 practice. That the fovereign of this country is 
 not amenable to any form of trial known to the 
 laws, is unqueftionabfe. But exemption from 
 punifhment is a fingular' privilege annexed to the 
 royal character, and no way excludes the pofllbility 
 of deferving it. How long, and to what extent, 
 a. King of England may be protected by the forms, 
 when he violates the fpirit of the conftitution, 
 deferves to be confidered. A miftake in this mat- 
 ter proved fatal to Charles and his fon. For my 
 own part, far from thinking that the King can 
 do no wrong, far from fuffering myfelf to be de- 
 terred or impofed upon by the language of forms 
 
 Parliamentary Hiftory, V. vii. p. 40$.
 
 PREFACE. 25- 
 
 in oppofltion to the fubftantial evidence of truth, 
 if it were my misfortune to live under the inau- 
 fpicious reign of a prince, whofe whole life was 
 employed in one bafe contemptible ftruggle with 
 the free fpirit of his people, or in the deteftable 
 endeavour to corrupt their moral principles, I 
 would not fcruple to declare to him, < Sir, You 
 " alone are the author of the greateft wrong to 
 * your fubje&s and to yourfelf. Inflead of reign- 
 ing in the hearts of your people, inftead of 
 ' commanding their lives and fortunes thro* the 
 " medium of their affections; has not the ftrength 
 " of the crown, whether influence or prerogative, 
 " been uniformly exerted, for eleven years to- 
 * getber, to fupport a narrow pitiful fyftem of 
 " government, which defeats itfelf, and anfwers 
 " no one purpofe of real power, profit, or per- 
 " fonal fatisfaclion to You? With the greateft 
 " unappropriated revenue of any prince in Eu- 
 " rope, have we not feen You reduced to fuch 
 " vile and fordid diftrefles, as would have con- 
 " dueled any other man to a prifon ? With a 
 < great military, and the greateft naval power in 
 " the known world, have not foreign nations re- 
 < peatedly infulted You with impunity? Is it 
 <f not notorious, that the vaft revenues, extorted 
 ' from the labour and induflry of your fubjecls, 
 *' and given You to do honour to Yourfelf and 
 " to the nation, are diffipated in corrupting their 
 
 " reprefentatives? Are You a prince of the 
 
 " houfe of Hanover, and do You exclude all the 
 '* leading Whig families from your councils ?- 
 " Do You profefs to govern according to Law; 
 " and is it confillent with that proftsflion, to im- 
 ** part your confidenee and afFeclion to thofe 
 f men only, who, though now perhaps detached 
 " from the defperate caufe of the Pretender, are 
 " marked in this country by an hereditary attach- 
 * ( inent to b : gh and arbitrary principles of go- 
 C " rernment?
 
 25 PREFACE. 
 
 " vemment? Are You fo infatuated as to take 
 * the fenfe of your people from the reprefenta- 
 K tion ofminifters, or from the fiiouts of a mob, 
 ff notorioufly hired to funound your coach, or 
 *' ftationed at a theatre? And if You are, in 
 f< reality, that public man, that King, that Ma- 
 " giftrate, which thefe queftions fuppofe You to 
 c be, is it any anfwer to your people, to fay, That 
 " among yonr domeftics You are good-humoured ; 
 that to one lady You are faithful; that to 
 
 " your children you are indulgent? Sir, the 
 
 ' man who addrefles You in thefe terms is your 
 beft friend. He would willingly hazard his 
 life in defence of your title to the crown ; and, 
 if po-wer be your object, would (till fhow You 
 how poffible it is for a King of England, by the 
 nobleft means, to be the mod abfolute prince 
 in Europe. You have no enemies, Sir, but 
 thofe who perfuade You to aim at power with- 
 out right, and who think it flattery to tell You, 
 that the character of King difiblves the natural 
 relation between guilt and punifhment." 
 
 I CANNOT conceive that there is a heart fo 
 callous, or an underftanding fo depraved, as to 
 attend to a difcourfe of this nature, and not to 
 feel the force of it. But where is the man, 
 among thofe who have accefs to the clofet, refo- 
 lute and honeft enough to deliver it? The liberty 
 of the prefs is our only refource. It will command 
 an audience, when every honeft man in the king- 
 dom is excluded. This glorious privilege may be 
 a fecurity to the King, as well as a refource to his 
 people. Had there been no ftar-chamber, there 
 would have been no rebellion againft Charles the 
 firft. The conftant ccnfure and admonition of the 
 prefs would .have corrected his conduct, prevented 
 a civil war, and faved him from an ignominious 
 death, I am no friend to the doctrine of prece- 
 dents
 
 P R E F A C E. 27 
 
 dents exclufive of tight; though lawyers often tell 
 us, that whatever has been once done may law- 
 fully be done again. 
 
 I SHALL conclude this preface with -a quotation 
 applicable to the fuljert, from a foreign writer*; 
 whofe eflay on the Englifh conftitution I beg leave 
 to recommend to the public, as a performance deep, 
 folid, and ingenious. 
 
 " IN fhort, whoever confiders what it is that 
 " conftitutes the moving principle of what we 
 c call great affairs, and the invincible fenfibility of 
 '* man to the opinion of his fellow-creatures, will 
 '* not hefitate to affirm, that if it were poffible for 
 " the liberty of the prefs to exift in a defpotic go- 
 " vernment, and (what is not lefs difficult) for it 
 " to exift without changing the conftitution, this 
 " liberty of the prefs would alone form a coun- 
 " terpoife to the power of the prince. If, for ex- 
 " ample, in an empire of the Eaft, a fancluary 
 f< could be found, which, rendered refpectable 
 ' by the ancient religion of the people, might in- 
 " fure fafety to thofe who fhould bring thither 
 tc their obfervations of any kind ; and that, from 
 " thence, printed papers iliould iffue, which, un- 
 <( der a certain feal, might be equally refpecled ; 
 <{ and which, in their daily appearance, fhould 
 " examine and freely difcufs the conduct of the 
 " Cadis, the Bafhaws, the Vizir, the Divan, and 
 the Sultan himfelf -, that would introduce imme- 
 " diately fome degree of liberty." 
 
 C 2 LET- 
 
 Monftcw de Lalmt*
 
 LETTERS 
 
 O F 
 
 J U N I U Si. 
 
 ETC. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC 
 ADVERTISER. 
 
 SIR, JANUARY 21. 1769.. 
 
 THE fubmifllon of a free people to the execu- 
 tive authority of government is no more than 
 a compliance with laws, which they themfelves 
 have enafted. While the national honour is firm- 
 ly maintained abroad, and while juftice is impar- 
 tially adminiftered at home, the obedience of the 
 fubject will be voluntary, cheerful, and I might 
 almod fay unlimited. A generous nation is grate- 
 ful even for the prefervation of its rights, and' 
 willingly extends the refpccl: due to the Office of 
 a good prince into an affection for his Perfon. 
 Loyalty, in the heart 'and underftanding of an 
 Englishman, is a rational attachment to the guar- 
 dian of the laws. Prejudices and paffion have 
 fometimes carried it to a criminal length ; and,, 
 whatever foreigners may imagine, we know that' 
 Englifhmen have erred as much in a miftaken zeal 
 for particular perfons and families, as they ever 
 did in defence of what they thought mpft dear 
 and interelting to themfelves. 
 
 It naturally fills us with refentment, to fee 
 
 fuch a temper infulted and abufed. In reading 
 
 the hiltory of a free people, whofe rights have 
 
 C a beeni
 
 3 o LETTERS 
 
 been invaded, we are' interefled in their caufe. 
 Our own feelings tell us how they ought to have 
 fubmitted, and at what moment it would have 
 been treachery to themfelves not to have refitted. 
 How much warmer will be our refentment, if ex- 
 perience fhould bring the fatal example home to 
 ourfelves ! 
 
 The fituation of this country is alarming e- 
 nough to roufe the attention of every man who 
 pretends to a concern for the public welfare. Ap- 
 pearances juftify fufpicion; and when the fafety 
 of a nation is at ftake, fufpicion is a juft ground 
 of inquiry. Let us enter into it with candour 
 and decency. Refpecl: is du to the ftation of 
 minifters , and, if a refolution mufl at laft be 
 taken, there is isone fo likely to be fupported 
 with firmnefs as that which has been adopted 
 with moderation. 
 
 The ruin cr profperity of a (late depends f9 
 much upon the admimftration of its government, 
 that, to be acquainted with the merit of a mini- 
 ftry, we need only obferve the condition of the 
 people. If we fee them obedient to the laws, 
 prosperous in their induftry, united at horns, and 
 refpe&ed abroad, we may reafonably prefurne 
 that their affairs are conducted by men of expe- 
 rience, abilities, and virtue. If> on the contrary, wa 
 lee an univerfal fpirit of diftruil and dillatisfaclion, 
 a. rapid decay of trade, diflenfions in all parts of ths 
 empire, and a total lofs of refpccl in the eyes of 
 foreign powers, we may pronounce without hefi. 
 tation, that the government of that country is 
 weak, diflracted, and corrupt. The multitude, 
 in all countries,, are patient to a certain point. 
 Ill-ufa^e may roufe their indignation,, and hurry 
 them into excefles ; but the original fault is in 
 government. Perhaps there never was an in- 
 ftance of a change, in the circumftances and 
 temper of a whole nation, fo fvulden and extra- 
 ordinary
 
 O F J U N I U S, &c. 31 
 
 ordinary as that which the mifconducl of mim- 
 fters has, within thefe few years, produced in 
 Great Britain. When our gracious fovereign af- 
 cended the throne, we were a flourishing and a 
 contented people. If the perfonal virtues of r 
 king could have infured the happinefs of his fub- 
 jedls, the fcene could not have altered fo entirely 
 as it has done. The idea of uniting all parties, 
 of trying all characters, and diftributing the of- 
 fices of ftate by rotation, was gracious and bene- 
 volent to an extreme,- though it has not yet pro- 
 duced the many falutary tffefts which were in- 
 tended by it. To fay nothing of the wifdom of 
 fuch a plan, it undoubtedly arofe from an un- 
 bounded goednefs of heart, in which folly had no 
 (hare. It was not a capricious partiality to new 
 faces ; it was not a natural turn for low in- 
 trigue -,--nor was it the treacherous amufement of 
 double and triple negotiations. No, Sir; it arofe 
 from a continued anxiety, in the pureft of all pof- 
 fible hearts, for the general welfare. Unfortu- 
 nately for us, the event has not been anfwerabls 
 to the deftgn. After a rapid fucceflion of changes, 
 we are reduced to that (late, which hardly any 
 change can mend. Yet there is no extremity of 
 diilrefs, which of itfelf ought to reduce a great 
 nation to defpair. It is not the diforder, but the 
 phyfician ; it is not a cafual concurrence of ca- 
 lamitous circumftances ; it is the pernicious hand 
 of government, which alone can make a whole 
 people defperate. 
 
 Without much political fagacity, or any extra- 
 ordinary depth of obfervation, we need only mark 
 how the principal departments of the ftate are 
 beftowed, and look no farther for the true caufe 
 of-every mifchief that befals us. 
 
 f The finances of a nation, finking under its 
 
 debts 
 
 f The Duke of Grafton took the office of Secretary cf Stats, 
 wkh an engagement to fupport the Marquis of Rockingharo'j 
 
 admin:--
 
 LETTERS 3 * 
 
 and expences, are committed to a young 
 nobleman already ruined by play. Introduced to 
 aft under the aufpices of Lord Chatham, and 
 left at the head of affairs by .that nobleman's re- 
 treat, he became minifter by accident ; but de- 
 ferting the principles and profeflions which gave 
 him a moment's popularity, we fee him, from- 
 every honourable engagement to the public, an 
 apoftate by defign. As for bufmefs, the world yet 
 knows nothing of his talents or refolution ; unlefs 
 a wayward, wavering ''nconfiftency be a mark o 
 genius, and caprice -w..?monftration of fpirit. It 
 may be faid, perhaps, that it is his Grace's pro- 
 vince, as furely it is his paflion, rather to diftribute 
 than to fave the public money; and that while 
 Lord North is Chancellor of the Exchequer, the 
 Firft Lord of the Treafury may be as thoughtlefs 
 and extravagant as he pleafes. I hope, however, 
 he will not rely too much on the feitility of Lord 
 North's genius for finance. His Lordfhip is yet 
 to give us the firft proof of his abilities : It may 
 be candid to fuppofe that he has hitherto volun* 
 tarily concealed his talents; intending perhaps to 
 aftonifti the world, when we leaft expecTit, with 
 a knowledge of trade, a choice of expedients, 
 and a depth of refources,. equal to the neceffities, 
 and far beyond' the hopes, of his country. He 
 mud now exert the whole power of his capacity, 
 if he would \vifh us to forget, that, fmce he has 
 been in office, no plan has been formed, no fyf- 
 tem adhered to, nor any one important meafure 
 adopted for the relief of public credit. If his 
 plan for the fervke of the current year be not ir- 
 revocably fixed on, let me warn him to think fe- 
 
 rioufly 
 
 adminiftration. He rcfignrd, however, in a liltle time, under pre- 
 tence that he could not aft wiih"UE Lord Chrith^n... i :.r hear to 
 fee Mr Wilkes abandoned; hut that, under Lord Chatham he 
 would a(\ in any office. This was (he fignal of Lord Rocking- 
 ham's difmifibn. When Lord Chatham came in, the Duke got 
 f afliiuvn of the Treasury. Ruder, murk ihc couJcquence !
 
 O F J U N I U S, &c. 33 
 
 rioufly of confequences before he ventures to in- 
 creafe the public debt. Outraged and opprefled 
 as we are, this nation will not bear, after a fix 
 years peace, to fee new millions borrowed, with- 
 out an eventual diminution of debt, or reduction 
 of intereft. The attempt might roufe a fpirit of 
 refentment, which might reach beyond the facri- 
 ike of a minifter. As to the debt upon the civil 
 lift, the people of England expet that it will not 
 be paid without a ftrit inquiry how it was in- 
 curred. If it mufl be paid by parliament, let me 
 advife the Chancellor of the Exchequer to think 
 of fome better expedient than a lottery. To 
 fupport an expenfive war, or in circumftances of 
 abfolute neceffity, a lottery may perhaps be al. 
 lowable; but, befides that it is at all times the 
 very worft way of railing money upon the people, 
 I think it ill becomes the Royal dignity to have 
 the debts of a King provided for, like the repairs 
 of a country bridge, or a decayed hofpital. The 
 management of the King's affairs in the Houfe 
 of Cummons cannot be more difgraced than it 
 has been. * A leading minifter repeatedly called 
 down for abfolute ignorance ; ridiculous mo- 
 tions ridiculoufly withdrawn ; deliberate plans 
 clifconcerted, and a week's preparation of grace- 
 ful oratory loft in a moment, give xis fome 
 though not adequate idea of Lord North's par- 
 liamentary abilities and influence. Yet before he 
 had the misfortune of being Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, he was neither an object of derifion to his 
 enemies, nor of melancholy pity to his friends. 
 
 A feiies of inconiiftent meafures has alienated 
 the colonies from their duty as iubjecls, and from 
 their natural affection to their common country. 
 When Mr Grenville was placed at the head of 
 the Treafury, he felt the impoffibility of Great 
 Britain's fupporting fuch an eitublifhment as her 
 
 former 
 
 * This happened frequently to poor Lord North.
 
 34 LETTERS 
 
 former fuccetTes had made indifnenfable, and at 
 the fame time of giving any fenfible relief to fo- 
 reign trade, and to the weight of the public debt. 
 He thought it equitable that thofe parts of the 
 empire which had benefited moft by the expen- 
 ces of the war, fliould contribute fomethJnji to 
 the expences of the peace, and he had no doubt 
 of the constitutional right vefted in parliament 
 to raife the contribution. But, unfortunately for 
 this country, Mr Grenville was at any rate to be 
 diftrefled becaufe he was minifter, and Mr Pitt * 
 and Lord Camden were to be the patrons of 
 America becaufe they were in oppofition. Their 
 declaration gave fpiiit and argument to the colo- 
 nies; and while perhaps they meant no more than 
 the ruin of a minifler, they in effect divided one 
 half of the empire from the other. 
 
 Under one adminiftratiori the flamp-acl is 
 made; under the fecond it is repealed; under the 
 third, in fpite of all experience, a new mode of 
 taxing the colonies is invented, and a queftion 
 revived which ought to have been buried in obli- 
 vion. In thefe circumftances a new office is efta- 
 blifhed for the bufinefs of the plantations, and 
 the Earl of Hilfborough called forth, at a moft 
 critical feafon, to govern America. The choice 
 at lead announced to us a man of fuperior capacity 
 and knowledge. Whether he be fo or not, let 
 his difpatches as far as they have appeared, let 
 his meafures as far as they have operated, deter- 
 mine for him. In the former, we have feen ftrong 
 aflertions without proof, declamation without ar- 
 gument, and violent cenfures without dignity 
 or moderation ; but neither corredlnefs in the 
 compofition, nor judgment in the defign. As 
 for his meafures, let it be remembered, that he 
 was called upon to conciliate and unite; and that 
 when he entered into office, the moft refractory 
 
 of 
 
 * Yet Junlus has Lcen called the partizan of Lord Chatham?
 
 O F J U N I U S, & c . 35 
 
 of the colonies were ftill difpofed to proceed by 
 the conftitutional methods of petition and re- 
 monftrance. Since that period they have been 
 driven into excefles little fhort of rebellion. Pe- 
 titions hare been hindered from reaching the 
 throne ; and the continuance of one of the prin- 
 cipal afiemblies refted upon an arbitrary condi- 
 tion*; which, confidering the temper they were 
 in, it was impoflible they (hould comply with, 
 and which would have availed nothing as to the 
 general queflion if it had been complied with. 
 So violent, and I believe I may call it fo uncon- 
 ftitutional, an exertion of the prerogative, to fay 
 nothing of the weak injudicious terms in which 
 it was conveyed, gives us as humble an opinion 
 of his lordfhip's capacity as it does of hit temper 
 and moderation. While we are at peace with 
 other nations, our military force may perhaps be 
 fpared to fupport the Earl of Hilfborough's mea- 
 fures in America. Whenever that force fhall be 
 neceflarily withdrawn or diminifhed, the difmif- 
 fion of fuch a minifter will neither confole us for 
 his imprudence, nor remove the fettled refent- 
 ment of a people, who, complaining of an at of 
 the legiflature, are outraged by an unwarrantable 
 itretch of prerogative, and, fupporting their claims 
 by argument, are infulted with declamation. 
 
 Drawing lots would be a prudent and reafon- 
 able method of appointing the officers of ftate, 
 compared to a late difpofition of the fecretary's 
 office. Lord Rochford was acquainted with the 
 affairs and temper of the fouthern courts: Lord 
 Weymouth was equally qualified for either de- 
 partmentf. By what unaccountable caprice has 
 
 it 
 
 * That they (hould retraft one of their refolutions, and erafc 
 the entry of it. 
 
 f It was pretended that the Earl of Rochford, while ambafTador 
 in France, had quarrelled with the Duke of Choifeu'i'l ; and that 
 therefore hi was appointed to the Northern department, out of 
 coiDplimcni to the French nain.ft-r.
 
 3 6 LETTERS 
 
 it happened, that the latter, who pretends to no 
 experience whatfoever, is removed to the mod 
 important of the two departments, and the for- 
 mer by preference placed in an office where his 
 experience can be of no ufe to him ? Lord VVey- 
 mouth had diftinguifhed himfelf in his firft em- 
 ployment by a fpirited if not judicious conduct. 
 He had animated the civil magiftrate beyond the 
 tone of civil authority, and had directed the 
 operations of the army to more than military exe- 
 cution. Recovered from the errors of his youth, 
 from the diftraction of play, and the bewitching 
 fmiles of Burgundy, behold him exerting the 
 whole ftrength of his clear unclouded faculties, 
 in the fervice of the crown. It was not the heat 
 of midnight exceffes, nor ignorance of the laws, 
 nor the furious fpirit of the houfe of Bedford : 
 No, Sir, when this refpectable minifter interpofed 
 his authority between the magiftrate and the peo- 
 ple, and figned the mandate, on which, for aught 
 he knew, the lives of thoufands depended, he did 
 it from the deliberate motion of his heart fupport- 
 ed by the beft of his judgment. 
 
 It has lately been a fafhion to pay a compli- 
 ment to the bravery and generofity of the com- 
 mander in chieff at the expence of his under- 
 ftanding. Th-y who love him leaft make no 
 queftion of his courage, while his friends dwell 
 chiefly on the facility of his difpofition. Admit- 
 ting him to be as brave as a total abfence of all 
 feeling and reflection can make him, let us fee 
 what fort of merit he derives from the remainder 
 of his character. If it be generofity to accumu- 
 late in his own perfon and family a number of 
 lucrative employments ; to provide, at the public 
 expence, for every creature that bears the name 
 of Manners; and, neglecting the merit and fervi- 
 ces of the reft of the army, to heap promotions 
 
 upon 
 
 f The late Lord Gran by.
 
 O F J U N I U S, Sec. 37 
 
 upon his favourites and dependants ; the prefent 
 commander in chief is the mod generous man, 
 alive. Nature has been fparing of her gifts to 
 this noble lord ; but where birth and fortune are 
 united, we expect the noble pride and indepen- 
 dance of a man of fpirit, not the fervile humi- 
 liating complaifance of a courtier. As to the 
 goodnefs of his heart, if a proof of it be taken 
 from the facility of never refuting, what conclu- 
 (ion fhall we draw from the indecency of never 
 performing? And if the difcipline of the army 
 be in any degree preferved, what thanks are due 
 to a man, whofe cares, notorioufly confined to 
 filling up vacancies, have degraded the office of 
 commander in chief into a broker of commif- 
 fions ? 
 
 With refpeft to the navy, I fliall only fay, that 
 this country is fo highly indebted to Sir Ecward 
 Hawke, that no expence fhould ^be fpared to fe- 
 cure to him an honourable and affluent retreat. 
 
 The pure and impartial adminiflration of juf- 
 tice is perhaps the firmed bond to fecure a cheer- 
 ful fubmiffion of the people, and to engage their 
 affections to government. It is not fufficient 
 that queftions of private right or wrong are juftly 
 decided, nor that judges are fuperior to the vile- 
 nefs of pecuniary corruption. Jefferies himfelf, 
 when the court had no intereft, was an upright 
 judge. A court of juftice may be fubje6r. to an- 
 other foit of bias more important and pernicious, 
 as it reaches beyond the intereit of individuals, 
 and affects the whole community. A judge, un- 
 der the influence of government, may be honcft 
 enough in the decifion of private caufes, yet a 
 traitor to the public. When a vi&im is marked 
 out by the miniftry, this judge will offer himfelf 
 to perform the facrifice. He will not fcruple to 
 proftitute his dignity, and betray the fan&ity of 
 his office, whenever an arbitrary point is to be 
 D carried
 
 3 8 LETTERS 
 
 carried for government, or the refentment of a 
 court to be gratified. 
 
 Thefe principles and proceedings, odious and 
 contemptible as they are, in effect are no lefs in- 
 judicious. A wife and generous people are rou- 
 fed by every appearance of oppreflive, unconfti- 
 tutional meafures, whether thofe meafures are 
 fupported only by the power of government, or 
 rnafked under the forms of a court of juftice. 
 Prudence and felf-prefervation will oblige the 
 jnoft moderate difpofitions to make common caufe, 
 even with a man whofe conduct they cenfure, if 
 they fee him perfecuted in a way which the real 
 1'pirit of the laws will not juftify. The fails, on 
 which thefe remarks are founded, are too notorious 
 to require an application. 
 
 This, Sir, is the detail. In one view, behold a 
 nation overwhelmed with debt ; her revenues" 
 wafted; her trade declining; the affections of her 
 colonies alienated ; the duty of the magiftrate 
 transferred to the foldiery, a gallant army, which 
 never fought unwillingly but againft their fellow, 
 fubjects, mouldering away for want of the direc- 
 tion of a man of common abilities and fpirit ; 
 and in the laft inftance, the adminiftration of 
 juftice become odious and fufpe&ed to the whole 
 body of the people. This dpelorable fcene ad- 
 mits of but one addition that we are governed 
 by counfels, from which a reafonable man can ex- 
 pect no remedy but poifon, no relief but death. 
 
 If, by the immediate interpolation of Provi- 
 dence, it were pofTible for us to efcape a crifis fo 
 full of terror and defpair, pofterity will not be- 
 lieve the hiftory of the prefent times. They 
 will either conclude that our diftreffes were ima- 
 ginary, or that we had the good fortune to be 
 governed by men of acknowledged integrity and 
 wifdom : they will not believe it poflible that 
 their anceftgrs could have iurvived or recovered 
 
 from
 
 OF J U N I U S, &c. 32 
 
 from fo defperate a condition, while a Duke o/ 
 Grafton was Prime Minifter, a Lord North Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, a Weymouth and a 
 Hilfborough Secretaries of State, a Granby Com- 
 mander in Chief, and Mansfield chief criminal 
 judge of the kingdom. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC AD- 
 VERTISER, 
 
 SIR, JAN. 26. 1769. 
 
 r T~'HE kingdom fwarms with fuch numbers of fe- 
 J- lonious robbers of private cha-racter and virtue, 
 that no honeft or good man is fafej efpecially as 
 thefe cowardly bafe afT-iffins fbab in the dark, with- 
 out having the courage to fign their real names 
 to their malevolent and wicked productions. A 
 writer, who figos himfelf fotnius, in the Public 
 Advertifer of the 21 ft inftant, opens the delorable 
 fituation of his country in a very affecting man- 
 ner; with a pompous parade of his candour and 
 decency, he tells us, that we fee difienfions in 
 all parts of the empire, an univerfal fpirit of dif- 
 truft and diflatisfadion, and a total lofs of refpet 
 towards us in the eyes of foreign powers. But 
 this writer, with all his boafted candour, has not 
 told us the real caufe of the evils he fo patheti- 
 cally enumerates. I fhall take the liberty to ex- 
 plain the caufe for him. Junius and fuch wri- 
 ters as himfelf occafion all the rnifchief com- 
 plained of, by falfely and malicioufly traducing 
 the beft characters in the kingdom. For when' 
 our deluded people at home, and foreigners 
 abroad, read the poifonous and inflammatory 
 libels that are daily publifhed with impunity, to 
 vilify thofe who are any way diftinguilhed by 
 D 2 their
 
 40 LETTERS 
 
 their good qualities and eminent virtues; when 
 they find no notice taken of, or reply given to, 
 thefe flanderous tongues and pens; their conclu- 
 fvon is, that both the minifters and the nation 
 have been fairly defcribed ; and they aft accor- 
 dingly. I think it therefore the duty of every 
 good citizen to (land forth, and endeavour to un- 
 deceive the public, when the vileft arts are made 
 life of to defame and blacken the brighteft cha- 
 racters among us. An eminent author affirms 
 it to be alrnoft as criminal to hear a worthy man, 
 traduced, without attempting his juftification, 
 as to be the author of the calumny againft 
 him. For my own part, I think it a fort of mif- 
 prifio-n of treafon againft fociety. No man, there- 
 fore, who knows Lord Granby, can poffibly hear 
 fo good and great a character moft vilely abufed, 
 without a warm and juft indignation againft this 
 Junius, this high-prieft of envy, malice, and all 
 uncharitablenefs, who has endeavoured to facri- 
 fice oar beloved commander in chief at the altars 
 of his horrid deities. Nor is the injury done to 
 his lordfliip alone, but to the whole nation, 
 which may too foon feel the contempt, and con- 
 fequently the attacks of our late enemies, if they 
 can be induced to believe that the perfon, on 
 whom the fafety of thefe kingdoms fo much de- 
 pends, is unequal to his high ftation, and defti- 
 tute of thofe qualities which form a good general. 
 One would have thought that his lordfhip's fer- 
 vices in the caufe of his country, from the battle 
 of Cuilode~n to his moil glorious conclufion of 
 the late v/ar, might have intitled him to com- 
 mon refpedl and decency at lead : but this un- 
 candid indecent writer has gone fo far as to turn 
 one of the moft amiable men of the age into a 
 ftupid, unfeeling, and fenfclefs being ; pofleflecl 
 indeed of a peribnal courage, but void of thofe 
 
 efieptiaJ
 
 O F J U N I U S &c. 4* 
 
 eflential qualities which diftinguifh the comman/- 
 der from the common foldier. 
 
 A very long, uninterrupted, impartial, I will 
 add, a moft difinterefted, friendfhip with Lord 
 Granby, gives me the right to affirm, that all 
 Junius's aflertions are falfe and fcandalous. Lor<i 
 Granby's courage, though of the brighteft and 
 moft ardent kind, is among the loweft of his nu- 
 merous good qualities; he was formed to excel 
 in war by nature's liberality to his mind as weli 
 as perfon. Educated and inftrucled by his moft 
 noble father, and a moil fpirited as well as ex- 
 cellent fcholar, the prefent Bifliop of Bangor, he 
 was trained to the niceft fenfe of honour, and to 
 the trueft and nobleft fort of pride, that of never 
 doing or fuffering a mean action. A fincere love 
 and attachment to his king and country, and to* 
 their glory, firft impelled him to the field, where 
 he never gained aught but honour. He impaired,., 
 through his bounty, his own fortune r for his 
 bounty, which this writer would in vain depre- 
 ciate, is founded upon the nobleft of the human: 
 affections '> it flows from a heart melting to good- 
 nefs from the moft refined humanity. Can a man,, 
 who is defcribed as unfeeling and void of reflec- 
 tion, be conftantly employed in feeking proper 
 objects on whom to exercife thofe glorious .vir- 
 tues of compafiion and generofity? . Tbe diftrefTed 
 officer, the foldier, the widow, the orphan, and a, 
 long lift befides, know that vanity has no fhare 
 in his frequent donations ; he gives, becaufe he 
 feels their diflrefles. Nor has he ever been ra- 
 pacious with one hand, to be bountiful with the 
 other : yet this uncandid Junius would infmuate, 
 that the dignity of the commander in chief is de- 
 praved into the bafe office of comrniffion broker; 
 that is, Lord Granby bargains for the fale of com- 
 millions ; for it niuft have this meaning, if it has. 
 any at all. But where is the man Jiving who. caa 
 D 3 juftty
 
 42, LETTERS 
 
 juftly charge his lordfliip with fuch mean prac- 
 tices? Why does not Junius produce him ? Junius 
 knows that he has no other means of wounding 
 this hero, than from fome miflile weapon, fhot 
 from an obfcure corner : He feeks, as all defama- 
 tory writers do, 
 
 -fpargere voces 
 
 In Vidgum ambiguas 
 
 to raife a fufpicion in the minds of the people, 
 But I hope that my countrymen will be no longer 
 impofed upon by artful and defigning men, or by 
 wretches, who, bankrupts in bufinefs, in fame, 
 and in fortune, mean nothing more than to in- 
 volve this country in the fame common ruin with 
 themfelves. Hence it is, that they are conftantly 
 aiming their dark and too often fatal weapons 
 againft thofe who fland forth as the bulwark of 
 our national fafety. Lord Granby was too con- 
 fpicuous a mark not to be their object. He is 
 next attacked for being unfaithful to his promifes 
 and engagements: Where are Junius's proofs? 
 Although I could give fome initances, where a 
 breach of promife would be a virtue, efpecially 
 in the cafe of thofe who would pervert the open, 
 unfufpe&ing moments of convivial mirth, into fly, 
 infidious applications for preferment or party- 
 fyilems, and would endeavour to furprife a good 
 man, who cannot bear to fee any one leave him 
 difiatisfied, into unguarded promifes. Lord Gran- 
 by' 6 attention to his own family and relations is 
 called felfifh. Had he not attended to them, 
 when fair and juft opportunities prefented them- 
 felves, I fliould have thought him unfeeling, and 
 void of reflection indeed. How are any man's 
 friends or relations to be provided for, but from 
 the influence and protection of the patron ? It is 
 unfair to fuppofe that Lord Granby's friends have 
 not as much merit as the friends of any other 
 
 great
 
 O F J U N I U S, &c. 4 j 
 
 great man : If he is generous at the public ex- 
 pence, as Junius invidioufly calls if, the public is 
 at no more expence for his lordfhip's friends, than 
 it would be if any other fet of men poflefled thofe 
 offices. The charge is ridiculous ! 
 
 The lad charge againft Lord Granby is of a 
 mod ferious and alarming nature indeed. Ju- 
 nius afierts, that the army is mouldering away 
 for want of the direction of a man of common 
 abilities and fpirit. The prefent condition of the 
 army gives the directed lie to his aflertions. It 
 was never upon a more refpectable footing with 
 regard to difcipline, and all the efTentials that can 
 form good foldiers. Lord Ligonicr delivered- 
 a firm and noble palladium of our fafeties into 
 Lord Granby's hands, who has kept it in the 
 fame good order in which he received it. The 
 ftricteft care has been taken to fill up the vacant 
 commiflions, with fuch gentlemen as have the 
 glory o^f their anceftors to fupport, as well as their 
 owivand are doubly bound to the caufe of their 
 king and country, from motives of private pro- 
 perty, as well as public fpirit. The adjutant- 
 general, who has the immediate care of the 
 troops after Lord Granby, is an officer that would 
 do great honour to any fervice in Europe, for his 
 correct arrangements, good fenfe and difcernment 
 upon all occafions, and for a punctuality and pre- 
 cifion which give the moft entire fatisfaction to 
 all who are obliged to confult him. The review- 
 ing generals, who infpect the army twice a-year, 
 have been (elected with the greateft care, and 
 have anfwered the important truft repofcd in 
 them in the moft laudable manner. Their re- 
 ports of the condition of the army are much more 
 to be credited than thofe of Junius, whom I do 
 advife to atone, for his fhameful afperfions, by 
 aflcing pardon of Lord Granby and the whole 
 kingdom, whom he has offended by his abomi- 
 nable
 
 44 LETTERS 
 
 nable fcandals. In fhort, to turn Junius's own 
 battery againft him, I muft aflert, in his own 
 words, " that has given ftrong aflertions without 
 proof, declamation without argument, and violent 
 cenfures without dignity or moderation." 
 
 WILLIAM DRAPER. 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 TO SIR WILLIAM DRAPER, KNIGHT OF 
 THE BATH. 
 
 SIR, Feb. 7. 1769. 
 
 X7"OUR defence of Lord Granby does honour 
 * to the goodnefs of your heart. You feel, as 
 you ought to do, for the reputation of your friend, 
 and you exprefs yourfelf in the warmed language 
 of your paffions. In any other caufe, I doubt not, 
 you would have cautioufly weighed the confe- 
 quences of committing your name to the licen- 
 tious difcourfes and malignant opinions of the 
 \vorid. But here, I prefume, you thought it 
 would be a breach of friendfhip to lofe one mo- 
 ment in confulting your underftanding ; as if an 
 appeal to the public were no more than a military 
 coup dc ma'm^ where a brave man has no rules to 
 follow but the dictates pf his courage. Touched 
 with your generofity, I freely forgive the exceffes 
 into which it has led you: and, far from refent- 
 ing thofe terms of reproach, which, confidering 
 that you are an advocate for decorum, you have 
 heaped upon me rather too liberally, I place them 
 to the account of an honeft unreflecting indigna- 
 tion, in which your cooler judgment and natural 
 politenefs had no concern. I approve of the fpi- 
 rit with which you have given your name to the 
 public; and, if it were a proof of any thing but 
 fpirit, I fhould have thought myfelf baund to fol- 
 k)w your example. I fhould have hoped that evert
 
 O F J U N I U S, &c. AS 
 
 my name might have carried fome authority with it, 
 if I had nct'feen how very little weight or confi- 
 deration a printed paper receives even from the 
 refpeclable fignature of Sir William Draper. 
 
 You begin with a general alTertion, that wri- 
 ters, fuch as I am, are the real caufe of all the 
 public evils we complain of. And do you really 
 think, Sir William, that the licentious pen cf a 
 political writer is able to produce fuch important 
 effects? A little calm reflection might have 
 fhown you, that national calamities do not ariie 
 from the defcription, but from the real character 
 and 'conduct, of minifters. To have fupported 
 your affertion, you mould have proved that the 
 prefent miniftry are unqueftionably the beft and 
 brighteft characters of the kingdom ; and that, if 
 the affections of the colonies have been alienated, 
 if CorGca has been fhamefully abandoned, if com- 
 merce languishes, if public credit is threatened 
 with a new debt, and your own Manilla ranfom, 
 moft difhonourably given up, it has all been ow- 
 ing to the malice of political writers, who will not 
 fuffer the beft and brighteft characlers (meaning 
 Itill the prcfent miniftry) to take a fingle righr ftep 
 for the honour or intereft of the nation. But it 
 feems you were a little tender of coming to parti- 
 culars. Your confcience infinuated to you, that 
 it would be prudent to leave the characlers of 
 Grafton, North, Hilfborough, Weymouth, and 
 Mansfield, to fhift for themielves; and truly, Sir 
 William, the part you have undertaken is at leaft 
 as much as you are equnl to. 
 
 Without difputing Lord Granby's courage, we 
 are yet to learn in what articles of military know- 
 ledge nature has been fo very liberal to his mind. 
 If you have ferved with him, you ought to have 
 pointed out fome inftances of able difpofition and 
 well-concerted enterprize, which might fairly be 
 attributed to his capacity as a general. It is you, 
 
 Sir
 
 4 6 LETTERS 
 
 Sir William, who make your friend appear auk- 
 ward and ridiculous, by giving him a laced fuitof 
 tawdry qualifications, which nature never intended 
 him to wear. 
 
 You fay, he has acquired nothing but honour 
 in the field. Is the Ordinance nothing ? Are the 
 Blues nothing ? Is the command of the army, with 
 all the patronage annexed to it, nothing? Where 
 he got thefe nothings, I know not ; but you at 
 lead ought to have told us where he deferred 
 them. 
 
 As to his bounty, companion, &c. it would 
 have been but little to the purpofe, though you 
 had proved all that you have afferted. I meddle 
 with nothing but his character as commander in 
 chief: and, though I acquit him of the bafenefs 
 of felling commiflions, I ftill aiTert that his mili- 
 tary cares have never extended beyond the difpo- 
 fal of vacancies; and I am juftified by the com- 
 plaints of the whole army, when I fay, that in 
 this diftribution he confults nothing but parlia- 
 mentary ^ntereft, or the gratification of his im- 
 mediate dependants. As to his fervile fubmifiion 
 to the reigning miniftry, let me aik, whether he 
 did not defert the caufe of the whole army when 
 he futFered Sir Jeftery Amherft to be facrificed, 
 and what (hare he had in recalling that officer to 
 the fcrvice? Did he noc betray the juft intereft of 
 the army, in permitting Lord Percy to have a re- 
 giment? And does he not at this moment give up 
 all character and dignity as a gentleman, in reced- 
 ing from his own repeated declarations in favour 
 of Mr Wilkes? 
 
 In the two next articles I think we are agreed. 
 You candidly admit, that he often makes fuch 
 promifes as it is a virtue in him to violate, and 
 that no man is more affiduous to provide for his 
 relations at ths public expcnce. 1 did not urge 
 the Jaft as an abfolute vice in his difpofition, 
 
 b.ut
 
 OF J U N I U S, &c. 47 
 
 but to prove that a carelefs difmterejled fpirit is no 
 part of his character ; and as to the other, I de- 
 fire it may be remembered, that I never de- 
 fcended to the indecency of inquiring into his 
 convivial hours. It is you, Sir William Draper, 
 who have taken care to reprefent your friend in 
 the character of a drunken landlord, who deals 
 out his promifes as liberally as his liquor, and 
 will fuffer no man to leave his table either for- 
 rowful or fober. None but an intimate friend, 
 who muft frequently have feen him in thefe un- 
 happy, difgraceiul moments, could have defcribed 
 him fo well. 
 
 The laft charge, of the neglect of the army, is 
 indeed the molt material of all. I am forry to 
 tell you, Sir William, that, in this article, your 
 firft fact is falfe ; and as there is nothing more 
 painful to me than to give a direct contradiction 
 to a gentleman of your appearance, I could wifh 
 that, in your future publications, you would pay 
 a greater attention to the truth of your premifes, 
 before you fuffer your genius to hurry you to a 
 conclufion. Lord Ligonier did not deliver the 
 army (which you, inclaflical language, are pleafed 
 to call a palladium) into Lord Granby's hands. 
 It was taken from him much againft his inclina- 
 tion, fome two or three years before Lord Granby 
 was commander in chief. As to the ftate of the 
 army, I fhould be glad to know where you have 
 received your intelligence. Was it in the rooms 
 at Bath, or at your retreat at Clifton ? The re- 
 ports of reviewing generals comprehend only n. 
 few regiments in England, which, as they are 
 immediately under the royal infpection, are per- 
 haps in fome tolerable order. But do you know 
 any thing of the troops in the Weft-Indies, the 
 Mediterranean, and North- America, Jo fay no- 
 thing of a whole army abfolutely ruined in Ire- 
 land? Inquire a little into facts, Sir William, 
 
 before
 
 48 LETTERS 
 
 before you publifh your next panegyric upon Lord 
 Granby ; and believe me, you will find there is a 
 fault at head-quarters, which even the acknow- 
 ledged care and abilities of the adjutant-general 
 cannot correct. 
 
 Permit me now, Sir William, to addrefs myfelf 
 perfonally to you, by way of thanks for the ho- 
 nour of your correspondence. You are by no 
 means undeferving of notice; and it may be of 
 confequence even to Lord Granby to have it de- 
 termined, whether or no the man, who has praifed 
 him fo lavifhly, be himfelf deferving of praife. 
 When you returned to Europe, you zealoufly un- 
 dertook the caufe of that gallant army, by whofe 
 bravery at Manilla your own fortune had been 
 eftabliflied. You complained, you threatened, you 
 even appealed to the public in print. By what- 
 accident did it happen, that in the midft of all 
 this buftle, and all thefe clamours for juftice to 
 your injured troops, the name of the Manilla' 
 ranfom was fuddenly buried in a profound, and, 
 fince that time, an uninterrupted filence? Did 
 the miniftry fugged any motives to you, flrong 
 enough to tempt a man of honour to defert and 
 betray the caufe of his fellow-foldiers ? Was it 
 that blufhing riband, which is now the perpetual 
 ornament of your perfon? Or was it that regi- 
 ment, which you afterwards (a thing unprece- 
 dented among foldiers) fold to colonel Gifborne? 
 Or was it that government, the full pay of which 
 you are contented to hold, with the half-pay of 
 an Irifh colonel? And do you now, after a retreat 
 not very like that of Scipio, prefume to intrude 
 yourfelf, unthought-of, uncalled-for, upon the 
 patience of the public? Are your flatteries of the 
 commander in chief directed to another regiment, 
 which you may again difpofe of on the fame 
 honourable terms? We know your prudence, Sir 
 i William,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 49 
 
 William, and I fhould be forry to ftop your pre- 
 ferment. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 TO JUNIUS. 
 
 SIR, FEB. 17. 1769. 
 
 T RECEIVED Junius's favour laft night : he is de- 
 * termined to keep his advantage by the help 
 of his maflc , it is an excellent protection, it has 
 faved many a man from an untimely end. But 
 whenever he will be honeft enough to lay it a- 
 fide, avow himfelf, and produce the face which 
 has fo long lurked behind it, the world will be 
 able to judge of his motives for writing fuch in- 
 famous inve&ives. His real name will difcover 
 his freedom and independency, or his fervility to 
 a faction. Difappointed ambition, refentment for 
 defeated hopes, and deGre of revenge, aflume but 
 too often the appearance of public fpirit; but be 
 his defigns wicked or charitable, Junius fhould 
 learn, that it is poflible to condemn meafures, 
 without a barbarous and criminal outrage againft 
 men. Junius delights to mangle carcafes with a 
 hatchet ; his language and indrument have a 
 great connection with Clare-Market, and, to do 
 him juftice, he handles his weapon moft admi- 
 rably. One would imagine he had been taught 
 to throw it by the favages of America. It is 
 therefore high time for me to ftep in once more- 
 to fhield my friend from this mercilefs weapon, 
 although I may be wounded in the attempt. But 
 I muft firft afk Junius, by what forced analogy 
 and conftruclion the moments of convivial mirth 
 are made to fignify indecency, a violation of en- 
 gagements, a drunken landlord, and a defire that 
 every one in company mould be drunk likewife t 
 E lie
 
 5 LETTERS 
 
 He mufl have culled all the flowers of St Giles's' 
 and BiJlingfgate to have produced fuch a piece 
 of oratory. Here the hatchet defcends with ten- 
 fold vengeance; but, alas! it hurts no one but its 
 mafter! For Junius muft not think to put words 
 into my mouth, that feem too foul even for his 
 own. 
 
 My friend's political engagements I know not; 
 fo cannot pretend to explain them, or aflert their 
 confiftency. I know not whether Junius be con- 
 fidcrable enough to belong to any party ; if he 
 fhould be fo, can he affirm that he has always 
 adhered to one fet of men and meafures? Is he 
 fure that he has never fided with thofe whom he 
 was firft hired to abufe? Has he never abufed 
 thofe he was hired to praife ? To fay the truth, 
 'mo ft mens politics fits much too loofely about 
 them. But as my friend's military character was 
 the chief object that engaged me in this contro- 
 verfy, to that I mall return. 
 
 Jnnius afks, what inftances my friend has given 
 of his military (kill and capacity as a general? 
 When and where he gained his honour ? When 
 he deferved his emoluments ? The united voice 
 of the army which ferved under him, the glori- 
 ous teftimony of prince Ferdinand, and of van- 
 quimed enemies, all Germany will tell him. 
 Junius repeats the complaints of the army againft 
 parliamentary influence. I love the army too well, 
 not to wifh that fuch influence were lefs. Let 
 Junius point out the time when it has not pre- 
 vailed. It was of the leaft force in the time 
 of that great man, the late duke of Cumberland, 
 who, as a prince of the blood, was able as well 
 as willing to flem a torrent which would have 
 overborne any private fubject. In time of war 
 this influence is fmall. In peace, when difcon- 
 tent and faction have the fureft means to operate, 
 efpecially in this country, and when from a 
 
 fcarcity
 
 O F J U N I U S. 51 
 
 fcarcity of public fpirit the wheels of govern- 
 ment are rarely moved but by the power and 
 force of obligations, its weight is always too 
 great. Yet, if this influence at prefent has done 
 no greater harm than the placing Earl Percy at 
 the head of a regiment, I do not think that either 
 the rights or beft interefts of the army are facri- 
 ficed and betrayed, or the nation undone. Let 
 me aflc Junius, if he knows any one nobleman in 
 the army, who has had a regiment by feniority ? 
 I feel myfelf happy in feeing young noblemen of 
 illuftrious name and great property come among 
 us. They are an additional fecurity to the king- 
 dom from foreign or domeftic flavery. Junius 
 needs not be told, that fhould the time ever come, 
 when this nation is to be defended only by thofe 
 who have nothing more to lofe than their arm^ 
 and their pay, its danger will be great indeed. 
 A happy mixture of men of quality with foldiers 
 of fortune is always to be wifhed for. .But the 
 main point is (till to be contended for, I mean 
 the discipline and condition of the army ; and I 
 muft dill maintain, though contradicted by Junius, 
 that it was never upon a more refpetable footing, 
 as to all the eflentials that can form good foldiers, 
 than it is at prefent. Junius is forced to allow, 
 that our army at home may be in fome tolerable 
 order ; yet how kindly does he invite our late 
 enemies to the invafion of Ireland, by afluring- 
 them that the army in that kingdom is totally 
 ruined ! (The colonels of that army are much 
 obliged to him.) I have too great an opinion of 
 the military talents of the lord lieutenant, and of 
 all theff diligence and capacity, to believe it. If 
 from fome ftrange, unaccountable fatality, the 
 people of that kingdom cannot be induced to con- 
 i'ult their own fecurity by fuch an efFedual aug- 
 mentation as may enable the troops there to at 
 with power and energy, is the commander in 
 E * chief'
 
 5 * LETTERS 
 
 chief here to blame ? Or is he to blame, becaufe 
 the troops in the Mediterranean, in the Weil- 
 Indies, in America, labour under great difficul- 
 ties from the fcarcity of men, which is but too 
 vifible all over thefe kingdoms ? Many of our 
 forces are in climates unfavourable to Britifh 
 conftitutions ; their lots is in proportion. Britain 
 muft recruit all thefe regiments from her own 
 emaciated bofom, or, more precarioufly, by Ca- 
 tholics from Ireland. We are likewife fubject 
 to the fatal drains to the Eaft-Indies, to Senegal, 
 and the alarming emigrations of our people to 
 other countries : Such depopulation can only be 
 repaired by a long peace, or by fome fenfible bill 
 of naturalization. 
 
 I mull now take the liberty to talk to Junias 
 on my own account. He is pleafed to tell me 
 that he addrefles himfelf to me perfonally ; I fhall 
 be glad to fee him. It is his imperfonality that I 
 complain of, and his invifible attacks : for his 
 dagger in the air is only to be regarded becaufe 
 one cannot fee the hand which holds it; but had 
 it not wounded other people more deeply than 
 myfelf, I fhould not have obtruded myfclf at all 
 on the patience of the public. 
 
 Mark how a plain tale (lull put him down, and 
 transfufe the blufh of my riband into his own 
 cheeks. Junius tells me, that at my return, I 
 zealoufly undertook the caufe of the gallant army 
 by whofe bravery at Manilla my own fortunes 
 were eftablifhed ; that I complained, that I even 
 appealed to the public. I did fo ; I glory in ha- 
 ving done fo, as I had an undoubted right to vin- 
 dicate my own character attacked by a Spanifli 
 memorial, and to aflert the rights of my brave 
 companions. I glory likewife, that I have never 
 taken up my pen, but to vindicate the injured. 
 Junius afks by what accident did it happen, that 
 in the midft of all this buftle, and all the clamours 
 
 for
 
 O F J U N I U S. 53 
 
 for juftice to the injured troops, the Manilla ran- 
 fom was fuddenly buried in a profound, and, fince 
 that time, an uninterrupted filence ? I will ex- 
 plain the caufe to the public. The feveral mini- 
 fters who have been employed fince that time have 
 been very defirous to do juftice, from two moft laud- 
 able motives ; a ftrong inclination to affift injured 
 bravery, and to acquire a well deferved popula- 
 rity to themfelves. Their efforts have been in. 
 vain. Some were ingenious enough to own, 
 that they could not think of involving this di- 
 ftrefled nation into another war for our private 
 Concerns. In fhort, our rights for the prefent 
 are facrificed to national convenience ; and 1 muft. 
 confefs, that although I may lofe five-and-twenty 
 thoufand pounds by their acquiefcence to this 
 breach of faith in the Spaniards, I think they are. 
 in the right to temporize, confidermg the critical 
 fituation of this country, convulfed in every part 
 by poifon infufed by anonymous, wicked, and 
 incendiary writers. Lord Shellnirne will do me 
 the juftice to own, that, in September laft, I 
 waited upon him with a joint memorial from the 
 admiral Sir S. Cornifh and myfelf, in behalf of 
 our injured companions. His lordlhip was as, 
 frank upon the occafion as other fecretaries had 
 been before him. He- did not deceive us by gi- 
 ving any immediate hopes of relief., 
 
 Junius would bafely infinuate, that my filence 
 may have been purchafed by my government, by 
 tny blujbing riband, by my regiment, by the fale. 
 of that regiment, and by half-pay as an. Irifh co- 
 lonel. 
 
 His Majefty was pleafed to give me my govern- 
 ment for my fervice at Madras. I. had my fir ft 
 regiment in 1757. Upon rny return from Ma- 
 nilla, his Majelty, by. Lord llgremont, informed. 
 ni that I ftiould have the fir it vacant red riband,. 
 
 E a &
 
 54 LETTERS 
 
 as a reward for many fervices in an enterprife 
 which I had planned as well as executed. The 
 Duke of Bedford and Mr Grcnville confirmed 
 thofe aflurances many months before the Spa- 
 niards had protefted the ranfom bills. To accom- 
 modate Lord Clive, then going upon a moft im- 
 portant fervice to Bengal, I waved my claim to 
 the vacancy which then happened. As there was 
 no other vacancy until the Duke of Grafton and 
 Lord Rockingham were joint minifters, I was 
 then honoured with the order: and it is furely 
 no fmall honour to me, that in fuch a fuccefTion 
 of minifters, they were all pleafed to think that 
 I had deferved it j in my favour they were all 
 united. Upon the reduction of the 7pth regi- 
 ment, which had ferved fo glorioufly in the Eaft- 
 Indies, his Majefty, unfolicited by me, gave me 
 the i6th of foot as an equivalent. My motives 
 for retiring afterwards are foreign to the purpofe : 
 let it fuffice, that his Majefty was pleafed to ap- 
 prove of t*hem j they are fuch as no man can 
 think indecent, who knows the (hocks that re- 
 peated viciflitudes of heat and cold, of dangerous 
 and fickly climates, will give to thebeftconftitutions, 
 in a pretty long courfe of fervice. I refigned my 
 regiment to colonel Gifborne, a very good officer, 
 for his half-pay, 200 1. Irifh annuity ; fo that, 
 according to Junius, I have been bribed to fay 
 nothing more of the Manilla ranfom, and facri- 
 fice thofe brave men, by the ftrange avarice of ac- 
 cepting three hundred and eighty pounds per 
 annum,, and giving up eight hundred ! If this be 
 bribery, it is not the bribery of thefe times. As 
 to my flattery, thofe who know me will judge 
 of it. By- the afperity of Junius's ftyle, I cannot 
 indeed call him a flatterer, unlefs he be as a cynick, 
 or a maftiff-, if he wags his tail, he will ftill 
 growl, and long to bite. The public will now 
 judge of the credit that ought to be given to Junius's 
 
 writings
 
 O F J U N I U S. 55 
 
 writings, from the falfities that he has infmuated 
 with refpeft to myfelf. 
 
 WILLIAM DRAPER. 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 TO SJR WILLIAM DRAPER, KNIGHT OF THE 
 BATH. 
 
 S I R, FEB. 21. 176^ 
 
 T fhould juftly be fufpecled of acting upon mo- 
 * fives of more than common enmity to Lord 
 Granby, if I continued to give you frefh materials 
 or occnfion for writing in his defence. Individuals 
 who hate, and the public who defpife, have read 
 your letters, Sir William, with infinitely more 
 fatisfa&ion than mine. Unfortunately for him, 
 his reputation, like that unhappy country to 
 which you refer me for his laft military atchieve- 
 ments, has fuffered more by his friends than his 
 enemies. In mercy to him, let us drop the fub- 
 }el. For my own part, I willingly leave it to 
 the public to determine whether your vindication 
 of your friend has been as able and judicious, a* 
 it was certainly well intended ; and you, I think, 
 may be fatisfied with the warm acknowledg- 
 ments he already owes you for making him the 
 principle figure in a piece, in which, but for 
 your amicable afiiftance, he might have pafled 
 without prrticular notice or diftinlion. 
 
 In juftice to your friends, let your future la- 
 bours be confined to the care of your own repu- 
 tation. Your declaration, that you are happy in 
 feeing young noblemen come among its t is liable 
 to two objections. With refpecT: to Lord Percy, 
 it means nothing, for he was already in the army, 
 He was aid-de-camp to the King, and had the 
 rank of colonel. A regiment therefore could not 
 make him a more military man, though it mads 
 
 him
 
 S 6 LETTERS 
 
 him richer, and probably at the expence of fome 
 brave, deferving, friendlefs ofBcer. The other 
 concerns ycmrfelf. After felling the companions 
 of your vilory in one inftance, and after felling 
 your profeffion in the other, by what authority 
 do you prefume to call yourfelf a foldier ? The 
 plain evidence of facts is fuperior to all declara- 
 tions. Before you were appointed to the i6th 
 regiment, your complaints were a diitrefs to go- 
 vernment ; from that moment you were filent. 
 The conclufion is inevitable. You insinuate to 
 us that your ill ftate of health obliged you to quit 
 the fervice. The retirement necefiary to repair 
 a broken cciiftitution would have been as good a 
 reafon for not accepting, as for refigning, the 
 command of a regiment. There is certainly an 
 error of the prefs, or an affected obfcurity in that 
 paragraph, where you fpsak of your bargain with 
 colonel Gifborne. Inftead of attempting to an- 
 fwer what I do not really underftand, permit me 
 to explain to the public what I really know. In 
 exchange for your regiment, you accepted of a 
 colonel's half-pay (at leaft 220 1. a-year) and an 
 annuity of 200 1. for your own and lady Draper's 
 
 life jointly. And is this the lofing bargain, 
 
 which you would reprefent to us, as if you had 
 given up an income of 800 1. a-year for 380!.? 
 Was it decent, was it honourable, in a man who 
 pretends to love the army, and calls himfelf a 
 foldier, to make a traffic of the royal favour, and 
 turn the higheft honour of an aclive profefliorr in- 
 to a fordid provifion for himfelf and his family ? 
 It were unworthy of me to prefs you farther. The 
 contempt with which the whole army heard of the 
 rnanner of your retreat, afTures me, that as your 
 conduct was not juftified by precedent, it will 
 never be thought an example for imitation. 
 
 The lad and moft important queflion remains.. 
 When you receive your half pay, do you, or do 
 
 you.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 57 
 
 you not, take a folemn oath, or fign a declaration 
 upon your honour, to the following effect ? That 
 you do not a finally hold any place of profit t civil or mi- 
 litary^ under his Mnjefty. The charge which the 
 queftion plainly conveys againft you, is of fo 
 fbocking a complexion, that I fmcerely wifli you 
 may be able to anfwer it well, not merely for the 
 colour of your reputation, but for your own peace 
 of mind. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 TO JUN1US. 
 
 SIR, FEB. 27. 1769. 
 
 T HAVE a very fhort anfwer for Junius' s im- 
 * portant queftion ; I do not either take an oath, 
 or declare upon honour, that I have no plact 
 of profit, civil or military, when I receive the 
 half-pay as an Irifh colonel. My moft gracious 
 Sovereign gives it me as a penfion ; he was 
 pleafed to think I deferved it. The annuity of 
 200 1. Irifh, and the equivalent for the half- 
 pay, together, produce no more than 380!. per 
 annum, clear of fees and perquifites of office. I 
 receive 167 3- from my government of Yarmouth. 
 Total 547 1. per annum. My conference is much 
 at eafe in thefe particulars; my friends need not 
 blufh for me. 
 
 Junius makes much and frequent ufe of in- 
 terrogations : they are arms that may be eafily 
 turned againft himfelf. I could, by malicious 
 interrogation, difturb the peace of the moft vir- 
 tuous man in the kingdom. I could take the de- 
 calogue, and fay to one man, Did you never fteal? 
 To the next, Did you never commit murder ? 
 And to Junius himfelf, who is putting my life 
 and conduct to the rack, Did you never bear 
 falfe witnefs againil thy neighbour ? Junius muft
 
 5 S LETTERS 
 
 eafily fee, that unlefs he affirms to the contrary 
 in his real name, fome people who may be as ig- 
 norant of him as I am, will be apt to fufpeft him 
 of having deviated a little from the truth : there- 
 fore let Juntas aflc no more queltions. You bite 
 againft a file : ceafe, viper. W. D. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 TO SIR WILLIAM DRAPER, KNIGHT OF THE 
 BATH. 
 
 SIR, MARCH 3. 1769. 
 
 AN academical education has given you au 
 unlimited command over the mod beauti- 
 ful figures of fpeech. Mafles, hatchets, racks, 
 and vipers, dance through your lettters in all the 
 mazes of metaphorical confufion. Thefe are the 
 gloomy companions of a difturbed imagination ; 
 the melancholy madnefs of poetry, without the 
 infpiration. I will not contend with you in point 
 of competition. You are a fcholar, Sir William} 
 and, if I am truly informed, you write Latin 
 with almoft as much purity as Englifh. Suffer 
 me then, for I am a plain unlettered man, to con- 
 tinue that ftyle of interrogation, which fuits my 
 capacity, and to which, confidering the readinefs 
 of your anfwers, you ought to have no objection. 
 Even * Mr Bingly promifes to anfwer, if put t 
 the torture. 
 
 Do you then really think, that, if I were to ?.(k 
 a mofl virtuous man whether he ever committed 
 theft, or murder, it would difturb his peace of 
 mind ? Such a queftion might perhaps difcom- 
 pofe the gravity of his rnufcles, but I believe it 
 would little affect the tranquillity of his confci- 
 
 ence. 
 
 * Th's man, being committed to the court of King's Bench for 
 contempt, 'voluntarily made oath, that he would never auiwci in- 
 tcnugatorici, uiil;i> he fljould be put to the loi'turc.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 5Q 
 
 ence. Examine your own Lreaft, Sir William, 
 and you will difcover, that reproaches and in- 
 quiries have no power to afflict either the man of 
 unblemifhed integrity, or the abandoned profli- 
 gate. It is the middle compound character 
 which alone is vulnerable ; the man, who, with- 
 out firmnefs enough to avoid a difhonourable ac- 
 tion, has feeling enough to be afhamed of it. 
 
 I thank you for the hint of the decalogue, and|fhall 
 take an opportunity of applying it to fome of your 
 mod virtuous friends in both houfes of parliament. 
 You feem to have dropped the affair of your 
 regiment ; fo let it reft. When you are appointed 
 to another, I dare fay you will not fell it either 
 for a grofs fum, or for an annuity upon lives. 
 
 I am truly glad (for really, Sir William, I am 
 not your enemy, nor did I begin this contefl with 
 you) that you have been able to clear yourfelf of 
 a crime, though at the expence of the higheft in- 
 difcretion. You fay that your half-pay was given 
 you by way of penfion. I will not dwell upon 
 the fingularity of uniting in your own perfon two 
 forts of provifion, which in their own nature, 
 and in all military and parliamentary views, are 
 incompatible j but I call upon you to juftify that 
 declaration, wherein you charge your Sovereign 
 with having done an ac"l in your favour notori- 
 oufly againft law. The half-pay, both in Ireland 
 and England, is appropriated by Parliament ; and 
 if it be given to perfons who, like you, are le- 
 gally incapable of holding it, it is a breach of law. 
 It would have been more decent in you to have 
 called this difhonourable tranfa&ion by its true 
 name ; a job to accommodate two perfons, by par- 
 ticular intereft and management at the caftle. 
 What fenfe muft government have had of your fer- 
 vices, when the rewards they have given you are 
 only a difgrace to you! 
 
 And now, Sir William, I fhall take my leave 
 
 of
 
 60 LETTERS 
 
 of you for ever. Motives very different from any 
 apprehenfion of your refentment, make it im- 
 poflible you mould ever know me. In truth, you 
 have fome reafon to hold yourfelf indebted to me. 
 From the leflbns I have given you, you may col- 
 left a profitable inftrudHon for your future life. 
 They will either teach you fo to regulate your con- 
 duel, as to be able to fet the moft malicious in- 
 quiries at defiance , or, if that be a loft hope, 
 they will teach you prudence enough not to at- 
 tradl the public attention to a character, which 
 will only pafs without cenfure, when it pafles 
 without observation. JUNIUS. 
 
 It has been faid, I believe truly, that it was fignified to Sir Wil- 
 liam Draper as the requeft of Lord Granby, that he fhould defift 
 from writing in hisLordfhip's defence. Sir Willirm Draper certainly 
 drew Junius forward to fay more of Lord Granby 's character than 
 he originally intended. He was reduced to the dileir.ma of either 
 being totally filenced, or of fupporting his firft letter. Whether 
 Sir William had a right to reduce him to this dilemma, or to call 
 upon him for his name, after a voluntary attack on his fide, are 
 cjueftions fubmitted to the candor of the public. Thedeath of Lord 
 Granby was lamented by Juniut. He undoubtedly owed fome com- 
 penfations to the public, and feemed determined to acquit himfelf 
 of them. In private life, he was unquestionably that good man, 
 who, for the intereft of his country, ought to have been a great one. 
 Sonum virum facile dixtris , magnum libenltr. I fpcak of him now 
 without partiality : I never fpoke of him with refentment. His 
 tniftakes, in public conduct, did not arife either from want of fen 
 t'tment, or want of judgment, but in general from the difficulty of 
 faying NO to the bad people who fnrrounded him. 
 
 .As for the rft, the friends of Lord Granby fhould remember, 
 that he himfelf thought proper to condemn, retracl, and difavow, 
 ijy a inoft folemn declaration in the houie of Commons, that very 
 fyftem of political conducl which Junius had held forth to the dif- 
 approbation of the public. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 MY LORD, MARCH 18. 1769. 
 
 "DEFORE you were placed at the head of affairs, 
 -*-^ it had been a maxim of the Englifti govern- 
 ment, not unwillingly admitted by the people, 
 i that
 
 O F J U N I U S. 61 
 
 that every ungracious or fevere exertion of the 
 prerogative (liould be placed to the account of the 
 Minifter; but that, whenever an ai of grace or 
 benevolence waste be performed, the whole merit 
 of it mould be attributed to the Sovereign him- 
 felf*. It was a wife do&rine, my Lord, and 
 equally advantageous to the King and his fub- 
 jec~l ; for while it preferved that fufpicious at- 
 tention, with which the people ought always to 
 examine the condudt of minifters, it tended at the 
 fame time rather to increafe than diminiih their 
 attachment to the perfon of their Sovereign. If 
 there be not a fatality attending every meafureyou 
 are concerned in, by what treachery, or by what 
 excefs of folly, has it happened, that thofe ungra- 
 cious a6ls which have diftinguifhed your admi- 
 niftration, and which I doubt not were entirely 
 your own, mould carry with them a ftrong appear- 
 ance of perfonal intereft:, and even of perfonal en- 
 mity, in a quarter where no fuch intereft or enmity- 
 can be fuppofed to exift without the higheft in- 
 juftice and the higheft difhonour ? On the other 
 hand, by what injudicious management have you, 
 contrived it, that the only aft of mercy, to which 
 you have ever advifed your Sovereign, far from 
 adding to the luftre of a character truly gracious 
 and benevolent, fhould be received with univer- 
 fal difapprobation and difguft ? I (hall confider it 
 as a minifterial meafure, becaufe it is an odious 
 one ; and as your meafure, my Lord Duke, be- 
 caufe you are the minifter. 
 
 As long as the trial of this chairman was de- 
 pending, it was natural enough that government 
 ihould give him every poffible encouragement and 
 fupport. The honourable fervice for which he 
 \v as hired, and the fpirit with which he performed 
 it, made a common caufe between your Grace and 
 F him. 
 
 * Les rois ne fe font referve q; ks gracer. Us rsnvoier.t les 
 condiim nations vers Icurj offiw'.crj, AicHlcfy'ti-.u**
 
 62 LETTERS 
 
 him. The minifter, who by fecret corruption in- 
 vades the freedom of elections, and the ruffian, 
 who by open violence deftroys that freedom, are 
 embarked in the fame bottom. They have the fame 
 interefts, and mutually feel for each other. To 
 tlo juftice to your Grace's humanity, you felt for 
 IM'Qjjirk as you ought to do ; and if you had 
 been contented to affift him indirectly, without 
 a notorious denial of juftice, or openly infulting 
 the fenfe of the nation, you might have fatisfied 
 every duty of political friendfhip, without com. 
 muting the honour of your Sovereign, or hazard- 
 ing the reputation of his government. But when 
 this unhappy man had been folemnly tried, con- 
 vited, and condemned ; when it appeared that 
 he had been frequently employed in the fame fer- 
 vices, and that no excufe for him could be drawn 
 either from the innocence of his former life, or 
 the fimplicity of his character ; was it not hazard- 
 ing too much to interpofe the ftrength of the pre- 
 rogative between this felon and the juftice of his 
 country*? You ought to have known that an ex- 
 ample 
 
 ' JPkiti'hjlI, Marco it, \T6<). His Majefty has been gracioufly 
 pleafed to extend hif royal mercy to Edward M' Quirk, found guilty 
 of the murder of George Clarke, as appears by his royal warrant 
 eo the tenor following. 
 GEORGE R. 
 
 WHEREAS a doubt had arifen in Our Royal bread cor.rerning 
 the evidence of the death of George Clarke, from the rcprefentations 
 of WilFiam Broomficld, Efq; fnrgeon, and Salomon Starling, apo- 
 thecary; both of whom, as has been reprefemcd to Us, attended 
 the decafcd before his death, and cxprtllcd thtir opinions that he 
 did not die of the blow he received at Brentford : And whereas it 
 appears to Us, that neither of the faid perfons were produced as 
 witnefTes upon the trial, though the faid Solomon Starling had been 
 examined before the Coroner ; and the only pcrf.-.n calkd to prove 
 tint the death of the laid George Clarke was occafioned by the faid 
 blow, was John Foot, furgeon, who never faw thedeceafed till after 
 his death : We thought fit thereupon to refer the faid reprefenta- 
 tions, together with the report of the Recorder of Our city of Lon- 
 don, ef the evidence given by Richard and William Beale, and the 
 faid John Foot, on the trial of Edward Q^iilc, otherwife called Kd- 
 vard Kirk, otherwife called Edward M'Quirk, for the murder of 
 the faid Clarke, to the matter, wardens, and the reft of the court 
 
 of
 
 O F J U N I U S. 63 
 
 ample of this fort was never fo neceflary.as at 
 prefent ; and certainly you mud have known that 
 the lot could not have fallen upon a more guilty 
 object. What fyftem of government is this ? You 
 c.m perpetually complaining of the riotous dilpo- 
 lition of the lower clafs of people ; yet when the 
 laws have given you the means of making an ex- 
 ample in every fenfe unexceptionable, and hy far 
 the moft likely-to awe the multitude, you pardon 
 the offence, and are not afhamed to give the fanc- 
 tion of government to the riots you complain of, 
 and even to future murders. You are partial per- 
 haps to the military mode of execution ; and had 
 rather fee a fcore of thefe wretches butchered by 
 the guards, than one of them fuffer death by re- 
 gular courfe of law. How does it happen, my Lord, 
 F 2 that, 
 
 of examiners of the Surgeons company, commanding tl-.cm likewife 
 to take futh further examination of the faid perfonsfo reprefenting, 
 
 1 ecefLry, together 
 
 ported to Us their opinion, "That it did not appear to them that 
 " he did ;" \Ve have thought proper to extend Our royal mercy to 
 liim the faid Edward Quirk, otherwife Edward Kirk, otherwife cal- 
 led Edward M'Qnirk, and to giant him Our free pardon for the 
 murder of the faid George Clarke, of which he has been found 
 guilty. Our will and pleafure therefore is, That he the faid Edward 
 Quirk, otherwife called Kirk, otherwife called Edward M Quirk, 
 be inferred for the faid murder, in Our firft and next general par- 
 don that fhall come. out for the poor convifts of Newgate, without 
 any condition wha;foever; and that in the mean time you take 
 bill for his appearance, in order to plead Our faid pardon. And 
 for fo doing this (hall be your warrant. 
 
 Given at Our court at St. James's the loth day of March I7<5p, 
 in the ninth year of Our reign. 
 
 By his Majeity's command, 
 
 ROCHFORD, 
 To our trufly and w-cll beloved James 
 
 Eyie, Eiq; Recorder of Our city of 
 
 London, the Shciiffs of our faid city 
 
 and coui.ty of JViiddlefex, and all 
 
 others \\hom it may concern.
 
 64 LETTERS 
 
 that, in yntr hands, even the mercy of the prero- 
 gative is cruelty and oppreffion to the fubjeft ? 
 
 The meafure,it feems,was fo extraordinary, that 
 you thought it neceflary to give fome reafons for it 
 to the public. Let them be fairly examined. 
 
 I. You fay that Meffrs Bromfield and Starling, 
 were net examined at M'^iirk's trial. I will tell 
 your Grace why they were not. They muft have 
 been examined upon oath ; and it was forefeen, 
 that their evidence would either not benefit, or 
 might be prejudicial to the prifoner. Otherwife, 
 is it conceivable that his counfel fhould negleft 
 to call in fuch material evidence ? 
 
 You fay that Mr Foot did not fee the deceafed un- 
 til after bis death. A furgeon, my Lord, mult 
 know very little of his profeffion, if upon exa- 
 mining a wound or a contufion, he cannot deter, 
 mine whether it was mortal or not. While the 
 party is alive, a furgeoa will be cautious of pro- 
 nouncing ; whereas by the death of the patient, 
 he is enabled to confider both caufe and eiTect in 
 one view, and to fpeak with a certainty confirm- 
 ed by experience. 
 
 Yet \ve are to thank your Grace for the efta- 
 blifhment of a new tribunal. Your inquijitio pojl 
 mortem is unknown to the laws of England, and 
 does honour to your invention. The only ma- 
 terial objection to it is, that if Mr Foot's evidence 
 was infufficient, becaufe he did not examine the 
 wound till after the death of the party, much 
 lefs c.in a negative opinion, given by gentlemen 
 \vho never faw the body of Mr Clarke, either be- 
 fore or after his deceafe, authorife you to i'uper- 
 letlc the verditt of a jury, and the fentence of 
 the law. 
 
 Now, my Lord, let me afk you, Has it never 
 occurred to your Grace, while you were with- 
 drawing this defperate wretch from that juflice 
 v.-hich the laws hatl awarded, and which the whole 
 
 people
 
 o F j tr N f tr s. 65 
 
 people of England demanded againft him, that 
 there is another man, who is the favourite of his 
 country, whofe pardon would have been accepted 
 v. ith gratitude, whofe pardon would have healed 
 ail our divifions ? Have you quite forgotten that 
 this man was once your Grace's friend ; Or is it 
 to murderers only that you will extend the mercy 
 of the crown ? 
 
 Thefe are queflions you will not anfwer, nor 
 is it neceiTary. The character of your private 
 life, and the tenour of your public conduct, is an 
 anfwer to them all. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 MY LORD, APRIL 10. 1769, 
 
 IHave fo good an opinion of your Grace's dif- 
 cernment, that when the author of the vin- 
 dication of your condutl aiTures us, that he 
 writes from his own mere motion, without the 
 leaft authority from your Grace, I fliould be ready 
 enough to believe him but for one fatal mark, 
 which feems to be fixed upon every meafure iu 
 which either your perfonal or your political chn- 
 radler is concerned. Your firft attempt to fup- 
 port Sir William Prolor ended in the election 
 of Mr Wilkes ; the fecond enfured fuccefs to Mr 
 Glynn. The extraordinary Hep you took to make 
 bir James Lowther lord paramount of Cumber- 
 land, has ruined his intereft in that country for 
 ever. The Houfe Lift of Directors was cur fed 
 with the concurrence of government ; and even 
 the miferable * Dingley could not efcape the mif- 
 F 3 fortune 
 
 * This unfortunate perfo!i had been perfuaded by the Duke of 
 Craft on to fet up for Middlefcx, h'S Grace I, ting determined ro (eat 
 him in ihe Houie of Commons if hs had bu; a Tingle vott. It hap- 
 pened unluckily that he could not prevail upon anyone IreehoK'.-.r 
 to' put him : .a nomiiuttun.
 
 66 LETTERS 
 
 fortune of your Grace's prote&ion. With this 
 uniform experience before us, we are authorifed 
 to fufpect, that when a pretended vindication of 
 your principles and conduct in reality contains 
 the bittereft refieclions upon both, it could not 
 have been written without your immediate direc- 
 tion and affiftance. The author indeed calls God 
 to witnefs for him, \vith all the fincerity and in 
 the very terms of an Irifh evidence, to the bejl of 
 bis knowledge and belief. My Lord, you ihould 
 rot encourage thefe appeals to heaven. The pi- 
 ous Prince from whom you are fuppofed to de- 
 fcend, made fuch frequent ufe of them in his 
 public declarations, that at laft the people alfo 
 found it neceflary to appeal to heaven in their 
 turn. Your adminiftration has driven us in-to 
 circumftances of equal diftrefs; beware at leaft 
 how you remind us of the remedy. 
 
 You have already much to anfwer for. You 
 have provoked this unhappy gentleman to play 
 the fool once more in public life, in fpite of his 
 years and infirmities ; and to fliow us, that, as you 
 yourfelf area fingularinftance of youth without fpi- 
 rit,theman whodefends you is a no lefs remarkable 
 example of age without the benefits of experience. 
 To follow fuch a writer minutely would, like his 
 own periods, be a labour without end. The fub- 
 jecl too has been already difcufled, and is fuffi- 
 ciently underftood. I cannot help obfetving, 
 however, that, when the pardon of M'Quirk 
 was the principal charge againft you, it would 
 have been but a decent compliment to your 
 Grace's underftanding, to have defended you upon 
 your own principles. What credit does a man 
 deferve, who tells us plainly, that the fats fet 
 iorth in the King's proclamation were not the 
 true motives on which the pardon was granted ; 
 and that he wifiies that thofe chirurgical reports, 
 ' which firft gave occafion to certain doubts in the 
 
 royal
 
 OF J U N I U S. 67 
 
 royal breaft, bad not been laid before his Majefty. 
 You fee, my Lord, that even your friends can- 
 not defend your adlions, without changing your 
 principles; nor juftify a deliberate meafure of 
 government, without contradicting the main af- 
 lertion on which it was founded. 
 
 The conviction of M'Qmrk had reduced you 
 to a dilemma, in which it was hardly poffible for 
 you to reconcile your political intereft with your 
 duty. You were obliged either toabandon an adlive 
 ufeful partifan, or to protect a felon from public 
 juftice. With your ufual fpirit, you preferred 
 your intereft to every other consideration ; and 
 with your ufual judgment, you founded your de- 
 termination upon the only motives which mould 
 not have been given to the public. 
 
 I have frequently cenfured Mr Wilkes's con- 
 duct, yet your advocate reproaches me with hav- 
 ing devoted myfelf to the fervice of fedition, 
 Your Grace can beft inform us, for which of 
 Mr Wilkes's good qualities you firft honoured 
 him with your friendfhip, or how long it was be- 
 fore you difcovered thofe bad ones in him at 
 which, it feems, your delicacy was offended. Re- 
 member, my Lord, that you continued your con- 
 nection with Mr Wilkes long after he had been 
 convicted of thofe crimes which you have fince 
 taken pains to reprefent in the blackeft colours 
 of blafphemy and treafon. How unlucky is it that 
 the firft inftance you have given us of a fcrupu- 
 lous regard to decorum is united with the breach 
 of a moral obligation ! For my own part, my Lord, 
 I am proud to affirm, that if I had been weak 
 enough to form fuch a friendfhip, I would never 
 have been bafe enough to betray it. But, let Mr 
 Wilkes's character be what it may, this at lead 
 is certain, that, circumftanced as he is with re- 
 gard to the public, even his vices plead for him. 
 The people cf England have too much difcern-
 
 68 LETTERS 
 
 ment to fufler your Grace to take advantage of 
 the failings of a private character, to eftablifh a 
 precedent by which the public liberty is affeded, 
 and which you may hereafter, with equal eafe 
 and fatisfalion, employ to the ruin of the belt 
 
 men in the kingdom. Content yourfelf, my 
 
 Lord, with the many advantages which the un- 
 fullied purity of your own character has given you 
 over your unhappy deferted friend. Avail your- 
 felf of all the unforgiving piety of the court you 
 live in, and blefs God that you " are not as 
 " other men are ; extortioners, unjuft, adulterers, 
 " or even as this publican." In a heart void of 
 feeling, the laws of honour and good faith may 
 be violated with impunity, and there you may 
 fafely indulge your genius. But the laws of Eng- 
 land fluill not be violated, even by your holy zeal 
 to opprefs a (inner; and though you have fuc- 
 ceeded in making him a tool, you (hall not make 
 him the victim of your ambition. JUNIU8. 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 TO MR EDWARD "\VESTON. 
 
 SIR, APRIL 21. 1769* 
 
 IS AID you were an old man without the benefit 
 of experience It feems yon are alfo a vo- 
 lunteer with the ilipend of twenty commifiions v 
 and, at a period when all pro'pecls are at an end, 
 you are ftill looking forward to rewards which 
 you cannot enjoy. No man is better acquainted 
 with the bounty of government than you are. 
 
 ton impudence, 
 
 < Temeralre vieill^rd^ aura fa recampenfe. 
 But I will not defcend to an altercation either 
 with the impotence of your age, or the peevifh- 
 nefs of your difeafes. Your pamphlet, ingenious
 
 O F J U N I U S. 69 
 
 as it is, has been fo little read, that the public 
 cannot know how far you have a right to give me 
 the lie, without the following citation of your 
 own words. 
 
 Page 6 < i. That he isperfuaded that the mo- 
 tives, which he (Mr Weiton) has alleged, muft 
 
 * appear fully fufficient, with or without the opi- 
 ' nions of the furgeons. 
 
 * 2. That thofe very motives MUST HAVE 
 ' BEEN the foundation on which the Earl of 
 
 * Rochford thought proper, &c. 
 
 ' 3. That he CANNOT BUT REGRET that the 
 ' Earl of Rochford feems to have thought proper 
 ' to lay the chirurgical reports before the king, 
 ' in preference to all the other fufficient mo- 
 tives/ &c. 
 
 Let the public determine whether this be de- 
 fending government on their principles or youp 
 own. 
 
 The ftyle and language you have adopted are, 
 I confefs, not ill fuited to the elegance of your 
 own manners, or to the dignity of the caufe you 
 have undertaken. Every common dauber writes 
 rafcal and villain under his pi&ures, becaufe the 
 piftures themfelves have neither character nor 
 refemblance. But the works of a matter require 
 no index. His features and colouring are taken 
 from nature. The impreffion they make is im- 
 mediate and uniform ; nor is it pofflble to miftake 
 his chara&ers, whether they reprefent the treachery 
 of_a minifter, or the abufed fnnplicity of a king. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LET-
 
 7 LETTERS 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 TO HIS GR^CE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 Mv LORD, APRIL 24. 1769* 
 
 THE fyilem you feemed to have adopted, when 
 Lord Chatham unexpectedly left you at the head 
 of affairs, gave us no promife of that uncommon 
 exertion of vigour, which has fince illuftrated your 
 character and diftinguifhed your administration. 
 Far from discovering a fpirit bold enough to in- 
 vade the firft rights of the people and the fir ft 
 principles of the conftitution, you were fcrupu- 
 lous of exercifing even thofe powers with which 
 the executive branch of the legillature is legally 
 inverted. We have not yet forgotten how long Mr 
 Wilkes was fuffered to appear at large, nor how 
 long he was at liberty to canvafs for the city and 
 county, with all the terrors of an outlawry hanging 
 over him. Our Gracious Sovereign has not yet for- 
 gotten theextraordinary care youtookof his dignity 
 and of the fafety of his perfon, when, at a crifis 
 vhich courtiers affected to call alarming, you left 
 the metropolis expofed for two nights together, to 
 every fpecies of riot and diforder. Thefecurity of 
 the Royal refidence from infult was then fufiiciently 
 provided for in Mr Conway's firmnefs, and Lord 
 Weymouth's difcretion ; while the piime minifter 
 of Great Britain, in a rural retirement, and in the 
 arms of faded beauty, had lotl all memory of his 
 Sovereign, his country, and himftlf. In thefe in- 
 ftances you might have acted with vigour, for you 
 would have had the fanction of the laws to fupport 
 you. The friends of government might have de- 
 fended you without flume; and moderate men, 
 who with well to the peace and good order of fo- 
 ciety, might have had a pretence for applauding 
 your conduct. Bat thefe, it fcems, were not occa- 
 
 fions
 
 O F J U N I U S. 71 
 
 fions worthy of your Grace's interposition. You 
 referved the proofs of your intrepid fpirit for trials 
 of greater hazard and importance ; and now, as 
 if the moft difgraceful relaxation of the execu- 
 tive authority had given you a claim of credit to 
 indulge in excefles ftill more dangerous, you feem 
 determined to compensate amply for your former 
 negligence, and to balance the non-execution of 
 the laws with a breach of the conftitution. From, 
 one extreme you fuddenly ftart to the other, with- 
 out leaving, between the weaknefs and the fury 
 of the paffions, one moment's interval for the firm- 
 nefs of the underftanding. 
 
 Thefe obfervations, general as they are, might 
 eafily be extended into a faithful hiftory of your 
 Grace's administration, and perhaps may be the 
 employment of a future hour. But the bufinefs of 
 the prefent moment will not fuffer me to look back 
 to a feries of events, which ceafe to be intereft- 
 ing or important, becaufe they are fucceeded by a 
 meafure fo fmgularly daring, that it excites all 
 our attention, and engrofles all our refentment. 
 
 Yourpatronage of Mr Luttrell has been crowned 
 with fuccefs. With this precedent before you, with 
 the principles on which it was eflablifhed, and 
 with a future houfe of commons, perhaps lefs 
 virtuous than the prefent, every county in Eng- 
 land, under the aufpices of the treafury, may be 
 reprefented as completely as the county of Middle- 
 fex. Pofterity will be indebted to your Grace 
 for not contenting yourfelf with a temporary ex- 
 pedient, but entailing upon them the immediate 
 bleflings of your administration. Boroughs were 
 already too much at the mercy of government. 
 Counties could neither be purchafed nor intimi- 
 dated. But their folemn determined election may 
 be rejected, and the man theydeteft may be appoin- 
 ted, by another choice, to reprefent them in parlia- 
 ment. Yet it is admitted, that the Sheriffs obeyed 
 3 the
 
 7* L E T T E P. S 
 
 the laws and performed their duty *. The return 
 - they made muft have been legal and valid, or un- 
 doubtedly they would have been cenfured for ma- 
 king it. With every good-natured allowance for 
 your Grace's youth and inexperience, there are 
 fome things which you cannot but know. You 
 cannot but know that the right of the freeholders 
 to adhere to their choice (even fuppoGng it im- 
 properly exerted) was as clear and indifputable as 
 that of the houfe of commons to exclude one of 
 their. own members? Nor is it poffible for you 
 not to fee, the wide diflance there is between the 
 negative power of rejecting one man, and the po- 
 fitive power of appointing another. The right of 
 expuHion, in the mod favourable fenfe,is no more 
 than the cuftom of parliament. The right of e- 
 iection is the very eflence of the conflitution. To 
 violate that right, and much more to transfer it 
 to any other fet of men, is a ftep leading imme- 
 diately to the diflblution of all government. So 
 far forth as it operates, it constitutes a houfe of 
 commons which does net reprefent the people. A 
 lioufe of commons fo formed would involve a con- 
 tradiction and the grofieft confufion of ideas ; but 
 there are fome miniflers, my Lord, whofe views 
 can only be anfwered by reconciling abfuiuities, 
 and making the fame propofition, which is falie 
 and abfurd in argument, true in fact. 
 
 This meafure, my Lord, is however attended 
 with one confequence favourable to the people, 
 vhich I am perfuaded you did not forefee f. 
 While the conteft lay between the miniftry and 
 Mr Wilkes, his fituation and private character, 
 gave you advantages over him, which common 
 candour, if not the memory of your former friend- 
 fhip, fliould have foibidden you to make ufe of. 
 
 To 
 
 * Sir Fletcher Norton, when it was prnpofcd topuniili thefherifft, 
 declared in the houfe of commons that they, in returning Mr Wiikt's, 
 hid done no more tfian their duty. 
 
 f The reader is dcfired to rnaik ihis prophecy. .
 
 O F J U N I U S. 73 
 
 To religious men, you had an opportunity of exag- 
 gerating the irregularities of his paft life ; to mo- 
 derate men, you held forth the pernicious confc- 
 quences of faction. Men, who with this character 
 looked no farther than to the objel before them, 
 xvere not diflatisfied at feeing Mr Wilkes excluded 
 from parliament. You have now taken care to 
 fliift the queftion ; or rather, you have created a 
 new one, in which Mr Wilkes is no more concerned 
 than any other Englifh gentleman. You have 
 united this country againft you on one grand con- 
 ftitutional point, on the decifion of which our 
 exiftence, as a free people, abfoluteiy depends. 
 You have afferted, not in words but in fa ft, that 
 the reprefentation in parliament does not depend 
 upon the choice of the freeholders. If fuch a cafe 
 can poffibly happen once, it may happen frequent- 
 ly; it may happen always: and if three hundred 
 votes, by any mode of reafoning wharfoever, can 
 prevail againft twelve hundred, the fame reafoning 
 would equally have given Mr Luttrell his feat with 
 ten votes, or even with one. The confequences 
 of this attack upon tb. conftitution are too plain 
 and palpable not to al'.rm the dulleft apprehenfion. 
 I truft you will find, that the people of England 
 are neither deficient in fpirit nor underftanding, 
 though you have treated them as if they had nei- 
 ther fenfe to feel, nor fpirit to refent. We have 
 reafon to thank God and our anceftors, that there 
 never yet was a minifter in this country, who could 
 {land the iilue of fuch a conflict ; and with every 
 prejudice in favour of your intentions, I fee no 
 fuch abilities in your Grace, as fhould intitle you 
 to fucceed in an enterprise, in which the r.bleft 
 and bafcft of your predeceiTors have found their 
 deftruftion. You may continue to deceive your 
 gracious mafter with falfe reprefer.tations cf the 
 temper and condition of his fubjecls. You may 
 command a venal vote, becaufe it is the common 
 G efta-
 
 74 LETTERS 
 
 eftabliflied appendage of your office. But never 
 hope that the freeholders will make a tame furren- 
 der of their rights, or that an Englifh army will 
 join with you in overturning the liberties of their 
 country. They know that their firft duty as citi- 
 zens, is paramount to all fubfequent engagements} 
 nor will they prefer the difcipline or even the ho- 
 nours of their profeflion to thofe facred original 
 lights, which belonged to them before they were 
 ibldiers, and which they claim and pofiefs as the 
 birth-right of Englifhmen. 
 
 Return, my Lord, before it be too late, to that 
 eafy infipid fyftem which you firft fet out with. 
 Take back your *miftrefs , the name of friend 
 jmay be fatal to her, for it leads to treachery and 
 perfecution. Indulge the people. Attend New- 
 market. Mr Luttrell may again vacate his feat j 
 and Mr Wilkes, if not perfecuted, will foonbe for- 
 gotten To be weak and inactive, is fafer than to 
 be daring and criminal-, and wide is the diftance 
 "between a riot of the populace and a convulfion of 
 the whole kingdom. You may live to make the 
 experiment, but no honeft man can wifh you fliould 
 furvive it, J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF CRAFTON. 
 
 My LORD, May 30. 1769. 
 
 IF the meafures in which you have been mod 
 fuccefsful, had been fupported by any tolerable 
 appearance of argument, I mould have thought my 
 time not ill employed, in continuing to examine 
 your conduct as a miniiler, and dating it fairly to 
 the public. But when I fee queflions of the 
 
 higheft 
 
 * The Duke, about this time, had fcparated himfclf from Ann 
 Parfons; but propofed to continue united with her, oti feme pla- 
 tonic terms of friendship, which file rej.fled with contempt. His 
 Lafencfs to this woman is beyond dcfciipciou or belief.
 
 O F J U N I U S, 75 
 
 higheft national importance carried as they have 
 been, and the firft principles of the conftitution open- 
 ly violated, without argument or decency, I confefs 
 I give up the caufe in defpair. The meaneft of your 
 predecefibrs had abilities fufficient to give a colour 
 to their meafures. If they invaded the rights of 
 the people, they did not dare to offer a direct in- 
 fult to their underftanding ; and in former times, 
 the mod venal parliaments made it a condition, in 
 their bargain with the minifter, that he fhould 
 furnifh them with fome plaufible pretence? for fell- 
 ing their country and themfelvefr. You have had 
 the merit of introducing a more compendious fy- 
 ftem of government and lojnc. You neither addrefs 
 yourfelf to the paffions, nor to the underftanding, 
 but fimply to the touch.. You apply yourfelf im- 
 mediately to the feelings of your friends ; who, 
 contrary to the forms of parliament, never enter 
 heartily into a debate, until they have divided. 
 
 Relinquifhing,.therefore, all idle views of amend- 
 ment to your Grace, or of benefit to the public, 
 let me be permitted to confider your character and 
 conduct merely as a fui>jet of curious fpecularion. 
 There is fomethingin both, which diftinguifhes 
 you not only from all other minifters, but all other 
 men; it is not that you do wrong by deOgn, but 
 that you fhould never do right by miftake. It is 
 not that your indolence and your activity have been 
 equally mifapplied ; but that the firft uniform prin- 
 ciple, or if I may call it the genius of your life, 
 flvould have carried you through every poflible 
 change and contradiction of condut, without the 
 momentary imputation or colour of a virtue; and 
 that the wildeft fpirit of inconfiftency mould, never 
 once have betrayed you into a wife or honourable 
 action. This I own gives an air of fingularity to 
 your fortune as well as to your difpofition. Let us 
 look back together to a fcene in which a mind like 
 yours will find nothing to repent of. Let us try, 
 G 2 m-y
 
 jS LETTERS 
 
 my Lord, how well you have fupported the various 
 relations in which you ftood, to your fovereigu, 
 your country, your friends, and yourfelf. Give us, 
 if it be poflible, fome excufe to pofterity, and to- 
 curfelves, for fubmitting to your adminiftration, 
 If not the abilities of a great minifter, if not the, 
 integrity of a patriot, or the fidelity of a friend, 
 fhow us at leaft the firmnefsof a man. For the fake 
 of your miftrefs, the lover (hall be fpared. I will 
 not lead her into public, as you have done, nor 
 will I infult the memory of departed beauty. Her 
 fex, which alone made her amiable in your eyes, 
 makes her refpectable in mine. 
 
 The character of the reputed anceftors of fome 
 men, has made it poffible for their dependents to 
 be vicious in the extreme, without being degene- 
 rate. Tbofe of your Grace, for inftance, left no 
 tHftreffing 'examples of virtue even to their legiti- 
 mate pofterity; and you may look back with plea, 
 fure to an illuftrious pedigree> in which heraldry 
 has not left a fingle good quality upon record to 
 infult or upbraid you. You have better proofs of 
 your defcent, my Lord, than the regifter of a mar- 
 riage, or any troublefome inheritance of reputation. 
 There are fome hereditary llrokes of character, by 
 which a family may be as clearly diftinguifhed as 
 by the blackeft features of the human face. Charles 
 the Firft lived ami died a hypocrite. Charles the 
 Second was a hypocrite of another fort, and fhould 
 have died upon the fame fcaffold. At the diftance 
 of a century, we fee their different characters hap- 
 pily revived and blended in your Grace. Sullen 
 and fevere without religion, profligate without 
 g,uetv you live like Charles the Second, without 
 being an amiable companion ; and, for aught 1 know, 
 may die as his father did, without the reputation 
 of a martyr. 
 
 You had already taken your degrees with credit 
 in thofe fchools in which the Englilh nobility are 
 
 formed
 
 F J U N I IT S. yjf 
 
 formed to virtue, when you were introduced to 
 Lord Chatham's protection *. From Newmarket, 
 White's, and the oppofition, he gave you to the 
 world with an air of popularity, which young 
 men ufually fet out with, and feldom preferve : 
 grave and plaufible enough to be thought fit for 
 bufinefs; too young for treachery; and, in fhort, 
 a patriot of no unpromifmg expectations. Lord 
 Chatham was the earlieft object of your political 
 wonder and attachment; yet you deferted him, 
 upon the firft hopes that offered of an equal fhare 
 of power with Lord Rockingham. When the 
 Duke of Cumberland's firft negociation failed, and 
 when the favourite was pufhed to the laft extre- 
 mity, you faved him by joining with an admini- 
 ftration in which Lord Chatham had refufed to 
 engage. Still, however, he was your friend: and 
 you are yet to explain to the world, why you con- 
 fentcd to aft without him ; or why, after uniting 
 with Lord Rockingham, you deferted and betray, 
 ed him. You complained that no meafures were 
 taken to fatisfy your patron; and that your friend 
 Mr Wilkes, who had f uttered fo much for the 
 party, had been abandoned to his fate They 
 have fince contributed, not a little, to your pre- 
 fcnt plenitude of power: yet, I think, Lord Cha- 
 tham has lefs reafon than ever to be fatisfied ; and 
 as for Mr Wilkes, it is, perhaps, the greateft 
 misfortune of jiis life that you fhould have fo 
 many compenfations to m;ke in the clofet for 
 your former friendfhip with him. Your gracious 
 mafter underft*nds your character; and makes you 
 a perfecutor, becaufe you have been a friend. 
 
 Lord Chatham formed his la(t adminiflrntion 
 
 upon principles which you certainly concurred in, 
 
 or you could never have been placed at the head 
 
 of the treafury. By deferting thofe principles, and 
 
 G 3 by 
 
 ' To underftar.d ihtfe pafTiges, the render is rcfv.red to a noted- 
 p-iivphkt, ullcd, The tijitrj of ibt minority.
 
 78 LETTERS 
 
 byacling in diret contradiction to them, in which 
 he found you were fecretly fupported in the 
 clofet, you foon forced him to leave you to your- 
 felf, and to withdraw his name from an admini- 
 ftration which had been formed on the credit of 
 it. You had then a profpecl of friendfhips better 
 fuited to your genius, and more likely to fix your 
 difpofition. Marriage is the point on which every 
 rake is ftationary at laft : and truly, my Lord, you 
 may well be weary of the circuit you have taken;, 
 for you have now fairly travelled through every 
 fign in the political zodiac, from the Scorpion, in 
 which you ftung Lord Chatham, to the hopes of 
 a Virgin * in the houfe of Bloomfbury.-One would 
 think that you had had fufficient experience of 
 the frailty of nuptial engagements, or, at leaft, 
 that fuch a friendfhip as the Duke of Bedford's 
 might have been fecured to you by the aufpicicus 
 marriage of your late Duchefs with f his nephew. 
 But ties of this tender nature cannot be drawn, 
 too clofe , and it may pofiibly be a part of the 
 Duke of Bedford's ambition, after making her an 
 honeft woman, to work a miracle of the fame fort 
 upon your Grace. 'J his worthy nobleman has 
 long dealt in virtue. There has been a large con- 
 fumption of it in his own family; and, in the way 
 of traffic, I dare fay, he has bought and fold more 
 than half the reprefentative integrity of the na- 
 tion. 
 
 In a political vie\v, this union is not imprudent. 
 The favour of princes is a perifhable commodity. 
 You have now a ftrength fufficient to command 
 the clofet; and if it be neceffary to betray one 
 friendfhip more, you may fet even Lord Bute at 
 defiance. Mr Stuart Mackenzie may poffibly 
 remember what ufe the Duke of Bedford ufually 
 
 makes 
 
 H ; s Grace had lately married Mifs VVrottefly, niece of iheGocd 
 G.'rtrufe, Di'chefs of Bedford. 
 
 f Mifs Liddcl, after her divorce from the Duke, married Lord 
 pper Oflbry.
 
 OF J U N I U S. 79 
 
 makes of his power; and our gracious Sovereign, 
 I doubt not, rejoices at this firft appearance of 
 union among his fervants. His late Majefty, un- 
 der the happy influence of a family connexion be- 
 tween his minifters, was relieved from the cares 
 of the government. A more active prince may 
 perhaps obferve, with fufpicion, by what degrees 
 an artful fervant grows upon his mafter, from the 
 firft unlimited profeflions of duty and attachment, 
 to the painful reprefentation of the neceffity of 
 the royal fervice, and foon, in regular progreflion, 
 to the humble infolence of dictating in all the 
 obfequious forms of peremptory fubmiflion. The 
 interval is carefully employed in forming con- 
 nexions, creating interefts, collecting a party, and 
 laying the foundation of double marriages ; un- 
 til the deluded prince, who thought he had found 
 a creature proRituted to- his fervice, and infignifi- 
 cant enough to be always dependent upon his plea- 
 fure, finds him at laft too ftrong to be command- 
 ed, and too formidable to be removed. 
 
 Your Grace's public conduct, as a minifter, is 
 but the counterpart of your private hiftory, -the 
 fame inconfiftency, the fame contradictions. la 
 America we trace you, from the firft oppofition 
 to the Stamp Act, on principles of convenience, to 
 Mr Pitt's furrender of the right: then forward to 
 Lord Rockingham's furrender of the fact ; thea 
 back again to Lord Rockingham's declaration of 
 the right ; then forward to taxation with Mr 
 Townfhencl ; and in the laft inftance, from the 
 gentle Conway's undetermined difcretion, to 
 blood and compulfion with the Duke of Bedford: 
 Yet, if we may believe the fimplicity of Lord 
 North's eloquence, at the opening of next feflions 
 you are once mare to be the patron of America. 
 Is this the wifdom of *a great minifter ? or is it 
 the ominous vibration of a pendulum ? Had you 
 no opinion of your own, my Lord ? or was it 
 
 the
 
 go LETTERS 
 
 the gratification of betraying every party with 
 which you h;ive been united, and of delerting 
 every political principle in which you had con- 
 curred? 
 
 Your enemies may turn their eyes without regret 
 from this admirable fyftem of provincial govern- 
 ment. They will find gratification enough in the 
 furvey of your domeftic and foreign policy. 
 
 If, inftead of clifowning Lord Shelburne, the 
 Britifh court had interpofed with dignity and 
 firmnefs, you know, my Lord, that Corfica would 
 never have been invaded. The French faw the 
 weaknefs of a dittoed miniftry, and were jufti- 
 fied in treating you with contempt. They would 
 probably have yielded in the firft inftance, rather 
 than hazard a rupture with this country, but, be- 
 ing once engaged, they cannot retreat, without 
 difhonour. Common fenfe forefees corifequences^ 
 which have efcaped your Grace's penetration. 
 Either we fuffer the French to make an acquifition^ 
 the importance of which you have probably no 
 conception of-, or we oppofe them by an under- 
 hand management, which only difgraces us in the 
 eyes of Europe, without anfwering any purpofe of 
 policy or prudence. From fecret, indirect afiift- 
 ance, a tranfition to fome more open decifive 
 meafures becomes unavoidable ; till at laft we find 
 ourfelves principal in the war, and are obliged to 
 hazard every thing for an obje<ft which might 
 have originally been obtained without expence or 
 danger. I am not verfed in the politics of the 
 north ; but this I believe is certain, that half the 
 money you have diflributed to carry the expulfion 
 of Mr Wilkes, or evert your fecretary's (hare in the 
 laft fu/bfcription, would have kept the Turks at 
 your devotion. Was it ceconomy, my Lord? or 
 did the coy refiftance you have conftantly met 
 with in the Britiih fenate, make you defpair of 
 corrupting the Divan ? Your friends indeed have
 
 O F J U N I IT S. 8r 
 
 the firft claim upon your bounty; but if five hur- 
 dred pounds a-year can be fpared in penfion to 
 Sir John Moore, it would not have ditgraced you 
 to have allowed fcmething to the fecret fervice of 
 the public. 
 
 You will fay perhaps, that the fituation of affairs 
 at home demanded and engrofltd the whole of your 
 attention. Here, I confefs, you have been active. 
 An amiable, accomplifhed prince afcends the 
 throne under the happieft of allaufpices, the ac- 
 clamations and united affections of his fubjecls. 
 The firft meafures of his reign, and even the odium 
 of a favourite, were not able to fhake their attach- 
 ment. Tour fervices, my Lord, have been more 
 fuccefsful. Since ypu were permitted to take the 
 lead, we have feen the natural effects of a fyftem 
 of government at once both odious and contemp- 
 tible. We have feen the laws fometimes fcauda- 
 loufly relaxed, fometimes violently ftretched be- 
 yond their tone. We have feen the perfon of the 
 Sovereign infulted ; and in profound peace, and 
 with an undifputed title, the fidelity of his fubjects 
 brought by his own fervants into public queftion*. 
 Without abilities, refolution, orintereft, you have 
 done more than Lord Bute could accompiilh with 
 all Scotland at his heels. 
 
 Your Grace, little anxious perhaps either for 
 prefent or future reputation, will not defire to be 
 handed down in thefe colours to pofterity. You 
 have reafon to flatter yourfelf that the memory of 
 your adminiftration will furvive even the forms of 
 a conftitution, which our anceftors vainly hoped 
 would be immortal : and as for your perfonal cha- 
 racter, I will not, for the honour of human nature, 
 fuppofe that you can wifh to have it remembered. 
 The condition of the prefent times is defperate in- 
 deed : 
 
 * The wife Duke, about this time, exerted all the influence of 
 government to proiure addreflts to fatisfy the King of the fidelity 
 t-.f hi< fuhjedrs. They came ir very thick from Scotland; but, alter 
 the appearance^of this letter, we heard no more of them.
 
 S2 LETTERS 
 
 deed : but there is a debt due to thofe who come 
 after us; and it is the hiftorian's office to punifh, 
 though he cannot correct. I do not give you to 
 pofterity as a pattern to imitate, but as an example 
 to deter ; and as your condud.1 comprehends every 
 thing that a wife or honed minifter mould avoid, 
 I mean to make you a negative initru&ion to your 
 fuccefi'ors for ever. 
 
 JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC 
 
 ADVERTISER. 
 
 SIR, JUNE 12. 1769. 
 
 'T^'HE Duke of Grafton's friends, not finding it 
 . convenient to enter into aconteft with Junius t 
 are now reduced to the laft melancholy refource 
 of defeated argument, the flat general charge of 
 fcurrility and falfehood. As for his ftyie, I fhall 
 leave it to the critics. The truth of his fais is 
 of more importance to the public. They are of 
 fuch a nature, that I think a bare contradiVion 
 will have no weight with any man who judges for 
 himfelf. Let us take them in the order in which 
 they appear in his lull letter. 
 
 1. Have not the firft rights of the people, and 
 the firft principles of the conftitution, been openly 
 invaded, and the very name of an election made 
 ridiculous, by the arbitrary appointment of Mr 
 Luttreil? 
 
 2. Did not the, Duke of Grafton frequently lead 
 his miftrefs into public, and even place her at the 
 head of his table, as if he had pulled clown an an- 
 cient temple of Venus, and could bury all decency 
 and fliame under the ruins? Is this the man who 
 dares to talk of Mr Wilkes's morals? 
 
 3. Is not tjie character of his prefumptive an- 
 
 ceftors
 
 
 O F J U N I U S. 83 
 
 ceftors as ftrongly marked in him as if he had 
 defcended from them in a direct legitimate line? 
 The idea of his death is only prophetic ; and what 
 i-s prophecy but a narrative preceding the fad! 
 
 4. Was not Lord Chatham the firft who raifed 
 him to the rank and port of a minifier, and the 
 firft whom he abandoned ? 
 
 5. Did he not join with Lord Rockingham, and 
 betray him? 
 
 6. Was he not the bofom friend of Mr Wilkes, 
 whom he now purfues to deftru&ion ? 
 
 7. Did he not take his degrees with credit at 
 Newmarket, White's, and the oppofition ? 
 
 8. After deferting Lord Chatham's principles, 
 and facrificinghis friendfhip, is he not nowclofely 
 united with a fet of men, who, tho' they have oc- 
 cafionally joined with all parties, have in every 
 different fituation, and at all times, been equally 
 and conftantly detefted by this country? 
 
 9. Has not Sir John Moore a penfion of five 
 hundred pounds a-year ? This may probably be 
 an acquittance of favours upon the turfj but is it 
 poflible for a minifier to offer a grofier outrage to 
 a nation, which has fo very lately cleared away the 
 beggary of the civil lift at the expence of more 
 than half a million. ? 
 
 10. Is there anyone mode of thinking or acting 
 with refpeft to America, which the Duke of Graf- 
 ton has not fuccefllvely adopted and abandoned ? 
 
 11. Is there not a fingular mark of fhame fet 
 upon this man, who has fo little delicacy and feel- 
 ing as to fubmit to the opprobrium of marrying a 
 near relation of one who had debauched his wife? 
 In the name of decency, how are thefe amiable 
 coufins to meet at their uncle's table ? It will be 
 a fcene in Oedipus, without the diftrefs. Is it 
 wealth, or wit, or beauty or is the amorous 
 youth in love ? 
 
 The reft is notorious. That Corfica has been 
 
 facri-
 
 8 4 LETTERS 
 
 facrificed to the French: that in fonie inftances 
 the laws have been fcandaloufly relaxed, and in 
 others daringly violated; and that the King's fub- 
 }ets have been called upon to aiTure him of their 
 fidelity, in fpite of the meafures of his fervants. 
 
 A writer, who builds his arguments upon far.s 
 fuch as thefe, is not eafily to be confuted. He is 
 not to be anfwcred by general aflertions, or gene- 
 ral reproaches. He may want eloquence to amufe 
 and perfuade; but, fpeaking truth, he muft al- 
 ways convince. PHILO JUNIUS, 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE 
 PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 
 SIR, JUNE 22. 1769. 
 
 T^HE name of Old Noll Is deftined to be the ruin 
 * of the houfe of Stuart. There is an omi- 
 nous fatality in it, which even the fpurious de- 
 fcendants of the fami.ly cannot efcape. Oliver 
 Cromwell had the merit of conducting Charles 
 the Firft to the block. Your correfpondent OLD 
 NOLL appears to have the fame defign upon the 
 Duke of Grafton. His arguments confift better 
 with the title he has aflumed, than with the prin- 
 ciples he profefles; for though he pretends to be 
 an advocate for the Duke, he takes care to give us 
 the beft reafons why his patron fhould regularly 
 follow the fate of his prefumptive anceftor. 
 Through the whole courfeof the Duke of Grafton's 
 life, I fee a ftrange endeavour to unite contradic- 
 tions, which cannot be reconciled. He marries, 
 to be divorced ; he keeps a miftrcfs, to remind 
 him of conjugal endearments ; and he choofes fuch 
 friends, as it is virtue in him to defert. If it were 
 poiTible for the genius of that accomplifhed prefi- 
 dent who pronounced fentence upon Charles the 
 i Firft,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 85 
 
 Firft, to be revived in fome modern fycophant *, his 
 Grace, Idoubt not, would by fympathy. difcoverhim 
 among the dregs of mankind, and take him for a 
 Tuide in thofe paths which naturally conduct a 
 minifler to the fcafrbld. 
 
 The ailertion that two-thirds of the nation ap- 
 prove of the acceptance of Mr Luttrell (for even 
 Old Noll is too mode ft to call it an election) can 
 neither be maintained nor confuted by argument. 
 It is a point of fact, on which every Englifh gen- 
 tleman will determine for himfelf. As to lawyers, 
 their profeilion is fiipported by the indifcriminate 
 defence of right and wrong ; and I confefs I have 
 not that opinion of their knowledge or integrity, 
 to think it necefiary that they fhould decide for 
 me upon a plain conftitutional queflion. With 
 refpecVto the appointment of Mr Luttrell, the 
 chancellor has never yet given any authentic opi* 
 nion. Sir Fletcher Norton is indeed an honeft, a 
 very honefl man j and the Attorney General is ex 
 cfficio the guardian of liberty, to take care, I pre- 
 iame, that it (hall never break out into a criminal 
 cxcefs. Doctor Blackftone is Solicitor to the 
 Qu.een. The Doctor recollected that he had a 
 place to preferve, though he forgot that he had a 
 reputation to lofe. "We have now the good fortune 
 to underftand the Doctor's principles, as well a> 
 writings. For the defence of truth, of law, and 
 reafon, the Doctor's book may be fafely confulted ; 
 but whoever wifhes to cheat a neighbour of his 
 eftate, or to rob a country of its rights, need make 
 no fcruple of confulting the Doctor himfelf. 
 
 The example of the Englifli nobility may, for 
 aught I know, fufficiently juftify the Duke of 
 Grafton, when he indulges his genius in all the 
 fafhionable exceffes of the age ; yet, confidering 
 his rank and (lation,! think it would do him more 
 3 H ho- 
 
 : arJljr'ncccflary *.Q remind the reader yf the name of Br:,d-
 
 $6 LETTERS 
 
 honour to be able to deny the fac~t, than to defend 
 it by fuch authority. But if vice itfelf could be 
 excufed, there is yet a certain difplay of it, a cer- 
 tain outrage to decency, and violation of public 
 decorum, which, for the benefit of fociety, fhould 
 never be forgiven. It is not that he kept a miftrefs 
 at home, but that he conflantly attended her a- 
 broad. It is not the private indulgence, but the 
 public infult, of which I complain. The name of 
 Mifs Parfons would hardly have been known, if 
 the Firft Lord of the Treafury had not led her in 
 triumph through the Opera Houfe, even in the 
 prefence of the Chieen. When we fee a man a<St 
 in this maaner, we may admit the fhanrelefs depra- 
 vity of his heart, but what are we to think of his 
 underftanding? 
 
 His Grace, it feems, is now to be a regular do- 
 meftic man ; and as an omen of the future delicacy 
 and corredtnefs of his conduct, he marries a firfb 
 coufin of the man who had fixed that mark and 
 title of infamy upon him, which, at the fame 
 moment, makes a hufband unhappy and ridiculous. 
 The ties of confanguinity may pofilbly preferve 
 him from the fame fate a fecond time ; and as to 
 the diflrefs of meeting, I take for granted the ve- 
 nerable uncle of thefe common coufins has fettled 
 the etiquette in fuch a manner, that if a miflake 
 fliould happen, it may reach no farther than from 
 Madame tnafcnime to Madame ma coujine> 
 
 The Duke of Grafton has always fome excellent 
 reafon for deferting his friends The age and in- 
 capacity of Lord Chatham the debility of Lord 
 Roekingham or the infamy of Mr Wilkes. 
 There was a time, indeed, when he did not appear 
 to be quite fo well acquainted, or fo violently of- 
 fended, with the infirmities of his friends. But 
 now I confefs they are not ill exchanged for the 
 youthful, vigorous virtue of the Duke oi Bedford ; 
 *rthe firmriefs of General Conway; the blunt, 
 
 or
 
 OF J U N I U S. 87 
 
 or if I may call it the aukward, integrity of Mr 
 Rigby j and the fpotlefs morality of Lord Sand- 
 wich. 
 
 If a late penfion to a * broken gambler be an act 
 worthy of commendation, the Duke of Grafton's 
 connexions will furnifh him with many opportuni- 
 ties of doing praife-woithy actions ; and as he him- 
 fdf bears no part of the expence, the generofity 
 of diftributing the public money for the fupport 
 of virtuous families in diftrefs will be an unqueftion- 
 able proof of his Grace's humanity. 
 
 As to the public affairs, O'd Noll is a little ten- 
 der of defcending to particulars. He does not 
 deny that Corfica has been facrificed to France ; 
 and he confefTep, that, with regard to America, 
 his patron's meafures have been fubjet to fomc 
 variation ; but then he promifes wonders of {labi- 
 lity and firmnefs for the future. Thefe are myfte- 
 ries, of which we muft not pretend to judge by 
 experience ; and truly, I fear we (liall perifh in 
 the Defart, before we arrive at the Land of Pro- 
 mife. In the regular courfe of things, the period 
 of the Duke of Grafton's minifterial manhood 
 fhould now be approaching. The imbecillity of his 
 infant-date was committed to Lord Chatham. 
 Charles Tovrnfliend took fome care of his educa- 
 tion at that ambiguous age, which lies between 
 the follies of political childhood and the vices of 
 puberty. The empire of the paflions foon fucceed- 
 ed. His earlieft principles and connexions were 
 of courfe forgotten or ilefpifed. The company he 
 has lately kept has been of no fervice to his morals ; 
 and, in the conduct of public affairs, we fee the 
 character of his time of life (Irongly diftinguiftied. 
 And obitinate ungovernable felf-fufficiency plainly 
 point-s out to us that (late of imperfect maturity, 
 at which the graceful levity of youth is loft, and 
 the folidity of experience not yet acquired. It is 
 H 2 poflible 
 
 * Sir John Mocrc.
 
 88 LETTERS 
 
 poffible the young man may in time grow wifer, 
 nnd reform ; but, if I underftand his difpofition, 
 it is not of fuch corrigible fluff, that we fhouid 
 hope for any amendment in him, before he has 
 accomplifhed the deftruclion of this country. 
 Like other rakes, he may perhaps live to fee his 
 error, but not until he has ruined his eflate. 
 
 PHILO TUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XV. . 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 MY LORD, JULY 8. 1760. 
 
 TF nature had given you an underftanding quali- 
 * fied to keep pace with the wifhes and princi- 
 ples of your heart, (he would have made you, per- 
 haps, the mofl formidable minifter that ever was 
 employed, under a limited monarch, to accomplifh 
 the ruin of a free people. When neither the feel- 
 ings of fhame, the reproaches of confcience, nor 
 the dread of punifhment, form any bar to the de- 
 figns of a minifter, the people would have too 
 much reafon to lament their condition, if they did 
 not find fome refource in the weaknefs of his un- 
 derftanding. We owe it to the bounty of provi- 
 dence, that the completed depravity of the heart 
 is fometimes ftrangely united with a confufion of 
 the mind, which counteracts the mofl favourircr 
 principles, and makes the fame man treacherous 
 without art, and a hypocrite without deceiving. 
 Thi meafures, for inftance, in which your Grace's 
 activity has been chiefly exerted, as they were adop- 
 ted without fkill, fhouid have been conducted with 
 more than common dexterity. But truly, my Lord, 
 the execution has been as grofs as the defign. By 
 one decifive ftep, you have defeated all the arts of 
 writing. You have fairly confounded the intrigues 
 of oppofition, an'd nlcnced the clamours of faction. 
 
 A
 
 O F J U N I U S. 89 
 
 A dark, ambiguous fyftem might require and 
 furnifh the materials of ingenious illuftration ; and 
 in doubtful meafures, the virulent exaggeration of 
 party mult be employed, to roufe and engage the 
 paflions of the people. You have now brought 
 the merits of yur adminiftration to an iffue, on 
 which every Englifhman, of the narrowed capa- 
 city, m?.y determine for himfelf. It is not an 
 alarm to the paffions, but a calm appeal to the 
 judgment of the people, upon their own moft 
 erTential interefts. A more experienced mfnifter 
 would nothave hazarded a dire& invafionof the firft 
 principles of the conftitution, before he had made 
 fome progrefs in fubduing the fpirit of the people. 
 With fuch a' caufe as your's, my Lord, it is not 
 fufficient that you have the court at your devotion, 
 unlefs you can find means to corrupt or intimidate 
 the jury. The collective body of the people form 
 that jury, and from their decifion there is but one 
 appeal. 
 
 Whether yott have talents to fupport you, at a 
 crifis of fuch difficulty and danger, fhould long 
 fince have been confidered. Judging truly of youi" 
 dilpofuion, you have perhaps miftaken the extent 
 of your capacity. Good-faith and folly have lo 
 long been received as fynonimous terms, that the 
 reverfe proportion has grown into credit, and everv 
 villain fancies himfelf a man of abilities. It is tiv; 
 apprehenfion of your friends, my Lord, that you 
 have drawn fome hafty conclufion of this fort, and 
 that a partial reliance upon your moral char.idlcr 
 hrus betrayed you beyond the depth of your under- 
 (landing. You have now carried things too far to 
 retreat. You have plainly declared to the people 
 what they are to expect from the continuance of 
 your adminiftration. It is time for your Grace to 
 confider what you alfo may expett in return from 
 their fpirit and their refentment. 
 
 Since the acceffion of our moil gracious Sove- 
 H 3 rcicn
 
 9 o L E T T E R S 
 
 reign to the throne, we have feen a fyftem of go- 
 vernment which may well be called a reign of ex- 
 periments. Parries of all denominations have beert 
 cniployed and difmifled. '1 he advice of the ableft 
 men in this country has been repeatedly called for 
 and rejected; and when the Royal difpieafure has 
 been fignified to a minifter, the marks of it have 
 ufiully been proportioned to his abilities and inte- 
 grity. The fpirit of the FAVOURITE had fome 
 apparent influence upon every adminiflration ; and 
 every fet of minilters preferved an appearance of 
 duration, as long as they fubmitted to that in- 
 fluence. But there were certain fervices to be 
 ! performed for the favourite's fecurity,or to gratify 
 lis refentments, which your predecefibrs in office 
 had the wifdom or the virtue not to undertake. 
 The moment this refraclory fpiric was difcovered, 
 their difgrace was determined. Lord Chatham, 
 JVIr Grenville, and Lord Rockingham, have fuccef- 
 fively had the honour to be difmiffed for preferring 
 their duty, as fervants of the public, to thofe com- 
 pliances, which were expected from their ftation, 
 A fubmifTive adminiftration was at laft gradually 
 collected from the deferters of all parties, interefts, 
 and connexions; and nothing remained but to find 
 a leader for thefe gallant well-difciplined troops. 
 Stand forth, my Lord, for thou art the man. Lord 
 Bute found no refourcc of dependence or fecurity 
 in the proud impofing fuperiority of Lord Cha- 
 tham's abilities, the Ihrewd inflexible judgment 
 of Mr Grenville, nor in the mild but determined 
 integrity of Lord Rockingham. His views and 
 Situation required a creature void of all thefe pro- 
 perties ; and he was forced to go through every 
 divilion, refolution, compofition, and refinement 
 of political chemiilry, before he happily arrived at 
 the caput mortuum of vitriol in your Grace. Flat 
 and infipid in your retired ftate, but brought into 
 action you, become vitriol again. Such are the ex- 
 tremes
 
 O F J U N I U S. 91 
 
 tremes of alternate indolence or fury which have 
 governed your whole. adminiflration. Your circum- 
 itances with regard co the people foon becoming 
 defperate, like other honeft fcrvants you deter- 
 mined to involve the befl of matters in the fame dif- 
 ficulties with yourfelf. We owe it to your Grace's 
 well-directed labours, that your Sovereign has been 
 perfuaded to doubt of the affections of his fubjecls, 
 and the people to fufpel the virtues of their So- 
 evreign, at a time when both were unqueftion- 
 able. You have degraded the Royal dignity into 
 a bafe and difhonourable competition with Mr 
 Wilkes ; nor h;ui you abilities to carry even the laft 
 contemptible triumph over a private man, without 
 the grofleft violation of the fundamental laws of 
 the constitution and rights of the people. But 
 thefe are rights, my Lord, which you can no more 
 annihilate, than you can the foil to which they 
 are annexed. The queftion no longer turns upon 
 points of national honour and fecurity abroad, or 
 on the degrees of expedience and propriety of 
 meafures at home. It was not inconfi'ftent that 
 you fhould abandon the caufe of liberty in another 
 country, which you had perfecuted in your own ; 
 and in the common arts of domeftic corruption, 
 we mifs no part of Sir Robert Walpole's fyftem 
 except his abilities. In this humble imitative line, 
 you might long have proceeded, fafe and contemp- 
 tible. You might probably never have rifen to 
 the dignity of being hated, and even have been 
 tiefpifed with moderation. But it feems you meant 
 to be diftinguifhed ; and, to a mind like your's, 
 there was no other road to fame but by the de- 
 ftruclion of a noble fabric, which you thought 
 had been too long the admiration of mankind. 
 The ufe you have made of the military force in- 
 troduced an alarming change in the mode of exe- 
 cuting the laws. The arbitrary appointment oFMr 
 Luttrell invades the foundation of the laws them- 
 
 felves,
 
 92 LETTERS 
 
 felv.!?, ?.s it manifedly transfers the_ right of legif- 
 lation from thofe whom the people have chofen, 
 to thole whom they have rejected. With a fue- 
 cefilon of fuch appointments, we may foon fee a 
 houfe of commons collected, in the choice of 
 which the other towns and counties of England 
 will have as little fhare as the devoted county of 
 Middlefex. 
 
 Yet I truft that your Grace will find that the 
 people of this country are neither to be intimi- 
 dated by violent meafures, nor deceived by refine- 
 ments. When they fee Mr Luttrell feattd in the 
 houfe of commons by mere dint of power, and in 
 direct oppofition to the choice of a whole county, 
 they will not liften to thofe fubtleties by which 
 every arbitrary exertion of authority is explained 
 into the law and privilege of parliament. It re- 
 quires no perfuafion of argument, but (imply the 
 evidence of the fenfes, to convince them, that to 
 transfer the right of election from the collective 
 to the reprefentative body of the people, contra, 
 diets all thofe ideas of a Houfe of Commons, which 
 they have received from their forefathers, and 
 which they had already, though vainly perhaps, 
 delivered to their children. The principles on 
 which this violent meafure has been defended, 
 have added fcorn to injury ; and forced us to feel, 
 that we are not only oppreffed, but infulted. 
 
 With what force, my Lord, with what protec- 
 tion, are you prepared to meet the united detef- 
 tation of the people of England ? The city of 
 London has given a generous example to the 
 kingdom, in what manner a king of this country 
 ought to be add refit d ; and I fancy, my Lord, it 
 is not yet in your courage to ft and between your 
 Sovereign and the addrefles of his fubjects. The 
 injuries you have done this country are fuch as 
 demand not only redrefs, but vengeance. In vain 
 (hall you Icok for protection to that venal vote 
 
 which 
 
 <
 
 O F J U N I U S. 93 
 
 which you have already paid for Another muft 
 be purchafed ; and to fave a minjfter, the houfe 
 of commons muft declare themfelves not only in- 
 dependent of their^ conftituents, but the deter- 
 mined enemies of the conftitution. Confider, my 
 Lord, whether this be an extremity to which their 
 fears will permit them to advance , or, if their 
 protection fliould fail you, how far you are au- 
 thorifed to rely upon the fincerity of thofe fmiles 
 which a pious Court lavifhes without reluctance 
 upon a libertine by profeflion. It is not indeed 
 the lead of the thoufand contradictions which at- 
 tend you, that a man, marked to the world by 
 the grofleft violation of all ceremony and decorum, 
 fhould be the firft fervant of a Court, in which 
 prayers are morality, and kneeling is religion. 
 Trull not too far to appearances, by which your 
 predeceffors have been deceived, though they have 
 not been injured. Even the bed of princes may 
 at laft difcover, that this is a contention, in which 
 every thing may be loft, but nothing can be gained ; 
 and as you became minifter by accident, were 
 adopted without choice, trufted without confi- 
 dence, and continued without favour, be aflured, 
 that, whenever an occafion preffes, you will be 
 difcarded without even the forms of regret. You 
 will then have reafon to be thankful, if you are 
 permitted to retire to that feat of learning, which, 
 in contemplation of the fyftem of your life, the 
 comparative- purity of your manners with thofe of 
 tlxir high fteward, and a thoufand other recom- 
 mending circumfhmces, has chofen you to en- 
 courage the growing virtue of their youth, and to 
 prefuie over their Education. Whenever the fpi- 
 lit of diftributing prebends and bifhopricks fhall 
 have departed from you, you will find that learn- 
 ed feminary perfectly recovered from the delirium 
 of an inltalbition, and, what in truth it ought to 
 be, once more a peaceful fcene of {lumber and 
 
 thought-
 
 94 LETTERS 
 
 thoughtlefs meditation. The venerable tutors of 
 the uuiverfity will no longer diitrefs your modelly, 
 by propofing you for a pattern to their pupils. 
 The learned dulnefsof declamation will be Client ; 
 and even the venal mufe, though happieft in fic- 
 tion, will forget your virtues. Yet, for the be- 
 nefit of the fucceeding age, I could wifh that your 
 retreat might be deferred, until your morals lliall 
 happily be ripened to that maturity of corruption, 
 at which the worft examples ceafe to be conta- 
 gious. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 TO THE PRINTEROFTHE PU BL 1C AD VERTlSER. 
 
 SIR, JULY 19. 1769. 
 
 A GREAT deal of uCelefs argument might have 
 been Caved, in the political conteft, which 
 has arifen from the expulfion of Mr Wilkes, and 
 the fubfequent appointment of Mr Luttrell, if the 
 queftion had been once ftated with precifion, to 
 the Catisfaclion of each party, and clearly under- 
 ftood by them both. But in this, as in almoft 
 every other difpute, it ufually happens, that much 
 time is loft in referring to a multitude of cafes 
 and precedents, which prove nothing to the pur- 
 pofe ; or in maintaining propofitions, which are 
 cither not difputed, or, whether they be admitted 
 or denied, are entirely indifferent as to the mat- 
 ter in debate} until at lad the mind, perplexed 
 and confounded with the endlefs fubtleties of con- 
 troverfy, lofes fight of the main queftion, and 
 never arrives at truth. Both parties in the dif- 
 pute are apt enough to praclifc thefe difhoneft ar- 
 tifices. The man who is confcious of the weak- 
 nefs of his caufe, is interefted in concealing it: 
 and on the other fide, it is not uncommon to fee 
 
 a
 
 OF J U N I IT S. 95 
 
 a good caufe mangled by advocates vrho do not 
 know the real ftrength of it. 
 
 I fhould be glad to know, for inftance, to what 
 purpofe, in the prefent cafe, fo many precedents 
 have been produced to prove, That the houfe of 
 commons have a right to expel one of their own 
 members ; that it belongs to them to judge of the 
 validity of elections ; or that the law of parliament 
 is part of the law of the land * ? After all thefe 
 propofitions are admitted, Mr Luttrell's right to his 
 feat will continue to be juft as difputable as it was 
 before. Not one of them is at prefent in agitation. 
 Let it be admitted that the houfe of commons were 
 authorifed to expel Mr Wilkes, that they are the 
 proper court to judge of elections, and that the 
 law of parliament is binding upon the people ; flill 
 it remains to be inquired, whether the houfe, by 
 their refolution in favour of Mr Luttrell, have or 
 have not truly declared that law. To facilitate this 
 inquiry, I would have the queftion cleared of all 
 foreign or indifferent matter. The following ftate 
 of it will probably be thought a fair one by both 
 parties ; and then I imagine there is no gentleman 
 in this country, who will not be capable of form- 
 ing a judicious and true opinion upon it. I take 
 the queftion to be ftrictly this : " Whether or not 
 *' it be the known, eltablifhed law of parliament, 
 " that the expulfion of a member of the houfe of 
 " commons of itfelf creates in him fuch an inca- 
 " pacity to be re-elected, that, at a fubfequent 
 *' election, any votes given to him are null and 
 " void ; and that any other candidate, who, except 
 i( the perfon expelled, has the greateft number of 
 11 votes, ought to be the fitting member?" 
 
 To prove that the affirmative is the law of par- 
 liament, I apprehend it is not fufficient for the pre- 
 fent houfe of commons to declare it to be fo. We 
 
 may 
 
 The reader will obferve, that thefe admifijons are made, not as 
 f truths unquefHonable, but for the fake of argument, and in or- 
 der 10 bring the real rjueftion to ifl'ue.
 
 96 LETTERS 
 
 may (hut our eyes indeed to the dangerous confe- 
 quences of fufFering one branch of the legiflature 
 to declare new laws, without argument or example, 
 and it may perhaps be prudent enough to fubmit 
 to authority; but a mere afiertion will never con- , 
 vince, much lefs will it be thought reafonable to 
 prove the right by the fact itfelf. The miniftry 
 have not yet pretended to fuch a tyranny over our 
 minds. To fupport the affirmative fairly, it will 
 either be neceflTary to produce fome ftatute, in 
 which that pofitive provifion (hall have been made, 
 that fpecific difability clearly created, and thecon- 
 fequences of it declared : or, if there be no fuch 
 ftatute, the cuftom of parliament mutt then be re- 
 ferred to ; and fome cafe or cafes *, ftriftly in point, 
 muft be produced, with the decifion of the court 
 upon them ; for I readily admit* that the cuftom of 
 parliament, once clearly proved, is equally binding 
 with the common and ftatute law. 
 
 The confideration of what may be reafonable or 
 unreafonable makes no part of this queftion. We 
 are inquiring what the law is, not what it ought 
 to be. Reafon may be applied to fhow the impro- 
 priety or expedience of a law, but we muft have 
 either ftatute or precedent to prove the exiftence 
 of it. At the fame time I do not mean to admit 
 that the late refolution of the houfe of commons 
 is defenfible on general principles of reafon, any 
 more than in law. This is not the hinge on which 
 the debate turns. 
 
 Suppofing therefore tint I have laid down an ac- 
 curate ftate of the queftion, I will venture to affirm, 
 I ft, That there is no ftatute exifting, by which 
 that fpecific difability which we fpeak of is created* 
 If there be, let it be produced. The argument will 
 then be at an end. 
 
 2dly, That there is no precedent, in all the pro- 
 ceedings 
 
 * Precedent?, in oppofition to principles, have littl 
 Juntas ; but he thought it r,scc<!:ity 10 meet the roinilUy vp-a 
 t icir own ground.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 97 
 
 ceedings of the houfe of commons, which comes 
 entirely home to the prefent cafe, viz. " where 
 *' an expelled member has been returned again, 
 " and another candidate, with an inferior number 
 *' of votes, has been declared the fitting member." 
 If there be fuch a precedent, let it be given to us 
 plainly, and I am fure it will have more weight 
 than all the cunning arguments which have been 
 drawn from inferences and probabilities. 
 
 The miniftry, in that laborious pamphlet which 
 I prefume contains the whole flrength of the party, 
 have declared *,'" that Mr Walpole's was the firft 
 f< and only inftance in which the electors of any 
 " countyorborough hadreturned a perfon expelled 
 < { to ferve in the fame parliament." It is not pof- 
 fible to conceive a cafe more exaclly in point. Mr 
 Walpole was expelled ; and, having a majority of 
 votes at the next election, was returned again. 
 The friends of Mr Taylor, a candidate fet up by 
 the miniftry, petitioned the houfe that he might 
 be the fittingmember. Thus far the circumftan- 
 ces tally exactly, except that our houfe of com- 
 mons faved Mr Luttrell the trouble of petitioning. 
 The point of. law, however, was the fame. It came 
 regularly before the houfe, and it was their bufi- 
 nefs to determine upon, it. They did determine 
 it, for they declared Mr Taylor not duly elected. If 
 it be fiiid that they meant this refolution as matter 
 of favour and indulgence to the borough, which 
 had retorted Mr Walpole upon them, in order that 
 the burgefTes, knowing what the law was, might 
 correct their error, I anfwer, 
 
 I. That it is a ftrange way of arguing, to oppofe 
 a fuppofition, which no man can prove, to a iadl 
 which proves itfelf. 
 
 II. That if this were the intention of the houfe 
 of commons, it muft have defeated itfelf. The 
 burgeUes of Lynn could never have known their 
 
 I error, 
 
 * ^ 'J' f t j>e ^liMlffijc ettiikn c:*f;J';rcd, p-ige 38.
 
 98 LETTERS 
 
 error, much lefs could they have corrected it by 
 any inftrudtion they received from the proceedings 
 of the houfe of commons. They might perhaps 
 have forefeen, that, if they returned Mr Walpole 
 again, he would again be rejected ; but they never ,s 
 could infer, from a refolution by which the can- I 
 didate with the feweft votes was declared not duly ; 
 e\eledy that, at a future election, and in fimilar 
 circumftances, the houfe of commons would re- 
 verfe their refolution, and receive the fame candi- 
 date as duly elected, whom they had before re- 
 jetted. 
 
 This indeed would have been a moft extraordi- 
 nary way of declaring the law of parliament, and 
 what I prefume no man, whofe underftanding is 
 not at crofs-purpofes with itfclf, could poffibly un- 
 derftand. 
 
 If, in a cafe of this importance, I thought my- 
 felf at liberty to argue from fuppofitions rather 
 than from facts, I think the probabilty, in this 
 inftance, is directly the reverfe of what the mini- 
 itry affirm ; snd that it is much more likely that 
 the houfe of commons at that time would rather 
 have drained a point in favour of Mr Taylor, than 
 that they would have violated the law of parlia- 
 ment,and robbed Mr Taylor of a right legally vefted 
 in him, to gratify a refractory borough, which, in 
 defiance of them, had returned a perfon branded 
 with the ftrongefl mark of the difpleafure of the 
 houfe. 
 
 Cut really, Sir, this way of talking, for I can- 
 not call it argument, is a mockery of the common - 
 underftanding of the nation, too grofs to be en- 
 dured. Our deareft interefts are at ftake. An at- 
 tempt had been made, not merely to rob a fingle 
 county of its rights, but, by inevitable confc- 
 quence, to alter the conftitution of the houfe of 
 commons. This fatal attempt has fucceeded, and 
 {lands as a precedent recorded for ever. If the 
 
 mini-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 99 
 
 minftry are unable to defend their caufe by fair ar- 
 gument founded on fa&s, let them fpare us at leaft 
 the mortification of being amufed and deluded like 
 children. I believe there is yet a fpirit of refiflance 
 in this country, which will n.ot fubmit to be op- 
 prefled ; but I am fure there is a fund of good fenfe 
 in this country, which cannot be deceived. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, AUG. i. 1769. 
 
 TT will not be necefiary for Junitts to take the 
 * trouble of anfwering your correfpondent G. A. 
 or the quotation from a fpeech without doors, 
 publifhed in your paper of the '.28th of laft month. 
 The fpeech appeared before Junius's letter j and as 
 the author feems to confider the great propofition^ 
 on which all his argument depends, viz. that Mr 
 Wilkes ivas under that known legal incapacity cf 
 which Junius j 'peaks, as a point granted, his fpeech 
 is in no ftiape an anfwer to Junius, for this is the 
 very queftion in debate. 
 
 As to G. A. I obferve, firft, that if he did not 
 admit Junius's ftate of the queftion, he fhould 
 have fhown the fallacy of it, or given us a more 
 
 exaft one ; fecondly, that, confidering the 
 
 many hours and days which the miniftry and their 
 advocates have wafted, in public debate, in com- 
 piling large quartos, and collecting innumerable 
 precedents, exprefsly to prove that the late pro- 
 ceedings of the houfe of commons are warranted 
 by the law, cuftom, and practice of parliament, it 
 is rather an extraordinary fuppofition, to be made by 
 one of their own party even for the fake of argu- 
 ment, that nofuchjlatute, nofuch cujltm of parlia-
 
 :eo LETTERS. 
 
 ment t no fuck cafe in pcint, can be produced. G. A. 
 may however make the fuppofition with fafety. It 
 contains nothing, but literally the fact, except that 
 there is a cafe exactly in point, with a decifion of 
 the houfe diametrically oppofite to that which the 
 prefent houfe of commons came to in favour of Mr 
 Luttrel. 
 
 The miniftry now begin to be afhamed of the 
 weaknefs of their caufe ; and, as it ufually happens 
 with falfhood, are driven to the neceflity of fhift- 
 ing their ground, and changing their whole defence. 
 At firft, we were told, that nothing could be clearer 
 than that the proceedings of the houfe of commons 
 were juftified by the known law and uniform cuf- 
 tom of parliament. But now it feems, if there be 
 no law, the houfe of commons have a right to 
 make one ; and if there be no precedent, they have 
 a right to create the firft : for this I prefume is 
 the amount of the queftions propofcd to Juniuf. 
 If your correfpondent had been at all verfed in the 
 law of parliament, or generally in the laws of this 
 country, he would have feen that this defence is 
 as weak and falfe as the former. 
 
 The privileges of either houfe of parliament, it 
 is true, are indefinite, that is, they have not been 
 defcribedor laid down in any one code or declara- 
 tion whatfoever; but whenever a queftion of pri- 
 vilege has arifen, it has invariably been difputed 
 or maintained upon the footing of precedents a- 
 lone *. In the courfe of the proceedings upon the 
 Aylfbury election, the houfe of lords refolved, 
 " That neither houfe of parliament had any power, 
 " byany vote or declaration, to create to themfelves 
 " any new privilege that was not warranted by the 
 " known laws and cuftoms of parliament." And 
 to this rule the houfe of commons, though other- 
 wife they had acted in a very arbitrary manner, 
 
 gave 
 
 * This is ftill mreting the miniftry upon their own ground; for, 
 in truth, no precedents will fupport cither natural injuftice, ov vit- 
 iation of pofilive right.
 
 o F j tr N r tr s, 101 
 
 gave their afient ; for they affirmed that they had 
 guided themfelves by it, in afferting their privi- 
 leges. Now, Sir, if this be true with refpect to 
 matters of privilege, in which the houfe of com- 
 mons, individually and as a body, are principally 
 concerned, how much more ftrongly will it hold 
 againft any pretended power in that houfe to create 
 or declare a new law, by which not only the 
 rights of the hotife over their own member, and 
 thofe of the member himfelf, are included, but 
 alfo thofe of a third and feparate party, I mean 
 the freeholders of the kingdom. To do juftice to 
 the miniftry, they have not yet pretended that any- 
 one or any two of the three eftates have power to 
 make a new law, without the concurrence of the 
 third. They know that a man who maintains fuch 
 a doctrine, is liable, by ftatute, to the heavieft 
 penalties. They do not acknowledge that the 
 houfe of commons have a (Turned a new privilege, 
 or declared a tu-w law. On the contrary, they af- 
 firm that their proceedings have been flridtly con- 
 formable to and founded upon the ancient law and 
 cuftom of parliament. Thus therefore the queftioit 
 returns to the point at which Junius had fixed it r 
 viz. Whether or no this be the /aw of parliament ? If 
 it be not, the houfe of commons had no legal au-* 
 thority to eftablifh the precedent ; and the prece- 
 dent itfelf is a mere fact, without any proof o 
 right whatfoever. 
 
 Your correfpondent concludes with a qtjeftfon 
 of the fimpleft nature, Mujl a thing be "wrong bc- 
 canfe it has never been done before ? No. But ad- 
 mitting it were proper to be done, that alone does 
 not convey any authority to do it. As to the pre- 
 fect cafe, I hope, I (hall never fee the time, when, 
 not only a fingle perfon, but a whole county, and 
 in effect the entire collective body of the people, 
 may again be robbed of their birth-right by a rots- 
 of the hcufe of commons. But if, fcr reafons- 
 I 3 v,kkU
 
 102 LETTERS 
 
 which I am unable to comprehend, it be neceflary 
 to truft that houfe with a power fo exorbitant and 
 fo unconditional, at leaft let it be given to them 
 by an act of the legiflature. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XVIII. 
 
 TO SIR WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, SOLICITOR 
 GENERAL TO HER MAJESTY. 
 
 SI R, JULY 29. 1769. 
 
 I SHALL make you no apology for confide ring a 
 certain pamphlet, in which your late conduct 
 is defended, as written by yourfelf. The pcrfonal 
 interests, the perfonal refentments, and, above all, 
 that wounded fpirit,unaccuftomed to reproach, and 
 I hope not frequently confcious of deferring it, are 
 fignals which betray the author to us as plainly a& 
 if your name were in the title-page. You appeal 
 to the public in defence of your reputation. We 
 hold it, Sir, that an injury offered to an individual 
 is interefting to fociety. On this principle the 
 people of England made common caufe with Mr 
 Wilkes. On this principle, if you are injured, they 
 will join in your refentment. I fliall not follow 
 you through the infipid form of a third perfon,but 
 addrefs myfelf to you directly- 
 
 You feem to think the channel of a pamphlet 
 more refpectable and better fuited to the dignity 
 ef your caufe, than that of a newfpaper. Be it fo. 
 Yet if newfpapers are fcurrilous, you mufl con- 
 fefs they are impartial. They give us, without any 
 apparent preference, the wit and argument of the- 
 miniftry, as well as the abufive dulnefs of the op- 
 pofition. The fcales are equally poifcd. It is 
 not the printer's fault if the greater weight in- 
 clines the balance. 
 
 Your pamphlet then is divided into an attack 
 
 upon
 
 O F J U N I U S. . 103 
 
 'upon Mr Grenville's character, and a defence of 
 your own. It would have been more confident 
 perhaps with your profelTed intention, to have con- 
 fined yourfelf to the lad. But anger has fome 
 claim to indulgence, and railing is ufually a re- 
 lief to the mind. I hope you have found benefit 
 from the experiment. It is not my defign to en- 
 ter into a formal vindication of Mr Grenville, upon 
 his own principles. I have neither the honour of 
 being perfonally known to him, nor do I pretend 
 to be completely mader of all the facts. I need 
 not run the ri(k of doing an injudice to his opi- 
 nions or to his conduct, when your pamphlet alone 
 carries, upon the face of it, a full vindication of 
 both. 
 
 Your firft reflection, is, that Mr Grenville * was, 
 of all men, the perfon who fhould not have com- 
 plained of inconfidence with regard to Mr Wilkes. 
 This, Sir, is either an unmeaning fneer, a peevifh 
 expreflion of refentment, or, if it means any thing, 
 you plainly beg the quedion ; for whether his par. 
 liamentary conduct with regard to Mr Wilkes has 
 or has not been inconfident, remains yet to be 
 proved. But it feems he received upon the fpot a 
 fufficient chadifement for exercifingy<? unfairly his 
 talents of mifreprefentation. You are a lawyer, 
 Sir, and know better than I do, upon what parti- 
 cular occafions a talent for mifreprefentation may 
 be fairly exerted ; but to puniuY a man a fecond 
 time, when he has been once fufficiently chadifed, 
 is rather too fevere. It is not in the laws of Eng- 
 land , it is not in your own commentaries , nor is 
 it yet, I believe, in the new law you have revealed 
 to the houfe of commons. I hope this doctrine 
 has no exidence but in your own heart. After all, 
 Sir, if you had confuhed that fober difcretion, 
 which you feem to oppofe with triumph to the ho- 
 ned 
 
 * Mr Grenville had quoted a pafljge from the Doctor's excel- 
 lent commentaries, wliiih directly contradicted the Uochine nnin* 
 bj the Doctor in the houfe of commons.
 
 104 LETTERS 
 
 neft jollity of a tavern, It might occurred to you, 
 
 that, although you could have fucceeded in fixing 
 
 a charge of inconfiftence upon Mr Grenville, it 
 
 would not have tended in any fhape to exculpate 
 
 yourfelf. 
 
 Your next infmuation, that Sir William Mere- 
 dith had haftily adopted the falfe gloffes of his new- 
 ally, is of the fame fort with the firft. It conveys 
 a fneer as little worthy of the gravity of your cha- 
 racter, as it is ufelefs to your defence. It is of 
 little moment to the public to inquire, by whom 
 the charge was conceived, or by whom it was ad- 
 opted. The only queftion we afk is, whether or 
 no it be true ? The remainder of your refledions 
 upon Mr Grenville's condua deftroy themfelves. 
 He could not poffibly come prepared to traduce 
 your integrity to the houfc. He eould not forefee 
 that you would even fpeak upon the queftion ; much 
 lefs would he forefee that you could maintain a di- 
 rect contradiction of that doctrine, which you had 
 folemnly, difmtereftedly, and upon fobereft reflec- 
 tion, delivered to the public. He came armed in- 
 deed with what he thought a refpeftable authority,, 
 to fupport what he was 'convinced was the caufe 
 of truth ; and I doubt not he intended to give you, 
 in the courfe of the debate, an honourable and 
 public teftimony of his efteem. Thinking highly 
 of his abilities, I cannot however allow him the 
 gift of divination. As to what you are pleafed to 
 call a plan coolly formed to impofe upon the houfe 
 of commons, and his producing it without provo- 
 cation at midnight, I confider it as the language 
 of pique andjnvective, therefore unworthy of re- 
 gard. But, Sir, I am fenfible I have followed your 
 example too long, and wandered from the point. 
 
 The quotation from your commentaries is mat- 
 ter of record. It can neither be altered by your 
 friends, nor mifreprefented by your enemies ; and 
 I am willing to take your own word for what you 
 
 have.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 105 
 
 have faid in the houfe of commons. If there be a 
 real difference between what you have written and 
 what you have fpoken, you confcfs that your book 
 ought to be the ftandard. Now, Sir, if words 
 mean any thing, I apprehend, that, when a long 
 enumeration of difqualifications, (whether by fla- 
 tute or the cuftom of parliament) concludes with 
 thefe general comprehenfive words, " But, fubjeft 
 " to thefe reltriclions and difqualifications, every 
 t( fubjecl of the realm is eligible of common 
 11 right," a reader of plain underftanding muft of 
 courfereftfatisfiedthatnofpeciesof difqualification 
 whatsoever had been omitted. The known cha- 
 racter of the author, and the apparent accuracy 
 with which the whole work is compiled, would 
 confirm him in his opinion ; nor could he poflibly 
 form any other judgment, without looking upon 
 your commentaries in the fame light in which you 
 confider thofe penal laws which, though not re- 
 pealed, are fallen into difufe, and are now in effedt 
 
 A SNARE TO THE UNWARY *. 
 
 You tell us indeed, that it was not part of your 
 plan to fpecify any temporary incapacity; and that 
 you could not, without a fpirit of prophecy, have 
 fpecified the difability of a private individual, fub- 
 fequent to the period at which you wrote. What 
 your plan was, I know not ; but what it fhould have 
 been, in order to complete the work you have given 
 us, is by no means difficult to determine. The in- 
 capacity, which you call temporary, may continue 
 feven years; and though you might not have fore- 
 feen the particular cafe of Mr Wilkes, you might 
 and fhould have forefeen the poffibility of fuch a 
 cafe, and told us how far the houfe of commons 
 were authorifed to proceed in it by the law and 
 cuftom of parliament. The freeholders of Middle- 
 
 fex 
 
 * If, in (rating the hw upon any point, a judge deliberately af- 
 firms that he has <i, eluded cvt-y calc, and it ih .old nppear that he 
 has .purpofcly omitted a material cafe, he does in tfftft lay a fnarc 
 for the unwary.
 
 loo* LETTERS 
 
 fex would then have known what they had to 
 truft to, and would never have returned Mr Wilkes, 
 when Colonel Luttrell was a candidate againft him. 
 They would have chofen fome indifferent perfon, 
 rather than fubmit to be rcprefented by the object 
 of their contempt and deteftation. 
 
 Your attempt to diftinguifh between difabilities 
 which affeft whole claffes of men, and thofe which 
 affed individuals only, is really unworthy of your 
 tinderftanding. Your commentaries bad taught 
 me, that, although the inftance in which a penal 
 law is exerted be particular, the laws themfelves 
 are general. They are made for the benefit and 
 tnftru#ion of the public, though the penalty falls 
 only upon an individual. You cannot but know, 
 Sir, that what was MrWilkes's cafe yefterday, may 
 beyoursormineto-morrow, and that confequently 
 the common right of every fubjed of the realm is 
 invaded by it. Profeffing therefore to treat of the 
 conftitutionofthehoufeofcommons,andofthelaws 
 and cuftoms relative to that conftitution, you cer- 
 tainly were guilty of a mo ft unpardonable omif- 
 fionm takingno noticeof a right and privilege of the 
 houfe, more extraordinary and more arbitrary than 
 all the others they poffefs put together. If the ex- 
 pulfion of a member, not under any legal difability, 
 of itfelf creates in him an incapacity to be eleded, 
 I fee a ready way marked out, by which the ma- 
 jority may at any time remove the honefteft and 
 ableit men who happen to be in oppofuion to them. 
 To fay that they will not make this extravagant ufe 
 of their power, would be a language unfit for a 
 man fo learned in the laws as you are. By your 
 dodrine, Sir, they have the power ; and laws, you 
 know, are intended to guard againft what men may 
 do, not to truft to what they -wi/l do. 
 
 Upon the whole, Sir, the charge againft you is 
 of a plain, fimple nature : It appears even upon the 
 face of your own pamphlet, On the contrary, 
 
 your
 
 O F J U N I U S. ic? 
 
 your juftification of yourfelf is full of fubtlety and 
 refinement, and in fome places not very intelli- 
 gible. If I were perfonally your enemy, I fhoulci 
 dwell, with a malignant pleafure, upon thofe great 
 and ufeful qualifications which you certainly pof- 
 fefs, and by which you once acquired, though they 
 could not preferve to you, the refpeft and efteeni 
 of your country. I ftiould enumerate the honours 
 you have loft, and the virtues you have difgraced: 
 but having no private refentments to gratify, I 
 think it fufficient to have given my opinion of your 
 public conduct, leaving the punilhmentit deferves 
 to your clofet and to yourfelf. JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 -ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE 
 PUBLIC AD VERTISER. 
 
 SIR, AUGUST 14. 1769. 
 
 A CORRESPONDENT of the St James's Even- 
 -^* > ing Port firft wilfully mifunderftands Junius, 
 then cenfures him for a bad reafoner. Junius does 
 not faythat it was incumbent upon Dolor Black- 
 ftone to forefee and ftate the crimes for which 
 Mr Wilkes was expelled. If, by a fpirit of pro- 
 phecy, he had even done fo, it would have been 
 nothing to the purpofe. The queftion is, not for 
 what particular offences a perfon may be expelled, 
 but generally whether by the law of parliament 
 expulfion alone creates a difqualification. If the 
 affirmative be the law of parliament, Doctor Black- 
 done might and fhouid have told us fo. The que- 
 ftion is not confined to this or that particular per- 
 fon, but forms one great general branch of difqua- 
 lification, too important iit itfelf, and too extenfive 
 in its coniequence , to be omitted in an accurate 
 work exprefsly treating of the law of parliament. 
 The truth of the matter is evidently this. Dr 
 
 Black-
 
 to8 LETTERS 
 
 Blackftone, while he was fpeaking in the houfe of 
 commons, never once thought of his Commen- 
 taries, until the contradiction was unexpectedly 
 urged, and flared him in the face. Inftead of de- 
 fending himfelf upon the fpot, he funk under the 
 charge in an agony of confufion and defpair. It 
 is well known that there was a paufe of fome mi- 
 nutes in the houfe, from a general expectation 
 that the Doctor would fay fomething in his own 
 tlefence ; but it feems his faculties were too much 
 overpowered to think of thofe fubdeties and refine- 
 ments which have fince occurred to him. It was 
 then MrGrenville received the feverechaftifement, 
 which the Doctor mentions with fo much triumph : 
 / ivi/b the honourable gentleman, injlead offhaking 
 his head, "would Jhake a, good argument out of it. If 
 to the elegance, novelty, and bitternefs of this in- 
 genious farcafm, we add the natural melody of the 
 amiable Sir Fletcher Norton's pipe, we mall not be 
 furprifed that Mr Grenville was unable to make 
 him any reply. 
 
 As to the Doctor, I would recommend it to him 
 to be quiet. If not, he may perhaps hear again 
 from Junius himfelf. PHJLO JUNIUS. 
 
 Poftfcript to a pamphlet intitled, * An Anfwer to 
 ' the qudtion ftated.' Suppofed to be written 
 by Dr Blackllone, Solicitor to the Queen, in 
 anfwer to Junius's Letter. 
 
 ClNCE thefe papers were fent to the prefs, a 
 *^ writer in the public papers, who fubfcribes 
 himfelf Junius, has made a feint of bringing this 
 queflion to a fhort iiTue. Though the foregoing 
 obfervations contain, in my opinion at leafl, a full 
 refutation of all that this writer has offered, I (hall, 
 however, beftow a very few words upon him. It 
 will coft me very little trouble to unravel and ex- 
 pofe the fophiftry of this argument. 
 
 2 I
 
 O F J U N I U S. 109 
 
 .I take the queftion (fays he) to be ftriftly this : 
 Whether or no it be the known eftablifhed law 
 of parliament, that the expulfion of a member 
 of the houfe of commons of itfelf creates in him, 
 fuch an incapacity to be re-elected, that, at a 
 fubfequent election, any votes given to him are 
 null and void ; and that any other candidate, who, 
 except the perfon expelled, has the greateil num- 
 ber of votes, ought to be the fitting member.' 
 Waving for the prefent any objection I may have 
 to this Hate of the queftion, I {hall venture to 
 meet our champion upon his own ground 5 and 
 attempt to fupport the aflirmative of it, in one of 
 the two ways by which he fays it can he alone 
 fuircly fupported. ' It there be no ilatuto (fays he) 
 in which the fpecific difability is clearly created, 
 &c. (and we acknowledge there io none), the 
 cuilom of parliament mult then be referred to, 
 and fome cafe, or cafes, Itriclly in point, muft be 
 produced, with the decifion of the court upon 
 them.' Now I aflert, that this has been done. 
 Mr Walpole's cafe is ftrittly in point, to prove 
 that expulfion creates abfolute incapacity of being 
 re-eledled. This was the clear decifion of the houfc 
 upon it ; and was a full declaration, that incapa- 
 city was the necefTury confequence of expulfion. 
 The law was as clearly and firmly fixed by this re- 
 folution, and is as binding in every fubfequent 
 cafe of expulfion, as if it had been declared by an 
 exprefs ftatute, " that a member expelled by a re- 
 " folution of the houfe of commons mall be deemed 
 " incapable of being re-eleled." Whatever doubt 
 then there might have been of the law before Mr 
 Walpole's cafe, with refpet to the full operation 
 of a vote of expuHion, there can be none now. 
 The decifion of the houfe upon this c.ife is (triftly 
 in point to prove, that expulfion creates abfolute 
 incapacity in law of being re-ele&ec!. 
 
 But incapacity in law in this iclhnce mud have 
 K the
 
 no LETTERS 
 
 the fame operation and effect with incapacity in law 
 m every other inftance. Now, incapacity of be- 
 ing re-eleaed implies in its very terms, that any 
 votes given to the incapable perfon, at a fubfe- 
 quent eledion, are null and void. This is its ne-- 
 cefiary operation, or it has no operation at all It' 
 . is vox etpraterea nihil. We can no more be called 
 upon to prove this propofition, than we can to 
 prove that a dead man is not alive, or that twice 
 two are four. When the terms are underftood, 
 the propofition is felf-evident. 
 
 J^l'ri 1S J J" all r CafeS f deaion 'he known 
 and eftabhfhed law of the land, grounded upon the 
 cleared principles of reafon and common fenfe 
 tfeat if the votes given to one candidate are null 
 and void, they cannot be oppofed to the votes 
 given to another candidate. They cannot affect 
 the votes of fuch candidate at all. As they have 
 
 ft XVv h u aml n P fltive ^ uat y to add or 
 eltabhm, fo they have on the other hand no ne- 
 gative one to fubflraft or deftroy. They are, in a 
 word* a mere nonentity. Such was the deter- 
 imnation of the houfe of commons in the Maiden 
 and Bedford tledions ; cafes ftridly in point to 
 the prefent queftion, as far as they are meant to 
 be in point. And to fay, that they are not in point 
 in all circuroftances, in thofe particularly which ' 
 are independent of the propofition which they are 
 
 e a ' le 
 
 as not Middlefex, nor Seijeant Comyns Mr Wilkes. 
 Let us lee then how our proof flands. Expu!- 
 fion creates incapacity, incapacity annihilates any 
 votes given to the incapable perfon ; the votes given 
 to the qualified candidate, fiand upon their own 
 ffA m T ^ 2nd untouched ^nd can alone have 
 efFea. This one would think, would befufficient. 
 But we are flopped fhort, and told, that none of 
 our precedents come home to the prefent cafe; and 
 are challenged to produce a precedent in a/1 the 
 
 pro-
 
 O F J U N I U S. in 
 
 " proceedings of the houfe of commons that does 
 " come home to it, viz. where an expelled member 
 tl has been returned again, and another candidate, 
 (t luith an inferior number of votes y has been declared 
 " the fitting member." 
 
 Inftead of a precedent, I will beg leave to put 
 a cafe ; which, I fancy, will be quite as decifive 
 to the prefent point. Suppofe another Sacheverel 
 (and every party- muft have its Sachaverel) fhould 
 at fome future election take it into his head to 
 offer himfelf a candidate for the county of Middle- 
 fex. He is oppofed by a candidate, whofe coat is 
 of a different colour; but, however, of a very good 
 colour. The divine has an indifputable majority ; 
 nay, the poor layman is absolutely diftanced. The 
 flierifF, after having had his confcience well in- 
 formed by the reverend cafuift, returns him, as 
 he fuppofes, duly eledled. The whole houfe is 
 in an uproar, at the apprehenfion of fo ftrange an 
 appearance amongft them. A motion, however, is 
 at length made, that the perfon was incapable of 
 being elected, that his election therefore is null and 
 void, arid that his competitor ought to have been 
 returned. No, fays a 'great orator ; firft, (how 
 me your law for this proceeding. " Either pro- 
 " duce me a ftatute, in which the fpecific difabi- 
 ' lity of a clergyman is created j or, produce me 
 " a precedent where a clergyman has been returned, 
 f< and another candidate, r ,.vit!> an inferior number of 
 t( votes, has been declared the fitting member" No 
 fuch itatute, no fuch precedent, to be found. What 
 anfwer then is to be given to this demand ? The 
 very fame anfwer which I will give to that of Ju- 
 nius : That there is no more than one precedent 
 in the proceedings of the houfe " where an in- 
 ft capable perfon has been returned, and another 
 " candidate, with an inferior number of votes, 
 * has been declared the fitting member -, andthat 
 " this is the known and eftablifhed law, in all 
 K 2 t( cafes
 
 *i* LETTERS 
 
 gt cafes of incapacity, from whatever caufe it may 
 " arife." 
 
 I (hall now therefore beg- leave to make a flight 
 amendment to Junius's ftate of the queftion, the 
 affirmative of which will then {land thus : 
 
 " It is the known and eftablifhed law of parlia- 
 " ment, that the expulfion of any member of the 
 " houfe of commons creates in him an incapacity 
 " of being re-elected ; that any votes given to him 
 f at a fubfeqnent election arc, in confequence of 
 tf fuch incapacity, null and void; and that any 
 " other candidate, who, except the perfon ren- 
 tl dered incapable, has the greatcfl number of 
 " votes, ought to be the fitting member." 
 
 But our bufinefs is not yet quite finiflied, Mr 
 V\ r alpole's cafe muft have a re-hearing. " It is 
 *' not pofiible (fays this writer) to conceive a cafe 
 " more exactly in point. Mr Walpole was ex- 
 * pelled ; and, having a majority of votes at the 
 " next ele.clion, was returned again. The friends 
 " of Mr Taylor, a candidate fet up by the mini- 
 < dry, petitioned the houfe that he might be the 
 *' fitting member. Thus far the circumflances 
 * f tally exactly, except that our houfe of com- 
 ' mons faved Mr Luttrell the trouble of petition- 
 tl ing. The point of law, however, was the fame. 
 " It came regularly before the houfe, and it was 
 " their bufinefs to determine upon it. They did 
 t( determine it ; for they declared Mr Taylor not 
 " duly eleQed" 
 
 Inflead of examining the juflnefs of this repre- 
 fentation, I (hall beg leave to oppofe againft it my 
 own view of this cafe, in as plain a manner and 
 as few words as I am able. 
 
 It was the known and elhiblifhed law of parlia- 
 ment, when the charge againft Mr Walpole came 
 before the houfe of commons, that they had power 
 to expel, to difable, and to render incapable for of- 
 fences. In virtue of this power, they expelled him. 
 
 Had
 
 OF J U N I S. 113 
 
 Had they, in the very vote of expulfion, ad- 
 judged him, in terms, to be incapable of being 
 re-elected, there muft have been at once an end 
 with him. But though the right of the houfe, 
 both to expel, and adjudge incapable, was clear 
 and indubitable, it does not appear to me, that 
 the full operation and effect of a vote of expulfion 
 firigly was fo. The law in this cafe had never 
 been exprefsly declared. There had been no event 
 to call up fuch a declaration. I trouble not my- 
 felf with the grammatical meaning of the word 
 expulfion. I regar'd only its legal meaning. This 
 was not, as I think, precifely fixed. The houfe 
 thought proper to fix it, and explicitly to declare 
 the full confequences of their former vote, before 
 they fuffered thefe confequences to take effecl:. 
 And in this proceeding they acted upon the moil 
 liberal and folid principles of equity, juftice, and 
 law. What then did the burgeiTes of Lynn collect 
 from the fecond vote ? Their fubfequent conduct 
 will tell us : it will with certainty tell us, that 
 they confidered it as decifive againft Mr Walpole; 
 it will alfo, with 'equal certainty, tell us, that, 
 upon fuppofition that the law of election flood 
 then, as it does now, and that they knew it to 
 ftand thus, they inferred, " that at a future elec- 
 ' tion, and in cafe of a fimilar return, the houfe 
 ** would receive the fame candidate, as durly elec- 
 " ted, whom they had before rejected." They 
 could infer nothing but this. 
 
 It is needlefs to repeat the circumftance of dif- 
 fimilarity in the prefent cafe. It will be fufEcient 
 to obf<?rve, that as the law of parliament, upon 
 which the houfe of commons grounded every Itep 
 of their proceedings, was clear beyond the reach 
 of doubt, fo neither could the freeholders of 
 Middlefex be at a lofs to forefee what muft be 
 the inevitable confequence of their proceedings in 
 oppofition to it. For upon every return of Mr 
 K 3 Wilkes,
 
 H4 LETTERS 
 
 Wilkes, the houfe made inquiry whether any votes 
 were given to any other candidate. 
 
 But I could venture, for the experiment's fake, 
 even to give this writer the utmoft he afks ; to 
 allow the mod perfect fimilarity throughout in 
 thefe two cafes j to allow, that the law of expul- 
 fion was quite as clear to the burgeffes of Lynn, 
 as to the freeholders of Middlefex. It will, I am 
 confident, avail his caufe but little. It will only 
 prove, that the law of election at that time was 
 different from the prefent law. It will prove, 
 that, in all cafes of an incapable candidate return- 
 ed, the law then was, that the whole election 
 fliould be void. But now we know that this is not 
 law. The cafes of Maiden and Bedford were, as 
 has been feen, determined upon other and more 
 juft principles. And thefe determinations are, I 
 imagine, admitted on all fides to be law. 
 
 I would willingly draw a veil over the remain- 
 ing part of this paper. It is aftonifhing, it is pain- 
 ful, to fee men of parts and ability, giving into 
 the mod unworthy artifices, and descending fo 
 much below their true line of character. But if 
 they are not the dupes of their fophiftry (which 
 is hardly to be conceived), let them confider that 
 they are fomething much worfe. 
 
 The^deareft interefts of this country are its laws 
 and its* conftitution. Againft every attack upon 
 thefe, there will, I hope, be always found amongft 
 us the firmefty/jfr// cf rejtftance ; fuperior to ths 
 united efforts of faction and ambition. For ambi- 
 tion, though it does not always take the lead of fac- 
 tion, will be fure in the end to make the mod fatal 
 advantage of it, and draw it to its own purpofes. 
 But, I truft, our day of trial is yet far off; and 
 there is a fund of good fenfe in tlis country , -which 
 cannot kng be deceived by the arts either of falfe 
 rcafoning or falfe patriotifm. 
 
 LET-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XX. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER. 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, AUG 8. 1769. 
 
 THE gentleman who has publifhed aii anfwer 
 to Sir William Meredith s pamphlet, having 
 honoured me with a poftfcript of fix quarto pages, 
 which he moderately calls beftowing a very few 
 words upon me, I cannot, iri common politenefs, 
 refufe him a reply. The form and magnitude of 
 a quarto impofes upon the mind ; and men, who 
 are unequal .to the labour of difcufiing an intricate 
 argument, or wiih to avoid.it, are willing enough 
 to fuppofe, that much has been proved, becaufe 
 much has been faid. Mine, I confefs, are humble 
 labours. I do not prefume to inftrucl the learned, 
 but (imply to inform the body of the people j and 
 I prefer that channel of conveyance, which is 
 likely to fpread fartheft among them. The advo- 
 cates of the miniftry feem to me to write for fame, 
 and to flatter themfelves, that the fize of their 
 works will make them immortal. They pile up 
 reluctant quarto upon folid folio, as if their la- 
 bours, becaufe they are gigantic, could contend 
 with truth and heaven. 
 
 The writer of the volume in queftion, meets 
 me upon my own ground. He acknowledges 
 there is no ilatute, by which the fpecific difability 
 we fpeak of is created: but he affirms,, that ths 
 cuftom of parliament has been referred to ; and that 
 a cafe ftridUy in point has been produced, with 
 
 the decifion of the court upon it. 1 thank him 
 
 for coming fo fairly to the point. He aflerts, that 
 the cafe of Mr Walpole is ftriclly in point to prove 
 that expulfion creates an abfolute incapacity of 
 being re-eleded 5 and for this purpofe he refers 
 
 gene :
 
 Ii6 O F J U N I U S. 
 
 generally to the firft vote of the houfe upon that 
 occafion, without venturing to recite the vote itfelf. 
 The unfair, difingenuous artifice of adopting that 
 part of a precedent which feems to fuit his purpofe, 
 and omitting the remainder, deferve fome pity, 
 but cannot excite my refentment. He takes ad- 
 vantage eagerly of the firft refolution, by which 
 Mr Walpole's incapacity is declared ; but as to the 
 two following, by which the candidate with the 
 feweft votes was declared not duly elected," 
 and the election itfelf vacated, I dare fay he would 
 be well fatisfied if they were for ever blotted out 
 of the journals of the houfe of commons. In fair 
 argument, no part of a precedent fholud be ad- 
 mitted, unlefs the whole 6f it be given to us to- 
 gether. The author has divided his precedent ; for 
 he knew, that, taken together, it produced a con- 
 fequence directly the reverfe of that which he 
 endeavours to draw from a vote of expulfion. But 
 what will this honeft perfon fay, if I take him at 
 his word, and demonftrate to him, that the houfe 
 of commons never meant to found Mr Walpole's 
 incapacity upon his expulfion only ? What fubter- 
 fuge will then remain? 
 
 Let it be remembered that we are fpeaking of 
 the intention of men who lived more than half a 
 century ago, and that fuch intention can only be 
 collected from their words and actions as they are 
 delivered to us upon record. To prove their de- 
 tigns by a fuppofition of what they would have 
 done, oppofed to what they actually did, is mere 
 trifling and impertinence. The vote, by which 
 Mr Walpole's incapacity was declared, is thus 
 exprefled : " That Robert Walpole, Efq; having 
 been this feflion of parliament committed a pri- 
 ' foner to the Tower, and expelled this houfe for 
 a breach of truft in the execution of his office, 
 * and notorious corruption when fecretary at war, 
 * was and is incapable of being elected a member 
 
 * to
 
 .OF J U N I U S.' 117 
 
 " to ferve in this prefent parliament *." Now, 
 Sir, to my underftanding, no propofition of this 
 kind can be more evident, than that the houfe of 
 commons, by this very vote, themfelves under- 
 ftood, and meant to declare, that Mr Walpole's 
 incapacity arofe from the crimes he had committed, 
 not from the punifhment the houfe annexed tb 
 them. The high breach of truft, the notorious 
 corruption, are ftated in the flrougeil terms. They 
 do not tell us that he was incapable becaufe he 
 was expelled, but becaufe he had been guilty of 
 fuch offences as juftly rendered him unworthy of 
 a feat in parliament. If they had intended to fix 
 the difability upon his expulfion alone, the men- 
 tion of his crimes in the fame vote would have 
 been highly impioper. It could only perplex the 
 minds of the eleclors, who, if they collected any 
 thing from fo confufed a declaration of the law of 
 parliament, muft have concluded that their repre- 
 fentative had been declared incapable becaufe he 
 was highly guilty, not becaufe he had been puniih- 
 ed. But even admitting them to have underftood 
 it in the other fenfe, they muft then, from the very 
 terms of the vote, have united the idea of his be- 
 ing fent to the Tower with that of his expulfion, 
 and confidered his incapacity as the joint effecl: of 
 both f. 
 
 I 
 
 * It is well worth remarking, that the compiler of a certain 
 quarto, called The cafe of the laji sleftion for the county of M iddlcfex 
 confidercd, lias the impudence to recite this very vote, in the follow- 
 ing terms, vide page n. " Refolved, that Robert Walpole, Efq; 
 " having been that fcffion of parliament expelled the houfe, was 
 " and is incapable of being elected a member to ferve in the pre- 
 " fent parliament. " There cannot be a ftronger pofitive proof of 
 the treachery of the compiler, nor a ilronger prefumptive proof 
 that he was convinced that the vote, if truly iccited, would over- 
 turn his whole argument. 
 
 f ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, MAY 12. 1777. 
 
 ERY e.rly in the debate upon the deciilon of the Middlefex 
 election, it was obfcrved by Junius, that the houfe of com. 
 
 mo us 
 
 V
 
 n8 LETTERS. 
 
 I do not mean to give an opinion upon the ju- 
 ftice of the proceedings of the houfe of commons 
 with regard to Mr Walpole; but certainly, if I 
 admitted their cenfure to be well founded, I could 
 
 mons had not only exceeded their boafted precedent of the expul- 
 fion and fubfequent incapacitatiorj of Mr Walpole, hut that they 
 had not even adhered to it ftrictly as far as it went. After coa- 
 vicling Mr Dyfon of giving a falfe quotation from the Journals, 
 and having explained the purpofe which that contemptible fraud 
 was intended to anfwer, he proceeds to (late the vote itfelf by which 
 Mr Walpole's fuppofed incapacity was declared, viz. " Rcfolved, 
 " That Robert Walpole, Efq; having been this feflion of parlh- 
 " ment committed a prifoner to the Tower, and expelled this 
 " houfe for a high breach of trufl in the execution of his office, and 
 ' notorious corruption when fecretary at war, was and is incapable 
 " of being elected a member to ferve in the pfefent parliament :" 
 and tlien obferves that, from the terms of the vote, we have no 
 right to annex the incapacitation to the expitljion only ; for that, as 
 the propofition (lands, it mi ft arife equally from theexpulfion and 
 the committment to the Tower. I believe, Sir, no man, who 
 knows any thing of Dialectics, or who undej-ftands Englifh, will 
 difpute the truth and fairnefs of this con ftruction. Bin Jiiiiius has 
 a great authority to fnpport him, which, to fpeak with the Duke 
 of Grafton, I accidently met with this morning in the courfe of 
 my reading. It contains an admonition, which cannot be repeated 
 too often. Lord Sommers, in his excellent tract upon the rights 
 of the people, after reciting the votes of the convention of the 28th 
 of January 1787, viz. " Thai King Jimes ih Second, having en- 
 " deavoured to fubvert the conftiuition of tl(is kingdom by break* 
 " ing the original contract between Ki and pe-ple, and by the 
 " advice of Jefuits and other wicked perlbns hav'.rg violated the 
 ' fundamental law?, and having withdrawn himfclfout of this 
 " kingdom, hath abdicated the governmtnr, &c." makes this 
 obfervation upon it : " 1'hc word abdicated relates to all the claufes 
 " aforegning, as well as to his defcrting the kingdom, or elfe thry 
 " would have be n wholly in viin." And tliat'there mi^ht be no 
 pretence for confining the al^cal-.nn merely to the viittJri'U'ing, 
 J^ord S'imiicri fa-ther ohferve;, tb it K;>:>? J;w,'!, ly r e filing ti go- 
 vern us acc'rdl' g to that /aw fa lobuh he he'd the crwn, ifpUc'ae'j 
 reniunced bit tir'L' /' it. 
 
 If Junius's en ..'ruction of t!ic \">-c a^',\fl Mr Walpole be now 
 admitted (and in-Iced I on not comprehend ho'.v it can honefUy be 
 difpnted). the a-lvnc.itcf f>f tlie houle of eonvviMis muft either give 
 up their precedent entirely, or be reduced to the nectlli'y of main- 
 ta ; ning ot>e of the gniflelt ahfurilitics imaginable, viz. " Thl a 
 ' comm : tmcnt 'o 'he Tower is a ovifhtU'-nt part of, and c<>rtti- 
 " bu'cs half at 1 ill to, the incap.citation of the pcrfon wlio fuftl-i s 
 11 it." 
 
 1 need not make v iu cr.y exn.fe for endeavouring to keep alive 
 
 the
 
 O F Jf U N I U S. 119 
 
 no way avoid agreeing, with them in the confe- 
 quence they drew from it. I could never have a 
 doubt in law or reafon, that a man convi&ed of a 
 high breach of truft, and of a notorious corruption, 
 in the execution of a public office, was and ought 
 to be incapable of fitting in the fame parliament. 
 Far from attempting to invalidate that vote, I 
 fhould have wifhed that the incapacity declared by 
 it could legally have been continued for ever. 
 
 Now, Sir, obferve how forcibly the argument 
 returns. The houfe of commons, upon the face 
 of their proceedings, had the ftrongeft motives to 
 declare Mr Walpole incapable of being re-eletted. 
 They thought fuch a man unworthy to fit among 
 them. Tothatpoint they proceeded, and no farther; 
 for they refpe&ed the lights of the people, while 
 they aflertedHheir own. They did not infer, from 
 Mr Walpole's incapacity, that his opponent was 
 duly elected; on thecontrary they declaredMrTay- 
 lor" Not duly elected," and the election itfelf void. 
 
 Such, however, is the precedent which my 
 
 honeft 
 
 the attention of the public to the dccifion of the Middlefex election. 
 The more I confider ir, the more I am convinced, that, as a faff, it 
 is indeed highly injurious to the rights of (he people; but that, as a 
 prccedeut, it is one of the mod dangerous that ever was eftablilhed 
 againll thofe who are co come after us. Yet I am fo far a mode- 
 rate man, that I verily believe the majority of the houfe of commons, 
 when they paiTed this dangerous vote, neither understood the 
 qiuftion, nor knew the conkquence of what they were doing. 
 Their motives were rather delpicable, than criminal, in the ex- 
 treme. One effeft they certainly did not forcfee. They are now 
 reduced to fuch a fiuiat : on, that if a member of the prefent houfe of 
 commons were to conduct himieif ever fo improperly, and in reality 
 defcrve to be fcnt back to his conftituents with a mark of difgracc, 
 thty would not dare to exjiel him; hecaufe they know that the 
 people, in order to try again the great qucflion of right, or to 
 thwart an odious houfe of commons, would probably overlook his 
 immediate unworthiutfs, ai.d return the fame perfon to parliament. 
 !3ut, in time, the precedent will gain ftrength. A future houfe 
 of coinmoj s will have no fuch apprthenfions; confequently will 
 not fcuiple to follow a precedent, which they did not eflablifh. 
 The mifer himfclr fcldom lives to enjov the fruit c f Im extoiiion; 
 but his heir fucce-eds Irm .-. f comic. : d takes ppfleffioil without 
 cei.fure. No nian expects him to maK; 1 reftitution; and no mat- 
 ttr for his title, he lives ciuieily upon the elVate. flllLO JUNIUS.
 
 i2o LETTERS 
 
 honeft friend a/lures us is ftriclly in point to prove, 
 that expulfion of itfelf creates an incapacity of be- 
 ing elected. If it had been fo, the prefent houfe 
 of commons fhould at lead hav,e followed ftrittly 
 the example before them, and fhould have ftatrd 
 to us in the fame vote the crimes for which 
 they expelled' Mr Willces ; whereas they refolve 
 (imply, that, " having been expelled, he was, and 
 *' is Incapable." In this proceeding I am autho- 
 rifed to affirm, they have neither ftatute, nor cu- 
 ftom, nor reafon, nor one fingle precedent to fup- 
 port them. On the other fide, there is indeed a 
 precedent fo ftrongly in point, that all the enchant- 
 ed cailles of minifterial magic fall before it. In 
 the year 1698 (a period which the ranked Tory 
 dare not except againft),Mr Wollafton was expel- 
 led, re-elected, and admitted to take his feat in 
 the fame parliament. The miniftry have preclu- 
 ded themfelves from all objecliops drawn from the 
 caufe of his expulfion ; for they affirm abfolutely, 
 that exputfion of i.tfelf creates the difability. Now, 
 Sir, let fophiftry evade, let falfehood aflert, and 
 impudence deny here ftands the precedent, a 
 land-mark to direct us through a troubled fea of 
 controverfy, confpicuous and unremoved. 
 
 I have dwelt the longer upon the difcuffion of 
 this point, becaufe, in my opinion, it comprehends 
 the whole queftion. The reft is unworthy of no- 
 tice. We are inquiring whether incapacity be or 
 be riot created by expulfion. In the cafes of Bed- 
 ford and Maiden, the incapacity of the perfons 
 returned was matter of public notoriety, for it 
 was created by adl of parliament. But really, 
 Sir, my honeft friend's fuppofitions are as unfa- 
 vourable to him as his fatts. He well knows that 
 the clergy, befides that they are reprefented in 
 common with their fellovv-fubjedls, have alfo u 
 
 feparate parliament of their own : that their 
 
 Incapacity to fit in the houfe of commons hr.sbeen 
 2 con-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 121 
 
 Confirmed by repeated decifions of the hoiife ; an^ 
 that the law of parliament declared by thofe deci- 
 fions, has been for above two centuries notorious 
 and undifputed. The author is certainly at liberty 
 to fancy cafes, and make whatever comparifons he 
 thinks proper; his fuppofitions ftill continue as 
 diftant from fact, r.s his wild difcourfes are from 
 folid argument. 
 
 The conclufion' of his book is candid to extreme. 
 He offers to grant me all I defire. He thinks he 
 may fafely admit that the cafe of Mr Walpole 
 makes directly againft him, for it feems he has 
 one grand folution in petto for all difficulties. If t 
 fays he, I -were to allow all this, it will only prove t 
 that the law of election "was different in Queen dune's 
 time from -what it is at prefent. 
 
 This indeed is more than I expected. The prin- 
 ciple, I know, has been maintained in fact ; but I 
 never expected to fee it fo formally declared. What 
 can he mean ? Does he afTume this language to fa- 
 tisfy the doubts of the people; or does he mean to 
 roufe their indignation ? Are the miniftry daring 
 enough to affirm, that the houfe of commons have 
 a right to make and unmake the law of parliament 
 at their pleafure ? Does the law of parliament, 
 which we are fo often told is the law of the land ; 
 ' does the common right of every fubject of the 
 reality depend upon an arbitrary capricious vote 
 of one branch of the legislature? The voice of 
 truth and reafon mud be filent. 
 
 The miniflry tell us plainly, that this is no 
 longer a queflion of right, but of power and force 
 alone. What was law yefterday is not law to-day ; 
 and now it feems we have no better rule to live by$ 
 than the temporary difcretion and fluctuating in- 
 tegrity of the houfe of commons. 
 
 Profeffions of patriotifm are become ftale and 
 
 ridiculous. For my own part, I claim no merit 
 
 from endeavouring to do a fervice to my fcllow-fub- 
 
 L jects,
 
 122 LETTERS 
 
 jecls. I have clone it to the beft of my underfland- 
 ing ; and without looking for the approbation ot 
 other men, my confcience is fatisfied. What re- 
 mains to be done concerns the collective body of 
 the people. They are now to determine for them- 
 felves, whether they will firmly and conftitution- 
 nlly afiert their rights ; or make an humble, flavifli 
 furrender of them at the feet of th.e miniflry. To 
 a generous mind there cannot 'be a doubt. We 
 owe it to our anceftors to preferve entire thefe 
 rights which they have delivered to our care : we 
 owe it to our pofterity, not to fuffer their deareft 
 inheritance to be deftroyed. But if it were poflible 
 for us to be infenfible of thefe facred claims, there 
 is yet an obligation binding upon ourfelves, from 
 which nothing can acquit us; a perfonal intereft, 
 which we cannot furrender. To alienate even 
 our own rights, would be a crime as much more 
 enormous than fuicide, as a life of civil fecurity 
 and freedom is fuperior to a bare ex-iftence ; and 
 if life be the bounty of heaven, we fcornfully re- 
 ^e6l the nobleft part of the gift, if we confent to 
 Surrender that certain rule of living, without which 
 the condition of human nature is not only mifer- 
 able, but contemptible. JUNIUJx 
 
 LETTER XXI. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 S I R, AUG. 22. 1769. 
 
 T MUST beg of you to print a few lines, in expla- 
 * nation of fome pafiages in my lad letter, which 
 I fee have been mifunderftood. 
 
 i. When I laid, that the houfe of commons 
 
 never meant to found Mr Walpole's incapacity on 
 
 his expulfion cnly^ I meant no more than to deny 
 
 the general proportion that expulfiorra/5;^ creates 
 
 K the
 
 OF JUKI U S. 123 
 
 the Incapacity. If their be any thing ambiguous 
 in the expreflion, 1 beg leave to explain it by fay- 
 ing, that, in my opinion, expulfion neither creates, 
 nor in any part contributes to create, the incapacity 
 in queftion.. 
 
 2. 1 carefully avoided entering into the merits 
 of Mr Walpole's cafe. I did not inquire, whether 
 the houfe of commons aled juftly, or whether they 
 truly declared the law of parliament. ,My remarks 
 went only to their apparent meaning and inten- 
 tion, as it (lands declared in their own resolution* 
 
 3.-! never meant to affirm, that a commitment 
 to the tower created a disqualification. On the 
 contrary, I confidered that idea as an abfurdity> 
 into which the minillry muft inevitably fall, ii ; 
 they reafoned right upon their own principles. 
 
 The cafe of Mr Wollafton fpeaka for itfelf. The 
 miniftry affert that expulfion alone creates an abfo- 
 lute complete incapacity to be re-ele&ed to fit in 
 the fame parliament. This propofition they have 
 uniformly maintained, without any condition or 
 modification whatfoever. Mr Wollafton was ex- 
 pelled, re-elec~led, and admitted to take his feat 
 in the fame parliament. I leave it to the public 
 to determine, whether this be a plain matter oi : 
 facl, or mere nonfenfe or declamation. 
 
 J U N I U S, 
 
 LETTER XXII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERB 
 TISER. 
 
 SEPT. 4. 1769. 
 
 ARGUMENT againft FACT; or, A new fyftemof 
 political Logic, by which the miniftry have de> 
 monftrated, to the fatisfa&ion of their friends, 
 that expulfion alone creates a complete incapa- 
 city to be r.e-elecled ; alias, that a fubject of 
 L 2 this
 
 124 LETTERS 
 
 this realm may be robbed of his common right 
 by a vote of the houfe of commons. 
 
 FIRST FACT, 
 
 TUlR Wollafton> in 1698, was expelled, re-elefted t 
 *** and admitted to take his feat. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 As this cannot conveniently be reconcilied wit" 
 our general propofition, it may be necefTary to fluft 
 our ground, and look back to the cau/e of Mr Wol- 
 Jafton's expulfion. From thence it will appear 
 clearly, that, ' although he was expelled, he had 
 " not rendered himfelf a culprit too ignominious 
 " to fit in parliament ; and that having refigned 
 * his employment, he was no longer incapacitated 
 *' by law." Vide Serious Confide rat ions > page 23. 
 Or thus, " The houfe, fomewhat inaccurately^ 
 tl ufed the word EXPELLED , they (hould have 
 tf called it A MOTION." Vide Mungo's cafe confi- 
 dered, page n. Or in fliort, if thefe arguments 
 (hould be thought inefficient, we may fairly deny 
 the fact. For example : " I affirm that he was 
 " not re-clefted. The fame Mr Wollafton, who 
 ' was expelled, was not again elecled. The fame 
 *' individual, if you pleafe, walked into the houfe, 
 * and took his feat there; but the fame perfon in 
 " law was not admitted a member of that parlia- 
 ' ment, from which he had been difcarded.'* 
 Vide Letter to Junius, page 12. 
 
 SECOND FACT. 
 
 71/r Walpole having been committed to the To-wer y 
 and expelled for a high breach of trvjt and notorious 
 corruption in a public office^ -was declared incapable^ 
 &c. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 From the terms of this vote, nothing can be 
 
 more
 
 O F J U N I U S. 1*25 
 
 more evident, than that the houfe of commons 
 infant to fix the incapacity upon the punifhment, 
 and not upon the crime ; but left it fhould appear 
 in a different light to weak, uninformed perfons, 
 it may be advifable to gut the refolution, and give 
 it to the public, with all poflible folemnity, in the 
 following term?, viz. " Refolved, that Robert 
 " Walpole, Efq; having been that feflion of par- 
 " liament expelled the houfe, was and is incapa- 
 " ble of being elected member to ferve in that 
 fi prefent parliame-nt." Vide Mungo on the nfs of 
 quotations, page IT. 
 
 K. B. The author of the anfwer to Sir William 
 Meredith feems to have made ufe of Mungo's quo- 
 tation ; for in page 1 8, he affures us, " That the 
 " declaratory vote of the lyth of February 1769, 
 f* was indeed a literal copy of the refolution of 
 " the houfe in Mr Walpole's cafe/' 
 
 THIRD FACT. 
 
 His opponent, Mr Taylor, having thefmalleft num* 
 ber of votes ct the next fletliwi) ivas declared NOT. 
 
 DULY ELCETED. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 This fac> we confider as direlly in point to 
 prove that Mr Luttrell ought to be the fitting; 
 member, for the following reafons. " The bur- 
 " gefles of Lynn could draw no other iaference 
 <( from this rtfolution, but this, that at a future 
 " election, and in cafe of a fiirular return, the 
 " houfe would receive the fame candidate as duly 
 " elected, whom they had before rej<led." . Vide 
 Pcftfcript to Jnnius> p. 37. Or thus : " This their 
 " refolution leaves no room to doubt what part 
 " they mould have taken, if, upon a fubfequent re. 
 ".election of Mr Walpole, there had been any 
 f other candidate in competition with him. For, 
 IC by their vote, they could have no other inten- 
 *' tion than to ivdmit fuch ether candidate." Vid&-
 
 126 LETTERS 
 
 fllungo's cafe confidered, p. 39. Or take it in this 
 light : The burgefles of Lynn having, ia defiance 
 of the houfe, retorted upon them a perfon, whom 
 they had branded with the mofl ignominious marks 
 of their difpleafure, were thereby fo well intitled 
 to favour and indulgence, that the houfe could do 
 no lefs than rob Mr Taylor of a right legally vefted 
 in him, in order that the burgefles might be ap- 
 prifed of the law of parliament ; which law the 
 houfe took a very direct way of explaining to them, 
 by refolving that the candidate with the feweft votes 
 was not duly elected : " And was not this much 
 * more equitable, more in the fpirit of that equal 
 and fubftantial juftice, which is the end of all 
 41 law,thanif they had violently adhered totheftrict 
 * maxims of law ?" Vide Serious Confide rations^ 
 p. 33 and 34. ** And if the prefent houfe of com- 
 " mons had chofen to follow the fpirit of this re- 
 " folution, they would have received and efta- 
 *' blilhed the candidate with the feweft votes." 
 Vide Anfwer to Sir W. M. p. 18. 
 
 Permit me now, Sir, to (how you, that the 
 worthy Dr Blackftone fometimes contradicts the 
 miniftry as well as himfelf. The Speech without 
 doors afferts, page 9. " That the legal effect of an 
 41 incapacity, founded on a judicial determination 
 <* of a complete court, is precifely the fame as that 
 <c of an incapacity created by aft of parliament." 
 Now for the Doctor. The law and the opinion of 
 the judge are not always convertible terms> or one 
 And the fame thing ; fmce it fometimes may happen 
 that the judge may mi/lake the law. Commentaries, 
 Vol.1, p. 71. 
 
 Theanfwer to Sir W. M. afferts, page 23. "That 
 the returning officer is not a judicial, but a purely 
 minifterial officer. His return is no judicial at." 
 . At 'cm again, Doctor. The Sheriff in his judi- 
 cial capacity is to hear and determine caufes offcrty 
 fallings value and under in hit (Qunty court. He 
 
 has
 
 O F J U N I U S. iay 
 
 has alfo a judicial power in divers other civil cafes* 
 He is /ike-wife to decide the eleclions of Knights of the 
 Jbire (fubjecl to t he controulrf the houfe of commons J r 
 to judge of the qualification of voters^ and to return 
 fuch as he Jball DETERMINE to be duly elecled. 
 Vide Commentaries, Vol. I. page 332. 
 
 What conclufion (hall we draw from fuch fals, 
 and fuch arguments, fuch contradictions ? I can- 
 not exprefs my opinion of the prefent miniftry 
 more exactly than in the words of Sir Richard 
 Steele : "That we are governed by a fet of drivel- 
 " lers, whofe folly takes away all dignity from 
 " diftrefs, and makes even calamity ridiculous." 
 PHILO JUN1US. 
 
 LETTER XXIII. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF BEDFORD. 
 
 MY LORD, SEPT 19. 1769. 
 
 YOU are fo little accuftomed to receive any 
 marks of refpect or efteem from the public, 
 that if, in the following lines, a compliment or 
 expreflion of applaufe mould efcape me, I fear you 
 would confider it as a mockery of your eftablifhed 
 character, and perhaps an infult to your under- 
 ftanding. You have nice feelings, my Lord, if 
 we may judge from your refentments. Cautious 
 therefore of giving offence, where you have fo little 
 deferved it, I mall leave the illuftration of your 
 virtues to other hands. Your friends have a pri- 
 vilege to play upon the eadnefs of your temper, or 
 pofiibly they are better acquainted with your good 
 qualities than I am. You have done good by 
 ftealth. The reft is upon record. You have ftill 
 left ample room for fpeculation, when panegyric 
 is exhaufted. 
 
 You are indeed a very confiderable man. The 
 higheft rank j a fplendid fortune > and a name, 
 
 glorious
 
 t a8 LETTERS. 
 
 glorious till it was your's, were fufEcient to have 
 fupported you with meaner abilities than I think 
 you pofiefs. From the find, you derive a confti- 
 tutional claim to refpedl ; from the fecond, a na- 
 tural extenfive authority; the laft created a par- 
 . tial expectation of hereditary virtues. The ufe you 
 have made of thefe uncommon advantages might 
 have been more honourable to yourfelf, but could 
 not be more inftrudive to mankind. We may 
 trace it in the veneration of your country, the choice 
 of your friends^ and in the accomplifhrnent of 
 every fanguine hope which the public might have 
 conceived from the illuftrious name of RufTcl. 
 
 The eminence of your flation gave you a com-, 
 manding profpect of your duty. The road, which 
 led to honour, was open to your view. You could 
 not lofe it by mitlake, and you had no temptation 
 to depart from it by deiign. Compare the natural 
 dignity and importance of the richeft- peer of Eng- 
 land ; the noble independence which he might 
 have maintained in parliament, and the real in- 
 tereft and refpeft which he might have acquired, 
 not only in parliament, but through the whole 
 kingdom : compare thefe glorious diftin&ions 
 with the ambition of holding a mare in government, 
 the emoluments of a place, the fale of a borough, 
 or the purchafe of a corporation ; and though you 
 may not regret the virtues which create refpeclr, 
 you may fee with anguiih how much real impor- 
 tance and authority you have loft. Confider the 
 character of an independent virtuous Duke of Bed- 
 ford ; imagine what he might be in this country, 
 then reflect one moment upon what you are. If it 
 be poflible for me to withdraw my attention from 
 the fal, I will tell you in the theory what fuch a. 
 man might be. 
 
 Confcious of his own weight and importance, 
 his conduct in parliament would be directed by 
 nothing but the conititutionai duty of a peer. He 
 
 would
 
 O F J U N I U S. 129 
 
 would confider himfelf as a guardian of the laws' 
 Willing to fupport the juft meafuresof government' 
 but determined to obferve the conduct of the mi- 
 nifter with fufpicion, he would oppofe the violence 
 of faction with as much firmnefs as the encroach- 
 ments of prerogative. He would be as little cap- 
 able of bargaining with the minifter for places for 
 himfelf or his dependants, as of defcending to mix 
 himfelf in the intrigues of oppofition. Whenever 
 an important queftion called for his opinion in par- 
 liament, he would be heard, by the mod profli- 
 gate minifter, with deference and refpecl. His 
 authority would either fanflify or difgrace the 
 meafures of government. The people would look 
 up to him as their protector -, and a virtuous prince 
 would have one honeft man in his dominions, in 
 whofe integrity and judgment he might fafely con- 
 fide. If it fliould be the will of Providence to 
 afflict him with a domeftic misfortune*, he would 
 fubmit to the ftroke, with feeling, but not without 
 dignity. He would confider the people as his chil- 
 dren, and receive a generous heart-felt confolatioh 
 in the fympathifing tears and bleflings of his 
 country. 
 
 Your Grace may probably difcover fomething 
 more intelligible in the negative part of this illuf* 
 trious character. The man I have defcribed would 
 never proftitute his dignity in parliament by an in- 
 decent violence either in oppofing or defending a 
 minifter. He would not at one moment ranco- 
 roufly perfecute, at another bafely cringe to the 
 favourite of his Sovereign. After outraging the 
 royal dignity with preremptory conditions little 
 Ihort of menace and hoftility, he would never de- 
 fcend to the humility of foliciting an interview f 
 
 with 
 
 * The Duke lately loft his ooy fon, by a fall from his horfe. 
 
 f At this interview, which parted at the houfe of the late Lord 
 Egiingtoun, Lord Bire told the Duke that he was determined never 
 to have any connexion with a man who had fv bafely betrayed 
 him.
 
 * 3 o LETTERS 
 
 with the favourite, and of offering to recover at 
 any price the honour of his friendfhip. Though ' 
 deceived perhaps in his youth, he would not, j 
 through the courfe of a long life, have invariably j 
 chofen his friends from among the mod profligate f 
 of mankind. His own honour would have forbidden I 
 him from mixing his private pleafures or conver- | 
 fation with jockeys, gamefters, blafphemers, gla- 
 diators, or buffoons. He would then have never 
 felt, much lefs would he have fubmitted to, the 
 diihoneft neceflity of engaging in the interefts and 
 intrigues of his dependants ; of fupplying their 
 vices, or relieving their beggary, at the expenee 
 of his country. He would not have betrayed fuch. 
 ignoranc?, or fuch contempt, of the conftitution, 
 as openly to avow, in a court of juftice, the * pur- 
 chafe and fale of a borough. He would not have 
 thought it conGftent with his rank in the date, or 
 even with his perfonal importance, to be the little 
 tyrant of a little corporation f. He would never 
 have been infulted with virtues, which he had la- 
 boured to sxtinguifh; nor fuffered the difgrace of 
 a mortifying defeat, which has made him ridicu- 
 lous and contemptible, even to the few by whom, 
 he was not detefted. I reverence the afflictions of 
 a good man, his forrows are facred. But how 
 can we take part in the didreifts of a man, whom. 
 we can neither love nor efleern ; or feel for a cala- 
 mity, of which he himfelf is infenfible ? Where 
 was the father's heart,, when he could look for, or 
 find, an immediate confol.ition for the lofs of an 
 only fon, in confultaticns and bargains for a place 
 
 at 
 
 In an anfwer in Chancery, in a fuit againft him to recover a 
 large Aim paid him by a perfon whom he had undertaken to return 
 to pailiament, for one of his Grace's boroughs. He was compelled 
 to repay the money. 
 
 f Of Bedford; whete the tyrant was held in fuch contempt and 
 deteftation, that, in order to deliver the.mfc.lves from him, they ad- 
 mitted a great number of ftrai.gers to iht freedom. To make his 
 defeat truly ridiculous, he tried his whole ftrength again Mr H;r/;f , 
 :i4 was beaten upon his own ground*
 
 OF J U N I U S. 131 
 
 .at court, r.nd even in the mifery of balloting at the 
 India houfe ! 
 
 Admitting then thatyou have miftaken or deferN 
 ed thofe honourable principles which ought to 
 have directed your conduct 5 admitting that you 
 have as little claim to private affection as to public 
 efteem ; let us fee with what abilities, with what 
 degree of judgment, you have carried your own 
 fyitem into execution. A great man, in the fuccefs 
 and even in the magnitude of his crimes, finds a 
 refcue from contempt. Your Grace is every way 
 unfortunate. Yet I will not look back to thofe 
 ridiculous fcenes, by which -in your earlier days 
 you thought it an honour to be diflinguifhed*-; 
 the recorded ftripes, the public infamy, you-r 
 own fufferings, or Mr Rigby's fortitude. Thefe 
 events undoubtedly left an imprefTion, though not 
 upon your mind. To fuch a mind it may perhaps 
 be a pleafure to reflect, that there is hardly a cor- 
 ner of any of his Majefty's kingdoms except France, 
 in which, at one end or another, your valuable 
 life has not been in danger. Amiable man ! we 
 fee and acknowledge the protection of Providence, 
 by which you have fo often efcaped the perfonal 
 deteftation of your fellow-fubjects, and are ftill 
 referved for the public juflice of your country. 
 
 Your hiftory begins to be important at that au- 
 fpicious period, at which you were deputed to re- 
 prefent the Earl of Bute at the court of Verfailles. 
 It was an honourable office, and executed with the 
 fame fpirit with which it was accepted. Your 
 
 patrons 
 
 * Mi Hefton Homphrey, a country Attorney, horfewhippcd the 
 Duke, with equal juftice, fevcrity, and perfevcrance, on the Gourfe 
 at Lhchfield. Rigby and Lord Trentbam were alfo cudgelled in a 
 mofr. examplary manner. This gave rife to the following ftory : 
 When the late King heard that Sir Edward Hawke had given the 
 French a diuWtn*, his Majefty, who hud never received that 
 kind of chaftifsn.ent, was plea'fcd to afk Lrd Ghefterficld the 
 riieanitig of the word Sir, fays Lord Chefterfield, the mean- 
 ing of the. word but here comes the Duke of Bedford, who is 
 better able to c-xplaiu it to your msjcfty than I am."
 
 i 3 2 LETTERS 
 
 patrons wanted an ambaiTador, who would fubrnit 
 to make conceflions without daring to infift upon 
 any honourable condition for his Sovereign. Their 
 bufmefs required a man who had as little feeling 
 for his own dignity as for the welfare of his coun- 
 try ; and they found him in the firft rank of the 
 nobility. Belleifle, Goree, Guadeloupe, St. Lucia, 
 Martinique, the Fifhery, and the Havannah, are 
 glorious monuments of your Grace's talents for 
 negotiation. My Lord, we are too well acquainted 
 with your pecuniary character, to think it pofiible 
 that fo many public facrifices mould have been 
 made without fome private compeniations. Your 
 conduct carries with it an internal evidence, be- 
 yond all the legal proofs of a court of juttice* 
 Even the callous pride of Lord Egremorit was alarm- 
 ed *. He fa-w and felt his own difhonour in cor- 
 refponding with you ; and there certainly was a mo* 
 ment, at which he meant to have refitted, had not 
 a fatal lethargy prevailed over his faculties> and car- 
 ried all fenfe and memory away with it. 
 
 I will not pretend to fpecify the fecret terms 
 on which you were invited to fupport an f admi- 
 niftration which Lord Bute pretended to leave in 
 full pofleffion of their minitteral authority, and 
 perfectly mafters of themfelves. He was not of a 
 temper to relinquifh power, though he retired from 
 employment. Stipulations were certainly made 
 between your Grace and him, and certainly vio- 
 lated. After two years fubmiilion, you thought 
 you had collected a ftrength fufficient to controul 
 his influence; and that it was your turn to be a 
 tyrant, becaufe you had been a (lave. When you 
 found yourfelf miftaken in your opinion of your 
 gracious Matter's firmnefs, difappointment got the 
 
 better 
 
 * This man, notwithflanding his pride and Tory principles, had 
 fome Englif!) ftutJin him. Upon an official letter he wrote to the 
 Duke of Bedford, the Duke defired to he recalled, and it was with 
 the utmoft difficulty that Lnrd Bute could appeafc him. * 
 
 f Mr Orcuville, Lord Halifax, and Lord Egrcmont.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 133 
 
 better of all your humble difcretion, and carried 
 you to an excefs of outrage to his perfon, as diflant 
 from true fpirit, as from all decency and refpel *. 
 After robbing him of the rights of a King, you 
 would not permit him to preferve the honour of a 
 gentleman. It was then Lord Weymouth was 
 nominated to Ireland, and difpatched (we well re- 
 member with what indecent hurry) to plunder the 
 treafury of the firft fruits of an employment which 
 you well know he was never to execute f. 
 
 This fudden declaration of war againfl the fa- 
 vourite might have given you a momentary merit 
 with the public, if it had either been adopted upon 
 principle, or maintained with refolution. With- 
 out looking back to all your former fervility, we 
 need only obferve your fubfequent conduct, to fee 
 upon what motives you aled. Apparently united 
 with Mr Grenville, you waited until Lord Itock- 
 ingham's feeble adminiftration (hould diflblve in 
 its own weaknefs. The moment their difmiffion 
 was fufpected, the moment you perceived that an- 
 other fyftem was adopted in the clofet, you thought 
 it no difgrace to return to your former dependence, 
 and folicit once more the friendship of Lord Bute. 
 You begged an interview, at which he had fpirit 
 enough to treat you with contempt. 
 
 It would be now of little ufe to point out, by 
 
 what a train of weak, injudicious meafures, it 
 
 became necelTary, or was thought fo, to call you 
 
 back to a (hare in the adminiftration i. The friends 
 
 M whom 
 
 * Tlie miniftry having endeavoured to exclude the Dowager out 
 of the regency bill, the Earl of Bute determined to difmifs them. 
 Upon this the Duke of Hcdford demanded an andience of the ; 
 reproached him in plain terms with his duplicity, bafcnefs, falfe- 
 l.oor!, treachery, and hypocrify repearcdly gave him the lie, and 
 left him in convulfions. 
 
 f He received three thoufand pounds for plate and equipage 
 motiey. 
 
 | When F.arl Gower was appointed Prefident of the council, the 
 King with his ufual fincerity afliired him, that he, hud not had 
 one happy moment fince the Duke of Bedford left him.
 
 i 3 4 LETTERS. 
 
 whom you did not in the laft inftance deferr, were 
 not of a character to add ftrength or credit to go- 
 vernment ; and at that time your alliance with the 
 Duke of Grafton was, I prefume, hardly forefecn. 
 We muft look for other ftipulations, to account 
 for that fudden refolution of the clofet, by which 
 three of your dependants * (whofe characters, I 
 think, cannot be lefs refpe&ed than they are) were 
 advanced to offices, through which you might 
 again controul the minifter, and probably engrofs 
 the whole direction of affairs. 
 
 The pofleflion of abfolute power is now once 
 more within your reach. The meafures you have 
 taken to obtain and confirm it, are too grofs to 
 efcape the eyes of a difcerning judicious prince. 
 His palace is befieged ; the lines of circumvallation 
 are drawing round him , and unlefs he finds a re- 
 fource in his own activity, or in the attachment of 
 the real friends of his family, the bed of princes 
 muft fubmit to the confinement of a ftate-prifoner, 
 until your Grace's death, or fome lefs fortunate 
 event, fhall raife the fiege. For the prefent, you 
 may fafely refume that ftyle of infult and menace, 
 which even a private gentleman cannot fubmit to 
 hear without being contemptible. Mr Mackenzie's 
 hiilory is not yet forgotten ; and you may find pre- 
 cedents enough of the mode, in which an imperi- 
 ous fubjecl may fignify his pleafure to his Sove- 
 reign Where will this gracious monarch look 
 for afiiftance, when the wretched Grafton could 
 forget his obligations to his mafter, and defert him 
 for a hollow alliance withyW; a man as the Duke 
 of Bedford ! 
 
 Let us confider you, then, as arrived at the 
 fummit of worldly greatnefs j let us fuppofe, that 
 all your plans of avarice and ambition are accom- 
 plifhed, and your mod fanguine wifhes gratified 
 in the fear as well as the hatred of the people : 
 
 Can 
 * Lords Gower, Wtymouth, and Sandwich.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 135 
 
 Can age itfelf forget that you are in the laft aft of 
 life ? Can gray hairs make folly venerable ? and is 
 there no period to be referved for meditation and 
 retirement ? For fhame ! my Lore! : let it not be re- 
 corded of you, that the lateft moments of your life 
 were dedicated to the fame unworthy purfuits, the 
 fame bufy agitations, in which your youth and 
 manhood were exhaufted. Confider, that although 
 you cannot difgrace your former life, you are 
 violating the character of age, and expofing the 
 impotent imbecillity after you have loft the vigour 
 of the paflions. 
 
 Your friends will aflc, perhaps, Whither fliali 
 this unhappy old man retire? Can he remain in 
 the metropolis, where his life has been fo often 
 threatened, and his palace fo often attacked ? If 
 he returns to Wooburn, fcorn and mokery await 
 him. He mult create a folitude round his eftate, 
 if he would avoid the face of reproach and deri- 
 fion. At Plymouth, his destruction would be 
 more than probable ; at Exeter, inevitable. No 
 honed Englishman will ever forget his attachment, 
 nor any honeft Scotchman forgive his treachery, 
 to Lord Bute. At every town he enters, he muft 
 change his liveries and name. Whichever way 
 he flies, the Hue and Cry of the country purfues 
 him. 
 
 In another kingdom, indeed, the bleflings of his 
 adminiftration have been more fenfibly felt ; his 
 virtues better underfiood ; or at worft they will 
 not, for him alone, forget their hofpitality. As 
 well might VERRES have returned to Sicily. You 
 have twice efcaped, my Lord ; beware of a third 
 experiment. The indignation of a whole people, 
 plundered, infulted, and opprefted as they have 
 been, will not always be difappointed. 
 
 k is in vain therefore to (hift the fcene. You 
 
 can no more fly from your enemies than from 
 
 yourfdf. Perfecuted abroad, you look into your 
 
 M a ow
 
 136 LETTERS. 
 
 own heart for~confolation, and find nothing but 
 reproaches and defpair. But, my Lord, you may 
 quit the field of bufinefs, though not the field of 
 danger ; and though you cannot be fafe, you may 
 ceafe to be ridiculous. I fear you have liftened 
 too long to the advice of thofe pernicious friends, 
 with whofe interefts you have fordidly united your 
 own, and for whom you have facrificed every thing 
 that ought to be dear to a man of honour. They 
 are ftill bafe enough to encourage the follies of 
 your age, as they once did the vices of your youth. 
 As little acquainted with the rules of decorum as 
 with the laws of morality, they will not flitter you 
 to profit by experience, nor even to confult the 
 propriety of a bad character. Even now they tell 
 you, that life is no more than a dramatic fcene, in 
 which the hero fhould preferve his confiftency to 
 the hit ; and that as you lived without virtue, you 
 (liould die without repentance. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XXIV. 
 
 TO JUNIUS. 
 
 S I R, SEPT. 14. 1769. 
 
 TTAVING accidentally feen a republication of 
 ^^ your letters, wherein you have been pleafed to 
 ajjert, that I had fold the companions of my fuc- 
 cefs ; I am again obliged to declare the faid afler- 
 tion to be a mod infamous and malicious falfe hood ; 
 and I again call upon you to (land forth, avow 
 yourfelf, and prove the charge. If you can make 
 it out to the fatifcfaclion of any one man in the 
 kingdom, I wiil be content to be thought the 
 word man in it ; if you do not, what muft the na- 
 tion think of you ? Party has nothing to do in this 
 affair : you have made a perfonal attack upon my 
 honour, defamed me by a moft vile calumny, 
 which might poUibly have funk into oblivion, had 
 
 not
 
 OF J U N I U S. 137 
 
 not fuch uncommon pains been taken to renew and 
 perpetuate this fcandal, chiefly becaufe it has been, 
 told in good language : for I give you full credit for 
 your elegant diction, well-turned periods, and Attic 
 wit : but wit is oftentimes falfe, though it may- 
 appear brilliant ; which is exactly the cafe of your 
 vjkole performance. But, Sir, I ant obliged in the 
 mofrffrious manner to accufe you of being guilty 
 offa/JitieS' You have faid the thing that is not. 
 To fupport your ftory, you have recourfe to the 
 following irrefiftible argument : " You fold the 
 " companions of your victory, becaufe when the 
 " 1 6th regiment was given to you, you \vasji/ent* 
 ff The conclufion is inevitable." I believe that fuch 
 deep and acute reafoning could only come from fuch 
 an extraordinary writer as Junius. But unfortu- 
 nately for you, the premifes as well as the ctnclu- 
 fion are abfolutelyy^^. Many applications have 
 been made to the miniftry on the fubject of the 
 Manilla Ranfomy/c<? the time of my being colo- 
 nel of that regiment. As I have for fome years- 
 quitted London, I was obliged to have recourfe tc* 
 the honourable Colonel Monfon and Sir Samuel 
 Cornifli to negotiate for me ; in the laft autumn, 
 I perfonally delivered a memorial to the Earl of 
 Shelburn at his feat in Wilcfhire.. As you have 
 told us of your importance, that you are a perfort 
 of rank and fortune, and above a common bribe, 
 you may in all probability be not unknown to his. 
 Lordmip, who can fatisfy you of the truth of what 
 I fay. But I fnall now take the liberty, Sir, to> 
 feize your battery, and turn it againft yourfelf. It" 
 your puerile and tinfel logic could carry the lead 
 weight or conviction with it, how muft you (land 
 affected by the inevitable ccndiijion, as you are 
 pleafed to term it I According to Junius, Silence i* 
 Guilt. In many of the public papers, you have 
 been called in the mod 1 direct and offenfive terms 
 a liar } and a cnward. When did you reply tothefe 
 M 3 foul
 
 *j8 LETTERS 
 
 foul accufations ? You have been quite filent ; quite 
 chop-fallen : therefore, becaufe you was filent, the 
 nation has a right to pronounce you to be both a 
 liar and a coward from your own argument. But, ; 
 Sir, I will give you fair play ; I will afford you an I 
 opportunity to wipe off the firft appellation, by ' 
 defiring the proofs of your charge againft me. 
 Produce them ! To wipe off the laft, produce your- 
 felf. People cannot bear any longer your Lion's 
 Jkin t and the defpicable impofture of the old Roman 
 name which you have affcEled. For the future af- 
 fume the name of fome modern * bravo and dark . 
 affaflin : let your appellation have fome affinity to 
 your practice. But if I muft perijb, Junius t let - 
 me perijh in the face of day ; \be for once a gene- 
 rous and open enemy. I allow that Gothic appeals 
 to cold iron are no better proof of a man's honefty 
 and veracity, than hot iron and burning plough- 
 fhares are of female chaftity : but a foldier's honour 
 is as delicate as a woman's , it muft not be fufpeft- 
 ed ; you have dared to throw more than a fufpi- 
 cion upon mine : you cannot but know the con- 
 fequences, which even the meeknefs of Chriftianity 
 would pardon me for, after the injury you have 
 done me. WILLLIAM DRAPER, 
 
 LETTER XXV. 
 
 Haret lateri letbalis arundo* 
 
 TO SIR WILLIAM DRAPER, K. B. 
 S'l R, SEPT. 25. 1769. 
 
 AFTER fo long an interval, I did not expect 
 to fee the debate revived between us. My 
 anfwer to your laft letter (hall be fhort ; for I write 
 to you with reluctance, and I hope we fhall now 
 conclude our correfnondence for ever. 
 
 Had 
 
 * Was Btt'.tv! an anc'.ent bravo and dark afEtflTn? or docs Sic 
 W-IMliiak it criraiiuUo ftai a tyram to the heart
 
 O F J U N I U S. 139 
 
 Had you been originally and without provoca- 
 tion attacked by an anonymous writer, you would 
 have fome right to demand his name. But in this 
 caufe you are a volunteer. You engaged in it 
 with the unpremeditated gallantry of a foldier. 
 You were content to fet your name in oppofition 
 to a man who would probably continue in con- 
 cealment. You underftood the terms upon which 
 we were to correfpond, and gave at leaf! a tacit 
 aflent to them. After voluntarily attacking me 
 under the character of Junius, what poiTible right 
 have you to know me under any other ? Will you 
 forgive me if I infinuate to you, that you forel'av/ 
 fome honour in the apparent fpirit of coming for- 
 ward in perfon, and that you were not quite in- 
 different to the difplay of your literary qualifica- 
 tions ? 
 
 You cannot but know, that the repubtication of 
 my letters was no more than a catchpenny con- 
 trivance of a printer, in which it was impoffible 
 I fhould be concerned, and for which I am no 
 way anfwerable. At the fame time I wifh you to 
 underftand, that if I do not take the trouble of 
 reprinting thefe papers, it is not from any fear of 
 giving offence to Sir William Draper. 
 
 Your remarks upon a fignature adopted merely 
 for diftinclion, are unworthy of notice : but when 
 you tell me I have fubmitted to be called a liar 
 and a coward, I muft afk you in my turn, Whether 
 you think ferioufly it any way incumbent upoa 
 me to take notice of the filly inve&ives of every 
 fnnplcton who writes in a newfpaper; and what 
 opinion you would have conceived of my difcre- 
 tion, if I had fuftered myfelf to be the dupe of fo 
 fhallow an artifice ? 
 
 Your appeal to the fword, though confiftent 
 enough with your late profeflion, will neither 
 prove your innocence, nor clear you from fufpi- 
 cion, Your complaints with regard to the Ma*.
 
 140 O F J U N I U S. 
 
 nilla rnnfom were for a confiderable time a di- 
 flrefs to government. You were appointed (great- 
 ly out of your turn) to the command of a regi- 
 ment, and during that adminiftration we heard no 
 more of Sir William Draper. The fads of which 
 I fpeak may indeed be varioufly accounted for, 
 but they are too notorious to be denied : and I 
 think you might have learnt at the univerfity, that 
 a falfe conclusion is an error in argument, not a 
 breach of veracity. Your folicitations, I doubt 
 not, were renewed under another adminiftration. 
 Admitting the faft, I fear an indifferent perfon 
 would only infer from it, that experience had 
 made you acquainted with the benefits of com- 
 plaining. Remember, Sir, that you have your- 
 felf con felled, that, considering the critical fttuation 
 cf this country, the miniflry are in the right to tern- 
 porife -with Spain. This confeffion reduces you to 
 an unfortunate dilemma. By renewing your feli- 
 citations, you muft either mean to force your 
 country into a war at a moft unfeafonable June- 
 Jure ; or, having no view or expectation of that 
 kind, that you look for nothing but a private corn- 
 pen fation to yourfelf. 
 
 As to me, it is by no means neceffary that I 
 fliould be expofed to the refentment of the worft 
 and the moft powerful men in this country, tho' 
 I may be indifferent about your's. Though you 
 would fight, there are others who would aflaffi- 
 nate. 
 
 But after all, Sir, where is the injury? You 
 afliire me, that my logic is puerile and tinfefc that 
 it carries not the leaft weight or convidion; that 
 my premifes are falfe, and my conclufions abfurd. 
 If this be a juft defcription of me, how is it pof- 
 fible for fuch a writer to diflurb your peace of 
 mind, or to injure a charafter fo well eftablifhed 
 as yours ? Take care, Sir William, how you in- 
 dulge this unruly temper, left the world fliould 
 
 fufpect
 
 O F J U N I U S. 141 
 
 fufpe& that confcience has fome {hare in your re- 
 fentments. You have more to fear from the 
 treachery of your own pailions, than from any 
 malevolence of mine. 
 
 I believe, Sir, you will never know me. A coii- 
 fiderable time mud certainly elapfe before we are 
 perfonally acquainted. You need not, however, 
 regret the delay, or fuffer an apprehenfion that 
 any length of time can redtfre yo x u to the Chri- 
 ftian meeknefs of your temper, and difappoint 
 your prefent indignation. If I underftand your 
 character, there is in your own bread a repofitory, 
 in which your refentments may be fafely laid up 
 for future occafions, and preferved without the 
 hazard of diminution. The Oditz in longumj 'nclens , 
 qua reconderet, auftaqiie promcret, I thought had 
 only belonged to the word chara&er of antiquity. 
 The text is in Tacitus; you know bed where to 
 look for the commentary. JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XXVI. 
 
 A WORD AT PARTING TO JUNIUS. 
 
 ' * S I R, OCT. 7. 1769. 
 
 A S you have not favoured me with either of the 
 -*-*- explanations demanded of you, I can have no- 
 thing more to fay to you upon my oiun account. 
 
 Your 
 
 * Mtafuret and net mm is the common cant of afFe<red modera- 
 tion ; j h.Jc-, t'.'Ui'tcrfci! language, fabricated by knaves, and maJe 
 current among fobis. Such gentle ce- fure is not fitted to the pre- 
 ftnt degenerate Ibte of focirty. Wlut docs it avail to expofc the 
 ahfnrd contrivance or pernicious tendrncy of mcafi'.rcs, if the man 
 who advifes or executes, lliallbe fuffr*ed not 01 !y to efcape with im- 
 punity, hut even to pu-ftive his power, and infuh us with the 
 favour of his Sovereign ! I would recommend to the reader the 
 whole of Mr Pope's letter to Doctor Arhuthnot, d-ted July iff. 
 1734, from wlvch the following is an extract. ' To reform anj 
 ' not to chaftife, I am afraid is impr.flihle ; an'l that the bcft pre- 
 " ceptj, as well as the heft law?, would prove of final I ufe, if 
 ' there were n.> examples to enforce them. To attack vices in the 
 " ttbltucl, without teaching, pcrftns, may It L:'t :iiitirig indeed, 
 
 " but
 
 I 4 2 LETTERS. 
 
 Your mercy to me, or tendernefs for yourfelf, has 
 been very great. The public will judge of your 
 motives- If your excefs of modefty forbids you to 
 produce either the proofs, or yourfelf, I will ex- 
 cufe it. Take courage ; I have not the temper of 
 Tiberius, any more than the rank or power. You, 
 indeed, are a tyrant of another fort ; and upon 
 your political bed of torture can excruciate any 
 fubjeft, fiom a firft minifter down to fuch a grub 
 or butterfly as myfelf -, like another detefted tyrant 
 of antiquity, can make the wretched fufferer fit 
 the bed, if the bed will not fit the fufferer, by 
 disjointing or tearing the trembling limbs until 
 they are ftretched to its extremity. But courage, 
 COnftancy, and patience, under torments, have 
 fometimes caufed the moft hardened monfters to 
 relent, and forgive the object of their cruelty. 
 You, Sir, are determined to try all that human 
 nature can endure, until (he expires: elfe, was it 
 poflible that you could be the author of that moft 
 inhuman letter to the Duke of Bedford, I have 
 read with aftoniftiment and horror ? Where, Sir, 
 where were the feelings of your own heart, when 
 you could upbraid a moft afte&ionate father with 
 the lofs of his only and moft amiable fon ? Read 
 over again thofe cruel lines of yours, and let 
 them wring your very foul. Cannot political que- 
 ftions be difcuiTed without defcemling to the moft 
 odious perfonalities ? Muft you go wantonly out 
 of your way to torment declining age, b.ecaufe the 
 Duke of Bedford may have quarrelled with thofe 
 whofe caufe and politics you efpoufe ? For fhame! 
 for (hame ! As you have /poke daggers to him, you 
 may juftly dread the life of them againft your own 
 breaft, did a want of courage, or of noble fenti- 
 ments, ftimulate him to fuch mean revenge. He 
 
 is 
 
 " but it is fighting with (barlows. My greateft comfort and en. 
 " couragemciu to proceed has been to fee, that thole who luve no 
 " fhamc, and not fear of any thing elfe, have appeared tuuclud 
 "by my fatircs."
 
 O F J U N I U S. 143 
 
 is above it ; he is brave. Do you fancy that your 
 own bafe arts have infefted our whole ifland ? 
 But your own reflexions, your own confcience, 
 muft and will, if you have any fpark of humanity 
 remaining, give him mod ample vengeance. Not 
 all the power of words with which you are fo 
 graced, will ever warn out, or even palliate, this 
 foul blot in your character. I have not time at 
 prefent to difieft your letter fo minutely as 1 could 
 \vifh ; but I will be bold enough to fay, that it is 
 (as to reafon and argument) the moft extraordina- 
 ry piece of florid impotence that was ever impofed 
 upoa the eyes and ears of the too credulous and 
 deluded mob. It accufes the Duke of Bedford of 
 high treafon. Upon what foundation ? You tell 
 us, " that the Duke's pecuniary charatter makes it 
 " more than probable, that he could not have made 
 " fuch facrifices at the peace, withouty^w^/>r*f ate 
 <( compenfations : that his conduct carried with it 
 " an interior evidence, beyond all the legal proofs 
 <f of a court of juftice." 
 
 My academical education, Sir, bids me tell you, 
 that it is neceflary to eftablifh the truth of your 
 firft propofition, before you prefume to draw in- 
 ferences from it. Firft prove the avarice, before 
 you make the raih, hafty, and moft wicked con- 
 clufion. This father, Junius> whom you call ava- 
 ricious, allowed that fon eight thoufand pounds a- 
 year. Upon his moft unfortunate death, which 
 your ufual good-nature took care to remind him 
 of, he greatly increafed the jointure of the afflict- 
 ed lady his widow. Is this avarice ? Is this doing 
 good oj J} faith ? It is upon record. 
 
 If exact order, method, and true ceconomy, as 
 a mafter of a family ; if fplendor and juft magni- 
 ficence, without wild wafte and thoughtlefs extra- 
 vagance, may conftitute the character of an ava- 
 ricious man, the Duke is guilty. But for a mo- 
 ment let us admit that an ambaflador may love 
 
 money
 
 144 LETTERS 
 
 money too much ; what proof do you give that 
 he has taken any to betray his country ? Is it hear- 
 fay, or the evidence of letters, or ocular 4 or the 
 evidence of thofe concerned in this black affair ? 
 Produce your authorities to the public. It is an 
 impudent kind of forcery, to attempt to blind us 
 xvith the fmoke, without convincing us that the 
 fire has exifted. You firft brand him with a vice 
 that he is free from, to render him odious and 
 fufpected. Sufpicion is the foul weapon with 
 which you make all your chief attacks; with that 
 you (lab. But fhall one of the firft fubjec~ls of 
 the realm be ruined in his fame ; mail even his 
 life be in conflant danger, from a charge built 
 upon fuch fandy foundations ? muft his houfe 
 be befieged by lawlefs ruffians, his journey im- 
 peded, and even the afylum of an altar be infecure 
 from aflertions fo bafe and falfe? Potent as he is, 
 the Duke is amenable to juftice; if guilty, punifh- 
 able. The parliament is the high and folemn tri- 
 bunal for matters of fuch great moment. To that 
 be they fubmitted. But I hope alfo that fome 
 notice will be taken of, and fome punifhment in- 
 flicted upon, falfe ace ufers ; efpecially upon fuch, 
 Junius, who are wilfully falfe. In any truth I will 
 agree even with Junius ; will agree with him that 
 it is highly unbecoming the dignity of peers to 
 tamper with boroughs. Ariftocracy is as fatal as 
 democracy. Our conftitution admits of neither. 
 It loves a King, Lords, and Commons, really cho- 
 fen by the unbought fuffrages of a free people. 
 But if corruption only fhifts hands ; if the wealthy 
 commoner gives the bribe, inflead of the potent 
 peer, is the ftate better ferved by this exchange ? 
 Is the real emancipation of the borough effected, 
 becaufe new parchment bonds may poflibly fuper- 
 fede the old ? To fay the truth, wherever fuch 
 practices prevail, they are equally criminal to and 
 dellruftive of our freedom, 
 
 2 The
 
 O F J U N I U S. 145 
 
 The red of your declamation is fcarce worth 
 confidering, excepting for the elegance of the lan- 
 guage. Like Hamlet in the play, you produce 
 two pictures ; you tell us, that one is not like the 
 Duke of Bedford ; then you bring a moft hideous 
 caricatura, and tell us of the refemblance ; but 
 multum abludit imago. 
 
 All your long tedious accounts of the minifte- 
 rial quarrels, and the intrigues of the cabinet, are 
 reducible to a few fhoit lines ; and to convince 
 you, Sir, that I do not mean to flatter any mini- 
 fter, either paft or prefent, thefe are my thoughts: 
 They feem to have a6led like lovers, or children ; 
 have * pouted, quarrelled, cried, kitted, and been 
 friends again, as the obje&s of defire, the mini- 
 fterial rattles, have been put into their hands. 
 But fuch proceedings are very unworthy of the 
 gravity and dignity of a great nation. We do not 
 want men of abilities ; but we have wanted fteadi- 
 nefs; we want unanimity: your letters, Junius, 
 will not contribute thereto. You may one day 
 expire by a flame of your own kindling. But it 
 is my humble opinion, that lenity and moderation, 
 pardon and oblivion, will difappoint the efforts 
 of all the feditious in the land, and extinguifli 
 their wide fpreadin? fires. I have lived with this 
 fentiment ; with this I mall die. 
 
 WILLIAM DRAPER. 
 
 LETTER XXVII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER 
 T1SER. 
 
 SIR, OCT. 13. 176-9. 
 
 TF Sir William Draper's bed be a bed of torture, 
 * he has made it for himfelf. I (hall never inter- 
 rupt his repofe. Having changed the fubjeft, there 
 N are 
 
 * Sir William give? xis a plcafant account of men, who, it} bis 
 opinion at leaft, arc ihe beft qualified to govern an empire,
 
 * 4 6 LETTERS 
 
 are parts of his laft letter not undeferving of a 
 jeply. Leaving his private character and conduct 
 out of the queftion, I fhall confider him merely in 
 the capacity of an author, whofe labours certainly 
 do no difcredit to a newfpaper. 
 
 We fay, in common difcourfe, that a man may 
 be his own enemy , and the frequency of the fac"i 
 makes the expreffio-n intelligible. But that a man 
 ihould be the bittereft enemy of his friends, im- 
 plies a contradiction of a peculiar nature. There 
 is fomething in it, which cannot be conceived 
 without a confufion of ideas, nor exprefTed with- 
 out a folecifm in language. Sir William Draper 
 is ftill that fatal friend Lord -Granby found him. 
 Yet I am ready to do juftice to his generofity ; if 
 indeed it be not fcunething more than generous, 
 to be the voluntary advocate of men who think 
 themfelves injured by his affiftance, and to con- 
 fider nothing in the caufe he adopts but the dif- 
 ficulty of defending it. I thought however he had 
 been better read in the hiftory of the human heart, 
 than -to compare or confound the tortures of the 
 body with thofe of the mind. He ought to have 
 known, though perhaps it might not be his in- 
 tereft to confefs, that no outward tyranny can 
 reach the mind. If conference plays the tyrant, 
 it would be greatly for the benefit of the world 
 that fhe were more arbitrary, and far lefs placable, 
 than fome men find her. 
 
 But it feems I have outraged the feelings of a 
 father's heart. Am I indeed fo injudicious? Does 
 Sir William Draper think I would have hazarded 
 my credit with a generous nation, by fo grofs a 
 violation of the laws of humanity ? Does be think 
 I am fo little acquainted with the firft and nobleft 
 charac~leriftic of Englifhmen ? Or how will he 
 reconcile fuch folly with an underftanding fo full 
 of artifice as mine ? Had he been a father, he 
 would have been but little offended with the fe- 
 
 vemy
 
 OF J U N I U S. 147- 
 
 verity of the reproach, for his mind would have 
 been filled with the juftice of it. He would have 
 feen that I did not infult the feelings of a father, 
 but the father who felt nothing. He would have 
 trufted to the evidence of his own paternal heart; 
 end boldly denied the poflibility of the fadl, in- 
 ftead of defending it. Againd whom then will 
 his honed indignation be directed, when I aflure 
 him, that this whole town beheld the Duke of 
 Bedford's conduft, upon the death of his fon, 
 with horror and adonifhment. Sir William Dra- 
 per does himfelf but little honour in oppofing the 
 general fenfe of his country. The people are 
 feldorn wrong in their opinions," in their fenti- 
 ments they are never miftaken. There may be a 
 vanity perhaps in a fingular way of thinking ; 
 but when a man profeffes a want of thofe feelings 
 which do honour to the multitude, he hazards 
 fomething infinitely more important than the cha- 
 racter of his underftanding. After all, as Sir 
 William may pofiibly be in earned in his anxiety 
 for the Duke of Bedford, I fhould be glad to re- 
 lieve him from- it. He may reft afTured this wor- 
 thy nobleman laughs, with equal indifference, at 
 my reproaches, and Sir William's diftrefs about 
 him. But here let it ftop. Even the Duke of 
 Bedford, infenfible as he is, will confult the tran- 
 quility of his life, in not provoking the modera- 
 tion of my temper. If, from the profoundeft con- 
 tempt, 1 (hould ever rife into anger, he mould 
 foon find, that all I have already faid of him was 
 lenity and companion. 
 
 Out of a long catalogue, Sir William Draper 
 has confined himfelf to the refutation, of two 
 charges only. The reft he had not time to dif- 
 cufs ; and indeed it would have been a laborious 
 undertaking. To draw up a defence of fuch 
 a feries of enormities, would have required a 
 life at leaft as long as that which has been uni- 
 N z formly.
 
 I 4 8 LETTERS 
 
 formly employed in the practice of them. The 
 public opinion of the Duke of Bedford's extreme 
 ceconomy is, it feems, entirely without founda- 
 tion. Though not very prodigal abroad, in his 
 own family at leaft he is regular and magnificent. 
 He pays bis debts, abhors a beggar, and makes a 
 handfome provifion for his fon. His charity has 
 improved upon the proverb, and ended where it 
 began. Admitting the whole force of this fingle 
 jnftance of his domeftic generofity (wonderful in- 
 deed, considering the narrownefs of his fortune, 
 and the little merit of his only fon), the public may 
 ftill perhaps be diffatisfied, and demand fome other 
 lefs equivocal proofs of his munificence. Sir 
 William Draper fliould have entered boldly into 
 the detail of indigence relieved of arts encou- 
 raged of fcience patronized, men of learning 
 protected, and works of genius rewarded ; in 
 Ihort, had there been a fingle inftance, befides Mr 
 Rigby*, of blufhing merit brought forward by 
 the Duke for the fervice of the public, it fhould 
 not have been omitted. 
 
 I wifh it were poffible to eftablifh my inference 
 with the fame certainty, on which I believe the 
 principle is founded. My conclufion, however, 
 v/as not drawn from the principle alone. I am 
 not fo unjuft as to reafon trom one crime to ano- 
 ther ; though I think, that, of all the vices, ava- 
 rice is moft apt to taint and corrupt the heart. I 
 combined the known temper of the man with the 
 extravagant concefiions made by the ambaflador ; 
 and though I doubt not fufficient care was taken 
 to leave no document of any treafonable negocia- 
 tion, I ftill maintain that the conduct -f of this 
 
 mini. 
 
 * This gentleman is fnppofed to have the fame idea of llujbing, 
 that a man blind from his birth has of fcailet or fky-Wuc. 
 
 f If Sir W. D. will lake the trouble of looking into Torcy's 
 Memoirs, he will fee with what little ceremony a lyibe may be of- 
 fered to a Duke, and with what little ceremony it was only net ac- 
 tfftti.
 
 O F J U N I V $. i& 
 
 minifter carries with it an internal and convincing 
 evidence againft him. Sir William Draper feems 
 not to kno v the value or force of fuch a proof. 
 He will not permit us to judge of the motives of 
 men, by the manifeft tendency of their actions, 
 nor by the notorious character of their minds. He 
 calls for papers and witnefles, with a triumphant 
 fecurity ; as if nothing could be true, but what 
 could be p-ioved in a court of juftice* Yet a reli-r 
 gious man might have remembered, upon what 
 foundation fome truths, moft interefting to man- 
 kind, have been received and eftablifhed. If it 
 were not for the internal evidence, which the 
 pureft of religions carries with it, what would 
 have become of his once well-quoted decalogue, 
 and of the meeknefs of his Chiiftianity ? 
 
 The generous warmth of his refentment makes 
 him confound the order of events. He forgets 
 that the infults and diftreffes which the Duke of 
 Bedford has fuffered, and which Sir William has 
 lamented with many delicate touches of the true 
 pathetic, were only recorded in my letter to his 
 Grace, not occafioned by it. It was a fimple can- 
 did narrative of facts ; though, for aught I know, 
 it may carry with it fonvething prophetic. His 
 Grace undoubtedly has received feveral ominous 
 hints; and I think, in certain circumftances, a 
 wife man would do well to prepare himfelf for the 
 event. 
 
 But I have a charge of a heavier nature againft 
 Sir William Draper. He tells us that the Duke 
 of Bedford is amenable to juftice; that parlia- 
 ment is a high and folemn tribunal ; and that, if 
 guilty, he may be punifheti by due courfe of law : 
 and all this he fays with as much gravity as if he 
 believed one word of the matter. I hope, indeed, 
 the day of impeachments will arrive, before this 
 nobleman elcapes out of life ; but to refer us to 
 that mode of proceeding now, with fuch a mini- 
 N 3 {try,
 
 150 LETTERS 
 
 ftry, and fuch a houfe of commons as the prefenr., 
 what is it, but an indecent mockery of the com- 
 mon fenfe of the n.uio:i ? I think he might have 
 contented himfdf with defending the greateft ene- 
 my, without infulting the didrefles, of his country. 
 His concluding declaration of his opinion, with 
 refpect to the prcfent condition of affairs, is too 
 loofe and undetermined to be of any fervice to the 
 public. How ftrange is it that this gentleman, 
 fhould dedicate fo much time and argument to the 
 defence of worthlefs or indifferent characters, 
 while he gives but feven folitary lines to the only 
 fubjeft which can dcferve his attention, or do cre- 
 dit to his abilities. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XXVIIF. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE FUEL 1C ADVERTISER, 
 
 S I R, OCT. 20. 1769. 
 
 I VERY fincerely applaud the fpirit with which 
 a lady has paid the debt of gratitude to her be- 
 nefador. Though I think (he has miftaken the 
 point, (he (hows a virtue which makes her refpecl- 
 able. The queftion turned upon the perfonal ge- 
 nerofity or avarice of a man, whofe private for- 
 tune is immenfe. The proofs of his munificence 
 muft be drawn from the ufes to which he has 
 applied that fortune. I was not fpeaking of a 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, but of a rich Englifii 
 ciuke, whofe wealth gave him the means of doing 
 as much good in this country, as he derived from 
 his power in another. I am far from wiming to 
 leflen the merit of this Angle benevolent action ; 
 perhaps it is the more confpicuous from (land- 
 ing alone. All I mean to fay is, that it proves 
 nothing iu the prefent argument. JUNIUS. 
 
 LET-
 
 O F J U N I 17 S. 
 
 LETTER XXIX. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE 
 PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 
 S I R, OCT. in. 1769, 
 
 T AM well aflured that Jitnius will never defcend 
 * to a difpute with fuch a writer as M^deflus 
 (whofe letter appeared in the Gazetteer of Mon- 
 day) efpecially as the difpute muft be chiefly about 
 words. Notwithstanding the partiality of the Pub- 
 lic, it does not appear that Jitnius values himfelf 
 upon any fuperior (kill in compofition ; and I hope 
 his time will always be more ufefully employed 
 than in the trifling refinements of verbal criticifm. 
 Mode/Ins, however, ("hall have no reafon to triumph 
 in the filence and moderation of Jitnius. If he 
 knew as much of the propriety of language, as I 
 believes he does of the fa&s in queflion, he would 
 have been as cautious of attacking Junius upon his 
 compofition, as he feems to be of entering into 
 the fubjet of it ; yet after all, the laft is the only 
 article of any importance to the public. 
 
 I do not wonder at the unremitted-rancour with 
 which the Duke of Bedford and his adherents in- 
 variably fpeak of a nation, which we well know 
 has been too much injured to be eafily forgiven. 
 But why mult Junius be an Irifhman? The ahfur- 
 dity of his writings betrays him. Waving all eonfi- 
 deration of the infult offered by Modcflus to the 
 declared judgment of the people ^they may well 
 bear this among the reft), let us follow the feveral 
 inftances, and try whether the charge be fairly fup- 
 ported. 
 
 Firft then The leaving a man to enjoy fuch re- 
 pofe as he can find upon a bed of torture, is fevere 
 indeed ; perhaps too much fo, when applied to 
 fuch a trifler as Sir William Draper j but there is 
 
 nothing
 
 TJZ LETTERS 
 
 nothing abfurd either in the idea or expreflion. 
 Modejlus cannot diftinguifh between a farcafin and 
 a contradilion. 
 
 2. I affirm with Junitis, that it is tint frequency 
 of the fact, which alone can make us comprehend 
 how a man can be his own enemy. We fhould 
 never aiuve-at the complex idea conveyed by thofe 
 words, if we had only fccn one or two initances 
 of a man acting to his own prejudice. OrFer the 
 proportion to a child, or a man u nil-fed to com- 
 pound his ideas, and you will foon fee how little 
 either of them underfland you. It is not a fitnple 
 idea ariung from a fingle fad; but a very complex 
 idea anting from many fads well obferved, and ac- 
 curately compared. 
 
 3. Modeftus could not, without great afTelation, 
 mi (lake the meaning of Junius when he fpeaks of 
 a man who is the bittereft enemy of his friends. 
 He could not but know, that Jitnius fpoke, mn of 
 a falfe or hollow friendfhip, but of a real intention 
 to ferve, and that intention producing the word 
 efFetls of enmity. Whether the dtfcription be 
 ftrictly applicable to Sir William Draper,is another 
 queition. Junius does not fay that it is more crimi* 
 na.1 for a man to be the enemy of his friends than his 
 own, though he might have affirmed it with truth. 
 In a moral light, a man may certainly take greater 
 liberties with himfelf than with another. To fa- 
 crifice ourf; Ives merely, is a weaknefs we may in- 
 dulge in, if we think proper; for we do it at our 
 own hazard and expence: but, under the pretence 
 of friemifhip, to fport with the reputation, or fa- 
 crifice the honour, of another, is fomething worfe 
 than weaknefs ; and if", in favour of the foolifh 
 intention, we do not call it a crime, we muft al- 
 low at leaft that it arifes from an overweening, 
 bufy, meddling impudence. Junius fays only, 
 and he fays truly, that it is more extraordinary, 
 that it involves a greater contradiction, than the 
 
 other;
 
 O F J U N I U S. 153 
 
 other ; and is it not a maxim received in life, that 
 in general we can determine more wifely for others 
 than for ourfelves ? The reafon of it is fo clear in 
 argument, that it hardly wants the confirmation 
 of experience. Sir William Draper, I confefs, is 
 an exception to the general rule, though not much 
 to his credit. 
 
 4. If this gentleman will go back to his Ethicks, 
 he may perhaps difcover the truth of what Juniits 
 fays, that no outward tyranny can reach the mind. 
 The tortures of the body may be introduced by 
 way of ornament or illuftration to reprefent thofc 
 of the mind, but ftriclly there is no fimilitude be- 
 tween them. They are fotally different both in 
 their caufe and operation. The wretch who fufFers 
 upon the rack, is merely paffive ; but when the 
 mind is tortured, it is not at the command of any 
 outward power. It is the. fenfe of guilt which con- 
 ftitutes the punifliment, and creates that torture 
 with which the guilty mind a&s upon itfelf. 
 
 5. He mifquotes vf\\zt Junius fays of confcience; 
 and makes the fentence ridiculous, by making it 
 his own. , 
 
 So much for composition. Now for facl. Ju- 
 nius, it feems, has miltaken the Duke of Bedford. 
 His Grace had all the proper feelings of a father, 
 though he took care to fupprefs the appearance of 
 them. Yet it was an occafion, one would think, 
 on which he need not have been afhamed of his 
 grief ; on which lefs fortitude would have done 
 him more honour. I can conceive indeed a bene- 
 volent motive for his endeavouring to aflume an 
 air of tranquillity in his own family; and I wifh I 
 could difcover any thing, in the reft of his charac- 
 ter, to juftify my afiigning that motive to his be- 
 haviour. But is there no medium ? Was it necef- 
 fary to appear abroad, to ballot at the India-houfe, 
 and make a public difplay, tho' it were only of an 
 apparent infenfibility ? I know we are treading on 
 
 tender
 
 154 LETTERS 
 
 tender ground, and Junius, I am convinced, does 
 not with to argue this queftion farther. Let the 
 friends of the Duke of Bedford obferve that hum- 
 ble filence which becomes their fituation. They 
 (hould recollect that there are (till fome facts in 
 ftore, at which human nature would ihuilder. 
 (hall be underflood by thofe whom it concerns,- 
 when I fay that thefe fats go farther than to the 
 Duke *. 
 
 It is not inconfiflent to fuppofe that a man may 
 be quite indifferent about one part of a charge, yet 
 feverely ftung with another ; and though he feels 
 no remorfe, that he may wifli to be revenged. 
 The charge of infenfibility carries a reproach in- 
 deed, but no danger with it. Junius had faid, 
 there are others "jjho "would affajjinate. Modeftus y 
 knowing his man, will not fufter the insinuation 
 to be divided,, but fixes it all upon the Duke of 
 Bedford. 
 
 Without determining upon what evidence Juni- 
 us would choofe to be condemned* I will venture to 
 maintain, in oppofition to Modeftns, or to Mr Rigby 
 (who is certainly not Modeftus], or any other of the 
 Bloomfbury gang, that the evidence againft the 
 Duke of Bedford is as ftrong as any prefumptivc 
 evidence can be. It depends upon a combination 
 of facts and reafoning, which require no confir- 
 mation from the anecdote of the Duke of Marl- 
 borough. 
 
 * Within a fortnight afier Lord Tavift.>ck's death, the vener- 
 able Gertrude had a route at t!ei!foird-l,oufe. The good Duke 
 (who had only fixty ilumfand pounds a-year) ordered at) inventory 
 to be taken of his foil's wearing apparel, down to his flippers, fold 
 them all, and put the money in his pocket. The amiable M..r- 
 chionels, fliocked at furh brutal, unfeeling avarice, gave the value 
 of the cloaihs to the Marquis's fcrvant, out of her own purfe. 
 That incomparable woma'i did not long furvive her hufband. When 
 (he died, ihc Duchcfs of Bedford treated her as the Duke had treat* 
 ed his only Ton. She ordered every gown and trir.kct to be fold, 
 and pocketed the money. Hiefe are the moiifters whom Sir 
 
 William Draper comes forward to defend May God profrft me 
 
 from ding any thing that may require fuch defence, or to deferve 
 fcch
 
 O F J U N I U S. 155 
 
 borough. This anecdote was referred to merely 
 to (how how ready a great man may be to receive 
 a great bribe ; and if Mode/Ins could read the ori- 
 ginal, he would fee that the expreflion, only not 
 accepted, was probably the, only one in our lan- 
 guage that exactly fitted the cafe : The bribe, of- 
 fered to the Duke of Marlborough, was not re- 
 fufed. 
 
 I cannot conclude without taking notice of this 
 Jioneft gentleman's learning, and wifhing he had 
 .given us a little more of it. Whert he accidentally 
 found himfelf fo near fpeaking truth, it was rather 
 unfair of him to leave out the non potinjfe refelli. 
 As it (lands, the pudct hacopprobria may be divided 
 equally between Mr Rigby and the Duke of Bed- 
 ford. Mr Rigby, I take for granted, will aflert 
 his natural right to the madefty of the quotation, 
 .and leave all the opprobrium to his Grace. 
 
 FHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XXX. 
 
 TO THE PRJNTEROFTHE P U BLIC A DVERTI6ER > 
 S I R, OCT. 17. 1769. 
 
 T T is not wonderful that the great caule, in which 
 * this country is. engaged, fliould have roufed 
 and engrofled the whole attention of the people. 
 I rather admire the generous fpirit with which 
 they feel atad afTert their intere.il in this important 
 queillon, than blame them for their indifference 
 about any other. When the conflitution is open- 
 ly invaded, when the firfl original right of the 
 people, from which all laws derive their autho- 
 rity, is uireclly attacked, inferior grievances na- 
 turally lofe their force, and are fuffered to pafs by 
 without punifhment or obfervation. The prefent 
 miniftry are as fingularly marked by thtir fortune 
 as by their crime?. Inltead of atoning for their 
 
 former
 
 156 LETTERS 
 
 former conduct by any wife or popular meafure 
 they have found, in the enormity of one fact, a 
 cover and defence for a feries of meafures, which 
 mufl have been fatal to any other adminiftration. 
 I fear we are too remifs in obferving the whole of 
 their proceedings. Struck with the principal fi- 
 gure, we do not fufficiently mark in what man- 
 ner the canvafs is filled up. Yet furely it is not 
 a lefs crime, nor lefs fatal in its confequences, to 
 encourage a flagrant breach of the law by a mili- 
 tary force, than to make ufe of the forms of par- 
 liament to deftroy the conftitution. The miniftry 
 feem determined to give us a choice of difficulties, 
 and, if poffible, to perplex us with the multitude 
 of their offences. The expedient is worthy of the 
 Duke of Grafton. But though he has preferved 
 a gradation and variety in his meafures, we fhould 
 remember that the principle is uniform. Dictated 
 by the fame fpirit, they deferve the fame atten- 
 tion. The following tact, though of the mofl 
 alarming nature, has not yet been clearly ftated 
 to the public ; nor have the confequences of it 
 been fufficiently underftood. Had I taken it up 
 at an earlier period, I fhould have been accufed of 
 an uncandid, malignant precipitation, as if I 
 watched for an unfair advantage againft the mi- 
 niftry, and would not allow them a reafonable 
 time to do their duty. They now (land without 
 excufe. Inftead of employing the leifure they 
 have had in a Uriel: examination of fhe offence, 
 and punifhing the offenders, they feem to have 
 confidered that indulgence as a ftcurity to them ; 
 that, with a little time and management, the whole 
 affair might be buried in filence, and utterly for- 
 gotten. 
 
 A major-general* of the army is arrefted by 
 
 the fherirFs officers for a confidcrable debt. He 
 
 perfuades them to conduct him to the Tilt-yard in 
 
 4 St 
 
 * Major General Ganfcl.
 
 OF J U N I U S. 157 
 
 t James's Park, under fome pretence of bufinefs* 
 which it imported him to fettle before he was 
 confined. He applies to a ferjeant, not imme- 
 diately on duty, to affift with fome of his compa- 
 nions in favouring his efcape. He attempts it. 
 A buftle enfues. The bailiffs claim their prifoner. 
 An officer of the guards *, not then on duty, 
 takes part in the affair, applies to the lieutenant f 
 commanding the Tilt-yard guard, and urges him, 
 to turn out his guard to relieve a general officer. 
 The lieutenant declines interfering in perfon; but 
 (lands at a diftance, and fuffers the bufmefs to be 
 done. The officer takes upon himfelf to order 
 out the guard. In a moment they are in arms, 
 quit their guard, march, refcue the general, and 
 drive away the fheriff's officers ; who in vain re- 
 prefent their right to the prifoner, and the nature 
 of the arreft. The foldiers firft conduct the ge- 
 neral into the guard-room; then efcort him to a 
 place of fafety, with bayonets fixed, and. in all the 
 forms of military triumph. I will not enlarge 
 upon the various circumdances which attended 
 this atrocious proceeding. The perfonal injury 
 received by the officers of the law in the execu- 
 tion of their duty, may perhaps be atoned for by 
 fome private compenfation. I confider nothing 
 but the wound which has been given to the law 
 itfelf, to which no remedy has been applied, no 
 fatisfa&ion made. Neither is it my defign to dwell 
 upon the mifcondu6t of the parties concerned, any 
 farther than is necefiary to ihow the behaviour of 
 the minidry in its true light. I would make every 
 compaffionate allowance for the infatuation of the 
 prifoner, the falfe and criminal difcretion of one 
 officer, and the madnefs of another. I would 
 leave the ignorant foldiers entirely out of the que- 
 ftion. They are certainly the leaft guilty, though 
 they are the only perfons who have yet fuffered, 
 O even 
 
 * Lieutenant Dodd. t Lieutenant Garth.
 
 i 5 3 LETTERS 
 
 even in the appearance of punishment*. The fac"l 
 itfelf, however atrocious, is not the principal 
 point to be confidered. It might have happened 
 under a more regular government, and with guards 
 better difciplined than ours. The main queftion 
 is, In what manner have the miniftry a&ed on 
 this extraordinary occasion ? A general officer 
 calls upon the king's o-wn guard, then actually 
 on duty, to refcue him from the laws of his coun- 
 try ; yet at this moment he is in a fituation no 
 worfe, than if he had not committed an offence, 
 equally enormous in a civil and military view.- 
 A lieutenant upon dtty defignedly quits his guard, 
 and fuffers it to be draw i out by another officer, 
 for a purpofe which he well knew (as we may 
 collect from an appearance of caution, which only 
 makes his behaviour the more criminal) to be in 
 the.higheft degree illegal. Has this gentleman 
 been called to a court-martial to anfwer for his 
 conduct? No. Has it been cenfured ? No. Has 
 it been in anyfhape inquired into? No. Another 
 lieutenant, not upon duty, nor even in his regiv 
 mentals, is daring enough to order out the king's 
 guard, over which he had properly no command, 
 and engages them in a violation of the laws of his 
 country, perhaps .the mod fingular and extrava- 
 gant that ever was attempted. What punifhment 
 has he fuffercd ? Literally none. Suppofing he 
 fliould be profecuted at common law for the ref- 
 cue, will that circumftance, from which the mi- 
 niftry can derive no merit, excufe or juftify their 
 fuffering fo .flagrant a breach of military difcipline 
 to pafs by unpunifhed and unnoticed ? Are they 
 aware of the outrage offered : to their fovereign, 
 when his own proper guard is ordered out to (top 
 by main force the execution of his laws? What 
 are we to conclude from fo fcandalous a neglect 
 .of their duty, but that they have other views 
 
 which 
 > A few of them were confined.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 159 
 
 which can only be anfwered by fccuring the at- 
 tachment of the guards ? The minifter would 
 hardly be fo cautious of offending them, if he did 
 not mean, in due time, to call for their affiftance. 
 
 With refpedt to the parties themfelves,. let it 
 be obferved, that thefe gentlemen are neither 
 young officers, nor very young men. Had they 
 belonged to the unfledged race of enfigns, who 
 infeft our ftreets, and difhonour our public places, 
 it might perhaps be fufficient to fend them back 
 to that difcipline, from which their parents, judg- 
 ing lightly from the maturity of their vices, had 
 jemoved them too foom In this cafe, I am forry 
 to fee, not fo much the folly of youth, as the fpi- 
 rit of the corps, and the connivance of govern- 
 ment. I do not queftion that there are many 
 brave and worthy officers in the regiments o 
 guards. But confidering them as a corps, I fear 
 it will be found that they are neither good foldiers 
 nor good fubje&s. Far be it from me to infinuate 
 the mod diftant reflection upon the army. On 
 the contrary, I honour and efteerri the profeffion , 
 and if thefe gentlemen were better foldiers, I am 
 fure they would be better fubje&s. It is not that 
 there is any internal vice or defect in the profef- 
 fion itfelf as regulated in this country, but that 
 k is the fpirit of this particular corps to defpife 
 their profeffion ; and that, while they vainly af- 
 fume the lead of the army, they make it matter 
 of impertinent comparifon, and triumph over the 
 braveft troops in the world (I mean our marching 
 regiments), that they indeed ftand upon higher 
 ground, and are privileged to neglect the labo- 
 jious forms of military difcipline and duty. With- 
 out dwelling longer upon a moil invidious fubjedr, 
 I fhall leave it to military men, who have feen a 
 fervice more adive than the parade, to determine 
 whether or no I fpeak truth. 
 
 How far this dangerous fpirit has been ericou- 
 O 3 raged-
 
 160 LETTERS 
 
 raged by government, and to what pernicious pur- 
 pofes it may be applied hereafter, well deferves 
 our moft ferious confideration. I know, indeed, 
 that when this affair happened, an affectation of 
 alarm ran through the miniftry. Something mud 
 be done to fave appearances. The cafe was too 
 flagrant to be paffed by abfolutely without notice. 
 But how have they acted ? Inftead of ordering 
 the officers concerned, (and who, ftrictly fpeak- 
 ing, are alone guilty), to be put under arreft, and 
 brought to trial, they would have it understood, 
 that they did their duty completely, in confining 
 a ferjeant and four private foldiers, until they 
 ihould be demanded by the civil power , fo that 
 while the officers, who ordered or permitted the 
 poor men who obeyed thofe orders, who in a mi- 
 Jitary view are no way refponfible for what they 
 did, and who for that reafon have been difcharged 
 by the civil mngiftrates, are the only objects whom 
 the miniftry have thought proper to expofe to pu- 
 nifhment. They did not venture to bring even 
 thefe men to a court-martial, becaufe they knew 
 their evidence would be fatal to fome perfons, 
 whom they were determined to protect. Other- 
 wife, I doubt not, the lives of thefe unhappy, 
 friendlefs foldiers, would long fince have been fa- 
 crificed without fcruple to the fecurity of their 
 guilty officers. 
 
 I have been accufed of endeavouring to inflame 
 the paflions 'of the people. Let me now appeal 
 to their underftanding. If there be any tool of 
 adminiftration daring enough to deny thefe factsj 
 or fhamelefs enough to defend the conduct of the 
 miniftry, let him come forward. I care not un- 
 der what title he appears. He fhall find me ready 
 to maintain the truth of my narrative, and the 
 juftice of my obfervations upon it, at the hazard 
 of my utmoit credit with the public. 
 
 Under
 
 O F J U N I U S. ito 
 
 Under the mod arbitrary governments, the 
 common adminiftration of juftice is fufTered to 
 take its courfe. The fubjer, though robbed of 
 his fnare in the legiflature, is dill protected by the 
 laws. The political freedom of the Englifli con- 
 ftitution was once the pride and honour of an 
 Englifnman. The civil equality of the laws pre- 
 ferved the property, and defended the fafety, of 
 the fubjeft. Are thefe glorious privileges the 
 birthright of the people ; or are we only tenants 
 at the will of the ministry ? But that I know 
 there is a fpirit of refinance in the hearts of my 
 countrymen , that they value life, not by its con- 
 veniences, but by the independence and dignity 
 of their condition ; I fhould, at this moment, ap- 
 peal only to their difcretion. I fhould perfuade 
 them to banifh from their minds all memory of 
 what we were ; I fhould tell them this is not a 
 time to remember that we were Engliihmen ; and 
 give it as my lad advice, to make fome early- 
 agreement with the minifter, that, fmce it has 
 pleafed him to rob us of thofe political rights 
 which once diftinguifhed the inhabitants of a coun- 
 try where honour was happinefs, he would leave 
 us at lead the humble obedient fecurity of citi- 
 zens, and gracioufly condefcend to protect us In 
 eur fubmiffion. J U N I U S, 
 
 LETTER XXXI. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC AD VERTISER, 
 
 SIR, Nov. 14. 1769, 
 
 r ~T 1 HE variety of remarks which have been made 
 
 * upon the lad letter of Junius, and my own 
 
 opinion of the writer, who, whatever may be his 
 
 faults, is certainly not a weak man, have induced 
 
 me to examine, with fome attention, the fubjeft 
 
 of that letter. I could not perfuade myfelf, that, 
 
 O 3
 
 Ufa LETTERS 
 
 while he had plenty of important materials, he 
 would have taken up a light or trifling occafion to 
 attack the miniftry ; much lefs could I conceive 
 that it was his intention to ruin the officers con- 
 cerned in the refcue of General Ganfel, or to in- 
 jure the General himfelf. Thefe are little ob- 
 jels, and can no way contribute to the great pur- 
 pofes he feems to have in view by addreffing him- 
 ielf to the public. Without confidering the or- 
 namented ftyle he has adopted, I determined to 
 look farther into the matter, before I decided up- 
 on the merits of his letter. The firft ftep I took 
 was to inquire into the truth of the fals ; for if 
 thefe were either falfe or rnifreprefented, the moft 
 artful exertion of his underftanding, in reafoning 
 upon them, would only be a difgrace to him. 
 Now, Sir, I have found every circumftance ftated 
 by Junius to be literally true. General Ganfel per- 
 fuaded the bailiff's to conduct him to the parade, 
 and certainly folicited a corporal and other foldiers 
 to aflift him in making his efcape. Captain Dodd 
 did certainly apply to Captain Garth for the aflift. 
 ance of his guard. Captain Garth declined ap- 
 pearing himfelf j but ftood aloof, while the other 
 took upon him to order out the King's guard, and 
 by main force refcued the General. It is alfo 
 ftrictly true, that the General was efcorted by a 
 file of mufqueteers to a place of fecurity. Thefe 
 are fals, Mr Woodfall, which I promife you na 
 gentleman in the guards will deny. If all or any 
 of them are falfe, why are they not contradicted 
 by fhe parties themfelves? However fecure againft 
 military cenfure, they have yet a character to lofe ; 
 and furely, if they are innocent, it is not beneath 
 them to pay fome attention to the opinion of the 
 public. 
 
 The force of Junius's obfervations upon thefe 
 fals cannot be better marked, than by dating 
 and refuting the objections which have been made 
 
 to
 
 OF J U N I U S. tf$ 
 
 to them. One writer fays, " Admitting the of-- 
 *' ficers have offended, they are punifhable at com- 
 " mon law, and will you have a Britifh fubjedV 
 " punifhed twice for the fame offence ?" I an- 
 fwer, that they have committed two offences, both- 
 very enormous, and violated two laws. The ref- 
 cue is one offence, the flagrant breach of difcipline 
 another; and hitherto it does not appear that they 
 have been punifhed, or even cenfured, for either. 
 Another gentleman lays much ftrefs upon the ca- 
 lamity of the cafe ; and inftead of difproving fafts, 
 appeals at once to the compaffion of the public. 
 This idea, as well as the infinuation that depriving 
 the parties of their ccmmlffions "would be an injury 
 to their creditors) can only refer to General Gan- 
 fel. The other officers are in no diftrefs, there- 
 fore have no claim to compaffion ; nor doe9 
 it appear, that their creditors, if they have any, 
 are more likely to be fatisfied by their continuing 
 in the guards. But this fort of plea will not hold 
 in any fhape. Compaffion to an offender, who 
 has grofsly violated the laws, rs in effect a cruelty 
 to the peaceable fubjec~r. who has obferved them ; 
 and, even admitting the force of any alleviating 
 circumftances, it is neverthelefs true, that, in 
 this inftance, the royal compaffion has interpofed 
 too foon. The legal and proper mercy of a King 
 of England may remit the punifhment, but ought 
 not to (lop the trial. 
 
 Befides thefe particular objections, there haa 
 been a cry raifed againft Jitnius for his malice and 
 injuftice in attacking the miniftry upon an event 
 which they could neither hinder nor forefee. This, 
 I muft affirm, is a falfe reprefentation of his ar- 
 gument. He lays no ftrefs upon the event itfelf 
 as a ground of accufation againft the miniftry, 
 but dwells entirely upon their fubfequent conduct. 
 He does not fay that they are anfwerable for the 
 offence ; but for the fcandalous negleft of their 
 
 duty,
 
 r<5 4 LETTER S 
 
 duty, in differing an offence, fo flagrant, to pafs 
 by without notice or inquiry. Suppoiing them 
 ever fo regardlefs of what they owe to the public, 
 and as indifferent about the opinion as they are 
 about the interefts of their country, what anfwer, 
 as officers of the crown, will they give to Jnnius t 
 when he afks them, Are they r.-warc of the outrage 
 offered to their Sovereign, u<hcn vis own proper guard 
 is ordered out to ftr>p ly main force the execution oj 
 his lauts f And when we fee a miniftry giving 
 fuch a ftrange unaccountable protection to the offi- 
 cers of the guards, is it unfair to fufpecl, that they 
 have feme fecret and unwarrantable motives for 
 their conducl ? If thc-y feel themfelves injured by 
 fuch a fufpicion, why do they not immediately 
 clear themfelves from it, by doing their duty ? For 
 the honour of the guards, I cannot help exprefiing 
 another fufpicion, that, if the commanding officer 
 had not ^received a fecret injunction to the con- 
 trary, he would, in the ordinary courfe of his bufi- 
 nefs, have applied for a court-martial to try the 
 t\vo fubalterns ; the one for quitting his guard - t . 
 the other for taking upon him the command of 
 the guard, and employing it in the manner he did. 
 I do not mean to enter into or defend phe feverity 
 with which Juniu? treats the guards. On the con- 
 trary, I will fuppofe, for a moment, that they de- 
 ferve a very different character. If this be true,, 
 in what light will they confider the conduct of Uvo 
 fubaltems, but as a general reproach and difgrace 
 to the whole corps? And wiii they not wi(h to fee 
 them cenfured in a military way, if it were only 
 for the credit and difcipline of the regiment ? 
 
 Upon the whole, Sir, the miniilry feem to me 
 to have taken a very improper advantage of the 
 good-nature of the public, whofe humanity, they 
 found, confidered nothing in this affair, but the 
 diftrefs of General Ganfel. They would perfuade 
 us, that it was only a common refcue by a few dif- 
 
 Orderlv
 
 OF J U N I U S. 165 
 
 Orderly foldiers, and not the formal deliberate ac"fc 
 of the king's guard headed by an officer; and the 
 public has fallen into the deception. I think, 
 therefore, we are obliged to Junius for the care 
 he has taken to inquire into the facls, and for the 
 juft commentary with which he has given them to 
 the world. For my own part, I am as unwilling 
 as any man to load the unfortunate ; but, really, 
 Sir, the precedent, with refpecl to the guards, is 
 of a moft important nature, and alarming enough 
 (confidering the confequences with which it may 
 be attended) to deferve a parliamentary inquiry : 
 when the guards are daring enough, not only to 
 violate their own difcipline, but publicly and with 
 the moft atrocious violence to flop the execution 
 of the laws, and when fuch extraordinary offences 
 pafs with impunity, believe me, Sir, the precedent 
 ftrikes deep. P H I L O J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XXXII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, Nov. 15. 1769* 
 
 T ADMIT the claim of a gentleman who publishes 
 * in the Gazetteer under the name of Modeftus. 
 He has fome right to expect an anfwer from me ; 
 though, I think, not fo much from the merit or 
 importance of his obje&ions, as from my own vo- 
 luntary engagement. I had a reafon for not taking 
 notice of him fooner, which, as he is a candid per- 
 fon, I believe he will think fuiHcient. In my firft 
 letter, I took for granted, from the time which 
 had elapfed, that there was no intention to cenfure, 
 nor even to try, the perfons concerned in the refcue 
 of General Ganfel ; but Modeftus having fince ei- 
 ther affirmed, or ftrongly iniinuated, that the of- 
 
 fenderfr
 
 1 66 LETTERS. 
 
 fenders might ft ill be brought to a legal trial, any 
 attempt to prejudge the caufe, or to prejudice the 
 minds of a jury or a court-martial, would be 
 highly improper. 
 
 A man, more hoftile to the mini (try than I am, 
 would not fo often remind them of their duty. If 
 the Duke of Grafton will not perform the duty of 
 his ftation, why is he minifter ? I will not de- 
 fcend to a fcurrilous altercation with any man ; but 
 this is a fubjedl too important to be paffed over 
 with filent indifference. If the gentlemen, whofe 
 conduct is in queftion, are not brought to a trial,, 
 the Duke of Grafton fhall hear from me again. 
 
 The motives on which I am fuppofed to have 
 taken up this caufe, are of little importance, com- 
 pared with the fadls themfelves, and the obferva- 
 tions I have made upon them. Without a vaiiv 
 profeffion of integrity, which in thefe times might 
 juftly be fufpecled, I fhall fhow myfelf in etrec~l a 
 friend to the interefts of my countrymen, and leave 
 it to them to determine, whether I am moved by 
 a perfonal malevolence to thiee private f[entlemen, 
 cr merely by a hope of perplexing the miniiby ; or 
 whether I am animated by a juft and honourable 
 purpofe of obtaining a fatisfaclion' to the laws of 
 this country, equal, if poffible, to the violation 
 they have fuffered. JUN1U& 
 
 LETTER XXXIII. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 MY LORD) Nov. 29. 
 
 ""THOUGH my opinion of your Grace's integrity 
 * was but little affected by the coynefs with 
 which you received Mr Vaughan's propofals, I 
 eonfefs I give you fome credit for your difcretion. 
 You had a fair opportunity of difplaying a certain 
 delicacy, of which you had not been fufpedled ; 
 
 and
 
 O F J U N I U S. 167 
 
 and you were in the right to make ufe of it. By 
 laying in a. moderate (lock of reputation, you un- 
 doubtedly meant to provide for the future necefli- 
 ties of your charafter, that, with an honourable 
 Tefiftance upon record, you may fafely indulge your 
 genius, and yield to a favourite inclination with 
 fecurity. But you have difcovered your purpofes 
 .too foon; and, inftead of the modeft refe.rve of 
 virtue, have fhown us the termagant chaftity of 3 
 prude, who gratifies her paflions with diftindion, 
 and profecutes one lover for a rape, while .(he fo- 
 licits the lewd. embraces of anothen 
 
 Your cheek -turns pale.; for a guilty confcience 
 tells you, you are undone. Come forward, thou 
 virtuous minifter, and, tell the world by what in- 
 tereft Mr Hine has been recommended to fo extra- 
 ordinary a. mark of his Majefty's favour; what was 
 the price of the patent he Jias bought, and to what 
 honourable purpofe the purcha-fe- money has been 
 applied. Nothing. lefs than many thoufands could 
 pay Colonel Burgoyne's expences at Prefton. Do 
 you dare to profecute fuch a creature as Vaughan, 
 .while you are bafely fetting up the Royal Patron- 
 age to auction ? Do you dare to complain of an 
 attack upon your ov/n.honour, while you are fell- 
 ing the favours of the Crown, to raife a fund for 
 corrupting the morals of the people ? And, do 
 you think it is pofijble fuch enormities fhould 
 efcape without impeachment ? It is indeed .highly 
 your intereft to maintain the prefent houfe of com- 
 mons. Having fold the nation to you in grofs, 
 they will undoubtedly protect you in the detail ; 
 for while they patronize your crimes, they feel for 
 ithdrown. ^ JUNIUS. 
 
 LET-
 
 168 LETTERS 
 
 LETTER XXXIV. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 MY LORD, DEC. 12. 1769. 
 
 I FIND with fome furprife, that you are not fup- 
 ported as you deferve. Your mod determined 
 advocates have fcruples about them, which you 
 are unacquainted with ; and though there be no- 
 thing too hazardous for your Grace to engage in, 
 there are fome things too infamous for the vileft 
 proftitute of a newfpaper to defend *. In what 
 other manner fhall we account for the profound, 
 fubmifiive filence, which you and your friends have 
 obferved upon a charge, which called immediately 
 for the cleared refutation, and would have judi- 
 fied the fevered meafures of refentment ? I did 
 not attempt to blad your character by an indirect:, 
 ambiguous infinuation; but candidly dated to you 
 a plain fact, which druck directly at the integrity 
 of a privy-counfellor, of a firft commiffioner of the 
 treafury, and of a leading minifter, who is fuppofed 
 to enjoy the firft (hare in his Majedy's confidence f. 
 In every one of thefe capacities, I employed the 
 mod moderate terms to charge you with treachery 
 to your Sovereign, and breach of trud in your of- 
 fice. I accufed you of having fold a patent place 
 in the collection of the cudoms at Exeter, to one 
 Mr Hine, who, unable or unwilling to depofit the 
 whole purchafe-monty himfelf, raifed part of it by 
 contribution, and has now a certain Doctor Brooke 
 quartered upon the falary for one hundred pounds 
 a-year. No fale by the candle was ever conducted 
 with greater formality. 1 affirm, that the price at 
 
 which 
 
 Firm the publication of the preceding to this date, rot one 
 word was faid in defence of (he :nfamous duke of Grafton. Kut 
 vice and impudence foot) recovered ihcmfclvcs, and the fale of the 
 royal favour was openly avowed and delendfd We acknowledge 
 the piety of Sf James's; hut what is become of bis moiality ? 
 
 f And by the fame means prcftrves it to this hour.
 
 O F J U N I U S. i6 9 
 
 which tbe place was knocked down (and which, I 
 have good reafon to think', was not lefs than three 
 thoufand five hundred pounds) was, xvith your 
 connivance and confent, paid to Colonel Burgoyne, 
 to reward him, I prefume, for the decencyof his 
 deportment at Prefton; or to reimburfe him, per- 
 haps, for the fine of one thoufand pounds, which, 
 for that very deportment, the court of King's 
 Bench thought proper to fet upon him: It is not 
 often that the chief juftice and the prime minifter 
 are fo ftrangely at variance in their opinions of men 
 and things. 
 
 I thank God, there isnotin human naturea degree 
 of impudence daring enough to deny the charge I 
 have fixed upon you. Your courteous fecretary *, 
 your confidential architect f, are filent as the grave. 
 Even Mr Rigby's countenance fails him. He vio- 
 lates his fecond nature, and blufhes whenever he 
 fpeaks of you. Perhaps the noble colonel himfelf 
 will relieve you. No man is more tender of his re- 
 putation. He is not only nice, but perfectly fore 
 in every thing that touches his honour. If anjr 
 Rian, for example, were to accufe him of taking 
 h>s (land at a gaming table, and watching, with 
 the fobereft attention, for a fair opportunity of 
 engaging a drunken young nobleman at piquet, he 
 would undoubtedly confider it ns an infamous af- 
 perfion upon his character, and refent it like a 
 man of honour. Acquitting him therefore of 
 drawing a regular and fplendid fubfnlence from 
 any unworthy practices either in 'his own houfe 
 or elfewhere, let me aft your Grace, for what 
 military merits you have been pkafed to reward 
 him with military government? He had a regi- 
 ment of dragoons, which one would imagine was 
 at lealt an equivalent for any fervices he ever per- 
 formed. Befides, he is but a young officer confi- 
 
 * Tomrry Bradfliaw. lls "'' - 
 
 f Mr Jaylor. He and Geor pe Roft Q } , C g , j. . 
 
 VUT y a i.Mtr.t ct Lord Maiufi'eld) maragcd (he bufiiuS.
 
 i;o LETTERS 
 
 dering his preferment, and, except in his activity 
 at Prellon, not very confpicuous in his profeffion. 
 But it feems the fale of a civil employment was 
 not fufficient ; and military governments, which 
 were intended for the fupport of worn-out veterans, 
 muft be thrown into the fcale, to defray the ex- 
 tenfive bribery of a contefted election. Are thefe 
 the fteps you take to fecure to your Sovereign the 
 attachment of his army ? With what countenance 
 dare you appear in the royal prefence, branded 
 as you are with the infamy of a notorious breach 
 of truft ? With what countenance can you take 
 your feat at the treafury-board or in council, when 
 you feel that every circulating whifper is at your 
 expence alone, and (labs you to the heart ? Have 
 you a tingle friend in parliament fo (hamelefs, fo 
 thoroughly abandoned, as to undertake your de- 
 fence ? You know, my Lord, that there is not a man 
 in either houfe, whofe character, however flagi- 
 tious, would not be ruined by mixing his reputation 
 with yours ; and does not your heart inform you, 
 that you are degraded below the condition of a man, 
 when you are obliged to hear thefe infults with 
 fubmiffion, and even to thank me for my mode- 
 ration ? 
 
 We are told, by the higheft judicial authority, 
 that Mr Vaughan's offer to purchafe the reverfion 
 of apatent place injamaica(which hewas otherwife 
 fufficiently inthled to) amounted to a high mifdc- 
 meanour. Be it fo ; and if he deferves it, let him 
 be punifhed. But the learned judge might have 
 had a fairer opportunity of difplaying the powers 
 of his eloquence. Having delivered himfelf with fo 
 much energy upon the criminal nature and dangerous 
 confequences of any attempt to corrupt a man in 
 your Grace's ftation, what would he have faid to 
 the minifter himfelf, to that very privy counfellor, 
 to that firft commimoner of the treafury, who does 
 not wait for, but impatiently folicits the touch of 
 
 corruption ;
 
 O F J U N I U S. 171 
 
 corruption; who employs the meaneft of his crea- 
 tures in thefe honourable fervices, and, forgetting 
 the genius and fidelity of his fecretary, descends 
 to apply to his houfe-builder for affiftance ? 
 
 This affair, my Lord, will do infinite credit to 
 government, if, to clear your chara&er, you fhouid 
 think proper to bring it into the houfe of Lords, or 
 
 into the court of King's Bench. But, my Lord, 
 
 you dare not do either. J UN I US. 
 
 A little before the publication of this and the preceding letter, 
 the chads Duke ojf Grafton had commenced a pcrfecution againfr. 
 Mr Samuel Vaughan, for endeavouring to corrupt his integrity by 
 an offer of five thoufand pounds for a patent place in Jamaica. A 
 rule to (how caufe why an information fhouid not be exhibited 
 again (I Vaughan for certain misdemeanours being granted by the 
 Court of King's Bench, the matter was folcmnly argued on the 27th. 
 of November 1769, anil, by the unanimous opinion of the four 
 judge?, the rule was made abfoluce. The pleadings and Speeches 
 were accuiarely taken in (hort-hand, and published. The whole of 
 Lord Mansfield's fpeech, and particularly the following extracts 
 front it, defcrve the reader's attention. " A praOice of the kind 
 1 complained of here is certainly dishonourable and Scandalous. 
 ' If a man, (landing under the relation of au officer under the Kingj 
 ' or of a pcrfon in whom the King puts confidence, or of a mini- 
 ' fter, takes money for the ufe of that confidence the King puts in 
 
 ' him, he baSely betrays the King, he bafely betrays his truth 
 
 ' If the King fold the office, it would be acting contrary to 
 
 ' the truft the conflitution hath repofed in him. The constitution 
 ' does not intend the crown fhouid Sell thofe offices, toraiSearevenuc 
 
 out of them. Is it pofllble to hefiute, whether this would not 
 
 ' bfl criminal in the Duke of Grafton contrary to his duty as 
 1 a privy counSelJor contrary to his duty as a minifter 
 
 ' contrary to his duty as a fubjcft ? His advice fhouid be free 
 
 ' according to his judgment It is the duty of his office ; 
 
 * he hath Sworn to it." Notwithftanding all this, the chafle 
 
 Duke of Grafton certainly fold a patent place to Mr Hine for three 
 thouSand five hundred pounds; and, for So doing, is now Lord 
 Privy Seal to the chafte George, with whoSe piety we are perpetually 
 deafened. If the houSe of commons had done their duty, and im- 
 peached the black Duke for this mod infamous breach of truft, how 
 wofully mufl poor, honeft Mansfield have been puzzled ! His eoi- 
 barralTmeiu would have afforded the moft ridiculous Scene that evei' 
 was exhibited. To fave the worthy judge from this perplexity, 
 and the no lefs worthy Duke from impeachment, the profecutioa 
 againft Vaugban was immediately dropped upon my difcovery and 
 publication of the Duke's treachery. The Suffering this charge to 
 pafs, without any inquiry, fixes fhamelefs prostitution upon the face 
 of the houfe of commons, more Strongly than even the MiddleSex 
 eleclion. Yet the licentiouSneSs of the prefs is complained of! 
 
 P 2 LET-
 
 J72 LETTERS 
 
 LETTER XXXV. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 DEC. 19. 1769. 
 
 When the complaints of a brave and powerful peo- 
 ple are obfcrved to increafe in proportion to the 
 wrongs they have fuffered ; when, inftead of 
 finking into fubmiffion, they are roufed to re- 
 fiflance ; the time will foon arrive at which every 
 inferior confideration mud yield to the fecurity 
 of the Sovereign, and to the general fafety of 
 the flate. There is a moment of difficulty and 
 danger, at which flattery and falfehood can no 
 longer deceive, and fimplicity itfelf can no longer 
 be milled. Let us fuppofe it arrived. Let us 
 fuppofe a gracious, well-intentioned prince, 
 made fenfible at laft of the great duty he owes 
 to his people, and of his own difgraceful fitua- 
 tion , that he looks round him for aflTiftance, 
 and afks for no advice but how to gratify the 
 wifhes and fecure the happinefs of his fubjedls. 
 In thefe circumftances, it may be matter of cu- 
 rious SPECULATION to confider, if an honeft 
 man were permitted to approach a King,- in 
 what terms he would addrefs himfelf to his So- 
 vereign. Let it be imagined, no matter how 
 improbable, that the ririt prejudice againft his 
 character is removed, that the ceremonious dif- 
 ficulties of an audience are furmounted, that he 
 feels himfelf animated by the pureft and molt 
 honourable affection to his King and country, 
 and that the great perfon whom he addrefles 
 has fpirit enough to bid him fpeak freely, and 
 underftanding enough to liften to him with at- 
 tention. Unacquainted with the vain imperti- 
 nence of forms, he would deliver his fentiments 
 vith dignity and firmuefs, but net without rc- 
 fpeft. 
 
 SIR,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 173 
 
 S I R, 
 
 IT is the misfortune of your life, and originally 
 the caufe of every reproach and diftrefs which 
 has attended your government, that you fhould 
 never have been acquainted with the language of 
 truth, until you heard it in the complaints of your 
 people. It is not, however, too late to corredl 
 the error of your education. We are ftill inclined 
 to make an indulgent allowance for the pernicious 
 leflbns you received in your youth, and to form 
 the molt fanguine hopes from the natural benevo- 
 lence of your difpofition *. We are far from think- 
 ing you capable of a direct, deliberate purpofe to 
 invade thofe original rights of your fubje6ts, on 
 which all their civil and political liberties depend. 
 Had it been poilible for us to entertain a fufpicion 
 fo difhonourable to your character, -we fhould long 
 fmce have adopted ?. ftyle of remonftrance very 
 diftant from the humility of complaint. The doc- 
 trine inculcated by our laws, That the King can da 
 no wrong, is admitted without reluctance. We 
 P 3 feparate 
 
 * The plan of tutelage and future dominion over the heir-appa- 
 rent, laid many years ago at Carlton-houie between the Princefc 
 Do-.vager and her favourite the Earl of Bute, was as grofs and pal- 
 ; .ale, as that which was concerted between Anne ot Auftria and 
 (Jardiml Mazarin to govern Lewis the Fourteenth, and in effect 
 to prolong his minority nir.il the end of their lives. That princs 
 had flroiig natural parts, and ufed frequently to blufli for his own 
 ignorance and want of education, which had been wilfully neglected, 
 Ly his mother and her minion. A little experience however foon 
 ihowed him how fhamefully lie had been treated, and for svhat in- 
 f-'mous pui'pofes he had been kept in ignorance. Our great Edward 
 too, at an early period, had fer.fe enough to underfland the nature 
 < f i he connexion between his abandoned mother and the deteftej 
 Mortimer. Cut, fi'nce that time, human nature, we may obferve, 
 .'., greatly altered for the better. Dowagers may be chal'te, and mi- 
 nions may be honed. When it was propofed to fettle the prefect 
 King's houfehold as Prince of Wales, it is wc.ll known that the 
 Earl of Bute was forced into it, in direft contradiction to the late 
 King's inclination. That was the falient point, from which all the 
 mifchiefs and difgraces of the prefent reign took life and motion.- 
 From that moment, Lord Bute never fuffored the Prince of WaUs 
 to be au inflant out of his fight. We need not took farther.
 
 r?4 LETTERS 
 
 feparate the amiable, good-natured prince from 
 the folly and treachery of his fervants, and the 
 private virtues of the man from the vices of his 
 government. Were it not for this juft diftinftion, 
 I know not whether your Majefty's condition, or 
 that of the Englifh nation, would deferve moft to 
 be lamented. I would prepare your mind for a 
 favourable reception of truth, by removing every 
 painful, offenfive idea of perfonal reproach. Your 
 fubje&s, Sir, wifh for nothing but that, as they 
 are reafonable and affectionate enough to feparate 
 your perfon from your government, fo you, in your 
 turn,fhould diftinguifli between the conduct: which 
 becomes the permanent dignity of a King, and 
 that which ferves only to promote the temporary 
 intereft and miferable ambition of a minifter. 
 
 You afcended the throne with a declared, and, I 
 doubt not, a fincere refolution of giving univerfal 
 fatisfattion to your fubjecls. You fpund them 
 pleafed with the novelty of a young prince, whofe 
 countenance promifed even more than his words ; 
 and loyal to you, not only from principle, but paf- 
 fion. It was not a cold profeffion of allegiance to 
 the firft magiftrate; but a partial, animated attach- 
 ment to a favourite prince, the native of their 
 country. They did not wait to examine your con- 
 duel, nor to be determined by experience ; but 
 gave you a generous credit for the future bleflings 
 of your reign, and paid you in advance the deareft 
 tribute of their affections. Such, Sir, was once 
 the -difpofition of a people, who now furround 
 your throne with reproaches and complaints. Do 
 juftice to yourfelf. Banifh from your mind thofe 
 unworthy opinions, with which fome interefted 
 perfons have laboured to pofTefs you. Diflruft the 
 men who tell you that the Englifh are naturally 
 light and inconftant that they complain without 
 a caufe. Withdraw your confidence equally from 
 all parties j from rninifters, favourites, and rela- 
 tions
 
 OF J U N I U S. 175 
 
 Hons; and let there be one moment in your life, in 
 which you have confulted your own underftanding. 
 
 When you affectedly renounced the name of 
 Englilhman, believe me, Sir, you were perfuaded 
 to pay a very ill-judged compliment to one part 
 of your fubjects, at the expence of another. While 
 the natives of Scotland are not in aclual rebellion, 
 they are undoubtedly intitled to protection ; nor 
 do I mean to condemn the policy of giving fome 
 encouragement to the novelty of their affeclions 
 for the houfe of Hanover. I am ready to hope for 
 every thing from their new-born zeal, and from 
 the future fteadinefs of their allegiance. But 
 hitherto they have no claim to your favour. To 
 honour them with a determined predilection and 
 confidence, in exclufion of your Englifh fubjec~ls, 
 who placed your family, and in fpite of treachery 
 and rebellion have fupported it upon the throne, 
 is a miftake too grofs even for the unfufpe&ing 
 generofity of youth. In this error we fee a capital 
 violation of the mod obvious rules of policy and 
 prudence. We trace it, however, to an original 
 bias in your education, and are ready to allow for 
 your inexperience. 
 
 To the fame early influence we attribute it, that 
 you have defcended to take a (hare not only in the 
 narrow views and interefts of particular perfons, 
 but in the fatal malignity of their paflions. At 
 your acceffion to the throne, the whole fyftem of 
 government was altered, not from wifdom or de- 
 liberation, but becaufe it had been adopted by your 
 predeceflbr. A little perfonal motive of pique and 
 refentment was fufficient to remove the ableft fer- 
 vants of the crown * j but it is not in this country, 
 Sir, that fuch men can be dimonoured by the 
 frowns of a King. They were difmifled, but could 
 
 not 
 
 * One of the fii ft adls of the prefent reign was to difmifs Mr 
 Legge, becaufe he had fome years before refufed to yield his in- 
 terelt in Hampfhire to a Scotchman recommended by Lord Bute. 
 This was the reafon publicly alCgned by his Lordihip.
 
 jytf LET T E R 3' 
 
 riot be difgraced. Without entering into a mi- 
 nuter difcuflion of the merits of the peace, we 
 may obferve, hi the imprudent hurry with which 
 the firft overtures from France Were accepted, hi 
 the conduct of the negotiation and terms of the 
 treaty, the ftrongeft marks of that precipitate fpirit 
 of conceflion with which a certain part of your 
 fubjedts have been at all times ready to purchafe a 
 
 S:ace with the natural enemies cf this country, 
 n your part we are fatisfied that every thing was 
 honourable and Gneere ; and if England was fold 
 to France, we <loubt not that your Majefty was 
 equally betrayed. The conditions of the peace were 
 matter of grief and furprife to your fubjects, but not 
 the immediate caufe of their prefent difcontent. 
 
 Hitherto, Sir, you had been facrificed to the pre- 
 judices and pafiions of others. With what firm-- 
 nefs will you bear the mention of yoiit own ? 
 
 A man j- net very honourablydiftinguifhed in 
 the world, commences a formal attack upon your 
 favourite, confiderirrg nothing but how he might 
 beft expofe his perfon and principles to deteftation, 
 and the national character of his countrymen to 
 contempt. The natives of that country. Sir, are 
 as much diftinguifhed by a peculiar -char-after, as 
 by your Majefty's favour. Like another chofea 
 people, they have been conducted into the land of 
 plenty, where they find themfelves effectually 
 "marked, and divided from mankind. There is 
 hardly a period at which the mod irregular cha~ 
 rafter may not be redeemed. The miftakes of one 
 fex find a retreat in patriotifm, thofe of the other 
 in devotion. Mr Wilkes brought \\nth him into 
 politics the fame liberal fentiments by which his 
 private conduft had been directed; and feemed to 
 think, that, as there are few excefles in which an 
 Englifli gentleman may not be permitted to in- 
 dulge, the fame latitude was allowed him in the 
 choice of his political principles, and in the fpirit 
 
 of
 
 OF J U N I U S. 177 
 
 of maintaining them. I mean to (late, not entire- 
 ly to defend, his conduct. In the earneftnefs of 
 his zeal, he fuffered fome unwarrantable infinua- 
 tions to efcape him. He faid more than moderate 
 men would juStify ; but not enough to intitle him 
 to the honour of your Majefty's perfonal refent- 
 ment. The rays of Royal indignation, collected 
 upon him, ferved only to illuminate, and could 
 not confume. Animated by the favour of the 
 people on the one fide, and heated by perfecution 
 on the other, his views and fentiments changed 
 with his fituation.- Hardly ferious at firSt, he is 
 now an enthufiaSt. The coldeft bodies warm with 
 oppofition, the hardeft fparkle in collifion. There 
 is a holy mistaken zeal in politics as well as reli- 
 gion. By perfuading others, we convince our- 
 feives. The paSIions are engaged, and create a 
 maternal affection in the mind, which forces us 
 to love the caufe for which we fuffer Is this a 
 contention worthy of a King ? Are you not fenfi- 
 ble how much the meannefs of the caufe gives an 
 air of ridicule to the ferious difficulties into which 
 you have been betrayed ? The destruction of one 
 man has been now for many years the fole object; 
 of your government; and if there can be any thing 
 ftill more difgraceful, we have feen, for fuch an 
 object, the utmoSt influence of the executive 
 power, and every ministerial artifice, exerted with- 
 out fuccefs. Nor can you ever fucceed, unlefs he 
 fliould be imprudent enough to forfeit the protec- 
 tion of thofe laws to which you owe your crown., 
 or unlefs your minifters fhould perfuade you to 
 make it a queftion of force alone, and try the 
 whole Strength of government in oppofition to the 
 people. The leflbns he has received from experi- 
 ence, will probably guard him from fuch excefs of 
 folly ; and in your Majefty's virtues we find an 
 unquestionable afTurance that no illegal violence 
 will be attempted. 
 
 Far.
 
 178 LETTERS 
 
 Far from fufpe&ing you of fo horrible a defign, 
 we would attribute the continued violation of the 
 laws, and even this lad enormous attack upon the 
 vital principles of the conftitution, to an ill-ad- 
 vifed, unworthy, perfonal refentment. From one 
 falfe ftep you have been betrayed into another; and 
 as the caufe was unworthy of you, your minifters 
 were determined that the prudence of the execu- 
 tion mould correfpond with the wifdom and dig- 
 nity of the defign. They have reduced you to the 
 neceflity of choofing out of a variety of difficulties ; 
 to a Situation fo unhappy, that you can-neither 
 do wrong without ruin, nor right without afflic- 
 tion. Thefe worthy fervants have undoubtedly 
 given you many fingular proofs of their abilities. 
 Not contented with making Mr Wilkes a man of 
 importance, they have judiciouffy transferred the 
 queftion, from the rights and interefts of one man, 
 to the mod important rights and interefts of the 
 people 5 and forced your fubjects, fiom wifhing 
 well to the caufe of an individual, to unite with 
 him in their own. Let them proceed as they have 
 begun, and your Majefty need not doubt that the 
 cataftrophe will do nodiihonour to the conduct of 
 the piece. 
 
 The circumftances to which you are reduced, 
 will not admit of a compromile with the Englifh 
 nation. Undecifive qualifying meafures will dif- 
 grace your government ftill more than open vio- 
 lence, and, without fatisfying the people, will ex- 
 cite their contempt. They have too much under- 
 flanding and fpirit to accept of an indirect fatis- 
 faftion for a <jiret injury. Nothing lefs than a 
 repeal, as formal as the refolution itfelf, can heal 
 the wound which has been given to the conftitu- 
 tion, nor will any thing lefs be accepted. I can 
 readily believe that there is an influence fufficient 
 te recal that pernicious vote. The houfe of com- 
 mons undoubtedly confider their duty to the crown
 
 O F J U N I U S. 179 
 
 as paramount to all other obligations. To us they 
 are only indebted for an accidental existence, and 
 have juftly transferred their gratitude from their 
 parents to their benefactors ; from thofe who 
 gave them birth, to the minifter, from whofe be- 
 nevolence they derive the comforts and pleafures 
 of their political life who has taken the tender- 
 ed care of their infancy, and relieves their necefli- 
 ties without offending their delicacy. But if it 
 were poflible for their integrity to be degraded to 
 a condition fo vile and abject, that, compared with 
 it, the prefent eftimation they ftand in is a (late of 
 honour and refpect, confider, Sir, in what manner 
 you will afterwards proceed. Can you conceive 
 that the people of this country will long fubmit to 
 be governed by fo flexible a houfe of commons? It 
 is not in the nature of human fociety, that any 
 form of government, in fuch circumftances, can 
 long be preferved. In ours, the general contempt 
 of the people is as fatal as their deteftation. Such, I 
 am perfuaded, would be the necefiary effect of any 
 bafe conceflion made by the prefent houfe of com- 
 mons, and, as a qualifying meafure would not be 
 accepted, it remains for you to decide whether you 
 will, at any hazard, fupport a fet of men who have 
 reduced you to this unhappy dilemma, or whether 
 you will gratify the united wiflies of the whole 
 people of England by diflblving the parliament. 
 
 Taking it for granted, as I do very fincerely, that 
 you have perfonally no defign againft the conftitu- 
 tion, or any view inconfiftent with the good of your 
 fubjects, I think you cannot hefitate long upon the 
 choice which it equally concerns your intereft and 
 your honour to adopt. On one fide, you hazard 
 the affections of all your Englifh fubjects, you re- 
 linquifli every hope of repofe to yourfelf, and you 
 endanger the efkablifhment of your family forever. 
 All this you venture for no object whatsoever, or 
 for fuch an objeft as it would be an affront to you 
 4 to
 
 i8o LETTERS 
 
 tp came. Men of fenfe will examine your ondul 
 with fufpicion , while thofe who are incapable of 
 comprehending to what degree they are injured, 
 afflil you with clamours equally infolent and un- 
 meaning. Suppofing it poflible that no fatal ftruggle 
 fiiould enfue,you determine at once to be unhappy, 
 without the hope of a compenfation either from 
 intereft or ambition. If an Englrfli King be hated 
 or defpifed, he mnft be unhappy ; and this perhaps 
 is the only political truth which he ought to tie 
 convinced of without experiment. But if the 
 Englifh people fhould no longer confine their re- 
 fentment to a fubmiflive reprefentation of their 
 wrongs ; if, following the .glorious example of 
 their anceflors, they fhould no longer appeal to 
 the creature of the conftitution, but to that high 
 Being who gave them the rights of humanity, 
 whofe gifts it were facrilege to furrender; let me 
 afk you, Sir, upon what part of your fubje&s 
 would you rely for affiftance ? 
 
 The people of Ireland have been uniformly plun- 
 dered and opprefled. In return, they give you e- 
 very day frefh marks of their refentment. They 
 defpife therniferable governor you havefent them*, 
 becaufe he is the creature of Lord Bute ; nor is it 
 from any natural confufion in their ideas that they 
 are fo ready-to confound, the original of a 'King 
 with the difgraceful reprefentation of him. 
 
 The difhance of the Colonies would make it im- 
 poffible for them to take an aclive concern in your 
 affairs, if they were as well affeclecl to your govern- 
 ment as they once pretended to be to your perfon. 
 They were ready enough to diftinguim between 
 you and your minifters. They complained of an 
 at of the legiflature, but traced the origin of it no 
 higher than to the fervants of the crown : They 
 
 picafed 
 
 * Vifconnt Townfhend, fent over on ihe plan nf being rtfident 
 governor. The hiftory of his ridiculous admuiftratioii ihall nyt 
 Lc loft to the public.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 18 1 
 
 pleafed themfelves with the hope that their Sove- 
 reign, if not favourable to their caufe, at lead was 
 impartial. The decifive perfonal part you took 
 sgainft them, has effectually bammed that firlt 
 diftin&ion from their minds *. They confider you 
 as united with your fervants againft America ; 
 and know how to diftinguifh the Sovereign and a 
 venal parliament on one fide, from the real fenti- 
 ments of the Englifh people on the other. Look- 
 ing forward to independence, they might poffibly 
 receive you for their King ; but, if ever you retire 
 to America, be allured they will give you fuch a 
 covenant to digeft, as the Prefbytery of Scotland 
 would have been afhamed to offer to Charles II. 
 They left their native land in fearch of freedom, 
 and found it in a defart. Divided as -they are into 
 a thoufand forms of policy and religion, there is 
 one point in which they all agree : they equally 
 deleft the pageantry of a King, and the fupercilious 
 hypocrify of a bifhop. 
 
 It is not then from the alienated affections of 
 Ireland or America that you can reasonably look 
 for affdtance; ftill lefs from the people of England, 
 -who are actually contending for their rights, and 
 in this great tmeftion are parties againft you. You 
 are not however deftitute of every appearance of 
 fupport : You have all the Jacobites, Nonjurors, 
 Pvoman Catholics, and Tories of this country, and 
 all Scotland without exception. Confidering from 
 what family you are defcended, the choice of your 
 friends has been fingularly directed ; and tru- 
 ly, Sir, if you had not loit the whig intereft of 
 CL England, 
 
 * In the King's fpeech of 8th November 1768, it was declared, 
 
 *' That the fpirit of faftion had broken out ati\lh in fome of the 
 
 " colonies, and, in one of them, proceeded to acts of violcr.ee and 
 
 41 refinance to the execution of the laws; that JJofton was in a 
 
 " ftate of -difobcdience to all law and government, and had pro- 
 
 " cteded to meafures fubverfive of the confliuition, and attended 
 
 " with circum fiances that manifefted a difpoii;ii/n tu throw o/f 
 
 * tLeir dependence on Great Britain,"
 
 i8z LETTERS 
 
 England, I fhould admire ydur dexterity in turn- 
 ing the hearts of your enemies. Is it poflible for 
 you to place any confidence in men, who, before 
 they are faithful to you, muft: renounce every opi- 
 nion, and betray every principle, both in chuich 
 and ftate, which they inherit from their anceflors, 
 and are confirmed in by their education ? whofe 
 numbers are fo inconfiderable, that they have long 
 fmce been obliged to give up the principles and 
 language which diftinguifli them as a party, and 
 to fight under the banners of their enemies ? Their 
 zeal begins with hypocrify, and muft conclude in 
 treachery. At firft they deceive ; at laft they be- 
 tray. 
 
 As to the Scotch, I muft fuppofe your heart 
 and underflanding fo buffed, from your earliefl in- 
 fancy, in their favour, that nothing lefs than your 
 own misfortunes can undeceive you. You will 
 not accept of the uniform experience of your an- 
 ceftors ; and, when once a man is determined to 
 believe, the very abfurdity of the doftrine con- 
 firms him in his faith. A bigotted underftanciing 
 can draw a proof of attachment to the houfe of 
 Hanover from a notorious zeal for the houfe of 
 Stuart, and find an earneft of future Icyalty in 
 former rebellions. Appearances are, however, in 
 their favour ; fo flrongly indeed, that one would 
 think they had forgotten that you are their lawful 
 King, and had miilaken you for a pretender to the 
 crown. Let it be admitted then that the Scotch 
 are as finctre in their prefent prcfcffions, as if 
 you were in reality not an Englifhman, but a Bri- 
 ton of the North. You would not be the fiift 
 prince, of th-.ir native country, againft whom they 
 have rebelled, nor the fir it whom they have bafely 
 betrayed. Have you forgotten, Sir, or has ycur 
 favourite concealed from you that part cf our hi- 
 ftory, when the unhappy Charles (and he too had 
 private virtues) fled from ths opai, r.vov/ed indig- 
 
 uatipn
 
 O F J U N I U S. 183 
 
 nation of his Englifh fubjecls, and furrendered 
 himfclf at difcretion to the good faith of his own 
 countrymen. Without looking for fupport in 
 their affections as fubjccls, he applied only to their 
 honour as gentlemen for protection. They re- 
 ceived him as they would your Majefty, with bows, 
 and-fmiles, and falfehood, and kept him until they 
 had fettled their bargain with the Englifli parlia- 
 ment ; then bafely fold their native king to the 
 vengeance of his enemies. This, Sir, was not the 
 at of a few traitors; but the deliberate treachery 
 of a Scotch parliament, reprefenting the nation. 
 A wife prince might draw from it two leflbns of 
 equal utility to himfelf. On one fide he might 
 learn to dread the undifguifed refentment of a ge- 
 nerous people, who dare openly afTert their rights, 
 and who in a juft caufe are ready to meet their 
 Sovereign in the field. On the other fide, he would 
 be taught to apprehend fornething far more for- 
 midable ; a fawning treachery, againft which no 
 prudence can guard, no courage can defend. The 
 jnfidious fmile upon the cheek would warn him of 
 the canker in the heart. 
 
 From the ufes to which one part of the army 
 has been too frequently applied, you have fome 
 reafon to expert that there are no fervices they 
 would refufe. Here too we trace the p'artiality of 
 your underftanding. You take the fenfe of the 
 army from the conduct of the guards, with the 
 fame juftice with which you colleft the fenfe of 
 the people from the reprefentations of the miniftry. 
 Your marching regiments, Sir, will not make the 
 guards their example either as foldiers or fubjecls. 
 They feel and refent, as they ought to do, that in- 
 variable, undiftinguifhing favour with which the 
 guards are treated *j while thofe gallant troops, 
 0^2 by 
 
 * The number of commiflloned officers in the guards arc to tlis 
 marching regiments as one to eleven; the number of regiments 
 given to the guards, compared with thofe given to the line, is about 
 
 tbrcs
 
 '84 BETTER 
 
 o or 
 
 epre ' 
 
 On this fide then whichever way you turn your 
 ' U " n thln but e ' ' diftreft 
 
 Yo, u P e T 'an 
 
 a may deterrmne to fupport th=\ery 
 
 who have 7educed ; . our affii . rs (o (h J 
 
 fituat.on : you may fhelter yourfeff under the forma 
 of aparljamem and fet /our people a, defiance 
 
 bensL H ' ' r> -' hat fUCh a refolu " on w ld 
 be as imprudent as it would be odious. If ;, d M 
 
 not immediately ftake your eftabliftment, it W0 u d 
 rob you of your peace of mind for ever 
 
 On the other, how different is the profpeft I 
 
 give them an opportunky of recalling a tfufl which 
 they find has been fcandaloufly abufed. You are 
 not to be told that the power off the houfe of com! 
 
 7' K nginal , ut e e ated to th ^ ^r the 
 of the people, from whom they received 
 
 it.
 
 OF J U N I U S. 185 
 
 it. A queftion of right arifes between the con ft I* 
 tuent and the reprefentative body. By what au- 
 thority fhall it be decided ? Will your Majefty in- 
 terfere in a queftion in which you have properly 
 no immediate concern. It would be a ftep equally 
 odious and unneceflary. Shall the lords be called 
 upon to determine the rights and privileges of the 
 commons ? They cannot do it without a flagrant 
 breach of the conttitution. Or will you refer it to 
 the judges? They have often told your anceftors, 
 that the law of parliament is above them. What 
 part then remains, but to leave it to the people 
 to determine for themfelves ? They alone are in- 
 jured j and fince there is no fuperior power to 
 which the caufe can be referred, they alone ought 
 to determine. 
 
 1 do not mean to perplex you with a tedious ar- 
 gument upon a fubjel already fo difcuiTed, that 
 infpiration could hardly throw a new light upon it. 
 There are, however, two points of view in which 
 it particularly imports your Majefty to confider 
 the late proceedings of the houfe of commons. 
 By depriving a fubjedl of his birthright, they have 
 attributed to their own vote an authority equal to 
 an acl of the whole legiflaturej and, tho' perhaps 
 not with the fame motives, have ftrictly followed the 
 example of the long parliament, which firft declared 
 the regal office ufelefs, and foon after with as little 
 ceremony diflblved the houfe of lords. The fame- 
 pretended power, which robs anEnglifh fubjel of 
 his birth-right, may rob an Englifh King of his 
 crown. In another view, the refolution of the 
 houfe of commons, apparently not fo dangerous 
 to your Maj-efty, is ftill more alarming to your 
 people. Not contented with divefting one man of 
 his right, they have arbitrarily^conveyed that right 
 to another. They have fet afide a return as illegal, 
 without daring to cenfure thofe officers, who were 
 particularly apprifed of Mr Wilkes/s incapacity, 
 
 not
 
 186 L E T T E R S 
 
 not only by the declaration of the houfe, bat ex- 
 prefsly by the writ directed to them, and who ne- 
 verthelefs returned him as duly eledled. They 
 have reje&ed the majority of votes, the only cri- 
 teriori by which our laws judge of the fenfe of the 
 people ; they have transferred the right of election 
 from the colle&ive to the reprefentative body; 
 and by thefe acts, taken feparately or together, 
 they have eflentially altered the constitution of the 
 houfe of commons. Verfed, as your Majefty un- 
 doubtedly is, in the Englifh hiftory, it cannot eafily 
 cfcape you, how much it is your intereft, as well 
 your duty, to prevent one of the three eftates from 
 encroaching upon the province of the other two, 
 or afTuming the authority of them all. When 
 once they have departed from the great conftitu- 
 tiohal line, by which all their proceedings fliould 
 be directed, who will anfwer for their future mo- 
 deration ? Or what afiurance will they give you, 
 that, when they have trampled upon their equals, 
 they will fubmit to a fuperior ? Your Majefty may 
 learn hereafter, how nearly the flave and tyrant 
 are allied. 
 
 Some of your council, more candid than the reft, 
 admit the abandoned profligacy of the prefent houfe 
 of commons, but oppofe their diflblution upon an 
 opinion, I confefs, not very unwarrantable, that 
 their fucceffbrs would be equally at the difpofal cf 
 the treafury. I cannot perfuade myfelf that tha 
 nation will have profited fo little by experience. 
 But if that opinion were well founded, you might 
 then gratify ourwifhes at an eafy rate, and appeafe 
 the prefent clamour againft your government, with- 
 out ottering any material injury to the favourite 
 caufe of corruption. 
 
 You have ftill an honourable part to al. The 
 affections of your fubjedts may Hill be recovered. 
 But before you fubdue their hearts, you muft gain 
 a noble victory over your own. Difcard thofe little, 
 
 perfona!
 
 O F J U N I U S. 187 
 
 perfonal refentments, which have too long directed 
 your public conduct. Pardon this man the re- 
 mainder of his punifhment; and if refentment ftill 
 prevails, make it, what it fhould have been long 
 fmce, an act, not of mercy, but of contempt. He 
 will foon fall back into his natural ttation, a fi- 
 lent fenator, and hardly fupporting the weekly elo- 
 quence of a newfpaper. The gentle breath of 
 peace would leave him on the furface, neglected 
 and unremoved. It is only the tempeft that lifts 
 him from his place. 
 
 Without confuhing your'minifter, call together 
 your whole council. Let it appear to the public, 
 that you can determine and act for yourfelf. Come 
 forward to your people. Lay afide the wretched 
 formalities of a King ; and fpeak to your fubjects 
 with the fpirit of a man, and in the language of a 
 gentleman. Tell them you have been fatally de- 
 ceived. The acknowledgement will be nodifgrace, 
 but rather an honour, to your underftanding. Tell 
 them you are determined to remove every caufe of 
 complaint againft your government; that you will 
 give your confidence to no man, who does not pof- 
 fefs the confidence of your fubjefts ; and leave it 
 to themfelves to determine, by their conduct at a 
 future election, whether or no it be in reality 
 the general fenfe of the nation, that their rights 
 have been arbitrarily invaded by the prefent houfe 
 of commons, and the conftitution betrayed. They 
 will then do juftice to their reprefentatives and to 
 themfelves. 
 
 Thefe fentiments, Sir, and the ftyle they are 
 conveyed in, may be offenfive, perhaps, becaufe 
 they are new to you. Accuftomed to the language 
 of courtiers, you meafure their affections by the 
 vehemence of their expreflions ; and when they 
 only praife you indirectly, you admire their fince- 
 rity. Bui this is not a time to trifle with your for- 
 tune. They deceive you, Sir, who tell you that 
 
 you
 
 t88 LETTERS 
 
 you have many friends whofe affeclions are found- 
 ed upon a principle of perfonal attachment. The 
 rtt foundation of fritndfliip is not the power of 
 conferring benefits, but the equality with which 
 they are received and may be returned. The for 
 tune, which made you a King, forbad you to have 
 a friend. It is a law O f aa ture which cannof be 
 violated with impunity. The miflaken prince, 
 who looks for fneridmip, will find a favouriie, and 
 m^that favourite the ruin of his affairs. 
 
 The people of England are loyal to the houfe of 
 Hanover, not from a vain preference of one family 
 to another, but from a conviction that the efta- 
 bhihment of that family was neceffary to the fup- 
 port of their civil and religious liberties. This 
 Sir, is a principle of allegiance equally folid and 
 rational ; fit for Englishmen to adopt, and well 
 worthy of your Majefty's encouragement. We 
 cannot long be deluded by nominal diftinaions. 
 The name of Stuart, of itfelf is only contemptible j 
 armed with the Sovereign authority, their prin- 
 ciples are formidable. The Prince, who imitates 
 their conduft, mould be warned by their example 
 and, while he plumes himfelf upon the fecurity of 
 his title to th,> crown, ihould remember, that, as it 
 was acquired by one revolution, it may be loft by 
 another. J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XXXVI. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 MY LOK0, FEB. 14. 1770, 
 
 TF I were perfonally your enemy, I might pity and 
 forgive you. You have every claim co compaf- 
 fion, that can arife from mifery and diftrefc. The 
 condition you are reduced to would difarm a pri- 
 vate enemy of his refentment, and leave no confo- 
 lation to the mod vindictive fpirit, but that fuch
 
 OF J U N I U S. iScp 
 
 an object as you are would difgrace the dignity 
 of revenge. But in the relation you have borne to 
 this country, you have no title to indulgence ; and 
 if I had followed the dictates of my own opinion, 
 I never fhould have allowed you the refpite of a 
 momejj/t. In your public chafa&er, you have in- 
 jured every fubjet of the empire ; and though an 
 individual is not authorifed to forgive the injuries 
 done to fociety, he is called upon to aflert his fe- 
 parate (hare in the public refentment. I fubmit- 
 ted however to the judgment of men, more mode- 
 rate, perhaps more candid, than myfelf. For my 
 own part, 1 do not pretend to underiland thofe 
 prudent forms of decorum, thofe gentle rules of 
 difcretion, which fome men endeavour to unite 
 with the conduct of the greateft and mod hazar- 
 dous affairs. Engaged in the defence of an ho- 
 nourable caufe, I would take a decifive part. I 
 ihould fcorn to provide for a future retreat, or to 
 keep terms with a man who prcferves no meafures 
 with the public. Neither the abjedl fubiuiffion of 
 deferring his pod in the hour of danger, nor even 
 the * (acred fhield of cowardice, fliould protect 
 him. I would purfue him through life, and try the 
 lad exertion of my abilities to preferve the perifii- 
 able infamy of his name, and make it immortal. 
 
 What then, my Lord, is this the event of all the 
 facrifices you have made to Lord Bute's patronage, 
 and to your own unfortunate ambition ? Was it 
 for this you abandoned your earlieft friencHhips, 
 the warmed connections of your youth, and all 
 thofe honourable engagements, by which you once 
 folicited, and might have acquired, the edeem of 
 your country ? Have you lecured no recompence 
 for fuch a wade of honour? Unhappy man! what 
 party will receive the common deferter of all par- 
 ties? Without a client to flatter, without a friend 
 
 to 
 
 pLnet-ftruck. 
 
 Sacra ircmuetc timore. Every coward pretends to b
 
 ipo LETTERS 
 
 to confole you, and with only one companion from 
 the honeft houfe of Bloomfbury, you mud now 
 retire into a dreadful folitude. At the mod ac- 
 tive period of lift:, you mud quit the bufy fcene, 
 and conceal yourfelf from the world, if you would 
 hope to fave the wretched remains of a ruined re- 
 putation. The vices operate like age, bring on ; 
 difeafe before its time, and in thr prime of youth j 
 leave the character broken and exhaulled. 
 
 Yet your conduct has been myfterious, as well 
 ss contemptible. Where is now that firmnefs, or 
 obftitucy, fo long beaded of by your friends, and ; 
 acknowledged by your enemies ? We were taught 
 to expet, that you would not leave the ruin of 
 this country to be completed by other hands, but 
 were determined either to gain a decifive viclory 
 over the conftitution, or to perifh bravely at lead: 
 behind the laft dike of the prerogative. You knew 
 the danger, and might have been provided Wf ft. 
 You took fufficient time to prepare for a meeting 
 with your parliament, to confirm the mercenary 
 fidelity of your dependants, and to fugged to your 
 Sovereign a language fuited to his dignity at lead, 
 if not to his benevolence and wifdom. Yet, while 
 the whole kingdom was agitated with anxious ex- 
 pectation upon one great point, you meanly evaded 
 the quedion, and, inftead of the explicit firmnefs 
 and dedfion of a King, gave us nothing but _the 
 mifery of a ruined * grazier, and the whining piety 
 of a Methodilt. We had reafon to expeft, that 
 notice would have been taken of the petitions 
 which the King had received from the Englifh na- 
 tion ; and although I can conceive' fome perfonal 
 motives for not yielding to them, I can find none, 
 in common prudence or decency, for treating them 
 with contempt. Be allured, my Lord, the Englifh 
 people will not tamely fubmit to this unworthy 
 
 treatment: 
 
 " There was fomething worxlerful'y pathetic in the mention of 
 the horned cattle.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 191 
 
 treatment : they had a right to be heard ; and 
 their petitions, if not granted, deferved to be con- 
 fidered. Whatever be the real views and dodrine 
 of a court, the Sovereign fliould be taught to pre- 
 ferve fome forms of" attention to his fubjecls ; and, 
 if he will not redrefs their grievances, not to make 
 them a topic of jeft and mockery among lords and 
 ladies of the bedchamber. Injuries may be atoned 
 for, and forgiven ; but infults admit of no com- 
 penfation. They degrade the -mind in its own 
 efteem, and force it to recover its level by revenge. 
 This neglect of the petitions was however a part 
 of your original plan of government ; nor will any 
 confequences it has produced account for your de- 
 ferring your Sovereign, in the midft of that di- 
 flrefs in which you and your * new friends had 
 involved him. One would think, my Lord, you 
 might have taken this fpirited refolution before 
 you had difiblved the laft of thofe early connec- 
 tions, which once, even in your own opinion, did ho- 
 nour to your youth ; before you had obliged Lord 
 Granby to quit a fervice he was attached to; 
 before you had difcarded one chancellor, and killed 
 another. To what an abject condition have you 
 laboured to reduce the beft of princes, when the 
 unhappy man, who yields at lad to fuch perfotral 
 inftance and felicitation as never can be fairly em- 
 ployed againft a fubject, feels himfelf degraded by 
 Lib compliance, and is unable to furvive the dif- 
 graceful honours, which his gracious Sovereign had 
 compelled him to accept. He was a man of fpi- 
 rit, for he had a quick fenfe of fhame, and death 
 has redeemed his character. I know your Grace 
 too well to appeal to your feelings upon this e- 
 vcnt ; but there is another heart not yet, I hope, 
 quite callous to the touch of humanity, to which 
 it ought to be a dreadful leflbn for ever |. 
 
 Now, 
 
 * The Bedford party. 
 f The aiofl fccrct particulars of this di'.dlable tranfaftion (hall,
 
 iyz LETTERS 
 
 Now, my Lord, let us confider the fituation to 
 which you have conduded, and in which you have 
 thought it advifeable to abandon, your royal matter. 
 Whenever the people have complained, and no- 
 thing better could be faid in defence of the mea- 
 fures of government, it has been the fafhion to 
 anfwer us, though not very fairly, with an appeal 
 to the private virtues of your Sovereign. Has 
 " he not, to relieve the people, furrendered a 
 " confiderable part of his revenue ? Has he not 
 " made the judges independent, by fixing them 
 " in their places for life ?" My Lord, we acknow- 
 ledge the gracious principle which gave birth to 
 thefe conceffions, and have nothing to regret hut 
 that it has never been adhered to. At the end of 
 feven years, we are loaded with a debt of above 
 five hundred thoufand pounds upon the civil lift; 
 and we now fee the Chancellor of Great Britain 
 tyrannically forced out of his office, not for want 
 of abilities, not for want of integrity, or of atten- 
 tion to his duty, but for delivering his honeft opi- 
 nion in parliament, upon the greateft conftitu- 
 tional queftion that has arifen fince the revolu- 
 tion. We care not to whofe private virtues you 
 nppeal : the theory of fuch a government is falfe- 
 hood and mockery ; the practice is opprefTion. 
 You have laboured then (though I confefs to no 
 purpofe) to rob your mafter of the only plaufible 
 anfwer that ever was given in defence of his go- 
 vernment, -of the opinion which the people had 
 
 conceived of his perfonal honour and integrity. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford was more moderate than 
 your Grace. He only forced his mafter to violate 
 a folemn promife made to an individual *. But 
 you, my Lord, have fuccefsfully extended your ad- 
 vice to every political, every moral engagement, 
 1 that 
 
 in due time, he given to the public. The people dull know what 
 *md of nnn they have to deal with. 
 
 * Mr Stuart Mackenzie.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 193 
 
 that could bind either the magi (Ira re or the man. 
 The condition of a King is often miferable, but it 
 required your Grace's abilities to make it con- 
 temptible. You will fay perhaps, that the faithful 
 fervants, in whofe hands you have left him, arc 
 able to retrieve his honour, and to fupport his go- 
 vernment. You have publicly declared, even fince 
 your refignation, that you approved of their rnea- 
 fures, and admired their conduct, particularly that 
 of the Earl of Sandwich. What a pity it is, that, 
 with all this appearance, you fhould think it ne- 
 ceffary to feparate yourfelf from fuch amiable com- 
 panions ! You forget, my .Lord, that while you 
 are lavifh in the praife of men whom you defert, 
 you are publicly oppofing your conduct to your 
 opinions, and depriving yourfelf of the only plau- 
 iible pretence you had for leaving your Sovereign 
 overwhelmed with diftrefs : I call it plaufible; for, 
 in truth, there is no reafon whatfoever, lefs than 
 the frowns of your mafter, that could juflify a 
 man of fpirit for abandoning his poft at a moment 
 fo critical and important. It is in vain to evade 
 the queftion. If you will not fpeak out, the pub- 
 lic have a right to judge from appearances. We 
 are authorifed to conclude, that you either differ- 
 ed from your colleagues, whofe meafures you ftili 
 affet to defend, or that you thought the admini- 
 ftration of the King's affairs no longer tenible. 
 You are at liberty to choofe between the hypocrite 
 and the coward. Your beft friends are in doubt 
 which way they (hall incline. Your country u- 
 nites the characters, and gives you credit for them 
 both. For my own part, I fee nothing inconfift- 
 ent in your conduft. You begin with betraying 
 
 the people, you conclude with betraying the 
 
 King. 
 
 In your treatment of particular perfons, you 
 
 have preferved the uniformity of your chara&er. 
 
 Even Mr Bradfliaw declares, that no man was ever 
 
 ft ft
 
 i 94 LETTERS 
 
 fo ill ufed as himfelf. As to the provifion * you 
 have made for his family, he wasintitled to it by 
 the houfe he lives in. The fucceflbr of one Chan- 
 cellor might well pretend to be the rival of another. 
 It is the breach of private friendfhip which touches 
 Mr Bradfhaw ; and to fay the truth, when a man 
 of his rank and abilities had taken fo active a part 
 in your affairs, he ought not to have been let down 
 at laft with a miferable penfion of fifteen hundred 
 pounds a-year. Colonel Luttrell, Mr Onflow, and 
 Governor Burgoyne, were equally engaged with 
 you, and have rather more reafon to complain than 
 Mr Bradfhaw. Thefe are men, my Lord, whofe 
 friendfhip you mould have adhered to on the fame 
 principle on which you deferted Lord Rocking.- 
 ham, Lord Chatham, Lord Camden, and the Duke 
 of Portland. We can eafily account for your vio- 
 lating your engagements with men of honour, but 
 why fhould you betray your natural connections ? 
 Why feparate yourfelf from Lord Sandwich, Lord 
 Gower, and Mr Rigby, or leave the three worthy 
 gentlemen abovementioned to fhift for themfelves? 
 With all the fafhionable indulgence of the times, 
 this country does not abound in characters like 
 theirs ; and you may find it a very difficult matter 
 to recruit the black catalogue of your friends. 
 
 The recollection of the royal patent you fold to 
 -Mr Hine, obliges rae to fay a word in defence of 
 
 * A penfion of 1500!. per Eiuuim, infured upon the 4 i-half per 
 cents, (he was too cunning to truft to Irifh fccurity), for the lives 
 of himfelf and all his Cons. This gentleman, who a very few years 
 ago was clerk to a contractor for forage, ar.d afterwards exalted tp 
 a petty pod in the war-office, thought it ncccfiary (as foon as he 
 was appointed Secretary to the Treafury) to take that great houfe in 
 Lincoln's- Inn-Fk Ms, in which the Earl of Northington had redded 
 while he was Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain. As to the 
 penfion, Lord North very lolemnly nftircd the houfe of common?, 
 that no penfion was ever fo well deferved as Mr Bndfhaw's. N. B. 
 Lord Camden and Sir JefTery Amhcrft are not near fo well provided 
 for; and Sir Edward Hawke, who faved the Rate, retires with two 
 ihoufand pounds a-year on the Irifh cfrablifhment, from which he 
 in faft receiver Jcfs than Mr Eradfhaw's penfion,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 195 
 
 a man whom you have taken the moft diflionour- 
 able means to injure. I do not refer to the fham 
 profecution which you affe&ed to carry on againft 
 him. On that ground, I doubt not, he is prepared 
 to meet you with tenfold recrimination, and fet 
 you at defiance. The injury you had done him 
 affects his moral character. You knew that the 
 offer to purchafe the reverfion of a place, which 
 has heretofore been fold under a decree of the 
 court of Chancery,, however imprudent in his fitu- 
 ation, would no way tend to cover him with that 
 fort of guilt which you wifhed to fix upon him in 
 the eyes of the world. You laboured then, by 
 every fpecies of falfe fuggeftion, and even by pub- 
 liming counterfeit letters, to have it underftood 
 that he had propofed terms of accommodation to 
 you, and had offered to abandon his principles, 
 his party, and his friends. You confulted your 
 own bread for a character of confummate treach- 
 ery, and gave it to the public for that of Mr 
 Vaughan. I think myfelf obliged to do this juftice 
 to an injured man, becaufe I was deceived by the 
 appearances thrown out by your Grace, and have 
 frequently fpoken of his conduct with indignation. 
 If he really be, what I think him, honeft, though 
 miflaken, he will be happy in recovering his repu- 
 tation, though at the expence of his underftand- 
 ing. Here, I fee, the matter is likely to reft. 
 Your Grace is afraid to carry on the profecution. 
 Mr Hine keeps quiet poffeflion of his purchafe; 
 and Governor Burgoyne, relieved from the appre- 
 henfion of refunding the money, fits down, for" 
 the remainder of his life, INFAMOUS AND CON- 
 TENTED. 
 
 I believe, my Lord, I may now take my leave 
 of you for ever. You are no longer that refolute 
 minifter, who had fpirit to fupport the moft vio- 
 lent meafures; who compenfated for the want of 
 good and great qualities, by a brave determination 
 R 2 (which.
 
 jp6 LETTERS 
 
 (which fome people admired and relied on) to 
 maintain himfelf without them. The reputation 
 of obftinacy and perfeverance might have fupplied 
 the place of all the abfent virtues. You have now 
 added the laft negative to your character, and 
 meanly confeffed that you are deftitute of the com- 
 mon fpirit of a man. Retire then, my Lord, and 
 hide your blufhes from the world ; for, with fuch 
 a load of fhame, even BLACK may change its co- 
 lour. A mind fuch as yours, in the folitary hours 
 of domeftic enjoyment, may ftill find topics of con- 
 folation. You may find it in the memory of vio- 
 lated friendfhip; in the afflictions of an accomplifti- 
 ed prince, whom you have difgraced and deferted; 
 and', in the agitations of a great country, driven, 
 by your counfels, to the brink of deftruclion. 
 
 The palm of minifterial firmnefs is now tranf- 
 ferred to Lord North. He tells us fo himfelf, 
 with the plenitude of the ore rotunda *; and I am 
 ready enough to believe, that, while he can keep 
 his place, he will not eafily be perfuaded to refign 
 it. Your Grace was the firm minifter of yefterday ; 
 Lord North is the firm minifter of to-day. To- 
 morrow, perhaps, his Mnjefty, in his wifdom, 
 may give us a rival for you both. You are too 
 well acquainted with the temper of your late allies, 
 to think it pofTible that Lord North fhould be per- 
 mitted to govern this country. If we may believe 
 common fame, they have fhown him their fuperio- 
 rity already. His Majefty is indeed too gracious 
 to infult his fubje&s, by choofing his firft minifter 
 from among the domeftics of the Duke of Bedford. 
 That would have been too grofs an outrage to the 
 three kingdoms. Their purpofe, however, is e- 
 (jiialiy anfwered by pufhing forward this unhappy 
 injure, and forcing it to bear the odium of mea- 
 
 fures 
 
 * This eloquent perfon hns eor as far as the difcipUne of Demoft. 
 Junes. He confhntly fpeaks^Ub pfbbles in hi* mouth, to itn- 
 in-ovs his articulation.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 197 
 
 fares which they in reality dire&. Without im, 
 mediately appearing to govern, they poflefs the 
 power and diftribute the emoluments of govern* 
 ment as they think proper. They (till adhere to 
 the fpirit of that calculation which made Mr Lut- 
 trell reprefentative of Middlefex. Far from regret- 
 ting your retreat, they aflure us very gravely, that 
 it increases the real ftrength of the miniftiy. Ac* 
 cording to this way of reafqning, they will pro- 
 bably grow ftronger, and more flourifhing, every 
 hour they exift ; for I think there is hardly a day 
 paffes in which fome one or other of his Majefty's 
 fervants does not leave them to improve by the loft 
 of his afliftance. But, alas ! their countenances 
 fpeak a different language. When the members 
 drop off, the main body cannot be infenfible of 
 its approaching diffolution. Even the violence of 
 their proceedings is a fignal of defpair. Like bro- 
 ken tenants, who have had warning to quit the 
 premiffes, they curfe their landlord, deftroy the 
 fixtures, throw every thing into confufion, and care 
 not what mifchief they do the eftate. 
 
 LETTER XXXVIL 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC AD VERTISER. 
 
 SIR, MARCH 19. 1770. 
 
 T BELIEVE there is no man, however indifferent 
 * about the interefts of this country, who will 
 not reac'ily confefs that the fituation to which we 
 are now reduced, whether it has arifen from the 
 violtnce of faction, or from an arbitrary fyftem 
 of government, juitifies the mod melancholy ap- 
 prehenfions, and calls for the exertion of whatever 
 wifdom or vigour is left among us. The King's 
 anfwer to the remonflrance of the city of London 
 and the meafures fince adopted by the miruftry^ 
 amount to a plain declaration, that the principle^ 
 R 3 n
 
 i<>3 LETTERS 
 
 on which Mr Luttrell was feated in the houfe of 
 commons, is to be fupported in all its confequen- 
 ces, and carried to its u-tmoft extent. The fame 
 fpiritj which violated the freedom of election, now 
 invades the declaration and bills of rights, and 
 threatens to punifli the fubjedr. for exercifing a 
 privilege, hitherto undifputed, of petitioning the 
 crown. The grievances of the people are aggrava- 
 ted by infults ; their complaints not merely difre- 
 gnrdecl, but checked by authority ; and every one 
 of thofe afts,againft which they remonftrated, con- 
 firmed by the King's decifive approbation. At fuch 
 3 moment, no honed man will remain filent or in- 
 active. However didinguifhed by rank or proper- 
 ty, in the rights of freedom we are all equal. As 
 -we are Englilhmen, the lead confiderable man a- 
 mong us has an intereft equal to the proudefl noble- 
 man, in the laws and conftitution of this countryy 
 and is equally called upon to make a generous con- 
 tribution in fupport of them ; whether it be the 
 heart to conceive, the underftanding to direct, or 
 the hand to execute. It is a common caufe, in 
 which we are all intereded, in which we mould all 
 be engaged. The man who deferts it at this alarm- 
 ing crifis, is an enemy to his country, and, what I 
 think of infinitely lefs importance, a traitor to his 
 Sovereign. The fubjeV, who is truly loyal to the 
 chief magiftrate, will neither advife nor fubmit to 
 arbitrary meafures. The city of London hath given 
 an example, which, I doubt not, will be followed 
 by the whole kingdom. The noble Ipirit of the 
 metropolis is the life-blood of the date, collected 
 at the heart : from that point it circulates, with 
 health and vigour, through every artery of the con- 
 ftitution. The time is come, when the body of the 
 Englifh people mud aflert their own caafe : con- 
 fcious of their drength, and animated by a fenfe 
 of their duty, they will not furrender their birth- 
 right to minidersj parliaments, or kings. 
 
 The
 
 OF J U N I U S. r$9> 
 
 The city of London have exprefled their fenti-- 
 ments with freedom and firmnefs;. they have fpo- 
 ken truth boldly ; and, in whatever light their re- 
 monftrance may be reprefented by courtiers, I de- 
 fy the moft fubtle lawyer in this country to point 
 out a fingle inftance in which they have exceeded 
 the truth. Even that affertion, \vhich we are told 
 is mod ofleniive to parliament, in the theory of 
 the Englifli conftitution, is ftridUy true. If any 
 part of the reprefentative body be not chofen by 
 the people, that part vitiates and corrupts the 
 whole. If there be a defect hi the reprefentation 
 of the people, that power, which alone is equal 
 to the making of the laws in this country, is not 
 complete, and the acts of parliament under that 
 circumftance are not the acts of a pure and entire 
 legiflature. I fpeak of the theory of our confti- 
 tution ; and whatever difficulties or inconvenien- 
 ces may attend the practice, I am ready to main- 
 tain, that as far as the fact deviates from the prin- 
 ciple, fo far the practice is vitious and corrupt, 
 I have not heard a queftion raifed upon any other 
 part of the remonftrance. That the principle on- 
 which the Middlefex election was determined, is 
 more pernicious in its effects than either the le- 
 vying of (hip-money by Charles I. or the fufpend- 
 ing power aflumed by his fon, will hardly be dif- 
 puted by any man who underftands or wi(hes well* 
 to the Englifh conftitution. It is not an act of o- 
 pen violence done by the King, or any direct or pal- 
 pable breach of the laws attempted by his minifter, 
 that can ever endanger the liberties of this country. 
 Againft fuch a King or minifter the people would 
 immediately take the alarm, and all the parties unite 
 to oppofe him. The laws maybe groiVly violated 
 in particular inftances, without any dir.i: attack 
 upon the whole fyftem. Facts of that kind ftand 
 alone ; they are attributed to neceffity, not defended 
 by principle. We can never be really ill danger, 
 
 until
 
 200 LETTERS 
 
 until the forms of parliament are made ufe of to 
 ckftroy the fubftance of our civil and political liber- 
 ties; until parliament itfelf betrays its truft, by 
 contributing to eftablim new principles of govern- 
 ment, and employing the very weapons committed 
 to it by the colleaive body, to ftab the conftitution. 
 As for the terms of the remonflrance, I prefume 
 it will not be affirmed, by any pcrfon lefs polifhed 
 than a gentleman-ufher, that this is a feafon for 
 compliments. Our gracious King indeed is abun- 
 dantly civil to himfelf. Inftead of an anfwer to a 
 petition, his Majefty very gracioufly pronounces 
 his own panegyric ; and I confefs, that, as far as 
 his perfonal behaviour, or the royal purity of his 
 intentions, is concerned, the truth of thofe decla- 
 rations, which the minifter has drawn up for his 
 matter, cannot decently be difputed. In every o- 
 ther refpect, I affirm, that they are abfolutely un- 
 i'upported either in argument or fact I mult add 
 too, that fuppofmg the fpeech were otherwife un- 
 exceptionable, it is not a direct anfwer to the pe- 
 tition of the city. His Majefty is pleafed to" fay, 
 that he is always ready to receive the requefts of 
 his fubjefts : yet the fheiifis were twice fent back 
 with an excufe, and it was certainly debated in 
 council, whether or no the magiltrates of the city 
 of London fhould be admitted to an audience. 
 Whether the remonftrance be or be not injurious 
 to parliament, is the very queition between the 
 parliament and the people; and fuch a queftion as 
 eannot be decided by the aflertion of a third p?rty 
 however refpeclable. That the petitioning for a 
 iflolution of parliament is ineconcileable with the 
 principles of the conilitution, is a new doctrine 
 H.s Majefty perhaps has not been informed, that 
 the houfe of commons themfelves have, by n for- 
 mal refolution, admitted it to be the right of the 
 fubjc-a. His Majefty proceeds to aflure u.., 
 
 he has made the laws the rule of his conduct.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 201 
 
 Was it in ordering or permitting his minifters to 
 apprehend Mr Wilkes by a general warrant ? 
 Was it in differing his miniflers to revive the ob- 
 folete maxim of nullum tempus to rob the Duke of 
 Portland of his property, and thereby give a deci- 
 five turn to a county election ? Was it in erec- 
 ting a chamber confultation of furgeons, with au- 
 thority to examine into and fuperfede the legal 
 verdict of a jury ? Or did his Majefty confult the 
 laws of this country, when he permitted his fe- 
 cretary of ftate to declare, that, whenever the civil 
 magiftrate is trifled with, a military force muft be 
 fent for, without the delay of a moment, and effec- 
 tually employed ? or was it in the barbarous ex- 
 actnefsjwith which this illegal, inhuman doctrine 
 was carried into execution ? If his Majefty had 
 recollected thefe facts, I think he would never have 
 faid, at lead with any reference to the meafures 
 of his government, that he had made the laws the 
 rule of his conduct. To talk of preferving the af- 
 fections, or relying on the fupport, of his fubjects, 
 while he continues to act upon ibefe principles, is. 
 indeed paying a compliment to their loyalty, which 
 I hope they have tqo much fpirit and underftand- 
 ing to deferve. 
 
 His Majefty, we are told, is not only punctual 
 in the performance of his own duty, but careful 
 not to affume any of thofe powers which the con- 
 ftitution has placed in other hands. Admitting 
 this laft affertion to be ftrictly true, it is no way 
 to the purpofe. . The city of London have not de- 
 fired the King to affume a power placed in other 
 hands. If they had, I fhould hope to fee the per- 
 fon, who dared to prefent fuch a petition, imme- 
 diately impeached. They folicit their Sovereign 
 to exert that conftitutional authority, which the 
 laws have veiled in him, for the benefit of his fub- 
 jects. They call upon him to make ufe of his law- 
 ful prerogative in a cafe, which our laws evident-
 
 202 LETTERS 
 
 ly fuppofed might happen, fince they have provi- 
 ded for it by trading the Sovereign with a difcre- 
 tionary power to diflblve the parliament. This 
 requeft will, I am confident, be fuppo&ed by re- 
 monftrances from all parts of the kingdom. His 
 Majefty will find at laft, that this is the fenfe of 
 his people j and that it is not his intereft to fup- 
 port either miniftry or parliament, at the haz.ird 
 of a breach with the collective body of his fubje&s- 
 That he is the King of a free people, is indeed 
 his greateft glory. That he may long continue the 
 King of a free people, is the fecond wifh that ani- 
 mates my heart. The firft is, THAT THE PEOPLE 
 
 MAY BE FREE*. J U N I U S, 
 
 LETTER XXXVIII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTEROF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 SIR, APRIL 3. 1770. 
 
 TN my laft letter, I offered you my opinion of the 
 * truth and propriety of his Majefty's anfwer to 
 the city of London, considering it merely as the 
 fpeech of a minifter, drawn up in his own defence, 
 and delivered, as ufua!, by the chief magiftrate. 
 I would feparate, as much as pofllble, the King's 
 perfonal character an-d behaviour from the als of 
 the prefent government. I wiih it to be underftood 
 that his Majefty had in effel no more concern in 
 the fubltanceof what he faid,thanSir JamesHodges 
 had in the remonftrance ; and that as Sir James,. 
 in virtue of his ofRce,. was obliged to fpeak the fen- 
 timents of the people, his Majefty might think 
 himfelf bound, by the fame official obligation, to 
 give a graceful utterance to the fentiments of his 
 minifter. The cold formality of a well-repeated- 
 
 leflbn 
 
 * When his Majefty dad done reading his fpecch, the Lord May- 
 r, &c. had the honour of kiffing his Majefty's hand; after which, 
 as thpy were withdrawing, his Majefty inftantly turned round to 
 his courtiers, and burjl out a laugLing. 
 
 d) ivhile Rome -uiat burning, JoHN HoRNE.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 203 
 
 leffon is widely diftant from the animated expref- 
 fion of the heart. 
 
 This diftinction, however, is only true with re- 
 fpect to the meafure itfelf. The confequences of 
 it reach beyond the minifter, and materially affect 
 his Majefty's honour. In their own nature they 
 are formidable enough to alarm a man of prudence, 
 and difgraceful enough to afflict a man of fpirit. 
 A fubject, whofe fincere attachment to his Ma- 
 jefty's perfon and family is founded upon rational 
 principles, will not, in the prefent conjuncture, be 
 fcrupulous of alarming, or even of afflicting, his 
 Sovereign. I know there is another fort of loy- 
 alty, of which his Majefty has had plentiful expe- 
 rience. When the loyalty of Tories, Jacobites, 
 and Scotchmen, has once taken pofleflion of an 
 unhappy Prince, it feldom leaves him without ac- 
 complifhing his deftruction. When the poifon of 
 their doctrines have tainted the natural benevo- 
 lence of his difpofition, when their infidious coun*. 
 fels have corrupted the /lamina of his government, 
 what antidote can reftore him to his political 
 health and honour, but the firm fincerity of his 
 Englifh fubjefts ? 
 
 It has not been ufual in this country, at lead 
 fince the days of Charles I. to fee the Sovereign 
 perfonally at variance or engnged in a direct alter- 
 cation with his fubjects. Acts of grace and in- 
 dulgence are wifely appropriated to him, and 
 fhould conftantly be performed by himfelf. He 
 never fnould appear but in an amiable light to his 
 fubjects. Even in France, as long as any ideas of 
 a limited monarchy were thought worth prefer- 
 ring, it was a maxim, that no man fhould leave 
 the royal prefence difcontented. They have loft 
 or renounced the moderate principles of their go- 
 vernment ; and now when their parliaments ven- 
 ture to remonftrate, the tyrant comes forward and 
 anfwers abfolutely for himfelf. The fpirit of their 
 
 prefent
 
 204 LETTERS 
 
 prefent conftitution requires that the King fhould 
 be feared ; and the principle, I believe, is tole- 
 rably fupported by the fa&. But, in our political 
 fyftem, the theory is at variance with the practice ; 
 for the King fliould be beloved. Meafures of 
 greater feverity may, indeed, in fome circumftan- 
 ces, be necefiary j but the minifter who advifes, 
 fhould take the execution and odium of them en- 
 tirely upon himfelf. He not only betrays his ma- 
 fter, but violates the fpirit of the Englifli confti- 
 tution, when he expofes the chief magiftrate to 
 the perfonal hatred or contempt of his fubje&s. 
 When we fpeak of the firmnefs of government, 
 we mean an uniform fyftem of meafures, delibe- 
 rately adopted, and refolutely maintained by the 
 fervants of the crown j not a peevifh afperity in the 
 language or behaviour of the Sovereign. The go- 
 vernment of a weak irrefolute monarch may be 
 wife, moderate, and firm; that of an obftinatc ca- 
 pricious prince, on the contrary, may be feeble, 
 undetermined, and relaxed. The reputation of 
 public meafures depends upon the minifter, who 
 is refponfible ; not upon the King, whofe private 
 opinions are not fuppofed to have any weight a- 
 gainft the advice of his counfel, and whofe perfo- 
 nal authority fhould therefore never be interpofcd 
 in public affairs.-' This I believe is true conftitu- 
 tional doclrine. But for a moment let us fuppofe 
 it falfe. Let it be taken for granted, that an oc* 
 cafion may arife in which a King of England fhall 
 be compelled to take upon himfelf the ungrateful 
 office of rejecting the petitions and cenfuring the 
 conduft of his fubje&s ; and let the City remon- 
 ftrance be fuppofed to have created fo extraordi- 
 nary an occafion. On this principle, which I pre- 
 fume no friend of adminiftration will difpute, let 
 the wifdom and fpirit of the miniftry be exami- 
 ned. They advife the King to hazard his digni- 
 ty, by a pofitive declaration of his own fenti- 
 4 rnents.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 205 
 
 ments. They fugged to him a language full of 
 feverity and reproach. What follows ? When his 
 Majefty had taken fo decifive a part in fupport of 
 his miniftry and parliament, he had a right to ex- 
 pect: from them a reciprocal demonftration of 
 firmnefs in their own caufe, and of their zeal for 
 his honour. He had reafon to expect (and fuch, 
 I doubt not, were the bluftering promifes of Lord 
 North), that the perfons, whom he had been ad- 
 vifed to charge with having failed in their refpecl; 
 to him, with having injured parliament and vio- 
 lated the principles of the constitution, mould not 
 have been permitted to efcape without fome fe- 
 vere marks of the difpleafure and vengeance of 
 parliament. As the matter (lands, the minifter, 
 after placing his Sovereign in the mod unfavour- 
 able light to his fubjects, and after attempting to 
 fix the ridicule and odium of his own precipitate 
 meafures upon the royal character, leaves him a 
 folitary figure upon the fcene, to recal, if he can, 
 or to compenfate, by future compliances, for one 
 unhappy demonftration of ill-fupported firmnefs 
 and ineffectual refentment. As a man of fpirir, 
 his Majefty cannot but be fenfible, that the lofty 
 terms in which he was perfuaded to reprimand the 
 city, when united with the filly conclufion of the 
 bufinefs, refemble the pomp of a mock-tragedy, 
 where the moft pathetic fentiments, and even the 
 fufferings of the hero, are calculated for derifion. 
 
 Such has been /the beaded firmnefs and con- 
 fiftency of a minifter*, whofe appearance in the 
 houfe of commons was thought eflential to the 
 King's fervice ; whofe prefence was to influence 
 every divifion ; who had a voice to perfuade, an 
 eye to penetrate, a gefture to command. The re- 
 S putation 
 
 * This graceful minifter is oddly confhuftcd. His tongue is a 
 little too big for his mouth, and his eyes a great deal too big for 
 their fockeis. Every part of his perfon fets natural proportion at 
 defiance. At this prefent writing, his head isfuppofsd to be much 
 too heavy for his IhouWers.
 
 ao6 LETTERS 
 
 reputation of thefe great qualities has been fatal 
 to his friends. The little dignity of Mr Ellis has 
 been committed. The mine was funk ; com- 
 buftibles were provided ; and Welbore Ellis, the 
 Guy Faux of the fable, waited only for the fignal 
 of command. All of a fudden the country gentle- 
 men difcover how grofsly they have been deceived : 
 the minifter's heart fails him; the grand plot is 
 defeated in a moment ; and poor Mr Ellis and his 
 motion taken into cuftody. From the event of 
 Friday laft, one would imagine that fome fatality 
 hung over this gentleman. Whether he makes 
 or fupprefles a motion, he is equally fure of his 
 difgrace. But the complexion of the times will 
 fuffer no man to be vice-treafurer of Ireland with 
 impunity *. 
 
 I do not mean to exprefs the fmalleft anxiety 
 for the minifter's reputation. He acts feparately 
 for himfelf, and the mod ihameful inconfiftency 
 may perhaps be no difgrace to him. But when 
 the Sovereign, who reprefents the majefty of the 
 (late, appears in perfon, his dignity fhould be fup- 
 ported. The occafion fhou'd be important ; the 
 plan well confidered ; the execution fteady and 
 confiftent. My zeal for his Majefty's real ho- 
 nour compels me to afiert, that it has been too 
 much the fyftem of the prefent reign, to intro- 
 duce
 
 O F J U N I U S. 207 
 
 ^uce him perfonally, eithei to ab for, or to de- 
 fend his fervants. They perfuade him to do what 
 is properly their bufine.fs, and defert him in the 
 midit of it*. Yet this is an inconvenience to 
 which he muft be for ever expofed, while he ad- 
 heres to a miniftry divided among themfelves, or 
 unequal in credit and ability to the great tafk they 
 have undertaken. Inftead of referving the inter- 
 pofition of the royal perfonage as the laft refource 
 of government, their weaknefs obliges them to 
 apply it to every ordinary occafion, and to ren- 
 der it cheap and common in the opinion of the 
 people. Inftead of fupporting their mafter, they 
 look to him for fupport j and, for the emoluments 
 of remaining one day more in office, care not how- 
 much his facred character is proftituted and dif- 
 honoured. 
 
 If I thought it p-offible for this paper to reach 
 the clofet, I would venture to appeal at once to 
 his Majefty's judgment. I would aflc him, but in 
 the mod refpeclful terms, " As you are a young 
 lf man, Sir, who ought to have a life of happi- 
 " nefs in prpfpecl; as you are a hufband ; as 
 * f you are a father, [your filial duties, I own, have 
 " been religioufly performed]; is it bona fide for 
 " your intereft or your honour, to facrifice your 
 u domeftic tranquillity, and to live in a perpetual 
 " difagreement with your people, merely to pre- 
 " ferve fuch a chain of beings as North, Barring- 
 " ton, Weymouth, Gower, Ellis, Onflow, Rigby^ 
 " Jerry Dyfon, and Sandwich ? Their very names 
 " are a fatire upon all government, and I defy the 
 " graved of your chaplains to read the catalogue 
 " without laughing." 
 
 For my own part, Sir, I have always confiderecl 
 
 addrelTes from parliament, as a fafhionable, un- 
 
 S 2 meaning 
 
 * After a certain perfon had fucceeded in cajollingMr Yorke, he 
 told tlic Duke of Grafton, with a witty fmile, " My Lord, yon' 
 
 ' may kill ilie next Peroy yourfeif." N. B. He had but tiiat 
 
 inflant wiped the tears away which overcame Mr York.
 
 2oS LETTERS 
 
 meaning formality. Ufurpers, idiots, and tyrants, 
 have been fucceflively complimented with almoit 
 the fame profeflions of duty and affe&ion. But 
 let us fuppofe them to mean exactly what they 
 profefs. The confequences deferve to be confi- 
 dered. Either the fovereign is a man of high fpi- 
 rit and dangerous ambition, ready to take advan- 
 tage of the treachery of his parliament, ready to 
 accept of the furrender they make him of the pu- 
 blic liberty; or he is a mild, undefigning prince, 
 who, provided they indulge him with a little flate 
 and pageantry, would of himfelf intend no mif- 
 chief. On the firft fuppofition, it muft foon be de- 
 cided by the fword, whether the constitution mould 
 be loft or preferved. On the fecond, a prince no 
 way qualified for the execution of a great and ha- 
 zardous enterprize, and without any determined 
 objel in view, may neverthelefs be driven into 
 fuch defperate meafures, as may lead directly to 
 his ruin, or difgrace himfelf by a fhameful fluc- 
 tuation between the extremes of violence at one 
 moment, and timidity at another. The minifter, 
 perhaps, may have reafon to be fatisfied with the 
 fuccefs of the prefent hour, and with the profits 
 of his employment. He is the tenant of the day, 
 and has no intereft in the inheritance. The fo- 
 vereign himfelf is bound by other obligations ; and 
 ought to look forward to a fuperior, a permanent 
 intereft. His paternal tcndernefs mould remind 
 liim, how many hoftages he has given to fociety. 
 The ties of nature come powerfully in aid of oaths 
 and proteftations. The father, who confiders his 
 own precarious ftate of health, and the poflible 
 hazard of a long minority, will wifh to fee the 
 family-sftate free and unencumbered*. What is 
 the dignity of the crown, though it were really 
 maintained; what is the honour of parliament, 
 
 fup- 
 
 * Every true friend of the houfe of Brunfwick fees with afflift.on, 
 how rapidly fomc of the principal brandies of the family have 
 dioppcd off,
 
 OF J U N * U S. 209 
 
 fuppofmg it could exift without any foundation of 
 integrity and juftice ; or what is the vain repu- 
 tation of firmnefs, even if the fcheme of the go- 
 vernment were unrform and confiftent, compared 
 with the heart-felt affections of the people, with 
 the happinefs and fecurity of the royal family, or 
 even with the grateful acclamations of the popu- 
 lace ? Whatever ftyle of contempt may be adopt- 
 ed by minifters or parliaments, no man fmcerely 
 defpifes the voice of the Englifh nation. The 
 houfe of commons are only interpreters, whofe 
 duty it is to convey the fenfe of the people faith- 
 fully to the crown. If the interpretation be falfe 
 or imperfect, the conftituent powers are called up- 
 on to deliver their own fentiments. Their fpeech 
 is rude, but intelligible ; their geftures fierce, but 
 full of explanation. Perplexed by fophiftries, their 
 honeft eloquence rifes into action. Their firft ap- 
 peal was to the integrity of their reprefentatives ; 
 the fecond, to the King's juftice ; the lad ar- 
 gument of the people, whenever they have re- 
 courfe to it, will carry more perhaps than perfua- 
 fion to parliament, or fupplication to the throne. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XXXIX. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, MAY 28. 1770. 
 
 "VT7"HILE parliament was fitting, it would nei- 
 * * ther have been fafe, nor perhaps quite regu- 
 lar, to offer any opinion to the public, upon the 
 juftice or wifdom of their proceedings. To pro- 
 nounce fairly upon their conduct, it was neceffary 
 to wait until we could confidtr, in one view, the 
 beginning, progrefs, and conclufion of their deli- 
 berations. The caufe of the public was under- 
 S 3 taken
 
 sro LETTERS 
 
 taken and fupported by men, whofe abilities anti- 
 united authority, to fay nothing of the advantage- 
 ous ground they flood on, might well be though* 
 fufficient to determine a popular queftion in fa- 
 vour of the people. Neither was the houfe of 
 commons fo abfolutely engaged in defence of the 
 rniniftry or even of their own refolutions, but that 
 they might have paid fome decent regard to the 
 known difpofition of their conftituents j and,, 
 without any difhonour to their firmnefs, might 
 have retradled an opinion too hafiily adopted, when 
 they faw the alarm it had created, and how ftrong- 
 ]y it was oppofed by the general fenfe of the na- 
 tion. The miniflry too would have confulted 
 their own immediate intereft, in making fome 
 conceflion fatisfaclory to the moderate part of the 
 people. Without touching the fa ft, they might 
 have confenred to guard againft or give up the 
 dangerous principle on which it was eftablifhed, 
 In this flate of things, I think it was highly im- 
 probable at the beginning of the feffion, that the. 
 complaints of the people upon a matter which, in 
 their apprehenfion at leaft, immediately affefted 
 the life of the conftitution, would be treated with 
 as much contempt by their own reprefentatives, 
 and by the houfe of lords, as they had been by 
 the other branch of the legiflature. Defpairing 
 of their integrity, we had a right to expeft fome- 
 thing from their prudence, and fomething from 
 their fears. The Duke of Grafton certainly did 
 rot forefee to what an extent the corruption of a 
 parliament might be carried. He thought, per- 
 haps, that there was ftill fome pertien of fhame 
 or virtue left in the majority of the houfe of com- 
 mons, or that there was a line in public proftitu- 
 tion beyond which they would fcruple to pro- 
 ceed. Had the young man been a little more prac- 
 iifed in the world, or had he ventured to mca- 
 
 fure
 
 OF J U N I U S. 211 
 
 fare the characters of other men by his own, h,e 
 would not have been fo eafily difcouraged. 
 
 The prorogation of parliament naturally calls 
 upon us to review their proceedings, and to confi- 
 der the condition in which they have left the king- 
 dom. I do not queilion but they have done what 
 is ufually called the King's bufinefs, much to his 
 Majefty's fatisfaction. We have only to lament, 
 that, in confequence of a fyftem introduced or re- 
 vived in the prefent reign, this kind of merit mould 
 be very confident with the neglect of every duty 
 they owe to the nation. The interval between the 
 opening of the laft and clofe of the former feffion 
 was longer than ufual. Whatever were the views 
 of the minifter in deferring the meeting of parlia- 
 ment, fufficient time was certainly given to every 
 member of the houfe of commons, to look back 
 upon the fteps he had taken, and the confequen- 
 ces they had produced. The zeal of party, the 
 violence of perfonal animofities, and the heat 
 of contention, had leifure to fubfide.- From that 
 period, whatever refolution they took was delibe- 
 rate and prepenfe. In the preceding feflion, the 
 dependants of the miniftry had affected to believe 9 . 
 that the final determination of the quedion would 
 have fatisfied the nation, or at lead put a flop to 
 their complaints 5 as if the certainty of an evil 
 could diminifh the fenfe of it, or the nature of in- 
 juftice could be altered by decifion. But they, 
 found the people of England were in a temper very- 
 diftant from fubmiflion-, and, although it was con- 
 tended that the houfe of commons could not them- 
 felves reverfe a refolution, which had the force 
 and effect of a judicial fentence, there were other 
 eonditutional expedients, which would have gi- 
 ven a fecurity againft any fimilar attempts for the 
 future. The general propoiition, in which the 
 whole country had an intered, might have been 
 reduced to a particular fact, in which Mr Wilkes 
 
 and
 
 212 LETTER S, 
 
 and Mr Luttrel would alone have been concerned. 
 The houfe of lords might interpofe ; the King 
 might diflblve the parliament; or, if every other 
 Tefpurce failed, there ftill lay a grand conftitutional 
 writ of error, in behalf of the people, from the de- 
 eifiun of one court to the wifdom of the whole le- 
 giflature. Every one of thefe remedies has been 
 fuccefiively attempted Th..- people performed their 
 part with dignity, fpirit, and perfeverance. For 
 many months his Majefly heard nothing from his 
 people but the language of complaint and refent- 
 meiit; unhappily for this country, it was the daily 
 triumph of his courtiers that he'heard it with an 
 indifference approaching to contempt. 
 
 The houfe of commons having aiTumed a power 
 unknown to the conftituticn, v. ere determined not 
 merely to fupport it in the fingle inftance in que- 
 ftion, but to maintain the dodrine in its utmoft 
 extent, and to eftablifh the fact as a precedent in 
 law, to be applied in whatever manner his Majefty's 
 fervants mould hereafter think fit. Their proceed- 
 ings upon this occafion are a ftrong proof that a 
 decifion, in the firft inftance illegal and unjuft, can 
 only be fupported by a continuation of faii'ehood 
 and injuftice. To fupport their former refolu- 
 tions, they were obliged to violate fome of the 
 beft known and eftablifhed rules of the houfe. In 
 one inftance, they went fo far as to declare, in 
 open defiance of truth and common fenfe, that it 
 was not the rule of the houfe to divide a compli- 
 cated queftion, at the requeft of a member *. But 
 after trampling upon the laws of the- land, it was 
 not wonderful that they fhorld treat the private 
 regulations of their own affernbly with equal dif- 
 regard. The fpeaker, being young in office, began 
 with pretended ignorance, and ended with deci- 
 ding' 
 
 I his extravagant refolution appears ID thcVo'- 
 con'trTr to Ta Tand "L" h' commitl ^ '. the ''Dances of rt,oluti:>ns 
 truth when propofed to them, arc iunuuucrablc. "
 
 O F J U N I U S. 213 
 
 ding for the miniftry. We are not furprifed at the 
 decifion ; but he hefitated and blufhed at his own 
 bafenefs, and every man was aftonifhed*. 
 
 The intereft of the public was vigoroufly fup- 
 ported in the houfe of lords. Their right to de- 
 fend the conftitution againft an encroachment of 
 the other eftates, and the neceflity of exerting it at 
 this period, was urged to them with every argu- 
 ment that could be fuppofed to influence the heart 
 or the underftanding. But it foon appeared, that 
 they had already taken their part, and were deter- 
 mined to fupport the houfe of commons, not only 
 at the expence of truth and decency, but even by 
 a furrender of their own moft important rights. 
 Inftead of performing that duty which the confti- 
 tution expected from them, in return for the dig- 
 nity and independence of their ftation, in return 
 for the hereditary (hare it has givenjthem in the 
 legiflature, the majority of them made common 
 caufe with the other houfe in oppreffing the people, 
 and eftabliftied another doctrine as falfe in itfelf, 
 and if poflible more pernicious to the conftitution, 
 than that on which the Middlefex election was 
 determined. By refolving, " that they had no 
 " right to impeach a judgment of the houfe of 
 ** commons in any cafe whatfoever where that 
 tl houfe has a competent jurifdi&ion," they in ef- 
 fect gave up that conftitutional check and recipro- 
 cal controul of one branch of the legiflature over 
 the other, which is perhaps the greateft and moft 
 
 important 
 
 * When the King firft made it a meafure of his government to 
 dcftroy Mr Wilkcs, and when for this purpofe it was neccflary to 
 run down privilege, Sir Fletcher Norton, with his ufu.il proitituted 
 
 1-ontery, aflnred the houfe of commons, that he (hould regard 
 htr votes no more than a refolution of fo many drunken 
 This is the very Lawyer whom Ben Johnfton defcribes 
 
 one of 
 porters 
 in the 
 
 ollowing lines : 
 
 Gives forked counftl ; takes provoking gold, 
 On eitber hand, and puts it up. 
 So wile, To grave, of fo perplex'd a tongue, 
 And loud withal, that would not wag nor fcarcc 
 L,ic (till without a fee"
 
 214 LETTERS 
 
 important object provided for by the divifion of the 
 whole legiflative power into three eflates : and 
 now, let the judicial decifions of the houfe of com- 
 mons be ever fo extravagant, let their declarations 
 of the law be ever fo flagrantly falfe, arbitrary, and 
 oppreflive to the fubjedl, the houfe of lords have 
 impofed a flavim filence upon themfelves; they 
 cannot interpofe, they cannot protect the fubjeft, 
 they cannot defend the laws of their country. 
 A conceflion fo extraordinary in itfelf, fo contra- 
 dictory to the principles of their own inftitution, 
 cannot but alarm the moft unfufpecling mind. We 
 may well conclude, that the lords would hardly 
 have yielded fo much to the other houfe, without 
 the certainty of a compenfation, which can only 
 be made to them at the expence of the people *. 
 The arbitrary povrer ttrcy hive affumed. of impofing 
 fines, and committing during pleafure, will now 
 be exercifed in its full extent. The houfe of com- 
 mons are too much in their debt to queftion or in- 
 terrupt their proceedings. The Crown too, we may 
 be well affured, will lofe nothing in this new dif- 
 tribution of power. After declaring, that to peti- 
 tion for a diflblution of parliament is irreconcile- 
 able with the principles of the conftitution,his Ma- 
 j.efty has reafon to expecl that fome extraordinary 
 compliment will be returned to the Royal prero* 
 gative. The three branches of the legiflature feem- 
 to treat their feparate rights and intereft as the 
 Roman Triumvirs did their friends. They reci- 
 procally facrifice them to the animofities of each 
 ether, and eftablifh a deteftable union among them- 
 felves, upon the ruin of the laws and liberty of the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 Through the whole proceedings of the houfe of 
 
 commons 
 
 * The man who rcfifls and overcomes this iniquitous power af- 
 fumcd liy the lords, muft be fupported by the whi le people. We 
 have the Ijvvs on our fide, and want nothing but an intrepid leader. 
 AVlu'i) fucli a man (lands (orlli, let the nation look to it. It is nut 
 bis Cdulc, but our uv. 1 *:.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 215 
 
 commons in this fefTion, there is an apparent, a 
 palpable confcioufnefs of guilt, which has prevent- 
 ed their daring to aflert their own dignity, where 
 it has been immediately and grofsly attacked. In 
 the courfe of Dolor Mufgrave's examination, he 
 faid every thing that can be conceived mortifying 
 to individuals, or offenfive to the houfe. They 
 voted his information frivolous ; but they were 
 awed by his firmnefs and integrity, and funk under 
 it*. The terms, in which the fale of a patent to 
 MrHine were communicated to the public, natural- 
 ly called for a parliamentary inquiry. The integrity 
 of the houfe of commpns was dire&ly impeached ; 
 but they had not courage to move in their own 
 vindication, becaufe the inquiry would have been 
 fatal to Colonel Burgoyne and the Duke of Graf- 
 ton. When Sir George Savile branded them with 
 the name of traitors to their conftituents ; when 
 the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and Mr Trecothick, 
 exprefsly avowed and maintained every part of the 
 city remonftrance ; why did they tamely fubmit to 
 be infulted? Why did they not immediately expell 
 thofe refractory members ? Confcious of the mo- 
 tives on which they had ar.ed, they prudently pre- 
 ferred infamy to danger; and were better prepared 
 to meet the contempt, than to roufe the indigna- 
 tion, of the whole people. Had they expelled 
 thofe five mejnbers, the confequences of the new 
 doctrine of incapacitation would have come imme- 
 diately home to every man. The truth of it would 
 then have been fairly tried, without any reference 
 to Mr Wilkes's private character, or the dignity 
 of the houfe, or the obftinacy of one particular 
 county. Thefe topics, I know, have hr.d their 
 
 * The examination of this .firm, lionet man, is printed for At- 
 men. The reader will find it a mofl curious and a mofl intcreiting 
 tra<Tt. Doftor Mtifgravc, with no other fupport but truth and 
 his own firmnefs, rdirted and overcame the whole houfe of com
 
 216 LETTERS 
 
 weight with men, who, affetling a character of 
 moderation, in reality confult nothing but their 
 own immediate eafe ; who are weak enough to 
 acquiefce under a flagrant violation of the laws, 
 when it does not directly touch themfelves ; and 
 care not whatjnjuftice is practifed upon a man, 
 whofe moral character they pioufly think them- 
 felves obliged to condemn. In any other circum- 
 itances, the houfe of commons muft have forfeited 
 all credit and dignity, if, after fuch grofs provo- 
 cation, they had permitted thofe five gentlemen 
 to fit any longer among them. We mould then 
 have feen and felt the operation of a precedent, 
 which is reprefented to be perfectly barren and 
 harmlefs. But there is a fet of men in this coun- 
 try, whofe underftandings meafure the violation 
 of law by the magnitude of the inftance, not by 
 the important confequences which flow directly 
 from the principle ; and the minifter, I prefume, 
 did not think it fafe to quicken their apprehen- 
 fions too foon. Had Mr Hampden reafoned and 
 acted like the moderate men of thefe days, inftead 
 of hazarding his whole fortune in a law-fuit with 
 the crown, he would have quietly paid the twenty 
 fhillings demanded of him ; the Stuart family 
 would probably have continued upon the throne, 
 and at this moment the imposition of (hip-money 
 would have been an acknowledged prerogative of 
 the crown. 
 
 What then has been the bufinefs of the feflion, 
 after voting the fupplies, and confirming the de- 
 termination of the Middkfex election ? The ex- 
 traordinaiy prorogation of the Irifh parliament, 
 and the juft difcontents of that kingdom, have 
 been palled by without notice. Neither the gene- 
 ral fituaticn of our colonies, nor that particular 
 diftrets which forced the inhabitants of Bofton to 
 take up arms in their defence, have been thought 
 worthy of a moment's confideration. In the re- 
 4 peal
 
 O F J U N I U S. 217 
 
 peal of thofe acts which were moft offenfive to 
 America, the parliament have done every thing 
 but remove the offence. They have relinquifhed 
 the revenue, but judicioufly taken care to preferve 
 the contention. It is not pretended that the con- 
 tinuation of the tea-duty is to produce any direct 
 benefit whatfoever to the mother-country. What 
 is it then but an odious unprofitable exertion of a 
 fpeculative right, and fixing a badge of flavery up- 
 on the Americans, without lervice to their ma- 
 fters ? But it has pleafed God to give us a mini- 
 itry and a parliament, who are neither to be per- 
 fuaded by argument, nor inftructed by experi- 
 ence. 
 
 Lord North, I prefume, will not claim an ex- 
 traordinary merit from any thing he has done this 
 year in the improvement or application of the re- 
 venue. A great operation, directed to an impor- 
 tant object, though it (hould fail of fuccefs, marks, 
 the genius and elevates the character of a mini- 
 fler. A poor contracted underftanding deals in 
 little fchemes, which difhonour him if they fail, 
 and do him no credit when they fucceed. Lord 
 North had fortunately the means in his pofleffion 
 of reducing all the {our per cents at once. The 
 failure of his firft entcrprife in finance, is not half 
 fo difgraceful to his reputation as a minifter, as 
 the enterprise itfelf is injurious to the public. In- 
 ftead of ftriking one decifive blow, which would 
 have cleared the market at once, upon terms pro- 
 portioned to the price of the four per cents fix 
 weeks ago, he has tampered with a pitiful portion 
 of a commodity, which ought never to have been 
 touched but in grofs : he has given notice to the 
 holders of that ftock, of a defign formed by go- 
 vernment to prevail upon them to furrender it by 
 degrees, confequently has warned them to hold 
 up and enhance the price : fo that the plan of 
 reducing the four/>*r cents mult either be dropped 
 T entiirely,
 
 218 LETTERS 
 
 entirely, or continued with an increafing difad-- 
 vantage to the public. The minifter's fagacity 
 has ferved to raife the value of the thing he means 
 to purchafe, and to fink that of the three per cents, 
 which it is his purpofe to fell. In effect, he has 
 contrived to make it the intereft of the proprietor 
 of four per cents to fell out, and buy three per 
 cents in the market, rather than fubfcribe his flock 
 upon any terms that can pollibly be offered by 
 overnment. 
 
 The ftate of the nation leads us naturally to con- 
 Cder the fituation of the King. The prorogation 
 of parliament has the tffel of a temporary diffo- 
 lution. The odium of meafures adopted by the 
 collective body fits lightly upon the feparate mem- 
 bers who compofe it. They retire into fummer- 
 tjuarters, and reft from the difgraceful labours of 
 the campaign. But as for the Sovereign, it is not 
 fo "with him. He has a permanent exiftence in this 
 country ; he cannot withdraw himfelf from the 
 complaints, the difcontents, the icproaches, of his 
 i'ubjecls. . They purfue him to his retirement, and 
 invade his domeftic happinefs, when no addrefs 
 can be obtained from an obfequious parliament 
 to encourage or confole him. In other times, the 
 jntereft of the King and people of England was, 
 -.is it ought to be, entirely the fame. A new fy- 
 ilem has not only been adopted in fact, but pro- 
 feffed upon principle. Minifters are no longer 
 the public fervants of the ftate, but the private 
 domeftics of the Sovereign. One particular clafs 
 of men are permitted to call themfelves the King's 
 friends*, as if the body of the people were the 
 King's enemies ; or as if his Majefty looked for a 
 rcfource or confolation in the attachment of a few- 
 favourites, againit the general contempt and de- 
 
 teftation 
 
 * " An ignorant, mercenary, and feivilc crew ; unanimou- in 
 w evil, diligent in mifchicf, variable in principles, conftant to flat- 
 ' tery, t?.lkirs for liberty, but flaves to powtr; ftyling themfelves 
 
 ' the court party, sad the ptiucs's only uisads." DavmiKi,
 
 OF J U N I U S. 219 
 
 teftation of his fubjecls. Edward, and Richard 
 the fecond, made the fame diftindtion between 
 the collective body of the people, and a contemp- 
 tible party who furrounded the throne. The e- 
 vent of their miftaken conduV might have been 
 a warning to their fucceflbrs. Yet the errors of 
 thofe princes were not without excufe. They had 
 as many falfe friends as our prefent gracious So- 
 vereign, and infinitely greater temptations to fe- 
 duce them. They were neither fober, religious, nor 
 demure. Intoxicated with pleafure, they wafted 
 their inheritance in purfuit of it. Their lives were 
 like a rapid torrent, brilliant in profpett, though 
 ufelefs or dangerous in its courfe. In the dull, 
 unanimated exiftence of other princes, we fee no- 
 thing but a fickiy ftagnant water, which taints the 
 atmofphere without fertilizing the foil. The mo- 
 rality of a king is not to be meafured by vulgar 
 rules. His fitu.ition is fingular. There are faults 
 which do him honour, and virtues that difgrace 
 him. A faultlefs infipid equality in bis character, 
 is neither capable of vice nor virtue in the ex- 
 treme ; but it fecures his fubmiflion to thofe per- 
 fons whom he has been accudomed to refpet.,and 
 makes him a dangerous inftrument of their ambi- 
 tion. Secluded from the world, attached from his 
 infancy to one fet of perlons and one fet of ideas, 
 he can neither open his heart to new connections, 
 nor his mind to better information. A character 
 of this fort is the toil fitteiito produce that obfti- 
 nate bigotry in politics and religion, which begins 
 with a meritorious facrifice of the underitanding, 
 and finally conduces the monarch and the martyr 
 to the block* 
 
 At any other period, I doubt not, the fcanda- 
 lous diforders which have been introduced into the 
 government of all the dependencies in the empire, 
 would have routed the attention of the public. 
 The odious abufe and proftituuon of the preroga- 
 T 3. live
 
 220 LETTERS 
 
 live at home, the unconstitutional employment 
 of the military, the arbitrary fines and commit- 
 ments by the houfe of lords, and court of King's- 
 bench , the mercy of a chafte and pious prince, 
 extended cheerfully to a wilful murderer, becaufe 
 that murderer is the brother of a common profti- 
 tute *, would, I think, a* any other rime, have ex- 
 cited univerfal indignation. But the daring at- 
 tack upon the coi;ftitution, in the Middlefex elec- 
 tion, makes us callous and indifferent to inferior 
 grievances. No man regards an eruption upon the 
 furface, when the noble parts are invaded, and he 
 feels a mortification approaching to his heart. The 
 free election of our reprefentatives in parliament 
 comprehends, becaufe it is, the fource and fecu- 
 lity of every right and privilege of the Englifh na- 
 tion. The miniftry have realilcd the compendious 
 ideas of Caligula. They know that the liberty, 
 the laws, and property of an Englishman, have in 
 truth but one neck ; and that to violate the free- 
 dom of election, ftrikes deeply at them all. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XL. 
 
 TO LORD NORTH. 
 
 MY LORD, AUG. 22. 1770. 
 
 MR Luttrel's fervices were the chief fupport 
 and ornament of the Duke of Grafton's ad- 
 miniftration. The honour of rewarding them was 
 referved for your Lordfhip. The Duke, it feems, 
 had contracted an obligation he was jfhamed to 
 acknowledge, and unable to acquit. You, my 
 Lord, had no fcmples. You accepted the fucctf- 
 fion with all its encumbrances; and have paid Mr 
 Luttrel his legacy, at the hazard of ruinin- the 
 cftate. 
 
 When 
 * Mifs Kennedy.
 
 O F J U N I U S. rcr 
 
 When this accomplifhed youth declared himfelf 
 the champion of government, the world was bufy 
 in inquiring what honours 'or emoluments could 
 be a futficient recompence to a young man of his 
 rank and fortune, for fubmitting to mark his en- 
 trance into life with the universal contempt and 
 detellation of his country. His noble father had 
 not been fo precipitate. To vacate his feat in par- 
 liament, to intrude upon a county in which he 
 had no intereft or connection, to poffefs himfelf 
 of another man's right, and to maintain it in de- 
 fiance of public fhame as wdl as juftice, befpokc 
 a degree of zeal, or of depravity, which all the fa- 
 vour of a pious Prince could hardly requite. I pro- 
 teft, my Lord, there is in this y; .ung man's con- 
 duct, a itrain of proflitution, which, for its fingu- 
 larity, I cannot but admire. He has difcovered a 
 new line in the huma i character -, he has degra- 
 ded even the name of Luttrel, aud gratified his fa- 
 ther's mod fanguine expectations. 
 
 The Duke of Grafcon, with every pOmble dif- 
 pofiuon to patronile this kind of merit, was con- 
 tented with pronouncing Colonel Luttrel's pane- 
 gyiic. The gallant fpint, the difmterefted zeal 
 of the young adventurer, were echoed through 
 the houfe ot Jords. His Grace repeatedly pledged 
 himfelf to the houfe, as an evidence of the purity 
 of his friend Mr Luttrel's intentions y that h^ 
 had engaged without any profpeft of perfonal be- 
 nefit, and that the idea of compenfation would 
 mort illy offend him *. The noble Duke could 
 haruiy be in earneit i but he had lately quitted his 
 employment, and began to think it necefrary to 
 take fome care of his reputation. At that very 
 moment the Irifti negociation was probably begun. 
 Come forward, thou worthy reprefentative of 
 Lord Bute, and tell this infulted country, Who 
 T 3 advifed 
 
 * He now fays that hi* great objeft is the raiik of colonel, and 
 tlut be ivilL have it.
 
 22* LETTERS 
 
 advifed the King to appoint Mr Luttrel ADJU- 
 TANT GENERAL to the army in Ireland? By 
 what management was Colonel Cuninghame pre- 
 vailed on to refign his employment, and the ob- 
 fequious Gifborne to accept of a penfion for the 
 government of Kinfale*? Was it an original fti- 
 pulation with the Princefs of Wales, or does he 
 owe his preferment to your Lordfhip's partiality, 
 or to the Duke of Bedford's friendfhip ? My Lord, 
 though it may not be pofllble to trace this mea- 
 fure to its fource, we can follow the ftream, and 
 warn the country of its approaching deftruUom 
 The Englifh nation muft be roufed, and put up- 
 on its guard* Mr Luttrel has already fhown us 
 how far he may be trufted, whenever an open 
 attack is to be made upon the liberties of this 
 country. I do not doubt that there is a deliberate 
 
 plan formed. Your Lordfhip beft knows by 
 
 whom ; the corruption of the legiflative body on 
 this fide a military force on the other and then 
 Fare-well to England! It is impoflible that any mi- 
 niiter (hall dare to advife the King to place fuch 
 a man as Luttrel in the confidential pod of Ad- 
 juUnr-general, if there were not fome fecret pur- 
 pofe in view, which only fuch a man as Luttrel is 
 m to promote. The infult offered to the army 
 in general is as grofs as the outrage intended to 
 the people of England. What ! Lieutenant-colo- 
 nel Luttrel Adjuiant-general of an army of fix. 
 
 teen 
 
 * This infamous tranfa<ftion- ought to be explained to the public. 
 Colonel Gifborne was quarter- m afh r-general in Ireland. Lord 
 Townfhcnd perfuades him to refign to a Scotch officer, one Frafer, 
 
 and gives him the government of Kinfale. Col-ne! Cuninghame 
 
 was Adjutant-general in Ireland. Lord Townfhend offers him a 
 penfion to induce him to refign to Lnttre), Ciin:nghame treats 
 the offer with contempt. What's to he done? poor Gifborne mufl 
 
 move once more. He accepts of i penfion .>f 500 1 a ye.ir, until 
 
 A CTovernroent of greater value fhall become vacant. Colour! 
 Cuninghame is made Governor, of Kinfale : and Luttrtl, at laft, 
 ;>om whom ihe whole machinery is put in motion, becomes adju- 
 tant-general, aod iu effccl takes the command of tiie army in Ire-
 
 OFJUNIUS. 223. 
 
 teen thoufand men ! One would think his Maje- 
 fty's campaigns at Blackheath and Wimbletoa 
 might have taught him better. I cannot help 
 wifhing General Harvey joy of a colleague who 
 does fo much honour to the employment. But, 
 ray Lord, this meafure is too dating to pafs un- 
 noticed, too dangerous to be received with indif- 
 ference or fubmiflion.. You {hall not have time 
 to new-model the Irifh army. They will not fub- 
 mit to be garbled by Colonel Luttrel. As a mif- 
 chief to the Englifh conftitution, (for he is not 
 worth the name of enemy), they already deleft 
 him. As a boy, impudently thruft over their 
 heads, they will receive him with indignation and 
 contempt. As for you, my Lord, who perhaps are 
 no more than the blind unhappy inftrument of 
 Lord Bute and her Royal Highnefs the Princefs of 
 Wales, be affured, that you (hall be called upon to 
 anfvver for the advice which hai been given, and 
 either difcover your accomplices, or fall a facnfice 
 to their fecurity. JUNLUS, 
 
 LETTER XLI. 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD 
 MANSFIELD. 
 
 My LORD, Nov. 14. 1770 
 
 THE appearance of this letter will attract the 
 curiofity ot the public, and command even 
 your Lordfhjp's attention^ 1 am considerably in 
 your debt j and (hall endeavour,, once for all, to 
 balance the account. Accept of this addrefs, my 
 Lord, as a prologue to more important fcenes, in 
 which you will probably be called upon to a& or 
 fuffer. 
 
 You will not queftion my veracity, when I af- 
 fure you, that it has not been owing to any parti- 
 cular refpeft for yourperfon that I have abftained 
 
 from
 
 H4 LETTERS 
 
 from you fo long. Befidcs the diltrefs and danger 
 
 -.-hich the prefs is threatened, when 
 Lordfhip is party, and the party is to be judge, I - 
 confefc I have been deterred by the difficulty of" 
 the talk. Our language has no term of reproach^ 
 the mind has no i ea of dcteftation, which has not 
 already bren happily applied to you, and eihauft- 
 ed. Ample jultice has been done by abler pens 
 than mine to the feparate merits of your life and 
 chara&er. Let it be my humble office to collect 
 the fcatter d iweets, till their united virtue tor- 
 tures the fenfe. 
 
 Permit me to begin with paying a juft tribute 
 to Scotch fincerity wherever I find it I own I 
 am not apt to confide in the profeffions of gentle- 
 men of that country ; and when they fmile, I feel 
 an involuntary emotion to guard myfelf a^ainft 
 mifchief. With this general opinion of an ancient 
 nation,! always thought it much to your Lord ihip's 
 honour, that, in your earlier days, you were but 
 little infeclcd with the prudence of your country. 
 You had fome original attachments, which you 
 took every proper opportunity to acknowledge. 
 The liberal fpirit of youth p-ev^iled over your na- 
 tive discretion. Your zeal in the caufe of an un- 
 happy prince was exprcifird with the fincerity of 
 wine, and fome of the folemnities of leligion*. 
 This, 1 concetv, is the moil amiable point of 
 view in whLh your ch^rac^er has appeared. Like 
 an honcit man, you took that part in politics 
 which might have been expected from your birth, 
 education, country, and connections. There was 
 fomethmg generous ia your attachment to the ba- 
 nifhed houfe ot Stuart. We lament the miitakes 
 of a good man, and do not begin to deteit Hm 
 until be affects to renounce h.s principles. Why 
 
 ThU man was always a raiik Jacobite. Lord Raven fworth 
 produced the moft t^iuf &? cvi<!en<-c of t.is haviag frcqncotly 
 4rank the FrcUbdcr'i hcakb upgu hii knee*.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 225 
 
 did you not adhere to that loyalty you once pro- 
 fefled ? Why did not you follow the example of 
 your worthy brother * ? With him you might have 
 ihared in the honour of the Pretender's confidence 
 with him you might have preferred the inte- 
 grity of your character ; and England, I think, 
 might have fpared you without regret. Your 
 friends will fay, perhaps, that although you de- 
 ferted the fortune of your liege Lord, you have 
 adhered firmly to the principles which drove his 
 father from the throne ; that, without openly 
 fupporting the perfon, you have done tflential fer- 
 vice to the caufe, and confoled yourfelf for the 
 lofs of a favourite family, by reviving and efta- 
 blifhing the maxims of their government. This is 
 the way in which a Scotchman's underftandirg 
 corrects the errors of his heart. My Lord, I ac- 
 knowledge the truth of the defence, and can trace 
 it through all your conduct. I fee through your 
 whole life one uniform plan to enlarge the power 
 of the crown, at the expence of the liberty of the 
 fubjel. To this object, your thoughts, words, 
 and actions, have been conftantly directed. In 
 contempt or ignorance of the common law of 
 England, you have made it your ftudy to intro- 
 duce into the court where you prefide, maxims 
 of jurifprudence unknown to Englifhmen. The 
 Roman code, the law of nations, and the opinion 
 of foreign civilians, are your perpetual theme ; 
 but who ever heard you mention Magna Charta, 
 or the Bill of Rights, with approbation or relpeEl? 
 By fuch tteacherous arts, the noble limplicity and 
 free fpirit of our Jraxon laws were firit corrupted. 
 The Norman conqueft was not complete, until 
 Norman lawyers had introduced their laws, and 
 reduced flavery to a fyftem. This one leading 
 principle directs your interpretation of the laws, 
 
 and 
 
 * Confidential Secretary to the late Pretender. Thiscircumftance 
 aonftrmcd the friendibip between die brothers.
 
 22(5 LETTERS 
 
 and accounts for your treatment of juries. It rs 
 not in political queftions only (for there the cour- 
 tier might be forgiven) ; but let the cafe be what it 
 may, your undedlanding is equally on the rack, 
 cither to contract the power of the jury, or to mif- 
 lead their judgment. For the truth of this afier- 
 tion, I appeal to the doctrine you delivered in Lord 
 Grofvcnor's caufe. An action for criminal con- 
 veifation being brought by a peer againft a prince 
 of the blood, you were daring enough to tell the 
 jury, that, in fixing the damages, they were to 
 pay no regard to the quality or fortune of the par- 
 ties ; that it was a trial between A and B ; that 
 they were to confider the offence in a moral light 
 only, and give no <rreater damages to a peer of the 
 realm than to the meaneft mechanic. I (hall not 
 attempt to refute a doctrine which, if it was meant 
 for law, carries falfehood and abfurdity upon the 
 face of it; but if it was meant for a declaration of 
 your political creed, is clear and confident. Un- 
 der an arbitrary government, all ranks and diftinc- 
 tions are confounded, 'the honour of a nobleman 
 is no more confidered than the reputation of a pea- 
 fant j for, with different liveries, they are equally 
 flaves. 
 
 Even in matters of private property, we fee the 
 fame bias and inclination to depart from the de- 
 cifions of your predeceflors, which you certainly 
 ought to receive as evidence of the common law. 
 Inltead of thofe certain pofitive rules by which 
 the judgment of a court ol law flvuld invariably 
 be determined, you have fondly introduced your 
 own unfettled notions of equity and fubftantial 
 judice. Decifions given upon fuch principles do 
 not alarm the public fo much as they ought, be- 
 cauCe the confluence and tendency of each parti- 
 cular inftance is not obferved or regarded. In the 
 mean time, the practice gains ground ; the Court 
 of KingVBench becomes a court of equity, and 
 
 the
 
 O F J U N I U S. 227 
 
 the judge, inftead of confulting ftri&ly the law of 
 the land, refers only to the wifdom of the court, 
 and to the purity of his own confcience. The 
 name of Mr Juftice Yaces will naturally revive in, 
 your mind fome of thofe emotions of fear and de-v 
 reflation with which you always beheld him. That 
 great lawyer, that honed man, faw your whole 
 conduct in the light that I do. After years of in- 
 effectual rcfiftance to the pernicious principles in- 
 troduced by your Lordfhip, and uniformly fup- 
 ported by your humble friends upon the bench, he 
 determined to quit a court whole proceedings and 
 decifions he could neither afient to with honour, 
 nor oppofe with foccefs. 
 
 * The injuftice done to an individual is fome- 
 times of fervice to the public. FaU are apt to 
 alaim us more than the moft dangerous principles. 
 The iufferings and firmnefs of a printer have rou- 
 fed the public attention. You knew and felt that 
 your condutV would not bear a parliamentary in- 
 quiry; and you 'hoped to efcape it by the meaneft, 
 the bafeft facrifice of dignity and confifttncy, that 
 ever was made by a great magiftrate. Where was 
 your firmnefs, where was that vindictive fpirit, 
 of which we have feen fo many examples, when 
 a man, fo inconfiderable as Bingley, could force 
 you to confefs, in the face of this country, that, 
 for two years together, you had illegally deprived 
 an Englifh fubjeft of his liberty, and that he had 
 triumphed over you at laft ? Yet I own, my Lord, 
 that yours is not an uncommon character. Wo- 
 men, and men like women, are timid, vindictive, 
 and irrefolute. Their paffions counteract each 
 other; and make the fame creature, at one mo- 
 ment hateful, at another contemptible. I fancy, 
 my Lord, fome time will elapfe before you venture 
 
 to 
 
 * The oppreffion of an obfcure individual gave birth to the fa- 
 mous Habeas Corpus Aft of 31 Car II. which is frequently confi- 
 daed at auuthcr Alagna Charu of the kingdom. 
 
 iii. 135.
 
 228 LETTERS 
 
 to commit another Englifhman for refilling to an- 
 fwer interrogatories *. 
 
 The dolrine you have conftantly delivered in 
 cafes of libel, is another powerful evidence of a 
 fettled plan to contract the legal power of juries, 
 and ro draw queftions, infeparable from faft, with- 
 in the arbitnum of the court. Here, my Lord, 
 you have fortune on your fide. When you invade 
 the province of the jury in matter of libel, you in 
 effect attack the liberty of the prefs, and with a 
 fingle ftroke wound two of your greateft enemies. 
 In fome inftances you have fucceeded, becaufe 
 jurymen are too often ignorant of their own rights, 
 and too apt to be awed by the authority of a chief- 
 juftice. In other criminal profecutions, the ma- 
 lice of the defign is confefTetily as much the fubjetl: 
 of confederation to a jury as the certainty of the 
 facl. If a different doclrine prevails in the cafe of 
 libels, why mould it not extend to all criminal 
 cafes ? why nor to capital offences ? I lee no rea- 
 fon (and I dare fay you will agree with me, that 
 there is no good one) why the life of the fubjecl; 
 fhould be better pmttr&ed againft you, than his li- 
 berty or property. Why fhould you enjoy the full 
 power of pillory, fine, and imprifonment, and not 
 be indulged with hanging or tranfportation ? With 
 your Lordfhip's fertile genius and merciful difpofi- 
 tion, I can conceive fuch an exercife of the power 
 you have, as could hardly be aggravated by that 
 which you have not. 
 
 But, my Lord, fince you have laboured (and 
 
 not unfuccefsfully) to deltroy the fubftance of the 
 
 ialy why fhould you fufFer the form of the verdiEl 
 
 i to 
 
 * Bindley was committed for contempt in not fubmitting to be 
 amined. He lay in piifon two years, until the crown thought 
 ihe matter might occafjon fome ferious complaint; and therefore 
 lie was let out, in the fme C", turmlious ftait h. had been put in, 
 u'ith all his fin* about him, unanoir.ted and unanealed There 
 was much coqmtry between the Court and the Attorney General, 
 about wlv. (hi>i:ld und-rg<> 'he rul . ule of letting him ci'capc. 
 t AIM ON, /. i8p. 
 
 fxa
 
 O F J U N I U S. 229 
 
 to remain ? Why force twelve honed men, in pal- 
 pable violation of their oaths, to pronounce their 
 fellow-fubject a guilty man, when, aimed at the 
 fame moment, you forbid their inquiring into the 
 only circumftance which, in the eye of law and 
 reafon, conftitutes guilt the malignity or inno- 
 cence of his intentions ? But I underftand your 
 Lordfhip. If you could fucceed in making the 
 trial by jury ufelefs and ridiculous, you might then 
 with greater fafety introduce a bill into parliament 
 for enlarging the jurifdi&ion of the court, and ex- 
 tending your favourite trial by interrogatories to 
 every queftion in which the life or liberty of an 
 Englifhman is concerned *. 
 
 Your charge to the jury, in the profecution a- 
 gainft Almon and Woodfall, contradicts the high- 
 eft legal authorities, as well as the plaineft dictates 
 of reafon. In Miller's caufe, and ftill more ex- 
 prefsly in that of Baldwin, you have proceeded a 
 ftep farther, and grofsly contradicted yourfelf. 
 You may know perhaps, though I do not mean to 
 infult you by an appeal to your experience, that 
 the language of truth is uniform and confident. 
 To depart from it fafely, requires memory and dif- 
 cretion. In the two lad trials, your charge to the 
 jury began as ufual, with affuring them that they 
 had nothing to do with the law, that they were 
 to find the bare fa&, and not concern themfelves 
 about the legal inferences drawn from it, or the 
 degree of the defendant's guilt. Thus far you 
 were confident with your former practice. But 
 U how 
 
 * The pKltofophical poet doth notably dcfcribc the damnabl; 
 and damned proceedings of the judge of he 1. 
 
 *' Gnoflius hsec Rrtadamaniluii habet dirifHrna regna, 
 " CafKpatqiie, audirque dolos, fubigitqui fateri '." 
 Firft he puniflieth, and tltn he hearcth, and lailly compc'leth ( 
 conftfs, and makes and mars la AS at his p'cafnre : like as the Ccu- 
 turion, in the holy hiftory, did to St Paul ; for the text faith, 
 " Centurio apprehend! 1'aulum juffit, et fe catenis eligan ; et tune 
 " INTKRUOGABAT, quis fuiflet, et quid feciffet." But ggt>d ji:d" 
 gfes and jiifticcs abhor thefe couri"es. Coke, 1 1r>Jl. jj.
 
 230 LETTER S 
 
 how will you account for the conclufion ? You 
 told the jury, that " if, after all, they would take 
 <f upon themfelves to determine the law, they 
 tc might do it; but they muil be very fure -that 
 " they determined according to law, for it touch.- 
 " ed their confciences, and they aled at their 
 " peril." If I underftand your firft propofition, 
 you meant to affirm, that the jury were -not com- 
 petent judges of the law in the criminal cafe of a 
 libel; that it did not fall within their jurifdic- 
 tion ; and that, with refpetl to them, the malice 
 or innocence of the defendant's intentions would 
 be a queftion coram non jitdice. But the fecond 
 proportion clears away your own difficulties, and 
 reftores the jury to all their judicial capacities. 
 * You make the competence of the court to de- 
 pend upon the legality of the decifion. In the firft 
 inftance, you deny the power abfolutely. In the 
 fecond, you admit the power, provided it be le- 
 gally exercifed. Now, my Lord, without pretend- 
 ing to reconcile the diftin&ions of Weftminfter- 
 hall with the fimple information of common fenfe 
 or the integrity of fair argument, I (hall be underr 
 ilood by your Lordfhip, when I affert, that, if a 
 jury, or any other court of judicature, (for jurors 
 are -judges), have no right to enter into a caufe or 
 queftion of law, it fignifies nothing whether their 
 decifion be or be not according to law. Their de- 
 cifion is in itfelf a mere nullity : the parties are 
 not bound to fubmit to it; and, if the jury run 
 any rifle of punifhment, it is not for pronouncing 
 a corrupt or illegal verdift, but for the illegality 
 pj meddling with a point on which they have no 
 legal authority to decide f. 
 
 Direflly the reverfe of the doftrine he conftantly maintained 
 in the houfe of lords, and elfcwlicre, upon the decifion of the 
 Middlefex eltttion. He invariably aflerted, that the decifion mult 
 bs legal, becanlc the court was competent; and never could be pre- 
 vailed on to enter farther into the qndtion. 
 
 t Thefc iniquitous profccv/.ions coQ the belt of pnnces I 
 
 'W
 
 OF J U N I U S. 2 3 r 
 
 I cannot quit this fubjet, without reminding 
 your Lordfhip of the name of Mr Benfon. With- 
 out offering any legal objection, you ordered a 
 fpecial juryman to be fet afide in a cau-fe where 
 the King was profecutor. The novelty of the fact 
 required explanation. Will you condefcend to tell 
 the world, by what law or cuftorn you were au- 
 thorifed to make a peremptory challenge of a ju- 
 ryman ? The parties indeed have this power ; and 
 perhaps your Lordfhip, having accuftomed your- 
 lelf to unite the characters of judge and party, 
 may cuim it in virtue of the new capacity you 
 have aflumed, and profit by your own wrong. The 
 time, within which you might have been punifh- 
 cd for this daring attempt to pack a jury, is, I 
 fear, elapfed j but no length of time (hall erafe the 
 record of it. 
 
 The mifchiefs you have done this country are 
 not confined to your interpretation of the laws. 
 You are a minifter, my Lord , and, as fuch, have 
 king been confulted. Let us candidly examine what 
 ufe you have made of your minifterial influence. 
 I will not defcend to little matters, but come at 
 once to thofe important points on which your re- 
 folution was waited for, on which the expectation 
 of your opinion kept a great part of the nation in 
 fufpence. A constitutional queflion arifes upon 
 a declaration of the law of parliament, by which 
 the freedom of election and the birthright of the 
 fubject were fuppofed to have been invaded The 
 King's fervants are accufed of violating the cenfti- 
 tution. The nation is in a ferment. The ableft 
 men of all parties engage in the queftion, and ex- 
 ert their utmoft abilities in the difcuffion of it. 
 U 2 What 
 
 fand pounds, and ended in the total defeat and difgrace of thepro- 
 ftcutorf. In the courfe of one of them, Judge Afton had the 1111- 
 parallelkd impudence to tell Mr Morris (a gentleman of unqnei- 
 tionable honour and integrity, and who was then giving his evi- 
 dence on oath), that Itfmtldpay vt ry tittle regard to anv affJe'.-ii 
 ktjtoiild make.
 
 LETTERS 
 
 What part has the boned Lord Mansfield 
 As an eminent judge of tbe law, his opinion would 
 bave been refpeded. As a peer, he had a right 
 to demand an audience of his Sovereign, and in- 
 form him that his miri:>ers were purfuing uncon- 
 itituticnal meafures. Upon other occa&ocs, my 
 Lord, you have no difficulty of finding jour way 
 into the ciofet. The pretended neutrality of be- 
 longing to BO party, will not fave your reputation. 
 In qneflions merely political, an honed man may 
 ftand neuter. But the laws and conduction are 
 the general property of the fobjecl ; not to defend 
 is to relinquiih ; and who is there i'o fenfelefs as 
 to renounce bis ihare in a common benefit, unlefs 
 be hopes to profit by a new divifion of the fpoU. 
 As a lord of parliament, you were repeatedly call- 
 ed upon to condemn or defend tbe new law decla- 
 red by the boufe of commons. Ten affected to 
 hare fcreplcs, and every expedient was attempted 
 to remove them. Tbe queftion was propofed and 
 urged to you in a tbonfand different fhapes< Your 
 prudence (till fuppb'ed you with evafion ; your 
 refolntion was invincible. For my own part, I am 
 not anxious to penetrate this folemn fecret. I 
 care not to whofe wifdom it is intruded, nor bow 
 foon you carry it with you to jeer grave *. You 
 have betrayed your opinion by the very care you 
 bave taken to conceal it. It is not from Lord 
 Mansfield that we expecl any referve in declaring 
 his real fentiments in favour of government, or in 
 opposition to tbe people ; nor is it difficult to ac- 
 count for tbe motions of a timid, diihoned heart, 
 which neither has vi/zue enough to acknowledge 
 truth, nor courage to contradict it. Yet you con- 
 tinue to fnpport an administration which you know 
 
 is 
 
 that be believed be 0*>oM caffy 
 IMS opmioa kb him to UK grave b va* sftcracds rcpr r d f hat 
 he bad fatrafe* i, in fccdal omfideacr,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 233 
 
 is univerfaliy odious, and which, on fome occa- 
 fions, you yourfelf fpeak of with contempt. You 
 would tain be thought to take no fhare in govern- 
 ment; while, in reaiiry, you are the main fpring 
 of the machine. Here too we trace the Jitt/f, pru- 
 dential policy of a Scotfman. Inftead of acting 
 that open, generous parr, which becorres your 
 rank and ftation, you meanly (ku!k into the ciofet, 
 and give your Sovereign fuch advice as you have 
 not fpirit to avow cr defend. You fecretly en- 
 grofs the power, \vhiie you decline the title, of 
 minifter ; and though YOU dare not be Chancellor, 
 you know how to fecure the emoluments of the 
 office. Are the feals to be for ever in commiffion, 
 that you may enjoy five thoufand pounds 2-year ? 
 I beg pardon, my Lord ; your fears have in- 
 terpofed at Ult, and forced you to refign. The 
 odium of continuing fpeaker of the houfe of lords, 
 upon fuch terms, was too formidable to be refift- 
 ed. What a multitude of bad paffions are forced 
 to fubmit to a constitutional infirmity ! But tho' 
 you have rc'inquifhcd the falary, you flill affume 
 the rights of a miniiler. Your conduct, it feems, 
 rnutl be defended in parliament. For wha$ other 
 purpofe is your wretched friend, that miferable 
 ferjennt, ported to the hcufe of commons ? Is it in 
 the abilities of Mr Leigh to defend the great Lord 
 Mansfield ? or is he or.lv the Punch of the pup- 
 pet (how, to fpeak as he is prompted by the CHIEF 
 JUGGLER behind the curtain *? 
 
 In public affairs, my Lord, cunning, let it be 
 ever fo well wrought, will not conduct a man ho- 
 nourably through life. Like bad money, it may be 
 current for a time, but it will foon be cried down. 
 It cannot confift with a liberal fpirit, though it be 
 fometimes united with extraordinary qualifications. 
 U 3. 
 
 * Th! paragraph gagged poor Ltlgb. \ am really concerned 
 for the man, and wi(h it WWC pvffibk IO open bS mtlK. 
 a very pretty tutor.
 
 234 LETTERS 
 
 When I acknowledge your abilities, you may be- 
 lieve I am fincere. I feel for human nature, when 
 I fee a man, fo gifted as you are, defcend to fuch 
 vile pradices. Yet do not fuffer your vanity to 
 confole you too foon. Believe me, my good Lord, 
 you are not admired in the fame degree in which 
 you are detefted. It is only the partiality of your 
 friends, that balances the defects of your heart 
 with the fuperiority of your underftanding. No 
 learned man, even among your own tribe, thinks 
 you qualified to prefide in a court of common lav/. 
 Yet it is confefled, that, under Jufliman^ you 
 might have made an incomparable Prator. It is 
 remarkable enough, but I hope not ominous, that 
 the laws you underftand beft, and the judges you 
 affect to admire moft, flourifhed in the decline of 
 a great empire, and are fuppofed to have contri- 
 buted to its fall. 
 
 Here, my Lord, it may be proper for us to 
 paufe together. It is not for my own fake that I 
 wifh you to confider the delicacy of your fituation. 
 Beware how you indulge the firft emotions of your 
 refentment. This paper is delivered to the world, 
 and cannot be recalled. The perfecution of an in- 
 nocent printer cannot alter facls, nor refute argu- 
 ments. Do not furnifh me with farther materials 
 againft yourfelf. An honeft man, like the true 
 religion, appeals to the underftanding, or modeftly 
 confides in the internal evidence of his confcience. 
 The impottor employs force inftead of argument, 
 impofes filence where he cannot convince, and 
 propagates his charafter by the fword. 
 
 JUNIUS. 
 
 LET-
 
 OF J U N I U S. 23$- 
 
 LETTER XLII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERT I SEE* 
 
 SIR, JAN 30. 1771*- 
 
 TF we recollect in what manner the King 1 s friend* 
 * have been conftantly employed, we ihall have 
 no reafon to be furprifed at any condition of dif- 
 grace to which the once-refpetted name of Eng-. 
 lifhmen may be degraded. His Majefty has no 
 cares, but fuch as concern the laws and conftitu- 
 tion of this country. In his Royal bread there is 
 no room left for refentment, no place for hoflile 
 fentimentsagainft the natural enemies of hiscrown* 
 The fyllem of government is uniform. Violence 
 and oppreffion at home can only be fupported by 
 treachery and fubmiffion abroad'. When the civil 
 rights of the people are daringly invaded on one 
 fide, what have we to expect, but that their poli- 
 tical rights mould be deferted and betrayed, in the 
 fame proportion, on the other ? The plan of do- 
 meftic policy which has been invariably purfued 
 from the moment of his prefent Majefty's accef- 
 fion, engrofles all the attention of his fervants, 
 They know that the fecurity of their places de- 
 pends upon their maintaining, at any hazard, the 
 lecret fyilem of the clofet. A foreign war might 
 embarrafs, an unfavourable event might ruin the 
 minifter, and defeat the deep-laid fcheme of po- 
 licy to which he and his aflbciates owe their em- 
 ployments. Rather than fuffer the execution cf 
 that fcheme to be delayed or interrupted, the King 
 has been advifed to make a public furrender, a fo- 
 lemn facrifice, in the face of all Europe, not only 
 of the interefts of his fubje&s, but of his own per- 
 fonal reputation, and of the dignity of that crown 
 which his predeceflbrs have worn with honour, 
 Thefe are ftrong terms, Sir, but they are fupport- 
 ed by faft and argument, 
 
 The
 
 23 <5 LETTERS 
 
 The King of Great Britain had been for feme 
 years in poflcflion of an ifland, to which, as the 
 miniftry themfelves have repeatedly aflerted, the 
 Spaniards had no claim of right. The importance 
 of the place is not in queftion. If it were, a bet- 
 ter judgment might be formed of it from the opi- 
 nion of Lord Anfon and Lord Egmont, and from 
 the anxiety of the Spaniards, than from any falla- 
 cious infmuations thrown out by men whofe in- 
 tereft it is to undervalue that property which they 
 are determined to relinquiili. The pretenfions of 
 Sp lin were a fubjecl: of negociation between the 
 two courts. They had been difcufTed, but not ad- 
 mitted. The King of Spain, in thefe circum- 
 ftances, bids adieu to amicable negociation, and 
 appeals direclly to the fword. The expedition a- 
 gainft Porr-Egmont does not appear to have been 
 a fudden ill-concerted enterprise. It feems to ha\'e 
 been conducted not only with the ufual military 
 precautions, but in all the forms and ceremonies 
 of war. A frigate was firft employed to examine 
 the ftrength of the place. A mcflage was then 
 fent, demanding immeidiate polTef!ion, in the Ca- 
 tholic King's name, and ordering our people to 
 depart. At laft a military force appears, and com- 
 pels the garrifon to furrender. A formal capitu- 
 lation enfues; and his Majefty's (hip, which might 
 at lead have been permitted to bring home his 
 troops immediately, is detained in port twenty 
 days, arul her rudder forcibly taken away. This 
 train of tatls carries no appearance of the rafhnefs 
 or violence of a Spanifh governor. On the con- 
 trary, the whole plan feems to have been formed 
 and executed, in confequence of deliberate orders 
 and a regular inftruction froiri the Spanifh court. 
 Mr Buccarelli is not a pirate, nor has he been 
 treated as fuch by thofe who employed him. I 
 feel for the honour of a gentleman, when I affirm, 
 that our King owes him a fignai reparation. 
 
 Where
 
 OF J U N I U S. v 237 
 
 Where will the humiliation of this country end ? 
 A King of Great Britain, not contented with pla- 
 cing himfelf upon a level with aSpanifh governor, 
 defcends fo low as to do a notorious injuftice to 
 that governor. As a falvo for his own reputation, 
 he has been advifed to traduce the character of a 
 brave officer, and to treat him as a common rob- 
 ber, when he knew with certainty that Mr Buc- 
 carelli had afted in obedience to his orders, and 
 had done no more than his duty. Thus it happens 
 in private life, with a man who has no fpirit nor 
 fenfe of honour. One of his equals orders a fer- 
 vant to ftrike him. Inftead of returning the blow 
 to the matter, his courage is contented with throw- 
 ing an afperfion, equally falfe and public, upon 
 the character of the fervant. 
 
 This fiaort recapitulation was neceflary to intro- 
 duce the confideration of his Majefty's fpeech of 
 I3th November 1770, and the fubfequent mea- 
 fures of government. The exceffive caution with 
 which the fpeech was drawn up, had imprefied 
 upon me an early convidtion, that no ferious re- 
 fentment was thought of, and that the conclu- 
 fion of the bufinefs, whenever it happened, muft 
 in fome degree be diihonourable toEngland. There 
 appears through the whole fpeech a guard and 
 referve in the choice of expreflion, which fhows 
 how careful the miniftry were not to embarrafs 
 their future projects by any firm or fpirited decla- 
 ration from the throne. When all hopes of peace 
 are loft, his Majefty tells his parliament, that he- 
 is preparing not for barbarous war, but (with all 
 his mother's foftnefs) for a different Jit nation.'. 
 An open hoftility, authorifed by the Catholic King, 
 is called an aft of a governor. This aft, to avoid 
 the mention of a regular fiege and furrender, paf- 
 fes under the piratical defcription of feizing by 
 force ; and the thing taken is defcribed, not as a 
 part of the King's territory or proper dominion,, 
 
 but
 
 23* LETTERS 
 
 but merely as a poffejfion, a word exprefsly chofen 
 in contradiftin&ion to and exclufion of the idea 
 of right, and to prepare us for a future furrender 
 both of the right and of the pofleffion. Yet this 
 fpeech, Sir, cautious and equivocal as it is, can- 
 not, by any fophiftry, be accommodated to the 
 meafures which have finde been' adopted. It 
 feemed to promife, that whatever might be given 
 up by fecret ftipulation, fome care would be taken 
 to fave appearances to the public. The event {hows 
 us, that to depart, in the minuted article, from 
 the nicety and ftrictnefs of punctilio, is as dange- 
 rous to national honour as to female virtue. The 
 woman, who admits of one familiarity, feldom 
 knows where to ftop,or what to refufe; and when 
 the counfels of a great country give way in a fingle 
 inftance, when they once are inclined to fubmif- 
 Con, every ftep accelerates the rapidity of the de- 
 fcent. 'I he miniftry themfelves, when they framed 
 the fpeech, did not forefee, that they fhould ever 
 accede to fuch an accommodation as they have 
 fince advifed their mafter to accept of. 
 
 The King fays, The honour of my croiun and the 
 rights of my people are deeply affecled. The Spa- 
 niard, in his reply, fays, 1 give you back poffejjion ; 
 but I adhnre to my claim of prior right, referring the 
 offer 't ion of it for a more favourable opportunity. 
 
 The fpeech fays, I made an immediate demand of 
 fatisfatlion; and, if that fails, I am prepared to do 
 myfilfjujiice. This immediate demand muft have 
 been fent to Madrid on the i2th of September, or 
 in a few days after. It was certainly refufed, or 
 evaded, and the King has not done himfelf juitice. 
 When the firfl magiftrate fpeaks to the nation, 
 fome care fhould be taken of his apparent vera- 
 city. 
 
 The fpeech proceeds to fay, I flail not difccn- 
 tinue my preparations until I have received proper 
 reparation fir the injury. If this ailurance may be 
 
 relied
 
 O F J U N I U S. 139 
 
 relied on, what an enormous expence is entailed, 
 fine die, upon this unhappy country ! Reftitution 
 of a pofleflion, and reparation of an injury, are as 
 different in fubftance as they are in language. 
 The very at of reftitution may contain, as in this 
 inftance it palpably does, a (hameful aggravation 
 of the injury. A man of fpirit does not meafure 
 the degree of an injury by the mere pofitive da- 
 mage he has fuftained. He confiders the principle 
 on which it is founded j he.refents the fuperiority 
 afferted over him ; and rejels with indignation the 
 claim of right, which his adverfary endeavours to 
 eftablifh, and would force him to acknowledge. 
 
 The motives on which the Catholic,King makes 
 reftitution are, if poffible, more infolent and dif- 
 graceful to o.ur Sovereign than .even the declara- 
 tory condition annexed to it. After taking four 
 months to confider whether the expedition was 
 undertaken by his own orders or not, he conde- 
 fcenris to difavow the enterprize, and to reftore 
 the ifland ;- not from any regard to juftice, not 
 from any regard he bears to his Britannic Majefty; 
 but merely from the perfuafton, in -which he is, of 
 the pacific fentiments of the King of Great Britain. 
 At this rate, if our King had discovered the fpi- 
 rit of a man, -if he had made a peremptory de- 
 mand of fatiefadtion, r the King of Spain would 
 have given him a peremptory refufal. But why 
 this unfeafonable, this ridiculous mention of the 
 King of Great Britain's pacific intentions? Have 
 they ever been inqueftipn? Was He the aggreffor ? 
 Does he attack foreign powers without provoca- 
 tion ? Does he even ref:ft, when .he is infulted ? 
 No, Sir ; if any ideas of ft rife or hollility have en- 
 tered his royal mind, they have a very different 
 direction. The enemies of England have nothing 
 to fear from them. 
 
 After all, Sir, to what kind of difavowal has 
 the King of Spain at laft confented ? Suppofing it 
 
 made
 
 240 LETTERS 
 
 made in proper time, it fhould have been accom- 
 panied:>ith inflant reftitution ; and, if Mr Buc- 
 carelli aled without orders, he deferved death. 
 Now, Sir, inftead of immediate reftitution, we 
 have a four month's negociation ; and the officer, 
 whofe act is difavowed, returns to court, and is 
 loaded with honours. 
 
 If the actual fituation of Europe be confidered, 
 the treachery of the King's fervants, particularly 
 of Lord North, who takes the whole upon himfelf, 
 will appear in the ftrongeft colours of aggravation. 
 Our allies were mafters of the Mediterranean. 
 The King of France's prefent averfion from war, 
 and the diftraction of his affairs, are notorious. 
 He is now in a ftate of war with his people. In 
 vain did the Catholic King folicit him to take part 
 in the quarrel againft us. His finances were in the 
 laft diforder, and it was probable that his troops 
 might find fufficient employment at home. In 
 thefe circumstances, we might have dictated the 
 law to Spain. There are no terms to which fhe 
 might not have been compelled to fubmit. At the 
 worft, a war with Spain alone carries the faireft 
 promife of advantage. One good effect at leaft 
 \vould have been immediately produced by it. The 
 defertion of France would have irritated her ally, 
 and in all probability have diflblved the family, 
 compact. The fcene is now fatally changed. The 
 advantage is thrown away. The moft favourable 
 opportunity is loft. Hereafter we mail know the 
 value of it. When the French King is reconciled 
 to his fubjects ; when Spain has completed her 
 preparations; when the collected ftrength of the 
 Houfe of Bourbon attacks us at once, the King 
 himfelf will be able to determine upon the wifdom 
 or imprudence of his prefent conduct. As far as 
 the probability of argument extends, we may fafe- 
 ly pronounce, that a conjuncture, which threatens 
 the very being of this country, has been wilfully 
 4 pre-
 
 OF J U N I U S. 2 4 t 
 
 prepared and forwarded by our own miniftry. How- 
 far the people may be animated to refiftance un- 
 der the prefent adminifiration, I know not ; but 
 this I know with certainty, that, under the pre- 
 fent adminiftration, or if any thing like it fhould 
 continue, it is of very little moment whether we 
 are a conquered nation or not*. 
 
 Having travelled thus far in the high road of 
 matter of fal, I may now be permitted to wan- 
 der a little into the field of imagination. Let us 
 Lanifh from our minds the perfuafion that thefc 
 events have really happened in the reign of the 
 bell of princes. Let us confider them as nothing 
 more than the materials of a fable, in which we 
 may conceive the Sovereign of fome other coun- 
 try to be concerned. I mean to violate all the 
 laws of probability, when I fuppofe, that this ima- 
 ginary King, after having voluntarily difgraced 
 himfelf in the eyes of his fubjecls, might return 
 to a fenfe of his difhonour -, that he might per- 
 ceive the fnare laid for him by his minifters, and 
 feel a fpark of iliame kindling in his bread. The 
 part he mull then be obliged to aft, would over- 
 whelm him with confuficn. To his parliament 
 he muft fay, I called you together to receive your nd- 
 I'ice, and have r.evcr afkcd your cpinion. -To the 
 merchant, 1 have dift re/fed your commerce ; I have 
 X dragged 
 
 * Tiie King's acceptance of the Spanifh A mbafTador's declara- 
 tion, is drawn lip in barbarous French, and figned by the Earl of 
 Rochford. This diplomatic Lord has fpent his life in tl>e (turfy 
 and jiraftice of L,tiquftiet t and i; funpofed to be a profound maftcr 
 of the ceremonies. I will not infulr him by -Eiiyreferer.ee to gram- 
 mar or common fenfe ; if he were even acquainted with the com- 
 mon forms of his office, I fhould think him as well qualified for it 
 as iny man in hi? Mcjcity's fervice. The rear'er is requefied to 
 obferve Lord Rnchford's method of authenticating a public inftril- 
 nient. " En foi de quoi, noi fotiffigne, i;n des principaux Sccre- 
 ' taires d' F.tat S. M. B. ai (igne la prefentc de ma fignatnre ordi- 
 ' naire, et iri !e fait appofer ie cachet de KOS Armes." In three 
 lines there are no lefs than feven faife concords. But the man does 
 not even know the ftyleof his office. If he had known it, he would 
 have faid, " next, fuuflJgrc Secretaire d'Eut do S. M. J3, a'jvus 
 " figne, IrV."
 
 4 2 LETT E ft S 
 
 dragged ycur fecmen out of your fJjips ; I have haded 
 you "with a grievous -weight of insurances. To the 
 landholder, / told you war was too probable, -when 
 I was determined tofubmit to any terms of accommo- 
 dation ; I extorted new taxes from you before it was 
 poflible they could be wanted, and am now unable to 
 account for the application of them. To the public 
 creditor, / have delivered up your fortunes a prey 
 to foreigners and to the vilejl of your fellow -fubj eels. 
 Perhaps this repenting prince miglrt conclude with 
 one general acknowledgment to them all : I have 
 involved every rank of my fubj eels in anxiety and dif- 
 trefs ; and have nothing to offer you in return, but 
 the certainty of national difbonour, an armed truce, 
 and peace without fecur it y. 
 
 If thefe accounts were fettled, there would ftili 
 remain an apology to be made to his navy and to 
 his army. To the firft he would fay, You were 
 once the terror of the world. But go back to your 
 harbours. A man dishonoured as I am, has no life 
 for your fervicc. It is not probable that he would 
 appear again before his foldiers, even in the paci- 
 fic ceremony of a review *. -But wherever he ap- 
 peared, the humiliating confeflion would be extorr- 
 .ed from him ; / have received a blow and had not 
 fpirit to rcfent it. I demanded fatisfacJion ; and 
 have accepted a declaration, in -which the right to 
 Jlrike me again is ajjertcd and confirmed. His coun- 
 tenance at leaft would fpeak this language, and e- 
 ven his guards would blufh for him. 
 
 But to return to our argument. The miniflry, 
 it feems, are labouring to draw a line of diftinc- 
 tion between the honour of the Crown and the 
 lights of the People. This new idea has yet been 
 only darted in difcourfe; for in effect both ob- 
 jedts have been equally facrificed. I neither un- 
 derftand the diftin&ion, nor what ufe the mini- 
 
 ftry 
 
 * A miflakc. He appears before them every day, with the majk 
 iti blow upon his Lee,
 
 OF J U N I U ' S. 2.43 
 
 ftry propofe to make of it. The King's honour is 
 that of his people. Their real honour and real in- 
 tereft are the fame. I am not contending for a 
 vain punctilio. A clear unblemiflied character 
 comprehends, not only the integrity that will not 
 offer, but the fpirit that will not fubmit to, an in- 
 jury ; and whether it belongs to an individual or 
 to a community, it is the foundation of peace, of 
 independence, and of fafety. Private credit is 
 wealth ; public honour is fecurity. The feather 
 that adorns the royal bird fupports his flight. Strip 
 him of his plumage, and you fix him to the earth. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER XLIII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 S I R, FEB. 6. 1771. 
 
 T HOPE your correfpondent Junius is better em- 
 ployed than in anfwering or reading the criti- 
 cifms of a newfpaper. This is a tafk from which, 
 if he were inclined to fubmit to it, his friends 
 ought to relieve him. Upon this principle I fhall 
 undertake to anfwer Anti-Junius; more, I believe, 
 to his conviction than to his fatisfattion. Not da- 
 ring to attack the main body of Juniuis laft letter, 
 he triumphs in having, as he thinks, furprifed an 
 out-poft, and cut off a detached argument, a mere 
 (haggling propofition. But even in this petty war- 
 fare he (hall find himfelf defeated. 
 
 Junius does not fpeak of the Spanifh nation as 
 the natural enemies of England. He applies that 
 defcription, with the ftricteft truth and juftice, to 
 the Spanilh Court. From the moment when a 
 Prince of the Houfe of Bourbon afcended that 
 throne, their whole fyftem of government was in- 
 verted, and became hoftile to this country. Uni- 
 X 2 ty
 
 244 LETTERS 
 
 ty of polleffion introduced a unity of politics j and 
 Lewis the fourteenth had reafon when he faid to 
 his grandfon, The Pyrenees are removed." The 
 hiitory of the prefent century is one continued 
 confirmation of the prophecy. 
 
 The affertion That violence and oppre/un at 
 ' acme can on!y be fupported by treachery and fub- 
 \ mij/icn abroad" is applied to a free people whofe 
 rights are invaded, not to the government of a 
 country where defpotic or abfolute power is con- 
 fefledly veiled in the prince ; and with this applf. 
 cation, the afiertion is true. An abfolute monarch 
 liaving no points to carry at home, will naturally 
 maintain the honour of his crown in all his tranf- 
 athons with foreign powers : But if we could fup- 
 pofe the Sovereign of a free nation, pofli-fled with 
 a defign to make himfelf abfolute, he would be 
 uiconfiftent with himfelf, if he fuffered his pro- 
 jefts to be interrupted or embarrafied by a foreign 
 war, unlefs that war tended, as in fome cafes it 
 might, to promote his principal defign. Of the 
 three exceptions to this general rule of conduct, 
 (quoted by Ami-Junius), that of Oliver Cromwell 
 i3 , ths . cn }7 one in . P int - Harry the Eighth, by 
 the fubmiflion of his parliament, was as abfolute a 
 prince as Lewis the Fourteenth. Qjjeen Eiifa, 
 beth's government was not oppreffive to the people j 
 and as to her foreign wars, it ought to be confi- 
 dered that they were unavoidable* The national 
 honour was not in queftion : She was compelled 
 to fight in defence of her own perfon and of her 
 title to the crown. In the common caufe of fel- 
 /ifh policy, Oliver Cromwell (houid have cultiva- 
 ted the friendfliip of foreign powers, or at lead have 
 avoided difputes with them, the better to efta- 
 blifh his tyranny at home. Had he been only a 
 bad man, he would have facriiiced the honour of 
 the nation to the fuccefs of his domeflic policy. 
 But, with all his crimes, he had the fpirit of an 
 
 Eng-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 2 4 j 
 
 The conduct of fuch a man muft al- 
 ways be an exception to vulgar rules. He had a- 
 bilities fufficient to reconcile contradictions, and to 
 make a great nation at the fame moment unhappy 
 and formidable. If it were not for the refpeft I 
 bear the minifter, I could name a man, who, with- 
 out one grain of understanding, can do half as 
 much as Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 Whether or no there be zfecretfyftem in the clo- 
 fet, and what may be the object of it, are que- 
 flions which can only be determined by appear- 
 ances, and on which every man muft decide for 
 hi'-nfdf. 
 
 The whole plan of Junius's letter proves, that 
 he himfelf makes no diftirxStion between the real 
 honour of the crown and the real Sntereft of the 
 people. In the climax to which your correfpon- 
 dent objects, Junius adopts the language of the 
 Court, and by that conformity gives ftrength to 
 his argument. He fays, that <{ the King has not 
 *' only facrificed the intcrejts of his people, but (.what 
 " was likely to touch him more nearly) his peffonal 
 " reputation and the dignity of his crown." 
 
 The queries put by Anti-Junius can only be an- 
 fwered by the miniftry. Abandoned as they are s 
 1 fancy they will not confefs that they have, for 
 fo many years, maintained poiTeffion of another 
 .man's property. After admitting the aflertion of 
 the miniftry viz. that the Spaniards had no right- 
 ful claim y and after juftifying them for faying fo ; 
 it is his bufinefs, not mine, to give us fome good 
 reafon for \ht\r fvffcring the prctenfions of Spain to 
 be afitbjtft of negotiation. He admits the fadls ; 
 let him reconcile them if he can. 
 
 The laft paragraph brings us back to the origi- 
 nal queftion, Whether the Spanifh declaration 
 contains fuch a fatisfaftion as the King of Great 
 Britain ought to have accepted. This was the 
 field upon which he ought to have encountered 
 X 3 Junius
 
 2 4 6 LETTERS 
 
 Junius openly and fairly. But here he leaves \\\z 
 argument, as no longer defensible. I (hall there- 
 force conclude with one general admonition to my 
 fellow- fubjects : That when they hear thefe mat- 
 ters debated, they fhould not fuffer themfelves to 
 be milled by general declamations upon the con- 
 leniences 6f peace, or the miferies of war. Be- 
 tween peace and war, abftraledly, there is not, 
 there cannot, be a queftion in the mind of a ra- 
 tional being. The real queftions are, Have we 
 any Jecur"ity, that the peace iue have Jo dearly pur cha- 
 fed iviil iafl a tiuelvernonth ? and if not, Have tue, 
 cr have tue not, facrifced the faire/l opportunity of 
 making war with advantage ? 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS, 
 
 LETTER XLIV. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE 
 PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 
 SIR, APRIL 22. 1771. 
 
 TO write for profit, without taxing the prefs; 
 to write for fame, and to be unknown ; to 
 fupport the intrigue* of f.idlion, and to be difown- 
 cd, as a dangerous auxiliary, by every party in the 
 kingdom \ are contradictions which the minifter 
 mull reconcile, before I forfeit my credit with the 
 public. I may quit the fervice, but it would be 
 abfurd to fufpeci me of defertion. The reputa- 
 tion of thefe papers is an honourable pledge for 
 my attachment to the people. To facrifice a re- 
 fpecled character, and to renounce the efteem of 
 fociety, requires more than Mr Weddcrburne's 
 refolution ; and though in him it was rather a 
 profeflion than a defertion of his principles, (I 
 ipeak tenderly of this gentleman, for when treach- 
 ery is in queflion I think we mould make allow- 
 ances for a Scotchman), yet we have feen him in 
 
 the
 
 OF J. IT N I U S. 247 
 
 *he houfe of commons overwhelmed with confu- 
 fion, and almoft bereft of his faculties. But in 
 truth, Sir, I have left no room for an accommo- 
 dation with the piety of St James's. My offences 
 are not to be redeemed by recantation or repent- 
 ance. On one fide,, our warmeft patriots would 
 difclaim me as a burthen to their honed ambition. 
 On the other, the vileft proftitution, if Junius 
 could defcend to it, would lofe its natural merit 
 and influence in the cabinet, and treachery be no 
 longer a recommendation to the royal favour. 
 
 The perfons who, till within thefe few years, 
 have been mod diftinguifhed by their zeal for high- 
 church and prerogative, are now, it feems, the 
 great affertdrs of the privileges- of the houfe of 
 commons. This fudden alteration of their fenti^ 
 ments or language carries with-it a fufpicious ap- 
 pearance. When I hear the undefined privileges 
 of the popular branch of the legilkture exalted by 
 Tories and Jacobites, at the expence of thofe ftricl: 
 rights, which are known to the fubjeti, and li- 
 mited by the laws, I cannot but fufpecl, that fome 
 mifchievous fcheme is in agitation, to deftroy both' 
 law and privilege, by oppofing them to each other. 
 They who have uniformly denied the power of the 
 whole legiflature to alter the defcent of the crown,, 
 and whofe anceftors, in rebellion againft his Ma- 
 jefty's family, have defended that doctrine at the 
 hazard of their lives, now tell us, that privilege 
 of parliament is the only rule of right, and the 
 chief fecurity of the public freedom. I fear, Sir, 
 that while forms remain, there has been fome 
 material change in the fubftance of our conftitu- 
 tion. The opinions of thefe men were too abfurd 
 to be fo eafily renounced. Liberal minds are open 
 to conviction. Liberal doctrines are capable or 
 improvement. There are profelytesfrom atheifm, 
 but none from fuperftition. If their prefent pro- 
 feflions were fincere, I think they could not but 
 
 be
 
 248 LETTERS 
 
 be highly offended at feeing a queRion, concern- 
 ing parliamentary privilege, unneceffarily ftarted 
 at a feafon fo unfavourable to the houfe of com- 
 mons, and by fo very mean and infignificant a 
 perfon as the minor Qnjlo-w. They knew, that the 
 prefent houfe of commons, having commenced ho- 
 ftilities with the people, and degraded the autho- 
 rity of the laws by their own example, v/ere likely 
 enough to be refilled per fas et nefas. If they 
 were really friends to privilege, they would have 
 thought the queRion of right too dangerous to be 
 hazarded at this feafon, and, without the forma- 
 lity of a convention, would have left it unde- 
 cided. 
 
 1 have been filent hitherto ; though not from that 
 fhameful indifference about the i-ntereils of focietv 
 which too many of us profefs, and call modera- 
 lion. I confefs, Sir, that I ft It the prejudices of 
 my education, in- favour of a houfe of commons, 
 ilill hanging about me. I thought that a queRion, 
 between law and privilege, could never be brought 
 to a formal decifion, without inconvenience to 
 the public fervice, or a manifefl diminution of le- 
 gal liberty , that it cught therefore to be care- 
 fully avoided : and when 1 law that the violence 
 of the houfe of commons had cirried them too far 
 to retreat, I determined not to deliver a haity opi- 
 nion upon a matter of fo much delicacy and im- 
 portance. 
 
 The Rate of things is much altered in this coun- 
 try fince it was necelfary to protect our repre- 
 fentatives againR the direct power of the crown. 
 We have nothing to apprehend from prerogative, 
 but every thing from undue influence. Formerly 
 jt was the intereR of the people, that the privi- 
 leges of parliament fhoukl be left unlimited and un- 
 defined. At prefent, it is not only their intereR, 
 but I hold it to be effentially neceflary to the pre- 
 fervation of the conRitution, that the privileges 
 
 of
 
 O F J U N I U S. 249 
 
 of parliament (hould be ftrilly ascertained, and 
 confined within the narrowed bounds the nature 
 of their inftitution will admit of. Upon the fame 
 principle on which I would have refilled preroga- 
 tive in the lad century, I now refill privilege. It 
 is indifferent to me, whether the crown, by its own 
 immediate aft, impofes new, and difpenfes with 
 old laws ; or whether the fame arbitrary power 
 produces the fame effects through the medium of 
 the houfe of commons. We trufled our reprefen- 
 tatives with privileges for their own defence and 
 ours. We cannot hinder their defertion, but we 
 can prevent their carrying over their arms to the 
 fervice of the enemy. It will be faid, that I be- 
 gin with endeavouring to reduce the argument 
 concerning privilege to a mere queflion of con- 
 venience , that I deny at one moment vvhat I 
 would allow at another ; and that to refift the 
 power of a proflituted hpufc of commons, may 
 eftablifh a precedent injurious to all future parlia-. 
 ments. To this I anfwer generally, that human 
 affairs are in no inftance governed by flricl pofi. 
 tive right. If change of circumftances were to 
 have no weight in directing our conduct and opi- 
 nions, the mutual intercourfe of mankind would 
 be nothing more than a contention between pcfl- 
 tive and equitable right. Society would be a flate 
 of war, and law itfelf would be injuftice. Oa this 
 general ground, it is highly reafonable that the 
 degree of our fubmiffion to privileges which have 
 never been defined by any pofitive law, fhould be 
 confidered as a queflion of convenience, and pro- 
 portioned to the confidence we repofe in the inte- 
 grity of our reprefentatives. As to the injury we 
 may do to any future and more refpettable houfe 
 of commons, I own I am not now fan uine enough 
 to expect a more plentiful harvefl of p '.rliamentary 
 virtue in one year than another. Our political 
 climate is feverely altered ; and without dwelling 
 
 upon.
 
 250 LETTERS 
 
 upon the depravity of modern times, I think no 
 reafonable man will expeft, that, as human na- 
 ture is conftituted, the enormous influence of the 
 crown fhould ceafe to prevail over the virtue of 
 individuals. The mifchief lies too deep to be cu- 
 red by any remedy, lefs than fome great convul- 
 fion, which may either carry back the conftituticn 
 to its original principles, or utterly deftroy it. I 
 do not doubt, that, in the firft feffion after the 
 next election, fome popular meafures may be ad- 
 opted. The prefent houfe of commons have inju* 
 red themfelves by a too early and public profeffion 
 of their principles ; and if a drain of prostitution, 
 which had no example, were within the reach of 
 emulation, it might be imprudent to hazard the 
 experiment too foon. But, after all, Sir, it is very 
 immaterial whether a houfe of commons (hall pre- 
 ferve their virtue for a week, a month, or a year. 
 The influence, which makes a fcpfenmal parlia- 
 ment dependent upon the pleafure of the crown, 
 has a permanent operation, and cannot fail of fuc- 
 cefs. My premiiics, I know, will be denied in 
 argument ; but every man's confeience tells him 
 they are true. It reirains then to be confidered, 
 whether it be for the intereft of the people, that 
 privilege of parliament (which *, in refpeft to the 
 purpofes for which it has hitherto been acquiefced 
 under, is merely nominal) fhould be contracted 
 within fome certain limits? or whether the fub- 
 je fhall be left at the mercy of a power, arbitrary 
 
 upon- 
 
 * The neceffity of fecuring the houfe of commons agatnft the' 
 King's po*xr, fo that no interruption might be given cither to the 
 attendance of the members in parliament, or to the freedom of de- 
 bate, was the foundation of parliamentary piivilcge; and we may 
 oblerve, in all the uddrtilcs of new-appointed Speakers to the So- 
 vereign, the utmoft piivilege they demand is liberty of fpeech and' 
 freedom from atrells. 'Ihe very word friviltge means i;O more 
 than immunity, or a fafrgnard to the party who pofTcflls it, and 
 can never be couflrucd into an aflivc power of invading the rights 
 #f others.
 
 OF J U N I U S. 251 
 
 upon the face of it, and nororioufly under the di- 
 rection of the crown. 
 
 I do not mean to decline the queftion of right 
 on the contrary, Sir, I join iflue with the advo- 
 cates for privilege; and affirm, that, "excepting 
 << the cafes wherein -the houfe of commons are a 
 " court of judicature, (lo which, from the nature 
 of their office, a coercive power muft belong), 
 and excepting fuch contempts as immediately 
 ' interrupt their proceedings, they have no legal 
 " authority to imprifon any man for any fuppofed 
 < violation of privilege whatfoever." It is not 
 pretended, that privilege, as now claimed, has ever 
 been defined or confirmed by ftatute ; neither can 
 it be faid, with any colour of truth, to be a part 
 of the common law of England, which had grown 
 into prescription long before we knew any thing 
 of the exiftence of a houfe of commons. As for 
 the law of parliament, it is only another name for 
 the privilege in queftion; and fince the power of 
 creating new privileges has been formally renoun- 
 ced by both houfes, fince there is no code in 
 which we can ft-udy the law of parliament, we have 
 but one way left to make ourfelves acquainted with 
 it, that is, to compare the nature of the inftitu- 
 tion of a houfe of commons with the fats upon 
 record. To eftablifh a claim of privilege in either 
 houfe, and to diilinguifh original right from ufur- 
 pation, -it niuft appear, that it is indifpenfably ne- 
 ceflary for the performance of the du-ly they are 
 employed in, and alfo that it has been uniformly 
 allowed. From the firft part of this defcription, 
 k follows clearly, that whatever privilege does of 
 right belong to the prefent houfe of commons, did 
 equally belong to .the firft afiembly of their prede- 
 eeffbrs ; was as completely vefted in them, and 
 might have been eicercifed in the fame extent. 
 From the fecond, we muft infer, that privileges, 
 which for feveral centuries were not only never al- 
 lowed,
 
 252 LETTERS 
 
 lowed, but never even claimed by the houfe of 
 commons, muft be founded upon ufurpaticn. The 
 confUtutional duties of a houfe of commons are 
 not very complicated nor myfterious. They are to 
 propofe or afient to wholefome laws for the bene- 
 fit of the nation. They are to grant the neceflary 
 aids to the king; petition for the redrefs of grie- 
 vances ; and profecute treafon or high crimes a- 
 gainft the flate. If unlimited privilege be necef- 
 fary to the performance of thefe duties, we have 
 reafon to conclude, that, for many centuries after 
 the inflitution of the houfe of commons, they 
 were never performed. I am not bound to prove 
 a negative ; but 1 appeal to the Englifh hiftory, 
 when I affirm, that, with the exceptions already 
 ftated, (which yet I might fafely relinquish), there 
 is no precedent from the year 1205 to the death 
 of Queen Elizabeth, of the houfe of commons ha- 
 ving imprifoned any man (not a member of their 
 houfe) for contempt or breach of privilege. In 
 the mod flagrant cafes, and when their acknow- 
 ledged privileges were rnofk grofsly violated, the 
 poor Ccmrr.onSy ag they then ftyled themfelves, ne- 
 ver took the power of punifhrnent into their own 
 hands. They either fought redrefs by petition to 
 the King, or, what is more remarkable, applied 
 for juftice to the houfe of Lords ; and when iatif- 
 facHon was denied them or delayed, their only re- 
 medy was to refufe proceeding upon the King's 
 bufinefs. So little conception had our anceftors 
 of the monftrous dolrines now maintained con- 
 cerning privilege, that, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
 even liberty of fpeech, the vital principle of a de- 
 liberative affembly, was restrained by the Queen's 
 authority to a fimple aye or no ; and this rcftric- 
 tion, though impofed upon three fucceffive parlia- 
 ments*, was never once difputed by the houfe of 
 commons. 
 
 K I 
 
 * In the year 159-3 '597 ar ^ j631 -
 
 O F J U N I U S. 253 
 
 I know there are many precedents of arbitrary 
 commitments for contempt: but, befides that they 
 are of too modern a date to warrant a prefump- 
 tion that fuch a power was originally vefted in the 
 houfe of commons, Faft alone does not conflitute 
 Right. If it does, general warrants were lawful. 
 An ordinance of the two houfes has a force e- 
 qual to law; and the criminal jurifdi&ion afrit- 
 med by the Commons in 1621, in the cafe of Ed- 
 ward Loyd, is a good precedent to warrant the 
 like proceedings againft any man, who (hall unad- 
 vifedly mention the folly of a king, or the ambi- 
 tion of a princefs. The truth is, Sir, that the 
 
 greateft and moft exceptionable part of the privi- 
 leges now contended for, were introduced and af- 
 ferted by a houfe of commons which aboliflied 
 both monarchy and peerage, and whofe proceed- 
 ings, although they ended in one glorious at of 
 fubftamial juftice, could no way be reconciled to 
 the forms of the conftitution. Their fucceflors 
 profited by the example, and confirmed their power 
 by a moderate or a proper ufe of it. Thus it grew 
 by degrees, from a notorious innovation at one 
 period, to be tacitly admitted as the privilege of 
 parliament at another. 
 
 If, however, it could be proved, from confide- 
 rations of neceflity or convenience, that an unli- 
 mited power of commitment ought to be intrufled 
 to the houfe of commons, and that in faR they 
 have exercifed it without oppofition, dill, in con- 
 templation of law, the prefumption is ftrongly 
 againft them. It is a leading maxim of the laws 
 of England, (and without it all laws are nugatory), 
 that there is no right without a remedy, nor any 
 legal power without a legal courfe to carry it into 
 efFed. Let the power now in queftion be tried by 
 this rule. The fpeaker iflues his warrant of at- 
 tachment. The party attached either refifts force 
 with force, or appeals to a magiflrate, who de- 
 Y clare*
 
 .; 4 LETTERS 
 
 clares the warrant illegal, and discharges the pri- 
 foner. Does the law provide no legal means for 
 enforcing a legal warrant ? Js there no regular 
 proceeding pointed out ia our law-books to afiert 
 and vindicate the authority of fo high a court as 
 the houfe of commons ? The queftion is anfwered 
 dire&ly by .the fact. Their unlawful commands 
 are refifted, and they have no remedy. The im- 
 prifonment of their own members is revenge in- 
 deed, but it is no afiertipn of the privilege they 
 contend for *. Their whole proceeding (lops ; 
 and there they (land, afhamed to retreat, .and un- 
 able to advance. Sir, thefe ignorant men fhould 
 be informed, that the execution of the laws of 
 England is not left in this uncertain defencelefs 
 condition. If the procefs of the courts of Weft- 
 minfter-hall be refitted, they have a direct coyrfe 
 fufficient to enforce fubmiffion. The court of 
 King's-Bench commands the fheriff to raife the 
 foffe comitatus. The Courts of Chancery and Ex- 
 chequer iffue a -writ of rebellion; which mud alfo 
 be fupported, if neceflary, by the power of the 
 county. To whom will our honeft reprefentatives 
 direct their writ of rebellion ? The guards, I doubt 
 not, are willing enough to be employed ; but they 
 know nothing of the doctrine of writs, and may 
 think it neceflary to wait for a letter from Lord 
 Barrington. 
 
 It may now be objected to me, that my argu- 
 ments prove too much : for that certainly there 
 may be inftances of contempt and infult to the 
 houfe of commons, which do not fall within my 
 own exceptions; yet, in regard to the dignity of 
 the houfe, ought not to pafs unpunished. Be it 
 
 fo. 
 
 * Upon t'.e'r rvvn principles, they fiiotild have ccmmi'tcd Mr 
 "Wilkes, who had been guilty of a greater offence than cv; n ihe 
 Lord Mayor or Alderman Oliver. But after repeatedly ordering 
 him to attend, they at lad adjourned beyond the day appointed 
 for his attendance ; and by this mean, pitiful evafion, g\\ 
 point. Such is the force of cortfck'us guilt !
 
 OF J U N I U S. 25$ 
 
 fo. The courts of criminal jurifdi&ion are open 
 to profecutions, which the Attorney-General may 
 commence by information or indictment. A libel, 
 tending to aiperfe or vilify the houfe of commons, 
 or any of their members, may be as feverely pu- 
 niflied in the court of King's-Bench as a libel up- 
 on the King. Mr de Grey thought fo, when he 
 drew up the information upon my letter to his Ma- 
 jefty, or he had no meaning in charging it to be a 
 fcandalous libel upon the houfe of commons. In 
 my opinion, they would confult their real dignity 1 " 
 much better, by appealing to the laws when they 
 are offended, than by violating the firft principle 
 of natural juftice, which forbids us to be judges" 
 when we are parties to the caufe *". 
 
 I do not mean to purfue them through the re- 
 mainder of their proceedings. In their firit refo- 
 lutions,. it is poffible they might have been decei- 
 ved by ill-confidered precedents. For the reft, 
 there is no colour of palliation or excufe. They' 
 have advifed the King to refume a power of difpen- 
 fing with the laws by royal proclamation f j and 
 ICings, we fee, are ready enough to follow fuch' 
 Y 2 advice. 
 
 * " If it be demanded, in cafe a fr.bjeft (hould be committed by 
 either houfe for a matter manifeftly out of their jurifdittion, 
 what remedy can he have? I anfwer, That it cannot well be 
 imagined, that the law, which favours nothing more than the 
 liberty of the fubjecl, /hould give us a remedy againft commit* 
 ments by the King himfelf, appearing to be illegal, and yet give 
 us no manner of redrefs againft a commitmeiit by our fellow - 
 fubjc-fts, equally appearing to be unwarranted. But as this is a 
 cafe which- 1 am perfuaded will never happen, it feeins needlefs 
 
 over-niccly to examine it." Haivtins, ii, no. JV. 2?. He 
 
 was a good lawyer, but no prophet. 
 
 f That iheir practice might be every way conformable to their 
 principle', the houfe proceeded to advife the crown to pitblifh a 
 proclamation, univerfally acknowledged to be illegal, Mr More- 
 ron publicly protefted againft it before it was ilfued ; and Lord 
 Mansfield, though not fcrupulous to an extreme, fpeaks of it wyK- 
 horror. It is remarkable enough, that the very men who advilcd 
 the proclamation, and who hear it arraigned every day both within 
 doors and without, are not daring enough to utter one word in its 
 defence; nor have they ventured to take the leaft notice of Mr 
 \Vilkc-s for discharging the pejfons apprehended under it,
 
 256 LETTERS 
 
 advice. By mere violence, and without the {ha* 
 dow of right, they have expunged the record of a 
 judicial proceeding *. Nothing remained, but to 
 attribute to their own vote a power of (topping the 
 whole distribution of criminal and civil juflice. 
 
 The public virtues of the chief magiiliate have 
 long Once ceafed to be in queftion. But it is faid, 
 that he has private good qualities ; and I niyfelf 
 have been ready to acknowledge them. They are 
 now brought to the tell. If he loves his people, 
 he will difTolve a parliament which they can never 
 confide in or refpecl. If he has any regard for his 
 own honour, he will difdain to be any longer con- 
 netted with fuch abandoned proftitution. But, if 
 it were conceivable, that a King of this country 
 had loft all fenfe of perfonal honour, and all con- 
 cern for the welfare of his fubjels, I confefs, Sir, 
 I fhould be contented to renounce the forms of 
 the conftitution once more, if there were no other 
 way to obtain fubftantial juflice for the people f. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 * Lord Chatham very properly called this the aft of a mob, no* 
 of a frnate. 
 
 f When Mr Wiikes was to he punifhed, they made no fcruple 
 about the privileges of parliament : and although it was as well 
 known as any matter of public record and uninterrupted cuftom 
 could be, tiat the members of either koufi are priviltgcil, except in 
 taft af treafiH, felony, or breach of fsace, they declared without he- 
 fitalion, that frivilige of fariiafften* did net extend to. tbe caff tf a fe~ 
 cktiout libel; and undoubtedly they would have done the Came if 
 Mr Wiikes had been proiecutcd for any other mifJemeanmir what- 
 ioever. The miniftry .ire of a fuddcn grown wonderfully careful 
 of privileges, which their predict (Tors w? re as ready to inv-.('.e. The 
 known laws of the land, the rights of the fnbjeft, the laxity of 
 charters, and the reverence due to our msgiflrates, mull .ill give 
 way, without queftion or refifhnce, to a privilege of which no 
 man knows either the origin or the cx'ent. The hmtft of com- 
 mons judge of their own privileges without appeal; they may 
 lake offence at the mofl innocent action, and impiiion t!>e pcif n 
 who offends them during their arbitrary will and pleafuie. The 
 partv has no remedy ; he cannot appeal from their juriidiction ; 
 mid if he qncftions the privilege which lie is iiippofed to have vio- 
 lated, it becomes an aggravation of his oifcnce. Surely 
 trine is not to be found in Magna Char-a. If it be adnnttcd with- 
 C".t 1-mitation, 1 i-fSrm that there ii j.tither lav; nor liberty in this
 
 O F J U N-I U S. 257 
 
 LETTER XLV. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, MAY i. 1771. 
 
 THEY who object to detached parts of Ju- 
 nius' s laft letter, either do not mean him fair- 
 ly, or have not confidered the general fcope and 
 courfe of his argument. There are degrees in all 
 the private vices: Why not in public proflitution? 
 The influence of the crown naturally makes a 
 feptennial parliament dependent. Does it follow 
 that every houfe of commons will plunge at once 
 into the lo-weft depths of prostitution ? Junius fup- 
 pofes, that the prefent houfe of commons, in go- 
 ing fuch enormous lengths, have been imprudent 
 to tbcmfelveS) as well as wicked to the public j 
 that their example is net -within the reach of emula- 
 tion ; and that, in the firft feffion after the next 
 election, fonts popular meafures may probably be . 
 adopted. He does not expect that a diflblution of 
 parliament will deflroy corruption, but that at 
 leail it will be a check and terror to their fuccef- 
 fors, who will have feen that, in flagrant cafes t 
 their conilituents can and -will interpofe with effect. 
 After all, Sir, will you not endeavour to removs 
 or alleviate the molt dangerous fymptoms, becaufe 
 you cannot eradicate the difeaie.? Will you not 
 punilh treofin-QT parricide, becaufe the fight of a 
 gibbet does not prevent highway robberies? When 
 the main argument of Junius is admitted to be un- 
 anfwerable, I think it would become the minor 
 critic, who hunts for blemilhes, to be a little more 
 diftruftful of his own fagacity, The other objec- 
 tion is hardly worth an anfwer. When Junius 
 obferves, that Kings are ready enough to follow 
 fuch advice, he does not mean to infmuate, that, 
 Y 3 if 
 
 kingdom. We are the (laves oi the houfe of commons ; and, thro' 
 them, we arc the flaves of the King and Lis minifiers. Anan
 
 258 LETTERS 
 
 if the advice of parliament were good, the King 
 would be fo ready to follow it. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER XLVI. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBf! 
 ADVERTISER. 
 
 SIR, MAY ^2. 1771, 
 
 \7ERY early in the debate upon the dc-cifion of 
 the Middlefex election, it was well obferved 
 by Junius, that the houfe of commons had not 
 only exceeded their boafted precedent of the ex- 
 pulfion and fubfequent incapacitation of Mr Wai- 
 pole, but that they had not even adhered to it 
 llri&ly as far as it went. After convicting Mr 
 Dyfon of giving a falfe quotation from the jour- 
 nals, and having explained the purpofe which 
 that contemptible fraud was intended to anfwer r 
 he proceeds to ftate the vote itfelf by which Mr 
 Walpole's fuppofed incapacity was declared, viz. 
 " Refolved, That Robert Wai-pole, Efq; having 
 91 been this fefiion of parliament committed a pri- 
 *' foner to the Tower, and expelled this houfe for 
 ( a high breach of truft in the execution of his 
 *' office, and notorious corruption when fecretary 
 " at war, was, and is, incapable of being elected 
 " a member to ferve in this prefent parliament :" 
 And then obferves, that, from the terms of the 
 x r ote, we have no right to annex the incapacitation 
 to the expulfion only ; for that, as the propofition 
 ftands, it mull arife equally from the expulfion 
 and the commitment to the Tower. I believe, 
 Sir, no man, who knows any thing of dialectics, 
 or who underftands Englifh, will difpute the truth 
 and fairnefs of this conftruclion. But Junius has 
 a great authority to fupport him; which, to fpeak 
 with the Duk of Grafton, I accidentally met with 
 
 this
 
 OF J U N I U S. 2.59; 
 
 this morning in the courfe of my reading. It con- 
 tains an admonition, which cannot be repeated- 
 too often. Lord Sommers, in his excellent Tract 
 upon the Pughts of the People, after reciting the 
 votes of the convention of the 28th of January 
 1689, viz. " That King James the Second, ha- 
 " ving endeavoured to fubvert the conftitution of' 
 *< this kingdom, by breaking the original contract 
 " between King and People; and, by the advice of 
 " Jefuits and other wicked perfons, having violated 
 " the laws, and having withdrawn himfelf out of' 
 " this kingdom, hath abdicated the government, 
 *' &c." makes this obfervation upon it : " The 
 " word abdicated relates to a// the claufes aforego- 
 *' ing, as well as to his deferring the kingdom, or 
 t( elfe they would have been wholly in vain-" And,, 
 that there might be no pretertre fur confining the 
 abdication merely to the withdrawing, Lord Som- 
 mers farther oblerves, That King James, by refufing 
 to govern us according to that law by -which he held 1 
 the crown, did implicitly renounce his title to it. 
 
 If Junius's conftruclion of the vote againft Mr 
 Walpole be now admitted, (and indeed I cannot 
 comprehend how it can honeftly be difputed), the 
 advocates of the houfe of commons mud either 
 give up their precedent entirely, or be reduced to 
 the necefiityof maintaining one of the groffeft ab- 
 furdities imaginable, viz. " That a commitment to 
 " the Tower is a conftituent part of, and contri- 
 " butes half at leaft to, the incapacitation of the 
 " perfon who fuffers it." 
 
 I need not make you any excufe for endeavour*. 
 ing to keep alive the attention of the public to the 
 decifion of the Middlefex election. The more I 
 confider it, the more I am convinced, that, as a 
 faff, it is indeed highly injurious to the rights of 
 the people ; but that, as a precedent, it is one of 
 the mod dangerous that ever was eftablifhed againft 
 thofe who are to come after us. Yet I am fo far
 
 Z 6o LETTERS 
 
 a moderate man, that I verily believe the majority 
 of the houfe of commons, when they patted this 
 dangerous vote, neither underftood the queftion r 
 nor knew the confequence of what they were do- 
 ing. Their motives were rather defpicable, than 
 criminal in the extreme. One effeV. they certain- 
 ly did not forefee. They are now reduced to fucfr 
 a fituation, that if a member of the prefent houfe 
 of commons were to conduct himfelf ever fo im- 
 properly, and in reality deferve to be fent back to 
 his conftituents with a mark of difgrace, they 4 
 would not dare to expel him ; becaufe they know 
 that the people, in order to try again the great 
 quetbion of right r or to thwart an odious houfe of 
 commons, would probably overlook his immediate 
 un worth) nefc, and return the fame perfon to par- 
 liament. But, in time, the precedent will gain 
 ftrength. A future houfe of commons will have nor 
 fuch apprchenfions> consequently will not fcruple 
 to follow a precedent which they did not eftablifh.. 
 The mifer himfelf feldom lives to enjoy the fruift 
 of his extortion ; but his heir Succeeds to him of 
 courfe, and takes pofleffion without cenfure. No- 
 man expecls him to make reftitution (and, no mat- 
 ter for his title, he lives quietly upon the eitate. 
 
 P H I L O J U N I U S> 
 
 LETTER XLVII. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, MAY 25. 1771. 
 
 I CONFESS my partiality to Junius, and feel a 
 considerable pleafure in being able to commu- 
 nicate any thing to the public in fupport of his 
 opinions. The do6liine laid down in his laft let- 
 ter, concerning the power of the houfe of com- 
 mons to commit for contempt, is not fo new as it 
 
 appeared
 
 O F J U N I U S. 2<5i 
 
 appeared to many people j who, dazzled with the 
 name of privilege, had never fuffered themfelves 
 to examine the queftion fairly. In the courfe of 
 my reading this morning, I met with the following 
 pafiage in the Journals of the Houfe of Commons, 
 (Vol. I. page 603.) Upon occafion^of a jurifdic- 
 tion unlawfully alfumed by the houfe in the year 
 1621, Mr Attorney General Noye gave his opinion 
 as follows : " No doubt but, in fome cafes, this 
 " houfe may give judgment; in matters of re- 
 *' turns, and concerning members of our houfe, 
 " or falling out in our view in parliament*, but, 
 " for foreign matters, knoweth not how we can 
 " judge it. Knoweth not that we have been ufed 
 " to give judgment in any cafe, but thofe before- 
 " mentioned." 
 
 Sir Edward Coke, upon the fame fubject, fays, 
 (page 604.) " No queftion but this is a houfe of 
 f( record, and that it hath power of judicature in 
 " fome cafes ; have power to judge of returns 
 " and members of our houfe ; one, no member, 
 " offending out of the parliament, -uteri he came 
 (( hither andjuftified it, was cenfured for it/' 
 
 Now, Sir, if yot^will compare the opinion of 
 thefe great fages of the law with Junius's doctrine, 
 you will find they tally exactly. He allows the 
 power of the houfe to commit their own members; 
 (which, however, they may grofsly abufe :) He 
 allows their power in cafes where they are acting 
 as a court of judicature, viz. elections, returns, 
 c : And He allows it in fuch contempts as im- 
 mediately interrupt their proceedings ; or, as Mr 
 No ye exprefles it, falling out in their view in par* 
 Hamt 
 
 They who would carry the privileges of parlia- 
 ment farther than Junius, either do not mean well 
 to the public, or know not what they are doing. 
 The government of England is a government of 
 law. We betray ourfelves, we contradict the fpi- 
 
 rit
 
 262 LETTERS. 
 
 rit of our laws, and we fhake the whole fyftem of 
 Jinghfn junfprudence, whenever we intruft a dif- 
 cretionary power over the life, liberty, or fortune 
 of the fubjer, to any man or fet of men whatfo- 
 ever, upon a preemption that it will not be abufed. 
 
 PHILO J UN I US, ,j 
 
 LETTER XLVIII. 
 
 TOTHEPRINTEROFTHEPU3LICADVERTISER, ' 
 
 SI R. MAY 28. 1771. I 
 
 A NY man, who takes the trouble of perufinjr 
 the journals of the houfe of commons, will 
 loon be convinced, that very little, if any regard' f 
 at all, ought to be paid to the refolutions of one 
 branch of the legiflature, declaratory of the law 
 of the land, or even of what they call the law of 
 parliament. It will appear that thefe refolutions 
 have no one of the properties, by which, in this 
 country particularly, law is diftinguifhed from 1 
 mere -utiH and pleafure; but that, on the contrary, 
 they bear every mark of a power arbitrarily aflum- 
 cd, and capricioufly applied : That they are ufual- 
 ly made in times of corned, and to ferve fome un- 
 worthy purpofe of paflion or party;. that the law 
 is feldom declared until after the fad by which 
 it is fuppofed to be violated ; that legislation and 
 jurifdidion are united in the fame pwfons, and 
 exercifed at the fame moment ; and that a court,, 
 from which there is no appeal, aflumes an original 
 junfdidion in a criminal cafe: in fhort, Sir, to 
 collect a thoufand abfurdities into one mafs, " we 
 11 have a law, which cannot be known becaufe it 
 u is ex poftfafto, the party is both legiflator and 
 "judge, and the jurifdidHon is without appeal." 
 Well m ,ght the judges fay, The law of parliament 
 is above us. 
 
 You,
 
 O F J U N I U S. 263 
 
 You will not wonder, Sir, that, with thefe qua* 
 lifications, the declaratory refolutions of the houfe 
 of commons fhould appear to be in perpetual coa- 
 tradition,not only to, common fenfe and to the laws 
 we are acquainted with, (and v/hich alone we caa 
 obey), but even to one another. I was led to trouble 
 you with thefe obfervations by a paiTage, whicbj 
 to fpeak in luteftring, / met ivith this morning in 
 the courfe of my rtading, and upon which I mean 
 
 to put a queftion to the advocates for privilege. 
 
 On the 8th .of March 1704, (yide Journals, 
 Vol. XIV. p. 565.) the houfe thought proper to 
 come to the following refolutions. i. " That no 
 11 commoner of England, committed by the houfe 
 of commons for breach of privilege, or contempt 
 " of that houfe, ought to be, by any writ of Ha- 
 (< beas Corpus, made to appear in any other place, 
 ." or before any other judicature, during that fef- 
 " fion of parliament wherein fuch perfon was fo 
 -* committed." 
 
 2. " That the Serjeant at Arms,, attending this 
 { houfe, do make no return of or yield any obe- 
 " dience to the faid writs of Habeas Corpus ; and, 
 " for fuch his refufal, that he have the prpteftiqa 
 ff of the houfe of commons *." 
 
 Welbore Ellis, What fay .you ? Is this the law- 
 of parliament, or is it not ? 1 am a plain man, Sir, 
 and cannot follow you .through the phlegmatic 
 forms of an oration. Speak out, Grildrig ; fay yes., 
 pr no. If you fay yes, I fhail then inquire by what 
 
 . autho- 
 
 * If there be in .reality any fuch law in England as the leiv of 
 pirliament^ which (under the exceptions llated in rr. y letter on 
 pr.vilegc) I confcfs, after 4ong deliberation, I vsiy nu ch doubt, 
 it certainly is not conftituted by, nor on it be collected from, the 
 j\;folutions of tit her houfe, whether enacting or declaratory. I de- 
 fire the reader will copipare the above refojution ot the year 1704, 
 v.i'h the following of the 3d of April 1618. " Htfol-veJ, I'hac 
 " the writ of Habeas Corpus cannot be denied, In t ou^ht to Le 
 '' granted to every man that is committed or detained iri prifon, or 
 '/ otherwife retrained, by the command of the King, the Piivy 
 " Council, or any vtler, he praying the fame. 1 '
 
 664 LETTERS 
 
 authority Mr De Grey, the honeft Lord Mansfield, 
 and the Barons of the Exchequer, dared to grant 
 a writ of Habeas Corpus for bringing the bodies of 
 the Lord Mayor and Mr Oliver before them ; and 
 why the Lieutenant of the Tower made any return 
 to a writ, which the houfe of commons had, in a 
 fimilar inftance, declared to be unlawful. If you 
 fay no y take care you do not at once give up the 
 caufe in fupport of which you have fo long and fo 
 laborioufly tortured your underftanding. Take care 
 you do not confefs that there is no teft by which 
 we can didinguiih, no evidence by which we can 
 determine, what is, and what is not, the law of 
 parliament. The refolutions I have quoted fland 
 upon your journals, uncontroverted and unre- 
 pealed : they contain a declaration of the law of 
 parliament by a court competent to the queflion, 
 and whofe decifion, as you and Lord Mansfield 
 fay, mud be law, becaufe there is no appeal from 
 it j and they were made, not haftily, but after 
 long deliberation upon a conftitutional queftion. 
 What farther fan&ion or folemnity will you an- 
 nex to any refolution of the prefent houfe of com- 
 mons, beyond what appears upon the face of thofe 
 two refolutions, the legality of which you now 
 deny ? If you fay, that parliaments are not infal- 
 lible ; and that Queen Ann, in confequence of 
 the violent proceedings of that houfe of commons, 
 was obliged to prorogue and diflblve them ; I (hall 
 agree with you very heartily, and think that the 
 precedent ought to be followed immediately. But 
 you, Mr Ellis, who hold this language, are incon- 
 fiftent with your own principles. You have hi- 
 therto maintained that the houfe of commons are 
 the fole judges of their own privileges, and that 
 their declaration docs ipfo fafto constitute the 
 law of parliament : yet now you confefs that par- 
 liaments are fallible, and that their refolutions may 
 be illegal ; coufequently that their refolutions do 
 4 net
 
 O F J U N I U S. 265 
 
 not conftitute the law of parliament. When the 
 King was urged to diflblve the prefent parliament, 
 you advifed him to tell his fubje&s, that he was 
 careful not to affume any of thofe powers "which the 
 conjlitution had placed in other hands, &c. Yet 
 Queen Anne, it feems, was juftified in exerting 
 her prerogative to (top a houfe of commons, whofe 
 proceedings, compared with thofe of the aflembly 
 of which you are a moft worthy member, were the 
 perfection of juftice and reafon. 
 
 In what a labyrinth of nonfenfe does a man in- 
 volve himfelf who labours to maintain falfehood 
 by argument? How much better would it become 
 the dignity of the houfe of commons to fpeak plain- 
 ly to the people, and tell us at once, that their ivill 
 muft be obeyed, not becaufe it is lawful and reafon- 
 able y but becaufe it is their -will? Their conftituents 
 would have a better opinion of their candour, and, 
 I promife you, not a worfe opinion of their inte- 
 grity. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS; 
 
 LETTER XLIX. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTOX. 
 
 MY LORD, JUNE 22. 1771. 
 
 npHE profound refpeft I bear to the gracious 
 *- Prince who governs this country with no lefs 
 honour to himfelf than fatisfalion to his fubjecls, 
 and who reftores you to your rank under his (lan- 
 dard, will fave you from a multitude of reproaches. 
 The attention I fhould have paid to your failings 
 is involuntarily attracted to the hand that rewards 
 them ; and though I am not fo partial to the royal 
 judgment, as to affirm, that the favour of a King 
 can remove mountains of infamy, it ferves to lef- 
 fen at lead, for undoubtedly it divides, the burden. 
 While I remember how much is due to his facred 
 Z cha-
 
 266 LETTERS 
 
 chara&er, I cannot, with any decent appearance 
 of propriety, call you the meaneft and the bafeft 
 fellow in the kingdom. I proteft, my Lord, I do 
 not think you fo. You will have a dangerous ri- 
 val in that kind of fame to which you have hi- 
 therto fo happily directed your ambition, as long 
 as there is one man living who thinks you worthy 
 of his confidence, and fit to be trufted with any 
 fhare in his government. I confefs you have great 
 intrinfic merit; but take care you do not value it 
 too highly. Confider how much of it would have 
 been loft to the world, if the King had not gra- 
 cioufly affixed his ftamp, and given it currency a- 
 mong his fubjedts. If it be true that a virtuous 
 man, ftruggling with adverfity, be a fcene worthy 
 of the gods, the glorious contention between you 
 and the beft of Princes deferves a circle equally 
 attentive and refpelable : I think I already fee ci- 
 ther gods rifing from the earth to behold it. 
 
 But this language is too mild for the occafion. 
 *Phe King is determined that our abilities (hall not 
 be loft to fociety. The perpetration and defcrip- 
 tion of new crimes will find employment for us 
 both. My Lord, if the perfons who have been 
 loudeft in their profeflions of patriotifm, had done 
 their duty to the public with the fame zeal and 
 perfeverance that I did, I will not affert that go- 
 vernment would have recovered its dignity, but at 
 lead our gracious Sovereign muft have fpared his 
 fubjecls this Lift infuit*j which, if there be any 
 feeling left among us, they will refent more than 
 even the real injuries they received from every 
 meafure of your Grace's adminiftration. In vain 
 would he have looked round him for another cha- 
 racter fo confummate as yours. Lord Mansfield 
 fbrinks from his principles ; his ideas of govern- 
 ment perhaps go farther than your own, but his 
 heart difgraces the theory of his underilanding. 
 
 Charles 
 * The Duke was lately appointed LorJ Privy Seal.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 267 
 
 Charles Fox is yet in bloflbm ; and as for Mr Wed- 
 derburne, there is fomething about him which 
 even treachery cannot truft. For the prefenr, 
 therefore, the beft of Princes muft have contented, 
 himfelf with Lord Sandwich. You would long 
 fince have received your final difmiflion and re- 
 ward ; and I, my Lord, who do not efteem you 
 the more for the high office you poflefs, would 
 willingly have followed you to your retirement. 
 Th re is furely fomething fmgularly benevolent in 
 the character of our Sovereign. From the mo- 
 ment he afcended the throne, there is no crime, 
 of which human nature is capable, (and I call upon 
 the Recorder to witnefs it), that has not appeared 
 venial in his fight. With any other Prince, the 
 fhameful defcrtion of him in the midft of that di- 
 ftrefs which you alone had created, in the very 
 crifis of danger, when he fancied he faw the throne 
 already furrounded by men of virtue and abilities, 
 would have outweighed, the memory of your for- 
 mer fervices. But his Majefty is full of juftice, 
 and underftands the doctrine of compensations. 
 He remembers with gratitude how foon you had 
 accommodated your morals to the neceffity of his 
 fervice ; how cheerfully you had abandoned the 
 engagements of private friendfhip, and renounced 
 the moil folemn profeflions to the public. The 
 facrifice of Lord Chatham was not loft upon him. 
 Even the cowardice and perfidy of deferring him 
 may have done you no difTervice in his efteem. 
 The inftance was painful, but the principle might 
 pleafe. 
 
 You did not neglect the magiftrate, while you 
 flattered the man. The expulfion of Mr "Wilkes, 
 predetermined in the cabinet , the power of de- 
 priving the fubjeft of his birthright, attributed to 
 a refolution of one branch of the legiflature ; the 
 conftitution impudently invaded by the houfe of 
 commons; the right of defending it treacheroufly 
 Z 2 re-
 
 268 LETTERS 
 
 renounced by the houfe of lords thefe are the 
 flrokes, my Lord, which, in the prefent reign, re- 
 commend to office, and conftitute a minifter. They 
 would have determined your Sovereign's judg- 
 ment, if they had made no impreflion upon his 
 heart. We need not look for any other fpecies of 
 merit to account for his taking the earlieft oppor- 
 tunity to recal you to his councils. Yet you 
 
 have other merit in abundance. Mr Hine, 
 
 the Duke of Portland, and Mr Yorke : Breach 
 of truft, robbery, and murder. You would think 
 it a compliment to your gallantry, if I added rape 
 to the catalogue ; but the ftyle of your amours 
 fecures you from refiftance. I know how well 
 thefe feveral charges have been defended. In the 
 iirft inftance, the breach of truft is fuppofed to 
 have been its own reward. Mr Bradfhaw affirms 
 upon his honour, (and fo may the gift of fmiling 
 never depart from him !) that you referved no part 
 of Mr Hine's purchafe-money for your own ufe, 
 but that every (lulling of it was fcrupuloufly paid 
 to Governor Burgoyne. Make hafte, my Lord ; 
 another patent, applied in time, may keep the 
 OAKS* in the family. If not, Birnham-Wood, I 
 fear, muft come to the Macaroni. 
 
 The Duke of Portland was in life your earlieft 
 friend. In defence of his property he had nothing 
 to plead but equity againft 8ir James Lowther, 
 and prefcription againft the crown. You felt for 
 your friend ; but the laiu muft take its courfe. Po- 
 fterity will fcarce believe that Lord Bute's fon-in- 
 law had barely intereft enough at the treafury to 
 get his grant completed before the general elec- 
 tion f. 
 
 Enough 
 
 * A fuperb villa of C-jI. Burgoyne, about tliis time advertised 
 for falc. 
 
 f It will appear by a fubftquent Liter, that the Duke's precipi- 
 tation proved fatal to the grant. It looks like the huiry aiul con- 
 fufion of a young highwayman, who takes a few (hillings, but 
 Icuvti the purfe and waich behind him '. And yet the Duke WuS 
 an old ortlndcr!
 
 OF J U N I U S. 26> 
 
 Enough has been faid of that deteflable tran- 
 faftion which ended in the death of Mr Yorke; 
 I cannot fpeak of it without horror and compaf- 
 fion. To excufe yourfelf, you publicly impeach 
 your accomplice; and to his mind perhaps the ac- 
 cufation may be flattery. But in murder you are 
 both principals. It was once a queftion of emu- 
 lation ; and, if the event had not difappointed the 
 immediate fchemes of the clofet, it might ftill have 
 been a hopeful fubject of jeft and merriment be- 
 tween you. 
 
 This letter, my Lord, is only a preface to my 
 future correfpondence. The remainder of the fum- 
 mer (hall be dedicated to your amufement. I mean 
 now and then to relieve the feverity of your morn- 
 ing ftudies, and to prepare you for the bufinefs of 
 the day. Without pretending to more, than Mr 
 Bradfhaw's fincerity, you may rely upon my at- 
 tachment as long as you are in office. 
 
 Will your Grace forgive me, if I venture to ex- 
 prefs fome anxiety for a man whom I know you 
 do not love ? My Lord Weymouth has cowardice 
 to plead, and a defertion of a later date than your 
 own. You know the privy-feal was intended for 
 him ; and, if you confider the dignity of the pofb 
 he deferted, you will hardly think it decent to quar- 
 ter him on Mr Rigby. Yet IK- muft have bread, 
 my Lord ; or rather he muft have wine. If you 
 deny him the cup, there will be no keeping him. 
 within the pale of the miniftry,,. JUNIUS.- 
 
 LETTER L. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 MY LORD, JULY 9. 177?- 
 
 r PHE influence of your Grace's fortune (till feems* 
 
 * to prefide over the treafary. The genius of. 
 
 Z. 3 Ma-
 
 270 LETTERS 
 
 Mr Bradfhaw infpires Mr Robinfon *. How re- 
 markable it is, (and I fpeak of it not as matter 
 of reproach, but as fomething peculiar to your 
 chara&er,) that you have never yet formed a 
 friendfhip which has not been fatal to the object 
 of it ; nor adopted a caufe, to which, one way or 
 other, you have not done mifchief ! Your attach- 
 ment is infamy while it lafts; and, whichever 
 way it turns, leaves ruin and difgrace behind it. 
 The deluded girl who yields to fuch a profligate, 
 even while he is conftant, forfeits her reputation 
 as well as her innocence, and finds herfelf aban- 
 doned at lad to mifery and fhame. Thus it hap- 
 pened with the beft of Princes. Poor Dingley 
 too ! I proteft I hardly know which of them we 
 ought mod to lament , the unhappy man who 
 finks undftr the fenfe of his dimonour, or him who 
 furvives it. Characters, fo finifhed, are placed 
 beyond the reach of panegyric. Death has fixed 
 his feal upon Dingley ; and you, my Lord, have 
 fet your mark upon the other. 
 
 The only letter I ever addreffed to the King 
 was fo unkindly received, that I believe I fhall ne- 
 ver prefume to trouble his Majefty in that way 
 again. But my zeal for his fervice is fuperior to 
 neglec~l ; and, like Mr Wilkes's patriotifm, thrives 
 by perfecution. Yet his Majefty is much addi&ed 
 to ufeful reading ; and, if I am not ill informed, 
 has honoured the Public Advertifer with particular 
 attention. I have endeavoured therefore, and not 
 without fuccefs, (as perhaps you may remember), 
 to furnifh it with fuch interesting and edifying in- 
 telligence, as probably would not reach him thro* 
 any other channel. The fervices you have done 
 the nation, your integrity in office, and fignal 
 fidelity to your approved good Mailer, have been 
 
 faith* 
 
 * By an intercepted letter from the Secretary of the Treaftiry, 
 it appeared, that tin' friends of government "were to Li wry utfivi ill fup- 
 
 f rtin the miniftcriul nomination of Iheriffs.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 271 
 
 faithfully recorded. Nor have his own virtues 
 been entirely neglected. Thefe letters, my Lord, 
 are read in other countries and in other languages ; 
 and I think I may affirm without vanity, that the 
 gracious character of the bed of Princes, is by this 
 time not only perfectly known to his fubjccts, but 
 tolerably well underftood by the reft of Europe. 
 In this refpect alone I have the advantage of Mr 
 Whitehead. His plan, I think, is too narrow. He 
 feems to manufacture his verfes for the fole ufe 
 of the hero who is fuppofed to be the fubject of 
 them ; and, that his meaning may not be export- 
 ed in foreign bottoms, fets all tranflation at de- 
 fiance. 
 
 Your Grace's re-appointment to a feat in the 
 cabinet, was announced to the public by the omi- 
 nous return of Lord Bute to this country. When 
 that noxious planet approaches England, he never 
 fails to bring plague and peftilence along with 
 him. The King already feels the malignant ef- 
 fect of your influence over his counfels. Your 
 former adminiftration made Mr "Wilkes an alder- 
 man of London, and reprefentative of Middlefex. 
 Your next appearance in office is marked with his 
 election to the (hrievalty. In whatever meafure 
 you are concerned, you are not only difappointed 
 of fuccefs, but always contrive to make the go- 
 vernment of the beft of Princes contemptible in 
 his own eyes, and ridiculous to the whole world. 
 Making all due allowance for the effect of the mi- 
 nifter's declared interpofition, Mr Robinfon's acti- 
 vity, and Mr Home's new zeal in fupport of ad- 
 miniftration, we ftill want the genius of the Duke 
 of Grafton to account for committing the whole 
 intereft of government in the city to the conduct 
 of Mr Harley. 1 will not bear hard upon your 
 faithful friend and emiflary Mr Touchit j for I 
 know the difficulties of his fituation, and that a 
 few lottery-tickets are of ufe to his ceconomy. 
 
 There
 
 272 LETTERS 
 
 There is a proverb concerning perfons in the pre- 
 dicament of this gentleman, which, however, can- 
 not be ftriclly applied to him : They commence dupes, 
 andfinijlj knaves. Now Mr Touchit's character is 
 uniform. I am convinced that his fentiments never 
 depended upon his circumftances, and that in the 
 moft profperous ftate of his fortune he %vas always 
 the very man he is at prefent. But was there no 
 other perfon of rank and confequence in the city, 
 whom government could confide in, but a noto- 
 rious Jacobite ? Did you imagine that the whole 
 body of the Diffenters, that the whole Whig inte- 
 reft of London, would attend at the levee, and 
 fubmit to the directions, of a notorious Jacobite ? 
 Was there no Whig magistrate in the city, to 
 whom the fervants of George the Third could in- 
 truft the management of a bufinefs fo very inte- 
 refting to their mafter as the election of fherifFs ? 
 Is there no room at St James's but for Scotchmen 
 and Jacobites ? My Lord, I do not mean to que- 
 ftion the fincerity of Mr Harley's attachment to 
 his Majefty's government. Since the commence- 
 ment of the prefent reign, I have feen (till greater 
 contradictions reconciled. The principles of thefe 
 worthy) Jacobites are not fo abfurd as they have 
 been reprefented. Their ideas of divine right are 
 not fo much annexed to the perfon or family, as 
 to the political character of the Sovereign. Had 
 there ever been an honeft man among the Stuarts, 
 his Majefty's prefent friends would have been 
 Whigs upon principle. But the converfion of the 
 beft of Princes have removed their fcruples. They 
 have forgiven him the fins of his Hanoverian an- 
 ceftors, and acknowledge the hand of Providence 
 in the defcent of the crown upon the head of a 
 true Stuart. In you, my Lord, they alfo behold*, 
 with a kind of predilection which borders upon 
 loyalty, the natural representative of that illuftri. 
 ous family. The mode of your defcent from; 
 
 Charts
 
 O F J U N I U S. 273 
 
 Charles the Second, is only a bar to your preten- 
 Cons to the crown, and no way interrupts the re- 
 gularity of your fucceflion to all the virtues of the 
 Stuarts. 
 
 The unfortunate fuccefs of the Reverend Mr 
 Home's endeavours, in fupport of the minifterial 
 nomination of fherifFs, will, I fear, obftruct his 
 preferment. Permit me to recommend him to your 
 Grace's protection. You will find him copioufljr 
 gifted with thofe qualities of the heart, which u- 
 fually direct you in the choice of your friendships. 
 He too was Mr Wilkes's friend, and as incapable 
 as you are of the liberal refentment of a gentle- 
 man. No, my Lord it was the folitary vindictive 
 malice of a monk, brooding over the infirmities of 
 his friend until he thought they quickened into 
 public life, and feafting with a rancorous rapture 
 upon the fordid catalogue of his diftrefles. Now 
 let him go back to his cloifter. The church is a 
 proper retreat for him. In his principles he is al- 
 ready a bifhop. 
 
 The mention of this man has moved me from 
 my natural moderation. . Let me return to your 
 Grace. You are the pillow upon which I am de- 
 termined to reft all my refentments. What idea 
 can the beft of Sovereigns form to himfelf of his 
 own government ? In what repute can he con- 
 ceive that he {lands with his people, when he fees, 
 beyond the poflibility of a doubt, that, whatever 
 be the office, the fufpicion of his favour is fatal to 
 the candidate ; and that when the party he wifhes 
 well to has the faireft profpetl of fuccefs, if his 
 royal inclination fhould unfortunately be difcover- 
 ed, it drops like an acid, and turns the election ? 
 
 This event, among others, may perhaps con- 
 tribute to open his Majefty's eyes to his real ho- 
 nour and intereft. In fpite of all your Grace's in- 
 genuity, he may at laft perceive the inconvenience 
 of felecting, with fuch a curious felicity, every 
 
 villain
 
 274 LETTERS 
 
 villain in the nation to fill the various departments 
 of his^" government. Yet I fhould be forry to con- 
 fine him in the choice either of his footmen or his 
 friends. JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER LI. 
 
 FROM THE REVEREND MR HORNE TO JUNIUS. 
 
 SIR, JULY 13. 1771- 
 
 Tf/lRCE, Comedy, and Tragedy Wilkes> Fsste, and 
 * Junius, united at the fame time againlt one 
 poor Paribn, are fearful odds. The two former 
 are only labouring in their vocation; and may e- 
 qually plead in excufe, that their aim is a liveli- 
 hood. I admit the plea for the fccond ; his is an 
 honeft calling, and my clothes were lawful game : 
 but I cannot fo readily approve Mr Wilkes, or 
 commend him for making patriotifm a trade, and 
 a fraudulent trade. But what (hall I fay to Ju- 
 nitts ? the grave, the folemn, the didadic ! Ri- 
 dicule indeed has been ridiculoufly called the teft 
 
 f truth; by.L furcly, to con^fs that you lofs your 
 
 natural moderation when mention is made of the 
 man, docs not promife much truth or juftice when 
 you (peak of him yourfelf. 
 
 You charge me with " a new zeal in fupport 
 t( of adminiflration," and with " endeavours in 
 " fupport of the rmnifterial nomination of flie- 
 ' rifts." The reputation which your talents have 
 defervedly gained to the fignature of Junius, draws 
 from me a reply, which I difdained to give to the 
 anonymous lies of Mr Wilkes. You make fre- 
 quent ufe of the word Gentleman ; I only call my- 
 felf a Man, and deiire no other diftinction : If 
 you are either, you are bound to make good your 
 charges, or to confefs that you have done me a 
 hafly injuftice upon no authority. 
 
 1 put the matter fuiriv to ifl'ue. I fay, that fo 
 
 far
 
 O F J U N I U S. 275 
 
 far from any " new zeal in fupport of adminiftra- 
 tion," I am poflefied with the utmoft abhorrence 
 of their meafures; and that I have ever fliown 
 myfelf, and am ftill ready, in any national man- 
 ner, to lay down all I have my life, in oppofi- 
 tion to thofe meafures. I fay, that I have not, 
 and never have had, any communication or con- 
 nection of any kind, directly or indirectly, with 
 any courtier or minifterial man, or any of their 
 adherents : that I never have received, or folicited, 
 or expected, or defired, or do now hope for, any 
 reward of any fort, from any party or fet of men 
 in adminiftration or opposition. I fay, that I never 
 ufed any *' endeavours in fupport of the minifte- 
 " rial nomination of fheriffs -," that I did not fo- 
 licit any one liveryman for his vote for any one of 
 the candidates, nor employ any other perfon to fo- 
 licit; and that I did not write one fingle line or 
 word in favour of Meffrs Plumbe and Kirkman, 
 whom I underftand to have been fupported by the 
 
 rnir.iftry. 
 
 You are bound to refute what I here advance, 
 or to lofe your credit for veracity. , You muft pro- 
 duce facts : furmife and general abufe, in howe- 
 ver elegant language, ought not to pafs for proofs. 
 You have every advantage ; and I have every dif- 
 advantage : you are unknown; I give my name. 
 All parties, both in and out of adminiftration, have 
 their reafons (which I fnall relate hereafter) for u- 
 niting in their wimes againft me ; and the popu- 
 lar prejudice is as ftrongly in your favour, as it is 
 violent againft the Parfon. 
 
 Singular as my prefent fituation is, it is neither 
 painful, nor was it unforefeen. He is not fit for 
 public bufinefs, who does not even at his entrance 
 prepare his mind for fuch an event. Health, for- 
 tune, tranquillity, and private connections, I have 
 facrificed upon the altar of the Public; and the 
 only return I receive, becaufe I will not concur to 
 
 dupe
 
 276 LETTERS 
 
 dupe and miflead a fenfelcfs multitude, is barely, 
 that they have not yet torn me in pieces. That 
 this has been the only return is my pride, and a 
 fource of more real fatisfadion than honours or 
 profperity. I can pradtife, before I am old, the 
 leflbns I learned in my youth ; nor (hall I ever for- 
 get the words of my ancient Monitor, 
 
 " Tis the lad key-flone 
 
 " That makes the arch : the reft that there were put 
 '* Are nothing, till that comes to bind and fhut: 
 " Then ftands it a triumphal mark J then men 
 " Obferve the ftrength, the height, the why and 
 
 " when 
 
 < c It was erected ; and ftill, walking under, 
 " Meet fome new matter to look up and wonder ! 
 
 I am, Sir, your humble Servant, 
 
 JOHN HORNE. 
 
 LETTER LII. 
 
 TO THE REVEREND MR HORNE. 
 
 SIR, JULY 24. 1771. 
 
 T Cannot defcend to an altercation with you in 
 ^ the newfpapers : but fince I have attacked your 
 character, and you complain of injuftice, I think 
 you have fome right to an explanation. You defy 
 me to prove that you ever folicited a vote, or wrote 
 a word, in fupport of the miniflerial aldermen. 
 Sir, I did never fufpeft you of fuch grofs folly. 
 It would have been impoflible for Mr Home to 
 have folicited votes, and very difficult to have 
 written in the newfpapers in defence of that caufe, 
 without being detected and brought to fliame. 
 Neither do I pretend to any intelligence concern- 
 ing you, or to know more of your conduct than 
 you yourfelf have thought proper to communicate 
 to the public. It is from your own letters I con- 
 2 elude
 
 O F J U N I US. 277 
 
 elude that you have fold yourfelf to the miniftry ; 
 or if that charge be too fevere, and fuppofing it 
 poflible to be deceived by appearances fo very 
 ftrongly againft you, what are your friends to fay 
 in your defence ? Muft they not confefs, that, to 
 gratify your pcrfonal hatred of Mr Wilkes, you 
 facrificed, as far as depended on your intereft and 
 abilities, the caufe of the country ? I can make 
 allowance for the violence of the paffions ; and if 
 ever I fhould be convinced that you had no motive 
 but to deftroy Wilkes, I fhall then be ready to do 
 juftice to your character, and to declare to the 
 world, that I defpife you fomewhat lefs than I do 
 at prefent. But as a public man, I muft for ever 
 condemn you. You cannot but know, nay you 
 dare not pretend to be ignorant, that the higheft 
 gratification of which the moft deteftable * * 
 in this nation is capable, would have been the de- 
 feat of Wilkes. I know that man much better than 
 any of you. Nature intended him only for a good- 
 humoured fool. A fyftematical education, with 
 long practice, has made him a confummate hypo- 
 crite. Yet this man, to fay nothing of his worthy 
 minifters, you have inoft afiiduoufly laboured to 
 gratify. To exclude Wiikes, it was not neceflary 
 you fhould folicit votes for his opponents. We 
 incline the balance as effectually by leflening the 
 weight in one fcale, as by increafing it in the 
 other. 
 
 The mode of your attack upon Wilkes (though 
 I a in far from thinking, meanly of your abilities) 
 convinces me, that you either want judgment ex- 
 tremely, or that you are blinded by your refent- 
 ment. You ought to have forefeen, that the char- 
 ges you urged againft Wilkes could never do him 
 any mifchief. After all, when we expecled dif- 
 coveries highly interefting to the community, what 
 a pitiful detail did it end in! Some old cloaths 
 a Welili poney a French footman, and a hamper 
 A a of
 
 S7* LETTERS 
 
 of claret. Indeed, Mr Home, the public 
 and -will forgive him his claret and his footman, 
 and even the ambition of making his brother cham- 
 berlain of London, as long as .he (lands forth a- 
 gainft a jminiftry and parliament who are doing 
 every thing they can to enflave the country, and 
 as leng as he is a thorn in the King's fide. You 
 will not fufpeft me as fetting up Wilkes for a 
 perfect character. The queflion to the public is, 
 \Vhere fhall we find a man, who, with purer prin- 
 ciples, will go the lengths and run the hazards 
 that he has done ? The feafon calls for fuch a man, 
 and he ought to be fupported. What would have 
 been the triumph of that odious hypocrite and his 
 minions, if Wilkes had been defeated ! It was not 
 your fault, reverend Sir, that he did not enjoy it 
 completely. But now, I promife you, you have 
 fo little power to do mifchief, that I much <jue- 
 ftion whether the miniftry will adhere to the pro- 
 mifes they have made you. It will be in vain to 
 fay that I am a partizan of Mr Wilkes, or perfo- 
 nally your enemy. You will convince no man, 
 for you do not believe it yourfelf. Yet I confefs 
 I am a little offended at the low rate -at which you 
 feem to value my underftanding. I beg, Mr Home, 
 you will hereafter believe, that I meafure the in- 
 tegrity of men by their conduct, not by their pro- 
 feffions. Such tales may entertain. Mr Oliver, or 
 your grandmother ; but, truft me, they are thrown 
 away upon Junius. 
 
 You fay you are a man.' Was it generous, was 
 it manly, repeatedly to introduce into a newfpaper 
 the name of a ycung lady, with whom you mud 
 heretofore have lived on terms of politenefs and 
 good-humour ? But I have done with you. In 
 my opinion, your credit is irrecoverably ruined. 
 JNlr Toivnjbend, I think, is nearly in the fame pre- 
 dicament. Poor Oliver has been (hamefully duped 
 by you. You have made him facrifice all the ho- 
 
 nour
 
 O F J U N I U S. 279 
 
 nour he got by his imprifonment. As for Mr 
 Saiubrldge^ whofe character I really refpecl, I am 
 aftonifhed he does not fee through your duplicity. 
 Never was fo bafe a defign fo poorly conducted. 
 This letter, you fee, is not intended for the pub- 
 lic ; but if you think it will do you any fervice, 
 you are at liberty to publifh it. JUNfUS. 
 
 * f * This letter was tranfmitted privately by the Printer to Mr 
 Home, by Juaius's requdt. Mr Home returned it lo ihc Primer, 
 with directions to publifh it. 
 
 LETTER LIII. 
 
 FROM THE REVEREND MR HORNE TO JUNIUS. 
 
 SIR, JULY 31. 1771. 
 
 YOU have difappointed me. When I told you, 
 that furmife and general abufe, in however 
 elegant language, ought not to pafs for proofs, I 
 evidently hinted at the reply which I expected : 
 but you have dropped your ufual elegance, and 
 feem willing to try what will be the effect of fur- 
 mife and general abufe in very coarfe language. 
 Your anfwer to my letter (which I hope was cool, 
 and temperate, and modefl) has convinced me, 
 that my idea of a man is much fuperior to yours 
 of a gentleman- Of your former letters I have al- 
 ways faid, Materiem fuperabat opus : I do not 
 think fo of the prefent; the principles are more 
 deteftable than the exprefiions are mean and illi- 
 beral. I am contented, that all thofe who adopt 
 the one fhould for ever load me with the other. 
 
 I appeal to the common fenfe of the public, to 
 which I have ever directed myfelf : I believe they 
 have it, though I am fometimes half-inclined to 
 fufpecl: that Mr Wilkes has formed a truer judge- 
 ment of mankind than I have. However, of this 
 I am fure, that there is nothing elfe upon which 
 to place a fteady reliance. Trick, and low cun- 
 A a 2 ' ning,
 
 2 8o LETTERS 
 
 ning, and addreffing their prejudices and paffions, 
 may be the fitted means to carry a particular point -, 
 but if they have not common-fenfe, there is no 
 profpecl of gaining for fhem any real permanent 
 good. The fame paflions which have been artful- 
 ly ufed by an honeft man for their advantage, may 
 be more artfully employed by a difhoneft man for 
 their deftrution. I defire them to apply their 
 common-fenfe to this letter of Jitnius ; not for my 
 fake, but their own : it concerns them moft near- 
 ly ; for the principles it contains leid to difgrace 
 and ruin, and are inconfiflent with every notion 
 of civil fociety. 
 
 The charges which Juntas has brought sgainft 
 me, are made ridiculous by his own inconfiitcncy 
 and feif-contradic~iion. lie charges me pofitively 
 with " a new zeal in fupport of adminiftration >" 
 and with " endeavours ^n fupport of the minifte- 
 " rial nomination of fheriffs." And he affigns 
 two inconfiftent motives for my conduft : either 
 that I have " fold myfelf to the miniftry," or am 
 inlligated <f by the folitary vindictive malice of a 
 ' monk ;" either that I am influenced by a fordid 
 defire of gain, or am hurrifd on by " perfonal ka- 
 " tred, and blinded by refcntment." In his letter 
 to the Duke of Grafton, he fuppofes me actuated 
 by both : in his letter to me, he at firft doubts 
 u-hich of the two, whether intereft, or revenge, 
 is my motive. However, at laft he determines 
 for the former, and again pofitiveiy aiTerts that 
 the miniftry have made me pron.ifes:" yet he 
 produces no inftance of corruption, nor pretends 
 to have any intelligence of a m:niilerial connec- 
 tion. He mentions no canfe of a perfonal hatred 
 to Mr Willces, nor any reafon for my refcntment 
 or revenge j nor has Mr Wilkes himfelf ever hint- 
 ed any, though repeatedly prtfled. When Junius 
 is called upon to juitify his accufation, he an- 
 fwers. " He cannot defcend to an altercation with 
 
 " me
 
 O F J U N I U S. 281 
 
 ' me in the newfpapers." Junius, who exi/is 
 only in the newfpapers, who acknowledges " he 
 " has attacked my character" there^ and thinks 
 * I have fome right to an explanation " yet this 
 Junius " cannot defcend to an altercation in the 
 <f newfpapers !" And becaufe he cannot defcend 
 to an altercation with me in the newfpapers, he 
 fends a letter of abufe by the printer, which he fi- 
 nifhes with telling me " I am at liberty to pub- 
 " Ufa it." This, to be fure, is a moft excellent 
 method to avoid an altercation in the newfpa- 
 pers ! 
 
 The proofs of his pofitive charges are as extra- 
 ordinary : " He does not pretend to any intelli- 
 a gerice concerning me, or to know more of my 
 " conduct than I myfelf have thought proper to 
 ** communicate to the public." He docs not fuf- 
 pedt me of fuch grofs folly as to have foliciteil 
 votes, or to have written anonymoufly in the newf- 
 papers ; becaufe it is impoffible to do either of 
 thefe without being detected and brought to mams. 
 Junius fays this! who yet imagines that he has 
 himfelf written two years under that fignature, 
 (and more under others}^ without being detected ! 
 his warmed admirers will not hereafter add, 
 without being brought to fh'ame. But though he 
 did never fufpecl me of fuch grofs folly as to run 
 the hazard of being detected and brought to fhame 
 by anonymous writing, he infifts, that I have been 
 guilty of a much groffer folly, of incurring the 
 certainty of fh.une and detection, by writings^;: - 
 ed with my name ! Cut this is a fmall flight lor 
 the towering Junius : " HE is FAR from thinking 
 " meanly of my abilities," though he is " coh- 
 '* vinced that I \yant judgment extremely;" and 
 can " really refpect Mr Sawbridge's character," 
 though he declares him * to be fo poor a creature,. 
 A a 3 as 
 
 I beg Icav5 to introjucc Mr Ibra? to the charter of
 
 282 LETTERS 
 
 as not to " fee through the bnfefl defign condncr- 
 ' ed in the pooreft manner !" And this moft bafe 
 defign is conducted in the pooreft manner, by 
 a man whom he does not fufpect of grofs folly, 
 and of whofe abilities he is FAR from thinking 
 meanly ! 
 
 Should we aflc Junlus to reconcile thefe contra- 
 dictions, and explain this nonfenfe, the anfwer 
 is ready; " He cannot defcend to an altercation 
 in the newfpapers." He feels no reluctance to 
 attack the character of any man: the throne is not 
 too high, nor the cottage too low : his mighty 
 malice can grafp both extremes : he hints not his 
 accufations as opinion, conjefture % or inference) but 
 delivers them as pofitive aJJ'ertions. Do the accu- 
 fed complain of injuitice? He acknowledges they 
 have fome fort of right to an explanation: but if 
 they afk tor p reefs andfafis, he begs to be excu- 
 fed ; and though he is no where elfe to be encoun- 
 tered " he cannot defccnd to an altercation in 
 " the newfpapers." 
 
 And this, perhaps, Junius may think " the /;'- 
 ' beral refentment of a gentleman ;" This fkulking 
 aflafiination he may call courage. In all things, as 
 in this, I hope we differ. 
 
 " I thought that fortitude had been a mean 
 *' 'Twixt fear and rafhnefs; not a luft obfcene 
 
 " Or 
 
 Dculle Dealer. I thought they had been better acquainted. " A- 
 ' i-.oiU-r very wrong ohjeflion has been made by fome, who have 
 44 noc taken Icifure to dilttn^uifh the characters The hero of the 
 " plsy (meaning Mellefoiit)~\s a gull, ami made a fool, and cheat- 
 
 " cc l. Is evciy man a gull and a fool that is deceived ? . At 
 
 " that rate, I am afraid tjfe two clalles of men will be reduced to 
 " one, and the knave? themfolves be at a lofs to jtiftify their title. 
 *' lint ii an open honefl- hearted man, who has an entire confidence 
 *' in one whom he takes to be his friend, and who (to confirm 
 " him in his opinion) in all appearance, and upon icver.il trials, 
 " has been ib ; if this man he deceived by the treachery^of the o- 
 " ther, inuft he of neceffity commence fool immediately, only be- 
 
 ' caufe the other Has proved a villain ?" Yes, fays paiibn llornc: 
 
 No, iay> Congreve ; and he^ \ thiilk, is allo\yc4 10 have kiiOWU 
 omc tiling of liumaa nature.
 
 OF J U N I U S. 283 
 
 '< Or appetite of offending ; but a fldll 
 " And nice difcernment between good and ill* 
 11 Her ends are honefly and public good, 
 " And without thefe ihe is not underftood." 
 
 Of two things, however, he has condescended 
 to give proof. He very properly produces a young 
 lady, to prove that I am not a man ; and a good 
 old woman, my grandmother, to prove Mr Oliver 
 a fool. Poor old foul ! me read her bible far 
 otherwife than Junius ! She often found there, 
 that the fins of the fathers had been vifited on the 
 children; and therefore was cautious that herfelf, 
 and her immediate defcendents, fhould leave no 
 reproach oa her pofterity : and they left none. 
 How little could lhe forefee this reverfe of Junius, 
 who vifits my political fins upon my grandmother ! 
 I do not charge this to the fcore of malice in him; 
 it proceeded entirely from his propenfity to blun- 
 der; that whilft he was reproaching me for intro- 
 ducing, in the moft harmlefs manner, the name 
 of one female, he might himfelf, at the fame irr- 
 itant, introduce two.. 
 
 I am reprefented alternately, as it fuits funitts^s 
 purpofe, under the oppofite characters of a. gloomy 
 monk, and a man of politenefs and good- humour. I 
 am called " a Jolitary monk" in -order to confirm 
 the notion given of me in Mr Wilkes's anonymous 
 paragraphs, that I never laugh. And the terms of 
 politenefs and good-humour, on which I am faid to 
 have lived heretofore with the young lady, are'hi- 
 tended to confirm other paragraphs of Mr Wilkes, 
 in which he is fuppofed to have offended me by 
 refufing his daughter. Ridiculous i Yet I cannot 
 deny but that Junius has proved me unmanly a:id 
 ungenerous, as clearly as he has fhown me corrupt 
 and vindi&ive and I will tell him more ; I have 
 paid the prefent miniftry as many vifits and com- 
 pliments as ever I paid to the young lady ; and Ihall 
 
 all
 
 284 LETTERS 
 
 all my life treat them with the fame politenefs and 
 good-humour. 
 
 But Juntas " begs me to believe, that he mea- 
 " fures the integrity of men by their conduft, not 
 " by their profe/ions." Sure this Junius muR i- 
 magine his readers as void of underftanding as he 
 is of modefty ! Where fhall we find the ftandard 
 of HIS integrity? By what are we to meafure 
 the conduft of this lurking aflaflin? And he fays 
 this to me, whofe condud, wherever I could per- 
 fonally appear, has been as dired, and open, and 
 public, as my words. I have not, like him, con- 
 cealed myfelf in my chamber, to {hoot my arrows 
 out of the window ; nor contented myfelf to view 
 the battle from afar ; but publicly mixed in the 
 engagement, and fhared the danger. To whom 
 have I, like him, refufed my name upon complaint 
 of injury? What printer have I defired to conceal 
 me ? In the infinite variety of buGnefs in which I 
 have been concerned, where it is not fo eafy to be 
 faultlefs, which of my actions can he arraign ? To 
 what danger has any man been expofed, which I 
 have not faced ? information^ attion, imprifonmeiit, 
 or death ? What labour have I refufed ? what ex- 
 pence have I declined ? what pleafure have I not 
 renounced ? But Junius t to whom no conduct be- 
 longs> " meafures the integrity of men by their 
 " coAduSl t . not by their profcffions ,-" him'felf all 
 the while being nothing but prcfe/ions, and thofe 
 too anonymous! The political ignorance or wilful 
 falfehood of this declaimer is extreme. His own 
 former letters juftify both my conduct and thofe 
 whom hip loft letter abufes : for the public mea- 
 fures which Junius has been all along defending, 
 were ours whom he attacks; and the uniform op- 
 pofer of thofe meafures has been Mr VviJLes, 
 whofe bad adions ad intentions he endeavours 
 to fcreen. 
 
 , if he plcufes, change his abuf 
 
 and,.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 285 
 
 and, quitting his loofe hold of intereft and revenge* 
 accufe me of vanity, and call this defence boafting* 
 I own I have a pride to fee ftatues decreed, and 
 the higheft honours conferred, for meafures and 
 actions which ail men have approved; whilft thofe 
 who counfelled and caufed them are execrated and 
 infulted. The darknefs in which Junius thinks 
 himfelf fhrouded, has not concealed him > nor the 
 artifice of only attacking under tha.tjigna.ture thH-e 
 he would puli down, (whilft he recommends by other 
 ways thofe he would have promoted), difguifed 
 from me whofe partisan he is. When Lord Cha- 
 tham can forgive the aukward fituation in which, 
 for the fake of the public, he was defignedJy pla- 
 ced by the thanks to him from the city; and when 
 Wilkes's name ceafes to be neceiTary to Lord Rock- 
 ingham to keep up a clamour againft the perfons of 
 the miniftry, without obliging the different fac- 
 tions now in oppofition to bind themfclves before- 
 hand to fome certain points, and to ftipulate fome 
 precife advantages to the public ; then, and not 
 till then, may thofe whom he now abufes expedl 
 the approbation of Junius. The approbation of 
 the public for our faithful attention to their inte- 
 reft, by endeavours fot thofe ftipulations, which 
 have made us as obnoxious to the factions in op- 
 pofition as to thofe in adminiftration, is not per- 
 haps to be expected till fome years hence ; when 
 the public will look back, and fee how fhamefully 
 they have been deluded, and by what arts they were 
 made to lofe the golden opportunity of preventing 
 what they will furely experience, a change of mi- 
 nifters, without a material change of meafures, and 
 without any fecurity fora tottering conftitution. 
 
 But what cares Junius for the fecurity of the 
 conftitution ? He has now unfolded to us his dia- 
 bolical principles. As a public man, he mujl ever 
 condemn any meafure which may tend accidentally 
 to gratify the Sovereign ; and Mr Wilkes.is to be 
 
 Supported
 
 286 LETTERS 
 
 fupported and affifted in all his attempts (no mat" 
 ter how ridiculous and mifchicvous his projects^ 
 as long as he continues to be a thorn in the Kin^s 
 //*/ Ihe caufo of the country, it feems, in the o- 
 pmion of Junius, is merely to vex the King; and 
 any rafcal is to be fupported in any roguerv, pro- 
 Tided he can only thereby plant a thorn in the King's 
 /id?. This is the very extremity of faftion, and 
 the laft degree of political wickednefs. Becaufe 
 Lord Chatham has been ill treated by the King 
 and treacheroufly betrayed by the Duke of Graf- 
 ton, the latter is to be the pillow on which Ju- 
 nius will reft his refentment and the public 
 are to oppofe the meafures of government from 
 mere motives of perfonal enmity to the Sovereign ! 
 Thcfe are the avowed principles of the man who, 
 in the fame letter, fays, If ever he fhould be 
 " convinced that I had no motive but to deftroy 
 ' Wilkes, he (hall then be ready to do juftice to 
 1 my character, and to declare to the world, that 
 he defpifes me fomewhat lefs than he does at 
 " prefent !" Had I ever afted from perfonal af- 
 feftion or enmity to Mr Wilkes, I fhould juftly 
 be defpifed : but what does he deferve, whofe 
 avowed motive is perfonal enmity to the Sove- 
 reign ? The contempt which I fhould otherwife feel 
 for the abfurdity and glaring inconfiftency of Ju- 
 niusy is here fwallowed up in my abhorrence of 
 his principles. The right divine and facrednefs of 
 Kings is to me a fenfelefs jargon. It was thought 
 a daiing expreffion of Oliver Cromwell in the time I 
 of Charles the firft, that if he found himfelf pla- 
 ced oppofite to the King in battle, he would dif- 
 charge his piece into his bofom as foon as into any 
 other man's. I go farther : had I lived in thofe 
 days, I would not have waited for chance to give 
 me an opportunity of doing my duty ; I would 
 have fought him through the ranks, and, without 
 tbe leaft perfonal enmity, have difcharged ray 
 
 piece -
 
 O f J IT N I U S. 287 
 
 piece into his bofom rather than into any other 
 man's. The King whofe actions juftify rebellion 
 to his government, defcrves death from the hand 
 of every fubjecl. And fliould fuch a time arrive, 
 I "{hall be as free to act as to fay : but till then, 
 my attachment to the perfon and family of the 
 Sovereign fhall ever be found more zealous and 
 fincere than that of his flatterers. I would offend 
 the Sovereign with as much reluctance as the pa- 
 rent ; but if the happinefs and fecurity of the whole 
 family made it neceflr.ry, fo far, and no farther, I 
 would offend him without reinorfe. 
 
 But let us confider a little whither thefe prin- 
 ciples of Junius would lead us. Should Mr Wilkea 
 once more commiffion Mr Thomas Walpole to 
 procure for him a penfion of one thoitf and pounds 
 upon the Irifh eftablifhment for thirty years, he 
 mufl be fupported in the demand by the public 
 becaufe it would mortify the King ! 
 
 Should he wifh to fee Lord Rockingham and 
 his friends once more in adminiftration, unclogged 
 by any ftipu!ations for the people, that he might a- 
 gain enjoy a penfion of one thoufand and forty pounds 
 a-year, viz. from the frft Lord of the Treafury 
 500!. from the Lords of the Treafury, 60 1. each, 
 from the Lords of Trade 40!. each, &c. the public 
 mud give up their attention to points of national 
 benefit, and aflift Mr Wilkes in his attempt be- 
 caufe it would mortify the King ! 
 
 Should he dema'nd the government of Canada^ 
 or of Jamaica, or the embaffy to Conftantinople, and 
 in cafe of refufal threaten to write them down, as 
 he had before ferved another adminiftration, in a 
 year and a half, he muft be fupported in his pre- 
 tenfions,"and upheld in his infolence becaufe it 
 xvould mortify the King ! 
 
 Junius may choofe to fuppofe that thefe things 
 
 cannot -happen ! But that they have happened, 
 
 notwirhftanding Mr Wilkes's denial, I do aver. 
 
 I
 
 238 LETTERS 
 
 I maintain that Mr Wilkes did commiffion Mr 
 Thomas Walpole to folicit for him a penfion of 
 one thoufand pounds on the Irifu eftablifhment for 
 thirty years; with which, and a pardon, he decla- 
 red he would be fatisfied : and that, notwithfrand- 
 ing his letter to Mr Onflow, he did accept a clan* 
 deftine, precarious, and e/eemojinary penfion from 
 the Rockingham adminiftration ; which they paid 
 in proportion to, and cut of their falaries : and fo 
 entirely was it miniflerial, that as any of them 
 went out of the miniftry, there names were fcratch- 
 ed out of the lift, and they contributed no long- 
 er. I fay, he did folicit th.- jrovernments, and the 
 embafly,and threatened then re.ul i neariyin thefe 
 words " It coft me a year and a halt to write 
 " down the laft adminiilrationi fliould I employ 
 ; as much time upon you, very few of you would 
 " be in at the death." When thefe threats did 
 not prevail, he came over to England to embar- 
 rafs them by his prefence : and when he found 
 that Lord Rockingham was fomething firmer and 
 more manly than he expected, and refui'ed to be 
 bullied into what he could not perform, Mr 
 Wilkes declared that he could not leave England 
 without money; and the Duke of Portland and 
 Lord Rockingham purchafcil his abfence with one 
 hundred pounds a-piece, with which he returned to 
 Paris. And for the truth of what I here advance, 
 I appeal to the Duke of Portland, to Lord Rock- 
 ingham, to Lord John Cavenifh, to Mr Walpole, 
 c. I appeal to the hand-writing of Mr Wilkes, 
 which is ft ill extant. 
 
 Should Mr Wilkes afterwards (failing in this 
 wholelale trade) choofe to dole out his popularity 
 by t1;e pound, and expofe the city offices to fale 
 to his brother, his attorney, c. Juntas will tell 
 us, it is only an ambition that he has to make them 
 chamberlain, town-tier k t &c. and he muft not be 
 opposed in thus robbing the ancient citizens of 
 3 their
 
 O F J U N I U S. 289 
 
 their birthright becaufe any defeat of Mr Wilkes 
 Would gratify the King! 
 
 Should he, after confuming the whole of his 
 own fortune, and that of his wife, and incurring 
 a debt of twenty tbouf and pounds , merely by his own 
 private extravagance, without a fingle fervice or 
 exertion all this time for the public, whilfl. his eftate 
 remained ; fhould he at length, being undone, 
 commence patriot, have the good fortune to be il- 
 legally perfecuted, and in confederation of that il- 
 legality be efpoufed by a few gentlemen of the pu- 
 fefl public principles; fhould his debts (tho' none 
 of them were contracted for the public) and all 
 his other encumbrances be difcharged ; fhould he 
 be offered 600 1. or icoo 1. a-year to make him in- 
 dependent for the future; and fhould he, after all, 
 initead of gratitude for thefe fervices, infolently 
 forbid his benefactors to beftow their own money 
 upon any other object but himfelf, and revile them 
 for fetting any bounds to their fupplies ; Junius 
 (whOj any more than Lord Chatham, never con- 
 tributed one farthing to thefe enormous expences) 
 will tell them, that if they think of converting the 
 fupplies of Mr \Vilkes's private extravagance to 
 
 the fupport of public meafures they are as 
 
 great fools as my grandmother -, and that Mr Wilkes 
 ought to hold the firings of their purfes as long 
 as he continues to be a thorn in the King's Jide ! 
 
 Upon thefe principles I never have acted, and 
 1 never will act. In my opinion, it is lefs difho- 
 nourable to be the creature of a court than the 
 tool of a faction. I will net be either. I under- 
 ftand the two great leaders of oppofition to be 
 Lord Rockingbam and Lord Chatham ; under one 
 of whofe banners, all the oppofing members of 
 both houfes who de/ire to get places enlift. I can. 
 place no confidence in either of them, or in any 
 others, unlefs they will now engage, whjlft they 
 are OUT, to grant certain eflential advantages for 
 B b th
 
 i>9^ LETTERS 
 
 the fecutity of the- public when they (hall be IN 
 adminiftraticrt. Thefe 'points they refufe to fti- 
 p ulate, becaufe they are fearful left they fhould 
 prevent any future overtures from the court. To 
 force them to thefe ftipulations has been the uni- 
 form endeavour of Mr Sawbridge, Mr Townfendj 
 Mr Oliver, &c. 2nd THEREFORE they are abufed 
 by Junius. I know no reafon but my zeal and in- 
 duilry in the fame caufe, that fhould intitle me to 
 the honour of being ranked by his abufe with per- 
 fons of their fortune and ftation. It is a duty I 
 owe to the memory of the late Mr Beckford to 
 fay, that he had no other aim than this, when he 
 provided that fumptuous entertainement at the 
 Mannon-houfe for the members of both houfes in 
 oppofition. At that time he drew up the heads of 
 lin engagement, which he gave to me, with a re- 
 rueft that I would couch it in terms fo cautious 
 and precife, as to leave no room for future quibble 
 r.nd eva fieri ; but to oblige them either to fulfil the 
 intent of the obligation, or to fign their own in- 
 famy, and leave it on record : and this engage- 
 ment he was determined to propofe to them at the 
 JVTo-nfion-houfe, that either by their refufal they 
 might forfeit the confidence of the public, or'by 
 the engagement lay a foundation for confidence. 
 When they were informed of the intention, Lord 
 Rockingham and his fiiciids flatly refuted any en- 
 gagement ; and Mr Beckford as flatly fwore, they 
 ifhould then "eat none of his broth;" and he 
 \vas determined to put off the entertainment : But 
 Mr Beckford was prevailed upon by to in- 
 dulge them in the ridiculous parade of a popular" 
 proceffion through the city, and to give them the 
 foolifh pleafure of an imaginary confequence, for 
 the real benefit only of the cooks and purveyors. 
 
 It was ths fame motive which dictated the 
 thanks cu the city to Lord Chatham; which were 
 
 ex-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 291 
 
 exprciTecl to be given for his declaration in favour 
 ofjbcrt parliaments ; in order thereby to fix Lord 
 Chatham at leaft to that one conftitutional reme- 
 dy, without which all others can afford no fecurity. 
 The embarraflment, no doubt, was cruel. He had 
 his choice either to offend the Rockingham party, 
 who declared formally againfl fhort parliaments, 
 and with the cvfliftsnce of whofe numbers in both 
 houfes he mud expect again to be minifter; or to 
 give up the confidence of the public, from whom 
 finally all real confequence mufl proceed. Lord 
 Chatham chofe the latter : and I will venture to 
 fay, that, by his anfiver to thofe thanks, he has gi- 
 ven up the people without gaining the friendfhip 
 -or cordial afliftance of the Rockingham faction ; 
 whofe little politics are confined to the making of 
 matches, and extending their family connections, 
 and who think they gain more by procuring one 
 additional vote to their party in the houfe of com- 
 mons, than by adding their languid property and 
 feeble character to the abilities of a Chatham, or 
 the confidence of a public. 
 
 Whatever may be the event of the prefent 
 xvretcued ftate of politics in this country, the 
 principles of Junius will fuit no form of govern- 
 ment. They are not to be tolerated under any 
 conftitution. Perfonal enmity is a motive fit only 
 for the devil. Whoever, or whatever, is Sovereign, 
 demands the refpect and fupport of the people. 
 The union is formed for their happinefs, which 
 c.uinot be had without mutual refpect ; and he 
 counftls malicioully who would perfuade either to 
 a wanton breach of it. When it is banifhed by 
 either party, and when every method has been 
 tried in vain to reftore it, there is no remedy but 
 a divorce : But even then he mufl: have a hard and a 
 wicked heart indeed who punimes the greateft cri- 
 minal merely for the fake of the punimment; and 
 B b 2 who
 
 292 L E T T E. R S 
 
 \vho does not let fall a tear for every drop of blood 
 that is fhed in a public ftruggle, however juft the 
 quarrel. JOHN HORNE. 
 
 LETTER LIV. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, AUG. 15. 1771- 
 
 T OUGHT to make an apology to the Duke of 
 * Grafton, for fufFering any part of my attention 
 to be diverted from his Grace to Mr Home. I 
 am not juftified by the fimilarity of their ilifpofi- 
 tions. Private vices, however deteftable, have not 
 dignity fufficient to attract the cenfure of the prefs, 
 unlefs they are united with the power of doing 
 fome fignal mifchic-f to the community. Mr 
 Home's fituation does not correfpond with his 
 intentions. In my own opinion, (which, I know, 
 will be attributed to my ufual vanity and prefump- 
 tion) his letter to me does not defer ve an anfwer. But 
 I underfland that the public are not fatisfied with 
 myfilence; that an anfwer is expected from me; 
 and that if I perfift in refufing to plead, it will be 
 taken for conviction. I fhould be inconfiftent with 
 the principles I profefs, if I declined an appeal to 
 the good fenfe of the people, or did not willingly 
 fubmit myfelt to the judgment of my peers. 
 
 If any coarfe expreffions have efcaped me, I am 
 reacty to agree that they are unfit for Junius to 
 make; ufe of; but I fee no reafon to admit that they 
 have been improperly applied. 
 
 Mr Home, it feems, is unable to comprehend 
 how an extreme want of conduct and difcretion 
 can confift with the abilities I have allowed him j 
 nor can he conceive that a very honed man, with 
 a very good underftanding, may be deceived by a 
 knave. His knowledge of human nature muft be 
 
 limited
 
 O F J U N I U S, 293 
 
 limited indeed. Had he never mixed with the 
 world, one would think that even his books might 
 have taught him better. Did he hear Lord Manf- 
 field, when he defended his dodlrine concerning 
 libels? or- when he ftatsd the law in profecu- 
 tions for criminal converfation ? or when he de- 
 livered his reafons for calling the houfe of Lords 
 together to receive a copy of his charge to the jury 
 in "Woodfali's trial ? Had he been prefent upon 
 any of thefe oecafions, he would have feen how 
 poflibie it is for a man of the firft talents, to con- 
 found himfelf in abfurdities, which would dif- 
 grace the lips of an idiot. Perhaps the example 
 might have taught him not to value his own un- 
 derflanding fo highly. Lord Lyttleton's integrity 
 and judgment are unqueftionable; yet he is known 
 to admire that cunning Scotchman, and verily be- 
 lieves him an honeft man. I ipeak to fafts, with 
 which all of us are converfant I fpeak to men, 
 and to their experience; and will not defcend to 
 anfwer the little fneering fophiftries of a collegian. 
 Diftinguifhed talents are not neceflarily con- 
 nedled with difcretion. If there be any thing re- 
 markable in the character of IVIr Home, if is that 
 extreme want of judgment fhould be united with 
 his very moderate capacity. Yet I have not for- 
 gotten the acknowledgment I made him. He owes 
 it to my bounty; and, though his letter has low- 
 ered him in my opinion, I fcorn to retradl the cha- 
 ritable donation. 
 
 I faid it would be "very difficult for Mr Home to 
 write diredlly in defence of a minillerial meafure, 
 and not be detected ; and even that difficulty I 
 confined to his particular fituation. He changes 
 the terms of the propofition, and fuppofes me to 
 aflert, that it would be impoffible for any man to 
 write for the newfpapers and not be clifcovered. 
 
 He repeatedly affirms, or intimates at leaft,, 
 
 that he knows the author of thefe letters. With 
 
 B b 3 what
 
 294 LETTERS 
 
 what colour of truth, then, can be pretend that 1 
 am noivhere to be encountered but in a newfpaper ? 
 I (hall leave him to his fufpicions.- It is not 
 neceffary that I fhould confide in the honour or 
 tlifcretion of a man who already feems to hate me 
 with as much rancour as if I had formerly been 
 his friend. But he afferts that he has traced me 
 through a variety of fignatures. To make the dif- 
 covery of any importance to his purpofe, he mould 
 have proved, either that the fictitious character of 
 Juniusi has not been confidently fupported, or that 
 the author has maintained different principles un- 
 der different fignatures. I cannot recal to my me- 
 mory the numberlefs trifles I have written; but 
 I rely upon the confcioufnefs of my own integrity, 
 and defy him to fix any colourable charge of in- 
 confiftency upon me. 
 
 I am not bound to affign the fecret motives of 
 his apparent hatred of Mr Wilkes : nor does it 
 follow that I may not judge fairly of his conduct, 
 though it were true that I had no ccndutt of my 
 c-wn. Mr Home enlarges with rapture upon the 
 importance of his fervices ; the dreadful battles 
 which he might have been engaged in, and the 
 dangers he has efcaped. In fupport of the formi- 
 dable defcription, he quotes verfes without mercy. 
 The gentleman deals in fiction, and naturally ap- 
 peals to the evidence of the poets. Taking him 
 at his word, he cannot but admit the fuperiority 
 of Mr Wilkes in this line of fervice. On one fide, 
 we fee nothing but imaginary diftreffes. On the 
 other, we fee real profecutions j real penalties; 
 real imprifonmentj life repeatedly hazarded ; 
 and, at one moment, almoft the certainty of death. 
 Thanks are undoubtedly due to every man who 
 does his duty in the engagement ; but it is the 
 wounded foldier who deferves the reward. 
 
 I did not mean to deny that Mr Home had been 
 an aitivc partisan.. It would defeat my own pur- 
 pofe
 
 O F J U N I U S. - 295 
 
 pofe not to allow him a degree of merit, which 
 aggravates his guilt. The very charge of contri- 
 buting his vtmqft efforts to fupport a minijlerial mea- 
 fure, implies an acknowledgment of his former 
 fervices. If he had not once been diftinguiflied 
 by his apparent zeal in defence of the common 
 caufe, he could not now be diftinguifhed by de- 
 ferting it. As for myfelf, it is no longer a que- 
 ftion, -whether IJhall mix -with the throng, and take 
 a fingle Jhare in the danger. Whenever Junius 
 appears, he muft encounter a hod of enemies. 
 But is there no honourable way to ferve the pub- 
 lic, without engaging in perfonal quarrels with in- 
 fignificant individuals, or fubmitting to the drud- 
 gery of canvaiTmg votes for an election ? Is there 
 no merit in dedicating my life to the information 
 of my fellow-fubje&s ? What public queftion 
 have I declined ? What villain have I fpared ? Is 
 there no labour in the compofition of thefe letters ? 
 Mr Home, I fear, is partial to me, and meafures 
 the facility of my writings by the fluency of his 
 own. 
 
 He talks to us ifi high terms of the gallant feats 
 he would have performed if he had lived in the 
 laft century. The unhappy Charles could hardly 
 have efcaped him. But living princes have a claim 
 to his attachment and refpet. Upon thefe terms, 
 there is no danger in being a patriot. If he means 
 any thing more than a pompous rhapfody, let us 
 try how well his argument holds together. I pre- 
 furne he is not yet fo much a courtier as to affirm 
 that the conftitution has not been grofcly and da- 
 ringly violated under the prefent reign. He will 
 not fay, that the laws have not been fhamefully 
 broken or perverted ; that the rights of the fub- 
 jec~t have not been invaded, or that rcdrefs has 
 not been repeatedly folicited and refufed. Grie- 
 vances like thefe were the foundation of the re- 
 bellion in the lad century j and, if I undenlaod 
 
 Mr
 
 296 LETTERS' 
 
 Mr Home, they would, at that period, have ju- 
 ftified him to his own mind in deliberately attack- 
 ing the life of his Sovereign. I (hall not aflc him 
 to what political conftitution this doctrine can be 
 reconciled. But at leaft it is incumbent upon him 
 to (how, that the prefent King has better excufes 
 than Charles the Firft for the errors of his govern- 
 ment. He ought to demonftrate to us, that the 
 conftitution was better underftood a hundred years 
 ago than it is at prefent; that the legal rights of 
 the fubjeft, and the limits of the prerogative, 
 were more accurately defined and more clearly 
 comprehended. If propofitions like thefe cannot 
 be fairly maintained, I do not fee how he can re- 
 concile it to his confcience, nqt to at immedi- 
 ately with the fame freedom with which he fpcaks. 
 I reverence the character of Chrarles the Firft as 
 little as Mr Home ; but I will not infult his mil- 
 fortunes by a comparifon that would degrade 
 him. 
 
 It is worth obferving, by what gentle degrees 
 the furious, perfecuting zeal of Mr Home has 
 foftened into moderation. Men and meafures were 
 yefterday his objects. What pains did he once 
 take to bring that great ftate-criminal Macquirk to 
 execution ! To-day he confines himfelf to mea- 
 fures only. No penal example is to be left to the 
 fucceflbrs of the Duke of Grafton. To-morrow, 
 I prefume, both men and meafures will be for- 
 given. The flaming patriot, who fo lately fcorched 
 us in the meridian, finks temperately to the welt, 
 and is hardly felt as he defcends. 
 
 I comprehend the policy ..> endeavouring to 
 communicate to Mr Oliver and Mr Sawbridge a 
 {hare in the repioaches with, which he fuppofes 
 me to have loaded him. My memory fails me, if 
 I have mentioned their names with d'frefpect ; 
 unlefs it be reproachful to acknowledge a fincere 
 refpedl for the cluraler of Mr Sawbridge^ and 
 
 not
 
 O F J U N I U S. 297 
 
 not to have queflioned the innocence cf Mr Oli- 
 vet's intentions. 
 
 It feems I am a partifan of the great leader of 
 the oppofition. If the charge had been a reproach, 
 it mould have been better fuppbrted. I dul not 
 intend to make a public declaration of the refpect 
 I bear Lord Chatham.- I well knew what unwor- 
 thy conclulions would be drawn from it. But I 
 am called upon to deliver my opinion ; and furely 
 it is not in the little cenfure of Mr Home to deter 
 me from doing fignal juftice to a man who, I con- 
 fefs, has grown upon my efleem. As for the com- 
 mon, fordid views of avarice, or any puipofe of 
 vulgar ambition, I queftion whether the applaufe 
 of^}tir;ius would be of fetvice to Lord Chatham. 
 My vote will hardly recommend him to an incrcafe 
 of his penfion, or to a feat in the cabinet. But if 
 his ambition be upon a level with his underftand- 
 ing ; if he judges of what is truly honourable for 
 himfelf, with the fame fuperior genius which ani- 
 mates and direts him to eloquence in debate, to 
 wifdom in decifion, even the pen of Junius {hall 
 contribute to reward him. Recorded honours (hall 
 gather round his monument, and thicken over 
 him. It is a foiid fabric, and will fupport the lau- 
 rels that adorn it. I am not converfant in the lan- 
 guage of panegyric. Thefe praifes are extorted 
 from me ; but they will wear well, for they have 
 been dearly earned. 
 
 My deteftation of the Duke of Grafton is not 
 founded upon his treachery to any individual : 
 though I am willing enough to fuppofe, that, in 
 public affairs, it would be impoffihle to defert or 
 betray.Lord Chatham, without doing an eflential 
 injury to this country. My abhorrence of the 
 Duke arifes from an intimate knowledge of his 
 charaler; and from a thorough conviction that 
 Ins bafenefs has been the caufe of greater mifchief 
 
 to
 
 298 LETTERS 
 
 to England, than even the unfortunate ambition 
 of Lord Bute. 
 
 The fhortening the duration of parliaments is a 
 fubjel on which Mr Home cannot enlarge too 
 warr^ly ; nor will I queftion his fincerity. If I 
 did not profefs the fame' fentiments, I fhould He 
 fhamefully inconfiftent with myfelf. It is unne- 
 ceflary to bind Lord Chatham by the written for- 
 mality of an engagement. He has publicly decla- 
 red himfclf a convert to Triennial Parliaments ; 
 and though I have long been convinced, that this 
 is the only poflible refource we have left to pre- 
 ferve the fubilantial freedom of the conftitutipn, I 
 do not think we have a right to determine againft 
 the integrity of Lord Uockingham or his friends. 
 Other meafures may undoubtedly be fupported in 
 argument, as better adapted to the diforder, or 
 more likely to be obtained. 
 
 Mr~Horne is well a flu red, that I never was the 
 champion of Mr Wilkes. But though I am not 
 obliged to anfwer for the firmnefs of his future 
 adherence to the principles he profeffes, I have no 
 reafon to prefume that he will hereafter difgrace 
 them. As for all tTiofe imaginary cafes which Mr 
 Home fo petulantly urges againft me, I have one 
 plain, honeft anfwer to make to him. "Whenever 
 Mr Wilkes fhall be convicted of foiiciting a pen- 
 fion, an embafiy, or a government, he muft de- 
 part from that fituation, and renounce that cha- 
 radler, which he affumes at prefent, and which, in 
 my opinion, intitle him to the fupport of the pub- 
 lic. 'By the fame at, and at the fame moment, 
 be will forfeit his power of mortifying the King; 
 and though he can never be a favourite at St 
 James's, his bafenefs may adminifter a folid fatif- 
 falion to the royal mind. The man I fpeak of 
 has not a heart to feel for the frailties of his fel- 
 low-creatures. It is their virtues that afilicl, it is 
 their vices that confole, him. - 
 
 I
 
 O J U N t U S. $90 
 
 I give every pofiible advantage to Mr Home, 
 when I take the facts he refers to for granted. 
 That they are the produce of his invention, feems 
 highly probable; that they are exaggerated, I have 
 no doubt. At the worft, what do they amount 
 to, but that Mr Wilkes, who never was thought 
 of as a perfect pattern of morality, has not been 
 at all times proof againft the extremity of diftrefs. 
 How fhameful is it, in a man who has lived in 
 friendship with him, to reproach him with fail- 
 ings too naturally connected with defpair ! Is no 
 allowance to be made for banifhment and ruin ? 
 Does a two years imprifonment make no atone- 
 ment for his crirr.es? The refentment of a prieft 
 is implacable. No fufferings can loftcn, no peni- 
 tence can appeafe, him. Yet he himfelf, 1 rhink, 
 upon his own fyiiem, has a multitude of political 
 oiFences to atone for. I will not infill upon the 
 naufeous detail, with which he fo long difgufled 
 the public. He feems to be afhamed of it. But 
 what excufe will he make to the friends of the 
 conftitution for labouring to promote this confum- 
 fnately bad man to a ftation of the higheft national 
 trud and importance? Upon what honourable 
 motives did he recommend him to the livery of 
 London for their reprefentative ; to the ward of 
 Faringdon for their alderman \ to the county of 
 Miridlefex for their knight ? Will he affirm, that, 
 at that time, he was ignorant of Mr Wilkes's fo- 
 Jicitations to the miniftry ? That he fhould fay 
 fo, is indeed very nc'ceflary for his own juflifica- 
 tion j but where will he find credulity to believe 
 him? 
 
 In what fchool this gentleman learned his ethics 
 I know not. His logic feems to have been ftudied 
 under MrDyfon. That miferable pamphleteer, by 
 dividing the only precedent in point, and taking 
 s much of it as failed his purpofe, had reduced 
 his argument upon the Middlefex election to fome- 
 
 thing
 
 300 LETTERS 
 
 thing like the (hape of a fyllogifm. Mr Horns 
 has conducted himfelf with the fame ingenuity 
 and candour. I had affirmed, that Mr W I.Ikes 
 would preferve the public favour, ft as long as he 
 11 ftood forth againft a miniftry and pa.liament 
 " who were doing every thing they could to en- 
 t{ ilave the country, and as long as he was a thorn 
 " in the King's fide." Yet, from the exui'ing 
 triumph of Mr Home's reply, one would think 
 that I had refted my expectation, that Mr Wilkes 
 would be fupported by the public upon the fingle 
 condition of his mortifying the King. This may 
 be logic at Cambridge or at the Treafury ; but 
 among men of fenfe and honour, it is folly or vil- 
 lainy in the extreme. 
 
 I fee the pitiful advantage he has taken of a 
 Tingle unguarded expreflion, in a letter not in- 
 tended for the public. Yet it is only the exprcf- 
 Jion that is unguarded. I adhere to the true mean- 
 ing of that member of the fentence, taker, 
 rately as he takes it; and now, upon the coolcil 
 deliberation, reafTert, that, for the purpofes I re- 
 ferred to, it may be highly meritorious to the 
 public, to wound the perfonal feelings of the So- 
 vereign. It i> not a general proportion, nor is it 
 generally applied to the chief magiftrate of this or 
 any other conltuution. Mr Home knows as well 
 as I do, that the beft of Princes is not difpleafe*! 
 with the abufe which he fees thrown upon his 
 oftenfible minifters. It mr.kes them, I prefume, 
 more properly ihe objects of his royal compaffion j 
 neither does it efcape his fagacity, that the 
 lower they are degraded in the public efteem, the 
 more-fubmiffively they muft depend upon his fa- 
 vour for protection. This I affirm, upon the moft 
 folernn conviction, and the moil certain knowledge, 
 is a leading maxim in the policy of the clofet. It 
 is unneceffary to purfue the argument any far- 
 ther. 
 
 3 Mr
 
 O F J U N I U S. 3t 
 
 Mr Home is now a very loyal fubjeft. He la- 
 ments the wretched (late of politics in this coun- 
 try ; and fees, in a new light, the weaknefs and 
 folly of the oppofition. Whoever^ or whatever, is 
 Sovereign } demands the refpeft and fupport of the 
 people *; it was not fo when Nero Jiddled -while 
 Rome "was burning. Our gracious Sovereign has 
 had wonderful fuccefs in creating new attachment* 
 to his per/on and family. He owes it, I prefume, 
 to the regular fyftem he has purfued in the my- 
 ftery of conversion. He began with an experi- 
 ment upon the Scotch ; and concludes with con- 
 verting Mr Home. What a pity it is, that the 
 Jews mould be condemned by Providence to wait 
 for a Mefliah of their own ! 
 
 The prieflhood are accufed of mifinterpreting 
 the fcriptures. Mr Home h?.s improved upon his 
 profeilion. He alters the text, and creates a refu- 
 table dolrine of his own. Such artifices cannot 
 long delude the underftanding of the people ; and, 
 without meaning an iadecent comparifon, I may 
 venture to foretel, that th-e Bible and Junius will 
 be read, when the commentaries of the Jefuits are 
 forgotten. JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER LV. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PU BLIC AD VtRTlSER. 
 
 SIR, AUG. 26.. 1771. 
 
 T^HE enemies of the people, having now no* 
 
 * thing better to object to my friend Junius t ate 
 
 at laft obliged to quit his politics, and to rail at 
 
 him for crimes he is not guilty of. His vanity 
 
 and impiety are now the perpetual topics of theif 
 
 abufe. I do not moan to leflcn the force of fuch 
 
 charges, (fuppofing they were true) ; but to fhow 
 
 C c that 
 
 * The very fclibquy of Lord Suffijlk before he paffcd ihe Ru- 
 bicon.
 
 3*2 LETTERS 
 
 that they are not founded. If I admitted the pre*- 
 miffes, I fhould readily agree in all the confequen- 
 ces drawn from them. Vanity indeed is a venial 
 error; for it ufually carries its own punifhment 
 with it: but if I thought Junius capable of ut- 
 tering a difrefpe&ful word of the religion of his 
 country, I fliould be the firft to renounce and give 
 him up to the public contempt and indignation. 
 As a man, I am fatisfied that he is a Chriftian up- 
 .on the moft fincere conviction : as a writer, he 
 would be grofsly inconfrftent with his political 
 .principles, if he dared to attack a religion efta- 
 blifhed by thofe laws which it feems to be the 
 purpofe of his life to defend. Now for the proofs. 
 Junius is accufed of an impious allufion to the 
 holy facrament, where he fays, that if Lord Wey- 
 mouth be denied the cup, there -will be no keeping him 
 \vithinthepaleofthcminiftry. .Now, Sir, I affirm, 
 that this paffage refers entirely to a ceremonial in 
 the Roman-Catholic church, which denies the cup 
 to the laity. It has no manner of relation to the 
 Proteftant creed4 and is in this country as fair an 
 object of ridicule as tranfubjiantiation, or any other 
 part of Lord Peter's hillory in the Tale of the 
 Tub. 
 
 But Junius is charged with equal vanity and im- 
 piety, in comparing his writings to the holy fcrip- 
 ture. The formal proteft he makes againft any 
 fuch comparifon avails him nothing. It becomes 
 necefTary, then, to (how that the charge Jeftroys 
 itfelf. If he be vain, he cannot be impious. A 
 vain man does not ufualiy compare himfelf to an 
 object which it is his defign to undervalue. On 
 the other hand, it he be impious, he cannot be 
 vain ; for his impiety, if any, nmft confift in his 
 endeavouring to degrade the holy fcriptures by a 
 comparifon with his own contemptible writings. 
 This would be fo>!y indeed o^ the grolicil rature; 
 but where lies the vanity ? 1 fhall now be tuld, 
 
 ' air,
 
 OF J U N I IT S. 3*3 
 
 Sir, what you fay is plaufible enough ; but ftill 
 t( you mud allow that it is fhamefully impudent 
 " in Junius to tell us that his works will live as 
 " long as the Bible." My anfwer is, Agreed; but 
 firft prove that he has faid fo. Look at his words, 
 and you will find, that the utmoft he experts is, 
 that the Bible and Junius will furvive the commen- 
 taries of the Jefuits ; which may prove true in a 
 fortnight. The moft malignant fagacity cannot 
 (how that his works are, in his opinion, to live as 
 long as the Bible. Suppofe I were to foretel, that 
 Jack and Tom would furvive Harry does it fol- 
 low that Jack muft live as long as Tern ? I would 1 
 only illuftrate my meaning, and proteft againft the 
 lead idea of profanenefs. 
 
 Yet this is the way in which Junius is ufually 
 anfwered, arraigned, and convicted, Thefe can- 
 did critics never remember nny thing he fays in 
 honour of our holy religion ; though it is true, 
 that one of his leading arguments is made- to reft. 
 upon the internal evidence which the purejl of all re- 
 ligions carries with it* I quote his words ; and 
 conclude from them, that he is a true and hearty 
 Chriftian, in fubftance, not in ceremony; though 
 poflibly he may not agree with my Reverend Lords 
 the Biihops, or with the head of the Church, that 
 prayers are morality t or that kneeling is religion. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER LVI. 
 
 FROM THE REVEREND MR HORNE TO JUNIUS, 
 
 AUG. 1 7. 1771. 
 
 T Congratulate you, Sir, on the recovery of your 
 wonted ftyle, though it has coft you a fortnight. 
 I compaflionate your labour in the compofition of 
 your letters, and will communicate to you the fe- 
 
 cret of my fluency. Truth needs no oinament ; 
 
 C c 2 and.
 
 3 o 4 LETTERS 
 
 and, In my opinion, what (he borrows of the pen- 
 cil is deformity. 
 
 You brought a pofitive charge againfl me of cor- 
 ruption. I denied the charge, and called for your 
 proofs. You .replied with abufe, and reafferted 
 your charge. I called again for proofs. You re- 
 ply again with abufe only, and drop your accufa- 
 tion. In your fortnight's letter there is not one 
 word upon the fubjedt of my corruption. 
 
 I have no more to fay, but to return thanks to 
 you for your condefcenfion y and to a grateful public 
 and hone/I miniftry for all the favours they have 
 conferred upon me. The two latter, I am fure, 
 will never refufe me any grace I {ball folicit; and 
 fmce you have pleafed to acknowledge, that you 
 told a deliberate lie in my favour out cf bounty, 
 and as a charitable donation, why may I not expect 
 that you will hereafter (if you do not forget you 
 ever mentioned my name with difrefpecl:) make 
 the fame acknowledgment for what you have faid 
 to my prejudice? This fccond recantation will 
 perhaps be more abhorrent from your difpofition ; 
 but (hould you decline it, you will only afford one 
 inore inftance how much eafier it is to be generous 
 than juft, and that men are fometimes bountiful 
 who are not honeft. 
 
 At all events, I am as well fatisfied with your 
 panegyric as Lord Chatham can be. Monument 
 I (hall have none ; but over my grave it will be 
 faid, in your own words, " Home's Jituation did 
 " not correffond "with his intentions *." 
 
 JOHN HORNE. 
 
 * The epitaih would not be ill fuitcd to ihc charaftfi ; at the 
 Vr.O. it is but tqu'.vjc.l. 
 
 L E T-
 
 OF J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER LVII. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 MJT LORD, SEPT 28. 1777, 
 
 nnHE people of England are not apprifed of the 
 * full extent of their obligations to you. They 
 have yet no adequate idea of the endlefs variety 
 of your character. They have feen you diflin- 
 guifhed and fuccefsful in the continued violation 
 of thofe moral and political duties, by which the 
 little as well as the great focieties of life are col- 
 lected and held together. Every colour, every 
 character, became you. With a rate of abilities, 
 which Lord Weymouth very juflly looks down, 
 upon with contempt, you have done as much mif- 
 ohief to the community as Cromwell would have 
 done, if Cromwell had been a coward; and as much 
 as Machiavel, if Machiavel had not known that; 
 an appeaianceof morals and religion are ufeful in 
 focitty. To a thinking man, the influence of the 
 Crown will, in no view, appear fo formidable, as 
 when he obferves to what enormous fuccefTes if 
 has fafely conducted your Grace, without a ray of 
 real underftanding, without even the pretenfions* 
 to common decency or principle of any kind, or a = 
 fingle fpark of perfonal refolution. What muft' 
 be the operation of that pernicious influence, (for ' 
 which our Kings have wifely exchanged the nuga-- 
 lory name of prerogative), that, in the higheft 
 itations, can fo abundantly fjpply the abfcnce of. 
 virtue, courage, and abilities, and qualify a man 
 to be the mimiter of a greaf nation, whom a pri- 
 vate gentleman would be afhamed and afraid to 
 admit into his family ! Like the univerfal pafs 
 port of an ambaffador, it fuperfedes the prohibi- 
 tion of the laws, banifhes the flaple virtues of the- 
 country, and introduces vice and folly trium- 
 phantly into all the departments of the ftate. O~ 
 C c 3 thtr
 
 3o6 LETTERS 
 
 thcr princes, befides his Majefty, have had the 
 means of corruption within their reach ; but they 
 have ufed it with moderation. In former times, 
 corruption was confidered as a foreign auxiliary 
 to government, and only called in upon extraor- 
 dinary emergencies. The unfeigned piety, the 
 fan&ified religion, of George the Third, have taught 
 him to new-model the civil forces of the (late. 
 The natural refources of the crown are no longer 
 confided in. Corruption glitters in the van ; - 
 collects and maintains a ftanding army of merce- 
 naries, and at the fame moment impoverifhes and 
 enflaves the country. His Majefty's predeceflbrs 
 (excepting that worthy family from which you, 
 my Lord, are unqueftionably defcended) had fome 
 generous qualities in their compofition, with vices, 
 I confefs, or frailties, 4n abundance. They were 
 kings or gentlemen, not hypocrites or priefts. 
 They were at the head of the church, but did not 
 know the value of their office. They faid their 
 prayers without ceremony -, and had too little 
 pricftcraft in their underftanding, to reconcile the 
 fan&imonious forms of religion with the utter de- 
 
 itruclion of the morality of their people. My 
 
 Lord, this is fac~t, not declamation With ail 
 your partiality to the houfe of Stuart, you muil 
 confefs, that even Charles the Second would have 
 blufhed at that open encouragement, at thofe ea- 
 ger, meretricious carefles, with which every fpe- 
 cies of private vice and public prostitution is re- 
 ceived at St James's. The unfortunate houfe of 
 Stuart has been treated with an afperity which, if 
 comparifon be a defence, feems to border upon 
 injultice. Neither Charles nor his brother were 
 qualified to fupport fuch a fyftem of meafures as 
 would be necefTary to change the government and 
 fubvert the conftitution of England. One of them 
 was too much in earned in his pleafures the other 
 in his religion. But the danger to this country 
 
 would
 
 O F J IT N I U S. 37 
 
 would ceafe to be problematical, if the crown 
 {hould ever defcend to a Prince, whofe apparent 
 fimplicity might throw his fubjects off their guard, 
 who might be no libertine in behaviour, who 
 {hould have no fenfe of honour to reftrain him, 
 and who, with juft religion enough to impofe up- 
 on the multitude, might have no fcruples of con- 
 fcience to interfere with his morality. With thefe 
 honourable qualifications, and the decifive advan- 
 tage of fituation, low craft and falfehood are all 
 the abilities that are wanting to deflroy the wif- 
 dom .of ages, and to deface the nobleft monu- 
 ment that human policy has erected. I knowfucb 
 a man : My Lord, I know you both ; and with 
 the blefling of God (for I too am religious), the 
 people of England ihall know you as well as I do. 
 I am not veiy fure that greater abilities would not 
 in effect be an impediment to a defign, which 
 feems at firft fight to require a fuperior capacity^ 
 A better underllanding might make him fenfible 
 of the wonderful beauty of that fyftem he was en- 
 deavouring to corrupt. The danger of the attempt- 
 might alarm him. The meannefs and intrinfic 
 worthleffnefs of the object, (fuppofing he could 
 attain it), would fill him with fhame, repentance, 
 and difguft. But thefe are fenfations which find 
 no entrance into a barbarous contracted heart. In 
 fome men, there is a malignant paffion to deftroy 
 the works of genius, literature, and freedom- 
 The Vandal and the monk find equal gratification 
 in it. 
 
 Reflections like thefe, my Lord, have a general 
 relation to your Grace, and infeparably attend 
 you in whatever company or fituation your charac- 
 ter occurs to us. They have no immediate con- 
 nection with the following recent fact, which I 
 lay before the public, for the honour of the heft 
 of Soveieigns, and for the edification of his 
 people. 
 
 JRy
 
 3 o& LETTERS 
 
 A prince, (whofe piety and felf-denial, one 
 would think, might fecure him from fuch a mul- 
 titude of worldly neceflities), with an annual re- 
 venue of near a million fterling, unfortunately 
 wants money. The na\vy of England, by an equal- 
 ly ftrange concurrence of unforefeen circumitan- 
 ces, (though not quite fo unfortunately for his 
 Majefty), is in equal want of timber. The world 
 knows in what a hopeful condition you delivered 
 the navy to your fucceffor, and in what a condi- 
 tion we found it in the moment of diftrefs. You 
 were determined it fhould continue in the fitua- 
 tion in which you left it. It happened, however, 
 very luckily for the privy-purfe, that one of the a- 
 bove wants promifed fair to fupply the other; Our 
 religious, benevolent, generous Sovereign, has no 
 objection to felling his own timber to his own admi- 
 ralty to repair his own fhips, nor to putting the 
 money into his own pocket. People of a religious 
 turn naturally adhere to the principles of the 
 church. Whatever they acquire falls into mort- 
 main- Upon a reprefcntation from the admiralty 
 of the extraordinary want of timber for the indil- 
 penfable repairs of the navy, the furveyor-general 
 was tlirecle i to make a furvey of the timber in all 
 the royal chaces and forefts in England. Having 
 obeyed his orders with accuracy and attention, he 
 reported, that the fineit timber he had anywhere 
 m.t with, and the properefl: in every refpecl: for 
 the purpofes of the navy, was in IVhittlebury Fo- 
 refty of which your Grace, I think, is hereditary 
 ranger. In confequence of this report, the ufual 
 warrant was prepared at the treafury, and deliver- 
 ed to the furveyor, by which he or his deputy 
 were authorifed to cut down any trees in Whittle" 
 bury Fire/I which (hould appear to be proper for 
 the purpoies above-mentioned. The deputy, be- 
 ing informed that the warrant was finned and de- 
 livered, to his principal in London, crones the 
 
 country
 
 O F J U N I U S. 309 
 
 country to Northamptonfhire, and with an offi 
 cious zeal for the public fervice begins to do his 
 duty in the foreft. Unfortunately for him, he 
 had not the warrant in his pocket. The o-verfight 
 was enormous ; and you have punifhed him for it 
 accordingly. You have infilled, that an ati*<* t 
 ufeful officer fhould be difmiffed from his plac 
 You have ruined an innocent man and his family. 
 In what language (hall I addrefs fo black, fo 
 cowardly, a tyrant ; thou worfe than one of the 
 Brim/wicks, and all the Stuarts i To them who 
 know Lord North, it is unneceffary to fay, that 
 he was mean and bafe enough to fubmit to 
 you. This, however, is but a fmall part of the 
 jfal. After ruinii.g the furveyor's deputy for 
 a&ing without the warrant, you attacked the war- 
 rant itfelf. You declared that it was illegal ; and 
 fwore, in a fit of foaming frantic paflion, that it 
 never fhould be executed. Youaffcrted upon your 
 honour, that in the grant of the rangerfhip of 
 Whittlebury Foreft, made by Charles the Second 
 (whom, with a modefty that would do honpur to 
 Mr Rigby, you are pleafed to call your anceftor) 
 to one of his baftards, (from whom I make no 
 doubt of your defcent), the property of the tim- 
 ber is veiled in the ranger. I have examined the 
 original grant ; and now, in the face of the pub- 
 lic, contradict you dire&ly upon the fadl. The 
 very reverfe of what you have aflerted upon your 
 honour is the truth. The grant, exprefsly^ and by 
 a particular clanfe t referves the property of the 
 timber for the ute of the crown. In fpite of this 
 evidence, in defiance of the reprefentations of 
 the admiralty, in perfecl. mockery of the noto- 
 rious dillrefies of the English navy, and thofe 
 equally preffing and almoft equally notorious ne- 
 ceffities of your pious Sovereign, here the matter 
 refts. The lords of the treafury recal their war- 
 rant ; the deputy-furveyor is ruined for doing his 
 
 duty |
 
 3 v> LETTERS 
 
 duty; Mr John Pitt (whofe name I fuppofe is 
 offensive to you) fubmits to be brow-beaten and 
 infulted; the oaks keep their ground; the King 
 is defrauded, and the navy of England may perifti 
 for want of the heft and fined timber in the ifland. 
 And all this is fubmitted to to appeafe the Duke 
 of Grafton ! to gratify the man who has involved 
 the King and his kingdom in confufion and di- 
 ftrefs, and who, like a treacherous coward, defert- 
 ed his Sovereign in the midft of it ! 
 
 There has been a ftrange alteration in your doc- 
 trines, fince you thought it advifeable to rob the 
 Duke of Portland of his property, in order to 
 ftrengthen the intercft of Lord ^^'s"fon-in-law 
 before the laft general election. Nullum tempits 
 occurrit regi, was then your boafted motto, and 
 the cry of all your hungry partifans. Now, it 
 feems, a grant of Charles the Second to one of his 
 baftards is to be held facred and inviolable ! It 
 muft not be queftioned by the King's fervants, nor 
 fubmitted to any interpretation but your own. 
 My Lord, this was not the language you held> 
 when it fuited you to infult the memory of the 
 glorious deliverer of England from that detefted 
 family, to which you are flill more nearly allied 
 in principle than in blood. In the name of de- 
 cency and common fcnfe, what are your Grace's 
 merits, either with King or miniftry, that fliouli 
 intitle you to afTume this domineering authority 
 over both ? Is it the fortunate confanguinity you 
 claim with the houfe of Stuart? Is it the fccret 
 correfpondence you have for fo many years carried 
 on with Lord Bute, by the afliduous affiftance of 
 your cream-coloured parafite t Could not your 
 gallantry find fufficient employment for him in 
 thofe gentle offices by which he firft acquired the 
 tender friendship of Lord Harrington ? Or is it 
 only that wonderful fympathy of manners which 
 fubfifts between your Grace and one of your fu-
 
 O F J U N I TJ S. 31* 
 
 periors, and does fo much honour to you both ? 
 Is the union of Bli/ll and Black George no longer a 
 romance? From whatever origin your influence 
 in this country arifes, it is a phenomenon in the 
 hiftory of human virtue and underftanding. Good 
 men can hardly believe the faft. Wife men are 
 unable to account for it. Religious men find ex* 
 ercife for their faith ; and make it the laft effort of 
 their piety, not to repine againft Providence. 
 
 JUN1US. 
 
 LETTER LVIII. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE LIVERY OF LONDON. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, SEPT. 30. 1771. 
 
 IF you alone were concerned in the event of the 
 preftnt election of a chief magiftrate of the 
 metropolis, it would be the higheft prefumption 
 in a ftranger to attempt to influence your choice, 
 or even to offer you his opinion. But the fitua- 
 tion of public affairs has annexed an extraordi- 
 nary importance to your resolutions. You can- 
 not, in the choice of your magiftrate, determine 
 for yonrfelv es only. \ ou are going to determine 
 upon a point in which every member of the com- 
 munity is interefted. I will not fcruple to fay, 
 that the very being of that law, of that right, of 
 that conftitution, for which we have been fo loilg 
 contending, is now at (lake. They who would 
 enfnare your judgment tell yop, it is a common, 
 ordinary cafe, and to be decided by ordinary pre- 
 cedent and piaclice. They artfully conclude from 
 moderate peaceable times, to times which are net 
 moderate, and which ought not to be peaceable. 
 While they foli< it your favour, they irfift upon 
 a rule of rotation which excludes all idea of elee 
 tion. 
 
 i,u me be honoured with a few minutes of your 
 
 attention.
 
 5 i2 LETTERS 
 
 attention. The queftion, to thofe who mean fair- 
 ly to the liberty of the people, (which we all pro- 
 fefs to have in view), lies wirhin -a very narrow 
 compafs. Do you mean to defert that juft and 
 honourable fyftem of meafures which you have 
 hitherto purfued, in hopes of obtaining from par- 
 liament, or from the crown, a ful! redrefs of paft 
 grievances, and a fecurity for the future ? Do 
 you think the caufe defperate, and will you declare 
 that you think fo to the whole people of England? 
 If this be your meaning and opinion, you will aft 
 confidently with it in choofing Mr Nafb. I pro- 
 fefs to be unacquainted with his private character. 
 But he has afted as a magiftrate, as a public 
 man. As fuch I fpeak of him. I fee his name 
 in a proteft againft one of your remonftrancrs to 
 the crown. He has done every thing in his power 
 to deftroy the freedom of popular elections in the 
 city, by publifhing the poll upon a former occa- 
 fion; and I know in general, that he has dillin- 
 guifhed himfclfjby flighting and thwarting all thofe 
 public meafures which you have engaged in with the 
 greateft warmth, and hitherto thought moft wor- 
 thy of your approbation. From his paft conduct, 
 what condufion will you draw, but that he will 
 aft the fame part as Lord Mayor which he has in- 
 variable afted as Alderman and Sheriff? He can- 
 not alter his conduct without confelfing that he 
 never acted upon principle of any kind. I fhould 
 be forry to injure the character of a man, who 
 perhaps may be honed in his intention, by fuppo- 
 fiiig ir pojjlble that he can ever concur with you in 
 any political meafure or opinion. 
 
 If, on the other hand, you mean to perfeverc 
 in thofe refolutions lor the public good, which, 
 though not always fuccefsful, are always honour- 
 able, your choice will naturally incline to thofe 
 men who (whatever they be in other refpefts) are 
 moll likely to co-operate with you in the great 
 3 purpofes
 
 OF JU. NIUS. 313 
 
 purpofes which you are determined not to relin- 
 quifh: -The queftion is not of what metal your 
 inftruments are made, but -whether they are adapt- 
 ed to the "work you have in hand. The honours of 
 the city, in thefe times, are improperly, becaufe ex- 
 cluilvely, called a reward. You mean not merely to 
 pay, but to employ. Are Mr Crc/Jy and Mr Sawbridge 
 likely to execute the extraordinary as well as the or- 
 dinary duties of Lord Mayor? Will they grant you. 
 common-halls when it ihall be necefiary? Wilt 
 they go up with remonftrances to the King? 
 Have they firmnefs enough to meet the fury of a 
 venal houfe of commons? Have they fortitude 
 enough not to fhrink at irnprifonment ? Have 
 they fpirit enough to hazard their lives and for- 
 tunes in a conteft, if it fhould be neceflary, with 
 a proftituted legiflature ? If thefe queftions can 
 fairly be anfwered in the affirmative, your choice 
 is made. Forgive this paffionate language. I am 
 unable to correct it. The fubjeft comes home to 
 us all. It is the langunge of my heart. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER LCL 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE P U BLIC AD VERTISER* 
 
 SIR, OCT. 5. 1771. 
 
 "VTO man laments more fmcerely than I do, the 
 * : unhappy differences which have arifen among 
 the friends of the people, and divided them from, 
 each other. The caufe undoubtedly fuffers a$ 
 well by the diminution of that ftrength which 
 union carries along with it, as by the feparate lofs 
 of perfonal reputation which every man fuftains 
 when his character and conduct are frequently 
 held forth in odious or contemptible colours. 
 Thefe differences are only advantageous to the com- 
 mon enemy of the country. The hearty friends 
 D d of
 
 3 T 4 LETTERS 
 
 of the caufe are provoked and difguftecl. The 
 lukewarm advocate avails himfelf of any pretence 
 to relapfe into that indolent indifference about 
 every thing that ought to intereft an Englifhrnan, 
 io unjuftly dignified with the title of moderation. 
 
 The falfe, infidious partifan, who creates 
 
 or foments the diforder, fees the fruit of his dif- 
 honeft induthy ripen beyond his hopes, and re- 
 joices in the promife of a banquet, only delicious 
 to fuCh an appetite as his own. It is time for 
 thofe who really mean the Caufe and the People, 
 who have no view to private advantage, and who 
 have virtue enough to prefer the general good of 
 the community to the gratification of perfonal a- 
 nimofities it is time for fuch men to interpofe. 
 Let us try whether thefe fatal diflentions may 
 not yet be reconciled; or, if that be impracticable, 
 let us guard at leaft againft the worft efYefts of di- 
 vifion, and endeavour to perfuade thefe furious 
 partifans, if they will not confent to draw toge- 
 ther, to be feparately ufeful to that caufe which 
 they all pretend to be attached to. Honour and 
 honefty muft not be renounced, although a thou- 
 fand modes of right and wrong were to occupy the 
 degrees of morality between Zeno and Epicurus^ 
 The fundamental principles of Chriftianity may 
 Hill be preferved, though every zealous fe&ary 
 adheres to his own exclufive doctrine, and pious 
 rcclefiaflics make it part of their religion to per- 
 
 1'ecute one another. The civil conititution too, 
 
 that legal liberty, that general creed which every 
 Englifhman profefTes, may dill be fupported, tho' 
 "Wilkes, and Home, and Townfliend, and Saw- 
 bridge, (hould obftinately refufe to communicate; 
 and even if the fathers of the church, if Savile, 
 Richmond, Camdcn, Rockingham, and Chatham, 
 fhould difagree in the ceremonies of their politi- 
 cal \vorfhip, and even in the interpretation of 
 tests in Magna Charta. I fpeak to the 
 
 peopls
 
 O F J U N I U S. 3 r$ 
 
 people as one of the people. Let us employ thefe 
 men in whatever departments their various abili- 
 ties are beil fuited to, and as much to the ad van- 
 tage of the common caufe as their different incli- 
 nations will permit. They cannot ferve us, with- 
 out eflentially ferving themfelves. 
 
 If Mr Nafb be elected, he will hardly venture, 
 after fo recent a mark of the perfonal efteein of 
 his fellow-citizens, to declare himfelf immediately 
 a courtier. The fpirit and activity of the fherifrs, 
 will, I hope, be fufficient to counteract any Qnifter 
 intentions of the Lord Mayor, In collifion with 
 their virtue, perhaps he may take fire. 
 
 It is not neceflary to exact from Mr Wilkes the 
 virtues of a Stoic. They were inconfiflent with 
 themfelves, who, almoft at the fame moment, 
 reprefented him as the bafeft of mankind, yet 
 feemed to expect from him fuch inftances of for- 
 titude and felf-denial as would do honour to an 
 apoille. It Is mn however flattery to fay, that he 
 is obftinate, intrepid, and fertile in expedients. 
 That h has no poflible refource, but in the pu- 
 blic favour, is, in my judgment, a confulerable re- 
 commendation of him. I wi(h that every man 
 who pretended to popularity were in the fame 
 predicament. I wifh that a retreat to St James's 
 were not fo eafy and open as patriots have found 
 it. To Mr Witkes there is no accefs. However 
 he may be mifled by paflion or imprudence, I think 
 he cannot be guilty of a deliberate treachery to the 
 public. The favour of his countiy conftitutes the 
 ihield which defends him againil a thoufand dag- 
 gers. Defertion would difarm him. 
 
 I can more readily admire the liberal fpirit and 
 integrity, than the found judgment, of any man 
 who prefers a republican form of government, in 
 this or any other empire of equal extent, to a mo- 
 narchy fo qualified and limited as ours. I am 
 convinced, that neither is it in theory the wifeft 
 D d 2 fyftera
 
 3 i6 LETTERS 
 
 fyflem of government, nor pra&icable In this 
 country. Yet, though I hope the Englifh con- 
 ftitution will for ever preferve its original mo- 
 narchical form, I would have the manners of the 
 people purely and ftriclly republican. I do not 
 mean the licentious fpirit of anarchy and riot. 
 I mean a general attachment to the common-weal, 
 diftindt from any partial attachment to perfons or 
 families; an implicit fubmiiTion to the laws only f 
 and an affeclion to the magiftrate, proportioned 
 to the integrity and wifdom with which he diftri- 
 butes juflice to his people, and adminifters their 
 affairs. The prefent habit of our political body 
 appears to me the very reverfe of what it ought 
 to be. The form of the conftitution leans rather 
 more than enough to the popular branch ; while, 
 in effect, the manners of the people (of thofe at 
 leaft who are likely to take a lead in the country) 
 incline too generally to a dependence upon the 
 crown. The real friends of arbitrary power com- 
 bine the fafts, and are not inconfiftent with their 
 principles when they flrenuoufly fupport the un- 
 warrantable privileges afTumed by the Houfe of 
 Commons. In thefe circumftances, it were much 
 to be defired, that we had many fuch men as Mr 
 Sawbridge to reprefent us in parliament. I fpeak 
 from common report and opinion only, when I 
 Impute to him a fpeculative predilection in favour 
 of a republic. In the perfonal conducl and man- 
 ners of ihe man, I cannot be miftaken. He has 
 fhown himfelf poflefled of that republican firmnefs 
 which the times require ; and by which an Eng- 
 3ifh gentleman may be as ufc fully and as honour- 
 ably diftinguifhed, as any citizen of ancient Rome^ 
 of Athens, or Lacedemon. 
 
 Mr Townfhend complains, that the public gra- 
 titude has not been anfwerable to his deferts. It 
 is not difficult to trace the artifices which have 
 fuggefled to him a language fo unworthy of his 
 
 under
 
 OF J U N I U S. 31,7 
 
 undeTilanding. A great man commands the af- 
 fections of the people. A prudent man does not 
 complain when he has loft them. Yet they are 
 far from being loft to Mr Townfhend. He has 
 treated our opinion a little too cavalierly. A young 
 man is apt to rely too confidently upon himfelf, 
 to be as attentive to his miftrefs as a polite and 
 pafiionate lover ought to be. Perhaps he found 
 her at firftloo eafy a conqueft. Yet, I fancy, fhe 
 will be ready to receive him whenever he thinks 
 proper to renew his addrefles. With all his youth, 
 his fpirit, and his appearance, it would be inde- 
 cent in the lady to folicit his return. 
 
 I have too much refpect for the abilities of Mr 
 Horne, to flatter myfelf that thefe gentlemen will 
 ever be cordially re-united. It is not, however, 
 unreafonable to expect, that each of them fhould 
 act his feparate part with honour and integrity to 
 the public. As for the differences of opinion upon 
 fpeculative queftians, if we wait until they are re/- 
 conciled, the action of human affairs muft be fuf- 
 pended for ever. But neither are we to look for 
 perfection in any one man, nor for agreement 
 among many. When Lord Chatham affirms, that 
 the authority of the Britiih legiflature is not fu- 
 preme over the colonies in the lame fenfe in which 
 
 it is fupreme over Great Britain ; when Lcrd 
 
 Cambden fuppofes a neceflity, (which the King is 
 to judge of), and, founded upon that neceflity, at- 
 tributes to the crown a legal power (not given by 
 the act itfelf) to fufpend the operation of an act: 
 of the legiflature Lliften to them both with dif- 
 fidence and refpedt, but without the fmalleft de- 
 gree of conviction or affent. Yet, I doubt nor,, 
 they delivered their real fentiments ; nor ought 
 they to be haftily condemned. I too have a 
 claim to the candid interpretation of my country^ 
 when I acknowledge an involuntary, compulfive 
 aflent to one very unpopular opinion. I lament 
 I> <! 3 the
 
 3 i8 LETTERS 
 
 the unhappy necefiity, whenever it arifes, of pro- 
 Tiding for the fafety of the ftate, by a temporary 
 invafion of the perfonal liberty of the fubje&. 
 Would to God it were practicable to reconcile 
 thefe important objects, in every poflible fituation 
 of public affairs! I regard the legal liberty of ths 
 meaneft man in Britain as much as my own, and 
 would defend it with the fame zeal. I know we 
 mufl (land or fall together. But I never can doubt, 
 that the community has a right to command, as 
 well as to purchafe, the fervice of its members. 
 I fee that right founded originally upon a neceflity, 
 which fuperfedes all argument. I fee it eftablimed 
 by ulage immemorial, and admitted by more than 
 a tacit afier.t of the legiflnture. I conclude there 
 is no remedy, in the nature of things, for the grie- 
 vance complained of; for, if there weie, it muft 
 long fince have been redrefied. Though number- 
 lefs opportunities have prefented themfelves high- 
 ly favourable to public liberty, no fuccefsful at- 
 tempt has ever been made for the relief of the 
 fubjeQ in this article. Yet it has been felt and 
 complained of ever fince England had a navy. 
 The conditions which conftuute this right, muft 
 be taken together. Separately, they have little 
 weight. It is not fair to argue, from any abufe 
 in the execution, to the illegality of the power ; 
 much lefs is a conclufion to be drawn from the 
 navy to the land fervice. A feaman can never be 
 employed but againft the enemies of his country. 
 The only cafe in which the King can have a right 
 to arm his fubje&s in general, is that of a foreign 
 force being actually landed upon our coaft. When- 
 ever that cafe happens, no true Englifhman will 
 inquire whether the King's right to compel him 
 to defend his country, be the cuttom of England, 
 or a grant of the legillature. "With regard to the 
 prefs ior feamen, it does not follow that the fymp- 
 toms may not be foftened, although the diitem- 
 
 per
 
 OF J U N I U S. 3 i r 
 
 per cannot be cured- Let bounties be increased 
 as far as the public purfe can fupport them. Still 
 they have a limit ; and when every reafonable ex- 
 pence is incurred, it will be found, in facl, that 
 the fpur of the prefs is wanted to give operation to 
 the bounty. 
 
 Upon the whole, I never had a doubt about 
 the ftricl: right of preffing, until I heard that Lord 
 Mansfield had applauded Lord Chatham for de- 
 livering fomething like this dodlrine in the houfe 
 of Lords. That confideratipn daggered me not a 
 little. But, upon reflection, his conduct accounts 
 naturally for itfelf. He knew the doctrine was 
 unpopular, and was eager to fix it upon the man 
 who is the firfl object of his fear and deteftation. 
 The cunning Scotchman never fpeaks truth with- 
 out a fradulent defign. In council, he generally 
 affects to take a moderate part. Befides his na- 
 tural timidity, it makes part of his political plan, 
 never to be known to recommend vioient meafures. 
 When the guards are called forth to murder their 
 feliow-fubjects, it is not by the ollenfible advice 
 of Lord Mansfield. That odious office, his pru- 
 dence tells him, is better left to fuch men as 
 Gower and Weymouth, as Barrington and Graf- 
 ton. Lord Hilfborough wifely confines his firm- 
 nefs to the diftant Americans. The defigns of 
 Mansfield are mo-re fubtle, more effectual, and 
 fecure. Who attacks the liberty of the prefs ? 
 Lord Mansfield. Who invaclts the conftitutional 
 power of juries? Lord Mansfield. What judge 
 ever challenged a juryman, but Lord Mansfield? 
 Who was that judge, who, to fave the King's 
 brother, affirmed that a man of the firlt rank and 
 quality, who obtains a verdict in a fuit for cri- 
 minal converfation, is intitled to no greater da- 
 mages than the meaneft mechanic? Lord Manf- 
 field.' Who is it makes commiflioners of the 
 great leal ? Lord Mau&tield. Who is it forms a 
 
 decree
 
 3 20 LETTERS. 
 
 decree for thofe commiflioners, deciding- ngainfr 
 Lord Chatham, and afterwards (finding himfetf 
 oppofed by the judges) declares in parliament, 
 that he never had a doubt that the law was in di- 
 rect oppofition to that decree ? Lord Mansfield, 
 -Who is he that has made it the ftudy and prac- 
 tice of his life, to undermine and alter the whole 
 fyftem of jurifprudence in the court of King's- 
 Bench ? Lord Mansfield. There never exifted a 
 man but himfelf, who anfwered exactly to fo com- 
 plicated a defcription. Compared to thefe enor- 
 mities, his original attachment to the Pretender 
 (to whom his cleared brother was confidential fe- 
 cretary) is a virtue of the firft magnitude. But 
 the hour of impeachment -will come, and neither 
 he nor G?afton {hall efcape me. Now let them 
 make common caufe againlt England and the houfe 
 of Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray fhould fym- 
 pathife with each other. , 
 
 When I refer to fignal inftances of unpopular 
 opinions delivered and maintained by men who 
 may well be fuppofed to have no view but the 
 public good, I do not mean to renew the difcuf- 
 fion of fuch opinions. I fhould be forry to revive 
 the dormant queftions of Stamp-a5l, Corn-bill, or 
 Prefs-ivarrant. I mean only to illuftrate one ufe- 
 ful propofition, which it is the intention of this 
 paper to inculcate \-That -we fawld not generally 
 rejeft the friend/hip or fer vices of any man becanfe 
 be differs from us in a. particular opinion. This will 
 not appear a fuperfluous caution, if we obferve 
 the ordinary conduct of mankind. In public af- 
 fairs there is the lead chance of a perfedr, con- 
 currence of fentiment or inclination. Yet every 
 man is able to contribute fomething to the com- 
 mon flock; and no man's contribution fhoulci be 
 rejected. If individuals have no virtues, their 
 vices may be of ufe to us. I care not with what 
 principle the new-born patriot is animated, if the 
 
 me a-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 321 
 
 mcafures he fupporrs are beneficial to the com- 
 munity. The nation is interefted in his condutft. 
 His motives are his own. The properties of a pa- 
 triot are perifhable in the individual; but there is 
 a quick fucceffion of fubje&s, and the breed is 
 worth preferving. The fpirit of the Americans 
 may be an ufeful example to us. Our dogs and 
 horfes are only Englilh upon Englifh ground ; but 
 patriotifm, it feems, may be improved by tranf- 
 planting. I will not reject a bill which tends to 
 confine parliamentary privilege within reasonable 
 bounds, though it fhould be ftolen from the houfe 
 O'f Cavendifh, and introduced by Mr O:iflow. The 
 features of the infant are a proof of the defcenf, 
 and vindicate the noble birth from the bafenefs of 
 the adoption. I willingly accept of a farcalm from 
 Colonel Barre, or a fimile from Mr Burke. Even 
 the filent vote of Mr Calcraft is worth reckoning 
 in a divifion. What though he riots in the plun- 
 der of the army, and has only determined to be a 
 patriot when he could not be a peer? Let us 
 profit by the afliftance of fuch men while they are 
 with us, and place them, if it be pothble, in the 
 pod of danger, to prevent defmion. The wary 
 WedderburnB) the pompous Suffolk, never threw 
 away the fcabbard, nor ever went upon a foilorn 
 hope. They always treated the King's fervants as 
 men with whom, fome time or other, they might 
 poilibly be in friendfhip. When a man who (lands 
 forth for the public has gone that length from 
 which there is no practicable retreat, when he 
 has given that kind of perfonal offence which a 
 pious monarch never pardons, I then begin to 
 think him in earned, and that he never will have 
 occafion to folicit the forgivenefs of his country. 
 But inflances of a determination fo entire and 
 unreferved are rarely met with. Let us take man- 
 kind as they are. Let us distribute the virtues and 
 abilities of individuals, according to the oflices 
 
 they
 
 322 LETTERS 
 
 they affeft ; and, when they quit the fervice, let 
 us endeavour to fupply their places with better 
 men than we have loll. In this country, there are 
 always candidates enough for popular favour. The 
 temple of fame is the fhortcft paflage to riches 
 and preferment. 
 
 Above all things, let me gurrd my countrymen 
 againft the meannefs and folly of accepting of a 
 trifling or moderate compensation tor extraordi- 
 nary and eiTertial injuries. Our enemies treat us 
 as the cunning trader does the untkilful Indian. 
 They magnify their generofity, when they give us 
 baubles of little proportionate value, for ivory and 
 gold. The fame houfe of commons, who robbed 
 the conftituent body of their right of free election j 
 who prefumed to make a law, under pretence of 
 declaring it; who paid our good King's debts, with- 
 out once inquiring how they were incurred ; who 
 gave thanks for repeated murders committed at 
 home, and for national infamy incurred abroad; 
 \cho fcreened Mansfield ; who imprifoned the ma- 
 gifl rates of the metropolis for afierting the fubje&'s 
 right to the protection of the laws j who erafed a 
 judicial record, and ordered all proceedings in a 
 criminal-fuit to be fufpended -, this very houfe of 
 commons have gracioully confented, that their own 
 members may be compelled to pay ihcir debts, and 
 that contefled elections fliall for the future be de- 
 ttrmined with fome decent regard to the merits of 
 the cafe. The event of the luit is of no confe- 
 quence to the crown. While parliaments are fep- 
 t'nini.il, the purchafe of the fitting member or of 
 the petitioner makes but the difterci.ee of a day, 
 Conceffions, fuch as thefe, are of little moment 
 to the fum cf things; unlefs it be to prove that 
 the worfl of men are fenfible of the injuries they 
 have done us, and perhaps to dtmonftrate to us 
 the imminent danger of our fituation. In the fhip- 
 wreck of the Rate, trifles float and are preferved ; 
 
 while
 
 OF J U N I U S. 323 
 
 while every thing folid and valuable finks to the 
 bottom, and is loft for ever. 
 
 J U N I U S, 
 
 LETTER LX. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 SIR, OCT. 15. 1771, 
 
 T AM convinced that Junius is incapable of wiU 
 fully mifreprefeming any man's opinion, and 
 that his inclination leads him to treat Lord Camden 
 with particular candour and refpel. The doctrine 
 attributed to him by Junius y as far as it goes, cor- 
 refponds with that dated by your correfpondent 
 Scavo!a y who feems to make a diftintion without 
 a difference. Lord Camdcn, it is agreed, did cer- 
 tainly maintain, that, in the recefs of parliament, 
 the King (by which we all mean the King in coun- 
 cil) or the executive power) m'ght fufpend the o- 
 peration of an al of the legiflature; and he found- 
 ed his doctrine upon a fuppofed neceffity, of which 
 the King, in the firft inftance, muft be judge. The 
 lords and commons cannot be judges of it in the 
 firft inftance, for they do not exift. Thus far Ju 
 nius- 
 
 But, fays Scavo/a, Lord Camden made parliament \ 
 and not the King, judges of the necefTity. That 
 parliament mny review the acts of minifters, is un- 
 queftionable ; but there is a wide difference be- 
 tween faying that the crown has a legal power, 
 and that minifters may adl at their peril. When 
 we fay that an act is illegal^ we mean that it is 
 forbidden by a joint refolution of the three eftates. 
 How a fubfequcnt refolution of two of thofe 
 branches can make it legal ab initio, will require 
 explanation. If it could, the confequence would 
 be truly dreadful, efpecially iu thefe times. There 
 
 is
 
 324 L E T T E R S 
 
 is no al of arbitrary power which the King might 
 not attribute to nccejjlty, and for which he would 
 not be fecure of obtaining the approbation of his 
 proftitutcd lords and commons. If Lord Camden 
 admits that the fubfequent fan&ion of parliament 
 was neceflary to make the proclamation legal, why- 
 did he fo obftinately oppofe the bill which was 
 foon after brought in for indemnifying all thofe 
 perfons who had acted under it ? If that bill had 
 not been pafled, I am ready to maintain, in direct 
 contradiction to Lord Camden's doctrine, (taken 
 as Scavcla dates it), that a litigious exporter of 
 corn, who had fuffered in his property in confe- 
 quence of the proclamation, might have laid his 
 action againft the cuflom-houfe officers, and would 
 infallibly have recovered damages. No jury could 
 refufe them ; and if I, who am by no means liti- 
 gious, had been fo injured, I would affuredly have 
 inftituted a fuit in Weftminfter-hall, on purpofe 
 to try the queflion of right. I would have done 
 it upon a principle of 'defiance of the pretended 
 power of either or both houfes to make declara- 
 tions inconfiftent with law, and I have no doubt 
 that, with an a 61 of parliament on my fide, I 
 fliculd have been too ftrong for them all. This is 
 the way in which an Englishman fhould fpeak and 
 acl ; and not fuffer dangerous precedents to be e- 
 ftablifhtd, becaufe the circumftances are favour- 
 able or palliating. 
 
 With regard to Lord Camden, the truth is, that 
 he inadvertently overfliot himfelf, as appears plain- 
 ly by that urguarded mention of a tyranny of forty 
 days, which I myfelf heard. Inftead of aflerting 
 that the proclamation was legal, he Jhould have 
 faid, " My Lords, I know the proclamation was 
 illegal ; but I advifed it becaufe it was indifpen- 
 " fably neceflary to fave the kingdom from fa- 
 " mine; and I fubmit myfelf to the juftice and 
 " mercy of my country." 
 
 3 Such
 
 O F J U N I U S. 3,25 
 
 Such language as this would have been [manly, 
 rational, and confident : not unfit for a lawyer, 
 and every way worthy of a great man. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS; 
 
 P. S. If Scavola (hould think proper to write 
 again upon this fubjeft, I beg of him to give me 
 a direft anfwer, that is a plain affirmative or ne- 
 gative, to the following queftions : In the inter- 
 val between the publifhing fuch a proclamation 
 (or order of council) as that in queftion, and its* 
 receiving the fan&ion of the two houfes, of what 
 nature is it ? is it legal or illegal ? or is it neither 
 one nor the other ? I mean to be candid, and 
 will point out to him the confequence of his an- 
 fwer either way. If it be legal, it wants no far- 
 ther fan&ion ; if it be illegal, the fubje& is not 
 bound to obey it ; confequently it is a ufelefs nu- 
 gatory aft, even as to its declared purpofe. Be- 
 fore the meeting of parliament, the whole mif- 
 ehief, which it means to prevent, will have bcea 
 completed. 
 
 LETTER LXL 
 
 TO ZEKO. 
 
 S I R, OCT. 17. i77r. 
 
 '"pHE fophiftry of your letter in defence of Lord 
 * Mansfieldy is adapted to the character you de- 
 fend. But Lord Mansfield is a man of form, and 
 feldom in his behaviour tranfgrefles the rules of 
 decorum. I mail imitate his Lordfhip's good man- 
 ners, and leave you in full pofieflion of his prin- 
 ciples. 1 will not call you liar, jtfuif, or villain : 
 but, with all the politenefs imaginable, perhaps I 
 way prove you fo. 
 
 Like other fair pleaders in Lord Mansfield's 
 
 fchool of juilice, you anfwer Junius by mifquo- 
 
 e tina
 
 3^6 LETTERS 
 
 ting his words, and initiating his propofitions. If 
 I am candid enough to admit that this is the very 
 logic taught at St Omer's, you will readily allow 
 that it ,is the .conftant practice in the court of 
 Kings-Bench. JUKI us does not fay, that he never 
 had a doubt about the flrict right of prefiing, till 
 he Anew Lord Mansfield was of the fame opinion. 
 His words are, Until he heard that Lord Mansfield 
 Jwd applauded Lord Chatham for maintaining that 
 doftrine in the houfe of Lords. It was not the ac- 
 cidental concurrence of Lord Mansfield's opinion, 
 but the fufpicious applaufe given by a cunning 
 Scotchman to the man he detefts, that raifed and 
 jiuftified a doubt in the mind of Junius. The que- 
 Uion is not, Whether Lord Mansfield be a man of 
 learning and abilities, (which Jitnius has never 
 difputed) ; but, Whether or no he abufes and mif- 
 applies his talents. 
 
 Junius did not fay that Lord Mansfield had ad- 
 vifed the calling out the Guards. On the contrary, 
 bis plain meaning is, that he left that odious office 
 to men lefs cunning than himfelf. Whether Lord 
 Mansfield's doctrine concerning libels be or be 
 not an attack upon the liberty of the prefs, is'a 
 queflion which the public in general are very well 
 able to determine. I fhall not enter into it at pre- 
 fent. Nor do I think it neceffary to fay much to 
 a man, who had the daring confidence to fay to a 
 jury, " Gentlemen, you are to bring in a verdict 
 41 lt *hy or no * g u *hy > but whether the defendant 
 *' c be guilty or innocent, is not matter for four 
 '* confideration." Clothe it in what language you 
 will, this is the fum total of Lord Mansfield's doc- 
 trine. If not, let Zeno (how us the difference. 
 But it feems, the liberty of the prefs may be abu- 
 fed> and the abnfe of a valuable privilege is the cer- 
 tain means to lofe it. The jirjl I admit : but let 
 the abufebe. fubmitted to a jury; a fufficient, and 
 indeed the only legal and conftttutional check up-
 
 OF J U N I U S. 327 
 
 on tbe licence of the prefs. The fecond I flatly 
 deny. In direct contradiction to Lord Mansfield^ 
 I affirm, " that the abufe of a valuable privilege 
 *' is not the certain means to lofe it." If it were, 
 the Englifli nation would have few privileges left ; 
 for where is the privilege that has not, at one time 
 or other, been abufed by individuals. But it is 
 falfe in reafon and equity, that particular abufes 
 fhould produce a general forfeiture. Shall the 
 community be deprived of the protection of the 
 laws, becaufe there are robbers and murderers ? 
 Shall the community be punifhed, 'oecaufe indi- 
 viduals have offended ? Lord Mansfield, fays fo, 
 confidently enough with his principles; but I won- 
 der to find him fo explicit. Yet, for one concef- 
 fion, however extorted, I confefs myfelf obliged, 
 to him : The liberty of the prefs is after all a va- 
 luable privilege. I agree with him oioit heartily, 
 and will defend it againfl him. 
 
 You afk me, What juryman was challenged by 
 Lord Mansfield ? I tell you his name is Benfon* 
 When his name was called, Lord Mansfield or- 
 dered the clerk to pafs him by. As for his rea- 
 fons, you may aik himfelf, for foe alligned none : 
 but I can tell you what all men thought of it. 
 This Benfon had been refractory upon a former 
 jury, and would riot accept of the law as delivered 
 by Lord Mansfield ; but had the impudence to 
 pretend to think for himfelf. But you, it feems, 
 honed Zena, know nothing of the matter. You 
 never read Juniits's letter to your patron : You 
 never heard of the intended inltrutlions from the 
 city to impeach Lord Mansfield : You never heard 
 by what dexterity of Mr Patcrfon that meafure 
 was prevented. How wonderfully ill fome people 
 are informed I 
 
 Junius did never affirm, that the crime of fedu- 
 
 cing the wife of a mechanic or a peer, is not the 
 
 fame, taken in a moral or religious view. What 
 
 E e i he
 
 326 LETTERS 
 
 ha affirmed, in contradi&ion to the levelling prin- 
 ciple fo lately adopted by Lord Mansfield, wag, 
 that the damages Jbould be proportioned to the rank 
 nnd fortune of the parties ; and for this plain rea- 
 fon, (admitted by.every other judge that ever fat 
 in Weftminfter-hall), becaufe, what is a compen- 
 fation or penalty to one man, is none to another. 
 The fophiftical diftin&ion you attempt to draw 
 between the pcrfon injured and the perfon inju- 
 ring, is Mansfield all over. If you can once efta- 
 blifli the propofition, that the injured party is not 
 intitled to rectivelarge damages, it follows pretty 
 plainly, that the party injuring (hould not be com- 
 pelled to pay them ; confequently the King's bro- 
 ther is effectually fcreened by Lord Mansfield's 
 dolrine. Your reference to Nathan and David 
 come naturally in aid of your patron's profefled 
 Xyftem of jurifprudence. He is fond of introdu- 
 cing into the court of King's-bench any law that 
 contradifts or excludes the common law of Eng- 
 land } whether it be canon, civil, jus gentium, or 
 Levitical. But, Sir, the Bible is the code of our 
 religious faith, not of our municipal jurifprudence ; 
 and though it was the pleafure of God to inflict 
 a particular pum'Qiment upon David's crime (taken 
 as a breach of his divine commands), and to fend 
 his prophet to denounce it, an Englifh jury have 
 nothing to do either with David or the prophet. 
 They confider the crime only as it is a breach of 
 order, an injury to an individual, and an offence 
 to fociety ; and they judge of it by certain pofi- 
 tive rules of law, or by the practice of their an- 
 ceftors. Upon the whole, the man after God's 
 fwn heart is much indebted to you for comparing 
 him to the Duke of Cumberland- That his Royal 
 Highnefs may be the man after Lord Mansfield's 
 own heart, feems much more probable-, and you, 
 I think, Mr Zeno, might fucceed tolerably well 
 in the chara&er of Nathan. The evil deity, the 
 
 prophet,
 
 OFJUNIUSr 32* 
 
 prophet, and the royal finner, would be very pro- 
 per company for one another. 
 
 You fay Lord Mansfield did not make the com* 
 miflioners of the Great Seal, and that he only ad- 
 vifed the King to appoint. I believe Junhis meant 
 no more ; and the diftinclion is hardly worth dif- 
 puting. 
 
 You fay he fid not deliver an opinion upon Lord 
 Chatham's appeal. I affirm that he did y direftly 
 in favour of the appeal. This is a point of fact, 
 to be determined by evidence only. But you af- 
 fign no reafon for his fuppofed filence, nor for his 
 defiring a conference with the judges the day be* 
 fore. Was not all Weftminfter-hall convinced 
 that he did it with a view to puzzle them with 
 fome perplexing queftion, and in hopes of bring- 
 ing fome of them over to him ? You fay the com- 
 miflioners were very capable of framing a decree for 
 them/elves. By the faft, it only appears> that they 
 were capable of framing an illegal one j which, I 
 apprehend, is not much to the credit either of 
 their learning or integrity, 
 
 We are both agreed, that Lord Mansfield ha& 
 inceflantly laboured to introduce new modes of 
 proceeding in the court where he prefides ', but 
 you attribute it to an honeft zeal in behalf of inno- 
 Cnce oppreffed by quibble and chicane. J fay,, 
 tflat he has introduced nc-w law (oo r and removed 
 the landmarks eftablifhed by former decifrons. I 
 fay, that his view is to change a court of common 
 law into a court of equity, and to bring every thing 
 within the arbitrium of a pratorian court. The 
 public muft determine between us. But now for 
 his merits. Fir/}, th.cn, the eflablifliment of the 
 judges in their places for life, (which you tell us 
 was advifed by Lord Mansfield), was a concefliort 
 merely to catch the people. It bore the appear- 
 ance of 'a royal bounty, but had nothing real in it. 
 The judges \vere already for life, excepting in tke 
 e 3 cafg
 
 330 LETTERS 
 
 cafe of a demife. Your boafted bill only provides, 
 tkat it (hall not be in the power of the King's fuc- 
 cefibr to remove them. At the beft, therefore, it 
 is only a legacy, not a gift, on the part of his pre- 
 fent Majefty, fince for himfelf he gives up no- 
 thing. That he did oppofe Lord Camden and Lord 
 Northingtoh upon the proclamation againft the ex- 
 portation of corn, is moft true, and with great abi- 
 lity. With his talents, and taking the right fide of 
 fo clear a queftion, it was inipofuble to fpe-ak ill. 
 His motives are not fo eafily penetrated. They 
 who are acquainted with the ftate of politics at 
 that period, will judge of them fomewhat differ- 
 ently from Zeno. Of the popular bills, which you 
 fay he fupported in the houfe. of Lords, the moft 
 material is unqueftionably that of Mr Grenville y 
 for deciding contefled elections. But I mould be 
 glad to know upon what poflible pretence any 
 member of the Upper Houfe could oppofe fuch a 
 bill after it had pafl'ed the houfe of commons ?\ do 
 not pretend to know what fhare he had in promo- 
 ting the other two bills i but I am ready to give 
 him all the credit you defire. Still you will find, 
 that a whole life of deliberate iniquity is ill atoned 
 for, by doing now and then a laudable action up- 
 on, a mixed or doubtful principle. If it be unwor- 
 thy of him, thus ungratefully treated, to labour 
 any longer for the public, in God's name Jet him 
 retire. His brother's patron (whofe health he once 
 was anxious for) is dead; but the fon of that un- 
 fortunate prince furvives> and, I dare fay, will be 
 ready to receive him, PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LET-
 
 O F J U N I U S. 
 
 LETTER LXII. 
 
 TO AN ADVOCATE IN THE CAUSE OF THE 
 PEOPLE. 
 
 SIR, OCT. 18. 1771. 
 
 YOU do not treat Juntas fairly. You would not 
 have condemned him fo haftily, if you had 
 ever read Judge Fqfter's argument upon the legality 
 of prefling feamen. A man who has not read 
 that argument, is not qualified to fpeak accurately 
 upon the fubjecl. In anfwer to'ftrong facls and 
 fair reafoning, you produce nothing but a vague 
 comparifon between two things which have little 
 or -no refemblance to each other. General war- 
 rants, it is true, had been often iflued ; but they 
 had never been regularly queftioned or refilled 
 until the cafe of Mr Wilkcs. He brought them to- 
 trial ; and the moment they were tried, they were 
 declared illegal* This is not the cafe of Prefs- 
 "warrants' They have been complained of, que- 
 ftioned, and refilled in a thoufand inftances } but 
 ftill the legillature have never interpofed, nor has 
 there ever been a formal decifion againfl them ia 
 any of the fuperior courts. On the contrary, they 
 have been frequently recognifed and admitted by 
 parliament ; and there are judicial opinions given 
 in their favour by judges of the fird character. 
 Under the various circumflances ftated by Junius t 
 he has a right to concludeyir himfelf> that there is 
 no remedy. If you have a good one to propofe, 
 you may depend upon the afliftance and applaufe 
 of Junius. The magiilrate who guards the liberty 
 of the individual, deferves to be commended. But 
 let him remember, that it is alfo his duty to pro- 
 vide for, or at leaft not to hazard, the fafety of 
 the community. If in the cafe of a foreign war, 
 and the expectation of an invafion, you would ra- 
 iher keep your fleet in harbour, than man it. by 
 
 preflfing
 
 331 LETTERS 
 
 prefling fcamen who refufe the bounty, I have 
 done. 
 
 You talk of difbanding the army with wonder- 
 ful eafc and indifference. If a wifer man held 
 fuch language, I fhould be apt to fufpecl his fin- 
 cerity. 
 
 As for keeping up a 'much greater number of 
 feamen in time of peace, it is not to be done. 
 You will opprefs the merchant, you will diftrefs 
 trade, and deftroy the nurfery of your feamen. 
 He muft be a miferable ftatefman, who voluntarily 
 by the fame aft increafes the public expence, and 
 leflcns the means of fupporting it. 
 
 PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER LXIII. 
 
 OCT. 22. 1771. 
 
 A Friend of Junius defires it may be obferved, 
 (in anfwer to A Barrijler at Law), 
 
 i wo, That the fa& of Lord Mansfield's having 
 ordered a juryman to be patted by (which poor 
 Zeno never heard of) is now formally admitted. 
 
 When Mr Sen/on's name was called, Lord Manf- 
 ^V/Jwas obferved to flufh in the face, (a fignal of 
 guilt not uncommon with him,) and cried out, 
 Pafs him by. This I take to be fomething more 
 than a peremptory challenge. It is an unlawful 
 command^ without any reafon afligned. That the 
 counfel did not refift, is true ; but this might hap 
 pen either from inadvertence, or a criminal com- 
 plaifance to Lord Mansfield. You Barriflcrs are 
 too apt to be civil to my Lord Chief Juitice, at the 
 expence of your clients. 
 
 ido, Junius did never fay that Lord Mansfield 
 had dejiroyed the liberty of the prefs. "That his 
 " Lordfhip has laboured to deftroy^ that his doc- 
 trine is an attack upon the liberty of the prefs, 
 
 that
 
 O F J U N I U $. 333 
 
 " that it is an invafion of the right of juries," 
 are the propofitions maintained by Junius. His 
 opponents never anfwer him in point, for they ne- 
 ver meet him fairly upon his own ground. 
 
 ^tio, Lord Mansfield's policy, in endeavouring 
 to fcreen his unconftitutional dodtrines behind an 
 acl: of the legiflature, is eafily underftood. Let 
 every Englifhman (land upon his guard ; the right 
 of juries to return a general verdift, in all cafes 
 whatfoever, is a part of our conilitution. It ftand* 
 in no need of a bill, either enabling or declaratory 
 to confirm it. 
 
 4f<?, With regard to the Crofvenor caufe, it is 
 pleafant to obferve, that the doctrine, attributed by 
 Junius to Lord Mansfield, is admitted by Zeno and 
 directly defended. The Barrijler has noj the af- 
 furance to deny it flatly; but he evades the charge^ 
 and foftens the do&rine by fuch poor contemptible 
 quibbles as cannot impofe upon the meaneft un- 
 derftanding. 
 
 5fo, The quantity of bufinefs in the court df 
 JCing's-Bench proves nothing but the litigious fpi- 
 rit of the people, arifing from the great increafc 
 of wealth and commerce. Thefe, however, are 
 now upon the decline, and will foon leave nothing 
 but law-fuits behind them. When Junius affirms 
 that Lord Mansfield has laboured to alter the fy- 
 ftem of junfprudence in the court where his Lord- 
 fhip prefides, he fpeaks to thofe who are able to 
 look a little farther than the vulgar. Befides that 
 the multitude are eafily deceived by the impofing 
 names of equity and fubjiantial juftice y it does not 
 follow, that a judge, who introduces into his court 
 new modes of proceeding and new principles of 
 law, intends, in every inftance, to decide unjullly. 
 Why fhould he, where he has no intereft? We 
 fay that Lord Mansfield is a bad man, and a worfe 
 jiulge; but we do not fay that he is a mere devil. 
 Our adverfaries would fain reduce us to the diffi- 
 culty
 
 234 LETTERS 
 
 culty of proving too much. This artifice, how- 
 ever, (hall not av >il him. The truth of the mat- 
 ter is plainly this. When Lord Mansfield has fuc- 
 Cecdcd in his fchcme of changing ,i court of com- 
 mon la~w to a court of equity, he will h ive it in his 
 power to do injuftice whenever he thinks proper. 
 This, though a wicked purpofe, is neither abfurd 
 nor unattainable. 
 
 6tO) The laft paragraph relative to Lord Cba,- 
 thams caufe cannot be anfwered. It partly refers 
 to facls of too fecret a nature to be afcertained, 
 and partly is unintelligible. <f Upon one point, 
 " the caufe is decided again ft Lord Chatham. 
 <( Upon another point, it is decided for him." 
 Both the law and the language are well fuited to a 
 Barriftet! If I have any guefs at this honed gen- 
 tleman's meaning, it is, That " whereas the com- 
 <f miilioners of the Great Seal faw the queflion 
 " in a point of view unfavourable t^Lotd Chatham^ 
 <f and decreed accordingly, Lord Mansfield, out 
 '" of meer love and kindnefs to Lord Chatham, 
 " took the pains to place it in a point of view 
 
 more favourable to the appellant" Credat Ju- 
 pelLi. So curious an aflertion would ftag- 
 ger the faith of Mr Sj/va. 
 
 LETTER XLIV. 
 
 Nor. 2. 1771. 
 
 TT7E a-re defired to make the following decbra- 
 * * tion, in behalf of Junius^ upon three ma- 
 terial points, on which his opinion has been mif- 
 taken or milreprefented. 
 
 IWO) Junius conliders the right of taxing the 
 colonies, by an a<t\ of the Britifh Legilhture, as 
 a fpfculative right merely, never to be exerted, 
 jior ever to be renounced. To Aw judgment it ap. 
 Pais plain, * That the general reafonings which 
 
 " wer*
 
 OF J U N I U S. m 
 
 were employed againft that power went dire&ly 
 ** to our whole legiflative right, and that one part 
 " of it could not be yielded to fuch arguments 
 < r v.-ithout a virtual furrender of all the reft." 
 
 ldo t That, with regard to prefs-warrants, hl 
 argument Ihould be taken in his own words, and 
 anfwered ftridly; that comparifons may fome- 
 times illuftrate, but prove nothing; and that, in 
 this cafe, an appeal to the paffions is unfair and 
 unnecefiary. Junius feels and acknowledges the 
 evil in the moft exppefs terms, and will fhow him- 
 felf ready to concur in any rational plan' that may 
 provide for the liberty of the individual} without 
 hazarding the fafety of the community. At the 
 fame time, he expects that the evil, fuch as it is, 
 be not exaggerated or mifreprefented. . In gene- 
 ral, it is not unjuft that, when the rich man con- 
 tributes his wealth, the poor man (hould ferve the 
 ftate in perfon ; otherwife the latter contributes 
 nothing to the defence of that law and conftitu- 
 tion from which he demands fafety and protec- 
 tion. But the queftion does not lie between rich 
 and poor. The laws of England make no fuch di- 
 ftindtions. Neither is it true that the poor man 
 is torn from the care and fupport of a wife and fa- 
 mily, helplefs without him. The fingle queftion 
 is, Whether thefeaman*, in times of public dan- 
 ger, fliall ferve the merchant, or the ftate, in that 
 profeflion to which he was bred, and by the exer- 
 cife of which alone he can honeftly fupport him- 
 felf and his family. General arguments againfl 
 the doclrine of necej/ity y and the dangerous ufe 
 that may be made ot it, are of no weight in this 
 particular cafe. Necejjity includes the idea of in- 
 evitable. Whenever it is fo, it creates a law to 
 which all pcfitive laws and all fofitive rights muft 
 
 give 
 
 * I confine myfelf flriftly to/eameit; if any others are pref- 
 fcd, it is a grofi abufc, which the magiftrate can and ihovld cer-
 
 33<5 LETTERS 
 
 give way. In this fenfc the levy of Jbip-money by 
 the King's warrant was not nectffary^ becaufc the 
 bufinefs might have been as well or better done 
 by parliament. If the do&rine maintained by Ju- 
 nius be confined within this limitation, it will go 
 but very little way in funport of arbitrary power* 
 That the King is to judge of the occafion, is no ob- 
 jection, unlefs we are told how it can poffibly bo 
 otherwife. There are other inftances, not lefs im- 
 portant in the exercife nor lefs dangerous in the 
 *bufe, in which the conftitution relies entirely 
 upon the King's judgment. The executive power 
 proclaims war and peace, binds the nation by trea- 
 ties, orders general embargoes, and impofes qua- 
 rantines; not to mention a multitude of preroga- 
 tive writs, which, though liable to -the greateft 
 abufes, were never difputed. 
 
 3//(?, It has been urged as a reproach to Ju 
 ius, that he .has not delivered an opinion upon 
 the Game Laws, and particularly the late Dog 
 Al> But Junius thinks he has much greater rea- 
 fon to complain, that he is never affifted by thofe 
 who are able to afllft him ; and that almoll the 
 whole labour of the prefs is thrown upon a fingle 
 hand, from which a difcuffion of every public 
 qurftion whatfoever is unreafonably expe&ed. He 
 is not paid for his labour, and certainly has a right 
 to choofe his employment. As to the Game Laws, 
 he never fcrupled to declare his opinion, that they 
 are a fpecies of the Forrft Laius ; that they are 
 oppreflive to the fubjecl j and that the fpirit of 
 them is incompatible with legal liberty: That the 
 penalties imposed by thefe laws bear no proportion 
 to the nature of the offence ; that the mode of 
 trial, and the degree and kind of evidence necef- 
 fary to convicl, not only deprive the fubjeft of all 
 the benefits of a trial by jury, but are in them- 
 felves too iummary, and to the laft degree arbi- 
 trary and oppreflive ; That, in particular, the late 
 i, acts
 
 OF J UNI US. 337 
 
 acts to prevent dog-ftealing, or killing game be- 
 tween fun and fun, are diftinguifhed by their ab- 
 furdity, extravagance, and pernicious tendency. 
 If thefe terms are weak or ambiguous, in what 
 language can Junius exprefs himfelf? It is no 
 excufe for Lord Mansfield to fay, that he happened 
 to be abfent when thefe bills pafled the houfe of 
 Lords. It was his duty to be prefent. Such bills 
 could never have pafled the houfe of commons 
 without his knowledge. But we very well know 
 by what rule he regulates his attendance. When 
 that order was made in the houfe of Lords in the 
 cafe of Lord Pomfret, at which every Englifhman 
 fhudders, my honeft Lord Mansfield found himfelf, 
 by mere accident, in the court of King's Bench : . 
 Otherwife he would have done wonders in de- 
 fence of law and property ! The pitiful evafion is 
 adapted to the character. But Junius will never 
 juftify himfelf by the example of this bad man. 
 The diftinlion between doing -wrong, and avoid" 
 ing to do right) belongs to Lord Mansfield. Junin? 
 difclaims it. 
 
 LETTER LXV. 
 
 TO LORD CHIEF JUSTICE MANSFIELD. 
 
 Nov. 2. 1771. 
 
 AT the interceffion of three of your country- 
 men, you have bailed a man who, I prefume, 
 is alfo a Scotchman, and whom the Lord Mayor 
 of London had refuted to bail. I do not mean to* 
 enter into an examination of the partial, finifter 
 motives of your conduct; but, confining myfelf 
 ftriclly to the fact, I affirm, that you have done 
 that which by law you were not warranted to do. 
 The thief was taken in the theft ; the ftolea 
 goods were found upon him, and he made no de- 
 fence. In thefe circumftances, (the truth of which 
 2 F f you
 
 338 L ' E T T E R S 
 
 you dare not deny, becaufe it is of public notriety\ 
 it could not (land indifferent whether he was guil- 
 ty or not, much lefs could there be any prefump- 
 tion of his innocence ; and, in thefe circumftan- 
 ces, I affirm, in contradiction to YOU, LORD 
 CHIEF JUSTICE MANSFIELD, that, by the laws 
 of England, he was not bailable. If ever Mr Eyre 
 ihould be brought to trial, we (hall hear what You 
 have to fay for yourfelf 5 and I pledge myfelf, be- 
 fore God and my country, in proper time and 
 place, to make good my charge againfl you. 
 
 JUNIUS. 
 
 LETTER LXVI. 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER- 
 TISER. 
 
 Nov. 9. 1771. 
 
 TrUNIUS engages to make good his charge againil 
 J Lor d Chief Jujlice Mansfield fome time before 
 the meeting of parliament, in order that the hoofe 
 of commons may, if they think proper, make it 
 one article in the impeachment of the faid Lord 
 Chief Jujlice. 
 
 LETTER LXVII. 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. 
 
 Nov. 27. 1771. 
 
 WHAT is the reafon,-my Lord, that when al- 
 moft every man in the kingdom, without 
 diftinclion of principles or party, exults in the ri- 
 diculous defeat of Sir James Lowther; when good 
 and bad men unite in one common opinion of that 
 baronet, and triumph in his diftrefs, as if the event 
 (without any reference to vice or virtue) were in- 
 tcxeiling to human nature ; your Grace alone 
 
 fliould
 
 O F J U N I U S. 339 
 
 fiiould appear fo miferably deprefTed and afflicted? 
 In fuch univerfal joy, I know not where you will 
 look for a compliment of condolence, unlefs you 
 appeal to the tender, fympathetic forrows of Mr 
 Bradfhaw. That cream-coloured gentleman's tears, 
 affecting as they are, carry confolation with them. 
 He never weeps but, like an April fliower, with 
 a lambent ray of funfhine upon his countenance. 
 From the feelings of honed men upon this joyful 
 occafion, I do not mean to draw any conclufion to 
 your Grace. 7hey naturally rejoice when they fee 
 a fignal inftance of tyranny. re fitted with fuccefs; 
 of treachery expofed to the derifion of the world; 
 an infamous informer defeated, and an impu- 
 dent robber dragged to the public gibbet But, 
 in the other clafs of mankind, I own I expected to 
 meet the Duke of Grafton. Men who hav no 
 regard for juftice, nor any fenfe of honour, feem 
 as heartily pleafed with Sir James Lowther's well- 
 deferred punifhment, as if it did not conftitute an 
 example againft themfelves. The unhappy Baro- 
 net has no friends, even amojig thofe who refemble 
 him. You, my Lord, are not reduced to fo de- 
 plorable a ftate of dereliction. Every villain in 
 the kingdom is your friend j and, in compliment 
 to fuch amity, I think you fhould fuffer your dif- 
 mal countenance to clear up. Befides, my Lord>. 
 I am a little anxious for the confiftency of your 
 character. You violate your own rules of deco- 
 rum, when you do not infult the man whom you 
 have betrayed. 
 
 The divine juftice of retribution feems now to 
 have begun its progrefs. Deliberate treachery 
 entails punifhment upon the traitor. There is no 
 poffibility of efcaping it, even in the highefl rank 
 to which the confent of fociety can exalt the mean- 
 eft and worft of men. The forced, unnatural u,. 
 nion of Luttrell and Middlefex was an omen o 
 another unnatural union, by which jadefeafible 
 F f 2 infamy
 
 340 LETTERS 
 
 infamy is attached to the houfe of Brunfwick. If 
 one of thefe ad/ts was virtuous and honourable, the 
 beft of Princes, I thank God, is happily rewarded 
 for it by the other. Your Grace, // has beenfaid, 
 had fome fhare in recommending Colonel Luttrell 
 to the King ; or was it only the gentle Bradfhaw 
 who made himfelf anfwerable for the good beha- 
 viour of his friend? An intimate connexion has 
 long fubfifted between him and the worthy Lord 
 Irnham. It arofe from a fortunate fimilarity of 
 principles, cemented by the conftant mediation of 
 their common friend Mtfs Davis*. 
 
 Yet I confefs I fhould be forry that the oppro- 
 brious infamy of this match fhould reach beyond 
 the family. We have now a better reafon than 
 
 ever 
 
 * There is a certain family in this country, on which nature 
 feems to have entailed an hereditary bafenefs of difpofition. Ai 
 far as their hiftory has been known, the fon has regularly impro- 
 ved upon the vices of his father, and has taken care to tranfmit 
 them pure and undiminifhed into the bofom of his fuccefior. la 
 the fenate, their abilities have conSncd them to thofe humble, for- 
 did feivicts in which the fcavengers of the miniftry are ufually em- 
 ployed. Hut, in the memoirs of private treachery, they ftand firft 
 nd unrivalled. The following (lory <yill ferve to illuflrate the 
 character of this refpefhble family, and to convince the world that 
 the prefent poffeflbr has as clear a title to the infamy of his ance- 
 ftors as he has to their eftate. It dcferves to l>e recorded for the CH- 
 riofity of the fact, and fhould he given to the public as a warning 
 to every honed member of fociety. 
 
 The prefent Lord Irnham, who is now in the decline of life, 
 lately cultivated the acquaintance of a younger brother of a family 
 with which he had lived in fome degree of intimacy and friendship. 
 The young man had long been the dupe of a moff unhappy attach- 
 ment to a common proftitute. His friends and relations forefaw 
 the confcquences of this connection, and did every thing that de- 
 pended upon them to fave him from ruin. But he had a friend in 
 JLord Irnham, whole advice rendered all their endeavours ineffec- 
 tual. This hoary letcher, not contented with the enjoyment of 
 his friend's miftrcfc, was bafe enough to take advantage of the paf- 
 fions and -folly of a young man, and perfuaded him to marry her. 
 lie defcended even to perform the office of father to the proftitnte. 
 He gave her to his friend, who was on the point of leaving the 
 Kingdom, and the next night lay with her himfelf. 
 
 Whether the depravity of the human heart csn produce any 
 thing moie bafc and detcllable than this fad, mult be left unde- 
 ' termincd until the fon fhall arrive at the father's age and expe- 
 rience.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 341 
 
 ever to pray for the long life of the bed of Princes, 
 and the welfare of his royal iffue. I will not mix 
 any thing ominous with my prayers;' but let par- 
 liament look to it A Luttrell fhall never fucceed 
 to the crown of England. If the hereditary vir- 
 tues of the family deferve a kingdom, Scotland will 
 be a proper retreat for them. 
 
 The next is a moft remarkable inftance of the 
 goodnefs of Providence. The juft law of retalia- 
 tion has at laft overtaken the little contemptible 
 tyrant of the North. To the fon-in-law of your 
 deareft friend the Earl of Bute you meant to tranf- 
 fer the Duke of Portland's property ; and you ha- 
 ftened the grant with an expedition unknown to 
 the Treafury, that he might have it time enough 
 to give a decifive turn to the election for the coun- 
 ty. The immediate confequence of this flagitious 
 robbery was, that he loft the election which you 
 meant to infure to him, and with fuch fignal cir- 
 cumftances of fcorn, reproach, and infult, (to fay- 
 nothing of the general exultation of all parties), 
 as (excepting the King's brother-in-law Col. Lut- 
 trell, and old Simtn his father -in-law) hardly evcj 
 fell upon a gentleman in. this country. In the 
 event, he lofes the very property of which he 
 thought he had gotten pofiefiion,. and after an ex- 
 pence which would have paid the value of the 
 land in queftion twenty times over. The form* 
 of villainy, you fee,, are neceffary to its fuctefs^ 
 Hereafter you will act. with greater circumfpection,. 
 and not ciiive fa directly to your object. Tofnatc/r 
 a grace beyond the reach oi cocnitton treacheiy, is 
 an exception., not a rule. 
 
 And now, my good Lord, does not your con- 
 fcious he-:- inform you, that the juftice of retri- 
 bution beg'-:.; to operate, and that it miy foon ap- 
 proach your pcrfon ? Do you think that Jun^s 
 has renounced the Middlefex election v- or that 
 the King's timber (hall be rei'ulcd to the Royal 
 Ff 3 Kavy
 
 342 LETTERS 
 
 Navy with impunity ? -or that you (hall hear no 
 more of the fale of that patent to Mr Hine, which 
 you endeavoured to fkreen by fuddenly dropping 
 your profecution of Samuel Vaughan, when the 
 rule againft him was made abfolute ? I believe 
 indeed there never was fuch an inftance in all the 
 hiftory of negative impudence. But it (hall not 
 feve you. The very funfhine you live in is a pre- 
 lude to your difiblution. When you are ripe, you 
 fhall be plucked. JUNIUS. 
 
 P. S. I beg you will convey to our gracious ma- 
 tter my humble congratulations upon the glorious 
 fuccefs of peerages and penfions, fo lavifhly diftri- 
 buted as the rewards of Irifh virtue. 
 
 LETTER LXVIII, 
 
 TO LORD CHIEF JUSTICE MANSFIELD. 
 
 JUN. 21. 
 
 T HAVE undertaken to prove, that when, at the 
 " interceflion of three of your countrymen, you 
 bailed John Eyre, you did that which by, law you 
 were not warranted to do; and that a felon, under 
 the circumftances of being taken in the faEl^ with 
 the ftolen goods upon him, and making no defence > is 
 not bailable by the laws of England. Your learn- 
 ed advocates have interpreted this charge into a 
 denial that the court of King's-bench, or the jud- 
 ges of that court during the vacation, have any 
 greater authority to bail for criminal offences than 
 a juftice of peace. With the inftance before me,. 
 I am fuppofed to queftion your power of doing 
 wrong, and to deny the exigence of a power at 
 the fame moment that I arraign the illegal exer- 
 cife of it. But the opinions of fuch men, whe- 
 ther wilful in their malignity, or fincere in their" 
 Ignorance, are unworthy of my notice. You, 
 
 Lord,
 
 O F J U N I U 3, 243 
 
 Lord Mansfield, did not underftand me fo; and, I 
 promife you, your caufe requires an abler defence. 
 I am now to make good my charge againft you. 
 However dull my argument, the fubjedl of it is in- 
 terefting. I {hall be honoured with the attention 
 of the public, and have a .right to demand the at- 
 tention of the legiflature. Supported as I am by 
 the whole body of the criminal law of England, I 
 have no doubt of eftablifhing my charge. If, on 
 your part, you fhould have no plain, fubftantial de- 
 fence, but ihould endeavour to fhelter yourfelf un* 
 der the quirk and evafion of a pralin"ng lawyer, 
 or under the mere infulting aflertion of power 
 without right, the reputation you pretend to is gone 
 for ever; you (land degraded from the refpel 
 and authority of your office, and are no longer, de 
 jure, Lord Chief Juftice of England. This letter, 
 my Lord, is addrefled, not fo much to you, as to 
 the public. Learned as you are, and quick in ap- 
 prehenfion, few arguments ate neceflary to fatisfy 
 you, that you have done that which by law you, 
 were not warranted to do. Your confcience al- 
 ready tells-you, that you have finned againft know- 
 ledge, and that whatever defence you make cont- 
 radicts your own internal conviction. But other 
 men are willing enough to take the law upon 
 truft. They rely upon your authority, becaufe 
 they are too indolent to fearch for information j 
 or, conceiving that there is fome myftery in the 
 laws of their country which lawyers only are qua- 
 lified to explain, they diftruft their judgment, and 
 voluntarily renounce the right of thinkingfor them- 
 felves. With all the evidence of hiftory before 
 them, from Trefillian to Jefferies, from Jefferies 
 to Mansfield, they will not believe it poffible that 
 a learned judge can aft in direct contradiction to 
 thofe laws which he is fuppofed to have made the 
 ftudy of his life, and which he has fworn to ad- 
 faithfully. Superftition is certainly not
 
 344 LETTERS 
 
 the chara&eriftic of this 'age. Yet fome men are 
 bigotted in politics who are infidels in religion. 
 I do not defpair of making them afhamed of their 
 credulity. 
 
 The charge I brought againft you is exprefled 
 *in terms guarded and well confidered. They do 
 not deny the ftridr, power of the judges of the court 
 of King's Bench to bail in cafes not bailable by a 
 juftice of peace, nor replevifable by the com- 
 mon writ, or ex officio by the fheriff. I well know 
 the practice of the court, and by what legal rules 
 it ought to be directed. But, far from meaning 
 to foften or diminifh the force of thofe terms I 
 have made ufe of, I now go beyond them, and 
 affirm, 
 
 I. That the fuperior power of bailing for felony, 
 claimed by the court of King's Bench, is founded 
 upon the opinion of lawyers, and the practice of 
 the court; that the affent of the legiflature to 
 this power is merely negative,- and that it is not 
 fupported by any pofitive provifion in any ftatute 
 whatfoever If it be, produce the ftatute. 
 
 II. Admitting that the judges of the court of 
 King's Bench are veiled with a difcretionary power 
 to examine and judge of circumftances and alle- 
 gations which a juftice of peace is not permitted 
 to confider, I affirm that the judges, in the ufe and 
 application of that difcretionary power, are as 
 ftric~Uy bound by the fpirit, intent, and meaning, 
 as the juftice of peace is by the words, of the le- 
 giflature. Favourable circumftances, alleged be- 
 fore the judge, may juftify a doubt whether the 
 prifoner be guilty or not ; and, where the guilt is 
 doubtful, a prefumption of innocence (hould, in 
 general, be admitted. But, when any fuch pro- 
 bable circumftances are alleged, they alter the 
 (late and condition of the prifoner. He is no 
 longer that all- but-convicted felon whom the law 
 intends, and who by law is not bailable at all. If
 
 O F J U N I U S. 345 
 
 no circumftances whatfoever are alleged in his fa- 
 vour j if no allegation whatfoever be made to 
 leflen the force of that evidence which the law 
 annexes to a poGrive charge of felony, and parti- 
 cularly to the fact of being taken "with the maner ; 
 I then fay, that the Lord Chief Judice of England 
 has no more right to bail him than a juitice of 
 peace. The difcretion of an Englifh judge is not 
 of mere will and plcafure \ it is not arbitrary ; 
 it is not capricious ; but, as that great lawyer, 
 (whofe authority I wifli you refpe&ed half as much 
 as I do) truly fays*, " Difcretion, taken as it 
 tf ought to be, is, difcernere per legem quid fit jitf- 
 " turn. If it be not directed by the right line of 
 " the law, it is a crooked cord, and appeareth to' 
 tf be unlawful." If difcretion were arbitrary in 
 the judge, he might introduce whatever novelties 
 he thought proper. But, fays Lord Coke, " No- 
 * velties, without warrant of precedents, are not 
 " to be allowed ; fome certain rules are to be fol- 
 " lowed ; Qiticquidjudicis authoritati fuhjicitur t 
 (< novitati non fubjicitur " and this found dolrine 
 is applied to the Star chamber, a court confelTedly 
 arbitrary. If you will abide by t-he authority of 
 this great man, you {hall have all the advantage 
 of his opinion, wherever it appears to favour you. 
 Excepting the plain exprefs meaning of the legif- 
 lature, to which all private opinions muft give 
 way, I defire no better judge between us than 
 Lord Coke. 
 
 III. I affirm, that, according to the obvious in- 
 difputable meaning of the legiflature, repeatedly 
 exprefled, a perfon pofnively charged with feloni- 
 oitjly ft eating, and taken in flagrant e d<'lifto> with 
 the ilolen goods upon him, is not bailable. The 
 law confiders him as differing in nothing from a 
 convift, but in the form of conviction; and (what- 
 ever a corrupt judge may do) will accept of no fe- 
 
 curity 
 
 * 4 Inf. 4 r. 66.
 
 34 6 LETTERS 
 
 curity but the confinement of his body within 
 four walls. I know it has been alleged in your 
 favour, that you have often bailed for murders, 
 rapes, and other manifeft crimes. Without quef- 
 tioning the fact, I (hall not admit that you are to 
 be juftified by your own example. If that were a 
 protection to you, where is the crime, that, as a 
 judge, you might not now fecurely commit? But 
 neither mall I fuffer myfelf to be drawn afide from 
 my prefent argument, nor you to profit by your 
 own wrong. To prove the meaning and intent of 
 the legislature, will require a minute and tedious 
 deduction. To inveftigate a queftion of law, de- 
 mands fome labour and attention ; though very 
 little genius or fagacity. As a practical profef- 
 fion, the ftudy of the law requires but a moderate 
 portion of abilities. The learning of a pleader is 
 ufually upon a level with his integrity. The in- 
 difcriminate defence of right and wrong contracts 
 the understanding, while it corrupts the heart. 
 Subtlety is foon miftaken for wifdom, and impu- 
 nity for virtue. If there be any inftances upon 
 record, as fome there are undoubtedly, of genius 
 and morality united in a lawyer, they are diftin- 
 guiflied by their fingularity, and operate as excep- 
 tions. 
 
 I muft folicit the patience of my readers. This 
 is no light matter; nor is it any more fufceptible 
 of ornament, than the conduct of Lord Mansfield 
 is capable of aggravation. 
 
 As the law of bail, in charges of felony, has 
 'been exactly afcertained by acts of the legiflature, 
 it is at prefent of little confequence to inquire 
 how it flood at common law before the ftatute 
 of Weflminfter. And yet it is worth the reader's 
 attention to obferve, how nearly, in the ideas of 
 our anceftors, the circumftance of being taken 
 ivitb the mancr approached to the conviction of the
 
 OF J U N I U S. 347 
 
 felon*. " It fixed the authoritative ftamp of ve- 
 " rifimilitude upon the accufation ; and, by the 
 " common law, when a thief was taken -with the 
 41 maner (that is, with the thing ftolen upon him, 
 tf in manu} he might, fo detected JJagrante deliElo, 
 " be brought into court, arraigned and tried, with* 
 " out indiftment; as, by the Danifh law, he might 
 " be taken and hanged upon the fpot, without ac- 
 " cufation or trial." it will foon appear that our 
 ftatute-law, in this behalf, though lefs fummary 
 in point of proceeding, is directed by the fame 
 Tpirit. In one inftance, the very form is adhered 
 to. In offences relating to the foreft, if a man 
 was taken with vert, or venifonf, it was declared 
 to be equivalent to indictment. To enable the 
 reader to judge for himfelf, I fhall flate, in due 
 order, the feveral ftatutes relative to bail in cri- 
 minal cafes, or as much of them as may be mate- 
 rial to the point in queftion, omitting fuperfluour 
 words. If I mifreprefent, or do not quote with fi- 
 delity, it will not be difficult to detecl me. 
 
 The ftatute of Weftminfter the firftf, in 1275, 
 fets forth, that " Forafmuch as fheriffs and others, 
 " who have taken and kept in prifon perfons de- 
 " tested of felony, and incontinent have let out 
 " by replevin fuch as were not replevifable, becaufe 
 " they would gain of the one party and grieve the 
 " other-, and forafmuch as, before this time, it 
 " was not determined which perfons were reple- 
 " vifable, and which not^ it is provided, and by 
 " the King commanded, that fuch prifoners, &c. 
 " as be taken -with the maner, &c. or for manifejl 
 <( offences, fhall be in no wife replevifable by the 
 f( common writ, nor without writ." Lord 
 
 Coke, 
 
 * Blactflonc, 4. ;o3- 
 
 f I Ed. III. cap. 8. and 7 Rid. \\.cap. 4. 
 
 \ " Vldetifr que /<; Jliitute de maiaprife ne'Jl que reberful del comett 
 
 u ley:' Bro. Maii-p <5i. I 
 
 " There arc three points to he confidercd in the conftruHort' 
 
 *^ of all remedial ftatu'.es ; the old law, the mifch;cf, and the 
 
 remedy ;
 
 34 3 L E T T E R. S 
 
 Coke in his expofition of the lad part of this quo- 
 tation, accurately diftinguifhes between replevy by 
 the common writ, or ex cfficio> and bail by the 
 King's Bench. The words of the ftatute certain- 
 ly do not extend to the judges of that court. But, 
 befides that the reader will foon find reafon to 
 think that the legiflature, in their intention, made 
 no difference between bailable and replevifable y 
 Lord Coke himfelf (if he be underftood to mean 
 nothing but an expofition of the ftatute of Weft- 
 minfter, and not to ftate the law generally) does 
 not adhere to his own diftinction. In expounding 
 the other offences which, by this ftatute, are de- 
 clared not replevifable> he conftantly ufes the words 
 not bailable. " That outlaws, for inftance, are 
 ' not bailable at all; that perfons who have ab- 
 * jured the realm, are attainted upon their own 
 " confeflion, and therefore not bailable at all by 
 tf law; that provers are not bailable-, that no- 
 ' torious felons are not bailable* The reafon why 
 the fuperior courts were not named in the ftatute 
 of Wcftminfter, was plainly this, " becaufe an- 
 c ciently moft of the bufmefs touching bailment 
 ' of prifoners for felony or mifdemeanours, was 
 " performed by the {h^riffs, or fpecial bailiffs of 
 liberties, either by writ, or virtute officii * j" 
 confequently the fuperior courts had little or no 
 opportunity to commit thofe abufes which the fta- 
 tute imputes to the fheriiTs. With fubmiffion to 
 Dr Blackftone, I think he has fallen into a con- 
 tradiction ; which, in terms at leaft, appears ir- 
 reconcileable. After enumerating feveral offences 
 not bailable, he aflerts, without any condition or 
 limitation whatfoever f, <c All thefc are clearly not 
 
 ad- 
 
 ' remedy : that is, how the common bw flood at the making 
 of the aft, what the mifctiicf was for which the c; mniun law 
 did not provide, and what remedy the parliament hath provided 
 < to cure this mifchief. It is ihc bufinef^ of the judges fo to conftme 
 * ihc aft, as to Uippieis ihc mifcliicf and advance the remedy " 
 
 Slacle/ienf, I. 87. 
 * a Hale, P. C, U8. J3. f Blactjl,nt t 4. 196.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 34* 
 
 " admiflible to bail." Yet, in a few lines after, he 
 fays, " it is agreed that the court of King's Bench 
 " may bail for any crime whatfoever, according 
 " to circumftances c/"the cafe." To his firft pro- 
 pofition he fhould have added, by Sheriffs cr Ju- 
 Jlices : otrherwife the two propositions contradidt 
 each other; with this difference, however, that 
 the firft is abfolute, the fecond limited by a confe- 
 deration tf circumjlancet. I fay this without the 
 leaft intended difrefpedt tc the learned author. 
 His work is of public utility, and (hould not haftU 
 ly be condemned. 
 
 The ftatute of 17 Richardll. cap. 10. 1393, fets 
 forth, that " Forafmuch as thieves notorioufly 
 c defamed, and others taken with the maner, by 
 tl their long abiding in prifon, were delivered by 
 ' charters, and favourable inquefts procured, to 
 '* the great hindrance of the people, two men of 
 " law ihall be afTigned, in every commifTion of 
 '* the peace, to proceed to the deliverance of fuch 
 " felons, &c." It feeme by this aft, that thef6 
 was a conftant ftruggle between the legiflature and 
 the officers of juftice. Not daring to admit felons 
 taken with the maner to bail or mainprize, they 
 evaded the law by keeping the party in prifon a 
 long time, and then delivering him without due 
 trial. 
 
 The ftatute of i Richard III. in 1483, fets forth, 
 that " Forafmuch as divers perfons have been 
 daily arrefted and imprifoned for fufpicion of fe- 
 lony, fometime of malice, and fometime of a 
 light fufpiciony and fo kept in prifon without 
 bail or mainprize, be it ordained, that every 
 jultice of peace fhall have authority, by his dif- 
 crction, to let fuch prifoners and perfons fo ar- 
 ' refted to bail or mainprize." By this net it ap- 
 pears, that there had been abufes in matter of im- 
 prifonment. and that the legiflature meant to pro- 
 G g vid
 
 55 LETTERS 
 
 vide for the immediate enlargement of perfons ar- 
 refted on light fi/fpicion of felony. 
 
 The ftatute of 3d Henry VIL in 1486, declares, 
 that, " under cplour of the preceding at of Ri- 
 < f chard the Third, perfons, fuch as were not main- 
 ft pernable, were oftentimes let to bail or main- 
 * c prize by juftices of the peace, whereby many 
 { murderers and felons efcaped, the King, &c. 
 " hath ordained, that the juftices of the peace, 
 ** or two of them at lead, (whereof one to be of 
 tf the quorum) t have authority to let any fuch 
 * prifoners or perfons, mainpernable by the law, 
 *' to bail or mainprize." 
 
 The ftatute of ift and 2d of Philip and Mary, 
 in 1554, fets forth, that, " notwithftanding the 
 ' preceding ftatute of Henry the Seventh, one 
 *' juftice of peace hath oftentimes, by finifter la- 
 < hour and means, fet at large the greateft and 
 ** notableft offenders, fuch as be not replevifable 
 ** by the laius of this realm; and yet, the rather to 
 ' hide their affections in that behalf, have figned 
 c the caufe of their apprehenfion to be but only 
 * c forfufpicion of felony, whereby the faid offen- 
 ' ders have efcaped unpunifhed, and do daily, to 
 the high difpleafure of Almighty God, the great 
 *' peril of the King and Queen's true fubje&s, 
 *' and encouragement of all thieves and evil- 
 < c doers ; for reformation whereof be it enabled, 
 <* that no juftices of peace (hall let to bail or main- 
 *' prize any fuch perfons, which, for any offence 
 ' by them committed, be declared not to be re- 
 ' plevifedy or bailed^ or be forbidden to be reple- 
 *< vifed or bailed by the ftatute of Weftminfter the 
 < firft; and furthermore, that any perfons, ar- 
 refted for manflaughter, felony, being bailable 
 ** by the law, (hall not be let to bail or mainprize 
 < by any juftices of peace, but in the form there- 
 in after prefcribed." In the two preceding fta- 
 utes, the words bailable^ replevfable, and main- 
 pernable
 
 O F J U N I U S. 3jT 
 
 pernablf, are ufed fynonimotffly *, or promifcu- 
 oufly, to exprefs the fame (ingle intention of the 
 legislature, viz. not to accept of any fecitrity but 
 the body of the offender; and when the latter fla- 
 tute prefcribes the form in which perfons arreft- 
 ed on fufpicion of felony (being bailable by the /aw) 
 may be let to bail, it evidently fuppofes, that 
 there are fome cafes not bailable by the law. It 
 may be thought, perhaps, that I attribute to the 
 legiflature an appearance of inaccuracy in the ufe 
 of terms, merely to ferve my prefent purpofe. 
 But in truth it would make more forcibly for my 
 argument, to prefume, that the legiflature were 
 conftantly aware of the ftricl legal diftinc~r,ion be- 
 tween bail and replevy^ and that they always meant 
 to adhere to it f . For if it be true that replevy is 
 by the fheriffs, and bail by the higher courts at 
 Weflminfter, (which I think no lawyer will deny), 
 it follows, that when the legiflature exprefsly fays, 
 that any particular offence is by law not bailable t 
 the fuperior courts are comprehended in the pro- 
 hibition, and bound by it. Otherwife, unlefs 
 there was a pofitive exception of the fuperior 
 courts (which I affirm- there never was in any fla- 
 tute relative to bail), the legiflature would grofsly 
 contradict themfelves, and the manifeft intention, 
 of the law be evaded. It is an eflablifhed rule, 
 that when the law \sfpecial y and reafon of it ge- 
 neral, it is to be generally underftood ; and though 
 by cuftom a latitude be allowed to the court o 
 King's Benc-h, (to confider circumftances induc- 
 tive of a doubt, whether the prifoner be guilty or 
 innocent), if this latitude be taken as an arbitrary 
 power to bail, when no circumftances whatfoever 
 are alleged in favour of the prifoner, it is a power 
 G g 2 without 
 
 i Hale, P. C. ii. 124. 
 
 f Vidi id Inft. ijo. i8<J. " The word rephvifMe never fig- 
 
 " nifies bailable. ButtMe is in a court of record by the King's- 
 ** juftices \ but reflt-jifalle is by the. Sheriff. 
 
 Stltfei,. State Tr, vii, 14J?>
 
 352 LETTERS 
 
 without tight, and a daring violation of the whole 
 Englifh law of bail. 
 
 The aft of the 3 1 ft of Charles the Second (com- 
 monly called the Habeas Corpus aft] particularly 
 declares, that it is not meant to extend to treafon 
 or felony plainly and fpecially exprefied in the 
 warrant of commitment. The prifoner is there- 
 fore left to feek his habeas corpus at common law; 
 and fo far was the legiflature from fuppofing that 
 perfons (committed for treafon or felony plainly 
 and fpecially expreffed in the warrant of'commit- 
 ment) could be let to bail by a fingle judge, or by 
 the whole court, that this very al provides a re- 
 medy for fuch perfons, in cafe, they are not in- 
 dicled in the courfe of the term or fdlions fub- 
 fequent to their commitment. The law neither 
 fuffers them to be enlarged before trial, nor to be 
 imprifoned after the time in which they ought 
 regularly to be tried. In this cafe the law fays, 
 M It (hall and maybe lawful to and for the judges 
 " of the court of King's Bench, and juftices of 
 t( oyer and terminer, or general gaol delivery, and 
 " they are hereby required, upon motion to them 
 < made in open court, the laft day of the term, 
 feffion, or gaol-delivery, either by the prifoner 
 " or any one in his behalf, to fer at liberty the 
 ** prifoner upon bail ; unlefs it appear to the jud- 
 *< ges and juftices, upon oath made, that the \vit- 
 " nelfes for the king could not be produced the 
 *' fame term, feffions, or gaol-delivery." Upon 
 the whole of this article, I obferve, I. That the 
 provifion made in the firft part of it, would be, in 
 a great meafure, ufelefs and nugatory, if any 
 fingle judge might have bailed the prifoner ex ar- 
 kitrio during the vacation; or if the court might 
 have bailed him immediately after the commence- 
 ment of the term -or feffions. 2. When the law 
 fays, It f!:a! I and may be lawful to bail for felony 
 under particular circumilances, we rnuft prefume, 
 
 that
 
 OF J U N 1 U S, js$ 
 
 that before the paffing of that acl, it was not law- 
 ful to bail under thofe circumftances. The terms- 
 ufed by the legiflature are enaftingi not declarator 
 ry. 3. Notwithstanding the party may have been 
 imprifoned during the greatefl part of the vaca* 
 tion, and during the whole fefiion, the court are 
 exprefsly forbidden to bail him from that fefllon 
 to the next, if oath be made that the whnefies 
 for the King could not be produced that fame term 
 or feffions. 
 
 Having faithfully Mated the feveral acts of par- 
 liament relative to bail in criminal cafes, it may- 
 be ufeful to the reader to take a fhort hiftorieal 
 review of the law of bail, through its various gra- 
 dations and improvements. 
 
 By the ancient common law, Before and fince 
 the Conqueft, all felonies were bailable, till mur- 
 der was exeepted by ftatute ; fo that perfons might" 
 be admitted to bail, before conviction, almofl ire 
 every cafe. The ftatute of Wdtminder fays, that 
 before that time, it had not been determined; 
 which offences were replevifable, and which were 
 not, whether by the common writ de homine replc^ 
 giando, or ex officio by the fheriff. It, ia very re- 
 markable, that the abufes arifing from this unli- 
 mited power of replevy, dreadful as they were,, 
 and deftrudtive to the peace of foci ety,. were not 
 corrected or taken notice of by the legiflature, un- 
 til the commons of the kingdom had obtained' a 
 hare in it by their reprefentatrves ; but the houfe 
 of commons had fcarce begun to exift, when thefe 
 formidable nbufcs were cocreeled by the ftatute 
 of Weftminfter. It is highly probable, that the 
 mifchief had been feverely felt by the people, al- 
 though no remedy had been provided for it by the 
 Norman Kings or Barons. " The iniquity of the 
 " times was fo great*, as it even forced the 
 " fubje&s to forego that, which was in accou-pjt 
 G g 3 ** a 
 
 * SJ&K, bj- ^Y. Eaziu, I if*..
 
 3JT4 LETTERS 
 
 * a great liberty, to ftop the courfe of a growing 
 " mifchief." The preamble to the ftatutes, made 
 by the firft parliament of Edward the Firft, affigns 
 the reafon of calling itf, " becaufe the people 
 " had been otherwife entreated than they ought 
 " to be, the peace lefs kept, the laws lefs ufed, 
 *' and offenders lefspuni/bed, than they ought to be, 
 '* by reafon whereof the people feared lefs to of- 
 u fend :" and -the firft attempt to reform thefe 
 various abufes, was by contracting ths power of 
 replevying felons.- 
 
 For above two centuries following, it does not 
 appear that any alteration was made in the law 
 ef bail, except that being taken ivith vert or veni- 
 fsn was declared to be equivalent to indictment. 
 The legiflature adhered firmly to the fpuit of the 
 ftatute of Weftminfter^ - The ffatute of 2yth of 
 Edward the Firft, directs the juftices of affi-ze to 
 inquire and punifh officers bailing fuch as were 
 not bailable. As for the judges of the fupericr 
 courts, it is probable, that in thofe days they 
 thought themfelves bound by the obvious intent 
 and meaning of the legifhture They confidereil 
 not fo much to what particular perfons the prohi- 
 bition was addreffed, as what the thing was which 
 the legiflature meant to prohibit ; well knowing, 
 that in law, quando aliquid prohibetur, prohibetur 
 et omne y per quod devenitur ad illud. " When any 
 ' thing is forbidden, all the means by which the 
 * fame thing may be compared or done, are e- 
 * qually forbidden." 
 
 By the ftatute of Richard the Third, the power 
 of bailing was a little enlarged. Every juftice of 
 peace was authorifed to bail for felony j but they 
 were exprefsly confined to perfons arrefted on ligfrt 
 fufpicion; and even this power, fo limited, was 
 found to produce fuch inconveniences, that, in 
 three years after, the legiflature found it neceilary 
 
 to. 
 
 | Padismeutary. Hiftory, i. 8*
 
 O F J U N I U S. 35:5 
 
 to repeal it. Inftead of trufting any longer to 9 
 fmgle juftice of peace, the at of qd Henry Vli, 
 repeals the preceding aft, and directs, '* that no 
 " prifoner (of thofe who are mainpernable by the 
 '* law} fhall be let to bail or mainprife by lefs 
 " than two juftices, whereof one to be of the 
 ' quorum." And To indifpenfably neceflary was 
 this provifion thought for the adminiftration of 
 juftice, and for the fecurity and peace of focietj*, 
 that at this time an oath was propofed by the King, 
 to be taken by the knights and ef quires of his 
 houfehold, by the members of the houfe of com- 
 mons, and by the peers fpiritual and temporal, 
 and accepted and fworn to quafi una voce by them 
 all ; which, among other engagements, binds 
 them " not to let any man to bail or mainprife, 
 " knowing and'deeming him to be a felon, upon 
 ' your honour and worfliip. So help you God 
 and all faints*." 
 
 In about half a century, however, even thefe 
 .provifions were found, infufficient. The al of 
 Henry the Seventh was evaded, and the legislature 
 once more obliged to interpofe. The aft: of ift 
 and 2d of Philip and Mary, takes away entirely 
 from the juftices all power of bailing for offences 
 declared not bailable by the ftatute of Weftmin* 
 fter. 
 
 The illegal imprifonment of feveral perfons who 
 had refufed to contribute to a loan exacted by 
 Charles the Firft, and the delay of the habeas cor- 
 pus, and fubfequent refufal to bail them, confti- 
 tuted one of the firfl and mod important grievan- 
 ces of that reign. Yet when the houfe of com- 
 mons, which met in the year 1628, refolved upon 
 meafures of the moft firm and ftrenuous refift- 
 ance to the power of imprifonment afTumedbythe 
 King or privy-council, and to the refufal to bail 
 the party on the return of the habeas corpus, they 
 
 did 
 * Parliamentary Hiftory, ii. 419.
 
 35 6 LETTERS 
 
 did exprefsly, in all their refolutions, mnke an ex- 
 ception of commitments, where the caufe of the 
 reftraint was expreffed, and did by law juftify the 
 commitment. The reafon of the diftin&ion is, 
 that whereas, when the caufe of commitment is 
 exprefled, the crime is then known, and the of- 
 fender mufl be brought to the ordinary trial ; if, 
 on the contrary, no caufe of commitment be ex- 
 preffed, and the prifoner be thereupon remanded, 
 it may operate to perpetual imprifonment. Thrs 
 conteft with Charles the Firft produced the aft of 
 the i6th of that king ; by which the court of 
 King's Bench are direfted, within three days after 
 the return to the habeas corpus, to examine and 
 determine the legality of any commitment by the 
 King or privy-council, and to do what tojujlice 
 /ball appertain, in delivering, bailing, or remand- 
 ing the prifoner. Now, it feems, it is unneceffa- 
 ry for the judge to do what appertains to juftice. 
 The fame fcandalous traffic, in which we have 
 feen the privilege of parliament exerted or relaxed, 
 to gratify the prefent humour, or to ferve the im- 
 mediate purpofe, of the crown, is introduced into 
 the adminiftration of juftice. The magiftrate, it 
 feems, has now no rule to follow, but the dictates 
 of perfonal enmity, national partiality, or perhaps 
 the moil proftituted corruption.. 
 
 To complete this hiftorical inquiry, it only re- 
 mains to be obferved, that the habeas corpus act 
 of 3 [ft of Charles the Second, fo Juftly confidered 
 as another Magna Charta of the kingdom*, " ex- 
 " tends only to the cafe of commitments for fuch 
 . criminal ch.irge, as can produce no inconve- 
 < nience to public juftice by a temporary enlarge- 
 mem of the prifoner." 80 careful were the le* 
 giflature, at the very moment when they were pro- 
 viding for the liberty of the fubjecr,, not to fur- 
 uifh any colour or pretence for violating or eva- 
 ding 
 * Blackftone, iv. 137.
 
 O F J U N I U S. 357 
 
 ding the eftablifhed law of bail in the higher cri- 
 minal offences, But the exception, ftated in the 
 body of the act, puts the matter out of all doubt. 
 After directing the judges how they are to pro- 
 ceed to the discharge of the prifoner upon recog- 
 nizance and furety, having regard to the quality 
 of the prifoner and nature of the offence, it is ex- 
 prefsly added, " unlefs it (hall appear to the faid 
 *' Lord Chancellor, &c. that the party fo commit- 
 " ted is detained for fuch matters or offences, for 
 f the which, BY THE LAW, THE PRISONER is 
 
 11 NOT BAILABLE." 
 
 When the laws, plain of themfelves, are thus 
 illuftrated by facts, and their uniform meaning 
 eftablifhed by hiftory, we do not want the autho- 
 rity of opinions, however refpectable, to inform 
 our judgment, or to confirm our belief. But I 
 am determined that you {hall ha,ve no efcape. Au- 
 thority of every fort (hall be produced againft you, 
 from Jacob to Lord Coke^ from the dictionary to 
 the claflic. In vain {hall you appeal from thofe 
 upright judges whom you difdain to imitate, to 
 thofe whom you have made your example. With 
 one voice they all condemn you. 
 
 f To be taken with the maner, is where a thief, 
 " having ftoien any thing, is taken with the fame 
 " about him, as it were in his hands, which is 
 " called flagrante defifjo. Such a criminal is net 
 t( bailable by laiv" Jacob, under the -word Maner. 
 
 " Thofe who are taken with the maner are ex- 
 c< eluded, by the {latute of Weftminfter, from 
 " the benefit of a replevin." Hawkins, P. C. ii. 
 98. 
 
 tl Of fuch heinous offences, no one, who is no- 
 *' torioufly guilty, feems to be bailable by the in- 
 *' tent of this ftatute." Ditto, ii. 99. 
 
 " The common practice and allowed general 
 " rule is, that bail is only then proper where it 
 
 ftandi
 
 358 LETTERS 
 
 " Hands indifferent, whether the party were guil- 
 r< ty or innocent." -.Ditto, ditto. 
 
 " There is no doubt, but that the bailing of a 
 " perfon, iuho is not bailable by law, is punifhable, 
 u either at common law as a negligent efcape, or 
 " as an offence againft the feveral ftatutes relative 
 ." to bail." Ditto, 89. 
 
 " It cannot be doubted, but that neither the 
 " judges of this, nor of any other fuperior court 
 " of juftice, are ftriftly within the purview of 
 " that ftatute; yet they will always, in their dif- 
 " cretion, pay a due regard to it, and not admit 
 " a perfon to bail, who is exprefsly declared by 
 '* it irreplevifable, -without fome particular circum- 
 " fiance in his favour ; and therefore it feems dif- 
 " ficult to find an inftance, where perfons, at- 
 " tainted of felony, or notorioufly guilty of trea- 
 ** fon or manflaughter, &c. by their own confef- 
 " fion, or otberivife, have been admitted to the 
 " benefit of bail, without fome fpecial motive to 
 the court to grant it." Ditto, 1 14- 
 
 " If it appears that any man hath injury or 
 * c wrong by his imprifonment, we have power to 
 tf deliver and difcharge him ; if otherwife, be is 
 *< to be remanded by us to prifon again." LordCh. 
 t( J. Hyde, State Trials, vii. 1115. 
 
 fl The ftatute of Weftminfter was efpecially for 
 " direclion to the Sheriffs and others; but to fay 
 " courts of juftice are excluded from this ftatute, 
 * f I conceive it cannot be." Attorney General. 
 Heath, Ditto, 132. 
 
 " The court, upon view of the return, judgeth 
 " of the fuiliciency or infufficiency of it. If they 
 " think the prifoner in law to be bailable, he is ; 
 ' committed to the Marflial and bailed ; if not, 
 41 he is remanded." Through the whole debate, | 
 the objection on the prut of the prifoner was, I 
 that no caufe of commitment was exprefled in the | 
 warrant; but it was uniformly admitted by their i 
 
 " counfel^ j
 
 O F J U N I U S. 359 
 
 counfel, that if the caufe of commitment had been 
 exprefled for treafon or felony, the court would 
 then have done right in remanding them. 
 
 The Attorney-General having urged, before a 
 committee of both houfes, that, in Beckwith's cafe 
 and others, the lords of the council fent a letter 
 to the court of King's Bench to bail, it was re- 
 plied by the managers of the houfe of commons, 
 that this was of no moment; * for that either 
 " the prifoner was bailable by the law, or not bail- 
 ff able. If bailable by the law, then he was to 
 f( be bailed without any fuch letter; if not bail- 
 " able by the law, then plainly the judges could 
 c< not have bailed him upon the letter, without 
 " breach of their oath, which is, that they are to 
 " dojujlice according to the law, &c. State Trials, 
 vii. 175. 
 
 " So that in bailing upon fuch offences of the 
 <* higheft nature, a kind of difcretion, rather than 
 " a conftant law, hath been exercifed, when it 
 " (lands -wholly indifferent in the eye of the court, 
 " whether the prifoner be guilty or not." Selden t 
 St. Tr. vii. 230. I. 
 
 <{ I deny that a man is always bailable when 
 " imprifonment is impofed upon him for cufto- 
 * dy." Attorney-General Heathy ditto, 238. By 
 thefe quotations from the State Trials, though 
 otherwife not of authority, it appears plainly, that 
 in regard to bailable or not bailable, all parties 
 agreed in admitting one propofition as incontro- 
 vertible. 
 
 " In relation to capital offences, there are efpe- 
 t( cially thefe als of parliament that are the com- 
 ** mon landmarks* touching offences bailable or 
 " not bailable." Hale, ii. P. C. 127. The enu- 
 meration includes the feveral acls cited in this 
 paper. 
 
 Perfons 
 
 * It has been the fludy of Lord Mansfield to remuvc laud- 
 marks.
 
 3 6o LETTERS 
 
 " Perfons taken with the manoeuvre are not 
 " bailable, bccaufe it \sfurtnmmanifejlum" Hale t 
 ii. P. C. 133. 
 
 " The writ of habeas corpus is of a high nature: 
 " for if perfons be wrongfully committed, they 
 " are to be difcharged upon this writ returned $ 
 " or, if bailable, they are to be bailed ; if not 
 " bailable^ they are to be committed." Hale, ii. P.C. 
 143. This doclrine of Lord Chief-Juftice Hale 
 refers immediately to the fuperior courts from 
 whence the writ ifTues. " After the return is filed, 
 " the court is either to discharge, or bail, or ccm- 
 < f mil him, as the nature of the caufe requires." 
 ffale, ii. P. C. 146. 
 
 < If bail be granted ether-wife than the law al- 
 * lo-uieth, the party that alloweth the fame (hall 
 be fined, imprifoned, render damages, or forfeit 
 ' his place, as the cafe mall require." Selden by 
 ,/V. Bacon y 182. 
 
 This induces an abfolute neceffity of expref- 
 <* fing, upon every commitment, the reafon for 
 " which it is made ; that the court, upon a ha- 
 " beas corpus, may examine into its validity, and, 
 ** according to the circutnftances of the cafe, may 
 * difcharge, admit to bail, or remand the prifo- 
 ' ner." Blackftone t iii. 133. 
 
 " Marriot was committed for forging indorfe- 
 ments upon bank-hills, and upon a habeas cor- 
 tf pus was bailed, becaufe the crime was only a 
 " great mifdtrmeanor; for though the forging 
 " the bills be felony, yet forging the indoriement 
 " is not." Salkeld, i. 104. 
 
 " Appell de Mahem, &c. ideo ne fuit lefle a 
 " bail'e, nient plus que in appell de robbery ou 
 " murder; quod nota, et que in robry et murder 
 ' le partie n'eft bailhble." Bro Mainpr\fe y 67. 
 
 " The intendment of the law in bails is, ^itod 
 
 '* Jlat indifferenter, whether he be guilty or no; 
 
 fl but when he is convict by verdict or coufefTion, 
 
 2 then
 
 O F J U N I U S. 3 6i 
 
 < then he mufl be deemed in law to be guilty oF 
 " the felony, and therefore not bailable at all'* 
 Coke, ii. Injl. 1 88. iv. 178. 
 
 " Bail is quandoftat indiffercnter^ and not when 
 " the offence is open and manifeft." ii. Inft. 189. 
 
 * In this cafe, nan flat indifferent er whether he 
 '* be guilty or no ; being taken with the Maner t 
 ' that is, with the fhing ftolen, as it were in his 
 hand." Z>. D. 
 
 " If it appeareth that this imprifonment be juft 
 " and lawful, he_/Z>a//be remanded to the former 
 gaoler ; but if it (hall appear to the court that 
 " he was imprifoned againft the law of the land,. 
 " they ought, by force of this ftatute, to deliver 
 " him j if it be doubtful and under confederation, 
 " he may be bailed." ii. Inft. 55. 
 
 It is unneceffary to load the reader with any- 
 farther quotations. If thefe authorities are not 
 deemed fufficient to eftablifh the doctrine main- 
 tained in this paper, it will be in vain to appeal 
 to the evidence of law-books, or to the opinions 
 of judges. They are not the authorities by which 
 Lord Mansfield will abide. He afTumes an arbi- 
 trary power of doing right ; and if he does wrong, 
 it lies only between God and his confcience. 
 
 Now, my Lord, although I have great faith in 
 the preceding argument, I will not fay that every 
 minute part of it is abfolutely invulnerable. I am 
 too well acquainted with the practice of a certain 
 court, directed by your example, as it is governed 
 by your authority, to think there ever yet was an 
 argument, however conformable to law and reafon, 
 in which a cunning quibbling attorney might not 
 difcover a flaw. But, taking the whole of it to- 
 gether, I affirm, that it conflitutes a mafs of de- 
 monftration, than which nothing more complete 
 or-fatisfa&ory can be offered to the human mind. 
 How an evalive, indirect reply will (land with 
 your reputation, or how far it will anfwer % , in 
 H h point
 
 362 LETTERS 
 
 point of defence, at the bar of the houfe of Lords, 
 is worth your confideration. If, after all that 
 has been faid, it fhould ftill be maintained, that 
 the court of King's Bench, in bailing felons, are 
 exempted from all legal rules whatfoever; and 
 that the judge has no direction to purfue but his 
 private affections, or mere unqueftionable will and 
 pleafure; it will follow plainly, that the diftinc- 
 tion between bailable and not bailable^ uniformly 
 expreffed by the legiflature, current through all 
 our law-books, and admitted by all gur great law- 
 yers without exception, is in one fenfe a nuga- 
 tory, in another a pernicious diftinclion. It is 
 nugatory, as it fuppofes a difference in the bail- 
 able quality of offences, when, in effect, the di- 
 ftin&ion refers only to the rank of the magiftrate. 
 It is pernicious, as it implies a rule of law, which 
 yet the judge is not bound to pay the leaft regard 
 to ; and impreffes an idea upon the minds of the 
 people, that the judge is wifer and greater than 
 the law. 
 
 It remains only to apply the law, thus ftated, to 
 the fa 61 in queftion. By an authentic copy of the 
 Mittimus it appears, that John Eyre was committed 
 for felony, plainly and fpecially exprefled in the 
 warrant of commitment. He was charged be- 
 fore Alderman Halifax, by the oath of Thomas 
 Fielding, William Holder, William Payne, and 
 William Nam, ior felonioujly ftcaling eleven quires 
 of writing-paper, value fix (hillings, the property 
 of Thomas Beach, &c. By the examinations up- 
 on oath of the four perfons mentioned in the mit- 
 timus, it was proved, that large quantities of pa- 
 per had been miffed, and that eleven quires (pre- 
 vioufly marked from a fufpicion that Eyre was the 
 thief) were found upon him. Many other quires 
 of paper, marked in the fame manner, were found 
 at his lodgings ; and after he had been fome time 
 in Wood-ftreet Compter, a key was found in his 
 
 room
 
 O F J U N I U S. 363 
 
 room there, which appeared to be a key to the 
 clofet at Guildhall, from whence the paper was 
 ftolen. When aflced what he had to fay in his de- 
 fence, his only anfwer was, I hope you will bail 
 me. Mr Holder, the clerk, replied, That is impof- 
 fible. There never -was an injlance of it, when the 
 ftolen goods were found upon the thief. The Lord 
 Mayor was then applied to, and refufed to bail 
 him. Of all thefe circumftances it was your duty 
 to have informed yourfelf minutely. The fact was 
 remarkable ; and the chief magiftrate of the city 
 of London was known to have refufed to bail the 
 offender. To juftify your compliance with the 
 folicitations of your three countrymen, it mould 
 be proved that fuch allegations were offered to 
 you, in behalf of their aflbciate, as honeftly and 
 bonajide reduced it to a matter of doubt and in- 
 difference whether the prifoner was innocent or 
 guilty. Was any thing offered by the Scotch trium- 
 virate that tended to invalidate the pofitive charge 
 made againft him by four credible witneffes upon 
 oath ? Was it even infinuated to you, either by 
 himfelf or his bail, that no felony wa-s commit- 
 ted ; or that he was not the felon ; that the fto- 
 len goods were not found upon him ; or that he 
 was only the receiver, not knowing them to be 
 ftolen ? Or, in fliort, did they attempt to pro- 
 duce any evidence of his infanky ? To all thefe 
 queftions I anfwer for you, without the lead fear 
 of contradiction, positively NO. From the mo- 
 ment he was arrefted, he never entertained any 
 hope of acquittal ; therefore thought of nothing 
 but obtaining bail, that he might have time to fet- 
 tle his affairs, convey his fortune into another 
 country, and fpend the remainder of his life in 
 comfort and affluence abroad. In this prudential 
 fcheme of future happinefs, the Lord Chief Ju- 
 ftice of England moft readily and heartily concur- 
 red. At fight of fo much virtue in diftrefs, your 
 H h 2 natural
 
 164 LETTERS 
 
 natural benevolence took the alarm. Such a man 
 as Mr Eyre, ftruggling with adverfity, muft always 
 be an interefting fcene to Lord Mansfield. Or 
 was it that liberal anxiety, by which your whole 
 life has been diftinguifhed, to enlarge the liberty 
 of the fubjedl ? My Lord, we did not want this 
 new inftance of the liberality of your principles. 
 We already knew what kind of fubjects they were 
 for whofe liberty you were anxious. At all events, 
 the public are much indebted to you for fixing a 
 price at which felony may be committed with impu- 
 nity. You bound a felon, notoriouflyjworth 30,000!. 
 in the fum of 300!. With your natural turn to 
 equity, and knowing as you are in the doctrine of 
 precedents, you undoubtedly meant to fettle the 
 proportion between the fortune of the felon and 
 the fine, by which he may compound for his fe- 
 lony. The ratio now upon record, and tranfmit- 
 ted to pofterity under the aufpices of Lord Mans- 
 field, is exaclly one to a hundred. My Lord, with- 
 out intending it, you have laid a cruel reftraint 
 upon the genius of your countrymen. In the 
 warmeft indulgence of thtir paffions, they have an 
 eye to the expence ; and if their other virtues fail 
 us, we have a refource in their ceconomy. 
 
 By taking fo trifling a fecurity from John Eyre, 
 you invited and manifeftly exhorted him to efcape. 
 Although, in bailable cafes, it be ufual to take 
 four fecurities, you left him in the cuftody of 
 three Scotchmen, whom he might have eafily fa- 
 tisfied for conniving at his retreat. That he i!id 
 not make ufe of the opportunity you induftrioufly 
 gave bin?, neither juftifies your conducl, nor can 
 it be any way accounted for but by his exceflive 
 and monftrous avarice. Any other man but this 
 bofom-friend of three Scotchmen, would gladly 
 have facrificed a few hundred pounds, rather than 
 to fubmit to the infamy of pleading guilty in open 
 court. It is poffible indeed that he might have 
 
 flattered
 
 OF J U N I U S. 3<>5 
 
 flattered himfelf, and not unrjeafonably, with the 
 hopes of a pardon. That he would have been 
 pardoned, feems more than probable, if I had not 
 directed the public attention to the leading ftep you 
 took in favour of him. In the prefent gentle reign, 
 we well know what ufe has been made of the lenity 
 of the court and of the mercy of the crown. The 
 Lord Chief Juflice of England accepts of the hun- 
 dredth part of the property of a felon taken ia 
 the fact, as a recognizance for his appearance. 
 Your brother Smyths browbeats a jury, and forces 
 them to alter their verdict, by which they had 
 found a Scotch fergeant guilty of murder ; and 
 though the Kennedies were convicted of a moft 
 deliberate and atrocious murder, they ftill had a 
 claim to the royal mercy. They were faved by 
 the chaflity of their connections. They had a fi- 
 fter ; yet it was not her beauty, but the pliancy 
 of her virtue, that recommended her to the King. 
 The holy Author of our religion was feen in the 
 company of finners ; but it was his gracious pur- 
 pofe to convert them from their fins. Another 
 man, who in the ceremonies of our faith might 
 give leiTons to the great enemy of it, upon differ- 
 ent principles keeps much the fame company- 
 He advertifes for patients, collects all the difeafes 
 of the heart, and turns a royal palace into an ho- 
 fpital for incuraBles. A man of honour has no 
 ticket of admiffion at St James's. They receive 
 him like a virgin at the MagdaJene's ; Go thou 
 and do tike-wife. 
 
 My charge againft you is now made good. I 
 fhall however be ready to anfwer or to fubmit to 
 fair objections. If, whenever this matter fhall be 
 agitated, you fuffer the doors of the houfe of 
 Lords to be fhut, I now proteft, that I fhall confi- 
 der you as having made no reply. From that mo- 
 ment, in the opinion of the world, you will (land 
 felf-convicted. Whether your reply be quibbling 
 H h 3 and
 
 3 6<5 LETTERS 
 
 and evafive, or libegal and in point, will be mat- 
 ter for the judgment of your peers ; but if, when 
 every poffible idea of difrefped: to that noble houfe 
 (in whofe honour and juftice the nation implicitly 
 confides) is here molt folemnly difclaimed, you 
 ihould endeavour to reprefent this charge as a con- 
 tempt of their authority, and move their Lordftiips 
 to cenfure the publisher of this paper, I then affirm 
 that you fupport injufticeby violence, that you are 
 guilty of a heinous aggravation of your offence, and 
 that you contribute your utmoft influence to pro- 
 mote on the part of the higheft court of judicature 
 a pofitive denial of juftice to the nation. 
 
 LETTER LXIX. 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD C^MDEN. 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 I TURN with pleafure from that barren wafte, in 
 which no falutary plant takes root, no verdure 
 quickens, to a character fertile, as I willingly be- 
 lieve, in every great and good qualification. I call 
 upon you, in the name of the Englifh nation, to 
 ftand forth in defence of the laws of your country, 
 and to exert, in the caufe of truth and juftice, thofe 
 great abilities with which you were intruded for 
 the benefit of mankind. To afcertain the fads 
 fet forth in the preceding paper, it may be necef- 
 fary to call the perfons mentioned in the mittimus 
 to the bar of the houfe of Lords. If a motion for 
 that purpofe fhould be rejected, we fhall know 
 what to think of Lord Mansfield's innocence. The 
 legal argument is fubmitted to your Lordfhip's 
 judgment. After the noble ftand.you made againft 
 Lord Mansfield upon the queftion of libel, we did 
 expect that you would not have fuffered that mat- 
 ter to have remained undetermined. But it was 
 faid that Loid Chief Juftice WiJmot had been pre- 
 vailed
 
 O F J U N ITJ S. 367 
 
 vailed upon to vouch for an opinion of the late 
 Judge Yates, which was fuppofed to make againft 
 you; and we admit of the excufe. When fuch 
 deteftable arts are employed to prejudge a queftion 
 of right, it might have been imprudent, at that 
 time, to have brought it to a decifion. In the pre- 
 fent inftance, you will have no fuch oppofition to 
 contend with. If there be a judge, or a lawyer 
 of any note in Weftminfter-hall, who fhall be da- 
 ring enough to affirm, that, according to the true 
 intendment of the laws of England, a felon, taken 
 with the matter, in flagrante deliElo, is bailable ; or 
 that the difcretion of an Englifh judge is merely 
 arbitrary, and not governed by rules of law; I 
 {hould be glad to be acquainted with him. Who- 
 ever he be, I will take care that he fhall not give 
 you much trouble. Your Lordfhip's character af- 
 fures me that you will affume that principal part, 
 which belongs to you, in fupporting the laws of 
 England againft a wicked judge, who makes it the 
 occupation of his life to mifinterpret and pervert 
 them. If you decline this honourable office, I 
 fear it will be faid, that, for fome months part, you 
 have kept too much company with the Duke of 
 Grafton. When the conteft turns upon the in- 
 terpretation of the laws, you cannot, without a 
 formal furrender of all your reputation, yield the 
 pod of honour even to Lord Chatham. Confider- 
 ing the fituation and abilities of Lord Mansfteld, 
 I do not fcruple to affirm, with the moft folemn 
 appeal to God for my fincerity, that, in my judg- 
 ment, he is the very worft and moft dangerous man 
 in the kingdom. Thus far I have done my duty 
 in endeavouring to bring him to punifhment. But 
 mine is an inferior, minifterial office in the temple 
 of juftice: I have bound tlie victim, and dragged 
 him to the altar. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 THE
 
 3 <58 LETTERS 
 
 r T~'HE Reverend Mr John Home having, with 
 * his ufual veracity and honeft induftry, cir- 
 culated a report that Junius, in a letter to the 
 Supporters of the Bill of Plights, had warmly de- 
 clared himfelf in favour of long parliaments and 
 rotten boroughs, it is thought neceflary to fubmit 
 to the public the following extract from his letter 
 to John Wilkes, Efq; dated the 7th of September 
 1771, and laid before the Society on the 24th of 
 the fame month. 
 
 c< WJTH regard to the feveral articles, taken 
 " feparately, I own I am concerned to fee, that 
 " the great condition which ought to be the Jim 
 " qua non of parliamentary qualification, which 
 " ought to be the bafis (as it aflfuredly will be the 
 " only fupport) of every barrier raifed in defence 
 " of the conflitution, I mean a declaration upon 
 ft oath to fosrten the duration of parliaments, is re- 
 c< duced to the fourth rank in the efteem of the 
 " fociety , and, even in that place, far from be- 
 " ing infilled on with firmnefs and vehemence, 
 " feems to have been particularly flighted in the 
 '* exprefiion, Youfoall endeavour to re/lore annual 
 tf parliaments .' Are thefe the terms which men, 
 " who are in earneft, make ufe of, when the fa- 
 " lus reipublica is at (lake? I expected other lan- 
 ft guage from Mr Wilkes. Befides my objection 
 " in point of form, I difapprove highly of the 
 tc meaning of the fourth article as it (lands. When- 
 < { ever the queftion fliall be ferioufly agitated, I 
 ' will endeavour (and if I live will afiuredly at- 
 * tempt it) to convince the Englifh nation, by ar- 
 ' guments to my underftanding unanfwerable, 
 < c that they ought to infift upon a triennial, and 
 
 " banifh the idea of an annual parliament 
 
 " .... I am convinced, that, if fhortening the 
 '* duration of parliaments (which in effect is keep- 
 *' ing the rep'refentative under the rod of the con- 
 
 " foment)
 
 O F J U N I U S. 369 
 
 " ftituent) be not made the bafis of our new par- 
 " liamentary jurifprudence, other checks or im- 
 " provements fignify nothing. On the contrary, 
 " if this be made the foundation, other meafures 
 " may come in aid, and, as auxiliaries, be of con- 
 " fiderable advantage. Lord Chatham's projedt, 
 " for inftance, of increafing the number of knights 
 
 " of (hires, appears to me admirable 
 
 " As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am 
 " as much oft'ended as any man at feeing fo many 
 " of them under the direct influence of the crown, 
 " or at the difpofal of private perfons. Yet, I 
 " own, I have both doubts and apprehenfions in 
 " regard to the remedy you propofe. I fhall be 
 " charged, perhaps, with an unufual want of po- 
 " liticai intrepidity, when I honeftly confefs to 
 " you, that I am ftartled at the idea of fo exten- 
 " five an amputation. In the firft place, I quef- 
 " tion the power, de jure y of the legiflature to 
 t( disfranchife a number of boroughs, upon the 
 ff general ground of improving the conftitution. 
 ' There cannot be a dodirine more fatal to the li- 
 ft berty and property we are contending for, than 
 ' that which confounds the idea of zfupreme and 
 " an arbitrary legiflature. I need not point out 
 ' to you the fatal purpofes to which it has been, 
 *< and may be, applied. If we are fincere in the 
 (t political creed we profefs, there are many things 
 ' which we ought to affirm cannot be done by 
 <( King, Lords and Commons. Among thefe I 
 <f reckon the disfranchiiing of boroughs with a 
 f( general view of improvement. I confider it as 
 '< equivalent to robbing the parties concerned, of 
 t: their freehold, of their birth-right. I fay, that 
 " although this birth-right may be forfeited, or 
 t( the exercife of it fufpended in particular cafes, 
 it cannot be taken away by a general law, for 
 " any real or pretended purpofe of improving the 
 " conftitution. Suppofing the attempt made, I 
 
 am
 
 37<* LETTERS. 
 
 " am perfuaded you cannot mean that either 
 " King, or Lords, fhould take an active part in 
 tl it. A bill, which only touches the reprefenta- 
 (f tion of the people, muft originate in the houfe 
 " of commons. In the formation and mode of 
 tl pafTing it, the exclufive right of the commons 
 tf muft be afferted as fcrupuloufly as in the cafe 
 " of a money-bill. Now, Sir, I mould be glad to 
 " know by what kind of reafoning it can be pro- 
 *' ved, that there is a power vefted in the repre- 
 " fentative to deftroy his immediate conftituent. 
 " From whence could he poffibly derive it ? A 
 t{ courtier, I know, will be ready to maintain the 
 ff affirmative. The dodlrine fuits him exactly, 
 lf becaufe it gives an unlimited operation to the 
 " influence of the crown. But we, Mr Wilkes, 
 " ought to hold a different language. It is no an* 
 ft fwer to me to fay, that the bill, when it palTes 
 <c the houfe of commons, is the adl of the majori- 
 " ty, and not the reprefentatives of the particular 
 " boroughs concerned. If the majority canjdis- 
 " franchife ten boroughs, why not twenty, why 
 " not the whole kingdom ? Why fhould not they 
 ** make their own feats in parliament for life ? 
 *' When the feptennial aft paiTed, the legiilature 
 '* did what, apparently and palpably, they had no 
 *' power to do : but they did more than what 
 ** people in general were av/are of ; they, in ef- 
 ** fet, disfranchifed the whole kingdom for four 
 " years. 
 
 ** For argument's fake, I will now f'.ippofe that 
 u the expediency of the meafure and the power 
 " of parliament are unqueilionable. Still you 
 l( will find an infuimountable difficulty in the ex- 
 " ecution. When all your inltruments of am- 
 " putation are prepared, when the unhappy pa- 
 t( tient lies bound at your feet without the poffi- 
 " bility of refiftance, by what infallible rule will 
 '* you direct the operation ? When you propofe to 
 
 " cut
 
 O F J U N I U S. 371 
 
 *< cut away the rotten parts, can you tell us what 
 f( parts are perfet\y found ? Are there any cer- 
 tc tain limits in fal or theory, to inform you at 
 (f what point you muft ftop, at what point the 
 mortification ends: To a man fo capable of ob- 
 fervation and reflection as you are, it is unne- 
 ceffary to fay all that might be faid upon the 
 fubject. Befides that I approve highly of Lord 
 Chatham's idea of infujing a portion of new health 
 " into the conftitution to enable it to bear its injirmi- 
 " ties, (a brilliant expreffion, and full of intrinfic 
 wifdom), other reafons concur in perfuading me 
 to adopt it. I have no objection, &c." 
 
 The man who fairly and completely anfwers 
 this argument fliall have my thanks and my ap- 
 plaufe. My heart is already with him. I am 
 ready to be converted. I admire his morality, 
 and would gladly fubfcribe to the articles of his 
 faith. Grateful as I am, to the GOOD- BEING, 
 whofe bounty has imparted to me this reafoning 
 intellecl:, whatever it is, I hold myfelf proportion- 
 ably indebted to him, from whofe enlightened 
 underftanding another ray of knowledge commu- 
 nicates to mine. But neither fhould I think the 
 moft exalted faculties of the human mind a gift 
 worthy of the Divinity, nor any affiftance in the 
 improvement of them a fubjedl of gratitude to 
 my fellow-creature, if I were not farisfied, that 
 really to inform the underftanding corrects and 
 enlarges the heart. 
 
 J U N I U S. 
 
 I N-
 
 N D E X. 
 
 A. 
 
 AMERICA* Mr Pitt and Lord Camden the patrons 
 of, page 34 a new oBce ellabiiihed for the bufi- 
 
 oefs of, ib. 
 
 dtMJi young gentlemen coming into it faid to be a fe- 
 curity to the kingdom from foreign ES well as dome- 
 ftic flavery, 51 many of our forces in climates unfa- 
 vourable to Britifti conftitutions, 52 the infult of- 
 fered to it by appointing Colonel Luttrell adjutant- 
 general of Ireland, 222. 
 
 B. 
 
 Beckfcrd Mr. his faroptuous entertainment at the man- 
 fion-boufe, 290. 
 
 Bedford, corporation of, admit Grangers to their free- 
 dom, to fliakt off the tyranny of the Duke of Bed- 
 ford, 130 Duke of, a letter to his Grace from Ju- 
 nius, 127 his feelings nice, if to be judged from 
 his refentments, ib. what his Grace was, and what 
 he might have been, 128 his avowal of the fale of 
 a borough, 130 acciifed of infenfibility on the lofa 
 of his ion, ib. bis Grace every way unfortunate, 
 131 his embafiy at Verfaillea the firft important 
 part of his hiftory, ib. ihofe who are acquainted 
 with his Grace's pecuniary character are apt to fuf- 
 peft fuch facrifices would not have been made without 
 fome private compenfations, 132 Stipulations made 
 betwixt him and Lord Bute, and violated, ib. be- 
 haves to the King in an outrageous manner, 133 
 fohVits again the friendfliip of Lord Bute, ib. his 
 Dieafures to obtain and confirm his power, 134 his 
 cbarafler vindicated by Sir William Draper, 142 
 makes a public difplay of his infenfibiNiy on the death, 
 of his fon, 153 an anecdote of his Grace's beha- 
 viour on this misfortune, 154. 
 
 Benfon'klr. challenged as a juryman, 327, 
 
 4 Bing- j
 
 INDEX. 373 
 
 Etngley Mr. his iroprifonment for two years, 228. 
 
 Blackjlotie Dr. Solicitor to the Queen, 85 more folf- 
 citous to preferve his place than his reputation, ib 
 a letter addrefied to him from Junius, 102 charged 
 with having delivered different doctrines in the houfe 
 of commons from what he had written in his commen- 
 taries, 105 that when he fpoke in the houfe he ne- 
 ver once thought of the Commentaries until the con- 
 tradiction was unexpectedly urged, 108 contradida 
 the miniftry fometimes as well as bimfelf, 126. 
 
 Bradjljanu Mr. has a penfion fettled upon him, 193 
 affirms that every part of Mr Hine's purchafe- money 
 was paid to Colonel Burgoyne, 280 an intimacy be- 
 twixt him and Lord Irnham, 340. 
 
 Bromfeld Mr. furgeon, his opinion in regard to the 
 death of G'eorge Clark, who received a blow at tlje 
 Brentford election, 62. 
 
 Brooke Dr. faid to be quartered on the falary of a pa- 
 tent place purchaftd by Mr Hinc, 168. 
 
 Bucarslti, the Span : fh governor of Port Egmonr, a&ed 
 in obedience to his order, 236 if he hadafted with- 
 out it, he deferved death, 240. 
 
 Burgoyne, Colonel, his expences at Prefton, 167 the 
 purchafe- money of a patent place faid to be given him 
 for h;s fervice at Prefton, 16900 man more tender 
 of his reputation, ib. 
 
 Bute, Earl of, his interview with the Duke of Bedford, 
 129 not of a temper to relinquifh power, though he 
 retired from employment, 132 ftipulations made be- 
 twixt him and the Duke of Bedford violated, ib. _ 
 treats the Duke with contempt when again foliciting 
 his friendfhip, 133 forced into the Prince of Walea'a 
 houfehold, contrary to the late King's inclination, 
 
 C. 
 
 Calcraft Mr. wh:n he determined to be a patriot, 321. 
 
 Caniden Lord, attributes to the crown a power, in cafe 
 of necefiny, to fufpend the operation of an aft of the 
 legiflature, 317 his dodrine in this refpeft confi- 
 dered and refuted, .3243 letter to his lordfhip fro.ii 
 Junius, 365.
 
 374 INDEX. 
 
 Carhton-houfi, the tutelage and dominion of the heir- 
 apparent laid there many years ago, 173. 
 
 Charles I. lived aod died a hypocrite, 76. 
 
 Charles II. a hypocrite, though of another fort, ib. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, introduces. the Duke of Grafton on the 
 political ftage, 77 obliged to withdraw his name 
 from an adminiftratiofl formed on the credit of it, 78. 
 the motive of giving the thanks of the city to him, 
 290 an encomium on him by Jtiniu?, 297. 
 
 dergy, their incapacity to fit in the houfe of commons, 
 1 20. 
 
 Coke, Sir Edward, his opinion with regard to the power 
 of thehoufe of commons committing for contempt, 261. 
 
 Colonlet, thofe of America alienated from their natural 
 affection to the mother-country, 33 receive fpirit 
 and argument from the declaration of Mr Pitt and 
 Lord Camden, 34 the (lamp-act repealed, and a new 
 mode of taxing the Colonies invented, ib. the Co- 
 lonifts equally deleft the pageantry of a kiog and the 
 hypocrify of a bi(hop, 181. 
 
 Commons* houfe of, the fituation they are reduced to by 
 their vote on the Middlefex election, 119 faid to 
 have transferred their gratitude from their parents to 
 their benefactors, 179 have aflumed an authority 
 equal to an aft of the legiflature, 185 have tranf- 
 ferred the right of election from the collective to the 
 reprefentative body, 186 they are only interpreters 
 to convey the fenfe of the people to the crown, 209 
 did not dare to affert their own dignity when grofsly 
 attacked, 215 would beft confult their dignity by 
 appealing to the laws when they are offended, 255. 
 
 Corfeca would never have been invaded if the Britim court 
 had interpofcd with dignity and firmnefs, 80. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, with all his crimes, had the fpirit of 
 an Englimman, 244 an expreffion of his in the time 
 of Charles I. 286. 
 
 Cumberland, the late Duke of, in his time parliamentary 
 influence prevailed leaft in the army, 50. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dinghy Mr. becomes a candidate for the county of 
 Middlefcx, 65. 
 
 Dodd\
 
 INDEX. 375 
 
 y Captain, applied to Captain Garth for the afiift- 
 ance of his guard to refcue General GanfeJ, 162. 
 Draper, Sir William, his defence of the Marquis of 
 Granby againft the charges of Junius, 39 his letter 
 to Junius, 49 refers him to the united voice of the 
 army, and all Germany, for inflances of the military 
 (kill and capacity of the Marquis of Granby, 50 - 
 his anfwer on hia own account, 5'2 accufed of ma-- 
 king a traffic of the royal favour, 54 Another letter 
 to Junius, 57 his anfwer to a queftion of Junius, ib. 
 To Junius, 136 complains of the aflertion of Ju- 
 nius, that he had fold the companions of his fuccefs, 
 ib that it is a malicious falfehood, and bids the 
 writer ft and forth and avow the charge, ib. appeals 
 to the gentlemen to whom he had made application 
 in this affair, 137 To Junius, 141 that he has 
 read hia letter to the Duke of Bedford with horror 
 and aftonifhment, wherein an affectionate father is 
 upbraided with the lofs of an only and moft amiable 
 fon, 142 that Junius goes wantonly out of his way 
 to torment declining age, ib. he is called upon to 
 prove the Duke's avarice before he makes his hafty 
 and wicked conclusions, 143 but if an ambaflador 
 loves money too much, is this a proof that he has ta- 
 ken any to betray his country ? 145 Sir William's 
 account of the minifterial quarrels, 144 that the 
 Duke however, potent as he is, is amenable to ju- 
 flice, and the parliament is the high and folemn tri- 
 bunal, 144. 
 
 E. 
 
 Ellis, Mr Welbore, whether he makes or fuppreffes 3 
 motion, is fure of hiff difgrace, 206. 
 
 Expuljion from the houfe of commons, whether it creates 
 incapacity of being re-eleded, 109 & feq. Mr Wai- 
 pole's cafe confidered as a precedent, 1 12. 
 
 Eyre, John, bailed by Lord Mansfield, 337 this affair 
 llated and examined according to the itatutes in, fucn. 
 cafes, 362. 
 
 F. 
 
 Felony i whether or not bailable, 344 the ftatutea rela- 
 I 2 live
 
 376 INDEX. 
 
 tive to bail in criminal matters dated in due order, 
 
 347- 
 
 Foott, Mr. Surgeon, his evidence on tlie trial of M'Qm'rk, 
 62. 
 
 G. 
 
 Game-laws oppreffive to the fubjed, 336. 
 
 Ganfcl) General, his refcue from the bailiff* near the 
 Tilt-yard in St James's Park, 157 he folicited a 
 corporal and other loldiers to aflilt him in making his 
 efcape, 162. 
 
 Garth, Captain, declined appearing himlelf, but flood 
 aloof while Captain Dodd took upon him to order 
 out the King's guard to refcue General Ganfe.1, 162. 
 
 GiflorKS, Colonel, a regiment faid to be fold to him, 48 
 Colonel Drap;r rtligned it to him for his half- 
 pay, 54 accepts of a penfion for the government of 
 Kinfale, 222. 
 
 Grafton, Duke of, upon what footing he firft took, and 
 foon after refigned, the office of iecretary of Hate, 31 
 the only aft of mercy to which he advifed his So- 
 vereign, received with difapprobatfon, 6l his tfta- 
 blifhment of a new tribunal, 64 one fatal mark fixed 
 on every meafure wherein he is concerned, 65 a lin- 
 gular inftance of youth without fpirit, 66 obliged 
 either to abandon a ufeful partifan, or to protect a 
 felon from public juftice, 67 accufcd of balancing 
 his non-txecution of the laws with a breach of the 
 cotiftitution, 71 the feating Mr Luttrell in the honfe 
 of commons entails on pofterity the immediate effects 
 of his adminiftration, ib. in his fyftcm of govern- 
 ment he addrcflVs himfelf fimply to the touch, 75 
 his character, confidered as a fubjecl, of curious (pe- 
 culation, ib. refemblance thereof to that of his royal 
 progenitor*, 76 at his fetting out, a patriot of no 
 unpromifing expectations, 77 has many compenfa- 
 tions'io make in the clofet for his former friendihip 
 with Mr Wilkes, ib. his union by marriage not im- 
 prudent in a political view, 78^ his Grace's public 
 conduct as a miniilcr the counterpart of his private 
 hiftory, 79 in the whole courfe of his life a Grange 
 endeavour to unite coutradi&ions, 84 his infult on 
 
 pubhc
 
 I N D E X. 377 
 
 public decorum at the Opera-houfe, 86 his reafons 
 for deferting his friends, ib. his political infant-ftate, 
 childhood, puberty, and manhood, 87 if his Grace's 
 abilities had been able to keep pace with the prin- 
 ciples of his heart, he would have been a formidable 
 minifter, 88 the people find a refource in the weak- 
 nefs of his underftanding, ib. charged with being the 
 leader of a fervile adminiftration, collected from the 
 tleferters of all parties, 90 his coynefs in rejecting 
 Mr Vaughan's propofals is faid to refemble the ter- 
 magant chaftity of a prude, 166 is called upon to 
 tell the price of the patent puichafed by Mr Hine, 
 j 6- will he dare (fays Junius) to profecute Vaughan 
 whilft he is felling up the royal patronage to auc- 
 tion ? 187 in his public character has injured every 
 fubjeA in the empire, 189 the event of all the fa- 
 crifices he made to Lord Bute's patronage, ib. at 
 the mod active period of life obliged to quit the 
 bufy fcene, and conceal himfelf from the world, 190 
 the neglect of the petitions and remonftrances a 
 part of his original plan of government, 191 was 
 contented with pronouncing Colonel Luttreli's pane- 
 gyric, 229 is reftored to his rank under the royal 
 itandarc), 265 is acknowledged by Junius to have 
 great intrinfic merit, but is cautioned not to value it 
 too highly, 266 in vain would his Majefty have 
 looked round for a more confummate charafter, ib. 
 he remembers with gratitude how the Duke accom- 
 modated his morals to the neceflity of his fervicc, 267 
 the abundance of merit in the Duke to fecure the 
 favour of his fovereign, 268 a Uriking peculiarity 
 in his character, 270 his Grace's re-appointment io 
 the cabinet announced to the public by the ominou* 
 return of Lord Bute, 271 in whatever meafure con- ' 
 cerned, he makes the government of the bed of princes 
 
 contemptible and ridiculous, ib his bafenefs affirmed 
 
 to be the caufe of greater mifchief to England than 
 even the unfortunate ambition of Lord Bute, 297 
 to what enormous excefles the influence of the crown 
 has conducted his Grace without a fpark of perfonal 
 rcfolution, 305 in what a hopeful condition he de- 
 livered the navy to his fucceflbr, 308- ihe navy be- 
 I i ? intr
 
 37 8 INDEX. 
 
 ing in great want of timber, a warrant wag made out 
 to cut timber in Whittlcbury foreft, where the Duke 
 is hereditary ranger, 308 his Grace's perfecution of 
 the deputy-furveyor for attempting to cut down the 
 trees when he happened not to have the warrant in 
 his pocket, 309 the Duke aflerted upon his honour 
 that in the grant the property of the timber is vefted 
 in the ranger, ib. the very reverfe affirmed to be the 
 truth, ib. yet the oaks keep their ground, the King 
 is defrauded, and the navy fuffers ; all this to appeafe 
 the Duke of Grafton, 310 the mortification he re- 
 ceived on the defeat of Sir James Lowther, 338 
 hia expedition in haftening the grant to transfer the 
 Duke of Portland's property to Sir James Lowlher, 
 
 34i- 
 
 Granby, Lord, accufed of accumulating in his own pjr- 
 fon and family a number of lucrative employments, 36 
 his cares confined to filling up vacancies, 37 
 praifed and vindicated by Sir William Draper againft 
 the charges of Junius, 40 the united voice of the 
 army, and all Germany, will tell jnftances of his mi- 
 litary fkill and capacity, 50 his reputation is faid by 
 "Junius to have fuffcrcd more by his friends than his 
 enemies, 55. 
 
 Grenville, Mr. at any rate to be diftrefled becaufe he was 
 rninifter, 34 vindicated from fome reflections thrown 
 out againft. him in a pamphlec written in defence of 
 Sir William Blackftone, 103 receives chaftifemeal 
 from the chair in the houfe of commons, 108. 
 
 H. 
 
 Harley, Mr. the intercft of government in the city faid 
 
 to be committed to him, 271. 
 Harry the Eighth, by the fubmiffion of his parliament, 
 
 as abfolute as Lewis the Fourteenth, 244. 
 Hawie, Sir Edward, this country highly indebted to 
 
 him, 37. 
 Hiljboreugbi Earl of, called forth to govern America, 34 
 
 h ; s meafures cenfured, ib. 
 Nine, Mr. a patent purchafed by him, 167 the price at 
 
 which the place was knocked down, 169. 
 Hornf, Mr. his unfortunate endeavours in fupport of the
 
 INDEX. 379 
 
 nomination of fheriffs, 273 in his principles already 
 a bifhop, ib. His letter' to Junius, 274 it is the re- 
 putation gained under this fignature which draws from 
 him a reply, ib. that he is ready to lay down his 
 life in oppofition to the minifterial meafures, 275 
 that he did not folicit one vote in favour of Meffrs 
 Plumbe and Kirkman, ib. A letter to him from Ju- 
 nius, 276 accufed of having fold himfelf to the mi- 
 niftry, from his own letters, 277 his mode of attack 
 on Mr Wilkea cenfured, ib. is blamed for introdu- 
 cing the name of ayoung lady into the newfpapers, 278 
 is charged with having duped Mr Oliver, ib. An- 
 other letter to Junius, 279 charges him with incon- 
 fiftency and felf-contradi&ion, 280 that he feels no 
 reluctance to attack the character of any man, 282 
 that the darknefs in which he thinks himfelf fhrouded 
 has not concealed him, 285 reflections on the ten- 
 dency of Juoius's principles, 287 that Mr Wilkea 
 did commiflion Mr Thomas Walpole to folicit a pen- 
 fion for him, 288 that, according to Junius, Mr 
 Wilkes ought to hold the firings of his benefactors 
 purfesyo long as he continues to be a thorn in the King's 
 Jtde, 289 that the leaders of the oppofuion refuted 
 to ftipulate certain points for the public in cafe they 
 fhould get into adminiftration, ib. A letter in reply 
 to Mr Home, 292 is charged with changing the 
 terms of Junius's p*opofmon when he fuppofes him 
 to affert it would be impofiible for any man to write 
 in the newfpaper and not to be difcovered, 293 
 that he deals in fiftion, and therefore naturally ap- 
 peals to the evidence of the poets, 294 is allowed a 
 degree of merit which aggravates his guilt, 295 
 his furious perfecting zeal has by gentle degrees ioft- 
 ened into moderation, 296 lhameful for him who 
 has lived in friendfhip with Mr Wilkes to reproach 
 him for failings naturally connected with defpair, 299. 
 Humphrey, Mr. his treatment of the Duke of Bedford oa 
 the courfe at Litchfield, 131. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ireland, the people of, have been uniformly plundered 
 sad oppreffed, 189.
 
 3 So INDEX. 
 
 Irnhani) Lord, father of Colonel Luttrel, 340. 
 
 jfudge, one may be honed enough in the decifion of 
 private caufes, yet a traitor to the public, 37. 
 
 jfuniur, letter from, to the printer of the Public Adver- 
 tifcr, on the ftate of the nation, and the different 
 departments of the ftate, 29-^-To Sir Wiliiam Dra- 
 per, 44 approves of Sir William's fpirit in giving 
 his name to the publi -, but that it was a proof cf 
 nothing but fpirit, ib. requires fome inftances of the 
 military (kill and capacity of Lord Granby, 45 puts 
 fome queries to Sir William as to his own conduct, 48 
 called upon by Sir William to give hia real name, 49 
 Another letter to Sir William Draper, 55 ex- 
 plains Sir William's bargain with Colonel Gifoorne, 
 56 Letter to Sir William Draper, 58 declares 
 himfelf to be a plain unlettered man, ib, calls upon 
 Sir William to juftify his declaration of the Sove- 
 reign's having done an al in his favour contrary to 
 law, 59 takes his leave of S r W'lliam, ib. Let- 
 ter to the Duke of Grafton, 60 that the only ad 
 of mercy to which the Duke sdvifed his Mdjefty 
 meets with difapprobation, 61 lhat it was hazard- 
 ing too much to interpofe the ftrength of prerogative 
 between fuch a felon as M'Quirk and the jiiftice of his 
 country, 62 '.he pardoning of this man, and the rea- 
 fons alleged for fo doing, confidered, 64 To the Duke 
 of Grafton, 65 that one fatal mark feems to be fix- 
 ed on ev;ry meafure of his Grace, whether in a per- 
 fonal or political ch-araSer, ib. that a certain mini- 
 fterial writer does not defend the minifter as to the 
 pardoning M'Qjjrk upon his own principles, 66 
 lhat his Grace can" belt tell for which of Mr Wilkes's 
 goi/d qualities he firft honoured him with his friend- 
 (hip, 67 To Mr Edward Wefton, 68 a citation 
 from his pamphlet in defence of the pardoning of 
 M'Qairk, with remark?, 69 To the Duke of Graf- 
 ton, 70 that his Grace was at firft fcrupulous of 
 even txercifing thofe powers with which the executive 
 power of the legiflature is inveflcd, ib. that he re- 
 ftrved the proofs of his intrepid fpirit for trials of 
 greater hazard, 71 that he balanced the non-execu- 
 tion of the laws with a breach of the couftitution, ib. 
 
 To
 
 INDEX 381 
 
 To the Duke of Grafton, 74 that his Grace ad- 
 drffes himfclf fimply to tbe touch, 75 his character 
 refembles that of his royal ancetiors, 76 To the 
 Duke of Grafton, 88 if his Grace's talents could 
 keep pace with the principles of his heart, he would 
 have been a moft formidable miniftcr, ih. that he 
 became the leader of an adminiftration collected from 
 the deferters of all parties, 90 To the printer 
 of the Public Advertifer, 94 the quettion arifing 
 from Mr Wilkes's expuifion, and the appointment of 
 Mr Liutreli, attempted to be ftated with juftice and 
 precifion, 95 .the expuifion of Mr Walpole and his 
 re-eledlion, how far a cafe in poin;, 97 To Sir Wil- 
 liam Blackltone, 102 a certain pamphlet written ia 
 defence of Sir William's conduit confidered, ib. 
 Mr Grenville and Sir Wiiliam Meredith vindicated 
 from fome afperfions in this pamphlet, 103, 104 
 that a certain writer who defends the proceedings with 
 fega^d to tiie Middlefex eledion only quotes fuch 
 part of Mr Walpolt's cafe as feems to fuit his pur- 
 pofe, 116 that tbe houfe meant to declare Mr Wai- 
 pole's incapacity arofe from the crimes he had com- 
 mitted, 117 they alfo declared the other candidate 
 not duly eleftcd,. i r9 explanation of fome pafiuges 
 in the lall letter, 122 To the D^ike of Bedford, 127 
 that he has loft much real authority and importance, 
 128 the degree of judgment he has fliown in carry- 
 ing his own fyftem into execution, 131 the import- 
 ance of his embafly to the court of Verfailles, ib. 
 the meafures he took to obtain and confirm his power, 
 154 To Sir William Draper, 138 that after ha- 
 ving attacked Junius under that character, he had no 
 right to know him under any other, 139 that Sir 
 William was appointed Colonel to a regiment greatly 
 out of his turn, 140 Junius thinks it by no means 
 neceflary he fhould be expofed to the refentment of the 
 word and moft powerful men in this country, 140 
 Sir William ftill continues to be a fatal friend, 146 
 he confiders nothing in the caufe he adopts but the 
 difficulty of defending it, ib. he may reft affured the 
 Duke of Bedford laughs with equal indifference at 
 Junius's reproaches and Sir William's diftrefs about 
 
 him?
 
 a I .N D E X. 
 
 him, 147 admitting the fingle inftance of hi Grace's 
 generofity, tbc public may perhaps demand fomc 
 other proofs of his munificence, 148 though there 
 was no document left of any treafonable negotiation, 
 yet the conduft and known temper of the miniiler 
 carried an internal evidence, ib. To the printer of 
 the Public Advertifer, 150 Junius applauds the fpi- 
 rit with which a lady has paid the debt of gratitude 
 to her b?nefaor r ib. this fingle benevolent action 
 is perhaps the more confpicuous from {landing alone, 
 ib. To the Printer of the Public Advertifer, 155 
 the prefent miniftry fiogularly marked by their for- 
 tune as their crimes, ib.-r-they feem determined to 
 perplex us with the multitude of their offences, 156 
 a Major-General of the army arrefted for a confi- 
 derable debt, and refcued by a ferjeant and fome pri- 
 vate foldier?, ib that this is a wound given to the 
 
 law, and no remedy applied, 157 the main qutttion 
 is, how the miniftry have acted on this occafion, 158 
 the aggravating circumftaoceg of this affair, ib. 
 that the regiments of guards as a corps are neither 
 good fubjefts nor good foldiers, 159 the marching 
 regiments the braveft troops in the world, ib. To 
 the Printer of the Public Advertifer, 165 that he 
 admits the claim of Modeftus in the Gazetteer^ ib. 
 that Modeftus having infmuated that the offendeis in 
 the refcue may ftill be brought to a trial, any attempt 
 to prejudge the caufe would be highly improper, 166 
 if the gentlemen \vhofe conduit is in queftion are 
 not brought to a trial, the Duke of Grafton fhall 
 hear from him again, ib. leaves it to his countrymen 
 to determine whether he is moved by malevolence, or 
 animated by a juft purpofe of obtaining a fatisfa&ion 
 to the laws of the country, ib. To his Grace the 
 Duke of Grafton, ib. Junius gives, his Grace credit 
 for his difcrction in refuiing Mr Vaugban's propofa's, 
 ib. nfks what was the price of Mr Hint's patent, 167 
 and whether the Duke dares to complain of an attack 
 upon bis own honour while he is felling the favours 
 of the crown, ib. To his Gtace the Duke of Graf- 
 ton, 168 Junius is furprifed at the filence of his 
 Grace's friends to the charge of having fold a patent- 
 place
 
 INDEX. 383 
 
 place, ib the price at which the place was knocked 
 
 down, 169 that there is none of all his Grace's 
 friends hardy enough to deny the charge, ib. that 
 Mr Vaughan's offer amounted to a high mifdemcanor, 
 170 the opinion of a learned judge on this matter, 
 171 To the printer of the Public Ad vert ifer, 172 
 Junius fnppofes a well-intentioned prince a/king ad- 
 vice for the happinefs of his fubjeds, ib. and an ho- 
 neft man, when permitted to approach a King, in 
 what terms he would addrefs his fovereign, ib. he 
 Separates the amiable prince from the folly and trea- 
 chery of his fervants, 174 and that the King fhould 
 diftinguifh betwixt bis own dignity and what ferveg 
 only to promote the intereft and ambition of a mini- 
 fter, ib. that he fhould withdraw his confidence from 
 ell .parties, and confult his own underftanding, ib. 
 that there is an original bias in his education, 175 
 that a little perfonal motive was able to remove the 
 ableft fervants of the crown, ib. that Mr Wilkes, 
 though he attacked the favourite, was unworthy of 
 a king's perfonal refentment, 177 that the deftruc- 
 tion of one man has been for years the fole object of 
 government, ib. that his miniilers have forced the 
 fubjedts from wifhing well to the caufe of one man to 
 unite with him in their own, 178 that nothing lefa 
 than a repeal of a certain resolution can heal the 
 wound given to the conltitution, ib. if an Englifh 
 king be hated or defpifed, he mutt be unhappy, ib. 
 that the Prince takes the fenfe of the army from 
 the conduct of the guards, as he does that of the 
 people from the reprefentations of the miniftry, 183 
 that the houfe of commons have attributed to their 
 own vote an authority equal to an aft of the legifla- 
 ture, i$6 To the Duke of Grafton, 188 in his 
 public character he has injured every fubjeft of the 
 empire, 189 at the moft active period of life he 
 muft quit the bufy fcene, and conceal himfelf from 
 the world, 190 that the neglect of the remonftrancea 
 and petitions was part of his original plan of govern- 
 ment, 191 the fituation in which he abandoned his 
 royal mafler, 192 that he eithtr differed from his 
 colleagues, or thought the admiaiftration no longer 
 
 UoiWc,
 
 384. INDEX. 
 
 tenible, 193 that he began with betraying the peo- 
 ple, and concluded with betraying the King, ib. 
 Juntus takes leave of the Duke, 195 To the printer 
 of the Public Advertifer, 197 the King's anfwer to 
 the city-remonftrance confidered, ib. the grievances 
 . of the people aggravated by infults, 198 if any part 
 . of the rtprefentative body be not chofen by the peo- 
 ple, that part vitiates and corrupts the whole, 199 
 inftead of an anfwer to the petition, his Majelty 
 pronounces his own panegyric, zoo whether the re- 
 rnonftrance be or be not injurious to the parliament is 
 the very qutftion between ;he parliament and the peo- 
 ple, ib. the city of London has not defired the King 
 to affume a power placed in other hands, 201 they 
 call upon him to makeufe of his royal prerogative, ib. 
 To the Printer of the Public Advertifer, 202 
 . that the King's anfwer to the city-remonftrancc is 
 only the fentiments of the minifter, ib. the confe- 
 quences, however, materially affect hia Majefty's ho- 
 nour, 203 he fhould never appear but in an amiable 
 light to his fubjecls, ib. his M^jelty introduced too 
 often in the prefent reign to ac\ for or defend his fer- 
 vants, 206 an appeal to his Majefty's judgment, 207 
 addreffes from parliament confidertd as a fafliion- 
 able unmeaning formality, ib. the conlcquenccs of 
 them confidered when fuppofed to mean what they 
 profefs, 208 To the printer of the Public Advcrti- 
 fer, 209 while parliament was fitting, it would nei- 
 ther have been fafe'nor regular to offer any opinion 
 concerning iheir proceedings, ib. we had a right to 
 expect fomething from their prudence, and fomething 
 from their ftars, 210 the majority of the houfe of 
 lords join with the other houfe, 213 they would 
 hardly have yielded fo much to the other houfe with- 
 out the certainty of a compenfation, 214 the houfe 
 of commons did not vindicate their own dignity when 
 grofsly attacked, 215 the bufinefs of the ftffion af- 
 ter voting the fupplus and fettling the Mtddlefex elec- 
 tion, 216 the Situation of the King after the proro- 
 gation of parliament, /l8 To Lord North, 220 
 the honour of rewarding Mr Lutlrell'* fervicts refer- 
 ved for hie Lordfhip, ib. is called upon to tell who 
 4 advifed
 
 INDEX. 3*5- 
 
 advlfed the King to appoint Colonel Luttrell Adju- 
 tant-general to the army of Ireland, 221 Come fe- 
 cret purpofe in view by fuch an appointment, 222- 
 To Lord Mansfield, 223 The danger of writing to 
 his lordfhip, as he becomes party and judge, 224 
 a tribute paid to his Scotch fincerity, ib. that he 
 confoles himfelf for the lofs of a favourite family by 
 reviving the maxims of their government, 225 that 
 his maxims of jurifprudence direft his interpretation 
 of the laws and treatment of juries, ib. that the 
 court of King's-Bench becomes thereby a court of 
 equity, 226 his condud with regard to Bingley'a 
 affair, 227 that he invades the province of a jury 
 in the matter of libel, 228 that his charge to the 
 jury in the profecution againft Almon and Woodfall 
 contradicted the higbeft legal authorities, 229 that 
 he ordered a fpecial juryman to be fet afide without 
 any legal objedtion, 23 i is accufed of having done 
 great mifchiefs to this country as a minifter, ib. To 
 the printer of the Public Advertifer, 235 violence 
 and oppreffion at home fupported by treachery and 
 fubariffion abroad, ib. the plan of domeftic policy 
 from his Majcfty's acctflion to the throne engroffes all 
 the attention of his fcrvants, ib. the expedition of 
 the Spaniards againft Port Egmont, 236 his Ma- 
 jefty'a (hip detained in port above twenty days, ib. 
 the King's fpeech, Nov. 1770, considered, 237 
 if the ac\ual fixation of Europe be confidered wheat 
 the affair of Port Egmont happened, the treachery 
 of the King's fcrvants muft appear in the ftrongeft 
 colours, 240 a mod favourable opportunity loft, ib 
 the mcterials of a fable from the affair of Port Eg. 
 mont, 241. To the printer of the Public Adverti- 
 fer, 246 nothing now to be apprehended from pre- 
 rogative, but much from undue influence, 248 our 
 political climate feverely altered, 249 tbe nature and 
 origin of privileges traced and contidered, 251 To 
 the printer of the Public Advertifer, 262 an extract 
 from the journals of the houfe of commons, 263 >a 
 quelHon or two put thereupon to the advocates for 
 privilege, ib. To the Duke of Grafton, 265 that 
 his Majefty would in vain have looked round the king- 
 K k doi
 
 INDEX. 
 
 dom for a character fo confummate as his Gract'a, 266 
 that his Grace did not negled the magistrate while 
 he flattered the man, 267 that he has merit in abun- 
 dance to recommend him to the fovereign, 268 that 
 he ha? never formed a friendfhip which has not been 
 fatal to the object of it, 270 the fcrvices he has done 
 his matter have been faithfully recorded, ib. his 
 Grace's re-appointtnent to a feat in the cabinet, how 
 announced to the public, 271 the Duke is the pil- 
 low on which Junius propofes to reft all his refent- 
 inents, 273 To the Rev. Mr Home, 276 from Mr 
 Home's own letters he is fuppofed to have fold him- 
 felf to the miniftry, ib. In order to gratify his per- 
 fonal hatred to Mr Wilkes, that he facrificed the caufe 
 .of the country as far as was in his power, 277 
 when the public expected difcoveries, highly intereft- 
 ing to the community, from Mr Home, what a piti- 
 ful detail was produced, ib. he has fo little power to 
 do mifchief, that it is much to be queftioned if the 
 miniftry will adhere to the promifes they may have 
 made him, 278 To the Rev. Mr Home, 292 if 
 any coarfe expreffions have ei'caped Junius, he agrees 
 they are unfit for his pen, but that they may not 
 have been improperly applied, ib. upon Mr Home's 
 terms there is no danger in being a patriot, 295 by 
 what gentle degrees his perfecuting zeal has foftened 
 into moderation, 296 an high encomium on Lord 
 Chatham, 297 what excufe can Mr Home make 
 for labouring to promote fuch a confummately bad 
 man as Mr WMkes to a ftation of fuch truft and im- 
 portance, 299 the bed of princes not difpleafed 
 with the abufc thrown upon his oitenfible minifters, 
 300 To the Duke of Graftoi;, 305 that he has 
 done as much mifchief to the community as Cromwell 
 would have done had he been a coward, ib. the en- 
 ormous excels through whkh court- influence has 
 fafcly conducted hia Grace without a ray of real un- 
 derftanding, ib. it is like the univerfal paflport of 
 an ambafTador, ib. his Majcfty in want of money 
 and the Navy in want of timber, 308 a warrant 
 made out for cutting down any tr<"ce in Whittlebury 
 Porcft, of which the Duke -is hereditary ranger, ib. 
 
 hia
 
 INDEX. 3*7 
 
 Ms Grace's behaviour on this occafion, 309 To the 
 Livery of London, 311 that the election of their 
 chief magiflrate was a point in which every member 
 of the community was iuterefted, .ib. the qutffion 
 to thofe who mean fairly to the liberty of the people 
 lies within a very narrow compafs, 312 Mr Nafb'ij 
 character confidered as a magiftrste and a public 
 man, ib. he cannot alter his conduct without coirfef- 
 fmg that he never acled upon principle of any kind, 
 ib. To the printer of the Public Advertifer, 313 . 
 Junius laments the unhappy differences which have 
 arifen among the friends of the people, ib. the inff- 
 dious partizan who foments (he diforder, fees the fruit 
 of his induftry ripen beyond his hopes, 314 that Mr 
 Wilkes has no rtfource but in the public favour, 315 
 that Mr Sawbridge has fhown himfelf pofTefled of 
 that republican firmnefs which the times require, 316 
 the right of prcffing founded originally upon a ne- 
 ceffliy which (uperfedes all argument, 318 the de- 
 Cgna of Lord Mansfield fubtle, effectual, and fecure, 
 $i we fhould not rejeft the fervices or friendfhip 
 of any man becaufe he differs from us in a particular 
 opinion, 320 patriotifm, it feems, may be impro- 
 ved by tranfplanting, 321 Juniua defended in three 
 material pftints, 334 charges Lord Mansfield with 
 doing what was illegal in bailing Eyre, 337 engages 
 to make good his charge, 338 To the Duke of 
 Grafton, ib. the rniferable deprefiion of his Grace 
 when almoft every man. in the kingdom was exulting 
 in the defeat of Sir James Lowther, 339 that he 
 violates his own rules of decorum when he does not 
 infult the man whom he has betrayed, ib. -To Lord 
 Chief- Juftice Mansfield, 342 Juniua undertakes to 
 prove the charge againft his Lordfhip, ib. ;hat the 
 fuperior power of bailing for felony claimed by the 
 court of King's- Bench, has only the negative afient 
 of the legifldture, 344 that a perfon pofitively char- 
 ged with fdonioufly itealing, and taken with the Ro- 
 len goods upon him, is not bailable, 345 authori- 
 ties quoted to fupport this opinion, 346 the feveral 
 flatutea relative to bail in criminal cafes dated in due 
 order, 347- the law as ftated applied to ihs cafe of 
 K k 2 Johu*
 
 388 INDEX. 
 
 John Eyre, who was committed for felony, 362 
 To the Right Hon. Lord Camden, 365 Junius calls 
 upon his Lordfhip to ftand forth in defence of the 
 Jaws of his country, 366 extract of a letter from 
 Junius to Mr tVilkes, 367. 
 
 L. 
 
 Ligonier, Lord, the army taken from him much againft 
 
 his inclination, 47. 
 JLo.-.J';]!, city of, has given an example in what manner 
 
 a king of this country fhould be addrtffed. 
 Littery, the word way of raifing money upon the peo- 
 
 P lc . 33- 
 
 Loyalty, what it i?, 29. 
 
 Luttrell Mr. patronized by the Duke of Grafton with 
 fuccefs, 71 the aflcrtion, that two-lhirds of the na- 
 tion approve of his admifiion into parliament, canriOt 
 be maintained nor confuted by argument, 85 the 
 appointment of, invades the foundations of the lawi 
 themfelves, 91 a ftrain of proftitution in his charac- 
 ter admired for its fingularhy, 221. 
 
 Lynn, burgcfles of, re-eleft Mr Walpole after being ex- 
 pelled, 97. 
 
 M. 
 
 M' Quirk, the King's warrant fox his pardon, 62 the 
 . pardoning of him much blamed, and the rcafons al- 
 leged for fo doing refuted, 64. 
 
 Manilla ranfom difhonourably given up, 45 the mini- 
 fters faid to be dcfirous to do juftice in this affair, but 
 their efforts io vain, 53. 
 
 Mansfield, Lord, extrads from his fpeech in the court 
 of King's-Bench, in regard to the offtr of money made 
 by Vaughan to the Duke of Grafton for the reverfion 
 of a place, 17 l a tribute paid by Junius to his Scotch 
 fincerity, 224 that his Lordfhip had fome original 
 attachments which he took every opportunity to ac- 
 knowledge, ib. is charged with reviving the maxims 
 of government of bis favourite family, 225 that he 
 follows an uniform plan to enlarge the power of the 
 crown, ib. that he labours to contract the power of 
 the jury, 226, 228 that inftead of pofitive rules-by 
 
 which
 
 I N D E X: 389, 
 
 which a court fhoiijd be determined, He has introdu- 
 ced his own unfettled notions of equity, 226, 329 
 his conduft in regard to Bingley's confinement and 
 releafe, 227 his charge to the jury in cafes of libel- 
 contradids the higheil legal authorities, 229 his 
 Lordmip reminded of the name of Benfon, 231- 
 eharged with doing much mifchief to this country as 
 a minifter, ib. the fufpicious applaufe given by him 
 to Lord Chatham, 326 the doftrine he delivers to a 
 jury, ib. his reafons for challenging a juryman, 327 
 accufed of endeavouring to fcreen the King's bro- 
 ther, 328 charged by Junius for bailing a man not 
 bailable by the laws of England, 337. 
 
 Meafures and not men, the common cant of affc&ed mo- 
 deration, 141 a quotation from Pope on this fub- 
 jca, ib. 
 
 RliJdli'fey:, the ele&ion for, attended with one favourable 
 confequence for the people, 72 the qucllion in this 
 affair is, Whether by the law of parliament expuHion 
 alone creates a difqualification, 95 33 a faft highly 
 injurious to the rights of the people, and as a prece- 
 
 ' cent one of the moft dangerous, 119. 
 
 Minijlfrsy to be acquainted with the merit of, we need 
 only obferve the condition of the people, 30 the 1 
 inifconduft of, has produced a fudden and extraordi- 
 nary change within thtfe few years in Great Britain, 
 31 the condufl and character, not the defcription of 
 minuter?, the caufe -of national calamities, 45 the 
 m'rrfter who by corruption* invades "the freedom of* 
 tUction, and the ruffian who by open ^violence de- 
 ftroys ihat freedom, embanked in the fame bottom, 
 62 he is the tenant of the day, and has no interest 
 in the inheritance, 208. 
 
 JModcJlus charges Junius with abfurdity in his writing?,' 
 151 cannot uiltinguiOi between a farcafm and a con- 
 tradiction, 152 is accufed of misquoting what Ju- 
 nius fays of "confcience, and making the fentence ri- 
 diculous by making it his own, 153. 
 
 Mufgra-t, Dr. his firmnefs and integrity on his exami- 
 natioo before the houfe of commons, 215.
 
 390 I N D E X. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naflj Mr. his behaviour as a magiftrate and a public 
 man, coafidered, 312. 
 
 Nation, w.hen the fafety of it ia at fiake, fufpicion ia a 
 fufficient ground for inquiry, 30. 
 
 North, Lord, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 32 ia 
 warned to think ferioufly before he increafes the pub- 
 lic debt, ib the palm of miuifterial firmnefs tranf- 
 
 ferred to his Lordfhip, 196 his boafted firmnefs and 
 confiftency, 205 had the means in his poflefiion of 
 reducing all the four per cents at once, 217 had the 
 honour of rewarding Mr Luttrcll's fervices, 220 is 
 called upon by Juuius to tell who advifed the King to 
 appoint Colonel L'Jttrell Adjutant-General of the ar- 
 my of Ireland, 222 that he fhall not have time to 
 new-model the Irifh army, 323 perhaps only the 
 blind inftrument of Lord Bute and the Princefs Dow- 
 ager, ib. 
 
 Noye, Mr Attorney-general, hia opinion of the privilege 
 of the Loufe.of commons to commit for contempt,. 
 261. 
 
 O. 
 
 Ol& AW/deftined to be the ruin of the houfe of Stuart, 
 84 does not deny that Corfica has been facrificed to- 
 tbe French, 87. 
 
 P. 
 
 Parfons, Ann, miftrefs i the Duke of Grafton^ 74 
 led into public by his Grace, and placed at the head 
 of his table, 82 handed through the opera-houfe in 
 prefence of the Queen by the firft Lord of the Trea- 
 fury, 86. 
 
 Parties, the idea of uniting does not produce the falu- 
 tary fffeds intended thereby, 31. 
 
 People, fubmiflion of a free, a compliance with laws 
 which they themfelves have enaftcd, 29 in reading 
 the hiftory of, how we become interefted in their caufe, 
 ib. an impartirl adminiftration of jufllce the firmelt 
 bond to engage their affections to government, 37. 
 
 Pfrcj, Earl, placed at the head of a regiment, 51 aid.
 
 INDEX. 39* 
 
 de-camp to the King, and had the rank of'colonel 
 before he had the regiment, 55. 
 
 Philc-Junms to the printer of the Public Advertifer, 82 
 that the Duke of Grafton's friends, in the conteft 
 with Junius, are reduced to the general ''charge of 
 fcurrility and falfehood, ib. the truth of Junius's fafta 
 of importance to the public, ib. a reviial and confe- 
 deration of them as they appeared in letter xif. ib. 
 Another letter of his to the printer of the Public 
 Advertifer, 84 that in the whole courfe of the Duke 
 of Grafton'a life there is a ftrange endeavour to unire 
 contradictions, ib,- a violation of public decorum 
 (hould never be forgiven, 86 the Duke of Grafton'a 
 conduct in this refpetf, ib. his Grace has always 
 fome reafon for deferting his friends, ib. To the 
 printer of the Public Advertifer, 99 the objections 
 of G. A. to Junius's ftate of the queftion as To the 
 Middlefex eledion confidered, ib. To the printer of 
 the Public Advertifer, 107 lhat a correfpondent of 
 the Si James's Evening Poll mifunderltood Junius, ib. 
 that it appears evident that Dr Blackitone never 
 once thought of his Commentaries when fpeaking in 
 the houfe of commons, until the contradiction was 
 urged, 108 Philo-Jjnius defends Junius'a conftruc- 
 tion of the vote againll Mr WalpoSe, M; charges 
 the miiuitry with introducing a new fyftem of logic, 
 which he calls argument againrl fact, 123 To the 
 printer of the Public AJvertifer, 151 that he is al- 
 fured Jimius will ntver defcend to a difpute with fuch 
 a writer as Modeftus, ib. an examination of the in- 
 Hances brought to fupport the charge of Junius being 
 an Irishman, ib. kc. that Modeftus misquotes what 
 Junius fays of confcience, and makes the femence ri- 
 diculous by making it hi* own, 153 To the printer 
 of the Public Advertifer, 243 that Anti-Junius tri- 
 umphs in having, as he fuppofes, cut off an outpoil 
 of Junius, ib. that Junius does not fpcak of the Spa- 
 uifh nation, but the Spanifh court, as the natural ene- 
 mies of England, ib. if it were not the refpe& he 
 bears the minilter, he could name a man who, with- 
 out one grain of underftanding, can do half as much, 
 as Oliver Cromwell, 24533 to a fccrct fyilem in the 
 
 clout,
 
 392 INDEX. 
 
 clofet, that this can only be determined by appear- 
 ances, ib. the queries put by Anti-Junius can be 
 only anfwered by the miniftry, ib. To the printer 
 of the public Advertifer, ib. -that thofe who object 
 to detached parts of Junius's laft letter do not mean 
 fairly, or have not considered the fcope of his argu- 
 ment, 257 that Junius does not expert a dhTolution 
 of parliament will deftroy corruption, but will be a 
 terror and check to their fucceflbrs, ib. To the 
 printer of the Public Advertifer, 258 Juniu&'s con- 
 ftrudlion of the vote, declaring Mr Walpole's incapa- 
 city, ib. a quotation from a traft of Lord Summers 
 to fupport this conflrudb'on, 259 if this conftruc- 
 tion be admitted, the advocates of the houfe of com- 
 mons mud be reduced to the nectffity of maintaining 
 one of the grofieft abfurdities, 259 that the houfe 
 of commons certainly did not forefce one effect pro- 
 ceeding from their vote about .the M'ddlefex election, 
 
 1260 To the printer of the Public Advertifer, ib 
 
 the doftrine of Junius concerning the power of the 
 commons to commie for contempt not new, ib. taliy 
 exactly with the opinions of Attorney-general Noye 
 and Sir Edward Coke, 261 To the printer of the 
 Public Advertifer, 301 th< vanity and impiety of 
 Junius are become the perpetual topics of abufe, ib. 
 the proofs brought to fupport fuch charges confi- 
 dered, 302 the charge of vanity and impiety proved 
 to deftioy itfelf, ib. To the printer of the Public 
 Advertifcr, 323 that Junius's inclination leads him 
 to treat Lord Camden with particular refpeft and can- 
 dour, ib. that his Lordfhip overfliot himfclf in af- 
 ferting the proclamation againft exporting corn was- 
 legal, 374 To Zeno, 325 -that the fophiftry of this 
 author's letter in at&nce of Lord Mansfield is adapt- 
 ed to the character he defends, ib. the fufpicious 
 applaufe given by his Lordfhip to the man he detefts, 
 326 his doftriae as delivered to a jury, ib. his 
 challenging a juryman, 327 is accufed of endea- 
 "vouring to fcreen the King's brother, 32$ and in- 
 cefiantly labouring to introduce new modes of pro- 
 ceeding in the court where he prefides, 329 To an 
 Advocate in the Caufe of the People, 331 the dif- 
 3 ferer.ce
 
 INDEX. 393 
 
 ference betwixt general-warrants and prefa-warrants 
 dated and explained, ib. 
 
 Pope Mr. extract of a letter of bis to Dr Arbuthnot> 
 141. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sawbridge Mr. has fhown himfclf poffefied .of that re- 
 publican firmnefs which the times require, 316. 
 
 Shelburne, Lord, applied to in regard to the Manilla 
 ranfom, 53. 
 
 Sommers t Lord, a quotation from his traft upon the 
 Rights of the People", 1 1 8. 
 
 Stamp-aft, made and repealed, 34. 
 
 Starlingr Solomon, apothecary, his opinion in regard to 
 the death of Clarke, who received a blow at the Brent- 
 ford eiedion, 62, 
 
 State, the principal departments of, when improperly 
 bellowed, the caufe of every mifchicf, 31. 
 
 T. 
 
 Toiunfend Mr. complains that the public gratitude has 
 
 not been equal to his deferts, 316. 
 Touchet Mr. in his mod profperoua fortunej the fame 
 
 man *8 at prefent, 272. 
 
 u. 
 
 Vattgkan Mr. fends propofals to the Duke of Grafton, 
 1 66 his offers to the Duke amounted to a high 
 mifdemeanor, 170 a profecution commenced againft 
 him, 171 -the matter folemnly argued in the court 
 of King's-Bench, ib. Junius doeejuftice to this in- 
 jured man, 195. 
 
 W. 
 
 Jfafton, Edward, a letter to him fro* Junius, 68 quo- 
 tations from his pamphlet in defence of the pardoning 
 M'Qnirk, with remarks, 69. 
 
 Walpolc Mr. his cafe fuppofed to be ftn'Aly in point to 
 prove expulfion creates incapacity of being re-eleftcd, 
 109 the vote of expulfion as exprefied in the votes, 
 1 16 remarks upon its meaning and extent, 117 
 the election was declared void, 1 19.
 
 394 INDEX.' 
 
 Weytnouth, Lord, appointed one of the fecretaries of 
 ftate, 36 nominated to Ireland, 133. 
 
 Whittlsbury foreft, the Duke of Grafton hereditary ran- 
 ger of, 308 the right to the timber claimed by his 
 Grace, 309. 
 
 Wilkes Mr. his conduct often cenfured by Junius, 67 
 fuffered to appear at large, and to canvafs for the city 
 and county, with, an outlawry hanging over him, 70 
 - his fituation and private character gave the ministry 
 advantages over him, 72 it is perhaps the greateft 
 misfortune of his life that the Duke of Grafton had 
 fo many compenfations to make in the clofet for h.'s 
 former fnendrtvp with him, 77 faid more than mo- 
 derate men would juftify, 177 hardly ferious at firfr, 
 he became an enthufiaft, ib. commiffions Mr Tho- 
 mas Walpole to folicit a penfion for him, iS8 cornea 
 over from France to England, where he gets two 
 hundred pounds from the Duke of Portland and Lord 
 Rockingham, ib. 
 
 Woollafton Mr. expelled, re-elcde-J, and admitted into 
 the lame parliament, 120 the public left to deter- 
 mine whether this be a plain matter of fad, 123. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Tatet, Mr Juftlce, quits the court of 
 227. 
 
 N
 
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