alifornia

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ility

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ANDREW HERON, f-

Tiockbridge County. *

A * "

A o. :\

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

GIFT OF

JAMES J. MC BRIDE

THE

HISTORY

E N G L A N D,

FROM THE

T O

THE REVOLUTION IN MDCLXXXVIII.

IN SIX VOLUMES, ILLUSTRATED WITH PLATES.

BY DAVID HUME,

A NEW EDITION, WITH THE AUTHOR S LAST COR-
RECTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE, WRITTEN BY HIMSELFi

VOL. I.

PHILADELPHIA:

PRINTED FOR ROBERT CAMPBELL;

BY SAMUEL H. SMITH.

M .DCC.XCV,

THE

LIFE

DAVID HUME, ESQ.

WRITTEN $Y HIMSELF,

vMlgll

as leiz-

aas been

ce of mv

MY O \V N

LIFE.

IT is difficult for a man to fpeak long of himfelf with
out vanity ; therefore 1 fhall be ihort. It may be
thought an inftance of vanity that I pretend at all to u- rite
niy life ; but this Narrative {hall contain little more than
the Hiftoryof my Writings ; as, indeed, almcfl all my
life has been fpent in literary purfuits and occupations.
The firfl iuccefs of moft of my writings was not luch as
to be an object of vanity.

I WAS born the 26th of April 1711, old ftyle, at Edin
burgh. I was of a good family, both by father and mo
ther : Mv father s family is a branch of the Earl of Home s,
or Hume s ; and my anceftors had been proprietors of the
eflate which my brother polTefles for feveral generations.
My mother was daughter of Sir David Falconer, Prefident
of the College of Juftice : The title of Lord Halkerton
came by fucceffion to her brother.

MY family, however, was not rich, and being myfelf
a younger brother, my patrimony, according to the mode
of my country, was of courfe very ilender My father,
who pafTed for a man of parts, died when I was an infant,
leaving me, with an elder brother and a fifter, under the
care of our mother, a woman of iingular merit, who,
though young and handfome, devoted herfelf entirely to
the rearing and educating of her children. I paffed through
the ordinary courfe of education with fuccefs, and was itriz-
ed very early with a paffion for literature, which has been
the ruling paffion of my life, and the great fource of my

MY O \V N LIFE,

the books were beginning to be efteemed in good compa
ny. However, I had a fixed resolution, which 1 inflexi
bly maintained, never to re.ply to any body ; and not
being very irafcible in my temper, I have eafily kept my-
felf clear of all literary fquabbles. Thefe fymptoms of
a rifing reputation gave me encouragement, as I was ever
more difpofed to fee the favourable than unfavourable fide
of things ; a turn of mind which it is more happy to
poffels, than to be born to an eflate of ten thouland a-
year.

IN 1751, 1 removed from the country to the town, the
true fee ne for a man of letters. In 1752 were publifhed
at Edinburgh, where I then iived, my Political Difcour/es,
the only work of mine that was iuccefsful on the firft pub
lication. It was well leceived abroad and at home. In
the fame year was publifhed at London, my Enquiry con
cerning the Principles of TVloiais ; which, in my own opi
nion (who ought not to judge on that fubjec^), is of all
my writings, hiftorical, philoiophical, or literary, incom
parably he beft. It came unnoticed and unobferved into
the world.

IN 1752 the Faculty of Advocates chofe me their Li
brarian, an office from which I received little or no emo
lument, but which gave me the command of a large libra
ry. I then formed the plan of writing the Hiflory of Eng
land ; but being frightened with the notion of continuing
a narrative through a period of 1700 years, 1 commenced
with (he acccffion of ihe houfe of Stuart, an epoch when
I thought the mifreprefentations of faction began chiefly to
take place. I was, I own, fanguine in my expectations
of the fuccefs of this work, i thought that I was the only
hiilorian that had at once neglected prefent power, inte-
reft, and authority, and the cry of popular prejudices ;
and as the fubjecl was fuiteci to every capacity, 1 expecled
proportional applaufe. But miferable was my difap-
pointment : I wasafTailed by one cry of reproach, difap-
pvobation, and even deteftation ; Englifh, Scotch, and
Irilri, Whig and Tory, churchman and lectary, freethink
er and religionifl, patriot and courtier, united in their
rage againft the man -Abo had pref-jmed to (bed a gene
rous tear for the fate of Charles I. and the earl of Straf-
f.jrd ; and, after the firft ebullitions of their fury were
over, what was ftill more mortifying, the book feemed
to fink into oblivion. Mr. Millar told me, that in a twelve
month he fold only forty-five copies of it. I fcarcely, in
deed, h ^ard of one man in the three kingdoms, confide-
rable for rank or letters, that could endure the book. I
nmft only except (he primate of England, Dr. Herring,

MYOWNLIFE. *

and the primate of Ireland, Dr. Stone, which feem two
odd exceptions. Thefe dignified prelates feparately fent
me meflages not to be difcouraged.

I WAS, however, I confefs, difcouraged ; and had not
the war been at that time breaking out between France
and England, I had certainly retired to fome provincial
town of the former kingdom, have changed my name,
and never more have returned to my native country.
But as this fcheme was not now practicable, and the fub-
fequent volume was confiderably advanced, I refolved
to pick up courage and to perfevere.

IN this interval, I publifhed at London my Natural
Hiftory of Religion, along with fome other fmall pieces :
Its public entry was rather obfcure, except only that Dr
Hurdwrotea pamphlet againft it, with all the illiberal
petulance, arrogance, and fcarrility, which diftinguifh
the Warburtonian fchool. This pamphlet gave me fome
confolation for the otherwife indifferent reception of my
performance.

IN 1756, two years after the fall of the firft volume,
was publifhed the fecond volume of my Hiftory, contain
ing the period from the death of Charles I. till the Revo
lution. This performance happened to give lefs difplea-
fure to the Whigs, and was better received. It not only
rofe itfelf, but helped to buoy up its unfortunate bro
ther.

BUT though I had been taught by experience, that the
Whig party were in pofleffion of beftowing all places,
both in the ftate and in literature, 1 was fo little inclined
to yield to their fenfelefs clamour, that in above a hundred
alterations, which farther ftudy, reading, or reflection
engaged me to make in the reigns of the two firft Stuarts,
I have made all of them invariably to the Tory fide. It
is ridiculous to confider the Englifh conftitution before
that period as a regular plan of liberty.

IN 1759 I published my Hiftory of the Houfeof Tudor.
The clamour againft this performance was almofl equal
to that againft the Hiftory of the t\vo firft Stuarts. The
reign of Elizabeth wjs particularly obnoxious. But I
was now callous againft the impreffions of public folly,
and continued very peaceably and contentedly in my
retreat at Edinburgh, tofiniih, in two volumes, the more
early part of the Englifh Hiftory, which 1 gave to the
public in 1761, with tolerable, and but tolerable fuc-
cefs.

BUT, notwithstanding this variety of winds and feafons
fo which my writings had been expofed, they had ftifl
been making fuch advances, that the copy-money given
VOL. I- b

LETTER

FROM

ADAM SMITH, LL. D.

T O

WILLIAM STRAHAN, ESQ.

DEAR SIR, Kirkaldy, Fifefhire, Nov. 9, 1776.

IT is with a real, though a very melancholy pleafure,
that I fit down to give you fome account of the be
haviour of our late excellent friend, Mr. Hume, during
his laft illnefs.

THOUGH inhisown judgment his difeafe was mortal and
incurable, yet he allowed himfclf to be prevailed upon,
by the entreaty of his friends, to try what might be the
effefts of a long journey. A few days before he fet out,
he wrote that account of his own life, which, together
with his other papers, he has left to your care. My ac
count, therefore, fhall begin where his ends.

HE fet out for London towards the end of April, and at
Morpeth met with Mr. John Home and myfelf, who had
both come down from London on purpofe to fee him, ex-
pefling to have found him at Edinburgh. Mr. Home
returned with him, and attended him during the whole
of his ftay in England, with that care and attention which
might be expected from a temper fo perfectly friendly and
affectionate. As I had written to my mother that fhe might
expert me in Scotland, I was under the neceflily of con
tinuing my journey. His difeafe feemed to yield to ex-
ercife and change of air, and when he arrived in London,

xiv L E T T E R F R O M

he was apparently in much better health than when he
* left Edinburgh. He was advifed to go to Bath to drink

the waters, which appeared for fome time to have fo good
an effect upon him, that even he himfelf began to enter
tain, what he v;as not apt to do, a better opinion of his
own health. His fymptoms, however, foon returned with
their ufi::-il violence, and from that moment he gave up
all thoughts of recovery, but fubmitted with the utmoft
chserfulnefs, and the mod perfecl complacency and refiar-
nation. Upon his return to Edinburgh, though he found
himfejf much weaker, yet his cheeifulnefs never abated,
and he continued to divert himle f, asutual, with correc
ting hisown works fora new edition, with reading books of
amufement, with the converlation of his friends ; and
ibmetimes in the evening with a party at his favourite game
of whift. His cheerfulnefs was fo great, and his conver-
fation and amufements run fo much in their uujal drain,
that notwithstanding all bad fymptoms, many people could
not believe he was dying. " I mail tell your friend, Co-
" lonel Edrnonftone," faid Doctor Dundas to him one dav,
" that I left you much better, and in a fair way of reco-
" very." " Doctor," faid he, " as I believe you would
" not chufe to tell any thing but the truth, you had better
" tell him, that I am dying as fail as my enemies, if 1
" have any, could will), and as eafily and cheerfully as
fi my beft friends could defire." Colonel Edmondfione
foon afterwards came to fee him, and take leave of him;
and on his way home he could not forbear writing him a
letter, bidding him once more an eternal adieu, and ap
plying to him, as to a dying man, the beautiful French
verles in which the Abbe Chauiieu, in expectation of his
own death, laments his approaching feparation from his
friend the Marquis de la rare. Mr. Plume s magnani
mity and firmnefs were fuch, that his mod alledtionate
friends knew, that they hazarded nothing in talking or
writing to him as to a dying man, and that fo far from
being hurt by this frank nefs, lie was rather plea led and
flattered by it. 1 happened to come into hi:; room while
he was reading this letter, which he had juft received, and
which he immediately (bowed me. I told him, that though
I was fenfible how very much he was weakened, and (hat
appearances were in many refpecls very bad, yet his cheer
fulnefs was (till fo great, the fpirit of life feemed Oil! to be
fo very flrong in him, that I could not help entertaining
fome faint hopes. He anKvered, " Your hopos are
" groundlefs. An habitual diarrhoea of more than a
year s (landing would be a very bad difeafe at any age:
" At my age it is a mortal one. When 1 lie down in the

DR. ADAM S M I T H.

" evening I feel niyfelf weaker than wlien I rofe in the
" morning ; and when I liie in the morning weaker than
" when I lay down in the evening. I am fenfible, be-
" fides, that fonje of niv vital parts are affected, fo that I
" niuft Toon die." " Well," laid I, " if it muft be fo,
" you have at lead the fatisf.ictk&amp;gt;n of leaving all your
" friends, your brother s family in particular, in great
" profperity." Heiaid, that he felt that fatisfaclion fofenfi-
bly, that when he was reading, a few days before, Lucian s
Dialogues of the Dead, among all the excufes which are
alleged to Charon for not entering readily into his boat,
he could not find one that fitted him; he had no houfe to
finifli, he had no daughter to provide for, he had no ene
mies upon whom he wifhed to revenge himfelf. " I could
" not well imagine," laid he, " what excule J could make
" to Charon in order to obtain a little delay. 1 have done
" every thing of coniequence which I ever meant to do T
" and 1 could at no time ex peel to leave my relations and
" friends in a better fituation than that in which I am nou*
" likely to leave them : I therefore have all icafon to die
" contented." He then diverted himfelf with inventing
feveral jocular excufes which he fuppofed he might make
to Charon, and with imagining the very furly anfwers
which it ini^ht fuit the character pf Charon to return to
them. " Upon further confidcration," laid he, " I
" thought I might fay to him, Good Charon, 1 have been
" correcting my works for a new edition. Allow me a
" little time, that I may fee how the Public receives the
" alterations." But Charon would anfwer, " When you
" have feen the effocl of these, you will be for making
" other alterations. There will be no end of luch ex-
" cufes ; fo, honeft friend, pleafe ftep into the beat."
But i might Hill urge, " Have a little patience, good Cha-
" ron, I have been endeavouring to open the eyes of the
" Public. If I live a few years longer, I may have the
" fatisfac\ion of feeing the dovvnfal offome of the prevail-
" ing fyftems of fuperftition." But Charon would then
lofe all temper and decency. " You loitering rogue*
" that will net happen thefe many hundred years. Do
" you fancy I will grant you a leafe for fo long a term ?
" Get into the boat this inflant, you lazy loitering rogue."
BUT though Mr. Hume always taJked of his approach
ing diiTolution with great cheerfulnefs, he never affected
to make any parade of his magnanimity. He never men
tioned the fubjecl but when the conversation naturally led
to it, and never dwelt longer upon it than the courfe of the
convcrfation happened to require: It was a fubjecl, indeed,
which occurred pretty frequently, in confequence of the

xvi LETTERFROM

enquiries which his friends, who came to fee him, natu
rally made concerning the ftate of his health. The con- ,
verfation which I mentioned above, and which paffed on
Thurfday the 8th of Auguft, was the laft, except one, that
1 ever had with him. He had now become fo very weak,
that the company of his moft intimate friends fatigued
him ; for his cheerfulnefs was ftill fo great, his complai-
fance and focial difpofition were ftill fo entire, that when
any friend was with him, he could not help talking more,
and with greater exertion, than fuited the weaknefs of
his body. At his own defire, therefore, I agreed to leave
Edinburgh, where I was ftaying partly upon his account,
and returned to my mother s houle here, at Kirkaldy, upon
condition that he would fend for me whenever he wimed
to fee me ; the phyfician who faw him moft frequently,
Doctor Black, undertaking, in the mean time, to write
ne occafionally an account of the ftate of his health.

ON the 22d of Auguft, the Doctor wrote me the fol
lowing letter :

" SINCE my laft Mr. Hume haspafied his time pretty
eafily, but is much weaker. He fits up, goes down ftairs
once a day, and amufes himfelf with reading, but feldom
fees any body. He finds, that even the comerfation of
his moft intimate friends fatigues and opprefles him ; and
it is happy that he does not need it, for he is quite free
from anxiety, impatience, or low fpirits, and pafles his
time very \\cllwith the affiftance of amufing books."

I RECEIVED the day after a letter from Mr. Hume
himfelf, of which the following is an extract :

" -\TY DEAREST FRIEVD, Edinburgh, Aug. 23, 1776.

" I AM obliged to make ufe of my nephew s hand in
writing to you, as I do not life to-day.

* * ****** *

" I go very faft to decline, and laft night had a Imall
fever, which 1 hoped might put a quicker period to this
illnefs ; but unluckily it has in a great meal ure gone off*
I cannot fubmit to your coming over here on my account,
as it is podihle for me to fee you fo fmalla part of the day,
but DiAJor Black can better inform you concerning the
degree of ffrength which may from time to time remain
with me. Adieu, &c."

THRSS days after, I received the following letter front
Doctor Black :

DR. ADA M S M I T H. xvli

- DEAR SIR, Edinburgh, Monday, Aug. 26, 1776.

" YESTERDAY, alout four o clock afternoon, Mr,
Hume expired. The near approach of his death became
evident in the night between Thurfday and Friday, v. hen
his dileaCe became exceffive, and Coon weakened hir- ib
much, that he could no longer rife out of his bed. He
continued to the lafl perfectly Cenfible, and free from much
pain or feelings of didrefs. He never dropped the fmallefl
expreffion of impatience ; but when he had occafion to
fpeak to the people about him, always did it with affeclion
and tenderneCs. I thought it improper to write to bring
you over, efpecially as 1 heard that he had dictated a let
ter to you, deCiring you not to come. When he became
very weak, it cod him an effort to fpeak, and he died in
Cuch a happy compolure of mind that nothing could ex
ceed it."

THUS died our mod excellent, and never to be forgotten
friend; concerning whofe philofophical opinions men will
no doubt judge varioufly, every one approving or con
demning them, according as they happen to coincide or
diCagree with his own ; but concerning whofe chara&amp;lt;^er
and conduct there can Ccarce be a difference of opinion.
His temper, indeed, Ceemed to be more happily balanced,
if I may be allowed Inch an expreffion, than that perhaps
of any other man 1 have ever known. Even in the lowed
date of his fortune, his great and neceflfary frugality never
hindered him from exercifmg, upon proper occafions, atis
both of charity and generofity. It was a frugality founded
not upon avarice, but upon the love of independency. The
extreme gentlenefs of his nature never weakened either
the firmneCs of his mind, or the deadineCs of his refoluti-
ons. His conftant pleafantry was the genuine effufion of
good-nature and good-hurrour, tempered with delicacy and
modedy, and without even the flighted tincture of malig
nity, Co frequently the difagreeable Cource of what is cal
led wit in other men. It never was the meaning of his
raillery to mortify ; and therefore, far from offending, it
Celdom failed to pleaCe and delight, even thoCe who were
the objects of it. To his friends, who were frequently the
objects of it, there was not perhaps any one of all his
great and amiable qualities which contributed more to en
dear his conversation. And that gaiety of temper, Co
agreeable in Cociety, but which is Co often accompanied
with frivolous and fuperficial qualities, was in him cer
tainly attended with the molt fevere application, the mod
extenfive learning, the greated depth of thought, and a
capacity in every reCpc6t the moft comprehenfive. Upon

VOL. I. c

xviii LETTER FROM DR, SMITH.

the whole, I have always confidered him, both in his life
time and fince his death, as approaching as nearly to the
idea of a perfe&ly wife and virtuous man as perhaps the
nature of human frailty will permit.

I ever am, dear Sir,

Mod affeftionately your s,
ADAM SMITH.

CONTENTS

FIRST VOLUME,

CHAP. I.

The Britons Romgns Saxons The Heptarchy

The kingdom of Kent of Northumberland

of Eaft-Anglia of Mercia of Effex of Suffex of
Weffex. Page I

CHAP. II.
THE ANGLO-SAXONS.

Egbert Ethelwolf Ethelbald and Ethelbert

Ethered Alfred the Great Edward the Elder

AthelRan Edmund Edred Edwy

Edgar Edward the Martyr. 50

CHAP. III.

Ethelred Settlement of the Normans Edmund

Ironfide Canute the Great Harold Harefoot

Hardicanute Edward the Confeflbr -Harold.

MX CONTENTS.

APPENDIX I.

THE ANGLO-SAXON GOVERNMENT AND MANNERS,

Fuft Saxon government SucctfHon of the kings

The Witteiiagemot The arifiocracy The feve-

ral orders of men Courts of juilice Criminal

Jaw -Rules of proof Military foice Public

revenue Value of Money Manners. Page 147

C H A P. IV.

VV I L L I A M THE CONQUEROR.

Confcquences of the battle of Raftings Submiffion of

the EngiiiTi Settlement of the government

King s return to Normandy 1 i (contents of the Eng
lish Their infuneciions Rigours cf the Norman

government New infurfeci ions New jigours of

the government introduction of the feudal law

Innovation in ecclefiafiical government insurrection

of the Norman barons Dilpute a Dout inVcftiturea

Revolt of prince .obeit Dpomlday book

The Nev Fureft War with i iance Death ai.d

character of William the Conqueror. 172

C II A P. V.
W I L L I A M R U F U S.

Acceflion of William Rufus Confpiracy againft the

king Irivafjon of N ormandy The Crufades

AcquiGtion cf Normat .dy Quarrel M ith Anfelm the

primate- Deatli and character of William Rufus.

212

CONTENTS. xxi

CHAP. VI.

HENRY I.

The Crufades Acceffion of Henry Marriage of

the king Invafion by duke Robert Accommo
dation with Robert Attack of Normandy Con-

quefl of Normandy Continuation of the quarrel

with Anfelm the primate Compromife with him

Wars abroad Death of prince William

King s fecond marriage Death and character of

Henry. Page 230

CHAP. VII.
STEPHEN.

Acceflion of Stephen War with Scotland Infur-

rcotioniu favour of Matilda Stephen taken prifbner

Matilda crowned Stephen releafed Reftor-

ed to the crown Continuation of the civil wars

Compromife between the king and prince Henry-
Death of the king. 259

CHAP. VIII.
HENRY II.

State of Europe of France- Firft a&s of Henry s go-

vernmrrr Dilputes between the civil and ecclefiafti-

cal powers Thomas a Becket, archbifhop of Can
terbury Quarrel between the king and Becket

Conftitutions of Clarendon Banifhment of

Becket Compromife with him His return

from baniuSment His murdei Grief and Jub-

rniffion of the king. 275

CONTENTS.

CHAP. IX.

State of Ireland Conqueft of that ifland The king s

accommodation with the court of Rome Revolt of

young Henry and his brothers Wars and infurrec-

tions War with Scotland Penance of Henry for

Bccket s murder William, king of Scotland, de
feated and taken prifoner The king s accommoda
tion \vith his fons The king s equitable admi

niftration Crufades r-Revolt of prince Richard

Death and character of Henry Mifcellaneous

tranfadions of his reign. Page 315

CHAP. X.

RICHARD I.

The king s preparations for the crulade Sets out on

the crufade -Tran factions in Sicily King s arri
val in Paleftine - State of Paleftine Disorders in

England-^ -The king s heroic actions in Paleftine

His return to Paleftine -Captivity in Germany

War with France The king s delivery

Return to England War with France Death

and character of the king Milcellaneous tranfac-
tions of this reign. 350

CHAP. XI.

JOHN.

Accefiion of the king His marriage War with

France Murder of Arthur duke of Britanny

The king expelled from all the French provinces

The king s quarrel with the court of Rome Cardi
nal Langton appointed archbifhop of Canterbury

Interdict of the kingdom Excommunication of the

CONTENTS. x&amp;gt;:iu

king The king s iubmiflion to the pope Difcon-

tents of the barons ~ Infurreftion of the barons

Magna Charta Renewal of the civil wars Prince

Lewis called over Death and character of the

king.

APPENDIX II.

THE FEUDAL AND ANGLO-NORMAN GOVERNMENT

AND MANNERS.

Origin of the feudal law Its progrefs Feudal go
vernment of England The feudal parliament

The commons Judicial power Revenue of the

crown -Commerce The church Civil laws

1 Manners. 423

CHAP. XII.
HENRY III.

Settlement of the government General pacification

Death of the protector Some commotions

Hubert de Burgh difplaced The bifhop of

Winchefter minifter King s partiality to foreigners

Grievances Ecclefialtical grievances Earl

of Cornwall elected king of the Romans Difcon-

tent of the barons Simon de Mountfort earl of Lei-

cefter Provifions of Oxford Ufurpation of the

barons Prince Edward Civil wars of the barons

Reference to the king of France Renewal of the

civil wars Battle of Lewes Houfe of commons

Battle of Evefham, and death of Leicefter

Settlement of the government Death and character

of the king Mifcellaneous iranfaclions of this reign.

454

THE

HISTORY

ENGLAND.

CHAP. I.

The Britons, Romans, Saxons,- the Heptarchy*

The Kingdom of Kent of Northumberland

of EaJl-Anglia of Mercta-* "of Ejfex of

Sti/ex of We/cx.

THE BRITONS.

TH E curiofity, entertained by all civilized nations,- C H A P
of enquiring into the exploits and adventures of I.
their anceftors, commonly excites a regret that the hiftory
of remote ages fhould always be fo much involved in ob-
fcurity, uncertainty, and contradiction. Ingenious men,
pofleffed of leifure,are apt to pu(h their refearches beyond
the period in which literary monuments are framed or pre-
ferved ; without reflecting, that the hiftory of paft events
is immediately loft or disfigured when intruded to memory
and oral tradition, and that the adventures of barbarous
nations, even if they were recorded, could afford little or no
entertainment to men born in a more cultivated age. The
convulfions of a civilized ftate ufually compofe the moft
inftruftive and moft interefting part of its hiftory ; but the
fudden, violent, and unprepared revolutions incident to-
B- irbafians, are fo much guided by caprice, and terminate
fo often in cruelty, that they difguft us by the uniformity
of their appearance ; and it is rather fortunate for letters
that they arc buried in filence and oblivion. The only
,VoL. I. B

2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. certain means by which nations can indulge their curiofity
1. in refearchcs concerning their remote origin, is to confider

* * the language, manners, and cuiloms of their anceftors,

and to compare them with thofe of the neighbouring nati
ons. Trie fables, which are commonly employed to fup-
ply the place of true hiftory, ought entirely to be difre-
garded ; or if any exception be admitted to this general
rule, it can only be in favour of th? ancient Grecian ficti
on-, which are fo celebrated and fo agreeable, that they
will ever be the objects of the attention of mankind. Ne-
glecling, therefore, all traditions, or rather tales, con
cerning the more early hiftory of Britain, we {hall only
confidtr the ftate of the inhabitants as it appeared to the
Romans on their invafion of this country : We mall briefly
run over the events which attended the conquefl made by
that empire, as belonging more to Roman than Britifh fto-
ry : Wefhall haften through the obfcure and uninterefting
period of Saxon annals : And mail referve a more full
narration for thofe times when the truth is both fo well
afcertained and lo complete as to promife entertainmeni
and infhuclion to the reader.

ALL ancient writers agree in reprefenting the firft inha
bitants of Britain as a tribe of the Gauls or Celtae, who peo
pled that ifland from the neighbouringcontinent. Their lan
guage was the fame, their manners, their government, their
fuperftif.ion ; varied only by thofe Imall differences, which
time or a communication with the bordering nations mufl
necefurily introduce. The inhabitants of Gaul, efpecially
in thofe parts which lie contiguous to Italy, had acquired,
from a commerce with their fouthern neighbours, fome
Refinement in the arts, which gradually dirrufed themfelves
northwards, and fpread but a very faint light over this
ifiaml. The Greek and Roman navigators or merchants
(for there were fcarcely any other travellers in thofe ages)
brought back the moft (hocking accounts cf the ferocity of
the people, which they magnified, as ufual, in order to ex
cite the admiration of their countrymen. The fouth-eaft
.parts, however, of Britain, had already, before the age of
Cccfar, made the firft and moft requifitc ftep towards a civil
i ettlement ; and the Britons, by tillage and agriculture,
had there increafed to a great multitude*. The other in
habitants of the ifland flill maintained thcmfelves by pai-
fure: Thev were clothed with (kins of hearts: They dwelt
in huts, which they reared in the foreftsand marlhes, with
which the country was covered : They fhifted eafily their
habitation, when actuated either by the hopes of plunder

Oefar, lib. 4.

THE- BRITONS. 3

or the fearof an enemy: The convenience of feeding their CHAP,
cattle was even a fuiticient motive for removing their feats: 1.

And as they were ignorant of all the refinements of life, v v -

their wants and their potTeffions were equally fcauty and
limited.

THE Britons were divided into many fmall nations or
tribes; andbeinga military people, whole fole property was
their arms and their cattle, it was impoffible, after they had
acquired a relifhof liberty, for their princes cr chieftain s
to eftablifh any defpotic authority over them. Their gov
ernments, though monarchical f, were free, as well as
thofe of all the Celtic nations ; and the common people
feem even to have enjoyed more liberty among them|, than
among the nations of Gaul ||, from whom they were de-
fcended. Each ftate was divided into factions within if-
felf**: It was agitated with jealoufy or animofity againft
the neighbouring flates : And while the arts of peace
were yet unknown, wars were the chief occupation, and
formed the chief object of ambition, among the peo-
pie.

THE religion of the Britons was one of the mod confi-
derable parts of their government; and the Druids, who
were their priefls, polTeffed great authority among them.
Befides miniuering at the altar, and directing ail religious
duties, they prefided over the education of youth; they en
joyed an immunity from wars and taxes; they poffeiiedbotl)
the civil and criminal jurifdiction ; they decided allccntro-
verP.es among flates as well as among private perlons, and
whoever refilled to f^bmit to their decree was expotcd to
the moft fcvere penalties. The fentence of excommunica
tion was pronounced againfl him : Fie was forbidden accefs
to the fa orifices or public worfnip : He was debarred ail
intercourfe with his fellow-citizens, even in the common
affairs of life; His company was universally fhunned, as
profane and dangerous : He vas refufed the protection of
law*: And death itfelt became an acceptable relief frcirj
the miiery and infamy to which he was expofed. Thus,
the bands of oovcrnment, which were naturally loofe
among that rude and turbulent people, were happily cor
roborated by the terrors of their fuperftition.

No fpecies of luperftition was ever more terrible than
that of the Druids. Befides the fevere penalties, which
ir was in the power of ecoiefiaftics to inflict in this world,
they inculcated the eternal tranfmigralion of fouls ; and

f Diocl. S r. lib. 4. Mfla, 1U). 3. ca &amp;lt;. 6. Sri;&amp;lt;Vo, lib. 4. + [ :.

C.id i-is, lib. 7/;. !| Carfjr, l,b. 6. " jaoit. I

* Ol-ir, hb. 6. S!!ibo, lib, ;.

4 HI STORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, thereby extended their authority as far as the fears of their
1. timorous- votaries. They pradtifed their rites in dark
groves or other fecret receffesf ; and in order to throw a
.greater myflery over their religion, they communicated
their doctrines only to the initiated, and ftricHy forbad the
Committing of them to .writing ; left they mould at any
time be expo fed to the examination of the profane vulgar.
Human facrifices were pradlifed among them : The fpoils
of war were often devoted to their divinities; and they
punifhed with the fevered torturer whoever dared to fecrete
any par,t of the confeciated offering : Thefe treafures
they kept in woods and forefts, fecured by no other guard
than the terrors of their religion!; and this fteady conqueft
over human avidity may be regarded as more fignal than
their prompting men to the moft extraordinary and moft
violent efforts. No idolatrous \vorftiip ever attained fuch
an afcendant over mankind as that of the ancient Gauls
and Britons ; and the Romans, after their conqueft, finding
it impoflible to reconcile tliofe nations to the laws and infti-
tutions of their matters, while it maintained its authority,
were at laft obliged to abolifh it by penal ftatutes; a vio
lence which had never, in any other inftance, been prac-
jtifed by thole tolerating conquerors||.

THE ROMANS.

"* H E Britons had long remained in this rude but inde-
-* pendent ftate, when Caefar, having overrun all Gaul
by his victories, firft caft his eye on their illand. He was
not allured either by its riches or its renown ; but
being ambitious of carrying the Roman arms into a new
world, then moftly unknown, he took advantage of a
fhort interval in hisGaulic wars, and made an invafion on
Britain. The natives informed of his intention, were fen-
fible of the unequal conteft, and endeavoured to appeafe
him by fubmiffions, which, however, retarded not the
execution of his defign. After lome refinance, he landed,
Anno ante as j s fuppofed, at Deal , and having obtained feveral ad
vantages over the Britons, and obliged them to promiie
hoftages for their future obedience, he was contlrained, by
the necefitty of his affairs, and the approach of winter, to
withdraw his forces into Gaul. The Britons, relieved
from the terror of his arms, neglected the performance of
their flipulations ; and that haughty conqueror refolved

f Plin. lib. 12. cap. i. J Caefar, lib. 6. |] Sueton. in vita Cluudii.

THEROMANS. 5

next fummer to chaftife them for this breach of treaty. He CHAP,
landed with a greater force ; and though he found a more I.

regular refiftance from the Britons, who had united under v

Cafiivelaunus, one of their petty princes, he difcomfited
them in every aftion. He advanced into the country ;
pafled the Thames in the face of the enemy ; took and
burned the capital of CatTivelaunus ; eftablifhed his ally,
Mandubratius, in the fovereiguty of the Trinobantes; and
having obliged the inhabitants to make him new fubmif-
fions, he again returned with his army into Gaul, and left
the authority of the Romans more nominal than real in this
ifland.

THE civil wars which enfued, and which prepared the
way for the eftablifhment of monarchy in Rome, faved the
Britons from that yoke which was ready to be impofed
upon them. Auguftus, the fucceffor of Csefar, content
with the victory obtained over the liberties of his own
country, was little ambitious of acquiring fame by foreign
wars ; and being apprehenlive left the fame unlimited x-
tent of dominion, which had fubverted the republic, might
alfo overwhelm the empire, he recommended it to his fuc-
ceiTors never to enlarge the territories of the Romans. Ti
berius, jealous of the fame which might be acquired by his
generals, made this advice of Auguftus a pretence for his
inactivity*. The mad fallies of Caligula, in which he
menaced Britain with an invafion, ferved only to expofe
himfelf and the empire to ridicule : And the Britons had
now, during almoft a century, enjoyed their liberty un-
molefted ; when the Romans, in the reign of Claudius,
began to think ferioully of reducing them under their do
minion. Without feeking any more juftifiable reafonsof
hoftility than were employed by the late Europeans in
fubjefting the Africans and Americans, they fent over an A. D. 43.
army under the command of Plautius, an able general,
who gained fome victories, and made a confiderable pro-
grefs in iubduing the inhabitants. Claudius himfelf, finding
matters furficiently prepared for his reception, made a
journey into Britain ; and received the fubmiffion of feve-
ral Britifhftates, the Cantii, Atrebatcs, Regni, and Tri
nobantes, who inhabited the fouth-eaft parts of the illand,
and whom their poiTeflions and more cultivated manner of
life rendered willing to purchafe peace at the expence of
their liberty. The other Britons, under the command of
CaraiStacus, ftill maintained an obflinate refiftance, and
the Romans made little progrcfs again!) thern ; till Oftoii-
us Scapula was lent pver to command their annies. This

Tacit. Agr.

6 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, general advanced the Roman conquefts over the Britons ;
1. pierced into the country of the Silures, a warlike nation,

v who inhabited the banks of the Severne ; defeated Carao

A. D. 50. tacus in a great battle ; took him prifoner, and fent him
to Rome, where his magnanimous behaviour procured him
better treatment than thole conquerors ufually beftowed on,
captive princes*.

NOTWITHSTANDING thefe misfortunes, the Britons
were not fubdued ; and this ifland was regarded by the am
bitious Romans as a field in which military honour might

A. D. &amp;lt;r,. ftiM be acquired. Under the reign of Nero, Suetonius
Paulinus was inverted with the command, and prepared to
fignalize his name by victories over thofe barbarians.
Finding that the ifland of Mona, now Anglefey, was the
chief feat of the Druids, he refolved to attack it, and to
fubjel s place, which was the centre of their fuperftition,
and which attbrded protection to all their baffled forces.
The Britons endeavoured to obftru6t his landing on this
facred illand, both by the force of their arms and the ter
rors of their religion. The women and priefts were in
termingled with the foldiers upon the more ; running about
with flaming torches in their hands, and tofling their dif-
hevelled hair, they ftruck greater terror into the aftonifhed
Romans by their bowlings, cries, and execrations, than
the real danger from the armed forces was able to infpire.
But Suetonius, exhorting his troops to defpife the menaces
of a fuperftition which they del pi fed, impelled them to
the attack, drove the Britons off the field, burned the
Druids in the fame fires which thofe priefts had prepared
for their captive enemies, deftroyed all the conlecrated
groves and altars ; and, having thus triumphed over the
religion of the Britons, he thought his future progreis
would be eafy, in reducing the people to fubjetion. But
he was diiappointed in his expectations. The Britons,
taking advantage of his abfence, were all in arms; and
headed bv Boadicea, queen of the Iceni, who had been
treated in the moft ignominious manner by the Roman
tribunes, had already attacked with fuccefs feveral fettle-
ments of their infulting conquerors. Suetonius haftened
to the protection of London, which was already a flourilh-
ing Roman colony; but he found on his arrival, that it
would be requifite for the general fafety to abandon that
place to the mercilefs fury of the enemy. London was
reduced to afhes ; fuch of the inhabitants as remained in Jt
were cruelly maflacred ; the Romans and all ftrangers, to
the number ot 70,000, were every -where put to the i\vord

* Tacit. Ann. lib. 22.

THE ROMANS.

without diftin&ion ; and the Britons, by rendering the C
war thus bloody, feemed determined to cut oft all hopes of
peace or composition with the enemy. But this cruelty
was revengec- by Suetonius in a great and decifive battle,
where 80,000 of the Britons are faid to have perilhed ; and
Boadicea herfelf, rather than fall into the hands of the en
raged v56k&amp;gt;r, put an end to her ov/n life by poifon*. Nero
foon after recalled Suetonius from a government, where,
by fufrering and inflicting fomany feverities, he was judg
ed improper for compofmg the angry and alarmed minds
of the inhabitants. After fome interval, Cerealis received
the command from Vefpafian, and by his bravery propa
gated the terror of the Roman arms. Julius Frontinus
fucceeded Cerealis both in authority and in reputation :
But the general who finally eftablillied the dominion of
the Romans in this illand, was Julius Agricola, who gov
erned it in the reigns of Vefpafian, Titus, and Domiti-
an, and diftinguithed himfelf in that fcene of action.

THIS great commander formed a regular plan for fub-
duing Britain, and rendering the acquisition ufeful to the
conquerors. He carried his victorious arms northwards,
defeated the Britons in every encounter, pierced into the
inacceflible forefts and mountains of Caledonia, reduced
every ftate to fubjecYion in the fouthern parts of the ifland,
and chafed before him all the men of fiercer and more in-
traclable fpirits, who deemed war and death itfelf lefs in
tolerable than fervitude under the victors. He even de A
feated them in a decifive action, which they fought under
Galgacus, their leader ; and having fixed a chain of gar-
rifons, between the friths of Clyde and Forth, he thereby
cut off the ruder and more barren parts of the illand, and
fecured the Roman province from the incurfions of the bar
barous inhabitants^.

DURING thefe military enterprifes, he neglecled not
the arts of peace. He introduced laws and civility among
the Britons, taught them to defire and raifeall the conve-
niencies of life, reconciled them to the Roman language
and manners, inftru&ed them in letters and fcience, and
employed every expedient to render thoie chains, which
he had forged, both eafy and agreeable to them J. The
inhabitants, having experienced how unequal their own
force was to refift that of the Romans* acquiefced in the
dominion of their maflers, and were gradually incorporat
ed as a part of that mighty empire.

Tins was the laft durable conqueft made by the Ro
mans; and Britain, once fubdued, gave no farther inquie-

* Tacit. Ann. lib. i.j. f Tacit. Ajr. * Tacit. Agr.

8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. tu de to tne viclor. Caledonia alone, defended by its bar-
I. ren mountains, and by the contempt which the Romans

v v entertained for it, fometimes infefted the more cultivated

parts of the ifland by the incurfions of its inhabitants. The
better to fecure the frontiers of the empire, Adrian, who
vifited this ifland, built a rampart between the river Tyne
and the frith of Solway : Lollius Urbicus, under Antoninus
Pius, erected one in the place where Agricola had fcrmer-
ly eftablifhed his garrifons : Severus, who made an expe
dition into Britain, and carried his arms to the moft north
ern extremity of it, added new fortifications to the wall of
Adrian ; and during the reigns of all the Roman empe
rors, fuch a profound tranquillity prevailed in Britain, that
little mention is made of the affairs of that ifland by any
hifiorian. The only incidents which occur, are fome fe-
ditions or rebellions of the Roman legions quartered there,
and fome ulurpations of the imperial dignity by the Roman
governors. The natives, difarmed, difpirited, and fubmif-
five, had loft all defire, and even idea, of their former
liberty and independence.

BUT the period was now come, when that enormous fa
bric of the Roman empire, which had diffufed flavery and
opprefiion, together with peace and civility, over fo con-
fiderable a part of the globe, was approaching towards its
final diflblution. Italy, and the centre of the empire, re
moved, during fo many ages, from all concern in the wars,
had entirely loft the military fpirit, and were peopled by
an enervated race, equally difpofed to fubmit to a foreign
yoke, or to the tyranny of their own rulers. The empe
rors found themfelves obliged to recruit their legions from
the frontier provinces, where the genius of war, though
languifhing, was not totally extinfit ; and thefe mercena
ry forces, carelefs of laws and civil inftitutions, eftablifhed
a military government, no lefs dangerous to the fovereign
than to the people. The farther progrefsof the fame dif-
orders introduced the bordering barbarians into the fervice
of the Romans ; and thofe fierce nations, having now ad
ded difcipline to their native bravery, could no longer be
reftrained by the impotent policy of the emperors, who
\vcre accuftomed to employ one in the deftruction of the
others. Senfible of their own force, and allured by the
profpecl of fo rich a prize, the northern barbarians, in the
reign of Arcadius and Honorius, affailed at once all the
frontiers of the Roman empire ; and having firft fatiated
their avidity by plunder, began to think of fixing a fettle-
ment in the wafted provinces. The more diftant barba
rians, who occupied the deferted habitations of the form
er, advanced in their acquifitions, and pfeffed with their

T II E R O M A N S. 9

incumbent weight the Roman ftate, already unequal to C H A P
the load which it fuftained. Inftead of arming the people I.

in their own defence, the emperors recalled all the diftant ^

legions, in whom alone they could repofe confidence ; and
collected the whole military force for the defence of the
capital and centre of the empire. The neceflity of lelf-
preiervation had fuperfeded the ambition of power ; and
the ancient point of honour, never to contract the limits
of the empire, could no longer be attended to in this defpe-
rate extremity.

BRITAIN by its fituation was removed from the fury of
thefe barbarous incurfions ; and being alfo a remote pro
vince, not much valued by the Romans, the legions which
defended it were carried over to the protection of Italy and
Gaul. But that province, though lecured by the feaagainlt
the inroads of the greater tribes of barbarians, found ene
mies on its frontiers, who took advantage of ifs prefent
defencelefs fituation. The Picls and Scots, who dwelt in,
the northern pntts, beyond the wall of Antoninus, made
incurfions upon their peaceable and effeminate neighbours;
and befides the temporary depredations which they com
mitted, thefe combined nations threatened the whole pro
vince with fubjection,or, what the inhabitants more dread
ed, with plunder and devaluation. The Picts feem to ha\e
been a tribe of the native Britiih race, who, having been
-:ia!cd into the northern parts of the conquers of Agricola,
had there intermingled with the ancient inhabitants : The
Scots were derived from the fame Celtic origin, had firft
been eftablifhed in Ireland, had migrated to the north-
weft coafts of this iiland, and had long been accuftomed,
as well from their old as their new feats, to infeft the Ro
man province by piracy and rapine*. Thefe tribes, finding
their more opulent neighbours e.xpofed to invafion, loon
broke over the Roman wall, no longer defended by the
Roman arms { and though a contemptible enemy in them-
felves, met with no refinance from the unwai like inhabi
tants. The Britons, accuftomed to have rx-courfe to the
emperors for defence as well as government, made fuppli-
cationsto Rome ; and one legion was fent over for their
protection. This force was an overmatch for the barbari
ans, repelled their invafion, routed them in every engage
ment, and having chafed them into their ancient limits,
returned in triumph to the defence of the foutbern pro
vinces of the empire I". Their retreat biought on a new

VOL. I. C

* See Xo .f [A] at the end of the Volume.

+ GiiUas, Eede, lib. i. cap. i;. l&amp;lt;ul. Uiacc.n,

io HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, invafion of the enemy. The Britons made again an ap-
1. plication to Rome, and again obtained the affiftance of a

; legion, which proved effectual for their relief: But the

Romans, reduced to extremities at home, and fatigued with
thole diltant expeditions, informed the Britons that they
muft no longer look to them for fuccour, exhorted them
to arm in their own defence, and urged, that as they were
now their own mailers, it became them to protect by their
valour that independence which their ancient lords had
conferred upon them*. That they might leave the ifland
with the better grace, the Romans affifted them in erecting
anew the wall of Severus, which was built entirely of
ftone, and which the Britons had not at that time artificers
fkilful enough to rcpairf. And having done this laft good
office to the inhabitants, they bid a final adieu to Britain,
about the year 448 ; after being mailers of the more con-
fiderable part of it during the courfe of near four centu
ries.

THE BRITONS.

TH E abjecl Britons regarded this prefent of liberty
as fatal to them ; and were in no condition to put in
practice the prudent counlel given them by the Romans,
to arm in their own defence. Unaccuftomed both to the
perilsof war and to the cares of civil government, they
found themielves incapable of forming or executing any
meaiures for refifting the incurfions of the barbarians.
Gratian allb and Conftantine, two Romans who had a lit
tle before affumed the purple in Britain, had carried over
to the continent the flower of the Britifh youth ; and hav
ing perifhcd in their unfuccefsful attempts on the imperial
throne, had deipoiled the ifland of thole who, in this def-
perate extremity, were beft able to defend it. The Piers
and Scots, finding that the Romans had finally relinquifh-
ed Britain, now regarded the whole as their prey, and at
tacked the northern wall with redoubled forces. The
Britons, already fubdued by their own fears, found the
ramparts but a weak defence for them ; and deferting their
ftation, left the country enlirely open to the inroads of the
barbarous enemy. The invaders carried devaluation and
ruin along with them ; and exerted to the utmoft their na
tive ferocity, which was not mitigated by the helplefs con
dition and fubmiffive behaviour of the inhabitants!. The

* Bede, lib. i. cap. 12, f Ibid. J Gildas, Bede. lib. i.

Ann. Beverl. p. 45.

THE BRITONS. u

unhappy Britons had a third time recourfe to Rome, which CHAP,
had declared its refolution for ever to abandon them. /Eti- . j^

us, the patrician, fuftained, at that time, by his valour and v. v j

magnanimity, the tottering ruins of the empire, and re
vived for a moment, among the degenerate Romans, the
fpirit, as well as difcipline, of their ancestors. The Bri-
tifh ambaffadors carried to him the letter of their country
men, which was infcribed, The. Groans oj the. Britons. .
The tenor of the epiftle was fuitable to its fuperfcription.
The barbarians, fay they, on the one hand, chafe us into
thefea ; thefea, on the other, throws us back upon the bar
barians ; and we have only the hard choice left us, of pc-
nfning by thejword or by the, waves*. But ^Etius, prefled
by the arms of Attila, the moll terrible enemy that ever
aiTailed the empire, had no leifure to attend to the com
plaints of allies, whom gencrofity alone could induce him
toamTt*K The Britons, thus rejected, were reduced to
defpair, deferted their habitations, abandoned tillage, and
flying for protection to the forefts and mountains, iuflered
equally from hunger and from the enemy. The barbari
ans themlelves began to feel the preflures of famine in a
country which they had ravaged : and being haralTed by
the dilperfed Britons, who had not dared to refift them in
a body, they retreated with their fpoils into their own
country^.

THE Britoft, taking advantage of this interval, return
ed to their ufual occupations ; and the favourable feafons,
which fucceeded, leconded their induftry, made them loon
forget their paft ruiferies, and reflored to them great plenty
of all the necellaries of life. No more can be imagined,
to have been poffciled by a people /o rude, who had not,
without the afiutance of the Romans, art of mafonry fufV
ficient to raife a ftone rampart for their own defence : Yet
the Monkifh hiftoriansll, who treat of thofe events, com
plain of the luxury of the Britons during this period, and
afcribe to that vice, not to their cowardice or improvident
counfels, all their fubfequent calamities.

THE Britons, entirely occupied in the enjoyment of
the prefent interval of peace, made no provifion for refitt-r
ing the enemy, who, invited by their former timid beha
viour, foon threatened them with a new invafion. V\ ^
are not exactly informed what fpecies of civil government
the Romans on fjifir departure had left among the Britons;
but it appears probable, that the great men in the different

* Gik!as, Becic, ! :. i, cap. 13. Mahneilu;ry, lib. i.ra,;. j, A;in. Bi-vcil.
P. 45. f Cluon. .S&amp;lt;&amp;lt;x. p. ii. edit. 1692. t An;i.

fce eil. p. 4;,. C . .Uii.,, Beyle, lib. j. c^p. 14.

12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, diflricls afTumed a kind of regal, though precarious author
J. rity ; and lived in a great nieafure independent of earh

* v other*. To this difunion of counfels were allo added the

difputes of theology ; and the difciples of Pelagius, who
was himfelf a native of Britain, having increaled to a great
multitude, gave alarm to the clergy, who feem to- have been
more intent on fuppreffing them, than on oppofing the
public enemyf. Labouring under thefe domeftic evils,
and menaced with a foreign invahon, the Britons attended!
only to the fuggeftions of their prefent fears; and follow
ing the couniels of Vortigern, prince of Duinnonium,
who, though fta ned with every vice, pofielTed the chiei
authority among themj, they lent into Germany a deputa
tion to invite over the Saxons ior their protection and al-
fiftance.

THE SAXONS.

OF all the barbarous nations, known either in ancient
or modern times, the Germans feem to have been the
moft diftinguiihed both by their manners and political in-
ftitutions, and to have carried to the highcit pitch the vir
tues of valour and love of liberty ; the only virtues
which can have place among an uncivilized people, where?
juilice and humanity are commonly negleraed. Kingly
government, even when efiubliihed among the Germans
(for it \vas not univerfal), poflefled a very limited authori
ty ; and though the ibvereign was ufually chofen from
among the royal family, he was directed in every meafure
by the common confent of the nation over whom he prefi-
iled. When any important affairs were tranfacted, all the
Avarriors met in arms ; the men of greateft authority em
ployed perfuafion to engage their ronient ; the people
expreiTed their approbation bv rattling their armour, or
their diiFent by murmurs ; there was no necefliry for a
nice fcrutiny of votes among a multitude, who were ufu-
ally carried with a ftrong current to one fide or the other ;
and the meafure, thus fuddenly chofen by general agree
ment, was executed with alacrity, and profecuted with
vigour. Even in war, the princes governed more by ex
ample than by authority : But in peace, the civil union
was in a great meafure diilolvcd, and the inferior leaders
adminiflered juflice after an independent manner, each in
his particular diftnct. Thefe were elected by the votes

* Gildas. Uflier, An;. Rrit.p. 248. 347. f Gildas. Rede, lib. i.

r r.p. 17. Conftaat. in vitaGeiin. J Giklas, Gul. Malm. \i. 8.

THE SAXONS. 13

,of the people in their great councils ; and though regard CHAP.
was paid to nobility in the choice, their perfonal qualities, I.

chiefly their valour, procured then), from the fuffrages of *

their fellow-citizens, that honourable but dangerous dif~
tin6tion. The warriors of each tribe attached themfelves
lo their leader with the moft devoted affection and molt un-
ihaken conftancy. They attended him as his ornament in
peace, as his defence in war, as his council in the adminif-
tration of juftice. Their conftant emulation in military
renown diflblved not that inviolable friendfhip which they
profeffed to their chieftain and to each other. To die for
the honour of their band, was their chief ambition : To
iurvive itsdifgrace, or the death of their leader, was infa
mous. They even carried into the field their women and
children, who adopted all the martial fentiments of the
men : And being ihus impelled by every human motive,
they were invincible ; where they were not oppofed either
by the fimihsr manners and inftitutions of the neighbouring
Germans, or by the fuperior discipline, arms, and numbers
of the Romans*.

THE leaders and their military companions were main
tained by the labour of their flaves, or by that of the weak
er and lefs warlike part of the community whom they de
fended. The contributions which they levied went not
beyond a bare fubfiftence ; and the honors, acquired by a
luperior rank, were the only reward of their fupciior dan
gers and fatigues. All the refined arts of life were un
known among the Germans : Tillage itfelf was almoft
wholly neglecled : They even feem to have been anxious
to prevent any improvements of that nature ; and the lea
ders, by annually distributing anew all the land among the
inhabitants of each village, kept them from attaching them
felves to particular pofleifions, or making fuch progrefs in
agriculture as might divert their attention from milita
ry expeditions, the chief occupation of the communi-
ty.t

1 HE Saxons had been for fome time regarded as one of
the mod warlike tribes of this fierce people, and had be
come the terror of the neighbouring nations^:. They had
difrufed themfelves from the northern parts of Germany
and theCimbrian Chcrfonelus, and had taken poffcffion of
all the fea-coaft from the mouth of the Rhine to Jutland ;
whence they had long infefted by their piracies all the caf-
tern and fouthern parts of Britain, and the northern of

* Carfar, lib. 6. Ta:it. de Mor. Ge?m. f Cefir, lib. 6.

Jacit. ibid. + Aram. Maicell. lib. aS. Crofius.

14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Gaul*. In order tooppofe their inroads, the Romans had
I. eflablifhed an officer, whom they called Count of the Saxon

* v fkore; and as the naval arts can flourish among a civilized

people alone, they feem to have been more fuccefsful in re-
pellingthe Saxons, thananyof theotherbarbariansby whom
they were invaded. 1 he diflolution of the Roman power in
vited them to icnew their inroads ; and it was an accepta
ble citcumftance, that the deputies of the Britons appeared
among them, and prompted them to undertake an enter-
prize, to which they were of themfelves fuffkiently in-
clinedf.

HENGIST and Horfa, two brothers, poflefTed great cre
dit among the Saxons, and were much celebrated both for
their valour and nobility. They were reputed, as moft of
the Saxon princes, to be fprung from Woden, who was
worfhipped as a god among thofe nations, and they are
faid to be his great grandfons ; a circumftance which ad
ded much to their authority. We (hall not attempt to trace
any higher the origin of thofe princes and nations. It is
evident what fruitlels labour it muft be to fearch, in thofe
barbarous and illiterate ages, for the annals of a people,
when their firft leaders, known in any true hifiory, were
beljeved by them to be the fourth in defcent from a fabu
lous deity, or from a man exalted by ignorance into that
character. The dark induftry of antiquaries, led by ima
ginary analogies of names, or by uncertain traditions,
would in vain attempt to pierce into that deep obicurity
which covers the remote hifiory of thofe nations.

THESE two brothers, obferving the other provinces of
Germany to be occupied by a warlike and neccifitous peo
ple, and the rich provinces of Gaul already conquered or
overrun by other German tribes, found it eafy to perfuade
their countrymen to embrace the fole enterprize which
promifed a favourable opportunity of dilplaying their va
lour and gratifying their avidity. They embarked their
troops in three vefTels, and, about the year 449 or 450!!,
carried over 1600 men, who landed in the ifle of Thanet,
and immediately marched to the defence of the Britons
againft the northern invaders. The Scots and Pits were
unable to refift the valour of thefe auxiliaries; and the
Britons, applauding their own wifdom in calling over the
Saxons, hoped thenceforth to enjoy peace and fecuri-

* Amm. Marcell. lib. 27. cap. 7. lib. 28. cap. 7. f Will.

Malm. p. 8. j Btde, lib. i. cap. i-j. Saxon Chrcn. p. 1.5.

Xenuius. cap. 28. it Saxon Chronicle, p. 12. Gul. MaUri. p. u.

HuntSngton, lib. 2. p. 309, Ethelweu!. Brurnpton, p. 72!!.

THE SAXONS. 15

ty under the powerful protection of that warlike peo- CHAP,
pie. 1-

BUT Hengift and Horfa perceiving, from their eafy v /

vi&ory over the Scots and Pills, with what facility they
might fubdue the Britons themfelves, who had not been
able to rcfift thofe feeble invaders, were determined to
conquer and fight for their own grandeur, not for tiie de
fence of their degenerate allies. They font intelligence
to Saxony of the fertility and riches of Britain ; and re-
prefented as certain the fubjetion of a people fo longdif-
uled to arms, who, being now cut off from the Roman em
pire, of which they had been a province during fo many
ages, had not yet acquired any union among themfelves,
and were deftitute of all affection to their new liberties,
and of all national attachments and regards*. The vices
and pufillanimity of Vortigern, the Britifh leader, were a
new ground of hope; and ihe Saxons in Germany, follow
ing fuch agreeable profpe&s, foon reinforced Hengift and
Horfa wiih 5000 men, who came over in feventeen veffels.
The Britons now began to entertain apprehenfions of their
allies, whofe numbers they found continually augmenting;
but thought of no remedy, except a paffive lubmiffion and
connivance. This weak expedient foon failed them. The
Saxons fought quarrel, by complaining that their fubfi-
dies were ill paid, and their provifions withdrawnf : And
immediately taking off the mafk, they formed an alliance
with the Picls and Scots, and proceeded to open hoftility
againft the Britons.

THE Britons, impelled by thefe violent extremities, and
rouled to indignation againft their treacherous auxiliaries,
were neceflitated to take arms ; ancLhaving depofed Vor
tigern, who had become odious fiom his vices, and from
the bad event of his ram counfels, they put themfelves un
der the command of his fon Vortimer. They fought many
battles with their enemies: and though the vitfories in
thefe actions be difputed between the BrJtifh and Saxon
annalifts, the progrefs ftill made by the Saxons proves that
the advantage was commonly on their fide. In one battle,
however, fought at Eglesford, now Ailsford, Horfa, the
Saxon general, wasllain, and left the fole command over
his countrymen in the hands of Hengift. This adtive
general, continually reinforced by freih numbers from
Germany, carried devaftation into the mod remote corners
of Britain ; and being chiefly anxious to Ipread the terror
of his arms, he fpared neither age, nor lex, nor condition,

* Chron. Sax. p. 12. Ann. Beverl. p. 49. f Bede, lib. i.cap. 15.

Kennius, cap. 35. Gildas, 33.

i6 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, wherever he marched with his victorious forces. The pri*
I. vate and public edifices of the Britons were reduced to

v alhes : The priefts were flaughtered on the altars by thofe

idolatrous ravagers : The bifhops and nobility fhared the
fate of the vulgar : The people, flying to the mountains
and deferts, were intercepted and butchered in heaps :
Some were glad to accept of life and fervitude under their
viftors; Others, deferting their native country, took (bel
ter in the province of Armorica ; where, being charitably
received by a people of the fame language and manners,
they fettled in great numbers, and gave the country the
name of Brittany*.

THE Britifh writers affign one caufe which facilitated
the entrance of the Saxons into this ifland ; the love with
which Vortigern wasat firft feized tdr Rovena, the daught
er of Hengift, and which that artful warrior made ufe of to
blind the eyes of the imprudent monarchf. The fame
hiftorians add, that Vortimer died ; and that Vortigern,
being reftored to the throne, accepted of a banquet from
Hengift at Stonehenge, where 300 of his nobility were
treacheroufly flaughtere d, and himfelf detained captive!,
But thefeftories item to have been invented by the Welfh
authors, in order to palliate the weak refinance made
at firft by their countrymen, and to account for the rapid
progrefs and licentious devaftationsof the Saxons ||.

AFTER the death of Vortimer, Ambrofius, a Briton,
though of Roman defcent, wasinvefted with the command
over his countrymen, and endeavoured, not without fuc-
cefs, to unite them in their refiftance againft the Saxons.
Thofe contefts increafed the animofify between the two
nations, and roufed the military fpirit of the ancient in*
habitants, which had before been funk into a fatal lethargy*
Hengift, however, notwithftanding their oppofition, ilijj
maintained his ground in Britain ; and in order to divide
the forces and attention of the natives, he called over a
new tribe of Saxons, under the command of his brother
Ofta, and of Ebifla, the fon of Ofta ; and he fettled them
in Northumberland. He himfelf remained in the fouthern
parts of the ifland, and laid the foundation of the kingdom
of Kent, comprehending the county of (hat name, Middle-
lex, Elfex, and part of Surry. He fixed his royal feat at
Canterbury ; where he governed about forty years, and
he died in or near the year 488 ; leaving his new-acquired
dominions to his pofterity*

* Bede, lib. i. cap. 15. UAier, p. 226. Gildas, 2,5.

f Nennius. Galfr. lib. 6. cap. 12. $ Isenmus, cap. 47. Galfr.

|| Stiliingfleet s Grig. Brit. p. 324, 325.

THE S A X O N S. 17

THE fuceefs of Hengilh excited the avidity of.ihe other C II A F-
northern Germans ; and at different times, and under dif- I.
ferent leaders, thev flocked over in multitudes to the in- - v -
valion of this ifland. Thefe conquerors were chiefly coin-
pofed of three tribes, the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes *,
who all parted under the common appellation, tpraetimes
of Saxons, Ibmet uies of Angles; and i pea king the fame
language, and being governed by the lame inftitutions,
th-v v/ere naturally led, from theie caufes as well as from
their common interell, to unite themfelves againft the an
cient inhabitants. The reuftance h.oweyer, though une
qual, wasftill maintained by the Britons; but became
every day more feeble : And their calamities admitted of
few interval-, till they were driven into Cornwal and
Wales, and received protection from the remote fituation
or inacceffible mountains of thofe countries.

THE firft Saxon ftate after that of Kent, which was
cftablifhed in Britain, was the kingdom of South-Saxony.
In the year 47yt, /Ella, a Saxon chief, brought over an
army from Germany ; and landing on the fouthern coaft,
proceeded to take poffeffion of the neighbouring territory.
The Britons, now armed, did not tamely abandon their
poffeflions ; nor were thev expelled, ti l defeated in many
battles by their warlike invaders. The mod memorable
aclion, mentioned by hiflorians, is that of Meacredes-
Burn^ ; where, though the Saxons feem to have obtained
the victory, they fuifered lo coufiderable a lofs, as fome-
what retarded the pro?refs of their conquefls. But /Ella,
reinforced by freih numbers of his countrymen, again took
the field againft the Britons ; and laid fiege* to Andred-
Ceailer, which v/as defended by the r,ari iibn and inhabi
tants with defperate valour ||. The Saxons, enniaed bv
this refiflance, and by the fatigues and dangers which they
had fuftained, redoubled their eilorts agan.il the pl:ice, and
when mailers of it, put all their enemies to the Iword
\vithoutdiilinrtion. r rhisdecifive advantage fecured the
conquefisof /Ella, who afTumed the name of King, and
extended his dominion over Suflex and a great part of
Surry. Me v. as flopped in his progrei s to the eaft by
the kingdom of Kent: In that to the weft by another
^I. D

1*, Hi), i, cap. I-";. EthrUverd, p. 833. ec it. Camdfn:. Chron. Sax.
)i. i?. Arm. Eevtrl.n. yS. The Inhabitants of I".:;i;t and the ill e of \

I ex, and all the lout hern toi i
: . .ixons: Metcia, and other partsof the kingdom,

.&amp;gt; A)*ie&amp;lt;l \&amp;gt;y Ai

f ( I-. j i-j. /.ini. Ho eil. p. ST. + Saxon Chron. A. D. 435.

Fior. V . tiling. LL. 2.

iS HISTORY OF EN G LAN D.

CHAP- f i Jbe of Saxons, who had taken poffeffion of that tcrri-
I. tory.

* v THESE Saxons, from the fituation of the country in

which they fettled, were called the Weft- Saxons, and
landed in the year 495, under the command of Cerdic,
r?nd of his fon Kenric*. The Britons \vere, bv paft ex
perience, fo much on their guard, and (o well prepared to
icceive the enemy, that they gave battle to Cerdic the very
day of his, landing ; and though vanquifhed, ftill defen
ded, for fome time, their liberties a pa in ft the invaders.
None of the other tribes of Saxons met with fuch vigorous
refjHanre, or everted fuch valour and perfeverance in puih-
ingtlieir conqucils. Cerdic was even obliged to call for
the afliftance of his countrymen from the kingdoms of
Kent and Suffex, as well as from Germany, and lie was
thence joined by a trefh army under the command of Porte,
and of his fon? Bleda and Meglaf. Strengthened by thefe
fuccours, he fought, in the year 508, a defperate battle
witii the Briton?, commanded by Nazan-Leod, who was
victorious in the beginning of the action, and routed the
wing in which Ccrdic himfelf commanded ; but Kenric,
xvho had prevailed in the other wing, brought timely aflift
ance to his father, and reftored the battle, which ended
in a complete victory gained by the Saxons}:. Nazan-Leod
pcri .hed, with 5000 of his army ; but left the Britons more
weakened than difcouraged by his death. The war ftill
continued, though the fuccefs was commonly on the fide
of the Saxon , whofe fhort fwords, and clofe manner of
fighting, gave them great advantage over the mifale wea
pons of the Britons. Cerdic was not wanting to his* good
fortune ; and in order to extend his conquefts, he laid fiege
to Mount B;idon or Banefdovrne near Bath, whither the
moft obftmate of the difcomfitcd Britons had retired. The
fouthern Brtions, in this extremity, applied for affiftance
to Arthur, Piince of the Silures, whole heroic valour now
fuftained the declining fate of his country|j. This is that
Arlhur fo much celebrated in the fongs of Thalieffm, and
the other Bi him bards, and whofe military achievements
have been blended with fo many fables, as even to give oc-
cafion for entertaining a doubt of his real cxiftence. But
poets, though they disfigure the moft certain hiftory by
their fictions, and life ftrange liberties with truth where
they jre the fole Jnftorians, as among the Britons, have
commonly fome foundation for their wildeft exaggerations.

* \Vill. Malm, Lb. i. cap. t. p. 12. Chron. ?ax. p. 15. t Chron.

Sax. p. 17. } H. Hunting, lib. 2. Ltheiwcid, lib. i. Chron. Sax.

p. 17. i| Hunting: lib. 2.

THE SAXON S. I9

Certain it is, that the fiege of Badon was railed by the C H A P.
Britons in the year 520 : and the Saxons were there dif- I.

comfitsd in a great battle*. This misfortune Hopped the v ,

progreis of Ccrdic ; but was not fufhcient to wreft from
him the conquefts which he had already made. He and
his foil, Kenric, who fucceeded him, eftablilhed- the king
dom of the Weft-Saxons, or of Weil ex, ever the counties
of Hants, Dorfet, Wilts, Berks, and the Tile pf Wight,
and left their new-acquired dominions to their pcfteriiy.
Cerdic died in 524, Kenric in 560.

WHILE the Saxons made this progrefs in thefouth, their
countrymen were not lefs active in other quarters. In
the year 527, a great tribe of adventurers, under ieverat
leaders, landed on the eaft coaft of Britain ; and after
fighting many battles, of which hiftory has preferved no
particular account, they eftablifhed three new kingdoms
in this illand, Utfa aflumed the title of king of the EufU
Angles in 575 ; Crida that of Mercia in 58.^ ; and Er-
kinwin that of Eaft-Saxony or Eflex nearly about thcihme
time, but the year is uncertain. This latter kingdom was
dil membered from that of Kent, and comprehended ElTex,
Middiefex, and part of Hertfordshire. That of the Eatl-
Ang!es, the counties of Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk;
Mercia was extended over ail the middle counties, from
thebanksof the Severn, to the frontiers of thefe two kingr
dorn?.

THE Saxons, foon after the landing of Heng:.1, had
been planted in Northumberland ; but, as they met with
an obitinate refinance, and made but final! progreis in iiib-
duing the inhabitants, their affairs were in (o unfettled a
condition, that none of their princes for a Jong time aflurn-
ed the appellation of king. Atlaft, in 547!, Ida, a Saxon
prince of great valour,!!, who claimed a defcent, as did
aii the other princes of that nation, from Woden, brought
over a reinforcement from Germany, and enabled the
Northumbrians to carry on their conquefts over the Britons.
He entirely" fubdued the county now called Northumber
land, the bifliopric of Durham, as well as ibrnc of the
fouth-eaft counties of Scotland ; and he a (Turned the crown
ynder the title of king of Bernicia. Nearly about the
lame time, /K!ia, another Saxon prince, having conquered
Lancafhire, and the greater part of Yorklhiie, received
the appellation of king of Deiri** Theft two kingdoms
were united in the perfon of Ethilfrid, grandlbn of Ida,

* Gi .cias, Saxon Chicn,. H. Kinitin?. lib. 2. t Mit i. Weft,

, i.b. i i i I; . 19.

:y. ** Ann. licyeil. p. 7?,

H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C II A ? wko married Area, the daughter of VElla ; and expelling
1. her brother Edwin, eftablifhed OTIC of the irofi powe:ful

v -- v - of the Saxon kingdoms by the title of Northumberland.
How far his dominions extended into the country now oi
led Scotland is uncertain ; but it cannot be doubted, that
ail the !ow!aiK?~, efpoeiailv the eait-coafl of that count)--,
\verv peopled in : . great meafure from Germany ; though
the expeditions, made by the fev eral Saxon adventurers,
have eicaped the records of hiftorv. The language fp &amp;gt;-
ken in thole countries, which is purely Saxon, is a ilrong-
er proo" of this event, than can be cppofed by the irnpcr-
fcti, or rather fabulous annals, which are obtruded ou
us bv the Scoiiifh hiPiorians.

THE II E P T A R C II Y.

^- ^ V 3S e^ablifhed, after n violent conteft of near
*- a hundred and fifty years, the Heptarchy, or fever}
Saxon kingdoms, in Britain ; and the v/hole fouthern part
of ihe iiland, except Wales and Cormval, had totally
changed its .inhabitants, language, cuftoms, and political
Institutions. The Britons, under the Roman dominion, had
made fuch advances towards arts and civil manners, that
they had built twenty-eight considerable cities within their
province, befides a great number of villages and country
feats* : But the fierce conquerors , by whom they were
now fubdued, threw cve:y thing back into ancient barbari
ty : and thole tew natives, who were not either mailacred
or expelled their habitations, were reduced to the nicfc ab-
ject ilaverv. None of the other northern conquerors, the
Franks, Goths, Vandals, or Burgundians, though they
overran the fouthern provinces of tiie empire like a mighty
torrent, made fuch devaluations in the conquered territories,
or were inflamed into fo violent an animofity againfl the
a ncient inhabitants. As the ivixons came over at intervals
in Separate bodies, the Britons, however at firft uhwarlike,
were tempted to make refi-fiance ; and hoililities being
thereby prolonged, proved more definitive to both parties,
elpecially to the vanquifiied. The nrfl invaders froiii Ger
many, inftead of excluding other adventurers, who mufl
fhare with them thefpoilsof the ancient inhabitants, were
obliged to folicit frefh fupplies from their own country;
and a total extermination of the Britons became the fole
expedient for providing a fettlemcii! aiul fubfiilen - e to the
hew planters. Hence there have been found in hiitory

THE H E P T A R C II Y. 21

few conquefts more ruinous than that of the Saxons; and CHAP,
few revolutions more violent than that which they intro- I.

duced. v v

So Ions; as the conteft was maintained with the natives,
the feveral Saxon princes prcfcrved a union of counfelsand
interefts ; but after the Britons were fhut up in the barren
countries of Cornwal and Wales, and gave no farther dif-
turbance to the conquerors, the band of alliance was in a
great meafure divTolvecl among the princes of the Heptar
chy. Though one Prince feemsftill to have been allowed,
or to h.we affumed, an alcendant over the whole, his autho
rity, if it ought ever to be deemed regular or legal, was
extremely limited ; and each (late acted as :f it had been
independent, and wholly feparate from the reft. Wars,
therefore, and revolutions and difienfions were unavoidable
among a turbulent and military people; and thefe events,
however intricate or confufed, ought now to become the
objects of our attention. But, added to the difficulty" of
carrying on at once the hifiory cf feven independent king
doms, there is great difcouragement to a writer, arifing
from the unceitainty, at lead barrennefs, of the accounts
tranfmittsd to us. The monks, who were the only anna-
lifts during thofe ages, lived remote from public affairs,
confidered the civil tranfactions as entirely fubordinate to
the ecclefiaftical, and, befides partaking of the ignorance
and barbarity which were then univerlal, were ftrongly
infected with credulity, with the love of wonder, and with
a prop-nfity to impofture ; vices almoft infeparable from
their profelfion and manner of life. The hiftory of that
period abounds in name?, but is extremely barren of events;
Or the events are related fo much without circumftances and
caufes, that the moil profound or m oft eloquent writer mull
defpair of rendering them either inftructive or entertaining
to the reader. Even the great learning and vigorous ima
gination of Milton funk under the weight; and this author
fcruples not tc declare, that the fkirmifhes of kites or crows
as much merited a particular narrative, as the confufed
tranladipns and battles of the Saxon Heptarchy*. In
order, however, to connect the events in fome tolerable
meafure, we (hall give a fuccinct account of the fucceffions
of kings, and of the more remarkable re /olutions in each
particular kingdom ; beginning with that of Kent, which
Was the firft efFablifhed.

* Milton in Kennet, y. ^n.

22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

THE KINGDOM OF KENT.

ESC US fucceeded his father, Hengift, in the king
dom of Kent ; but feems not to have poiTelTed the
military genius of that conqueror, who mil made way for
the entrance of the Saxon, arms into Britain. AH the
Saxons, who fought either the fame of valour, or new
eftabliihments by arms, flocked to the ftandard of JfMa,
king of Suflex, who was carrying on fuccefsfui war againit
the Britons, and laying the foundations of a new king
dom. Efcus was content to poiTefs in tranquillity the
kingdom of Kent, which he left in 512 to his ion Ocla,
in whole time the Eaft-Saxons eftablifhed their monarchy,
and difmembered the provinces of Effex and Middlefex
from that of Kent. His death, after a reign of twenty-two
years, made room for his Ion Hcrmenric in 534, who per
formed nothing memorable during a reign of thirty-two
ye.irs, except alTociating with him his fon Ethelbert in the
government, that he might fecure the fucceffion in his
family, and prevent fuch revolutions as are incident to a
turbulent and barbarous monarchy.

ETHELBERT revived the reputation of his family, which
had languimed for fome generations. The inactivity of
his predeceflbrs, and the fituation of his country, fecured
from all hoQility with the Britons, feem to have much en
feebled the warlike genius of the Kentifh Sax ons ; and
Ethelbert, in his firfl attempt to aggrandize his country,
and difljnguilh his own name, was unfuccefsful*. He was.
twice di fee milted in battle by Ceaulin, king of Wettex ;
and oblige;} to yield the fuperiority in the Heptarchy to
that ambitious monarch, who preferved no moderation in
his victory, and by reducing the kingdom of Sufiex to fub-
jcdion, excited jealoufy in all the other princes. An af-
fociation was formed againfl him; and Ethelbert, intrufied
with the commind of the allies, gave him battle, and ob
tained a decifive vidloryf. Ceauiin died foon after ; and
Ethclbert fucceeded as well to his afcendant among the
Sa-xon dates, as to his other ambitious projefts. He re
duced all the princes, except the king of Northumberland,
toa firicl depcndancc upon him; and even eflabliil;ed hirufeif
by force on the throne of Mercia, the mofl extcnfive of the
Saxon kingdoms. Apprehenfive, however, of a dangerous
league againlt him, like that by which he himfelf had been
enabled to overthrow Ceaulin, he had the prudence to re-
fign the kingdom of Mercia to Webba, the rightfu\ heir,

* Chron. Sax. p. 21. -j- R. Hunting, lib. 2.

THE HEPTARCHY. 23

the fon of Crida, who had firfl founded that monarchy. CHAP.
But governed ftill by ambition more than by juflice, he I.

gave Webba pofTeffion of the crown on fuch conditions, as v v

rendered him little better than A tiibutary prince under his
artful benefaclor.

Bur the moft memorable event which diftinguifhed the
reign of this great prince, was the introduction of the
Chriilian religion among the Englifh Saxons. The fu-
perftition of the Germans, particularly that of the Saxons,
was of the grofleft and moil barbarous kind ; and being
founded on traditional tales received from their ancerlors,
not reduced to any fyftem, not fupported by political in-
ftitutions like that of the Druids, it feems to have mads
little impreffion on its votaries, and to have eafily refigned
its place to the new doftrine promulgated to them. Wo
den, whom they deemed the ancefior of all their princes,
was regarded as the god of war, and, by a natural confe-
quence, became their fupreme deity, and the chief object
of their religious worfhip. They believed, that if they
obtained the favour of this divinity by their valour (for
they made lefs account of the other virtues), they fhould
be admitted after their death into his hall ; and repofing on
couches, ihould fatiate themfelves with ale from the fkulls
of their enemies whom they had flain in battle. Incited
by this idea of paradife, which gratified at once the pa (lion
of revenge and that of intemperance, the ruling inclinati-
ODS of barbarians, they defpifed the dangers of war, and
increafed their native ferocity againft the vanquifhed by
their religious prejudices. We know little of the other
theological tenets of the Saxons: W only learn that they
were polytheifts ; that they worfhipped the fun and moon;
that they adored the god of thunder, under the name of
Thor ; that they had images in their temples ; that they
pra6ti(ed facrifices ; believed firmly in fpells and inchant-
ments ; and admitted in general a fyftem of doclrines which
they held as lacred, but which, like all other fupeiftitions,
in uft carry the air of the wild eft extravagance, if propoun
ded to thole who are not familiarized to it from their earlieft
infancy.

THE conflant hoftilities which the Saxons maintained
againft the Britons, would naturally indifpofe them for
receiving the Chriftian faith, when preached to them hv
fuch inveterate enemies ; and perhaps the Britons, as is
objected to them by Gildas and Bede, were not overfond
of communicating to their cruel invaders the do6lrine of
eternal life and falvation. But as a civilized people,
however fuhdued by arms, ftill maintain a fentible fape-
riority over barbarous and ignorant nations, all the other

24 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. northern conquerors of FLurope had been already induced
J. to embrace the Chriftian faith, which they found eftablifh-

v , ed in the empire ; and it was impoffible but the Saxons,

informed of this event, mufl have regarded with foine de
gree of veneration a doflrine, which had acquired the
afcendant over all their brethren. However limited in
their views, they could not but have perceived a degree
of cultivation in the ibuthern countries beyond what they
themielves poffefled ; and it was natural for them to yield
to that fuperior knowledge, as well as zeal, by which the
inhabitants of the Chriftian kingdoms were even at that
time diflinguifhed.

BUT thefe caufes might long have failed of producing
any confiderable effect, had not a favourable incident
prepared the ireans of introducing Chrifiianity into Kent.
Ethelbert in his father s lifetime, had married Bertha, the
only daughter of Caribert, king of Paris*, one ot the
defcendants of Clovis, the conqueror of Gaul ; but be
fore he was admitted to this alliance, he was obliged to
ftipulate, that the princefs ihould tnjoy the free exercife of
her religion ; a conceffioa not difficult to be obtained fiom
the idolatrous Saxonsf. Bertha brought over a French
bifhop to the court of Canterbury ; and being zealous for
the propagation of her religion, fhe had been very affidu-
ous in her devotional exerciles, had fupported the credit
of her faith by an irreproachable conduct, and had cm-
ployed every art of insinuation and addrefs to reconcile
her hufband to her religious principles. Her popularity
in the court, and her influence over Ethelbert, had lo well
paved the way for the reception of the Chriftian doctrine,
that Gregory, firnamed the Great, then Roman pontiff,
began to entertain hopes of effecting a project, which he
himfelf, before he mounted the papal throne, had once
embraced, of converting the Britilh Saxons.

IT happened, that this prelate, at that time in a private
flation, had qbferved in the market-place of Rome fome
Saxon youth expoled to lale, whom the Roman merchants,
in thfir trading voyages to Britain, had bought of their
mercenary parents. Struck with the beauty of their fair
complexions and blooming countenances, Gregory afked
to what country they belonged ; and being told they were
singles, he replied, that they ought more properly to be
denominated angels: It were a pity that the Prince of
Darknefs fhould enjoy fo fair a prey, and that lo beauti
ful a frontifpiece ihould cover a mind deftitute of internal
grace and righteoufnefs. Enquiring farther concerning

* Grrg. o f Tours, lib. 9. cap. r6. H. Hunting, lib. 2.
f Bede, lib. i. cvp. ?$. Eromp;on, p. 7^9.

T H E H E P T A R C H Y. 25

the name of their province, he was informed, that it was CHAP.
Deiri, a diftrict of Northumberland : Deiri ! replied he, I.

that is good ! Tficv are called to the mercy of Godjrom his /

anger, I)e ira. But what is the name of tk , king of that
province ? He was told it was ALlla or AUa : Alleluia,
cried he : We muft endeavour, that the praifes of (*od
befung in their country. Moved by thelc alluvions, which
appeared to him io happy, he determined to undertake,
himfelf, a mi .Vion into Britain ; and having obtained the
Pope s approbation, lie prepared for that perilous journey :
But hh popularity at home was ib great, that the Romans,
unwilling to cxpoie him to fuch dangers, oppofed his de-
fign ; and he was obliged, for the prelent, to lay afide all
farther thoughts of executing that pious purpofe*.

THE controverfy between the Pagans and the Chriftians
was net entirely cooled in that age ; and no pontiff, be
fore Gregory, had ever carried to greater excels an in
temperate zeal again!} the former religion. He had waged
war with all the precious monuments of the ancients, i.nd
even with their writings ; which as appears from the Urn in
of his own wit, as well as from the ftyie of his compofi-
tions, he had not tafte or genius lufficient to comprehend.
Ambitious to diflinguHh his pontificate by the conversion
of the Britiih Saxons, he pitched on Augufline, a Roman
monk, and lent him with forty aflbciatcs to preach the
golpel in this ifland. Thefe miiTionaries, terrified with
the dangers which might attend their propofing a new
doctrine to fo fierce a people, of whofe language they
were ignorant, (topped feme time in France, and lent
back Auguftine to lay the hazards and difficulties before
the Pope, and crave his pcrmifrion to defift from ?he un
dertaking. But Gregory exhorted them to perlevere in
their purpofe, adviled them to chufe iome interpreters
from among the Franks, who (till fpoke the lame language
with the Saxonsf, and recommended them to the good
oth ces of queen Brunehaut, who had at this time uiurped
the fovereign power in France. This princefs, though
ftained with every vice of treachery and cruelty, either
poiTefled or preUt.ded great ze;;l for the cauie ; and Grego
ry acknowledged, that to her friendly ailiftance, was in a
gfcat meafure, owing the luccels of that undertaking:}:.

AUGUSTINE, on his arrival in Kent, in the year 597!!,
found the danger much lefs than he had apprehended.
Ethelbert already well-difpofed towards the Ghriftian faith,

VOL. 1. E

* Bede, lib. 2. cai&amp;gt;. i. Spell. Cone. p. 91. f Bede, lib. t. cap. aj.

Greg. Lpiit. lib. tj. e,).ft. ; -,0. f.-.-tll. Ct-ac. p. BJ. || Hidden, foiy-

ciuou. Jib. 5. Chion. n.\. p. aj.

2$ HIS TORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. afUgned him a habitation in the Ifle of Thanet ; and fooa
after admitted him to a conference. Apprcheniive, how-

11 v -^ ever, left fpells or enchantments might be employed

againft him by priefts, who brought an unknown wor-
fliip from a diftant country, he had the precaution to re
ceive them in the open air, where he believed the force of
their magic would be more eafily diliipated*. Here Au-
gufiine, by means of his interpreters, delivered to him
the tenets of the Chriftian faith, and promised him eternal
joys above, and a kingdom in heaven without end, if he
would be perfuaded to receive that falutary dodtrine.
" f Your words and prornifes," replied Ethelbcrt, " are
" fair ; but becui .fe they are new and uncertain, I cannot
" entirely yield to them, and relinquith the principles
" which I and my ancefiora have io long maintained.
" You are welcome, however, to remain here in peace ;
" and as you have undertaken fo long a journey, lolely,
" as it appears, fur what you believe to be for our ad-
" vantage, 1 will fupply you with all neceffaries, and per-
" mit you to deliver your doctrine to my fubjeclsj."

AUGUSTINE, encouraged by this favourable reception,
and iceing now a profpedt of luccefs, proceeded with re
doubled zeal to preach the gofpcl to the Kentith Saxons.
He attracted their attention by the autterity of his manners,
by the i cvere penances to which he fubjected himfelf, by
the abftinence and felf-dcnial which he praclifed : And
having excited their wonder, by a courfe of life which
appeared fo contrary to nature, he procured more eafily
their belief of miracles, which, it was pretended, he
wrought for their converfion||. Influenced by thefe mo
tives, and by the declared favour of the court, numbers
of the Kentiih men were baptifed ; and the King himfeif
was perluadcd to fubmit to that rite of Chriflianity. His
example had great influence with his fubjecls ; but he
employed no force to bring them over to the new doctrine.
Auguftine thought proper, in the commencement of his
million, to affume the appearance of the greateft lenity :
He told Ethelbert, that the fervice of Chrirt mull be en
tirely voluntary, and that no violence ought ever to be
u(ed in propagating fo falutary a doclrine. *^

THE intelligence received of thefe Ipiritual conquefls,
afforded great joy to the Romans ; who now exulted as
much in thole peaceful trophies, as their anceftors had ever

* PC e, lib. i. cap. ?:;. H. Hunting, lib. 3. Brompton, p. 729. Par
ker Antiq. Brit. Eccl. p. 61. f Bccie, lib. I. cap. 25. Chion. VV.
Ihorn. p. 1750. i fiecle, lib. I. cap. 25. H. Hunting, lib. 3.
Btompton, p. 720- Ij Bcde, lib. I. cap. 26. ** Ibid. ca;i.
26. II. Hunting, lib. 3.

THE HEPTARCHY. 27

done in their moft fanguinary triumphs, and moft iplen- C II A P.
did victories. Gregory wrote a letter to luhelbert, in f.

which, after informing him that the end cf the world v &amp;gt;/-

was approaching, he exhorted him to difplay his zeal in
the converfion of his fubjects, to exert rigour againft the
worfhip of idols, and to build up the good work of holi^-
nels, by every expedient of exhortation, terror, blamlifh-
ment, oV corre6\ion* : A doctrine mote fuitabie to that
age, and to the ufual papal maxims, thnn the tolerating
principles which AuguRine had thought it prudent to incul
cate. The pontiff allb anfwered (bine queftions, which ,
the miffionary had put concerning the government of the
new church of Kent. Befides other queries, which it is
not mateiial here to relate, Auguftine alked, Whether
cou/in-gzrmans might be, allowed to marry ? Gregory an-
fwered, that that liberty had indeed been formerly grant
ed by the Roman law ; but experience had {hewn that no
iffue could ever come from fuch marriages ; and he there
fore prohibited them. Auguftine afked, Whether a woman
pregnant might be baptized? Gregory anfwered, that he
law no objection. Howjoon after the bi.rth the child might
receive baptijm ? It was anfwered, Immediately, ifnecef-
lary. How foon a hu/band might have commerce with his
ZL t/e after her delivery ? Not till fhe had given luck to her
child ; a prattiie to which Gregory exhorts all women.
How foon a man might enter the church, or receive theja-
crament, after having had commerce zu^h his wife? It
was replied, that, unlefs he had approached her without
defire, merely for the fake of propagating his fpecic?, he
was not without fin : But in ail cafes it was requifite for
him, before he entered the church, or communicated, to
purge himfelf by prayer and ablution ; and he ought not,
even after ufing thefe precautions, to participate immedi
ately of the facred duticsf. There arc fome other quef-
tions and replies (till more indecent and rr.ore ridiculous. !:.
Arid, on the whole, it apptars thc;t Gregory and his mil-
fionaiy, if lympathy of manners have any influence,
were better calculated, than men of more refined under-
llandings, for making a progreis with the ignorant anc|
barbarous Saxons*

* Rede, lib. I. cap. 32. Bromxou, p. 73?. SjK- l. Cone. p. 86.
f Bede, lib. i. ca^. 27. Sjiea. Lone. p. 07, o-l, o.,. .\c.

* Auguftine aiks, Si malicr ;,i, ufirua coitfuetudine iinttur, an ecclcfiam hit rait
:. !!, aut fuirae C jrnmitniin:. : i perciffre f (iregciry aniw. r . ^.,-/./,u-
. m. t i-n atiis myflerluM hi eljdcm dietut percipnt nw di.bet protittri. &i ai/tuif
: v r i.-fncra!!&amp;lt;,m iiuig^n fcrctpeff non f i.HjHHt:ntr, laUftanda ,Jl. \\w\\\\- \\c uiks,
Si pojt itiufaatm, ymc ptrfimntOMfoletact a &amp;gt;.;. /// ,//, ;, //,/ a,--

. .-liuitt ; i-el, Ji factrdttjit , fac/a *yftcria celebrurt f Gregory a;.;,
tin., it&amp;lt;tried ^leition by m.ir.y le

28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

THE more to facilitate the reception of ChrifHamty,
Gregory enjoined AugufHne to remove the idols from the
Heathen altars, but not to deftroy the altars thernfelves ;
bec.nife the people, he laid, would he allured to frequent
theChriftian vvoriliip, when they found it celehratcd in a
place which they were accuftomed to revere. And as the
Pagans prad tiied Sacrifices, and feaftcd with the pricfts on
their offerings, he alfo exhorted the miffionary to perfuade
them, on Chriftian feftivals, to kill their cattle in the
neigbourhopd of tlie church, and to indulge themfeKes in
thole cheerful entertainments to which they had been ha
bituated*. r [ hel e political compliances Ihew, that, not-
withflanding his ignorance and prejudices, he was not un
acquainted with the arts of governing mankind. Auguf-
tine was confecrated archbimop of Canterbury, was en
dowed by Gregory with authority over all the Britifh
churches, and received the pall, a badge of eccle Magical
honour, from Romef. Gregory alfo advifed him not to be
too much elated with his gift of working miracles | ; and
as Auguftine, proud of the Aiccefs of his rnifiion, feemed
to think himlelf en itkd to extend his authority over the
bifhops of Gaul, the Pope informed him, that they lay en
tirely without the bounds of his jurifdiction ||.

The marriage of Lthelbert with Bertha, and much more
his embracing Chriitianiiy, begat a connection of his fub-
jetls with the French, Italians, and other nations on the
continent, and tended to reclaim them from that grofs ig
norance and barbarity in which all the Saxon tnbes had been
hitherto involved 1 **. Ethelbert alfo enaciedtf, with the
confent of the ftates of his kingdom, a body of laws, the
firft written laws promulgated by any of the northern con
querors ; and his reign was in every relpecl glorious to
himfelf, and beneficial to his people. He governed the
kingdom of Kent fifty years ; and dyin i _ r in 616, left the
iucceffion to his ion, Eadbald. This prince, feduced by
a paffion for his mother-in-law, deferted for fome time the
Chridian faith, which permitted not thefe inceftuors mar
riages: His whole people immediately returned with him
to idolatry. Laurentius, the fuccefibr of Auguftine, found
the Chriilian worlhip wholly abandoned, and was prepared
to return to France, in order to efcape the mortification of
preaching the gofpel without fruit to the infidels. Melli-
tus and Jufius, who had been confecrated bifhops of Lon-

* Bede, lib. I. cap. ji. Spell. Cone. p. 89. Greg. Epiit. lib. o. epift.
71. ( Chrcn. Sax. p. 23, . .4. i H. Hunting, lib.

3. Spell. Cone, p. Sj. Becle, lib. i. Gieg . F.pift. lib. o. epift. 60.

j| Bede, lib. i. ca;&amp;gt;. 27. ** \Vilh. Maiai. p. 10.

ft Wilkiiis Leges Sax.p. 13.

THEHEPTARCHY. 29

don and Rochefter, had already departed the kingdom* i c H A P.
when Laurentius, before he ihould entirely abandon his
dignity, made one effort to reclaim the king. He appeared
before that prince; and throwing off his vefhnents, fhow-
ed his body all torn with bruiles and firipes, which he had
received. Kadbaid, wondering that any man fhould have
dared to treat in that manner a perionofhis rank, was told
by Laurentius, that he had received this chaftifcment from
St. Peter, the prince of the apoflleb, who had appeared to
him in a vifion, and feverely reproving him for his inten
tion to delert his charge, had inflicted on him thefe vifible
marks of his difpleafuret* Whether Eadbald was ftruck
with the miracle, or influenced by fome motive, he divor
ced hirnielf from his mother-in law, and returned to the
profeffion of Chriftianity! : His whole people returned
with him. Eadbald reached not the fame or authority
of his father, and died in 640, aftera reign of twenty -five
years ; leaving two fons, Erminfrid and Ercombert.

ERCOMBERT, though the younger fon, by Emma, a
French princeis, found means to mount the throne. He
is celebrated by Bede for two exploits, for eftablifhing the
faft of Lent in his kingdom, and for utterly extirpating
idolatry ; which, notwithftandmg the prevalence of Chrii-
tianity, had hitherto been tolerated by the two preceding
monarchs. He reigned twenty four years ; and left the
crown to Egbert his fon, who reigned nine years. This
prince is renowned for his encouragement of learning; but
infamous for putting to death histwocoufm-germans, fons of
Erminfrid, his uncle. The ecdefiaftical writers praife him
for his beftowing on his fifter, Domnona, fome lands
in the Ifle of Thanet, where fhe founded a monaftery.

THE bloody precaution of Egbert could not fix the
crown on the head of his fon Fdric. Lothaire, brother
of the dec^afed prince, took poffefiion of the kingdom; and,
in order to fecure the power in his family, he afibciated
with him Richard, his fon, in the aclminiftration of the
government. Edric, the difpofleffed prince, had recourfe
to Edilwach, king of SufTex,for afliftance ; and being fup-
ported by that prince, fought a battle with his uncle, who
was defeated and flain* Richard fled into Germany, and
afterwards died in Lucca, a city of Tufcany. William
of IVhlmefbury afcriiies Lothaire s bad fortune to two
crimes, his concurrence in the murder of his coufins, and
his contempt for relkjues||.

* r.nle, lib. 2. ca^. 5. f Ibid. cap. 6. Chron. Sax. p. 26.

f b, 5. J Ercmpion, p. 739. || Will.

p. i j.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

LOTHAIRE reigned eleven years; Edric his fucceflbr,
only two. Upon the death of the latter, which happened
in 686, Widrcd, his brother, obtained pofleffion of the
crown. But as the fucceffion had been of late fo much dis
jointed by revolutions and ufurpations, faction began to
prevail among the nobility; whicn in, ifed Cedwalla, king
of Wefiex, with his brother Mollo, to attack the kingdom.
Thefe invaders committed great devaluations in Kent ; but
the death of Mollo, who was (lain in a fkirmifh*, gave a
fhort breathing-time to that kingdom. Widred refrored
the affairs of Kent ; and after a reign of thirty two yearsf,
left the crown to his pofterity. Kadbert, Ethelbert, and
Alric, his defendants, fucceffively mounted the throne.
After the death of the laft, which happened in 794, the
royal family of Kent was extinguilhed ; and every factious
leader who could entertain hopes of afcendingthe throne,
threw the flate into confufion. $ Egbert, who fir ft f uc-
ceeded, reigned but two years; Cuthrcd, brother to the
kingof Mercia,fix years; Baldred, an illegitimate branch
of the royal family, eighteen : And after a troublefome
r.nd precarious reign, he was, in the year 723, expelled
by Egbert, king of Wefiex, xvho diffolved the Saxon
Heptarchy, and united the levcral kingdoms under his
dominion.

THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

A D E L F R I D, king of Bernicia, having married A c-
* *- ca, the daughter of /Ella, king of Deiri, and expel-
ied her infant brother, Edwin, had united all the counties
north of Humber into one monarchy, and acquired a
great afcendant in the Hcp archy. He alfo fprcad the
terror of the Saxon arms to the neighbouring people; and
by his victories over the Scots and Picls, as well as Welfh,
extended on all fides the bounds of his dominions. Hav
ing laid fiege to Chefter, the Britons marched out with all
their forces to engage him; and they were attend; d by a
body of 1250 monks fiom the monaftery of Bangor, who
flood at a fmall diflance from the field of battle, in order
to encourage the combatants by their prefence and exhor
tations. Adelfrid enquiring the purpole of this unufu^l
appearance, was told, that thcfe priefts had come to pray
againfl him : Then are they as much cur enemies, faid he,
as thofe zoho intend to jigkt againft Mill: And he imme
diately font a detachment, who fell upon them, and did

* H)?r!c .i, lib. 5. f Chrcn. S:. p. r,J, $ Wi:l T

M;: .mcf. lib. i. can. i.p. n. \[ Eicni^tou, p. 779.

THE H E P T A R C H Y. 3 !

fuch execution, that only fifty efcaped with their lives f. C H A P.
The Britons, aftonilhed at this event, received a total de- I.
feat: Chefter was obliged to luncncler : And Adelfrid,
purfuing his victory, made himfelf mailer of Bangor, and
entirely demolilhcd the ir.onaftery ; a building ib exten-
live, that there was a mile s dillance from one gate of it
to another; and it contained t\vo thoufand one hundred
monks, who are faid to have been there maintained by their
own labour!.

NOTWITHSTANDING Adclfrid s fuccefs in war, he lived
in inquietude on account of young Edwin, whom he had
unjuftly difpoflefled of the crown of Deiri. This prince,
now grown to man s eftate, wandered from place to place,
in continual danger from the attempts of Adelfrid ; and
received at lafl protection in the court of Redwald, king
of the Eail- Angles : where his engaging and gallant de
portment procured him general cfteem and affection. Red
wald, however, was fhongly Iblicited by the king of
Northumberland to kill or deliver up his gueft : Rich pre-
lents were promifed him if he would comply ," and war
denounced againtl him in cafe of his refufal. After re
jecting feveral melFages of this kind, his generofity began
to yield to the motives of intereft; and he retained the lafl
ambafiador, till he fhould come to a refolution in a cafe of
fuch importance. Edwin, informed of his friend s per-
plcxitv, was yet determined at all hazards to remain in
Eaft-Anglia ; and thought, that if the protection of that
court failed him, it were better to die, than prolong a life
fo much expoled to the persecutions of his powerful rival.
This confidence in Redvvald s honour and friendihip, with
his other accomplifhments, engaged the Queen on his fide;
and the effectually represented to her hulband the infamy
of delivering up to certain deftruciion their royal gueft,
who had fled to them for protection againft his cruel and
jealous enemies!). Redwald, embracing more generous
refolutions, thought it fafeft to prevent Adelfrid, before
that prince was aware of his intention, and to attack him
while he was yet unprepared for defence. He marched
fuddenly with an army into the kingdom of Northumber
land, and fought a battle with Adelfrid ; in which that
monarch was defeated and killed, after avenging himfelf
by the death of Regner, fon of Redwald**. His own fons,
Eanfiid, Ofwald,and Ofwy, yet infants, were carried into
Scotland; and Edwin obtained pofleflion of the crown of
Northumberland.

t Trivet, apurl Spell. Ccnc. p. in. Eede, lib. 2. cap. 2.

W. Malmef. Kb. i. cap. j. !| W. Malmef. lib. i. cj;&amp;gt;. 3. H. Haul

ing, lib. j. Bcde. ** Eede, lib. 2. cap. 12. Broanpton, p. 781^

32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P- EDWIN was the greateft prince of the Heptarchy in that
I. age, and diftinguiihed himfelf, both by his influence over

v v the other kingdoms*, and by the ftrict execution of juftice

in his own dominions. He reclaimed his fubjed^s from
the licentious life to which they had been accuftomed ;
and it was a common faying, that during his reign a woman
or child might openly carry every where a purfe of gold,
without any danger of violence or robbery. There is a
remarkable infhnce, tranfmittcd to us, of the affection
borne him by his fervants. Cuichelme, king of Weflex,
was his enemy ; but finding himfelf unable to maintain
open war againft fo gallant and powerful a prince, he de
termined to ufe treachery againft him, and he employed
one Eumer for that criminal purpoie. The aHai Iin having
obtained admittance, by pretending to deliver a meflage
frm Cuichelme, drew his dagger, and rufhed upon the
king. Lilla, an officer of his army, feeing his matter s
danger, and having no other means of defence, Jnterpoied
with his own body between the king and Earner s dagger,
which was pufhed with fuch violence, that, after piercing
Lilla, it even wounded Edwin : But before the affafiin
could renew his blow, he was difpatched by the king s at
tendants.

THE Eaft-Angles confpired againft Redwald, their
king; and having put him to death, they offered their
crown to Edwin, of whole valour and capacity they had
had experience, while he refided among them. But Ed
win, from a fenfe of gratitude towards his benefactor, obli
ged them to fubmit to Earpwold, the fon of Redwald ; and
that prince preferved his authority, though on a precarious
footing, under the protection of the Northumbrian mo-
narchf.

EDWIN, after his acceffion to the crown, married Ethel-
burga, the daughter of Ethelbert, King of Kent. This
princefi, emulating the glory of her mother Bertha, who
had been the Jnftrument for converting her hufband and
his people to Chriftianity, carried Paullinus, a learned
bifhop, along with herj; and befides ftipulating a toleration
for the exercife of her own religion, which was readily
granted her, (he u fed every reafon toperfuade the king to
embrace it. Edwin, like a prudent prince, hefitated on the
propofal ; but promifed to examine the foundations of that
do6lrine ; and declared, that if he found them fatisfaclory,
he was willing to be converted||. Accordingly he held
feveral conferences with Paullinus ; canvaffed the argu-

* Chron. Sax. p. 27. t Gul - Malmef. lib. i. cap. 3.

H. Hunting, lib. }, II Bede, lib. 2. cap. y.

T H H E P T A R C H Y. 33

ments propounded with the wiieft of his counfellbrs ; re- CHAP,
tired frequently from company, in order to revolve alone I.
that important cjueftion ; and, after a ferious and long en- *&amp;gt; v
quirv, declared in favour of the Chriftian religion* : The
people Toon after imitated his example. Befides the autho
rity and influence of the king, they were moved by ano
ther ftriking example. Coifi, the high prieft, being con
verted after a public conference with Paullinus, led the
way in deftroying the images, which he had fo long wdr-
fh/pped,and was forward in making this atonement for his
paft idolatry f.

THIS able prince perifhed with his fon, Osfrid, in a
great b.ittle which he fought againft Penda, king of Mer-
cia, and Caed walla, king of the Britons^. That event,
which happened in the forty-eighth year of Edwin s age
and feventeenth of his reign||, divided the monarchy of
Northumberland, which that prince had united in his per-
fon. Eanfrid, the fon of Adelfrid, returned with his bro
thers, Ofwald and Ofwy, from Scotland, and took pofiefii-
on ot Bernicia, his paternal kingdom; Ofric, Edwin s
coufm-german, eftablifhed himfelf in Deiri, the inheri
tance of his family ; but to which the fons of Edwin had
a preferable title. Eanfrid, the elder furviving fon, fled
to Penda, by whom he was treacheroufly flain. The
rounger fon, Vufcfrsea, with Yffi, the grdndfon of Ed
win, by Osfrid, fought protection in Kent, and not finding
themfelves in fafety there, retired into France to king Da-
gobert, where they died**.

OSRIC, King of Deiri, and Eanfrid of Bernicia, returned
to paganifm ; and the whole people feem to have returned
with them ; fince Paullinus, who was the firft archbifliop
of York, and who had converted them, thought proper to
retire with Ethelburga, the Queen Dowager, into Kent.
Both thefe Northumbrian kings perifhed foon after, the
firft in battle againft Caedwalla, the Briton; the fecond, by
the treachery of that prince. Ofwald, thebrother of Eanfrid,
of theraceof Bernicia, united again thekingdomof North
umberland in the year 634, and reftored the Chriflian re
ligion in his dominions. He gained a bloody and well
difputed battle againft Caedwalla ; the lafl vigorous effort
which the Britons made againft the Saxons. Ofwald is
much celebrated for his fanftity and charity by the Mon-
kifh hiftorians; and they pretend, that his reliques wrought

VOL. I. F

Bede, lib. 2. cap. 9. Malmef. lib. i, cap. 3. f Bede, lib.

v. cap. 13. Brompion, Higden. lib. 5. J Matth. \Vefl. p.

n^. Chron. Sax. p. 29. J| W. Ma mff. lib. 1. cap. 3,
** Eede, lib. a. cap. so.

34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, miracles, particularly the curing of a fick horfe, which had
I. approached the place of his interment*.

v v He died in battle againft Penda, king of Mercia, and

was fucceededby his brother Ofwy ; who eftablifhed him-
felf in the government of the whole Northumbrian king
dom, by putting to death Ofwin, the fon of Ofric, the lad
king of the race of Dciri. His fon Egfrid fucceeded him;
who periihed in battle againft the Pi6ls, without leaving
any children, becaufe Adelthrid, his wife, refufed to vio
late her vow of chaftity. Alfred, his natural brother, ac
quired pciTeflion of the kingdom, which he governed for
nineteen years ; and he left it to Ofred, his fon, a boy of
eight years of age. "I his prince, after a reign of eleven
years, was murdered by Kendred his kinfman, who,
after enjoying the crown only a year, perifhed by a like
fate. Ofric, and af er him Celwulph the fon of Kendred,
next mounted the throne, which the latter relinquimed in
the year 738, in favour of Eadbert his coufm-german,
who, imitating his predeceffor, abdicated the crown, and
retired into a rnonaftery. Oiwolf, fon of Eadbert, was (lain
in a fedition, a ye^r after his acceflion to the crown; and
Mollo, who was not of the royal family, feized the crown.
He perifhed by the treachery of Ailred, a prince of the
blood; and Ailred, having fucceeded in his defign upon
the throne, was foon after expelled by his fubjecls. Ethel-
red, his fucceflbr, the fon of Mollo, underwent a like fate,
Celwold, the next king, the brother of Ailred, wasde-
pofed and ilain by the people, and his place was filled by
Oired, his nephew, who, after a fhort reign of a year,
made way for Ethelbert, another fon of Mollo, whole
death was equally tragical with that of almoft all his prede-
ceflbrs. After Ethelbert s death an univerfal anarchy pre
vailed in Northumberland ; and the people having, by fo
many fatal revolutions, loft all attachment to their govern
ment and princes, were well prepared for fubjeclion to a
foreign yoke ; which Egbert, king of Weffex, finally im-
poicd upon them.

THE KINGDOM OF EAST-ANGLIA.

TH E hiftory of this kingdom contains nothing memo
rable, except the converfion of Earpwold, the fourth
king, and great-grand fon of Uffa, the founder of the mon
archy. The authority of Edwin, king of Northumberland,
on whom that prince entirely depended, engaged him to

&amp;gt;

* Bede, lib. 3. cap. g.

T H E H E P T A R C H Y. 35

take this ftep : But foon after, his wife, who was an idola- CHAP,
trefs, brought him back to her religion; and he was found I.

unabl-j to refill thole allurements which had feduced the v

wifelt of mankind. After his death, which was violent,
like that of mod of the Saxon princes that did not early
retire into monafteries, Sigebert, his fuc eilbr, and half-
brother, who had been educated in France, reflored Chrif-
tianity, and introduced learning among the Eaft-Angles.
Some pretend that he founded the univerfity of Cambridge,
or rather fome ichools in that place. It is almoft impoffible,
and quite needlefs, to be more particular in relating the
trunlaction of the Eaft-Angles. What inftruciion or cn-
tainment can it give the reader, to hear a long bead-roll
of barbarous names, Egric, Annas, Etheibeit, Ethelwald,
Aldulf, Elfwold, Beorne, Ethelred, Ethe .bert, who fuc-
ceffively murdered, expelled, or inherited from each other,
and obicurely filled the throne of that kingdom ? Ethel-
bert, the laft of thefe princes, was treacheroufly murdered
by OiFa, king of Mercia, in the year 792, and his ftate
was thenceforth united with that of Ofta, as we {hall re
late presently.

THE KINGDOM OF M E R C I A.

MERCIA, the largeft, if not the moft powerful king
dom of the Heptarchy, comprehended all the mid
dle counties of England ; and as its frontiers extended
to thofe of all the other fix kingdoms, as well as to Wales,
it received its name from that circumftance. Wibba, the
fon of Crida, founder of the monarchy, being placed on
the throne by Ethelbert, king of Kent, governed his pater
nal dominions by a precarious authority ; and after his
death, Ceorl, his kinfman, was, by the influence of the
Kentiih monarch, preferred to his fon Perida, whofe turbu
lent character appeared dangerous to that prince. Penda
was thus fifty years of age before he mounted the throne ;
and his temerity and reit eis difpofition were found nowife
abated by time, experience, or reflection. He engaged
in continual hoftilities againit all the neighbouring ftates;
and, hy his injuftice and violence, rendered himfelf equal
ly odious to his own fubjech and to Grangers. Sigebert,
Egric, and Annas, tliree kings of Eaft-Anglia, perifhed
fticceflively in battle againft him ; as did alfo Edwin ano Of-
\vald, the two gre.iteft princes that hid reigned over Nor*
thumberland. At iaft,Olwy, brother toOlwald, having de
feated and flain him in adt-cifwe battle, freed the world from,
this languinary tyrant. Pe.^da, his fon mounted

36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P- of Mercia in 655, and lived under the protection ofOfwy,
I. whofe daughter he had efpoufed. This princefs was edu-

^ v cated in the Chriftian faith, and (lie employed her influence

with fuccefs, in converting her hufband and his fubjecls
to that religion. Thus the fair lex have had the merit of
introducing the Chriftian doctrine into all the mod confi-
derahle kingdons of the Saxon Heptarchy. Peada died
a violent death*. His fon, Wolfhere, lucceeded to the
government ; and after having reduced to dependence the
kingdoms of EvTex and Eaft-Anglia, he left the crown to his
bt other Ethelred, who, though a lover of peace, (howed
himfelf not unfit for military enterprises. Befides making
a fuccefsful expedition into Kent, herepulfed Egfrid, king
of Northumberland, who had invaded his dominions; and
he flew in battle Elfwin, the brother of that prince. De-
firous, however, of compofing all animofilies with Egfrid,
he paid him a lum of money as a compenfation for the lofs
of his brother. After a p ofperous reign of thirty years,
he refigned the crown to Kendred, fon of Wolfhere, and
retired into the monaftery of Bardneyf . Kendred returned
the preient of the crown to Ceolred, the Ion of Ethelred ;
and making a pilgrimage to Rome, paffed his life there
in penance and devotion. The place of Ceolred was fup-
plied by Ethelbald, great-grand-nephew to Penda, by
Alwy, his brother; and this prince, being flain in a muti
ny, was fucceeded by Offa, who was a degree more re
mote from Penda, by Eawa, another brother.

THIS prince, who mounted the throne in 755$, had
ibme great qualities, and was fuccefsful in his warlike en-
terprifes againft Lothaire, king of Kent, and Kenwulph,
king of WeflTex. He defeated the former in a bloody bat
tle at Otford upon the Darent, and reduced his kingdom
to a Mate of dependence : he gained a victory over the lat
ter at Benfington in Oxfordihire ; and conquering that
county, together with that of Gloucefter, annexed both to
his dominions. But all thefe fuccefles were (rained by his
treacherous murder of Ethelbert, king of the Eaft-Angles,
and his violent feizing of that kingdom. This young
prince, who isf.iid to have potTefled great merit, had paid
his addrelles to Elfrida, the daughter of OrFa, and was in
vited with all his retinue to Hereford, in order to folem-
nize the nuptials. Amidil the joy and feftivity of thefe en^

* Hugo Candidus, p. 4. fays, that he was treacheroufly murdered by his
queen, by whofe perfuaiion he had embraced Chritliamty ; but this account of
the matter is found in that hiftorian alone.

f Bede, lib. 5. | Ihion. Sax. p. 59.

T H E H E P T A R C H Y. 37

tertainments, he was feized by Offa, and fecretly behead- CHAP,
ed ; And though Elfrida, who abhorred her father s treach- I.

ry, had time to give warning to the Eaft- Anglian nobility, &amp;lt; *

who elcaped into their own country, Orra, having extin-
guifhed the royal family, fucceeded in his defign of fub-
duing that kingdom*. The perfidious prince, defirous of
re-eftablifhing his character in the world, and perhaps of
appealing the remories of his own confcience, paid great
court to the clergy, and praclifed all the monkiih devotion
ib much eftecmed in that ignorant and luperfttious age.
He gave the tenth of his goods to the churchf ; beftowed
rich donations on the cathedral of Hereford ; and even
mnde a pilgrimage to Rome, where his great power and
riches could not fail of procuring him the papal abfolution.
The better to ingratiate himfelf with the fovereign pontiff,
lie engaged to pay him a yearly donation for the lupport
of an Englim college at Romef, and in order to raife the
fum, he impoied the tax of a penny on each houfe poffefled
of thirty pence a year. This impofition, being afterwards
levied on all England, was commonly denominated Pe
ter s pence I! ; and though conferred at firft as a gift, was
afterwards claimed as a tribute by the Roman pontiff. Car
rying his hypocrify ftill farther, Offa, feigning to be di
rected by a vifion from heaven, difcovered at Verulam the
reliques of St. Alban, the martyr, and endowed a magnifi
cent monaftery in that place**. Moved by all thefe als
of piety, Malmefbury, one of the beft of the old Englim
hiftorians, declares himfelf at a lofs todetermineft whether
the merits or crimes of this prince preponderated. Offa
died, after a reign of thirty-nine years, in 794JJ.

THIS prince was become fo considerable in the Heptar
chy, that the emperor Charlemagne entered into an alli
ance and friendfhip with him ; a circumftance which did
honour to Offa; as diftant princes at that time had ufually
little communication with each other. That emperor being
a great lover of learning and learned men, in an age very
barren of that ornament, Offa, at his defire, fent him over
Alcuin, a clergyman much celebrated for his knowledge,
who received great honours from Charlemagne, and even
became his preceptor in the fciences. The chief reafon
why he had at firft defired the company of Alcuin, was,
that he might oppofe his learning to the herefy of Felix,
biihop of Urgil in Catalonia ; who maintained, that Jcfus
Chrift, confidered in his human nature, could, more pro-

* Brompton, p. 750, 751, 752. t Spell. Cone. p. 303.

Brompton, p. 776. $ Spell. Cone. p. 230. 310. 312.

I] Higden, lib. 5. * Ingulph. p. 5. \V. Malmef. lib, i.

p. 4. , ft Lib. I. cap. 4. *J Chion. iax. p. 65.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, perly, be denominated the adoptive, than the natural fon
I. of God*. This herefy was condemned in the council of

v v Francfort, held in 794, and confiding of 300 bifhops. Such

were the queftions which were agitated in that age, and
which employed the attention not only of cloiftered fcho-
lars, but of the wifeft and greateft princesf.

EGFRITH fucceeded to his father, Off a, but furvived
him only five months! ; when he made way for Kenulph,
a defcendant of the royal family. This prince waged
war agaiuft Kent ; and taking Egbert, the king, prifoner,
he cut ofF his hands, and put out his eyes ; leaving Cuth-
red, his own brother, in polTeflion of the crown of that
kingdom. Kenulph was killed in an infurrec~\ion of the
Eaft-Anglians, whole crown h ; s predeceffor, OfFa, had
ufurped. He left his fon, Kenelm, a minor ; who was
murdered the fame year by his fifter, Quendrade, who
had entertained the ambitious views of aifuming the go-
vernment||. But fhe was fupplanted by her uncle, Ceolulf ;
who, two years after, was dethroned by Beornulf. The
reign of this ufurper, who was not of the royal family,
was mort and unfortunate : He was defeated by the Weft-
Saxons, and killed by his own fubjecls, the Eafi-Angles**.
Ludican, his i ucceltbr, underwent the fame fateff ; and
WiglafF, who mounted this unftable throne, and found
every thing in the utmoft confufion, could not withftand
the fortune of Egbert, who united all the Saxon kingdoms
into one great monarchy.

THE KINGDOM OF ESSEX.

HIS kingdom made no great figure in the Heptar-
-*- chy ; and the hiftory of it is very imperfect. Sleda
fucceeded to his father, Erkinwin, the founder of the mo
narchy ; and made way for his fon, Sebert, who, being
nephew to Ethelbert, king of Kent, was perfuaded by
that prince to embrace the Chriftian faith||. His fons and
conjunct fucceffors, Sexted and Seward, relapfed into
idolatry, and were foon after (lain in a battle againft the

* Dupin, cent. 8. chap. 4.

f OfVa, in order to proteft his country from Wales, drew a rarnpart or ditch
f a hundred miles in length from Bafinwerke in Flintfliire to the South fea
near Briflol. See Speed s Defcriftion af Wales,

Ingulph. p. 6. !l Ingulph. p. 7. Brompton, p. 776.

* * Ingulph. p. 7. ft Alur - Beverl. p. 87.
^i Cliron. Sax. p. 24.

T H E H E P T A R C H Y, 39

Weft-Saxons. To (hew the rude manner of living in that CHAP,
age, Bede tells us*, that tliefe two kings exprefled great I.

define to eat the white bread, diftributed by Mellitus, the * v

bi ihop, at the communion f . But on his refufing them,
unlefs they would fubrrtit to be baptized, they expelled
him their dominions. The names of the other princes,
who reigned fuccefiively in Eftex, are Segibert the little,
Se^ibert the good, who reftored chriftianity, Swithelm,
Sigheri, OfFa. This laft prince, having made a vow of
chaftity, notwithftanding his marriage with Kei.efwitha,
a Mercian princefs, daughter toPenda, went in pilgrim
age to Rome, and fhut himfelf up during the reft of his
life in a cloifter. Selred, his fucceffor, reigned thirty-
eight years; and W,TS the laft of the royal line: The
failure of which threw the kingdom into great confufion,
and reduced it t_o dependence under Mercia$. Switherd
firft acquired the crown, by the concefllon of the Merci
an princes ; and his death made way for Sigeric, who
ended his life in a pilgrimage to Rome. His fucceffor,
Sigered, unable to defend his kingdom, fubmitted to the
victorious arms of Egbert.

THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX.

H E hiftory of this kingdom, the fmalleft in the
Heptarchy, isftiU more imperfect than that of Effex.
, the founder of the monarchy, left the crown to his
fon, Cilia, who is chiefly remarkable for his long reign
of feventy-fix years. During his time, the South-Saxons
fell almoft into a total dependence on the kingdom of
WefTex ; and we fcarcely know the names of the princes
who were poflerTed of this titular fovereignty. Adel-
walch, the laft of them, was fubdued in battle by Cead-
walla, king of We flex, and was (lain in the action;
leaving two infant fons, who, falling into the hand of the
conqueror, were murdered by him. The abbot of Red-
ford oppofed the order for this execution ; but could only
prevail on Ceadwalla to fufpend it, till they fhould be
baptized. Berdlhun and Audhun, two noblemen of cha
racter, refilled fome time the violence of the Weft- Sax
ons ; but their oppofition fcrvcd only to prolong the mi-

* Lib. 2. cap. 5. f H- Hunting, lib. 3. Erompton, p. 738. 743. Bede.
* Malmef. lib. i. cap. 6,

40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, feries of their country ; and the fubduing of this kingdom
1. was the firft ftep which the Weft Saxons made towards
v * acquiring the fole monarchy of England*.

THE KINGDOM OF W E S S E X.

^ H E kingdom of Weflex, which finally fwallowed
-* up all the other Saxon Rates, met with great refiftance
on its firft eftablifhment : And the Britons, who were now
enured to arms, yielded not tamely their pofieflions ta
thole invaders. Cerdic, the founder of the monarchy,
and his fon, Kenric, fought many fuccefsful, and iome
unluccefsful battles againft the natives ; and the martial
fpirit, common to all the Saxons, was, by means of thefc
hoftilities, carried to the greateft height among this tribe.
Ceaulin, who was the fon and fucceffor of Kenric, and
who began his reign in 560, was ftill more ambitious and
enterprifing than his predeceflors ; and, by waging con
tinual war againft the Britons, he added a great part of the
counties of Devon and Somerfet to his other dominions.
Carried along by the tide of fuccefs, he invaded the other
Saxon ftates in his neighbourhood, and becoming terrible
to all, he provoked a general confederacy againft him.
This alliance proved fuccefsful under the conduct of
Ethelbert, king of Kent ; and Ceaulin, who had loft the
affections of his own fubjetls by his violent diipofition,
find had now fallen into contempt from his misfortunes*
was expelled the thronef, and died in exile and mifery.
Cuichelme and Cuthwin, his fons, governed jointly the
kingdom, till the expulfion of the latter in 591, and the
death of the former in 59^, made way for Cealric, to
whom fucceeded Ceobald in 593, by whofe death, which
happened in 61 1, Kynegils inherited the crown. This
prince embraced chriftianityl, through the perfuafion of
Ofwald, king of Northumberland, who had married his
daughter, and who had attained a great afcendant in the
Heptarchy. Kenwalch next fucceeded to the monarchy,
and dying in 672, left the fu ccfiion fo much difputed,
that Sexburga, his widow, a woman of fpiiit||, kept pof-
feffion of the government till her death, which happened
two years after. Efcwin then peaceably acquired the

* Brompton, p. 800. f Chron. Sax. p. 22. * Higdcn.

lib. 5. Chron. Sax. p. 15. Alur. Bevetl. p. 9*4, || Bede, lib. 4.

cap. 12. Chron. Sax. p. 41.

THE HEPTARCHY. 41

crown ; and, after a fhort reign of two years, made way CHAP,
for Kentwin, who governed nine years. Ceodwalla, his j.

fuccefior, mounted not the throne without oppofition ; but v . v

proved a great prince, according to the ideas of thofe times ;
that is he was enterprifing, warlike, and fuccefsful. He
entirely fubdued the kingdom of Suflex, and annexed it
to his own dominions. He made inroads into Kent ; but
met with refiftance from VVidred, the king, who proved
fuccelsful againft Mollo, brother to Ceodwalla, and flew
him in a fkirmifh. Ceodwalla at laft, tired with wars and
bloodfhed, was feized with a fit of devotion ; bellowed
leveral endowments on the chuich; and made a pilgrim
age to Rome, where he received baptifm, and died in 680.
Ina, his fucceffor, inherited the military virtues of Ceod
walla, and added to them the more valuable ones of juftice,
policy and prudence. He made war upon the Britons in
Somerfet ; and having finally fubdued that province, he
treated the vanquifhed with a humanity hitherto unknown^
to the Saxon conquerors. He allowed the proprietors to
retain pofTeffion of their lands, encouraged marriages and
alliances between them and his ancient fubjetts, and gave
them the privilege of being governed by the fame laws.
Thefe laws he augmented and afcertained ; and though he
was diflurbed by fome infurreftions at home, his long reign
of thirty-feven years may be regarded as one of the moft
glorious and moft profperous of the Heptarchy. In the
decline of his age he made a pilgrimage to Rome ; and
after his return, fhut himfelf up in a cloifter, where he
died.

THOUGH the kings of Weffex had always been princes
of the blood, defcended from Cerdic, the founder of the
monarchy, the order of fucceflfion had been far from ex
act ; and a more remote prince had often found means to
mount the throne, in preference to one defcended from a
nearer branch of the royal family. Ina, therefore, having
no children of his own, and lying much under the influ
ence of Ethelburga, his queen, left by will the fucceffion.
to Adelard, her brother, who was his remote kinfman :
But this deftination did not take place without fome diffi
culty. Ofwald, a prince more nearly allied to the crown,
took arms againft Adelard ; but he being fupprcfled, and
dying foon after, the title of Adelard was not any. farther
difputed ; and in the year 741, he was fucceeded by his
coufm, Cudied. The reign of this prince was diltinguifli-
ed by a great victory which he obtained, by means of
Edelhun, his general, over Ethelbald, king of Mercia.
His death made way for Sigebert, his kinfman, who go-
I. G

42 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P verne( J f i &amp;gt; tnat h* s P eo pl e r ofe in an infurreftion, and
1, dethroned him, crowning Cenulph in his ftead. The ex-
-- - v -&amp;gt; iled prince found a refuge with duke Cumbran, governor
of Hampfhire ; who, that he might add new obligations
to Sigebert, gave him many filutary counfels for his fu
ture conduct, accompanied with fome reprehenfions for
the part. But thefe were fo much refented by the un
grateful prince, that he confpired againfl the life of his
protector, and treacheroufly murdered him. After this
infamous action, he was for fa ken by ill the world ; and
(kulking about in the wilds and forefts, was at laft difco-
vered by a fervant of Cumbran s, who inftantly took re
venge upon him for the murder of his mafter*.

CF.NULPH, who had obtained the crown on the expul-
fion of 8ig"bert, was fortunate in many expeditions againft
the Britons of Cornwal ; but afterwards loft feme repu
tation by his ill fuccefs againft Ofta, king of Merciaf.
Kynehard alib, brother to the depofed Sigebert, gave him
difturbance ; and though expelled the kingdom, he ho
vered on the frontiers, and watched an opportunity for
attacking his rival. The king had an intrigue with a
young woman, who lived at Meiton in Surrey, whither
having fecretly retired, he was on a fudden invironed, in
the night-time, by Kynehard and his followers, and after
making a vigorous refinance, was murdered, with all his
attendants. The nobility and people of the neighbour
hood, rifing next day in arms, took revenge on Kynehard
for the ilaughter of their king, and put every one to the
(word who had been engaged in that criminal enterprife.
This event happened in 784.

BRITHRIC next obtained poffeffion of the government,
though remotely defcended from the royal family ; but he
enjoyed not that dignity without inquietude. Eoppa, ne
phew to king Ina, by his brother Ingild, who died before
that prince, had begot Eta, father to Alchmond, from
whom fprung Egbert!, a young man of the moft. promif-
ing hopes, who gave great jealouiy to Brithric, the reign
ing prince, both becaufe he feemed by his birth better
entitled to the crown, and becaufe he had acquired, to an
eminent degree, the affections of the people. Egbert,
fenfible of his danger from the fufpicions of Brithric, fe
cretly withdrew into France|| ; where he was well received
by Charlemagne. By living in the court, and ferving in
the armies of that prince, the moft able and moft generous

* Higden, lib. 5. W. Malmef. lib. i. cap. 2. f W. Mal-

tnef. lib. i. cap. 2. % Chron. Sax. p. 16. jj H,

Hunung, lib. 4.

T H E H E P T A R C II Y. 43

that had appeared in Europe during feveral ages, he ao CHAP,
quired thofe accomplifhments, which afterwards enabled I.

him to make fuch a ihining figure on the throne. And ta- ^ /

miliarizing himfelf to the manners of the French, who,
as Malrnefbury obferves**, were eminent both for valour
and civility above all the weftern nations, he learned to
polilh the rudenefs and barbarity of the Saxon character:
His early misfortunes thus proved of fingular advantage to
him.

IT was not long; ere Egbert had opportunities of dif-
playing his natural a;.d acquired talents. Brithrir, king
of Welfex, had married Eadburga, natural daughter of
Orfa, king of Mercia, a profligate woman, equally infa
mous for cruelty and for incontinence. Having great in
fluence over her hufband, (lie often inftigated him to deflroy
fuch of the nobility as were obnoxious to her ; and where
this expedient failed, fhe fcrupled not being herfelf active
in traitorous attempts agaiuO them. Sc had mixed a cup of
poiion fora young nobleman, who had acquired her huf-
band s friendfhip, and had on that account become the ob
ject of her jealoufy : But, unfortunately, the king drank of
the fatal cup along with his favourite, and foon after expir
ed*. This tragical incident, joined to her other crimes,
rendered Eadburga fo odious, that flie was obliged to fly
into France; whence Egbert was at the fame time recalled
by the nobility, in order to afcend the throne of his ancefr
torsf. He attained that dignity in the laft year of the
eighth century.

IN the kingdoms of the Heptarchy, an exact rule of fuc-
ceffion wes either unknown or not ftricliy obferved ; and
thence the reigning prince was continually agitated with
jealoufy againft all the princes of the blood, whom he fiill
confijcred as rivals, and whole death alone could give him
entire fecurity in his poftefon of the throne. From this
fr.t.ilcaufe, together with the admiration of the monafh c
life, and the opinion of merit attending the prefervation
pf cha tity even in a married ftafe, the roy&amp;lt;:l families had
been entirely extinguifhed in all the kingdoms except that
of Wcffex ; and the emulations, fufpicions, and confpira-
cies, which had formerly been confined to the princes of
the blood,alone, were now dirTufed among all the nobility in
the feveral Saxon dates. Egbert was the fole defendant
of thole firft conquerors who fubducd Britain, and who
enhanced their authority by claiming a pedigree from
NA oden, the fuprem? divinity of their anceftors. But that

** Ub. 2. cap. ii. * Hi^ len, lib. 5. M. Weft. p. i

AtTer. in vita Alftedi, p. 3. ex edit. CJlUueui. j t...

t-dx. .-i. D. boo. Bionapio.i, p. .

4f HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. prince, though invited by this favourable circumftance to
I. make attempts on the neighbouring Saxons, gave them for

* v J fome time no difturbance, and raiher choie to turn his

anmagainfr. the Britons in Cornwal, whom he defeated in
ieveral battles*. He was recalled from the conqueft of
that country by an invafion made upon his dominions by
Bernulf, king of Mercia.

THE Mercians, before the acceffion of Egbert, had very
nearly attained the ablolute fovereigrity in the Heptarchy:
They had reduced the Eaft-Angles under lubjection,
arid efbtbliihed tributary princes in the kingdoms of Kent
and Eucx. Northumberland was involved in anarchy ;
and no (late of any confequ^nce remained but that of Wef-
iex, which, much inferior in extent to Mercia, was fup-
ported folely by the great qualities of its fovereign. Eg
bert led his army againft the invaders; and encountering
them at Ellandum in Wihfhire, obtained a complete vic
tory, and by the great {laughter which he made of them in
their flight, gave a mortal blow to the power of the Mer
cians. Whilft he himfelf, in proiecution of his viclory,
entered their country on the fide of Oxfordfhire, and threa
tened the heart of their dominions ; he lent an army into
Kent, commanded by Ethelwolph, hiseldeft font ; and ex
pelling Baldred, the tributary king, foon made himfelf
mailer of that country. The kingdom of Eflex was con
quered with equal facility ; and the Eaft-Angles, from
their hatred to the Mercian government, which had
been eftabliflied over them by treachery, and violence, and
probably exercifed with tyranny, immediately role in arms,
and craved the protection of Egbert^, Bernulf, the Mer
cian king, who marched againft them, was defeated and
ilain ; and two years after, Ludican, his fucceflor, me$
with the lame fate. Thefe infurrecYions and calamities
facilitated the enterprifcs of Egbert, who advanced into
the centre of the Mercian territories, and made eafy con-
quefts over a diipirited and divided people. In order to
engage them more eafily to fubmiflion, he allowed Wiglef,
their countrymen, to retain the title of king, whilit he.
himfelf exercifed the real powers of fovereigntyll. The
anarchy which prevailed in Northumberland, tempted him,
tocarry flill farther his victorious arms ; arid the inhabi
tants, unable to refift hii power, and defirousof poffefling
fome ellablJmed form of government, were forward, on
his firft appearance, to fend deputies, who fubmitted to his
authority, and fwofe allegiance to him as their fovereign.

* Chron. Sax. p. 6g. \ Ethclwerd, lib. 3, cap. 2.

* Ibid. lib. 3. cap. 3. |] Ingulph. p. 7, S. 10.

THE HEPTARCHY.

Egbert, however, ftill allowed to Northumberland, as he
had done to Mercia and Eaft-Anglia, the power of electing
a king, who paid him tribute, and was dependent on
him.

THUS were united all the kingdoms of the Heptarchy
in one great ftate, near four hundred years after the firft
arrival of the Saxons in Britain; and the fortunate arms
and prudent policy of Egbert at laft affected, what had
been fo often attempted in vain by fo many princes*.
Kent, Northumberland, and Mercia, which had fucceffive-
ly afpired to general dominion, were now incorporated
in his empire ; and the other fubordinatc kingdoms feemed
willingly to fhare the fame fate. His territories were near
ly of the fame extent with what is now properly called
England ; and a favourable profpecl was afforded to the
Anglo-Saxons, of eftabliming a civilized monarchy, pol-
feffed of tranquillity within itfelf, and fecure againft fo
reign invafion. This great event happened in the year

THE Saxons, though they had been fo long fettled in
the iiland, feem not as yet to have been much improved
beyond their German anceftors, either in arts, civility,
knowledge, humanity, juftice, or obedience to the laws.
Even Chrifiianity, though it opened the way, to connecti
ons between them and the more polifhed ftates of Europe,
had not hitherto been very effectual in banifhing their ig
norance, or foftening their barbarous manners. As they
received that dotlrine through the corrupted channels of
Rome, it carried along with it a great mixture of credulity
and fuperftition, equally deftructive to the underftanding
and to morals. The reverence towards faints and reliques
leems to have almoft fupplanted the adoration of the Su
preme Being. Monaftic obfervances were cfteemed more
meritorious than the active virtues : The knowledge of
natural caufes was neglected from the univerlal belief of
miraculous interpofitions and judgments : Bounty to the
church atoned for every violence againft iociety : And the
remorfes for cruelty, murder, treachery, airaflination, and
the more robufi vices, were appeafed, not by amendment
of life, but by penances, fervility to the monks, and an
abject and illiberal devotion^. The reverence for the

Chron. Sax. p. 71. t Ibid.

* 1 hefe abufes were common to all the European churches; but the priefts
in Italy, Spain, and Gaul, made fome atonement for them bv other advantages
which they rendered 1 ociety. For Icveral ages they were almoft all Kom.ini.
or, in other words, the ancient natives ; and they pn.terved ine Roman lan
guage and laws, wit d fome remains of tht I"- inner ci- il-.ty. But the pretis in
the Heptaichy, a r ter the firii inilhonavies, were wholly Saxons, and aimoft as
rjnniant and baibarous as the laity. They contiibuted, therefore, little to the
iin;)iovetncn; of the fociety in knowledge or the arts.

45 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, clergy had been carried to fuch a height, that, wherever a
I. perlon appeared in a facerdotal habit, though on the high-

&amp;lt; v way, the people flocked around him; and mowing him

all marks of profound reipeft, received every word he
uttered as the moft facred oracle*. Even the military vir
tues, fo inherent in all Saxon tribes, began to be neglect
ed ; and the nobility, preferring the fecurity and iloth cf
the cloifier to the tumults and glory of war, valued them-
lelves chiefly on endowing monafteries, of which they
allumed the government*}*. The feverai kings too, being
extremely impoveiimed by continual benefactions to the
church, to which the Oates ot their kingdoms had weakly
aflented, could beftow no rewards on valour or military
iervices, and retained not even luiHcient influence to fup-
port their government:}:.

ANOTHER inconvenience which attended this corrupt
fpecies of Chriftianity, was the fuperftitious attachment to
Rome, and the gradual fubjedlion of the kingdom to a
foreign jurifdicHon. The Britons, having never acknow
ledged any fubordination to the Roman pontiff, had con
ducted all ecclefiaftical government by their domeftic fy~
nods and councils !|: But the Saxons, receiving their reli
gion from Roman monks, were taught at the fame vime a
profound reverence for that fee, and were naturally led to
regard it as the capital of their religion. Pilgrimages to
Rome were reprefented as the moft meritorious a6ts of de
votion. Not only noblemen and ladies of rank undertook
this tedious journey**; but kings themfelves, abdicating
their crowns, fought for a f ecu re palTport to heaven at the
feet of the Roman pontitf. New reliqucs, perpetually fent
from that endlels mint of fuperll.ition, and magnified by
lying miracles invented in convents, operated on the afto-
iiifhcd minds of the multitude. And every prince has at
tained the eulogies of the monks, the only hiftorians of
thofeages, not in proportion to his civil and military vir
tues, but to his devoted attachment towards their order, and
his fupetftitioiis reverence for Rome.

THE fovereign pontiff, encouraged by this blindnefs
and fubmifnve difpofition of the people, advanced every
day in his encroachments on the independence- of the En-
glifh churches. Wilfrid, bifhop of Lindisferne, the fole
prelate of the Northumbrian kingdom, increafed this fub-
jection in the eighth century, by his making an appeal to
Rome againfl the dccifions of an Engiifh lynod, which

* Bede. lib. 3. cap. 26. t Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 23. Epiftola

Bed*, ad Egbert. t Be ^ E P !ft - ad - Egbert.

|| Append, to Bede, numb. ic. ex edit. 17^2. Sp eira. Cone. p. io3, 109.
** Bede, lib. 5. cap. 7.

T H E H E P T A R C H Y. 47

had abridged his diocefe by the erection of fome new biflr C H A P.
oprics*. Agatho, the pope, readily envbraced this pre- I.
cede;. t of an appeal to his court: and Wilfrid, though the
haughtieft and moft luxurious prelate of his ao;et, having
obtained with the people the character of fnnctity, was
thus able to lay the foundation of this papal pretenfion.

THE great topic by which Wilfrid confounded the ima
ginations of men was, that St. Peter, to whole cuftody the
keys of heaven were entrufted, would certainly refufe ad
mittance to every one who inouid be wanting in refpeft to
his fucceffor. This conceit, well fuited to vulgar concep
tions, made great impreliion on the people during feveral
ages; and has not even at prefent loft all influence in the
catholic countries.

HAD this abjecl fuperftition produced general peace and
tranquillity, it had made Ibme atonement for the ills atten
ding it ; but befides the ufual avidity of men for power
and riches, frivolous controverfies in theologv were engen
dered by it, which were fo much the more fatal, as they
admitted not, like the others, of any final determination
from eftablifhed poileffion. The difputes excited in Bri
tain, were of the moll ridiculous kind, and entirely wor
thy of thofe ignorant and barbarous ages. There were
fome intricacies, obferved by all the Chrifiian churches, in
adjufting the day of keeping Eafter ; which depended on
a complicated confideration of the courfe of the fun and
moon: And it happened that the rr.iHionaries, who had
converted the Scots and Britons, had followed a different
calendar from that which was obferved at Rome in the age
when Augultine converted the Saxons. The priefts alfo
of all the Uhriftian churches were accuftomed to fhave
part of their head ; but the form given to this tonfure was
different in the former from what was prav tiled in the lat
ter. The Scots and Britons pleaded the antiquity of their
ufageb : The Romans, and their difciples, the Saxons, in-
filled on the univerfality of theirs. That Eafter muft ne-
ceffarily be kept by a rule, which comprehended both the
day of the year and age of the moon, was agreed by all ;
that the tonfure of a pried could not be omitted without
the utmoft impiety, was a point undisputed : But the Ro
mans and Saxons called their antagonifts fchifmatics ; be-
caufe they celebrated Eafter on the very day of the full
moon in March, if that day fell on a Sunday, inftead of
waiting till the Sunday following; and becaufe they fhaved
the fore-part of their head from ear to ear, inftead of mak-

* See Appendix to Bede, numb. 19. Higden, lib, 5,
f Jiddiui vita Vilfr. 84. 60.

43 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, ing that tonfure on the crown of the head, and in a circu-
I. lar form. In order to render their antagonifts odious, they

v v affirmed, that once in feven years they concurred with the

Jews in the time of celebrating that feftival* : And that
they might recommend their own form of tonfure, they
maintained, that it imitated fymbolically the crown of
thorns worn by Chrift in his pafTion ; whereas the other
form was invented by Simon Magus, without any regard
to that reprefentationf. Thefe controverfies had, from
the beginning, excited fuch animofity between the Britifh
and Romifh priefls, that, inftead of concurring in their en
deavours to convert the idolatrous Saxons, they refufed all
communion together, and each regarded his opponent as
no better than a PaganJ. Thedifpute lafled more than a
century; and was at laft finimed, not by men s difcovering
the folly of it, which would have been too great an effort
for human reafon to accomplifh, but by the entire preva
lence of the Romiih ritual over the Scotch and Britifhl).
Wilfrid, bifhop of Lindisferne, acquired great merit, both
with the court of Rome and with all the fouthern Saxons,
by expelling the quartodeciman fchifm, as it was called,
from the Northumbrian kingdom, into which the neigh
bourhood of the Scots had formerly introduced it**.

THEODORE, archbifhop of Canterbury, called, in the
year 680, afynod at Hatfield, confiding of all the bifhops
in Britainff ; where was accepted and ratified the decree
of the Lateran council, fummoned by Martin, againft the
herefy of the Monothelites. The council and fynod main
tained, in oppofition to thefe heretics, that, though the di
vine and human nature in Chrift made but one perfon, yet
had they different inclinations, wills, a6ls, and fentiments,
and that the unity of the perfon implied not any unity in
the confcioufnefs^i. This opinion it feems fomewhat diffi
cult to comprehend ; and no one, unacquainted with the
ecclefiaftical hiftory of thofe ages, could imagine the height
of zeal and violence with which it was then inculcated.
The decree of the Lateran council calls the Monothelites
impious, execrable, wicked, abominable, and even dia
bolical ; and curfes and anathematizes them to all eter
nity!! ||.

THE Saxons, from the firft introduction of Chriftiandty
among them, had admitted the ufe of images; and per
haps that religion, without fome of thofe exterior orna-

* Bede, lib. 2. cap. 19, t Bede, lib. 5. cap. 21. Eddius.

$24. * Bede, lib. 2. cap. 2. 4. - o. Eddius, ^ ii,

!| Bede, lib. 5. cap. 16. 22. ** Bede, lib. 3. cap. 25.

Eddius, 12. ft Spell. Cone. vol. i. p. 168.

ti Ibid. p. 171. HI) Ibid. p. 172, 173, 174*

T H E H E P T A R C H Y. 49

inents, had not made fo quick a progrefs with thefe idola- C H A P.
ters: But they had not paid any fpecies of worthip or ad- J.

drefs to images ; and this abuie never prevailed among v v

Chriftians, till it received the fan&ion of the fecond
council of Nice.

VOL 1. H

50 II I S f O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP. II.

Egbert -Ethel wolf Ethelbald and Ethelbert

Ethercd Alfred the Great Edward the Elder

Atheljtan Edmund Edred Edwy-

Edgar Edtuardthe Martyr.

EGBERT.

CHAP. r 1 A H E Kingdoms of the Heptarchy, though united by
J- ib recent a conqueft, feemed to be firmly cemented

v v into one flare under Egbert ; and the inhabitants of the

feveral provinces had loft all defire of revolting from that
monarch, or of reftoring their former independent govern
ments. Theif language was everywhere nearly the iame#
their cuftoms, laws, inititutions civil and religious ; and as
the race of the ancient kings was totally extin6t in all the
Subjected Hates, the people readily transferred their alle
giance to a prince, who feemed to merit it, by the fplen-
dour of his victories, the vigour of hisadminiftration, and
the fuperior nobility of his birth. A union alfo in govern
ment opened to them the agreeable profpecYof future tran
quillity; and it appeared more probable, that they would
henceforth become formidable to their neighbours, than
be expofed to their inroads, and devaluations. But thefe
fhttering views were foon overcaft by the appearance of
the Danes, who, during feme centuries, kept the Anglo-
Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the mod barba
rous ravages upon them, and at laft reduced them to griev
ous fervitude.

THR emperor Charlemagne, though naturally generous
and humane, had been induced by bigotry to exercife great
leverities upon the Pagan Saxons in Germany, whom he
fubdued; and befidesoften ravaging their country witli fire
and {word, he had in cool blood decimated all the inhabi
tants for their revolts, and had obliged them, by the molt
rigorous edicts, to make a leeming compliance with the
Chrifiian doctrine. That religion, which had eafily made
its way among the Britifh Saxons by insinuation and ad-

EGBERT. 51

drefs, appeared (hocking to their German brethren, when CHAP,
impofed on them by the violence of Charlemagne; and the II.

more generous and warlike of thefe Pagans had fled north- v v

ward into Jutland, in order to efcape the fury of hisperfe-
cutions. Meeting therewith a people of fimilar manners,
thev were readily received among them; and they ibon
ftimulated the natives to concur in enterpiifes, which both
promifed revenge on the haughty conqueror, and afforded
fubfiftence to thofe numerous inhabitants with which the
northern countries were now overburdened*. They in
vaded the provinces of France, which were expoled by
the degeneracy and diflenfions of Charlemagne s pofleri-
ty ; and being there known under the general name of
Normans, which they received from their northern fituati-
on, they became the terror of all the maritime and even
of the inland countries. They were alfo tempted to vifit
England in their frequent excurfions; and being able, by
fudden inroads, to make great progrefs over a people who
were not defended by any naval force, who had relaxed
their military inftitutions, and who were funk into a fuper-
ftition which had become odious to the Danes and ancient
Saxons, they made no diftinclion in their hoflilities be
tween the French and Englifh kingdoms. Their fuft Ap
pearance in this illand was in the year ySyf, when Brith-
ric reigned in Weflex. A fmall body of them Icinded in
that kingdom, with a view of learning the ftate of the
country; and when the magiftrate of the place quefliqned
them concerning their eqterprife, and fummoned them to
appear before the king, and account for their intentions,
they killed him, and flying to the Ihips, efcaped into their
own country. The next alarm was given to Northumber
land in the year 794$ ; when a body of thefe pirates pil
laged a monaftery ; but their fhips being much damaged
by a ftorm, and their leader flain in a fkirmifh, they were
at laft defeated by the inhabitants, and the remainder of
them put to the fword. Five years after Egbert had efta- 832.
bliihed his monarchy over England, the Danes landed in
the Hie of Shepey, and having pillaged it, efcaped with
iinpunitytl. They were not fo fortunate in their next year s
interprife, when they diiembarked from thirty-five (hips,
and were encountered by Egbert, at Charrnouth in Der-
iet ihire. The battle wasbloodv; but though the Danes
loft great numbers, they maintained the poft which they
had taken, and thence made good their retreat to their

* Ypod. Nfuflna, p. 414, f Chron. Sax. r&amp;gt;. Cj.

* Chron. Sax. [&amp;gt;. (jfe. Aiur. Bever!. p. : ;| chrpn. ^ax.
p. 7- .

52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, mips*. Having learned by experience, that they muft
II. expet a vigorous refiftance from this warlike prince, they

v v entered into an alliance with the Britons of Cornwal ; and

landing two years after in that country, made an inroad
with their confederates into the county of Devon ; but were
met at Hengefdown by Egbert, and totally defeatedf.
While England remained in thisftateof anxiety, and de
fended itlelf more by temporary expedients than by
any regular plan of administration, Egbert, who alone
was able to provide effectually againft this new evil, un--
SjS. fortunately died; and left the government to his fon Ethel-
wolf.

ETHELWOLF.

TH I S prince had neither the abilities nor the vigour
of his father ; and was better qualified for governing
a convent than a kingdom. J He began his reign with
making a partition of his dominions, and delivering over
to his eldefi fon, Athelftan, the new-conquered provinces
of Eff^x, Kent, and SuiTex. But no inconveniencies feem
to have arilen from this partition ; as the continual terror
of the Dani(h invafions prevented all domcftic diOfenfion.
A fleet of thefe ravagers, confiding of thirty-three fail, ap
peared at Southampton ; but were repulfed with iofs by
Wolf here, governor of the neighbouring county||. The
fame year, ./Ethel he 1m, governor of Dorfetfhire, routed
another band which had difembarked at Portfmouth ; but
he obtained the victory after a furious engagement, and he
bought it with the Iofs of his life**. Next year the Danes
made feveral inroads into England ; and fought battles, or
rather fkirmilhes, in Eall-Anglia and Lindefey and Kent;
where, though they were fometimes repulfed and defeated,
they always obtained their end, of committing fpoil upon
the country, and carrying off their booty. They avoided
coming to a general engagement, which was not fuited to
their plan of operations. Their veflels were fmall, and
ran eafily up the creeks and rivers; where they drew them
afhore, and having formed an entrenchment round them,
which they guarded with part of their number, the remain
der fcattercd themfelves every where, and carrying off the

* Chron. ^ c. p. 71. l.thelwpi-n, lib. 3. cap. ?. f Cliron. Sax. p. 72.

* Wm. M.tlnir!. lib. ;. &amp;lt; a^. 2. \\ t.hton. Sax. p. 73.
Ethelwerd, lib. j. cap. 3. ** Chrou. Sax. p. 73. H. Hut.ting.
lib. 5.

E T H E L W O L F. 53

inhabitants and cattle and goods, they haftened to their C **j P *

{hips, and quickly difappeared. If the military force of the v " t

county were alfembled (for there was no time for troops to
march from a diftance), the Danes either were able to re-
pulfe them, and to continue their ravages with impunity,
or they betook themfelves to their veffels; and fettingfail,
fuddenlv invaded fome diftant quarter, which was not pre
pared for their reception. Every part of England was held
in continual alarm ; and the inhabitants of one county
durft not give afTifiance to thofe of another, left their own
families and property fhouldin the mean time be expofed
by their abience to the fury of thefe barbarou ravagers*.
All orders of men were involved in this calamity ; and
the priefts and monks, who had been commonly (pared in
the domeftic quarrels of the Heptarchy, were the chief
objects on which the Daniih idolaters exercifed their rage
and animofity. Every feafon of the year was dangerous;
and the abl ence of the enemy was no reafon why any man
could efteem himtelf a moment in fafety.

THESE incurfions had now become almoft annual ; when
the Danes, encouraged by their fuccelles againll France
as well as England (for both kingdoms were alike expofed
to this dreadful calamity), invaded the laft in fo numerous
a body, as feemed to threaten it with universal fu ojeclion.
But the Englifh, more military than the Britons, whom, a
few centuries before, they had treated with like violence,
roufed themfelves with a vigour proportioned to the exigen
cy. Ceorle, governor of Devonfhire, fought a battle with
one body of the Danes at Wiganburghf, and put them
to rout with great (laughter. King Athelftan attacked
another at fea near Sandwich, funk nine of their (hips,
and put the reft to flightj. A bcdv of them, however,
ventured, for the firft time, to take up winter-quarters in
England ; and receiving in the pi ing a ftrong reinforce
ment of their countrymen in o.-.o veflels, they advanced
from the lile of Thanet, where they had fhtioncd thcm-
Iclves ; burnt the cities of London and Canterbury J and
having put to flight Bn chtric, v.-bo now governed Mercia
under the title of King, they marched into the heart of
Surrey, and laid every place waftc around them. Ethel-
wolf, impelled by the urgency of the cl.mgcr, marched
againft: them at the head of the Weil-Saxons ; and carrv-
ing with him his fecond fon, Ethelbald, gave them battle
at Okely, and gained a bloody victory over them. This

rl Beverl. p. TO". f H. I: :::M!:- ;. i b. ;.

Ethelwerd, Lh. j. c:ip. .5. Simeon Di.t:;elm. p. 120. J Uiifn.

. . Jflus, p. 2.

51 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, advantage procured but a fhort refpite to the Englifh. The
11. Danes ftill maintained their fett ement in the Hie of Tha-

v - net; and being attacked by Ealher and Huda, governors

pf Kent and Surrey, though defeated in the beginning of
jj- the adion, they finally repulfed fhe aflailants, and killed
bolh the governors. They removed thence to the lile
of Shepey ; where they took up their winter-quarters,
that they might farther extend their devaluation and rava
ges.

THIS unfettled ftate of England hindered not Ethel-
wolf from making a pilgrimage to Rome; whither he car
ried his fourth, and favourite fon, Alfred, then only fix
years of age*. He pa fled there a twelvemonth in exer-
cifesof devotion ; and failed not in that moll effential part
of devotion, liberality to the church of Rome. Befides
giving prefents to the more diftinguithed eccltfiaftics, he
made a perpetual grant of three hundred mancufesf a year
to that fee ; one third to fuppoi t the lamps of St. Peter s,
another thofe of St. Paul s, a third to the pope himleif:}:.
In his return home, he married Judith, daughter of the
emperor Charles the Bald ; but on his Lnding in Eng
land, he met with an oppofiiion which he little looked
for.

His eldefl fon, Athelftan, being dead ; Ethclbald, his
fecond, who had aflTumed the government, formed, in con
cert with many of the nobles, the project of excluding his
father from the throne, which his weaknefs and fuperfti-
tion feem to have rendered him fo ill-qualified to fill. The
people were divided between the two princes; and a bloo
dy civil war, joined to all the other calamities under which
the Englifh laboured, appeared inevitable; when Eihcl-
wolf had the facility to yield to the greater part of his Ion s
pretenfion?. He made with him a partition of the king
dom ; and taking to himfelf the eaftern part, which was
always at that time efteemed the leafi considerable, as well
as the moft expofedil, he delivered over to Ethelbalcj the
Sovereignty of the weftern. Immediately after, he fum-
moned the ftatcs of the whole kingdom, and with the fame,
facility conferred a perpetual and important donation on
the church.

THE ecclcfiaflics, in thofe days of ignorance, made
rapid advances in the acquifition of power and grandeur ;
and inculcating the molt abfurd and mofi interefted doc
trines, though they fometimes met, from the contrary in-

* AfTerins.p. 2. Chron. S^x. 76. Hunt. lib. 5. f .A mcnrn*

\-as ibout the weight of our prelent hall ciown : See Spe man s GljHary, in
veibo Mancus. VV. Malvnef. lib. 5. rap. s.

|| Aii erius, p. j. \V. Malm. l ;b. 2. rap. 2. Matth. \Vcft. p. i. S,

E T H E L W O L F, 55

terefts of the laity, with an oppofition, which it required CHAP,
time and addrefe to overcome, they found no obftacle in II.
their reafon or understanding. Not content \vith the do
nations of land made them by the Saxon princes and no
bles, and with temporary oblations from the devotion of
the people, they hadcafia wiflilul eye on a vaft revenue,
which they claimed as belonging to (hem, by a i acred and
indefeasible title. However little veried in the fcripturcs,
they had been able todifcover, that, under the Jewiih law,
a tenth of all the produce of land was conferred on the
priefthood ; and forgetting what they themfelves taught,
that the moral part only of that law was obligatory on
Chriftians, they infilled, that this donation conveyed a
perpetual property, inherent by divine right in thofe who
officiated at the altar. Outing fome centuries* the whole
fcope of fermons and homilies was directed to this purpofe;
and one would have imagined, from the general tenor of
thefe difco.urles, that all the practical parts of Chriflianity
were comprifed in the exa&amp;lt;St and faithful payment of tithes
to the clergy*. Encouraged by their lucceis in inculcating
thefe doctrines, they ventured farther than they were war
ranted even by the Levitical law, and pretended to draw
the tenth of all induftry, merchandile, wages of labou
rers, and pay of foldiersf ; nay, lorne canonifts went fo
far as to affirm, that the clergy were entitled to the tithe of
the profits made by courtezans in the exercife of their
profeflionij:. Though parifheshad been infUtuted in Eng
land by Honorius, archbiihop of Canterbury, near two
centuries beforeli, the ecclefiaftics had never yet been able
to get poffeffion of the tithes: They therefore feized the
prefent favourable opportunity of making that acquifition ;
when a weak, fuperftitious prince filled the throne, and
when the people, difcouraged by their loffes from the
Danes, and terrified with the fear of future invasions, were
fufceptible of any imprellion which bore the appearance of
religion**. So meritorious was this conceffion deemed by
the Englifh, that, trufting entirely to fupernaturalafliftance,
they neglected the ordinary means of lafety ; and agreed,
even in the prefent dcfperate extremity, that the revenues
of the church (hould be exempted from all burthens,
though impoled for national defence and fecuritytf.

* Padre Paolo, fopra benefkii eccleliaftici, p. 51, 52. edit. Co .on. 1675.
t Spell. Cone. vol. I. p. -268. * Padre- 1 aolo, p. 132.

l| Parker, p. 77. * Ingulf, p. 862. Selclen s hilt.of 1 ithes, c. S.

ft Aileiiu-,, p. a. Chrou. Sax. p. 76. W. Malmef. lib. a. cap. 2. Lthel-
xverd, lib. 3. cap. 3. M. \Vcit. p. 158. liigulf. p&amp;gt; 17. AJur. BevCil. p. 9*.

56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

ETHELBALD AND ETHELBERT.

T^P TMELWOLF lived only two years after making
*-* this grant ; and by his will he fhared England be
tween his two eldeft fons, Ethelbald and Ethelbert ; the
weft being affigned to the former ; the eaft to the latter.
Ethelb.ild was a profligate prince; and marrying Judith,
his mother-in-law,, gave great offence to the people ; but
moved by the remonftrances of Swithun, bifhop of Win-
chefter, he was at laft prevailed on to divorce her. His
S6o. reign was (hort; and Ethelbert, his brother, fucceeding to
the government, behaved himfelf, during a reign of five
years, in a manner more worthy of his birth and flation. The
kingdom, however, was ft ill infefted by the Danes, who
made an inroad and facked Winchefter ; but \vere there
defeated. A body alfo of thefe pirates, who were quarter
ed in the llle of Thanet, having deceived the Englifh by
a treaty, unexpectedly broke into Kent, and committed
great outrages.

E T H E R E D,

TH EL BERT was fucceededby his brother Ethe-
566. -* ^ red, who, though he defended himfelf with bravery,
enjoyed, during his whole reign, no tranquillity from
thole Danifh irruptions. His younger brother, Alfred
feconded him in all his enterprifes; and generoully iacri-
ficedtothe public good all refentment which he might en
tertain on account of his being excluded by Ethered from
a large patiimony which had been left him by his fa
ther.

THE firft landing of the Danes in the reign of Ethered
was among the Eaft-Anglcs, who, more anxious for their
prefent fafcty than for the common intereft, entered into
a feparate treaty with the enemy ; and furnifhed them with
horles, which enabled them to make an irruption by land
into the kingdom of Northumberland. They there feizcd
the city of York ; and defended it againft Ofbricht and
./Ella, two Northumbrian princes, who perifhed in the
alFault*. Encouraged by thefe fucceffe?, and by the fupe-
riority which they had acquired in arms, they now ventur
ed, under the command of Hinguar and Hubba, to leave
the fea-coaft, and penetrating into Mercia, they took up

* Afler. p. 6. Chron. Sax. p. 79.

E T H E R E D. 57

their winter-quarters at Nottingham, where they threaten- C H A P.
ed the kingdom with a final fubjcclion. The Mercians II.

in this extremity, applied to Ethered for fuccour ; and &amp;lt;/ -

that prince, with his brother, Alfred, conducting a great
army to Nottingham, obliged the enemy to dillodge, and
to retreat into Northumberland. Their reftlefs dilpofition 870.
and their avidity for plunder, allowed them not to remain
long in thofe quarters: They broke into Eaft-Anglia, de
feated and took prilbner Edmund, the king of that coun
try, whom they afterwards murdered in cool blood ; and
committing the moft barbarous ravages on the people, par
ticularly on the monafteries, they gave the Eaft-Angles
caufe to regret the temporary relief which they had obtain
ed, by affixing the common enemy.

THE next Ration of the Danes was at Reading; whence 871.
they infefted the neighbouring country by their incurfi-
ons. The Mercians, defirousof ihaking off their depen
dence on Ethered, refufed to join him with their forces ;
and that prince, attended by Alfred, was obliged to march
againft the enemy, \vith the Weft-Saxons alone, his here
ditary lubjects. The Danes, being defeated in an action,
(hut themfelves up in their garrifon: but quickly making
thence an irruption, they routed the Weil-Saxons, and
obliged them to raife the fiege. An a61ion loon after enfued
at Afton in Berkfhire, where the Englifh, in the beginning
of the day, were in danger of a total defeat. Alfred, ad
vancing with one divifion of the army, was furrounded by
the enemy in difadvantageous ground ; and Ethered, who
was at that time hearing mafs, refufed to march to his
afliftance, till prayers ihould be finiihed* : But as he af
terwards obtained the victory, this fuccefs, not the danger
of Alfred, was afcribed by the monks to the piety of that
monarch. This battle of Afton did not terminate the war:
Another battle was a little after fought at Bafing ; where
the Danes were more fuccefsful ; and being reinforced by a
new army from their own country, they became every day
more terrible to the Englifh. Amidft thefe confufions,
Ethered died of a wound which he had received in an
adtion with the Danes; and left the inheritance of his
cares and misfortunes^ rather than of his grandeur, to
his brother, Alfred, who was now twenty-two years of
age.

VOL. I. 1

* AfTer. p. 7. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3. Simeon Dunelm. p. 125. Angl a
Sacra, vol. i. p. 205.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

ALFRED.

" HIS prince gave very early marks of thofe great
S 7 r - virtues and fhining talents, by which, during the moft

difficult times, he faved his country from utter ruin and
fubverfion. Ethelwolf, his father, the year after his re
turn with Alfred from Rome, had again fent (he young
prince thither with a numerous retinue ; and a repoit being
fpread of the king s death, the pope, Leo 111. gave Alfred
the i oval unction*; whether prognofticating his future
greatncfs from the appearances of his pregnant genius, or
willing to pretend, even in that age, to the right of confer
ring kingdoms. Alfred, on his return home, became eve
ry day more the object of his father s affections ; but being
indulged in all youthful pleafures, he was much neglected
in his education; and he had already reached his twelfth
year, when he was yet totally ignorant of the loweft ele
ments of literature. His genius was firfl roufed by the
recital of Saxon poems, in which the queen took delight;
and this fpecies of erudition, which is fometimes able to
make a considerable progreis even among barbarians, ex
panded thofe noble and elevated fentimcnts which he had
received from naturef. Encouraged by the queen, and
Simulated by his own ardent inclination, he foon learned
to read thofe compofitions; and proceeded thence to acquire
the knowledge of the Latin tongue, in which he met with
authors that better prompted his heroic fpirit,and directed
his generous views. Ablorbed in thefe elegant purfuits,
he regarded his acceffion to royalty rather as an object of
regret than of triumph! &amp;gt; but being called to the throne, in
preference to his brother s children, as well by the will of
his father, a circumfiance which had great authority with
the; Anglo-Saxons!!, as by the vows of the whole nation,
and the urgency of public affairs, he ihook off his literary
indolence, and exerted himfelf in the defence of his peo
ple. Ho had fcarcelv buried his brother, when he was
obliged to take the field, in order to oppofe the Danes,
v/ho had feized Wilton, and were exercifing their uiuai
ravages on the countries around. He marched againft them
v. if n the few troops which he could aflembleon a fudden ;
and giving them battle, gained at firfl an advantage, but
by his purfuing the victory too far, the fuperiority of the

* Aff.T. p. 2. \V. Malm lib. ?. rap. 2. Ingulf, p. 869. Simeon Du-
tiriin p. i !o. ijo. f ;\fler. p. 5. M. Weft. p. 167. Afier. p. 7.

ji Ibid, p, :;. Simeon Dur.cim. p. i?i.

ALFRED. 59

enemy s numbers prevailed, and recovered them the day. C II A P.
Their lofs, however, in the action was fo confiderable, II.
that, fearing Alfred would receive daily reinforcement ^*~s**-S
from his fubje&s, they were content to fiipulate for a fafe
retreat, and prom i fed to depart the kingdom. For that
purpole they were conducted to London, and allowed to
take up winter quarters there; but carelefs of their en
gagements, they immediately let themfelves to the com
mitting of fpoil on the neighbouring country. Burrhed,
king of Mercia, in whofe territories London was fituated,
made a new ftipulation with them, and engaged them, by
prefents of money, to remove to Lindefey in Lincolnfhhe;
a country which they had already reduced to ruin and de-
folation. Finding therefore no object in that place, either
for their rapine or violence, they iuddenly turned back
upon Mercia, in a quarter where they expected to find it
without defence ; and fixing their fiatiou at Repton in
Derby (hire, they laid the whole country defolate with fire
and fword. Burrhed, defpairing of fuccefs againft an
enemy, whom no force could refill, and no trcatiesbind,
abandoned his kingdom, and fly ing to Rome, took fhelter
in a cloifter*. lie was brother-in-law to Alfred, and the
lad who bore the title of king in P.iercia.

THE Weft-Saxons were now the only remaining power
in England; and though fupported by the vigour and abi
lities of Alfred, they were unable to Amain the efforts of
thofe ravagers, who from all quarters invaded them. A
new fwarm of Danes came over this year under three g..^
princes, Guthrum, Oicital, and Amund ; and having firft
joined their countrymen at Hepton, they foon found the
necefiity of feparating, in order to provide for their fub-
fiftence. Part of them, under the command of Haldene,
their chieftainf, marched into Northumberland, where
they fixed their quarters ; part of them took quarters at
Cambridge, whence they diilodged in the erifuing fummer
and feized Wereham, in the county of Dorfet, the very
centre of Alfred s dominions. That prince fo ftraitened
them in thefe quarters, that thev were content to come to
a treaty with him, and ftipulatcd to depait his country.
Alfred, well acquainted with their uilia! perfidy, obliged
them to (wear upon the holy reiiques to the observance of
the treaty^ ; not that he expected they would pay any ve
neration to the re; ! i he hoped, that, if they now
violated this oith, .heir impiety \vould infallibly draw
ao .vn upon tnewi the vc.i^cance of heaven. 33ut ihc

* A Her, p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. Se. Ef.i .tl-.vcrd, iib. 4. r^
f Chran. Sax. p. Sj. A.

60 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP Danes, little apprehenfive of the danger, fuddenly, with-
II, out feeking any pretence, fell upon Alfred s army ; and

- v ...... -j having put it to rout, marched weftward and took poiledion

of Exeter. The prince collected new forces; and exert
ed fuch vigour, that he fought in one year eight battles
with the eneniv *, and reduced them to the utmoft extremi
ty. He hearkened however to new propofals of peace ;
and was fatisfied to ftipulate with them, that they would
fettle fomewhere in England t, and would not permit the
entrance of more ravagers into the kingdom. But while
he was expecting the exception of this treaty, which it
feemed the inteieft of the Danes themfelves to fulfil, h"fi
heard that another body had landed, and having collected
all the fcattered troops of their countrymen, had furprifed
Chippenham, then a confiderable town, and were exer-
cifing their uiual ravages all around them.

Tmslaft incident quite broke the fpirit of the Saxons,
and reduced them to defpair. Finding that, after all the
miferable havoc wrrch they had undergone in their perfons
and in their property ; after all the vigorous actions which
they had exerted in their own defence ; a new band, equal
ly greedy of i poil and {laughter, had difembarked among
them ; they believed themfelves abandoned by heaven to
deilruclion, and delivered over to thofe fwarms of robbers,
which the fertile north thus inceflantly poured forth againft
them. Some left their country, and retired into Wales,
or fbd bevond fea : Others (ubmitted to the conquerors,
in hopes of apneafing their fury by a fervile obedience^ :
And every man s attention being now engrofTed in concern
for his own preiervation, no one would hearken to the
exhortations of the king, who fummoned them to make,
under his conduct, one effort more in defence of their
prince, their country, and their liberties. Alfred him-
fclf was obliged to telinquiih the enfigns of his dignity,
to dilmifs his fcrvants, and to feek flielter, in the meaneft
difguiles, from the puiiuit and fury of his enemies. He
concealed himfelf under a peaiant s habit, and lived fome
time in the houfe of a neat-herd, who had been entrufted
with the care of fome of hiscowsiU There pa fled here an in
cident, which has been recorded by all the hiftofians, and
w^s lung preferved by popular tradition ; though it contains
nothing memorable in ilfclf, except fo far as every circum-
flance is interefHng, which attends fo much virtue and dig
nity, reduced to luchdiilrefs. The wife of the neat-herd was
ignorant of the condition of her royal gueft; and obferving

Afler. p. S. The Saxon Chron. p. 82. fays nine battles. f ATer. p. a.
AIui. Eevirl. p. i.?,;. -| Chroii. Sax. p. 8^. Alured Bevcrl. p. 105.

II Aiier. p. 9.

ALFRED. 61

him one day bufy by the fire-fide in trimming his bow and CHAP
arrows, Ihe defired him to take care of fome cakes, which II.
were teaming, while (he was employed eifewhere in other v - &amp;lt; -
domeftic affairs. But Alfred, whofe thoughts were other-
wife engaged, neglected this injunction ; and the good
woman, on her return, finding her cakes all burnt, rated
the king very feveri^y, and upbraided him, that he al
ways feemed very well pleafed to eat her warm cakes,
though he was thus negligent in toafting them*.

BY degrees, Alfred, as he found the fearch of the enemy
become more remils, collected (bine of his retainers, and
retired into the centre of a bog, formed by the ftagnaling
waters of the Thone and Parrel, in Somerfetfhire. He
here found two acres of firm ground ; and building a ha
bitation on them, rendered himfelf fecure by its fortifica
tions, and ftill more by the unknown and inacceffible roads
which led to it, and by the forefis and morafies with which
it was every way inv ironed. 1 his place he called ^the-
lingay, or the llle of Noblest ; and it now bears the name
of Athelney. He thence made frequent and unexpected
fallies upon the Danes, who often felt the vigour of his
arm, but knew not from what quaiter the blow came.
He fub lifted himfelf and his followers by the plunder
which he acquired ; he procured them confolation by re
venge ; and from fmall luccefTes, he opened their minds
to hope, th.it, notwithstanding his preient low condition,
more important victories might at length attend his va
lour.

ALFRED lay here concealed, but not unactive, during a
twelvemonth; when the nevvsofa prosperous event reached
his ears, and called him to the field. Hubba, the Pane,
having fpreacl devaluation, fire, and {laughter, over Wales,
had landed in Devonfhire from twenty-three veflels, and
laid fiege to the caflle of Kinwith, a place fifuated near
the mouth of the fmail river Tau. Oddune, earl of Devon-
fhire, with his followers, had taken fhelter there; and
being ill fupplied with provifions, and even with water, he
determined, by fome vigorous blow, to prevent the neceffi-
ty of fubmitting to the barbarous enemy. He made a
fudden (ally on the Danes before fun-riling; and taking
them unprepared, he put tfiem to rout, purfued them with
great (laughter, killed Hubba himfelf, and got polTeflion.
of the famous Reafen, or enchanted ftandard, in which
the Danes put great confidence*. It contained the figure
of ara .en, which had been inwoven b the three

* Afier. p. 9. M. Yvef}. p. 17-,. f Chron. Sax. p. 8j. \V. Mulm.

lib. 2. ca,). 4. llhelwi-iJ,]ib. ^. ran. , ( . In^n .i , .1. u6. ^ /\::IT. p.

io. Chron. .^j;:. [i. Sj. Abb.s RL" . ,. Alured Bfvert. g. 105.

62 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P. of Hinguar and Hubba with many magical incantations,
II. and which, by its different movements, prognofticated

v v as the Danes believed, the good or bad fuccefs of any

enterprifef.

WHEN Alfred obferved this fymptom of fuccefsful refift-
ance in his fubjecls, he left his retreat; but before he would
alT emble them in arms, or urge them to any attempt,
which, if unfortunate, might, in their prefent defponden-
cy, prove fatal, he rcfolved to infpeft, himfelf, the fitua-
tion of the enemy, and to judge of the probability of fuc
cefs. For this purpofe he entered their camp under the
dilguifeof a harper, and pa (Ted unfufpecled through every
quar. er. He fo entertained them with his mufic and face
tious humours, that he met with a welcome reception ; and
was even introduced to the tent of Guthrum, their prince,
where he remained feme days*. He remarked the fupine
fecurity of the Danes, their contempt of the Engliib, their
negligence in foraging and plundering, and their diilolute
watling of what they gained by rapine and violence. En
couraged by thefefavourable appearances he fecretly fent
ernilla; ics to the inoft confiderable of his fubje&s, and fum-
rhoned them to a rendezvous, attended by their warlike
followers, at Brixton, on the borders of Selwood forefl||.
The Englifh, who had hoped to put an end to their cala
mities by fervile fubmifllon, now found the infolence
and rapine of the conqueror more intolerable than all pad
fatigues and dangers; and, at the appointed day, they joy
fully reforted to their prince. On his appearance, they
received him with fhouts of applaufe ** ; and could not
fatiate their eyes with the fight of tin s beloved monarch,
whom they had long regarded as dead, and who now, with
voice and looks cxprefling his confidence of fuccefs, cal
led them to liberty and to vengeance. He inftantly con-
dufled them to Eddington, where the Danes were encamp
ed ; and taking advantage of his previous knowledge of the
place, he directed his attack againft the moll unguarded
quarter of the enemy. The Danes, furprifed to fee an
army of Englim, whom they confidered as totally fubdu-
fd, and Mill more aftonifhcd to hear that Alfred was at
their head, made but a faint rcfiftance, notwithstanding
th.~ir fuperiority of number, and were foon put to flight
with great fhughter. The remainder of the army, with their
prince, wasbefieged by Alfred in a fortified camp to which
, they fh&amp;gt;cl ; but being reduced to extremity by want and
hunger, they had recourfe to the clemency of the viitor,

** AiTr. p. 11. t W. Malm. lib. 2. rap. 4. |j Chron.

Rav. p. ? . * * Aile". p. 10. Chron S &amp;lt;i\. p. ^5. Simeon Duntira,

p. !j. Aluted Bfverl. p. 105. At. has Ric -al, p. ^5 j.

ALFRED. 63

and offered to fubmit on any conditions. The king, no C H A P.
lefs generous than brave, gave them their lives; and even II.

formed a fcheme for converting them, from mortal em-mies, * v

into faithful fubjects and confederates. He knew, that
the kingdoms of Ealt-Anglia and Northumberland were
totally defolated by the frequent inroads of the Danes ;
and he now purpofed to repeople them, by fettling there
Guthrum and his followers. He hoped that the new plan
ters would at laft betjke themfelves to indufi-v, when,
by reafon of his refinance, and the exhaufted condition of
the country, they could no longer fubfill by plunder ; and
that they might ferve him as a rampart againfl ai;v future
incurfions of their countrymen. 13ut before he ratified
thefe mild conditions with the Danes, he required, that
they fhould give him one pledge of their fubmilfion, and
of their inclination to incorporate with the llnglit"h, by
declaring their converfion to Chriftianity*. Guthrum, and
his army, had no averfion to the propofal; and, without
much inOrudtion, or argument, or conference, rhey were
all admitted to baptiim. The king anfwred for Guthrum
at the font, gave him the name of Athelflan, and received
him as his adopted foiif.

THF. fuccefsof this expedient feemed to correfpond to 80.
Alfred s hopes : The greater part of the Danes fettled
peaceably in their new quarters : Some fmalier bodies of
the lame nation, which were difperl ed in Mercia, were
diflributed into the five cities of Derby, Leiceder, Stam
ford, Lincoln, and Nottingham, and where thence called
the Fif or Fiveburgers. The more turbulent and unquiet
made an expedition into France under the conr.nand of
IlafUngsJ; and except by a fhort incurfion of Danes, who
failed up the Thames and landed at Fulham, but fuddeniy
retreated to their (hips on finding the country in a poiture
of defence, Alfred was not for fome years infetlcd by the
inroads of thole barbariansli.

THE king employed this interval of tranquillity in re-
ftoring order to the flute, which had been lhaken by ib
many violent convulsions ; in eftablifhing civil and milita
ry inftitutions; in compofing the minds of men to induflry
and juftice; and in providing againft the return of like
calamities. He was, more properly than his grandfather
Egbert, the fole monarch of the Englifh (for fo the Saxons
were now universally called), becaufe the kingdom of
Mercia wasat laft incorporated in his Hate, and was go
verned by Ethelbert, his brother-in-law, who bore the title

* Cliton. Sax. p. 85. f Aff er. p. 10. Ch:o-i. $tt. ]). 90.

t W. Ma .jn.Jib. 9. cap. 4. Ingulf, p. 26. &amp;gt;| Ali-r. p. 11.

64 H I STORY OF EN GL AN D.

of Earl : And though the Danes, who peopled Eaft-An-
glia and Northumberland, were for fome time ruled im
mediately by theii own princes, they all acknowledged a
iubordinafion to Alfred, and fubmitted to his fuperior au
thoring. As equality among fubjefts is the great lource of
concord, Alfred gave the fame laws to the Danes and Eng-
lifh, and put them entirely on a like footing in the admi-
niftration both of civil and criminal juftice. The fine for
the murder of a Dane was the fame with that for the mur
der of an Englishman; the great fymbol of equality in thofe
ages.

THE king, after rebuilding the ruined cities, particu
larly London*, which had been deftroyed !&amp;gt;v the Danes
in the reign of Ethelwolf, eftablithed a regular rr.il itia for
the defence of the kingdom. He ordained that all his
people mould be armed and registered ; he aiTigned them
a regular rotation of duty ; he diftrtbut &amp;lt;u d part into the
cafties and fortreffes, which he built at proper placesf ;
he required another part to take the field on any alarm, and
to affemble at ftated places of rendezvous ; and he left a
fuhScient number at home, who were employed in the
cultivation of the land, and who afterwards took their
turn in military fervicej. The whole kingdom was like
one great garrifon ; and the Danes could no fooner appear
in one piace, than a fufficient number was alTembled to op-
pole them, without leaving the other quarters defencelefs
or difarmed||.

But Alfred, fenfible that the proper method of oppofing
an enemy, who made incurfions by lea, was to meet them
on their own element, took care to provide himfelf with a
naval force**, which, though the mod natural defence of
an ifland, had hitherto been totally neglecled by the Eng-
lifh. Me Jncreafed the (hipping of his kingdom both in
number and flrcngth, and trained his fubjecis in the prac-
liceaswell of failing, as of naval action. He diftributed
his armed veflels in proper Oations round the ifland, and
was fure to meet the Danifh mips either before or after they
had landed their troops, and to purfue them in all their
incurfions. Though the Danes might fuddenly, by fur-
prife, difembark on the coaft, which was generally be
come delolate by their frequent ravages, they were encoun
tered by the Englifh fleet in their retreat; and efcaped not,
as formerly, by abandoning their booty, but paid, by their

* Affer. p. 15. Chron. Sax. p. SS. M. Weft. p. 171. Simeon Dunelm.
p. 131. liiompton, p.8t2. Aiured Beverl. ex edit. Kearne, p. 106.

f- Alfer. p. 1 8. Ingulf, p. 27. t Chron. iUx. p. 92, 03.

!| Spelman slifeof Alfred, p. 147. edit. 1704. ** Ailer. p. 9.

M. Weft. p. 170.

ALFRED. 65

total deflruftion, the penalty of the diforders which they C II A P.
had committed. H.

IN this manner Alfred repelled feveral inroads of thefc v v -*

piratical Danes, and maintained his kingdom, during fome
years, in fafety and tranquillity. A fleet of a hundred
and twenty (hips of war was ftationed upon the coaft ; and
being provided with warlike engines, as well as with ex
pert leamen, both Frifians and Englifh (for Alfred fup-
plicd the defects of his own fubje&s by engaging able
foreigners in his fervice), maintained a fuperiority over
thofe fmaller bands with which England had ib often been
infefted*. But at lalfHaftings, the famous Danifh chief, g 9 - 3 .
having ravaged all the provinces of France, both along the
fea-coaft and the Loire and Seine, and being obliged to
quit that country, more by the deiblation which he him-
felf had occafioned, than by the refinance of the inhabi
tants, appeared off the coafi of Kent with a fleet of 330
fail. The greater part of the enemy difembarked in the
Rother, and feized the fort of Apuldore. Hafiings him-
lelf, commanding a fleet of eighty fail, entered the
Thames, and fortifying Milton in Kent, began to fpread
his forces over the country, and fo commit the moft de-
fiructivc ravages. But Alfred, on the firft alarm of this
defcent, flew to the defence of his people, at the head of
a felect band of foldierb, whom he always kept about his
perionf ; and gathering to him the armed militia from all
quarters, appeared in the field with a force fuperior to the
enemy. All ftraggling parties, whom neceffity, or love of
plunder, had draw:, to a dittance from their chief encamp
ment, were cut offby the Engliih| ; and thefe pirates, in-
ftead of increafing their fpoil, found themfelves cooped
up in their fortifications, and obliged to fubfift by the plun
der which they had brought from France. Tired of this
fituation, which muft in the end prove ruinous to them,
the Danes at Apuldore role fuddenly from their encamp
ment, with an intention of marching towards the Thames,
and pafling over into EfTex : But they efcaped not the vi-
giiance of Alfred, who encountered them at Farnham,put
them to rout|i,leizedall their horfes and baggage, and chaf
ed the runaways on board their (hips, which carried them
up the Colne to Merfey in ElTex, where they entrenched
themfelves. Haftings, at the fame time and probably by
concert, made alike movement; and deferring Milton,
took poireflion of Bamflete, near the illeof Canvey in the
VOL. I. K

AiTer. p. n. Chron. Sax. p. 36, 87. M. V. cft. p. 176. f Affer.

P- I 9- t Chion. Sax. p. 92. |i Ibkl. p. 9j. Flor.

Wigcrn. p. 595.

C6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, fame county*; where he haftily threw up fortifications for
II. Ills defence againftthe power of Alfred.

* &amp;lt;/ UNFORTUNATELY for the EnglUh, Guthrum, prince

of the Eaft- Anglian Danes, was now dead; as was alfo
Guthred, whom the king had appointed governor of the
Northumbrians; and thofereftlefs tribes, being no longer
retrained by the authority of their princes, and being en
couraged by the appearance of fo great a body of their
countrymen, broke into rebellion, (hook off the authority
of Alfred, and yielding to their inveterate habits of war
and deprcdationf, embarked on board two hundred and
forty vcilels, and appeared before Exeter in the weft of
England. Alfred loft not a moment in oppofmg this new
enemy. Having left fome forces at London to make head
againft Haftings and the other Danes, he marched fudden-
]y lo the weft:}: ; and falling on the rebels before they were
aware, purfued them to their fliips with great (laughter.
Theie ravagers, failing next to Suffex, began to plunder the
country near Chichefter ; but the order which Alfred had
everywhere eftabliftied,fufficed here, without hjs prefence,
for the defence of the place; and the rebels, meeting with a
new rcpulfe, in which many of them were killed, and
fome of their {hips taken ||, were obliged to put again to
fea, and were difcouraged from attempting any other en-
terprife.

MEANWHILE, the Danifh invaders in Efiex, having
united their force under the command of Haftings, advan-
.& ced into the inland country, and made fpoil of all around
*%& them ; but foon had reafon to repent of their temerity. The
Englifharmy left in London, afTifted by a body of the citi-
xcns, atiacked the enemy s entrenchments at Bamflete,
overpowered the garrifon, and having done great execution
upon them, carried off the wife and two fons of Haftings**.
Altrcd generoufly fpared thefe captives; and even reftored
them to Mattings ? t on condition that he mould depart
the kingdom.

Bur though the king had thus honourably rid himfelf
of this dangerous enemy, he had not entirely fubducd or
expelled the invaders. The piratical Danes willingly fol
lowed in an excurfion any profperous leader who gave
them hopes of booty ; but were not fo eafily induced to re-
linquiih their enterprife, or fubmit to return, baffled and
without plunder, into their native country. Great num
bers of them, after the departure of Haftings, feized and

* Chron. Sax. p. 93. } Ibifi. p. 9?. * Chron. ?ax. p. 05.

i! !b &amp;lt;i. p. 96. Flor. Wigorn. p. 596. ** Chron. Sax. p. 94. M-

\Veft. p. 173. ft M - Weft. p. 179.

ALFRED. 67

fortified Shobury at the mouth of the Thames; and having CHAT,
left a garrifon there, they marched along the river, till II.
they came to Boddington in the county of Glcceiter ;
where, being reinforced by fome \Velih, they threw up
entrenchments, and prepared tor their defence. The king
here furrounded them with the whole force of his domini
ons*; and as he had now a certain profpedtof victory, he
refolved to truft nothing to chance, but rather to matter his
enemies by famine than aifault. They were reduced to
iuch extremities, that, having eaten their own horfes, and
having many of them perilhed with hungerf, they made a
defperate tally upon the Englilh ; and though the greater
number fell in the action, a confiderable body made their
efcapej. Theie roved about for fome time in England,
ftill pur fued by the vigilance of Alfred; they attacked
Leiceiter with fuccefs, defended themlelves in Hartford,
and then fled to Quatford, where they were finally broken
and fubdued. The fmall remains of them either difperfcd
themfelves among their countrymen in Northumberland
and Eaft-Anglia!!, or had recourfe again to thefea, where
they exercifed piracy, under the command of Sigefert, a
Northumbrian. This freebooter, well acquainted with
Alfred s naval preparations, had framed vetlels of a new
conttruclion, higher, and longer, and fwiftcr, than
thole of the Englifh: but the king loon difcovered his iu-
perior fkill, bv building veifels ftill higher, and longer,
and fwifter, than thole of the Northumbrians; and falling
upon them, while they were exercifing their ravages in
the weft, he took twenty of their Ihips ; and having tried
all the prifonersat Winchefter, he hanged them as pirates,
the common enemies of mankind.

THE well-timed fe verity of this execution, together with
the excellent polture of defence eftabJilhed every where,
reftorcd full tranquillity in England, and provided for the
future fecurity of the government. The Ealt- Anglian and
Northumbrian Danes, on the firft appearance of Alfred
upon their frontiers, made anew the molt humble fubrui (li
ons to him ; and he thought it prudent to take them under
his immediate government, without eitabiifhing over them
a viceroy of thsir own nation**. The Wclft) alib ac
knowledged his authority ; aud this great prince had now,
bv prudence and juftice and valour, ettahiithed his fovc-
reignty over all the fouthcin parts of the iilancJ, from the
Englith channel to the frontiers of Scotland; when he died

* Ci .ron. Sax. p. oj. ) Ib .d. M. \Veft. \i. 170. Her. \Vigorn. p.

500. i (.:. . . . 0.5. ;| Ibid. ;&amp;gt;. y;. * Klor.

\v i;.;oni. ;). 598.

63 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, in the vigour of his age and the full ftrength of his faculties,
il. after a glorious reign of twenty-nine years and a half* ,-

* v in which he defervedly attained the appellation of Alfred

the Great, and the title of Founder of the Engiifh monar
chy.

THE merit of this prince, both in piivate and public
life, may with advantage be fet in opposition to that of
any monarch or citizen which the annals of any age or any
nation can prefent to us. He feems indeed to be the mo
del of that perfect character, which, under the denomi
nation of a fage or wile man, philofophers have been fond
of delineating, rather as a fiction of their imagination,
than in hopes of ever feeing it really exifting : So happily
were all his virtues tempered together ; fo juftly were they
blended ; and ib powerfully did each prevent the other
from exceeding its proper boundaries! He knew how to
reconcile the moft enterprifing fpirit with the coolefi mo
deration; the moft obfiinate perfeverance with the eafieft
flexibility; the moft levere jufticewith the gentleft lenity;
the greateft vigour in command with the moft perfect affa
bility of deportmentf; the higheft capacity and inclinati
on for fcience, with the moft fhining talents for action. His
civil and his military virtues are almoft equally the objects
of our admiration; excepting only, that the former, being
more rare among princes, as we! las more ufeful, fecm chief
ly to challenge our applaula. Nature alfo, as if defirous
that fo bright a production of her (kill fhould he fet in the
faireft light, had beftowed on him every bodily accom-
plifhrnent, vigour of limbs, dignity of fhape and air, with
a pleafing, engaging, and open countenance^. Fortune
alone, by throwing him into that barbarous age, deprived
him of hiftorians worthy to tranfmit his fame to pofterity ;
and we wifh to ice him delineated in more lively colour; ,
and with more particular flrokes, that we may at leaft per
ceive fome of thofe frnall fpecks and blemimes, from
which, as a man, it is impoflible he could be entirely ex
empted. ,,.

BUT we fhoulu give but an imperfect idea of Alfred s
merit^ were we to confine our narration to his military ex
ploits, and were not more particular in our account of his
inftitulionsfor the execution of juftice, and of his zeal for
the encouragement of arts and fciences.

AFTER Alfred had subdued, and had fettled or expelled
the Danes, he found the kingdom in the moft wretched
condition; dcfolated by the ravages of thofe baibarians,

[ /Her. p. 21. Chion. S;tx. p. 99. f AfTcr. p. 13. * Ib d. p. r.

A L F R E D. 69

and thrown into diforders, which were calculated to per- CHAP,
petuate its mifery. Though the great armies cf the Danes II.

\tere broken, the country was full of draggling troops of ^ *

that nation, who, being arcuftomed to live by plunder,
were become incapable of induftry; and who, from the
natural ferocity of their manners, indulged thcmfelves in
committing violence, even beyond what was requifite to
fupply their neceffities. The Englifh themfelves, reduced
to the moft extreme indigence by thefe continued depreda
tions, had fhaken off all bands of government; and
thole who had been plundered to-day, betook themfelves
next day to a like disorderly life, and, from defpair, joined
the robbers in pillaging and ruining their fellow-citizens.
Thefe were the evils for which it was neceffary that the
vigilance and a&ivity of Alfred fhould provide a remedy.

THAT he might render the execution of juftice firic\
and regular, he divided all England into counties; thefe
counties he fubdivided into hundreds; and the hundreds
intotithings. Every houfeholdcr was anfwerable for the
behaviour of his family and Haves, and even of his guefts,
if they lived above three days in his houfe. Ten neigh
bouring houfeholders were formed into one corporation,
who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg,
were nnfwerable for each other s conduct, and over whom
one perfon, called atithingman, headbourg, or bormolder,
wa r &amp;gt; appointed to prefide. Every man was punished as an
outlaw, who did not regifter himfelf in fome tithing. And
no man could change his habitation, without a warrant or
ceitific.ite from the borfholder of the tithing to which he
formerly belonged.

WHEN any perfon in anv tithing or decennary was
guilty of a crime, the borfholder was fmnmoned to anfwer
for him; and if he were not willing to be furety for his
appearance, and his clearing himfelf, the criminal was
committed to pn fon, and there detained till his trial. If
he fled i either before or after finding fureties, the borfhol
der and decennary became liable to enquiry, and were c\-
pofed to the penalties of law. Thirty- one days were al-
lowed them for producing the criminal ; and if that time
elapied without their being able to find him, the borfholder,
with two other members of the decennary, was obliged to
appear, and, together with three chief members of the
three neighbouring decennaries (making twelve in all),
to fwear that his decennary was free from all privity
both of the crime committed, and of the efcape of the cri
minal. If the borfholder could not find fuel, a number Jo
anfwer for their innocence, the decennary was compelled
by fine to make faHsfatiioii (o the king, according tor

70 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, degree of the offence*. By this inffitution every man was
II. obliged from his own intereft (o keep a watchful eye over

v v the conduct of his neighbours; and was in a mannei furety

for the behaviour of thofe who were placed under the di-
vifion to which he belonged : Whence thefe decennaries re
ceived the name of frank-pledges.

SUCH a regular difiribution of the people, with fuch a
\\r\t\ confinement in their habitation, may not be necelfe-
ry in times when men arc more enured to obedience and
juftice; and it might perhaps be regarded as deftruitive of
liberty and commerce in a polilhed (late; but it was well
calculated to reduce that fierce and licentious people under
the falutary reftrjint of law and government. But Alfred
took care to temper thefe rigours by other inftitutions favou
rable to the freedom of the citizens; and nothing could be
more popular and liberal than his plan for the adminiftra-
tion of juftice. The boriholdcr lummoned together his
whole decennary to afliil him in deciding any lefier diffe
rence which occurred among the members of this fmall
community. In affairs of greater moment, in appeals from
the decennary, or in controversies arifing between mem
bers of different decennaries, the caule was brought before
the hundred, which confiited often decennaries, or a hun
dred families of freemen, and which was regularly affem-
bled once in four weeks, for the deciding of caufesT Their
method of deciiion delervesto be noted, as being the origin
of juries; an inftitution, admirable in itfelf, and the bed
calculated for the preiervation of liberty and the admini-
ilration of juftice, that ever was deviled by the wit of man.
Twelve freeholders were chofen ; who, having fworn, to
gether with the hundreder, or prefiding magiftrate of that
divifion, to adtniriiller impartial juftice J, proceeded
to the examinat : on of that cauie which was lubmitted to
their jurifuidlion. And befide thefe monthly meetings of
the hundred, there was an annual meeting, appointed for
a more general infpection or" the police of the di(lri& ; for
the enquiry into crimes, the correction of abuies in magi-
Orates, and the obliging of every perfon to (hew the de
cennary in which he was regiftered. The people, in imi
tation of their anceftors, the ancient Germans, aflembled
there in arms; whence a hundred was fometimes called a
wapentake, a::d its rourt ferved both for the luppoit 01
military dilcipiirie, and for the adminiftration of civil
jafticciU

* Leges St. !LJw. c.i;i. 20. a;&amp;lt;ud Wilkins, p. ?oc. f Leg. Ed w.

cap. 2. * i-oriiiis .Alfred, and Goiliuin, apud \Vilkint-, tap. 3. ]&amp;gt;. ^7.

Leg. Etheldani, tap. 2. upad \Villiijv;, p. 5-!. LI.. Lii.eij. -j 4. \ViUi .i-:,
p. 117. I, b^ e. 11:411, in iti&amp;lt;e \\ a;-3sita r.e.

ALFRED. 71

THE next fuperior court to that of the hundred was the CHAP.
countv-court, which met twice a year, after Michaelmas II.

and Eafter, and confided of the freeholders of the county, v

who poffclled an equal vote in the decifion of caufes. r l he
hithop prefided in this court, together with the alderman ;
and the proper object of the court was the receiving of ap
peals from the hundreds and decennaries, and the decid-
in^ of i uch controverfies as arofe between men of different
hundreds. Formerly, the alderman poffeffed both the
civil and military authority ; but Alfred, fenfible that this
conjunction of powers rendered the nobility dangerous and
independent, appointed a lib a fheritfin each county, who
enjoyed a co-ordinate authority with the former in the ju
dicial funclionf. His office allb impowered him to guard
the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines
impofcd ; which in that age formed no contemptible part
of the public revenue.

THERE lay an appeal, in default of juftice, from all thefc
courts to the king himlelf in council ; and as the people,
fenfible of the equity and great talents of Alfred, placed
their chief confidence in him, he was foon overwhelmed
with appeals from all parts of England. He was indefati
gable in the difpatch of thefe caufesj ; but finding that his
time muft be entirely engroffed by this branch of duty, he
refolved to obvi.ite the inconvenience, by correcting the
ignorance or corruption of the inferior magiftrates, from
which it arofeli. Vie took care to have his nobility inftruc-
ted in letters and the laws** : He chofe the earls and fherifFs
from among the men mod celebrated for probity and know
ledge : He punifhed feverely all malversation inofficeff :
And he removed all the earls, whom he found unequal to
the truflU ; allowing only fome of the more elderly to
ferve by a deputy, till their death fliould make room for
more worthy fuccellors.

THE better to guide the magiftrates in the adminiftration
of juftice, Alfred framed a body of laws ; which, though
now loll, ferved long as the balls of Englifh jurifprudence,
and is generally deemed theojigin of what is denominated
_ the COMMON LAW. He appointed regular meetings of
the ftates of England twice a year in London |i|l ; a citv
which he himfelf had repaired and beautified, and which
he thus rendered the capital of the kingdom. The fimila-
rity of thefe inftitutions to the cuftoms of the ancient Ger
mans, to the praciioe of the other northern conquerors,

t Ingulf, p. 870. + AITer. p. 20.

jj Ibid. p. is. 21. Flor. Wieorn.p. 594. Abbas P.ieval, p. 355.
* Flor. Wigcrn. p. 594. Brcmpton, p. 8j 4 . ft Le Miroir

ie Juftice, chap. a. ;* AHer. p. a. ; Le Miroir de Jutiice.

7 2 HIS T O R Y OF E N G L A N D.,

CHAP- and f tne Saxon laws during the Heptarchy, prevents us
II. from regarding Alfred as the fole author of this plan of

u &amp;gt; government ; and leads us rather to think, that, like a wile

man, he contented himfelf with reforming, extending,
and executing the inftitutions which he found previoully
eftablHhed. But, on the whole, fuch fucceis attended his
legitlation, that every thing bore fudden y a new face in
England: Robberies and iniquities of a:l kinds v. ere re-
prelled by the punifhment or reformation of the criminals*:
And fo exact was the general police, that Alfred, U is laid,
hung up, by way of bravado, golden bracelets near the
highways; and no man dared to touch themf. Yet, a-
midft theie rigours of juftice, this great prince preferved
the moft facred regard to the liberty of his people ; and it
is a memorable fentiment preferred in his will, that it was
juft the Englilh fhould for ever remain as free as their own
thoughts^.

As good morals and knowledge are almoft infeparable,
in every age, though not in every individual ; the care of
Alfred for the encouragement of learning among his fub-
jects, was another ufeful branch of his legitlation, and ten
ded to reclaim the Englifh from their former diffolute and
ferocious manners : But the king wa3 guided in this pur-
fuit, lefs by political views, than by his natural bent and
propenfity towards letters. When he came to the throne,
he found the nation funk into the grotted ignorance and
barbarifm, proceeding from the continued dilorders in the
government, and from the ravages of the Danes : The
monafteries were deftroyed, the monks butchered or dif-
pcrfed, their libraries burnt ; and thus the only feats of eru
dition in thofe ages were totally fub verted. Alfred him
felf complains, that on his accelfion he knew not one per-
fon,fouthofthe Thames, who could fo much as interpret the
Latin lervicc ; and very few in the northern parts, who
had even reached that pitch of erudition. But this prince
invited over ihe moft celebrated fcholars from all parts of
Europe; he eftablifhed fchools every where for the inftruc-
tion of his people ; he founded, at leafl repaired, the uni-
verfity of Oxford, and endowed it with many privileges,
revenues, and immunities; he enjoined by law all free
holders polTeffed of two hydes|| of land or more to fend
their children to fchool for their inftruclion ; he gave pre
ferment both in church and ftate to fuch only as had made
fome proficiency in knowledge : And by all theie expedi-

* Ingulf, p. 27. f W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 4. t Affer. p. 24.

|i A hyde contained land fufficient to employ one plough. Sec H. Hunt. lib.
6. in A. D. 1008. Anr.al. Waved., in A. D. 1083. Gervafe of Tiiburp
fa/s, h commonly contained about 100 acres.

ALFRED, 73

ents he had the fatisfaclion, before his death, to fee a great CHAP,
change in the face of affairs; and in a work of his, which II.
is ftiil extant, he congratulates himl clf on the progrefs v^ ,/
which learning, under his patronage, had already made in
England.

Bur the moft effectual expedient, employed by Alfred,
for the encouragement of learning, was his own example,
and the conftant affiduity with which, notwithftanding the
multiplicity and urgency of his affairs, he employed him-
felf in the purfuitsof knowledge. He ufually divided his
time into three equal portions: One was employed in fleep,
and the refection of his body by diet and cxercife ; another
in the difpatch of bufmefs: a third in ftudy and devotion ;
and that he might more exactly meafure the hours, he
made ufe of burning tapers of equal length, which he fix
ed in lanthorns* ; an expedient failed to that rude ace,
when the geometry of diallingj and the mechanifm of
clocks and watches, were totally unknown. And by fuch
a regular diftribution of his time, though he often laboured
under great bodily infirmitiesf, this martial hero, who
fought in perfon fifty-fix battles by fea and land|, v/as able
during a life of no extraordinary length, to acquire more
knowledge, and even to compote more books, than moft
ftudious men, though bleft with the greatcft leifure and
application, have, in more fortunate ages, made the object
of their uninterrupted induftry.

SENSIBLE that the people, at all times, efpecially when
their understandings are obftru6ted by ignorance and bad
education, are not much fufceptible of fpeculative i nl ; mo
tion, Alfred endeavoured to convey his morality by apo
logues, parables, (lories, apophthegms, couched in poetry ;
and befides propagating, among his fubjects, former com-
pofitions of that kind, which he found in the Saxon
tongue||, he exercifed his genius in inventing works of a
like nature**, as well as in tranflating from the Greek the
elegant fables of v^fop. He alfo gave Saxon tranflations
of Orotius s and Dede s hiftories; and of Boethius concern
ing the confolation of philofophytf. And he deemed it
nowife derogatory from his other great characters of ibve-
reign, legillator, warrior, and politician, thus to lead the
way to his people in the purfuits of literature.

MEANWHILE, this prince was not negligent in encou
raging the vulgar and mechanical arts, which have a more

VOL 1. L

* Affer. p. 20. \V. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ir.fulf. p. 870.

t Afler. p. 4. 12, i j. 17. W. Malm. lib. 4. cap. 4.

!j After, p. 13. * Spf min. p. 124. Abbas Kieval, p. 355.

tf W. Malm. lib. ii, sap. 4. Erompton. p. J:^.

74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, fenfible, though not a clofer, connexion with the interefts
II. of fociety. He invited, from all quarters, induflrious fo-

* v reigners to repeople his country, which had been defolated

- by the ravages of the Danes*. He introduced and en
couraged manufactures of all kinds; and no inventor or
improver of any ingenious art did he fuffer to go unie-
wardedf. He prompted men of activity to betake them-
ieh rs to navigation, to pufh commerce into the moll remote
i .itrics, and to acquire riches by propagating induftiy
miong their fellow-citizens. He fet apart a feventh por
tion of his own revenue for maintaining a number of work
men, whom he conftantly employed in rebuilding the
ruined cities, caitles, palaces, and monaileries^. Even
the elegancies of life were brought to him from the Medi
terranean and the Indies|| ; and his fubjecls, by feeing thole
productions of the peaceful arts, were taught to refpedt the
virtues of juftice and indufiry, from which alone they
could arife. Both living and dead, Alfred was regarded
by foreigners, no lefs than by his own lt&amp;gt;bjecls,as the grea-
teft prince after Charlemagne that had appeared in Europe
during feveral ages, and as one of the wiieft and beft that
had ever adorned the annals of any nation.

ALFRED had, by his wife, Ethelfwitha, daughter of a
Mercian carl, three fons and three daughters. The eldefl
ion, Edmund, died without iflue, in his father s lifetime.
The third, Ethelward, inherited his father s paffion for
letters, and lived a private life. The iecond, Edward,
iucceeded to his power ; and paffes by the appellation of
Edward the Elder, being the firft of that name who lat on
the Engliih throne.

EDWARD THE ELDER.

HIS prince, who equalled his father in military ta-
A Icnts, though inferior to him in knowledge and eru
dition**, found immediately on his acceffion, a fpecimen
of that turbulent life to which all princes, and even all in
dividuals, wereexpofed, in an age when men, lefs reftrain-
cd by law or juflice, and lefs occupied by induftry, had no
aliment for their inquietude, but war s,;infurreclions, con-
vulfions, rapine, and depredation. Ethelwald, his coufm-

* After, p. 13. Flor. \Vigorn. p. 588. f A Per. p. 20.

* AUer. p. 20. \V. Malmel. lib. 2. cap. 4. |j W. Malmef. lib. 2.
cap. 4. ** \V. Malmef. lib, 2. cap. 5. Hoveden, p. 421.

E D W A R D T H E E L D E R. 75

german, Ion of king Ethelbert, the elder brother of Al- C H A P-
fred, infifted on his preferable title*; and arming his par- il.

tizans, took poileilion of Winburne, where he feemed de- * / -^

termined to defend himfelf to the laft extremity, and to
await the ifTue of his pretenfionsf. But when the king
approached the town with a great army, Ethelwald, having
the profpecl of certain definition, m.ule his efcape, and
fled tirft into Normandy, thence into Northumberland ;
where he hoped that the people, who had been recently fub-
dued by Alfred, and who were impatient of peace, would,
on the intelligence of that great prince s death, feize the
firft pretence or oppbrtunitv of rebellion. The event did
not difappoint his expectations: The Northumbrians de- %
clared for himj ; and Ethelwald, having thus connected
his interefts with the Danifh tribes, went beyond lea, and
collecting a body of thefe freebooters, he excited the hopes
of all thofe who had been accuftomed to fubfift by rapine
and violence ||. The Eaft-Anglian Danes joined his par
ty : The Five-burgers, who were frated in the heart of
Mercia, began to put thernfelves in motion; and the Eng-
lilh found that they were again menaced with thofe convul-
fions, from which the valour and policy of Alfred had fo
lately retcued them. The rebels, headed by Ethelwald,
made an incurfion into the counties of Glocefter, Oxford,
and Wilts ; and having exerciled their ravages in thefe
places, they retired with their booty, before the king, who
had afiembled an army, was able to approach them. Ed
ward, however, who was determined that his preparations
iLould not be fruitlefs, conducted his forces into Eaft-An~
glia, and retaliated the injuries which the inhabitants had
committed, by fpreading the like devaluation among them.
Satiated with revenge, and loaded with booty, he gave
orders to retire: But the authority of thofe ancient kings,
which was feeble in peace, was not much better eftablilhed
in the field; and the Kontifh men, greedy of more fpoil,
ventured, contrary to repeated orders, to ftav behind him,
and to take up their quarters in Bury. This difobedience
proved in the iiiue fortunate to Edward. The Danes af-
limited the Kentiih men ; but met with fo vigorous a refift-
ance, that, though they gained the field of battle, they
bought that advantage by the lofs of their braveft leaders,
and among the reft, bv that of Ethelwald, w iio penihed in
the action**. The king, -freed from the fear of fo dan-

* Chron. Sax. p. 99, 100. f Ibi .. . i . H. Hunting, li i.

5. Pvi. i-- + Ch-Tin. "six.;). IOO. li. H,.i.-jni{. lib. 5. p. j _,;,

) Chton. Sax. p. too. Cliron. Al.b. . 4. Petri d
** Cj iun. S.:x. n. i ji. Biomp .u-.j, y. Sji.

76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A F. gerous a competitor, rrade peace on advantageous terms

II. with the Eafi-Angles.*

v \i IN ord.er to reflore England to fucn a (late of tranquil
lity as it was then capable of attaining, nought was want
ing but the fubjeciion of the Northumbrians, who, afiiiled
by the fcattered Danes in Mercia, continually in felled the
bowel of the kingdom. Edward, in order to divert the
force of thefe enemies, prepared a fleet to attack them by
lea; hoping that when his (hips appeared on their coaft,
they mud at leaft remain at home, and provide for their
defence. But the Northumbrians were lefs anxious to fe-
cure their own property, than greedy to commit fpoil on
their enemy; and concluding, that the chief ftrength of
the Englilh was embarked on board the fleet, they thought
the opportunity favourable, and entered Edward s territo
ries with all their forces. The king who was prepared
againil this event, attacked them on their return at Teten-
hall in the county of Stafford, put them to rout, recovered
all the booty, and puri ued them with great llaughter into
their own country.

ALL the reft of Edward s reign was a fcene of continued
and fucceisful aclion againfl the Northumbrians, the Eaft-
Angles,the Five-burgers, and the foreign Danes, who in
vaded him from Normandy and.Britanny* Nor was he lefs
provident in putting h;s kingdom in a pofture of defence,
than vigorous in aflaulting the enemy. He fortified the
towns of Chefter, Eddefoury, Warwic, Cherbury, Buck-*
ingham, Towcefter, Maldon, Huntingdon, and Cotchef-
ter. He fought two fignal battles at Temsford and Mal-
donf. He vanquilhed Thurketill, a great Danifn chief,
and obliged him to retire with his followers into France,
in queft of fpoil and adventures. He fubdued the Eaft- An
gles, and foiced them to (wear allegiance to him : He ex
pelled the two rival princes of Northumberland, Reginald
and Sidroc, and acquired, for the prefent, the dominions
of that province: Several tribes of the Britons were fub-
jecled by him ; and even the Scots, who, during the reign
of Egbert, had, under the conduct of Kenneth, their king,
increafed their power by the final fubjeciion of the Picls,
were neverthelels obliged to give him marks of fubmiu*k&amp;gt;n|.
In all thefc fortunate achievements he was afTifled by the
activity and prudence of his fifter Ethelfleda, who was wi
dow of Ethelbert, earl of Mercia, and who, after her huf-
band s death, retained the government of that province.

* Chron. Sax. p. 102. Erompton, p. 832. Matth. Weft. p. 181.
f Chron. Sax. p. 108. Flor. Wigoin. p. 601. J Chion. Sax. p.

Ho. Hovedea. p. 42 x.

A T II E L S T A N. 77

This princefs, who had been reduced to extremity in child- CHAP,
bed, refuied afterwards all commerce with her hufband ; II.
not from any weak fupcrftition, as was common in that v^- v ^- /
age, but becauie (he deemed all domeftic operations un
worthy of her mafculine and ambitious Ipirit*. She died
before her brother ; and Edward, during the remainder of
his reign, took upon himfelf the immediate government of
Mercia, which before had been entrufled to the authority
of a governorf. The Saxon Chronicle fixes the death of
this piince in 925^: His kingdom devolved to Athclftan,
his natural fon.

ATHELSTAN,

II E fiain in this prince s birth was not, in thofe times,
-- deemed fo confiderable as to exclude him from the 9*5-
throne; and Athelftan, being of an age, a-, well as of a
capacity, fitted for government, obtained the preference
to Edward s younger children, who, though legitimate,
were of too tender years to rule a nation fo much expofed
both to foreign invafion and to domeftic convulfions. Some
difconfents, however, prevailed on his acceffion ; and Al
fred a nobleman of confiderable power, was thence
encouraged to enter into a conlpiracy againft him. This
incident is related by hiftorians with icircumftances which
the reader, according to the degree of credit he is difpofed
to give them, rnay impute either to the invention of monks
who forged them, or to their artifice, who found means of
making them real. Alfred, it is laid, being feized upon
ftrong fufpicions, but without anv certain proof, firmly de
nied the conlpiracy imputed to him; and in order to juftify
himfelf, he orrered to (wear to his innocence before the pope,
whole perion, it was fuppoled, contained fuch iuperior
ianftity, that noonecould pie fume to ^ive a falfeoath in
his prelence,and vet hope to efcape the immediate venge
ance of heaven. The king accepted of the condition, and
Alfred was conducted to Rome ; where, either confcious
of his innocence, or negieciing the fuocrftit on o which
he appealed, he ventured to make the oath required of him,
before John, who thon filled tiie papal chair. But no iooner
had he pronounced the fatal words, than he fell into con
vulfions, of which, three days after, he expired. The

W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 5. Ma;th. Weft p. 182. Ingulf, p. sS. Hig-
ien, p. 261. f Chion. S&amp;gt;ax. p. no. Broaipton, p. 831, + Page no. .

78 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, king, as if the guilt of the confpirator were now fully af-
II. certained, confiscated his eftate, and made a prefent of it

v v to the monaftery of Malmefbury*; fecure that no doubts

would ever thenceforth be entertained concerning the juf-
tice of his proceedings.

THE dominion of Athelftan was no fooner eftabliflied
over his Englilh fubje&s, than he endeavoured to give fe-
curity to the government, by providing againft the infur-
reftions of the Danes, which had created fo much diftur-
bance to his predeceflbrs. He marched into Northumber
land ; and fin Jing that the inhabitants bore with impati
ence the Engliih yoke, he thought it prudent to confer on
Sithric, a Danifh nobleman, the title of King, and to at
tach him to his interefts, by giving him his filler, Editha,
in marriage. But this policy proved by accident the fource
of dangerous confequences, Sithric died in a twelvemonth
after; and his two ions by a former marriage, Anlaf and
Godfrid, founding pretenfions on their father s election,
afl umed the lovereignty without waiting for Athelftan s
confent. They were icon expelled by the power of that
monarch; and ihe former took Ihelter in Ireland, as the lat
ter did in Scotland ; where he received, during fome time,
protection from Conftantine, who then enjoyed the crown
of that kingdom. The Scottifh -prince, however, continu
ally folicitcd, and even menaced by Athelftan, at lad pro-
rniied to deliver up his gueft; but fecretly detcfting this
treachery, he gave Godfrid warning to make his elcapef ;
and that fugitive, after fubfiftingby piracy for fome years,
freed the king, by his deatl*, from any farther anxiety.
Athelftan, relenting Conftantine s behaviour, entered Scot
land with an army ; and ravaging the country with impu
nity:]:, he reduced the Scots to. fuch diftrefs, that their king
was content to preferve his crown, by making fubmiffions
to the enemy. The Englifh hiftorians alTert||, that Con
ftantine did homage to Athelftan for his kingdom ; and
they add, that the latter prince, being urged by his courti-
"ers to pulii the prefent favourable opportunity, and entire
ly fubdue Scotland, replied, that it was more glorious to
confer than conquer kingdoms**. But thofe annals, (o
uncertain an-d imperfedt in themfelves, lofeall credit, when
national prepofleflions and animofities have place : And on
that account, the Scotch hiftorians, who, without having
any more knowledge of the matter, ftrenuoufly deny the
fad, feem more worthy of belief.

* W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 6. Spell. Cone. p. 417. t W. Malm.

lib. o. cap. 6. * Chron. Sax. p. lit. Hoveden. p. 422. H.

Hunting, lib. 5. p. 5-4. |, Hoveder, p. 4-:. ** \V. Malir.ef,
iib. 2. cap. 6. Anglia Sacra, vol. I. p. 21?.

A T H E L S T A N. 79

CONSTANTINE, whether he owed the retaining of his CHAP.
crown to the moderation of Athenian, who was unwilling ]I.

to employ all his advanraies againft him, or to the policy * * -

of that piince, who efteemed the humiliation of an enemy
a greater acquisition than the fubjc&ion of a difcontented
and mutinous people, thought the behaviour of the Kngliih
monarch more an object of relentment than of gratitude.
He entered into a confederacy with Anlaf, who had col
lected a great body of Danifh pirates, whom he found
hovering in the Irifh leas ; and with foine Welfli princes,
who were terrified at the growing power of Athelftan :
And all thefe allies made by concert an irruption with a
great army into England. Athelftan, colle&ing his forces,
met the enemy near Brunfbury in Northumberland, and
defeated them in a general engagement. This victory was
chiefly afcribed to the valour of Turketul, the Engliih.
chancellor : For in thofe turbulent ages, no one was fo
much occupied in civil employments, as wholly to lay afide
the military character*.

THERE is a circumftance, not unworthy of notice, which
hiftorians relate with regard to the traniadions of this war.
Anlaf, on the approach of the Englifh army, thought that
he could not venture too much to enfure a fortunate event ;
and employing the artifice formerly pradil ed by Alfred
againft the Danes, he entered the enemy s camp in the ha
bit of a mitiftrel. The ftratagem was for the prefent at
tended with like fuccefs. He gave fuch fatisfadion to the
foldiers, who flocked about him, that they introduced him
to the king s tent ; and Anlaf, having played before that
prince and his aobles during their repaft, was difmiiled
with a hand feme reward. His prudence kept him from re-
fufing the prefent; but his pride determined him, on his
departure, to bury it, while he fancied that he was unefpi-
ed by all the world. But a foldier in Athelftan s camp,
who had formerly ferved under Anlaf, had been ftruck
with fome fufpicion on the firft appearance of the minftrel;
and was engaged by curiofity to obferve all his motions.
He regarded this laft action as a full proof of Anlaf s dif-
guife ; and he immediately carried the intelligence to
Athelftan, who blamed him for not fooner giving him in
formation, that he might have feized his enemy. But the
foldier told him, that, as he had formerly 1 worn fealty to
Anlaf, he could never have pardoned hitnfelf the treacherv
of betraying and ruining his ancient mafter ; and that

* The office of chancellor among the Anglo-Saxons refembled more that of
a fecretary of ftate, than that of our prefent chancellor. -See Spellman in voce

Canctllatiui,

8o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Athelftan himfelf, after fuch an inftance of his criminal
II. conduct, would have had equal reafon to diftruft his alle-

* * giance. Athelftan, having praifed the generofity of the

foldier s principles, reflected on the incident, which he
forefaw might be attended with important confequences.
He removed his ftation in the camp ; and as a bifhop ar
rived that evening with a reinforcement of troops (for the
ccclefiaftics were then no lei s warlike than the civil magif-
trates), he occupied with his train that very place which
had been left vacant by the king s removal. The precau
tion of Athelftan was found p udent : For no fooner had
darknefs fallen, than Anlaf broke into thecainpj and haf-
tening directly to the place where he had left the king s
tent, put the bifhop to death, before he had time to prepare
for his defence.*

THERE fell feveral Danifh and Wclfh prince- in the
action of Brunfburyt ; and Conftantine and Anlaf made
their efcape with difficulty, leaving the greater part of their
army on the field of battle. After this fuccefs, Athelftan
enjoyed his crown in tranquillity ; and he is regarded as
one of the ableft and moft active of thofe ancient princes.
He paffed a remarkable law, which was calculated for the
encouragement of commerce, and which it required fome
liberality of mind in that age to have deviled : That a
merchant, who had made three long fea-voyages on his
own account, mould be admitted to the rank of a thane or
gentleman. This prince died at Glocefter in the year
94 ij, after a reign of fixteen years; and was fueceeded by
Edmund, his legitimate brother.

EDMUND.

EDMUND, on his acceffion, met with difturbance
from the reftlefs Northumbrians, who lay in wait for
every opportunity of breaking into rebellion. But march
ing fuddenly with his forces into their country, he fo over
awed the rebels, that they endeavoured to appeafe him by
the moft humble iubmiffionsll. In order to give him the
furer pledge of their obedience, they offered to embrace
Chriftianity ; a religion which the Englifh Danes had fre
quently profeffed, when reduced to difficulties, but which,

* XV. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Higden, p. 263. t Brompton,

p. 839. Ingulf, p. 29. J Chron. Sax. p. 114. |j W. Malmef.

lib. 2. cap. 7. Brompton, p. 857.

E D R E 0. 81

for that very reafon, they regarded as a badge of fervitude, CHAP,
and ihook off as foon as a favourable opportunity offered . II.

Edmund, trailing little to their fincerity in this forced fub- v * -

miiTion, ufed the precaution of removing the Five burgers
from the towns of Mercia, in which they had been allowed
to fettle; becauie it was always found, that they took ad
vantage of every commotion, and introduced the rebelli
ous or foreign Danes into the heart of the kingdom. He
alfo conquered Cumberland from the Britons; and confer
red that territory on Malcolm king of Scotland, on condi
tion that he fhould do him homage for it, and protect the
north from all future incurfions of the Danes.

EDMUND wasyoungwhen he came to the crown; yet
was his reign Ihort, as his death was violent. One day as
he was folemnizing a feilival in the county of Glocefter,
he remarked, that Leolf, a notorious robber, whom he
had Sentenced to banimment, had yet the boldnefs to enter
the hall where he himielf dined, and to fit at table with his
attendants. Enraged at thisinfolence, he ordered him to
leave the room ; but on his refuting to obey, the king,
whole temper, nalurally choleric, was inflamed by this ad
ditional infult, leaped on him himfelf, a/id feized him by
the hair : But the ruffian, pufhed to extremity, drew his
dagger, and gave Edmund a wound, of which he imme
diately expired. This event happened in the year 946,
and in the fixth year of the king s reign. Edmund left
male-iffue, but fo young, that they were incapable of go
verning the kingdom; and his brother, Edred, was promot
ed to the throne.

EDRED.

HP H E reign of this prince, as thofe of his predecefibrs,
** was ditfurbed by the rebellions and incurfions of the
Northumbrian Danes, who, though frequently quelled,
were never entirely fubdued, nor had ever paid a
fincere allegiance to the crown of England. The accef-
fion of a new king feerned to them a favourable opportunity
for making off the yoke; but on I red s appearance with
an army, they made him their wonted fubmiflions ; and
the king, having wafted the country with fire and fword,
as a punifliment of their rebellion, obliged them to renew
their oaths of allegiance : and he ftraighf retired with his
forces. The obedience of the Danes lafted no louecr
VOL. J. M

82 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP *^ an t ie P re ^ ent terror. Provoked at the deviations of
j] Edred, and even reduced by neceffity to lubfift on plun-
-.- i der, they broke into a new rebellion, and were again fub-

dued : But the king, now inftrucled by experience, took
greater precautions againfl their future revolt. He fixed
Englifh garrifons in their moft confiderable towns ; and
placed over them an Englifh governor, who might watch
all their motions, and fupprefs any infurre&ion on its firft
appearance. He obliged alfo Malcolm, king of Scotland,
to renew his homage for the lands which he held in Eng
land.

En RED, though not unwarlike, nor unfit for active life,
lay under the influence of the loweft fuperftition, and had
blindly delivered over his confcience to the guidance of
Dunftan, commonly called St. Dunftan, abbot of Glaften-
bury, whom he advanced to the higheft ofHces, and who
covered, under the appearance of fanclity, the moft violent
and moft inlolent ambition. Taking advantage of the
implicit confidence repoled in him by the king, this
churchman imported into England a new order of monks,
who much changed the ftate of .ecclefiaftical affairs, and
excited, on their firft efiablifhment, the moft violent com
motions.

FROM the introduction of Chriftianity among the Sax
ons, there had been monafteries in England ; and thefe
eftablifhments had extremely multiplied, by the donations
of the princes and nobles ; whole fuperftition, derived
from their ignorance and precarious life, and increafed by
remorfes for the crimes into which they were fo frequently
betrayed, knew no other expedient for appearing the Dei
ty than a profufe liberality towards the ecc efiaftics. But
the monks had hitherto been a fpecies of fecular pricfts,
who lii*ed after the manner of the prefent canons or pre-
bendaries, and were both intermingled, in ibme degree,
with the world, and endeavoured to render themfelvcs
ufeful to it. They were employed in the education of
youth* : They had thedifpofai of their own time and in-
cluftry : They were not fubje&cd to the rigid rules of an
order : They had made no vows of implicit obedience to
their fuperiorsf: And they ftill retained the choice, with
out quitting the convent, either of a married or a fingle
lifej. But a miftaken piety had produced in Italy a new
ipecies of monks, called Benedictines ; who, carrying
farther the plaufiblc principles of mortification, fecluded

* Olberne in Anslia Sacra, torn. 2. p. 22. f Ofberne, p. 9 .

* See Wharton s notes to Anglia Sacra, torn. 2. p. 91. Cervafe, p. 1645.
Chion. \Vint. MS. apud Spell. Cone. p. 4j.j.

E D R E D. 83

themfelves entirely from the world, renounced all claim to
liberty, and made a merit of the moll inviolable chaftity.
Thefe practices and principles, which luperftition at firtt
engendered, were greedily embraced and promoted by
the policy of the court of Rome. The Roman pontiff , who
was making everv day great advances towards an absolute
fovereignty over the ecclefiaftics, perceived that the celi
bacy of the clergy alone could break off entirely their
connection with the civil power, and depriving them of
every other object of ambition, engage them to promote,
with unceafing induftry, the grandeur of their own order.
He was fenfible, that ib long as the monks were indulged
in marriage, and were permitted to rear families, they
never could be fubjecled to ftrict discipline, or reduced to
that flavery under their fuperiors, which was requifite to
procure to the mandates, iflued from Rome, a ready and
zealous obedience. Celibacy, therefore, began to be ex
tolled, as the indifpenfablc duty of priefts ; and the pope
undertook to make all the clergy throughout the weittrn
world renounce at once the privilege of marriage : A for
tunate policy ; but at the lame tin/e an undertaking the
moft difficult of any, fince he had the ftrongeft propenfi-
ties of human nature to encounter, and found, that the
lame connections with the female fex, which generally
encourage devotion, were here unfavourable to the iuccefs
of his project. It is no wonder, therefore, that this mnfter-
ftroke of art ihould have met with violent contradiction,
and that the interefts of the hierarchy, and the inclinati
ons of the prieils, being now placed in this fmgular op-
pofition, fhould, notwithfhmding the continued efforts of
Rome, have retarded the execution of that bold fcheme
during the courie of near three centuries.

As the biihops and parochial clergy lived apart with
their families, and were more connected with the world,
the hopes of fuccefs with them were fainter, and the pre
tence tor making them renounce marriage was much lefs
plaufible. But the pope, having caft his eye en the monks
as the bafis of his authority, was determined to reduce
thorn under i trict rules, of obedience, to procure them the
credit of ianctity by an appearance of {he moft rigid mor
tification, and to break qii ail their other ties which might
interfere with his Ipiriiua! policy. Under pretence, there
fore, of reforming abuies, which were, in fume degree,
unavoidable in the ancient eftablifhments, he had already
iprcad over the fou hern countries of. Kurope the fevcte
l.iwsof the monaftic life, and began to form attempts to-
\vards a like innovation in Kngland. Th.e favourable op
portunity or^erc-d itielf (and it was greedily feizcd), aiifiiig

&* HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, from the weak fuperftition of Edrcd, and the violent im-
II. petuous character of Dunftan.

DUNSTAN was born of noble parents in the weft of Eng
land ; and being educated under his uncle Aldbelm, then
archbimop of Canterbury, had betaken himielt to the ec-
clefiafiical life, and had acquired feme character in the
court of Edmund. He was how ever, represented to that
prince as a man of licentious manners* ; and finding his
fortune blaftcd by thefe fufpicions, his ardent ambition
prompted him to repair his indifcretions, by running into
an oppofite extreme. He fecluded himfelf entirely from
the world ; he framed a cell fo fmall, that he could neither
ftand creel in it, norftrctch out his limbs during his re-
pofe; and he here employed himfelf perpetually either in
devotion or in manual labourf. It is probable, that his
brain became gradually crazed by thefe foiitary occupati
ons, and that his head was filled with chimeras, which,
being believed by himfelf and his ftupid votaries, procured
him the general character of fanctity among the people.
He fancied that the devil, among the frequent vifits which
he paid him, w.^s one day more earned than ufual in his
temptations; till Dunftan, provoked at his importunity,
feized him by the nofe with a pair of red hot pincers, as
he.puthis head into the cell ; and he held him there, till
that malignant fpirit made the whole neighbourhood re-
found with his bellowings. This notable exploit was feri-
oufly credited and extolled by the public; it is tranfmitted
to pofterity by one who, confidering the age in which lie
lived, may pafs for a writer of feme elegance^ ; and it
Jnfured to Dunftan a reputation which no real piety, much
Jels virtue, cculd, even in the mod enlightened period,
have ever procured him with the people.

SUPPORTED by the characler obtained in his retreat,
Dunftan appeared again in the world ; and gained fuch
an afcendant over Edred, who had fucceeded to the crown,
as made him, not only the director of that prince s con-
fcience, but his counfellor in the moft momentous affairs
of government. He was placed at the head of the trealu-
ryll, and being thus poffcfled both of power at court, and
of credit with the populace, he was enabled to attempt with
fuccefs the moft arduous enterprifes. Finding that his
advancement had been owing to the opinion of his aufte-
rity, he profeflcd himfelf a partizan of the rigid monaitic
rules; and after introducing that reformation into the con-

* Ofheine.p. 05. Man. \Vcft. p. I j. f Ofberne, p. 96.

^ GiLerne, p. n/. || Oiberne, p. 102. \\ a li^ford, p. 541.

E D R E D 85

vents of Glaftenbury and Abingdon, he endeavoured to C H A P.
render it univerfal in the kingdom. 11-
TH E minds of men were already well prepared for this v j

innovation. The praifesof an inviolable chauity had been
carried to the higheft extravagance by fome of the hrft
preachers of ChrilHanity among the Saxons : The pleafures
of love had been reprefented as incompatible with Chrif-
tian perfection: And a total abftinence from all commerce
with the lex was deemed fuch a meritorious penance, as
was iufficient to atone for the greateft enormities. The
Confequence feemed natural, that thofe, at leaft, \v\\o offi
ciated at the altar mould be clear of this pollution: and
when the doctrine cf tranfubftantiation, which was DOW
creeping in*, was once fully eftablifhed, the reverence to
the real body of Chrift in the eucharift beftowed on this
argument an additional force and influence. The monks
knew how to avail themfelves of all thefc popular topics,
and to let off their own character to the beft advantage.
They afFecled the greateft aufterity of life and manners :
They indulged themlelves inthehigbcft drains of devoti
on : They inveighed bitterly againft the vices and preten
ded luxury of the age : They were particularly vehement
againft the diflolute lives of the fecular clergy, their rivals:
E ery inftance of libertinifm in any individual of that or
der was reprefented as a general corruption : And where
other topics of defamation were wanting, their marriage
became a fure fubjecl of invective, and their wives received
the name of concubine, or other more opprobrious appella
tion. The fecular clergy, on the other hand, who were
numerous and rich, and poffefled of the eoclefiaftical dig
nities, defended themfelves with vigour, and endeavoured
to retaliate upon their adverfaries. The people were
thrown into agitation ; and few inftances occur of more vio
lent diirenfions, excited by the moft material differences
in religion ; or rather by the moft frivolous: Since it is a
juft remark, that the more affinity there is between theolo
gical parties, the greater commonly is their animofity.

THE progrefs of the monks, which was become confi-
clerable, was fomewhat retarded by the death of Edred,
their paitifan, who expired after a reign of nine yearsf.
He left children ; but as they were infants, his nephc\v
Edwy, fun of Edmund, was placed on the throne.

\ ;M,C. vol. i. p. 4,2. f Ch .on. S*. ;&amp;gt;. 115.

86 H I S T O R Y O F E 1STG L A N D,

D W Y.

ED W Y, at the time of his acceffion, was not above
fixtecn or feventeen years of age, was poffeflecl of
the mod amiable figure, arid was even endowed, according
to authentic accounts, with the molt promifmg virtues*.
He would have been the favourite of his people, had he
not unhappily, at the commencement of his reign, been
engaged in a controverly with the monks, whofe rage
neither the graces of the body nor virtues of the mind
could mitigate, and who have purfued his memory with
the fame unrelenting vengeance, which they exercifed
againft his perfon and dignity during his fhort and unfor
tunate reign. There was a beautiful princels of the royal
blood, called Elgiva, who had made imprefiion on the
tender heart of Edwy ; and as he was of an age when the
force of the paffions firft begins to be felt, he had ventured,
contrary to the advice of his graved counfellors, and the
remonftrances of the more dignified eccieiiaftics f, to
efpoufc her ; though fhe was within the degrees of affinity
prohibited by the canon-lawj. As the auiterity, affected
by the monks, made them particularly violent on this oc-
cafion, Edwy entertained a ftrong prepoffefiion againft
them; and leemed, on that account, determined not to
fecond their project, of expelling the feculars from all the
convents, and of poil^ffing thernielves of thofe rich efta-
blifhments. War was therefore declared between the king
and the monks ; and the former foon found reafon to re
pent his provoking fuch dangerous enemies. On the day
of his coronation, his nobility were afiembled in a great
hall, and were indulging themfelves in that riot and dif-
order, which, from the example of their German ancef-
tors, had become habitual to the Englifhjj ; when Edwy,
attracted by fofter pleafures, retired into the queen s apart
ment, and in that privacy gave reins to hisfondncfs towards
his wife, which was only moderately checked by the pre-
fencc of her mother. Dunftan conjectured the reafon of
the king s retreat ; and carrying along with him (Xlo,
archbifhop of Canterbury, over whom he had gained rn
abfolute alcendant, he burfi into the apartment, upbraided
Edwy with his lafcivioufnefs, probably beftowed on tho
queen the moll opprobrious, epithet that can be applied to

* H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. ^556. f W. M. ilraef. lib, c. cap. 7,

Ibid. j| Wailinjford, p. 5^2.

E D W Y. 8?

her fex, and tearing him from her arms, pufhed him hack, C H A Pi
in a difgraceful manner, into the banquet of the nobles*. II.

Edvvy, though young, and oppofed by the prejudices of the v * ^

people, found an opportunity of taking revenge for this
public infult. He questioned Dunftan concerning the ad-
minittration of the treafury during the reign of his prede-
ceiforf ; and when that minifter refufed to give any ac
count of money expended, as he affirmed j by orders of the
late king, he ace u fed him of malverfation in his office,
and baniihed him the kingdom. But Dunftan s cabal was
not unailive during his abfence: They filled the public
with 1 ^h panegyrics on his ianclity : Thdy exclaimed
againft the impiety of the king and queen : And having
poiibned the minds of the people by theie declamations, they
proceeded to Hill more outrageous als of violence againft:
the royal authority. Archbifliop Odo fcnt into the palace
a party of loldiers, who feized the queen ; and having bur
ned her face with a red-hot iron, in order to deftroy that
fatal beauty which had feduccd Edwy, they carried her by
force into Ireland, .there to remain in perpetual exile^*
Edwy, finding it in vain to refift, was obliged to confenl to
his divorce, which was pronounced by Odo||; and a cataf-
trophe, Hill more dilinal, awaited the unhappy Eigiva*
That amiable princefs, being cured of her wounds, and
having even obliterated the fears with which Odd had hoped
to deface her beauty, returned into England, and was flying
to the embraces of the king, whom fhe ftill regarded as her
hulband ; when fhe fell into the hands of a party, whom
the primate hud lent to intercept her. Nothing but her
death could now give lecurity to Odo and the monks ; and
the moft cruel death was requifite to fatiate their venge
ance. She was hamftringed ; and expired a few days after
at Glocefter in the moft acute torments**.

THE Englidi, blinded with fuperftition, inftead of being
(hocked with his inhumanity, exclaimed that the misfor
tunes of Edwy and his confort were a juft judgment for
their dillblute contempt of the ecclefiaftical ftatutes. They
even proceeded to rebellion againft their fovereign ; and
having placed Edgar at their head, the younger brother
of Edwy, a boy of thirteen years of age, they foon put
him in pofleflion of Mercia, Northumberland, Eafl-An-
glia ; and chafed Edwy into the fouthern counties. That
it might not be doubtful at whofe iniligation this revolt was
undertaken, Dunftan returned into England, and took upon

* W. Mahnef. lib. 2. cap. 7. Ofberne, p. 83. 105. M. Weft. p. 105.
196. f Wallingford, p. 542. Alur. Beverl. p. 112. Oiberne,

p. 84. Gervafe, p. 164-1. II Hoveden, p. 425. . * OlLenie, p. 84.

Gervule, p. 1645, 1646.

85 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, him the government of Edgar and his party. He was firft
11. inftalled in the fee ofWorceiter, then in that of London*,

v v and, on Odo s death, and the violent expulfion of Brithelm,

his fucceflor, in that of Canterb.iryt ; of all which he
Jong kept poffeflion. Odo is tranfmitted to us by the
monkr, under the character of a man of piety ; Dunfian
was even canonized; and is one of thofe numerous faints
of the fame (lamp who difgrace the Romifh calendar.
Meanwhile the unhappy Edwy was excommunicated ,
and purfued with unrelenting vengeance; but hi, death,
which happened foon after, freed his enemies from all
farther inquietude, and gave Edgar peaceable pofleffion of
the government.**

EDGAR.

THIS prince, who mounted the throne in fuch early
youth, foon difcovered an excellent capacity in the
adminiftration of affairs ; and his reign is one of the moft
fortunate that we meet with in the ancient Englifh hiftory.
He fhowed no averfion to war; he made the wifefl mrepa-
rations againft invaders: And by this vigour and foref.ght
he was enabled, without any danger of fuffering infults,
to indulge his inclination towards peace, and to employ
himfelf in fupporting and improving the internal govern
ment of his kingdom. He maintained a body of diicipiin-
ed troops ; which he quartered in the north, in order to
keep the mutinous Northumbrians in fubjeftion, and tore-
pel the inroads of the Scots. He built and fupported a
powerful navy || ; and that he might retain the feamen in
the practice of their duty, and always prefent a formidable
armament to his enemies, he Oationed three fquadrons off
tliecoafl:, and ordered them to make, from time to time,
the circuit of his dominionsff. The foreign Da*nes dared
not to approach a country which appeared in fuch a pofture
of defence: The domeftic Danes faw inevitable deftrudlion
to be the confequence of their tumults and infurre&ions :
The neighbouring fovereigns, the king of Scotland, the
princes of Wales, of the Hie of Man, of the Orkneys, and

* Cliron. Sax. p. 117. Flor. Whom p. 605. \Vallingford, p. 544.
t Ho- et .en, p. 425. Oiberne, p. 109. + Brompton, p. 863.

[ Higden, p. 2^5. ** See note [BJ at the end of the volume,

fj- See note [Cj at I he end of the volume.

EDGAR. ^9

even of Ireland*, were reduced to pay fubmiflion to fo CHAP,
formidable a monarch. He carried his fuperiority to a II.

great height, and might have excited an univedal combi- v . f

nation againft him, had not his power be; n fo well eftab-
liftied, as to deprive his enemies of all hopes of making
it. Itisfaid, that refiding once at Chefter, and having
purpoted to go by water to the abbey of St. John the Bap-
tilt, he obliged eight of his tributary princes to row him in
a barge upon the Decf. The Englilh hillorians are fond
of mentioning the name of Kenneth III. king of Scots,
among the number : The Scottifh hiftorians either deny
the fad, or affeit that their king, if ever he acknowledg
ed himfelf a vaffal to Edgar, did him homage, not for his
crown, but for the dominions which he held in England.

BUT the chief means by which Edgar maintained his
authority, and preierved public peace, was the paying of
court to Dunftan and the monks, who had at firft placed
him on the throne, and who, by their pretenfions to fupe-
rior fantlity and purity of manners, had acquired an afcen-
dant over the people. He favoured their fcheme for dif-
podeiling the fecular canons of all the monafi cries j; he
bellowed preferment on none but their partizans; he al
lowed Dunftan to rcfign the fee of Worcefter into the hands
of Ofwald,one of his creatures!); and to place Ethelwoid,
another of them, in that of Winchefter** ; he confulted
thefe prelates in the adminiftration of all ecclefiaftical,
and even in that of many civil affairs ; and though the
vigour of his own genius prevented him from being impli
citly guided by them, the king and the bifhops found fuch
advantages in their mutual agreement, that they always ac
ted in concert, and united their influence in preferring the
peace and tranquillity of the kingdom.

IN order to complete the great work of placing the new
order of monks in all the convents, Edgar fummoned a
general council of the prelates and the heads of the religi
ous orders. He here inveighed, againft the diflblute lives
of the fecular clergy , the fmallnefs of their tonfure, which
it is probable, maintained no longer any refemblance to
the crown of thorns ; their negligence in attending the
exercife of their function; their mixing with the laity in
the plealures of gaming, hunting, dancing, and fmging ;
and their openly living with concubines, by which it is

VOL. I. N

* S psll. Cor.c.p. 432. f \V. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden,

p. 406. H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. 356. t Chion. sax. p. 117, 118.

W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 3. Hoveden, p. 425, 426. Olbern?, p. 112.

!i W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden. p. 425. ** Gervafe, p.

1646. Brompton, p. 04 . Fler. Wljorii. p. 606. Chron. Abb. St. Petii
de 2L;rgo, p. 27, 2?.

90 H I S T O 11 Y O F E N G L A N D.

C HA P. commonly fuppofed he meant their wives. He then turned
II. himfeif to Dunftan the primate ; and in the name of king

v v &amp;gt; Edred, whom he luppoled to look down from heaven with

indignation againft all thole enormities, he thus addrefled
him : " It is you, Dunflan, hy whofe advice 1 founded
" monafieries,- built churches, and expended my treasure
" in the fupport of religion and religious houles. You
" were my counlellor and affifiant in all my fchemes :
" You were the director of my conicicnce : To you I
" \vasobedientinallthings. When did you call for fup-
" plies, which 1 refilled you? Was my aflifiance ever
" wanting to the poor? Did I deny fupport and eftablifh-
" inenfs to the clergy and the convents ? Did 1 not hearken
" to your inftructions, who told me that thefe charit- cs
" were, of all others, the moft grateful to my Maker, and
" fixed a perpetual fund for the {"up port of religion ?
" .And are all our pious endeavours now fruftrated by the
" dilTolute lives of the priefts? Not that I throw any blame
" on you : You have reafoned, befought, inculcated, in-
" veighed - But it now behoves you to ule fharper and
" more vigorous remedies; and conjoining your Spiritual
" authqrity with the civil power, to purge effectually the
" temple of God from thieves and intruders*." It iseafy
to imagine, that this harangue had the defired effecl ; and
that, when the king and prelates thus concurred with the
popular prejudices, it was not long before the monks pre
vailed, and ellablifhed their new discipline in almoft all
the convents.

WE may remark, that the declamations againft the fe~
cular clergy are, both here and in all the hiftorians, con
veyed in general terms; and as that order of men are com
monly retrained by the decency of their character, it is
difficult to believe that the complaints againft their difTo-
lute manners could be fo univerfally juft as is pretended.
It is more probable that the monks paid court to the popu
lace by an afieilcd auflerity of life ; and reprefenting the
moft innocent liberties, taken by the other clergy, as great
and unpardonable enormities, thereby prepared the way
for the encreate of their own power and influence. Edgar,
however, like a true politician, concurred with the prevail
ing party; and he even indulged them in pretenfions,
which, though they might, when complied with, engage
the monks to fupport royal authority during his own reign,
proved afterwards dangerous to his fucceflors, and gave dii-
turbanre to the whole civil power. He leconded the policy
of the court of Rome, in granting to iome monaft cries an

* Abbas Rieval. p. 360, 361. Spell. Cone. p. 476,477,478.

EDGAR. 9

exemption from epifcopal jurifdiclion : He allowed the c H A !
&amp;lt;:on vents, even thofe of royal foundation, to ufurp the II.

election of their own abbot : And he admitted their for- v .

Aeries of ancient charters, by which, from the pretended
grant of former kings, they afTumed many privileges and
immunities*.

THESE merits of Edgar have procured him the higheft
panegyrics from the monks; and he is tranfmitted to us,
not only under the character of a confummate ftateimau
and an acYive prince, praifes to which he feems to have
been juftly entitled, but under that of a great faint and a
man of virtue. But nothing could more betray both his
hypocnfy in inveighing againft the licentioufnefs of the
fecular clergy, and the interefted fplrit of his partifans, in
beftowing fuch eulogies on his piety, than the ufual tenour
of his conduct, which was licentious to the higheft degree,
and violated every law, human and divine. Yet thofe very
monks, who, as we are told by Ingulf, a very ancient
hiftorian, had no idea of any moral or religious merit, ex
cept chaftity and obedience, not only connived at his enor
mities, but loaded him with the greateft praifes. Hiftory,
however, has preferved fome inftances of his amours, from
which, as from a fpecimen, we may form a conjecture of
the reft.

EDGAR broke into a convent, carried offEditha, a nun,
bv force, and even committed violence on her perfonf.
For this aft of facrilege he was reprimanded by Dunftan ;
and that he might reconcile himfelf to the church, he was
obliged not to ieparate from his miftrefs, but to abflain
from wearing his crown during feven years, and to deprive
himfelf fo long of that vain ornament | : A punishment
very unequal to that which had been inflicted on the un
fortunate Edwy, who, for a marriage which in the ftricleft
fenfe could only deferve the name of irregular, was expel
led his kingdom, law his queen treated with fingular bar
barity, was loaded with calumnies, and has been repre-
fented to us under the moft odious colours. Such is the af-
cendant which may be attained, by hypocrify and cabal,
over mankind !

THERE was another miRrefs of Edgar s, with wbom he
firft formed a connexion by a kind of accident. Faffing
one day by Andover, he lodged in the hpufe of a noble
man, whole daughter, being endowed with all tlie graces
of perlbn and behaviour, enflamed him at fuft iiiiht with

1 * O

* Chron. Sax. p. nS. \V. MaTmef. lib. . cap. . S"Meiii .Spicilc . ad
Eadm. p. 140. 157. f \V. Ma in .{. lib. a. cap. 8. OlLitine, p. 3,

0, p. 457. Higdcn, p. 263. 267, ao3. Spell, tone. p. 4X1.
t Oiben.e, p. in.

92 HISTORY OF 1 ENGLAND.

C H A F. the higheft defire; and he refolved by any expedient to
II. gratify it. As he had not leifure to employ courtfhip

s v or addrefs for attaining his ptirpofe, he went directly

to her mother, declared the violence of his paffion,
and defired that the young lady might be allowed to pa is
that very night with him. The mother was a woman of
virtue, and determined not to diiV;onour her daughter and
her family by compliance; but being well acquainted with
the impetuofity of the king s temper, fhe thought it would
be eafier, as well as fafer, to deceive than refufe him. She
feigned therefore a fubmiffion to his will ; but fecrctly or
dered a waiting-maid, of no difagreeable figure, to fteal
into the king s bed, after all the company fhould be retired
to reft. In the morning, before day-break, the damfel,
agreeably to the injunctions of her miftrefs, offered to re
tire; but Edgar, who had no referve in his pleafures, and
whofe love to his bed- fellow was rather enflamed by enjoy
ment, refuted his confent,and employed force and entrea
ties to detain her. Elfleda (for that was the name of the
maid), trufting to her own charms, and to the love with
which, fhe hoped, The had now infpired the king, made
probably but a faint refiftance; and the return of light dif-
covered the deceit to Edgar. He had pa fled a night fo
much to his fatisfalion, that he expreffed no difpleafure
with the old lady on account of her fraud; his love was
transferred to Elfleda ; fhe became his favourite miftrefs ;
and maintained her afcendant over him till his marriage
with Elfrida*.

THE circumftances of his marriage with this lady were
more fingular and more criminal. Elfrida was daughter
and heir of Olgar, earl of Devonfhire ; and though (he had
been educated in the country, and had never appeared at.
court, fhe had filled all England with the reputation of her
beauty. Edgar himfelf, who was indifferent to no ac
counts of this nature, found his curiofity excited by the
frequent panegyrics which he heard of Elfrida ; and re
flecting on her noble birth, he refolved, if he found her
charms anfwerable to their fame, to obtain pofleffion of
heron honourable terms. He communicated his intention (o
earl Atheiwold, his favourite ; but ufed the precaution,
before he made any advances to her parents, to order that
nobleman, on fome pretence, tc pay them a vifit, and to
bring him a certain account of the beauty of their daughter.
Atheiwold when introduced to the young lady, found ge
neral report to have fallen fhort of the truth ; and being ac-

* \V. MaL-r.ei". lib. s.cap. 3. Hirers, p. if 8.

EDGAR. 93

tu;.ted by the moft vehement love, he determined to. facri- CHAP,
fice to this new paffion his fidelity to his mafter, and to II.
thetruft repofed in him. He returned to Edgar, and told ^N-^^-*^
him, that the riches alone, and high quality of Elfrida,
had been the ground of the admiration paid her, and that
her charms, far from being anywiie extraordinary, would
have been overlooked in a woman of infeiior ftation.
When he had, by this deceit, diverted the king from his
purpole, he took an opportunity, after fome interval,
of turning again the converfation on Elfrida : He remark
ed, that though the parentage and fortune of the lady had
not produced on him, as on others, any illufion with regard
to her beauty, he could not forbear reflecting that fhe would,
on the whole, be an advantageous match forhim,andmight,
by her birth and riches, make him fufficient compenfation
for the homelinefs of her perfon. If the king, therefore,
gave his approbation, he was determined to make propofals
in his own behalf to the earl of Devonfhire, and doubted
not to obtain his, as well as the young lady s confent to
the marriage. Edgar, pleafed with an expedient forefta-
blifliing his favourite s fortune, not only exhorted him to
execute his purpofe, but forwarded his fuccefs by his re
commendations to the parents of Elfrida ; and Athehvold
was foon made happy in the poffeffion of his miftrefs.
Dreading however, the detection of the artifice, he em-
ploved every pretence for detaining Elfrida in the country,
and for keeping her at a diftance from Edgar.

THE violent paffion of Athelwold had rendered him
blind to the neceffary confequences which muft attend his
conduct, and the advantages which the numerous enemies
that always purfue a royal favourite, would, by its means,
be able to make againfi him. Edgar was foon informed of
the truth; but before he would execute vengeanceon Athel-
wold s treachery, he refolved to fatisfy himfelf with his
own eyes of the certainty and full extent of his guilt. He
told him, that he intended to pay him a vifit in his caflle,
and be introduced to the acquaintance of his new-married
wife; and Athelwold, as he could not refufe the honour,
only craved leave to go before him a few hours, that he
might the better prepare every thing for his reception. He
then difcovcred the whole matter to Elfrida ; and begged
her, if me had any regard either to her own honour or his
life, to conceal from Edgar, by every circumftance of
drefs and behaviour, that fatal beauty which had feduced
him from fidelity to his friend, and had betrayed him into
fo many falfehoods. Elfrida promifcd compliance, though
nothing was farther from her intentions. She deemed her-
felf little beholdon to Athelwold for a paffion which had

94 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, deprived her of a crown ; and knowing the force of her
II. own charms, (lie did not defpair even yet of reaching that

* / dignity, of which her hufband s artifice had bereaved her.

She appeared before the king with all the advantages which
the richeft attire and the mod engaging airs could beftow
upon her, and me excited at once in his bofom the higheft
love towards herfelf, and the moft furious defire of revenge
againd her hufband. He knew, however, to diiTemble
thefe paffions ; and feducing Athelwold into a wood, on
pretence of hunting, he dabbed him with his own hand,
and foon after publicly efpoufed Elfrida*.

BEFORE we conclude our account of this reign, we mud
mention two circumftances, which are remarked by hif-
torians. The reputation of Edgar allured a great number
of foreigners to vifit his court; and he gave them encou
ragement to fettle in Englandf. We are told that they
imported all the vices of their refpe6live countries, and
contributed to corrupt the fimple manners of the natives if ;
But as this fimplicity of manners, fo highly and often fo
injudicioufly extolled, did not prelerve them from barbarity
and treachery, the grcateft of all vices, and the mod inci
dent to a rude uncultivated people, we ought perhaps -to
deem their acquaintance with foreigners rather an advan
tage; as it tended to enlarge their views, and to cure them
of thofe illiberal prejudices and ruftic manners to which
iflanders are often fubje6t.

ANOTHER remarkable incident of this reign was the
extirpation of wolves from England. This advantage was
attained by the induftrious policy of Edgar. He took great
pains in hunting and purfuing thofe ravenous animals; and
when he found that all that efcaped him had taken ihelter
in the mountains and forefts of Wales, he changed the tri
bute of money impoled on the Welfh princes by Athelftan,
his predeceflor |l, into an annual tribute of three hundred
heads of wolves; which produced fuch diligence in hunt
ing them, that the animal has been no more feen in this
iiland.

EDGAR died, after a reign of fixteen years, and in the
thirty-third of his age. He was fucceeded by Edward,
whom he had by his tirft marriage with the daughter of
earl Oi dmer.

* W. Malm, 11L. 2. cap. S. Hoveden, p. 426. Brompton. p. 865, 56f&amp;gt;.
Flor. Wigorn. p. fcob. Higden, p. s6S. f Chron. Sax. p. 116.

U. Hunting, lib. 5. p. 3-6. Brompton, p. 863. J XV. Malmri. Lb,

a. cap. 3. || W. Malmef. lib. a.cap. 6. Bmrtviton.p. 8;-!.

( 95 )

EDWARD THE MARTYR.

I ^ H E fucceffion of this prince, who was only fifteen years
A of age at his father s death, did not take place without 95/
much difficulty and oppofition. Elfrida, his ftep-mother,
had a ion, Ethelred, leven years olcl, whom ihe attempted
to raife to the throne : She arlirmed, that Edgar s marriage
with the mother of Edward was expofcd to intuperable
objections; and as (lie had poileiFed great credit with her
hufbaud, (he had found means to acquire partifans, who
fecondcd all her pretenfions. But the title of Edward was
fupported by many advantages. He was appointed fuccef-
for by the will of his father*: He was approaching toman s
e^ate, and might foon be able to take into his own hands
the reins of government : The principal nobility, dread
ing the imperious temper of Elfrida, were averfe to her
fori s government, which muft enlarge her authority,
and probably put her in poffeffion of the regency: A-
bove all, Dunftan, whole character of fanctity had giv
en him the higheft credit with the people, had efpoufed
the cauleof Edward, over whom he had already acquired
a great afcendantf ; and he was determined to execute
the will of Edgar in his favour. To cut oft all oppofite
pretenfions, Dunftan refolute-ly anointed and crowned the
young prince at Kingfton; and the whole kingdom, with
out farther difpute, fubmitted to him $.

IT was of great importance to Dunftan and the monks,
to place on the throne a king favourable to their caufe : The
iecular clergy had ftill partifans in England, who wifhed
to fupport them in the poffeffion of the convents, and of
the ecclefiaftical authority. On the firfl intelligence of Ed
gar s death, Alfere, duke of Mercia, expelled the new or
ders of monks from all the monafieries \vhich lay within his
jurii diclionll; but Elfwin, duke of Eaft-Anglia, and Brith-
not, duke of the Eall-Saxons, protected them within their
territories, and infifted upon the execution of the late laws
enacted in their favour. In order to fettle this controversy,
there were fummoned feveral fynods, which, according to
the practice of thole times, confided partly of ecclefiaftical
members, partly of the lay nobility. The monks were

* Hoveden, p. 427. F.admer, p. 3. t 1 jJiner, ex edit. Sel-

.Icni, p. 3. + \V. Malm. lib. 2. cap. q. Hoveden, p. 427. Olberiv. 1 ,

p. 113- || Chton. Sax, p. 123. VV. Malmef lib. u. tao. 9. Ho . edcn,

p. 427. Brompton, p. 870. Fbr. Wigoru. p. 6

9 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. a ^^ e to P reva il i* 1 thefe aflemblies; though, as it appears,
II. contrary to the fecret wilhes, if not the declared inclinati-

y ^ -j on, of the leading men in the nation** : They had more
invention in forging miracles to fupport their caufe ; or
having been fo fortunate as to obtain, by their pretended
aufterities, the character of piety, their miracles were more
credited by the populace.

IN one fynod, Dunftan, rinding the majority of votes
againft him, role up, and informed the audience, that he
had that inftant received an immediate revelation in behalf
of the monks : The aflembly was fo aftonifhed at this in
telligence, or probably io overawed by the populace, that
they proceeded no farther in their deliberations. In another
fynod, a voice iflued from the crucifix, and informed the
members, that the eftabiilhment of the monks was founded
on the will of heaven, and could not be oppofed without
impiety*. But the miracle performed in the third lynod
wasftiil more alarming: The floor of the hall in which the
affembly met funk of a fudden, and a great number of the
members were either bruifed or killed by the fall. It was
remarked, that Dunftan had that day prevented the king
from attending the fynod, and that the beam, on which
his own chair flood, was the only one that did not fink un
der the weight of the affembly f ; But fhefe circumfbnces,
inftead of begetting any fufpicion of contrivance, were
regarded as the furefl proof of the immediate interpolation
of Providence, in behalf of thofe favourites of heaven.

EDWARD lived four years after his acceflion and there
paffed nothing memorable during his reign. His death
alone was memorable and tragical^. This young prince
was endowed with the moft amiable innocence of manners:
and as his own intentions were always pure, he was inca
pable of entertaining any fufpicion againft others. Though
his fiep-mother had oppoffed his fucceffion, and had raifed
a party in favour of her own fon, he always fhowed her
marks of regard, and even exprefl ed, on all occafions, the
moft tender affection towards his brother. He was hunting
one day in Dorfetfhire ; and being led by the chafe near
Corfecaftle, where Elfrida refided, he took the opportunity
of paying her a vifit, unattended by any of his retinue, and
he thereby prefented her with the opportunity which iLe

** W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9.

* W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9. Ofberne, p. in. Gervafe, p. 1647. Bromp-
ton, p. 870. Hieden, p. ^69. f Chron. Sax. p. 124. W. Malmef,

lib. 2. cap. o. Hovedcn, p. 427. H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. 357. Gervafe, p.
1647. Brompton, p. 870. Flor. Wigom.p. 607. Higden, p. 269. Chron.
Abb. St. I eiride Burgo, p. 29. Chron. Sax. p. 124.

EDWARD THE MARTYR. 97

had long wiftSed for. After he had mounted his horfe, he CHAP,
defired lome liquor to be brought him: While he was hold- ]I.

ing the cup to his head, a fervant of Elfrida approached v v J

him, and gave him a ftab behind. The prince, finding
himfelf wounded, put fpurs to his horfe; but becoming
faint by lofs of blood, he fell from the faddle, his foot (luck
in the ftirrup, and he was dragged along by his unruly
horfe till he expired. Being tracked by the blood, his
body was found, and was privately interred at Warehamby
his lervants.

THE youth and innocence of this prince, \vith his tragi
cal death, begat Inch compaffion among the people, that
they believed miracles to be wrought at his tomb ; and they
gave him the appellation of martyr, though his murder
had no connexion with any religious principle or opinion.
Elfrida built monafterics, and performed many penances,
in order to atone for her guilt; but could never, by all her
hy pocrify or remorfes, recover the good opinion of the pub
lic; though fo eafily deluded in thofe ignorant ages.

VOL 1. O

CHAP. III.

Ethelred Settlement of the Normans Edmund Iron-

Jide Canute Harold Harefoot Hardicanute

Edward iht Co rife/for Harold.

E T II E L R E D.

r ~r n H E freedom which England had fo long enjoyed
A 1. j__ from the depredations of the Danes, feems to have
proceeded, partly from the eftablifhments which that pira
tical nation had obtained in the north of France, and
u Inch employed all their fuperfluous hands to people and
maintain them ; partly from the vigour and warlike fpirit
of a long race of EngHfh princes, who preferred the king
dom in a pofture of defence by lea and land, and either
prevented or repelled every attempt of the invaders. But a
new generation of men being now fprung up in the northern
regions, \vho could no longer difburthen themfelves on
Normandy ; the Er.glifh had reafon to dread that the Danes
would again vi it nn iiland to which they were invited, both
/ the memory of their pall iucceiTes, and by the expecta
tion of alfiftance from their countrymen, who, .though long
eitabliihed in the kingdom, were not yet thoroughly in
corporated with the natives, nor had entirely forgotten
their inveterate habits of war and depredation. And as
the reigning prince was a minor, and even when he attain
ed to nuiii s eitate, never difcovered either courage or capa
city fuHicient to govern his own fubjefts, much lei s to repel
a formidable enemy, the people might juflly apprehend
the woril calamities from io dangerous a crifis.

.Tns Danes, before they duril attempt any important
enterprile againll England 1 , made an inconfiderabledefcent
l&amp;gt;v \\-ay of trial ; and having landed from feven veflels near
Hauthan t;ton, they ravaged the country, enriched them-
leives by fpui i, and departed with impunity. Six years
sfu-r, they in.idc a like Attempt iu the weft, and met with

E T H E L R E D. 99

like fuccefs. The invaders, having now found affair- in C H A. P.
a very different fituation from that in which they formerly III.
appeared, encouraged their countrymen to aflemble a v v J
greater force, and to hope for more confiderable advanta
ges. They landed in Eflex, under the command of t\vo
leaders; and having defeated and flain at Maldo.n, Brith-
not, duke of that county, who ventured, with a fmall body
to attack them, they tpread their devaluations over all the
neighbouring provinces. In this extremity, Ethclred, to
whom hiftorians give the epithet of the Unready, inilead
of routing his people to defend with courage their honow
and their property, hearkened to the advice of Siricius,
archbimop of Canterbury, which was fccondcd by many
of the degenerate nobility; and paying the enemy the fum
of ten thoufand pounds, he bribed them to depart the
kingdom. This fhameful expedient was attended with
the fuccefs which might be expedled. The Danes next
year appeared off the eaftern co^ft, in hopes of fubduing
a people who defenJed themfehcs by their money, which
invited affailants, inilead of their arms, which repelled
them. But theEngliih, fenfible of their folly, had, in the
interval, affembled in a great council, and had determined
to collect at London a fleet able to give battle to the ene
my* ; though that judicious mealure failed of fuccefs,
from the treachery of Alfricduke of Mercia, whofe name
is infamous in the annals of that age, by the calamities
which his repeated perfidy brought upon his country.
This nobleman had, in 983, fucceeded to his father, Al-
fere, in that extenfive command ; but being deprived of it
two years after, and banifhed the kingdom, he was obliged
to employ all his intrigue, and all hh power, which wss
too great for a fubjett, to be reftored to his country, arri
reinftated in his authority. Having had experience of the
credit and malevolence of his enemies, lie thenceforth truf-
ted for fecurity, not to his fervices, or to the affections
of his fellow-citizens, but to the influence which he had
obtained over his vatTals, and to the public calamities,
which he thought muft, in every it volution, lender h:^
afliflnnce necetlary. Having fixed this resolution, he de
termined to prevent all fuch fuccelu&amp;gt; r^ nih-ht eftablih the
loyal authority, or render his own iitu.ition dependent or
precarious. As tlic Englifti hnd formed the plan of fur-
rounding and dellroying the DaniiL (ioct in harbour, he
privately informed the enemy of their . Linger ; and when
they put to fea, in conlequence of this intelligence, he de-
lerled to them, v.ith the Iquadron under his command, tljc&amp;gt;

.c .i. : ax. p

loo HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, night before (he engagement, and thereby difappointed a\\
III. the efforts of his countrymen*. Rthelred, enraged at his

v v perfidy, feized his fon Alfgar, and ordered his eyes to he

put outf. But fuch was the power of Alfric, that he again
forced himfelf into authority ; and though he had given
this fpecimen of his character, and received this grievous
provocation, it was found necciTary to entruft him anew
with the government of Mercia. This conduct of the
court, which in all itscircumftanccs is fo barbarous, weak,
and imprudent, both merited and prognofti at ed the mott
grievous calamities.

THE northern invaders, now well acquainted with the
defencelefs condition of England, madea powerful defcent
under the command of Sweyn king of Denmark, and Olavc
king of Norway; and failing up the Humber, fpread on
all fides their definitive ravages. Lindeiey was laid wafte;
Banbury was deflroyed ; and all the Northumbrians, though
inoftly of Danilh defcent, were conflrained either to join
the invaders, or to fuller under their depredations. A
powerful aimy was aflembled to oppofe the Danes, and a
general afticn enfued ; but the Engliih were dcferted in
the battle, from tlie cowardice or treachery of their three
leaders, all of them men of Danifhracc, Frena, Frithe-
gifl, and Godwin, who gave the example cf a fhameful
flight to the troops under their command .

ENCOURAGED by this fuccefs, and fHll more by the
contempt which it infpired for their enemy, the pirates
ventured to attack the centre of the kingdom ; and enter
ing the Thames in ninety-four veffels, laid fiege to Lon
don, and threatened it with total deftruliori. But the citi
zens, alarmed at thci danger, and firmly united among
themfelves, made a bolder defence than the cowardice of
the nobilitv and gentry gave the invaders reafon to appre
hend ; and the befiegers, after luffering the greatcft hard-
ihips, were finally fruftratcd in their attempt. In order to
revenge themfelves, they laid wade Efiex, SuiTex, and
Hamplhirc ; and having there procured horfes, they were
thereby enabied to fpread, through the more inland coun
ties, the fury of their depredations. In this extremity,
Ethel red and his nobles had recourie to the former expe
dient; and iendingambafladors to the two northern kings,
they promifed them fubfiftcnce and tribute, on condition
they would, for the prcfent, put an end to their ravages,
and foon after depart the kingdom. Sweyn and Olave
agreed to the terms, and peaceably took up their quarters

* Chron. Sax. p. 127. \V. Malm. p. 62. Kigden. p. 770.
f Chion. Sax. p. 128. \V. Malm. p. 0^.

E T H E L R E D. 101

at Southampton, where the fum of fixteen thoufand pounds C H A P.
was paid to them. Olave even made a journey to Ando- 111.

ver, where Ethelred refided ; and he received the rite of v J

confirmation from the Enghfh bifhops,as well as many rich
prefents from the king. He here promifed that he would
never more infeft the Englifh territories ; and he faithfully
fulfilled the engagement. This prince receives the appel
lation of St. Olave from the church of Rome; and not-
withftandhlg the general prefumpiion which lies either
againft the underftanding or morals of every one who^ia
thofe ignorant ages was dignified with that title, he feems
to have been a man of merit and of virtue. Sweyn, though
lefs fcrupulous than Olave, was conftrained, upon the de-
pirture of the Norwegian prince, to evacuate allb the king
dom with all his followers.

THIS compofition brought only a (hort interval to the 997.
rniieries of the Englifh. The Danifh pirates appeared
loon after in the Severne; and having committed fpoil in
Wales, as well as in Cornwal and Devonfhire, they failed
round the fouth coaft, and entering the Tamar, completed
the devaluation of thefe two counties. They then returned
to the Briftol-channel ; and penetrating into the country by
the Avon, fpread themfelves over all that neighbourhood,
and carried fire and fword even into Dorl etfiiire. They
riext changed the feat of war; and after ravaging the Ifle
of Wight, they entered the Thames and Medway, and
laid fiege to Rochefier, where they defeated the Kentifh-
men in a pitched battle. After this victory, the whole
province of Kent was made a fcene of {laughter, fire, and
devaluation. The extremity of thefe miferies forced the
Englifh into counfeis for common defence by fea and land;
but the weaknefsof the king, the divifions among the no
bility, the treachery of fame, the cowardice of otheis, the
want ot concert in all, frustrated every endeavour : Their
fleets and armies either came too lste to attack the enemy,
or were repulfed with difhonour; and the people were thus
equally juined by refiftance or by fubmiffion. The Eng-
liih, therefore, deflitute both of prudence and unanimity
in council, of courage and conduct in the field, had rc-
courfe to the weak expedient which by experience they
had already found fo ineffectual : They offered the Danes
to buy peace, by paying them a large fum of money.
Thefe ravagers role continually in their demands; and
now required the payment of 2^,000 pounds, to which the
Englifh were fo mean and imprudent as to fubmit*. The
departure of the Oa^es procured them another fhort intcr-

* Hovcdcn, p. ^19. Chrcn. Mji!r. p. 153.

J02 II I 5 T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P. val of rcpofc, which they enjoyed as if it were to be per-
III. p: j tual, without making any effectual preparations for a

v more vigorous refiftance upon the next return of the

enemy.

BESIDES receiving this fum, the Danes were engaged
by another motive to depart a kingdom which appeared fa
little in a fituation to refift their efforts: They were invited
over by their countrymen in Normandy, who at this time
were hard prefTed by the arms of Robert king of France,
and who found it difficult to defend the fettlement which,
with io much advantage to thcmielves and glory to Incli
nation, they had made in that country. It is probable alfo,
that Ethelred, obferving the clofc connexions thus main
tained among all the Danes, however divided in govern
ment or fituation, was defirous of Jorming an alliance with
that formidable people : For this purpole, being new a
widower, he made his addreffes to Emma, fifler to Richard
II. duke of Normandy, and he ibcn fucceeded in his ne-
looi. gociation. The princefs came over this year to England,
and was married to Ethelred*.

Settlement IN the end of the ninth, and beginning of the tenth

of the Nor- century, when the north, riot yet exhaufted by that multi
tude of people, or rather nations, which fhe had fuccefiive-
ly emitted, fent forth a new race, not of conquerors, as
before, but of pirates and ravagers, who infefted the coun
tries pofiefled by her once warlike fons; lived Rollo, n
petty prince or chieftain of Denmark, whofe valour and
abilities foon engaged the attention of his countrymen. He
was expofcd in his youth to the jealoufy of the king cf
Denmark, who attacked his frnall but independent princi
pality ; and who, being foiled in every afiault, had re-
courfe at lafl to perfidy for elFedling his purpofe, which
he had often attempted in vain by force of armsf : He lul
led Rollo into fecurity by an infidious peace; and falling
fuddenly upon him, murdered his brother and his braveft
officers, and forced him to ily for fafety into Scandinavia.
Here many of his ancient fubjeifts, induced partly by af-
fertion to their prince, partly by the oppreffions of the
Danifh monarch, ranged ihemfelvcs under his ftandard,
and offered to follow him in every enterprise. Rolio, inftead
r.f attempting to recover his paternal dominions, where he
inuft expect a vigorous refiilance from the Danes, determin
ed to "purfue an eafier but more important undertaking, and
to mafre his fortune, in imitation of his countrymen, by
pillaging the richer and more fouthern coafts oi Europe.

* H. Km;:, -p- v-n. Mirdcn, p. 971. f Du lo, ex edit. DiKnefre,

p. 70, 71. C .ui. ticmetiottiis, l:l\ i . cj t :. ?, 5.

E T II E L R E D. 103

lie collected a body of troops, which, like that of all thofe CHAP,
ravagers, was compofed of Morwegians, Swedes, Frifians, III.

Danes, and ad venturers of all nations, who being accuflom- * - /

ed to a roving unfettled life, took delight in nothing but
war and plunder. His reputation brought him atlbciates
from all quarters; and a vifion, which he pretended to
have appeared to him in his fleep, and which, according
to his interpretation of it, prognoflicated the greatelt fuc-
cefies, proved alio a powerful incentive with thole igno
rant and fuperftitious people*.

THS ft HI attempt made by Rollo was on England, near
the end of Alfred s reign; when tiuit great monarch, hav-
ingfettled Guthrum and his followers in Eafl-Anglh, and
others of thofe freebooters in Northumberland, and having
reftored peace to his harafled country, had eftablilhed the
moft ex cellent military as well as civil inftitutions among
the Englilh. The prudent Dane, finding that no advan
tages could be gained over Inch a people, governed by fuch
a prince, ibon turned his enterpriies againll France, which
he found more expoled to his inroads f ; and durins the
reigns of Eudes,an ufurper, and of Ch.arles the Simple, a
weak prince, he committed the moft deftru&amp;lt;5tive ravages
both on the inland and maritime provinces of that king
dom. The French, having no means of defence againll
a leader, who united all the valour of his countrymen with
the policy of more civilised nations, were obliged to fub-
mit to the expedient prattiied by Alfred, and to offer the
invaders a fettlement in fome of thole provinces which they
had depopulated by their armsj.

THE reafon why the Danes for many years purfued
meafures fo different from thofe which had been embraced
by the Goths, Vandals, Franks, Burgundians, Lombards,
and other northern conquerors, was the great difference in
the method of attack which was pradifed by thefe feveral
nations, and to which the nature of their reipective fitua-
tions necefTarily confined them. The latter tribes, living
in an inland country, made incurfions by land upon the
Roman empire; and when they entered far into the fron
tiers, they were obliged to carry along with them their
wives and families, whom they had no hopes of ibon re-
vifiting, and who could not otherwife participate of their
plunder. This circumflance quickly made them think of
forcinga fettlement in the provinces which they had over
run; and theie barbarians, fpreading themfelves over the
country, found an intereft in protecting the property and

* Dudo, p. 71. Gul. Gem. i epift. adGul. Conq.
f Gul. Geinct. lib, 2. cap. o. . .;.io, p. Sz.

T04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP iuduftry f" tne people whom they had fubdued. But the
HI. Danes and Norwegians, invited by their maritime fituation,-
t and obliged to maintain themfelves in their uncultivated
country by fifhing, had acquired fome experience of na
vigation ; and in their military excurfions purfued the me
thod practifed againft the Roman empire by the more earlv
Saxons : They made defcents in fmall bodies from their
ihips, or rather boats, and ravaging the coafts, returned
with the booty to their families, whom they could not con
veniently carry along them in thofe hazardous enterprifes.
But when they encreafed their armaments, made incurfions
into the inland countries, and found it fafe to remain lon
ger in the midft of the enfeebled enemy, they had been
accuflomed to crowd their veffelswith their wives and chil
dren, and having no longer any temptation to return to
their own country, they willingly embraced an opportuni
ty of fettling in the warm climates and cultivated fields of
the fouth.

A r FAIRS were in this fituation with Rollo and his fol
lowers, when Charl es propofed to relinquifh to them part
of the province formerly called Neuftria, and to purchafe
peace on thefe hard conditions. After all the terms were
fully fettled, there appeared only one circumftancc (hock
ing to the haughty Dane: He was required to do homage
to Charles for this province, and to put himfelf in that
humiliating pofture impofed on vaffals by the rites of the
feudal law. He long refuied to fubmit to this indignity ;
but being unwilling to lofe fuch important advantages for
a mere ceremony, he made a facrifice of his pride to his
intereft, and acknowledged himfelf, inform, thevaflalof
the French monarch*. Charles gave him his daughter
Giila in marriage ; and, that he might bind him fafler to
his interefts, made him a donation of a confiderable terri
tory, befides that which he was obliged to furrender to
him by his ftipulations. When fome of the French no
bles informed him, that, in return for fo generous a prefer.f,
it was expected that he fhould throw himfelf at the king s
feet, and make fuitable acknowledgments for his bounty;
Rollo replied, that he would rather decline the prefent ;
and it was with fome difficulty they could perfuade him to
make that compliment by one of his captains. The Dane,
commiflioned for this purpofe, full of indignation at the
order, and defpifmg fo unwarlike a prince, caught Charles
by the foot, and pretending to carry it to his mouth, that
he might kifs it, overthrew him before all his courtiers-

* Ypod. Newft. p. 417,

E T H E L R D. 10*5

The French, fenfible of their prefent weaknefs, found it c H A P.
prudent to overlook this infultf. III.

ROLLO, who was now in the decline of life, and was ^ ^ ^
tired of wars and depredations, applied himfelf, with ma
ture counfels, to the lettlement ot his new-acquired terri
tory, which was thenceforth called Normandy ; and he
parcelled it out among his captains and followers. He
followed, in this partition, the cuftoms of the feudal law,
which was then univerfally eftablifhed in the fouthern
countries of Europe, and which fuited the peculiar cir-
cumllances of that age. He treated the French fubjefts,
who fubmitted to him, with mildnefs and juftice; he re
claimed his ancient followers from their ferocious violence ;
he effoblifhed law and order throughout his ftate; and af
ter a life fpent in tumults and ravages, he died peaceably
in a good old age, and left his dominions to his pofte-
rityj.

WILLIAM I. who fucceeded him, governed the dutchy
twenty-five years; and, during that time, the Normans
were thoroughly intermingled with the French, had ac
quired their language, had imitated their manners, and had
made fuch progrefs towards cultivation, that, on the death
of William, his fon Richard, though a minor||, inherited
his dominions: A fure proof that the Normans were alrea
dy fomewhat advanced in civility, and that their govern
ment could now reft fecureon its laws and c,ivil inftituti-
ons, and was not wholly fuftained by the abilities of the
fovereign. Richard, after along reign of fifty-four years,
was fucceeded by his fon of the fame name, in the year
996** ; which was eighty-five years after the firft eftablifli-
ment of the Normans in France. This was the duke who
gave hisfifler Emma in marriage to Ethelred king of Eng
land, and who thereby formed connections with a coun
try which his pofterity was fo foon after deflined to fub-
due.

THE Danes had been eftablifhed during a longer period
in England than in France ; and though the limilarity of
their original language to that of the Saxons, invited them
to a more early coalition with the natives, they had hitherto
found fo little example of civilized manners among the
Englifh, that they retained all their ancient ferocity, and
valued themfelves only on their national character of mili
tary bravery. The recent as well as more ancient atchieve-

VOL. I. P

f Gul. Gemet. lib. 2. cap. 17. J Gul. Gemer. lib. 2. cap. 19,

20, 21. l| Order. Vitalis, p. 459. Gul. Geiact. lib. 4, cap. i.

** Order. Vitalis, p. 459.

io6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. rnentsof their countrymen, tended to fuppo-t this idea;
III. and the Englilli princes, particularly Atheiltarj and Edaar,

v v ienfrhle of that iuperionty, had been aceuftciHed to keep in

pay bodies of DanHh troops, who were quartered about
the country, and committed many violences upon the in
habitants. Thefe mercenaries had attained to inch a heigh*
of luxury, according to the old Englilh writers*, that they
combed their hair once a day, bathed thernfelves once a
week, changed their clothes frequently; and by all thelc
aits of effeminacy^ as well as by their military character,
had rendered themielves fo agreeable to the fair fex, that
t:;-jv debauched the wives and daughters of the Englifhj
and dishonoured iiuny families. But what moit provoked
the inhabitants was, that infiead of defending them againfi
invaders, they were ever ready to betray them fo the fo
reign Dane s, and toafiociaie ihemfelves with all flraggling
pjtties or* that nation. The animofity between the inha-
bitjirj s cf" Engliih and Dan ifh race had, from thefe icpeat-
ed injuries, lifen to a great height; when Ethelred, from
a policy incident to weak princes, embraced the cruel refo-
iu tion of maflacring the latter throughoutall hisdominionsf.
Secret orders were difpatched to commence the execution
efrery where on the fame day : and the fcftival of St Brice,
yov. i?. which fell on a Sunday, the day on which the Danes ufu-
ally bathed thernfelves, was chofen for that purpofe. It is
needlcisto repeat the accounts trdnfrnitted concerning the
barbarity of thismaffacre : The rage of the populace, ex
cited by fo many injuries, fantincd by authority, and fH-
mulated by example, diftinguimed not between innocence
and guilt, fpared neither fex not age, and was not fatiated
without the tortures as well as death t&amp;gt;f the unhappy vic
tims. Even Guntlda, filter to the king of Denmark, who
had married carl Paling, and had embraced Chriftianity,
was, by the advice of Pdric, earl of Wilt;;, leized and
condemned to death by Ethelred, after feeing her hufband
and children butchered before^her face. This unhappy
princeis foretold, in the agonies of deip.sir, that her mur
der would loon be avenged by the total ruin of the Eng-
lifh nation.

:toj. NEVER was prophecy better fulfilled ; and never did
barbarous policy prove more fatal to the authors. Sweyn
and his Danes, who wanted but a pretence for invading the
Enid Jill, appeared oif the we f tern coait, and threatened
to take full revenge for the flaughter of their countrymen.
Exeter fell firit into their hands, from the negligence or
treachery of earl Hugh, a Norman, who had been made

* Wallinsford, p. i\j. ) See note [D] at the end cf the. volume.

E T H E L R D. is;

governor bv the intereft of queen Emma. They began to c HAP
i prcad their devafhtions over the country; when (he Ens- 111.

3ilh, fenfihle what outrages they muft now expert from v ,

their barbarous and offended enemy, atlembled more ti .v-
Jy, and in grrater numbers than ufual, and made nn ap
pearance of vigorous refinance. But all thefe preparati
ons were frufirated by the treachery of duke Alfric, who
was intruded with the command, and who, feigning fick-
nefs, refufed to lead the army againft the Danes, til! it
wasdifpirited, and at laft diffinated, by his fatal mifcor.duc~i.
Aifric foon after died; and EdfriC, a greater traitor than he,
who had married the king s daughter, and had acquired a
total alceri.lant over him, fucceeded Alfric in the govern
ment of Merlin, and in the command of the Englifh ar
mies. A great famine, proceeding partly from the bad ic:\~
4bns, partly from the decay of agiicultnre, added to all the
other mi (cries of the inhabitants. The country, wafted
by the Danes, haralfed by the fruitlefs expeditions cf its
own forces, was reduced to the utmoft defolaticn ; and at
laft fubmltted to the infamy cf purchdfing a precarious
peace from the enemy, by the payment of 30,000 pounds. i^oj.

THE Englifh endeavoured to employ this interval in
making preparations againft (he return of the Panes, which
they had reafon loon to expect. A law was made, order
ing the proprietors of eight hydes of land to piovide each
a borfeman and a complete fuit of srniour ; and thofe of
310 hydeis to equip a fhip for the defence of the coaft.
When this navy was afiemhled, which n;i ft have conf.fted
of near eight hundred veffe s*, all hopes of its fuccefs xvere
difapppinlcd by the fcwSiions, animofiti^s, and differ. iionr;
of the nobility. Edric had impelled his brother Brightric
.to prefer an accusation oftreafon agvtinft Wclfnoth, gover
nor of Suffex, the father of the famous earl Godwin ; anil
l!:.;t nobleman, well acquainted with the malevolence as
welia^ power of his enemv, found i?o means of ^- etv but
in deferting with twenty fhips to the DJ^CS. Hrightric prr-
fued rtim with a fi;*et of eighiy fail; but his fhips being
(battered in a tejnpeft, and ftr-inded on the craft, he was
Suddenly attacked by VVoli nctii, and ail his veP.els burnt
and deitioyed. I tie imbecility of ti-.c kitip; \v;is iinie ca
pable of repair. nit Uiis luisfortunc : Tlie trcachc-ry cf E-
dric truftratcd every plan tor futuie -Jefcnct-: And the Ktj?;-
lilli navy, ciiil\5i:t. .^ ;./N , ti^ ri nn-;." d, r.nddniJed, was at
Jail fcuttered into its feveral lu i Lours.

* 1 \\rrr wer- _ , - !n I re .:: 1 !. : ;.;"c ...

i.A : c 7^- ;. : , -

loS HISTORY OF ENGLA ND.

CHAP. IT is ahnoft impoffible, or would be tedious, to relate
111. particularly all the miferies to which the Englifh were

v v thenceforth expofed. We hear of nothing but the facking

and burning of towns ; the devaluation of the open coun
try ; the appearance of the enemy in every quarter of the
kingdom ; their cruel diligence in difcovcring any corner
which had not been ranfacked by their former violence.
The broken and disjointed narration of the ancient hiilo-
riansis here well adapted to the nature of the war, which
was conducted by fuch fudden inroads as would have been
dangerous even to an united and well-governed kingdom,
but proved fatal, where nothing but a general confterna-
tion and mutual diffidence and diflenfion prevailed. The
governors of one province refuled to march to the affiftance
of another, and were at laft terrified from affembling
their forces for the defence of their own province. General
councils were iummoned ; but either no refohuion was
taken, or none was carried into execution. And the only
expedient in which the Englifh agreed, was the bale and
imprudent one of buying a new peace from the Danes, by
the payment of 48,000 pounds.

THIS meafure did not bring them even that fliort inter
val of repofe which they had expecled from it. The
Danes, dilregarding all engagements, continued their
devaluations and hoftilities ; levied a new contribution of
8000 pounds upon the county of Kent alone ; murdered
the archbifhop of Canterbury, who had refuled to coun
tenance this exaction ; and the Englifh nobility found no
other refource than that of fubmitting every where to the
Danifh monarch, fwcaring allegiance to him, and deliver-
1013. ing him hoftages for their fidelity. Ethelred, equally
afraid of the violence of the enemy and the treachery of
his own fubjects, tied into Normandy, whither he had
lent before him queen Emma, and her two fons Alfred
and Edward. Richard received his unhappy guefls with
a gsnerofity that does honour to his memory.

THE king had not been above fix weeks in Normandy
01 4 when he heard of the death of Sweyn, who expired at
Gainfborough, before he had time to efjablifh himfelf in
his new-acquired dominions. "The Englifh prelates and
nobility, taking advantage of this event, lent over a de
putation to Normandy ; invited Ethelred to return to them,
cxpretvinga defire of being again governed by their na
tive prince, and intimating their hopes that, being now
tutored by experience, he would avoid all thofe errors
which had been attended with inch misfortunes to himfelf
and to his people. But the mifconduct of Ethelred was
incurable ; and on his re fuming the government, he dif-

E T H E L R E D. 109

covered the fame incapacity, indolence, cowardice, and CHAP,
credulity, which had fo often expofed him to the infults 111.

of his enemies. His fon-in-law, Edric, notwithstanding " ~

his repeated treafons, retained fuch influence at court, as
to inftil into the king jealoufies of Sigefert and Morcar,
two of the chief nobles of Mercia : Edric allured them in
to his houfe, where he murdered them ; while Ethel-
red participated in the infamy of the action, by confiscating
their eftates, and thrufting into a convent the widow of
Sigefert. She was a woman of fingular beauty and merit ;
and in a vifit which was paid her, during her confinement,
by prince Edmond, the king s eldeft fon, (he infpired
him with fo violent an affection, that he releafed her from
the convent, and foon after married her without the con-
fent of his father.

MEANWHILE theEnglifh found in Canute, the fon and
fucceflfor of Sweyn, an enemy no lefs terrible than the
prince from whom death had fo lately delivered them.
He ravaged the eaftern coaft with mercilefs fury, and
put afhore all the Englifh hoftages at Sandwich, after
having cut off their hands and notes. He was obliged,
by the neceffity of his affairs, to make a vovage to Den &amp;gt;
mark ; but returning foon after, he continued his depre
dations along the fouthern coaft : He even broke into the
counties of Dorfet, Wilts, and Somerfet ; where an ar
my was afTembled againft him, under the command of
prince Edmond and duke Edric. The latter fti 1 ecu-
timed his perfidious machinations ; and after endea
vouring in vain to get the prince into his power, he found
means to difperfc the army; and he then openly deferted IOI 5-
to Canute with forty veiTels.

NOTWITHSTANDING this misfortune, Edmond was not
difconcerted ; but aflembling all the force of Enghnd,
was in a condition to give battle to tht- enemy. The king
had had fuch frequent experience of perfidy among his
fubjecb, tha.t he had loft ali confidence in them : He
remained at London, pretending ficknefs, but really
from apprehenfions that they intended to buy their peace,
by delivering him into tl^e hands of his enemies. The
army called aloud for thcir fovereign to march at their head
againft the Danes ; and, on his refufai to take the field,
they were fo difcouraged, that t &amp;lt;ofe vaft preparations bc-
cjme ineffectual for the defence of the kingdom. Edmond,
deprived of all regular fi pplies to maintain his fokliers,
was obliged to commit equal ravages with thofe which
were practifrd by the Danes ; and after making foine fiuit-
lefs expeditions into the nonli, which hid fnhmitted en
tirely to Canute s power, he retiic4 to London, determin-

no HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C K A P. eri (here to maintain, to the iaft extremity, the fmail TC-
III. mains of EnglHh liberty. He here found every thing in

v .. &amp;gt; confufion by the dtathof the king, who expired after an

Iol6t unhappy and inglorious reign of thirty-five years. He
left two fons by his rirft marriage. Edmond, who fucceed-
ed him, and Ejvvy, whom Canute afterwards murder
ed. His two fons by the fecond marriage, Alfred and
Edward, were immediately, upon Ethelred s death, con
veyed into Normandy by queen Emma.

D M O N D IRONSIDE.

THIS prince, who received the name of Ironfide
from h.is hardy valour, poffetTed courage and abilities
fufficient to have prevented his country from finking into
thoie calamities, but not to raife it from that abyfs of mife-
ry, into which it had already fallen. Among the other
misfortunes of the Englifh, treachery and dilarfedtion had
creeped in among the nobility and prelates; and Edmond
found no better expedient for {topping the farther progrets
of thefe fatal evils, than to lead his army inftantly into the
lield, and to employ them againft the common enemy.
After meeting with feme t uccefs at Gillingham, he pre
pared himfelf to decide, in one general engagement, the
fate of his crown ; and at Scoerfton, in the county ofGlo-
ceficr, he offered battle to the enemy, who were com
manded by Canute and Edric. Fortune, in the beginning
of the day, declared for him ; but Edric, having cut oil"
the head of or;e Ofmer, whole countenance refembled that
of Edmond, fixed it on a fpenr, carried it through the
ranks in triumph, and called aloud to the Englifh, that
it was time to fly; for, behold! the head of their fove-
reign. And though E,dmond, obferving the corfiernation
of the trcops, took off his helmet and fbowed himfelf to
them, the utinoft he could gain by hisaftivity and valour
was to leave the victory undecided. Edric now tcok a furcr
method to ruin him, by pretending to delcrt to him; and as
Edmoriid was well acquainted with his power, and proba
bly knew no o.ther of th? chief nobility in whom he
could repofe more confidence, he was obliged, notwith-
ftanding the repeated perfidy of the man, to give him n
confiderable command in the army. A battle loon after
enfued at Affington in Eflex ; where Edric, flying in the
beginning of the dav, occanoned the total defeat of the
English, followed by a great (laughter cf the nobility.

C A N U T E. Hi

The indefatigable Edmond, hovrc /er, liad lull rciources :
Aflembiing a new army at Glcccfter, he was again in a
condition todiipute the field ; when the Danifhai,d Er;g-
lift) nobiiity, equally hnrafied with thole convulfic&amp;gt;ns, abli-
ged their kings to come to a compromise, and to divide
the kingdom between them by treaty. Canute refervcd to
himfeif the northern diviiion, conliiting of Mcrcia, Eaft-
Anglia, and Northumberland, which, lie had entiicly fub-
dued : The louthern paitswere left lo Edmond. This
prince linvived the treaty about a mouth : He was murder
ed at Oxford by two of his chamberlains, accomplices cf
Edric,who thereby made way for the i uccellion of Canute
the Dtin. to the crown of England.

CANUTE.

TH E Englifh, who had been unable to defend their
country, and maintain their independency, under io
active and biave a prince as Edmond, could, after his death,
expect nothing but total fubjecTton from Canute, who, adlive
and brave himfelf, and at the head of a great force, was
ready to take advantage of the minority of Edwin and
Edward, the two fons of Edmond. Yet this conqueror,
who was commonly fo little fcrupulous, fhowed himfelf
anxious to cover his injuftice under plaufible pretences :
Before he feizcd the dominions of the Englifh princes, he
fummoned a general ailembly of the ftates, in order to fix
the lucceffion of the kingdom. He here fuborned forr.e
nobles to depofc that, in the treaty of Gloccfter, it had
been verbally agreed either io name Canute, in cafe of
Edmond s death, /ucceilbr to his dominions, or tutor to hh
children (for hiflorians vary in this particular) : And that
evidence, lupported by the great power of Canute, deter
mined the dates immediately to put the Danifh monarch in
poiYefnon of the government. Canute, jealous of the two
princes, r Jt fenfible that lie fhould render himfelf ex
tremely odious if he ordered them to be difpatched in Eng
land, fcnt them abroad to his ally the king of Sweden,
whom he defired, as foon as they arrived at his court, to
free him by their death from all farther anxiety. The Swe-
di!h monarch was too generous to comply with iherequefl;
but being afraid of drawing on himfelf a quarrel with Ca
nute, by protecting the young princes, he fcnt them to
Solomon, king of Hungary, to be educated in his court.
The elder Edwin was afterwards married to tho fificr of

iia HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, the king of Hungary ; but the Englim prince dying with-
III. out iflue, Solomon gave his fifler-in-law, Agatha, daughter

v v of the emperor Henry II. in marriage to Edward the

younger brother; and me bore him Edgar Atheling, Mar
garet, afterwards queen of Scotland, and Lihriftina, who
retired into a convent.

CANUTE, though he had reached the great point of his
ambition, in obtaining poffeflion of the Englifh crown, was
obliged at firft to make great facrifices to it; and to gratify
the chief of the nobility, by beftowing on them the moil
cxtenfive governments and jurifdictions. He created Thur-
kill earl or duke of Eaft-Anglia (for thefe titles were then
nearly of the fame import), Yric of Northumberland, and
Edric of Mercia; referring only to himfeif theadminiftra-
tion of We (Tex. But feizing afterwards a favourable op
portunity, he expelled Thurkill and Yric from their go
vernments, and banifhed them the kingdom : He put to
death many of the Englilh nobility, on whofe fidelity he
couid not rely, and whom he hated on account of their
diiloyalty to their native prince. And even the traitor
Edric, having had the alTurance to reproach him with his
fervices, was condemned to be executed,and his body to be
thrown into the Thames; a fuitable reward for his multi
plied ac\s of perfidy and rebellion.

CANUTE alfo found himfeif obliged, in the beginning
of his reign, to load the people with heavy taxes, in order
to reward his Danim followers : He exacted from them at
one time the fum of 72,000 pounds ; bcfides 1 1 ,000 pounds
which he levied on London alone. He was probably wil
ling, from political motives, to mull feverely that city,
on account of the affection which it had borne to Edmond,
and the refinance which it had made to the Danifh power
in two obflinate fieges*. But thele rigours were imputed
to neceffity ; and Canute, like a wife prince, was deter
mined that the Englifh, now deprived of all their danger
ous leaders, fhould be reconciled to the Danim yoke, by
the juftice and impartiality of hisadminiftration. He lent
back to Denmark as many of his followers as he could
fafely ("pare : He reftored the Saxon cuftoms in a general
aflembly of the ftates: He made no diftin&amp;lt;ftion between
Danes and Engliih in the distribution of juftice : And he
took care, by a ftricl execution of Jaw, to protect the lives
and properties of all his people. The Danes were gradu
ally incorporated with his new fubjecls; and both were
glad to obtain a little refpitefrom thole multiplied calami-

* W. Malm. p. 72. In one of thefe Geges, Canute diverted the couife of
the Thames, and by that means brought his fhips above London bridge.

CANUTE. 113

*ies from which the one, no lefs than the other, had, in
their fierce conteft for power, experienced fudi fatal con-
fequet:ces.

THE removal of Edmond s children into fo diftant a
country as Hungary, was, next to their death, regarded
by Canute as the greateft fecurity to his government : He
had no farther anxiety, except with regard to Alfred and
Edward, who were prote&ed and fupported by their ui,cle,
Richard duke of Normandy. Richard even fitted out a
great armament, in order to reftore the Englifh princes
to the throne of their anceftors; and though the navy was
difperfedby aftorm, Canute law the danger to which he
wasexpofed from the enmity of fo warlike a people as the
Normans. In order to acquire the friendfhip of the duke,
he paid his addreffes to queen Emma, filter of that prince ;
and promifed that he would leave the children, whom lie
fhould have by that marriage, in poffeffion of the crown of
England. Richard complied with his demand, and fent
over Emma to England, where fhe was foon after married
to Canute*. The Englifh, though they difapproved of her
efpoufmg the mortal enemy of her former hufband and his
family, were pleafed to find at court a fovereign, to whom
they were accuftomed, and who had already formed con
nections with them : And thus Canute, befides (ecuring
by this marriage the alliance of Normandy, gradually ac
quired, by the fame means, the confidence of his own lub-
jectst* The Norman prince did not long furvive the mar
riage of Emma; and he left the inheritance of the dutchy
to his eldeft fon of the fame name ; who dying a year after
him without children, was fucceeded by his brother Ro
bert, a man of valour and abilities.

CANUTE, having fettled his power in England beyond
all danger of a revolution, made a voyage to Denmark, in
order to refift the attacks of the king of Sweden ; and he
carried along with him a great body of the Englilh, under
the command of eail Godwin. This nobleman had here
an opportunity of performing a fervice, by which he both
reconciled the king s mind to the Englifh nation, and,
gaining to himtelf the friendlhip of his lovereign, laid the
foundation of that immenfe fortune which he acquired to
his family. He was now fiationed next the Svvedilh camp;
and obferving a favourable opportunity, which he was
obliged fuddenly to feize, he attacked the enemy in the
night, drove them from their trenches, threw them into dif-
order, purfued his ad vantage, and obtained a decifive vic-

VOL. I. Q

*Chron.Sax. p. 151. XV. Malinef. p. 73. f \V. Mahnef. p. 73.

Hijden, p. 275.

1 1 4 . HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, tory over ihem. Next morning Canute, feeing the Eng-
liJ. li!h camp entirely abandoned, imagined that thole dif-
1 v affecled troops had defeited to the enemy : He was agreea
bly furprifed to find that they were at that time engaged in
purfuitof the diicomfited Swedes. He was fo pleafed with
his fuccefs, and with the manner of obtaining- it, that he
bellowed his daughter in marriage upon Godwin, and
treated him ever alter with entire confidence and regard.
1028. IN another voyage, which he made afterwards to Den
mark, Canute attacked Norway, und expelling the juft
but uir.varlike Olaus, kept poffeffion of his kingdom till
the death of that prince. He hdd now by his cor.quefts
and valour, attained the utmoft height of grandeur : Ha
ving ieifure from wars and intrigues, he felt the unfatis-
factory nature of all human enjoyments; and, equally
weary of the glories and turmoils of this life, he began to
cart his view towards that future exiftence, which it is fo
natural for the human mind, whether fatiated by profperi-
ty, or diigufted with adverfity, to make the object of its
attention. Unfortunately, the fpirit which prevailed in
that age gave a wrong direction to his devotion : L ftead
of making compenfation to thofe whom he had iojuied by
his former acls of violence, he employed himfelf entirely
in thofe exercifes of piety which the monks reprefen*ed as
the moil meritorious. He built churches, he endowed
monasteries, he enriched the ecclefiaftic , and he befiowed
revenues for the fupport of chantries at Arlington and other
places; where he Appointed prayers to be faid for the fouls
of thole vi ho had there fallen in battle againft him. He
even undertook a pilgrimage to Rome, where he refided
a confiderable time: Befides obtaining from the pope fome
privileges for the Knglifh Ichool creeled theie, heengagtd
all the princes, through whofe dominions he was obliged
to p .fs, to deiiil from thofe heavy impofitions and tolls
which they were accuftomed to exact from the Englifh
pilgrims. By this fpirit of devotion, no lefs than by his
equitable and politic administration, he gained, in a good
meafure, the afteCtions of his fubjecls.

CANUTE, the grcateft and moft powerful monarch of his
time, fovereign of Denmark and Norway, as well as of
England, could not fail of meeting with adulation from
his courtiers; a tribute which is liberally paid even to the
meaneft and weakcft princes. Some of his flatterers break-
ingoutoneday in admiration of his grandeur, exclaimed that
every thing was poflible for him: Upon which the mo
narch, it is faid, ordered his chair to be let on the fea-friore,
while the tide was rifing; and as the waters approached,
he commanded them to retire, and to cbey the voice of

CANUTE. ii 5

him who was lord of the ocean. He feigned to fit fome CHAP*
time in expectation of their lubmiffion ; but when the lea III.

ftill advanced towards him, arid began to warn, him with &amp;gt; ,

its billows, he turned to his courtiers, and remarked to
them, that every creature in the univerfe was feeble and
impotent, and that power refiaed with one Being alone,
in whole hands were all the elements of nature; who could
fay to the ocean, Thus Jar [halt thou go, and no farther ;
and who could level with his nod the molt towering piles
of human pride and ambition.

THE only memorable action which Canute performed K-JI,
after his return from Rome, was an expedition againft
Malcolm, king of Scotland. During the reign of Ethel-
red, a tax of a milling a hyde had been impolej on all the
lands of England. It was commonly called Danrgdt ;
becaufe the revenue had been employed, either in buying
peace with the Danes, or in making preparations againft
the inroads of trut hoftile nation. That monarch had re
quired that the iame tax fhould be paid by Cumberland
which was held by the Scots ; but Malcolm, a warlike
prince, told him, that as he was always able torepulfe the
Danes bv his own power, he would neither fubmit to buy
peace of his enemies, nor pay others for refifting them.
Ethelred, offended at this reply, which contained a fecret
reproach on his own conduct, undertook an expedition
againft: Cumberland ; but though he committed ravages
upon the country, he could never bring Malcolm to a tem
per more humble or fubmiffive. Canute, after his accef-
(ion, fumrnoned the Scottifh king to acknowledge himfelf
a vaflal for Cumberland to the crown of England ; but
Malcolm refuted compliance, on pretence that he owed
homage to thofe princes only who inherited that kingdom
by right of blood. Canute was not of a temper to bear this
infult; an&amp;gt;1 the king of Scotland foon found that the fceptre
was in very different hands from thole of the feeble and ir-
refolute Ethelred. Upon Canute s appearing on the frontiers
with a formidable a;:.iv, Malcolm agreed that his grandton
and heir, Duncan, whom he put in poffeffion of Cumber
land, ihould make the fubmiflions required, and that the
heirs of Scotland should always acknowledge them/elves
vaflalsto England for that province*.

CANUTE pa fled four years in peace after this enterprife,
and he died at Shaft fburyf ; leaving three ions, Sweyn,
Harold, and ILudicanute. Sweyn, whom he had by his
firft marriage with Aifwen, daughter of the earl of Hamp-

* \\ . Maltm, p. 74. f CHiflh. Sar. ;. i; j. \V. Mz m. p,

n6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. (hire, was crowned in Norway: Hardicanute, whom Em-
III. ma had born him, was in poffeffion of Denmark : Harold,

* v who was of the fame marriage with Sweyn, was at that

time in England.

HAROLD HAREFOOT.

HP H O U G H Canute, in his treaty with Richard,
f- duke of Normandy, had Stipulated that his children
by Emma mould fucceed to the crown of England, he had
either confidered himfelf as relealed from that engagement
by the &amp;lt;l"ath of Richard, or efteemed it dangerous to leave
an unfettled and newly conquered kingdom in the hands
of fo young a prince as Hardicanute : He therefore ap
pointed, by his will, Harold fuccetTor to the crown. This
prince was befides preferit, to maintain his claim; he was
Lvo-ured by all the Danes; and he got immediately poffcf-
fion of hisfather s treafures, which might be equally ufeful,
whether he found itneceifary to proceed by force or intrigue,
in infuring his (ucceffion. On the other hand, Hjrdicanute
had the fuffrages of the Enwlifh, who, on account of his
being born among them of queen Emrna, regarded him as
their countryman ; he was favoured by the articles of treaty
with the duke of Normandy ; and above all, his party was
efpoufed by earl Godwin, the mod powerful nobleman in
the kingdom, efpecially in the province of We flex, the
chief feat of the ancient Englifh. &amp;gt; Affairs were likely to
terminate in a civil war ; when, by the interpofition of the
nobility cf both parties, a compromife was made; and it
was agreed that Harold mould enjoy, together with Lon
don, all the provinces north of the Thames, while the
pofleffion of the fouth fhou d remain to Hardicanute ; and
.till that prince Ihould appear and take poffeffion of his do
minions, Emma fixed her refidence at Winchefter, and
eOablifhed her authority over her fon s (hare of the par
tition.

MEANWHILE Robert, duke of Normandy, died in a
pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and being fucceeded by a
ion, yet a minor, the two Engliih princes, Alfred and
Edward, who found no longer any countenance or protec
tion in that country, gladly embraced the opportunity of
paying a vifit, with a numerous retinue, to their mother
Emma, who feemed to be placed in a ftate of fo much
power and fplendorat Winchcfler. But the face of affairs

H A R D I C A N U T E. 117

foon wore a melancholy afpeft. Earl Godwin had been C H A F.
gained by the arts of Harold, who promifed to cfpoufe the III.

daughter of that nobleman ; and while the treaty was yet v *

a fecret, thefe two tyrants laid a plan for the deftruction
of the Enclifh princes. Alfred was invited to London by
Harold with manv profeffions of friendfhip; but when he
had reached Guilford, he was fet upon by Godwin s vaflals,
about fix hundred of his train were murdered in the mod
cruel manner, he himfelf was taken prifoner, his eyes were
put out, and he was conducted to the monaftery of Ely,
where he died foon after*. Edward and Emma, apprifed
of the fate which was awaiting them, fled beyond fea, the
former into Normandy, the latter into EJanders. While
Harold, triumphing in his bloody policy, took pofleffion,
without refinance, of all the dominions afligned to his
brother.

Tteis is the only memorable action performed, during
a reign of four years, by this prince, who gave Ib bad a
fpecimen of his chara&er, and whofe bodily accomplim-
ments alone are known to us by his appellation of Harefoot,
which he acquired from his agility in running and walking.
He died on the I4th of April, 1039; little regretted or
efteemed by his fubjefts ; and left the fucceflion open to
his brother, Hardicanute.

HARDICANUTE.

HARDICANUTE, or Canute the Hardy, that is, the
robuft (for he too is chiefly known by his bodily ac-
complithments), though, by remaining fo long in Den
mark, he had been deprived of his fhare in the partition of
the kingdom, had not abandoned his pretenfions ; and he
had determined, before Harold s death, to recover by arms
what he had loft, either by his own negligence, or by the
neceflity of his affairs. On pretence of paying a vifit to
the queen dowager in Flanders, he had adembled a fleet
of fixty fail, and was prepaiing to make a defccnt on Eng
land, when intelligence of his brother s death induced
him to fail immediately to London, where he wasreceiv-

* H. Hunt. p. 365. Ypod. Xeuftr. p. 434. Hoveden, p. 438. Chron.
Mailr. p. 156. Higden, p. 277. Chron. St. Hetri de Burgo, p. 39. Sim. Dun.
p. 179. Abbas Kieval. p. 366. 374. Brompton. p. 935. Gul. Gem. lib.
7. cap. ii. Math. Weft. p. 209. Flor. VVigorn. p. 62. Alur. Beveil.
p. 118.

n8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. ed in triumph, and acknowledged king without oppoft-
III. tion.

v v THE firfl a&amp;gt;5l o&amp;lt;" Hardicanute s government afforded his

fubjcct? a bad prognoftic of his future conduct. He was
fo enraged at Harold, for depriving him of his (hare of the
kingdom, and for the cruel treatment of his brother Alfred,
th it, in an impotent defireofrevenge againil the dead, he orde
red his body to he dug up, and to be thrown into the Thames:
And when it was found by fome fifhermen, and buried in
London, he ordered h again to be dug up, and to be
thrown a&amp;lt;2;ain into the river : But it was filhed up a fecond
time, and then interred with great fecrecy. Godwin,
equally fervile and infolent, fubmitted to be his inftrument
in that unnatural and brutal a&amp;lt;ftion.

THAT nobleman knew that he was univerfally believed
to have been an accomplice in the barbarity exercifed on
A fred, and that he was on that account obnoxious to Har-
dicanute ; and perhaps he hoped, by difplaying this rage
againft Harold s memory, to juftify himfelf from having
had any participation in his counfels. But prince Ed
ward, being invited over by the king, immediately on
his appearance, preferred an accufation againft Godwin
for the murder of Alfred, and demanded juftice for that
crime Godwin in order to appcafe the king, made him a
magnificent prefent of a galley with a gilt ftern, rcwed
by fouricore men, who wore each of them a gold bracelet
on his arm, weighing iixteen ounces, and were armed
and clothed in the moil fumptuous manner. Hardicanute,
plearfed with the fplendor of this fpec/tacle, quickly fer-
got his brother s murder ; and on Godwin s fwearing that
he was innocent of the crime, he allowed him to be acquit
ted.

THOUGH Hardicanute, before his acceffion, had been
called over by the vows of the Englifh, he foon loft the
affections of the nation by his mifconducl: ; but nothing
appeared more grievous to them, than his renewing the
impofition of Danegelt, and obliging the nation to pay a
great fum of money to the fleet which brought him from
Denmark. The difcontents ran high in many places :
In Worcefier the populace rofe, and put to death two of
the collectors. The king enraged at this oppofition,
iwore vengeance againft the city, and ordered three no
blemen, Godwin, duke of We (Tex, Siward, duke of
Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, to exe
cute his menaces with the utmoft rigour. They were obli
ged to fet fire to the city, and deliver it up to be plundered
by their foldiers ; but they faved the lives of the inhabi
tants ; whom they confined in a i mall ifland of the Severn,

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 119

called Be verey, till, by their interccfiion, they were able C II \ I.
to appeafe the king, and obtain the pardon of the iup- 1U.

plicants. N *

THIS violent government was of (hort duration. Har-
dicanute died in two ye-srs after his accefiion, at the nup
tials of a Dan m lord, which he had honoured v. i:h his
prefence. His ufual habits of intemperance were fo well
known, that, notwithftanding his robufi constitution his
fuddeR death gave a-s little furpiife as it did forrow to his
Cub j eels.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.

HE Englifh, on the death of Hardicanutc, faw a
favourable opportunity for recovering their liberty,

and for making off the Danifh yoke, under which they
had fo long laboured. Sweyn, king of Norway, the el-
deft fon of Canute, was abfent ; and as the two laft kings
had died without itlue, none of that race prvfentcd him-
felf, nor any whom the Danes could fupport as fucceffor
to the throne. Prince Edward was fortunately at court
on his brother s demife ; and though the descendants of
Edmond Ironfide.were the true heirs of the Saxon family,
yet their abfence in fo remote a country a^; Hungary, ap
peared a fufh cient reafon for their exclufion, to a peo
ple like the Englim, fo little accuftomed to obferve a
regular order in the fuccedion of their monarchs. All
delays might be dangerous ; and the prefent occafiori
mufl hafiily be embraced ; while the Danes, without
concert, without a leader, afionifbed at the prefent inci
dent, and anxious only for their pcrfonal iafety, durfl not
oppofe the united voice of the nation.

BUT this concurrence of circumfhnces in favour of Fd-
ward, might have failed ofits eflcd, had his kicceffion been
oppofed by Godwin, whole power, alliances, a HJ abilities,
gave him a great influence at all times, efpecially amidli
tholeludden opportunities, which always attended a revo
lution of government, and which, either feized or ne-
gleclcd, commonly prove decifive There were oppofite
reafons which divided men s hopes and fears with regard
to Godwin s conduct. On the one hand, the credit of
that nobleman lay chieflv in We flex, which \vas almort
entirely inhabited by Englilh : It was therefore prefumed
that he would fecond the wifhesof that people in reftoring
the Saxon line, and in humbling the Danes, from \\hom

120 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. ne as we ^ as tne y had reafon to dread, as they h.id al*
jjl. ready felt, the mod grievous oppreffions. On the other

i __ &amp;gt; hand, there lubfifted a declared animofity between
Edward and Godwin, on account of Alfred s murder ; of
which the latter had publicly been accufed by the prince,
and which he might believe fo deep an offence as could
never, on account of any fubfequent merts, be fincerely
pardoned. But their common friends here interpofed ;
and reprefenting the necceflity of their good correfpon-
dence, obliged them to lay alideall jealoutyand rancour,
and i. oncur in reftoring liberty to their native country.
Godwin only ftipulated that Edward, as a pledge of his
fincere reconciliation, mould promife to marry his daugh
ter Editha ; and having fortified hitnfelf by this alliance,
he fummoned a general council at Gillingham, ano? pre
pared every meafure for fecuring the fuccellion to Edward.
The Englifh were unanimous and zealous in their refo-
lutions ; the Danes were divided and difpirited : Any
fmall opposition, which appeared in this aiTembly, was
brow beaten and fupprefled ; and Edward was crowned
king with every demonOration of duty and affection.

THE triumph of the Englifh, upon this fignal and de-
cifive advantage, was at firft attended with fome infult and
violence againftthe Danes; but the king, by the mildnefs
of his character, foon reconciled the latter to hisadminif-
tration, and the difiinclion between the two nations gra
dually difappeared. The Danes were interfperfed with
the Englifh in moil of the provinces ; they (poke nearly
the fame language ; they differed little in their manners
and laws; domeflic diflenfions In Denmark prevented, for
fome years, any powerful invadon from thence, which
might awaken paft animofities; and as the Norman con-
queft, which enfued foon after, reduced both nations to
equal fubjection, there is no farther mention in hiftory of
any difference between them. The joy, however, of their
prefent deliverance made fuch impreffion on the minds of
the Englifh., that they infiituted an annual feftival for ce-
Jebrating that great event; and it was obferved in feme
counties even to the time of Spcliman*.

THE popularity which Edward enjoyed on his accefli-
on, was not deflroyed by the firfl at of hisadminiftration,
his refuming all the grants of his immediate piedeceilors;
an attempt which is commonly attended with the moft dan
gerous confequencts. The poverty of the crown convin
ced the nation that this acl of violence was become ablo-
lutely neceffary ; and as the lofs fell chiefly on the Danes,

* Spell. G!cfTary, in ve;bo Htcdaj.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 121

Who had obtained large grants from the late kings, their C H A P.
countrymen, on account of their fervices in lubdumg the Ill-
kingdom, the Englilh were rather pleafed to fee them re- ^ - f

duced to their primitive poverty. The king s (everity alfo
towards his mother, the queen-dowager, though expofed
to fome more cenfure, met not with very general difappro-
bation. He had hitherto lived on inditieieht terms with
that princeis: he acculed her of neglecting him and his
brother during their adverfe fortune* : Pie remarked, that
as the fuperior qualities of Canute, and his better treat
ment of her, had made her entirely indifferent to the me
mory of Ethclred, fhe alfo gave the preference to her
children of the fecond bed, and always regarded Ilardica-
nute as her favourite. The lame reafons had probably
made her unpopular in England ; and though her bene
factions to the monks obtained her the favour of that brderi
the nation was not, in general, difpleafed to fee her ftrip-
ped by Edward of irrtmenfe treafures which fhe had amaf-
led. He confined her, during the remainder of her life,
in a monaftery at Winchefter ; but carried his rigour
againft her no farther. The ftories of his accufing her of
a participation in her fon Alfred s murder, and of a crimi
nal correfpondence with the bifhop of Winchefter, and
alfo of her juftifying herfelf by treading barefoot, without
receiving any hurt, over nine burning plough-fhares,
were the inventions of the monkifh hiftorians, and were
propagated and believed from the filly wonder of pofte-
rity.f

THE Englifh flattered themfelves that, by the acceffion,
of Edward, they were delivered for ever from the domini
on of foreigners; but they foon found that this evil was
not yet entirely removed. The king had been educated
in Normandy ; and had contracted many intimacies with
the natives of that country, as well as an affection for their
manners^. The court of England was foon filled with
Normans, who, being diftinguifhed both by the favour of
Edward , and by a degree of cultivation lupetior to that
which was attained by the Englifh in thole ages, foon ren
dered their language, cuftoms, and laws, fafhionable in he
kingdom. Theftudyof the French tongue became gene
ral among the people. The courtiers affected to imitate
that nation in their drefs, equipage, and entertainments :
Even the lawyers employed a foreign language in their
deeds and papers!! : But above all, the church felt the in-

VOL 1. R

* Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 237. f Higden, p, 277.

} Ingulf, p. &amp;lt;ia. ]i Ingulf, p. (2.

ii2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- fluence and dominion of fhofe Grangers: Ulfand William,
III. two Normans, who had formerly been the king s chaplains,

* v were created biihops of Dorchefter and London. Robert,

a Norman alfo, was promoted to the fee of Canterbury*,
and always enjoyed the highed favour of his mailer, of
which his abilities rendered him not unworthy. Arid
though the king s prudence, or his want of authority, made
him confer almod all the civil and military employments
on the natives, the ecclefiafiical preferments fell often to
the fhare of the Normans ; and as the latter po defied Ed
ward s confidence, they had fecretly a great influence on
public affairs, and excited the jealouly of the Englifh, par
ticularly of Earl Godwinf.

THIS powerful nobleman, befides being duke or earl
of WefTex, had the counties of Kent arid Suflfex annexed
to his government. Mis elded fon, Sweyn, po defied the
fame authority in the counties of Oxford, Berks, Glocefter,
and Hereford : And Harold, his fecond ion, was dut\e of
Eafl-Anglia, and at the fame time governor of Effex. The
great authority of this family was fupported by immenfe
poflefliori s and powerful alliances ; ai:d the abilities, as
well is ambition, of Godwin himfelf contributed to render
it dill more dangerous. A prince of greater capacity and
vigour than Edward would have found it difficult to fupport
fhe dignity of the crown under fuch circumdances ; and
a-s the haughty temper of Godwin made him often forget
the refpe&amp;lt;ft due to his prince, Edward s animofity againfl
him was grounded on perlbnal as well as political confide-
rations, on recent as well as more ancient injuries. The
king, in purfuance of his engagements, had indeed married
Editha, the daughter of Godwin^ ; but this alliance became
a frefli fource of enmity between them. Edward s hatred
of the father was transferred to that princefs ; and Editha,
though poflelTed of many amiable accomplifhments, could
never acquire the confidence and affection of her hufband.
It is even pretended that, during the whole courfe of her
life, he abdained from all commerce of love with her ;
arid fuch was the abiurd admiration paid to an inviolable
1048. ch-jflitv during thofe ages, that his conduct in this parrt-
ctilar is highly celebrated by the monkilh hidorians, and
greatly contributed to his acquiring the title of faint and
confefTorJl.

THE mod popular pretence on which Godwin could
ground his difariection to the king and his adminiftration,
was to complain of the influence of the Normans in the

Chron. Sax. p. 161. f W. Malm. p. So. J Chron.Sax. p. 157.

;! \V. l\5alm.p. So. Higden, p. 277. Abbas Rie 1 al. p. 366. 377. Mauli.
Weft. p. 221. Chron. Thorn. Wykes, p. 21. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 241.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 123

government ; and a declared opposition had thence arifen CHAP,
between him and thefe favourites. It was not long before III.
this animofity broke into adlion. Euftace, count of Bov v -vr
logne, having paid a vifit to the king, paffcd by Dover in
his return : One of his train, being refufed entrance to a
lodging which had beenaffigned him, attempted to make
his \\-.\y by force, and in the conteft lie wounded the matter
of the houfe. The inhabitants revenged thisinfuh by the
death of the ftranger; the count and his train took arms,
and murdered the wounded town! man; a tumult enfued ;
near twenty perfons were killed on tach fide ; and Euftace,
being overpowered by numbers, was obliged to fave his
life by-flight from the fury of the populace. He lurried
immediately to court, and complained of the ufage he had
met with : The king entered zealoufly into the quarrel,
and was highly difpleafed that a ftranger of fuch uiftincti-
on, whom he had in \ited over to his court, (hould, with^
out any juft caufe, as he believed, have felt fo fei&amp;gt;fi !y the
infoience and animofity of his people. He gave orders to
Godwin, in whole government Dover lay, to repair imme
diately to the place, and to punilh the inhabitants for the
crime: But Godwin, who defired rather to encourage than
reprefs the popular difcontents againft foreigners, refufed
obedience, and endeavoured to throw the whole blame of
the riot on the count of Bologne, and his retinue*. Ed
ward, touched in fo feufible a point, faw the neceffity of
exerting the royal authority ; and he threatened Godwin,
if he perfifted in his difobedience, to make him feel the
utmoft effects of his refentment.

THE earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoidable, and
pleafed to embark in a caufe where it was likely he mould
be fupported by his countrymen, made preparations for his
own defence, or rather for an attack on Edward. Under
pretence of repreiling fome diforders on the Welfh frontier,
lie fe.:retiy aflembled a great army, and was approaching
the king, who refided, without any military force, and
without fufpicion, at Glocefterf. Ldvvard applied for pro
tection to Siward, duke of Northumberland, and Leofric,
duke of Mercia, two powerful noblemen, whofe jealoufy
of Godwin s greatnels, as well as their duty to the crown,
engaged them to defend the king in this extremity. They
haftened to him with fuch of their followers as they could
affemble on a (udden ; and finding the danger much f.riiat-
er than they had at fjrfl apprehended, they iil ucd orders
for muftering all the forces within their refpectivc govern-?

* C nron. Sax. p. 163. \V. Malm. p. S i . 1 iHen, p. 579.
f Chron. Sax. p. 16;. W. Malui. p. S:.

124 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, ments, and for marching them without delay to the defence
111. of the king s perlon and authority. Edwaid, meanwhile,

v v endeavoured to gain time by negociation ; while Godwin,

who thought the king entirely in his power, and who was.
willing to fave appearances, fell into the fnare ; and not
ienfible that he ought to have no fait her referve aftet he
had proceeded fo far, he ioft the favourable opportunity of
rendering himfeif mafter of the government.

THE Engliih, though they had no high idea of Edward s
vigour and capacity, bore him great atfeclion on account
of his humanity, juftice, and piety, as well as the long
race of their native kings from whom he was defcended ;
and they haftened from all quarters to defend him from the
prefont danger. Hi army was now fo confiderable, that
he ventured to take the field ; and marching to London,
he fummoned a great council to judge of the rebellion of
Godwin and his foris. Thefe noblemen pretended at firft
that they were willing to ftand their trial ; but having in
vain endeavoured to make their adherents perfift in rebel
lion, they offered to come to London, provided they might
receive hoftages for their fafety : This propofal being re
jected, they were obliged to difband the remains of their
forces, and have recourfe to flight. Baldwin, earl of Flan-
dors, gave protection to Godwin and his three Ions, Gurth,
S\veyn, and TofH ; the latter of whom had married the
daughter of that prince ; Harold and Leofwin, two other
of his fons, took fhelter in Ireland. The eftates of the
father and fons were confifcated : Their governments were
given to others : Queen Editha was confined in a monafte-
ry at Warewel: And the greatnefs of this fjmily, once fo
formidable, leemed now to be totally fupplanted and over
thrown.

Bur Godwin had fixed his authority on too firm a bafis,
and he was too ftrongly fupported by alliances, both foreigri
and domeftic, not to occafion farther difturbances, and
io . ma ke new efforts for his re-eftablifhment. The earl of
Flanders permitted him to purchafe and hire fhips within
his harbours ; and Godwin, having manned them with his
followers, and with free-hooters of all nations, put to fea,
and attempted to make a defcent at Sandwich. The king,
informed of his preparations, had equipped a confiderable
fleet, much fuperior to that of the enemy ; and the earl
haftily, before their appearance, made his retreat into the
Flemiih harbours*. The Englifh court, allured by the pre-
ient fecurity, and deftitute of all vigorous counfels, allowed
the feamen to difband, and the fleet to go to decay f ; while

* Sim. Dun. p. 186. f Chron. Sax. p. i6G.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 125

Godwin, expecting this event, kept his men in readinefs CHAP,
for ahon. He put to lea immediately, and failed to the III.

jile of Wight, where he was joined by Harold, with a ^ &amp;lt;,

fquadron which tint nobleman had collected in Ireland,
He was now mafter of the lea ; and entering every har
bour in the fouthern coait, he leized all the fhips*, and
iummoned his followers in thofe counties, which had fo
long been fuhject to his government, to a (lift him in pro
curing jufticeto himielf, his family, and his country, againft
the tyranny of foreigners Reinforced by great numbers
from all quarters, he entered the Thames; and appearing
before London, threw every thing ir.to confu-fion. The
king alone feemed refolute to defend himlelf to the laft
extremity ; but the interpofition of the Englifh nobility,
many of whom favoured Godwin s pretenfions, made Ed
ward hearken to terms of accommodation ; and the feigned
humility of the earl, who difclaimed all intentions of of
fering violence to his lovereign, and defiredoniy to juftify
himfelf by a fair and open trial, paved the way for his
more eafy aclmiffion. It was ftipulated, that he fhould give
hoftages for his good behaviour, and that the primafe and
all the foreigners fhould be banifhed : By this treaty, the
prefenl danger of a civil war was obviated, but the autho
rity of the crown was confiderably impaired, or rather en
tirely annihilated. Edward, ferifiblr that he had not
power fufficient to fecure Godwin s hofiages in England,
fent them over to his kinfman, the young duke of Nor
mandy.

GODWIN S death, which happened foon after, while he
was fitting at table with the king, prevented him from
farther eftabllfhing the authority which he had acquired,
and from reducing Edward to Rill greater fubjeclionf. He
was fucceeded in the government of WefJex, SufJex, Kent,
and Eflex, and in the office of Reward of the houiehold,
a place of great power, by hir, fon Harold, who was aclu-
ated by an ambition equal to that of his father, and was fu-
perior to him in addrefs, in infinuation, and in virtue. By
a modell and gentle demeanour, he acquired the good-will
of Edward ; at leafl foftened that hatred which the prince
had fo long borne his family t ; and ainin*i every day new
partifans by his bounty and affability, he proceeded in a
more filent, and therefore a more dangerous manner, to
the increafe of hi.s authority. The king, who had not
fufficient vigour directly to oppofe his progrefs, knew of
no other expedient than that hazardous one, of raifing ! im
a rival in t;,e family of Leofric, duke of Mercia, whole

* Chron. ?ax. p. if 6. f See note [E] at th? end of r .he volume.

J Brompion, p. 948.

126 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, fon Algar was inserted with (he government of Eaft-An.
III. glia which, before the banifhment of Harold, had be-

, longed to the latter nobleman. But this policy, of balan
cing oppofite parties, required a more fteady hand to man
age it than that of Edward, and naturally produced faction,
and even civil broils, among nobles of fuch mighty and in
dependent authority. Algar was foon after expelled his
government by the intrigues and power of Harold ; hut
being protected by Griffith, prince of Wales, who had
married his daughter, as well as by the power of his father
Leofric, he obliged Harold to fubmit to an accommodation
and was reinftatcd in the government of Eaft Anglia. This
peace was not of long duration : Harold taking advantage
of Leofric s death, which happened foon after, expelled
Algar anew, and banilhed him the kingdom : And though
that nobleman made a frefh irruption into Eaft-Anglia with
an army of Norwegians, and overran the country, his
death foon freed Harold from the pretenfions of io dange
rous a rival. Edward, the eld eft fon of Algar, was in -
deed advanced to the government of Mercia ; but the ba
lance, which the king defired to eftablilh between thoie
potent families, was wholly loft, and the influence of Ha
rold greatly preponderated.

ia&amp;gt;55- THE death of Siward, duke of Northumberland, made
the way ftill more open to the ambition of that nobleman.
Siward, befides his other merits, had acquired honour to
England, by his fuccefsful conduct in the only foreign en-
terprife undertaken during the reign of Edward. Duncan,
king of Scotland, was a prince of a gentle difpofition, but
pofleilcd not the genius requifite for governing a country
lo turbulent, and fo much infefted by the intiitiues and
animofities of the great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman,
and nearly allied to the crown, not content with curbing
the king s authority, carried ftill farther his peftilent ambi
tion : He put his fovereign to death ; chace^l Malcolm Ken-
more, his fonand heir, into England; and ufurped the crown.
Siward, whofe daughter was married to Duncan, embraced,
by Edward s orders, the protection of this diftrefled family:
He inarched an army into Scotland; and having defeated
and killed Macbeth in battle, he" reftored Malcolm to the
throne of his anceftors*. This fcrv ice, added to his former
connections with the royal family of Scotland, l ioi;ghta
great acceflion to the authority of Siwaid in the north ;
hut as he had loft hiseldeft fon, Ofberne, in the.iction with
Macbeth, it proved in the iflue fatal to his family. His

* \V. Malm. p. 79. Hoveden, p. 443. Chrou. Mailr. p. 15?. Buchanan,
p, 115. Lt;;t. 1715-

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 127

fecond fon, Walthoef, appeared, on his father s death, too C H A P.
young to be entrufted with the government of Northum- III.

berland ; and Harold s influence obtained that dukedom

for his own brother Tofti.

THERE are twocircumftances related of Siward, v hich
difcover his high fenfe of honour, and his martial diipofi-
tion. When intelligence was brought him of his fon Ol-
berne s death, he was inconfolable ; till he heard that the
wound was received in the breaft, and that he had behaved
with great gallantry in the action. When he found his
own death approaching, he ordered his fervants to clothe
him in a complete fuit of armour; and fitting erecl on the
couch, with a fpear in his hand, declared, that in that
pofture, the only one worthy of a warrior, he would pati
ently await the fatal moment.

THE king, now worn out with cares and infirmities,
felt himfelf far advanced in the decline of life; andha\ing
no iflue himfelf, began to think of appointing a fucceffor
to the kingdom. He lent a deputation to Hungary, to in
vite over his nephew, Edward, fon of his elder brother,
and the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. That
prince, whole fuccelfion to the crown would Inve been
eafy and uodifputed, came to England with his children,
Edgar, furnamed Atheling, Margaret and Chriflina ; but
his death, which happened a few days after his arrival,
threw the king into new dil Iiculties. He faw, that the
great power and ambition of Harold had tempted him to
think of obtaining poUeilion of the throne on the firft
vacancy, and that Edgar, on account of his youth and in
experience, was very unfit to oppofe the pretenfions of fo
popular and enterprifing a rival. The anfmofity which
he had long borne to earl Godwin, made him averfc to the
liiccefTion of hi ; fon ; and he could not, without extreme
reluctance, think of an encreafe of grandeur to a family
which had rilen on the ruins of royal authority, and
which, by the murder of Alfred, his brother, had contri
buted fo much to the weakening of the Saxon line. In
this uncertainty he fecretly call his eye towards his kinf-
man, William duke of Normandy, as the only perfon
whole power, and reputation, and capacity, could fupport
any deftinatiou which he might make in his favour, to the
excluiion of Harold and his family*.

THIS famous prince was natural fon of Robert duke of
Normandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaifef,
and was very early eftablifhcd in that grandeur from which
his birth feemed to have let him at lo great a diftance.

* Ingulf, p. 68. f Bromptoti, p. 910.

128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. While he was but nine years of age, his father had refol-
III. ved to undertake a pilgrimage to Jerufalem ; a falliionable

&amp;lt; v act of devotion, which had taken nlace of the pilgrimages

to Rome, and which, as it \vas attended with more diffi
culty and danger, and carried thole religious adventurers
to the firft iources cf Chriftianity, appealed to them more
meritorious. Before his departure, he alTembled the Hates
of the dmchy; and informing them of his defign, he en
gaged them to fwear allegiance to his natural fon, Willi
am, whom, as he had no legitimate iffue, he intended, in
cafe he fhould die in the pilgrimage, to leave fucceflbr to
his dominions*. As he was a prudent prince, he could
not but forefee the great inconveniencies which muft attend
this journey, and this fettlement of his fucceffion ; arifing
from the perpetual turbulency of the great, the claims of
other branches of the ducal family, and the power of the
French monarch : But all thefe confederations were fur-
mounted by the prevailing zeal for pilgrimages f j and,
probably, the more important they were, the more would
Robert exult in facrificingthem to what he imagined to be
his religious duty.

THIS prince, as he had apprehended, died in his pilgri
mage ; and the minority of his fon was attended with all
thole diforders which were almoft unavoidable in that fitu-
ation. The licentious nobles, freed from the awe of fove-
reign authority, broke out into perfonal animofities againft
each other, and made the whole country a fcene of war
and devaluation J. Roger, count of Toni, and Alain, count
of Britanny, advanced claims to the dominion of the (late;
and Henry J. king of France, thought the opportunity
favourable for reducing the power of a vaffal, who had
originally acquired his fettlement in fo violent and invidi
ous a manner, and who had long appeared formidable to
his fovereigntl. The regency eft ab limed by Robert en
countered great difficulties in fupporting the government
under this complication of dangers; and the young prince,
when he came to maturity, found himielf reduced toa very
low condition. But the great qualities which he foon dif-
played in the field and in the cabinet, gave encouragement
to his friends, and ftrcck a terror into his enemies. He
oppoled himfelf on all fides againft his rebellious fubjects,
and againft foreign invaders ; and by his valour and con
duit prevailed in every action. He obliged the French
king to grant him peace on reafonable terms ; he expel
led all pretenders to the fovereignty ; and he reduced his

* \V. Malm. p. 05. \ Ypoc!. Neuft. p. 452.

t W. Malm. p. 95. Gul. Gcmet,lib. 7. cap. i.
II W. Malm. p. 97.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 129

turbulent barons to fay fubmiflion to his authority, CHAP,
and to fufpend their mutual animofities. The natural HI.

feverity of his temper appeared in a rigorous admi- v v ^

niftration of juflL e ; and having found the happy cf-
fefts of this plan of government, without which the laws
in thole ages became totally impotent, he regarded it
as a fixed maxim, that an inflexible conduct was the fuft
duty of a ibvereign.

THE tranquillity which he had eflablifhed in his domi
nions, had given William leiiure to pay a vifit to the kin
of England during the time of Godwin s banifhment ; and
he was received in a manner fuitable to the great reputation
which he had acquired, to the relation by which he was
connected with Edward, and to the obligations which that
prince owed to his family*. On the return of Godwin,
and the expulfion of the Norman favourites, Robert, arch-
bilhop of Canterbury, had, before his departure, perfuad-
cd Edward to think of adopting William as his fui ceficr ;
a counfel which was favoured by the king s averfion to
God win, his prcpofleilions for the Normans, and hisefteem
of the duke. That prelate, therefore, received a commifii-
on to inform William of the king s intentions in his favour;
and he was the firft perfon that opened the mind of the
prince to entertain thofe ambitious hopesf. But Edward,
irrelolute and feeble in his purpofe, rinding that the Eng-
IHh would more eafily acquiefce in the reftoration of the
Saxon line, had, in the mean time, invited his brother ^
defendants from Hungary, with a view of having them
recognifed heirs io the crown. The death of his nephew,
and the inexperience and unpromifing qualities of young
Edgar, made him relume his former intentions in favour of
the duke of Normandy ; though his averfion to hazardous
enterprifes engaged him to poftpone the execution, and
even to keep his purpofe fecret from all his minifters.

HAROLD, meanwhile, proceeded, after a more open
manner, in encreafing his popularity, in eftablifhing his
power, and in preparing the way for his advancement
on the lirft vacancy ; an event which, from the age and
infirmities of the king, appeared not very diftant. But
there wao ilill an obltacle, which it was requifite for him
previoully to overcome. Earl Godwin, when reftored to
liis power and fortune, had given hoft ages for his good be
haviour; and among the reft, one fon and one grandfon,
whom Edward, for greater iecurity, as has been related,

VOL. I. S

* Hovcden, p. 42?. Ingulf, p. 65. Ciiron. Mailr. p. 157. Higden, p.
-79. f Ingulf, p, 6i. Cui. Gemct. I .b. 7, cay. 31. order. Viulis,

i. 405.

1 30 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, had configned to the cuftody of the duke of Normandy.
III. Harold, though not aware of the duke s being his compe-
v v titor, was uneafy that fuel) near relations fhould be detain
ed piiloners in a foreign country ; and he was afraid left
William fhould, in favour of Edgar, retain thefe pledges
as a check on the ambition of any other pretender. He
reprefented, therefore, to the king, his unfeigned fubmifn-
on to royal authority, his fteady duty to his prince, and
the little neceffity there was, after fuch a uniform trial of
his obedience, to detain any longer thole hcftages who had
been required on the firft compofing of civil diicords. By
thefe topics, enforced by his great power, he extorted the
king s confent to releafe them; and in order to eflet his
purpofe, he immediately proceeded, with a numerous re
tinue, on his journey to Normandy, A tempeft drove him
on the territory of Guy count of Ponthieu, who, being
informed of his qualit-/, immediately detained him prifon-
er, and demanded an exorbitant lum for hisrunfom. Ha-
rcld found means to convey intelligence of his fituation
to the duke of Normandy; and reprefented, that while he
was proceeding to his court, in execution of a commiffion
from the king of England, he had met with this harfh treat
ment from the mercenary dilpofition of the count of Pon
thieu.

WILLIAM was immediately fenfible of the importance
of tiie incident. He forefaw, that if he could once gain
Harold, either by favours or menaces, his way to the
throne of England would be open, and Edward would
meet with no farther obltacle in executing the favourable
intentions which he had entertained in his behalf. He
lent, therefore, a meflenger to Guy, in order to demand
the liberty of his priioner ; and that nobleman, not daring
to refufe io great a prince, put Harold into the hands of
the Norman, whoconducted him to Rouen. William receiv
ed him with every demonfhation of refpect and friendfhip;
and after (bowing himfelf difpofed to comply with his de-
fire, in delivering up the holtages, he took an opportunity
of difclofmg to him the great fecret, of his pretenHons to
the crown of England, and of the will which Edward in
tended to make in jus favour. He defired the affiftance of
Harold in perfecting that defign ; he made profeffions of
the utmoil gratitude in return for fo great an obligation ;
he promised that the prefcnt grandeur of Hrrold s family,
which fupporled itfelf whh difficulty under the jealou fy
and hatred of Edward, fhould receive new encreafe from
a fucceffor, who would be Ib greatly beholden to him for
his advancement. Harold was furpnicd at this declaration
of the duke; but being fenfible that he fhould never re-

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 131

cover his own liberty, much lefs that of his brother and CHAP,
nephew, if he refufed the demand, he feigned a compliance III.

with William, renounced all hopes of the crown for him- * ~*

felf, and profefled his fincere intention of fupporting the
will of Edward, and fecondingthe pretenfions of the duke
of Normandy. William, to bind him falter to his inte-
refts, befides offering him one of his daughters in marri
age, required him to take an oath that he would fulfil his
promifcs; and in order to render the oath more obligatory,
he employed an artifice well-fuited to the ignorance and
fuperftition of the age. He fecretly conveyed under the
altar, on which Harold agreed to fwear, the reliqucs of
iorne of the moft revered martyrs ; and when Harold had
Taken the cv.th, he ihowed him the reliques, and admo-
nilhed him toobfer.e religiouflyan engagement which had
been ratified by fo tremendous a fanciion*. The Englifh
nobleman was aftonilhed ; but dilfembling his concern,
he renewed the fame profeflions, and was dim-lifted with
all the marks of mutual confidence by the duke of Nor
mandy.

WHEN Harold found himfelf at liberty, his ambition
fuggelted cafuifirv fuflicient to jufiify to him the violation
of an oath, which had been extorted from him by fear,
and which, if fulfilled, might be attended with the fubjeo
tion of his native country to a foreign power. He conti
nued fH 11 to pralife every art of popularity; to encreafe
the number of his partifans ; to reconcile the minds of the
L.nglifh to the idea of his lucceffion ; to revive their hatred
of the Normans; and, by an oftcntation of hib power and
influence} to deter the timorous Edward from executing
his intended dellination in favour of William. Fortune,
about this time, threw two incidents in his way, by which
he was enabled to acquire general favour, and to encreafe
the character which he had already attained, of virtue and
abilities.

THE Welfh, though a lefs formidable enerny than the
Danes, had long been acciiftomed to infeft the weftern bor
ders ; and after committing fpoil on the Jo\v countries,
they ufually made a hafty retreat into their mountains,
where they were fheltercd from the purl iiit of their ene
mies, and were ready to leize the firft favoi ble opportu
nity of renewing their depredations. GrirSt i, the reigninjr
prince, had gieatly dHtinguiTned himleif in thofe incurfi-
ons ; and his name had become lo terrible to the If.nglilh,
that Harold found he could do nothing more acceptable to,

* Ware, p. ,}-,(}, .jfto. MS. penes Carte, M. 3 -.4. VV. M.ihn, p. o?, H.
Hunt. p. 366. HovcJcn, p. 4^0. Eioin^to*. i&amp;gt;.

132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, the public, and more honourable for himfelf, than the fup-
III. prcffme: of fo dangerous an enemy. He formed the plan

*-~-^. of an expedition againft Wales; and having prepared

fome light-armed foot to purfue the natives into their faft-
r.effes, fome cavalry to fcour the open country, and a fquad-
ron of (hips to attack the fca-coafi, he employed at once
allthefe forces againft the Welm, profecutcd his advanta
ges with vigour, made nointermifiion in hisafTaults, and at
laft reduced the enemy to fuch diftrefs, that, in order to
prevent their total deftru&ion, they made a facrifice of
their prince, whofe head they cut otf , and fent to Harold ;
and they were content to receive, as their fovereigns, two
Welih noblemen appointed by Rdu r ard to rule over
them. The other incident was no lefs honourable to Ha
rold.

ToST If brother of this nobleman, who had been created
duke cf Northumberland, being of a violent tyrannical
temper, had acted with fuch cruelty and injufiice, that the
inhabitants rofe in rebellion, and chafed him from his go
vernment. Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, who po fie fled
great power in thofe parts, and who were grandfonsof the
great duke Leofric, concurred in the infurreftion ; and the
former, being elct^ed duke, advanced with an army toop-r
pofe Harold, who was commifnoned by the king to reduce
and chafiifc the Northumbrians. Before the armies came
toaUon, Morcar, well acquainted with the genrrous dif-
pofuion of the Englifh commander, endeavoured tojuAifv
}) is own conduct. He reprefented to Harold, that Tofti
had behaved in a manner unworthy of the ftation to which
lie was advanced, and no one, not even a brother, could
iupport fuch tyranny, without participating, in fome de
gree, cf the infamy a-ttending it ; that the Northumbrians,
accuftomed to a legal adminiftration, and regarding it as
their birth-right, were willing to fubmit to the king, but
required a governor who would pay regard to their rights
and privileges; that they \iad been taught by their ancef-
tois, that death was preferable to fervitude, and had taken
the field, determined to perifh, rather than furfer a renewal
of thofe indignities to which they had fo long been expof-
ed ; and they t rutted that Harold, on reflection, would
not defend in another that violent conducl, from which lie
himfelf, in his own government, had always kept at fo
great a diftance. This vigorous rcmonftrance was accom
panied with fuch a detail of facts, fo well fupported, that
Harold found it prudent to abandon his brother s caufe; and
returning to Edward, he perfuaded him to pardon the
Nprthumbrians, and te confirm Morcar 5n the government.

EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 133

He even married the fifter of that nobleman*; and by his CHAP,
intereft procured Edwin, the younger brother, to be elected 111.

into the government of Mercia. TofH in a rage departed *

the kingdom, and took fhelter in Flanders with earl Bald
win, his father-in law.

BY this marriage Harold broke all mea lures with the
duke of Normandy ; and William clearly perceived that
he could no longer rely on the oaths and promifes which
he had extorted from him. But the Englifh nobleman was
now in fuch a fituation, that he deemed it no longer ne-
ceffary todifTembie. He had, in his conduct towards the
Northumbrians, given i uch a fpecimen of his moderation
as had gainrd him the affections of his countrymen. He
faw that a!moft all England was engaged in his interefis ;
while he himlelf pofleflcd the government of We Hex,
Morcar that of Northumberland, and Edwin that of Mer
cia. He now openly afpired to the fucceflion ; and infill
ed, that fince it was neceilury, by the contcflion of all, to
let a fide the royal family, on account of the imbecility of
Edgar, the fole furviving heir, there was no one fo capable
of filling the throne as a nobleman of great power, of
mature age, of Jong exoerience, of approved courage and
abilities, who, being a native of the kingdom, would effec
tually fecure it againfl the dominion and tyranny of fo
reigners. Edward, broken with age and infirmities, law
the difficulties too great for him to encounter ; and though
his inveterate prepofleflions kept him from feconding the
pretenfions of Harold, he took but feeble and irrefolutc
Reps for fecu ring the lucceflion to the duke of Normandy t.
While he continued in this uncertainty, lie was furpriled
by ficknefs, which brought him to his grave, on the fifth
of January 1066, in the fixty-fifth year of his age, and
twenty fifth of his reign.

THIS prince, to whom the monks give the title of faint
nnd confdTor, was the lafl of the Saxon line that ruler! in
England. Though his reign was peaceable and fortunate,
he owed his profperit/ lefs to his own abilities than to the
conjunctures ofthetiir.es. The Panes employed in other
rnterprifes, attempted not thofe incurfions which had been
fj troublefome to all his predeceflbrs, and fatal to Ibrre of
them. The facility of his difpofion made him acquielce
under the government of Godwin and his Ion i T arcid ; and
the abilities, as well as the power of tnefe noblemen ena
bled them, while they were entrufk-d with au!:c: liv, to
prelerve domeftic peace and tranquillity. The ir.oil com-

* Order. Vitalis, p. 402.

f Sec note [F J at the tad of th: vo .urae.

I 3 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, mendable circumftance of Edward s government, was his
III. attention to the adminiflration of jufHce, and his compiling,

* for that purpofe, a body of laws, which he colle&fJ from

the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation,
though now loft (for the laws that pafs under Edward s
name were compofed afterwards*), was long the object of
affeclion to the Englifh nation.

EDWARD the ConfelTor was the firft that touched for the
king s evil ; The opinion of his fandtity procured belief
to this cure among the people : His fucceffors regarded it
as a part of their ftate and grandeur to uphold the fame
opinion. It has been continued down to our time ; and
the practice was firfl dropped by the prefent royal family,
who obferved, that it could no longer give amazement even
to the populace, and was attended with ridicule in the eyes
of all men of underftanding.

HAROLD.

HAROLD had fo well prepared matters before the
,,, ou . death of Edward, that he immediately ftepped into

January, the vacant throne ; and his accefllon was attended with as
little oppofition and difturbance, as if he had fucceeded by
the molt undoubted hereditary title. The citizens of Lon
don were his zealous partifans : The bifhops and clergy
had adopted his caufe : And all the powerful nobility, con
nected with him by alliance or friendfhip, willingly fe-
condcd his pretenfions. The title of Pldgar Atheling was
icarcely mentioned ; much lefs the claim of the duke of
Normandy : And Harold, aflernbling his partifans, receiv-.
ed the crown from their hands, without waiting for the
free deliberation of the ftates, or regularly lubmitiing the
quefiion to their deterrrunation f. If any were averfe
to this meafiue, they were obliged to conceal their
fentiments ; and the new prince, taking a general filence
forconfent, and founding his title on the fupppfed luf-
frages of the people, which appeared unanimous, was,
on thed.iy immediately fucceeding Edward s death, crown
ed and anointed king, by Aldred archbishop of York,
The whole nation feemed joyfully to acquiefce in his
elevation.

* Spehn. in verbo Belliva. f G. "1ft. p. 196. Ypod. Nruft r

p. 436. Order. Vitalis, p. 402. M. Veft. p. 221. W. Malm. p. 13. In
gulf, p 6S. Brompion, p. 057. Knygiiton, p.. 2339 H. Hunt. p. 210.
Many of the hiftorians fay, that Harold was regularly eleftcd by li.e Rates:,
Some, that Edward left him his iucceffor by will.

HAROLD. 135

THE firft fymptoms of danger which the king diirover- CHAP,
ed came from abroad, and from his own brother Tofli, III.
who had fubmitted to a voluntary banifhment in Flanders. * v /
Enraged at the fuccefsfi.il ambition of Harold, to which
he himfelf had fallen a victim, he filled the court of Bald
win with complaints of the injuftice which he had fuffer-
ed : He engaged the intereft of that family againfl his bro
ther : He endeavoured to form intrigues with fome of the
discontented nobles in England ; He lent his emiflaries to
Norway, in order to roule to arms the freebooters of that
kingdom, and to excite their hopes of reaping advantage
from the unlettled Rate of affairs on the ufurpation of the
new king : And that he might render the combination more
formidable, he made a journey to Normandy ; in expect
ation that the duke, who had married Matilda, another
daughterof Baldwin, would, in revenge of his own wrongs,
as well as thofe of Tofti, fecond, by his counfels and for
ces, the projected invaiion of England*.

THE duke of Normandy, when he firft received intel
ligence of Harold s intrigues and acceflion, had been mov
ed to the higheft pitch of indignation ; but that he might
give the better colour to his pretenfions, he lent an embaf-
iy to England, upbraiding that prince with his breach of
faith, and fummoning him torefign immediately pofleflion
of the kingdom. Harold replied to the Norman ambafla-
dors, that the oath, with which he was reproached, had
been extorted by the well-grounded fear of violence, and
could never, for that reaibn, be regarded as obligatory :
That he had no commiiTion, either from the late king or
the ftates of England, who alone could difpoTe of the
crown, to make any tender of the fucceffion to the duke of
Normandy ; and if he, a private perfon, had afTumed fo
much authority, and had even voluntarily fworn to fupport
the duke s pretenfions, the oath was unlawful, and it was
liis duty to feize the firft opportunity of breaking it: That
he had obtained the crown by the unanimous furfrages of
the people ; and fhould prove himfelf totally unworthy of
their favour, did he not ftrcnuoully maintain thofe national
liberties, with whofe protection they had entrufted him :
And that the duke, if he made any attempt by force of
arms, fhould experience the power of an united nation,
conducted by a prince, who, lenfible of the obligations
impoled on him by his royal dignity, was determined that
the fame moment fhould put a period to his life and to his
governmentf.

* Order. Vitalis, p. 492. t w - Malm. p. 99. Higden. p. 285.

Mitth. Weft. p. 222. DC Gcft. Angl.inceiioauctoie, p. jji.

i f&amp;gt; HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. THIS anfwer was no other than William expected ; and
liJ. lie had previously fixed his resolution of making ar) attempt

* v upon Hngland. Confuhing only his courage, his rcfent-

inent, and his ambition, he overlooked ail the difficulties
infeparable from an attack on a great kingdom by fuch in
ferior force, and he law only thecircumftances which would
facilitate his enterprife. He confidered that England,
ever fmce the accefllon of Canute, had enjoyed profound
tranquillity, during a period of near fifty years ; and
it wouid require time for its foldiers, enervated by long
peace, to learn difcipline, and its generals experience.
He knexv that it was e tirely unprovided with fortified
towns, by which it could prolong the war ; but mufl ven
ture its whole fortune in one decifive action again/I a vete
ran enemy, who, being once mailer of the field, would
be in a condition to overrun the kingdom. He faw that
Harold, though he had given proofs of vigour and bravery,
had newly mounted a throne, which he had acquired by
faction, from which he had excluded a very ancient royal
family, and which was likely to totter under him by its
own inflability, much more if fhaken by any violent ex
ternal impulle. And he hoped, that the very circumftance
of his crolling the fea, quitting his own country, and
leaving himfelf no hopes of retreat ; as it would aftonifh
the enemy by the boldnefsof the enterprife, would infpirit
his fo diers by defpair, and roule them to luftain the repu
tation of the Norman arms.

THE Normans, as they had Jong been diftmguifhed by
valour among all the European nations, had at this time
attained to the higheft pitch of military glory. Befides
acquiring by arms fuch a noble territory in France, belldes
defending it againfr. continual attempts of the Fiench mo
narch and all its neighbours, befides exerting many acls of
vigour under their prefent fovcreign ; they had, about this
very time, revived their ancient fame, by the moft hazar
dous exploits, and the moft wonderful fucceires, in the other
extremity of Europe. A few Norman adventurers in Italy
had acquired fucb an afcendant, not only over the Italians
and Greeks, but the Germans and Saracens, that they ex
pelled thole foreigners, procured to thcmfelves ample efia-
blifhments, and laid the foundation of the opulent king
dom of Naples and Sicily*. Thefe enterprises of men,
who were all of them vaflals in Normandy, many of them
banifhed for faction and rebellion, excited the ambition of
the haughty William ; who difdained, after fuch exam
ples of fortune and valour, to be deterred from making an

* Guh Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 30.

HAROLD. 137

attack on a neighbouring country, where he could be Cup- CHAP*
ported by the whole force of his principality. III.

THE fituation alfo of Europe infpired William with * ..

hopes, that.befides his brave Normans, he might employ
againfl England the flower of the military force which was
difperfed in all the neighbouring ftates. France, Germa
ny, and the Low Countries, by the progrefs of the feudal
inftitutions, were divided and fubdivided into many princi
palities and baronies; and the pofleflbrs, enjoying the civil
jurifdi5lion within themfelves, as well as the right of arms,
afted, in many refpecls, as independent fovereigns, and
maintained their properties and privileges lefs by the au
thority of laws than by their own force and valour. A
military fpirit had univerfally dirFuled itfelf throughout
Europe ; and the feveral leaders, whole minds were ele
vated by their princely fituation, greedily embraced the
mod hazardous enterprifes ; and being accuftomcd to no
thing from their infancy but recitals of the fuccefs attending
wars and battles, they were prompted by a natural ambi
tion to imitate thofe adventures, which they heard fo much
celebrated, and which were fo much exaggerated by the
credulity of the age. United, however loolely, by their
duty to one fuperior lord, and by their connexions with the
great body of the community to which they belonged, they
cle fired to fpread their fame each beyond his own diflridl;
and in all aflemblies, whether inftituted for civil delibera
tions, for military expeditions, or merely for (how and en
tertainment, to outfhine each other by the reputation of
Strength and prowefs. Hence their genius for chivalry;
hence their impatience of peace and tranquillity ; and hence
their readinefsto embark in any dangerous enterprife, how
little foever interefted in its failure or fuccefs.

WILLIAM, by his power, his courage, and his abilities,
had long maintained a pre-eminence among thofe haughty
chieftains ; and every one who defired to fignalife himfelf
by his addrefs in military exercifes, or his valour in action,
had been ambitious of acquiring a reputation in the court
and in the armies of Normandy. Entertained with that
hofpitality and courtefy which diftinguifhed the age, they
had formed attachments with the prince, and greedily at
tended to the profpeilsof the fignal glory and elevatio*
which he jjromifed them in return for their concurrence in
an expedition againft England. The more grandeur there
appeared in the attempt, the more it fuited their romantic
fpirit : The fame of the intended invafion was already dif-
fufed every where : Multitudes crowded to tender to the

VOL. I. T

j 3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A p duke their fervice, with that of their vaflals and retainers*:
HI * And William found lefs difficulty in completing his levies,
j than in chafing the moft veteran forces, and in rejecting
the offers of thole who were impatient to acquire fame un
der fo renowned a leader.

BESIDES thefe advantages, which William owed to his
perfonal valour and good conduct ; he was indebted to
fortune for procuring him fomeafliftance, and alfo for re
moving rn.jny obftacles, which it was natural for him to
expect in an undertaking, in which all his neighbours
were io deeply interefted. Conan, count of Britanny, was
his mortal enemy : In order to throw a damp upon the
duke s entei prile, he chofe this conjuncture for reviving his
claim to Normandy itlelf; and he required, that in cafe of
William s fuccefs againft England, the poiTefiion of that
dutchy mould devolve to himf. But Conan died fudden-
ly afier making thisdemand ; and Hoel, his fucceffor, in-
fleadof adopting the malignity, or y more properly fpeak-
ing, the prudence of his predecefTor, zealoufly feconded the
duke s views, and lent his eldeft Ion, Alain Fergant, to
ferve under him with a body of five thoufand Britons.
The counts of Anjou of Flanders encouraged their fub-
jccts to engage in the expedition ; arid even the court
of France, though it might juftly fear the aggrandizement
of fo dangerous a vaflal, puriued" not i*s interefrs on this
occafion with Sufficient vigour and refolution. Philip I.
the reigning monarch, was a minor ; and William, having
communicated his project to the council, having defired
affiance, and offered to do homage, in cafe of his fuccefs,
for the crown of England, was indeed openly ordered to lay
afide all thoughts of the enterprife ; but the earl of Flan
ders, his rather-in-law, being at the head of the regency,
favoured under-hand his levies, and fecretly encouraged
the adventurous nobility to inJiit under theftandard of the
duke of Normandy.

THE empeior, Henry IV. befides openly giving all his
vaffals permiffion to embark in this expedition, which fo
much engaged (he attention of Europe, promiled his prt&amp;gt;-
teftion to the dutchy of Normandy during the abfence of
the prince, and thereby enabled him to employ his whole
force in the invafion of England:):. But the moft impor
tant ally, whom William gained by his negociatiorr*;, was
the pope, who had a mighty influence over the ancient ba
rons, no lefs devout in their religious principles, than va
lorous in their military enterprises. The Roman pontirF,

* Oul. Pi^a -enfis, p. igS. f Gal. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. ;j.

J Gul. Piit. p. 198.

HAROLD. 13$

after an infenfible progrefs during feveral ages of darknefs CHAP,
an 1 ignorance, began now to lift his head openly above all III.

the princes of Europe ; to aflume the office o" a mediator, * *

or even an arbiter, in the quarrels of the gre.itcfl mon.trchs;
to iriterpofe in all fecular affairs ; and to obtrude his dic
tates as fovereign laws on his oblequious difciples. It was
a fuficient motive to Alexander II. the reigning pope, for
emoracing William s quarrel, that he alone had made an
appeal to his tribunal, and rendered him umpire of the
di:pute between him and Harold ; but there were other
advantages which that pontiff fore law mull refult from the
conqueft of England by the Norman arms. That king
dom, though at hilt converted bv Romilh miffionarics,
though it had afterwards advanced iome farther fteps to
wards lubjection to Rome, maintained flill a confiderable
independence in its ecclefiaftical adminiftration ; an^ form
ing a wo Id within itlblf, entirely feparated from the reft of
Europe, it hid hitherto proved inacceffible to thole exor
bitant claims which fupported the grandeur of the papacy.
Alexander therefore hoped, that the French and Norman
barons, if fuccefsful in their enterprife, might import into
that country a more devoted reverence to the holy lee, and
bring the Englilh chinches to a nearer conformity with
thofe of the continent. He declared immediately in favour
of William s claim ; pronounced Harold a perjured ufur-
pcr; denounced excommunication againfl him and his ad
herents; and the more to encourage the duke of Norman
dy in his enterprife, he fent him aconfecrated banner, and
a ring with one of St. Peter s hairs in it*. Thus were all
the ambition and violence of that invafion covered over
fafcly with the broad mantle of religion.

THE greatefi difhculty which William had to encoun
ter in his preparations, arofe from his own fubjecls in Nor
mandy. The ftates of the dutchy were aiTemb led at Liile-
bonne ; and fupplics being demanded lor the intended en-
iJerprife, which promifed fo much glory and advantage to
^heir country, there appeared a reluctance in many mem
bers, both to grant fums lo much bcvond the common mea-
lure of taxes in that age, and to fet a precedent of perform
ing their military leivice at a diltance fiom their own
country. The duke, finding it dangerous to iblicit thern
inaoody, conferred leparately with the richefi individuals
in the province ; and beginning with thole on whole affec
tions he mofl relied, he gradually engaged all of them to
advance the fums demanded. The count of Longuevillc
ftconded him in this negociaiion; as did the count of Mor~

* FV.ci, ;&amp;gt;. .!. edit. iCS-j.

140 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

taigne, Odo bifliop of Baieux, and efpecially William
Fitz-Ofborne, count of Breteuil, and conftable of the dut-
chy. Every perfon, when he himlelf was once engaged,
endeavoured to bring over others ; and at laft the flates
themfelves, after ftipulating that this conceflion mould be
no precedent, voted that they would affift their prince to
the utmoft in his intended enterprise*.

William had now aflemblcd a fleet of 3000 veflels, great
and fmallf, and had felected an army of 60,000 men
from among thofe numerous fuppiies which from eve
ry quarter folicited to be received into his fervice. The
camp bore a fplended yet a martial appearance, from
the difcipline of the men, the beauty and vigour of the
horfes, the luftre of the arms, and the accoutrements of
both ; but above all, from the high names of nobility who
engaged under the banners of the duke of Normandy.
The moil celebrated were Euftace count of Boulogne, Ai-
meri de Tkouars, Hugh d Eftaples, William d Evreux,
Geoffrey de Rotrou, Roger de Beaumont, William de Wa-
renne, Roger de Montgomery, Hugh de Grantmefnil,
Charles Martel, and Geoffrey GiffardJ. To thefe bold
chieftains William held up the fpoils of England as the
prize of their valour ; and pointing to the oppofite fhore,
called to them, that there was the field, on which they
muft erecl trophies to their name, and fix their eftabliflv*
merits.

WHILE he was making thefe mighty preparations, the
duke, that he might cncreale the number of Harold s ene
mies, excited the inveterate rancour of Tofti, and encou
raged him, in concert with Harold Halfager, king of Nor
way, to infeft the coafts of England. Tofti having col-
letted about fixty veffels in the ports of Flanders, put to
fea ; and after committing Come depredations on the fouth
and eaft coafts, he failed to Northumberland, and was there
joined by Halfager, who came over with a great arma
ment of three hundred fail. The combined fleets entered
the Humber, and difembarked the troops, who began to
extend their depredations on all fides ; when Morcar earl
of Northumberland, and Edwin earl ofMercia, the king s
brothers-in-law, having haft ily collected fome forces, ven
tured to give them battle. The action ended in the defeat
and flight of thefe two noblemen.

HAROLD, informed of this defeat, haftened with an army
to the protection of his people ; arid exprefled the utmoft
ardour to Ihow himfelf worthy of the crown which had
been conferred upon him. This prince, though he was not

* Camden. Introd. ad Britann. p. an. id. edit. Gibf. Verftegan, p. 173.
t Ciul. Geioet. lib. 7. cap. 34. Otdericus Vitalis, p. 501.

HAROLD. 141

fcnfible of the full extent of his danger, from the great C H A ?,
combination againft him, had employed every art of popu- III.

larity to acquire the atfeclions of the public ; and he gave * ./

fo many proofs of an equitable and prudent adminiftration,

that the Englifh found no reafon to repent the choice

which they had made of a fovereign. They flocked from

all quarters to join his ftandard ; and as foon as he reached

the enemy at Standford, he found himfelf in a condition to

give them battle. The action was bloody ; but the victory sept. 25-

was decifive on the fide of Harold, and ended in the total

rout of the Norvegians, together with the death of Tofti

and Halfager. Even the Norvegian fleet fellinto thehands

of Harold ; who had the generofity to give prince Olave,

the fon of Halfager, his liberty, and allow him to depart

with twenty veflels. But he had fcarcely time to rejoice

for this victory when he received intelligence that the duke

of Normandy was landed with a great army in the Ibuth of

England.

The Norman fhet and army had been afiembled, early
in the fummer, at the mouth of the fmall river Dive, and
all the troops had been inftantly embarked ; but the winds
proved long contrary, and detained them in that harbour.
The authority, however, of good difcipline maintained
among the feamen and foldiers, and the great care
in fupplying them with provifions, had prevented any
diforder ; when at laft the wind became favourable
and enabled them to fail along the coaft, till they
reached St. Valori. There were, however, feveral veflels
loft in this fhort paflage ; and as the wind again proved
contrary, the army began to imagine that heaven had de
clared againft them, and that, notwithstanding the pope s
benediction, they were deflined to certain deftruction.
Thefe bold warriors, who defpifed real dangers, were ve
ry fubject to the dread of imaginary ones ; ^nd many of
them began to mutiny, fome of them even to defert their
colours; when the duke, in order to fupport their drooping
hopes, ordered a proceflion to be imde with the rcliques
of St. Valori*, and prayers to be faid for more favourable
weather. The wind inflantly changed ; and as this inci
dent happened on the eve of the feaft of St. Michael, the
tutelar faint of Xormandy, the foldiers, fancying they faw
the hand of heaven in all thele concurring circumftances,
fet out with the greateft alacrity : They met with no op-
pofition on their paffage: A great fleet, which Harold had
aifcmbled, and which had cruiled all fummer off the Ilk of

* Higdeii, p. eS5. Order. Vitalis. p. 500. Matt!-.. Paris, cc!;. Paiifis,
anno 1644. p. 2.

J42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Wight, had been difmiffed, on his receiving falfe intelli-
III. gence that William, difcouraged by contrary winds and

V v other accidents, had laid afide his preparations. The Norman

armament, proceeding in great order, arrived, without any
material lofs, at Pevenfey in Suffex ; and the armv quietly
difembarked. The duke himfelf, as he leaped on (here, hap
pened to ftumble and fall ; but had the prefence of mind,
it is faid, to turn the omen to his advantage, by calling
aloud that he ha#l taken poiTeffion of theco intry. And
a foldier, running to a neighbouring cottage, plucked
fome thatch, which, as if giving him feizine of the king
dom, he prefented to his general. The joy and alacrity
of William and his whole army was fo great, that they
were nowife difcouraged, even when they heard of Ha
rold s great victory over the \orvegians : They feemed ra
ther to wait with impatience the arrival of the enemy.

THE victory of Harold, though great and honourable,
had proved in the main prejudicial to his interefts, and may
be regarded as the immediate caufe of his ruin. He loft
many of his braved officers and foldiersiri the action ; and
he difgufted the reft, by refuting to diftribute the Norvegi-
an ipoils among them : a conduct which was little agreea
ble to hisufual generofity of temper ; but which hisdefire
ot f paring the people, in the war that impended over him
from the duke of Normandy, had probably occafioned. He
haftcned, by quick marches, to reach this new invader ;
but though he was reinforced at London and other places
with frelh troops, he found himfelf alfo weakened by the
deiertion of his old foldiers, who from fatigue and difcon-
tent fecretly withdrew from their colours. His brother
Gurth, a man of bravery and conduct, begal^to entertain
apprehenfions of the event ; and remonftrated with the
king, that it would be better policy to prolong the war ;
at ieaft, toipare his own perfcn in the action. He urged
to him, that the dafperate fituation of the duke of Nor
mandy made it requi file for that prince to bring matters to
a fpeedy dicifion, and put his whole fortune on the ifiue of *
a battle ; but that the king of England, in his own coun
try, beloved by his fubjects, provided with every fupply, *
had more certain and lefs dangerous means of enfuring to
himfelf the victory : That the Norman troops, c-laied on
the one hand with the higheft hopes, and feeing, on the
other, no refource in cafe of a difcomnture, would fight to
the laft extremity; and being the flower of all the warriors
of the continent, mud be regarded as formidable to the
Knglifh : That ff their firfi. fire, which is always the moft
dangerous, were allowed to languid) for want of aclion :
if dbey were harafled with firnll fkirmifhes, ftraitcncd iq

HAROLD. 143

provifions, and fatigued with the bad weather and deep CHAP,
roads during the winter feafon, which was approaching, III.

they mufi fall an eafy and a bloodlefs prey to their enemy: * *

That if a general a6tion were delayed, the Englifb, fenfi-
ble of the imminent danger to which their properties, as
well as liberties, were expofed from thofe rapacious inva
ders, would haften from all quarters to his afijfhnce, and
would render his army invincible : That, at leaft, if he
thought it neceflary to hazard a battle, he ought not to ex-
pofe his own perfon ; but referve, in cafe of difaftrous ac
cidents, fome refource to the liberty and independence of
the kingdom : And that having once been fo unfortunate
as to be conftrained to fwear, and that upon the holy re-
liques, to fupport the pretenfions of the duke of Normandy,
it were better that the command of the army fhouldbe en-
trufted to another, who, not being bound by thofe facred
ties, might give the foldiers more aflured hopes of a prof-
perous itTue to the combat.

HAROLD was deaf to all thefe remonflrances : Elated
with his paft profperity,as well as Simulated by his native
courage, he relblved to give battle in perfon ; and for that
purpofe he drew near to the Normans, who had removed
their camp and fleet to Haftings, where they fixed their
quarters. He was fo confident of fuccefs, that he fent a
mefiage to the duke, promifing him a fum of money if he
would depart the kingdom without effufion of blood : But
his offer was rejected with dil dain ; and William, not to be
behind with his enemy in vaunting, fent him a mefTage
by fome monks, requiring him either to refign the king
dom, or to hold it of him in fealty, or to fubmit their caufe
to the arbitration of the pope, or to fight him in fingle com
bat. Harold replied, that the God of battles would foon
be the arbiter of all their differences*.

THE Englifh and Normans now prepared tliemfelves
for this important decifion ; but the afpecl of things, on
the night before the battle, was very different in the two
camps. The Englifh fpent the time in riot, and jollity,
and diforder ; the Normans in filence, and in prayer, and
in the other funcHons of their religionf. On the morn
ing, the duke called together the moft confidcrable of his
commanders, and made them a fpeech fuifable to the oc-
cafion. He reprefented to them, that the event, which
they and he had long withed for, was approaching ; the
whole fortune of the war now depended on their fwords,
and would be decided in a fingle aclion : That never army
had greater motives for exerting a vigorous courage, whe-

* Higden, p. 286. f V, . Mahn. p. 101. De Gefi. Angl. p. 332.

44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, ther they confidered the prize which would attend their
III. victory, or the inevitable deftruclion which muft enfue upon

v v their difcomfiture; That if their martial and veteran bands

t could once break thofe raw foldiers, who had rafhly dared
to approach them, they conquered a kingdom af one blow,
and were juftly entitled to all its pofleffions as the reward
of their profperous valour : That, on the contrary, if they
remitted in the lead their wonted prowefs, an enraged ene
my hung upon their rear, the fea met them in their retreat,
and an ignominious death was the certain puniftiment of
their imprudent cowardice : That, by collecting fo nume
rous and brave a hoft, hehadenfured every human means of
conqueft ; and the commander of the enemy, by his crimi
nal conduct, had given him juft caufe to hope for the fa
vour of the Almighty, in whofe hands alone lay the event
of wars and battles : And that a perjured ufurper, anathe
matized by the fovereign pontiff, and confcious of his own
breach of faith, would be ftruck with terror on their ap
pearance, and would prognofticate to himfelf that fate
which his multiplied crimes had fo juflly merited*. The
duke next divided his army into three lines : The firft , led
by Montgomery, confifted of archers and light armed in
fantry : The fecond, commanded by Martel, was compofed
of hisbraveft battalions, heavy armed, and ranged In clofe or
der : His cavalry, at whofe head he placed himfelf, form
ed the third line ; and were fo difpofed, that they ftretch-
ed beyond the infantry, arrd flanked each wing of the
armyf. He ordered the fignal of battle to be given ; and
the whole army, moving at once, and finging the hymn
or fong of Roland, the famous peer of Charlemagne^,
advanced in order and with alacrity towards the enemy.

HAROLD had feized the advantage of a rifing ground,
and having likewife drawn fome trenches to fecure hi?
flanks, he refolved to (land upon the defenfive, and to
avoid all action with the cavalry, in which lie was inferi
or. The Kentifh men were placed in the van ; a pofl
which they had always claimed as their due : The Lon
doners guarded the ftandard : And the king himfelf,
accompanied by his two valiant brothers, Gurth and
Lcofwin, demounting, placed himfelf at the head of his
infantr-% and exprefTed his resolution to conquer, or to
perifh in the ac~lion. The firft attack of the Normans
was defperate, but was received with equal valour by the
Englifh ; and after a furious combat, which remained

* H. Hunt. p. 368. Brompton, p. 959. Gul. Pift. p. 201.

f Gul. Pift. oi. Order. Vital, p. 501. + W. M.flm. p. 101.

Higden, p. 286. Matth. Weft. p. 223. Du Gauge s G oilary ic vcrbo Can
tilena Rolandi.

HAROLD. 145

long undecided, the former, overcome by the difficulty CHAP.
of the ground, and hard prefTed by the enemy, began fir ft III.

to relax their vigour, then to retreat ; and confufion was w - t v ;

Spreading among the ranks, when William, who found
himfelf on the brink of deftru6tion, haftened with a fe-
Je6l band to the relief of his dilinayed forces. His pre-
(ence reftored the action ; the EngliOi were obliged to
retire with lofs ; and the duke, ordering his fecond line to
advance, renewed the attack with frefh forces, and with
redoubled courage. Finding that the enemy, aided by
the advantage of ground, and animated by the example
of their prince, Oill made a vigorous refiftance, he tried
a ftratagem, which was very delicate in its management,
but which feemed advifable in his defperate fituation,
where, if he gained not a decifive viclory, he was totally
undone : He commanded his troops to make a hafty re
treat, and to allure the enemy from their ground by the
appearance of flight. The artifice fucceeded againft
thofe unexperienced foldicrs, who, heated by the action,
and fanguine in their hopes, precipitately followed the
Normans into the plain. William gave orders, that at
once the infantry fhould face about upon their purfuers,
and the cavalry make an aflault upon their wings, and both
of tUem purfue the advantage, which the furprife and
terror of the eremy mufl give them in that critical and
decifive moment. The Englifh were repulfed with great
Daughter, and driven back to the hill ; where, being
rallied by the bravery of Harold, they were able not-
withftanding their lofs, to maintain the port, and continue
the combat. The duke tried the fame ftratagem a fecond
fime with the fame fuccefs ; but even after this double
advantage, he fh ll found a great body of the Englifh,
who, maintaining themlelves in firm array, fcemed deter
mined to difpute the victory to the laft extremity. He
ordered his heavy armed infantry to make an alTault upon
them ; while his archers, placed behind, (houid gall the
enemy, who were expofcd by the fituation of the ground,
and who were intent in defending themfelves agairift the
fwords and fpears of the aiTailants. By this difpofition he
at laft prevailed : Harold was (lain by an arrow, while he
was combating with great bravery at the head of his men :
His two brothers fhared the fame fate : And the Englifh,
dilcouraged by the fall of thofe princes, gave ground on
all fides, and were puriued with great (laughter by the vic
torious Normans. A few troops, however, of the van-
qiiimed had (till the courage to turn upon their purfoers;
and attacking them in deep and miry ground, obtained
lome revenge for the flaughter and diinoaor of the day.
VOL. I. U

146. HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. But the appearance of the duke obliged them to feetc
III. their fafety by flight ; and darknefs faved them from any

11 v ; farther purfuit by the enemy.

THUS was gained by William, duke of Normandy,
the great and decifive viftory of Haftings, after a battle
which was fought from morning till funfet, and which
feemed worthy, by the heroic valour difplayed by both
armies, and by both commanders, to decide the fate of a
mighty kingdom. William had three horfes killed under
him ; and there fell near fifteen tboufand men on the fide
of the Normans : The lofs was fiill more confiderable on
that of the vanquifhed ; befides the death of the king and
his two brothers. The dead body of Harold was brought
to William, and was generoufly reftored without ranfom
to his mother. The Norman army left not the field of
battle without giving thanks to heaven in the moft folemn
manner for their victory : And the prince, having re-
frefhed his troops, prepared to pufh to the utrnoft his ad
vantage againft the divided, difmayed, and difcomfited
Englifli.

APPENDIX I.

THE ANGLO.SAXON GOVERNMENT AND

MANNERS.

Fir/I Saxon government Suicejfion of the kings

I he Wittenagemol The. arijlocracy The fevered

orders oj men Courts of juftict Criminal law

Rules of proof- Military Jorce Public

re venue Value of money -Manners-

TH E government of the Germans, and that of all
the northern nations, who efbblimed themfelves
on the ruins of Rome, was always extremely free ; and
thofe fierce people, accuftomed to independence and
enured to arms, were more guided by perfuafion than
authority, in the fubmiflion whick they paid to their
princes. The military deipotiim, which had taken
place in the Roman empire, and which, previoufly to
the irruption of thofe conquerors had funk the genius of
men, and deftroyed every noble principle of fciencc
and virtue, was unable to refill the vigorous efforts of a
free people ; and Europe, as from a new epoch, rekin
dled her ancient fpirit, and fhook off the bale fervitude to
arbitrary will and authority under which fhe had fo long
laboured. The free conflitutions then efhblifhed, how
ever impaired by the encroachments of fucceeding prin
ces, ftill preili ve an air of independence and legal ad-
miniftration, which JiPiinguifhed the European nations;
and if that part of the jjlobe maintain fentiments of liberty,
honour, enquity, -and valour, fuperior to the reft of
mankind, rtowesthefe advantages chiefly to the feeds 5m-&amp;gt;
rlanted by thofe generous barbarians.

148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

; Appendix T HE Saxons, who fubdued Britain, as they enjoyed
great liberty in their own country, obftinately retained

v v that invaluable pofleffion in their new fcttlement ; and

they impoited into this iiland the fame principles of in
dependence, which they had inherited from their ancef-
Firftsax- tois. The chieftains (for fuch they were, more pro-
on eovern- perly than kings or princes) who commanded them in
thofc military expeditions, ftill po defied a very limited
authority ; and as the Saxons exterminated, rather than
Jubdued, the ancient inhabitants, they were indeed
transplanted into a new territory, but prefened unalter
ed all their civil and military inftitutions. The lan
guage was pure Saxon ; even the names of places, winch
often remain while the tongue entirely changes, were
almcftall affixed by the conquerors; the manners and
cuftoms were wholly German ; and the fame picture of a
fierce and bold liberty, which is drawn by the mafterly
pencil cf Tacitus, will fuit thofe founders of the Englifli
government. The king, fo far from being inverted
with arbitrary power, was only confidcred as the firft
among the citizens ; his authority depended more on his
perfonal qualities than on his ftation ; he was even fo
far on a level with the people, that a flared price was
fixed for his head, and a legal fine was levied upon his
inurderer, which, though proportionate to his fiation, and
fuperior to that paid for the life of a fubjeft, was a fen-
fib le mark of his fubordination to the community.

IT is eafy to imagine, that an independent people, fo
little reftraifted by law and cultivated by fcience, would
not be very ftricr. irf*maintaining a regular fuccefiion of
their princes. Though they paid great regard to the
royal family, and afcribed toil an undifputed fupcrioritv,
they either ha.d no rule, or none that was fleadily obfer-
ved, in filling the vacant throne ; and preient conveni
ence, in that emergency, was more attended to than ge
neral principles. We are not, however, to fuppofe that
the crown was confidered as altogether elective ; and that
a regular plan was traced by theconftitution for fupplying,
by the furFrages of the people, every vacancy made by the
demife of the firft magiftrate. If any king left a fon of
an age and capacity fit for government, the young piince
naturally ftepped into the throne : If he mas a minor, his
uncle, or the next prince of the blood, was promoted to
the government, and left the fceptrc to his pofterity :
Any lovereign, by taking previous meafures with the lead
ing men, had it greatly in his power to appoint his fuc-
ceiTor : All thefe changes, and indeed the ordinary ad-

A P P E N D I X I. 149

numeration of government, required the exprefs concur- Appindi*
rence, oral lealt the tacit acquiefeence, of the people ; *
but pofTdfion, however obtained, was extremely apt to v
fecure their obedience, and the idea of any right, which
wascnce excluded, was but feeble and imperfect. This
is Ib much the cafe in all barbarous monarchies, and
occurs fo often in the hiftory of the Anglo-Saxons, that
we cannot confidently entertain any other notion of their
government. The idea of an hereditary fucceffion in
authority is fo natural to men, and is fo much fortified by
the ufual rule in tranfir.itting private poffrffions, that it
mufi retain a great influence on every fociety, which does
not exclude it by the refinements of a republican confiitu-
tion. But as there is a material difference between go
vernment and private poffeffions, and every man is not as
much qualified for exercifing the one, as for enjoying the
other, a people who are not fennble of the general advan
tages atte- ding a fixed rule, are apt to make great leaps in
the fucceffion, and frequently to pafs over the perfon,
who, had he poilcflcd tiie rsquifite years and abilities,
would have been thought entitled to the fovereignty. Thus,
thefe monarchies are not, fhictly fpeaking, either elec
tive or hereditary ; and though the deftination of a prince
may often be followed irj appointing his fuccelTor, they
can as little be regarded as wholly teftamentary. The
ftates by their futfrage may fometimes eflablifh a fove-
reign ; but they more frequently recognife the perfon
whom they find eftablifhed : A few great men take the
lead ; the people, overawed and influenced, acquiefce in
the government ; and the reigning prince, provided he be
of the royal family, paffes undifputedly for the legal fo-
vereign.

IT is confefled, that our knowledge of the Anglo- TheWit-
Saxon hiftory and antiquities is too imperfect to afford tena cmo ~
us means of determining, with certainty, all the preio-
gatives of the crown and privileges of the people, or of
giving an exact delineation of that government. It is
probable alfo, that the cor.ftitution might be fomewhat
different : n the different kingdoms of the Heptarchy, and
that it changed confiderably during the courfe of fix cen
turies which elapfed from the firft invasion of the Saxons
till the Norman conqueft*. But mod of thefe differences

* \\ e know of one change, not inconlirierable, in the Saxon conftitution.
The Saxon Annals, p. 40, infoim us ttat it was in early times ! he ]&amp;gt;ivri&amp;gt;j-.a:ivc
of the kin? to rame the dukes, eai Is, alderroen, and (lieiitis of the counties.
After, a cor.temnovarv writer, informs us, that A?fied liepofed atl the ignorant
aldermen, lixt appointed $}ei) of more capacity in iheir place : Yet the Laws

150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix and changes, with their caufes and effects, are unknown
to us : It only appears, &amp;gt;ru:t at alJ times, and in all the
""* kingdoms, there was a national council, called a Wit-
tenage.Tiot, or allembiy of the wife men (for that is the
import of the term), whofe confent was requifite for
ena&ing laws and for ratifying the chief acts -of public
adminiftration. The preambles to all the Jaws of Ethelbert,
Jna, Alfred, Edward the Elder, Athelftan, Edmond, Edgar,
Ethelred, and Edward the ConfcfTor ; even thofe to the laws
of Canute, though a kind of conqueror ; put this matter be
yond controycrfy, and carry proofs every where of a li
mited and legal government. But who were the confti-
tuent members of this Witteriagempt has not been determi
ned v. -ith certainty by antiquaries It is agreed, that the
Hfhops and abbots * were an efler.tial part ; and it is alfo
evident, from the tenor of thole ancient laws, that the
Wittenagcmot enacted ftatutes which regulated the ecclefi-
aflical as well as civil government, and that thofe dange
rous principles, by which the church istotally fevered from
the Kate, were hitherto unknown to the Anglo-Saxons f.
It a!ib appears, that the aldermen, or governors of coun
tries, who after the Danifh times were often called earls J,
were admitted into this council, and gave their confent to
the public ftatutes. But betide? the prelates and alder
men, there is alfo mention of the witfs, or wife-men, as
a component part of the Wittepagemot ; but who thefe
were, is not fo clearly afcertained by the laws or the.
hiftory of that period. The matter would probably be of
difficult difcuftion, even were it examined impartially ;
but as our modern pirties have chofen to divide on this
point, the queflion has been difputed with the greater cb-
llinacy, and the arguments on both fides have become, on
that account, the more captious and deceitful. Our mo-
ni .rchical fa61ion rnaintisin, that thefe wiles, or fapientes
M cre the judges, or men learned in the law : i he popu
lar f.iclion aiFert them to be repiefentatives of the bo-
roir^hs, or what wo now call the commons.

of Edward the Confefnr, *" i,- . fnv e.xprcfsly, that the hereto?!) ;, or flukes,
anrl t -.e (l.triftf, verechofen bv the fife-holders in thfi folkmote, a county-
court, vhurh \v&amp;lt;t&amp;lt; afu.-mbled once a j-ejr, and where all the freeholders fwoia
ailcg,^ance to tlie king.

* Sometimes al)be!Tes werr admitted : at leaft, they often fijn the king s
charter? or ra^ts. S|)c,m. Gloii. in verb:, fiirliamcntum.
f Wilkins palfim.
J Ses i&amp;gt;oie IGJ at the end of the -olnme.

A P P E N D 1 X I. 151

THE expreflions employed by all ancient hiftorians, in .Appendix
mentioning the Wittenagemot, feem to contradict the lat- *
ter luppofition. The members are almoft always called ^ v "
the pnncitxs, fatrapcc, opiimates, magnates, prjcere.s ;
terms which leem to fuppofe an ariftocracy, and to &amp;gt;. x-
clude the commons. The boroughs alfo, from th.: iov/
fiate of commerce, were fo final 1 and \o poor, and the in
habitants lived in fuch dependence on the great men*,
that it feems nowife probable they would be admitted a- .1
part of the notional councils. The commons arc well
known to have had no lhare in the governments eltabi
ed by the Franks, Burgundians, and other northern nations;
and we m:iy conclude that the Saxons, wfao remaned
longer barbarous and uncivilized than thole tribes, would
never think of conferring fuch an extraordinary privilege
on trade and induftry. The military prole 1 v .one was
honourable among all thofe conquerors: The vrarrlcrs
fubfilled by their potFe (lions in land: The became coa-
fiderable by their influence over their vaflals, retainers,
tenants, and flaves : And it requires ftront: proof u&amp;gt;
convince us that they would admit any of a rank fo n uch
inferior as the burgeffes,. to lhare with them in tb.e legif*
lative authority. Tacitus indeed afHrms, that, among
the ancient Germans, the content of all the members of
the community was required in every important delibera
tion ; but he fpealcs not of reprelentatives ; and this an
cient practice, mentioned by the Roman hiftorian, could
only have place in fmall tribes, where every citizen
might, without inconvenience, be affembled upon any
extraordinary emergency. After principalities became
extenfive ; after the difference of property had formed
diftinctions more important than thofe which arofe from
pcrfonal ftrength and valour ; \ve may conclude, that the
national aflemblies mud have been more limited in their
number, and compofed only of the more confiderable ci
tizens.

BUT though we mufl exchide the biirgcffes or commons
from the Saxon Wittenagemot, there is fotnc necei iity for
fuppofing that this alTembJly confilied of other members
than the prelates, abbots, aldermen, and the judges or
privy council. For as all thefe, exri ptiiij fume of the ec-
defiafticsf , were anciently appointed by the king, had

* Brady s Treatife of Englifli Boroughs, pa$e, 3, 4, 5, &c.

f There is fome reafun to think trur ;hc bi^.i )j)s were f&amp;lt;&amp;gt;met ; mcs chnf^n b/
the Wittenagemot, and connrmed by the kir.j. Kadins, :ap. 2. i he abbots
in the moiiafi-jrifs of royal foundation were anciently named by ihr k iu,
though Ldgar gave the monks the election, and only lel t.-rvcd tohiinf-j
ratificutijn. i i.is deftinauua was afterwarui frequently v: jh:ed ; and the

152 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix there been no other legiflative authority, the royal power
had been in a great meafure abiblute, contrary to the tenor

v ~~~v of all the hiftorians, and to the practice of all the northern

nations. We may therefore conclude, that the more con-
fiderable proprietors of land were, without any election,
conftituent members of the national affembly : There is
realbn to think that forty hydes, or between four and five
thoufand acres, was the eftate requifite for entitling the
poffeflbr to this honourable privilege. We find a paffage
in an ancient authorf, by which it appears, that a per-
fon of very noble birth, even one allied to the crown,
was not eftcemed a ptinccpi (the term ufually employed
by ancient hiftorians when the \Vittenagemot is mention
ed) till he had acquired a fortune of that amount. Nor
need we imagine that the public council would become
diforderly or confufed by admitting io great a multitude.
The landed property of England was probably in few
hands during the Saxon times ; at leaf! during the later
part of that period : And as men had hardly any ambi
tion to attend thofe public councils, there was no danger
of the affembly s becoming too numerous for the difpatch
of the little bufineis which was brought before them.

IT is certain, that whatever we may determine concern
ing the conftituent members of the Wittcnagemot, in

Tic anfio- whom, with the king, the legiflature refided, the Anglo-
Saxon government, in the period preceding the Norman
conqueft, was become extremely ariftocratical : The royal
authority was very limited ; the people, even if admitted
to that a (Terribly, were of little or no weight and conil-
deration. We have hints given us in hiftorians, of the
great power and riches of particular noblemen : And it
could not but happen, after the abolition of the Heptarchy,
when the king lived at a diftance from the provinces, that
thofe great proprietors, who refided on their eftates, would
much augment their authority over their vaffals and re
tainers, and overall the inhubitanlsof the neighbourhood.
Hence the immeafurable power afTumed by Harold, God
win, Leoiric, Siward, Morcar, Edwin, Edric, and Al-
fric, who controlled the authority of the kings, and ren
dered themfclves quite neceflary in the government. The
two latter, though detefted by the people on account of
their joining a foreign enemy, ftill preierved their power
and influence ; and we may therefore conclude, that their
authority was founded, not on popularity, but on family

abbots, as well as bifliops, were afterwards all appointed by the king ; as we
leain from Ingulf, a writer contemporary to the conqueft.
t Hift. ElieEfis, lib. 2. cap. 40.

A P P E N D I X I. 153

tights and poflevTions. There is one Athelflan mentioned
in the reign of the king of that name, who is called alder
man of all England, and is laid to be half-king; though
the monarch himfelf was a prince of valour and abilities*.
And \ve find, that in the later Saxon times, and in thefe
alone, the great offices went from father to fon, and be
came in a manner hereditary in the families^.

THE circumftances attending the invafions of the Danes
would alfo ferve much to increafe the power of the prin
cipal nobility. Thoie freebooters made unexpected in
roads on all quarters ; and there was a necefTity that each
county mould refill them by its own force, and under the
condtrJt of its own nobility and its own magiftrates. For
the fame reafon that a general war, managed by the uni
ted efibrts of the whole ftate, commonly augments the
power of the crown ; thofe private wars and inroads turn
ed to the advantage of the aldermen and nobles.

AMONG that military and turbulent people, fo averfe
to commerce and the arts, and fo little enured toinduftry,
jullice was commonly very ill administered, and great
opprtflion and violence feem to have prevailed. Thefe
diforders would be encreaied by the exorbitant power of
the arifiocracy ; and would, in their turn, contribute to
increafe it. Men, not daring to rely on the guardianship
of the laws, were obliged to devote themfelves to the ier-
vice of fome chieftain, whofe orders they followed, even
to the difturbance of the government or the injury of their
fellow-citizens, and who afforded them, in return, pro
tection from any infult or injurtice by itrangers. Hence
we find, by the extracts which Dr. Brady has given us
from Dornefday, that almoft all the inhabitants, even of
towns, had placed themfelves under the clientihip of fome
particular nobleman, whofe patronage they purchased by
annual payments, and whom they were obliged to confi-
der as their fovereign, more than the king himfelf, or
even the legitlalure$. A client, though a freemen, was
luppofed fo much to belong to his patron, that his murder
er was obliged by law to pay a fine to the latter, as a
compenfation for his lofs ; in like manner as he paid a

VOL. 1. X

Hift Ramef. 3. p. 3?;.

f Ro^er Hovedcn, giving ihe reafon why William the Cor.qveior rr.a&amp;lt;?e
Co pttric earl of Northumberland, fays, Njm ex matcrno fang tfhit attintbat ad
turn honor illius ctmitatus. Erat enint ex matre Algitba, jilia Utbredi comitis,
.See alfo Sim. Dun. p. 205. We fee in thofe initances, The fame tendency
towards rendering oifires hereditary, v/hich tcok place, during a more eaily
i i "1, on the continent; and which had alrfady produced theie its full
fKeot.

| Br&amp;lt;ily s Treatife of Boroughs, 3, 4, 5, &c. The rafe was the fame wit X*
iliL- itc^inen in the country. See Pret. to his Hift. p. 8, 9, ic, i&amp;lt;c.

1 54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

fine to the matter for the murder of his flave*. Men who
were of a more considerable rank, but not powerful enough,
each to fuppoit hitnfelf by his own independent authority,
entered into formal confederacies with each other, and
compofed a kind of feparate community, which rendered
itieif formidable to all aggreffors, Dr. Hickes has pre-
ferved a curious Saxon bond of this kind, which he calls
a Sodalitium, and which contains many particuiarscharac-
terifiical of the manners and cuftomsof the timesf. All
the aflcKiates are there laid to be gentlemen of Cambridge-
fhire ; and they fwear before the holy reliques to obferve
their conf-deracy, and to be faithful to each other : They
promife to bury any of the affociates who dies, in whate
ver p ~e he had appointed ; to contribute to his funeral
cRarges ; and to attend at his interment ; and whoever is
wanting in this lalt duty, binds himfelf to pay a meaiure
of honey. When any of the affociates is in danger, and
calls for the affiftance of his fel ows, they promife, befides
flying o Ins fuccour, to give information to the ftierirF;
and if he be negligent in protecting the perlon expoled to
danger, they engage to levy a fine of one pound upon
him: If the prefident of the fociety himfelf be wanting in
this particular, he binds himfelf to pay one pound ; unlefs
he has the reasonable excufe of ficknefs, or of duty to his
Superior. When any of the affociates is murdered, they
are to exaft eight pounds from the murderer ; and if he
refufe to pay it, they are to profecute him for the fum at
their joint experice. If any of the affociates who happens
to be poor kill a man, the fociety are to contribute, by a
certain proportion, to pay his fine : A mark a piece if the
fine be 700 millings ; lefs if the perfon killed be a clown
or ceorle ; the half of that fum again if he be a Welfh-
man. But where any of the affociates kills a man, wil
fully and without provocation, he muft himfelf pay the fv T e.
If any of the affociates kill any of his fellows in a like
criminal manner, befides paying the ulual fine to the rela
tions of the deceafed, he muft pay eight pounds to the
fociety, or renounce the benefit of it ; In which cafe they
binJ themfelves, under the penalty of one pound, never
to eat or drink xvith him, except in the prefence of the
king, bifhop, or alderman. There are other regulations
to protect themfelves and their fervants from all injuries,
to revenge fueh as are committed, and to prevent their
giving abufive language to each other ; and ihe fine, which
they engage to pay for this lad offence, is a meafure of
honey.

LL. Edw. Conf. 6. apud Ingulf. f Difiert. Epift. p. ci.

APPENDIX I.

IT is not to be doubted but a confederacy of this kind Appendix
mufl have been a great fource of friendfhip and attachment ; !

when men lived in perpetual danger from enemies, rob- * * ^

bers and oppreflbrs, and received proteclion chiefly from
their perfonal valour, and from the affiftance of their
friends or patrons. As animofities were then more vio
lent, connexions were alfo more intimate, whether volun
tary or derived from blood : The molt remote degree of
propinquity was regarded : An indelible memory of be
nefits was prefervcd : Severe vengeance was taken for in
juries, both from a point of honour, and as the bed means
of future fecurity : And the civil union being weak, ma*
ny private engagements were contracted in order to fup-
ply its, place, and to procure men that faftey which the
laws and their own innocence were not alone able to in-
fure to them.

ON the whole, notwithdanding the fceming liberty, or
rather licentioulneis of the Anglo-Saxons, the great body
even of the free citizens, in thole ages, really enjoyed
much lefs true liberty than where the execution of the
laws is the mod fevere, and where fubjecls are reduced to
the drifted fubordination and dependence on the civil
magidrate. The reafon is derived from the excefs itfclf
of that liberty. Men mud guard themfelves at any price
againfl infults and injuries; and where they receive not
protection from the laws and magidrate, they will feekit
by iubmiflion to fuperiors, and by herding in iome private
confederacy which atis under the direction of a powerful
leader. And thus all anarchy is the immediate caufc of
tyranny, if not over the date, at lead over many of the in
dividuals.

SECURITY was provided by the Saxon laws to all
members of the Wittenagemot, both in going and return
ing, except they were notorious thieves and jobbers.

THE German Saxons, as the other nations of that con- The fever;
tirient, were divided into three ranks of men, the noble, rtier: &amp;gt; f
the free, and the flaves*. This didinclion they brought lfleii
over with them into Britain.

THE nobles were called thanes ; and wrre of two kinds,
the king s tharves and letter thanes. The latter feem to
have bee i dependent on the former ; and to have received
hinds, for which thev paid rent, fervices, or attendance ipt
peace and warf. We kndw of no title which railed any
one to the rank of thane, except noble birth and the pof-
(eflion of land. The former was always much regarded
y all the German nations, even in their mofi barbarous

Xi-.hard. Hif*. \.\&amp;gt;. 4. * i yelm. . e .-. U Tw.ises. p. 40,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

fiate ; and as the Saxon nobility, having little credit, could
fcarcely burthen their eftatcswith much debt, and as the
commons had little trade or indufiry by which they could
accumulate riches, thefe two ranks of men, even though
they were not feparated by pofitive laws, might remain
long diiVmcr., and the noble families continue many ages
in opulence and fplendour. There were no middle ranks
of men, that could gradually mix with their Superiors,
and infenfibly procure to themfelves honour and diftinc-
tion. if by any extraordinary accident a mean perfon
acquires riches, a circumftance fo fingular made him be
known and remarked ; he became the object of envy, as
Avell as of indignation, to all the nobles ; he would have
great difficulty to defend what he had acquired ; and he
would find it impoffible to protect himfelf from oppreffion }
except by courting the patronage of fome great chieftain,
and paying a large price for his fafety.

THERE are two itatutes among the Saxon laws which
teem calculated to confound tboie different ranks of men ;
that of Athelftan, by which a merchant, who had made
three long lea-voyages on his own account, was entitled to
the quality of thane * ; and that of the fame prince, by
which a ceorle or hufbandman, who had been able to
purchafe five hydesofland, and had a chapel, a kitchen,
a hall, and a bell, was railed to the fame diftitiftion f.
But the opportunities were fo few, by which a merchant or
ceorle could thus exalt himfelf above his rank, that the
law could never overcome the reigning prejudices ; the
difiinftion between noble and bafe blood would fiill be
indelible ; and the Well-born lhanes would entertain the
highert contempt for thofe legal and factitious ones.
Though we are not informed of any of thefe circumftances
by ancient hiftorians, they are fo much founded on the
nature of things, that we may admit them asa ncceffary
and infallible confequence of the fituation of the kingdom
during thofe ages.

THE cities appear by Domefday-book to have been at
the conqueft little better than villages $. York itfclf,
though it was always the fccond, at leaft the third || city
in England, and was the capital of a great province,

* Wilkins, p. 71. f Selden, Titles of Honour, p. 515. Wilkin;,

p. 70.

Winchefter, being the capital of the \Vefl Saxon monarchy, was anciently
a cor.fiderable city. Gul. Hid. p. 211.

ii Norwich contained 758 houl es, Exeter 315, Ipfwich 538, Northampton
60, Hertford 146, Canterbury ^6^, Bath 64, Southampton b&amp;lt;j, Warwick 225.
.See Bra. !y of Boroughs p. 3, 4, $, (,, ,;c. Mhe . e aie the nioft conTiderabip
he mcntionj. i he account of them is extracted fjom Dcmel clay-book.

APPENDIX!. 157

which ncverwas thoroughly united with the reft, contained Appendix
then but 1418 families *. Malmefbury tells us f, that the I.

great diltindtion between the Anglo-Saxon nobility, and *

tdc French or Norman, was, that the latter built magni
ficent and ftately cafUes ; whereas the former confumed
their immenfe fortunes in riot and hofpitality, and in mean
houies. We may thence infer, that the arts in general
were much lefs advanced in England than in France ;
a greater number of idle fcrvants and retainers lived about
the great families ; and as thefe, even in France, were
powerful enough to difturb the execution of the laws, we
may judge of the au hority acquired by the ariftocracy in
England. When earl Godwin befieged the Confeffor in
London, he fummoned from all parts his hufcarles, or
houfeceorles and retainers, and thereby conflrained his
fovereign to accept of the conditions which he was pleafed
to iinpofeupon him.

THE lower rank of freemen were denominated ceorles
among the Anglo-Saxo s ; and, where they were in-
duflribus, they were chiefly employed in husbandry :
Whence a ceorle and a hufbandman became in a manner
fynonymous terms. They cultivated the farms of the no
bility or thanes, for which they paid rent ; and they feem
to have been removeable at pleafure. For there is Jittlc
mention of leales among the Anglo-Saxons : The pride
of the nobility, together with the general ignorance of
writing, mull have rendered thofe contracts very rare, and
mull have kept the hufbandmen in a dependent condition.
The rents of farms were then chiefly paid in kind J.

BUT the moft numerous rank by far in the community
feems to have been the flaves or villains, who were the
property of their lords, and were confequently incapable
themfelves of poffefTing any property. Dr. Brady allures
u?, from a furvey of Domefday-book |], that, in all the
counties of England, the far greater part of the land was
occupied by them, and that the hulbanclmeo, and ftill
more the focmen, who were tenants that could not be re
moved at pleafure, were very few in companion. This
was not the cafe with the German nations, as far as we can
collect from the account given us by Tacitus. The per
petual wars in the Heptarchy, and the depredations of

* Fraiy s Trearife of Boroughs, p. 10. There were fix wards, befidcs the
archlr.iV.ii/s palace ; and five of thefe wards contained the number of fjmi-
lics here mentioned, which, at the rats of (r. u pcrfons toafam;ly, makes
about 7000 fouls. The fixth ward wa.&amp;gt; laid wafte.

t P. 102. See a .fo deGeil. Angl. p. 333.

LL.lnx, 70. Thefe laws axed the rents for a hyde ; but it is difficult
to convert it into modern meafures. || Geneial Preface to his Hi:t. p.

7, S, 9, Sic.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

the Danes, feem to have been the caufe of this great alte-
ration with the Anglo-Saxons. Priibners taken in battle,
or carried ofFin the frequent inroads, were then reduced
to flavery ; and became, by right of war * , entirely
at the difpofal of their lords. Great property in the no
bles, cfpecially if jointed to an irregular adminiftration of
juftice, naturally favours the power of the ariftocracy ; but
Hill morefo, if the practice of flavery be admitted, and
has become very common The nobility not only po fiefs
the influence which always attends riches, but allb the
power which the laws give them over their flaves and
villains. It then becomes difficult, and almoft impoflfible,
for a private man to remain altogether free and inde
pendent.

THERE were two kinds cf flaves among the Anglo-
Saxons; houfchold flaves, after the manner of theancients,
and prandial or ruftic, after the manner of the Germans 1*.
Theie latter refembled the ferfs, which are at prefent to be
met with in Poland, Denmark, and fome parts of Ger
many. The power of a mafler over his flaves was not un
limited among the Anglo-Saxons, as it was among their
anceflors. If a man beat out his flave s eye or teeth, the
Have recovered his liberty J : If he killed him, he paid a
fine to the king ; provided the flave died within a day
after the wound or blow : Otherwife it pafied unpunifhed ||.
The felling of themfelves or children to flavery was always
the practice among the German nations **, and was continu
ed by the Anglo-Saxons ft.

THE great lords and abbots among the Anglo-Saxons,
pofTefied a criminal juiifdiclion within thinr territories,
and could punifh, without appeal, anv thieves or robbers
whom they caught there \\. This inftitution muft have had
a very contrary effecl to that which was intended, and
muft have procured robbers a fure protection on the lands
of fuch noblemen as did not fincerely mean todifcouragi
cri mes and violence.

courts of BUT though the general ftrain of the Anglo Saxon go
vernment feems to have become ariilocratical, there were
flill confiderable remains of the ancient democracy, which
were not indeed fufficient to protect the Jowelt of the peo
ple, without the patronage of fome great lord, but might
give fecurity, and even fome degree of dignity, to the

* LL. Edg. 5, 14. apnrt Spelm. Ccnc. vol. i.p.47T.

t Spelm. GloiT. in verb. Str-uus. J LL. Ell. ;?.

| Ibid. 17. ** Tacit, rfe Morib. Germ. ft LL, In*,
it. LL. A .\f. i7. ** Higcien, lib. \. cap. 50. LL. "f.dw.
Conf. 26. Sp.elm. Cone. vol. i. p. ^15. GloU . in vetb. Ihligeinot CJ
Infavgtr.ibefe.

A P P E N D I X I. 159

gentry or inferior nobility. The adminiflration of juflice, Append-*
in particular, by the courts of the decennary, the hundred, *
and the county, was well calculated to defend general v *
liberty, and to reftrain the power of the nobles, in the
county courts, or fhiremotes, all the freeholders were af-
fembled twice a-year, and received appeals from the infe
rior courts. They there decided all caules, ecclefiafiical
as well as civil ; and the bilhop, together with the alder
man or earl, prefided over them*. The affair was deter
mined in a lummary manner, without much pleading,
formality, or delay, by a majority of voices; and the bi
lhop and alderman had no further authority than to keep
order among the freeholders, and interpoie with their opi-
nionf. Where juflice was denied during three feffions
by the hundred, and then by the county court, there lay
an appeal to the king s courtj ; but this was not praclifed
on flight occafions. The aldermen received a third of
the fines levied in thofe courts)! ; and as moft of the punifh-
ments were then pecuniary, this perquifite forfned a con-
fiderable part of the profits belonging to his office. The
two thirds alfo, which went to the king, made no con
temptible part of the public revenue. Any freeholder
was fined who abfented himielf thrice from thcfe courts**

As the extreme ignorance of the age made deeds and
writings very rare, the county or hundred court was the
place where the moft remarkable civil tranfaclions were
firiifhed, in order to prelervc the memory of them, and
prevent all future difputes. Here teftaments were pro
mulgated, flaves manumitted, bargains of lale concluded ;
and ibmetimes, for greater fecurity, the moft considerable
of thefe deeds were inferted in the blank leaves of the
parifh Bible, which thus became a kind of regifter too
lacred to be falfificd. It &amp;lt;vas not uiufual to add to the
deed an imprecation on all fuch as Ihould be guilty of the
crimeff.

AMONG a people, who lived in fo umple a manner as
the Anglo-Saxons, the judicial power is always of greater
importance than the legiflative. There were few or no
taxes im poled by the ftates: There were few flatutes enact
ed ; and the nation was lefs governed by laws than by
cufioms, which admitted a great latitude of interpretation.
Though it fhould, therefore, be allowed that the Witlc-
nagcmotwas altogether compofed of the principal nobility,
the county-courts, where all the freeholders were admitted,

* LL. Edg. 5. Wilkins, p. 78. LL. Canute. 17. Wilkins, p. 136.

t Hickes, Differt. Epirt. p. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 3. LL. Edg. ^ z.

Wilkins, p. 77. LL. Canut. 18. apud \Viikins, p. 136. || LL. Edw.

onf. j;. * LL. Ethelft. 20. |f Hictes, Difleit. Epift.

i6o HISTORY OF ENGLANf).

Appendix. anc j which regulated all the daily occurrences of life, form
ed a wide bafts for the government, and were no contemp
tible checks oa the ariitocracy. But there is another pow
er dill more important than either the judicial or legifia-
tive; to wit, the power of injuring or ferving by immediate
force and violence, for which it is difficult to obtain redrefs
in courts of juftice. In all extenfive governments, where
the execution of the laws is feeble, this power naturally
falls into the hands of the principal nobility ; and the de
gree of it which prevails, cannot be determined fo much
by the public ftatutes, as by finall incidents in hiflory, by
particular cufloms, and iometimes by the reafon and nature
of things. The Highlands of Scotland have long been
entitled by law to every privilege of Britim fubjecls ; but
it was not till very lately that the common people could
in fact enjoy thefe privileges.

THE power ; of all the members of the Anglo-Saxon
government are difputed among hiltorians and an-iquaries:
The extreme obicurity of the (ubject, even though faction
had never entered into the queftion, would naturally have
begotten thofe controverfies. But the great influence of
the lords over their ilaves and tenants, the clientfhip of
the burghers, the total want of a middling rank of men,
the extent of the monarchy, the loofe execution of the laws,
the continued diibrders and convultions of the flate ; alt
thefe circumftances evince that the Anglo-Saxon govern
ment became at laft extremely ariftocratical ; and the
events, during the period immediately preceding the con-
quefl, confirm this inference or conjecture.

BOTH the punifhments inflicled by the Anglo Saxon
imir.al courts of judicature, and the methods of proof employed
in all caufes, appear fomewhat fmgular, and are very dif
ferent from thole which prevail at prelent among all civili
zed nations.

WE mud conceive that the ancient Germans were little
removed from the original flate of nature : The focial con
federacy among them was more martial than civil : They
had chiefly in view the means of attack or defence againd
public enemies, not thole of protection againfl their fel
low-citizens : Their pclTl dions were fo llender and fo
equal, that they were not expo fed to great danger ; and
the natural bravery of the people made every man trufl to
himfelf, and to his particular friends, for his defence or
vengeance. This defect in the political union drew much
clofer the knot of particular confederacies: An infult upon
any man was regarded by all his relations and aflociates as
a common injury ; They were bound by honour, as well
as by a fenfc of common intereft, to revenge his death, or

APPENDIX I. 161

any violence which he had fuffered : They retaliated on Appendix
the aggreffor by likeafts of violence; and if he were pro- !
tecSted, as was natural and ufual, by his own clan, the *
quarrel was fpread ftill wider, and bred endlefs diforders
in that nation.

TuEFrifians, a tribe of the Germans, had neveradvanced
beyond this wild and imperfect flate of fociety ; and the
right of private revenge ftill remained amongthem unlimited
and uncontrolled*. But the other German nations, in the
age of Tacitus, had made one ftep farther towards complet
ing the political or civil union. Though it ftill continued
to be an indifpenfable point of honour for every clan to re
venge the death or injury of a member, the magiftrate had
acquired a right of interpofing in the quarrel, and of ac
commodating the difference. He obliged the perfon maim
ed or injured, and the relations of one killed, to accept
of a prefent from the aggreffor and his relations f, as a
compeniation for the injury J, and to drop all farther pro-
fecution of revenge. That the accommodation of one
quarrel might not be the fource of more, this prefent was
fixed and certain, according to the rank of the perfon kil
led or injured, and was commonly paid in cattle, the chief
property of thofe rude and uncultivated nations. A pre
fent of this kind gratified the revenge of the injured fami
ly, by the lofs which the aggreffor fuffered : It fatisfied
their pride, by the fubmiflion which it expreffed : It dimi-
nifhed their regret for the lofs or injury of a kinfman, by
their acquifition of new property : And thus general peace
was for a moment reftored to the fociety]!.

BUT when the German nations had been fettled fome
time in the provinces of the Roman empire, they made
ftill another ftep towards a more cultivated life, and their
criminal juftice gradually improved and refined itfelf. The
magiftrate, whole office it was to guard public peace, and
to fupprels private animofities, conceived himfelf to be in
jured by every injury done to any of his people ; and be-
fides the compenfation to the perfon who fuffered, or to
his family, he thought himfelf entitled to exacl a fine, cal
led the Fridwit, as an atonement for the breach of peace,
and as a reward for the pains which he had taken in accom
modating the quarrel. When this idea, which is fo natural,
was once fuggefted, it was willingly received both by fove-

VOL. I. Y

* LL. Frif. tit. 2. apud Lindenbrog. p. 491. t LL. jElhelb.

*j. LL. ^lf. 27. Called by the Sarcns mffgbcta,

I Tacit, de Morib. Germ. The authot fays, that th? price of the compo-
ution was fixed ; which muft oave teen by the laws and the Intevpoiiuou of
;he infiltrates

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

feign and people. The numerous fines which were levied,
augmented the revenue of the king: And the people were
fenfible that he would be more vigilant in interpofing with
his good offices, when he reaped fuch immediate advantage
from them; and that injuries would be lefs frequent, when,
befides compenlatiou to the perfon injured, they were ex-
pofed to this additional penalty*.

THIS ihort abfhact contains the hiftory of the criminal
jurisprudence of the northern nations for feveral centuries.
The fta e of England in this particular, during the period
of the Anglo-Saxons, may be judged of by the collection
of ancient laws, publifhed by Lambard and Wilkins. The
chief purport of thefe laws is not to prevent or entirely fup-
prefs private quarrels, which the legislator kne v to be im-
potTible, but only to regulate and moderate them. The
laws of Alfred enjoin, that if any one know that his ene
my or aggreffor, after doing him an injury, reiolves to
keep within his own houle and his own landrf, he fhali
not fight him till he acquire compenfation for the injury,
]f he be ftrong enough to befiege him in his houfe, he may
do it for (even days without attacking him ; and if the ag
greffor be willing, during that rime, to furrender himfelf
and his arms, his adverfary may detain him thirty days ;
but is afterwards obliged to reftore him fafe to his kindred,
and be content zuitk the compensation. If the criminal fly
to the temple, that fanftuary mull not be violated. Where
theaffailant has not force fufficient to befiege the criminal
in his houfe, he jnuft apply to the alderman for affiftance ;
and if the alderman rcfufe aid, theaffailant muft have re-
courle to the king : And he is not llowed to aHault the
houfe, till afier this fupreme magiftrate has refufed affift
ance. If any one meet with his enemy, and he ignorant
that he was refolved to keep within his own lands, he muft,
before he attack him, require him to furrender himfelf pri-
foner, and deliver up his arms ; in which cafe he may de
tain him thirty days : But if he refufe to deliver up his
arms, it is then lawful to fight him. A Have may fight in his
matter s quarrel : A father may fight in his fon s with any
one, except with hismafterj.

IT was enacted by king Ina, that no man (hould take
revenge for an injury till he had firfl demanded compen-
iation, and had been refufed it||.

* Befides paying money to the relations of the dtceafed and to the king,
the murderer was alfo obliged to pay the mafter of a Dave or vaflal * firm as a
compenfation for his lofs. This was called the Mandate. See Spel. doff, in
verb. Fredum Manbot.

f The addition of thefe laft words in Italics appears neceffary from what fol
lows in the fame law.

J LL. /tlfr. 28. Wilkins, p. 43. || LL. In*, &amp;lt;j 9-

A P P E N D I X I. 103

KING Edmond, in the preamble to his laws, mentions Appendix
the general mifery occafioned by the multiplicity of private !
feuds and battles ; and he eflablifhes feveral expedients for *
remedying this grievance. He ordains, that if any one
commit murder, he may, with the affiftance of his kindred,
pay within a twelvemonth the line of his crime ; and if they
abandon him, he fhall alone fuftain the deadly feud or
quarrel with the kindred of the murdered perfon : His
own kindred are free from the feud, but on condition that
they neither converfe with the criminal, nor fupply him
with meat or other neceffarics : If any of them, after re
nouncing him, receive him into their houfe, or give him
ajjij^ance, they are finable to the king, and are involved
in the feud. If the kindred of the murdered perfon take
revenge on any b it the criminal himfelf after he is aban
doned by his kindred, all their property is forfeited, and
they are declared to be enemies to the king and all
his friends*. It is alfo ordained, that the fine for murder
fhall never be remitted by the kingf ; and that no criminal
(hall be killed who flies to the church, or any of the king s
townsj ; and the king himfelf declares, that his houfe fhall
give no protection to murderers, till they have fatisfied the
church by their penance, and the kindred of the deceafed,
by making compenfationjl. The method appointed for
tranfacting this compofition is found in the fume law**.

THESE attempts of Edmond, to contract and diminifh
the feuds, were contrary to the ancient fpirit of the north
ern barbarians, and were a ftep towards a more regular ad-
miniftration of juftice. By the Salic law, any man might,
by a puSlic declaration, exempt rpmfelf from his family
quarrels: But then he was confiJercd by the laws as no
longer belonging to the family ; and he was deprived of all
right of fucceffion, as the punifhment of his cowardiceff.
THE price of the king s head, or his weregild, as it
was then called, was by law 30,000 thrimfas, near 1300
pounds of prelent money. The price of the prince s head
vviis 15,000 thrimfas ; that of a bifhop s or alderman s
8000 ; a iherirFs 4000 ; a thane s or clergyman s 2000 ;
a ceorle s 266. Thele pi ices were fixed by the laws of
the Angles. Bv the Mercian law, the price of a ceorle s
head was 200 (hilling s ; that of a thane s fix times as much ;
that of a king s fix times more||. By the laws of Kent,
the price of the archbilhop s head \yas higher than that of
the king sllll. Such refpec-l was then paid to the ecciefia-
flics! It mull be understood, that where a perfon was unable

* LL. FHm. $ i. Wilkjnf, p. 73. f I.L. Edm. . 3.

* Ibid. i. \\ Ibi.i j. * TLlil. &amp;lt;. 7, ft Tit. r M .
J Wiikir.:, p 71, -j:. |[| 1. ,. i Itiirei:. a. ucl . i .kins, p. 1 10,

164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix or unwilling to pay the fine, he was put out of the protec
tion of law, and the kindred of the deceafed had liberty
to punifh him as they thought proper.

SOME antiquarians* have thought that thefe compenfati-
ons were only given for man-llaughter, not for wilful mur
der : But no fuch diftin&amp;lt;ftion appears in the laws; and i-t
is contradicted by the practice of all the other barbarous
nationsf, by that of the ancient Germans!, and by that
curious monument above mentioned, of Saxon antiquity,
preferved by Hickes. There isindeed a law of Alfied s,
which makes wilful murder capital || ; but this feems only
to have been an attempt cf that great legiflator towards
eftablifhing a better police in the kingdom, and it proba
bly remained without execution. By the laws of the fame
prince, a confpiracy againft the life of the king might be
redeemed by a fine**.

THE price of all kinds of wounds was likewife fixed
by the Saxon laws : A wound of an inch long under the
hair, was paid with one (hilling : One of a like fize in the
face two fhillings : Thirty (hillings for the lofs of an ear ;
and fo forthff. There feems not to have been any differ
ence made, according to the dignity of the perfon. By
the laws of Ethelbert, any one who committed adultery
with his neighbour s wife was; obliged to pay him a fine,
and buy him another wife| f.

THESE inftitutions are not peculiar to the ancient Ger
mans. They feem to be the necefTary progrefs of criminal
jurifprudence among every free people, where the will of
the fovereign is not implicitly obeyed. We find them
among the ancient Greeks during the time of the Trojan
war. Compofitions for murder are mentioned in Neftor s
fpeech to Achilles in the ninth Iliad, and are called
ex iroivxi. The Irifh, who never had any connections with
the German nations, adopted the fame practice till very
lately ; and the piice cf a man s head was called among
them his eric ; as we learn from Sir John Davis. I he
fame cuftom feems alfo to have prevailed among the
Jews II ||. ?

THEFT and robbery were frequent among the Anglo-
Saxons. In order to impofe fome check upon thefe crimes,
it was ordained that no man fhould fell or buy any thing above

* Tvrrel, IntrodufK vol. i. p. 126. Carte, vol. i. p. 366.

f Lindenbrogitis, paflim. "t I ac. fie Mcr . Germ.

If LL. vEIf. ^ 12. Wilkins, p. 29. It is probable, that by wilful murder
Alfred means a treacherous murder, committed by one who lias no declared
feud with another. * LL. Alf. {, 4 , \Vilkins, p. 35.

ft LL. *:if. &amp;lt;j 40. See alfoLL. Eiheib. f 34. &c. + LL. Lthelb. 3-2.

|||| Exixj. xxi. 29. 30.

A P P E N D I X I. 165

twenty pence value, except in open market* ; and every Appendix
bargain of tale n.uft be executed before witneflesf. Gangs I.

of robbers much difturbed the peace of the country; and v -

the law determined, that a tribe of Banditti, confifting of
between feven and thirty-five perfons, was to be called a tin-
ma, or troop ; Any greater company was denominated an ar
my*. The punifhments for this crime were various, but
none of them caplfall!. If any man could track hisftolen
cattle into another s ground, the latter was obliged to mew
the tracks out of it, or pay their value**.

REBELLION, to whatever excels it was carried, was
not capital, but might be redeemed by a fum of moneytf.
The legiflators, knowing it impoffible to prevent all dif-
orders, only impofed a higher fine on breaches of the
peace committed in the king s court, or before an alder
man or bifhop. An alehouie too feems to have been con-
fidered as a privileged place ; and any quarrels that aroie
there were more leverely pumfhed than eliew!ierej+.

IF the manner of punifhing crimes among the Anglo- Rules of
Saxons appear fmgular, the proofs were not lefs fo ; and P rooL
were alfo the natural refult of the fituation of thofe people.
Whatever we may imagine concerning the ufual truth and
fincerity of men who live in a rude and barbarous flate,
there is much more faliehood, and even perjury among
them, than among civilized nations : Virtue, which is
nothing but a more enlarged and more cultivated reafon,
never flourifhes to any degree, nor is founded on fteady
principles of honour, except where a good education be
comes general ; and where men are taught the pernicious
confequences of vice, treachery, and immorality* liven
fuperftition, though more prevalent among ignorant na
tions, is but a poor fupply for the defects in knowledge
and education : Our European anceftors, who employed
every moment the expedient of fwearingon extraordinary
crofles and reliques, were lefs honouiable in all engage
ments than their poRerity, who, trom experience, have
omitted thofe ineffectual fecuritics. This general prone-
nefs to perjury was much encreded by the ufual want of
difcernment in judges, who could not difcufs an intricate
evidence, and were obliged to number, not u eigh, the tef-
timony of the whneffesl! ||. Hence the ridiculous practice

* LL. Tthelft. " 12. f Ibid. $ TO. 12. LL. Ed*, apud V. HkinS p.

fo. LL. Lthehedi, 4. apud \Vilkins, p. i"j. Kloth. & }-adm. \ 16,
LL. Canut.. 22. + \v.e,^\^. \\ [bid. 37, " LL. Miielrt.

2. VVilkins, p. 63. fj- LL. rtliel eri:, apt&amp;gt;d vVilkins, p. no. LL.

/Elf. -5 4. Wilkns, p. 35. +i LL. Hloih. ind Eadm. ^ 12, 13. LL.

Ethclr. apud VVilkins. 117.

|| i| Sometimes the laws fi\cd eafv rj -n -il rules for weighinsr I 1 :? credibiliry
of witnelies. A raa.i wiuic l,,e wus. cPumaieu ai i * &amp;gt; fttiliir^s counterbalanced

166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix of obliging men to bring compurgators, who, as they did
not pretend to know any thing of the fatf, expreffed upon

*" v oath, that they believed the perfon fpoke true ; and thefe
compurgarors were in Tome caies multiplied to the number
of three hundre 1*. The practice alfo of fmgle com
bat was employed by mofl nations on the continent as a
remedy againft falfe evidenref ; and though it was fre
quently dropped, from the opposition of the clergy, it was
continually revived, from experience of the falfehood at
tending the tefiimonv of witr.effes|. It became at lafl a
fpecies of jurifprudence : The cafes were determined
by law, in which the party might challenge his adverfary,
or the witneffes, or the judge himfelffl : /. nd though thefe
cuftoms were abfurd, they were rather an improvement on
the methods of trial which had formerly been praililed^
among thole barbarous nations, and which ftill prevailed
among the Anglo-Saxons.

WHEN any controverfy about a fact became too intricate
for thofo ignorant judges to unravel, they had recourfe to
what they called the judgment of God, that is, to fortune :
Their methods of coniulting this oracle were various.
One of them was the decifion by the crofs : It was prac-
tiled in this manner. When a perfon wai accufed of any
crime, he firft cleared himfelf by oath, and he was attend
ed by eleven compurgators. He next took two pieces of
wood, one of which was marked with the fign of the crofs,
and wrapping both up in wool, he placed them on the altar,
or on fome celebrated relique. After folemn prayers for
the fuccefs of the experiment, a prieft, or in his ftead
ibme unexperienced youth, took up one of the pieces of
wood, and if he happened upon that which was marked
with the figure of the crofs, the perfon was pronounced
innocent ; if otherwile, guilty**. This practice, as it
arofe from fuperftition, was abolifbed by it in France.
The emperor, Lewis the Debonnaire, prohibited that
method of trial, not becaufe it was uncertain, but left
that facred figure, fays he, of the crofs fhould be profli-
tufed in common difputes and controverfiesft.

THE ordeal was another eftablifhed method of trial
among the Anglo-Saxons. It was praftifed either by
bailing wafer or ted-hot iron. The former was appro-
fix ceorles each of whofe lives was only va ued at twenty (hillings and his
oath was efteemed equivalent to that of all the fix. See VVilVins, p. 72.

* Prrf. Nicol. ad Wilkins, p. ti. t LL. Burgund. cap. ^5. I.L.

Lomb. lib. 2. tit. 55. cap. 34. i LL. Lorgcb. lib. 2. tit. 55. cap. 23.

apud Lindenb. p. 661. !| See Fesfon. aines and Bcaumanoir.

** LL. Frifon. tit. i 4. apud Lindeubrojiun), p. 496. ft D U Cane

in veib. Crux*

A P P E N D I k I. 167

jpriated to the common people ; the latter to the nobility.
The water or iron was confecrated by many prayers,
maffbs, fafUngs, and exorcifms* ; after wh : cl&amp;gt; the perfon
acculed either took up a ftone funk in the waterf to a
certain depth, or carried the iron to a certain diflance ;
and his hand being wrapped up, and the cover! n&amp;lt;r fealed
for three days, if there appeared, on exaininiii : it, no
marks of burning, he was pronounced innocent ; if other-
wife, guilty^. The trial by cold water was different :
The perfon was thrown into confecrated water; if he
fwam, he was guilty ; if he funk, innocent||. It is dif
ficult for us to conceive how any innocent perfon could
ever efcape by the one trial, or any criminal be convicted
by the other. But there was another ufage qdmirably
calculated for allowing every criminal to elc-ipe who had
confidence enough to try it. A confecrated cake, called
a corfned, was produced ; which if the perfon could fwal-
low and digell, he was pronounced innocent**.

THE feudal law, if it had place at all among the A nglo- Military
Saxons, which is doubtful, was not ceitainly extended force&amp;gt;
over all the landed property, and vas not attended with
thole confequences of homage, reliefstf, worfhip, marri
age, and other burthens, which were infeparable from it
in the kingdoms of the continent. As the Saxons expell
ed, or almofl entirely deftroyed, the ancient Britons,
they planted themfelves in thisifland on the lame footing
with their anceftors in Germany, and found no occafion
for the feudal inflitutionsH, which were calculated to
maintain a kind of ftanding army, always in readinefs to
lupprels any infurredtion among the conquered people.
The trouble and expence of defending the llate in Eng
land lay equally upon all the land ; and it was ufual for
every five hides to equip a man for the fervice. The
trinoda neceflitas, as it was called, or the burthen of mi
litary expeditions, of repairing highways, and of build
ing and Supporting bridges, was infeparable from landed
property, even though it belonged to the church or mo-
nafteries, unlels exempted by a particular charter!! ||. The
ceorles or hufbandmen were provided with arms, and were

* Spelm. in verb. Ordeal. Parker, p. 155. Lindenbrog. p. 121)9.

f LL. Inas, 77. % sometimes the perfon acculed walked barefooted

over red-hot iron. l| Spelm. in verb. Ordtalium. ** Spelm. in

verb. Corfntd. Parker, p. 156. Text. Ruffenf. p. 33. ff On the death

of an alderman, a greater or lefler thane, there was a payment made to the
king of hisbeft arms ; and this was called his heiiot : But this wa not of the
riatuje of a relief. See Spelm. of 1 enures, p. -2. The value of this heiiot
was fixed by Canute s laws, 69. ^t Braclon de Acqu. rer. domin. lib.

2. cap. 16. See more fully Spelman of feuds and tenures, and Craigius de
jure fiud. lib. i. dieg. 7. j| ij Spelvn. Cone. vol. i. p. 756.

168 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

obliged to take their turn in military duty*. There were
computed to be 243,600 hides in Englandf ; conlequent-
ly the ordinary military force of the kingdom confifted of
48,720 men ; though, no doubt, on extraordinary occafi-
ons, a greater number might be affembled. The king and
nobility had fome military tenants, who were called
SithcTin-men. And there were fome lands annexed to
the office of uldermen, and to otheromces ; hut thefe proba
bly were not of great extent, and were pofTelTed only du
ring pleafuie, as in the commencement of the feudal law
in other countries of Europe.

THE revenue of the king feems to have confided chiefly
in his demefnes, which were large ; and in the tolls and
imports which he probably levied at dilcretion on the bo
roughs and lea-ports that lay within his demefnes. He
could not alienate any part of the crown lands, even to
religious ufes, without the confent of the ftates||. Dane-
gelt was a land tax ot a milling a hide, impofed by the
ftates**, either for payment of the fums exadted by the
Danes, or for putting the kingdom in a pofture of defence
againft thole invadersff.

THE Saxon pound, as likewife that which was coined
Vaius of for lome centuries after the conquefl, was near three times
IC &amp;gt; - the weight of our prefent money-: There were forty-eight
{hillings in the pound, and five pence in a (hillingj j; con-
fequently a Saxon Ihilling was near a fifth heavier than
ours, and a Saxon penny near three times as heavy||j|. As
to the value of money in thofe times, compared to commo
dities, there are fome, though not very certain means of
computation. A fheep, by the laws of Athelftan, was
eftimated at a milling; (hat is, fifteen pence of our money.
The fleece was two-fifths of the value of the whole
fneep # *; much above its prefent eftirnation; and the rea-
&amp;lt;bn probably was, that the Saxons, like the ancients, were
little acquainted with any clothing but what was made of
wool. Silk and cotton were quite unknown : Linen was
not much uied. An ox was computed at fix times the value
of a Iheep ; a cow at fourf^-. If we fuppoie that the cat
tle in that age, from the defects in hufbandry, were not fo
large as they are at prefent in England, we may compute
that money was then near ten times of greater value. A
horfe was valued at about thirty-fix (hillings of our money,
or thirty Saxon {hillings J|| ; a mare a third lefs. A man

* Inx, 51. f Spelm. of feuds and tenures, p. 17. J Spelm.

Cor.c. vol. i. p. 195. || Ibid. p. 340. ** Chron. Fax. p. 128.

tf LL. Edw. Con. 10. } % LL. KM. 40. || || Kleetwood s

Chron. Fretiofum, pvj, 28, &c. LL. Inse, 69. ft Wilkins,

P. 66. +J Ibid. p. 126.

APPENDIX. L 16

at three pounds*. The board-wages of a child the firft Appendix
year was eight (hillings, together with a cow s pafture in

iummer, and an ox s in winterf. Wil iam of Malmef- *

bury mentions it as a remarkably high price that William
Rufus gave fifteen marks for a horfe, or about thirty pounds
of our prefent money$. Between the years 900 and
1000, Ednoth bought a hide of land for about j 18 fhillingsi
of our prefent money II This was little more than a
{hilling an acre, which indeed appears to have been the
ufual price, as we may learn from other accounts**. A
palfrey was fold for twelve (hillings about the year 966ft .
The value of an ox in king Ethelred s time was between
(even and eight {hillings; a cow about fix (hillingsJJ. Ger-
vas of Tilbury fays, that in Henry I. s time, bread which
would fuffice a hundred men for a clay was rated at three (hil
lings, era (hilling of that age ; for it is thought that, foon
after the conqueft, a pound fterling was divided into twenty
{hillings : A (beep was rated at a (lulling, and fo of other
things in proportion. In Athelftan s time a ram was valu
ed at a milling, or four pence SaxontHI. The tenants of
Shireburn were obliged, at their choice, to pay either fix
pence, or four hens**. About 1232, the abbot of St. Al-
bans, going on a journey, hired (even handfome flout
horl es; and agreed, if any of them died on the road, to pay
the owner 30 (hillings a piece of our prefent moneyf^. It
is to be remarked, that in all ancient times the raifing of
corn, efpecially wheat, being a fpecies of manufactory,
that commodity always bore a higher price, compared to
cattle, than it does in our times||^. The Saxon Chroni
cle tells us|!!M! , that in the reign of Edward the Confeflb-r
there was the mod terrible famine ever known ; infomuch
that a quarter of wheat roie to fixty penaies, or fifteen (hil
lings of our prefent money. Confequently it was as dear
as if it now coft (even pounds ten (hillings. This much
exceeds the great famine in the end of queen Elizabeth ;
when a quarter of wheat was fold for four pounds. Money
in this lad period was nearly of the fame value as in our
time. Thefe f eve re famines are a certain proof of bad
hufbandry.

ON the whole, there are three things to be confidered,
wherever a fum of money is mentioned in ancient times.

VOL. I. Z

Wilkins, p. 126. f LL. In*, 38. JP.I2I. || FJift.

Ramef. p. .jir. ** Hlft. ilienf. p. 473. ft ibid. p. 471.

%+ Wilkins, p. 126. || || Hid. p. 56. Monad. Ar.gi ic,

vol. ii.p. 328. f{ Mat. Paris. 1 1 1 Fleetwood, p. 83. 94, 96. 98-

&amp;lt;.

i?o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix Fiift, the change of denomination, by which a pound ha3
L been reduced to the third part of its ancient weight irt

* " filver. Secondly, the change in value by the greater plen
ty of money, which has reduced the fame weight of filver
to ten times lefs value, compared to commodities: and con-
fequently a pound fterlingto the thirtieth part of the anci
ent value. Thhdly, the fewer people and lefs induflry,
which were then to be found in every European kingdom.
This circumftance made even the thirtieth part of the fum
more difficult to levy, and caufed any fum to have more
than thirty timesgreater weight and influence, both abroad
iind at home, than in our times; in the fame manner that
a fum, a hundred thoufand pounds, for inftance, is at pre-
fent more difficult to levy i n a 1 mall fiate, fuch as Bavaria,
and can produce greater effects on fuch a fmall community,
than on England. This laft difference is not eafy to be
calculated : But allowing that England has now fix times
more induttry, and three times more people than it had at
theconqueft, and for fomd reigns after that period, we are
upon that fuppofition to conceive, taking all circumftances
together, every fum of money mentioned by hiftorians, as
if it \vere multiplied more than a hundred fold above a fum
of the fame denomination at prefent.

In the Saxon times, land was divided equally among all
the male children of the deceafed, according to the cufiorri
of G^velkind. The practice of entails is to be found in
thole times*. Land was chiefly of two kinds, bockland,
or land held by book or charter, which was regarded as
full property, and defcended to the heirs of the poflefTor ;
and folkland, or the land held by the ceorles and common
people, who were removable at pleafure, and were indeed
only tenants during the will of their lords.

THE firft attempt which we find in England to feparate
the ecclefiaftical from the civil jurifdiclion, was that lav/
of EJgar, by which all clifputes among the clergy were
ordered to be carried before the bifbopf. The penances
were then very fevere ; but as a man could buy them off
with money, or might fubflitute others to perform them,
they lay eafy upon the rich:}:.

Manners. WITH regard to the manners of the Anglo-Saxons we

can fav little, but that they were in general a rude unculti
vated people, ignorant of letters, unskilled in the mechani
cal arts, untamed to fubmiffion under law and government,

LL. /Elf ^37. apud \Vilkins, p. 43. f \Vilkins, p. 83.

Ibid. p. 96, 97. S r-elin. Cone. p. 473.

APPENDIX I,

addi&ed to intemperance, riot, and diforder. Their beft
quality was their military courage, which yet was not fup-
ported by difcipline or conducl. Their want cf fidelity to
the prince, or to any truft repofed in them, appears flrongly
in the hiftory of their later period ; and their want of huma
nity in ail their hiltory. Even the Norman hiftoiians,
notwithftanding the low ftate of the arts in their own coun
try, fpeak of them as barbarians, when they mention the
invafion made upon them by the duke of Normandy*,
The conqueft put the people in a fituation of receiving
flowly from abroad the rudiments of fcience and cultiva
tion, and of correcting their rough and licentious man
ners.

171

( 72

C H A P. IV V

WILLIAM THE CONQ,UEROR.

Conffqiunces of the battle of Haftings SubiKiJJion of thz

Englifli Settlement of the government King s it-
turn to Normandy Difconients of the Englijli

Iheir infur reel ions Rigours of the Norman govern-

m?.nt -New infurrecliom New rigours of the gov
ernment Introduction cf the feudal law Innova
tion in ecdf.fiajiical government In/ urretl ion of the
Norman barons Difpute about invs/liiures Re
volt oj prince Robert Domtfday book The New

forejl War with France Death and ckaraHer

of William the Conqueror,

NOTHING could exceed t;ic confternation which
ieizsd the Englifh, when they received intelligence
** f of the unfortunate battle of HafHngs, the death of their
king, the {laughter of their principal nobility and of their
braveft warriors, and the rout and difperfion of the re
mainder. But though the lofs which they had fufiained
in that fatal action was confiderablc, it might have been
repaired by a great nation ; where the people were gene
rally armed, and where there refided &amp;lt;o many powerful
noblemen in every province, who could have affembled
their retainers, and have obliged the duke of Normandy
to divide his army, and probably to \vafte it in a variety of
actions and rencounters. Jt was thus that the kingdom
had formerly rcfiOed, for many years, its invaders, and
had been gradually fubdued, by the continued efforts of
the Romans, Saxons, and Danes ; and equal difficulties

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 17.5

might have been apprehended by William in this bold and C H A ?.
hazardous enterprife. But there were feveral vices in the IV.

Anglo-Saxon conftitution, which rendered it difficult for v &amp;gt;/

the Engliili to defend their liberties in fo critical an emer
gency. The people had in a groat meafure loll all national
pride and fpirit, by their recent and long fubjection to the
Danes ; and as Canute had, in the courfe of his adminii-
tration, much abated the rigours of ccnquell, and had go
verned them equitably by their own laws, they regarded
with the lefs terror the ignominy of a foreign yoke, and
deemed the inconveniences of fubmiffion lei s formidable
than thofe of bloodfned, war, and refinance. Their at
tachment a! To to the ancient royal family had been much
weakened, by their habits of fubmiMion to the Danifli
princes, and by their late election of Harold, or their ac-
quiefcence in his usurpation. And as they had long been
accuftomcd to regard Edgar Atheling, the only heir of the
axon line, as unfit to govern them even in times of order
and tranquillity ; they could entertain fmall hopes of his
being able to repair luch great lofles as they had fuflaincd ,
or to withftand the victorious arms of the duke of Nor
mandy.

THAT they might not, however, be altogether wanting
to themfelves in this extreme neceffity, the Englifti took
feme fteps towards adjufiing their disjointed government,
and uniting themfelves againft the common enemy. The
two potent earls, Edwin and Mo rear, who had fled^to Lon
don with the remains of the broken army, took the lead
on this occafion : In concert with Stigand, archbimop of
Canterbury, a man pofTefled of great authority and of am
ple revenues, they proclaimed Edgar, and endeavoured to
put the people in a pofture of defence, and encourage them
to refill the Normans*. But the terror of the late defeat,
and the near neighbourhood of the invaders, encreaied the
confufiori infeparable from great revolutions; and eve
ry relolution propofed was hafiy, fluctuating, tumultuary ;
dilconcerted by fear of faction, ill planned, and worfc exe
cuted.

WILLIAM, that his enemies might have no leifure to
recover from their confirmation, or unite their counfels,
immediately put himlSelf in motion atVr his victory, and
rclblved fo prolecutc an enterpril e, which nothing but ce
lerity and vigour co-lid render finally fu cefnfu!. His firft
attempt war. a^ainll Romncy, whofe inhabitants he fevere-
Jy punithcd, on account of their cruel treatment of iorne .

* Gul. PieV.-. p. 205. Order. Virali?. p. 502. Kovcd ,;..;:-;, It
ton, p. 2343.

174 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A ?. Norman feamen and foldiers, who had been carried
IV. thither by ftrefs of weather, or by a miftake in their courfe*:

* * And fore feeing that his con qu eft of England might ftill

be attended xvith many difficulties and with much oppofi-
tion, he deemed it necdury, before he fhou!d advance
farther into the country, to make himfelf matter of Dover,
which would both fecure him a retreat in cafe of adverfe
fortune, and afford him a fafe landing-place for fuch fup-
plies as might be rcquifite for pufhing his advantages. The
terror diffufed by his victory at Haftings was fo great,

fome of the lioufes, William, defirous to conciliate the
minds of the Engiith by an appearance of lenity and juf-
tice, made compenfation to the inhabitants for their lof-
fesf.

THE Norman army, being much diflreffed with a dy/en-
fery, was obliged to remain here eight days; but the duke,
on their recovery, advanced with quick marches towards
London, and by his approach encreafed the confufions
which were already fo prevalent in the Engiifh counfels.
The ecclefiaftics in particular, whofe influence was great
over the people, began to declare in his favour ; and as
moftof the bifhopsand dignified clergymen were even then
Fienclimen or Nprmans, the pope s bull, by which his
enterprife was avowed ancl hallowed, was now openly in-
fiftecl on as a reafon for general fubmiffion. The fupcrior
learning of thofe prelates, which, during the Confeflbr s
reign, had raifed them above the ignorant Saxons, made
their opinionsbe received with implicit faith ; and a young
prince like Edgar, v. hoie capacity was deemed fo mean,
was but ill qualified to refill the impreff.on which they
made on the minds of the people. A repulfe which a, body
of Londoners received from five hundred Norman horfe, re
newed in the city the terror of the great defeat at Mailings;
the eafy fubmiflion of all the inhabitants of Kent was an
additional difcouragement to them ; the burning of Souih-
wark before their eyes, made them dread a like fate to their
own city ; and no man any longer entertained thoughts
but of immediate fafetv and of felf- prefer vation. Even
the earls Edtfin and Morcar, in dei pair of making effec
tual refiftance, retired with their troops to their ,wn pro
vinces ; and the people thenceforth difpofed ti:emfelves
. unanimouily to yield to the victor. As loon as he pa fled
the Thames at Wallingford, ancl reached Berkhamilead,

G-.:l. FWav. p. 704. f Itxd.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 175

Stigand the primate made, lubmiffions to him : Before he C
came within light of the city, all the chief nobiiity, and

HAP,
IV.

Edgar Atheling himfelf, the new-ele&ed king came into
his camp, and declared their intentions ,of yielding to his
authority*. They requeued him to mount their throne,
which they now con fidered as vacant ; and declared to
him, that as they had always been ruled by regal power,
they defined to follow, in this particular, the example of
their anceflors, and knew of no one more worthy than
himfelf to hold the reins of government^.

THOUGH this was the great object to which the duke s
enterprife tended, he feigned to deliberate on theofler ;and
being defirous, at firft, of preferving the appearance of a
legal adminiftration, lie wilhed to obtain a more explicit
and formal confent of the Englilh nationf : But Aimar of
Aquitain, a man equally refpecled for valour in the field
and for prudence in council, lemonflrating with him on
the danger of delay in fo critical a conjuncture he laid afide
all farther fcruples, and accepted of the crown which was
tendered him. Orders were immediately ifu:ed to piepaiv
every thing for the ceremony of his coronation ; but as he
was yet afraid to place et;tire confidence in the Londoners,
who were numerous and warlike, he meanwhile command-
ed fortrelles to be erected, in order to curb the inhabitants,
and to fecure his perfon and government)!.

SFIGAND was not much in the duke s favour, both be-
caule he had intruded into the fee on the expuifion of
Robert the Norman, and becatife he poffefied fuch influ
ence and authority over the Engiifn** MS might be danger
ous to a new-eftablifhecl monarch. William, therefore, pre
tending that the primate had obtained his pall in an irre
gular manner from pope Benedict IX. who was himfelf an
ufurper, refufed to be confecrated by him, and conferred
this honour on Aldred, archbifhop of York. Weftmin-
fter abbey wa^ the place appointed for that magnificent cc-
lemony ; the moft confiderable of the nobility, both Eng-
lilh and Norman, attended the duke on this occallon ;
Aldred, in a fhort fpeech, allied the former whether they s
agreed to accept of William as their king ; the bifhop of
Countance put the fame qucfiion to the latter ; and both
being anfwered withacclamationsff, Aldred adminiflcred
to the duke the uiual coronation oath, by which hr bound
himfelf to protect the church, to adminifler juftice, and
to reprefs violence : rle then anointed him, and put the

* Hoveclcn, p. 450. Flor. \Vigorn. p. 634. f Oul. r\Cl, p

Ord. Vital, p. 503. * Gul. Pic .a-. p. 205. | Jb d.

mer, p. 6. ft Order. Vital, p. 50 j.

175 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N 0.

C H \ P crown u P on m s nea d*. There appeared nothing but joy
IV. " l ie c untenance of the fpeftators : But in that very

^ ^ _j moment there burft forth the ilrongeft iymptoms of the
jealoufy and anitnofity which prevailed between the na
tions, and which continually encreaied during the reign
of this prince* The Norman folcliers, who were placed
without, in order to guard the church, hearing the ihouts
within, fancied that the Englilh were ofFeiing violence to
their duke ; and they immediately affaulted the populace,
and fet fire to the neighbouring houfes. The alarm waa
conveyed to the nobility who furrounded the prince ;
both Engiifh and Normans, full of apprehenfions, rufhed
oat to it-cure themtelves from the prei ent danger ; and it
was with difficulty that William himfelf was able to ap-
peafe the tumultf.

THE king, thus porTeMed of the throne by a pretended
[ defUnation of king Edward, and by an irregular elector*
vemiuent. or " tne people, but Hill more by force of arms, retired
from London to Berking in Eflex ; and there received the
lubmiffions of all the nobility who had not attended his
coronation. Edric, firnamed the Forefter, grand-nephew
to that Edric fo noted for his repeated ais of perfidy du
ring the reigns of Ethelred and Edmorid ; earl Coxo, a
man famous for bravery ; even Edwin and Morcar, earls
of Mercia and Northumberland ; with the other principal
noblemen of England, came and fwore fealty to him ;
were received into favour, and were confirmed in the pof-
1 cffion of their ellates and dignities^. Every thing bore
the appearance of peace and tranquillity ; and William
had no other occupation than to give contentment to the
foreigners who had alTifted him to mo".nt the throne, and
to his new fubjects, who had fo readily fubmitted to him.
HE had got pofTeflion of the trealure of Harold, which
was confiderable ; and being alfo lupplied with rich pre-
fents from the opulent men in all parts of England, who
were felicitous to gain the favour of their new fovereign,
he difiributed great fums ainong his troops, and by this
liberality gave them hopes of obtaining at length thole
more durable efhiblHnments which they had expected from
his enterprise*. The ecclefiaftics, both at home and abroad,
had much forwarded his luccefs ; and he failed not, in re
turn, to exprefs his gratitude and devotion in the manner

* Malmefbury, p. 271. fays, that he alfo promifed to govern the Normans
and En?lifh b/ equal laws ; a id this addition to the ufual oath feems not im*
probable, contklerhig the chcumOances cf the times.

I G-_il. i icl. p. 206. Order. Vitalis, p. 503. J Cul. ?lCi. p. 20,3.

Order. Vitalis, p. 506. |f Gul. 1 iil. p. 206.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.

which was moft acceptable to them: He fern Harold s
ftandard to the pope, accompanied with many valuable
prefents : All the confiderable monafterics and churches
in France, where prayers had been put up fen- his fuccefs, J - 6 7
now tafted of his bounty* : The Englilli monks found him
well diipoiv;d to favour their order: And he built a new
convent near Haftings, which he called Bdltie slbbey, and
which, on pretence of fupporting monks to pray for his
own foul, and for that of Harold, ferved as a lafting me
morial of his virtoryf.

HE introduced into England tint ftricl execution of juf-
tice for which his adminiftration had been much celebra
ted in Normady ; and even during this violent revolution,
every diibrder or oppreffion met with rigorous punifh-
ment$. His army, in particular, was governed with fe-
vere dicipline ; an.d notwithftanding the infolence of" vic
tory, care was taken to give as little offence as poflihle to
the jealoufy of the vanquiflied. The king appeared foli-
citoua to unite, in an amicable manner, the Normans and
the Englim, by intermarriages and alliances; and all his
new fubje&s who approached his perfon were received
with affability and regard. No figns of fufpicion appear
ed, not even towards Edgar Atheling, the heir of the an
cient royal family, whom William confirmed in the ho
nours of earl of Oxford, conferred on him by Harold,
and whom he affecled to treat wiih the higheft kindnefs, as
nephew to the Confeflor, his great friend and benefactor.
Though he confifcated the efiates of Harold, and of thofe
who had fought in the battle of Haftings on the fide of that
prince, whom he reprefcnted as an ufurper, he feemed
willing to admit of every plaufible excufe for paftoppofition
to hi pretenfions, and he received many into favour who
had carried arms againft him. He confirmed the liberties
and immunities of London and the other cities of England.;
and appeared defirous of replacing every thing on ancient
eftabliihments. In his whole adminiflration he bore the
femblance of the lawful prince, not of the conqueror ; and
the Engiifh began to flatter themfelves thatthey had chang
ed, not the form of their government, but the fucceffion
only of their fovereigns, a matter which gave them fmall
concern. The better to reconcile his new fubjedts to his
authority, William made a progrels through fome parts of
England ; and befides a fplendid court and majcftic pre-

VOL. I. A a

* Gul. Pift. p. so6. f Gul. Gemet. p. sSS. Chron. Sax. p. i3g.

M. V. dt. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 9. Dicsto, p. 482. This convent wasfvitd
Ly him fiomall ep r fcopal juiifdidion. Monaft. Ang. tocn. i. p. jii, 31^.

-CJul. Pi;t. p. 2oS. Ordei;. Vital, p. 506.

1 7 3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. fence, which overawed the people, already ftruckwith his"
I\ r . military fame, the appearance of his clemency and jufiice

v , gained the approbation of the wile, attentive to the firft fteps

1067. o f their new ibvereign.

Bur amidft thisconfidence and friendfhip which he ex-
preiled for the Engiilh, the king took care to place all real
power in the hands of hisNormans,andftill to keep poflef-
fion of the fword, to which he was fenfible he had owed
his advancement to Ibvereign authority. He difarmed the
city of London arid other places, which appeared moft
warlike and populous; and building citadels in that capi
ta*, as well as in Winchefter, Hereford, and the cities befl
iituated for commanding the kingdom, he quartered Nor
man loldiers in all of them, and left nowhere any power
able to refift or oppofe him. He beftowed the forfeited
eftates on the molt eminent of his captains, and eftablifh-
cd funds for the payment of his foldiers. And thus, while
Jus civil adminiftration can led the face of a legal mjgiftrate,
his military inftitutions were thofe of a matter and tyrant ;
at leaft of one who referved to himlelf, whenever he pleaf-
ed, the power of affuming that character.

BY this mixture, however, of vigour and lenity, he had
i; m-." to fo foothed the minds of the Englilh, that he thought he
Normandy, might fafely revifit his native country, and enjoy the tri
umph and congratulation of his ancient fubjccls. He left
the adminiftration in the hands of his uterine brother, Odo
bilhop of Baieux, and of William Fitz Oiberne. That
their authority might be expoled to leis danger, he carried
over with him all the moll confiderable nobility of Eng
land, who, while they lerved to grace his court by their
prefence and magnificent retinues, were in reality hofbges
for the fidelity of the nation. Among thefe were Edgar
Atheling, Stigand the primate, the earls Edwin and Mor
tar, Waltheofj the fon of the brave earl Siward, with
others, cniinent for the grcatnels of their fortunes and fami
lies, or for their ecclefiaflical and civil dignities. He was
vi fited at the abbey of Feicamp, where he refided during
ibme time, by Rodulph, uncle to the king of France, and
bv many powerful princes and nobles, who, having con
tributed to his entei prife, were defirous of participating in
the joy and advantages of its fuccefs. His Engiifh courti
ers, willing to ingratiate them/elves with therr new Ipve-
reign, outvied each other in equipages and entertainments}
and made a dilplay of riches which ftruck the foreigners
with aftonifhmeht, William of Poictiers, a Norman hifio-

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 179

nan *, who was nrefent, fpeaks with admiration of the CHAP,
beauty of their perfons, the fizc and workmanfhip of their IV.

filver plate, the coftlinefs of their embroideries, an art in v *

which the Englifh then excelled; and he exprelies himfelf lo6 7-
in fuch terms, as tend much to exalt our idea of the opu
lence and culti ation of the peoplef . But though every
thing bore the face of joy and fefiivity, and William him
felf treated his new courtiers with great appearance of
kindnefs, it was impoflible altogether to prevent the info-
lence of the Normans ; and the Englifh nobles derived lit
tle fttisfa&ion from thofe entertainments, where they con-
fidered themfelves as Ie4 in triumph by their cftentatious
conqueror.

IN England affairs took ftill a worfe turn during the r/;i - con .
abfence of the fovereign. Difcontents a-nd complaints mul- tetys of th?
tiplied every where; fecret confpiracies were entered into Eri g 1l(1 "
againit the government ; hoflilities were already begun in
many places ; and every thing fecmed to menace a revolu
tion, as rapid as that which had placed William on the
throne. The hiftorian above mentioned, who is a pane-
gyriftof hismafter, throws the blame entirely on the fickle
and mutinous difpofition of the.EngHfh, and highly cele
brates the juftice and lenity of Odo s and Fitz Oiberne s
adminifirationj. But other hiftorians, with more proba
bility, impute the caufe chiefly to the Normans, who, de-
fpifmg A people that had fo eafi y fubmitted to the yoke,
envying their riches, and grudging the refiraints impofed
upon their own rapine, were defirous of provoking them
to a rebellion, by which they expected to acquire new
confifcations and forfeitures, and to gratify thofe unboun
ded hopes which they had formed in entering on this en-
terprife!!.

IT is evident, that the chief reafon of this alteration in
the fentiments of the Englilh, mui\ beafcribed to the de
parture of William, who was alone able to curb the vio
lence of his cap ains, and to overawe the mutinies of the
people. Nothing indeed appears more firange, tl^an that
this prince, in lei s than three months after the conqueft of
a great, warlike, and fu bulent nation, fhould abient him-
lelf, in order to reviGt his own country, which remained
;n profound tranquillity, and was not menaced by any of
its neighbours; and fhould fo long leave his jealous fub-

* P. at t, 212.

4 As the hiftonar. c/ile.i ;,- iniiftson the filver plarc, ^is pancgvrics on

- nee fhow ruilv h &amp;gt;w incompetent a ". ... &amp;gt; f ; v ina:t- r.

5,i!vcr was the,-; of ten times rh" "a nc, a:rl v. j in;:: : ,:n IVfCDty limes n;
i- -rn at ;:rff-iir ; and confequently, of all i ^iTies ni lu\ur&amp;gt;
ha e b^en the taroil.

I - - 213. || Order. Vi;s .. ;-

i8o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- jeclsat the mercy of an infolontand licentious army. Were
IV. we not atTured of the folidify of his genius, and the good

v -* ienfe displayed in all other circumftances of his conduct,

1067. we might aicribe this meafure to a vain oftentalion, which
rendered him impatient to difp ay his pomp and magnifi
cence among his ancient iubjects. It is therefore more
natural to believe, that in fo extraordinary a ftep he was
guided by a concealed policy ; and that, though he had
thought proper at firft to allure the people to fubmiflion by
the (emblance of a legal adminifiration, he found that he
could neither fatisfy his rapacious captains, nor fecure his
unftable government, without farther exerting the rights
of conqueft, and feizing the poffefiions of the Englifh.
In order to have a pretext for this violence, he endeavour
ed, without difcovering his intentions, to provoke and
allure them into infurreclions, which, he thought, could
never prove dangerous, while he detained all the principal
nobility in Normandy, while a great and victorious army
was quartered in England, and while he himfelf was fo
pear to fupprefsam/ tumult or rebellion. But as no anci
ent writer has afcribed this tyrannical purpofe to William,
it fcarcely ieems allowable, from conje6ture alone, to throw
iuch an imputation upon him.

BUT whether we are to account for that meafure from

Tlieir in- fii king s vanity or from his policy, it was the immediate

fuirec* * *

tions. caufe of all the calamities which the Englifh endured dur

ing this and the fubiequent reigns, and gave riic to thofe
mutual jealoufies and animoluies between them and the
Normans, which were never appealed till a long tracTt of
time had gradually united the two nations, and made them
one people. The inhabitants of Kent, who had firft fub-
mitted to the Conqueror, were the full that attempted to
throw off the yoke; and in confederacy with Euftace,
count of Bologne, who had. abb been difgufled by the
Normans, they made an attempt, though without fuccefs,
on the ganifon of Dover*. Edric the Forefter, whofe
pciTv; (lions lay on the banks of the Severne, being provok
ed at the depredalionsof fome Norman captain* in his neigh
bourhood, formed an alliance with Blethyn and Rowallan,
two WeKh princes ; and endeavoured, with rheir affiit-
ance, to repel force by force f. But though thefe open
hoftilities were not very confiderable, the difa flection was
general among the Englilh, who had become fenfible,
though too late, of their defencelcfs condition, and began
already to experience thofe intuits and injuries wl.icha na~

Gul. Gerr.et. p. 2Sg. Order. Vital, p. 50$. Anglia Sana. vol. i. p. 2 55.
| Hoveden, p. 450. M. VvVu. p. 2i-6. .Sim. Dunelin. p. 197.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 181

tion mutl always expecl, that allows itfelf to be reduced to C H A ?.
that abject fituution. A fecret confpiracy was entered into IV.
to perpetrate in one day a general maflacre of the Nor-
mans, like that which had formerly been executed upon Io6 7
the Danes ; and the quarrel was become (b general and
national, that the vaflals of earl Coxo, having defired him
to head them in an infurrec\ion, and rinding him rcfolute
in maintaining his fidelity to William, put him to death as
a traitor to his country.

THE king, informed of thefe dangerous difcontents, Dec
haftened over to England ; and by his prefence, and the
vigorous meafures which lie purlued, dilconcerted all the
fchemes of the confpirators. Such of them as had been
more violent in their mutiny, betrayed their guilt by fly
ing, or concealing themielves ; and the confiscation of
their eflates, while il encreaied the number of malcontents,
both enabled William to gratify farther the rapacity of his
Norman captains, and gave them the profpeclof new forfei
tures and attainders. The king began to regard all his
EnglHh fubjects as inveterate and irreclaimable enemies;
and thenceforth either embraced, or was more fully con
firmed in the reiblution of feizing their poiYetlions, and of
reducing them to the moll abject Jlavery. Though the
natural violence and feverity of his temper made him in
capable of feeling any remorfe in the execution of this ty
rannical purpofe, he had art enough to conceal his inten
tion, and to preierve ftill fome appearance of juftice in
his oppredions. He ordered all the EnglHh, who had been
arbitrarily expelled by the Normans during his abfcnce, to
be reftored to their eftates* ; But at the fame time he ini-
pofed a general tax on the people, that of Danegelt, which
had been aboli(hed by the ConfelTor, and which had al
ways been extremely odious to the nation f.

As the vigilance of William overawed the mal-contents,
their infurreclions were more the rel ult of an impatient
humour in the people, than of any regular confpiracy,
which could give a rational hope of fuccefs againft the
eftablifhed power of the Normans. The inhabitants or
Exeter, infHgated by Githa, mother to king Harold, re-
fufed to admit wNorman garrifbn, and betaking themfelves
to arms, were {lengthened Ly the acceffion of the neigh
bouring inhabitants of Devonlhire and Cornwall. Ths
king haftened with his forces to chaftife this revolt ; and

* Chron. Sax. p. 173. This (aft is a full proof tiiat the Noirnar.s had com
mitted great injuftice, aad weie the ical caufc of the inlurieilions of fce
Lnelifti.

f Hoveden, p. 450. Sim. Duyelm. p. 107. Aim. Sever!, p. 197.

Order. Vital, p. 510.

182 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C If A P. on his approach, the wifer and more confiderable citizens,
IV. lenfible oi the unequal conteft, perfuaded the people to

v Jubmit, and to deliver heritages for their obedience. A

^- fudden mutiny of the populace broke this agreement ; and
William, appearing before the wails, ordered the eyes of
one of the hoflages to be put out, as an earned of that
Severity which the rebels muft expect if they perfevered in
their revolt*. The inhabitants were anew feized with ter
ror, and furrendering at difcretion, threw themfelves at
the king s feet, and fupplicated his clemency and forgive-
neis. Wiliiam was not deftitute of generofity, when his
temper was not hardened either by policy or paffion : He
was prevailed on to pardon the rebels, and he fet guards
on all the gates, in order to prevent the rapacity and info-
lencc of his foldieryf. Githa efcaped with her treafures
to Flanders. The malcontents of Cornwal imitated the
example of Exeter, and met with like treatment : And
the king, having built a citadel in that city, which he put
under the command of Baldwin, fon of earl Gilbert, re
turned to Winchefter, and difperfed his army into their
quarters. He was here joined by his wife Matilda, who
had not before vifitecl England, and whom he now ordered
to be crowned by archbifhop Aldred. Soon after, fhe
brought him an acceffion to his family by the birth of a fourth
fon, whom he named Henry. His three elder fons, Ro
bert, Richard, and Willi?.m, dill refided in Normandy.

BUT though the king appeared thus fortunate both in
public and domeftic life, the difcontentsof his Engliih fub-
jecls augmented daily ; and the injuries committed and
buffered on both fides, rendered the quarrel between them
and the Normans abfolutely incurable. The infolence of
victorious matters, difperfed throughout the kingdom, feem-
c 1 intolerable to the najivcs ; and wherever they found the
Normans, feparate or affembled in fma II bodies, they fe-
rretly fet upon them, and gratified their vengeance by the
{laughter of their enemies. But an infurreclion in the
north drew thither the general attention, and feented to
threaten more important confequenres. Edwin and Mor-
car appeared at the head of this rebellion ; and thefe po
tent noblemen, before they took arms, ftipulated for foreign
iurcours, from their nephew Blethyn, prince of North
Wales, from Malcolm king of Scotland, and from Sweyn
king of Denmark. Befides the general dilcontent which
had fcized the Englifh, the two earls were incited to this
revolt by private injuries. William, -in order to infure them
to his tntcrefts, had, on his accedion, promifed his daughicj;

* Order. Vita!, p. 510. f IbH.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 183

in marriage to Edwin ; but either he had never ferioufly C H A P.
intended to perform this engagement, or, having changed

his plan of aJminiUration in England from clemency to &amp;lt;/ **

rigour, he though it was to little purpofe, if he gained one lo6S-
family, while he enraged the whole nation. When Ed
win, therefore, renewed his applications, he gave him an
ablblute denial*; and this difappoiutment, added to fo ma
ny other reaibns of difgulr, induced that nobkman and
his brother to concur with their iricenfed countrymen, and
to make one general efrbrt for the recovery of their ancient
liberties. William knew the importance of celerity in
quelling an inliirreclion, fupperted bv I uch powerful lea
ders, and fo agreeable to the wiihes of the people ;
and having his troops always in readineis, he advanced by
great journies to the north. On his march he gave orders
to fortify the caftle of Warwic, of which he left Henry
de Beaumont governor, and that of Nottingham, which he
committed to the cuftody of Wiliiam Peverell, another
Norman captainf. He reached York before the rebels
were in any condition for refinance, or were joined by
any of the foreign fuccours which they expelled, except a
fmall reinforcement fiom Wales|; and the two earls found
no means of iafety, but having recourfe to the clemency
of the victor. Archil, a potent nobleman in thofe parts,
imitated their example, and delivered his ion as a hoftage
foi his fidelity || ; nor were the people, thus defeited by their
leaders, able to make any farther refinance. But the treat
ment which William gave the chiefs, was very different
fiom that which fell to the fhare of their followers. He
observed religioully the terms which he had granted to the
former, and allowed them for the prefent to keep poiTeffiou
of their eltates ; but he extended the rigours of his confii-
cations over the latter, and gave away their lands to his
foreign adventurers. Thel e, planted throughout the whole
country, and in pofleffion of the military power, left Ed
win and Morcar, whom he pretended to ("pare, deftitute of
all lupport, and ready to fall, whenever he fhould think
proper to command their ruin. A peace \\hich he made
with ?vblcolm, who did him homage for Cumberland,
feemed at the lame time to dopiive them of all pro/pectof
foreign affiiUnce**.

THE Englifh were now fenfible that their final deflruc- Rijours of
tion was intended ; and that inflead of a fovereigu, whom.^is Knnan
they hod hoped to gain by their lubmilTions, they had u . Jltnimeut
tamely furrendcred themfelves, \\ithout refinance, to a ty-

* Order. Vi:a!. p. 511. f Ibid. ; !b/J. ] Ibid.

* * ibid.

184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, rant and a conqueror. Though the early confifcation of
IV. Harold s followers might feem iniquitous ; Being inrlited

* v on men who had never fworn fealty to the duke of Nor-

cs mandy, who were ignorant of his pretenftons, and who
only fought in defence of the government which they
fhemfelves had eftablifhed in their own country : Yet
were thefe rigours, however contrary to the ancient Saxon
laws, excufed on account of the urgent neceffities of the
prince ; and thofe who were not involved in the prefent
ruin, hoped that they fliould henceforth enjoy, without
inoleftation, their pofteffions and their dignifies. But the
iucceffive deftruclion of fo many other families convinced
them, tint the king intended to rely entirely on the fup-
port and affections of foreigners , and they forefaw new
forfeitures, attainders, and afts of violence, as the necef-
fary refultof this deftructive plan of adminiftration. They
ohferved, that no Englishman poflefled his confidence, or
was entrufted with any command or authority ; and that
the ftrangers, whom a rigorous difcipline cotild have but
ill reftraincd, were encouraged in their infolence and ty
ranny againft them. The eafy fubmiffion of the kingdom
on its firft invafion had expoied fhe natives to contempt ;
the fiibfequent proofs of their animofity and refentment
had made them the object of hatred ; and they were now
deprived of every expedient by which they could hope to
make themfelves either regarded or beloved by their fove-
reign. Imprefled with the fenfe of this difmal fituation,
many Engliilimen fled into foreign countries, with an in
tention of parting their lives abroad free from opreffion,
or of returning on a favourable opportunity to aflift their
friends in the recovery of their native liberties*. Edgar
Atheling himfelf, dreading the infidious carefles of Wil
liam, was perfuaded by Cofpatric, a powerful Northum
brian, to efcape with him into Scotland ; and he carried
thitHer his two fillers, Margaret and Chriftina. They
were well received by Malcolm, who foon after efpoufed
Margaxct the elder fitter ; and partly with a view of
ftrengthening his kingdom by the acceffion of fo many
ftrangers, partly in hopes of employing them againft ths
growing power of William, he gave great countenance to
all the Englifh exiles. Many of them fettled there ; and
laid the foundation of families which afterwards made a
figure in that country.

WHILE the Englifh fuffered under thefe oppreffions,
even the foreigners were not much at their cafe ; but find-

* Onler. Vi:;&amp;gt;;. p. 508. ftj. Weft. p. -. 25. M. Tails, p. 4. Sire. Dun.
p. \- :7 .

WILLIAM THE CON T Q_UEROR. iS&amp;lt;,

ing themielves furrounded on all hands by enraged ene- CHAP,
mics, who took every advantage againft them, and me- IV.

naced them with Hill more bloody e Heels of the public re- v ^

fentment, they began to wilh again for the tranquillity and I0l;!i -
Security of their native country. Hugh de Grentmeinil,
and Humphry dc Teliol, though eritrulled with gu-.u
commands, drfired to be dHmiilTed the iVrvice ; and tome
others imitated their example : A drlertion which w.;
highly refented by the king, and whkh he puniiht-d by
the confifcation of all their pofleflions in England*. But
William s bounty to his followers could not tail of alluring
m.iiiy new adventurers into his fervice ; and the rage of
the vanquilhed Knglilh ferved only to excite the attention
of tin* king and ihofe warlike chiefs, and keep them in
readinefs to fupprefs every commencement of domeitic re
bellion or foreign invafion.

Ir was not long before they found occupation for their io5q.
prowefs and military conduct. Godwin, Edmond, and " &amp;lt;: inf;
Magnus, three fons of Harold, had, immediately after Iv
the defeat at H.iftings, fought a retreat in Ireland ; where,
having met with a kind reception from Dermot and other
princes of that country, they projected an invafion on
England, and they hoped that all the exiles from Den
mark, Scotland, and Wales, allifled by forces from thefe
feveral countries, would at once commence hoftili ies, and
route the indignation of the Englifh againft their haughty
conquerors. They landed in Devoulhue ; but found
Brian, fon of the count of Brittany, at the head of fome
foreign tioops, ready to oppole them ; and being defeat
ed in leverai adtioas, they were obliged to retreat to their
ihips, and to return with great lofs to Ireland ft The
cttuits of the Normans were now directed to the north,
wh?re atliiirs had fallen into the utmoii confufion.
The more impatient of the Northumbrians had au~c ked
Robert de Conryn, who was appointed governor of Dur
ham ; and gaining ihe adv.mlae over him from his neg
ligence, tliev put him to death in that city, with /even
hundred of his followers^. This fuccefs animated the
inhabitants of York, who, riling in arms, ilew Robert
Fitz-Richard their governor|| ; and beiicged in the caille
William Mullet, on whom the coiiiinand now devolved.
A little after, the Danilli troops landed liojn 300 velfels

VOL. I. B b

* Older. Vitalis, p. --12. f Gul Geniet. p. 290. Order. Vital, p.

ITJ. Anglia Sacia, \ul. i. p. v^6. J OiJer. Viial. p. r.12. Cliroii. ar

Mailr. p. 116. Hovcden, p. 450. M. l^ris p. 5. V.in. Oun, p. T^S.
(J.ilri. Vital, p. ;ia.

J35 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. O/berne, brother to king Sweyn, was cntrufted with the!
IV command of thefe forces, and he was accompanied by
^ Harold and Canute, two fons of that monarch. Edgar
Articling appeared from Scotland, and brought along with
him Cofpatric, YValtheof, Siward, Bearne. Merlelwain,
Adelin, and other leaders, who, partly from the hopes
which they gave of Scottifh fuccours, partly from their
authority in thofe parts, eafily perfuaded the warlike and
dilcontented Northumbrians to join the infurrection. Mai-
Jet, that he might better provide for the defence of the ci
tadel of York, let fire to fome houfes which lay contigu
ous ; but this expedient proved the immediate caufe of his
deftrulion. The ilarnes, fpreading into the neighbour
ing fireets, reduced the whole city to allies: The enraged
inhabitants, aided by the Danes, took advantage of the
Confufion to attack the cafUe, which they carried by afiault ;
;!):! the garrifon, to the number of 3000 men was put to
the fword without mercy*.

Tins fuceefs proved a frgnal to many other parts of Eng
land, and gave the people an opportunity of (bowing their
malevolence to the Normans. He-reward, a Nobleman in
Eaft- A nglia celebrated for valour, aflembled his followers,
and taking fhelter in the I tie of Ely, made inroads on all
the neighbouring countryf. The Englifh in the counties
of Somerfet and Doriet rofe in arms, and affaulted Mont-
acute the Norman governor ; wliile the inhabitants of
Cornwal and Devon inveffed Exeter, which from the me
mory of William s clemency fUll remained faithful to him.
Edric theForefter, calling in the affiftanee of the Wcifh,
laid fiege to Shrewsbury, and made head a^ainf! earl Bri-
erit and Fitz-O/benie, who commanded in thofe quarters^.
The Englifti, every where repenting their former ea(y fub-
roilTion, feemed determined to make by concert one great
effort for the recovery of their libeilies, and for the ex-
pulfion of their oppreilors.

WILLIAM, undifmayed amidft. this fcenc of confufion,
afietnbled his forces, and animating them with the profpeci
of new confiscations and forfeitures, he marched againfi
the rebels in the north, whom he regarded as the moll
formidable, and whole defeat he knew would itrike a terror
into ail the other malcontents. foini-ng policy to force, he
tried before his approach to weaken the enemy, by detach
ing the Danes from them ; and he engaged Ofberne, by

* Order. Vital, p. 5 3- Hoveilcn, p. 45 1. f Ingulf, p. 71. Chron:

Aib. St. Petride Cur^c, p. 47. | Order. Vital, p. 574.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. ]Sy

large prefents, and by offering him the liberty of plvm- C H A F-
dering the iea-coaft, to retire, without committing farther IV.

hoftilities, into Denmark*. Cofpatric allb, in defjv.ir of .

fuccefs, made his peace with the king, and paying a fum Iot 3
of money as an atonement for his inlmrcclion, was receiv
ed into favour, and even inverted with the earldom cf North
umberland. Waltheof, who long defended York with
great courage, was allured with this appearance of cle
mency ; and as William knew how to eftecm valour even
in an enemy, that nobleman had no realon to repent of this
confidencef. Even Edric, compelled by necetVity, fub-
mitted to the Conqueror, and received forgivenefs, which
was foon after followed by tome degree of truft and favour.
Malcolm, coming too late to lupport his confederates,
was confirained to retire ; and all the Engliih rebels in
other parts, except Ilereward, who ftili kept in his faft-
nefles, difperfed themfelves, and left the Normans undif-
puted mailers of the kingdom. Edgar Atheling, \vi-h
his followers, fought again a retreat in Scotland from the
purfuitof his enemies.

BUT the feeming clemency of William tow-ards the I ~7-
Englifh leaders proceeded only from artifice, or from his "
eftecm of individuals : His heart was hardened againft all TCr , -.nent.
companion towards the people ; and he fcrupled no meafure,
however violent or fevere, which feerncd requivite to lup
port his plan of tyrannical adininiilration. Senfible cf
the reftlefs difpofition of the Northumbrians, he determin
ed to incapacitate them ever after from giving diflurbance,
and he liTued orders for laying entirely wafte that fertik
country which for the extent of fixty miles lies between
th.s Humber and the Tees^i The houfcswert reduced
to aflies by the mercilefs Normans; the cattle feized a;d
driven away; the inftruments of huibaudry dedroyed ;
and the inhabitants compel led either to leek fur n fubfiftence
in the fcuthern parts of Scotland, or if they lingered in
England, from a reluctance to abandon their ancient lial&amp;gt;i-
tations, they periiN-d miferably in the woods from cold
and hunger. Tiu- !ivos or" a hundreti thoii/and perlbns
are computeil to have been iacriiiced to this llrokc of bar
barous policy !!, whicii. by feeding a remedy for a tetrpc-
rary evil, thusinflid^ed a lafting wound OP. the power and
: iouiheis of l lie nation.

I. :. Pp;ri t!e EL-.I.^-, P. .17. S!in. I)!.:;. . .

t M;i!;nef. ;&amp;gt;. i .1. )i. iiunt. ]i. -;&amp;lt; &amp;gt;. -| ( hioii. sax. ;&amp;gt;. 17.;.

I). .; ,!. CMPV.I. Al&amp;gt;h. M. Pel ".

p. 47. M. i .vi ., . -. in. Duii. i .:. BrotnptC i, :&amp;gt;. .II.H,

. .:, - oi. i. ;i. 7 j-j. ,, U:;]-jr. Vital. p. 51^.

1 83 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP* BUT William, finding himfclf entirely matter of a peo*
IV. pie who hud given him fuch fenfible proofs of their impo-

* , &amp;gt; tent rage and animofity, now rcfolvcd to proceed to extre-

1070. rnities againfl all the natives of England ; and to reduce
them to a condition in which they fhould no longer he for
midable to his government. The tnfurre&ions and con-
fpiracies in lo many parts of the kingdom, had involved
the bulk of the landed proprietors, more or lels, in the guilt
of treafon ; and the king took advantage of executing a-
gainfl: them, with the utmoft rigour, the laws of forfeiture
and attainder. Their lives were indeed commonly f pared ;
but their eftates werecontitcated, and either annexed to the
royal demefnes, or conferred with the mofi protule bounty
on the Normans and other foreigners*. While the king sde-
clared intenti&amp;lt;&amp;gt;i( was to deprefs, or rafher entirely extirpate
the Engliih gentry^, it is eafy to believe that (carcely the
form ot juflice would be obferved in thofe violent proceed
ings % ; and that any fulpicions ferved as the moil undoubt
ed proofs ot guilt aeamft a people thus devoted to de-
flruction. It was crime fufhdent in an Englifhman to be
opulent, or noble, or powerful ; and the policy of the
t king, concurring with the rapacity of foreign adventurers,
produced a 1 moil a total revolution in the landed property
of the kingdom. Ancient and honourable families were
reduced to beggary ; the nobles themfelves were every
where treated with ignominy and contempt ; they had the:
mortification of feeing their caftles and manors poflefled
by Normans of the meanHt. birth and lowed Rations Jj,
and they found themfelves carefully excluded from ever 1
road which led cither to riches or preferment**.

inrrcvlur- As power naturally follows property, this revolution
.ion r.f the alone gave great fccurify to the foreigners ; but William
41 ljw by the new inftiuions which he eftablifncd, took a!fo care
to retain for ever the military authority in thole hands
which had enabled him to fubduethe kingdom. Me intro
duced into England the feudal law, which he found efia-
blilhed in France and Normandy, and which, during tlu;t
age, was the foundation both of the liability and of the
diiordcrs in moll of the monaichical governments of Eu
rope. Me divided all the lands of England, with very
few exceptions, befide the royal demefnes, into baronies ;
and he conferred thele, with the relervation of ft.ited fef-
vices and payments, on the mofi considerable of his adven
turers. Thele great barons, who held immediately of the

* M.ilmef. p. 104. f H. Hi nt. p. -570.

4: See note \H] at the end of the volume.

!| Order. Vitalis. p. 521. M. Welt. p. r JQ. * * --ee fiote[I] at Lc

cud of the vc luBU.

WILLIAM THE CONQJJEROR. 189

crown, Iharcd out a great part of their lands to other fo- C H A P.
reigners, who were denominated knights or vaflals, and IV.

who paid their lord the lame duty and fubmitTion in peace v v J

and! war, which he himfelf owed to his fovereign. The ^T"-
whole kingdom contained about 700 chief tenants, and
60,215 knights-fees* ; and as none of the native Englim
were admitted into the firft rank, the few who retained
their lauded property were glad to be received into the
fecond, and under the protection of fome powerful Nor
man, to load themfelvesand their pofterity with this grie
vous burthen, for eftates which they had received free from
their ariceftorsf. The fmall mixture of Englifh which en
tered into this civil or military fabric (for it partook of
both fpecies), was fo retrained by fubordi nation under
the foreigners, that the Norman dominion feemed now to
be fixed on the moll durable bafis, and to defy all the ef
forts of its enemies.

THE better to unite the parts of the government, and to
bind them into one fyftem, which might ferve both for
defence againft foreigners, and for the fupport of domeftic
tranquillity, William reduced the ecclefiaftical revenues
under tl,e fame feudal law; and though he had courted the
ch arch on his invafion and acceffion, he now fubjecled it
to fervices which the clergy regarded as a grievous ilavery,
and as totally unbefitting their profeflion. The bifhops
and abbots were obliged, when required, to furnifli to the
king, during war, a number of knights or military tenants,
proportioned to the extent of property poiTeffed by each
fee or abbey ; and they were liable, in cafe of failure, to
the lame penalties which were exacted from the laity J.
The pope and the eccleliaftics exclaimed againll this ty
ranny, as they called it; but the king s authority was fo
well eftablifhed over the army, who held every thing from
his bounty, that fuperltition itlclf, even in that age when
it was mod prevalent, was contained to bend under hi*
fuperior influence.

BUT as the great body of the clergy were flill natives,
the king had much reafon to dread the effects of their re-
fentment : He therefore ufed the precaution of expelling
the Englim from all the considerable dignities, and of ad
vancing foreigners in their pla ce. The partiality of the
Confcllor towards the Normans had been io great, that,
aided by their fuperior learning, it had promoted them to

" Or-ler. Vitalis. p. 5 &amp;gt;j. SecretlUB Abbatis, apud Seldra, I itle-, af Honour.
V- .S75- ipclm. GloIT. in verbo Frodum. Sir Robert Col ton.

f M. Weft. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4. Eiailou, lib. i. *[&amp;lt;. it. num. &amp;lt;.
Kleta, lib. i. cap. 8. n. 2.

; M. t ^rib, p. 5. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 24?.

i9d HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, many of the fees in England ; and even before the period
IV. of the conqueft, fcarcely more than fix or feven of the

v ... prelates were natives of the country. But among thefe

was Stigand, archbifliop of Canterbury ; a man who, by
his addrefs and vigour, by the greatnefs of his family and
alliances, by the extent of his pofTeffions, as well as by the
dignity of his office, and his authority among the Englifti,
gave jealoufv to the king*. Though William had on his
acceflion affronted this prelate, by employing the arch-
billiop of York to officiate at his confecration, lie was care
ful on other occafions to load him with honours and caref-
les, and to avoid giving him farther offence till the oppor
tunity ihould offer of effefting his final deflrucliont. The
fuppreffionof the late rebellions, and the total fubjeftion of
the Englifti, made him hope that an attempt againlt Stigand,
however violent, would becovered by hisgreat fucccfTes, and
beoverlooked amidft the other important revolutions which
afFefted fo deeply the property and liberty of the kingdom.
Yet, notwithflanding thefe gi eat advantages, he did not
think it iafe to violate the reverence ulually paid to the
primate ; but under cover of a new fuperftition, which he
was the great iriftrument of introducing into England.

innovation THE dodrine which exalted the papacy above all hu-

inecciefi- man power, had gradually difTufed itfelf from the city and
^ court of Rome ; and was, during that age, much more
prevalent in the fouthern than in the northern kingdoms
of Europe. Pope Alexander, who had aflifted William
in his conquers, naturally expected thjt the French and
Normans would import into England the fame reverence
for his facred character with which they were impretied in
their own country ; and would break the fpiiitual as well
as civil independency of the SaxonG, who had hitherto,
conducted their eccleiiaftical government with an acknow
ledgment indeed of primacy in the lee of Rome, but with
out much idea of its title to dominion or authorirv. As,
foon, therefore, as the Norman prince fecmed fully efta-
bliihed on the throne, the pope diipatched Ermenfrcy,
bilho{) of Sion, as his legate into England ; and this pre
late was the firft that h.-.d ever appeared with that character
in any part of the Britiih iilands. The king, though he
was probably led by principle to pay this lubmiilion to.
Rome, determined, as is nltial, to employ the incident as
a means of fervinghis political purpofes, and of degrading
thofe Englilh prelates who were* become obnoxious to him.
The legate fubmitted to become the inftrument of his ty
ranny ; and thought that the more violent the cxeitiuii of

* Paiker, p. 161. t lo d. p. 164.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 191

power, the more certainly did it confirm the authority of CHAP,
that court from which he derived his commitTicn. He IV.

fummoned, therefore, a council of the prelates and abbots v

at Winchefler ; and being aflifted by two cardinals, Peter J "- 7 -
and John, he cited before him Stigand, archbifliop of Can
terbury, to anfvver for his conduct. 1 he primate was ac-
cufcd of throe crimes; the holding of the fee of Winchef-
re r, together with that of Canterbury j the officiating in
the pall of Robert his predecedbr ; and the having receiv
ed liis own pall from Benedict IX. who was afterwards
depoied for fimony, and for intruiion into the papacy*.
Thefe crimes of Stigand were mere pretences ; fince he
firft had been a practice not unulual in England, and was
never any where fubje&ed to a higher penalty than a re-
figr.ation of one of the fees ; the fecond was a pure cere
monial ; and as Benedict was the only pope who then offi
ciated, and his ads were never repealed, all the prelates
of the church, efpccially thofe who lay at a diflance, were
excuiable for making their applications to him. Stigar.d s
ruin, however, was refolved on, and was profecuted with
great feverity. The legate degraded him from his digni
ty : The king confiicated hisefiate, and call him into pri-
fon, where he continued in poverty and want during (he
remainder of his life. Like rigour was exen. ifed againft
the other Englilh prelates : Agelric, bifhop of Selefey,
and Ageimare of Elmham, were depoied by the legate,
and imprilbned by the king. Many considerable abbots
lhared the fame fate: Egelwin, biihop of Durham, fled
the kingdom: Wulftan of Worcefter, a man of an inoffen-
five character, was the only Englith prelate that elcaped
this general profcriptionf, and remained in poffeilion of
his dignity. Aldred, rrchbHhop of York, who had fet
the crown on William s liead, had died a little before of
grief and vexation, and had left his malediction to that
prince, on account of the breach of his coronation oath/
and of the extreme tyranny with which he law he was de
termined to treat his Englifh lubjeclsj.

IT was a fixed maxim in this reign, as well as in fome
of the fu-bfequent, that no native of the iiland fhould ever

* Hoveden, p. 453. Diccto, p. 482. Knygliton, p. 2345. Air-lia 5-"&amp;lt;icr3,
rot. i. p. 5, f). Yptxl. Nenfi. p. .; ; -.

f r.romptnn iebter% that \\ ul(t:m was alfo deprived by the (Ymxl : but re-
fufing to deliver his paitoral ftaFT and ring to any but the pcrfon ti urn \vhoia
h: ftrft receiveil it, he \vcnl iiiiinuciidtelv to kin. 1 ; Lclward s tomb, and fttrck the
Uaft" fo deeply in:o tlie ftonf, tliat none but liimfelf was able to pull it out :
(. poii v. hieh he was allowed to Veep his biflicpiic. This inftznce may i
inftead of many, as a Ipecimcn of the uioukilh mi)^cl*s. Xec a lib ll.e Ainuls
cf Burton, p. 284-.

J Malmel . de Gcft. Font. p. 154.

IQ2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, be advanced to any dignity, ecclefiaftical, civil or milita-
IV. ry*. The king, therefore, upon Stigand sdepofition, pro-

* nioted Lanfrac, a Milanefe monk, celebrated for his learn-

7. ing and piety, to the vacant lee. This prelate was rigid
in defending the prerogatives of his ftation ; and after a
long proce is before the pope, he obliged Thomas, a Nor
man monk, who had been appointed to the fee of York,
to acknowledge the primacy of the archbifhop of Canter
bury. Where ambition can be Ib happy as to cover its en-
terprifes, even to the perfon himlelf, under the appearance
of principle, it is the moft incurable and inflexible of all
human puffions. Hence Lanfranc s zeal in promoting the
interefts of the papacy, by which he himfelf augmented
his own authority, was indefatigable ; and met with pro
portionable fuccefs. The devoted attachment to Rome
continually increafed in England ; and being favoured by
the fentimentsof the conquerors, as well as by the mona-
flic eftablifhments formerly introduced by Ed red and by
Edgar, it foon reached the fame height at which it had,
during fome time, Hood in France and Italy!!. It after
wards went much farther ; being favoured by that very re
mote fituation which had at firft obftrufted its progrefs ;
and being lefs checked by knowledge and a liberal educa
tion, which were ftill fomewbat more common in the
touthern countries.

THE prevalence of this fuperflitious fpirit became dan
gerous to fome of William s fucceflbrs, and incommodious
to moft of them : But the arbitrary (way of this king over
the Englifh,and his extenfive authority over the foreigners,
kept him from feeling any immediate inconveniencies from
it. He retained the church in great fubje&ion, as well as
his lay lubjects ; and would allow none, of whatever cha
racter, to difputehis fovereign will and pleafurc. He pro
hibited his fubjecls from acknowledging any one for pope
whom he himlelf had not previouily received: He requir
ed that all the ecclefiaftical canons, voted in any fynod,
fhould firft be laid before him, and be ratified by his autho
rity ; Even bulls or letters from Rome could not legally be
produced, till they received the fame fanlion : And none
of his minifters or barons, whatever offences they were
guilty of, could be fubjecled to Ipiritual cenfures till he
himfelf had given his confent to their excommunication^.
Thefe regulations were worthy of a fovereign, and kept

* Ingulf, p. 70, 71.

|| M. Weft. p. 2-. S. Lanfranc wrote in defence of the real prefence againft
Berengarius : and in thofe ages of ftupiilUy and ignorance, he was greatly ap
plauded for that performance.

J Eadmer. p. 6.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 93

united the civil and ecclcfiadical powers, which the prin
ciples introduced by this prince himfelf, had an immediate
tendency to feparate.

Bur the Englilh had the cruel mortification to find that I0 7
their king s authority, however acquired or however ex
tended, was all employed in their oppreffion ; and that
the fcheme of tlveir fubjection, attended with every cir-
cumftance of infultand indignity^, was deliberately form
ed by the prince, and wantonly profecuted by his follow
ers}:. William had even entertained the difficult project
of totally abolifhing the Englifh language ; and, for that
purpofe, he ordered that in all fchools throughout the
kingdom the youth ihould be inflructed in the French
tongue ; a practice which was continued from cudom till
after the reign of Edward III. and was never indeed total-

f-f^

ly difcontinued in England. The pleadings in the fu-
prerne courts of judicature were in French || : The deeds
were often drawn in the fame language : The laws were
compofed in that idiom** : No other tongue was ufed at
court : It became the language of all fafhionable compa
ny ; and the Englilh themfelves, afhamed of their own
country, affected to excel in that foreign dialect. From
this attention of Williana, and from the extenfue foreign
dominions long annexed to the crown of England, pro
ceeded that mixture of French which is at prefent to be
found in the Englifh ton gue, and which compofes the
greateft and bed part of our language. But amidfi thofe
endeavours to deprefs the Englifh nation, the king, moved
by the remonftrances of fome of his prelates, and by the
earned defires of the people, redored a few of the laws of
king Edwardff; which, tho ngh fecmingly of no great
importance towards the protection of general liberty, gave
them extreme fatisfadtion, as a memorial of their ancient
government, and an unufualmark of complaiiance in their
imperious conquerors |J.

THE (ituatioo of the two great earls, Morcar and Ed- 1^71.
win, became now very difagreeable. Though they had
retained their allegiance during this general infurrection of
their countrymen, they had not gained the king s confi
dence, and they found themfelves expofed to the malignity
of the courtiers, who envied them on account of their opu
lence and greatnefs, and at the fame time involved them

VOL. I. Cc

f Order. Vital, p. 573. H. Hunt. p. 370. + Insuilf, p. 71.

jj 36 Ed. III. cap. 15. SeldenSp cilej. adEadmer. p. 189. FoitelVue dtt
\.w\. lc^. Angl. cap. 48. * * Chron. Rothom. A. D. 1066.

ft Ingulf, p. 88. Brompton, p. 982. Knvyhton, p. 2355. hovcrien, p.
Cj-&amp;gt;. J J See noie[lv] at the end of the volume.

194 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP. &amp;gt; n that general contempt which they entertained for the
IV. Englifh. Senfible that they had entirely loft their dignity,

v - v and could not even hope to remain long in fafety ; they

J 7i- determined, though too late, to (hare the fame fate with
their countrymen. While Edwin retired to his eftate in
the north, with a view of commencing an infurrelion,
Morcar took fiielter in tfae Ifie of Ely with the brave Here-
ward, who, fecured by the inacceflible fituation of the
place, ftill defended hirnfelf againft the Normans. But
this attempt ferved only to accelerate the ruin of the few
Englifh, who had hitherto been able to preferve their
rank or fortune during the part convulfions. William em
ployed all his endeavours to fubdue the Ifle of Ely ; and
having iurrounded it with flat-bottomed boats, and made a
caufeway through themoraflesto the extent of two miles, he
obliged therebelstolurrenderatdifcretion. Herewardalone
forced his way, iword in hand, through the enemy ; and
ftill continued his hoftilities by fea againft the Normans,
till at laft William, charmed with his bravery, received
him into favour, and reftored him to his eftate. Earl Mor
car, and E gelwin bifhop of Durham, who had joined the
malcontents, were thrown into prifon, and the latter foon
after died in confinement. Edwin, attempting to make his
efcape into Scotland, was betrayed by fome of his follow
ers, and was killed by a party of Normans, to the great
affliction of the Englifh, and even to that of William,
who paid a tribute of generous tears to the memory of this
gallant and beautiful youth. The king of Scotland, in
hopes of profiting by thele convulfions, had fallen upon
the northern counties ; but on the approach of William he
retired ; and when the king entered his country, he was
glad to make peace, and to pay the ufual homage to the
Englifh crown. To complete the king s profperity, Ed
gar Atheling himfelf, defpairing of fuccefs, and weary of
a fugitive life, fubmitted to his enemy ; and receiving a
decent penfion for his fubftftence, was permitted to live in
England unmo lefted. But thefe acls of generofity towards
the leaders were dilgraced, as ufual, by William s rigour
againft the inferior malcontents. He ordered the hands to
be loft off, and the eyes to be put out, of many of the pri-
ibners whom he had taken in the Ifleof Ely ; and he dif-
perfed them in that miferable condition throughout the
country, as monuments of his feverity.

1073, THE province of Maine in France had, by the will of

Herbert the lalt count, fallen under the dominion of Wil
liam fome years before his conqueft of England ; but the
inhabitants, diOatisfied with the Norman government, and
inftigated by Fulk count of Anjou, who had iome preten-

WILLIAM THE CONQ.UEROR. 195

fions to the fucccffion, now rofe in rebellion, and expelled CHAP,
the magiftrates whom the king had placed over them. The IV.

full lettlement of England afforded him leifure to punifh *

this infult on his authority ; but being unwilling to remove 10 73-
his Norman forces from this illand, he carried over a con-
fiderable army, compofed almolt entirely of Englifh ; and
joining them to fome troops levied in Normandy, he en
tered the revolted province. The Englifh appeared ambi
tious of diftinguiibing themfelves on this occafion, and of
retrieving that character of valour which had long been
national among them ; but which their late eafy fubjection
under the Normans had fomewhat degraded andobfcured.
Perhaps too they hoped that, by their zeal and activity,
they might recover the confidence of their fofereign, as
their anceftors had formerly, by like means, gained the
affections of Canute ; and might conquer his inveterate
prejudices in favour of his own countiymen. The king s
military conduct, feconded by thefe brave troops, foon
overcame all oppofition in Maine : The inhabitants were
obliged to iubmit, and the count of An jou relinquifhed his
pretenfions.

BUT during thefe tranfa6tions the government of Eng-
land was greatly difturbed ; and that too by thofe very infurrec-
foreigners who owed every thing to the king s bounty, and tionof the
who were the fole obje6t of his friendfhipand regard. The barons."
Norman barons, who had engaged with their duke in the
conqueft of England, were men of the moft independent
Hpirit ; and though they obeyed their leader in the field,
they would have regarded with difdain the ncheil acqui-
fitions, had they been required in return to fubmit, in their
civil government, to the arbitrary will of one man. But
the imperious character of William, encouraged bv his
abfolute dominion over the Englifh, and often impelled by
the neceffity of his attains, had prompted him to ft retch
his authority over the Normans themfelves beyond what
the free genius of that victorious people could eafily bear.
The difcontents were become general among thofe haugh
ty nobles ; and even Roger, earl of Hereford, fon and
heir of Fitz-Olberne, the king s chief favourite, was firong-
ly infected with them. This nobleman, intending to mar
ry his fifter to Ralph de Guader, earl of Norfolk, had
thought it his duty to inform the king of his purpofe, and
todefire the royal conlent ; but meeting with a refufal, he
proceeded neverthelefs to complete the nuptials, and af-
jemblcd all his friends, and thole of Guader, to attend the
folemnity. The two e iris, dil gutted by the denial of their
requeft, and dreading William s refentrncut for their dil-
obedience, here piepared mealujc^ for 4 revolt ; and dur-

196 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP. n ? tne g ;i et y f tne fcftival, while the company was heated
IV. with wine, they opened the defign to their guefls. They

v .,.. v inveighed againft the arbitrary conduct of the king; his

I0 74 tyranny over the Englith, whom they affe61ed on this cc-
cafiori to commiferate ; his imperious behaviour to his ba
rons of the nobleft birth ; and his apparent intention of "re
ducing the viclors and the vanquished to a like ignomini
ous fcrvitude. Amidlt their complaints, the indignity of
fubmitting to a bafhird * was not forgotten ; the certain
profpect of fuccefs in a revolt, by the affiftance of the
Danes and the difcontented Englifh, was infilled on ; and
the whole company, inflamed with the fame fentirnents,
and warmed by the jollity of the entertainment, entered,
by a lolemn engagement, into the defign of fhaking off
the royal authority. Even earl Waltheof, who was pre-
fent, inconliderately exprefled his approbation of the
confpiracy, and promifed his concurrence towards its fuc
cefs.

THIS nobleman, the laft of the Englifh who, for fome
generations, pofleiTed any power or authority, had, after
his capitulation at York, been received into favour by the
Conqueror; had even married Judith, niece to that prince;
and had been promoted to the earldoms of Huntingdon and
Northamptonf. Co r patric, earl of Northumberland, hav
ing, on fome new difguft from William, retired into Scot
land, where he received the earldom of Dunbar from the
bounty of Malcolm ; Waltheof was appointed his fuccef-
ior in that important command, and feemed ftill to poffeft
the confidence and friendfhip of his fovereign J. But as
he was a man of generous principles, and loved his coun
try, it is probable that the tyranny exercifed over the Eng
lifh lay heavy upon his mind, and deflroyed all the fatis-
faction which he could reap from his own grandeur and
advancement. When a profpet, therefore, was opened
of retrieving their liberty, he hafiily embraced it ; while
the fumes of the liquor, and the ardour of the company,
prevented him from reflecting on the confequencesof that
rafh attempt. But after his cool judgment returned, he
forefaw, that the confpiracy of thole difcontented barons
was not likely to prove fuccefsful againft the eftablifhed
power of Wiliiam ; or if it did, that the llavery of the
Englifh, inftead of being alleviated by that event, would
become mote grievous under a multitude of foreign leaders,

* \Villiam wa.; fo little afnamed of his bhtli, that he a (fumed the appella
tion of Baftard in fome of his letfeis and chatters. Si din. Glofl . in verb.
Btiffji diit. Cduiaen in Richmond/hire*
f Order. Vital, p. 522. Ho\ecien, p. 454. ^ Sim. Cun. p. 2&amp;lt;K.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 197

faflious and ambitious, whofe union and whofe difcord CHAP,
would be equally oppreffive to the people. Tormented IV.

with thefc reflections, he opened his mind to his wife Ju- v

dith, of whofe fidelity he entertained no fufpicion ; but l074
who, having fecretly fixed her affeclions on another, took
this opportunity of ruining her eafy and credulous hufband.
She conveyed intelligence of the confpiracy to the king,
and aggravated every circumftance, which, fhe believed,
would tend to incenfe him againft Waltheof, and render
him abfolutely implacable)). Meanwhile the earl, (till
dubious with regard to the part which he fhould acSt, dif-
coverL d the fecret in confeffion to Lanfranc,on whofe pro
bity and judgment he had a great reliance : He was per-
fuaded by the prelate, that he owed no fidelity to thofe re
bellious barons, who had by furprife gained his confent to
a crime ; that his lirfl duty was to his fovereign and bene-
faclor, his next to himfelf and his family ; and that, if he
ieized not the opportunity of making atonement for his
guilt by revealing it, the temerity of the confpirators was
ib great, that they would give fome other perfon the rnoanp
of acquiring the merit of the difcovery. Waltheof, con
vinced by thefe arguments, went over to Normandy ; but
though he was well received by the king, and thanked
for his fidelity, the account, previoufly tranfmitted by Ju
dith, had funk deep into William s mind, and had deftroy-
ed all the merit of her hufband s repentance.

THE confpirators hearing of Waltheof s departure, im
mediately concluded their defigntobe betrayed; and flew
to arms before the fchemes were ripe for execution, and
before the arrival of the Danes, in whofe aid they placed
their chief confidence. The earl of Hereford was check
ed by Walter de Lacy, a great baron in thole parts, who,
fupported by the bifhop of Worcefter and the abbot of
Evelham, raifed fome forces, and prevented the earl from
paffing the Severne, or advancing into the heart of the
kingdom. The earl of Norfolk was defeated at Fagadun,
near Cambridge, by Odo, the regent, affified by Richard
de Bienfaite and William de Warrenne, the two jufticia-
ries. The prifoners taken in this action had their right
foot cut off, as a punifhment of their treafon : The earl
himfelf efcaped to Norwich, thence to Denmark ; where
the Danifh fleet, which had made an unfuccefsful attempt
upon the coafl of England*, foon after arrived, and
brought him intelligence, that all his confederates were
jfuppreffed, and were either killed, banifhed, or taken pri
ll Order. Vital, p. 5 36.

* Chron. Sax. p. jSj. M. Paris, p. 7.

19* HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Toners*. Ralph retired in defpair to Britanny, where he
IV. pofTefled a large eftate and extenfive jurifdiclions.

* , THE king, who haftened over to England in order to

I0 74- fupprefs the in furred ion, found that nothing remained but
the punilhment of the criminals, which he executed with
great feverity. Many of the rebels were hanged; fome had
their eyes put out ; others their hands cut off. But Willi
am, agreeably to his ufual maxims, fhowed more lenity to
their leader, the earl of Hereford, who was only condemn
ed to a forfeiture of his eftate, and to imprifonment during
pleafure. The king feemed even difpofed to remit this lail
part of the punilhment ; had not Roger, by a frefh info-
lence, provoked him to render his confinement perpetual.
But Waltheof, being an Englilhman, was not treated with
fo much humanity ; though his guilt, always much inferior
to that of the other confpirators, was atoned for by an early
repentance and return to his duty. William, inftigated
by his niece, as well as by his rapacious courtiers, who
longed for fo rich a forfeiture, ordered him to be tried, con-

agth Apr. demned, and executed. The Englilh, \vhoconfidered this
nobleman as the lafl refource of their nation, grievoufly
lamented his fate, and fancied that miracles were wrought
by hisreliques, as a tcftimony of his innocence and fancU-
ty. The infamous Judith, railing foon after under the
king s difpleafure, was abandoned by all the world, and
pafied the reft of her life in contempt, remorfe, and mi-
fery.

NOTHING remained to complete William s fatisfaclion
but the puniihment of Ralph de Guacler ; and he haftened
over to Normandy, in order to gratify his vengeance on
that criminal. But though the conteilleemed very unequal
between a private nobleman and the king of England,
Ralph was fowell fupported both by the earl of Britanny
and the king of France, that William, after befieging him
for fome time in Dol, was obliged to abandon the enter-
prife, and make with thofe powerful princes a peace, in
which Ralph himfelf was included. England, during his
abfence, remained in tranquil ity ; and nothing remarka
ble occurred, except two ecclefiaftical fynods which were
fummoned, one at London, another at Winchefter. In
the former, the precedency among the epifcopal lees was
fettled, and the feat of fome of them u as removed from
imall villages to the moft confiderable town within thedio-

* Many of the fugitive Normans are fuppofed to have fled into -Scotland ;
where they were protedted, as well as the fugitive Englifh, by Malcolm.
"Whence come the many French and Nounan families, which are found at pre-
fent in that country.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 199

cefe. In the feconcJ was tranfacled a bufmefsof more im- CHAP,
portance. IV.

THE induftry and perseverance are furprifing,witii which " . J

the popes had been treafuring up powers and pretenfions : T"-

, ,- c i-i -re Difputea-

durmgio many ages of ignorance; while each pontiff em- b()ll , invet -.
ployed every fraud tor advancing purpole*. of imaginary f.m.cs.
piety, and cheriihed all claims which might turn to the
advantage of his fucceflbrs, though he hirnfelf could not
expect ever to reap any benefit from them. All this im-
inenfe ftore of fpi ritual and civil authority was now devolv
ed on Gregojy VII. of the name of Hildebrand, the moft
enterpriling pontirFthat had ever filled that chair, and the
leaft retrained by fear, decency, or moderation. Not con
tent with (baking oil the yoke of the emperors, who had
hitherto exerciied the power of appointing the pope on
every vacancy, at leafl of ratifying his election ; he under
took the arduous tafk of entirely disjoining the ecclefiaft i-
cal from the civil power, and of excluding profane laymen
from the right which they had allumed, of filling the va
cancies of billioprics, abbies, and other fpirltual dignities*.
The fovereigns, who had long exerciied this power, arxl
who had acquired it, not bv encroachments on the church,
but on the people, to whom it originally belongedf, made
great oppofition to this claim of the court of Rome ; and
Henry IV. the reigning emperor, defended this prerogative
of his crown with a vigour and reiolution fuitable to its
importance. The few offices, either civil or military,
which the feudal infiitutions left the fovereign the power
of beftowing, made ihe prerogative of conferring the paf-
toral ring and ftafF the mod valuable jewel of the royal
diadem ; efpecially as the general ignorance of the age
beftowed a conlequence on the ecclefiaftical offices , even
beyond the great extent of power and property which be
longed to them. Superftition, the child of ignorance, in-
vefted the clergy with an authority almofl facred ; and
as they ingrolTed the little learning of the age, their inter-
pofition became requifite in all civil bufmefs, and a real
ufefulnefs in conunon life was thus fuporaddcd to the ipiri-
tual fanclity of their character.

WHEN the ufurpations, therefore, of the church had
come to luch maturity as to embolden her to attempt ex
torting the right of inveftitures from tlie temporal power,
Europe, efpecially Italy and Germany, was thrown into
the moll violent convulfions,and the pope and the emperor
waged implacable war on each oilier. Gregory dared to

* L Abbe Cone, torn : x. p. 371, J7-- com. 2.
f Padre Paolo fopia belief, ecckl . [&amp;gt;. j-&amp;gt;.

200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, fulminate the fentence of excommunication againfl Henry
IV. and his adherents, to pronounce him rightfully depofed, to

11 v free his fubjefb from their oaths of allegiance; and, inftead

of mocking mankind by this grofs encroachment on the
civil authority, he found the flupid people ready to fecond
his motl exorbitant pretenfions. Every minifter, fervant,
or vafial of the emperor, who received any difguft, covered
his rebellion under the pretence of principle; and even
the mother of this monarch, forgetting all the ties of na
ture, was feduced to countenance the infolence of his ene
mies. Princes themfelves, not attentive to the pernicious
confequences of {hole papal claims, employed them for
their prelent purpofes : And the controverfy, fpreading
into every city of Italy, engendered the parties of Guelf
and Ghibbelin; the moil durable and moft inveterate facti
ons that ever arofe from the mixture of ambition and reli
gious zeal. Befides numberlefs aflaflinations, tumults, and
convulfions, to which they gave rife, it is computed that
the quarrel occafioned no lefs than fixty battles in the reign
of Henry IV. and eighteen in that of his fucceflbr, Henry
V. when the claims of the fovereign pontiiF finally pre
vailed*.

BUT the bold fpiritof Gregory, not clifmayed with the
vigorous oppofition which he met with from the e mperor,
extended hisufurpationsall over Europe ; and well know
ing the nature of mankind, whofe blind aftonifhment ever
inclines them to yield to the moft impudent pretenfions,
he feemed determined to fet no bounds to the ipiritual, or
rather temporal monarchy, which he had undertaken tc
erect. He pronounced the fentence of excommunication
againft Nicephorus, emperor of the Eaft; Robert Guifcard,
the adventurous Norman who had acquiied the dominion
of Naples, was attacked by the fame dangerous weapon :
He degraded Boleflas, king of Poland, from the rank of
king ; and even deprived Poland of the title of a king
dom : He attempted to treat Philip king of France with
the fame rigour which he had employed againfl: the em-
perorf : He pretended to the entire property and dominion
of Spain; and he parcelled itoutamongft adventurers, who
undertook to conquer it from the Saracens, and to hold it
in vaffalage under the fee of RomeJ: Even the Chriftiah
bifbcps, on whole aid he relied for fubduiog the temporal
princes, faw that he was determined to reduce them to fer-

* Faclre Paolo fopra benef. ecclef. p. 1 13.

t t-pift. Greg. VII. epift. 32. 35. lib. 2. epift. 5.

5 Ljnft. Greg. VII. Ub. i. ertft. 7.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 201

vitude ; and by afJTuming the whole legillative and judicial CHAP,
power of the church, to centre all authority in the love- IV.
reign pontiff*. * "

WILLIAM the Conqueror, the inoft potent, the mofthaugh- l 7 6
ty,and the mod vigorous prince in Europe, was nt&amp;gt;t,amidft
all his fplendid fucceffes, fecurefrom the attacks of thisen-
terprifiug pontiff. Gregory wrote himaletter,requiringhiin
to fulfil his promife in doing homage for the kingdom of
England to the ice of Rome, and to fend him over that tri
bute, which all his predeceflbrs had been accufiomed to
pay to the vicar of Chrift. By the tribute, he meant Pe
ter s pence ; which, though at fir ft a charitable donation
of the Saxon princes, was interpreted, according to the
ufi:al practice of the Romiih court, to be a badge of fub-
jection acknowledged by the kingdom. William replied,
that the money ihould be remitted as ufual ; but that nei
ther had he protnifcd to do homage to Rome, nor was it in
the leaft his purpoie to impofe that fervitude on his ftatef.
And the better to Ihow Gregory his independence, he ven
tured, notwithstanding the frequent complaints of the pope,
to refufe to the Engliih bilhops the liberty of attending a
general council which that pontiff had fummoned againft
his enemies.

BUT though the king difplayed this vigour in fupporting
the royal dignity, he was infedtpd with the general fuper-
ftition of the age, and he did not perceive the ambitious
fcope of thofe inftitutions, which, under colour of ttrift-
nefs in religion, were introduced or promoted by the court
of Rome. Gregory, while he was throwing all Europe
into combuftion by his violence and impoftuves, affected
an axious care for the purity of manners ; and even the
chafte pleafures of the marriage-bed were inconfiflent, in
his opinion, with the fanCtity of the facerdpta! character.
He had iflued a decree prohibiting the marriage of priefts,
excommunicating all clergymen who retained their wive*,
declaring fuch unlawful commerce to be fornication, and
rendering it criminal in the laity to attend divine worfhip
when fuch profane pri-rfis officiated at the altar J. This
point was a great object in the politics of the Roman pon
tiffs; and it coif them infinitely more pains to cftablifh it,
than the propagation of any fpeculative abfurdity which
they had ever attempted to introduce. Many fy nods were
fummoned in different parts of Europe, before it was final
ly fettled ; and it was there conftantly remarked, that the

VOL. 1. L)d

* Crci;. Ep:ft. lib. 2. epift. 55. f Spic .leg. SeU cni ad Eadmer, p. 4.

* Hbveden, p. 455. 457. Her. \Vigorn. j&amp;gt;. cji . ij tritu. CuncU. fji, jj,
A. U. 1076.

202 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A F. younger clergymen complied cheerfully with the pope s
IV. decrees in this particular, and that the chief reluctance ap-

v , peared in thofe who were more advanced hi years : An

1076. event fo little confonant to men s natural expectations, that
it could not fail to be glotTed on, even in that blind and fu-
perftitious age. William allowed the pope s legate to af-
femble, in hisabfence, a iynod at Winchefler, in order to
ettablifh the celibacy of the clergy ; but the church of Eng
land could not yet be carried (he whole length expected.
The fynod was content with decreeing, that the bifhops
fhould not thenceforth ordain any priefts or deacons with
out exacting from them a prorriife of celibacy ; but they
enacted, that none, except thofe who belonged to colle
giate or cathedral churches, fhould be obliged to feparate
from their wives.

Revolt of THE king paffed fome years in Normandy ; but his
long refidence there was not entirely owing to his declared
preference of that dutchy : His prefence was alfo neceflary
for compofing tboie difturbances which had arifen in that
favourite territory, and which had even originally proceed
ed from his own family. Robert, his eldeft ion, furnamed
Garr.biiron orCourthofe, from his fhort legs, was a prince
who inherited all the bravery of his family and nation;
but without that policy and diffimulation, by which his
father was fo much diftinguifhed, and which, no lefs than
his military valour, had contributed to his great fuccefles.
Greedy of fame, impatient of contradiction, without re-
ferve in his friendihips, declared in his enmities, this
prince could endure no control even from his imperious
father, and opera ly afpired to that independence, to which
his temper, as well as fome circumflances in his fituation,
ftrongly invited him*. When William firft received the
fubmiffions of the province of Maine, he had promiied the
inhabitants that Robert fhould be their prince; and before
he undertook the expedition againfl England, he had, on
the application of the French court, declared him his fuc-
ceffor in Normandy, and had obliged the barons of that
dutchy to do him homage as their future fovereign. By this
artifice, he had endeavoured to appeafe the jealoufy of his
neighbours, as affording them a profpecl: of feparating
England from his dominions on the continent ; but when
Robert demanded of him the execution of thofe engage
ments, he gave him an abfolute refufal, and told him, ac
cording to the homely faying, that he never intended to
throw ofFlus tlothes till he went to bedf. Robert openly

* Order. Vital, p. 545. Hovcden, p. 457. fior. Wigorn. p. 639.
f Chron. de Mailr. p. 160.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 203

declared his difcontent ; and was fufpefted of fecretly in- C II A P.
ftigating the king of France and the earl of Britanny to IV.

the oppofition which they made to William, and which v ^

had formerly fruftrated his altempts upon the town of Dol. 10 7 6 -
And as the quarrel ftill augmented, Robert proceeded to
entertain a firong jealoufy of his two furviving brothers
Wiliiam and Henry (for Richard was killed in hunting
by a ftag), who, by greater fubmiflion and complaifance,
had acquired the affections of their father. In thisdifpoti-
tion, on both fides, the greateft trifle fufficed to produce a
rupture between them.

The three princes, refiding with their father in the caf-
tle of 1 Aigle in Normandy, were one day engaged in fport
together ; and after fome mirth and jollity, the two young
er took a fancy of throwing over fome water on Robert as
he paiTed through the court on leaving their apartment* ;
a frolic, which he would naturally have regarded as inno
cent, had it not been for the luggeftions of Alberic de
Grentmefnil, Ion of that Hugh de Grentmefnil, whom
William had formerly deprived of his fortunes, when that
baron deferted him during his greateft difficulties in Eng
land. The young man, mindful of the injury, perfuaded
the prince that this aClion was meant as a public aiFront,
which it behoved him in honour to refent; and the chole
ric Robert, drawing his fword, ran up (lairs, with an in
tention of taking revenge on his brothers f. The whole
cafHe was filled with tumult, which the king himfelf, who
haftened from his apartment, found fome difficulty to ap-
peafe. But he could by no means appeafe the refentment
of his eldeft (on, who, complaining of his partiality, and
fancying that no proper atonement had been made him for
the inlultj left the court that very evening, and haftened
to Rouen, with an intention of feizing the citadel of that
place J. But being diiappointed in this view by the pre
caution and vigilance of Roger de Iverv, the governor, he
fled to Hugh d- Neufchatel, a powerful Norman baron,
who gave him pro*eUon in his cafHes; and he openly le
vied war againfl his fat ier||. The popular character of the
prince, arid a fimilarity of manners, e igaged ail the youno-
nobility of Normandy and Maine, as welt as of Anjou
and Britanny, to take part with him; nd it was fufpected
that Matilda, his mother, whole favourite he was, fupport-
ed him in his rebellion by fecret remittances of money,
and by the encouragement which The gave his partifans.

Order. Vita ., n. _ ,.;.&amp;lt;;. t Ib:d. + ;tid.

II Order. Vita^. p. 5^5. Ho-.eden, p. 457. Sim. Dun. p. TIC. Diceto,
p. -fS 7 .

204 HISTORY O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP. ALL the hereditary provinces of William, as well as
IV. h s family, were, during feveral years, thrown into convul-

v v fions by this war ; and he was at laft obliged to have re-

10 79- courfe to England, where that fpeces cf military govern
ment which he h;id eftablifhed gave him greater aLithority
than the ancient feudal inllitutions permitted him to exer-
cife in Normandy. He called over an army of Englifh
under his ancient captains, who foon expelled Robert and
his adherent? from their retreat-, and reftored the authority
of the fovcreign in all his dominions. The young p?iiv.:
was obliged to take ihelterin the caftle of Gerberoy in the
Beauvoifis, which the king of France, who fecretly fo
mented all thefe difTenfions, had provided for him. In
this fortrefs he war, clofely beficged by his father, againfl
whom, having a flrong garrifon, he made an obftinate de
fence. There patted under the walls of this place many
rencounters, which refembled more the fingle combats of
chivalry, than the military a&amp;lt;5Hons of armies; but one of
them was remarkable for its circumftances and its event.
Robert happened to engage the king, who was concealed
by his helmet; and both of them being valiant, a fierce
combat enfued, till at laft the young prince wounded his
father in the arm, and unhorfed him. On his calling out
for aflifiance, his voice difcovered him to his fon, who,
Oruck with remorie for his pail guiit, and aflonifhed with
the apprehenvions of one much greater, which he had fo
nearly incurred, inflantly threw himfelf at his father s feet,
craved pardon for his offences, and offered to purchafe
forgivenefs by any atonement*. ^Flic refentment harbour
ed by William was fo implacable, tl&amp;gt;at he did not imme
diately correfpond to this dutiful lubmiflion of his fun with
like tendernels ; but giving him his malediction, departed
for his own camp, on Robert s horfe, which that prince had
affifted him to mount. He foon after raifed the ficge,ar}d
marched with his army to Normandy ; where the interpo-
fition of the queen, and oilier common friends, brought
about a reconcilement, which wa: probably not a little for
warded by the generofity of the foil s behaviour in this ac
tion, and by the returning fenle of his paft mi (conduct.
The kingfeemcd fo fully appealed, that he even took Ro
bert with him into England; where he intrufted him with
the command of an army, in order .to repel an inroad of
Malcolm king of Scotland, and to retaliate by a like inroad
into that country. The Welfh, unable to refift Willium s
power, were, about the fame time, neccffitatcd to pay a

* Malmcf. p. K 6. H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. *[,?. Hor. Wig. p.
639. Sim. Dun. p. 210. D:ce:o, p. 187. Knyghton, p. 2351. Alur.
Be veil. p. ij5-

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 205

compenfation for their incurfions; and every thing was re- CHAP,
duced to full tranquillity in this ifland. IV.
THIS Irate of affairs gave William leifure to begin and v * J

finifh an undertaking, which proves his extenfive genius, I0? . -

, , i P, i mP f Domelday-

and does honour to his memory : It wa-; a general iurvey book.

of all the lands in the kingdom, their extent in each dif-
trift, their proprietors, tenures, value; the quantity of
meadow, p?.fture, wood, and arable land, which they con
tained ; and in fome counties the number of tenants, cot
tagers, and flaves of all denominations, who lived upon
them. He appointed commiilioners for this purpofe, who
entered every particular in their regifter by the verdict of
juries; and after a labour of fix years (for the work was
Ib long in finifhing) brought him an cxatt account of all
the landed property cf his kingdom*. This monument,
called Domefday-book the moft valuable piece of anti
quity poffefled bv any nation, is flill preferved in the Ex
chequer ; and though only fome extracts of it have hitherto
been publiihed, it ferves to Slluftrate to us, in many parti
culars, the ancient ftate of England. The great Alfred
had finifhed a like Iurvey of the kingdom in his time, which
was long kept at WJnchefter, and which probably ferved
as a model to William in this undertakingf.

THE king was naturally a great oeconomift ; and thougli
no prince had ever been more bountiful to his officers and
fervants, it was merely becaufe he had rendered himielf
univerfal proprietor of England, and had a whole kingdom
to beftow. He referved an ample revenue for the crown ;
and in the general diftribution of land among his follow
ers, he kept poffcffion of no lefs than 1422 manors in
different parts of England , which paid him rent either in
money, or in corn, cattle, and the ufual produce of the
foil. An ancient hiftorian computes, that his annual fixed
income, befides cfcheats, fines, reliefs, and other cafual
.profits to a great value, amounted to near 400,000 pounds
a year ||; a fum which, if nil circumftances be attended to,
win appear wholly incredible. A pound in that age, as
we have alreadv oblerved. contained three times the weight
of filverthat it does atprefent ; and the fame weight of fil-
ver,by the moft probable computation, would purchafenear

* Chron. Sax. p. 190. Ingulf, p. 79. Chron. T. \Vykes, p. 13. j-f.

Hunt. p. 370. Hoveden, p. 460. M. Weft. p. 229. Flor. \Vigorn. p. 641.

i. Abb. .St. Petri de Burgo, p. 51. M. Paris, p. 8. 1 he more northern

counties were not comprehended in this furvey ; I luppofe becaufe of their

wild, uncultivated flate.

t Ingulf, p. 8.

t V&amp;gt; r Into the manner of creating peers, p. 2.}.

|| Order. Vital, p. 523. He fays 1060 pounds and fome odd Shillings and
pence a da/.

ao6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, ten times more of the neceflaries of life, though not in the
IV. fame proportion of the finer manufactures. This revenue,

v - - * therefore, of William wouW be equal to at leaft nine or ten
icSi. millions at prefent ; and as that prince had neither fleet
nor army to fupport, the former being only an occafional
expence, and the latter being maintained, without any
charge to him, by his military vatials, we muft thence con
clude, that no emperor or prince, in any age or nation,
can be compared to the Conqueror for opulence and riches.
This leads us to fufpecl: a great miftake in the computation
of the hiftorian; though, if we confider that avarice is al
ways imputed to William as one of his vices, and that hav
ing by the fword rendered himfelf mafter of all the lands
in the kingdom, he would certainly in the partition retain a
great proportion for his own fhare; we can fcarcely be guil
ty of any error in afierting, that perhaps no king of Eng
land was ever more opulent, was more able to fupport, by
his revenue, the fplendourand magnificence of a court, or
could beflow more on his pleafures, or in liberalities to his
fervantsand favourites*.

The new THERE was one pleafure, to which William, as well as

all the Normans and ancient Saxons, \vasextremely ad
dicted, and that was hunting : But this pleafure he indulged
more at the expence of his unhappy fubje&s, whofe inter-
efts he always disregarded, than to the lols or diminution
of his own revenue. Not content with thofe large forefts,
which former kings ^offeffed in all parts ot England ; he
refolved to make a new foreft near Winchefter, the ufual
place of his refidence : f And for that purpofe, he laid watte
the country in Hampfhire for an extent of thirty miles,
expelled the inhabitants from their houfes, feized their
property, even demolifhed churches and convents, and
made the fufferers no compensation for the injury f. At
the fame time, he enacted new laws, by which he prohibi
ted all his fubje&s from hunting in any of his forefts, and
rendered the penalties more feverefhan ever had been in-
flic/ted for fuch offences. The killing of a deer or boar,
or even a hare, was punifhed with the lofs of the delin
quent s eyes ; and that at a time, when the killing of a
man could be atoned for by paying a moderate fine or
compofition.

THE transactions recorded during the remainder of this
reign, may be confidered more as domeftic occurrences,
which concern the prince, than as national events, which
regard England. Odo, bifhopof Baieux, the king s ute-

* Fortefcne, fie Dom. retr. & politic, cap in.

j- Malmsl . p. 3. H. Hun{. p. 731, Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 158.

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 207

rine brother, whom he had created earl of Kent, and en- CHAP*
trufted with a great (hare of power during his whole reign, IV.

hadamafled imment e liches ; and agreeably to the ufual v - J

progrefsof human wifhes, he began to regard his prefent lo;i7 -
acquifitionsbut as a ftep to farther grandeur. He had formed
the chimerical project of buying the papacy; and though
Gregory, the reigning pope, was not of advanced years,
the prelate had confided fo much in the predictions of an
aftrologer, that he reckoned upon the pontiffs death, and
upon attaining, by hisown intrigues and money, that en
vied ftate of greatnefs. Refolving, therefore, to remit all
his riches to Italy, he had perluaded many considerable
barons, and, among the reft, Hugh earl of Chefter, to take
the lame courfe; in hopes that, when he fhould mount the
papal throne, he would beftow on them more confiderable
eftablifhments in that country. The king, from whom all
thefe projects had been carefully concealed, at lafl got intel
ligence of the defign,and ordered Odo to be arrefted. His
officers, from refpet to the immunities which the ecclefi-
afHcs now adumed, fcrupled to execute the command, till
the king himielf was obliged in perfon to feize him ; and
when Odo infifted that he was a prelate, and exempt from
all temporal jurifdiction, William replied, that he arrefted
him, not as bifhop of Baieux, but as earl of Kent. He
was tent prifoner to Normandy ; and notwithftanding the
remonflrances and menaces of Gregory, was detained in
cuftody during the remainder of this reign.

ANOTHER domeftic event gave the king much more
concern : It was the death of Matilda, his confort, w4iom J0 *3-
he tenderly loved, and for whom he had ever preferved
the moft fincere friendfhip. Three years afterwards he
paifed into Normandy, and carried with him Edgar Athc-
ling, to whom he willingly granted permiffion to make a
pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He was detained on the IoS _
continent by a mifunderftanding, which broke out between War wiib
him and the king of France, and which was occafioned by Fraiice
inroads made into Normandy by iome French barons on
the frontiers. It was little in the power of princes at that
time to reftrain their licentious nobility ; but William fuf-
pecled, that theie barons durft not have provoked his in
dignation, had they not been allured of the countenance and
protection of Philip. His difpleafure was increafed by the
account he received of fome railleries which that monarch
had thrown out againft him. William, who was become
corpulent, had been detained in bed fome time by ficknefs ;
upon \vhichPhilipexprefled his furpiife that his brother of
England fhould be fo long in being delivered of his big
belly. The king fent him word, that, as foon as he was

208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. up he would prefent fo many lights at Notre-dame, as
IV. would perhaps give little plea fur e to the king of France ;

* . alluding to the ufual practice at that time of women after

jcS;. child-birth. Immediately on his recovery, he led an army
into L liie de France, and laid every thing wafte with fire
and fword. He took the town of Mante, which he reduced
to afhts. But the progreis of thele hofiilities was flopped
by an accident, which foon after put an end to William s
life. His horle flarting afide of a ludden, he bruifed his
belly on the pommel of the facldle ; and being in a bad
habit of body, as well as fomewhat advanced in years, he
began to apprehend the confeqi-ences, and ordered himfelf
to be carried in a litter to the tnonailery of St. Gervas.
Finding his illnefs increale, and being fenfible of the ap
proach of death, he difcovered at laft the vanity of all hu
man grandeur, and was ftruck with remorfe for thole hor
rible cruelties and acts of violence, which, in the attain
ment and defence of it, he had committed during the
courle ot hi* reign over England. He endeavoured to make
atonement by preients to churches and rnonafteries ; and
he illued orders, that earl Morcar, Siward Bearne, and
other Engliih prifoners, Ibould be fet at liberty. He was
even prevailed on, though not without reluclance, to con-
lent, with his dying breath, to releafe his brother Odo,
againft whom he was extremely incenled. He left Nor
mandy and Maine to his eldeft fon Robert : He wrote to
Lanfranc, defiling him to crown William king of England:
He bequeathed to Henry nothing but the poffeffions of his
mother Matilda : but foretold, that he would one day fur-
pafs both his brothers in power and opulence. He expired
^th Sept. i" the.fixty-third year of his age, in the twenty-firft year
Death of his reign over England, and in the fifty-fourth of that

over Normandy.

FEW princes have been more fortunate than this great

terofwil- monarch, or were better entitled to grandeur and profperi-

]:am the ty, from the abilities and the vigour of mind which he dif-

omjueror. pl a y e d in all his conduct. His fpirit was bold and enter-

prifmg, yet guided by prudence: His ambition, which

was exorbitant, and lay little under the reflraints of juf-

tice, dill lei s under thole of humanity, ever fubmitted to

the dictates of found policy. Born in an age when the

minds of men were intractable and unacquainted with fub-

iiiiffion, he was yet able todirecl: them to his purpofes ; and

partly from the afcendant of his vehement character, part-

Jy fiom art and diffimulation, to eftabliih an unlimited

authority. Though not inlenfible to generofity, he was

hardened againft cornpaflion ; and he feemed equally oflen-

tatious and equally ambitious of mow and parade in his

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 209

clemency and in his feveritv. The maxims of his adminif- CHAP,
tration were auftere ; but might have been ufeful, had they IV.
been folely employed to preferve order in an eftablifhed *

government* : They were ill calculated for foftening the 1087.
rigours, which, under the moft gentle management, arc
inseparable from conqueft. His attempt againft England
was the laft great enterprife of the kind, which, during
thecourfe of leven hundred years, has ful!y fucceeded in
Europe ; and the force of his genius broke through thofe
limits, which firft the feudal institutions, then the refined
policy of princes, have fixed to the feveral ftates of Chrift-
endom. Though he rendered himfelf infinitely odious to
his Englifh fubje&s, he tranfmitted his power to his pofte-
rity, and the throne is ftill rilled by his defendants : A
proof, that the foundations which he laid were firm and
Iblid, and that, amidlt all his violence, while he i eemed
oniy to gratify the prefent paffion, he had ftill an eye to
wards futurity.

SOME writers have been defirousof refufing to this prince
the title of Conqueror, in the fenfe which that term com
monly bears; and, on pretence that the word is fometimes
in old books applied to fuch as make an acquifition of ter^
ritory by any means, they are willing to reject William s
title, by right of war, to the crown of England. It is
needlefsto enter into a controverfy, which, by the terms
of it, muft neceffarily degenerate into a difpute of words.
It fuffices to fay, that the duke of Normandy s firft inva-
fion of the ifland was hoftile; that his fubfequent adminif-
tration was entirely fupported by arms; that in the very
frame of his laws he made a diftinction between the Nor
mans and the Englifh, to the advantage of the former f ;
that he acted in every thing asabfolute mafter over the na
tives, whofe intereft and affections he totally di/regarded ;
and that if there was an interval when he afTumed the ap
pearance of a legal fovcreign, the period was very fhort,
and was nothing but a temporary facrifice, which he, as
has been the cafe with moft conquerors, was obliged to
make, of his inclination to his prefent policy. Scarce any
of thofe revolutions, which, both in hiitory and in com-,
mon language, have always been denominated conquefts,
appear equally violent, or were attended with fo fuddefr
an alteration both of power and property. The Rou&amp;gt;an
flate, which fpread its dominion over Europe, left the
rights of individuals in a great meaiure untouched ; and

VOL. I. Ee

* M. Weft. p. 230. Anglia Sacra, vol, i/p. 258.
| Hoveden, p. 600.

210 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, thofe civilized conquerors, while they made their own
IV. country the feat of empire, found that they could draw

v * moft advantage from the fubjefted provinces, by fecuring

1087. to the natives the free enjoyment of their own Jaws and of
their private poffeffions. The barbarians, who fubdued
the Roman empire, though they fettled in the conquered
countries, yet being accuflomed to a rude uncultivated life,
found a part only of the land fufficient to fupply all their
wants ; and they were not templed to feize extenfive pof
feffions, which they knew neither how to cultivate nor en
joy. But the Normans and other foreigners, who followed
the ftandard or" William, while they rmjde the vanquHhed
kingdom the feat of government, were yet fo far advanced
in arts as to be acquainted with the advantages of a laige
property i and having totally fubdued the natives, they
piifhed the rights ofconqueft (very extenhve in the eyes of
av..riceand ambition, however narrow in thofe of reafon)
to the utmoft extremity againft them. Except the former
conquelt of England by the Saxons themfelve?, who were
induced, by peculiar circumftances, to proceed even to the
extermination of the natives, it would be difficult to find
in all hiftory a revolution more definitive, or attended with
a more complete fubjeclion of the ancient inhabitants.
Contumely feems even to have been wantonly added to op-
preffion*; and the natives were univerfally reduced to fuch
a flate of meannefs and poverty, that the Englifh name be
came a term of reproach ; and feverai generations elapfed
berbre one family of Saxon pedigree was railed to any con-
fiderable honours, or could fo much as attain the rank of
baron of the realmf. Thefe fadls are fo apparent from
the whole tenour of the Englifh hiftory, that none would
have been tempted to deny or elude them, were they not
heated by the controverfies of faction ; while one party was
a bfurdly afraid of thofe abjurd confequences which they
faw the other party inclined to draw from this event. But
it is evident that the prefent rights and privileges of the
people, who area mixture of Englifh and Normans, can
never be aliecled by a tranfaclion, which paiTed (even hun
dred years ago; and as all ancient authors^, who lived
near eft ihetime, and beft knew the fiate of the country,
unanimoufly fpeakof the Norman dominion as a conqueil

* H. Hunt. p. 370. Erompton, p. oSo. t So late as the reign

cf king Stephen, the ear] of Albemarle, Lcfore the battle of the fianriard, ad-
dielJcd the Officers of his army in thefe teiuis, Proceres Angliee clarijfimi, & ge-
tttre Normanni, &c, Rrompton, p. 1026. See farther, /-bbasRieval, p. 339,
^.c. Ail the barons and military men of England llili called themfelves Nor-
nians.

} See note [LJ t the end of the volume.

WILLIAM THE CONQJJEROR. 211

by war and arms, no reafonablc man, from the fear of ima- CHAP,
ginary conlequences, will ever be tempted to rejedt their IV.

concurring and undoubted teftimony. , v /

KING William had iflue, befides his three fons who Io8 7-
furvived him, five daughters, to wit, (i.; Cicily, a nun
in the monaftery of Fetohamp, afterwards abbefs in the
holy Trinity at Caen, where {he died in 1127. (2.)
Conftantia, married to Alan Fergant, earl of Brifanny.
She died without iffue. (3.) Alice, contrarted to Harold.
(4.) Adela, married to Stephen earl of Blois, by whom
{he had four fons, William, Theobald, Henry, and Ste
phen ; of whom the elder was neglected on account of the
imbecility of his underflanding. (5.) Agatha, who died
a virgin, but was betrothed to the king of Gallicia. She
died on her journey thither, before {he joined her bride
groom.

( 212 )

CHAP. V,

WILLIAM R U F U S.

Acctflion cf William Rufus Confpiracy againfl the. king

Inva/ion of Normandy The Crufades Ac-

quifition of Normandy Quarrel with Anftlm the

primate Death and char ad er of William Rufus*

CHAP "\X71LLIAM, firnamed Rufus, or the Red, from he
y V V colour of his hair, had no fconer procured his fa-

v _j ther s recommendatory letter to Lanfmnc the primate, than
I0li7 . he haftened to take mcalures for fecuring to himfelf the

.Accetiion government of England. Senfible that a deed fo unformal,
am and fo little P re P ared &amp;gt; which violated Robert s right of
primogeniture, might meet with great opposition, hetruft-
ed entirely for fuccefs to his own celerity ; and having left
St. Gervas, while William was breathing his lail, he ar
rived in England before intelligence of his father s death
had reached that kingdom*. Pretending orders from the
king, he fecured the fortrefles of Dover, Pevenfey, and
Haftings, whofe fituation rendered them of the greatcft im
portance ; and he got poffeffion of the royal treafure at
Winchefter, amounting to the (urn of fixty thoufand
pounds, by which he hoped to encourage and incrcaie his
partilansf. The primate, whpfe rank and reputation in
the kingdom gave him great authority, had been entrufied
with the care of his education, and had conferred on him
the honour of knighthood^; and being connected with him
by thefe ties, and probably deeming his pretenfions juft,
declared that he would pay a willing obedience to the laft

* W. Mftlmer. p. 120. M. Paris, p. 10. f Chron. Sax. p. 102.

Brompton, p. 9^3. ^ W. Malmes. p. 120. M. Paris, p, io.

J horn. Rudboiue, p. 263.

W I L L I A M R U F U S. 213

will of the Conqueror, his friend and benefactor. Having CHAP.
aiTembled fome bilhops, and fome of the principal nobility, V.

he inftantly proceeded (o the ceremony of crowning the &amp;gt;/

new king*; and by this difpatch endeavoured to prevent l 8 7*
all faction and refinance. At the fame time Robert, who
had been already acknowledged iucceilor to Normandy,
took peaceable poflcffion of that dutchy.

BUT though this partition appeared to have been made Confpira-
without any violence or oppofition, there remained in Eng- c ^ aga " lft
laud many caufes of difcontent, which teemed to menace
that kingdom with a fudden revolution. The barons, who
generally poilelTed large eftatesboth in England and in Nor
mandy, were uneafy at the feparat ion of thole territories ; fore-
faw,that as it would be impoflibie for them to prelerve long
their allegiance to two matters, they muft necelTarily refign
either their ancient patrimony or their new acquifitionsf.
Robert s title to the dutchy they efteemed inconteflable ;
his claim to the kingdom plaufihle; and they all defired
that this prince, who alone had any pretentious to unite
thefe ftates, fhould be put in potTeffion of both. A com-
parifon alfo of the perional qualities of the two brother^
led them to give the preference to the elder. The duke
was brave, open, fincere, generous: Even his predomi
nant faults, his extreme indolence and facility, were not
difagreeable to thole haughty barons who affected inde
pendence, and tubmitted with reluctance to a vigorous
adminiftration in their ibvereign. The king, though
equally brave, was violent, haughty, tyrannical, and teem
ed difpofed to govern more by the fear than by the love of
his fubjecls. Odo bifhop of Baieux, and Robert earl of
Mortaigne, maternal brothers of the Conqueror, envying
the great credit of Lanfranc, which was increafed by his
lute tervices, enforced all thefe motives with their parti-
fans, and engaged them in a formal confpiracy to dethrone
the king. They communicated their defign to Euflace
count of Bologne, Roger earl of Shrewftjury and Arun-
del, Robert de Belefme, hiseldeft Ion, William bifhop of
Durham, Robert de Moubray, Roger Bigod, Hugh de
Grentmefnil; and theyeafily procured the aflent of thefe
potent noblemen. The confpirators, retiring to their caf-
tles, haftened to put themtelves in a military pofture; and
expecting to be foon fupportcd by a powerful army from
Normandy, they had already begun hoftilities in many
places.

THE king, fenfible of his perilous fituation, endeavour
ed to engage the affections of the native Engiilh. As that

Hoveden, p. 461. f Order. Vital!?, p, 666.

214 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. peopJe were now fo thoroughly fubdued that they no Ion-
V. ger afpired to the recovery of their ancient liberties, and

* were content with the profpecl of feme mitigation in the

10S 7- tyranny of the Norman princes, they zealouily embraced
William s caufe, upon receiving general promifes of ood
treatment, and of enjoying; the licence of hunting in the
royal forefts. The king was loon in a fituation to take the
field ; and as he knew the danger of delay, he fuddenly
marched into Kent; where his uncles hud already feized
the fortred -s of Pevenfev and Rochefter. Thefe places
he fuccedively reduced by famine ; and though he was
prevailed on by the earl of Chefter, William de Warrenne,
and Robert Fitz Hammon, who had embraced his
caufe, to fpare the lives of the rebels, he confiscated ail
their eftatea, and banifhed them the kingdom*. This fuc-
cefs gave authority to his negociations with Roger earl of
Shre vfbury, whom he detached from the confederates :
And as his powerful fleet, joined to the indolent conduct
of Robert, prevented the arrival of the Norman fuccours,
all the other rebels found no refource but in flight or fub-
midjon. Some of them received a pardon; but the great
er part were attainted ; and the king bertowed their eftates
on the Norman barons, who had remained faithful to
him.

1089. WIILLIAM, freed from the danger of thefe infurreclions,

took littlecare of fulfilling his promifes to the Englifh, who
ftill found themfelres expcfed to the fame oppreffions which
they had undergone during the reign of the Conqueror,
and which were rather augmented by the violent impetuous
temper of the prefent monarch. The death of Lanfranc,
who retained great influence over him, gave foon after a
full career to his tyranny ; and all orders of men found
reafon to complain of an arbitrary and illegal adminiftra-
tion. Even the privileges of the church, held facred in
thole days, were a feeble rampart againft his ufurpations.
He feized the temporalities of all the vacant bifhoprics and
abbies; he delayed the appointing of lucceflbrs to thofe
dignities, that he might the longer enjoy the profits of their
revenue ; he beftowed fome of the church lands in pro
perty on his captains and favourites; and he openly fetto
fale fuch fees and abbies as he thought proper to difpofe of.
Though the murmurs of the ecclefiaftics, which were
quickly propagated to the nation, rofe high againft this
grievance, the terror of William s authority, confirmed by
the fuppreflion of the late infurreftions, retained every

* Chron. Sax. p. 195. Order. Vital, p. 668.

WILLIAM RUFUS. 213

one in fubjection, and preferved general tranquillity in CHAP.
England. V -

THE king even thought himfelf enabled to difturb his - -
brother in the pofleffion of Normandy. The loofe and ; r .va ?onof
negligent adminiftration of that prince had emboldened Normandy,
the Norman barons to afFe&amp;lt;ft a great independency ; and
their mutual quarrels and devaluations had rendered that
whole territory a fcene of violence and outrage. Two of
them, Walter and Odo, were bribed by VV 7 illiam to deliver
the fortrefles of St. Valoriand Albemarlc into his hands?
Others foon after imitated the example of revolt; while Phi
lip, king of France, who ought to have protected his valTal
in the pofleffion of his fief, was, after making feme efforts in
his favour, engaged by large prelents to remain neuter.
The duke had al(o realon to apprehend danger from the
intrigues of his brother Elenry. This young prince, who
had inherited nothing of his father s great poiieffions, but
fome of his money, hid furnifhed Robert, while he was
making his preparations againft England, with the turn of
three thouland marks ; and, in return for fo llender a fup-
ply, had been put in poffeffion of the Cotentin, which
comprehended x near a third of the dutchy of Normandy.
Robert afterwards, upon fome fufpicion, threw him into
prifon; but finding himlelf cxpofed to invafion from the
king of England, and dre.iding the conjunction of the
two brothers a gai nil him, he now gave Henry his liberty,
and even made ufe of his affiftafice in fupprefling the in-
furrections of his rebellious fubjedls. Conan, a rih bur-
gefsof Rouen, had entered into a conspiracy to deliver
that city to William; but Henry, on the detection of his
guilt, carried the traitor up to a high tower, and with his
own hands flung him from the battlements.

THE king appeared in Novnaandy at the head of an
army ; and affairs feemed to have come to extremity be
tween the brothers; when the nobility on both fides,
ftrongly connected by intereft and alliances, interpofcd
and mediated an accommodation. The chief advantage
of this treaty accrued to William, who obtained poflefii-
onof the territory of Eu, the towns of Aumalc, Fefcamp,
and other places: But in return he promiled that he would
aiM his bio her in fubduing Maine, which had rebelled;
and that the Xorman barons, attainted in Robert s caufc,
fhould be reftored to their eftates in England. The two
brothers alfo ftipulated, that on the demife of either with
out iffue, the furvivor fhoiild inherit all his dominions ;
and twelve of the moft powerful barons on each fide fwore,
that they would employ their power to infurc theeflct^ual

ai6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, execution of the whole treaty * : A ftrong proof of the
V great independence and authority of the nobles in thofe

^-j-^ ages!

PRINCE Henry, difgufted that fo little care had been
taken of hisinterefts in this accommodation, retired to St.
Michael s Mount, a ftrong fortrefs on the coaft of Norman
dy, and infefied the neighbourhood with his incurfions.
Robertand Wiiliam, with their joint forces, befieged him
in this place, and had nearly reduced him by the
fcarcity of water ; when the elder, hearing of his dif-
trefs, granted him permiffion to fupply himfelf, arid alfo
fent him fome pipes of wine for his own table. Being re
proved by William for this ill-timed gencrofity, he repli
ed, What,Jhall IJuffer my brother to die of thirfl ? Where
JJiall zue find another when he is gone ? The king alfo, du
ring this liege, performed an a6t of generofity which was
lefsfuitable to his character. Riding out one day alone,
to take a furvey of the fortrefs, he was attacked by two fol-
diers and dismounted. One of them drew his fword in
order to difpatch him; when the king exclaimed, Hold,
knave! 1 am the king of England. The foldier lufpended
his blow; and raifing the king from the ground, with ex-
preffions of refpett, received a handfome reward, and was
taken into his lervice. Prince Henry was foon after oblig
ed to capitulate; and being defpoiled of all his patrimony,
wandered about for fome time with very few attendants, and
often in great poverty.

Jogl. ^p, * A* IT i 11

1 HE continued inteltme dncord among the barons was
alone in that age deftruCtive : The public wars were com
monly Ihort and feeble, produced little bloodfhed, and
were attended with no memorable event. To this Norman
war, which was fo foon concluded, there fucceeded hofti-
lities with Scotland, which were not of longer duration.
Robert here commanded his brother s army, and obliged
1*93. Malcolm toacceptof peace, and do homage to the crown of
England. This peace was not more durable. Malcolm,
two years after, levying an army, invaded England; and
after ravaging Northumberland, he laid fiege to Alnwic,
where a party of earl Moubray s troops failing upon him
byfurprile, a fharp action enfued, in which Malcolm was
ilain. This incident interrupted for fome years the regu
lar fucceflion to the Scotiilh crown. Though Malcolm
left legitimate fons, his brother Donald, on account of the
youth of thefe princes, was advanced to the throne: but
kept no long pofleflion of it. Duncan, natural fon of

* Chron. Sax. p. 197. W. Malm. p. 121. Hoveden, p. 462. M. Paris,
|&amp;gt;. n. Anna!. Waverl. p. 137. W. Heming. p. 463. Sim. Dunelm. j&amp;gt;,
9 1 6. Brompton, p. 986.

W I L L I A i\l R U F U S. 217

Malcolm, formed a con fpi racy againft him; and being C H A P.
allirted by William with a fmall force, made himielf mafter V.

of the kingdom. New broils enlued with Normady. The v

frank, open, remifs temper of Robert was ill fitted to 109j-
withftand the interefted rapacious character of William,
who, iupported by greater power, was ftill encroaching on
his brother s potreffions, and instigating his turbulent ba
rons to rebellion againll him. 1 he king, having gone 1094.
over to Normandy to fupport his partifans, ordered an army
of twenty thoufand men to be levied in England, and to
be conducted to the fea-coaft, as if they were inftantly to
be embarked. Here Ralph Flambard, the king s minifter,
and the chief inftrument of his extortions, exacted ten
fhillings a-piece from them, in lieu of their fervice, and
then difmiffed them into their fever jl counties. This mo
ney was fofkilfully employed by William, that it rendered
him better fervice than he could have expected from the
army. He engaged the French king by new prefents to
depart from the protection of Robert; and he daily bribed
the Norman barons todeiert his fervice: But was prevented
from pufhing his advantages by an incurfion of the Welfli,
which obliged him to return to England. He found no
difficulty in repelling the enemy; but was not able to make
any considerable impreffion on a country guarded by its 10 95-
mountainous fituation. A confpiracy of his own barons,
which was detected at this time, appeared a more ferious
concern, and engrofTed all his attention. Kobert Mou-
bray, eafl of Northumberland, w^s at the head of this
combination ; and he engaged in it the count d lu, Richard
de Tunbridge, Roger de Lacey, and many others. The
purpofe of the conspirators was to dethrone the king, and
to advance in his (lead Stephen, count of Aumale, nephew
to the Conqueror. William s dilpatch prevented the de-
fign from taking effect, and difconcerted the conlpirators.
Moubray made Tome refinance ; but being taken prifoner,
was attainted, and thrown into confinement, where he died I0 9 C -
about thirty years after. The count d Eu denied his con
currence in the plot ; and to juftify himfelf fought, in the
prefencc of the court at Windfor, a duel with Geoffrey
Bainard who acruled him. But being worfted in the com
bat, be was condemned to be caftrated, and to have his
eyes put out. William de Alderi, another confpirator, was
fuppoied to be treated with more rigour when he was ien-
tenced to bo hanged.

BUT the nolle of thefe petty wars and commotions was T rtl &amp;gt;
quite funk in the tumult of the crufadcs, which now en- :
grafted the attention of Europe, and have ever fince en
gaged the curiofity of mankind, as the molt fignaland moit
VOL. I. F f

2i8 H ISTOR Y OF ENGL A N D.

CHAP, durable monument of human folly that has yet appeared
V. in any age or nation. After Mahomet had, by means of

* &amp;gt;. his pretended revelations, united the difperfed Arabians

1006. under one head, they iffued forth from their deferts in great
multitudes; and being animated with zeal for their new
religion, and lupported by the vigour of their new govern
ment, they made deep imprefnon on the eaftern empire,
which was far in the decline, with regard both to military
discipline and to civil policy. Jeruialem, by its (motion,
became one of their mod early cotiquefts; and the Cbrifli-
anshad the mortification to fee the holy fepuli-hre, and the
other places, cpnfecrated by the prefence of their religious
founder, fallen into the poffeffion of infidels. But the
Arabians or Saracens were fo employed in military enter-
prifes, by which they fpread their empire in a few years
from the banks of the Ganges to the Streightsof Gibraltar,
that they had no leifure for theological controverly : Aiid
though the Alcoran, the original monument of their faith,
feems to contain fome violent precepts, they were much
lels infected with the Ipirit of bigotry and perfecution,
than the indolent and fpeculative Greeks, TV ho were con
tinually refining on the feveral articles of their religious
fyfiem. They gave little difturbance to thofe zealous pil
grims, who daily flocked to Terufalem; and they allowed
every man, after paying a moderate tribiite, to vifit the
holy fepulchre, to perform his religious duties, and to re
turn in peace. But the Turcomans or Turks, a tribe of
Tartars, who had embraced Mahomclanifm, having wref-
ted Syiia from the Saracens, and having in the year 1065
made themfelvcs mafters of Jerusalem, rendered the pil
grimage much more difficult arid dangerous to the Chrilti-
ans. The barbarity of their manners, and the confufions
attending their um ettled government, expofed the pilgrims
to many infults, robberies, and extortions; and thele zea
lots, returning from their meritorious fatigues and fufier-
ings, filled all Chrifrendom with indignation again ft the
infidels, who profaned the holy city by their prefence, and
derided the fa red myfteries in the very place of their
completion. Gregory Vll. among the other vaft ideas
which he entertained, had formed the defign of uniting ail
the weflcrn Chriftians againft the Mahometans ; but the
egregiousand violent invafionsof that pontiff on the civil
power of princes, had treated him fo many enemies, and
had rendered his fehemcs fo fufpicious, that he was notable
to make great progrefs in this undertaking. The work
wasreferved for a meaner inflrument, whole low conditi
on in life expofed him to no jealouly, and whofe folly was

W I L L I A M R U F U S. 219

well calculated to coincide with the prevailing principles CHAP,
of the times. V.

PETER, commonly called the Hermit, a native of Ami- N / J

ens in Picardy, had made the pilgrimage to Jerufalem. ic ^ *
Being deeply affected with the dangers to which that act
of piety now expoled the pilgrims, as well as with the in-
ftances of oppredion under which the eafiern Chriltians
laboured, he entertained the bold, and in ail appearance
impracticable project of leading into Afia, from the fartheft
extremities of the Weft, armies fufficient to fubdue thofe
potent and warlike nations which now held the holy city
in fubjection*. He propofed his views to Martin II. who
filled the papal chair, and who, though fenfible of the ad
vantages which the head of the Chriflian religion mud reap
from a religious war, and though he efteemed the blind
zeal of Peter a proper means for effecting the purpofef,
rclolved not to interpofe his authority, till he faw a greater
probability of fuccefs. He fummoned a council at Pla-
centia, which confided of four thoufand ecclefiaftics, and
thirty thoufand feculars ; and which was fo numerous that
no hall could contain the multitude, and it was neccffary
to hold the atTembly in a plain. The harangues of the
Pope, and of Peter himfelf, representing the difmal fitu-
ation of their brethren in the eaft, and the indignity fuf-
fered by the Chriftian name, in allowing the holy city to
remain in the hands of infidels, here found the minds of
men fo well prepared, that the whole multitude fuddenly
and violently declared for the war, and folemnly devoted
themfelves to perform this fervice, fo meritorious as they
believed it to God and religion.

BUT though Italy feemed thus to have zealoufly embra
ced tiic enterprife, Martin knew, that, in order to infurc
fuccefs, it was neceflary toenlift the greater and more war
like nations in the fame engagement ; and having previ-
oufly exhorted Peter to vifit the chief cities and fovereigns
of Chriflendom, he fummoned another council at Cler-
mont in Auvergnc|. The fame of this great and pious de-
fign, being now univerfally difr ufed, procured the atten
dance of the greateft prelates, nobles, and princes ; and
when the pope and the hermit renewed their pathetic ex
hortations, the whole afJTembly, as if impelled by an im
mediate irifpiration, not moved by their preceding impref-
fions, exclaimed with one voice, // is the will of God, It
is the will of God ! Words deemed io memorable, and fo

* Gul. Tyrius, lib. i. cap. 11. M. Paris, p. 17.

t Gul. Tyrius, lib. J. cap. 13.

J Concil. torn. x. Cor.cil.Cidioin. Ma .th. Pans, p. 16. \I- Weft. p. 3.^3.

220 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, much the refultof a divine influence, that they were em-
V. ployed as the fignal of rendezvous and battle in all the

v future exploits of thole adventurers*. Men of all ranks

1096. flew to arms with the utmcft ardour ; and an exterior fym-
bol too, a circumftance of chief moment, was here choferi
by the devoted combatants. The fign of the crofs, which
had been hitherto io much revered among Chriftians, and
which, the more it was an object of reproach among the
Pagan world, was the more pafiionately cherilhed by them,
became the badge of union, and was affixed to their right
fhoulder, by all who enlifted themfelves in this facred war
fare f.

EUROPE was at this time funk into profound ignorance
and iuperflition: The ecclefiattics had acquired the great-
eft aicendant over the human mind: The people, who&amp;gt;
being little retrained by honour, and lefs by law, aban
doned themfelves to the worft crimes and diiorders, knew
of no other expiation than the obfervances impofed on
them by their fpiritual paftors : And it was eafy to repre-
fent the holy war as an equivalent for all penances J, and
an atonement for every violation of juftice and humanity.
But, amidft the abject fuperftition which now prevailed,
the military fpirit alio had univerfally dirFufed itfelf ; and
though not fupported by art or difcipline, was become the
general paffion of the nations governed by the feudal law.
All the great Jords potTeffed the right of peace and war :
They were engaged in perpetual hoftilities with each
other : The open country was become a fcene of outrage
and diforder : The cities, ftill mean and poor, were neither
guarded by walls nor protected by privileges, and were
expoled to every intuit : Individuals were obliged to de
pend for fafety on their own force, or their private allian
ces: And valour was the only excellence which was held
in efteem, or gave one man the pre-eminence above ano
ther. When all the particular luperftitions, therefore,
were here united in one great objedt., the ardour for mili
tary enterprises took the fame direction ; and Europe, im
pelled by its two ruling paffions, was loofened, as it were,
from its foundations, and feemed to precipitate itfelf in one
united body upon the eaft.

ALL orders of men, deeming the crufades the only road
to heaven, enlifled themfelves under thefe facred banners,
and were impatient to open the way with their fword to
(he holy city. Nobles, artifans, peafants, even piiefisll,
inrolled their names ; and to decline this meritorious ier-

* Hiftoria Bell. Sacri, torn. i. Mufasi Ital.

f Hift. Bell. Sacri, torn. i. Muf. Ital, Order. Vital, p. 721.

4 OidtT, Viui. p. 720, || Ibid.

WILLIAM RUFUS. 221

vice was branded with the reproach of impiety, or what CHAP,
perhaps was efteemed ftill more difgraceful, of cowardice V.

and pufillanimity*. The infirm and aged contributed to * ,

the expedition by prefents and money ; and many of them, I0 9 6
not fatisfied with the merit of this atonement, attended it
in perfon, and were determined, if poffiblc, to breathe
their laft in fight of that city where their Saviour had died
for them. Women themfelves, concealing their fex under
the difguife of armour, attended the camp ; and commonly
forgot ftill more the duty of the fex, by profiituting them
felves, without refervc, to the armyf. The greateft cri
minals were forward in a fervice, which they regarded
as a propitiation for all crimes; and the moft enormous
diforders were, during the courfe of thofe expeditions,
committed by men enured to wickednefs, encouraged by
example, and impelled by necefiity. The multitude of
the adventurers foon became fo great, that their more faga-
cious leaders, Hugh count of Vermandois, brother to the
French king, Raymond count of Touloufe, Godfrey of
Bouillon prince of Brabant, and Stephen count of BloisJ,
became apprehenfive left the greatnefs itfelf of the arma
ment {hould difappoint its purpofe; and they permitted an
undifciplined multitude, computed at 300,000 men, to go
before them, under the command of Peter the Hermit and
Walter the Money lefs||. Thefe men took the road to
wards Conftantinople through Hungary and Bulgaria ;
and trufting that Heaven, by fupernatural afliftance, would
fupply all their neceflities, they made no provifion forfub-
fiftence on their march. They foon found themfelvea
obliged to obtain by plunder, what they had vainly expec
ted from miracles; and the enraged inhabitants of the coun
tries through which they palled, gathering together in
arms, attacked the diforderly multitude, and put them to
(laughter without refiftance. The more difciplined armies
followed after; and pafllng the ftreights at Conftantinople,
they were muftered in the plains of Alia, and amounted
in the whole to the number of 700,000 combatants**.

AMIDST this univerfal frenzy, which fpread itfelf by
contagion throughout Europe, efpecially in France and
Germany, men were not entirely forgetful of their prefent
interefts; and both thofe who went on this expedition, and
thofe who ftayed behind, entertained fchcmes of gratify
ing, by its means, their avarice or their ambition. The
nobles who enlifted themfelves were moved, from the ro
mantic fpiritof the age, to hope for opulent eftablifhments

* \V. Malm. p. 133. t Vertot Hift. de Chev. de Malte, vol. I.

p. 46. + Sim. Dunelra. p. 22e. [j Matth. Paris, p- 17*

** Mauh. Paris, p. 20, 21.

*22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, in the eaft, the chief feat of arts ?nd commerce during
V. thofe ages ; and in purfuit of thefe chimerical projects ,
v ^ they fold at the loweft price their ancient caftles and in
heritances, which had now loft all value in their eyes.
The greater princes, who remained at home, befides efta-
blifliing peace in their dominions by giving occupation
abroad to the inquietude and martial difpofition of their
fubjecls, took the opportunity of annexing to their crown
many confiderable fiefs, either by purchafe, or by the ex
tinction of heirs. The pope frequently turned the zeal
of the crufades from the infidels againft his own enemies
whom he reprefented as equally criminal with the enemies
of Chrift. The convents and other religious focieties
bought the pofleflions of the adventurers; and as the con
tributions of the faithful were commonly entrufted to their
management, they often diverted to this purpofe what was
intended to be employed againft the infidels*. But no
one was a more immediate gainer by this epidemic fury
than the king of England, who kept aloof from all con
nexions with thofe fanatical and romantic warriors.
Acquifition ROBERT duke of Normandy, impelled by the bravery
of Mannn- an( j rn jf} a k en generofity of his fpirit, had early enlifted
himfelf in the crufade ; but being always unprovided with
money, he found that it would be impracticable for him to
appear in a manner fuitable to his rank and fiation at the
head of his numerous vaflals and fubjedts, who, tranfport-
ed with the general rage, were determined to follow him
inlo Afia. He refolved, therefore, to mortage, or rather
to fell his dominions, which he had not talents to govern ;
and he offered them to his brother William, for the very
unequal fum of ten thouland marks f. The bargain was
foon concluded : The king railed the money by violent
extortions on his (ubjedts of all ranks, even on the con
vents, who were obliged to melt their plate in order to
furnUh the qjota demanded of themj: He was put in pof-
felfion of Normandy and Maine, and Robert, providing
himfelf with a magnificent train, fet out for the Holy Land,
in purfuit of glory, and in full confidence of fecuring his
eternal lalvation.

THE fmallnefsof this fum, with the difficulties which
William found in railing it, fuffices alone to refute the ac
count which is heedlefsly adopted by hiftorians, of the en
ormous revenue of the Conqueror. Is it credible, that

* Padre Paolo Hift. delle benef. ecclefiaft. p. 128.

f W. Malm. p. 123. Chron. T. Wvkes, p. 24. Annal. Waverl. p. 139.
W. Heining. p. 467. Flor. Wig. p. 648. Sim. Dunelm. p. 222. Knygh-
fon, p. 2j j4

t Eadmer. p. 35. W. Malm. p. 123. \V. Hemlng. p. 467.

W I L L I A M R U F U S. 223

Robert would confign to the rapacious hands of his brother CHAP,
fuch confiderable dominions, for a fum, which, according Y
to that account, made not a week s income of his father s v "
Englifh revenue alone? Or that the king of England could
not on demand, without oppreffing his fubjects, have been
able to pay him the money ? The Conqueror, it is agreed,
was frugal as well as rapacious; yet his treafire, at his
death exceeded not 60,000 pounds, which hardly amount
ed to his income for two months: Another certain refuta
tion of that exaggerated account.

THE fury of the crufades, during this age, lefs infefled
England than the neighbouring kingdoms ; probably be-
cauie the Norman conquerors, finding their lettlement in
that kingdom fliil lomewhat precarious, durft not abandon
their homes in queft of dirtant adventures. The felfifh
interefted Ipirit alfo of the king, which kept him from kin
dling in the general flame, checked its progrefs among his
fubje&s ; and as he is accufedof open profanenefs*, and was
endued with a fharpwitf, it is likely that he made the ro
mantic chivalry of the crufaders the object of his perpetual
raillery. As an infbnce of his irreligion, we are told,
that he once accepted of fixty marks from a Jew,whofe
Ton had been converted to Chriftianity, and who engaged
him by that prefent to affift him in bringing back the youth
to Judaiirn. William employed both menaces and perfua-
fion for that purpofe ; but finding the convert obftinate in
his new faith, he lent for the father and told him, th.it as
he had not fucceedcd, it was not juft that he Ihould keep
the prefent ; but as he had done his utmoft, it was but equi
table that he fhould be paid for his pains ; and he would
therefore retain only thirty marks of the moneyj. At
another time, it is faid, he fent .for fome learned Chriftian
theologians and fome rabbles, and bade them fjirlv difpute
the queftion of their religion in his prefence : He was per
fectly indifferent between them; had his ears open to rea-
lon and convic/tion; and would embrace that doctrine
which upon comparifon fhould be found fupported by the
nioft folid arguments ||. If this (lory be true, it is probable
that he meant only to amufe himfelf by turning both into
ridicule : But we muft be cautious of admitting every thing
related by the monkilh hiftoiiansto the difadvantage of this
prince: He had the misfortune to be engaged in quarrels
with the ecclefiaftics, particularly with Anielm, commonly
called St. Anielm, archbifhop of Canterbury ; and it is

* G. Nev.br. p. 358. \V. Gemet. p. 292. | W. Malm. p. 122.

i Eadmer, p. 47. |j \V. Malm. p. I2j.

224 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, no wonder his memory fhould be blackened by the hiftori-
V. ans of that order.

x x AFTER the death of Lanfranc, the king for feveral years

icq6. retained in his own hands the revenues of Canterbury, as
^"An- hedid thole of many other vacant bifhoprics; but falling
felm, the info a dangerous ficknefs, he was feized with remorfe,and
primate. j^g c l er gy reprefented to him, that he wa^ in danger of
eternal perdition, if before his death he did not make
atonement for thofe multiplied impieties and facrileges, of
which he had been guilty*. He refolved therefore to fup-
pty inftantly the vacancy of Canterbury; and for that pur-
pofe he fent for Anfelm, a Piedmontefe by birth, abbot of
Bee in Normandy, who was much celebrated for his learn
ing and piety. The abbot earneftly refufed the dignity,
fell on his knees, wept, and entreated the king to change
his purpofef ; and when he found the prince obftinate in
forcing the paftoral ftafF upon him, he kept his fifi fo faft
clenched, that it required the utmoft violence ot the byftan-
ders to open it, and force him to receive that enfign of
fpiritual dignity!- William foon after recovered ; and
his paffions regaining their wonted vigour, he returned to
his former violence and rapine. He detained in prifon
leveral perfons whom he had ordered to be freed during
the time of his penitence; he ftiil preyed upon the eccle-
fiaftical benefices; the fale of fpiritual dignities continued
as open as ever ; and he kept poffeffion of a confiderable part
of the revenues belonging to the fee of Canterburyll. But
he found in Anfeim that perfevering oppofition, which he
had reafon to expect from the oftentatious humility which
that prelate had difplayed in refufing his promotion.

THE oppofition made by Anfelm was the more dange
rous on account of the crura&er of piety which he foon
acquired in England, by his great zeal againft all abiifes,
particularly thofe in drefs and ornament. There was a
mode, which, in that age, prevailed throughout Europe,
botli among men and women, to give an enormous length
to their, fhoes, to draw the toe to a fharp point, and to affix
to it the figure of a bird s bill, or fome fuch ornament,
which was turned upwards, and which was often fuftained
by gold or filver chains tied to the knee* *. The eccle-
fiaflics took exception at this ornament, which, they fa id,
wasan attempt to bely the Scripture, where it is affirmed,

* Eadmer, p. 16. Chron, Sax. p. 198. f F.admer, p. 17.

Diccto, p. 404. $ Eadmer, p. 18. \\ Eadmer, p. 19. 43.

Chion. .Sax. p. 199. * * Order. Vital, p. 682. VV. Malmef. p. 123.
Knyghton, p. 2369.

W I L L I A M R U F U S. 225

that no man can add a cubit to his ftature ; and they de- CHAP,
claimed againft it with great vehemence, nay aflembled V.

fomefynods, who abiolutely condemned it. But, iuch are v &amp;gt;&amp;gt;

the ftrange contradictions in human nature ! though the 10 9 6&amp;gt;
clergy, at that time, could overturn thrones, and had au
thority fufficient to fend above a million of men on their
errand to the deferts of Afia, they could never prevail
againft thefe long-pointed fhoes: On the contrary, that
caprice, contrary to all other modes, maintained its ground
during feveral centuries; and if the clergy had not at laft
defifled from their pertecution of it, it might ftill have been
the prevailing fafhion in Europe.

Bur Anfelm was more fortunate in decrying the parti
cular mode which was the object of hisaverfion, and which
probably had not taken fuch fad hold of the affections of
the people. He preached zealoufly againfl the long hair
and curled locks which were then fafiiionable among the
courtiers; he refuted the alhes on Afh Wednefday to thole
who were fo accoutred ; and his authority and eloquence
had iuch influence, that the young men univerfally aban
doned that ornament, and appeared in the cropt hair, which
was recommended to them by the fermons of the primate.
The noted hiftorianof Anfelm, who was alfo his compani
on and fecretary, celebrates highly the effort of his zeal
and piety*.

WHEN William s profanenefs therefore returned to him
with his health, he was loon engaged in controverfies with
this auftere prelate. There was at that time a fchifm in
the church between Urban and Clement, who both pre
tended to the papacyf; and Anfelm, who, as abbot of
Bee, had already acknowledged the former, was determi
ned, without the king s confent, to introduce his autho
rity into England^. William, who, imitating his father s
example, had prohibited his fubje&sfrom recognizing any
pope whom he had not previoully received, was enraged
at this attempt ; and fummoned a fynod at Rockingham,
with an intention of depofmg Anfelm : But the prelate s
iuffragans declared, that, without the papal authority, they
knew of no expedient for inflicting that punifhment on
their primate !|. The king was at lafi engaged by other
motives to give the preference to Urban s title ; Anfelm,
received the pall from that pontiff; and matters feemed to
be accommodated between the king and the primate**,
when the quarrel broke out afrefh from a new caufe. Wil-
VOL. 1. Gg

* Eadmer. p. 23, f Hoveden, p. 463. JEafimer,

p. 20. M. Paris, j . 13, Diceto, p. 494. Spelm. Cepc. vol. ii. p. 16. -
.nrr, p. 30. * Diceto, p. 495.

226 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, liam had undertaken an expedition againft Wales, and re-
V. quired the archbifhop to furnifh his ^quota of foldiers for
that fervice ; but Anfelm, who regarded the demand as
an oppreffion on the church, and yet durft not refufe com
pliance, fent them fo miferably accoutred, that the king
was extremely difpleafed, and threatened him with a pro-
fecution*. Anfelm, on the other hand, demanded pofi-
tively that all the revenues of his fee (hould be reftored to
him ; appealed to Rome againft the king s injufticef ; and
affairs came to fuch extremities, that the primate, finding
it dangerous to remain in the kingdom, defired and obtain
ed the king s pertniflion to retire beyond fea. All his tem
poralities weie feixedj; but he was received with great
refpect by Urban, who confidered him as a martyr in the
caufeof religion, and even menaced the king, on account
of his proceedings againft the primate and the church, with
the lenience of excommunication. Anfelm affifted at the
council of Bari, where, befides fixing the controverfy be
tween the Greek and Latin churches concerning the pro-
ceflion of the Holy Ghcft||, the right of election to church
preferments was declared to belong to the clergy alone, and
fpiritual ceniures were denounced againft all ecclefiaftics
who did homage to laymen for their fees or benefices, and
againft all laymen who exacted it* *. The rite of homage,
by the feudal cuftoms, was, that the vaflal fhould throw
himfclf on his knees, fhould put his joined hands between
thole of his fuperior, and fhould in that pofture Avear feal
ty tohimff. But the council declared it execrable, that
pure hands, which could create God, and could offer him
up as a facnfice for the falvation of mankind, Ihould be
put, after this humiliating manner, between profane hands
which, befides being inured to rapine and bloodfhed, were
employed day and night in impure purpofes and obfcene
tontadsjj. Such were the reafonings prevalent in that
age; reafonings which, though they cannot be parted over
in filence, without omitting the tnoft curious, and, per
haps, not the leaft inftruclive part of hiftory, can fcarcely
be delivered with the requifite decency and gravity.

THE cedion of Normandy and Maine by duke Robert
increafed the king s territories; but brought him no great
increafe of power, becaufe of the unfettled ftate of fhofe
countries, the mutinous difpofition of the barons, and the
vicinity of the French king, who fupported them in all

* Eadmer, p. 37. 43. f Ibid. p. 40. + M. Paris, p. ij.

Parker, p. 17?. || Eadmer, p. 49. M. Paris, p. 13. Sim. Dun.

p. 244- ** M. Paris, p. 14. ft Speiman, Du Cange.

in verb. Homagium., +t W. Heming, p. 467. Flor. Wigorn. p.

(49. Sim, Dunelm. p. 224. Erompton, p. 994.

WILLIAM RUFUS.

227

their infurreftions. Even Helic, lord of la Fleche,a fmall C H A P.
town in Anjou, was able to give him inquietude; and this V.

great monarch was obliged to make leveral expeditions ^ v

abroad, without being able to prevail over fo petty a baron, I0 97-
who had acquired the confidence and affections of the in
habitants of Maine. He was, however, fo fortunate, as
at lafl to take him prifoner in a rencounter ; but having re-
leafed him, at the interceffion of the French king and the
count of Anjou, he found the province of Maine ftill ex-
pofed to his intrigues and incurfions. Helie, being intro
duced by the citizens into the town of Mans, befieged the
garrifon in the citadel : William, who was hunting In the
new foreft, when he received intelligence of this hoftile
attempt, was fo provoked, that he immediately turned his I0g9f
horie, and galloped to the fea-fhore at Dartmouth ; declar
ing, th.it he would not ftop a moment till he had taken ven
geance for the offence. He found the weather lo cloudy
and tempeftuous, that the mariners thought it dangerous to
put to lea : But the king hurried on board, and ordered
them to fet fail inftantly ; telling them, that they never yet
heard of a king that was drowned*. By this vigour and
celerity, he delivered the citadel of Mans from its prefent
danger, and purfuing Helie into his own territories, he laid
fiege to Majol, a fmall caftle in thofe parts: But a wound,
which he received before this place, obliged him to raife
the fiege; and he returned to England.

THE weaknefs of the greatelt monarchs, during this
age, in their military expeditions againft their neareft
neighbours, appears the more furpriling, when we confi-
der the prodigious numbers, which even petty princes,
leconding the enthufiaftic rage of the people, were able
toaiTemble, and to conduct in dangerous enterprifes to the
remote provinces of Afia. William, earl of Poitiers and
duke of Guienne, inflamed with the glory, and not difcou-
raged by the misfortunes, which had attended the former
adventurers in the crufades, had puthimfelf at the head of
an immenfe multitude, computed by fome hiftorians to
amount to 60,000 horfe, and a much greater number of
footf, and he ptirpoled to lead them into the Holy Land
agaiuft the infidels. He wanted money to forward the pre-*
parations requifite for this expedition, and he offered to
mortgage all his dominions to William, without entertain
ing any fcruple on account of that rapacious and iniqui-s
tons hand, to which he refolved to confign them J. The
king accepted trie offer; and had prepared a fleet and an

* W. M^lin. p, 12.]. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 36. Ypo l. \euft,
p. 44?. t Vv - Malm. p. 140. 1 IR - !&amp;gt;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;;r;k i Yual,

! 7^9&amp;gt; to amoun to 300,000 men. J U . M&amp;lt;iiiii-f. p. 127.

228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, anriy. in order to efcort the money, and take poffeflion
V- of the rich provinces of Guienne and Poictou ; when an
accident put an end to his life, and to all his ambitious pro
jects, lie was engaged in hunting, the fole amufement
and indeed the chief occupation of princes in thele rude
times, when fociety was little cultivated, and the arts af
forded few objects worthy of attention. Walter Tyrrel,
a French gentleman, remarkable for his addrefs in archery,
a tended him in this recreation of which the new foreft
was the fcene ; and as William had diimounted after a
chafe, Tyrrel, impatient to fhow his dexterity, let fly an
arrow at a ftag, which fuddenly ftarted before him. The
arrow, glancing from a tree, ftruck the king in the breaft,
and inftantly Hew him*; while Tyrrel, without informing
Death any one of the accident, put fpurs to his horfe, haftened to
the fea fhore, embarked for France, and joined the crufade
in an expedition to Jerufalem ; a penance which he impofed
on himfelf for this involuntary crime. The body of Wil
liam was found in the forefi 1 by the country-people, and
was buried without any pomp or ceremony at Winchefter.
His courtiers were negligent in performing the laft duties
to a mafter who was fo little beloved ; and every one was
too much occupied in the interefting object of fixing his
fucceffor, to attend the funeral of a dead lovereign.

THE memory of this monarch is tranfmitted to us with

ladet rf little advantage by the churchmen, whom he had offended ;

William and though we may fufpect, in general, that their account

Rums. o f his vices is fouiewhat exaggerated, his conduct affords
little reafon for eontradiftingthe character which they have
afligned him, or for attributing to him any very eftimable
qualities. He feems to have been a violent and tyrannical
prince; a perfidious, encroaching, and dangerous neigh
bour; an unkind and ungenerous relation. He was equally
prodigal and rapacious in the management of his treaiury ;
and if he poflefled abilities, he lay io much under the go
vernment of impetuous paflions, that he made little ufe of
them in his :idminiftration ; and he indulged, without re-
ferve, that domineering policy which fuited his temper,
and which, if fupported, as it was in him, with courage
and vigour, proves often more luccefsful in dilorderly
times, than the dcepeft forefight and moft refined artifice.
The monuments which remain of this prince in Eng
land, are the Tower, Weft minder- hall, and London-
bridge, which he built. The moft laudable foreign en-
terprife which he undertook, was the fending of Edgar

* W. Ma .m. p. 126. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 37. Petr. Blefs.
p. no.

W I L L I A M R U F U S. 229

Atheling three years before his death, into Scotland with CHAP,
a fmall army, to reftore prince Edgar, the true heir of that V.

kingdom, fon of Malcolm, and of Margaret, filler of Ed- * ^

gar Atheling; and the enterprife proved fuccefsful. It IIO *
was remarked in that age, that Richard, an elder brother
of William s, perifhed by an accident in the new foreft j
Richard, his nephew, natural fon of duke Robert, loft his
life in the fame place, after the fame manner : And all
men upon the king s fate, exclaimed, that, as the Conque
ror had been guiltv of extreme violence, in expelling all
the inhabitants of that large dittrict to make room for his
game, the juft vengeance of heaven was fignalized, in the
fame place, by the Daughter of his poflerity. William
was killed in the thirteenth year of his reign, and about
the fortieth of his age. As he was never married, he left
no legitimate iflue.

IN the eleventh year of their reign, Magnus, king of
Norway, made a defcent on the ifle of Anglefea ; but was
repulfed by Hugh, earl of Shrewfbury. This is the lafl
attempt made by the northern nations upon England. That
reftlefs people feem about this time to have learned the
praftice of tillage, which thenceforth kept them at home,
and freed the other nations of Europe from the devaflations
fpread over them by thofe piratical invaders. This proved
one great caufe of the fubfequent fettlement and improve
ment of the fouthern nations.

C H A P. VL

HENRY I.

The Cnifadef AcceJJion of Henry Marriage of the

king Invajion by duke Robert Accommodation

zoith Robert Attack of Normandy Conqueft of

Normandy Continuation of the quarrel with Anfelm*

the primate Compromise with him Wars abroad

Death of prince William King s fecond marri
age Death and character of Henry*

r H A P A FTER the adventurers in the holy war were afTem-
VI X bled on the banks of the Bofphotus,oppofite to Con-

ftantinople, they proceeded on their enterprife ; but im
mediately experienced thofe difficulties which their zeal
had hitherto concealed from them, and for which, even if
they had forefeen them, it would have beenalmoft impof-
fible to provide a remedy. The Greek emperor, Alexis
Coinnenus, who had applied to the Weftern Chriftians
for fuccour againft the Turks, entertained hopes, and thofe
but feeble ones, of obtaining fuch a moderate fupply, as,
ailing under his command, might enable him to repulfe
the enemy : But he was extremely aftonifhed to fee his
dominions overwhelmed, on a fudden,by fuchan inunda
tion ot licentious barbarians, who, though they pretended
friendfhip, defpifed his fubjecls as unwarlike and dctefled
them as heretical. By all the arts of policy, in which he
excelled, he endeavoured to divert the torrent ; but while
he employed profeffions, careffes, civilities, and feerning
Cervices towards the leaders of the crufade, he lecretly re
garded thofe imperious allies as more dangerous than the
open enemies by whom his empire had been formerly inva
ded. Having effected that difficult point of difembarking

HENRY I. 231

them fafely in Afia, he entered into a private correfpon- CHAP,
dence wilh Soliman, emperor of the Turks ; and pra&ifed VI.

every infidious art, which his genius, his power, or his v -*

fituation enabled him to employ, for difappomting the en-
terprife, and difcouraging the Latins from making thence
forward any fuch prodigious migrations. His dangerous
policy wa&amp;gt; feconded by the diforders infeparable from fo
vaft a multitude, who were not united under one head, and
were conducted by leaders of the moft independent intrac
table fpirit, unacquainted with military difcipline, and de
termined enemies to civil authority and lubmiffion. The
fcarcity of provifions, the excefles of fatigue, the influence
of unknown climates, joined to the want of concert in
their operations, and to the iword of a warlike enemy, de-
ftroyedthe adventurersby thoufands,and would haveabated
the ardour of men impelled to war by lefs powerful motives.
Their zeal however, their bravery, and their irrefiftible
force ftill carried them forward, and continually advanced
them to the great end of their enterprife. After an obfli-
nate fiege, they took Nice, the feat of the Turkilh em
pire; they defeated Soliman in two great battles; they
made themfelves mafiers of Antioch; and entirely broke
the force of the Turks, who had to long retained thofc
countries in fubjedtion. The foldan of Egypt, whofe al
liance they had hitherto courted, recovered, on the fall of
the Turkifh power, his former authority in Jerufalem ; and
he informed them by his ambaffadors, that if they came
difarmed to that city, they might now perform their reli
gious vows, and that all Chriftian pilgrims, who fliould
thenceforth vifitthe holy fepulchre, might expe6l the fame
good treatment which they had ever received from his pre-
de.eflbrs. The offer was rejected ; the foldan was requir
ed to yield up the city to the ChrifHans; and on his refufal,
the champions of the crofs advanced to the fiege of Jeru
falem, which they regarded as the confummation of their
labours. By the detachments which they had made, and
the difafters which they had undergone, they were dimi-
nilhed to the number of twenty thoufand foot and fifteen
hundred horfe; but thefe were flill formidable, from their
valour, their experience, and the obedience which, from
paft calamities, they had learned to pay to their leaders.
After a fiege of five weeks, they took Jerufalem by aflault;
and, impelled by a mixture of military and religious rage,
they put the numerous garrifon and inhabitantsto the fword
without diftinilion. Neither arms defended the valiant,
nor fubmiflion the timorous: No age or fex was fpared :
Infants on the bread were pierced by the fame blow with
their mothers, who implored for mercy: Even a multitude,

232 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. to the number of ten thoufand perfons, who had furrender-
VI, edthemlelves prifoners, and were promifed quarter, were

v- butchered in cool blood by thofe ferocious conquerors *

iioo. The ftreets of Jerufalem weie covered with dead bodiesf;
and the triumphant warriors, after every enemy was fub-
dued and ilaughtered, immediately turned themfelves, with
the fentiments of humiliation and contrition, towards the
holy fepulchre. They threw afide their arms, ftill flream-
ingwith blood : They advanced with reclined bodies, and
naked feet and heads, to that facred monument: They
fung anthems to their Saviour, who had there purchafed
their lalvation by his death and agony : And their devoti
on, en lived by the prefence of the place where he had
fuffered, Ib overcame their fury, that they diffolved in
tears, and bore the appearance of every loft and tender
fentiment. So inconfiflent is human nature with itfelf!
And fo eafily does the mod effeminate fuperflition ally,
both with the moil heroic courage and with the fierceft bar
barity !

THIS great event happened on the fifth of July in the
laft year of the eleventh century. The Chriftian princes
and nobles, after chufing Godfrey of Bouillion king of
Jerulalem, began to fettle themfelves in their new con-
quefts; while lome of them returned to Europe, in order
to enjoy at home that glory, which their valour had acquir
ed them in this popular and meritorious enterprife. A-
inong thafc was Robert duke of Normandy, who, as he
had relinquilhed the greateft dominions of any prince that
attended the crufade, had all along diftinguifhed himfelf
by the mod intrepid courage, as well as by that affable dif-
pofition and unbounded generofity, which gain the hearts
of (oldiers, and qualify a prince to fhine in a military life.
In palling through Italy, he became acquainted with Si-
bylly daughter of the count of Gonverlana, a young lady
of great beauty and merit, whom he efpoufed : Indulging
himielf in this new paffion, as well as fond of enjoying
eafe and pleafure, after the fatigues of fo many rough
campaigns, he lingered a twelvemonth in that delicious
climate; and though his friends in the north looked every
moment for his arrival, none of them knew when they
could with certainty expett it. By this delay he loft the
kingdom of England, which the great fame he had acquir
ed during the crulades, as well as his undoubted title, both
by birth and by the preceding agreement with his deceafed
brother, would, had he been prcfent, have infallibly fe-
cured to him.

* Vertot, vol. i. p. 57.

t M. Paris, p. 3^. Older. Vital, p. 756. Bieeto, p. 498.

II E N R Y I. 233

PRINCE Henry was hunting with Rufus in the hew fo- C H A P.
reft, when intelligence of that monarch s death was brought VI.
him; and being lenfible of the advantage attending the v - *
conjuncture, he hurried to Winchetter, in order to lecure 1IO -
the royal treasure, which he knew to be a necellarv imple- Acceffion

r r -.- i j r i TTIJ of Henry.

ment for facilitating his dehgns on the crown. He had
fcarcely reached the place when William de Breteuil,
keeper of the treafuie, arrived, and oppofed himfelf to
Henry s pretenfions. This nobleman, who had been en
gaged in the lame party of hunting, had no looner heard
of his matter s death, than he battened to take care of his
charge : and he told the prince, that this treafure, as well
as the crown, belonged to his elder brother, who was now
his fovereign ; and that he himfelf, for his part, was de
termined, in fpite of all other pretenfions, to maintain his
allegiance to him. But Henry, drawing his Iword, threa
tened him with inttant death if he dared to difobey him ;
and as others of the late king s retinue, who came every
moment to Winchetter, joined the prince s party, Breteuil
was obliged to withdraw his opposition, and to acquiefce
in this violence*.

HENRY, without lofinga moment, battened with the mo
ney to London; and having aflembled ibme noblemen and
prelates, whom his addrefs, or abilities, or prefents, gained
to his fide, he was Suddenly elected, or rather laluted king ;
and immediately proceeded to the exercifeof royalauthority.
In lefs than three days after his brother s death, the cere
mony of his coronation was performed by Maurice bilhop
of London, who was nerfuaded to ofHciateonthat occafionf;
and thus, by his courage and celerity, he intruded himfelf
into the vacant throne. No one had fufficient Ipirit or
fcnfe of duty to appear in defence of the abfent prince :
All men were feduced or intimidated : Prefent pofleffion
lupplied the apparent defects in Henry s title, which was
indeed founded on plain ufurpation : And the barons, as
veil as the people, acquiefced in a claim, which, though
it could neither be juttified nor comprehended, could now,
they found, be oppoied through the perils alone of civil
war and rebellion.

BUT as Henry forefawthat a crown, ufurped againft all
rules of juftice, would fit unfteady on hishead, he reiolved
by fair profcffions at lead, to gain the affections of all his
fubjects. Befides taking the ufual coronation-oath to main-

VOL. I. II h

Order. Vital, p. 782.

f Chron. Sax. p. 2;3. Order. Vital, p. 783.

234 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, tain the laws and execute juftice,he paffed a charter, which
VI. was calculated to remedy many of the grievous oppreffions

* j which had been complained of during the reigns of his

MOO. father and brother*. He there promifed, that, at the death
of any bifhop or abbot, he never would feize the revenues
of the fee or abbey during the vacancy, but would leave
the whole to be reaped by the fucceflbr ; and that he would
never let to farm any ecclefiaftical benefice, nor difpofe of
it for money. After this conceffion to the church, whofe
favour was of fo great importance, he proceeded to enume
rate the civil grievances which he purpofed to red re fs. He
promifed that, upon the death of any earl, baron, or mili
tary tenant, his heir fhould be adiv-itted to the poffeffion of
his eftate, on paying a juft and lawful relief; without being
expofed to fuch violent exactions as had been ufual du
ring the late reigns: He remitted the wardfhip of minors,
and allowed guardians to be appointed, who fhould be
aniwerabie for the truft : He promifed not to difpoie of any
heirefs in marriage, but by the advice of all the barons;
and if any baron intended to give his daughter, filler,
niece, or kinfwoman in marriage, it fhould only be necef-
lary for him.to confuit the king, who promifed to take no
money for his content, nor ever to refufe permiffion, unlefs
the perfon, to whom it was purpofed to marry her, fhould
happen to be his enemy : He granted his barons and mili
tary tenants the power of bequeathing, by will, their mo
ney or perfonal efiates; and if they neglecled to make a
will, he promifed that their heirs fhould fuccced to them :
He renounced the right of impofing moneyage, and of
JevA ing taxes at pleafure on the farms which the barons
retained in their own handsf : He made fome general pro-
fefiions of moderating fines; he offered a pardon for all
offences: and he remitted all debts due to the crown: He
required that the vailals of the barons fhould enjoy the fame
privilege ;-, which he granted to his own barons; and he
promifed a general confirmation and obfervance of the laws
of king Edward. This is the fubftance of the chief arti
cles contained in that famous charter $.

To give greater authenticity to thefe conceffions, Hen
ry lodged a copy of his charter in fome abbey of each coun
ty ; as if defirous that it ihould be expofed to the view of
all his fubjets, and remain a perpetual rule for the limita
tion and direction of his government : Yet it is certain
that, after the prefent purpofe was ferved, he never once
thought, during his reign, of obferving one fingle article

* Chron. Sax. p. 208. Sim. Dunelm. p. 225. fSee Appendix II.

J Mauh. Paris, p. 38. Hovcden.p. 468. Brompton, p. 1021. HaguliUd,

HENRY I.

of it ; and the whole fell fo much into neglect and oblivi-
on, that, in the following century, when the barons, who
had heard an obfcure tradition of it, defired to make it
the model of the great charter which they exatted from
king John, they could with difficulty find a copy of it in
the kingdom. But as to the grievances here meant to be
redreffed, they were ftill continued in their full extent;
and the roy&amp;lt;il authority, in all thole particulars, lay un-
dei no manner of reftritlion. Reliefs of heirs, fo capital
an article, were never eileclually fixed till the time of Mag-
na Charta* ; and it is evident that the general promife
here given, of accepting a Jutland lawful relief, ought to
have been reduced to more precifion, in order to give fe-
curity to the fubjccl. The oppieffion of wardship and mar
riage was perpetuated even till the reign of Charles II. :
And it appears from Glanvillc f, the famous judiciary of
Henry II. that, in his time, where any man died inteftate,
an accident which mufl have been very frequent when the
art of writing was fo little known, the king, or the lord
of the fief, pretended to fcizeali the moveables, and to ex
clude every heir, even the children of the deceafed : A
fure mark of a tyrannical and arbitrary government.

THE Normans, indeed, who domineered, in England,
were, during this age, fo licentious a people, that they may
be pronounced incapable of any true or regular liberty ;
which requires fuch improvement in knowledge and morals
as can only be the relult of reflexion and experience, and
mull grow to perfection during feveral ages of fettled and
eltabliihed government. A people fo infenfible to the
rights of their fovereig n as to disjoint, without neceffity,
the hereditary fucceflion, and permit a younger brother
to intrude himfelf into the place of the elder, wiiom they
efteemed, and who was guilty of no crime but being abfent,
could not expecl: that that prince would pay any greater
regard to their privileges, or allow his engagements to fetter
his power, and debar him from any confiderable intcrcft or
convenience. They had indeed arms in their hands, which
prevented the eftablilhmcnt of a total delpotifm, and left
their poilerity fufHcient power, whenever they ihould at
tain a fuflicient degree of realon, to alTume true liberty:
But their turbulent difpofition frequently prprnpted them
to make fuchufeof their arms, that they were more fitted

* Glaav. lib. 2. cap. 3^. \\ | .r i-, ca .lcvl a relief in the Conqueror s laws,
preferved by hjgulf , fre;--&amp;gt; ID iu c :;;::. the heriot ; lince reliefs, as well as
er burdens of the feucal law, were unknuwn in the age of ihe Conjeiibr,
wl.oic l.nvs tlicfe originally weic.

t Lib. 7. c;ij&amp;gt; i". J his piacVce was contrary to the laws cf king t j v; rd,
i by the O).ique;or, as we K-ani I rfiu Ingull , p. 91. J .ut !aw=; had at
tha 1 . j.jnL- very litue iniiii Viie: I\AVC: .:iul violence governed every thing,

2 3 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. to ohftru&amp;lt;fl the execution of ju(*ice, than to ftop the carec$
VI. of violence and oppreffion. The prince, finding that

v v / greater oppofition was often made to him when he enforced

1100. the laws than when he violated them, was apt to render his
own will and pleafure the fole rule of government ; and,
on every emergence, to confider more the power of the
perfons whom he might offend, than the rights of thole
whom he might injure. The very form of this charter of
Henry proves that the Norman barons ffor they, rather
than the people of England, are chiefly concerned in it)
were totally ignorant of the nature of limited monarchy,
and were ill (jtrartfied to conduct, in conjuration with their
fovereign, the machine of government. It is an aft of
his fole power, is the refult of his free grace, contains fome
articles which bind others as well as himfelf, and is there
fore unfit to be the deed of any one who poffeiTes not the
whole legitlative power, and who may not at pleafure re
voke all his conceffions.

HENRY, farther to increafe his popularity, degraded
and committed to prifon Ralph Flambard, bifliop of Dur
ham, who had been the chief inftrument of opprcffion
under his brother*: But this ac c t was followed by another,
which was a direct violation of his own charter, and was a
bad prognoftic of his fincere intentions to obferve it : He
kept the fee of Durham vacant for five years, and during
that time retained pofTcfiion of all its revenues. Senfible
of the great authority which Anfelm had acquired by his
character of piety, and by the periecutions- which he Lad
undergone from William, he lent repeated rreflagesto him
at Lyons, where he refided, and invited him to return
and take poffelfion of hisdignitiesf. On the arrival of the
prelate, he propofed to him the renewal of that homage
which he had done his brother, and which had never been
refilled by any Ensrlifh bifhop: But Anfelm had acquired
other fentimente by his journey to Rome, and gave the
king an abfolute refufal. He objected to the decrees of the
council of Bari, at which he himfelf had affifted ; and he
declared, that fo far from doing homage for his fpiritual
dignity, he would not fo much as communicate with any
ecclefiaftic who paid that fubmiffion, or who accepted of
inveftituies from laymen. Henry, who expected, in his
prefent delicate fituation, to re;ip great ad vantages from the
authority and popularity of Ani elm, durft not infift on his
demand J: He only defired that the controverfy might be

* Chron. 9ax. p. - ,3. W. Malm. p. 156. Matth. Paris, p. jq. Alur.
Eeverl. p. 144. f Chron. -Sax. p. 208. Order. Vital, p. 78^.

Manh. Paris, p. 39. T. Ruribojne, p. 273. \V. Malm. p. 225.

H E N R Y I. 237

fufpended ; and that meflengers might be fent to Rome, in C H A P.
order to accommodate matters with the pope, and obtain VI.
his confirmation of the laws and cuftoms of England. v ,

THERE immediately occurred an important affair, in " no&amp;gt;
which the king was obliged to ha\re recourie to the autho- MarrUre of
rity of Anfelm. Matilda, daughter of Malcolm III. king t!ie Kn *
of Scotland, and niece to Ldgar Atheling, had, on her
father s death, and the fubfequent revolutions in the Scot-
tiih government, been brought to England, and educated
under her aunt Chriflinn, in the nunnery ofRumfey. This
princefs Henry purpofed to marry; but as Hie had worn
the veil, though never taken the vows, doubts might arife
concerning the lawfulnefs of the acl ; and it behoved him
to be very careful not to fhock, many particular, the reli
gious prejudices of his fubjects. The affair was examined
by Anfelm, in a council of the prelates and nobles which
was fummoned at Lambeth : Matilda there proved that (he
hnd put on the veil, not with a view of entering into a re
ligious life, but merely in coniequence of a cuftom fami
liar to the Englilh ladies who protected their chaftity from
the brutal violence of the Normans, by taking flicker un
der that habit*, which, amidft the horrible licentioufnefs
of the times, was yet generally revered. 1 he council,
ienfible that even a princefs had otherwife no fecurity for
her honour, admitted this reafcn as valid : They pronoun
ced that Matilda was dill free to marryf ; and her elpou-
fals with Henry were celebrated by Anielm with great
pomp and folemnity $. No aft of the king s reign render
ed him equally popular with his Englifh fubjects, and ten
ded more to efiabliih him on the throne. Though Matil
da, during the life of her uncle and brothers, was not heir
of the Saxon line, {he was become very dear to the Eng
lifh on account of her connexions with it: And that peo
ple, who before the conquefl had fallen into a kind of in
difference towards their ancient royal family, had felt fo
leverely the tyranny of the Normans, that they reflected
with extreme regret on their former liberty, and hoped for
a more equal and mild adminiflration, when the blood of
their native princes fhould be nn ngled with that of their
new ibvereigns||.

BUT the policy and prudence of Henry, which if time invafionby
had been allowed for thefe virtues to produce their full ef- duke RO-
fe5t, would have fecurcd him pofleflion of the crown, ran fcert
great hazard of being fruftrated by the fudden appearance
ot Robert, who returned to Normandy about a month af-

* IVlnier, p. 57. f Ibid. J Hoveden, p. 468.

i M. Paris, p. .p.

2 3 3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, ter the death of his brother William. He took poflefiion,
V- 1 - without oppofition, of that dutchy; and immediately made

" preparations for recovering England, of which, during
his abfence, he had by Henry s intrigues been fo unjuftly
defrauded. The great fame which he had acquired in the
Eaft forwarded his pretenfions; and the Norman barons,
fenfible of the conlequences, exprefled the fame difcon-
tent at the feparation of the dutchy and kingdom, which
had appeared on the acceffion of William. Robert de
Belefme earl of Shrewfbury and Arundel, William de la
Warrenne earl of Surrey, Arnulf de Montgomery, Wal
ter GifFard, Robert de Pontefra6t, Robert de Mallet, Yvo
de Grentmefnil, and many others of the principal nobili
ty*, invited Robert to make an attempt upon England, and
promifed, on his landing, to join him with all their forces.
Even the feamen were affected with the general popularity
of his name, and they carried over to .him the greater part
of a fleet which had been equipped to oppofe his paftage.
Henry, in this extremity, began to be apprehenfive for
his life, as well as for his crown ; and had recourfe to the
fuperflition of the people, in order to oppofe their fenti-
ment of jufiice. He paid diligent court to Anfelm, whofe
fanftity and wifdorn he pretended to revere. He confulted
him in all difficult emergencies; feemed to be governed
by him in every meafure; promifed a drift regard to ec-
clefiaftical privileges; profefTed a great attachment to
Rome, and a rcfolution of pcrfevering in an implicit t&amp;gt;be-
dienceto the decrees of councils and to the will of the
fovereign pontiff. By thefe carefles and declarations he
entirely gained the confidence of the primate, whofe in
fluence over the people, and authority with the barons,
were of the utmoit fervice to him in his prefent fituation.
Anfelm fcrupled not to a flu re the nobles of the king s fin-
cerity in thole profeffions which he made, of avoiding the
tyrannical and oppreffive government of his father and
brother : He even rode through the ranks of the army, re
commended to the foldiers the defence of their prince,
reprefented the duty of keeping their oaths of allegiance,
and prognoflicated to them the greatefl happinefs from
the government of fo vviie and jufl a fovereign. By this
expedient, joined to the influence of the earls of Warwic
and Mellent,of Roger Bigod, Richard de Redvers, and
Robert Fitz Hamon, powerful barons, who ftill adhered
to the prelent government, the army was retained in the
king s interefts and marched, with feeming union and

* Order. Vital, p. 78,5.

H E N R Y I. 239

fumnefs, to oppofe Robert, who had landed with his for- CHAP.
ces at Portlmouth. VI.

THE two armies lay in fight of each other for fome * *

days without coming to action ; and both princes, being 1IO! -
apprehenfive of the event, which would probably be de- Accommo-

11 11 -11- i iu e i r nation with

cifive, hearkened the more willingly to the counfels of Robcrt .
Anfelm and the other great men who mediated an accom
modation between them. After employing fome negocia-
tion, it was, agreed that Robert fhould refign his pretenfi-
ons to England, and receive in lieu of them an annual
penfion of 3000 marks ; that if either of the princes died
without iffue, the other fhould fucceed to his dominions ;
that the adherents of each fhould be pardoned, and re-
ftoied to all their poffeffions either in Normandy or Eng
land ; and that neither Robert nor Henry ihould thence
forth encourage, receive, or protect the enemies of the
other*.

THIS treaty, though calculated fo much for Henry s no**
advantage, he was the firft to violate. He reftored indeed
the eftates of all Robert s adherents ; but was fecretly de
termined, that noblemen fo powerful and fo ill affected,
who had both inclination and ability to difturb his govern
ment, fhould not long remain unmolefted in their prefent
opulence and grandeur. He began with the earl of
Shrewfbury, who was watched for fome time by fpies,
and then indicted on a charge, confifting of forty-five
articles. This turbulent nobleman, knowing his own
guilt, as well the prejudices of his judges and the power
of his profecutor, had recourfe to arms for defence : but
being foon fuppreffed by the activity and addrefs of Hen
ry, ha was banifhed the kingdom, and his great eftate was
confifcated. His ruin involved that of his two brothers,
Arnulf dc Montgomery, and Roger earl of Lancafter.
Soon after followed the profecution and condemnation of
Robeit de Pontefraft and Robert de Mallet, who had
diftinguifhed themlelves among Robert s adherents. Wil-
liam de Warenne was the next victim : Even William
earl of Cornwal, fon of the earl of Mortaigne, the king s
uncle, having given matter of fufpicion a gain ft him, loft
all the vaft acquifitionsof his family in England. Though
the ufual violence and tyranny of the Norman barons af
forded a plaufible pretence for thole profecutions, and it
is probable that none of the leniences pronounced againft
thefe noblemen was wholly iniquitous ; men eafily law or
conjectured that the chief part of their guilt was not the
injuftice or illegality of their conduct. Robert, enraged

* Chon. Sax. p. 209. VV. MalmeC. p. 156.

240 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, at the fate of his friends, imprudenly ventured to come
VI. into England ; and he remonftrated with his brother, in

* - v fevere terms, againft this breach of treaty : But met with

lc J- fo bad a reception, that he began to apprehend danger to
his own liberty, and was glad to purchafe his efcape, by
refigning his penfion.

THE indifcretion of Robert foon expofcd him to more
fatal injuries. This prince, whole bravery and candour
procured him refpect while at a diftance, had no fooner
attained the po Hellion of power and enjoyment of peace,
than all the vigour of his mind relaxed ; and he fell into
contempt among thofe who approached his perfon or were
lubjected to his authority. Alternately abandoned to dif-
lolute pleafures and to womanifh fu perdition, he was fo
remifs, both in the care of his treafure and the exercife of
his government, that his fervants pillaged his money with
impunity, ftole from him his very deaths, and proceeded
thence to praftife every fpecics of extortion on his de-
fencelefs" fubjeils. The barons, whom a fevere adinini-
ftration alone could have retrained, gave reins to their un
bounded rapine upon their vaffals, and inveterate animo-
fities againft each other ; and all Normandy, during the
reign of this benign prince, was become a fcene of vio
lence and depredation. The Normans at lafi, obferving
the regular government which Henry, notwithftanding
his ufurped title, had been able to eftablim in England,
applied to him, that he might ufe his authority for the fup-
preiTion of thefe diibrders; and they thereby afforded
him a pretence for interpofing in the affairs of Normandy.
Infiead of employing his mediation to render his brother s
government refpectablc, or to reclrefs the grievances of
tiie Normans; he was only attentive to fupport his own
partifans, and to increafe their number by every art of
bribery, intrigue, and insinuation. Having found, in a
vifit which he made to that dutchy, that the nobility were
more difpofed to pay fubmiffion to him than to their legal
iovereign, he collected, by arbitrary extortions on Eng
land, a great army and treafure, and returned next year
t:oj. to Normandy, in a fituation to obtain, either by violence
or corruption, the dominion of that province. He took
Baveux by ftorm after an obftinate fiegc : He made him-
ielf matter of Caen by the voluntary fubmiflionof the in
habitants : But rteing rcpulfed at Falaife, and obliged by
the winter feafon to raife the fiege, he returned into Eng
land ; after giving affarances to his adherents that he would
perfevere in fupporting and protecting them.
1106. NEXT year he opened the campaign with the fiege of

Tenchebray ; and it became evident, from his preparations

HENRY 1. 241

and progrefs, that he intended to ufurp the entire pofieffion CHAP,
of Normandy. Robert wasatlaft roufed from his lethargy ; VI.

and being fupported by the earl of Mortaigne and Robert de * *

Bellefme, the king s inveterate enemies, he railed a con- Ilot -
fiderable army, and approached his brother s camp, with Con ueftof
a view of finishing, in one decifive battle, the quarrel be- Noimaudy.
tween them. He was now entered on that fcene of action
in which alone he was qualified to excel; and he fo ani
mated his troops by his example, that they threw the Eng-
glilh into diforder, and had nearly obtained the viclory*:
when the flight of Bellefme fpread a panic among the Nor
mans, and occafioned their total defeat. Henry, befides
doing great execution on the enemy &amp;gt; made near ten thou-
fand prifoners; among whom was duke Robert him felf,
and all the mcft confiderable barons who adhered to his in-
tereftsf. This victory was followed by the final reducti
on of Normandy : Rouen immediately fummitted to the
conqueror: Falaile, after fome negociation, opened its
gates; and by this a:quifition, befides rendering himfelf
mailer of an important fortrefs, he got into his hands
prince William, the only ion of Robert: He affem-
bled the ftates of Normandy ; and having received the
homage of all the vaffals of thedutchy, having fettled the
government, revoked his brother s donations, and difman-
tled the caftles lately built, he returned into England, and
carried along with him the duke as prifoner. That un
fortunate prince was detained in cuflody during the re
mainder of his life, which was no lefs than twenty-eight
years, and he died in thecaftle of Cardiff in Glamorgan-
(hire; happy if, without lofing his liberty, he could have
relinquiflied that power which he was not qualified either
to hold or exercife. Priiice William was committed to the
care of Heliede St. Saen, who had married Robert s natu
ral daughter, and who being a man of probity and honour
beyond what was uiual in thofe ages, executed the truft
with great affection and fidelity. Edgar Atheling, who
had followed Robert in the expedition to Jerufalem, and
who had lived with him ever fince in Normandy, was
another illuflrious prifoner taken in the battle of Tenche-
bray^:. Henry gave him his liberty, and fettled a fmall
penfion on him, with which he retired ; and he lived to
a good old age in England, totally neglecled and forgot
ten. This prince wasdiftinguiflied by perfonal bravery :
But nothing can be a flronger proof of his mean talents
VOL. I. I i

* H. Hunt. p. 370. M. Paris, p. 43. Brompton, p. jr,O2.

f F.admer. p. 90. Chron. Sax. p. 214. Oroer. Viul. p. 821.

} Chron. Sax. p. 214. Ann. \Vaveil. p. 144.

242 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, in every other refpe\, than that, notwithftanding he poffef-
VI. fed the affections of the Englifh, and enjoyed the only

* v legal title to the throne, he was allowed, during the reigns

1106. o f [ o many violent and jealous ufurpers, to live unmalefted,

and go to his grave in peace.

. 1107. A LITTLE after Henry had completed the conqueft of

ntin " atl " Normandy, and fettled the government of that province,

quarrel " k e finifhed a controverfy, which had been long depending

with An- between him and the pope, with regard to the inveftitures

in ecclefiaftical benefices; and though he was here obliged

pinnate. .. . . . ,. , . . , ...

to relmquilh iome or the ancient rights or the crown, he
extricated himfclf from the difficulty on eafier terms than
moft princes, who in that age were fo unhappy as to be
engaged in difputes with the apoftolic fee. The king s
fituation, in the beginning of his reign, obliged him to pay
great court to Anfelm : The advantages which he had
reaped from the zealous friendfhip of that prelate, had
made him fenfible how prone the minds of his people were
to luperflition, and what an alcendant the ecclefiafHcs had
been able toaiTume over them. He had feen, on the ac-
ceffion of his brother Rufus, that though the rights of pri
mogeniture were then violated, and the inclinations of al-
rnoft all the barons thwarted, yet the authority ofLanfranc,
the primate, had prevailed over all other confiderations :
His own cafe, which wasftill more unfavourable, afforded
an inftance in which the clergy had more evidently fhewn
their influence and authority. Thefe recent examples,
while they made him cautious not to offend that powerful
body, convinced him, at the fame time, that it was ex
tremely his intereft to retain the former prerogative of the
crown in filling offices of fuch vail importance, and to
check the ecclefiafticsin that independence to which they
vifibly afpired. The choice which his brother, in a fit of
penitence, had made of Anfelm, was fo far unfortunate to
the king s pretenfions, that this prelate was celebrated for
his piety and zeal, and aufterity of manners; and though
his monkifh devotion and narrow principles prognofticated
no great knowledge of the world or depth of policy, he
was, on that very account, a more dangerous infirument in
the hands of politicians, and retained a greater afcendant
over the bigoted populace. The prudence and temper of
the king appear in nothing more confpicuous than in the
management of this delicate affair ; where he was always
fenfible that it had become necefTary for him to rifque his
whole crown, in order to preferve the moil invaluable
jewel of it*.

* EaJmer, p. 56.

HENRY I. 243

ANSELM had no fooner returned from banifhment, than CHAP,
hisrefufal to do homage to the king railed adifpute, which VI.

Henry evaded at that critical juncture, by promifing to fend v ,/

a meflenger, in order to compound the matter with Pafcal I10 ~-
II. who then filled the papal throne. The meffenger, as
was probably forefeen, returned with an abfolute refufal
of the king s demands* ; and that fortified by many realbns,
which were well qualified to operate on the underftandings
of men in thofe ages. Pafcal quoted the fcriptures, to
prove that Chrift was the door; and he thence inferred,
that all ecclefiaftics muft: enter into the church through
Chrift alone, not through the civil magiftrate, or any pro
fane laymen f. " It is monftrous," added the pontiff,
" that a fon fhould pretend to beget his father, or a man
" to create his God : Priefts are called gods in fcripture, as
" being the vicars of God: And will you, by your abo-
" minable pretenfions to grant them their inveftiture,
" affume the right of creating them$?"

BUT how convincing foeverthefe arguments, they could
not perfuade Henry to refign fo important a prerogative;
and, perhaps, as he was potTeffed of great reflection and
learning, he thought that the abfurdity of a man s creating
his God, even allowing priefts to be gods, was not urged
with the beft grace by the Roman pontiff. But as he defi-
red ftill to avoid, at leaft to delay, the coming to any dan
gerous extremity with the church, he perfuaded Anfelm,
that he fhouid be able, by farther negotiation, to attain
fome compofition with Pafcal; and for that purpofe hedif-
patched three bifhops to Rome, while Anfelm fent two
meffengers of his own, to be more fully affured of the
pope s intentions!!. Pafcal wrote back letters equally pofi-
tive and arrogant, both to the king and primate; urging
to the former, that by affuming the right of inveftitures, he
committed a kind of fpiritua) adultery with the church,
who was the fpoufe of Chrift, and who muft not admit of
fuch a commerce with any other perfori**; and infifting
with the latter, that the pretenfion of kings to confer bene
fices was the fource of all fimony ; a topic which had but
too much foundation in thole ages f f.

* W. Malm. p. 223.

f- Eadmer, p. 60. This topic s further enforced in p. 73, 7.;. See alfo \V.
Ma .m. p. 163.

* La:imer, p. 61. I muchfufpeifl, that this text of fcripture is a forgery of
hX h &amp;gt;iiiiei s : Per I have not beert able to find it. Yet it; Inthoie
a&amp;lt;es, and was often quoted by the clergy as the foundation of their power. Sfe
Lpift. St. Thorn, p. 169.

I Ealmer, p. 62. \V. Malm. p. 225. ** I.;i.iei,

| } Ladraer, p. 64. 66.

244 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

HENRY had now no other expedient than to fupprefs
the letter addrefled to himfelf, and to perfuade the three
bimops to prevaricate, and affert upon their epifcopal faith,

1I0 7- that Pafcal had aflured them in private of his good intenti
ons towards Henry, and of his refolution not to refent any
future exertion of his prerogative in granting invefiitures ;
though he himfelf fcrupled to give this affurance under his
hand, led other princes fhould copy the example, and
aifmne a like privilege*. Anfelm s two meflengers, who
were monks, affirmed to him, that it was impoffible this
fiory could have any foundation : But their word was not
deemed equal to that of three bifhops ; and the king, as if
he had finally gained his caufe, proceeded to fill the fees
of Hereford and Salifbury, and toinveft the new bifhops in
the ufual mannerf. But Anfelm, who, as he had good
realbn, gave no credit to the affeveration of the king s
Tneffengers, refufed not only to confecrate them, but even
to communicate with them ; and the bifhops themfelves,
finding how odious they were become, returned to Henry
the enfigns of their dignity. The quarrel every day in-
creafed between the king and the primate : The former,
notwithftanding the prudence and moderation of his tem
per, threw put menaces againft fuch as fhould pretend to
oppofe him in exerting the ancient prerogatives of his
crown: And Anfelm, fenfible of his own dangerous fitu-
ation, defired leave to make a journey to Rome, in order
to lay the cafe before the fovereign pontiff. Henry, well
pleated to rid himfelf, without violence, of fo inflexible
an antagonifi, readily granted him permiffion. The pre-
1 ite was attended to the fhore by infinite multitudes, not
only monks and clergymen, but people of all ranks, who
icrupled not in this manner to declare for their primate
againft their fovereign, and who regarded his depaiture as
the final abolition of religion and true piety in the king
dom . The king, however, feized all the revenues of
his fee; and fent William de Warelwaft to negotiate with
Pafcal, and to find tome means of accommodation in this
delicate affair.

THE Englifh minifter told Pafcal, that his matter would
r.Jther lofe his crown, than part with the right of granting
inveftitures. " And I," replied Pafcal, " would rather
" lofe my head than allow him to retain it||." Henry fe-
cretly prohibited Anfelm from returning, unlefs he refolv-
ed to conform himfelf to the laws and ufuages of the king-

* Eadmer, p. 65. W. Malm. p. 225. f Eadmer, p. 66. W.

Malm. p. 225. Hovecien, p. 469. Sim. Dunel. p. 228.

J .Ladmer.p. 71. j| Eaumer, p. 73. W. Malm. p. 2*26. M.

Paris, p. 40.

HENRY I. 245

dom ; and the primate took up his refidence at Lyons, in C H A P.
expectation that the king would at laft be obliged to yield VJ.

the point which was the prefent object of controversy, be- * &amp;gt;.

tweenthem. Soon after, he was permitted to return to his Il 7&amp;gt;
monaftery at Bee in Normandy ; and Henry, befides re-
ftoring to him the revenues of his fee, treated him with
the greateft refpecl, and held feveral conferences with him,
in order to foften his oppofition, and bend him to fubmif-
fion* The people of England, who thought all differen
ces now accommodated, were inclined to blame their pri
mate forabfenting himfelf fo long from his charge; and he
daily received letters from his partisans, reprefenting the
neceffity of his fpeedy return. The total extinction, they
told him, of religion and Chriflianity was likely to enfue
from the want of his fatherly care: The mofi fhocking
cuftoms prevail in England : And the dread of his feverity
being now removed, fodomy, and the practice of wearing
long hair, gain ground among all ranks of men, and thefe
enormities openly appear every where, without fenfe of
(hame or fear of punifhrnent*)*.

THE policy of the court of Rome has commonly been
much admired; and men, judging by fuccels, have be-
ftowed the highefl eulogies on that prudence by which a
power, from fuch {lender beginnings, could advance, with
out force of arms, to eftabliihan univerfal and alrnoft ab-
folute monarchy in Europe. But the wifdom of fo long a
fucceffion of men who filled the papal throne, and who
were of fuch different ages, tempers, and interefis, is not
intelligible, and could never have place in nature. The
inftrument, indeed, with which they wrought, the igno
rance and fuperftition of the people, is fo grofsan engine,
of fuch univerfal prevalence, and fo little liable to accident
or diforder, that it may be fuccefsful even in the moft un-
{kilful hands ; and fcarce any indifcretion can fruftrate its
operations. While the court of Rome was openly aban
doned to the moft flagrant difofders, even while it was torn
with fchifrns and factions, the power of the church daily
made a fenfible progrefs in Euiope; and the temerity of
Gregory and caution of Pafcal were equally fortunate in
promoting it. The clergy, feeling the neceffity which
they lay under of being protected againft the violence of
princes or rigour of the laws, were well pleai ed to adhere
to a foreign head, who, being removed from the fear of
the civil authority, could freely employ the power of the
whole church in defending her ancient or ufurped proper
ties and privileges, when invaded in any particular coun-

* Hoveden, p. 471. f Eaduier, p. Si.

246 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP *T The monks, defirous of an independence on their
VI. diocefans, profefted a ftill more devoted attachment to the

v !,. / triple crown: and the ftupid people poffeffed no fcience or

1107. reafon, which they could oppoie to the moft exorbitant
pretenfions. Nonfenfe pa (Fed for dernonftration: The
moft criminal means were fanttified by the piety of the end :
Treaties were not fuppofed to be binding, where the inte-
refts of God were concerned: The ancient laws and cuf-
toms of ftates had no authority againft a divine right: Im
pudent forgeries were received as authentic monuments of
antiquity : And the champions of holy church, if iuccefs-
ful, were celebrated as heroes; if unfortunate, were wor-
fhipped as martyrs; and all events thus turned out equally
to the ad vantage of clerical ufurpations. Pafcal himfelf,
the reigning pope, was, in the courle of this very contro-
verfy concerning inveftitures, involved in circumftances,
and neceffitated to follow a condu6l, which would have
drawn difgrace and ruin on any temporal prince that had
been fo unfortunate as to fall into a like fituation. His
perfon was feized by the ernperor Henry V. and he was
obliged, by a formal treaty, to refign to that monarch the
right of granting inveftitures, for which they had fo long
contended*. In order to add greater folemnity to this
agreement, the emperor and pope communicated together
on the fame hofte; one half of which was given to the
prince, the other taken by the pontiff: The moft tremen
dous imprecations weie publicly denounced on either of
them whofhould violate the treaty: Yet no fooner did Paf
cal recover his liberty, than he revoked all his conceffions,
and pronounced the fentence of excommunication againfl
the emperor, who, in the end, was obliged to fubmit to the
terms required of him, and to yield up all his pretenfions,
which he never could refume f.

THE king of England had very nearly fallen into the
fame dangerous fituation : Pafcal had already excommuni
cated the earl of Mellent, and the other minifters of Henry,
who were inflrumental in fupporting his pretenfions $: He
daily menaced the king himfelf with a like fentence; and
hefufpended the blow only to give him leifure to prevent it
by a timely fubmifiion. The malcontents waited impati
ently for the opportunity of difturbing his government by
confpiracies and infurrecliousH : The king s beft friends
were anxious at the profpeft of an incident which would
fet their religious and civil duties at variance : And the

* \V. MaJin.p. 167.

f Padie Paolo fcphia benef. ecclef. p. 112. W. Malmef. p. 170. Chron.,
Al&amp;gt;b. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 6j. Sim. Dunelrn. p. 233.
Eadiner, p. 79. \\ Ibid. p. So.

H E N R Y I. 247

countefs of Blois, hisfifter, a princefsof piety, who had C H A P.
great influence over him, was afFrightened with the danger VI.

of her brother s eternal damnation*. Henry, on the other v v f

hand, feemed determined to run all hazards, rather th.m
rcfign a prerogative of fuch importance, which had been
enjoyed by all his predeceffors; and it feemed probable,
from his great prudence and abilities, that he might be able
to fuflain his rights, and finally prevail in the conteft.
While Pafcal and Henry thus flood mutually in awe of each
other, it was the more eaty to bring about an accommoda
tion between them, and to find a medium in which they
might agree.

BEFORE bifhops took pofleffion of their dignities, they Compromlfe
had formerly been accuftomed to pafs through two ceremo- ^ th
nies: They received from the hands of the (Sovereign a ring
and crofier,as fymbols of their office ; and this was called
their inveftiture . They alfo made thole fubmiffions to the
prince which were required of vaiTals by the rites of the
feudal law, and which received the name of homage. And
as the king might refufe both to grant the inve/itiureand to
receive the homage, though the chapter had, by forr.e can
ons of the middle age, been endowed with the right of
election, the fovereign had in reality the folc power of ap
pointing prelates. Urban II. had equally deprived laymen
of the rights of granting inveftiture and of receiving ho-
rnagef : The emperors never were able, by all their wars
and negotiations, to make any diliindion be admitted
between them : The interpofition "of profane laymen, in
any particular, was fliil reprefented as impious and abo
minable : And the church openly afpired to a total inde
pendence on the ftate. But Henry had put England, as
well as Normandy, in fuch a fituation as gave greater
weight to his negotiations ; and Pafcal was for the prefer. t
Satisfied with his refigningthe right of granting inveftitures,
by which the fpiritual dignity was fuppofed to be confer
red ; and he allowed the bifhops to do homage for their
temporal properties and privileges^. The pontiff was well
pleafed to have made this acquifition, which, he hoped,
would in time involve the whole: And the king, anxious
to procure an efcape from a very dangerous fituation, was
content to retain fome, thougha more precarious authority,
in the election of prelates.

AFTER the principal controverfy was accommodated, it
was not difficult to adjuft the other differences. The pope

* Ibid. p. 72. } Eadmer, p. 91. W. Ma ni. p. 163. Sim.

Dunclm. p. 230. + Eadmer, p. 91. W. Malm. p. 164. 227. Hoveden.

p. 471. M. Paris, p. 43. T. Rudb. p. 274. Brompton, p. 1000. WUki:;s,
p. 303. Chron.Duuft. p. 21.

248 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. allowed Anfelm to communicate with the prelates who had
VI. already received inveftitures from the crown; and he only

v v required of them fome fubmiflions for their part mifcon-

l! 7- duel*. He alfo granted Anfelm a plenary power of re
medying every other diforder, which, he faid, might arife
from the barbaroufnefs of the country f. Such was the idea
which the popes then entertained of the Englifh ; and
nothing can be a ftronger proof of the miferable ignorance
in which that people were then plunged, than that a man,
who fat on the papal throne, and who fubfifted by abfur-
dities and nonfenfe, fhould think himfelf intitled to treat
them as barbarians.

DURING the courfe of thefe controverfies, a fynod was
held at Weftminfter, where the king, intent only on the
main difputc, allowed fome canons of lefs importance to
be enacted, which tended to promote the ufurpatipns of the
clergy. The celibacy of priefts was enjoined ; a point
which it was ftill found very difficult to carry into executi
on: And even laymen were not allowed to marry within
the feventh degree of affinity^. By this contrivance the
pope augmented the profits which he reaped from granting
difpenfations ; and likewife thofe from divorces. For as
the art of writing was then rare, and parifh regifiers were
not regularly kept, it was not eafy to afcertain the degrees
of affinity even among people of rank; and any man who
had money fufficient to pay for it, might obtain a divorce,
on pretence that his wife was more nearly related to him
than was permitted by the canons. The fynod aJfopafled
a vote, prohibiting the laity from wearing long hair||. The
averfion of the clergy to this mode was not confined to
England. When the king went to Normandy, before he
had conquered that province, the bifhop of Seez, in a for
mal harangue, earneftly exhorted him to redrefs the mani
fold di ford rs under which the goverment laboured, and
to oblige the people to poll their hair in a decent form.
Henry, though he would not refign his prerogatives to the
church, willingly parted with his hair : He cut it in the
form which they required of him, and obliged all the
courtiers to imitate his example * *.

Wars THE acquifition of Normandy was a great point of

abroad. Henry s ambition ; being the ancient patrimony of his fa
mily, and the only territory, which, while in his pofleffion,
gave him any weight or confederation on the continent :
But the injuflice of his ufurpation was the fource of great
inquietude, involved him in frequent wars, and obliged

* Eadmer, p. 87. t Ibid. p. 91 .

Eadmer, p. 67, 68. Spelm. Cone. vol. ii. p. 22.
tj tadmer, p. 68. ** Order. Vital, p. 816.

HENRY I. 249

him to impofe on his Englifh fubjedb thofe many heavy CHAP,
and arbitrary taxes, of which all the hifforiansof that age VI.

unanimoufly complain*. His nephew William was but ^ v

fix years of age, when he committed him to the care of
Helie de St. Saen ; and it is probable, that his reafon for
intruding that important charge to a man of To unblemished
a character, was to prevent all malignant fufpicions, in
Cafe any accident fhould bcfal the life of the young pr-incc.
He loo ii repented of his choice; but when he de fired to , Il0i
recover poffetlion of William s perfon, Helie withdrew his
pupil, and carried him to ihe court of Fulk count of Anjou,
who gave him proteclionf. In proportion as the prince
grew up to man s eftate, he dilcovered virtues becoming
his birth ; and wandering through different courts of Europe,
he excited the friendly compaffion of- many princes, and
railed a general indignation againft his uncle, who had fo
nnjullly bereaved him of his inheritance. Lewis the
Grofs, Ion of Philip, was at this time king of France, a
brave and generous prince, who having been obliged dur
ing the lifetime of his father, to fly into England, in order
to eicape the perfections of his Hep-mother Bertrude, had
been protedted by Henry, and had thence conceived a
perfonal friendship for him. But thefe ties were foon dii-
lolved after the acceifion of Lewis, who found his interefls
to be in fo many particulars oppofi e to thole of the Englifh
monarch, and who became fenfible of the danger attend
ing the annexation of Normandy to England. He joined,
therefore, the counts of Anjou and Flandero in giving dif-
quiet to Henry s government ; and this monarch, in order
to defend his foreign dominions, found himlelf obliged to
go over to Normandy, where he refided two years. The
war which eni ued among thole princes was attended with
no memorable event, and produced only flight fkirrnifhes
on the frontiers, agreeably to the weak condition of the
iovereigns in that age, whenever their fubjedts were not
roufed by fome great and urgent occafion. Hrnry, by con
tracting his eldeft fon William to the daughter of Fulk,
detached that prince from the alliance, and obliged the
others to come to an accommodation with him. This peace
was not of long duration; His nephew, William, retired
to the court of Baldwin earl of Flanders, who efpouied his
caufe; and the king of France having foon after, for other
reafons, joined, the party, a new war was kindled in Nor-
mandv, which produced no event more memorable than
VOL. 1. K k

* lacimer, p. 83, Chron. Sax. p. 21 1, 242,213. 119, 270. 22?. H. Hunt,
p. jSo. Hovsdcn. p. 470. Ann. V a-&amp;gt;ei-i. p, i.jjt. J~i.sr. Vi:al. p. 837.

250 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, had attended the former. At laft the death of Baldwin,
VJ. who was (lain in an action near Eu, gave fome refpite to

* Henrv, and enabled him to carry on the war with more

luSt advantage againft his enemies.

LEWIS finding himfelf unable to wreft Normandy from
the king by force of arms, had recourfe to the dangerous
expedient of applying to the fpiritual power, and of afford
ing the ecclefiafticsa pretence tointerpole in the temporal
concerns of princes. He carried young William to a ge
neral council, which was aflembled at Rheims by pope
Calixtus II. prefented the Norman pnnce to them, com
plained of the manifell ufurpation and injuftice of Henry,
craved the afliftance of the church for re-inftating the true
heir in his dominions, and reprefented the enormity of
detaining in captivity fo brave a prince as Robert, one of
the mod eminent champions of the crofs.and who, by that
very quality, was placed under the immediate protection of
the holy lee. Henry knew how to defend the rights of
his crown with vigour, and yet with dexterity. He had
fent over the Englilh bifhops to this fynod ; but at the fame
time had warned them that if any farther claims were fiart-
ed by the pope or the ecclefiaftics, he was determined to
adhere to the laws and cuftomsof England, and maintain
the prerogatives transmitted to him by his predeceffors.
Go," laid he to them, " falutethe pope in my name;
" hear his apoftolical precepts; but take care to bring none
of his new inventions into my kingdom." Finding,
however, that it would be eafier for him to elude than op-
pote the efforts of Calixtus, he gave his ambaiTadors or
ders to gain the pope and his favourites by liberal prefents
and promifes. The complaints of the Norman prince
were thenceforth heard with great coldnefs by the council;
and Calixtus confeffed, after a conference which he had
the lame lummer with Henry, and when that prince pro
bably renewed his prefents, that, of all men whom he had
ever yet been acquainted with, he was beyond companion
the moft eloquent and perfuafive.

THE warlike meafures of Lewis proved as ineffectual as
his intrigues. He had laid a icheme for furprifmg Noyon ;
but Henry having received intelligence of the defign,
marched to the relief of the place, and fuddenly attacked
the French at Brenneville, as they were advancing towards
it. A fharp conflict, enfued ; where prince William behav
ed with great bravery, and the king himfelf was in the
moft imminent danger. He was wounded in the head
byCrilpin, a gallant Norman officer, who had followed
the fortunes of William*: but being rather animated than

* H. Hunt. p. 381. M. Paris, p. 47. Diceto, p. 503.

HENRY I. 251

terrified by the blow, he immediately beat his antagonift CHAP,
to the ground, and Ib encouraged his troops by the exam- VI.

pie, that they put the French to total rout, and had very v

nearly taken their king prifoner. The dignity of the per- IU 9-
fons f ngaged in this (kirmifh, rendered it the mpfl memo
rable a&ion of the war: For, in other relpecls, it was not
of great importance. There were nine hundred horfemen,
who fought on both fides; y*t were there only two per-
fons (lain. The retl were defended by that heavy armour
worn bv the cavalry in thole times*. An accommodation
foo i after enf ied between the kin^s of France and Eng
land ; ar.d the interefts of young William were entirely ne
glected in it.

BUT this public profperity of Henry was much overbal- ns0i
anced by a dorneftic calamity which befel him. His only r/eath
fon William had now reached his eighteenth year ; and of _ pnnce
the king, from the facility with which he hirnfelf had
ufurned the crown, dreading that a like revolution might
fubvert his family, had taken care to have him recognized
fucceflbr by the Hates of the kingdom, and had carried him
over to Normandy, that he might receive the homage of
the batons of that dutchy. The king, on his return, fet
fail from Barfleur, and was foon carried by a fair wind
ot:t of fight of land. The prince was detained by feme
accident; and his lailors, as well as their captain Thomas
Fitz-Stephens, having ipent the interval in drinking, were
fo fluttered, that, being in a hurry to follow the king, they
heedlefsly earned th (hip on a rock, where fhe immedi
ately foundered. William was put into the long-boat,
and had got clear of the fhip ; when hearing the cries of
his natural filler, the countefs of Perche, he ordered the
ieamen to row back in hopes of faving her : But the num
bers who then crowded in, foon funk the boat ; and the
prince with all his retinue periihed. Above a hundred and
forty young noblemen of the principal families of England
and N ormandy, were loft on this occafion. A butcher of
Rouen was the only perfon on board who efcapedf: He
clung to the matt, and was taken up next morning by fifh-
ermen. Fitz-Stephens alfo took hold of the niaft ; but
being informed by the butcher that prince William had pe
riihed, he laid that he would not furvive the difaftt-r ; and
he threw himfelf headlong into the fea$. Henry enter
tained hopes for three days, that his fon had put into forac
diflant port of England : But when certain intelligence of
the calamity was brought him, he fainted away ; and it was

* Oriler. Vital, p. 3^.]. f Sim. Dr-nclm. p. 2.J2. AUr.cd Lever;,

y H^- * Order. Vital, p. 86^5,

252 I! I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P- remarked, that he never afrer was feen to fmile, nor ever

VI. recovered his wonted cheerfulnefs*.

1 - . - THE death of William may be regarded in one refpect
L II2D&amp;gt; as a misfortune to the Englilh ; becaufe it was the immedi
ate fource of thofe civil wars, which, after the demiie of
the king, caufed fuch conrufion in the kingdom : But it is
remarkable, that the young prince had entertained a vio
lent avcrfion to the natives; and had been heard to threa
ten, that when he mould be king, he would make them
draw the plough, and would turn them into beafts of bur-
-then. Thefe nrepoiTeflions he inherited from his father,
who, though he was wont, when it might ierve his pur-
pofe, to value himfelf on his birth, as a native of Eng
land f, fhowed, in the courfe of his government, an ex
treme prejudice againfl that people. All hopes of prefer
ment, to ecclefiaflical as well as civil dignities, were de
nied them during this whole reign; and any foreigner,
however ignorant or worihlcls, was lure to have the pre
ference in every competition:;:. As the Englilh had given
no difturbance to the government during the courfe of fiftv
years, this inveterate antipathy in a prince of fo much tem
per as well as penetration, forms a prefumption that the
Englifh of that age were dill a rude and barbarous people
even compared fo the Normans, and impreiTcs us with no
very favourable idea of the Anglo-Saxon manners.

PRINCE William J.eft no children; and the king had
not now any legitimate iffue; except one daughter, Matil
da, whom in 11:0 he had betrothed, though only eight
years of agejl, to the emperor Kenry V. and whom he had
then fent over to be educated in Germany **. But as her
abfencefrom the kingdom, and her marriage into a foreign
family, might endanger the fucceffion, Henry, who was
now a widower, was nduced to marry in hopes of having
male heirs; and he made his addrelTesto Adelais, daughter

- c S* je * i c T c r i .

or Godfrey duke of Lovaine, and niece of pope Calixtus,
a young princefs of an amiable prrfonff. But Adelais
brought him no children; and the prince, who was moil:
likely to difpute the fucceffion, and even the immediate
poiTedion of the crown, recovered hopes of fubverting his
rival, who had fucceflively foized all his patrimonial do
minions. William, the fon of duke Robert, was flill pro
tected in the French court; and as Henry s connexions
with the count of Anjou were broken off by the death of

* Hoveden, p. 476. Order. V.-tal. p. 869. f Gul. Keub lib.

i. "?.p. 3. t 1 arimer, p. 110.

[j Chron. Sax. p. 21:,. W. Malm. p. i6(S. Order. Vital, p. 8.5.
* .See note [M] at the end of the volume.
ff Chron. bax. p. usj. \V. Malm. p. 165.

mar-

HENRY I. 253

his fon, Fulk joined the party of the unfortunate prince, C H A V.
gave him his daughter in marriage, and aided him in raif- VI.

ing- disturbances in Normandy. But Henry found the v ,

means of drawing off the count of Anjou, by forming a- lli! -
new with him a nearer connexion than the former, and
one more material to the intereffs of that count s family.
The emperor, his fon-in-law, dying without ittue, he
beftowed his daughter on Geoffrey, the eldcft fon of Fulk, I1!7&amp;lt;
and endeavoured to infure her fucceffion by having her
recogniied heir to all his dominions, and obliging t*ie ba
vins boih of Normandy and England to fwear fealty to her.
He hoped that the choice of this hufband would be more
agreeable to all his fubjecb than that of the emperor; as
fecuring them from the danger of falling under the domi
nion of a great and diftant potentate, who might bring
them into fubjeftion, and reduce their country to the rank
of a province : But the barons were difpleafcd, that a flep
i o material to national intererts had been taken without
confulting them* ; and Henry had too fenfibly experienced
the turbulence of their difpofition, not to dread the effecls
of their refentment. It feemed probable that his nephew s
party might gain force from the increafe cf the malcon
tents: An acceflion of power which that prince acquired
a little after, tended to render his pretenfions fHll more
dangerous. Charles earl of Flanders being aflaffinated
during the celebration of divine fervice, king Lewis im
mediately put the young prince in pofleflion of that coun
ty, to which he had pretenfions in the right of his grand
mother Matilda, wife to the Conqueror. But William
furvivcd a very little time this piece of good fortune, which
feemed to open the way to ft ill farther profperity. He was
killed in a fkirmim with the landgrave of Alface, his com
petitor for Flanders; and his death put an end, for the pie-
lent, to the jealoufy and inquietude of Henry.

THE chief merit of this monarch s government confifts
in the profound tranquillity which he eftablifhed and main
tained throughout all his dominions during the greater part
of his reign. The mutinous barons were retained in fub-
jeftion ; and his neighbours, in every attempt which they
made upon him, fuund him fo vrell prepared, that they
were diicouraged from continuing or renewing their en-
terpriles. In order to reprefs the incurfions of the Welfh,
he brought over fome Flemings in the year mi, and fet
tled them in Pembrokelhire, where they long maintained
a different language, and cuiloms, and manners, from their

* W. Malm. p. 175. 1 he arinaS of Wa&amp;lt; erly, p. 15?, fay, that the king
aiked and obtained the coufein of ail the barons.

254 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- neighbours. Though his government feerns to have been
VI. arbitrary in England, it was judicious and prudent ; and

* .,__ ; was as little oppreffive as the neceffity of his affairs would

i)28. permit. He wanted no attention to the redrefs of grievan
ces; and hiftorians mention in particular the levying of
purveyance, which he endeavoured to moderate and re
train, i he tenants in the king s demefne lands were at
that time obliged to (\ipp\y gratis the court with provifions,
and to furnifh carriages on the fame hard terms, whe i the
king made a progreis, as he did frequently, into any of
the counties. Thefe exactions were fo grievous, and levi
ed in lo licentious a manner, that the farmers, when they
heard of the approach of the court, often deferted their
houfes, as if an enemy had invaded the country*; and
fheltered their peribns and families in the woods, from the
infults of the king s retinue. Henry prohibited thofe en
ormities, and punifhed the perfons guilty of them bv cut
ting oiF their hands, legs, or other members f. But the
prerogative was perpetual; the remedy applied by Henry
was temporary ; and the violence itfelt of this remedy, fo
far fiom giving fecurity to the people, was only a proof of
the ferocity of the government, and threatened a quick re
turn of like abufes.

ONE great and difficult object of the king s prudence
was, the guarding againft the encroachments of the court
of Rome, and protecting the liberties of the church of
England. The pope, in the year 1101, had fent Guy,
archbiihop of Vienne, as legate into Britain; and though
he was the firft that for many years had appeared there in
that character, and his commiffion gave general furprifej,
the king, who was then in the commencement of his reign,
and was involved in many difficulties, was obliged to fub-
mit to this encroachment on his authority. But in the year
1116, Anfelrn abbot of St. Sabas, who was coming over
with a like legantinecommiffion, was prohibited from en
tering the kingdom ||; and pope Calixtus, who in his turn
was then labouring under many difficulties, by reafon of
the pretenfions of Gregory, an antipope, was obliged to
promife, that he never would for the future, except
when lolicited by the king himfelf, fend any legate into
England**. Notwithstanding this engagement, the pope,
as foon as he had fuppreffed his antagonift, granted the
cardinal de Crema a legantine commiflion over that king
dom; and the king, who, by reafon of his nephew s in
trigues and invafions, found himfelf at that time in a dan-*

* Eadmer, p. 94. Chrcn. Sax. p. 2 1 2. f Eadmer, p. 94.

+ Ibid. p. 38. jj Hoveden, p. 474. ** tvimer, p.. 125*

137, 138.

HENRY I.

gerous fituation, was obliged to fubmit to the exercife of C H A P.
this commifrion*. A fynod was called by the legate at VI.

London ; where, among other canons, a vote pafled, ena6l- v ~^

ing fevere penalties on the marriages of the clergy f. The
cardinal, in a public harangue, declared it to be an unpar
donable enormity, that a prieft ftiould dare to confecrate
and touch the body of Chrift immediately after he had rilen
from the fide of a ftrumpet : For that wa; the decent ap
pellation which he gave to the wives of the clergy. But
it happened, that the verv next night, the officers of juftice,
breaking into a diiordcrly houi e, found the cardinal in
bed with a courtezan \\ an incident which threw luch ri
dicule upon him, that he immediately ftole out of the king
dom : The lynod broke up; and the canons againft the
marriage of clergymen were worlc executed than everj|.

HENRY, in order to prevent this alternate revolution
of conceffions and encroachments, lent William, then
archbiihop of Canterbury, to remonftrate with the court
of Rome againft thofe abufes, and to aflert the liberties of
the EngliQi church. It was a ufual maxim with every
pope, when he found that he could not prevail in any pre-
tenfion, to grant princes or ftates a power which they had
always exerciled, to relume at a proper juncture the claim
which feemed to be refigned, and to pretend that the civil
magiftrate had pofieired the authority only from a fpecial
indulgence of the Roman pontiff. After this manner, the
pope, finding that the French nation would not admit his
claim of granting inveftitures, had palled a bull, giving
the king that authority ; and he now praclifed a like inven
tion to elude the complaints of the king of England. He
made the archbifhop of Canterbury his legate, renewed his
commiflion from time to time, and dill pretended that the
rights which that prelate had ever exercifed as metropolitan,
were entirely derived from the indulgence of the apoftolic
fee. [ he Englifh princes, and Henry in particular, who
were glad to avoid any immediate conteft of fo dangerous
a nature, commonly acquiefced by their filence in thefc
pretenfions of the court of Rome * *.

As every thing in England remained in tranquillity,
Henry took the opportunity of paying a vifit to Norman- 11JK
dy, to which he was invited, as well by his arfeclion for

* Chron. Sax. p. 229. f Spe m. Cone. vol. li. p. 34-

J Hovcden, p. 478. M. Paris, p. 48. M.itth. Weft, ad aim. 1125. IT.
Iluntiiudon, p. 382. It is remarkable, that this !aft wr : te,, wdo -.vat a clergv
nwn^pvell as the others, makes an apolos;/ for utin? fuch freedom with the
t.iifiersu! iiiri ciuiK ti ; hut la) b, that, the f&amp;lt;ft WS DOtOHOUJ lOd ODfbl UCH 10
be concealed.

1 : on. Sax. p. 234.
** See note [N J at the end of the volumr.

256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, that country, as by his tendernefs for his daughter the crrt-
VI. prefs Matilda, who was always his favourite. Some time

v v after, that princefs was delivered of a fon, who received

JI 5 2 -. the name of Henry; and the king, farther to enfure her
i ucceffion, made all the nobility of England and Norman
dy renew the oath of fealty, which they had already Iworn
to her*. The joy of this event, and the falisfaftion which
he reaped from his daughter s company, who bore fuccef-
-.1:5. fively two other fons, made his refidence in Normandy
very agreeable to himf ; and he feemed determined to pafs
the remainder of his days in that country; when an in-
eurfion of the Wellh obliged him to think of returning into
England. He was preparing for the journev, but was

jftcf Dec. teized with a fudden illnefs at St. Dennis le Form en t, from
eating too plentifully of lampreys, a food which always
agreed better with his palate than his conftitution J. He

r&amp;gt;aih died in the fixty-feventh year of his age, and the thirty-fifth
of his reign; leaving by will his daughter Matilda heir of
a-li his dominions, without making any mention of her
hufiband Geoffrey, who had given him feveral caufes of
difpleafure ||.

THIS prince wasone of the moft acComplimed that has
filled the Engliih throne, and poflefled all the great quali
ties both of body and mind, natural and acquired, which
could fit him for the highftation to which he attained. Hio
perfon was manly, his countenance engaging, his eyes
clear, ferene, and penetrating. The affability of his ad-
drefs encouraged thofe who might be overawed by the fenfe
of his dignity or of his wifdom ; and though he often in
dulged his facetious humour, he knew how to temper it
with difcretion,and ever keptata diftance from all indecent
familiarities with his courtiers. His fuperior eloquence and
judgment would have given him an afcendant, even had he
been born in a private ftation ; and his perfonal bravery
would have procured him refpecl, though it had been lefs
fupported by art and policy. By his great progrefs in li
terature, he acquired the name,of Beau-clerc, or the fcho-
lar : But his application to thofe fedentary purfuits abated
nothing of the activity and vigilance of his government ;
and though the learning of that age was better fitted to
corrupt than improve the understanding, his natural good
fenfe preferved itfelf untainted, both from the pedantry
and ftiperftition which were then fo prevalent among men
of letters. His temper was fufceptible of the fentiment*

* W. Malm. p. 177, t H. Hunt, p.

p. 385. M. Faris.p. 50. || W. Malm. p. 1

HENRY I. 257

as well of friend hipas of refentment*; and his ambition, CHAP.
though high, might be deemed moderate and reafonable, VI.
had not his conduct towards his brother and nephew ftiowed v - / -
that he was too much difpoled to Lcrifice to it all the max- IJ J5-
ims of juft ce and equity. But the total incapacity of Ro
bert for government afforded his younger brother a realon
orp-etence for ieizing the fceptre both of England and
Normandy; diid when violence and ufurpation are once
began, neceditv obliges a prince to continue in the fame
criminal coiirfe, and engages him in meafures which his
bet er j idgment and founder principles would otherwife
have induced him to reject with warmth and indignation.

KING Henrv was much addicted to women ; and hifto-
rians mention no lefs than feven illegitimate fons and fix
daughters born to himf. Hunting was alfo one of his
favouriteamufements; and he exercifed great rigour againft
thole who enct cached on the royal forefts, which were
augmented during his reign $, though their number and
extent were already too great. 1 o kill a flag was as cri
minal as to murder a man : He made all the dogs be mr,u-
Jated which were kept on the borders of his forefls : And
he fometimes depiived his Jubjecls of the liberty of hunting
on their own lands, or even cutting their own woods. In
other refpeds he executed juftice, and that with rigour;
thebeft maxim which a prince in that age could follow.
Stealing was firft made capital in this reign || : Fa fe coin
ing, which was then a very common crime, and by winch
the money had been extremely debafed, was feverely
puniihcd by Henry**. Near fifty criminals of this kind
were at one time hanged or mutilated ; and though thefe
punifhments feem to have been exercifed in a manner fome-
wlnt arbitrary, thev \vere grateful to the people, more at
tentive to prefcnt advantages than jealous of general laws.
There is a code which pafles under the name of Henry 1.
but the heft antiquaries have agreed to thirik it fpurious. It
is however a very ancient compilation, and tuay be ufd ul
to infirud us in the manners and cuftoms of the times.
\Ve learn from it, that a great diflinclion was then made
between the Eng!i!h and Normans, much lo the advantage
of the latter tf. The deadly feuds, and the liberty of
private revenge, which had been avowed by the Saxon
laws, were ftill continued, and \vcie nut yet wholly ille-

VOL. I. LI

(fVi* Vital, v- 805. i Gul. Gemet. lib. S. c.i ..

; \V. Malm. p. i , on,

p. i (-&amp;gt;. I lor. Wigoro. p. 653.. Ho o .;;, p. .\~]i. * f , v m. L,.

p. ijt. riiOiii^ .on, p. icoo. Uo .e -i jii, } . 47;- Urinal. \Va\erl. p. 149.

t , LL. Hen. i. iS. 75. J^ LL. litu. ^ ha.

258 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. AMONG the laws granted on the king s acceffion, it is
VI. remarkable that the re-union of the civil and ecclefiaftical

* v courts, as in the Saxon times, wasenatted*. But this law,

J1 35- tike the articles of his charter, remained without effect,
probably from the oppofition of archbifhop Anfelm.

HENRY, on his acceffion, granted a charter to London,
which leetr.s to have been the til it ftep towards rendering
that city a corporation. By this charter, the ity was em
powered to keep the farm of Middlesex at three hundred
pounds a year, toeleCi its own fheriii and jufiiciary, and
to hold pleas of the crown ; and it was exempted from
fcot, Danegelt, trials by combat, and lodging the kir.g s
retinue. Thefe, with a confirmation of the privileges of
their court of hufiings, w^rdmotes, and common halls, and
their liberty of hunting in Middlesex and Surrey, are the
chief articles of thischarterf.

IT is laid that this prince, from indulgence to his ten
ants, changed the rents of his demelhes, which were for
merly paid in kind, into money, which was more eafily re
mitted to the exchequer. Bat the great fcarcity of coin
would r nder that commutation difficult to be executed,
while at the fame time provifions could not be fcnt to a
diiiint quarter of the kingdom. This affords a piobable
reafon why the ancient kings of England fo frequently
changed their place of abode : They carried their court
from one place to another, that they might confume upon
the ipot the revenue of their feveral demefnes.

* Speim. p. 305. Rlackfione, "ol. iii. p. 6j. Coke, 2 Inft. 70.
f Lambard A;c;iaiononii.a ex edit. Iwifden. Wilkins, p. 235.
J Dial, de Sc^ccario, lib. i. cap. 7.

( 259 )

CHAP. VII.

H E N.

iiccefflon of Stephen War with Scotland Infurrec-

tion in favour of Mitilda Stephen taken pnfoner

Matilda crowned Stephen rtleafed Re/hned

to the crown Continuation of the civil wars Com-

promife between the king and prince Henry Death

of the king.

IN the progrefs and fettlement of the feudal law, the CHAP,
male fucceffion to fiefs had taken piace fome time before VII.

the female was admitted ; and eftates being conlidered as *

military benefices, not as property, were tranlmitted to 1Ij5 *
inch only as could ferve in the armies, and perform in per-
fon the conditions upon which they were originally grant
ed. But when the continuance of rights, during fome ge
nerations, in fhe fame family, had, in a great meafune, oo-
literated the primitive idea, the females were gradually
admitted to the pofletvion of feudal property; and the fame
revolution of principles which procured them the inheri
tance of private ellates, naturally introduced their fuccef
fion to government and authority. The failure, therefore,
of male heirs to the kingdom of England and dutchy of
Normandy, feemed to leave the fucceffion open, without
a rival, to the emprefs Matilda; and as Henry had made
all his vaflals in both ftates I vear fealty to her, he prefurn-
ed that they would not eafiiy be induced to depart at once
from her hereditary right, add from their own reiterated
oaths an 1 engagements. But th^ irregular manner in which
he himfelf had acquired the crowii, might have infi.iu. 1
him, that neither his Norman nor Englith lubjects wcic as

2 6o H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P. &amp;gt;* et capable of adhering to a ft rift rule of government ; and
Vil. as everv precedent of this kind ieems to give authority to

v . new ufurpations, he had reafon to dread, even from his

iI 35- own family, fome invafion of his daughter s title, which
he had taken fuch pains to eftabliih.

ADELA, daughter of William the Conqueror, had been
married to Stephen count of Biois, and had brought him
feveral fc.no; among whom Stephen and Henry, the two
youngeft, had been invited over to England by the late
king, and had received great honours, liches, and pre
ferment, from the zealous friendship which that prince bore
to every one that had been fo fortunate as to acquire his
favour and good opinion. Henry, who had betaken him-
felf to the ecclefiafiical profeffion, was created abbot of
Glaflenbury and biPnop of Winchefter ; and though thefe
dignities were confiderable, Stephen had, from his uncle s
liberality, attained eftabliihrnents dill moie folid and du
rable*. The king had married him to Matilda, who was
daughter and heir of Euftace count of Boulogne, and who
brought him, befides that feudal fovereignty in France, an
irnmenfe property in England, which in the difhibution of
lands had been conferred by the Lonqueror on the family
of Boulogne. Stephen allb by this marriage acquired a
new connexion with the royal famiiy of England ; as Ma
ry, his wife s mother, was fifter to David the reigning king
of Scotland, and to Matilda, the firft wife of Henry, and
mother of the emprefs. The king, ftill imagining that he
Strengthened the interefts of his family by the aggrandife-
ment of Stephen, took plealure in enriching him by the
grant of new pofTeffions ; and he conferred on him the
great eftate forfeited by Robert Mallet in England, and
that forfeited by the earl of Mortaigne in Normandy. Ste
phen, in return, profeffed great atta, hment to his uncle;
and appeared fo zealous for the fucceffion of Matilda, that,
when the barons fwore fealty to that princeis, he conten
ded with Robert earl of Gloucefter, the king s natural
fon, who fhould firft be admitted to give her this tefliirony
of devoted Zealand fidelity}-. Meanwhile he continued
to cultivate, by every ait of popularity, the friendfhip of
the Englifh nation; and many virtues, with which he
feemed to be endowed, favoured the fuccefs of his inten
tions. By his bravery, activity, and vigour, he acquired
the efteem of the barons: By his gencrofity, and by an
affable and familiar addrefs, unufual in that age among
men of his high quality, he obtained the affections of the

* Gul. Neubr. p. 360. Brompton, p. 1023.
f W. Malm. p. itj-s.

STEPHEN. 261

people, particularly of the Londoners*. And though he C IT A?.
dared not to take any i;ep&amp;lt;; towards his farther grandeur, , VI 1.

left hefhould expofe himietffo the j-&amp;gt;aloufy of fo penetrat- .,

ing a prince as Henry ; he ftill hoped th;it, by accumula- ll i~&amp;gt;~
ting riches and power, and by acquiring popularity, he
might in time he able to open his way to the throne.

\ o fooner had Henry breathed his laft than Stephen,
infenfible to all the ties of gratitude and fidelity, and blind
to danger, gave full reins to his criminal ambition, and
trufted that, even without any previous i^ rigue, the cele
rity of his enterprise, and the boldnefs of his attempt,
might overcome th; weak attachment which the Englilh
2nd Normans in that age bore to the laws and to the rights
of their loveivign. He haftened over to England ; and
though the citizens of Dover, and thoie of Canterbury,
appriied of his purpofe, (hut their gates againfl him, he
flopped not till he arrived at London, "where fome of the
lower rank, infligated by his emiifaries, as well as moved
by his generaUpopularity, immediately faluted him king.
His next point was to acquire the good-wilt of the clergv :
and by performing the ceremony of his coronation, to put
himfelf in potlefhon of the throne, from which he \vzs
confident it would not be eafy afterwards to e-xpel him.
His brother, the bi mop of Winchefter, was ufeful to him
in thefe capital articles: Having gained Roger bifhop of
Salifbury, who, though he owed a great fortune and ad
vancement to the favour of the {ate king, preferved no
fenfc of gratitude to ilia! prince s family ; he applied, in
conjunction with that prelate, to William archbilliop of
Canterbury, and required him, in virtue of his office, to
give the royal uncViori to Stephen, The primate, who, as
all the others, had iworn feaity to Matilda, refufcd to per
form this ceremony; but his oppofition was overcome by
an expedient equally difhonourable with the other fleps by
which this revolution was effected. Hugh Bigod, fleward
of the houfeho .d, made oath before th^ primate, that the
late king on his death bed had fhown a diffatisfaclion with
his daughter Matilda, and had expreifed his intention of
leaving the count of Boulogne heir to all his dominions f.
William, either believing or feigning to believe Bigod s
teftimony, anointed Stephen, and put the crown upon 22 d Dee.
his head; and from this religious ceremony that prince,
without any (liadow either of hereditary title or confent
of the nobility or people, was allowed to proceed to the
exercife of Sovereign authority. Very few barons atten-

* W. Malm. p. 179. Geft. Steph. p. 918.

f Matih. Varis.p. 51. Diceco, p. 505. Chron. Dunft. p. 25.

262 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P. ded hi* coronation*; but none oppofed his uiurpation/
VII. however unji.fi or flagrant. r ~l he fentiment of relit ion

&amp;gt; which, if corrupted into iuperflition, has often little erhcu-

ll li- cy in fortifying the duties of civil fociety, was not atfetf ed
by the multiplied oaths taken in favour of iV- tilda, :nd
only rendered the peop e o! edicnt to a prince \\ h &amp;lt; was
countenanced by the clergy, and who hid received /V,.m
the pnmote the rite of ro\al Uidion arid confecration f.
STEPHEN, that he might farther iecme his tottering
throne, palled a charter, in which hj made liberal promi-
fes to all orders o f men ; to the clergy, ihat he would fpee-
dily fill all vacant benefices, and v\uu;d never levy the
rents of any of them during the vacancy ; to the nobility,
that he would reduce the royal forefts to their ancient
boundaries, and correct all encroachments; and to the peo
ple, that he wou;d remit the tax of Danegelt, and rellore
the laws of king LdwardJ. 1 he late king had a great
treafure at Winchefler, amounting to a hundred thouland
pounds: And Stephen, by leizing this money, immediate
ly turned againfl Henry s family the precaution which that
prince had employed for their g andeur ard fecuiity: An
event which naturally attends the policy of amaifing trea-
fures. By means of this money the ufurper inlured the
compliance, though not the attachment, of the principal
glergy and nobility ; but not trultingto this frail fecuiity,
he invited over from the continent, particularly from Bri-
tanny and Fianders, great numbers of thole bravoes or dif-
orderly foldiers, with whom every country in Europe, by
, reaion of the general ill police and turbulent government,
extremely abounded ||. Theie mercenary troops guarded
his throne by the terrors of the fword; and Stephen, that
he might alio overawe all malcontents by new and additi
onal terroro of religion, procured a bu l from Rome, which
ratified his title, and which the pope, feeing this prince
in poflerlion of the tLone, and plea led with an appeal to
his authority in iecular controverfies, very readily granted
him* *.

T n 6 - MATILDA, and her hufband Geoffrey, were as unfor

tunate in Normandy as they had been in Flngland. The
Norman nobility, moved by an hereditary animofity againfl
the Angevins, full applied to Theobald count of Blois,
Stephen s elder brother, for piotec\ion and affiftauce; but

* Brompton, p. 1023.

f Such ftrefs was foimerly laid on the right of coronation, that the monkifh
writers never gi . e any prince the title of king tiTl he is crowned: ihnugh l&amp;gt;e
had for lorn: urns been in poiieffion of theciown, andexeicifcti all the powers
nf fo ereignty.

\ VV. N^alm. p. 170. Hoveden, p. 482. |j W. Malm. p. 179*

** Iiagulfiad. p. 250. 313.

STEPHEN. 263

afterwards that Stephen had got poflVffion of the C II A P.
E pgli n crown, and h.ivir.g many of them the ianie rea- VII.

Cons as formcily fordefiring a continuance of their union v

with th.it kingdom, they transferred their allegiance to I! * 6
Stephen, and put him in polfeffion of their government.
Lewis the younger, the reigning king of France, accepted
the horn. 1*0 of Euftace, Stephen s eldeil ion, for the dut-
chy ; and the more to corroborate his connexions with that
family, he betrothed his lifter Conflantia to the young
p;ince. The coun of Blois refiejned all his pretenfions,
and received, in lieu of them, an annral penfion of two
thoufand maiks; and Geoltrev himfelf was obliged to
co.iciude a tmce for two years with Stephen, on condition
of the kind s paying him, di ring that time, a penfion of
five thouland*. Stephen, who had taken a journey to
Kormandv, finifhed all thele traniactions in perfon, and
foon after returned to England.

ROBERT earl of Gioceiter, natural fon of the late king,
was a man of honour and abilities; and as he was much
attached to the interefls of his (liter Matilda, and zealous
for the lineal fucceffion, it w,:s chieflv from his intrigues
and refiftance that the king had reafon to dread a new re
volution of government. This nobleman, who was in
Normandy when he received intelligence of Stephen s ac-
ceflion, found himfelf much embarrafled concerning the
ineafures which he fhould p:ir(ue in that difficult emergen
cy. To fwear jllegiance to the ufurper appeared to him
di Vionourable. and a breach of Ms oatL to Matilda : To
refufe giving thi? pledge of his fidelity, wastobantfti him
felt from hngland, and be totaily incapacitated fiom (erv-
ing the royal family, or contributing to their reftoration f.
He orrered Stephen to do him homage, and to take the oath
of fealty ; but with an exprefs condition that the king
fhould maintain all hi ftipulations, and lliculd never invade
anv of Robert s rights or dignities: And Stephen, though
fenfible thjf this relerve, fo unufual in itfelf, and fo unbe
fitting the duty of a iu cjcf), was meant only to aflord Ro
bert a pretence for a revolt on the t irft favourable opportu
nity, was obliged, by the numerous friends arid retainers
of that nobleman, to receive him on thofe terms|. The
clergy, who could fcarcely at this time be deemed fubjVcls
to the crown, imitated that dangerous example : They
annexed to their oaths of allegiance this condition, that
they were only bound fo long as the king defended the ec-
clefiaftical liberties, and fur-ported the discipline of the

* M. Paris, p. 52. f Malmcf. p. 179.

+ Ibid. M. Pans, p. 5:.

264 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. church*. The barons, in return for their fubmiffion, ex-
Vll. acted terms ftill more deftruCtiveof public peace, as well

-v as of royal authority : Many of them required the ri^ht

11 ^ of fortifying their caftles, and of putting thcmfdves in a
pofture of defence; and the king found himfelf totally
unable to rc&ufe his confent to this exorbitant drrmn;if.
All England was immediately fiiled with thofe fortrefles,
which the noblemen garrifoned either with their vaifals, or
with licentious foidiers, who {locked to them from all quar
ters. Unbounded rapine was exercifed upon the people
for the maintenance of theie troops ; and private animo-
fities, which had with difliculty been retrained by law,
now breaking out without control, rendered England a
Icene of uninterrupted violence and devaitation. Wars
between the nobles were carried on with the utmoft fury
in every quarter; the barons even affumed the right of
Coining money, and of exercifing, without appeal, every
a&amp;lt;5t of jurifdi&ton $ ; and the inferior gentry, as well a s
the people, finding no defence faom the laws during this
total di Solution of ibvereign authority, were obliged, for
their immediate fafety, to pay court to fome neighbouring
chieftain, and to purchafe his protection, both by fubmit-
ting to his exactions, and by affifting him in his rapine
upon others. The erection of one caftle proved the imme
diate cauleof building many others; and even thole who
obtained not the king s perrniifion, thought that they were
entitled, by the great principle of felt-prefervation, to put
themfelves on an equal footing with their neighbours, who
commonly were al!o their enemies and rivals. The arifio-
craticai power, which isufually fo opprcifive in the feudal
governments, had now rilen to its utmoft height during
the reijrn of a prince who, though endowed with vigour
and abilities, had ufurped the throne without the pretence
of a ritie, and who was necefiitated to tolerate in others
the fame violence to which he himielf had been beholden
for his ibvereignty.

BUT Steplen was not of a difpcfnion to fubmit long to
theie uiurpations, without rna king fome ettbrt for the reco
very of royal authority. Finding that the legal preroga
tives of the crown were refilled and abridged, he was allb
tempted to make his power the fole meafure of his conduct ;
and to violate all thofe concernons which he himfelf had
made on his acceffion II, as well as the ancient privileges of
his fubjects. The mercenary foidiers, who chiefly fup-
ported his authority, having exhaufted the royal treafure,

* \V. Malru ;&amp;gt;. 170. t Ibid P- --

J Trivet, p. 19. Gul. Neub. p. 372- C hron. Keming. p. 457. Bump-
Ion, p. 1035. i| W. Maim. p. 180. M. Paiis.p. 51.

STEPHEN. 255

fubfifted by depredations; and every pbce was filled with C H A F-
the beft grounded complaints agair.fi the government. The VII.

earl of Glocefter, having now fettled with his Iriends the * *

plan of an infurreciion, retired beyond fea, lent tiie king
a defiance, folemnly renounced his allegiance, and up
braided him with the breach of thole conditions which had
been annexed to the oath of fealty (worn by that noble
man*. David king of Scotland, appeared at the head of i!j? :
an army in defence of his niece s title, and, penetrating ^jj^f
into Yorkfhire, committed the moft barbarous devaluations
6n the country* The fury of his maffacres and rav.iges
enraged the northern nobility, who might othcrwife have
been inclined to join him; and William earl of Albe-
imrle, Robert de Ferrers, William I iercy, Robert de
Brus, Roger Moubray, Ilbert Lacey, Waiter 1 iLipec,
powerful barons in thofe parts, aflembled an army, with
which they encamped at North-Allerton, and await
ed the arrival of the enemy- A great battle was here
fought called the battle of the Standard, from a high cru- 2
cifix, ereded by the Engliih on a waggon, and carried
along with the army as a military enfign. The king of
Scots was defeated, and he himfelf, as well as his fon Hen
ry, narrowly eicaped falling into the hands of the Englilbi
This fuccefs overawed the malcontents in England, and
might have given fome (lability to Stephen s throne, had
he not been ib elated with proiperity as to engage in a con-
troverfy with the clergy, who were at that time an over
match for any monarch.

THOUGH the great power of the church in ancient times
weakened the authority of the crown, atid interrupted the
courfe of the laws, it may be doubted whether, in ages of
fuch violence and outrage, it was not rather advantageous
that fome limits were fet to the power of the fword, both
in the hands of the prince and nobles, and that men were
taught to pay regard to fome principles and privileges.
The chief misfortune was, that the prelates on fome occa-
fions acled entirely as barons, employed military power
againft their fovereign or their neighbours, and thereby
often encreafed thofe diforders which it was their duty to M ^*
reprels. The bifhopof Salifbury, in imitation of the no
bility, had built two ilrong catties, one at Sherborne, an
other at the Devizes, and had laid the foundations of a
third at Malmefbury ; His nephew Alexander, bilhop of
Lincoln, had ereded a fortrefsat Newark : And Stephen,
who was now fenfible from experience of the mifchiefs at-
VOL. I. M m

* W. M. . .in. j&amp;gt;. 180.

266 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, tending thefe multiplied citadels, refolved to begin with
VII. defiroyingthofe of the clergy, who by their function feem-

v &amp;gt;, ed lefs intitled than the barons to fuch military fecuii-

1J 39- ties*. Making pretence of a fray which had arilen in court
between the retinue of the bifhop of Salisbury and that of
the earl of Britanny, he feized both that prelate and the
bifhop of Lincoln, threw them both into prifon, and obli
ged them by menaces to deliver up thofe places of ftrength
which they had lately creeled f.

HENRY bifhop of VVinchefler, the king s brother, being
armed with a legantine commiffion, now conceived himfelf
to be an ecclefiaftical fovereign no lefs powerful than the
civil ; and forgetting the ties of blood which connected him
with the king, he refolved to vindicate the clerical privi-

3oth Aug. le^es, which he pretended were here openly violated. He
affembled a fynod at Wefhninfter, and there complained
of the impiety of Stephen s meafures, who had employed
violence againll the dignitaries of the church, and had not
awaited the fentence of a fpiritual court, by which alone,
he affirmed, they could lawfully be tried and condemned,
if th- ir conduct had any wife merited cenfure or punifh-
ment +. The fynod ventured to fend a fummons to the
king, charging him to appear before them, and to jufiify
his meafures |i ; and Stephen, inttead of refenting this in
dignity, lent Aubrey de Vere to plead his caufe before that
aflembiy. De Vere accufed the two prelates of treafon
and fedition : but the fynod refufed to try the caufe, or
examine their conduit, till thole caftles, of which they had
been dtfpoflefled, were previoufly reftored to them**.
The bilhopof Salilbury declared that he would appeal to
the pope ; and had not Stephen and his partifans employed
menaces, and even fhown a difpofition of executing vio
lence by the hands of the foldiery, affairs had infiantly
come to extremity between the crown and the mitre \ f.
WHILE this quarrel, joined to fo many other grievan
ces, encreafed the dilcontents among the people, the em-
prefs, invited by the opportunity, and fecretly encouraged
, f by the legate himfelf, landed in England, with Robert

Infurreftion earl of Glocefler, and a retinue of a hundred and forty

in favour of knights. She fixed her refidence at Arundel caftle, whole
gates were opened to her by Adelais the queen-dowager,
now married to William de Albini earl of Sufiex ; and fhe
excited by meflengers her partifans to take arms in every
county of England. Adelais, who had expected that her
daughter-in-law would have invaded the kingdom with
a much greater force, became apprehenfive of danger;

* Gul. &amp;gt;. eubr. p. 362. f Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmef.

p. 181. + W. Ma .m. p. 182. || \V. Malm. p. iSa.

M. Paris, p. 53. * \V. Malm. p. 183. ft Ibid.

STEPHEN. 1.67

and Matilda, to eaie her of her fears, removed firft to Brit- CHAP,
tol, which belonged to her brother Robert, thence to VII.

Glocefter, where fhe remained under the protection of v .

Milo, a gallant nobleman in thofe parts, who had embra
ced her cj ule. Soon after Geoffrey Talbot, William Mo-
hun, Ralph Lovel, William Fitz-John, William Fitz-
Alan, Paganell,and many other barons, declared for her;
and her pirty, which was generally favoured in the king
dom, feemed every day to gain ground upon that of her
antagonist.

W T ERE we to relate all the military events tranfmitted
to us by contemporary and authentic hiflorians, it would
be eafy to Iwell our accounts of this reign into a large vo
lume : But thole incidents, fo little memorable in them-
felves, and fo confuted both in time and place, could af
ford neither inftruction nor entertainment to the reader. Jt
fuirices to fay, that the war was fpread into every quarter ;
and that thole turbulent barons, who had already fhaken
off, in a great meaiure, the reftraint of government, hav
ing now obtained the pretence of a public caufe, carried on
their devaluations with redoubled fury, exercifeH implacable
vengeance on each other, and fet no bounds to their op-
preifions over the people. The caftles of the nobility were
become receptables of licenfed robbers ; who, fallying
forth day and night, committed fpoil on the open country,
on the villages, and even on the cities ; put the captives to
torture, in order to make them reveal their treafures; fold
their perfons to flavery ; and let fire to their houfes, after
they had pillaged them of every thing valuable. The
fiercenefs of their dilpoiition, leading them to commit
wanton dcftruftion, fruftrated their rapacity of its purpofe;
and the poverty and perfons even of the ecciefiaftics, gene
rally fo much revered, were at laft, from neceflity, expo-
fed to the lame outrage which had laid wafte the reft of the
kingdom. The land was left untilied : the inilruments of
husbandry weredeftroyed or abandoned ; and , grievous fa
mine, the natural refult of thoie dilorders, affected equally
both parties, and reduced the ipoilers, as well as the de-
fencelefs people, to the moil extreme want and indi
gence *.

AFTER feveral fruittefs negotiations and treaties of n-je.
peace, which never interrupted thefe deftrudtive hofiilities,
there happened at laft an event, which feemed to promife
tome end of the public calamities. Ralph, earl of Chef- *
ter, and his half brother William de Roumara, partiians
of Matilda, rud furprifed the caftle of Lincoln; but the

* Cliron. Sax. p. 233. W. Malmjf. p. 185. Geft. ateph. p. 961.

OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. citizens, who were better afR 6ied to Stephen, having in-r
VII. vir;*d him to their aid, that pnnce laid clofe fiege to the

v &amp;gt;- caflle, in hopes of foon rendering himfelf mailer of the

1 * place, either by afTault or by famine. The earl of Glo-
cefler haftened with an army to the relief of his friends;
and Stephen, informed of his approach, took the field with
, ,. 1T . a refolution of giving him ba tle. After a violent thock,
sd Feb. the two wings of the rovalifts were put to flight ; and Ste
phen hirnlelf, furrounded by the enemy, was at laft, after
exerting great efforts of valour, borne down by numbers,

Stephen an/ j ( a ] 4en prifon^r. He was conducted to GloceOer; and
though at fi fl treated with humanity, was foon after, on
fome fufpicion, thrown into prilon and loaded with irons.
STEPHEN .I pasty was ent. rely broken by the captivity
of their lead -r, and the barons came in daily from ah quar
ters, and did homage to Matilda. 1 he princefs, however,
amidl} ail her profperity, knew that (lie was not fecure of
fuccefs, unlefs ihe could gain the confidence of the clergy;
and as the conduct of the legate had been of late very am-
bicruous, and (hewed his intentions to have rather aimed
at humbling his brother, than totally ruining him, fheem-
ploved every endeavour to fix him in hi. j r interefts. She

2d March, hgjd a conference with him in an open plain near Win-
cheirer ; where the promifed upon oath, that if he would
acknowledge her for ibvereign, would recogniie her title
as the Ible defccndant of the late king, and would again
Submit to tlie allegiance which he, as well as the reft of the
kingdom, h.id fvvorn to her, he fhould in return be entire
rnalter of the adminifiiation, and in particular fhould, at
liis plenfure, difpofe of all vacant bifhoprics and abbies.
Earl Robert, her brother, Brian Fit7&amp;gt;-Count, Milo of Glo-
cefter, and other great men, became guarantees for her
obierving thele engagements*; and the prelate was at laft
induced to promife h, r allegiance, but that lliil burdened
v/ith the expreis condition, that (he fhould on her part ful
fil her promues. He then conducted her to Winchefler,
Jed her in proceffion to the cathedral, and \vith great fo-
lemnity, in the [ reience of many bifhop3*and abbots, de
nounced curies again!} all thofe who curled her, poured
out bleffingson thofe who blefled her, granted abfolution
to 1 uch as were obedient to her, and excommunicated fuch
as were rebelliousf. Theobald archbiihop of Canterbury
foon after came allo to court, and iwore allegiance to the

* V. Malm. p. if 7. fCliron. Fax. p. 2^2. Contln. Flor.

\Vig.p. 6/0. * \V. Malmef. p. 1^7.

STEPHEN. 269

MATILDA, that fhe might farther enfurc the attachment CHAT*
of theclergv, was willing; to receive the crown from their VII.

hands; and inftead of aflembiing the itates of the king- v -v

dom, the mealure which the conftitution, had it been either ^. l, 4 , 1
fixed or regarded, leemed n&amp;lt; cefldriiy to require, the was CIOWne d,
content, tint the legate iliouid iummon an eccleiiaftical fy-
nod, and that her title to the thronethould there be acknow
ledged. The legate, addreliing himfelf to the a (Terribly,
told them, that in the abfence of the empiels, btephen his
brother had been permitted to reign, and, previoullv to his
amending the throne, had induced them by many fair pro-
mi fes of honouring and exalting the church, of maintain
ing the laws, and of reforming all abules: That it grieved
him to obferve how much that prince had in every paiticu-
lar been wanting to his engagements ; public peace was
interrupted, crimes vere daily committed with impunity,
biihops were thrown into prifon and forced to furrender
their pofTedions, abbies were put to fale, churches were
pillaged, and the moft enorATiousdifordeis pievailed in the
adminiftration : That he himfelf, in order to p ocure a
redrefs of theie grievances, had formerly fummoned the
king before a council of biihops ; but inflead of inducing
him to amend his conduct, had rather offended him by that
expedient: That, how much foever mifg lided, that prince
was Rill his brother, and the object of his affections ; but
his interests, however, muft be regarded as fubcrdmate to
thole of their heavenly Father, who had now rejected
him, and thrown him into the hands of his enemies : That
it principally belonged to the clergv to eledt and ordain
kings ; he had fummoned them together for that purpofe ;
and having invoked the divine affillance, he now pronoun
ced Matilda the only defcendant of Henry, their late love-
rei^n, queen of England. The whole alTembly, by their
acclamations orfilence, gave, or leemed to give, their af-
lent to this tied iratiori*.

THE only laymen fummoned to this council, which de
cided the fate of the crown, were the Londoners ; and even
thefe were required not to give their opinion, but to fub-
mit to the decrees of the fvnod. The deputies of London,
however, were not fo paflive : They infilled that their
king mould be delivered from prifon ; but were (old by
the legate, that it became not the Londoners, who were
regarded as noblemen in England, to t&amp;lt;ke part with Ihofe
barons, who had bafely forfaken their lord in battle, and

^ &amp;lt;p . Malmci. p. iSR. This author, a judicious man, was piefen(, and

.&amp;lt;&amp;gt;s t .-at lit a&amp;lt;; -ery attentive to what pailccl. J his Ij.ecch, therciuie, ma/
.u:cdas L-ntiicly genuine.

270

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. w h had treated holy church with contumely*. It is with
VII. reafon that the citizens of London affumed lo much autho-

v rity,if it be true, what is related by Fitz-Stephen, a con-

iJ-j 1 - temporary author, that that city could at this time bring in
to the field no le!s than 80,000 combatants f.

LONDON, notwithstanding its great power, and its at
tachment to Stephen, was at length obliged to fubmit to
Matilda ; and her authority, by the prudent conduct of
carl Robert, feemed to be eftabliihed over the whole king
dom: But affairs remained not long in this fituation. That
princefs, befides the difadvantages of her (ex, which weak
ened her influenceover a turbulent and martial people, was
of a paflionate, imperious fpirit, and knew not how to tem
per with affability the harfhnefs of a refufal. Stephen s
queen, feconded by many of the nobility, petitioned for
the liberty of her hufband ; and offered, that, on this con
dition, he fhould renounce the crown, and retire into a
convent. The legate defired that prince Euftace, his ne
phew, might inherit Boulogne and the other patrimonial
cflates of his father $: The Londoners applied for the
eftabliihment of king Edward s laws, inftead of thofe of
king Henry, which, they faid, were grievous and oppref-
five||. All thefe petitions were rejected in the moft haugh
ty and peremptory manner.

THE legate, who had probably never been fincere in
his compliance with Matilda s government, availed himfelf
of the ill humour excited by this imperious conduct, and
iecretiy inftigated the Londoners toarevolt4 A confpira-
cy was entered into to feize the perfon of the emprefs; and
fhe faved herfelf from the danger by a precipitate retreat.
She fled to Oxford : Soon after fhe went to Winchefler ;
whither the legate, defirous to lave appearances, and watch
ing the opportunity to ruin her cauie, had retired. But
having allcmbled all his retainers, he openly joined his
force to that of the Londoners, and to Stephen s mercena
ry troops, who had not yet evacuated the kingdom ; and
he befieged Matilda in Winchcfter. The princefs, being
hard preiled by famine, made her efcape; but in the flight

* W. Malmef. p. 188.

f f. 4. Were this account to be depended on, London muft at that time
have conta.ne.1 near 400,000 inhabitants, which is above double the number it
contained at the death of queen Elizabeth. But thefe loofe calculations, or
ra her gueiies, defer- e ery little credit. Peter of Blois, a contemporary wri
ter, and a man of Icnfe favs there were then only forty thouiand inhabitants
in London, which is much more likely. See Epift. 151. What Fitz Stephen
fays of the prodigious riches, fplendoui, and commerce of Loniion, proves only
the great |x&amp;gt; erty of the otker towns of the kingdom, and indeed of all the nor
thern paits of Europe.

Broni|)ton, p. 1031. jj Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677.

Gervale, p. 1335.

STEPHEN. 271

earl Robert, her brother, fell into the hands of the enemy. CHAP.
This nobleman, though a fubjedl, was as much the life and VII.

foul of his own party, as Stephen was of the other ; and &amp;gt;/ - -

the emprefs, ienfible of his merit and importance, con- "4 U
fented to exchange the piifoners on equal terms. The stephm
civil war was again kindled with greater fury than ever. reieafed.

EARL Robert, finding the fuccefles on both fides nearly
balanced, went over to Normandy, which, during Ste
phen s captivity, had lubmitted to the earl of Anjou ; and
he perfuaded GeorFrey to allow his eldcft fon Henry, a
young prince of great hopes, to take a journey into Eng
land, and appear at the head of his partifans. This expe- ,
dition, however, produced nothing decifive. Stephen took
Oxford after a long fiege: He was defeated by earl Robert
at Wilton: And the emprels, though of a mafculine fpirit,
yet being haraflfed with a variely of good and bad fortune,
and alarmed with continual dangers to her perfon and fa
mily, at laft retired into Xormandy, whither (he had lent 6&amp;gt;
her fon feme time before. The death of her brother, which Cominuati-
happened nearly about the fame time, would have proved onof lhe
fatal to her interefts, had not fome incidents occurred,
which checked the courfe of Stephen s profperity. This
prince, finding that the caftles built by the noblemen of his
own party encouraged the fpirit of independence, and
were little lefs dangerous than thofe which remained in
the hands of the enemy, endeavoured to extort from them
a furrender of thole fortreffes ; and he alienated the af-
feftionsof many of them by tins equitable demand. The
artillery alfo of the church, which his brother had brought
over to his fide, had, after fome interval, joined the other
party. Eutjenius III. had mounted the papal throne ; the
bifhop of Winchefler was deprived of the legantine com-
miflion which was conferred on Theobald archbiihop of
Canterbury, the enemy and rival of the former legate.
That pontiff alfo, having fummoned a general council at
Rheims in Champagne, inftead of allowing the church of
England, as had been ufual, to elecl: its own deputies, no
minated fiveEnglifh bilhops to reprefent that church, and
required their attendance in the council. Stephen, who,
notwithstanding his prefent difficulties, was jealous of the
rights of his crown, refufed them permiffion to attend *;
and the pope, fenfible of his advantage in contending with
a prince who reigned by a difputed title, took revenge by
laying all Stephen s party under an interdiclf. The dif-
contents of the royalifts, at being thrown into this fituation,
were augmented by a companion with Matilda s party,

* Epift. St. Thom. p. 225. f Chron. \V. Thorn, p. igoj.

272 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. wno enjoyed all the benefits of the facred ordinances J
VII. and Stephen was at laft obliged, by making proper fubmif-

Va tf * fions to the Ice of Rome, to refnove the reproach from his

iM s - party*.

THE weaknefs of both fides, rather than any decreafe 5
of mutual animofity, having produced a tacit cevlation of
arms in England, many of the nobility, Roger de Mou-
biav, William de Warenue, and others, finding no op
portunity to exeit their military ardour at home, inlifted
themielves in a new crufade, which with furprifing fuc-
cefs, after former difappointments and misfortunes, was now
preached by St. Bernardf. But an event foon after hap
pened which threatened a revival of hoftilities in England.
Prince Henry, who had reached his fifteenth year, was
defirous of receiving the honour of knighthood ; a cere
mony which every gentleman in that age pafled through
before he was admitted to the ule of arms, and which was
even deemed requifite for the grea.eft princes, lie inten
ded to receive his admiflion from his great-uncle, David
king of Scotland ; and for that purpofe he paffed through
England with a great retinue, and was attended by the
molt considerable of his partifans. He remained fome
time with the king of Scotland ; made incurfions into
England ; and by his dexteriiy and vigour in all manly
exerciles, by his valour in war, and his prudent conduct
in every occurrence, he roufed the hopes of his party, and
gave iymptorns of thole great qualities which he afterwards
difplayed when he mounted the throne of England. Soon
ij-o. after his return to Normandy, he was by Matilda s con
tent, inveiled in that dutchy ; and upon the death of his
father Geoffrey, which happened in the lubfequent year,
he took polleffion both of Anjou and Maine, and conclu
ded a marriage, which brought him a great accefTion of
power, and rendered him extremely formidable to his ri
val. Eleanor, the daughter and heir of William duke of
Guienne, and earl of Poiciou, had been married fixteen
years to Lewis VII. king of trance, and had attended him
in a crufade, which that monarch conducted againft the
infidels: But having there loft theallections of her hufband,
and even fallen under fome lufpicion of gallantry with a
hand fome Saracen, Lewis, more delicate than polite, pro
cured a divorce from her, and reflored her thofe rich pro
vinces, which by her marriage ihe had annexed to the
crown of France. YoungHenry, neither dilcouraged by
the inequality of years, nor by the reports of Eleanor s
gallantries, made fuccefsfulcouitlliip to that princels, and,

* Epift. St. Thorn, p. 226. f Ka^ulft, p. 275, 076.

STEPHEN.. 273

efpoufing her fix weeks after her divorce, got poflTeffion of C H A P.
all her dominions us her dowry. The luftre which here- VII.

ceived from this acquifition, and the profpect of his rifing v

fortune, had fuch an effect in England, that when Stephen, ll 2
defirous to enfure th-r crown to his ion Euftace, required
the archbiihop of Canterbury to anoint that prince as his
fucceiTor, the primate refuted compliance, and made his
efcape beyond iea, to avoid the violence and refentment
of Stephen.

HENRY, informed of fhefe difpofitions in the people, ,,,,
made an invafion on England : Having gained ibme ad
vantage over Stephen at Malmcfbury, and having taken
that place, he proceeded thence to throw fuccours into
Wallingfordi which the king had advanced with a fuperior
armv to befiege. A decifivc aftion was every day expec
ted ; when the great men of both fides, ternficd at the
profpect of farther blood (lied and confufion, interpofed
with their good ofHces, and fet on foot a negotiation be
tween the rival princes. The death of Euftace, during
th-e courfe of the treaty, facilitated its conclufion : An ac
commodation was fettled, by which it was agreed, that compromife
Stephen fliould poffefs the crown during his lifetime, that between
juftice (hould be adminiftcred in his name, even in the the k n
provinces which had fubmitted to Henry, and that this Henry" "
latter prince mould, on Stephen s demife, fucceed to the
kingdom, and William, Stephen s fon, to Boulogne and
his patrimonial eilate. After all the barons had Iworn to
the oblervance of this treaty, and done homage to Henry,
as to the heir of the crown, that prince evacuated the
kingdom; and the death of Stephen, which happened the t (, e king.
next year, after a fhort illnefs, prevented all thofe quarrels i&amp;gt;54
and jealoufies, which were likely to have enfued in fo de- Oc:t * a5
licate a fituation.

ENGLAND fuffered great miferies during the reign of
this prince : But his perfonal charater, allowing for the
temerity and injufticc of hisufurpation, appears not liable
to anv great exception ; and he feems to have been well
qualified, had he fucceeded by a juft title, to have promot
ed the happinefs and profperity of his fubjecls*. He was
pofleffed of induilry, activity and courage, to a great de
gree; though not endowed with a found judgment, he was
not deficient in abilities ; he had the talent of gaining
men s atfe6lions; and, notwithstanding his precarious fitu
ation, he never indulged himfelf in the exercile of any

VOL. I. N n

* W. Malmef. p. 180.

274 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, cruelty or revenge f. His advancement to the throne pro-
VII. cured him neither tranquillity nor happinefs; and though

&amp;lt;- v the fituation of England prevented the neighbouring ftates
1J M- from taking any durable advantage of her confufions, her
inteftine diforders were to the laft degree ruinous and def-
tru6live. The court of Rome was alfo permitted, during
thofe civil wars, to make farther advances in her ufurpa-
tions; and appeals to the pope, which had always been
ftrilly prohibited by the Englifh laws, became now com
mon in e-very ecclefiaftical controverfy J.

M. Paiis, p. 51. Hagul. p. 312. J H^ Hunt. p. 395.

275

CHAP. VIII,

HENRY II.

State of Europe of France Fir/} afls of Henry s

government Difputes between the civil and ecdefiaf-

tical powers Thomas a Becket, archbijhop of Can
terbury Quarrel between the king and Becket

Corjiitutions of Clarendon BaniJIiment of Becket

Compromise with him His return from banifh-

ment His murder Grief and fubmifjion of

the king.

TH E extenfive confederacies, by which the European p jj A n
potentates are now at once united and let in oppofiti- VIII
on to each other, and which, though they are apt to dif- &amp;gt;. ^

fufe the lead fpark of diflenfion throughout the whole, are n 54 .
at lead: attended with this advantage, that they prevent Stats of
any violent revolutions or conqueits in particular flates, - wiope
were totally unknown in ancient ages ; and the theory of
foreign politics in each kingdom formed a ipeculation much
lefs complicated and involved than at prefent. Commerce
had not yet bound together the moft diflant nations in ib
clofe a chain : Wars, fin ilned in one campaign and often in
one battle, were little affected by the movements of remote
ftatcs: The imperfect communication among the king
doms, and their ignorance of each other s fituation, made
it impracticable for a great number of them to combine in
one project or eiFott : And above all, the turbulent fpirit
and independent fituation of the barons or great valfals in
each ftate gave fo much occupation to the fovereign, that
he was obliged to confine his attention chiefly to his own
(late and his own fyftem of government, and was more
indifferent about what palled among his neighbours. Re-

&amp;lt;*,

2 7 5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. ligion alone, not politics, carried abroad the views of prin-
VIII. ces; while it either fixed their thoughts on the Holy Land,

&amp;lt;~ ., whole conqueft and defence was deemed a point of com-

t 1J 5-!- mon lionour and intereit, or engaged them in intrigues
with the Roman pontiff, to whom they had yielded the
direction of ccclefiafiical aitairs, and who was everyday
afTuming more authority than they were willing to allow
him.

BEFORE the conqueft of Enghnd by the duke of Nor
mandy, this iiland was as much ieparated from the rell of
the world in politics as in fituation ; and except from the
inroads of the Daniih pirates, the Engliih, happily confin
ed at home, had neiiher enemies nor allies on the continent.
The foreign dominions of William connected them with
the king and great vaflfals of France ; and while the op-
pofite pretenfioris of the pope and emperor in Italy pro
duced a continual intercourfe between Germany and that
country, the two great monarchs of France and England
formed, in another part of Europe, a feparate fytfem, and
carried on their wars and negotiations, without meeting
either with opposition or fupport from the others.

ON the decline of the Carlovingian race, the nobles in
every province of France, taking advantage of the weak-
nefs of the ibvereign, and obliged to provide, each for his
own defence, againrt the ravages of the Norman freeboo
ters, had all umed, both in civil and military aifaiis, an
authority almoft independent , and had reduced within very
narrow limits the prerogative of their princes. The ac-
ceilion of Hugh Capet, by annexing a great fief to the
crown, had brought fome addition to the royal dignity ;
but this fief, though confiderable for a fubjeci, appeared,
a narrow bafis of power for a prince who was placed at the
head of fo great a community. The royal demefnes con-
fifted only of Paris, Orleans, Eftampes, Compiegne, and
a few pkices fcattered over the northern provinces : In the
reft of the kingdom, the prince s authority was rather
nominal than real : The vaflals were accuftomed, nay en
titled, to make war without his permiffion on each other:
They were even entitit-d, if they conceived themlel.ves
injured, to turn their arms againil their ibvereign : They
exerciied all civil jurifdiction, without appeal, over their
tenants and inferior vaflals: Their common jealoufy of the
crown eafily united themagainft any attempt on their ex
orbitant privileges ; and as fome of them had attained the
power and authority of great princes, even the fmallefl:
baron w^s fure of immediate and effectual protection. Ee-
fides fix ecclefiaftical peerages, which, with the other
iiumuimies of the church, cramped extremely the general

HENRY II. 277

execution of juftice; there were fix lav peerages, Burgun- CHAP,
dy, Normandy, Guienne, Flanders, Touloufe, and Cham- VIII.

pagne, which formed very extenfive and puitlant fovereign- v *

ties. And though the combination of all thofe princes 1I5 4
and barons could, on urgent occafions, mufler a mighty
power ; yet was it verv difficult to fet that great machine
in movement ; it wasalmoft impoffible to preierve harmony
in its parts ; a fenfe of common intereft alone could, for
a time, unite them under their fovereign againft a common
enemy ; but if the king attempted to turn the force of the
community againft any mutinous vaflal, the lame fenfe of
common intereft made the others oppoie themfelves to the
fuccefs of his prettnfions. Lewis the Grols, the laft fove
reign, marched at one time to his frontiers againfl the Ger
mans at the head of an army of two hundred thoufand men;
but a petty lord of Corbeil,of Puifet, of Couci, was able,
at another period, to fet that prince at defiance, and to
maintain open war againft him.

THE authority of theEnglifh monarch was much more
extenfive within his kingdom, and the disproportion much
greater between him and the moft powerful of his vaflals.
, His demefnes and revenue were large, compared to the
greatnefs of hisftate: He was accuftomed to levy arbitra
ry exactions on hisiubje^s : His courts of judicature ex
tended their jurisdiction into every part of the kingdom :
He could crufh by his power, or by a judicial ientence,
well or ill founded, any obnoxious baron : And though
the feudal inftilutions which prevailed in his kingdom, had
the fame tendency as in other ftates, to exalt the ariftocra-
cy and depreis the monarchy, it required, in England, ac
cording to its preient conftitution, a great combination of
the vaffals to oppofe their fovereign lord, and there had not
hitherto ariten any baron fo powerful as of himfelf to levy
war againft the prince, and afford protection to the inferior
barons.

WHILE fuch were the different fituations of France and
England, and the latter enjoyed fo many advantages above
the former ; the accedion of He-niy II. a prince of great
abilities, poffeffcd of fo many rich provinces on the con
tinent, might appear an event dangerous, if not fatal, to
the French monarchy, and fufficient to break entirely the
balance between the ftates. He was mafter, in the right
of his father, of Anjoa and Touraine ; in that of his
mother, of Normandy and Maine; in that of his wife, of
Guienne, Poictou, Xaintogne, Auvergne, Perigoid, An-
gotrnois, the Limoufin. He foon after annexed Britanny
to his other flutes, and was already poflefled of the fuperi-
ority over that province, which, on ihe firft ceflion of

278 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP. Normandy to Rollo the Dane, had been granted by Charles
VIII. the Simple in vaflalage to that formidable ravager.

v- u Thefe provinces compoiVd abo-ve a third of the whole

11 :4- French monarchy, and were much fuperior in extent and
opulence to thofe territories which were fubjefted to the
immediate jurifdi6tion and government of the king. The
valla! was here more powerful than h*s liege lord : The
fituation which had enabled Hugh Capet to depofe the
Carlovingian princes, feemedto be renewed, and that with
much greater advantages on the fide of the vaflal : And
when England was added to fo many provinces, the French
king had reafon to apprehend, from this conjuncture, fome
great difafier to himfelf and to his family. But, in reali
ty, it vras .this circumftance, which appeared fo formida
ble, that laved the Capctian race, and by its confequences
exalted them to that pitch of grandeur which they at prer-
lent enjoy.

THR limited authority of the prince in the feudal con-
ftitutions, prevented the king of England from employing
with advantage the force of fo many ftates, which were
fubjected to his government ; and thefe different members,
disjoined in fituation, and disagreeing in laws, language,
and manners, were never thoroughly cemented into one
monarchy. He foon became, both from his diftant place
of refidence, and from the incompatibility of inter efts, a
kind of foreigner to his French dominions; and his fub-
jetftson the continent confidered their allegiance as more
naturally due to their fuperior lord, who lived in their
neighbourhood, and who was acknowledged to be the fu-
preme head of their nation. He was always at hand to
invade them; their immediate lord was often at too great
a distance to protect them; and any diforder in any part
of his difperfed dominions gave advantages again!} him.
The other powerful vaflals of the French crown were
rather pleafed to fee the expulfion of theEnglifh, and were
not afledted with that jealoufy, which would have ariferj
from the oppreffion of a co-vaual who was of the fame rank
with themfelves. By this means, the king of France found
it more eafy to conquer thofe numerous provinces from
England, than fo fubdue a duke of Normandy or Guienne,
a count of Anjou, Maine, or Poiclou. And after reducing
fiich extenfive territories, which immediately incorporated
with the body of the monarchy, he found greater facility in
uniting to the crown the other great fivrfs which ftill re
mained fe pa rate and independent.

Bu r as thefe important confequences could not be fore-
feen by human wjfdorn, the king of France remarked with
terror the rifing grandeur of the houfe of Anjou or Plan-

HENRY II. 279

tagenet ; and, in order to retard its progrcfs, he had ever C II AT.
maintained a ftricl union with Stephen, and had endeavour- V1I1.

ed to iupport the tottering fortunes of that bold ulurper. v

But after this prince s death it was too late to think 11 5&amp;lt;-
of oppofing the lucceffion of Henry, or preventing the
performance of thofe flipulations which, with the unani
mous confent of the nation, he had made with his prede-
ceffor. The Englifh, harafled with civil wars, and difguf-
ted with the bloodfhed and depredations which, during the
courfe of fo many years, had attended them, were little
difpofed to violate their oaths, by excluding the lawful heir
from the lucceffion of their monarchy *. Many of the inoft
considerable fortrefies were in the hands of his partifans ;
the whole nation had had occafion to lee the noble qualities
with which he was endowed "f, and to compare them with
the mean talents of William, the fon of Stephen; and as
they were acquainted with his great power, and were ra
ther pleated to lee the acceffion of lo many foreign domini
ons to the crown of England, they never entertained the
leaft thoughts of rending them. Henry himfelf, fenfible
of the advantages attending his prefent fituation, was in no
hurry to arrive in England; and being engaged in the
fiege of a caftle on the frontiers of Normandy, when he
received intelligence of Stephen s death, he made it a point
of honour not to depart from his enterprife, till he had
brought it to an iffue. He then fet out on his journey, and
was received in England with the acclamaiionsof all or
ders of men, who iwore with pleafure the oath of fealty Sth Dcc
and allegiance to him.

THE firft act of Henry s government correfponded to the Firft ads
high idea entertained of his abilities, and prognofticated of ^enry s
the re-eftablifhment of juftice and tranquillity, of which gov
the kingdom had fo long been bereaved. He immediately
dii miffed all thofe mercenary foldiers who had committed
great diforders in the nation; and he fent them abroad,
together with William of Ypres, their leader, the friend
and confident of Stephen J. He revoked all the grants
made by his predeceflbr ||, even thofe which neceffity had
extorted from the emprefs Matilda ; and that princefs,
who had refigncd her rights in favour of Henry, made
no oppofition to a meafure fo necellary for lupporting the
dignity of the crown. He repaired the coin, which had
been extremely debafed during the reign of his predecef-
for ; and he tdbk proper meafures againft the return of a
like abufe**. He was rigorous in the execution of juf-

* Matth. Paris, p. 65. f Gul. Neubr. p. 3 Si.

t Fiu-Steph. p. jj, M. Paris, p. 65. Neubr. p. jSr. Chron. T. Wyhes,
p. 30. ; Keubr. p. 382. ** Hoveden, p. .491.

28o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, tice, an J in the fuppreffion of robbery and violence ; and
VIII. that he might reftore authority to the laws, he caufed all

v &amp;gt; the new-erected caftles to be demolimed, which had proved

I1 54- fomany fanduaries to freebooters and rebels*. The earl
of Albemarle, Hugh Mortimer, and Roger the fon of Milo
of Glocefler, were inclined to make fome refiftance to
this falutary meafure ; but the approach of the king with
his forces foon obliged them to fubmit.

, I5 5. EVERY thing being reflored to full tranquillity in Eng

land, Henry went abroad in order to oppofe the attempts
of his brother Geoffrey, who, during his abfence, had
made an incurfion into Anjou and Maine, had advanced
iome prctenfions to thole provinces, and had got pofleflion
of a confiderable part of themf. On the king s appear
ance, the people returned to their allegiance ; and Geof-
frey, refigning his claim for an annual penfiori of a thou-
fand pounds, departed and took polTeifton of the county of
N.-intz, which the inhabitants, who had expelled count
Hoel their prince, had put into his hands. Henry returned
to England the following year : The incurfionsof the We 1m.
then provoked him to make an invafion upon them ; where
the natural faftneflcs of the country occasioned him great
difficulties, and even brought him into danger. His van
guard, being engaged in a narrow pafs, was put to rout :
Henry de Etlex, the hereditary ftandard-bearer, feized
with a panic, threw down the ftandard, took to flight, and
exclaimed that the king was (lain: And had not the prince
immediately appeared in perion, and led on his troops with
great gallantry, the coniequence might have proved fatal
to the whole army } For this milbehaviour, EiTex was
afterwards accufed of felony by Robert de Montfort ; was
vanquifhed in (ingle combat ; his eftate was confifcated ;
and he himfelf was thruft into a convent ||. The fubmif-
fions of the WeHh procured them an accommodation with
England.

The martial difpofition of the princes in that age enga-
gedthem to head their own armies in every enterprifc, even
the moft frivolous ; and theii feeble authority made it com
monly impra&amp;lt;5ticable for them to delegate, on occafion, the
command to their generals. Geoffrey, the king s brother,
died foon after he had iCquiredpofTiflion of Nantz: Though
he had no other title to that county t.ian the voluntary iub-
midkm or election of the inhabitants two years before,
Henry laid claim to the territory as devolved to him by

* Ho-eden, n. 49--. Fitz-Steph. p. 13. M. Paris, p. 65. Neubr. p. 381.
Brompton, p. i- -n-

t See note f;j a ;he end of the volume. J Neubr. p. 383.

Chron. W. Heiniiig.p. 492. || M. Paris, p. 70. Neubr. p. jSj.

HENRY IL 281

hereditary right, and he went over to fupport his preten- CHAP,
lions by force of arms. Conan, duke or earl of Britanny V1I1.

(for thefe titles are given indifferently by hiftorians to thole * * -*

princes), pretended that Nantz had been lately Separated u -&amp;gt; 8
by rebellion from his principality, to which of right it be
longed; and immediately on Geoffrey s death he took
pofleffion of the difputed territory. Left Lewis the French
king Ihould interpofe in the controverfy, Henry paid him
aviiit; and fo allured him by careffes and civilities, that
an alliance was contracted between them; and they agreed
that young Henry, heir to the English monarchy, fhould
be affianced to Margaret of France ; though the former
was only five years of age, the latter was ftill in her
cradle. Henry, now fecure of meeting with no interrup
tion on this fide, advanced with his army into Brittanny ;
and Conan, in defpair of being able to make refinance,
delivered up the county of Nantz to him. The able con-
duel of the king procured him farther and more important
advantages from this incident. Conan, harafled with the
turbulent difpofition of his fubjects, was defirous of pro
curing to himfelf the fupport of fo great a monarch ; and
he betrothed his daughter and only child, yet an infant,
lo Geoffrey the king s third fon, who was of the fame ten
der years. The duke of Britanny died about feven years
after ; and Henry, being ?/iefne lord, and alfo natural
guardian to his fon and daughter-in-law, put himfelf in
poflcffion of that principality, and annexed it for the prc-
Icnt to his other great dominions.

THE king had a profpet of making flill farther acqui- 1I59%
fitions ; and the activity of his temper fufFered no oppor
tunity of that kind to efcape him. Philippa, duchefs of
Guienne, mother of queen Eleanor, was the only iffue of
William IV. count of Touloufe; and would have inhe
rited his dominions, had not that prince, defirous of pre-
fervingthe fucceflion in the male-line, conveyed the prin
cipality to his brother Raymond de St. Gilles, by a con
tract of fale which was in that age regarded as fictitious
and illufory. By this means the title to the county of Tou
loufe came to be difputed between the male and female heirs;
and the one or the other, as opportunities favoured them,
had obtained poflefiion. Raymond, grandfon of Raymond,
de St. Gilles, was the reigning fovereign; and on Hen
ry s reviving his wife s claim, this prince had recourfe for
protection to the king of France, who was fo much con
cerned in policy to prevent the farther aggrandizement of
the Englifh monarch. Lewis himfelf, when married t
Eleanor, had aflerted the juftice of her claim, and had de-

VOL. 1. Co

282 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, manded poffeffion ofTouloufe*; but hisfentiments chang-
VIII. ing with his infereft, he now determined to defend by his

v v power and authority the title of Raymond. Henry found that
11 59 it would he requiHteto fupport his pretcnfions againft potent
antagonifts ; and that nothing but a formidable army could
maintain a claim which he had in vain aflerted by argu
ments and maiiifeltos.

AN army, compoied of feudal vafTals, was commonly
very intractable and undifciplined, both becaufe of the in
dependent ipirit of the perfons who ierved in it, and be
caufe tl.e commands were not given, either by the choice
of the fovereign,or from the military capacity and expe
rience of the officers. Each baron conducted his own vaf-
fais : His rank was greater or lefs, proportioned to the
extent of his property: Even the fuprerne command under
the prince was often attached to birth : And as the milita
ry vafTals were obliged to ferve only forty days at their
own charge; though, if the expedition were diftant, they
were put to great expence ; the prince reaped little benefit
from their attendance. Henry, fenfible of thefe incotne-
niencies, levied upon his vaflals in NIormandv, and other
provinces which were remote from Touloule, a fum of
money in lieu of their fervice ; and this commutation, by
reafon of the great diftance, wasftill nrK re advantageous to
his Englifh vaHals. He impofed, therefore, a Icutage of
i8cv&amp;gt;oo pounds on the knight s fees, a commutation to
which, though it was unufual, and the firft perhaps to be
met with in hiftoryf, the military tenants willingly Sub
mitted ; and with this money he levied an army which was
mote under his command, and whofe fervice was more du
rable ar.d conftant. Affifted by Berenger count of Barce
lona, and Trincaval count of Nifmes, whom he had gain
ed to his party, he invaded the county of Touloufe ; and
after taking Verdun, CafHenau, and other places, he
belieged the capital of the province, and was likely to
prevail in the enterprise; when Lewis, advancing before
the arrival of his main body, threw himlelf into the place
with a fmall reinforcement. Henry was urged by ibme
of his miniflers to profecute the fiege, to take Lewis pri-
fbner, and to impote his own terms in the pacification ;
but he either thought it fo much his intereft to maintain the
feudal principles, by which his foreign dominions were
fecured, or bore fomuch refpeft to his fuperior lord, that
he declared he would not attack a place defended by him

Neubr. p. 387. Chron. W. Heming. p. 494.

f Madox, p. 4J5. Gcrvafe, p. 1381. See note [P] at the end of tie
volume.

HENRY II. 283

in pcrfon ; and he - mniediately railed the fiege*. He c H A P.
marched into Normandy to protect that province againfi an VIII.

incurfion which the count of Dreux, inftigated by king v

Lewis hs brother, hjd made upon it. War was now open- ll ^9-
ly carried on between the two monarchs, but produt ed no
memorable event : It loon ended in a ceflution of arms,
and that followed by a peace, which was not, however,
attended with any confidence or good correspondence be
tween thofe rival princes. The fortrefs of Lrilbrs, being
part of the dowry ftipulated to Margaret of France, had II6 *
been configned by agreement to the knights templars, on
condition that it thou d be delivered into Henry s hands
after the celebration of the nuptials. The king, that he
might have a pretence for immediately demanding the
place, ordered the marriogi to be Iblemnized between the
prince and princefs, though both infantsf ; and he en
gaged the grand-mailer of the templars, by large prefents,
as was generally fufpecled, to put him in podeifion of
GiforsJ. Lewis, referring this fraudulent conduct, banim-
ed the templars, and would have made war upon the u g u
king of England, h;id it not been for the mediation and
authority of pope Alexander III. who had been chaled
from Rome by the anti pope Viclor IV. and refided at
that time in France. That we may form an idea of the
authority polIeiTed by the Roman pontirFduring thofe ages,
it may be proper to obferve that the two kings had, the
year before, met the pops at the caftle of Torci on the
Loir ; and they gave him fuch marks of tefpeCt, that both
difmounted to receive him, and holding each of them one
of the reins of his bridle, walked on foot by his fide, and
conducted him in that fubmiffive manner into the caftle If.
Afp- tlaclc, cries Baronius in an ecftacy, to God, angels,
and men ; and fuck as had never before been exhibited to
the world!

HENRY, foon after he had accommodated his differences
with Lewis by the pope s mediation, returned to England ;
where he commenced an enterprise, which, though re
quired by found policy, and even conducted in the main
with prudence, bred him great difquietude, involved him
in danger, and was not concluded without fame lot s and
difhonour.

* Fitz-Sieph. p. 22. Dicero, p. 531.

f Hoveden, p. ^g j. Neubr. p. 400. Diceto. p. &amp;gt;jf. Brornpton. p. i&amp;lt;j5j.

* S nee the tirft publication of this hiftory, Lout uvttflton has piiblilh. .l j co
jpyof the treaty between Henry and Lew;;-, by \vhch it apjiejrs. if tli.-.
vas no fecret article, that Henry wax not ^jiliy ol ny irauilln ihil trjnftc-
flon.

* Ttivet, p. .jS.

284 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP. THE ufurpations of the clergy, which had at firft been
VIII. gradual, were now become fo rapid, and had mounted to

v &amp;gt; fuch a height, that the conteft between (he regale and pon-

Dif nnes tificale was really arrived at a crifis in England; and it be-
bct-.veen the came neceflary to determine whether the king or the
civil and priefls, particularly the archbifhop of Canterbury, fhould
powert^ be Sovereign of the kingdom*. The alpiring fpirit of
Henry, which gave inquietude to all his neighbours, was
not likely lonh; to pay a tame fubmiffion to the encroach
ments of fubjecls ; and as nothing opens the eyes of men
fo readily as their intereft, he was in no danger of falling,
in this refpeft, into that abject fuperftition which retained
his people in fuhjeclion. From the commencement of his
reign, in the government of his foreign dominions, as
well as of England, he had fhown a fixed porpole to reprefs
clerical ufurpations, and to maintain thofe prerogatives
which had been tranfmitted to him by his predeceffors.
During the fchifm of the papacy between Alexander and
Vitor, he had determined, for (bme time, to remain neu
ter : And when informed that the archbiihop of Rouen
and the bifhop of Mans had, from their own authority,
acknowledged Alexander as legitimate pope, he was fo
enraged, that though he fpared the archbifhop on account
of his great age, he immediately ifTued orders for over
throwing the houfcs of the bifhop of Mans and archdea
con of Rouen f ; and it was not till he had deliberately
examined the matter, by thofe views which ufually enter
into the councils of princes, that he allowed that pontiff
to exercife authority over any of his dominions. In Eng
land, the mild character and advanced years of Theobald,
archbifhop of Canterbury, together tvith his merits in re-
fufmgto put the crown on the head of Euftace, fon of Ste
phen, prevented Henry, during the lifetime of that pri
mate, from taking any meafures againft the multiplied
encroachments of the clergy : But after his death, the
king refolved to exert himfelf with more activity ; and
that he might be fecure againft any oppofition, he advanced
to that dignity Bccket, his chancellor, on whofe compli
ance bethought he could entirely depend.

jun;3. THOMAS A BECKET, the firft man of Engfifri clcfcent
Thomas a who, fince the Norman conqueft, had, during the courfe
frThbifiiop Q f a wn ^ e century, rifen to any confiderabie ftation, was
of earner- born of reputable parents in the city of London; and
*uT being endowed both with induftry and capacity, he early

infmuated himfelf into the favour of archbifhop Theobald,

* Fitz-Stephen, p. 27.

t See note CJ at the encTof the volume.

HENRY II. 285

and obtained from that prelate fome preferments and offi- CHAP,
ces. By their means he was enabled to travel for improve- VIII.

ment to Italy, where he ftudied the civil and canon law at &amp;gt;

Bologna ; and on his return he appeared to have made fuch 11&amp;lt;j2 "
proficiency in knowledge , that he was promoted by his
patron to the archdeaconry of Canterbury, an office of con-
fiderable truft and profit. He was afterwards employed
with fuccefs by Theobald in tranfafting bufinefs at Rome;
and on Henry s acceffion he was recommended to that
monarch as worthy of farther preferment. Henry, who
knew that Becket had been inftrumental in fupporting that
refolution of the archbifhop, which had tended fo much
to facilitate his own advancement to the throne, was alrea
dy prepotTefled in his favour ; and finding, on farther ac
quaintance, that his fpirit and abilities entitled him to any
truft, he foon promoted him to the dignity of chancellor,
one of the firft civil offices in the kingdom. The chan
cellor, in that age, befides the cuftqdyof the great feal,
had pofifeffion of all vacant prelacies and abbie;- ; he was
the guardian of all fuch minors and pupils as were the
king s tenants ; all baronies which efcheated to the crown
were under hisadminiftration ; he was entitled to a place
in council, even though he were not particularly fummon-
ed ; and as he exercifed alfo the oflice of fecretary offtate,
and it belonged to him to countersign all comrniiF.ons, writs,
and letters-patent, he was a kind of prime minifter, and
was concerned in the difpatch of every bufinefs of impor
tance*. Befides exercifing this high office, Becket, by
the favour of the king or archbifhop, was made provoil of
Beverley, dean of HafHngs, and conftable of the Tower:
He was put in poffeffion of the honours of Eye and Berk-
ham, large baronies that had efcheated to the crown : And
to compjete his grandeur, he was entrufted with the edu
cation of prince Henry, the king s eldeft fon, and heir of
the monarchyf. The pomp of his retinue, the fumptu-
oufnefs of his furniture, the luxury of his table, the muni
ficence of his prefents, correfponded to thefe great pre
ferments ; or rather exceeded any thing that England had
ever before feen in any fubjedh His hiflorian and fecre
tary, Fitz- Stephens:!:, mentions, among other particulars,
that his apartments were every day in winter covered with
clean ftra\v or hay, and in fummer with green rufhes or
boughs; left the gentlemen who paid court to him, and
who could not, by reafon of their great number, find a
place at table, fhould foil their fine clothes by fitting on

* Fitz-Steph. p. 13. f IbU. p. 15. H .j. ;. i ;.

+ i 5 - 15.

2S5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. a dirty floor*. A great number of knights were retained
VIII. i:i his fervice ; the gre.iteft barons were proud of being

; at his table; h : s houfe was a place of education for the

Il62&amp;gt; /bus of the chief nobility; and the king himfelf frequent
ly vouchsafed to partuke of his ent-rfainments. As his
w:v of life was fplendid and opulent, his amufements and
occupations were gav and partook of the cavalier Ipirit.
which, as he hid only taken deacon s orders, he did not
think unbefitting his character. He employed himfelf at
leisure hours in hunting, hawking, gaming, and horle-
manihip ; he expofed his perfon in feveral military acii-
ons 4- ; he carried over, at his own charge, feven hundred
knights to attend the king in his wars at Touloufe ; in the
fubfeoM -nt \vars on the frontiers of Normandy he main
tained, during forty days, twelve hundred knights, and
fo-.T tl oufand of their train! J a "d in an embaffy to France,
\vith vhioh he was entrufted, he aftoniihed that court by
the number and magnificence of his retinue.

HENRY, befides committing all his more important bufi-
nefs to Bccket s management, honoured him with his
friendfhio and intimacy ; and whenever he was difpofed
to relax himfelf by fports of any kind, he admitted his
chancellor to the partyll. An inftance of their familia
rity is me. tioned by Fitz Stephens, which, as it fhows the
manners of the age, it may not be improper to relate. One
day, as the king and the chancellor were riding together
in the ftreets of London, thevobferved a beggar who was
ihivering with cold. \Vould it not be very praife-worthy,
faid the king, to give that poor man a warm coat in this
fevere feafon? It would, fureiv, replied the chancellor;
md you do well, Sir, in thinking of fuch good actions.
Then he (hall have one prefently, cried the king: And
feizing the fkirt of the chancellor s coat, which v, r as fear-
let, and lined with ermine, began to pull it violently. The
chancellor defended himfelf for fome time: and they had
both of them like to have tumbled ofF their horfes in the
ftreet, when Becket, after a vehement druggie, let go
his coat ; which the king heftowed on the beggar, who,
being ignorant of the quality of the perfons, was not a
little furprifed at the preient**.

* John Baldwin held the manor of Oterasfce in Aylfbury of he kin? in foe-
cage, by the ferrice of finding litter for the king s bed, viz in fummer, erafs
or herbs, and two grev geefe; am! in winter, ftraw, and three eels, thrice in
the year, if the kins fliould come thrice in the year to Aylelbury. Mado*,
Bar. Anglica, p. 247.

t Fitz-Steph. p. 23. Hift. Quad. p. 9. i Fitz Stephen, p. 19,

ao. 22, 23. jj Ibid. D. 16. Hift. Quad. p. g.

** Fiu-Step n. p. 16.

HENRY II.

BECKET, who by his complaiiance and good-humour
had rendered himlelf agreeable, and by his imJuflry and
abilities ufeful to his n.ailer, appeared to him the fitteft
perfon for fupplying the vacancy made bv the death of
Theobald. As he was well acquainted with the kirg s
intentions* of retrenching, or rather confining within ihe
ancient bounds, all ecclefiailical privileges, and always
Ihowed a ready dil pofition to comply with themf, henry,
who never expected any refinance from that quartet, imme
diately iffued orders for elect ng him archbilhep of Canter
bury. Bui this relblution, which was taken contraty to
the opinion of Matilda, and many of the mirtifters$, drew
after it very unhappy conlequences; and never prince of
fo great penetration appeared in the idue lo have io little
understood the genius and character of his minittcr.

No fooncr was Becket initalled in this high dignity,
which rendered him for life the fecond perfon in the king
dom, with fome nretenfions of alpiring to be the rirfl, than
he totally altered his demeanor and conduct, and endea
voured to acquire the character of fanclity, of which hisfor-
mer buly and oltentatious courfe of life mighf, in the ev es
of the people, have naturally bereaved him. Without
confulting the king, he immediately returned into his
hands the commiffion of chancellor ; pretending; that he
muft thenceforth detach himfelf from fecular affairs, and
be folely employed in the exercife of his fpi ritual function ;
but in reality, that he mi^ht break off all connections with
Henry, and apprife him that Becket, as primate of Eng
land, was now become entirely a new perionage. He
maintained, in his retinue and attendants alone, his anci
ent pomp and luflre, which was uleful to ilrike the vul
gar : In his own perfon he affected the greatetl auflerity
and moft rigid mortification, which he was ieufibie would
have an equal or a greater tendency to the fatre end. He
wore lack-cloth next his fkin, which, by his affected care
to conceal it, was necelTarily the more remarked by all
the world: He changed it fo feldom, that it waj.fi! cd with
dirt and vermin : His uiual diet was bread ; his diink
water, which he even rendered farther unpalatable by the
mixture of unfavoury herbs: He to e his back with the
frequent difcipline which he inflicted on it: He daily on
his knees warned, in imitation of Chrift, the feet of thir
teen beggars, whom he afterwards difmilTed with prefentsll:
He gained the affections of the monks by his frequent
charities to the convents and hofpitals: Every one who

* Fitz-Steph. p. 17. f Ibid. p. 23. Epift. St. Thorn, p. 232.

$ Epift. Sc. Thorn, p. 167. |j Fitz-Stcpli. p. 25. Hid. C^uatl. p. 19,

2 8S HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, made profeflion of fanctity was admitted to his converfa-
VIII. tion, ar "d returned full of panegyrics on the humility, as

v t well as on the piety and mortification of the holy primate :

1162. He feemed to be perpetually employed in reciting prayers
and pious lectures, or in perufing religious difcourfes :
His aipect wore the appearance of ferioufnefs, and mental
recollection, and fecret devotion : And all men of pene
tration plainly faw that he was meditating fome great
defign, and that the ambition and oftentation of his cha
racter had turned itfelf towards a new and more dangerous
object.

rlf -j. BECKET waited not till Henry fhould commence thofe

fkiarrei projects againft the ecclefiaftical power, which he knew

between the j )a( j been f orm ed by that prince : He was himielf the as
king and n , , , , . , . . , ,

Bscket. gretlor ; and endeavoured to overawe the king by the in
trepidity and boidnefs of his enterprifes. He fummoned
the earl of Clare to Surrender the barony of Tunbridge,
which ever fince the conqueft had remained in the family
of that nobleman ; but which, as it had formerly belonged
to the fee of Canterbury, Beclcet pretended his predecef-
lors were prohibited by the canons to alienate. The earl
of Clare, betides the lufire which he derived from the
greatnefs of his own birth and the extent of his pofleffions,
\vas allied to all the principal families in the kingdom ;
his fifter, who was a celebrated beauty, had farther exten
ded his credit among the nobility, and was even fup-
pofed to have gained the king s affections ; and Becket
could not better difcover, than by attacking fo powerful
an intereft, his refolution of maintaining with vigour the
rights, real or pretended, of his fee *.

WILLIAM de Eynsford, a military tenant of the crown
was patron of a living which belonged to a manor that
held of the archbifhop of Canterbury ; but Becket, with
out regard to William s right, prcfented, on a new and!
legal pretext, one Laurence to that living, who was vio
lently expelled by Eynsford. The primate making him
ielf, aswasufual in fpiritual courts, both judge and party,
iffued, in a fummary manner, the fentence of excommu
nication againft -Eynsford, \vho complained to the king
that he who held in capitc of the crown fhould, contrary
to the practice eftablifhed by the Conqueror, and maintain
ed ever fince by his fucceflbrs, be fubjected to that ter
rible fentence, without the previous confent of the fove-
reignf. Henry, who had now broken oft" all perfonal
intercourfe with Becket, fent him, by a meffenger, his or-

* Fiu-Steph. p. 28. Gervafe, p. 1384.
f M. Paris, p. 7. Uicoto, p. 536.

HENRY II. 289

ders to abfolve Eynsford ; but received for anfwer, that CHAP,
it belonged not to the king to inform him whom he fhould VIII.

abfolve and whom excommunicate*; And it was not till v

after many remonftrancesand menaces, that Bccket, though IlG --
with the worft grace imaginable, was induced to comply
with the royal mandate.

HENRY, though he found himfelf thus grievoufly mif-
taken in the character of the perion whom lie had promot
ed to the primacy, determined not todefift from his former
intention of retrenching clerical ulurpations. He was en
tirely mailer of his exteniive dominions : The prudence
and vigour of his adminiftration, attended with perpetual
fuccefs, had raifed his character above that of any of his
predeceflorst : The papacy feemed to be weakened by a
Ichifm, which divided all Europe: And he rightly judged,
that if the prefent favourable opportunity were neglected,
the crown muft, from the prevalent fuperftition of the peo
ple, be in danger of falling into an entire fubordination un
der the mitre.

THE union of the civil and ecc .efiaftical power ferve-;
extremely, in every civilized government, to the mainte
nance of peace and order ; and prevents thofe mutual en
croachments which, as there can be no ultimate judge be
tween them, are often attended with the moft dangerous
confequences. Whether the fupreme magiftrate, who
unites thele powers, receives the appellation of prince or
prelate, is not material : The Superior weight which tem
poral interefts commonly bear in the apprehenfionsof men
above fpiritual, renders the civil part of his character mod
prevalent ; and in time prevents thofe grofs impofluresand
bigoted perfecutions, which in all falie religions are the
chief foundation of clerical authority. But during the
progrefsof ecclefiaftical ufurpations, the flate, by the re-
llftance of the civil magiftrate, is naturally thrown into
convulfions; and it behoves the prince, both for his own
intereft, and for that of the public, to provide in time iuffi-
cient barriers againft fo dangerous and infidious a rival.
This precaution had hitherto been much neglected in
England, as well as in other catholic countries; and affairs
at laft ieemcd to have come to a dangerous crifis : A fo-
veieign of the greateft abilities was now on the throne : A
prelate of the moft inflexible and intrepid chara&er was
polleiTcd of the primacy : The contending powers appear
ed to be armed with their full force, and it was natural
to expcft fome extraordinary event to refult from their
conflict.

VOL. I. P p

* Fitz-Stepli. p. 28. t EpUl. it. Thorn, p. if*.

290 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. AMONG their other inventions to obtain money, the
VIII. clergy had inculcated the necefiity of penance as an atone-

* v. ment for fin ; and having again introduced the practice of

IlC&amp;lt; 3- paying them large fums as a commutation, or ipecies of
atonement for the remiffion of thoie penances, the fins of
the people, by thefe means, had become a revenue to the
priefts ; and the king computed, that by this invention
alone they levied more money upon his fubje6ls than
flowed, by all the funds and taxes, into the royal exche
quer*. That he might eafe the people of fo heavy and
arbitrary an impofition, Henry required that a civil officer
of his appointment fhould be prelent in all ecclefiaftical
courts, and fhould for the future give his confent to every
compaction which was made with finners for their fpiritual
offences.

THE ecclefiaftics in that age had renounced all imme
diate fubordination to the magiftrate : They openly pre
tended to an exemption in criminal accufations from a trial
before courts of juitice; and were gradually introducing a
like exemption in civil caufes : Spiritual penalties alone
could be inflicted on their offences : And as the clergy
had extremely multiplied in England, and many of them
were confequently of very low characters, crimes of the
deepefl dye, murders, robberies, adulteries, rapes, were
daily committed with impunity by the ecclefiaflics. Ithad
been found, for inftance, on enquiry, that no lefs than a
hundred murders had, fince the king s acceffion, been per
petrated by men of that profeffion, who had never been
called to account for thefe offences*]"; and holy orders
were become a full prote6\ionfor all enormities. A clerk in
Worcefterfhire, having debauched a gentleman s daughter,
had at this time proceeded to murder the father ; and the
general indignation againft this crime moved the king to
attempt the remedy of an abufe which was become fo pal
pable, and to require that the clerk fhould be delivered
up, ar)d receive condign punifhrnent from the magiftrate J.
Becket infifted on the privileges of the church ; confined
the criminal in the bifhop s prifon, left he fhould be feized
by the king s officers ; maintained that no greater punifh-
ment could be inflicted on him than degradation : And
T when the king demanded that immediately after he was
degraded he fhould be tried by the civil power, the. primate
afferted that it was iniquitous to try a man twice upon the
lame accufation, and for the fame offence ||.

* Fitz-Stej)h. p. 32. f Neubr. p. 394.

+ I iiz-Steph. p. 33. Hift. Quad. p. 32.

l| Fitz-Steph. p. 29. Hiit. Quad. p. 33. 45. Hoveden, p. 495. M. Paris,
p. 72. Diceto, p. 536, 537. Brompten.p. 1056 . Gervafe, p. 1384. Lpift.
St. I hom. p. aoS, 209.

HENRY IT. 291

HENRY, laying hold of fo plaufible a pretence, refolved CHAP,
to pufh the clergy with regard to all their privileges, which VIII.

they had raifed to an enormous height, and to determine N/ -

at once thofe controverfies which daily multiplied between Il6 3-
the civil and the ecclefiafHcal jurifdictions. He fummoned
an affembly of all the prelates of England ; and he put
to them this concife and decifive queftion, Whether or
not they were willing to fubmit to the ancient laws and
cuftoms of the kingdom? The binSops unanimoufly repli
ed, that they were willing, faving their own order*: A
device by which they thought to elude the prefent urgen
cy of the king s demand, yet referve to themfelves, on a
favourable opportunity, the power of refuniing all their
pretenfions. The king was fenfible of the artifice, and
was provoked to the higheft indignation. He left the af
fembly, with vifi ole marks of his difpleafure: He required
the primate inftantly to furrender the honours and caftles
of Eye and Berkham: The bifhops were terrified, and
expected ftill farther effects of his refentment. Becket
alone was inflexible ; and nothing but the interpofition of
the pope s legate and almoner, Philip, who dreaded a breach
with fo powerful a prince at fo unfeafonable a juncture,
could have prevailed on him to retract the faving claufej,
and give a general and abfolute promife of oblerving the
ancient cuftoms f.

BUT Henry was not content with a declaration in thele
general terms : He refolved, ere it was too late, to define
exprelsly thofe cuftoms with which he required compli
ance, and to put a flop to clerical ufurpations before they
were fully confolidated, and could plead antiquity, as they
already did a facred authority, in their favour. The claims
of the church were open and vifible. After a gradual and
in fenfible progrefs during many centuries, the mafk had
at laft been taken off, arid feveral ecclefiaftical councils,
by their canons, which were pretended to be irrevocable
and infillible, had pofitively denned thofe privileges and
immunities, which gave inch general offence, and appear
ed fo dangerous to the civil magistrate. Henry therefore
deemed it neceffary to define with the fame precifion the
limits of the civil power ; to oppole his legal cuftoms, to
their divine ordinances; to determine the exact boundaries
of the rival jurifdictions; and for i this purpofe he fum
moned a general council of the nobility and prelates at 1164.
Clarendon, to whom he fubmitted this great and important 2 " &amp;gt;:h J an%
queftion.

* Fif/.-SteoIi. p. 31. H: . O_i;3d. p. 34. Hovedcn. p. .(02.
| H.fl. (^a l. p. 37. iio.edtji., ( &amp;gt;. .,. _,. oi.r. ale, p. i jSj.

292 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. THE baror.s v/erc all gained to the king s party, either
V r iII. bv the reat ons which hi? urged, or by his fuperior autho-

* rity : The bifhops were overawed by the general combina-

J f 1 -!- tion againft them: And the following laws, commonly

of Clare"- * cal^ d tne Conftitutions of Clarendon, were voted without

tlon. oppoiition by this a (Terribly *. It was enacted, that all

fails concerning the advowibn and prelentation of churches
fhould be determined in the civil courts: That the church
es belonging to the king s fee, fhould not be granted
in perpetuity without his confent : That clerks accufed of
any crime fhould be tried in the civil courts: That no
perfon, particularly no clergyman of any rank, fhould
depart the kingdom without the king s liccnfe : That ex
communicated perlbns fhould not be bound to give fecu-
rity for continuing in their prefent place of abode : That
l.iics fhould not be accufed in fpiritual courts, except by
legal and reputable promoters and witncfJes : That no
chief tenant of the crown fhould be excommunicated,
nor his lands be put under an interdict, except with the
king s confent : That all appeals in fpiritual caufes fhould
be carried from the archdeacon to the bifhop, from the
bifnop to the primate, from him to the king ; and fhculd
be carried no farther without the king s confent : That if
any law-fuit arofe between a layman and a clergyman
concerning a tenant, and it be difputed whether the land
be a lay or an ccclefiafUcal fee, it (herald fir ft be determin
ed by the verdict of twelve lawful men to what clafs it be
longed ; and if it be found to be a lay-fee, the caufe mould
finally be determined in the civil courts : That no inhabi
tant in demefne fhould be excommunicated for non-appear
ance in a fpiritual court, till the chief ofricer of the place
vhere he refidcs be confultcd, that he may compel him
by the civil authority to give fatisfaciion to the church :
That the archbifhops, bifhops, and other fpiritual dignita
ries, fhould be regarded as barons of the realm ; fhould
poflefsthe privileges and be fubjedled to the burthens be
longing to trut rank; and fhould be bound to attend the
king in his great councils, and adift at all trials, til! the
fenlence, either of d^ath or lofs of members, be given
againft the criminal : That the revenue of vacant fees
fhouid belong to the king ; the chapter, or fuch of them as
he plcafes to fummon, (hould fit in the king s chapel till
they made the new election with his confent, and that the
bifhop elect fhculd do homage to the crown: That if any
baron or tenant in capitc fiiould refufe to fubmit to the fpi
ritual courts, the king fhould employ his authority in

* Filz Stcph. p. j 2-

HENRY II. 293

obliging him to make fuch fubmiffions ; if any of them CHAP,
throw off his allegiance to the king, the prelates fliould VIII.

affift the king with their cenfures in reducing him : That *

goods forfeited to the king fhould not be protected in ll -4
churches, or church yards : That the clergy fhould no
longer pretend to the right of enforcing payment of debts
contracted by oath or prcmiie ; but fhould leave thefe
law-fuits, equally with others, to the determination of the
civil courts: And that the fons of villains fhould not be or
dained clerks, without the confentof their lord*.

THESE articles, to the number of fixteen, were calcu-
culated to prevent the chief abufes which had prevailed in
ecclefiaftical affairs, and to put an effectual flop to the ulur-
pations of the church, which, gradually fiealing on, had
threatened the total definition of the civil power. Hen
ry, therefore, by reducing thofe ancient cuftoms of the
realm to writing, and by collecting them in a body, endea
voured to present all future difnute with regard to them ;
and by palling lo many ecclefiaftical ordinances in a nati
onal and civil affembly, he fully eftablifhed the fuperiority
ot the legislature above all papal decrees or fpiritual canons,
and gained a fignal victory over the ecclefiaftics. But as
lie knew, tlut the bifliops, though overawed by the prefent
combination of the crown and the tarons, \vculd take the
firft favourable opportunity of denying the authority which
had enacted thefe conftitutions ; he refolved that they
fliould all fet their feal to them, and give a promile to ob-
ferve them. None of the prelates dared to oppofe his will ;
except Becket, who, though urged by the earls of Corn-
wal and Leicefter, the barons of principal authority in
the kingdom, obflinately withheld his affcnt. At laft,
Richard de Haftings, grand prior of the templars in Eng-
gland, threw himfelf on his knees before him; nnd with
many tears entreated him, if he paid any regard cither to
his own fafety or that of the church, not to provoke, by
a fruitlefs oppofition, the indignation of a great monarch,
who \vasrefolutely bent on his purpofe, and who was de
termined to take full revenge on every one that fhould dare
to oppofe himf. Becket, finding himfelf deferted by all
the world, even by his own brethren, was at laft obliged
to comply ; and he promifed, legally, with good faith, and
uithout fraud or rejtjve\ t to obferve the conllitutions ;
and he took an oath to that purpofe||. The king, thinking
that he had now finally prevailed in thisgreatenterprife, lent

Hill. Qi;a&amp;gt;1. p. if.j. M. !\,ris. p. 70, 71. Spelm. Conr. ri. ii. p. f,j.
Gcrvalc;, p. i , . \\ iiki us , p . ^o,. | Hi(K (^.3,1. p&amp;gt; jS&amp;gt;

- en - P- 4^3- t I ii7.-Steph. p. ? ;. EplO. St. i ilm. p. 25.

. p. .|j. Hia. Qi,.vl. p. J5f. Gei.ak-, p. i jSG.

294 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- tne conftitutions to pope Alexander, who then refided in
VIII. France; and he required that pontiffs ratification o-f them:

^ v But Alexander, who, though he had owed the moftimpor-

Il6 4 tant obligations to the king, plainly law, thai thefe laws
were calculated to eftabliih the independency of England
on the papacy, and of the royal power on the clergy, con
demned them in theftrongelt terms; abrogated, annulled,
and rejected them. There were only fix articles, the leaft
important, which, for the fake of peace, he was willing
to ratify.

BECKET, when he obferved that he might hope for fup-
port in an oppofition, expreffed the deeper! forrow for his
compliance; and endeavoured to engage all the other
bifhops in a confederacy to adhere to their common rights,
and to the ecclefiaftical privileges, in which he represented
the intereft and honour of God to he fo deeply concerned.
He redoubled his aufterities, in order to puniih himfelf for
his criminal aflent to the conflitutions of Clarendon : He
proportioned his difcipline to the enormity of his fuppofed
offence: And he refuted to exercife any part of his ar-
chiepifcopal function, till he mould receive abfolution
from the pope ; which was readily granted him. Henry,
informed of his preient difpofiiions, reiblved to take ven
geance for this refractory behaviour ; and he attempted to
cruih him, by means of that very power which Becket
made fuch merit in Supporting. He applied to the pope,
that he fhould grant the commiffion of legate in his domi
nions to the archbifhop of York ; but Alexander, as politic
as he, though he granted the commiffion, annexed a claule
that it fhould -not impower the legate to execute any a6l in
prejudice of the archbifhop of Canterbury*: And the
king, finding how fruiti els fuch an authority would prove,
fent back the commiffion by the iamemefienger that brought
itf. .

THE primate, however, who found himfelf ftill ex-
pofed to the king s indignation, endeavoured twice to ef-
cape fecretly from the kingdom ; but was as often detained
by contrary winds: And Henry haflened to make him feel
the effects of an obftinacy, \vhich he deemed fo criminal.
He infligated John, marefchal of the exchequer, to fi;e
Becket in the archiepifcopal court for feme lands, part of
the manor of Pageham ; and to appeal thence to the king s
court for jufticej. On the day appointed for trying the
caufe, the primate lent four knights to reprefent certain ir
regularities in John s appeal; and at the fame time to ex-

* Epift. St. Thorn, p. 13, 14. f Hoveden, p. 403. Gervafe, p. 1388.

Hoveden, p. .194. M. Paris, p. 72. Diceto, p. 537.

HENRY II. 295

cufe himfelf, on account of ficknefs, for not appearing c H A P.
perfonally that day in the court. This flight oftence (it VIII.

it even deferve the name) was represented as a grievous ^ J

contempt; the four knights were menaced, and with dim*- Il6 4-
culty efcaped being lent to prilbn, as offering falsehoods
to the court*; and Henry, being determined to profccutc
Becket to the utmoft, Summoned at Northampton a great
council, which he purpofed to make the inftrument of his
vengeance againft the inflexible prelate.

THE king had railed Becket from a low fbtion to the
highrft offices, had honoured him with his countenance
and friendship, had trufted to his afliftance in forwarding
his favourite project againft the clergy ; and when he
found him become of a fudden his molt ligid opponent,
while every one befide complied with his will, rage at the
difappointment, and indignation atrainll fuch fignal ingra
titude, transported him beyond all bounds of moderation ;
and there feems to have entered more of paffion than of
juftice, or even of policy, in this violent prolecutionf.
The barons, notwithstanding, in the great council, voted
whatever lenience he was pieaied to dictate to them ; and
the bilhops themielves, who undoubtedly bore a fecret fa
vour to Becket, and regarded him as the champion of their
privileges, concurred with the rtft, in the defign of op-
preffing their primate. In ain did Becket urge, that his
court was proceeding with the ulmoft regularity and juftice
in trying the mareiclial s caufe; which, however, he Said,
would appear from the Sheriff s teftimony to be entirely
unjuft and iniquitous : That he himfelf had difcovered no
contempt of the king s court ; but, on the contrary, by
(ending four knights to excufe his abfence, had virtually
acknowledged its authority : That he alfo, in coniequence
of the king s fummons, perfonally appeared at prefent
in the great council, ready to juftify his caufe againft the
marefchal, and to fubmit his conduct to their enquiry and
jurisdiction : That even Should it be found that he had
been guilty of non-appearance, the laws had affixed a very
flight penally to that offence : And that, as he was an in
habitant of Kent, where his archiepifcopal palace was
feated, he was by law entitled to fome greater indulgence
than ufual in the rate of hi? fiae|. Notwithstanding the/e
pleas, he was condemned as guilty of a contempt of the
king s court, and as wanting in the fealty which he had
Iworn to his Sovereign; all his goods and chattels were
confiscated || ; and that this triumph over the church might

* See note [RJ at the end of the volume. \ N eubr. p. 304.

t Fitz-Steph. p. j 7 . 42. ,| H.ft. Quad. p. 47. Htveden.

p. 494. Gen-ale, p. ijSy.

2 9 5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. be carried totheutmofl, Henry bimop of Winchefter, the
VJ1I. prelate \vho had been fo powerful in the former reign, was,

* in fpite of his remonftrances, obliged, by order of the

1164. court, to pronounce the lenience againft him*. The
primate fubrnitted to the decree; and all the prelates, ex
cept Folliot, billiop of London, who paid court to the
king by this fmgularity, became fureties for him f. It
is remarkable, that feveral Norman barons voted in this
council; and we may conclude, with fome probability,
that a like pra6\ice had prevailed in many of the great
councils fummoned fi nee the conqueft. For the contem
porary hiftorian, who has given us a full account of thefe
tranfaftions, does not mention this circumftance as any
wife imgular J; and Becket, in all his fubfequent remon-
flrances, with regard to the fevere treatment which he had
met with, never founds any objection on an irregularity,
v hich to us appears very palpable and flagrant. So little
precifion was there at that time in the government and
conftitution !

THE king was not content with this fentence, however
violent and oppreffive. Next day, he demanded of Bec
ket the fum of three hundred pounds, which the primate
had levied upon the honours of Eye and Berkham, while
in his pofiedion. Becket, after premifing that he was not
obliged to anfwer to this fuit, becaufe it was not contained
in his fummons ; after remarking that he had expended
more than that fum in the repairs of thofe caftles, and of
the royal palace at London ; expreiied however his refolu-
tion, that money mould not be any ground of quarrel be
tween him and his fovereign : He agreed to pay the lum;
and immediately gave fureties for it)|. In the fubfequent
meeting, the king demanded five hundred marks, which,
he affirmed, he had lent Becket during the war at Tou-
loufe** ; and another fum &amp;lt;o the fame amount, for which
that prince had been furety for him to a Jew. Immedi
ately after thefe two claims, he preferred a third of fti l
greater importance: He required him to give in the ac
counts of his adminiflration while chancellor, and to pay
the balance due from the revenues of all the prelacies, ab-
bies,andbaronies, which had, during that time,beenin fub-
jeftion tohis management ff. Becket obferved, that, as this
demand was totally unexpected, he had not come, prepared
toanfwer it; but he required a delay, and promifed in that
cafe to give fatisfa&ion. The king iofvfted upon fureties ;

* Fiu-Steph. p. 37. f Ibid. * Fitz-Steph.

p. jfi. || Ibid. p. 38. ** Hift. Quad*

p. 47. ft Hoveden, p. 494. Diceto, p. 537*

HENRY II. 297

and Bccket defired leave toconfult his futfiagans in a cafe CHAP,
of fuch import i:x:e*. VIII.

Ir is apparent, from the known character of Henry, v -

and from the ufual vigilance of his government, that, when Il6l&amp;lt; *
he promoted Becket to the fee of Canterbury, he was, on
good grounds, well pleaied with his adminifiration in the
former high office with which he had entrulled him ; and
that, even if that prelate had diftipated money beyond the
income of his place, the king was fatisfied that his expen-
ces were not blameable, and had in the main been calcu
lated for his iervicef. Two years had fince elapfcd ; no
demand had, during that time, been made upon him; it
\vas not till the quarrel arofe concerning ec cieliaftical pri
vileges, that the claim was darted, and the primate was^
of a iudden, required to produce accounts of fuch intri
cacy and extent before a tribunal which had fhown a deter
mined rei olution to luin and opprefs him. To find fureties,
that he thould ani wer fo boundlefs and uncertain a claim,
which in tho king s efiitnation amounted to 44,000 marksj
was impracticable ; and Becket s fuftragans were extreme
ly at a lols what couniel to give him in fuch a critical
emergency. By the advice of the biihcp of Winchefter
he offered two thouland marks as a general i atisfadrion for
all demands: But this offer was reje6ted by the kinglj.
Some prelates exhorted him to refign his fee, on condition
of receiving an acquittal : Others were of opinion, that he
ought to fubmit himlelf entirely to the king s mercy** :
But the primate, thus pufhed to the utmoft, h;;d too much
courage to fink under oppreffion : He determined to brave
all his enemies, to truft to the facredncfs of his character
for protection, to involve his cauie with that of God and
religion, and to fland the utmoft efforts of royal indig
nation.

AFTER a few days fpent in deliberation, Becket went
to church, and laid mafs, where he had previouily ordered
that the introit to the communion fervice (hould begin with
thefe words, Princes fat and f pake aqainjt me; the paflage
appointed for the martyrdom of St. Stephen, whom the
primate thereby tacitly pretended to refetnble in his fuffer-
ings for the lake of righteoufnels. He went thence to
court arrayed in his lacred veftments: As foon as he arriv
ed within the palace-gate, he tuok the crols into his own
hands, bore it aloft as his proteclion, and marched in that
VOL. I. Q_q

* Fitz-Steph. p. 38. f Hoveden. p. 495.

$ Epifl. St. 1 horn. 9.315. l| Fitz-StCjjh. p. jS.

** Fl - .-Stepht p. 39, Gevvafe, p. 1^90. y

298 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. pofture into the royal apartments*. The king, who
VIII. was in an inner room, was aftonifhed at this parade, by

v - v - which the primate feemed to menace him and his court
Il6 4- with the fentence of excommunication ; and he lent fome
of the prelates to remonftrate with him on account of Such
audacious behaviour. Thefe prelates complained to Bec-
ket, that, by fubfcribing himfelf to the constitutions of
Clarendon, he had feduced them to imitate his example ;
and that now, when it was too late, he pretended to (hake
off all fubordination to the civil power, and appeared defi-
rousof involving them in the guilt which rnuSf attend any
violation of thofe laws, eftablifhed by their conlent, and
ratified by their Subscriptions "T. Becket replied, that he
had indeed fubfcribed the constitutions of Clarendon, le
gally, with good faith, andwitnout fraud or reserve ; but in
thefe words was virtually implied a falvo for the rights of
their order, which, being connected with the caule of God
and his church, could never be relinquished by their oath$
and engagements : That if he and thev had erred in re-
figning the eccleSiaSHcal privileges, the beft atonement
they could now make was to retratt their conlent, which,
in fuch a cafe, could never be obligatory, and to follow the
pope s authority, who had folemnly annulled the conftitu-
tions of Clarendon, and had abfolved them from all oaths
which they had taken toobferve them: That a determined
resolution was evidently embraced to opprefs the church ;
the Storm had firft broken upon him ; for a flight offence,
and which too was faifely imputed to him, he had been
tyrannically condemned to a grievous penalty ; a new and
unheard-of claim was fince flarted, in which he could ex-
peel no jufiice; and he plainly faw, that he was the deftin-
ed vicVim, who, by his ruin, mufl orepare the way for the
abrogation of all Spiritual immunities : That he Stridlly
inhibited them who were his Suffragans from aflifting at any
Cuch trial, or giving their Sanction to any fentence againft
him ; he put himfelf and his fee under the protection of
the Supreme pontiff; and appealed to him againft any pe
nalty which his iniquitous judges might think proper to
inflicl upon him : And that, however terrible the indig
nation of So great a monarch as Henry, his Sword could
only kill the body ; while that of the church, entrusted
into the hands of the primate, could kill the Soul, and
throw the diiobedient into infinite and eternal perditi

* Fit7.-Steph. p. &amp;lt;p. Hift. Quad. p. 53. Hoveden, p. 404. Neubr.
p. 394. Epift. St. Thorn, p. 43. f Fitz-Steph. p. ^5.

Fitz-Steph. p. 44. 44, 45, 46. Hift. Quad. p. 57. Hoveden, p. 495.
M. Paris, p. 72. ipift. St. Thorn, p. 45. 195.

HENRY II. 299

Appeals to the pope, even in ecclefiafiical caufes, CHAP,
had been abolifhed by the ccnflitutions of Clarendon, and VIII.

were become criminal by law ; but an appeal in a civil v

caufe, fuch as the king s demand upon Becket, was a Il6 4-
practice altogether new and unprecedented ; it tended
directly to the fubverfion of the government, and could
receive no colour of excufe, except from the determined
resolution, which was but too apparent in Henry and the
great council, to effectuate, without juftice, but under co
lour of law, the total ruin of the inflexible primate. The
king, having now obtained a pretext fo much more plaufi-
ble for his violence, would probably have pufhed the affair
to the utmoft extremity againit him ; but Becket gave him
no leifure to conduct the profecution. He refufed fo much
as to hear the fentence, which the barons, fitting apart
from the bifhops, and joined to fome fherirFs and barons
of the fecond rank*, had given upon the king s claim :
He departed from the palace; afked Henry s immediate Eaniflimen:
permilrion to leave Northampton ; and upon meeting with eckeu
a refufal, he withdrew lecretlv ; wandering about in dif-
guile for fome time ; and at laft took (hipping, and arrived
lafely at Gravelines.

THE violent and unjuft p rofccution of Becket had a
natural tendency to turn the public favour on his fide, and
to make men overlook his former ingratitude towards the
king, and his "departure from all oaths and engagements,
as well as the enormity of thofeecclefiaftical privileges, of
which he affedted to be the champion. There were many
other reafons which procured him countenance and protec
tion in foreign countries. Philip earl of Flandersf,
and Lewis king of France!, jealous of the rifing great-
nefsof Henry, were wellpieafed to give him difturbance
in his government; and forgetting that this was the com
mon caufe of princes, they affected to pity extremely the
condition of the exiled primate ; and the latter even ho
noured him with a vifit at Soirjbns, in which city he had
invited him to fix his refidencell. The pope, whofe in-
terefts were more immediately concerned in fupporting
him, gave a cold reception to a magnificent embaiiy which
Henry fent to accufe him; while Becket himfelf, who had
come to Sens in order to juftify his caufe before the fove-
reign pontiff, was received with ihe greate ft marks of dif-

* Flt/.-Stcph. p. 46. This liiftorian is fuppofed to jnean the more confide-
rable vaflals of th? chief baions : 1 hefe had no title to fit in the great council,
and the giving them a place there was a palpable irregularity : Which however
is not infiitedon in any of Bccket s remonlt.ar.ces. A faither proof how litLe
fixed the conftitution was at that time !

f 1 pift. St. Thorn, p. 35. J i i 1 . i&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;(&amp;gt;, 37- 1, Hift.

Quad. p. -jC.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P- tinclion. The king, in revenge, fequeflered the revenues
VIII. of Canterbury ; and by a conduct which might be efteem-

V v ed arbitrary, had there been at that time any regular check

ii6^. on royal authority, he baniihed all the primate s relations
and domeitics, to the number of four hundred, whom he
obliged to fwear, before their departure, that they would
inftantly join their patron. But this policy, by which
Henry endeivourcd to reduce Becket fooner to neceffity,
loft its effect: The pope, when they arrived beyond lea,
abfolved them from their oath, and diftributed them among
the convents in France and P landers: A refidence was
alligned to Beck^t himlelf in the convent of Pontigny,
where he lived for fome years in great magnificence, part
ly trorn a penfion granted him on the revenues of that ab
bey, partly from remittances made him by the French
monarch.

Il65&amp;gt; THE more to ingratiate himfelf with the pope, Becket

refigned into his hands the fee of Canterbury, to which,
he affirmed, he had been uncanonically elected by the
authority of the royal mandate ; and Alexander, in his
turn, befides invefting him anew with that dignity, preten
ded to abrogate, by a bull, the fentence with the great
council of England had patted againir. him. Henry, after
attempting in vain to procure a conference with the pope,
v/ho departed foon after for Rome, whither the proiperous
flate of his affairs now invited him, made provifions againft
the confequences of that breach which impended between
his kingdom and the apoftolic fee. He itTued orders to
his judiciaries, inhibiting, under fevere penalties, all ap
peals to the popo or archbifhop ; forbidding any one to
receive any mandates from them, or apply in any cafe
to their authority ; declaring it treafonable to bring from
either of them an interdict upon the kingdom, and punifh-
able in fecular clergymen by the loft of their eyes, and by
caftration, in regulars by amputation of their feet, and in
laics with death ; and menacing with fequeftration and
banilhment the perfons themfelves, as well as their kind
red, who mould pay obedience to any fuch interdict: And
he farther obliged all his fubjedls to fwear to the obferv-
ance of thofe orders*. Thefe were edicts of the utmoft
importance, arfecled the fives and properties of all the
fubjects, and even changed, for the time, the national re
ligion, by breaking off all communication with Rome :
Yet were they enacted by the fole authority of the king s
and were derived entirely from his will and pleafure.

* Hift. Quad. p. 8S. 167. Hovsden, p. 496. M. Paris, p. 7^.

HENRY II. 301

THE fpiritual powers, which, in the primitive church, CHAP-
were, in a great meafure, dependant on the civil, had by VIII.

a gradual progrefs reached an equality and independence; v ^ ^

and though the limits of the two jurifdiclions were difficult Il6 5
toafcertain or define, it was not impoffible, but, by mo
deration on both fides, government might ftili have been
conducted in that imperfect and irregular manner which
attends all human inftitiitions. But as the ignorance of the
age encouraged the ecclefiaftics daily to extend their pri
vileges, and even to advance maxims totally incompatible
with civil government*, Henry had thought it high time
to put an end to their pretenfions, and formally, in a pub
lic council, to fix thole powers which belonged to thema-
giftrate, and which he was for the future determined to
maintain. In this attempt he was led to re-eftab!ifh cui-
toms, which, though ancient, were beginning to be abo-
liihed bv a contrary practice, and which were (till more
ftrorigly oppoled bv the prevailing opinions and fentiments
of the ape. Principle, therefore, itcod on the one fide,
power on the other ; and if the Englifh had been actuated
by conscience more than by prefent interefl, the contro-
verfy mult loon, by the general dtfedtion of Henry s fub-
jecls, have been decided againft him. Becket, in order
to forward this event, filled ail places with exclamations
againft the violence which he had futfcred. He compared
himfelf toChiift, who had been condemned by a lay tri
bunal f, and who was crucified anew in the prelent op-
preflions under which his church laboured : He took it for
granted, as a pointinconteftable,that his caufe wasthe caufe
of God %\ Heaffumed he character of champion for the patri
mony of the Divinity : Hepretended tobethefpiritual father
of the king and all the people of England || : He even told
Henry, that kings reign folely by the authority of the
church**: And though he had thus torn ofFt he veil more open-
lyon theonefide,than that prince had ontheother, he Teem
ed ftill, from the general favour borne him by the ecclefiaftics
tohave all the advantage in the argument. The king, that
ha might employ the weapons of temporal power remain
ing in his hands, fufpended the payment of Peter s-pence :
he made advances towards an alliance with the emperor,
Fredetic Barbaroffa, who was at that time engaged in vio
lent vr ars with pope Alexander ; he difcovered fome intea-

* S^uli dubittt, fays Becket to (he Y\m. facer doles Chriffi regi/m et frrinciptim
tnxiuiit jucJiJelium pjtra et magi/lres ctnfcrl. Epift. St. Thoin. p. 97. HS.
Epift. St. Thoin.p. 63. 105. 194. + Ibid. p. 29, 30, 31. 216.

|j Fit/.-.Steph. p. 46. tpift. St. Thorn p. 57. 148.

** Brady s Append. No. 56. Epiil. St. Ihom, p. 94, q&amp;gt; 97. 99. io&amp;gt;
Hovodeq. p. ^97.

302

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, lions of acknowledging Pafcal III. the prefent anti-pope,
V1I1. who was protected by that emperor ; and by thefe expe-

* u dients he endeavouicd to terrify the enterprifmg though

&amp;gt;i 6 5- prudent pontiff from proceeding to extremities againft
him.

BUT the violence of Becket, ftill more than the nature
of the controverfy, kept affairs from remaining long in
fufpence between the parties. That prelate, inftigated by
revenge, and animated by the prefent glory attending his
fituation, pufhed matters to a d-cifion, and ifTued a cen-
fure, excommunicating the king s chief minifters by name,
and comprehending in general all thofe who favoured or
obeyed the conflitutions of Clarendon: Thefe conftituti-
ons he abrogated and annulled ; he abiolved all men from
the oaths which they had taken to obferve them; and he
fufpended the fpiritual thunder over Henry himfelf, only
that the prince might avoid the blow by 3 timely repen
tance*.

THE fituation of Henry was fo unhappy, that he could
employ no expedient for laving his minifters from this
terrible cenfure, but by appealing to the pope himfelf,
and having recourfe to a tribunal vvhofe authority he had
himfelf attempted to abridge in this very article of appeals,
and which, he knew, was fo.decply engaged on the fide
of his advcrfary. But even this expedient was not likely
to be long effectual. Becket had obtained from the pope
a legantine com mi (lion over England ; and in virtue of that
authority, which admitted of no appeal, he fummoned the
bilhops of London, Salifbury, and others, to attend him,
and ordered, under pain of excommunication, the eccle-
fiaftics, fequeilered on his account, to be refiored in two
months to all their benefices; But John of Oxford, the
king s agent with the pope, had the addrefs to procure
orders for fulpending this fentence; and he gave the pontirf
fucli hopes of a fpeedy reconcilement between the king
and Becket, that two legates, William of Pavia and Otho,
were fent to Normandy, where the king then refided, and
j,i36. they endeavoured to find expedients for that purpofe. But
the pretenfions of the parties were, as yet, too oppofite to
admit of an accommodation : The king required, that all
the conftitutions of Clarendon ihould be ratified : Becket,
that, previouUy to any agreement, he and his adherents
fhould be refiored to their pofiellions: And as the legates had
no power to pronounce a definitive fentence on either fide,
the negotiation foon after came to nothing. The cardinal

* Fitz-Steph. p. 56. Hin. Quad. p. 93. M. Paris, p. 74. Beaulieu Vif
de St. Thorn, p. 213. Epift. St. 1 hosn. p. 149. 229. Hoveden, p. 499.

H E N R Y II. 303

of Pavia alfo, being much attached to Henry, took care CHAP,
to protract the negotiation ; to mitigate the pope, by the Vlll.

accounts which he lent of that prince s conduct; and to v ,

procure him every poflible indulgence from the fee of ll6 *
Rome. About this time the king had alfo the a ddrefs to
obtain a difpenfation for the marriage of his third fon
Geoffrey, with the heirefs of Britanny ; a conceifion which,
confidering Henry s demerits towards the church, gave
great fcandal both to Becket, and to his zealous patron the
king of France.

THE intricacies of the feudal law had, in thatage, ren- Il6 ^
dered the boundaries of power between the prince and his
vaiTals, and between one prince and another, as uncertain
as thofe between the crown and the mitre; and all wars
took their origin fromdifputes, which, bad there been any
tribunal poffcffed of power to enforce their decrees, ought
to have been decided only before a court of judicature.
Henry, in profecution of fome controverfies, in xvhich he
was involved with the count of Auvergne, a vaflal of the
dutchy of Guienne, had invaded the territories of that
nobleman; who had recourfe to the king of France, his
fuperior lord, for protection, and thereby kindled a war
between the two monarchs. But this war was, as ufual,
no lefs feeble in its operations, than it was frivolous in its
caufe and object; and after occafioning fome mutual de
predations*, and fome infurreclions among the barons of
Poiclou and Guienne, was terminated by a peace. The
terms of this peace were rather difadvantageous to Henry,
and prove that that prince had, by reafon of his conteft with
the church, loft the luperiority which he had hitherto main
tained over the crown of France : An additional motive
to him for accommodating thofe differences.

THE pope and the king began at laft to perceive, that,
in the prefent fituation of affairs, neither of them could
expe& a final and decifive viclory over the other, and that
they had more to fear than to hope from the duration of
thecontroverfy. Though the vigour of Henry s govern
ment had confirmed his authority in all his dominions, his
throne might be fhaken by a fentence of excommunicati
on ; and if England itfelf could, by its fituation, be
more eafily guarded againft the contagion of fuperfii-
tious prejudices, his French provinces at leaft, whofe
communication was open with the neighbouring flates,
would be much expofed, on that account, to fome great

Hoveden, p. 517. M. Paris, p. 75. Dicete p. 547. Geivafe, p. 1402,
1404. Robert de Monte.

3 o 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, revolution or convulfion *. He could not, therefore, rea*
VIII. fouably imagine that the pope, while he retained fuch a

v u check, upon him, would formally recognife the constituti
ng- ons of Clarendon, which both put an end to papal preten-
iiotis in England, and would give an example to other
ftates of aflerting a like independencyf. Pope Alexan
der, on the other hand, being ftill engaged in dangerous
wars with the emperor Frederic, might jufHy apprehend,
that Henry, rather than relinquift claims of fuch impor
tance, would join the party of his enemy ; and as the tri
als hitherto made of the fpiritual weapons by Becket had
not fucceeded to his expedtaticn, and every thing had re
mained quiet in all the king s dominions, nothing feemed
1168. impoffible to the capacity and vigilance of fo great a mon
arch. The difpofition of minds on both fides, resulting
from thefe circumftances, produced frequent attempts to
wards an accommodation : but as both parties knew that
the efTential articles of the difpute could not then be ter
minated, they entertained a perpetual jealoufy of each
other, and were anxious not to lofe tLe leaft advantage in
the negotiation. The nuncios Gratian and Vivian, hav
ing received a commiflion to endeavour a reconciliation,
met with the king in Normandy; and after all differences
feemed to be adjufted, Henry offered to fign the treaty, with
a falvo to his royal dignity ; which gave fuch umbrage to
Becket, that the negotiation, in the end, became fruitlefs,
and the excommunications were renewed againll the king s
miniiters. Another negotiation was conducted at Mont-
rnirail, in pretence of the king of France and the French
prelates; where Becket alfo offered to make his fubmifli-
ons, with a falvo to the honour of God, and the liberties
of the church; which, for a like reafon, was extremely
offenlive to the king, and rendered the treaty abortive.
A third conference, under the fame mediation, was broken
off, by Becket s infilling on a like referve in his fubmiffi-
ons ; and even in a fourth treaty, when all the terms were
adjnfted, and when the primate expected to be introduced
to the king and to receive the kifs of peace, which it was
tifual for princes to grant in thofe times, and which was
regarded as a fure pledge of forgivenefs, Henry refufed
him that honour ; under pretence, that, during his
anger, he had made a rafli vow to that purpofe. This for
mality ferved, among fuch jealous fpirits, to prevent the
conclufion of the treaty ; and though the difficulty was
attempted to be overcome by adifpenfation which the pope
granted to Henry from his vow, that prince could not

* Epift.St. Thorn, p. 2.30. f Ibid. p. 276.

HENRY II. 30

be prevailed on to depart from the refolution which he C H A I .
had taken. VIII.

Lv one of thefe conferences, at which the French king * -&amp;gt;

was prefent, Henry laid to that monarch: " There have n6&amp;gt;
" been many kings of England, fome of greater, fome
" of lefs authority than myfelf : There have alfo been
" many archbilhops of Canterbury, holy and good men,
" and entitled to every kind of refpecl: Let Bec ket but
" act: towards me \vi-h the fame fubmiffion which the great-
" eft of his predeceflbrs have paid to the leaft of mine,
" and there (h-ill be no controverfy between us." Lewis
was fo ft ruck with this fiate of the cafe, and with an offer
which Henry made to fubmit his caufe to the French cler
gy, that he could not forbear condemning the prirnate, and
withdrawing his friendfhip from him during fome time ;
But the bigotry of that prince, and their common animofi-
ty againft Henry, foori produced a renewal of their former
good correlpondence.

ALL difficulties were at lad adjufted between the par
ties; and the kingallowed Becket to return, on conditions badjul^
which may be elteemed both honourable and advantageous
to that prelate. He was not required to give up any rights Compromife
ot the church, or refign any of thofe pretenfions which with Becket.
had been the original ground of the controverfy. It was
agreed that all thefe quefiions fhould be buried in oblivion;
but that Becket and hii adherents fhould, without making
farther lubmiih on, be reftored to all their livings, and that
even the porTellbrs of iuch benefices as depended on the
fee of Canterbury, and had been filled during the pri
mate s abfence, mould be expelled, and Becket have liber
ty to fupply the vacancies*. In return for conceffions
which entrenched fo deeply on the honour and dignity of
the crown, Henry reaped only the advantage of feeing his
minifters abfolved from the fentencc of excommunication
pronounced againft them, and of preventing the interdict,
which, if thefe hard conditions had not been complied
with, was ready to be laid on all his dominions^. It was
ealy to fee how much he dreaded that event, when a prince
of fo high a fpirit could fubmit to terms fo difhonourable
in order to prevent it. So anxious was Flenry to accom
modate all differences, and to reconcile himfelf fully with
Becket, that he took the moft extraordinary fteps to flatter
his vanity, and even, on one pccafion, humiliated himfelf
VOL. 1. K r

* Fitz Steph. p. 68, 69. Hoveden, p. 520.

f Hiih Quad. p. 104. Broit) pton, p. 1062. Gervafe, p. 1408. Epift.
St. l.Vin. p. 704, 705,706, 707. 792, 793,794. Benedict. Abbas, p. 73.

3 o5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. fo far as to hold the ftirrup of that haughty prelate while
VIII. he mounted*.

- * BUT the king attained not even that temporary tran-

1; 7- quiiiity which he had hoped to reap from thefe expedients.
During the heat of his quarrel with Becket, while he was
every day expecting an interdicl to be laid on his king
dom, and a lentenoe of excommunication to be fulminated
againit his perlon, he had thoue;ht it prudent to have his
fon, pr nce Henry, aflcciated with him in the royalty,
and to make him be crowned king by the hands of Roger
archbiftiop of York. By this precaution he both enfured
the fucceffion of that prince, which, confidering the many
part ii regularities in that point, could not but be efteemed
iomewhat precarious; anH he prefer ved at leafl his family
on the throne, if the ientence of excommunication ihould
have the erlect which he dreaded, andfhould make his fub-
jcc is renounce their allegiance to him. Though this de-
lign was conducted with expedition and fecrecy, Becket,
before it was carried into execution, had got intelligence
of it ; and being defuous of obflructing all Henry s mea-
fures, as weil as anxious to prevent this affront to himfelf,
who pretended to the ible right, as archbithop of Canter
bury, to officiate in the coronation, he had inhibited all
the prelates of England from affifting at this ceremony,
had procured from the pope a mandate to the fame pur-
poief, arid had incited the king of France to proteft againft.
the coronation of young Henry, unleis the princefs,
daughter of that monarch, fhould at the lame time receive
the royal un&ion. There prevailed in that age an opini
on, which was akin to its other luperftitions, that the
royal unction was ellcntial to the exercife of royal power|:
It was therefore natural both for the king of France, care
ful of his daughter s eftablilliment, and for Becket, jealous
of his own dignity, to demand, in the treaty with Henry,
fome fatisfa&ion in thiseflential point. Henry, after apo-
logifing to Lewis for the omiffion with regard to Margaret,
and excufmgit on account of the fecrecy and difpatch re-
quilite for conducting that rnealure, promifed that the cere
mony fhould be renewed in the pcrfons both of the prince
and princefs : And he afFured Becket, that befides re
ceiving the acknowledgments of Roger and the other
bi!"hops for the feeming affront put on the fee of Canterbu-
ry the primate fhould, as a farther fatisfaciion, recover
his rights by officiating in this coronation. But the violent
Ipirit of Becket, elated by the power of the church, and

* Epift. p. 45. lib. 5.

f Hifl. Quad. p. 103. Epift, St. Thorn, p. 682. Gervafe, p. 1412.

+ Epift. 5&amp;gt;r. Thou. p. 708.

HENRY II. 507

by the victory which he had already obtained over his fove- C H A P.
reign, was not content with this voluntary compensation, V1I1.
but refolved to make the injury, which he pretended to v "" v
have f uttered, a handle for taking revenge on all his ene
mies. On his arrival in England he met the archbifhop of
York, and the bifhops of London and Saiifbury, who were
on their journey to the king in Normandy : t e notified
to the archbifhop the fentence of fufpenfion, and to the two
bifhops that of excommunication, which at his folicitation Racket s re-
the pope had pronounced againft them. Reginald de Wa- turn &amp;lt;K m
renne, and Gervafe de Cornhill, two of the king s minif- "
ters who were employed on their duty in Kent, aiked him,
on hearing of this bold attempt, whether he meant to bring
fire and iword into the kingdom? But the primate, heed-
lefs of the reproof, proceeded, in the nioft oftentatious
manner, to take potTeflion of his diocefe. InRcchefier,
and all the towns through which he palled, he was receiv
ed with the Ihoutsand acclamations of the populace. A&amp;lt;;
he approached Sauthwark, the clergy, the laity, men of ail
ranks and ages, came forth to meet him, and celebrated
withhyrnnsof joy his t&amp;gt; iumphant entrance. And though
he was obliged, by order of the young prince, who refided
at Woodfioke, to return to his diocefe, he found that he
was not miftaken when he reckoned upon the highelt vene
ration of the public towards his perfon and his dignity.
He proceeded, therefore, with the more courage to dart
his fpiritual thunders: He iflued the fentence of excom
munication againfi Robert de Broc and Nigel de Sackviile,
with imny others, who either had afiifted at the coro
nation of the prince, or been active in the lat? perlecution
of the exiled clergy. This violent meal lire, by which
lie in effect denounced war againft the king himfelf, is
commonly afcribed to the vindictive clii pofition and imperi
ous character of Becket ; but as this prelate was alfo a man
of acknowledged abilities, we are not, in hispafiions alone,
to look tor the cauie of his cond ict, when he proceeded
to thefe extremities againft his enemies. His fcgacity had
led him to difcover all Henry s intentions ; and he propol-
ed, by this bold and unexpected afLult, to prevent the ex
ecution of them.

THE king, from his experience of the difpcfiticns of
hh people, was become ienfible that his enterprise had been
too bold in efiablifhing the conflituticns of Clarendon, in
defining all the branches of royal power, ard in endeavour
ing to extort from the church of England, as well as from
the pope, an exprefs avowal of thcie difputcd prerogatives.
Confi?ibus al(o of his own violence in attetriptiiig to break
pr fubdiic the inflexible primate, he was. not dilpleafec} to

3o3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, undo that meafure which had given his enemies fuch ad-
VIII. vantage againft him; and he w .is contented that the con-

* -v troverfy Ihould terminate in th;&amp;gt;t ambiguous manner, which

i7. was the utmofl that princes in thole ages could hope to at
tain in their diiputes with the fee of Rome. Though he
dropped, tor the prelent, the profecution of Becket, he
ftill reserved to himlelf the right of maintaining, (hat the
Confutations of Clarendon, the original ground of the
quarrel, were both the ancient cuftoms and the prelent law
of the realm: And though he knew that the papal clergy
afTerted them to be impious in themfelves, as well as abro
gated by ihe lenience of the fovereign pontiff, he intended,
in i pite of their clamours, fieadily to put thole laws in ex
ecution*, and to trutt to his own abilities, and to the courfe
of events, for luccefs in that perilous enterprile. He hop
ed that Beckct s experience of a fix years exile would, af
ter his pride was fuJy gratified by his refloration, he fufVi-
cient to teach him more referve in his oppofition : Or if
anv controverfy arofe, he expected thenceforth to engage
in a more favourable caufe, and to maintain with advan
tage, while the prima!e was now in his power f, the anci
ent and undoubted cuftcms of the kingdom againft the
ulurpationsof the clergy. But Becket determined not to
betray the ecclefiattical privileges by his connivance $, and
apprehenfive h-ft a prince of fuch profound policy, if al
lowed to pioceed in his own v ay, might probably in the
end prevail, refolvcd to take ail the advantage which his
, .prelent victory gave him, and to dilconcert the cautious
ineafurdsof the king, by the vehemence and rigour of his
on n conduit!!. Allured of fuppoit from Rome, be was
little intimidated by clangers, which his courage taught
him to defpife, and which, even if attended with the inoft
fatal coniequences, would ferve only to gratify his ambiti
on and thirlt of glory**.

WHEN the fufperided and excommunicated prelates ar
rived at Baieux, where the king then refided, and com
plained to him of the violent proceedings of Becket, he
inflantly perceived the ccrilequences ; was fenfible that
his whole plan of operations was overthrown ; fore fa w that
the dangerous conteft between the civil and fpiritujl pow
ers, a conteft x\ liicl) he himfelf had firfl roufed, but which
he had endeavoured, by all his late negotiations and con-
cefiions, foappeafe, muft con)e to an immediate and deci-
fiveifluc; and he was thence thrown into the molt violent
commotion. The archbifhop of York remarked to him,

* Epift. St. Thorn, p. 37. 839. | Flt^.-Steph. p. 6.,.
^ Epift. St. I horn, p- 3-1.-S- !i Fiti Stcph p. 74.

* * LpifU St. Thorn, p. 818. 8-fS.

HENRY II. 309

thatfo long as Becket lived, he could never expoft to enjoy CHAP,
peace or tranquillity : The king himfelf, being vehement- VIII.

]y agitated, burft forth into an exclamation againft his fer- v v j

vants, whole want of zeal, he faid, had fo long left him "7-
expoied to the enterprises of that ungrateful and imperi
ous prelate*. Four gentlemen of his houfehold, Regi
nald Fitz-Urfe, William de Traci, Hugh de Moreville,
and Richard Brito, taking thefe paffionate expreffions fo
be a hint for Becket s death, immediately communicated
their thoughts to each other; and fwearing to avenge their
prince s quarrel, fecretiy withdrew from court f. Some
menacing expicffions which they had dropped, gave a fufpi-
cion of their detign ; and the king difpatched a meiTenger
after them, charging them to attempt nothing againft the
perfon of the primate^: But thefe orders arrived too late
to prevent their fatal purpoi e. The four afiaffins, though
they took different road to England, arrived nearly about
the fame time at Saltwocde near Canterbury; and being
there joined by iome alfiitants, they proceeded in great
hafle to the archiepiicopal palace. They found the primate
who trufted entirely to the facrednefs of his character, very
flenderly attended ; and though they threw out many me
naces and reproaches againft him, he was fo incapable of
fear, that, without ufmg any precautions againft their vio
lence, he immediately went to St. Benedict s church to
hear veipers. They followed him thither, attacked him
before the altar, and having cloven his head with many nee. 20.
blows, retired without meeting any oppofition. This was i^ 1 ^
the tragical end of Thomas a Becket. a prelate of the moll Beckci.
lofty, intrepid, and inflexible fpirit, who was able to co
ver to the world, and probably to himfeif, the enterprifes
ot pride and ambition, under the difguife of fan&ity, and
ofaftal for the interefts of religion : An extraordinary per-
ibnage, furely, had he been allowed to rema n in his fhft
ftation, and had directed the vehemence of his character
to the fupport of law and juftice; infiead of being engag
ed, by the prejudices of the times, to facrifice all private
duties and public connexions to ties which he imagined
or reprefented as fuperior to every civil and political con-
fideration. But no rmn who enters into the genius of that
age can reafonably doubt of this prelate s fincerity. The
fpirit of fuperdition was fo prevalent, that it infallibly
caught every carelefs reafoner, much more every one whofe
jntereft, and honour, and ambition, were engaged to fup
port it. All the wretched literature of the tim^s was in-

Gervafe, p. 141.}. Parker, p. 207. ) M. Faii.-, . ^.

Brompton, p, 1065. Bene&fl. Albas, p. 10. + Hill.

p. in- Trivet, p. 55.

H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, lifted on that fide : Some faint glimmering of common
VIII. fenic. might forrietimes pierce through the thick cloud of

* " ignorance, or, what was worfe, the illufions of perverted

1170. faience, which had b ottjd out the fun, and enveloped the-
face of nature: But thoie who preserved themielves un
tainted hv ;he general contagion, proceeded on no princi
ples which they could pretend to juftify: They were more
indebted to their total want of instruction, than to their
knowledge, if they Hill retained fome (hare of underftan-
dine: ] o. ly was pofleffed of all the fchools, as well as all
the churches; jnd her votaries affumed the garb of philo-
fophers, together with the enfigns of fpiritual dignities.
Throughout that large collection of letters which bears
the name of St. Thomas, we find, in all the retainers of
that afpiring prelate, no lefs than in himfelf, a moft entire
and abfolute conviction of the reafon and piety of their
own p^rty, and a di dainof their antagonifts : Nor is there
lefs cant and grim : ce in their ftyle, when they addrefs
each ni her, than when they compofe manifeftos for the
perulal of the public. The fpirit of revenge, violence,
and ambition, which accompanied their conduct, inftead
of brming a prefumption of h -pocrify, are the fureft
pie; &amp;gt;s of their fmrere attachment to a caufe, which fo
much flattered thefe domineering paflions.

Cr ; r .f HENRY, on thefirfi report of Beckct s violent meafures,

had purpofed to have him arrefted, and had already taken
fome ft e-ps towards the execution of that defign : But the
intelligence of his murder threw the prince into great con-
fternation ; and he was immediately fenfible of the dange
rous conu quences which he had reafon to apprehend from
ib unexpected an event. An archbilliopof reputed fanc-
tity aflaffinated before the altar, in the exercife of his func
tions, and on account of his zeal in maintaining ecclefia-
fh cal privileges, muft attain the hicheft honours of martyr
dom ; v. hile his nairderer would be ranked among the
moft blcodv tyrarts that ever were expofed to the hatred
and delegation of mankind. Interdicts and excommuni
cations, weapons inthemfelves fo terrible, would, he fore-
law, be armed with double force, when employed in a
caufe fo much calculated to work on the human pailions,
and ib peculiarly adapted to the eloquence of popular
preachers and declaimers. In vain would he plead his
own innocence, and even his total ignorance of the fart :
He was funScient y cuilty, if the church thought proper
to efteem him fuch: And his concurrence in Beckei s maif-
tvrdom, becoming a religious opinion, would be received
v/ith al! the implicit credit which belonged to the moft
cftablimcd articles of faith. Theic confiderations gays

H E N R Y II. 311

the kine the moft unaffected concern ; and as it was evfrrne- c I ; \ ?.
Jy his intereft to clear himfeif from all luipit ion, ! - UM k \ III.

no care to conceal the depth of his affliction*. He (hut

himfeif up from the light of day, and from all c .; n P e re - /
with his icivants: He even refuted, during three- da\ s, all
food and fuftenance t : The courtiers, apprehending dan
gerous effects from liisdefpair, were at laft obliged (o l&amp;gt;n ,!;
in upon his folitudr ; and thev employed eve-v topic of
confolation, induced him u&amp;gt; .icccpt of nourifhr. et;t, and
occupied his leisure in taking; precautions againft the von-
fequences which he lo juflly apprehended from the mur
der of the primate.

THE point of chief importance to Henry was to con- JI7U
vince the pope of his innocence ; or rather, to perfuade an iub-
him that he would reap greater advantages from the lub- mifUon of

._ r r- I i i r i- Jie K1U S-

millions or iingland, tnannom proceeding to extremities
againft that kingdom. The archbiihop of Rouen, the
biihops of Worcefter and Evreux, with five perfons of in
ferior quality, were immediately difpatched to Rome |,
and orders were given them to perform their journey with
the utmoll expedition. Though the name and authority
of the court of Rome were fo terrible in the remote coun
tries of Europe, which were funk in profound ignorance,
and were entirely unacquainted with its character and con
duct ; the pope was fo little revered at home, that his in
veterate enemies furrounded the gates of Rome itlelf, and
even controlled his government in that city : and the am-
badadors who, from a diftant extremity of Europe, carried
to him the humble or rather abjec\ fubmi (lions of the grea-
teft potentate of the age, found the utmoft difficulty to
make their way to hmi, and to throw themfelves at his
feet. It waaat length agreed that Richard Barre, one of
their number, mould leave the reft behind, and run all
the hazards of the pafTage||, in order to prevent the fatal
confequences which might enfutf from any delay in giving
fatisfacHon to his holineis. He found, on his arrival, that
Alexander was already wrought up to the grcatefi: rage
againft the king, that Becket s partifans were daily ftimu-
ladng him to revenge, that the king of France had ex
horted him to fulminate the nioft dreadful fent^nce againft
England, and that the very mention of Henry s name be
fore the (acred college was received with every expreffion
of horror and execration. The Thurfday before Eafter
was now approaoning, when it is cuftomary for the pope
to denounce annual curfcs againft all his enemies ; and it

* Ypod. Neuft. p. 447 . M. Paris, p. 87. Ciceto, p. 556. Gervafe, p.
M o- t Hift. Quad. p. i jj. * Ho-eden, p. 526.

M. Pans, p. 87. M Hoveden, p. 556. Epift. St. ihom. p. S6j.

312 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, was expefted that Henry fhould, with all the preparations
VIII. peculiar to the discharge of that facred artillery, be lolemn-

N/ -* ly comprehended in the number. But Barre found means

11 7 to appcafe the pontiff, and to deter him from a meafure
which, if it failed of fuccefs, could not afterwards be eafi-
]y recalled : The anathemas were only levelled in general
againft ail the actors, accomplices, and abettors of Becket s
murder. The abbot of ValalTe, and the arch -deacons of
Salisbury and Lifieux, with others of Henry s minifters,
who foon after arrived, befides afferting their prince s in
nocence, made oath before the whole confiOory, that he
v/ould ftand to the pope s judgment in the affair, and
make every fubmiflTion that fhouid be required of him.
The terrible blow was thus artfully eluded; the cardinals
Albert and Theodin were appointed legates to examine
the cauie, and were ordered to proceed to Normandy for
that purpofe; and though Henry s foreign dominions were
already laid under an interdict by the arehbifhop of Sens,
.Becket s great partilan, and the pope s legate in France,
the general expectation that the monarch would eafily ex
culpate himielf from any concurrence in the guilt, kept
every one in fufpence, and prevented all the bad confe-
quences which might be dreaded from that fentencc.

THE clergy, meanwhile, though their rage was happily
diverted from tailing on the king, were not idle in magni
fying the fanclity of Becket ; in extolling the merits of
his martyrdom ; and in exalting him above all that devoted
tribe who in feveral ages had, by their blood, cemented
the fabric of the temple. Other faints had only borne tef-
timony by their fufferings to the general dotlrines of chril-
tianity ; but Becket had facrificed his life to the power and
privileges of the clergy ; and this peculiar merit challeng
ed, and not in vain, a fuitable acknowledgment to his me
mory. Endlefs were the panegyrics on his virtues ; and
the miracles wrought by his reliqueswere more numerous,
more nonfenfical, and more impudently atfefted, than
thole wrp ch ever filled the legend of any confeflbr or mar
tyr. Two years after his death he was canonized by pope
Alexander; a folemn jubilee was eftablifhed for celebrat
ing his merits; his body was removed to a magnificent
ihrine, enriched with prefents from all parts of Chriften-
dom; pilgrimages were performed to obtain his interceffion
\vith heaven ; and it was computed, that in one year above
a hundred thoufand pilgrims arrived in Canterbury, and
paid their devotions at his toinb. It is indeed a mortifying
reflection to thofe who are actuated by the love of fame, fo
juftly denominated the laft infirmity of noble minds, that

HENRY

3*3

the wifeft legiflator, and moft exalted genius that ever re- CHAP,
formed or enlightened the world, can never expect fuch VIII.

tributes of praife as are lavifhed on the memory of preten- v ^

ded faints, whofe whole conduct was probably to the lad 11 " 1 -
degree odious or contemptible, and whofe indufiry was en
tirely directed to the purfuit of objects pernicious to man
kind. It is only a conqueror, a perfonage no lefs entitled
to our hatred, who can pretend to the attainment of equal
renown and glory.

IT may not be amifs to remark, before we conclude the
fubjeft of Thomas a Becket, that the king, during his
controverfy with thdt prelate, was on every occafion more
anxious than uftial to exprefs his zeal for religion, and to
avoid all appearance of a profane negligence on that head.
He gave his confent to the impofing of a tax on all his do
minions for the delivery of the Holy Land; now threaten
ed by the famous Saladine : This tax amounted to two
pence a pound for one year, and a penny a pound for the
four fubfequent *. Almoft ail the princes of Europe laid
an impofition on their fubjects, which received the name
of Saladine s tax. During this period, there came over
from Germany about thirty heretics of both fexes, under
the direction of one Gerard ; fimple ignorant people, who
could give no account of their faith, but declared them-
felves ready to furfer for the tenets of their mafter. They
made only one convert in England, a woman as ignorant
as themfelves; yet they gave fuch umbrage to the clergy,
that they were delivered over to the fecular arm, and were
punifhed, by being burned on the forehead, and then whip
ped through the flrects. They feemed to exult in their
fufferings, and as they went along, fung the beatitude,
Bleffed are ye, when men hate you and perfecute you f.
After they were whipped, they were thruu out almoft
naked in the midft of winter, and perifhed through cold
and hunger ; no one daring or being willing to give them
the leaft relief. We are ignorant of the particular tenets
of thefe people : For it would be imprudent to rely on the
reprefentations left of them by the clergy, who affirm that
they denied the efficacy of the facraments, and the unity
of the church. It is probable that their departure from
the ftandard of orthodoxy was ftill more fubtile and mi
nute. They feern to have been the firft that ever fuffered
for herefy in England.

VOL. I. S 3

* Chr-n. Gervafe, p. 130,9. M. Paris, p. 74.

t Nci br. p. 391. M. Paris, p. 74. Heming. pi

3 , 4 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

r H A P As toon as Henry found that he was in no immediate
VIII danger from the thunders of the Vatican, he undertook an
v ^ expedition againft Ireland; a defign which he had long
7i. projected, and by which he hoped to recover his credit,
fomewhat impaired by his late tranfacTions with
hierarchy.

( 3^5

CHAP. IX.

HENRY II.

Stale of Ireland Conquefl of thai ijland The ting s

accommodntijn with the court oj Rome Revolt of

young Henry and his brothers Wars and infurreSi-

on&amp;lt;&amp;gt; War with Scotland Penance of Henry for

Becket s murder William king of Scotland defeated

and taken pnfoner The king s accommodation with

his Jons The king s equitable adminifiration

Crufadti R .vo t of prince Richard Death and

character oj ti.nry Miscellaneous tranfaclions of his

reign.

AS Britain was firft peopled from Gaul, fo was Ire- p TT
. land, probably from Britain; and the inhabitants of jx.

all hefe countries leem to have been fo many tribes of the &amp;lt;.

Celtae, who derive their orig n from an antiquity that lies 1172.
far beyond the records of any hiftory or tradition. The Slate of
Irifh from the beginning of time had been buried in the
moft profound baibarifm and igncrasce ; and as they were
never conquered, or even invaded by the Romans, from
whom all the weftern world derived its civility, they con
tinued ftill in the moft rude (late of fociety, and were dil-
tinguifhed by thofe vices alone to which human nature, not
turned by education, or retrained by laws, is forever fub-
jeft. The fmall principalities into which they were divi
ded, exercifed perpetual rapine and violence againft each
other ; the uncertain fuccefiion of their princes was a con
tinual fource of domeftic con .ulfions ; the ufual tide of
each petty fovereign was the murderer of his predeccflbr,;
courage and force, though cxerciicd in the commifiicn of

3i6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAT, crimes, were more honoured than any pacific virtues ; and
IX. the molt fimple arts of life, even tillage and agriculture,

s ,r-r- were almolt wholly unknown among them. They had

I! 7 2 - felt the invafions of the Danes and the other noithern
tribes; but thefe inroads, which had fpread bnrbariirn in
pther parts of Europe, tended rather to improve the irifn ;
and the only towns which were to be found in the ifland,
had been planted along the coaft by the freebooters of Nor
way and Denmark. The other inhabitants exercifed paf-
turage in the open country ; fought protection from any
danger in their foreOs and moraffes; and being divided by
the fierceft animofuics againft each other, were ftill more
intent on the means of mutual injury, than on the expe
dients for common or even for private interest.

BESIDES many fmall tribes, there were in the age of
Henry II. five principal fovereignties in the ifland, Munfl-
eir, Leinfier, Meath, Ulfter, and Connaught ; and as it
had been ufual for the one or the other of thefe to take the
lead in their wars, there was commonly fome prince, who
ieerned, for the time, to at as monarch of Ireland. Ro-
deric O Conner, king of Connaught, was then advanced
to this dignity*; but his government, ill obeyed even
- within his own territory, could not unite the people in any
meaiures, either for the efiablifhment of order, or for de
fence againfl foreigners. The ambition of Henry had,
very early in his reign, beep moved by the profpecl of
thefe advantages, to attempt the fubjecling of Ireland ;
and a pretence was only wanting to invade a people who,
being always confined to their own ifland, had never given
any realon of complaint to any of their neighbours. For
this purnofe, he had recourfe to Rome, which affumed a
right to diipofe of kingdoms and empires; and not fore-
ieeing the dangerous difputes, which he was one day to
maintain with that fee, he helped, for prcfent, or rather
lor an imaginary convenience, to give fandlion to claims
\vhich were now become dangerous to ail fovereigns. Ad
rian III. who then filled the papal chair, was by birth an
Englifhman; and being on that account the more difpofed
to oblige Henry, he was eafily perfuaded to acl as mailer
of the world, and to make, without any hazard or expenre,
the acqnifition of a great ifland to his fpiritual juiifdiction.
The Irifh had, by precedent millions from the Britons,
been imperfectly converted to chriftianity ; and, what the
pope regarded as the fureft mark of their imperfecl con-
vcrfion, they followed the doctrines of their firfl teachers,
and had never acknowledged any lubjelion to the fee of

Hcvedeu, p. 527.

HENRY II. 317

of Rome. Adrian, therefore, in the year 1156, iflued a C H A P.
bull in favour of Henry: in which, after pren&amp;gt;5fmg that IX.

this prince had ever fhewn an anxious care to enlarge the v *

church of Godoneai i, and to increale the number of his 11 7""
faints and elccl in heaven ; he reprefents hio deiign of fub-
duin Ireland as derived from the fame pious motives :
He confidera his care of previoufly applying for the apof-
tolic fanftion as a Cure earned of fuccefs and victory ; and
having efiablilbed it as a point inconteftable, that all Chrif-
tiari kingdoms belong to the patrimony of St. Peter, he
acknowledges it to be his own duty to low among them the
feeds of the gofpel, which might in the laft day fruciify to
their eternal falvation : He exhorts the king to invade
Ireland, in order to extirpate the vice and wickednefs of
the natives, and oblige them to pay yearly, from every
houfe, a penny to the fee of Home : lie gives him entire
right and authority over the illand, commands all the in
habitants to obey him as their fovereign, and inverts with
full power all inch godly inftruments as he fhoulcf think
proper to employ in an enterprise thus calculated for the
glory of God and the falvation of the louls of men*. Hen
ry, though armed with this authority, did riot immediately
put his defign in execution ; but being detained by more
interefling bufineis on the continent, waited for a favour-
able opportunity of invading Ireland*

DERMOT Macmorrogh, king of Lcinfter, had, by his
licentious tyranny . rendered hirrfelf odious to his lubjecls,
who fcizcd with alacrity the firil occafion that offered cf
throwing off the yoke, which was become grievous and
opprefiu e to them. This prince had formed a defign on
Dovergilda, wife of Oroiic prince of Brerlny; and taking
advantage of her hufband s ablence, who, being obliged
to vifit a dillant part of his territory, had left his wife (e-
cure,as he thought, in an itland iurrounded by a bog; he
iuddenly invaded the place and canied off the piincofs f.
This exploit, though ufual among the Irilh, and rather
deemed a proof of gallantry and fpiritj, provoked the re-
fentment of the hufband ; who, having collected forces,
and being ftrengthened by the alliance of Roderic king of
Connaught, invaded the dominions of Derniot, and expel
led him his kingdom. The exiled prince had recourle to
Henry, who was at this time in G .iienne, craved his affift-
ancein refioring him tohisfovereign-y, and offered, on that
event, to hold liis kingdom in vaflalage under the crown
of England. Henry, vvhofe views were already turned.

M. Paris, p. 67. Glrald. Camhr. S,ielm. ronci). v&amp;lt;^. ii. p, 51. Rvmr-r.
vol. i. p. 15. -j- (jualii. Lambr. p. yuo. . cn-

ccr, vol. v:.

3i8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- towards making acquisitions in Ireland, readily accepted
IX. the offer ; but being at that time embarrafied by the re-

v bellionsof his French fubjefts, as well as by his dil putes

i&amp;gt;72 with the fee of Rome, he declined f*- the prefent embark
ing in the enterprife, and gave Dermot no farther a&amp;lt;Mance
than letters patent, by which he empowered all hisfubjects
to aid the Irifh prince in the recovery of his dominions *.
Dermot, fupported by this authority, came to Briftol; and
after endeavouring, though for fme time in vain, to en
gage adventurers in the enterprife, he at laft formed a
treaty with Richard, fumamed Stron^bow, earl of Stri^ul.
This nobleman, who was of the iiluftrious houfe of Clare,
had impaired his fortune byexpenfive pleafures.; and bein^
ready for any defperate undertaking, he prornifed aflift-
ance to Dermot, on condition that he fhould efpoufe Eva
daughter of that prince, and be declared heir to all his
dominions f. While Richard was alTembling his fuc-
c ours, Dermot went into Wales ; and meeting with Ro
bert Fitz-Stephens, conibble of Abertivi, and Maurice
Fitz-Geral&amp;lt;J, he alfo engaged them in his fervice, and ob
tained their promife of invading Ireland. Being now af-
fured of fuccour, he returned privately to his own ftate ;
and lurking in the monaftery of Fernez, which he had
for.nded (for this ruffian was alfo a founder of monafteries),
he prepared every thing for the reception of his Engiifh
allies $.

THE troops of Fitz-Stephens were firft ready. That
Lland. gentleman landed in Ireland with thirty knights, fixty
efquires, and three hundred archers; but this fmall bod} ,
-being brave men, not unacquainted with difcipline, and
completely armed, a thing aimoil unknown in Ireland,
frruck a great terror into the barbarous inhabitants, and
feemed to menace them with fome fignal revolution. The
conjunction of Maurice de Pendergaft, who, about the
fame time, brought over ten knights and fixty archers,
enabled Fitz-Stephsns to attempt the fiege of Wexford, a
town inhabited by the Danes ; and after gaining an advan
tage, he mnde himfelf mafter of the placed. Soon after,
Fifz Geraid arrived with ten knights, thirty efquires, and
a hundred archers* * ; and being joined by the former ad
venturers, compofed a force which nothing in Ireland
was able to withftand. Roderic, the chief monarch of the
illand, was foiled in different actions ; the prince ofOlTory
was obliged to fubmit, and give hoftages for his peaceable
behaviour ; and Dermot, not content with being reflorcd

* Girald. Carao. p. 760. f Ibid. p. 761.

* !bid. p. 761. jj Girald. Cambr. p. 761, 762.

* * Ibid. p. 766.

HENRY IT. 319

to his kingdom of Leinfter, projected the dethroning of C H .A. ?
Roderic, and afpired to the fole dominion over the Iriih. IX.

IN profecution of thele views, he fent over a meffenger (

to the eari of Strigul, challenging the performance of his 11 7 - -
promife, and difplayihg the mighty advantages which
might now be reaped by a reinforcement of warlike troops
from England. Richard, not fatisfied with the general
allowance given by Henry to all his fubjects, went to that
prince, then in Normandy ; and having obtained a cold
or ambiguous permitfion, prepared himfelf for the executi
on of his defigns. He full fent over Raymond, one of his
retinue, with ten knights and feventy archers, who, land
ing near Waterford, defeated a body of three thoufand
Irilh that had ventured to attack him*; and as Richard
hjmfelf, who brought over two hundred horfe, and a body
of archers, joined, a few days after, the victorious Eng-
lifh, they made themfelves mafters of Waterford, and
proceeded to Dublin, which was taken by allault. RoJe-
ric, in revenge, cut off the head of Dermot s natural lion,
who had^been left as a hoftage in his hands ; and Richard,
marrying Eva, became foon after, by the death of Dermot,
mafter of the kingdom of Leinfler, and prepared to ex
tend his authority over all Ireland. Roderic and the other
Irifti princes were alarmed at the danger ; and combining
together, befieged Dublin with an army of thirty thoufand
men: But earl Richard, making a fudden fally at the
head of ninety knights, with their followers, put this nu
merous army to rout, dialed them off the field, and puriued
them with great flaughter. None in Ireland now dared to
oppoie themfelves to the Er.gliihf.

HENRY, jealous of the progrefs made by his own fub-
jedls, fent orders to recal all the Englifh, and he made
preparations to attack Ireland in perfonj: But Richard,
and the other adventurers, found means to appeafe him,
by making him the moft humble (ubmiflions, and offering
to holdall their acquifitions in vaffalage to his crown)!.
That monarch landed in Ireland at the head of five hund
red knights, befides other foldiers : He found the Irifh
fodifpirited by their late misfortunes, that, in a progrefs;
which he made through the ifland, he had no other occu
pation than to receive the homage of his new fubjects. He
kft moft of the IriuVchieftains or princes in poffeffion of
their ancient territories; beftowed fome lands on the Eng-
glifh adventurers ; gave earl Richard the commiffion of
fcnefchal of Ireland ; and after a (lay of a few months,

Girald. Cambr. p. 767. t Ibid. p. 773.

1 Ibid. p. 7;o. |j Ibid. p. 775.

3 2o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. returned in triumph to England. By thefe trivial exploits,-
IX. icarcely worth reining, except for the importance of th&amp;lt;i

y &amp;gt; con/cquences, was Ireland Subdued, and annexed to the

IJ 7 2 - pnglifh crown.

THE low State of commerce and induftry during thoSe
ages made it impracticable for princes to fupport regular
armies, which might retain a conquered country in "Sub
jection; and the extreme barbarian and poverty of IreLnd
could ftill lefs atfbrd means of bearing the expence. The
onlv expedient, by which a durable conqueft could then be
made or m :intained, was by pouring in a multitude of new
inhabitants, dividing among themthe lands of the vanquifh-
ed, eStabiHhing them in all offices of trnft and authority ,
and thereby transforming the ancient inhabitants into a
new people. By this policy, the northern invaders of old,
yndof late the duke of Normandy, had been able to fix
their dominion, and to erect kingdoms, which remained
fhble on their foundations, and were transmitted to the
posterity of the firft conquerors. But the ftate of Ireland
rendered that illand fo little inviting to the Englim, that
only a few of dcfperate fortunes could be perfuaded, from
time to time, to tranfport themfelves thither *; and inStead
of reclaiming the natives from their uncultivated manners,
they were gradually affimilated to the ancient inhabitants,
and degenerated from the cuftoms of thir own nation. It
xvas alfo found requifite to beftow great military and arbi
trary powers on the leaders, who commanded a handful
of menamidil fuch hoftile multitudes ; and law and equi
ty, in a little time, became as much unknown in the Eng-
liih Settlements, as they had ever been among the Irilh
tribes. Palatinates were eretfed in favour of the new ad
venturers ; independent authority conferred ; the natives,
u^vcr fully Subdued, Still retained their animoSity againft
^ie conquerors ; their hatred was retaliated by like inju
ries ; and from thefe^caufes, the Iridi, during the courSe of
jour centuries, remained Still Savage and untraiSfable : It
V- as not till the latter end of Elizabeth s reign, that the
illand was fully Subdued ; nor till that of her Succefibr,
that it gave hopes of becoming a ufeful conqueft to the
Englifn nation.

BESIDES that the eafy and peaceable fubrnifTion of the
Iriih left Henry no farther occupation in that illand, he was
recalled from it by another incident, which was of the laSt
importance to his intereSl and Safety. The two legates
Albert and Theodin, to whom was committed the trial of
his conduct in the murder of archbilhop Becket, were ar-

* Brompton, p. 1069. Neubrlg. p. 403.

HENRY II. 321

rived in Normandy ; and being impatient of delay, fent CHAP.
him frequent letters, full of menaces, if he protracted IX.
any longer making his appearance before them *. He v - * -
haflened therefore to Normandy, and had a conference 1I ? 2 -
vritli them at Savigny, where their demands were to exor
bitant, that hs broke off the negotiation, threatened to re
turn to Ireland, and bade them to do their worft againft
him. They perceived that the feaion was new paO for
taking advantage of that tragical incident ; which, had it
been hotlv ptirfued bv interdicts and excommunications,
was capable of throwing the whole kingdom into combuf-
tion. But the time which Henry had happily gained had
contributed to appeafe the minds of men : The event could
not now have the fame influence as when it was recent ; and
as the clergy everv day looked for an accommodation with
the king, they had not oppofed the prctentions of his par-
tifans, who had been very indu trious in repreienting to
the people his entire innocence in the murder of the pri
mate, and his ignorance of the defigns formed by the arlaf-
fins. The legates, therefore, found themielves obliged
to lower their terms ; and Henry was Ib fortunate as to
conclude an accommodation with them. He declared up
on oath, before the reliques of the faints, that, fo far from
commanding or deflring the death of the archbifhop, he
was extremely grieved when he received intelligence of
it : But as the pailion, which he had expreffed on ac
count of that prelate s condudr, had probably been
the occafion of his murder, he flipulated the following con
ditions, as an atonement for the offence: I le promiled, The k!n ,,._
that he thould pardon all Inch as had been bammed for accommcda-
adhering to Beckct, and fhould reftore them to their liv- ouwuhtlie
ings ; that the fee of Canterbury fhould be reinftated in all ^^
its ancient poiTefiions ; that he ihould pay the templars a
lum of money fufticient for the fubfillence of two hun
dred knights during a year in the Holy Land j that he
Ihould himlelf take the crofs at the Chriftmas following,
and, if the pope required it, ferve three years againR the
infidels, either in Spain or Paleftine; that he ihouid not
inlift on the obfervance of fuch cuiloms, derogatory to ec-
cletiaflical privileges, as had been introduced in his own
time ; and that he Ihould not obttrutt appeals to the pope
in ecclefiaftical caufes, but ihould content himfelf with
exaityig lulficient lecurity from fuch clergymen as left his
dominions to profecute an appeal, that they fhould attempt
nothing againfl the rights of his crownf . Upon figning
VOL. I. T t

* Giiald. Cambr. p. 778. t M- Par s. P- S&. Rene-

. j j. Hovsden, p. 529, Diceto, p. 560, Chrou. Gers-. p. 1433.

. Abb.
r. j j.

5 22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, tliefe conceflions, Henry received abfolution from the le-
IX. gates, and was confirmed in the grant of Ireland made by

&amp;lt; pope Adrian*; and nothing proves more ftrongly the j&amp;gt;reat

1J 7 2 - abilities of this monarch, than his extricating himfelf, on
fuch eafy terms, from fo difficult a fituation. He had al
ways infifted, that the laws eftablifhed at Clarendon con
tained not any new claims, but the ancient cuftomr of the
kingdom; and he was ftill at liberty, notwithftandmg the
articles of this agreement, to maintain his pretenfions. Ap
peals to the pope were indeed permitted by that treaty ; but
as the king was alfo permitted to exa&amp;lt;5t reaionable fecuri-
ties from the parties, and might ftretch his demands on this
head as far as he pleafed, he had it virtually in his power
to prevent the pope from reaping any advantage by this
feeming conceflion. And on the whole, the conflitutions
of Clarendon remained ftill the law of the realm ; though
the pope and his legates leem fo little to have conceived
the king s power to lie under any legal limitations, that
they were fatisned with his departing, by treaty, from one
of the mofl momentous articles of thefe conftitutions,
without requiring any repeal by the ftates of the king
dom.

HENRY, freed from this dangerous controverfy with the
ecciefiaftics and with the fee of Rome, feemed now to have
reached the pinnacle of human grandeur and felicity, and
to be equally happy in his domeftic fituation and in his po
litical government. A numerous progeny of ions and
daughters gave both luftre and authority to his crown, pre
vented the dangers of a difputed fucceffion, and repieffed
all pretenfions of the ambitious barons. The king s pre
caution alfo, in eftabliming the feveral branches of his fa
mily, feemed well calculated to prevent all jealoufy among
the brothers, and to perpetuate the greatnefsof his family.
He had appointed Henry his eldeft fon, to be his fucceffor
in the kingdom of England, the dutchy of Normandy,
and the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine; terri
tories which lay contiguous, and which, by that means,
might eafily lend to each other mutual afliftance both
againft inteftine commotions and foreign invafions. Rich
ard, his fecond i on, was inverted in the dutchy of Guienne
and county of Poidlou ; Geoffrey, his third Ion, inherited,
in right of his wife, the dutchy of Britanny; and the new
conqueflof Ireland was deflined for the appanage of John,
his fourth fon. He had alfo negotiated, in favour of this
tad prince, a marriage with Adelais, the only daughter of
Humbert count of Savoy and Maurienne ; and was to re-

* Brompton, p. 1071, Liber. Nig. Scac. p. 47.

HENRY II. 323

ceive as her dowry confiderable demefnes in Piedmont, CHAP.
Savoy, BrefTe, and Dauphiny*. But this exaltation of IX.

his family excited the jealoufy of all his neighbours, who v *

made thole very fons, whofe fortunes he had fo anxioufly
eftablifhed, the means of embittering his future life and
difturbing his government.

YOUNG Henry, who was rifing to man s eftate, began
todifplay hischarafter, and afpire to independence: Brave,
ambitious, liberal, munificent, affable ; he diicovered qua
lities which give great luftre to youth ; prognofticate a
fhining fortune ; but, unlefs tempered in mature age with
difcretion, are the forerunners of the greateft calamitiesf.
It is laid, that at the time when this prince received the
royal unftion, his father, in order to give greater dignity
to the ceremony, officiated at table as one of his retinue ;
and obferved to his ("on, that never king was more royally
ferved. It is nothing extraordinary, faid young Henry to
one of his courtiers, if the f on of a count Jliould ferve the
fan of a king. This faying, which might pafs only for
an innocent pleafantry, or even for an oblique compliment
to his father, was however regarded as a fymptom of his
afpiring temper ; and his conduct foon after juflified the
conje6ture.

HENRY, agreeably to the promife which he had given
both to the pope and French king, permitted his fon to be
crowned anew by the hands of the archbifhop of Rouen,
and affociated the princels Margaret, fpoule to young
Henry, in the ceremony |. He afterwards allowed him
to pay a vifit to his father-in-law at Paris, who took the
opportunity of inftilling into the young prince thofe am
bitious fentiments to which he was naturally but too much
inclined ||. Though it had been the conftant practice of Revo1t of
France, ever fmcetheaccelTion of theCapetian line.tocrown ancThis
the fon during the lifetime of the father, without conferring brother.
on him any prefent participation of royalty ; Lewis per-
fuaded his fon-in-law, that, by this ceremony, which in
thofe ages was deemed fo important, he had acquired a title
to fovereignty, and that the king could not, without in-
juflice, exclude him from immediate poffcffion of the
whole, or at leaft a part, of his dominions. In confe-
quencc of thefe extravagant ideas, young Henry, on his

* Ypod. Neuft. p. 448. Eened. Abb. p. jS. Hoveden.. p. 533. Diceto,
p. 562. Brompton, p. i"Si. Rym.i, vn!. i. p. 33.

t rhron. Gerv. p. 1463. | Ho-eden, p. 5^0. Diceto, p. 560.

Brompton, p. roSo. Chron. Gerv. p. 14 _M. Trivet, p. 58. U a^i-ears from
Madox s Hiftory of the Lxchequer, that lilk gaiments were then krcwn-in Eng
land, and that the coronation robes of the voting king ami (juet cofl i^hty^
1 e^en pound ten fhill mgs and four pence, mon/ of that age,

|| Girjld, Cambr. p. 782.

324 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, return, defired the king to refign to him either the crown
IX. of England or the dutchy of Normandy ; difcovered great

v vr * difcontenf on the refufal; fpake in the moil undutiful terms

1J 7j- of his father : and loon after, in concert with Lewis, made
hisefcape to Paris, where he was protected and fupported
by that monarch.

WHILE Henrv \vasalarmed at this incident, and had
the proipecV of dangerous intrigues, or even of a war,
which, whether fuccelsful or not, muft be extremely cala
mitous and diiagreeaWe to him, he received intelligence
of new misfortunes, which muft have atFetled him in the
moil fenfible manner. Queen Eleanor, who had difgufied
her firft hufband by her g;llantries, was no lefs otrenfive
to her fecond by her jealoufv ; and after this manner car
ried to extremity, in the different periods of her life, eve-r
ry circumfiance of female weaknefs. She communicated
her diicontents againfi Henry to her two younger Ions,
Geoffrey and Richard, perluaded them that they were alfo
entitled to prefent poileflion of the territories afligned to
them ; engaged them to lly lecietly to the court of France;
and was meditating, herfelf, aneicane to the fame court,
and had even put on man s apparel for that purpofe; when
fhe was feized by orders from her hufband, and thrown
into confinement. Thus Europe law with afionifhment
the bed arid inoft indulgent of parents at war with his whole
famiiy; three bovs, Scarcely arrived*at the age of puber
ty, require a great monarch, in the full vigour of his age
and height of his reputation, to dethrone himfelf in their
favour ; and levera! princes not afhamed io fupport them
in thefe unnatural and abfurd prctenfions.

IliiNRY, reduced to this perilous and difagreeable fitua-
tion, had recourfe to the court of Rome : Though fenfi
ble of the cunger attending the inferpofition of eccietiafti-
cal authority in temporal difputes, he applied to the pope,
as his luperior lord, to excommunicate his enemies, and
by thefe cenfures to reduce to obedience his undutiful child
ren, whom he found Inch reluctance to punilliby the fword
of the magiftrate*. Alexander, well pleafed to exert his
power in Jo jultiiiable a caule, illued the bulls required of
him :" But it was loon found, that thefe fpiritual weapons
had not the fame force as when employed in a fpiritual
controveriy ; and that the clergy were very neg l^ent in
Supporting a lenience, which was nowife calculated to
promote the immediate intercfts cf their older. The king,

* Enift. Tetri Blef. e.iift. 1 36. in Bib lorh. P.itr. tr&amp;gt;m. xxiv. p. m^S. His
words are, { ejli s -jurifJiElionu eft t tg ium Angiln; et quantum ad ftud-^tt&amp;gt;y :t
juris oLl;gaf!&amp;lt;. lem, vobii duniaxat obnoxiuf ttneor. Ihe lame llrange paper is
in Rymer, voi i- p. 33. anu i iivet, \oi. i. p. 6:.

HENRY II.

S 2 5

after taking in vain this humiliating ftep, was obliged to c H A P.
haverecouife to arms, and toenlift fuch auxiliaries, as are IX.

the ufual refource of tyrants, and have feldom been em- v &amp;gt;/ -

ployed by To wile and juft a monarch. 11 75-

THE loofe government which prevailed in all the ftates
of. Europe, the many private wars carried on among the
neighbouring nobles, and the impoili bility of enforcing
any general execution of the laws, had encouraged a tribe
of banditti to difturb every where the public peace, to in-
feft the highways, to pillage the open country, and to
brave all the efforts of the civil magiftratc, and even the
excommunications of the church, which were fulminated
againft them*. Troops of them were fometimes iniifted
in the fer ice of one prince or baron, fometimes in that of
another : They often a6\ed in an independent manner,
under leaders of their own : The peaceable arid induftri-
ous inhabitants, reduced to poverty by their ravages, were
frequently obliged, for lubfifience, to betake themfelves
to a like diforderly courfe of life: And a continual intef-
tine war, pernicious to indufhy, as well as to the exe
cution of juftice, was thus carried on in the bowels of
every kingdom f. Thole defperate ruffians received the
name fometimes of Brabancons, fometimes of Routiers or
Cottereaux; but for what reaibn is not agreed by hiilori-
ans : And they formed a kind of fociety or government
among thernielves, which fet at defiance the rdl of man
kind. The greateft monarchs were not afhamed, on oc-
rafion, to have rerourie to their affiftance; and as their
habits of war and depredation had given them experience,
hardinefs, and courage, they generally compofed the moft
formidable part of thole armies, which decided the politi
cal quarrels of princes. Several of them were enlifted
among the forces levied bv Henry s enemies^; but the
great treafures amaffed by that prince enabled him to en
gage more numerous troops of them jn his fervice ; and the
fituation of his affairs rendered e&amp;gt; en luch banditti the only
forces on whole fidelity he could repofe any confidence.
His licentious barons, difgofted with a vigilant govern
ment, were more defirous of being ruled by young princes,
ignorant of public affairs, remits in their conduct, and
profufe in their grants)! ; and as the king had enfured to
his ions the fuccefiion to every particular province of his
dominions, the nobles dreaded no danger in adhering to
thofe who, they knew, mufr, feme time become their fove-
reigns. Prompted by thele motives, many of the Xorrnau

* Neubrip. p. 413. f thron. Gerv. p. i.jCi.

t i ur. Bitf. C|.ift. 47. |i L.ceio, \\

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

HAP. nobility had deferted to his fon Henry; the Breton and
Gafcon barons ieemed equally difpofed to embrace the
quarrel of Geoffrey and Richard. Difaffedion had creeped
in among the Englifh ; and the earls of Leicefter and
Chefter in particular had openly declared war againft the
king. Twenty thoufand Braban9ons, therefore, joined, to
ibme troops which he brought over from Ireland, and a
few barons of approved fidelity, formed the fole force with
which he intended to refift his enemies.

LEVVIS, in order to bind the confederates in a clofer
union, fummoned at Paris an afiembly of the chief vaflals
of the crown, received their approbation of his meafures,
and engaged them by o^th to adhere to the caufe of young
Henry. This prince, in return, bound himfelf by a like
tie never to defert his French allies; and having made a
new great feal, he lavifhly diftributcd among them many
confiderable parts of thofe territories which he purpoled to
conquer from his father. The counts of Flanders, Bou
logne, Bloi , and Eu, partly moved by the general jealou-
fy arifing from Henry s power and ambition, partly allured
by the proipect of reaping advantage from the inconfide-
rate temper and the neceffities of the young prince, de
clared openly in favour of the latter. William, king of
Scotland, had alib entered into this great confederacy ;
and a plan was concerted for a general invafion of differ
ent parts of the king s extenfiveand factious dominions.

HOSTILITIES were firft commenced by the counts of
Flanders and Boulogne on the frontiers of Normandv.
Thole princes laid fiege to Aumale, which was delivered
into their hands by the treachery of the countof that name :
This nobleman lurrendered himfelf prilbner: and on pre
tence of thereby paving his ranfom, opened the gates of
all his other fortrefks. The two counts next befieged
and made themfelves matters of Drincourt : But the count
of Boulogne was here mortally wounded in the affault ;
and this incident put Ibme ttop to the progrefsof theFlemifh
arms.

IN another quarter, the king of France, being ttrongly
tions. ndillcd by his vaflals, affemblfd a great army of feven
thoufand knights and their followers on horfeback, and
a proportionable number of infantry : Carrying young
Henry along with him, he laid fieg- to Vcrneuil, which
was vigoroully defended by Hugh de Lacy and Hugh de
Beauchamp, the governors. After he had lain a month
before the place, thegarrifon, being ftraitened for provi-
fions, were obliged to capitulate; and they engaged, if
not relieved \vithinthree days, to furrender the town, and
to retire into the citadel. On the lafi of thefe days, Hen-

HENRY II. 327

ry appeared with his army upon the heights above Ver- C II A ?
neuil. Lewis, dreading an attack, lent the archbiihop of IX-

Sens and the count of Blois to the Engliih camp, and de- v

fired that next day thoukl be appointed for a conference, in ll *
order to citablilh a general peace, and terminate thediffer-
ence between Henry and his fons. The king, who paf-
fionately defired this accominodation, and fufpeiited no
fraud, gave his confent; but Lewis, that morning, obliging
the garrifon to furrcndcr, according to the capitulation, let
fire to the place, and began to retire with his army. Hen
ry, provoked at this artifice, attacked the rear with vigour,
put them to rout, did feme execution, and took feveral
prifoners. Tne French army, as their time of fervice was
now expired, immediately difperfed themfclwes into their
feveral provinces ; and left Henry free to profecute his
advantages againft his other enemies.

THE nobles of Britanny, iniligated by the earl of Chef-
ter and Ralp de Fougeres, were all in arms ; but their
progrels was checked by a body of Brabai^ons, which the
king, after Lewis s retreat, had lent againft them. The
two armies came to an ation near Dol; where the rebels
were defeated, fifteen hundred killed on the fpot, and the
leaders, the earls of Chefter and Fougeres, obliged to take
fhelter in the town of Dol. Henry haftened to form the
fiege of that place, and carried on the attack with fuch ar
dour, that he obliged the governor and garrifon to fur-
render themfelvcs prifoners. By thele vigorous mealures
and happy fuccefles, the insurrections were entirely quelled
in Britanny; and the king, thus fortunate in all quar
ters, willingly agreed to a conference with Lewis, in hopes
that his enemies, finding all their mighty efforts entirely
ffuftrated, would terminate hoflilities on Ibme moderate
and reafonable conditions.

THE two monarchs met between Trie and Gifors ; and
Henry had here the mortification to lee his three fons in
the retinue of his mortal enemy. As Lewis had no other
pretence for war than lupporting the claims of the young
princes, the king made them fuch offers as children might
be alhamedto infift on, and could be extorted from him by
nothing but his parental affection, or by the prefent ne-
ccffity of his affairs*. He irififled only on retaining the
lovereign authority in all his dominions; but offered young
Henry half the revenues of England, with Ibme places of
furety in that kingdom ; or, if he rather choie to refidc
in Normandy, half the revenues of that d&tchy, with all
thofe of Anjou. He made a like offer to Richard in

* Hovcden, p. 539-

328 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. Guienne; he promifed to refign Britanny to Geoffrey ;
IX. and if thefe concefli.ms were not deemed fufficient, he

agreed to add to them whatever the pope s legates, who

* 73- were prefent, fhould require of him *. The ea^l of Lei-
cefter was alfo prefent at the negotiation ; and either from
the impetuofily of his temper, or from a view of abruptly
breaking off a conference which mud cover the allies with
confufion, he gave vent to the moll violent reproaches
againll Henry, and he even put his hand to his fword, as
if he meant to attempt fome violence againft him. This
furious action threw the whole company into confufion,
and put an end to the treaty f.

THE chief hopes of Henry s enemies feemed now to
depend on the ftate of affairs in England, where his au
thority was e.xpofed to the moft imminent danger. One
article of prince Henry s agreement with his foreign con
federates was, that he fhould refign Kent, with Dover,
and all its other fortrefles, into the hands of the earl of
Flanders^ : Yet fo little national or public fpirit prevailed
among the independent Englilh nobility, fo wholly bent
were they on the aggrandizement each of himfelf and his
own family, that notwithftanding this pernicious concef-
f:on, which rrrift have produced the ruin of the kingdom,
the greater part of them had confpired to make an infur-
re&ion, and to fupport the prince s pretenfions. The
king s principal refource lay in the church and the bifliops,
with whom he was now in perfect agreement ; whether
that the decency of their character made them amamed
of fupporting fo unnatural a rebellion, or that they were
entirely (atisfied with Henry s atonement for the murder
of Becket, and for his former invafion of ecclefiaftical
immunities. That prince, however, had refigned none
of the eflential rights of his crown in the accommodation;
he maintained dill the fame prudent jealoufy of the court
of Rome ; admitted no legate into England, without his
fwearing to attempt nothing againll the royal prerogatives;
and he had even obliged the monks of Canterbury, who
pretended to a free election on the vacancy made by the
death of Becket, to chufe Roger, prior of Dover, in the
place of that turbulent prelate ||.

THE king of Scotland made an irruption into Northum-

ar v/;t:i . - . .

coiJaud. berbnd, and committed great devaitations ; but being op-
pofed by Richard de Lucy, whom Henry had left guardian
of the realm, he retreated into his own country, and a-
greed to a ce Hat ion of arms. This truce enabled the guar-

* Hoveden, p. 536. Brompton, p. 1088. f Hoveden, p. 536-

* Ibid. p. 533. Brompton, p. 1084. Neub. p. 508. || Hoveden,
? 537-

HENRY II. 329

dian (o march fouthward with his army, in order to oppofe C II A P.
aiiinvafion which the earl of Lcicefler, at the head of a IX.

great body of Flemings, had made upon Siuiolk. The * -

Flemings hud been joined by Hugh Bigod, who made them I! 73
matters of his cattle of Framlittgham ; and marching into
the heart of the kingdom, where they hoped to be fup-
ported by Leicetter s vaflfals, they were met by Lury,
who, affixed by Humphrey Bohun, the coi-ft ible, and the
earls of Arundel, Glocefier, and Cornwai, had advanced
to Farnham with a lefs numerous, but brave army, to op
pofe them. The Flemings, who were mottly weavers and
artificers (for manufactures were now beginning to be
eltablilhed in Flanders), were broken in an inttant, ten
thouland of them were put to the hvord, the earl of Lei-
cetter was taken prifoner, and the remain: of the invaders
wen; glad to compound for a fafe retreat into their own
country.

THIS great defeat did not difhearten the malcontents; IJ 74-
who, being fuppoited by the alliance of fo many foreign
princes, and encouraged by the king s own fons, deter
mined to perfevere in their enterprise. The earl of Fcr-
rars, Roger de Moubrav, Archetil de Mallory, Richard
de MorevilJe, Hamo de Mafcie, together with many
friends ot the carls of Leicefter and Chelter, rofe in arms:
The fidelity of the ear Is of Clare and Gloceaer was fuf-
peeled ; and the guardian, though vigoroufiy fupported by
Geoffrey biihopol Lincoln, the king s natural Ion by the
fair Rofamond, found it difficult to defend himfeif on all
quarters, from fo many open and concealed enemies. The
more to augment the confufion, the king of Scotland, on
the expiration of the tiuce, broke into the northern pro
vinces with a great army* of 80,000 men : which, though
undifcipiined and diforderly, and better fitted for commit
ting devattation than for executing any military enterprife,
was become dangerous from the prefent factious and tur
bulent fpirit of the kingdom. I eriry, who had baffled
all his enemies in France, and had put his frontiers in a
potture of defence, now found England the feat of danger ;
and he determined by his prefence to overawe the malcon
tents, or by his conduct and courage to fubdue them. He
landed at Southampton ; and knowing the influence of sth julf.
fuperftition over the minds of the people, he battened to 1 enance of
Canterbury, in order to make atonement to the afhes of "^/I s 01
Thomas a Becket, and tender his fubmiffions to a dead murder.
enemy. As foonas he came within fight of the church of
VOL. I. U u

* Heming. p- 50 j.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

v^v

CHAP. Canterbury, he difmounted, walked barefoot towards if,
IX. proftrated himfelf before thedirineof the faint, remained

v v J in facing and prayer during a whole da.y, and watched all

1T 7^- night the holy reliques. Not content with this hypocri
tical devotion towards a man, whofe violence and ingra
titude had fo longdiiquieted his government, and had been
the object of his mod inveterate animofity, he fubmitted
toa penance dill more fingular and humiliating. He at-
lembled a chapter of the monks, difrobed himfelf before
them, put a fcourge of discipline into the hands of each,
and prefented his bare (houlders to the lafhes which thefe
eoclefiadics fucceflively inrlided upon him. Next day he
received abfolution ; and departing for London, got foon
after the agreeable intelligence of a great victory which
his generals had obtained over the Scots, and which being
gained, as was reported, on the very day of his abfolution,
was regarded as the earned of his final reconciliation with
He.iven and with Thomas a Becket.

WILLIAM king of Scots, though repulfed before the
cadle of Prudhow, and other fortified places, had com
mitted the moft horrible depredations upon the northern
provinces : But on the approach of Ralph de Glanville,
the famous judiciary, feconded by Bernard de Baliol,
Robert de Stuteville, Odonel de Umfreville, William de
Velci, and other nothern barons, together with the gal
lant bimopof Lincoln, he thought proper to retreat nearer
his own country, and he fixed his camp at Alnwic. He
had here weakened his army extremely, by fending out
numerous detachments in order to extend his ravages ; and
he lay ablblutely fafe, as he imagined, from any attack
of the enemy. But Glanville, informed of his fituation,
made a hafty and fatiguing march to Newcaftle ; and al
lowing his foldiers only a fmall interval for refrelhment,
he immediately fet out towards evening for Alnwic. He
marched that night above thirty miles ; arrived in the
morning, under cover of amift, near the Scottifh camp ;
and regardlefs of the great numbers of the enemy, he
began the attack with his fmall but determined body of
cavalry. William was living in fuch fupine fecurity, that
he took the Englim, at fird, for a body of his own rava-
gers, who were returning to the camp : But the fight of
their banners convincing him of his miftake, he enter
ed on the action with no greater body than a hundred
,; im horfe^ in confidence that the numerous army which
kiv:.; of furrounded him, would foon haflen to his relief. He
was difmounted on the firft (hock, and faken prifon-
er ; while his troops, hearing of this difafter, fled on all
i.niuKer. fides with the utmoft precipitation. The difperfed ravagers

HENRY II. 331

made the beft of their way to their own country ; and dif- C H A P.
cord arifmg among them, they proceeded even to mutual IX.

hoftilities, and fuffered more from each other s fword than -

from that of tlie enemy.

THIS great and important victory proved at laft decifivc
in favour of Henry, and entirely broke the 1 pirit of the
Engiifn rebels. The bifhop of Durham, who was pre
paring to revolt, made his fubmiffions ; Hugh Bigod,
though lie had received a ftrong reinforcement of Flem
ings, was obliged to furrender all his catties, and throw
himfelf on the king s mercy ; no better refource was left
to the earl of Ferrars and Roger de Moubray ; the inferior
rebels imitating the example, all England was reftored
to tranquillity in a few weeks ; and as the king appeared
to lie under the immediate protection of Heaven, it was
deemed impious any longer to refiPt him. The clergy ex
alted anew the merits and powerful interceffion of Becket ;
and Henry, inftead of oppofing this fuperftition, plumed
himfelf on the new friendlhip of the (aint, and propaga
ted an opinion which was io favourabJe to his inter-
efts*.

PRINCE Henry, who was ready to embark at Grav-
enlines, with the earl of Flanders and a great army, hear
ing that his pjrtifans in England were iupprelTod, aban
doned all thoughts of the enterprife, and joined the camp
of Lewis, who, during the abfence of the king, had made
an irruption into Normandy, and had laid fiege to Rcuenf.
The place was defended with great vigour by the inha-
bitants^ ," and Lewis, defpairing of fuccefs by open force,
tried to gain the town by a ftratagem, which, in that fu-
perftitious age, was deemed not very honourable. He pro
claimed in his own camp a ceflation of arms, on pretence
of celebrating the fefiival of St. Laurence ; and when the
citizens, fuppofmg themfelves in fafety, were fo impru
dent as to remit their guard, he purpofed to take ad vantage
of their fecurity. Happily, fome priefts had, from mere
curiofity, mounted a fteeple, where the alarm-bell hung ;
and obfervingthe French camp in motion, they immediate
ly rang the bell, and gave warning to the inhabitants, who
ran to their fevera! ftations. The French, who, on hear
ing the alarm, hurried to the ailault, had already mounted
the walls in feveral places ; bat being repulfed by the en
raged citizens, were obliged to retreat with confiderable
lofs||. Next day Hv-niy, who h td haftened to the defence
of his Norman dominions, palled over the bridge in tii-

* Hoveden, p. -,jg. . .

t Uiceto, p. j-jZ. . . ; v. [,. 4 1 j ,

Htniin.;. \&amp;gt;. j&amp;gt; j.

33 2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, umph; and entered Rouen in fight of the French army.
IX. The city was now in abfclute fifety ; and the king, in

1 v order to brave the French monarch, commanded the gates,

11 74- which had been walled up, to be opened ; and he pre
pared to pufh his advantages againft the enemy. Lewis
laved himfelf from this perilous tituation by a new piece
of deceit, not fo jjiftifiable. He propofed a ronference
for adjusting the terms of a general peace, which he knew
would be greedily embraced by Henry ; and while the
king of England trufted to the execution of his promife,
he made a retreat with his arrny into France.

THERE was, however, a neceflity on both fidfce for an
accommodation. Henry could no longer bear to lee his
three Ions in the hands of his enemy ; and Lewis dreaded,
left this great monarch, victorious in all quarters, crown
ed with glory, and abiblute mafter of his dominions,
might take revenge for the many dangers and difquietudes
which the arms, and (till more the intrigues of France,
had, in hi 5 dii putes both with Becket and his fo ;s, found
means to raife him. After making a cetl jtion o f arms, a
conference was agreed on near Tours; \\here Henry
granted his fons much lefs advantageous K-rms tha.i he had
formerly offered ; and he received their fubmillions. The
. mod material of his concc{Iio:is were fome penfions which
sccomm-)- )e ft pulated to pay them, and fome cafties which he grant-
&amp;lt; ation cd them for the place of their refidence ; together with in-
v-ith his demnity fora ! l their adheients, who were rcftored to theif

Ions. ,, * t i *

eltates and honours .

OF allthoiewho had embraced the caufe of the young
prince, William king of Scotland was the only conlider-
able lofer by th-at invidious and unjuft enterprise. Henry
delivered from confinement, without exatHng any ranfom,
about nine hundred knights whom he had taken priloners;
butit coft Wiliiamtheancient independency of his crown as
the price of his liberty. He flipulated to do homage to
Henry for Scotland and all his other pofieffions ; lie en
gaged that ail the barons and nobility of his kingdom
ihoulrl alfo do homage ; that the bifhops (hould take an
oath of fealty ; that both mould fwear to adhere to the
king of England againll their native prince, if the latter
fhould break his engagements ; and that the fortreflcs of
Edinburgh, Stirling, Berwic, Roxborough, and Jedbo-
rough, fliould be delivered into Henry s hands, till the
performance of articleof. This fevere and humiliating

* Rvmer, vol. i. p, 31;. F,ened. Abb. p. S8. Koveden, p. 54^. Diceto,
p. 583. Brompton, p. ioci3. Heming, p. 505. Chion. Dunit. p. 36.

f M. Taris, p. 91. Chion. Cunft. p. 36. Hoveden, p. 54.^. M. V. eft.
;.. 251. Ciceio, p. 584. Bromp:on,p. 1103. Rynier, vol. i. p. 59. L.be:
Niger Jcaccaiii, p. 36.

HENRY II. ; 33

treaty was executed in its full rigour. William, being C H A P
releafed, broight up all his barons, prelates, and abbots; IX.

and they did homage tQ Henry in the cathedral of York, v *

and acknowledged hirrf and his fucceflbrs for their fuperior 1175%
lord*. The Englifh mo Mrch ftretched flill farther the
rigour of the conditions which he exacled. He engaged
the king and dates of Scotland to make a perpetual ceflfion
of the fortreflesof Beiwic and Roxborough, and to allow
the caftle of Edinburgh to remain in his hands for a limited
time. This was the nrft great afcendant which England
obtained over Scotland; and indeed the hrft important
tranfaclion which had paffed between the kingdoms. Few
princes have been fo fortunate as to gain considerable ad
vantages over their weaker neighbours with lefs violence
and in juftice than was praclifcd by Henry againft the king
of Scots, whom he had taken prifoner in ba tie, and who
had wantonly engaged in a war, in which all the neigh
bours of that prince, and even his own family, were, with
out provocation, combined againft himf.

HENRY hiving thus, contrary to expectation, extricated King s
himfelf with honour from a fituation in which his throne ef ; UlU ^ Ie
was expofed to great danger, was employed for feveral years (imion.
in the adminiftration of juftice, in the execution of the
Jaws, and in guarding againft thofe inconveniences, which
either the paft convulfions of his ftate, or the political Jn-
ftitutions of that age, unavoidably occafioned. The pro-
vifions which he made ihow luch largenefs of thought as
qualified him for being a legiflator ; and they were com
monly calculated as well for the future as the prefent hap-
pinefsof his kingdom.

HE enafted fevere penalties againft robbery, murder, II7 6.
fa lie coining, arl on; and ordained that thefe crimes fliould
be punilhed by the amputation of the right hand and right
foot J. The pecuniary commutation for crimes,, which
hasa falfe appearance of lenity, had been gradually cifuf-
cd ; and feems to have been entirely abolifhed by the rigour
of thefe ftatutes. The fuperftitious trial by water ordeal,
though condemned by the church ||, ftill fubfifted ; but
Henry ordained, that any man accuied of murder, or any
heinous felony, by the oath of the legal knights of the

* Eened. Abb. p. 113.

f Some Scotch hiftorians preten:), thit William | ml, belidcs, 100,000 pounds
cf tanfom, whxh is quite incredible. 1 he ranfoin of Richard 1. who, brinies
Lnglanri, p^fTeffed fo ruaii) r!cli (enitories in Fiance, w?:, only i v- i" " 1 " . ?.
sud yet \vas levied with great difficult)-, indeed, two tluiilsof it only could
Le paid before his deliverance.

t Bened. Abb. p. ijr, Koveden, p. 549. j -Scid, Si lclleg. ad

1 aiim. p. 204.

334 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, county, fliould, even though acquitted by the ordeal, be
IX. obliged to abjure the realm*.

* - w - ALL advances towards r eafon and good fenfe are flow
Il 7 i&amp;gt; and gradual. Henry, though f^^fcle of the great ab-
furdity attending the trial by duel tit battle, did not ven
ture to abolim it : He only admitted either of the parties
to challenge a trial by an aflize or jury of twelve freehold-
ers-f. This latter method of trial feemsto have been very
ancient in England, and was fixed by the laws of king Al
fred : But the barbarous and violent genius of the age had
of late given more credit to the trial by battle, which had
become the general method of deciding all important con-
troverfies. It was never abolimed by law in England ;
and there is an inftance of it fo late as the reign of Eliza
beth : But the inftitution revived by this king, being found
more reaionable and more luitable to a civilized people,
gradually prevailed over it.

THE partition of England into four divifions, and the
appointment of itinerant juftices to go the circuit in each
divifion, and to decide the caufes in the counties, was
another important ordinance of this prince, which had a
direct tendency to curb the oppreffive barons, and to pro
tect tl.e inferior gentry and common people in their proper
ty J. Thofe juftices were either prelates or confiderable
noblemen; who, befides carry ing the authority of the king s
commiffion, were able, by the dignity of their own cha-
racler, to give weight and credit to the laws.

THAT there might be fewer obUacles to the execution
of juflice, the king was vigilant in demoli{hing all the new
creeled caflles of the nobility, in England as well as in
his foreign dominions ; and he permitted no fortrefs to
remain in the cuftody of thofe whom he found rcafon to

BUT left the kingdom fliould be weakened by this de
molition of the fortreffes, the king fixed an affize of arms,
by which all his fubjefts were obliged to put themfelves
in a fituation for defending themfelves and the realm. Eve
ry man pofiefled of a knight s fee was ordained to have
for each fee a coat of mail, a helmet, a fhield, and a lance ;
every free layman, poflelTed of goods to the value of fix-
teen marks, was to be armed in like manner ; everyone
that pofTefTed ten marks was obliged to have an iron gorget,
a cap of iron, and a lance ; all burgefles were to have a
cap of iron, a lance, and a wambais ; that is, a coat quilt
cd with wool, tow, or fucJHike materials**. Itappears

* Bened. Abb. p. 132. t Olanv. lib. ii.cap. 7.

+ Hoveden p. 590. |i Beneii. Abb. p. 202. Diccto, p. 585.

* * Bened. Abb. p. 305. Annal. \Vaverl. p. 161.

H E N R Y II. 335

that archery, for which the Englim were afterwards fo C H A P.
renowned, had not, at this time become very cammon a- IX.

inong them. The fpear was the chief weapon employed *

in battle. "7-

THE clergy and ^Mpity were, during that age, in a
ftrange fituation witrWegard to each other, and fuch as
may feem totally incompatible with a civilized, and indeed
with any ipecies of government. If a clergyman were
guilty of murder, he could be punifhed by degradation
only : If he were murdered, the murderer was expofed to
nothing but excommunication and ecclefiaflical cenfures ;
and the crime was atoned for by penances and fubmiffion*.
Hence the aflaflins of Thomas a Becket himfelf, though
guilty of the moft atrocious wickednefs, and the moft re
pugnant to the fentiments of that age, lived fecurely in
their own houfes, without being called to account by Hen
ry himfelf, who was fo much concerned, both in honour
and intereft, to punifh ihat crime, and who profeffed, or
afFeded on all occafions, the moft extreme abhorrence of
it. It was not till they found their prefence fhunned by
everyone as excommunicated perfons, that they were in
duced to take a journey to Rome, to throw themfelves at
the feet of the pontiff, and to fubnriit to the penances im-
pofed upon them : After which, they continued to poffels,
without moleftation, their honours and fortunes, and feem
even to have recovered the countenance and good opinion
of the public. But as the king, by the conftitutions of
Clarendon, which he endeavoured ftill to maintainf, had
fubjefted the clergy to a trial by the civil magiftrate, it
feemed but ju(l to give them the protection of that power
to which they owed obedience : It was enacted, that the
murderers of clergymen fhould be tried before the juftici-
ary, in the prefence of the biihop or his official; and be-
fidesthe ulual punithment for murder, fhould be fubjecled
to a forfeiture of their eftates, and a confifcation of their
goods and chattels}.

THE king palFed an equitable law, that the goods of a
vaffal Ihould not be leized for the debt of his lord, unlefs
the vaffal be furety for the debt ; and that the rents of vaf-
fals fhould be paid to the creditors of the lord, not to the
lord himlelf. It is remarkable, that this law was ena61ed
by the king in a council which he held at Verneuil, and
which confifted of fornc prelates and barons of England,
as well as fome of Normandy, Poiclou, Anjou, Maine,
Touraine, andBritanny; and the ftatute took place in all

Petri Bleflen. epift. 73. apud Bibl. Fatr. torn. xxiv. p. 902.
t Chion. Gervafe, p. 1433. + Diceto. p. 592. Chron. Gervafc,

P-HJJ-

336 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. thefe lad-mentioned territories*, though totally unconneo
IX. ted with each otherf: A certain proof how irregular the

w v ancient feudal government was, and how near the fove-

1176- reigns, in fome inflances, approad^fcto defpotifm, though
in others they feemed fcarcely t&amp;lt;- poflefs any authorJtv. if
a prince much dreaded and rcvcred^uke Henry, obtained
bui the appearance of general confent to an ordinance
which was equitable and juft, it became immediately an
eftablimed law, and all his fubjecls acquiefced in it. If
the prince was hated or defpifed ; if the nobles who fup-
ported him had imall influence ; if the humours of the
times difpofed the people to queftion the jullice of his or
dinance ; the full eft and moil authentic allembly had no
authority. Thus all was confufion and diiorder ; no re
gular idea of a conftitution ; force and violence decided
every thing.

THE fuccefs which had attended Henry in his wars
did not much encourage his neighbours to form any at
tempt againft him ; and his tranladions with them, during
feveral years, contain little memorable. Scotland remain
ed in that ftate of feudal fubjection to which he had re
duced it, and gave him no farther inquietude. He fent
over his fourth fon, John, into Ireland, with a view of
making a more complete conqueft of the iiland; but the
petulance and incapacity of this prince, by which he en
raged the Irifh chieftains, obliged the king foon after to
recal him$. The king cf France had fallen into an ab
ject fuperftition ; and was induced, by a devotion more
iincere than that of Henry, to make a pilgrimage to the
tomb of Becket, in order to obtain his interceffiod for the
cure of Philip, his eldefl fon. He probably thought hirn-
felf wel! entitled to the favour of that faint, on account of
their ancient intimacy ; and hoped that Becket, whom he
had protected while on earth, would not now, when he
was fo highly exalted in heaven, forget his old friend and
benefattor. The monks, fenfible that their faint s ho
nour was concerned in the cafe, failed not to publifh that
Lewis s prayers were anfwered, and that the young prince
was reftored to health by Becket s interceffion. That
king himfelf was foon after ft ruck with an apoplexy, which
deprived him of his underftanding: Philip, though a youth
of fifteen, took on him the adminillration, till his father s

* Betted. Abb. p. 248. Itwasufual for the kings of England, after the
conquefl of Ireland, to lummon barons and members of that country to the
Lnglifh parliament. Molineux s Cafe of lieland, p. 64, 65, 66.

f Spelinan even doubts whether the law weie not alfo extended to England.
If it were not, it could only be bccaufe Henry did not chafe it ; for his autho
rity was greater in that kingdom than in his tranfmaiine dominions.

i Bensd. Abb. p. 437, fie.

HENRY II. 337

death, which happened foon after, opened his way to the C H A P.
throne ; and he proved the ableft and greatcft monarch IX.

that had governed the kingdom fince the age of Charle- v "

magne. The fuperior years, however, and experience of
Henry, while they moderated his ambition, gave him
fuch an afcendant over this prince, that no danserousrival-
fhip, for a long time, arofe between them. The Englith
monarch inftead of taking advantage of his own fituation, nSo.
rather employed his good offices in compofing the quarrels
which arofe in the royal family of France; and he was
fuccefsful in mediating a reconciliation between Philip and
his mother and uncles. Thefe iervices were but ill requit
ed by Philip, who, when he came to man s eflate, foment
ed all the domeftic difcords in the roya! family of Eng
land, and encouraged Henry s fons in their ungrateful and
uudutiful behaviour towards him.

PRINCE Henry, equally impatient of obtaining power,
and incapable of ufing it, renewed to the king the demand
of his rcfigning Normandy ; and on meeting with a refu-
lal, he fled with his confort to the court of France : But
not finding Philip at that time difpofed to enter into war
for his fake, he accepted of his father s offers of reconci
liation, and made him fubmiffions. It was a cruel circum-
ftance in the king s fortune, that he could hope for no
tranquillity from the criminal enterprifes of his fons J if
by their mutual difcord and animofities, which difturc i
his family, and threw his ftate into convulfions. Richard,
whom he had made matter of Guienne, and who had dif-
played his valour and military genius by fuppreffing the
revolts of his mutinous barons, refilled to obey Henry s
orders, in doing homage to his elder brother for that dut-
chy ; and he defended himfelf againft young Henry and
Geoffrey, who, uniting their arms, carried war into hrs
territories*. The king, with fome difficulty, compofed
this difference ; but immediately found his eldeft fon en
gaged in confpiracies, and ready to take arms againft
himfelf. While the young prince was conducting thefe
criminal intrigues, he was feized with a fever at Martel, a
caftle near Turenne, to which he had retired in discontent;
and feeing the approaches of death, he was at laft flruck
with remorfe for his undutiful behaviour towards his father.
He fent a meffage to the king, who was not far diftant ;
exprcfled his contrition for his faults ; and entreated the
favour of a vifit, tint he might at leaft die with the fatis-
fadtion of having obtained his forgivenefs. Henry, who

VOL. 1. X x

YpoJ. Neuft. p. 4jj. Bcned. Abb. p. 383. Diseto, p. 617.

o 3 8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. had fo often experienced the prince s ingratitude and vio
lence, apprehended that his ficknefs was entirely feigned,
and he durtt not entruft himfelf into .his fon s hands : But
when he foon after received intelligence of young Henry s
death, and the proofs of his fincere repentance, this good
prince was affected with the deepeft forrow ; he thrice
fainted away : he accufed his own hard-heartednefs in
refining the dying^ requeft of his Ton ; and he lamented
that he had deprived that prince of the laft opportunity of
making atonement for his offences, and of pouring out his
foul in the bofom of his reconciled father*. This prince
died in the twenty-eighth year of his age.

THE behaviour of his furviving children did not tend
to give the king any confolation for the lois. As prince
Henry had left no pofieiity, Richard was become heir to
all his dominions; and the king intended that John, his
third furviving (on and favourite, fhould inherit Guienne
as his appanage: ButRichard refufed his confent, fled into
tiuit dutchy, and even made preparations for carrying on
war, as well againfl his father as asainft his brother Geof
frey, who was now put in poflefTion of Britanny. Henry,
lent for hieanor his queen, the heirefs of Guienne, and
required Richard to deliver up to her the dominion of thefe
territories ; which that prince, either dreading an iniurrec-
tion of the Gafcons in her favour^ or retaining fome fenfe
or duty towards her, readily performed ; and he peaceably
returned to his father s court. No iboner was this quarrel
accommodated, than Geoffrey, the moft vicious perhaps
of ail Henry s unhappy family, broke out into violence ;
demanded Anjou to be annexetl to his dominions of Britan
ny ; and on meeting with a refufal, fled to the court of
1185. France, and levied forces againft his fatherf. Henry was
freed from this danger by his fon s death, who was killed
in a tournament at Paris j. The widow of Geoffrey, foon
a|ter his deceafe, was delivered of a fon, who received
the name of Arthur, and was inverted in the dutchy of
Britanny, under the guardianfhip of his grand-father,
who, as duke of Normandy, wasallb fnperior lord of that
territory. Philip, as lord paramount, difputed fome time
his title to this wardfhip; but was obliged to yield to the
inclinations of the Bretons, who preferred the government
of Henry.

Cmfades. NUT the rivalihip between thefe potent princes, and all

their inferior intereit, feemed now to have given place to
the general paffion for the relief of the Holy Land, and

* Benctt. Abb. p. 393. Hoveden, p. 621. Trivet, vol. i. p. 84.
t Neubiig. p. 422. + Eeued. Abb. p. 451. Chton. Gsrvafe,

p. 1480.

H E N R Y II.

and the expulfion of the Saracens. Thofe infidels, though C
obliged to yield to the immenfe inundation of Chriilians in
the nrft crulade, had recovered courage after the torrent
was pad ; and attacking on all quarters the fettlements of
the Europeans, had redured thele adventurers to erc;it dif
ficulties, and obliged them to apply again tor fuccours from
the Weft. A fecoml crulade, under the emperor Con
rad, and Lewis VII. king of France, jn which there pe-
rithed above 200,000 men, b.ouf ht them but a temporary
relief; and thole princes, after lofing fuch immenie armies,
and leeing the flower of their nobility fall by their fide,
returned with little honour into Europe. But thefe re-
pe^ted misfortunes, which drained the weftern world of
its peop t and treafure, were not yet fufficient to cure men
of their pallion for thofe fpiritual adventures ; and a new
incident rekindled with frefh fury the zeal of she erclefi-
aftics and military adventurers among the Latin Chriftians.
Saladin, a piince of great generofity, bravery, and con
duct, having fixed himfeif on the throne of Egypt, began
to extend his conquefts over the FLaft ; and finding the iet-
tlement of the Chriftians in Paieftine an invincible obfbcle .
to the progrelsof his arms, he bent the whole force of his
policy and valour tp lubdue that fmail and barren, but im
portant territory. Taking ad vantage of diflenfions which
prevailed among the champions of the crois, and having
iecrefly gained the count of Tripoli, who commanded
their armies, he invaded the frontiers with a mighty power;
and, aided by the treachery of that count, gained over
them at Tiberiade a complete victory, which utterly an
nihilated the force of the already languifhing kingdom of
Jerusalem. The holy city itfelf fell into his hands, after
a feeble refifta.ce; the kingdom of Amiocli was aJmofl
entirely fubdued; and except fome maritime towns, nothing
confiderable i i of thofe boalted conquefis, which

near a century before, it had coll the efforts of all Europe
to acquire *.

THE weftern Chriftians were aftonifhed on receiving
this dit (r.- !l inteliitiv-nce. i ope Urban III. it is pretended,
died of grief; and his fucccflbr, Gregory VIH. employed
the whole time of h:s ihort pontihoite it) roufing to arms
all the L/hriftians who acknowledged l;is nuihoiiiy. 1 he
general cry was, tii^t they were j..wo;t!;y t-f enjoying any
inheritance in heavm, who did not vinrHcate fro:n the
dominion of the infi.lels the inberitpnce of (^d on earth,
i delivered f i orn {la very that country whivh liad been

3^0 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, confecrated bv the footfteps of their Redeemer. William
IX. archbiiliop of Tyre, having procured a conference be-

11 &amp;gt; tween Henry and Philip near Gifors, enforced all thefe

8 t s topics ; gave a pathetic defcription of the milerable ftate
of the eailern Chriftians; and employed every argument
to excite the ruling paffions of the age, fuperftition, and
jealoufy of military honour*. The two monarchs imme
diately took the crofs; many of their mod considerable
vaffals imitated the example f ; and as the emperor Fre
deric I. entered into the fame confederacy, fome well-
grounded hopes of fuccefs were entertained; and men flat
tered themfelves, that an enterprife which had failed under
the conduc/t of many independent leaders, or of imprudent
princes, might at laft, by the efforts of fuch potent and
able monarchs, be brought to a happy ifTue.

THE kings of France and England impofed a tax,
amounting to the tenth of all moveable goods, on fuch as
remained at hornet ; but as they exempted from this bur
den moft of the regular clergy, the fecular afpired to the
fame immunity ; pretended that their duty obliged them
toaffift the crufade with their prayers alone; and it was
with fome difficulty they were conftrained to defifl from an
oppofition, which in them, who had been the chief pro
moters of thole pious cnterprifes, appeared with the word
grace imaginable )|. This backwardnefs of the clergy is
perhaps a lympiom, that the enthufiaftic ardour which had
at firft feizcd the people for crufades, was now by time
and ill fuccefs cqnfiderably abated ; and that the frenzy
was chiefly Supported by the military cenius and love of
glory in the monarchs.

BUT before this great machine could be put in motion,
there were ftill many obfiacles to furmont. Philip, jealous
of Henry s power, entered into a private confederacy with
young Richard; and, working on his ambitious and im
patient temper, pcrfuaded him, inftead of lupporting and
aggrandifing that monarchy which he was one dav to in
herit, to leek prefent powerand independence by difturbing
uSq. and dilmembeiing it. In order to give a pretence for hot-
Revolt of tilities between the two kings, Richard broke into the ter-
Rictard. ntories of Raymond count of Touloufe, who immediately
carried complaints of this violence before the king of
France as his fuperior lord. Philip remonflrated with
Henry ; but received for anfwer, that Richard had con-
fefled to thearch oilbop of Dublin, that hisenterprile againft
Raymond had been undertaken by the approbation of Phi-

* Rened. Abb. p. 531. f N cu orig. p. 43^. Heming. \). 312.

J Bcricd. Alb. p. 49$. (j Peiri Bkflcn. epifi. Mi.

HENRY II. 341

lip himfclf, and was conduced by his authority. The CHAP,
king of France, who might have been covered with (hame IX.

and confufion by this detection, ftill prufeouted hisdeup:n, * v

and invaded the provinces of Berri ancf Auvergne, under u9%
colour of revenging the quarrel of the count of Touloule*.
Henry retaliated, by making inroads upon the frontiers of
France, and burning Dreux. As this war, which deftroy-
ed all hopes of fuccefs in the projected crufade, gave great
fcandal, the two kings held a conference at the accuftomed
place between Gifors and Trie, in order to find means of
accommodating their differences: They fcparatcd on worfe
terms than before ; and Philip, to fhow his dilguft, order
ed a great elm, under which the conferences had been
ufually held, to be cut down f ; as if he had renounced
alldefire of accommodation, and was determined to carry
the war to extremities again!! the king of England. But
his own vaiTals refuled to ferve under him in io invidious a
caufe J; and he was obliged to come anew to a conference
with Henry, and to offer terms of peace. Thefeterms were
iuch as entirely opened the eyes of the king of England,
and fully convinced him of the perfidy of his fon, and his
fecret alliance with Philip, of which he had before only
entertained fome fufpicion. The king of France required
that Richard fhould be crowned king of England in the
lifetime of his father, fhould be inverted in all his tranfrna-
rine dominions, and mould immediately efpouie Alice, Phi
lip s filler, to whom he had formerly been afhanced, and who
hadalready beencondutted into England ||. Henry had ex
perienced fuch fatal effects, both from the crowning of
his eldeft fon, and from that prince s alliance with the royal
family of France, that he rejected thefe terms ; and Rich
ard, in confequence of his fecret agreement with Philip,
immediately revolted from him**, did homage to the king
of France for all the dominions which Henry held of that
crown, and received the invefHtures as if he had already
been the lawful poireflbr. Several hiftorians ailert, that
Henry hitnfelf had become enamoured of young Alice,
and mention this as an additional reafon for his refuting
thele conditions; But he had fo many other jufi and equi
table motivestor his conduct, that it is fuperfluous to a digit
a caufe, which the great prudence and advanced age of
that monarch render fbmewhat improbable.

CARDINAL Albano, the pope s legate, difplcafed with
theie increafing o oftac es to the crufade, excommunicated
Richard, as the chief fpring of difcoid : But the ientencc

* F.. .cd. Abb. p. 503. ) iMtt. p. ^7. ^:.

t Ibid. p. 5!o. :;!. Abb- p. 5 ii. Hovei .en, p% 6 3--

** Eicnijnon, p. 1149. :,\!.bih;. p. ^jy.

342 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. of excommunication, which, when it was properly pre-
IX. pared, and was zealoufly fupported by the clerev, had

v - ./ - ofte&amp;lt;i great influence in that age, proved entireJy inefrec-r
llS 9- tual in the preterit cafe. The chief barons of Poictou,
Guienne, Normandy, and Anjou, being attached to the
young prince, and finding that he had now received the
invcftiture from their fuperior lord, declared for him, and
made inroads into the territories of iuchasftill adhered to
the king. Henry, difquieted by the daily re volts of his
mutinous fubjeCb, and dreading Mill worfe effects from
their turbulent difpofitions had again recourfe to papal
authority j and engaged the cardinal Anagni, who had
fucceeded Albano in the legatefhip, to threaten Philip
with laying an interdict on ail his dominions. But Phi
lip, who was a prince of great vigour and capacity, defpif-
ed the menace, and told Anagni, that it belonged not to
the pope to interpofe in the temporal difputes of princes,
much lefs in thole between him and his rebellious valLil.
He even proceeded lo far as to reproach him with paitia-
lity, and with receiving bribes from the king of England* ;
while Richard, dill more outrageous, offered to draw his
fvvord againft the legate, and was hindered by the interpo-
lition alone of the company, from committing violence
upon himf.

THE king of England was now obliged to defend his
dominions by arms, arid to engage in a war with France,
and with his eldeft fon, a prince of great valour, on fuch
difadvantageous terms. Ferte-Bernard fell fir ft into the
hands of the ei.emy : Mans was next taken by aflault ;
and Henry, who had thrown himfelf into that place,
efcaped with fome difficulty: + Amboife, Chuumont, and
Chateau de Loire, opened their gates on the appearance
of PhHip and Richard : Tours was menaced ; and the king,
who had retired to Saumur, and had daily inftances of the
cowardice or infidelity of his governors, expected the moil
difmal iiTue to all his enterprises. While he was in this
ftateof defpondency, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of
Flanders, and the archbimop of Rheims, interpofed with
their good offices ; and the intelligence which he received
of the taking of Tours, and which made him fully fen-
fible of the defperafe fifuation of his affairs, fo fubdued
his fpirit that he fubmitted to all the rigorous terms which
were impofed upon him. He agreed, that Richard mould
marry the princefs Alice ; that that prince Jhould receive
the homage and oath of fealty of all his fubjecls both in

&amp;gt;

. rzri*, p. 104. Ecncd. Abb. p. -,/)2. Iloveden, p. &amp;lt;V,2.
. Paris, p. TO.J. * M. 1 av.s, p. 105. Btntd. Abb. p. ; , )&amp;gt;

t . as, p.
Hcvectcn, p. 653.

HENRY II. 343

England and his tran.":!iarine doTiinions ; that he himfelf CHAP,
fho Id pay twenty thoufand marks to the king of France IX.

as a CGtnpenMtion for the charges of the war ; that his v *

own barons i nould engage to make him obierve this treaty
by force, and in cafe of his violating it, (hould promife
to join Philip and Richard againft him; and that all his
valfals who had entered into confederacy with Richard,
(hould receive aa indemnity for the offence*.

Bur the mortificaiion which Henry, who had been ac-
cuftomed to give the law in mcft treaties, received from
thefe difadvantageous terms, was the leart that he met
with on thisoccafion. When he demanded a lift ofthofe
barons to whom he was bound to grant a pardon for their
connections with Richard, he was aftonifhed to find at
the head of them the name of his fecond ion John f ; who
had always been his favourite, whole interefls he had ever
anxioufly at heart, and who even, on account of his afcen-
dant over him, often excited the jeaioufy cf Richard |.
The unhappy father, already overloaded with cares and
forrows, finding his laft disappointment in his domeftic
tendernefs, broke out into expreifions of the utmoft delpair,
curled the day in which he received his miserable being,
and beftowed on his ungrateful and undutiful children a
malediction which he never could be prevailed on to re
tract ||. The more his heart was difpofed to friendship and
affection, the more he refented the barbarous return which
his four Ions had fucceffively made to his parental care ;
and this finifhing blow, by depriving him of every com
fort in lite, quite broke his ipii it, and threw him into a
lingering fever, of which he expired at the caftle of Chin-
on near Saumur. His natural fon Geoffrey, who alone 6th July.
had behaved dutifully towards him, attended his corpfe to Uealh
the nunnery of Fontervrault ; where it lay in fiate in the
abbey-church. Next day Richard, who came to vifit the
dead body of his father, and who, notwithflanding his
criminal conduct, was no-t wholly deftitute of geneiofity,
was ftruck with horror and remorfe at the fight ; and as the
attendants observed, that at that very inftant, blood gufh-
ed from the mouth and noftriis of the corpfe**, he ex
claimed, agreeably to a vulgar fivperfiition, that he was
his father s murderer; and he exprefled a deepferiie, though
too late, of that undutiful behaviour which had brought
his parent to an untimely grave f f.

M. P.&amp;lt;ris, p. 106. Renal. Abb. p. 545. Hoveden, p. 653.
Hoveden, p. 654. + Bened. Abb. p. 541.

II Hoveden, p. 65^. ** Bened. Abb. "p. .-. J7 . Erororv-

to M&amp;gt;- ;&amp;gt; ft M. Paris, p. 107.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

THUS died, in the fifty-eighth year of his age, and
thirty fifth of his reign, the greateft prince of his time for
wifdom, virtue, and abilities, and the mod powerful in ex
tent of dominion of all thofe that had ever filled the
throne of England. His character, in private as well as
in public life, i* almoft without a blemiih ; and he feems
to have poiTelTed every acco.npliihment, both of body and
mind, which makes a man either eftimable or amiable.
He was of a middle ftature, ftrongand well proportioned;
his countenance was lively and engaging ; his converlati-
on affable and entertaining; his elocution ealy, perfuafive,
and ever at command. He loved peace, but poffeffed both
bravery and conduct in war ; was provident without timi
dity ; fevere in the execution of juftice without rigour ;
and temperate without aufterity. He preferved health,
and kept himfelf from corpulency, to which he was fome-
\vhat inclined, by an abftemious diet, and by frequent ex-
ercife, particularly hunting. When he could enjoy lei-
lure, he recreated himfelf either in learned co^verfation
or in reading ; and he cultivated his natural talents by
ftudy, above any prince of his time. His affections, as
well as his enmities, were warm and durable ; and his
long experience of ingratitude and infidelity of men never
deftroyed the natura fenfibility of his temper, vihfch dif-
pofed him to friendfbip and fociety. His character has
been tranfmitted to us by feveral writers who were his con
temporaries*; and it extremely refembles, in its mofl re
markable features, that of his maternal grandfather Hen
ry I. : Excepting only, that ambition, which was a ruling
paffion in both, found not in the firll Henry fuch unexcep
tionable means of exerting itfelf, and pufhed that prince
into meafures, which were both criminal in themfelves and
were the caufe of farther crimes, from which hisgrandion s
conduct was happily exempted.

Mifceiiane- THIS prince, like mofl of his predeceflbrs of the Nor-
cms tranfic- man line, except Stephen, paffed more of his time on the
continent than in thisifland: He was furrounded with the
Englifli gentry and nobility, when abroad : The French
gentry and nobility attended him whem he refided in Eng
land : Both nations aded in the government as if they
were the lame people; and, on many occafions, the legifla-
turcs feem not to have been diilinguilhed. As the king
and all the Englim barons were of French extraction, the
manners of that people acquired the afcendant, and were
regarded as the models of imitation. All foreign improve-

* Petri Blef. epift. 46, 47. in Biblioiheca Fatrum, vol. xxiv. p. 985, 986.
.fcc. Girald. Camb. p. 783. ks.

HENRY II. 345

ments, therefore, fuch as they were, in literature and po- CHAP,
litenei s, in laws and arts, feem now to have been, in a IX.

good meafure, tranfplanted into England ; and that king- v &amp;gt;/

dom was become little inferior in all the faihionable ac- Il8 9
complifhments, to any of its neigbours on the continent.
The more homely but more fenfible manners and princi
ples of the Saxons, were exchanged for the affectations of
chivalry and the fubtilities of IcliQol philofophy : The feu
dal ideas of civil government, the Romifh fentiments in
religion, had taken entire pofleffion of the people : By
the former, the fenfe of fubmidion towards princes was
fomewhat diminifhed in the barons ; by the latter, the de
voted attachment to papal authority was much augmented
among the clergy. The Norman and other foreign fami
lies eftablifhed in England, had now ftruck deep root ;
and being entirely incorporated with the people, whom at
firft they opprefled and defpifed, they no longer thought that
they needed the protection of the crown for the enjoyment
of their poflellions, or confidered their tenure as precari
ous. They afpired to the lame liberty and independence
which they faw enjoyed by their brethren on the continent,
and defired to reltrain thole exorbitant prerogatives and ar
bitrary practices which the neceffities of war and the vio
lence of conqueft had at firft obliged them to indulge in
their monarch. That memory alfo of a more equal go
vernment under the Saxon princes, which remained with
theEnglim, diffufed (till farther the fpirit of liberty, and
made the barons both defirous of more independence to
themfelveS) and willing to indulge it to the people. And
it was not long ere this fecret revolution in the fentiments
of men produced, firft violent convulfions in the ftate,
then an evident alteration in the maxims of government.

THE hiftory of all the preceding kings of England
fince the ccnqucft, gives evident proofs of the dilorders
attending the feudal infiitutions ; the licentioufnels of the
barons, their fpirit ot rebellion againft the prince and
laws, and of animofity againft each other : The conduct
of the barons in the tranfmarine dominions of thofe mo-
narchs, afforded perhaps (till more flagrant inftances of
thefe convulfions ; and the hiftory of France, during
feveralages, confifts almoft entirely cf narrations of this
nature. The cities, during the continuance of this vio
lent government, could neither be very numerous nor po
pulous ; and there occur inftances which feem to evince,
that, though thefe are always the firft feat of law and li
berty, their police was in general loofeand irregular, and
expofed to the fame diforders with thofe by which the

VOL. I. Y v

346 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A I\ country was generally infeftcd. It wasacuftom in Lon-
IX. don for great nu nbers, to the amount of a hundred or

* u -f more, the Tons and relations of considerable citizens, to

1189. form themlelves into a licentious confederacy, to break in
to rich houies and plunder them, to rob and murder the
paffengers, and to commit with impunity all forts of dif-
order. By thefe crimes, it had bei.om-.- fo dangerous to
walk the fheets by night, that the citizens durft no more
venture abroad after fun-fet, than it they had been ex-
pofed to the incut lions of a public enemy. The brother
of the ear! of Ferrars had been murdered by fome of thoie
nocturnal rioters ; and the death oi io eminent a perfon,
which was much more regarded than that of many thou-
fands of an inferior ftation, fo provoked the king, that
he Iwore vengeance againft the criminals, and became
thenceforth more rigorous in the execution of the laws *.

THERE is another inftance given by hiftorians, which
proves to what a height iuch riots had proceeded, and how
open thefe criminals \vcre in committing tneir robberies.
A band of them had attacked the houfe ot a rich citizen,
with an intention of plundering it; h.id broken through a
flone-vt ail with hammers and wedges ; and had already
entered the houie fword in hand ; when the citizen, armed
cap-a-pee, and fupported by his faithful fervants, appeared
in the pailage to oppofe them : He cut ori the right hand
of the hrll robber that entered ; and made fuch flout refiil-
ance, that his neighbours had Iciiure to afTemble, and come
to bis relief. The man who loft his hand was taken ; and
Wd3 tempted by the promife of pardon to reveal his con
federates ; among whom was one John Senex, efteemed
among the richelt and brft-born citizens in London. He
was convicted by the ordeal ; and though he offered five
hundred marks for his life, the king refufed the money,
and ordered him to be hanged "j*. It appears from a llatute
of Ldward 1. that thefe dilordcrs were not remedied even
in that reign. It was then made penal to go out at night
after the hour of the curfew, to carry a weapon, or to walk
without a light or lanthornj. It is laid in the preamble to
this law, that, both by night and by day, there were con
tinual frays in the flreets of London.

HENRY S care in adminiftering juftice had gained him
fo great a reputation, that even foreign and diftant princes
made him arbiter, and fubmitted their differences to his
judgment. Sanchez king of Navarre, having fome con-
troverfies with Alfonio king of Caftile, was contented,

* Benecl. Abb. p. 196. f Bened. AbtK p. 197, 198.

J Gbiervations on the ancient Statutes, p. 216.

HENRY II.

347

though Alfonfo had married the daughter of Henry, to C H A P.
chuie this prince for a referee; and they agreed, each of IX.

them to confign three cafUes into ncutial hands, as a ^

pledge of tneir not departing from his award. Henry IlS 9*
made thecuifehe examined before his great council, and
gave a fentcncc, which was fubmitted to by both parties,
Thefe tvvo bp -iniih kinrrs, lent each a flout chatnpion to
the court o* England, in order to defend his cauie by
arm-,, in cale the way of duel had been chofcn by Hen
ry *.

HENRY fofar abol!ih?d the barbarous and abfurd prac-
t ;c of ConnTcatiag (hips which had been wrecked on the
coalt, !iL:t he ordained, if one man or animal were alive
in the Ihip, that the vefl el and goods ihould be reftored to
the owners f.

THE reign of Henry was remarkable alfo for an inno
vation which wasafterwards carried farther by hlsfucceflbrs,
anJ was attended with the moft important confcqutnces.
This p-ince was difgufled willi the ipccics of military force
uhich was eitablhhed --y the feudal iriftitunons, and which
though it was extremely burdenibme to the fubjec), yet
rendered very little fcrvice to the fovereign. The barons,
or military tenants, came late into the field ; tliey were
obliged to ferve only forty days ; they were unfkilful and
difoiderly in all their operations ; and thev were apt to
carry into the camp the fame refractory and independent
fpirit, to which they were accuftomed in their civil govern
ment. Henry, therefore, introduced the practice of mak
ing a commutation of their military fervice tor money ;
and he levied fcutages from their baronies and knights
fees, iuftead of requiring the perfonal attendance of his
valFals. There is mention made, in the hiftory of the ex-
fheqner, of thefe fcutages in his fecond, filth, and eigh
teenth year|; and other writers give us an account of three
more of theuill. When the prince had tin s obtained
money, he made a coniract with lome of tho/ e. adventu
rers in which Europe at tSiat time abounded : T iiey found
liim ioldiers of the fame character with themfelves, who
were bound to ferve for afiipul.ited time: The armies were
lefs numerous, but more uleful, than when compoied of
all the military vailiis of the crown : The feudal iullituti-
ons began to relax : l^he kings become rapacious for mo
ney, on which ail their power depended : The barons,
feeing no end of exactions, fought to defend t icir proper
ty : And as the famecaufes h.id nearly ilie fame ctlects in

* Rymer, vol. iv. p. .y. Rfiud. Al/o p. T-J. Dice.o, p. - 17. Biomp-
lon, p. 112^. f !&amp;lt;; :D. r, vcl. i. : t Madox, p. 435,

43 6 -i;7, 4jS. . a. p. 46 $. CiOItl tlic :

34 8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, the different countries of Europe, the feveral crowns either
IX. loft or acquired authority, according to their different *o

v ., 1 cefs in the conteft.

1189. THIS prince was alfo the firft that levied a tax on the

moveables or perfonal eftates of his fubjects, nobles as well
as commons. Their zeal for the holy wars made them
fubmit to this innovation ; and a precedent being once ob
tained, this taxation became, in following reigns, the ufu-
al method of fupplying the neceflities of the crown. The
tax of Danegelt, fo generally odious to the nation, was
remitted in this reign.

IT was a ufual pra&ice ot the kings of England to re
peat the ceremony of their coronation thrice every year,
on aiTembling the ftates at the three great fefiivals. Hen
ry, after the firft years of his reign, never renewed this
ceremony, which was found to be very expenfive and very
ulelels. None of his fucceflors revived it. It isconfider-
ed as a great acl of grace in this prince, that he mitigated
the rigour of the foreft laws, and punifhed any tranfgref-
fions of them, not capitally, but by fines, imprisonments,
and other more moderate penalties.

SINCE we are here collecting fome detached incidents,
which (how the genius of the age, and which couid not fo
well enter into the body of our hiftory, it may not be im
proper to mention the quarrel between Roger archbifhop
of York, and Richard archbifhop of Canterbury. We
may judge of the violence of military men and laymen,
when ecclefiaftics could proceed to fuch extremities, Car
dinal Haguezun being fent, in 1176,35 legate into Britain,
fummoned an aflembly of the clergy at London ; and as
both the archbifhops pretended to fit on his right hand,
this queftion of predency begat a controverfy between
them. The monks and retainers of archbifhop Richard
fell upon Roger, in the prefence of the cardinal and of the
fynod, threw him to the ground, trampled him under foot,
and fo bruifed him with blows, that he was taken up half
dead, and his life was, with difficulty, faved from their
violence. The archbifhop of Canterbury was obliged to
pay a large lum of money to the legate, in order to fup-
prefsall complaints with regard to this enormity*.

WE are told by Gyraldus Cambrenfis, that the monks
and prior of St. Svrithun threw themfelves one day, pro-
ftrate on the ground and in the rnire before Henry, com
plaining, with many tears and much doleful lamenta
tion, that the bifbop of Winchefter, who was alfo
their abbot, had cut oif three difhes from their table. How

* Bened. Abb. p. 138, 139. Brompton, p. 1109. Chron. Gerv. p. 1433.
Keubrig. p. 413.

HENRY II. 349

many has he left you ? faid the king. Ten only, replied CHAP,
the difconfolate monks. 1 myfelf, exclaimed the king, IX.

never have more than three ; and I enjoin your bilhop to *

reduce you to the lame number*. 1189.

THIS king left only two legitimate fons, Richard who
fucceeded him, and John who inherited no territory,
though his father had often intended to lea&amp;gt;-e him a part
of his extenfive dominions. He was thence commonly de
nominated Lackland. Henry left three legitimate daugh
ters; Maud, born in 1 156, and married to K enry duke of
Saxony; Eleanor, born in 1162, and married to Alphonfo
king of CafHle; Joan, born in 1 165, and married to Wil
liam king of Sicily f.

HENRY is faid by ancient hiftorians to have been of a
very amorous difpofition : They mention two of his natural
fons by Rofamond, daughter of lord Clifford, namely,
Richard Longelpee,or Longfword (io called from the Iword
he ufually wore), who was afterwards married to Ela, the
daughter and heir of the earl of Salifbury ; and Geoffrey,
fuft bifhop of Lincoln, then archbilhop of York. All
the other circumftancesof the ftory, commonly told of that
lady, feem to be fabulous.

* Gir. Camb. cap, 5. in Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. f Diceto, p. 616.

( 35 )

C^AP. x.

RICHARD I.

The kings preparations for the. crufade Sets out on the

crufade Tranfalhons in Sicily King s arrival

in Pale/line State of Pale/line Diforders in

England The kings heroic adions in Palejiine

His return from Pale/line Captivity in Germany

War with France The king s delivery -Return to

England V/ar with France Death and cha~

ratter of the king Mifceilancous tranfaffions of this

reign.

^ B" 1 H E compuncrion of Richard for his undutiful be-
JL haviour towards his father was durable, and influ
enced him in the choice of his minifters and fervants after
his acceffion. Thofe who had feconded and favoured his
rebellion, inftead of meeting with that truil and honour
which they expeted, were furprifed to find that they lay
under difgrace with the new king, and were on all occafi-
ons hated and defpifed by him. The faithful minifters of
Henry, who had vigoroufly oppofed all the enterprises of
hisfons, were received with open arms, and were continu
ed in thofe offices which they had honourably difeharged
to their former mafter*. This prudent conduct might be
the refult of refle6lion ; hut in a prince, like Richard, fo
much guided by paflfion, and fo little by policy, it was
commonly afcribed to a principle Hill more virtuous and
more honourable.

RICHARD, that he might make atonement to one parent
for his breach of duty to the other, immediately fent orders

* Hoveden, p. 655. Bencd. Abb. p. 547. M. Paris, p. 107.

R I C H A R D I. 351

for releafing the queen-dowager from the confinement in C H A P.
which he &amp;lt;he had long been detained ; and he entrufted her X.

with the government of England till his arrival in that v

kingdom. His bounty to his brother John was rather llS9&amp;lt;
profufe and imprudent. Befides bellowing on him the
county of Mortaigne in Normandy, granting him a pen-
fion of four thoufand marks a year, and marrying him to
Avifa the daughter of the earl of Glocefter, by whom he
inherited all the pofleflions of that opulent family, he in-
creafed this appanage, which the Jate king had deftined
him, by other extcnfive grants and concefiions. He con
ferred on him the whole eftate of William Peverell, which
had efcheated to the crown : He put him in pofleffion of
eight caftles, with all the forefls and honours annexed to
them: He delivered over to him no lefs than fix earldoms,
Cormval, Devon, Somerlet, Nottingham, Dorfct, Lancaf-
ter, and Derby : And endeavouring by favours, to fix that
vicious prince in his duty, he put it too mu&amp;lt;:h in his power,
whenever he pleafed, to derart from it.

THE king, impelled more by the love of military glory
than by iupeiftition,ated, from the beginning of his reign, Thc k in f 5
as if the ible purpofe of his government had been the re- f^heT"
lief of the Holy Land, and the recovery of Jerufalem fides.
from the Saracens. This zeal againft infidels, being com
municated to his fubjecls, broke out in London on the
day of his coronation, and made them find a crufade lefs
dangerous, and attended with more immediate profit. The
prejudices of the age Ind made the lending of money on
intereft pafs by the invidious name of ufury : Yet the nc-
celTity of the practice had ttill continued it, and the greater
part of that kind of dealing fell every where into the hands
ot the Jews ; who, being already infamous on account of
their religion, had no honour to lofe, and were apt to ex-
erciic a profelfion, odious in itfelf, by every kind of ri
gour, and even fometimes by rapine and extortion. The
induftry and frugality ot this people had put them in pof-
feflion of all the ready money, which the idlenels and
profufion common to the Englifh with other European na
tions, enabled them to lend at exorbitant and unequal
intereft. The iijonkiih writers represent it as a great itain
on the wife and equitable government of Hemy, that he
had carefully proteded this infidel race from all injuries and
infults; but the zeal of Richard afforded the populace a
pretence for venting their animofity againft them. The
king had iducd an edict prohibiting their appearance at
his coronation ; but fome of them bringing him large pre-
fents from their nation, prefumed, in confidence of that

352 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, merit, to approach the hall in which he dined : Being dif-
X. covered, they were expo Ted to the infults of the byftan-

* ders; they took flight ; the people purfued them ; the ru-

Il8 9- mour was fpread, that the king had ilTued orders to mafla-
cre all th? Jews ; a command fo agreeable was executed
in an inllant on fuch as fell into the hands of the populace ;
thofe who had kept at home were expofed to equal dan
ger ; the people, moved by rapacity and zeal, broke into
their houfes, which they plundered, after having murdered
the owners ; where the Jews barricadoed their doors and
defended themfelves with vigour, the rabble fet fire to the
houfes, and made way through the flames to exercife their
pillage and violence ; the ulual licentioufnefs of London,
which the fovereign power with difficulty retrained, broke
out with fury, and continued thefe outrages ; the houfes
of the rich citizens, though Chriftians, were next attacked
and plundered ; and wearinefs and fatiety at laft put an end
to the diforder: Yet, when the king impovvered Glan-
ville, the jufticiary, to enquire into the authors of thefe
crimes, the guilt was found to involve io many of the moft
conficierable citizens, that it was deemed more prudent to
drop the profecution ; and very few furFered the punifh-
ment due to this enormity. But the diforder flopped not
at London. The inhabitants of the other cities of Eng
land, hearing of this flaughter of the Jews, imitated the
example: In York, five hundred of that nation, who had
retired into the caftle for fafety, and found themfelves un
able to defend the place, murdered their own wives and
children, threw the dead bodies over the walls upon the
populace, and then fetting fire to the houfes, perifhed in
the flames. The gentry of the neighbourhood, who were
all indebted to the Jews, ran to the cathedral, where their
bonds were kept, and made a folemn bonfire of the papers
before the altar. The compiler of the Annals of Waver-
ley, in relating thefe events, blefles the Almighty for thus
delivering over this impious race to definition*.

THE ancient fituation of England, when the people
poffeHcd little riches and the public no credit, made it im-
poflTible for fovereigns to bear the expence cf a fieady or
durable war, even on their frontiers ; much lets could
they find regular means for the fupportof diftant expedi
tions like thofe into Paleftine, which were more the refult
of popular frenzy than of fober reafon or deliberate policy.
Richard, therefore, knew that he mull: carry with him all
the treafure neceffary for his enterprife, and that both the
remotenefs of his own country and its poverty made it un-

* Gale s Colleft. vol. iii. p. 165.

R I C H A R D I. 353

able tofurnifli him with thofe continued fupplics which the CHAP.
exigencies of ib perilous a war mull neceiiari.y require. X.

His father had left him a treafure of above a hundred

thoufand marks; and the king, negligent of every confide- llS
ration but his prefent object, endeavoured to augment this
fum by all expedients, how pernicious foever to the public,
or dangerous to royal authority. He put to fale the reve
nues and manors of the crown; the offices of greateft trufl
and power, even thole of forefter and IherifF, which anci
ently were fo important*, became venal ; the dignity of
chief jufticiary, in whole hands was lodged the whole ex
ecution of the laws, was fold to Hugh de Puzas, bifhop of
Durham, for a thoufand marks; the lame prelate bought
the earldom of Northumberland for liief; many of the
champions of the crofs, who had repented of their vow,
purchafed the liberty of violating it ; and Richard, who
flood lels in. need of men than of money, dii penfed, on
thefe conditions, with their attendance. Elated with the
hopes of fame, which in that age attended no wars but
thole againft the infidels, he was blind to every other con-
fideration ; and when feme of his wifer minifters objected
to this diiripation of the revenue and power of the crown,
he replied, that he would fell London itfelf, could he find
a purchaiar J. Nothing indeed could be a fhonger proof
how negligent he was of all future interefts in companion
of the crulade, than his felling, for fo fmall a ium as
IO,OOO marks, the vaflalage of Scotland, together with
the fortrefles of Roxborough and Berwic, the greateft ac-
quifition that had been made by his father during the
courfe of his victorious reign ; and his accepting the ho
mage of William in the u ual terms, merely for the terri
tories which that prince held in England j|. The Englifli,
of all ranks and Rations, were opprefled by numerous
exactions: jMenaces were employed, both againft the in
nocent and the guilty, in order to extort money from them:
And where a pretence was wanting againft the rich, the
king obliged them, by the fear of his difpleafure, to lend
him fums which, he knew, it would never be in his power
to repay.

Bur Richard, though he facrificed every intcreft and
conftderation to theluccefsof this pious enterprifr, carried
fo little the appearance of fantity in his conduct, that
VOL. I. Z z

* The flieriff had anciently both the adminiftration of juflice and the ma
nagement of the king s revenue committed to him in the county. Siee Halt of
Sheriff x Accounts.

t M. Mns p. iog. + W. Heming. p. 519. Knygluou, p. i.jo;.

l| Ho\edcn, p. 6611. Rymer, vol. i. p. 64. M. Well. p. a,.?.

354 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Fiilk, curate of Neuilly, a zealous preacher of the crufrde,
X. who from that merit had acquired the privilege of fpeaking

w,-.,, / the boldefl truths, advifed him to rid himielf of his noto-

nSo. r ious vices, particularly his pride, avarice, and voluptuouf-
nHs, which he called the king s three favourite daughters.
You connfel well, replied Richard, and I hereby ^d /pofe
cfthejir/i to t/it Templars, of thefecond to the Beneditimes,
and of the third to my prelates*

RICHARD, jealous of attempts which might be made on
England during his abfence, laid prince John, as well as
his natural brother Geoffrey archbifhop of York, under
engagement, confirmed by their oaths, that neither of them
(hould enter the kingdom till his return ; though he thought
proper, before his departure, to withdraw this prohibition.
The administration was left in the hands of Hugh bilhop
of Durham, and of Longchamp bifhop of Ely, whom he
appointed judiciaries and guardians of the realm. The
latter was a Frenchman of mean birth, and of a violent
character; who by art and addrels had infinuated himfelf
into favour, whom Richard had created chancellor, and
whom he had engaged the pope alfo to inveft with the le-
gantine authority, that, by centering every kind o r power
in his perfon, he might the better enfure the public tran
quillity. All the military and turbulent fpirits flocked
about the perfon of the king, and were impatient to difiin-
guifh themfelves againft the infidels in Afia ; whither his
inclinations, his engagements, led him, and whither he
was impelled by meffages from the king of France, ready
to embark in this enterprife.

THE emperor Frederic, a prince of great fpirit and con-
dud, had already taken the road to Palefline at the head
of 150,0 x&amp;gt; men, collected from Germany and all the nor
thern ftates. Having furmounted every obftacle thrown in
his way by the artifices of the Greeks and the power of the
infidels, he had penetrated to the borders of Syria; when,
bathing in the cold river Cydnus during the greatefi heat
of the dimmer i eafon, he was feized with a mortal difiem-
per, which put an end to his life and his rafh enterprife *.
His army, under the command of his ion Conrade, reached
Paleftine ; but was fodiminiihed by fatigue, famine, mala
dies, and the fword, that it fcarcely amounted to eight
thoufand men ; and was unable to make any progrefs
againft the great power, valour, and conduct of Saladin.
Thefe reiterated calamities attending the crufades had
taught the kings of France and England the neceffity of
trying another road to the Holy Land ; and they determin-

* Bened. Abb. p. 556.

R I C H A R D I. 355

ed to conduct their armies thither by fea, to carry provifi- CHAP
ons along with them, and by means of their naval power, X.

to maintain an open communication with their own ftates, v *-

and with the weftern parts of Europe. The place of ren- 1I 9-
dez^ ous wns appointed in the plains of Vezelay, on the f+
borders of Burgundy*: Philip and Richard, on tlieir ar
rival there, found their combined army amount to 100,000 2i ) th J une -
rncnf ; a mighty force, animated with glory and religion,
conducV-d by two warlike monarchs, provided M ith every
thing which their leveral dominions could fupply, and not
to be overcome but by their own mifconducl, or by the un-
furmountablc obftacles of nature.

THE French prince and the Engliih here reiterated King fets
their promises of cordial friendfhip, pledged their faith ut on the
not to invade each other s dominions during the crufade, cru " de&amp;gt;
mutually exchangi d the oaths of all their barons and pre-
Jat to the fame effect, and fubjefted themfelves to the
penalty of interdicts and excommunicatior.s, if they fhould
ever violate this public and folemn engagement. T hey
then fcparated ; Philip took the road to Genoa, Richard
that to Marieilles, with a view of meeting their fleets,
which were feveral y appointed to rendezvous in thefe
harbours. They put to lea ; and, nearly about the fame
time, were obliged, by ftrefs of weather, to take llielter
in Medina, where they were detained during- the whole
winter. This incident laid the foundation of animofities
which proved fatal to their enterprise.

RICHARD and Philip were, by the fituation and extent
of their dominions, rivals in power ; by their nge and in
clinations, competitors for glory ; af-.d thefe cauf-&amp;gt;s of emu
lation which, had the princes been employed in the field
againft the common enemy, might have ftimulated them
to martial enterprifes, foon excited, duiing the prefent
leifure and repofe, quarre s between monarchs of fucii
a fiery character. Equally haughty, ambitious-, intrepid,
and inflexible, they were irritated with th^ leaft appea
rance of injury, and were incapable, by mutual conde-
(cenfions, to efface tlu.fe caufes of complaint which
unavoidably aroie between them. Richard, candid,
fincere, undeiignin-jf, impolitic, violent, laid 1 inifclf open,
on every occafion, to the defigus of his antjgoniii ; \\ ho,
provident, intereited, intriguing, failed not to take all
advantages againft him: And thus, bcth the circuin-
ftances of their diipofition in which they were fimilar,
and thole in which they differed, rendered it -rnnollible

* Hoveden, p. 660. \ Yiniiauf, p. 305,

356 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C PI A P. for them to perfevere in that harmony which was fo necef-
X. lary to the furcefs t)f their undertaking.

THE laft king of Sicily and Naples was William II.
who had married Joan, fitter to Richard, and who, dying
without iiiue, had bequeathed his dominions to his paternal
a mt Conftantia, the only legitimate delcendant furvivirig
of Roger, the firft lovereign of thole ftates who had been
honoured with the royal title. This princefs had, in ex
pectation of that rich inheritance, been married to Henry
VI. the reigning emperor *; but Tancred, her natural
brother, had fixed fuchan intereft among the barons, that,
taking advantage of Henry s abfence, he had acquired pof-
feilion of the throne, and maintained his claim, by force
of arms, againft all the efforts of the Germans }". The
approach of the crufaders naturally gave him apprehenfi-
oris for his unftable government ; and he was uncertain,
whether he had moft reafon to dread the prefence of the
French or of the Englifh monarch. Philip was engaged
in a ftrict alliance with the ernperor his competitor: Ri
chard was nifgufted by his rigours towards the queen-dowa
ger, whom the Sicilian prince had confined in Palermo;
becaufefhe had oppofed with all her intereft his fucceflion
tothe crown. Tancred, therefore, fenfible of the prefent
necediry, refolved to pay court to both thefe formidable
princes; and he was not unfuccefsful in his endeavours.
He periuaded Philip that it was highly improper for him
to interrupt his enterprife againft the infidels, by any at
tempt againfl a Chriftian ftate : He rcftored quetn Joan
to her liberty ; and even found means to make an alliance
\vith Richard, who ftipulated by treaty to marry his ne
phew, Arthur, the young duke of Britanny, to one of the
daughters of Tancred:}:. But before thefe terms of friend-
fhip were fettled, Richard jealous both of Tancred and of
the inhabitants of Medina, had taken up his quarters in
the fuburbs and had poffefled himlelfof a fmali fort, which
commanded the harbour ; and he kept himfelf extremely
on Ills guard againft their enterprifes. The citizens took
umbrage. Mutual infulrs and attacks paffed between them
and the Englifh: Philip, who had quartered his troops in
tl.e town, endeavoured to accommodate the quarrel, and
he d a conference with Richard for that purpofe. While
the two kings, meeting in the open fields wer? engaged
in diicourfe on this fubject, a body of thofe Sicilians iee-
nied to be drawing towards them ; and Richard pufhed for
wards, in order to inquire into the realon of this extraor
dinary movement!!. The Engliih, irilolent from their

* Bened. Abb. p. 530. f Hoveden. p. 663.

t Hoveden, p. (76 677. Bened. Abb. p. 615.
|| Lened. Abb. p. 608.

RICHARD I. 357

power, and inflamed with former ammofities, wanted but Q }{ A p.
a pretence for attacking the Meflfinefe : They loon chafed X.

them orF the field, drove them into the towi,and entered ,

with them at the gates. The king employed h : ,3 authority lll )-
to reftrdin them fio-.n pillaging and maiTacriftg the de-
fencelei s inhabitants; but he gave orders, in token of his
victory, that the flandard of England ihould be creeled
on the walls. Philip, who confiderer! that place as his
quarters, exclaimed again!! the intuit, and ordered ibme
of his trcops to pulldown the ftandrird : But Richard in
formed him by a metlenger, that, though he hirnfelf would
willingly remove that ground of oiience, he would not permit
it to be done by others ; and if the French kinjr attempted
fucli an inlult upon him, he fhould not hiccecd 1 Ut by the
utmoft errufion of biood. Plnlip, content with this fpe-
cies of haughtv fubmiffion, recalled his orders* : r l he dif
ference was ieemingly accommodated ; but ilill left the re
mains of rancour and jealoufy in the breafts of the two
monarchs.

TANGRED, who, for his own fecurity, defired to inflame
their mutual hatred, employed an artifice which might
have been attended with confequences flili more fatal. He ll gi,
fhowed Richard a letter, finned by the i rench king, and
delivered to him, as he pretended, by the duke of Bur
gundy ; in which that monarch defired Tana ed to fall
upon the quarters of the Knglifh, and promilrd to avTill
him in putting them to the hvord, as common enemies.
The unwary Richard gave credit to the information ; but
was too candid not to betiay his diicon cnt to Philip, who
abfolutcly denied the letter, and charged the Sicilian
prince with forgery and falfehood. Richard either was,
or pretended to be, entirely i atisfiedt.

LEST thefe jealoufies and complaints fhould multiply
between them, it was propoied, that they mould, by a lo-
lemn treaty, obviate all future differences, and adjufi eve
ry point that could pof&bly hereafter become a coutroverly
between tlietn. But this expedient ftarted a new dilpu^e,
which might have proved more dangerous than any of tihe
foregoing, and which deeply concerned the honour of Phi
lip s family. When Richard, in every treaty uhi~h the
late king, infifted fo ftrcnuoully on being allowed to mar
ry Alice of Prance, he had only fought a pretence for
quarrelling ; and never meant to take to his bed a princeih
iufpedted of a criminal amour with his own lather. After
he became mailer, he no longer (pake of that alliance : Pie

Kcveren. p. 674. | Ibid. p. 6SS. Eencci. Alb. p. 640,

64 j. Bronijdon, p. 1195.

358 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, even took meafures for efpoufmg Berengaria, daughter of
X. S.mchez king of Navarre, with whom he had become

* " enamoured during his abode in Guienne*: Queen Elea-

1 9&amp;gt;- nor was daily expelled with that princefs at Mfffina t :
And when Philip renewed to him his applications for
elpoufinghis fitter Alice, Richard was obliged to give him
an abibiute refufal. It is pretended bv Hoveden, and
other hiftorians $, that he was able to produce fuch con
vincing proofs of Alice s infidelity, and even of her having
born a child to Henry, that her brother defifted from
his applications, and chofe to wrap up the difhonour
of his family in filence and oblivion. It is certain, from
the treaty itfelf, which remains ll, that, whatever were
his motives, he permitted Richard to give his hand to Be
rengaria ; and having fettled all other controverfies with
that prince, he immediately fet fail for the Holy Land.
Richard awaited fome time the arrival of his mother and
bride ; and when they joined him, he feparated his fleet
into two fquadrons, and fet forward on his enterprise.
Queen Eleanor returned to England ; but Berengaria,
and the queen-dov/ager of Sicily, his fifter, attended him
on the expedition**.

THE Englifh fleet, on leaving the port of Medina, met
with a furious tempeft ; and tlie fquadron on which the two
princefTes were embarked, was driven on the coaft of Cv-

isth April. p ru s, and fome of the veCTels were wrecked near Limiflb
in that illand. Ifaac, prince of Cyprus, who a {Turned the
magnificent title of Emperor, pillaged the fhips that were
fhancled, threw the feamcn and paflengers into prifon,
and even rcfufcd to the princelYes liberty, in their danger
ous fituation, of entering the harbour of LimiiTo. But
Richard, who arrived foon after, took ample vengeance,
on him for the injury. He difembarked his troops; de
feated the tyrant, who oppofed his landing ; entered Li
miflb by ftorm ; gained next day a fecond victory ; obliged
Ifaac to furrender at difcretion ; nnd eftablifhed governors
over the iiland. The Greek prince, being thrown into
piifonand loaded with irons, complained of the little re
gard with which he was treated : Upon which, Richard
ordered filver fetters to be made for him ; and this emperor,
plea fed with the diftinclion, expreiled a fenfe of the gene-
lath May. rofity of his conqueror ff. The king here efpoufed Be
rengaria, who, immediately embarking, carried along with
her to Paleftine the daughter of the Cypriot prince; a dam

* Vinifauf, p. 316. t M.Paris, p. 112. Trivet, p. 102. W.

Merriing. p. S") * Hovciien, p. 6SS. l| Rymer, vol. 5.

p. 69. C hron. fie D aid. \&amp;gt;. 44. * * Fened. Abb. p. 6^4.

ft Beneti. Abb. p. 650. Ann. Waved, p. 164. Vinifauf, p. 328. \V%
lictning. p. 523.

R 1 C H A R D I. 359

gerous rival, who was believed to have feduced the afFedi- CHAP,
ons of her huftund. Such were the libertine character X.
and conduct of the heroes engaged in this pious enter- *

r~ f 1 1 Q i .

P r .... The king s

THE Enghih army arrived in time to partake in the aiv ;...,; ,
glory of the liege of Acre or Ptoiemais, which had been Paieftine.
attacked for above two years by the united force of all the
Chriftians in PalefHne, and had been defended by the ut-
moft efforts of Saladiri and the Saracens. The remains
of the German army, conducted by the emperor Frederic,
and the feparate bodies of adventurers who continually pou
red in from the Weft, had enabled the king of Jerufalem
to form this important enterprise* : But Saladin, hav
ing thrown a ftrong garrifon into the place under the com
mand of Caracos, his own mailer in the art of war, and
molefting the befiegers with continual attacks and failles,
had protracted the fucceis of the enterprife, and wafted
the force of his enemies. The arrival of Philip and Ri
chard infpired new life into the Chriftians ; and thefe
princes, acting by concert, and fharing the honour and
danger of every action, gave hopes of a final viclory over
the infidels. They agreed on this plan of operations :
When the French monarch attacked the town, the Englifti
guarded the trenches: Next day, when the Englifli prince
conducted the affault, the French fucceeded him in pro
viding for the fafety of the affailants. The emulation be
tween thofe rival kings and rival nations produced extra
ordinary a&amp;lt;5ts of valour: Richard in particular, animated
with a more precipitate courage than Philip, and more
agreeable to the romantic fpirit of that age, drew to himfelf
the general attention, and acquired a great and fp endid
reputation, But this harmony was of ihort duration ; and
occafions of difcord loon arofe between thefe jealous and
haughty princes.

THE family of Bouillon, which had fuft been placed state of
on the throne of Jerufalem, ending in a female, Fulk, Paieftine.
count of Anjou, grandfather to Henry II. of England,
married the heirefs of that kingdom, and tranfmitted his
title to the younger branches of his family. The Anjevin
race ending alfo in a female, Guy de Lufignan, by eipou-
fing Sibylla, the heirefs, had fucceeded to the title; and
though he loft his kingdom by the invafion of Saladin, he
was ftill acknowledged by all the Chriftians for king of
Jerufalem f. But as Sibylla died without iffue, during
the fiege of Acre, Ifabclla, her younger fifter, put in her
claim to that titular kingdom, and required Lufignan to
refign his pretenfions to her hufband Conrade marquis of

* Vitiifcuf, p. 269. 271. 279. f Vinifauf, p. 281.

360 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. Montferrat. Lufignan, maintaining that the royal title
X. was unalienabie and indefeazable, had recourfe to the pro-

* , tection of Riclnrd, attended on him before he left Cvprus,

1I 9 and engaged him to embrace his caufe*. There needed
no other reafon for throwing Philip into the party of Con-
rade ; and the oppofite views of thcfe great monurchs
brought faction and duTl nlfion into the Chriftian army,
and retarded all^ its operations. The Templars, the Ge-
noefe, and the Germans, declared for Philip and Conrade;
the Flemings, the Pifans, the knights of the hofpital of
St. John, a ihered to Richard and Lufignan. But not-
withfbnding thefe disputes, asthe length of the fiege had
reduced the Saracen garrifon to the lail extremity, they

icthjuly. furrendered themfelves priibners; ftipulated, in return for
their lives, other advantages to the ChrifHans, fuch as the
, reftoring of the Chriftian prifoners, and the delivery of
the wood of the true crof.f ; and this great enterprife,
which had long engaged the attention of all Europe and
Afu, wasatlaft, after the lofs of 300,000 men, brought
to a happy period.

Bur Phiiip, inftead of purfuing the hopes of farther
conquefl, and of redeeming the holy city from flavery,
being difgufted with the afcendant aliumed and acquired
by Richard, and having views of many advantages which
he might reap by his prefence in Europe, declared his re-
folution of returning to France; and he pleaded his bad
ftate of health as an excufe for his defertion of the com
mon caufe. He left, however, to Richard, ten thoufand
of his troops, under the command of the duke of Burgun
dy ; and he renewed his oath never to commence hottili-
tiesagainft thati&amp;gt;rince s dominions during his abfence. But
he had no focyner reached Italy than* he applied, it is pre
tend -d, to pope CaJeftiR.e iy. for a difpenlation from this
vow; and when denietl that requeft, tfe Itill proceeded,
though after a covert manneYfin a project, which the pre-
lent fituation of England rendered inviting, and which
gratified, in an eminent degree, both his refemment and
his ambition.

riforders IMMEDIATELY after Richard had left England, and bc-

. gun his march to the Holy Land, the two prelates whom
he had appointed guardians of the realm, broke out into
animofitiesagainft each other, and threw the kingdom into

* Trivet, p. 13-}. Vinifauf, p. 342. W. Heming. p. 324.

t This true crofs was loit in the baitle of Tiberiade, to which it had been
carried by the crufaders for their piotettion. Rigord, an author of that age,
fays, that after this difmal event, all the children who were born throughout
all Chriftendom, had only twenty or twenty-two teeth, inftead of thiity or thirty
two, which was their former complement, p. 14.

+ Hoveden, p. 665. Knyghton, p. 240^. y W. Heming. p. 528.

RICH A R D I. #ii

eombufUon. Longchamp, prefutnptuous in his nature, CHAP,
elated by the favour which he enjoyed with his mafter, and X.

armed with the legantine commiffion, could not fubmit to s ^

im equality with the bifhopof Durham: He even went fo l19 *
far as to arreft his colleague, and to extort from him a re
futation of the earldom of Northumberland, and of his
Other dignities, as the price of his liberty*. The king,
informed of thel e uifTenfion.", ordered, by letters from Mar-
fcilles, that the bilhop {hould be re inflated in his offices ;
but Longchamp had fH!l the boldnefs to refufc compliance,
on pretence that he himlelf was better acquainted with
the king s fecivt intentions t. He proceeded to govern the
dom by his ibie authority ; to treat all the nobility
with arrogance ; an I to dii j- .iy his power and riches with
an invidious cflentalion. He never travelled without a
ftrong guard of fifteen hundred foreign foldiers, collected
from that licentious t;ibe with which the age was general
ly infefted : Nobles and knights were proud of being ad
mitted into his train : His retinue wore the afpeclof royal
magnificence: And when, in his progrefs through the
kingdom, he lodged in any monaftery, his attendants, it is
faid, were fufficient to devour, in one niht, the revenue
of feveral years J. The king, who was detained in Eu
rope longer than the haughty -prelate expected, hearing
of thisoftentation, which exceeded even what the habits
of that age indulged in ecck fiafUcs ; being alfo informed
of the infolent, tyrannical conduit of his miniller ; thought
proper to rettrain his power: Flefent new orders, appoint
ing Waiter archbithop of Rouen, William Mareihal earl
of Strigul, G?otfrey i iiz-Peter, William Briewere, and
Hugh Bardolf, counfieHors to Lonchamp, and command
ing him to take no meafure of importance without their
concurrence and approbation. But fueh gencr.il terror
had this man imp|reiTed by his violent condi^fl., that even
the archbi hop of Rwvn am! I D : cf ;. nil duril not

produce this marVdate of the king s ; and Longchamp
uill maintained an uncontrolled iiutl.oiity over the
nation. But when he proceeded fo f jrr r, to throw into
priibn Geoffrey atchbiinop of York, \vho had oppofed
^lis mcafures, this 1-reach of ecclefiaflical privileges ex
cited iuchan univerfai fernient, tha prince John, diigulted
with the fmall (hare he pone (Ted in thr* ;: ivei ;:r;ent, and
perlbnally difobliged by Longchamp, ventured to fum-
mon, at Reading, a general council of the no. ility and
VOL. 1. 3 A

i&amp;gt;. f f&amp;gt;5. Knyi-ii ini, |i. 240?. t V, r . Heming.

* Hoveden, p. 680. Eencl. Abb. p. v;o. ; .

362 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, prelates, and cite him to appear before them. Longchamp-
X. thought it dangerous to entruU his perfon in their hands,

* and he fhut hitnielfupin the Tower of London ; but being

J1 9^- foon obliged to furrender that fortrefs, he fled beyond lea,
concealed under a female habit, and was deprived of
his offices of chancel or and chief jufHciary ; the laft of
which was conferred on the archbiibop of Rouen, a prelate
of prudence and moderation. ] he comniitfion of legate,
however, which had been renewed to Longchair;p by
pope CelefliiiC, fliil gave him, notwithftanding his ablence,
great authority in the kingdom, enabled him to diflurb
the government, and forwarded the views of 1 hilip, who
watched every opportunity of annoying Richard s domini-
jj ons. That monarch li r (l attempted to carry open war into

Normandy ; !&amp;gt;ut as the French nobility refuled to follow
him in an invaiion of a ftate which they had (worn to pro
tect, an&amp;lt;l as the pope, who was the general guardian of
all princes that bad taken the crois, threatened him with
ecclefiaftical cenfures, he defifted fiotn his enterprife, and
employed agjiufl England the expedient of fecret policy
and intrigue. He debauched prince John from his allegi
ance ; prornifed him his fitter Alice in marriage; offered
^ to give him pollelfion of all Richaro s tranlmarine domini
ons; and had not the authority of queen Eleanor, and
the menaces or the Engiifh council, prevailed over the in
clinations of that turbulent piince, he was ready to have
cioiFed the feas, and to have put in execution his criminal
cnterprifes.

THE jealoufy of Philip was every moment excited by
heroic ac- S ^ ie glory which the great a6Vionsgf Richard was gaining
uoas in him in the Eau\ and which, being compared to his own
taiefiine. defertion of that popular caufe, threw a double luftre oa
his rival. His envy, therefore, prompted him to obfcurc
that fame whicli he had not equalled ; and he embraced
every pretence of throwing the moft violent and mod im
probable calumnies on the king of Englar-d. There was
a petty prince in Afia, commonly called The old man of
the mountain, who had acquired fuch an alcendant over
his fanatical iubjedls, that they paid the nioft implicit de
ference to his commands ; elleemed atlaffination meritori
ous, when fanttified bv his mandate; courted danger, and
even certain death, in the execution of his orders; and
fancied, that when they facrificed their lives for his fake,
the highell joys of paradife were the infallible reward of
their devoted obedience*. It was the cuftom of this prince,
when he imagined hirnielf injured, to dilpatch Iccretly

* \V. Healing, p. 532. Eiompton, p. 12^3.

R I C H A R D I. 363

fbmc of his fubjefts againft the aggreflor, to charge them CHAP,
with the execution of his revenge, to inHrucl them in eve- X.

ry art of diiguifing their purpofe ; and no precaution was ^r-*

fufhcient to guard any man, however powerful, ag.tinfl
the attempts of thufe iubtleand determined ruffians* 1 he
greatett monarchs floor) in awe of this prince of the Aflaf-
fins (for that was the name of his people; whence the word
ha-- paHPed into mod European languages), and it was the
higheft indifcretion in Conrade m irquis of Monfferrat to
offend and arr ront him. The inhabitants of Tyre, who
were governed by that nobleman, had p it to death lome
of this dangerous people: The prince demanded fatisfac-
tion ; for, as he piqued himielf on never beginning any
offence*, he had his regular and eftablilhed formalities in
requiring atonement : Conrade treated his mefil-ngers with
dildain : The prince iflued the fatal orders : Two of his
fubjecb, who had infinuared themlelves in difguiie among
Conrade s guards, openly, in the flreets of Sidon, wounded
him mortally ; and when they were feized and put to the
.moil cruel tortures, they triumphed an.idft their agonies,
and rejoiced that they had been defined by h-eaven to fuf-
fer in ib jufi and meritorious a caufe.

EVERV one in PalefHne knew from what hand the blow
came. Richard was entirely free from fulpicion. Though
that monarch had formerly maintained the caufe of Lufig-
n;m agjini^ Conrade, he, ha d&amp;gt; become fenfi ile of the bad
effects attending thofVdiirenfions, and had voluntarily v
conferreil on the formet the kingdom of Cyprus, on con-
d tion th.it he mould relign to his rival all pretenfions to the
crown of Jerufalemf . Conrade himielf, with his dying
breath, had recommended his widow to the protection of
Richard ; the prince of the alYaflins avowed the action in
a formal narrative which he lent to Europe II; yet on this
foundation, the king of France thought fit to build the
moil egregious calumnies, and to impute to Ri hard the
murder of themirquis of Mont ferret, whole elevation he
had once openly oppofed. Me filled all Europe with ex
clamations againll the crime; appointed a gunrd for his
own perlon, in order to defend himfelf againfl a like at
tempt**; and endeavoured, by thcfc (hallow artifices, to
cover the infamy of alf.ickin^ the dominions of a prince,
whom he himielf had del erted, and who was engaged with
io much glory in a war, univerfally acknowledged to be
the common caulo of Chiiltcndorn.

Rymer, vol. i. p. 7 . f Vin !;uf, p. ? ,-. i Srom

P- 124}. ynicr, vol. i. ;-. 71. iii-.t-t, n. \-&amp;gt; \. \\ . lu-in.in!,

1&amp;gt;- 311- n;&amp;gt; * \v. h;".ii:^. p. 53?. Br&amp;lt; .

p. i. jj.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Bur Richard s heroic actions in Faleftirie were thd
bell apology for his conduct. The Chriftian adventurers
under his command determined, on opening the campaign,
to attempt the liege of Aicalon, in order to prepare the way
for that of Jerufaiem ; and they mart hod along the fea-
coafl with that intention. Salad in purpofed to Intercept
their palVage; and he placed himfelf on the road with an
army amounting to ;:oo,ooo combatants. On this occafion
waa fought one of the greateft battles of that age; and the
moll celebrated, for the military genius of the commanders,
for the number and valour of the troops, and for the great
variety of events which attended it. Both the right wing
of the Chriftiaris, commanded by d Avefnes, and the left,
conducted by the duke of Burgundy, were, in the begin
ning of the day, broken and defeated; when Richard,
who led on the main body, refiored the battle ; attacked
the enemy with intrepidity and prefence of mind; perfor
med the part both of a confummate general and gallant
foldier; and not only gave his two wings leifure to recover
from their confuGon, but obtained a complete victory over
the Saracens, of whom forty thoufand are laid to have
perifhed in the field*. Afcalon foon after fell into the
hands of theChriftians: Other fiegeswere carried on with
equal iuccels: Richard iv.is even able to advance within
Tight of Jerufaiem, the object of his entcrprife; when he
had the mortification to find, that he muft abandon all
hopes of immediate fuccefs, and muft put a (lop to his
career of vicloiy. The crufaders, animated with an eri-
thuflaftic ardour for the holy wars, broke at firft through
all regards to fafetv or intereft in the profecution of their
purpose; and trutling to the immediate affiftance of hea
ven, iet nothing before their eyes but fame and victory in
this world, and a crown of glory in the next. But long
abience from home, fatigue,*difeaie, war.t, and the variety
of incidents which naturally attend war, had gradually
abated tnat fury, \vhich nothing was able directly to with-
ilarid; and everyone, except the king of England, ex-
prefled a defire of fpeedily returning into Europe. The
Germans and the Italbns declared their resolution of de-
fifiiag from the enterpiiie : The French were ftill more
pbftinatc in this vsnrpofe: The duke of Burgundy, in order
to pay court to Philip, took all oppoi tunities of mortifying
and oppofing Richard f. And there appeared an abfolute
neceiP.ty of abandoning for the prefent ull hopes of farther
conquer), and of it-curing the acquifitions of the Chriflians

* Hr-nkn, p M;h. 11.677. DicctO p. 662. Ki-

P. 1214. | Vinii .,i l f, p. 380.

R I C H A R D I. 365

by an accommodation with Saladin. Richard, therefore, C H A P.
conci . rL d a truce with that monarch, and ftipulated, that X.

Acre, : ;ipa, Jivl other feaport towns of Palcitine, Ihould v ^

: ;indsof the Chriilians, and that every one ll92
oi t::at religion (hould have liberty to perform his pilgri
mage to Jerusalem unmolefted. This truce was concluded
for three years, three mouths, three weeks, three davs, and
three hours; a magical number, which, had probably been
devifed bv the Europeans, and which was fuggefted by a
fupefliiion well luited to the object of the war.

THE liberty, in which Saladin indulged the Chriftians,
to perform their pilgrimages to Jerufalem, was an eafy
facritice on his part ; and the furious wars which he waged
in defence of the barren territory of Judea, were not with
him, as with the European adventurers, the refult of fu-
pcrftition, but of policy. The advantage indeed of icience,
moderation, humanity, was at that time entirely on the
fide of the Saracens; and this gallant emperor, in particu
lar, difplayed, during the couife oi the war, a i pirit and
gcnerofity, which even his bigotted enemies were obliged
to acknowledge and admire. Richard, equally martial
and brave, carried with him more of the barbarian charac
ter ; and was guiitv of acts of ferocity, which threw a
(lain on his celebrated victories. When Saladin refufed
to ratify tlie capitulation of Acre, the king of England
ordered alibis prifoner?, to the number of five thoufand,
to be butchered ; and the Saracens found themielves oblig
ed to retaliate upon the Chriftians by a like cruelty *. Sa
ladin died at Damafcus foon after concluding this truce
with the princes of the crufade : It is memorable, that,
before he expired, he ordered his winding-fheet to be car
ried as a ftandard through every ftreet of the city ; while
a cri;;r went before, and proclaimed with a loud voice,
I Ins is all that remains to the. mighty Saladin, thz conque
ror of thz Eafl. By his lalt will he ordered charities to be
diftributed to the poor, without difiin&ion of Jew, Chrif-
v ..n, or Mahometan.

THERE remained, after the truce, no bufinefs of impor- The king s
tance to detain Richard in 1 aleOine ; and the intelligence """^
which he received, concerning the intrigues of Ins brother 1 ^^ e . a
John, and thole of the king of IYa;;cc, made him lenfi-
bie, that his prelcnce was necclliry in Europe. As he
d ircd not to pafs through France, lie failed to the Adriatic ;
and being fhipv/recked nt ar Aquiieia, he put on (he clif-
guile ot a pilgrim, with a purpoie of taking his jou. .

* HovLvlen. p. 607. Rent-d. ALb. p. 673. M. Pails, p. 115. \

?66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, fecretly through Germany. Purfued by the governor of
X. Iftria, he was forced out of the direft road to England,

v v and was obliged to pafsby Vienna; where hisexpences and

Mga. liberalities betrayed themonarch in the habit of thepilgrim ;

eember!" anc ^ e was arrellbd by orders of Leopold duke of Auftria.
This prince had ferved under Richard at the fiegeof Acre ;
but being dilgufted by fome infult of that haughty mo-
na:ch, he was io ungenerous as to feize the prefent oppor
tunity of gratifying at once his avarice ^nd revenge ; and
IT 93- he threw the king into p ifon. The emperor Henry VI.
who alfo confidered Richard as an enemy, on account of
the alliance contrafted by him with Tancred king of Sici
ly, difp .itched mefleagcfs to the duke of Auflria, required
the royal captive to be delivered to him, and ilipulated a
. large (urn of money as a reward for this fervice. Thus the

Germany. k.ng of England, who had filled the whole world with his
renown, found himfelf, during the molt critical ftate of his
affairs, confined ia a dungeon, and loaded with irons, in
the heart of Germany *, and entirely at the mercy of his
enemies, tlu bafeft and moft fordid of mankind.

THE Englim council was aftonifhed on receiving this
fat:;l intelligence ; and forefaw all the dangerous confe-
quences which might naturally arile from that event. The
queen-dowager wrote reiterated letters to pope CeleOine,
exclaiming againft the injury which her fon had fuftained ;
reprefentina. the impiety of detaining in prifon the moft
illuilrious prince that had yet carried the banners of Chrifl
into the Holy Land ; claiming the protection of the apoflo-
lic fee, which was due even to the meaneft of thole adven
turers ; an&amp;gt;l upbraiding the pope, that, in a caufe where
jullice, religion, and the dignity of the church, were fo
much concerned, a caufe which it might well befit his holi-
ne.fs himfelf to fupport by taking in perfon a journey to
Germany, the fpiritual thunders fhould fo long be fulpen-
ded over thofe facrilegious offendersf. The ^eal of Ce-
lefiine cofrefponded n^t to the impatience of the queen-
mother ; and the regency of England were, for a long
time, left to ftruggle alone with all their domeflic and fo
reign enemies.

V arvrith TilK king of France, quickly informed of Richard s
Fiance confinement hy a me iTjge from the emperorj, prepared,
himfelf to take advantage of the incident ; and lie employ
ed every means of force and intrigue, of war and negotia
tion, againft the dominions .and the perfon of his unfortu
nate rival. Me revived the calumny of Richard s altatfi-

* Cliron. T. Wykes, p. 35.

f Rvmer, vol. i, p. 72, 73, 7^, 7J, 76, Sec.

^ ib:d. p. 70.

R I C H A R D I. 367

nating lire marquis of Montfcrrat; and by that abfurd pre- C I- 1 A 1\
tence he induced his barons to violate their o.iths, by X.

which they had engaged that, during the crufade, they (

never would, on any account, attack the dominions of the "Di
king of England. He made the emperor the largett offers,
if he would deliver into his hands the royal prifoner, or
at leall detain him in perpetual captivity : He even formed
an alliance by marriage with the king of Denmark, defi
led that the ancient Danifh claim to the crown of England
fhould be transferred to him, and folicited a fuppiy of (hip
ping to maintain it. But the ri.oft fuccelsful of Philip s
negotiations was with prince John, who, forgetting eve
ry tye to his brcther, his fcvereimi and his benefactor,
thought of nothing but hew to make his own advantage of
the public calamities. That traitor, on the full invitation
from the court of France, furldenly went abroad, had a
conference with Philip, and made a treaty, cf which the
object was the perpetual ruin of his unhappy brother. He
ftipulatcd to deliver into Philip s hands a great part of Nor
mandy *: he received, in return, the inveftiture cf all
Richard s tranfmarine dominions ; and it is reported by
feveral hiftorians, that he even did homage to the French
king for the crown of England.

IN coafequence of this treaty, Philip invaded Norman
dy ; and by the treachery of John s emiflaries, made him-
lelr matter, without oppofition, of many fortrefles, Neuf-
chatel, Neaufie, Gifors, Pacey, Ivree : He fubdued the
counties of Eu and Aumale; and advancing to form the
fiege of Rouen, he threatened to put all the inhabitants
to the fword, if they dared to make refinance. Hap
pily, Robert earl of Loicetter appeared in that critical mo
ment ; a gallant nobleman, who had acquired great honour
during the crulade, and who, being more fortunate than
his mailer in finding his pafTage homewards, took on him
the command in Rouen, and exerted himfelf, by his ex
hortations and example, to infuie courage into the dlfmaycd
Normans. Philip was repulfecl in every attack; the time
of iervice from his vaTTals expired ; and he confented to
a trurc with the Englifh regency, received in return the
promife of 20,000 marks, and had four caflles put into
his hands, as /ecurity for the payment f.

PRINCE John, who, with a view of increafing the ge
neral contufion, went over to England, was ftill lels fuc-
cefsful in his enterprifes. He was only able to make him
felf matter of the catties of Windlbr and VVallii^ford ;

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 85. t Hovede-.i, p. 7^0, /ji. Rytusr,

^ol. i. p. Si.

3 68 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP. but when he arrived in London, and claimed the kingdom
X. as heir to his brother, of whol e death he pretended to

v s ; have received certain intelligence, he was rejecled by all

"93- the barons, and meafures were taken to oppofe and Tub-
due him*. The judiciaries, fupported by the general
affection of the people, provided to well for the defence
of the kingdom, that John was obliged, after fome fruit-
lefs efforts, to conclude a truce with them; and before
its expiration, he thought it prudent to return into France,
where he openly avowed his alliance with Philip f.

MEANWHILE the high fpirit of Richard fuffered in Ger
many every kind of inlult and indignity. The French am-
bafladors, in their mailer s name, renounced him as a vaf-
lal to the crown of France, and declared all his fiefs to be
forfeited to his liege-lord. The emperor, that lie mitrht
render him more impatient for the recovery of his liberty,
and make him iubmit to the payment of a larger ranfom,
freutcJ him with the greatert teverity, and re J ucc 1 him to
a condition worle than that of the meaneft malefactor. He
was even produced before the diet of the empire at Worms,
and accuied by Henry of many crimes and mifdemeanors ; of
making an alliance with Tancred, the ufurper of Sicilv ;
of turning the arms of the Crulade agnind a Chriftian
prince, and fubduing Cyprus; of affronting 5 the duke of
Auftria before Acre; of obftru&ing the progrefs of the
Chriftkin arms by his quarrels with the king of France; of
aflaffinating Conrade marquis of Montrcrrat ; and of con
cluding a truce with SaLdin, and leaving Jerufalem in the
hands of the Saracen emperor J. Richard, whofe fpirit
was not broken by his misfortunes, and whole genius was
rather rouled by ihefe frivolous or fcandalous imputations;
after premifing, that his dignity exempted him from an-
iwering before any jurifdic-tion, except that of heaven ;
yet condefcended, for the fake of his reputation, to juftify
his conduct before that great affembly. He obferved, that
he had no hand in Tancred s elevation, and only concluded
a treaty with a prince, -y.-hom he found in pofleffion of the
throne: That the king, or rather tyrant of Cyprus, had
provoked his indignation by the moft ungenerous and un-
juft. proceedings; and though he chaflifed this aggrelTor,
he had not retarded a moment the progrefs of his chief en-
terprile: That if he had at any time been wanting in civi
lity to the duke of Auftria, he had already been fufiici-
ently punifhed for that tally of paffion ; and it better became
men, embarked together in fo holy a caufe, to forgive each

* Ho - .- icn, p. 724. t W. Heming. p. 536.

J M. t aris, i). Hi. W. Hem :ng. p. 536.

RICH A R D I. 06}

other s infirmities, thm to purfue a flight offence with fuch C H A I ,
unrelenting vengeance : "1 hat it h.ul ii::ricier.t!y appeared X.

by the event, whether the king of France or he were mod "*

zealous for the conqueft of the Holy Ln;.d, and were nu-&amp;gt;t
likely to facrifice private paflions and animofities to that
great object : That if the whole tenor of his life had not
ihown him incapable of a bale afTaflination, and juftifi.-.l
him from that imputation in the eyes of his very enemies,
it \v.s in vain for him, at prefent, to make his apology, or
plead the many irrefragable arguments which he could
produce in his own favour : And that, however he might
- 1 the necelhty, he was fo far from being aiharr;cd of
histii.ce with S.iL.din, that he rather gloried in that event;
and thought it extremely honourable, that, though aban-
! bv ali the world, fupported only by his own ccu-
;.ind by the final I remains of national troops, he could
yet obtain fuch conditions from the moft powerful and moft
n- iriike emperor that the Eaft hnd ever yet produced.
Richard, alter thus deigning to apologife for his conduct,
burft out into indignation at the cruel treatment which he
had met with ; that he, the champion of the crols, fiill
wearing that honourable badge, fhould, after expending
the blood and treafure of his i ubjectsin the common caufc
of Christendom, be intercepted by Chriftian princes in his
return to his own country, be thrown into a dungeon, be
loaded with irons, be obliged to plead his caufe, as if he
were a fubjecl and a malefactor ; and, what he Hill more re
gretted, be thereby prevented from making preparations for
a new crulade, which he had projected, after the expiration
of the truce, and from redeeming the iepulchre of Chrift,
which had fo long been profaned by the dominion of infi
dels. Thefniritand eloquence of Richard made fuch im-
preffion on the German princes, that they exclaimed loud
ly againft the conduct of the emperor, the pope threatened
him with excommunication; and Henry, who had heark
ened to the propofals of the king of France and prince
John, found that it would be impracticable for him to exe
cute his and their bale purpofes, or ta detain the king of
England any longer in captivity. He therefore concluded
with him a treaty for his ranlbm, and agreed to reftore delivery!
him to his freedom for the fum of l :, 0,000 marks, about
300,000 pounds of our prefent money; of which 100,000
marks were to be paid before he received his liberty, and
fixty-feven boftages delivered for the remainder*. The
emperor, as if to glofs over the infamy of this tranfaclion,
VOL. I. 3 B

* Rymer, vol. i. p. S-j.

370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, made at the fame time a prcfent to Richard of the king-
X. dom of Aries, comprehending Provence, Pauphiny, Nar-

w bonne, and othcrftates ; over which the empire had iome

"^* antiquated claims; a prefent which the king very wifely
neglected.

THE captivity of the fuperior lord was one of the cafes
provided for by the feudal tenures; and all the vaflals were
in that event obliged to give anaid for hi&amp;gt;ranfom. Twen
ty fhillings were therefore levied on each knighi s fee in
England; but as this money came in flowlv, and was not
Sufficient for the intended purpofe, the voluntary zeal of the
p eople readily fupplied the defit iency. The churches and
monalle-ies melted down their pi &amp;gt;te, to the amount o|
30,000 marks; the bilhops, abbots, and nobles, paid a
1104. fourth of their yearly rent ; the parochial clergy contri-
4:hi&amp;gt;b buteda tenth of their tithes : And he requifite (urn being
thus collected, queen Eleanor, and Walter archbifhop of
Ro:ien, let out with it for Germany ; paid the money to the
emperor and the cfuke of Aufhia at Mentz; delivered
them hoftages for the remainder; and freed Richard from
captivity. Hisefcapewas very critical. Henry had been
detected in the affifiination of the bilhop of Liege, and in
an attempt of a like nature on the duke of Louvaine; and
finding himfelf extremely obnoxious o the German prin
ces on account of thefe odious practices, he had determi
ned to leek fupport from an alliance with the king of
France; to detain Richard, the enemy of that prince, in
perpetual captivity ; to keep in his hands the money which
.he had already received for his ranfom; and to extort frefh
fuins from Philip and prince John, who were very liberal
in their offers to him. He therefore gave orders that Rich
ard mould be purlued and airefted: but the king, making
ail imaginable haftc, had already embarked at the mouth
of the Scheldt, and was out of fight of land, when the
mellengtrs of the emperor reached Antwerp.

King s re- THE joy of the Englifh was extreme on the appearance
turn to of their monarch, who had fuffered fo many calamities,
aShMarch. who had acquired fo much glory, and who had fpread the
reputation of their name into the fartheft Eaft, whither
their fame had never before been able to extend. He gave
them, foon after his arrival, an opportunity of publicly
difplaying their exultation, by ordering himfelf to be
crowned anew at Winchefter ; as if he intended, by that
ceremony, to reinftate himfelf in his throne, and to wipe
off the ignominy of his captivity. Their fatisfaclion was
not damped, even when he declared his purpofe of relum
ing all thofe exorbitant grants, which he had been necef-
fitated to make before his departure for the Holy Land.

RICHARD I. 371

The barons alfo, in a great council, confifcated, on account CHAP.
of his trealon, all prince John s pofleifions in England ; X.

and they affifted the king in reducing the fortrcfles which v /

ftill remained in the hands of his brother s adherents*. 1! 9*
Ricrurd, having iVttled every thing in England, pafled
over with an army in Normandy J being impaiient to make
war on Philip, and to revenge him fe If for the many inju
ries which he had received from that monarch f. As loon
as Philip heard of the king s deliverance from captivity, he
wrote to his confederate John, in thefe terms: Take care
yourfelf : The deud is broken loofe :.

WHEN we confider fuch powerful and martial monarchs, \v a r wiih
inflamed with perlbnal animofity agninll each other, en- France.
raged by mutual injuries, excited iiy rivalfliip, impelled
by oppofite interefts, and inftigated by the pride and vio
lence of their own temper ; our curiofity is naturally raifed,
and we expert an obftinate and furious war, diftinguifhed
by the great eft events, and concluded by feme remarka
ble cataftrophe. Yet are the incidents, which attend thofe
hofti ities, lo frivolous, that fcarce any hiftorian "an en
tertain fuch a pailion for military defcriptions ss to venture
on a dqtfiil of them: A certain proof of the extreme weak-
nefsof princes in thofe ages, and of the little authority they
pofTeflfed over their refractory vaflals! The whole amount
of the exploits on both fides is, the taking of a caflle, the
furprife of a draggling party, a rencounter of horfe, which
refembles more a rout than a battle. Richard obliged
Philip to raife the fiege of Verner.il; he took Loches, a
fmall town in Anjou ; he made himfeif mafter of Beau
mont, and fome other places of little conlequence ; and
after thele trivial exploits, the two Kings began already to
hold conferences for an accommodation. Philip infifted
that, if a general peace were concluded, the barons on
each fide (hould, for the future, be prohibited from car
rying on private wars againft ea&amp;lt;. h other : But Richard re
plied, that this was a right claimed by his vafials, and he
could not debar them from it. After this fruitleis negoti
ation, there enfued an action between the French and Eng-
lifn cavalry at Fretteval, in which the former were routed,
and the king of France s cartulary and records, which
commonly at that time attended his pcrfon, were tak.-i;.
But this victory leading to no important advantages, a truce
for a year was at Jail, from mutual weakncfs, concluded
between the two mon.irciis.

Moretkn, p 737. Ann. \Va.-ci!. p. 165. \V. Ueminj.p. 540,
Hcseilei), p. 740. J itiil. /j.j.

572 II I S T O R Y OF E N G L A N D.

CHAP. DURING this war, prince John deferred from Philip,
X. threw himle f at his brother s feet, craved pardon for his

* .. onenccs, and by the interceffion of queen Eleanor was

1194. received into favour. I forgive him, fain the kins;, and
hope 1 jliail as eafoyfoiget his injuries, as kc will my par
don, John was inc;;. -.:!?!.: even of returning to his duty,
without committing a bafenefs. Before he left Philip s par-
ty, he invited to dinner ail the officers of the garrifoti
which that prime had placed in the citadel of Evreux ;
lie maiTacred them during: the entertainment ; fell, with
the affiftance of the townfmen, on the garrifon, whom he
put to the fword ; and then delivered up the place to his
brother.

M HE kincrof France was the great obje&amp;lt;5l of Richard s
refentment and ar.irnofity : The conduit of John, as well
as that of the emperor and duke of Aufiria, had been fo
bafe, and was expofed to i uch general odium and reproach,
that the king deemed him felt lufHciently revenged for
their injuries ; and he ieenis never to have entertained any
project of vengeance againft any of them. The duke cf
AuUria, about this time, having crufhed bis leg by the fall
of his hcrfe at a tournament, was thrown into a fever ; and
being ft ruck, or. the reproaches of death, with remorie
for his injuflice to Richard, he ordered, by will, all the
Englifh hostages in his hands to be fet at liberty, and the
remainder of the debt due to him to be remitted : His fon,
who feemed inclined to difobey thele orders, was con-
195. drained by his ecclefir.fiirs to execute them*. The ern-
peior alfo made advance? for Richard s friendfhip, and of
fered to give him a difcharge of all the debt not yet paid
to him, provided he would enter into an offcnfive alliance
againft the king of France; a propofal which was very
acceptable to Richard, and was greedily embraced by him.
The treaty with the emperor took no efiet ; hut it ferved
to rekindle the war between France and England before
the expiration of the truce. This war w::s net diftinguifhed
by any more remarkable incidents than the foregoing. Af
ter mutually ravaging the open country, and taking a few
infignificant cafiles, the two kings concluded a peace at
Louviers, and made an exchange cf tome territories with
1.96. &amp;lt; each other f. Their inabiliiy to wage war occafioned the
peace: Their mutual antipathy engaged them again in
war before t\vo months expired. Richard imagined, that
he h. id now found an opportunity of training gjeat advan
tages, over his rival, by fcrminu. an alliance with the counts
of Flanders, Tou oufe, Boulogne/ Champa gne and other

* R \rner, vol. i. y. fS. iv?. t Iblc. p. 01.

R I C H A R D I. 373

confiderable vatTals of the crown of France*. But he foon CHAP,
experienced the infincerity of thofe princes ; and was not
able to make any impreflion on that kingdom, while go
verned by a monarch of fo much vigour and activity as
Philip. The moll remarkable incident of this war was
the taking; prilbner in battle the bifhop of Beauvais, a mar
tial prelate, who was of the family of Dreux, and a near
relation of the French king s. Richard, who hated that
bifhop, threw him into prifon, and loaded him with irons;
and when the pope demanded his liberty, and claimed him
as his Ion, the king fent to his holineis the coat of mail
which the prelate had worn in battle, and which was all
befmeared with blood: And he replied to him, in the
terms employed by Jacob s fons to that patriarch, This
have ws found : Know now whether it be thy Jon s coat or
no\. This new war between iingland and France, though
carried on with fuch anin.fny thru both kirrgs frequentfy
put out the eyes of their prifoners, was foon finifhed by
a truce of five years ; and immediately after figning this
treaty, the kings were ready, on fome new offence, to
break out again into hoflilities ; when the mediation of the
cardinal of St. Mary, the pope s legate, accommodated the
difference \. This prelate even engaged the princes to
commence a treaty fora more durable peace; but the death
of Richard put an end to the negotiation.

VIDOMAR, vifcount of Limoges, a vafTal of the king s,
had found a treafure, of which he lent part to that prince
as a prefent. Richard, as fuperior lord, claimed the whole;
and, at the head of fome Braban9ons, befieged the vifcount
in the caftle of Chains, near Limoges, in order to make
him comply with his demand ||. The garrifon offered to
furrender ; but the king replied, that, fince he had taken
the pains to come thither and befiege the place in perfon,
he would take it by force, and would hang every one of
them. The fame day, Richard, accompanied by Marca-
dee, leader of his Braban9ons, approached the cr.0!e in
order to furvey it; when one Bertrand de Gourdon, an
archer, took aim at him, and pierced his moulder with an 2 sthMarca.
arrow. The king, however, gave orders for the alTault,
took the place, and hanged all the garrifon, except Gour
don, who had wounded him, and whom he refeived for
a more deliberate and more cruel execution * *.

THK wound was not in itfelf dangerous; but the un-
fkilfulnefs of the iurgeon made it mortal : He fo rankled

;. n. -, p. I . -nMiptovi, p. 1275. Ryr.icr, vol. i. p. oj.
.;&amp;gt;. yxxvii. ver. 32. M. Paiis, p. 128. Brompton, p. i-/&amp;gt;
Rymer, vol. i. p. inq.no. j; Hoveden, p. 791. Kny,i,li.o;i.

3?4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Richard s flioulder in pulling out the arrow tha | a f / 1 f

XV grene enfued ; and that prince was now ienfible that his

^_i^ life was drawing towards a period. He lent for Gourdon and

-99- afked him, Wretch, what have 1 ever done io you, to oblige

you to fed my life? - What have you done to me? re-

fried coolly the prifoner : You killed uuh your own hand

\ny father and my t^c brothers ; and you mended to have

hanged my [elf: / ^ wr P** r r &amp;gt; an "&amp;gt; OU , * gut
rev^e, by Infiffing on me the mo ft J ever e ^nts . But

mall endure them all with pleajure F^ d ***&
tiat / hav* been Jo happy at to rid the world of.fu.ha nui-
Jance *. Richard, ftruck with the aion f ? nc s *
reply, and humbled by the near approach of death, o&amp;lt;
ed oourdon to be let at liberty and a fun, of money to
be given him; but Marcadee, unknown to him, ieized t
6* April, unhappy man, fl-ayed him alive and^then hanged hm.
ceath Kichwddied in the tenth year of h-s re lg n and the forty-
fccondof his age; and he left ^ ^^^ ^
andcha- THE mo ft (hinine part of this prince s character are his

f ?^ military talents. No man, even in that romantic age, a
th king Hed peLnal courage and intrepidi.y to a P"**^
and !us quality gained him the appcl ation of the hon-
hearted,,l,r delion. He paffionatciy oved g ory ,c afly
military glory ; and as hisconduftm the fickl was ^n^ m-
ferior to his valour, he fe^ms to have poffeiled every talent
neceffary for acquiring it. His ^-g"^^
hich his pride unconquerable , and his fubje^s, as
1 ts neighbours, had" therefore reaion to apprehend
from the continuance of his reign, a T ^ al 1 ^ene o
blood and violence. Of an .mpetuous and ^ 1 P

rit, he was diftinguifhed by ail the good a, -we 1 as the
bad qualities, incident to that charader .
frank generius, fincere, and brave ; he wasreve, ^ge h,I. .
domineering, ambitious, haughty^ and cruel and uas^ thu
better Calculated to dazzle men by the fptendo r or
enterprifes, than either to promote the.r ^P^^ l ^
own grandeur, by a found and ^eU regulated poM, As
military talents make great ircpreffi on on t he peup k he
Sem .have been much .bdovc d by h ^^^

= . Bmmpton, p,

which he had acquired in the Eaft, that he determined, CHAP,
notwithftanding his pad misfortunes, to have farther ex- X.

haufted his kingdom, and to have expofed himfelf to new

hazards, by conducting another expedition againfl th in- ll w-
fidels.

THOUGH the Englifh plea fed themfelves with the glory Mifceiiane-
which the king s martial genius procured them, his reign ous traniac-
was very oppreffive, and Ibmewhat arbitrary, by the high
taxes which he levied on them, and often without confent
of the Hates or great council. In the ninth year of his
reign, he levied five millings on each hyde of land ; and
becaufe the clergy refilled to contribute their (hare, he put
them out of the protection of law, and ordered the civil
court; to give them no fentence for any debts which they
might claim*. Twice in his reign he ordered all his
charters to be fealed anew, and the parties to pay fees for
the renewal f. It is laid that Hubert, his juftictary, fent him
over to France, in the fpace of two yeais, no lefsa fumthan
1,100,000 marks, befides hearing all the charges of the
government In England. But this account is quite incre
dible, unlefs we fuppofc Richard made a thorough dilapi-
elation of the demefnesof the crown, which it is not likely
he could do with any advantage after his former refump-
tion of all grants. A king, who poflefJed fuch a revenue,
could never have endured fourteen months captivity, for
not paying 150,000 marks to t ae emperor, and be obliged
at laft to leave hoftages for a third of the fum. The prices
of commodities in this reign are alfo a certain proof that
no fuch enormous fum could be levied on the people. A
hyde of land, or about a hundred and twenty acres, was
commonly let at twenty fhil lings a year, money of that
time. As there were 243,600 hydes in England, it is eafy
to compute the amount of all the landed rents of the king
dom. The general and ftated price of an ox was four (hil
lings ; of a labouring horfe the fame; of a fow, one
{hilling; of a (beep with fine wool, ten-pence; with coarfe
wool, fix pence {. Thefe commodities feem not to have
advanced in their prices fince the conqueft ||, and to have
(till been ten times cheaper than at prefent.

RICHARD renewed the fevere Jaws againfl tranfgreflors
in his forefts, whom he punimed bycaftration and putting
out their eves, as in the reign of his great-grandfather.
He eftablifhed by law one weight and meafure throughout
his kingdom** : A ufeful inftitution, which the rnercena-

Hiveden, p. 743. Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 56}. f Prynne s

&amp;lt; hronol. V indic. torn. i. p. 1153. Hovi-iien, p. 745. || See note

[S] at the end of the volume. * * M. Paris, p. 1^9. 134. Tiive .,

1&amp;gt;. 127. Ann. Waver! . p. 165. Hoveden, p. 774.

c?6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. ry difpolition and neceffities of his fucceflbr engaged him
X. todifpenfe with for money.

v - -- THE disorders in London, derived from its bad police,
ll ? i &amp;gt; had rifen to a great height during this reign ; and in the
year 1196, there feemed to be foimed fo regular a confpi-
racy among the numerous malefactors, as threatened the
city with ddtruflion. There was one William Fitz-Of-
bert, commonly called Longbeard, a lawyer, who had ren
dered himlelf extremely popular among the lower rank
of citizens; and, by defending them on all occafions, had
acquired the appellation of the advocate or iaviour of the
poor. He exerted his authority, by injuring and iniulting
the more fubftantial citizens, with whom he lived in a
iVate of hostility, and who were every moment expofcd to
the mud outrageous violences from him and his licentious
emifiarits. Murders were daily commitred in theftreets;
houfes were broken open and pillaged in day-light; and it is
pretended, that no lei s than fifty-two thoufand perfons had
entered into an affociation, by which they bound them-
ieives to obey all the orders of this dangerous ruffian.
Archbifliop Hubert, who was then chief jufticiary, fum-
moned him before the council to anfwer for his conduct ;
but he came fo well attended, that no one durft accufe
him, or give evidence againit him ; and the primate, find
ing the impotence of law, contented himfelf with exacting
from the citizens hofiages for their good behaviour. He
kept, however, a watchful eye on Fitz-Ofbert ; and feiz-
ing a favourable opportunity, attempted to commit him to
cuilody ; but the criminal, murdering one of the public
officers, eicaped with his concubine to the church of St.
Mary le Bow, where he defended himfelf by force of arms.
He was at lafl forced from his retreat, condemned, and ex
ecuted, amidft the regrets of the populace, who were fo
dc"o!cd to his memory, that they ftole his gibbet, paid the
fame veneration to it as to the crofs, and were equally zea
lous in propagating and attefting reports of the miracles
wrought by it". But though the fectaries of this luperfli-
tion were punifhed by the judiciary f, it received fo little
encouragement from the eftablifhed clergy, whole proper
ty was endangered by fuch feditious practices, that it fud-
den!y funk and vanifhed.

IT was during the crufades, that the cufiom of ufmg
coats of arms was firft introduced into Europe. The
knights, cafed up in armour, had no way to make them-

* Hovec!cn, p. 765. Dice:o, p. 691. Neubrig. p. 492,
f GeivuiV. p. i jji.

RICHARD I. 377

felves be known and diftinguifhed in battle, but by the CHAP,
devices on their (hields; and thefe were gradually adopted X.

by their poflenty and families, who were proud of the pi- v v

ous and military enterprises of their anceftors. 1I 99-

KING Richard was a paffionate lover of poetry: There
even remain fome poetical works of his composition : And
he bears a rank among the Froven9al poets or Trobadores,
who were the firft of the modern Europeans that diftin
guifhed themfelves by attempts of that nature.

VOL. I.

( 373 )

CHAP. XI.

O H N.

Acceffion of the. king His marriage War with

France Murder of Arthur duke of Britanny

The. king expelled the French provinces The king s

quarrel with the court of Rome Cardinal Langton

appointed archbijliop of Canterbury Inter diB O f the

kingdom Excommunication oj the king The king s

fubmijfion to the pope Difcontents of the barons

Infurreclion of the barons Magna Charta Re
newal of the civil wars Prince Lewis called over

Death and character of the king.

HE noble and free genius of the ancients, which
VT JL made the government of a Tingle perion be always

t , regarded as a fpecies of tyranny and ufurpation, and kept

,, 00- them from forming any conception of a legal and regular
Acceflk.n monarchy, had rendered them entirely ignorant both of the
rights of primogeniture and a rep iejtnlation in fucceflion;
inventions ib neceflary for preserving order in the lines of
princes, for obviating the evils of civil difcord and of
ufurpation, and for begetting moderation in that fpecies
of government, by giving fecurity to the ruling fovereign.
Thefe innovations arofe from the feudal law ; which, firft
introducing the light of primogeniture, made fuch a dif-
tinction between the families of the elder and younger
brothers, that the fon of the former was thought entitled
(o fuccccd to his grandfather, preferably to his uncles,
though nearer allied to the deceaied monarch. But though
this progrefsof ideas was natural, it was gradual. In the

J O H N. 379

age of which we treat, the practice of reprefentation was C H A P.
indeed introduced, but not thoroughly efbblimed ; and XI.

the minds of men fluctuated between opj^ofite principles. * /

Richard, when he entered on the holy war, declared his JI 9 1)-
nephew, Arthur duke of Britanny, his fucceflbr ; and by
a formal deed, he fet afide, in his favour, the title of his
brother John, who was younger than Geoffrey, the father
of that prince*. But John lo little acquiefccd in thatdef-
tination, that, when he ga : ned the afcendant in the Eng-
lifli ininidry, by expelling Longcharnp, the chancellor and
gre.it judiciary, he engaged all the Englilh barons to
fwear, that they would maintain his right of lucceffion ;
and Richard, on his return, took no fteps towards redor-
ing or fee urine; the order which he had at firft eflablifhed.
He was even careful, by his lad will, to declare his brother
John heir to all his dominionsf ; whether, that he now
thought Arthur, who was only twelve years of age, inca
pable of afferting his claim againfl John s faction, or was
influenced by Eleanor, the queen mother, who hated
Conftantia, mother of the young duke, and who dreaded
the credit which that princefs would naturally acquire if
her fon Ihould mount the throne. The authority of a
tedament was great in that age, even where the fucceflion
of a kingdom was concerned : and John had reafon to hope
that this title, joined to his plaufible right in other refpe6ts,
would enfure him the fucceilion. But the idea of repre
fentation feems to have made, at this time, greater progrefs
in France than in England : The barons of the tranfma-
rine provinces, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, immediate
ly declared in favour of Arthur s title, and applied for
affidance to the French monarch as their fuperior louf.
Philip, who de fired only an occafion to embarrafs John,
and diimember his dominions, embraced the caufe of the
young duke of Britanny, took him under his protection,
and font him to Paris to be educated, along with his own
fon Lewis . In this emergence, John hadencd to edab-
lifri his authority in the chief members of the monarchy ;
and after fending Eleanorinto Poictou and Guienne, where
her right was inconteftible, and was readily acknowledg
ed, he hurried to I ouen, and having fee u red the dutchy
of Normandy, he pailed over, without iofs cf time, to
England. Hubert archbifhop of Canterbury, William
Marefchal, earl of Sui^u!. who alfo pafles by the name
of earl of Pembiok-, , and Geoffrey Fit/.-Peter ihe jultici-

, p in. C!u&amp;gt;u. f!c i: in nl. p. &amp;lt;,;. Rymer,
vol. i. p. 66. 68. Beneil. Abb. p. (&amp;gt; i. -f II

; Ho edcn, i&amp;gt;. - i. . 1 j.r, i&amp;gt;. Jj/. M. .

-.: p. j I.].

-Go HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

II A P. ar y&amp;gt; tne three moft favoured minifters of ihe late king,
XI. were already engaged on his ficlf *; ar:d the fubmiilion or

&amp;lt;-____/ acquieicence of all the oilier Lv.ionsput him, without op-
9 &amp;gt; petition, in pofleiHon of the throne.

THE king foon returned to France, in order to conduct
the war againft Philip, and to recover the revolted pro
vinces from his nephew Arthur. The alli.mces winch
Richard had formed with the earl of Flanders f, and other
potent French princes, though they had not been very
effectual, fiill fubfiiled, and enabled John to defend him-
felf againfi all the eifoits of his enemy. In an action be
tween the French and Flemings, the elect bilhop of Cam-
bray was taken priioner by the former ; and when the
caidinal of Capua claimed his liberty, Philip, inftead of
complying, reproached him with the weak etforts which
he had employed in favour of the bilhop of Beau vats, who
was in a like condition. The legate, to {hew his imparti
ality, laid at tSie fame time the kingdom of France and
the dutchy of Normandy under an interdicl; and the two
kings found themfelves obliged to make an exchange of
thele military pre! ; s.

1200. NOTHING enabled the king to bring this war to a hap

py HTue io much as the feififh, intriguing character of Phi
lip, - lio acted in the provinces that had declared for Ar-
lh. :, without any regard to the interefls of that prince.
Conftantia, leized with a violent jealouly th.it he inten-
d to ui urpthe entire dominion of them."}:, found means
to carry otf her ion Secretly from Paris: She put him into
the h.:iic!sof her uncle ; reflorec! the provinces which had
adhered to the young prince; and rr.iide him do homage
for the dutchv of Britanny, wiiich v. as regarded as a rere-
fief of Normandy. From this incident, Philip law that
he could not hope to make auv progrefs againft John:
and being tare .it: -f!.:^! with an int:rdict on account of his
irregular divorce from Ingelburpa, the Danilh piiuceis
whom he had eipoiiicd, he bec&amp;lt;mie dcfirous of concluding
a peace with l-liu : ! :r.. J. After icme fruitlefs conferences,
t}ie terms were at iaftadjufted ; and the two tnonarcbs !
ed in tii : s treaty to have an intention, hefidcs e;.
preient quarrel, o! preventing all future caules bfdifcord,
and of obviating _vjrv controveilV vvhicii could here.:;ir i
ariic between them. They ndjufled the limits of all their
territories ; mutually fecured the interests of their vaiTalr, ,-
and, to rend.-r t nf union more durable, John gave his
niece, Blanche ol v ufiiie, in marriage to prince Lewis,

* Hoveileo, p. 7&amp;gt;j. M. Paiis, p 137.

T R;iii---:, voli i. &amp;lt;&amp;gt;. [&amp;gt;, ii j. jriuvciit-ii, p. 794. M. Paris, p. 138.

4 HoveJcn, ! ./ .

J O H N. 381

Phi!ip &amp;gt; e deft fn^ and uith her the baronies of KToudun CHAP.,
Gra9ai, and otlPP riefs in Bern. Nine barons of the king XI.

of England, and as many of the king of l ; ra&amp;gt;.ce, were *

guarantees of this treaty ; and al! of them [wore, that, if
their foverei gn violated any article of it, they would de
clare themiiiiver, againft him, and embrace the caui e of the
injured monarch *.

JOHN, now fecure, as he imagined, on the fide of ! v- ,*
France, indulged his paffiori for Ifabelia, the d .lighter ma ria s c -
an;! heir of Aymar Tail letter, count of Angouleme, a
lady with whom he had become much enamoured. Plis
queen, the heiiefs of the family of Glocefter, was fiill a-
live : Ifabelia was married to the count de la Marche y and
was already configned to the care of that nobleman ; though
by reafon of her tender vears, the marriage had not been
consummated. The paliion of John made l.im overlook
all thele obftacles : He perfuaded the count of Angouleme
to carry off his daughter from her hufband : and having,
on fome pretence or other, procured a divorce from his own
wife, he efpoufed IlUbeila ; regard Icfs both of the menaces
of the pope, who exclaimed againil thefe irregular pro
ceedings, and of the refentment of the injured count, who
ioon found means of punilhing his powerful and iniolent
rival.

JOHN had not the art of attaching his barono either by 1201.
afTeclion or by fear. The count de la Marche, and his
brother the count d Ku, taking advantage of the general
difcontent againfl: him, excited commotions in Poi&oti ap.d
Normandy ; and obliged the king to have recourfe to
arms, in order to fuppreis the infurrection of his vaflals.
He fummoned together the barons of England, and re
quired them to pafsthc fea under his ftandard, and to quell
the rebels : lie found that he poilefTed as little authority
in that kingdom as in his tranfimirine provinces. r [ he
Engliiri barons unanimoufly replied, that ihey would not
attend him on this expedition, unlefs he would promife to
refiore and preferve their privileges t : The firft fympiom
of a regular aflocintion and plan or liberty among thole
noblemen ! But affairs were not yet fully ripe for the re
volution projected. John, bv n;e!:acing the barons, broke
the concert ; and both engaged many of them to follow
him into Normandy, and obliged the reft, who fiaiu be
hind, to pay him .1 (cufageof two marks on each knight s
ice, as the pi ice of ti:cir exemption from the ferv ue,

* Notraan Cuchefoii, p. 1055. KYIJUT, vol. i. p. 117, uS, it .
pen, p. 14. Ch.cn. buiift. vm. i. [&amp;gt;. 47. f Aiicial. Barron, p. co*.

382 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

CHAP, THE force which John carried abroad with him, and

XI. that which joined him in Normandy, rendered him much

* v. fuperior to his malcontent barons ; and fo much (he more

1201. as Ph;j,p jjfj not p u i,ij c | -. give them any countenance, and
feemed as yet determined to perfevere ffeadily in the alli
ance which he had contracted with England. But the
king, elated with his fuperiority, advanced claims which
gave an univerfal alarm to his vaflals, arid diltufed ftill
wider the general difcontent. As the jurifprudence of
thofe times required, that the caufes in the lord s court
fhould chiefly be decided by duel, he carried along with
him certains bravos, whom he retained as champions,
and whom he deftin^d to fight with his barons, in order
to determine any controverfy which he might raife againft
them*. The count de la Marche, and other noblemen,
regarded this proceeding as an affront, as well as an inju
ry ; and declared, that they would never draw their iword
againft men of fuch inferior quality. The king menaced
them with vengeance; but he had not vigour to employ
ag?.infl them the force in his hands, or to profecute the
injuftice, by crufhing entirely the nobles who oppofcd
it.

\varwith THIS government, equally feeble and violent, gave the
France. injured barons courage as well as inclination to carry far
ther their oppofition : They appealed to the king of
France; complained of the denial of juftice in John s court;
demanded redrefs from him as their fuperior lord ; and
entreated him to employ his authority, and prevent their
final ruin and oppreflion. Philip perceived his advantage,
opened his mind to great projects, interpofed in behalf of
the French barons, and began to Jal k in a high and me-

1202. nacing ftyle to the king of England. John, who could
notdifavow Philip s authority, replied, that i; belonged to
himfelf firft to grant them a trial by their peers in his
own count ; itwss not till he failed in his duly, that he was
anfweiabie to his peers in the fuprcme court of the French
kingf; and he promifcd, by a fair and equitable judica
ture, to give fatisfa6tion to his barons. When the nobles,
in confequence of this engagement, demanded a fafe-con-
du6l, that they might attend his court, he at firft refuled
it : upon the renewal of Philip s menaces, he promifed to
grant their demand ; he violated this promife; fiefh me
naces extorted from him a promife to furrender to Philip
the fortreffes of Tillieresand Boutavant, as a fecurity for
performance ; he again violated this engagement; his ene
mies, fenfible both of his weaknefs and want of faith.,

* Annal. Burton, p. 262. t Pl ilipp. lib. vi.

J O H N. 383

combined (till clofer in the refolution of pufhing him to C H A P.
extremities ; and a new and po\&amp;lt; err ul ally toon appeared XI.

to encourage them in their invafion ot this odious and delpi- v /

cable government. iaojt

THE young duke of Britanny, who was now rifing to
man s eitate, ienfible of the dangerous character of his un
cle, determined to leek both his fecurity and elevation by
an union with Philip and the malcontent barons. He
joined the French army, which had heo;i.in hoftilities againft
the king of England: He was received with great marks
of distinction by Philip ; was knighted by him ; efpoufed
his daughter Mary ; arid was inverted not only in the riut-
chy of iiritanny, but in the counties of Anjou and Maine,
which he had formerly refigned to his uncle*. Kvery at
tempt fucceeded with the allies. Tillieres and Boutavant
were taken by Philip, after making a feeble defence : Mor-
timar and Lyons fell into his hands almoil without refillance.
That prince next invefted Gournai ; and opening the Uni
ces of a lake which lay in the neighbourhood, poured
fuch a torrent of water into the place, that the garrifon
defertedit,andthe French monarch, without Striking a blow,
madehimtelf mailer of that important fortrefs. The pro-
grefsof the French arms was rapid, and promifed more
confiderable fuccefs than ufual y in thata;.-.e attended mili
tary enterpriser In-anfwer to every advance which the
king made towards peace, Philip (till infilled, tint he fhould
refign all his tranfmarine dominions to his nephew, and
relt contented with the kingdom of England ; when an
event happened, which feemed to turn the Scales in favour
of John, and to give him a decifive fuperiority over his
enemies.

YOUNG Arthur, fond of military renown, had broken
into Poitou at the head of a (mall army ; and paffing
Mirebeau, he heard that his grand-mother Queen Elea
nor, who had always oppofed his interefts, was lodged in
that place, and was protected by a weak garrifon and ruin
ous fortifications f. He immediately determined to lay
fiege to the fortrefs, and make himfelf mafter of her per-
ion : But John, routed from his indolence by fo preffing
an occafion, collecled an army of Englifh and Braban-
9ons, and advanced from. Normandy with hafty marches
to the relief of the queen-mother. He fell on Arthur s
camp before that prince was aware of the danger; difperf-
ed his army ; took him prilbner, together with the count
de la Marche, Geoffrey de Lufignan, and the moft con-
iiderable of the revolted barons ; and returned in triumph

* Trivet, p. 142. f Ann. YVavtil. p. 167. M. Weft. p. 264.

3 34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. to Normandy *. Philip, who was lying before Arques itt
X.i. that dutchy, raifed the ficge and retired, upon his ap
proach f. The greater part of the prifoners were fent
over to England ; but Arthur was (hut up in the cattle of
Fa bile.

THE king had here a conference with his nephew ; re-
prefented to him the folly of his pretenfions ; and required
him to renounce the French alliance, which had encoura
ged him to live in a ftate of enmity with all his family :
But the brave, though imprudent, youth, rendered more
haughty from misfortunes, maintained the juflice of his
caule ; aiTerted his claim, not only to the French provin
ces, but to the crown of England; and, in his (urn, re
quired ithc king to reftore the fon of his elder brother to
the polTeiTion of his inheritance J. John, fenfible, from
thefe Symptoms of i pirit, that the young prince, though
now a prilbner, might hereafter prove a dangerous enemy,
determined to prevent all future peril by difpatching his
nephew ; and Arthur was never more heard of. The

Mmder of ciicumilances which attended this deed of darknefs were,
^ no doubt, carefully concealed by the acftors, and are vari-

Bmanny. cully related by hiilorians : But the mofi probable account
is as follows: The king, it is faid, fuft propofed to Wil
liam de la Bray, one of his fervants, to difpatch Arthur ;
but William replied, that he was a gentleman, not a hang
man : and he pofitively refufed compliance. Another
inflrumcntof murder was found, and was difpatched with
proper orders to Falaife ; but Hubert de Bourg, chamber
lain to the king, and conflable of the caftle, feigning that
he himfelf would execute the king s mandate, fent back
theaflaffin, fpread the report that the young prince was
dead, and publicly performed all the ceremonies of his in-
ierrnent : But finding, that the Bretons vowed revenge
for the murder, and that all the revolted barons perfevered
more obftinately in their rebellion, he thought it prudent
to reveal the fecret, and to inform the world that the duke
of Britanny was (till alive, and in his cuftody. This dif-
covery proved fatal to the young prince : John firft re
moved him to the caftle of Rouen ; and coming in a boat,
during the night-time, to the place, commanded Arthur
to be brought forth to him. The young prince, aware of
his danger, and now more fubdued by the continuance of
his misfortunes, and by the approach of death, threw him
felf on his knees before his uncle, and begged for mercy :
But the barbarous tyrant, making no reply, ftabbcd him

* Ann. Marg. p. 213. M. Weft. p. 264. f M. Weft. p. 264.

i T id.

J O II N. 385

with his own hands ; and fattening a ftone to the dead CHAP.
body, threw it into the Seine. XI.

ALL men were ftruck with horror at this inhuman * -
deed; and from that moment the king, detefled by his I2 J-
fubjetfs, retained a very precarious authority over both the
people and the barons in his dominions. The Bretons, en
raged at this difappointment in their fond hopes, waged
implacable war againft him ; and fixing the luccefiion of
their government, put themfelves in a pofture to revenge
the murder of their fovereign. John had got into his power
his niece, Eleanor, lifter to Arthur, commonly called
the Damfd of Britanny ; ajid carrying her over to Eng
land, detained her ever after in captivity * But the Bre
tons, in defpair of recovering this princels, chofe Alice for
their fovereign ; a younger daughter of Conftantia, by her
fecond man iage with Guy de Thouars; and they entruft-
ed the government of the dutchy to that nobleman. The
{rates of Britanny meanwhile, carried their complaints
before Philip as their liege lord, and demanded jufticefor
the violence committed by John on the perfon cf Arthur,
fo near a relation, who, notwithftand ing the homage which
he did to Normandy, was alway regarded as one of the
chief vaflals of the crown. Philip received their applicati
on with pleafure ; lummoned John to ftand a trial before
him; and on his non-appearance pafTed fentence, with the
concurrence of the peers, upon that prince; declared him
guilty of felony and parricide ; and adjudged him to forfeit
to his fuperior lord all his feignories and fiefs in France f.

THE kingof France, whole ambitious and a6tive fpirit The king*
had been hitherto confined, either by the found policy of expelled
Henry, or the martial genius of Richard, feeing: now the from tha

. ,1 r. | . i .- it- French

opportunity favourable againlt this bale and odious prince, p rov i nce s,
embraced the project, of expelling the Englifh, or rather
the Englilh king) from France, and of annexing to the
crovrn fo many confiderable fiefs, which, during feveral
ages, had been difmembered from it. Many of the oUier
great vaflals, whole jealoufy might have interpofed, and
have obftrutted the execution of this project, were not at
prefent in a fituation to oppofe it; and the reft either look
ed on with indifference, or gave their alTiftance to this
dangerous aggrandizement of their fuperior lord. The
earls of Flanders and Blois were engaged in the holy war:
The count of Champagne was an infant, and undr.r the
guardianmip of Philip: The dutchy of Britanny, enraged
VOL. 1. 3 D

* Trivet, p. 145, T. Wykes, p. 36. JCeuft. p. 4^0.

f \V. Hem .ng. p. 455. M, Welt. p. 264. Knyp.hion. p.

2420,

3 86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. a * tne niurder of their prince, vigoroufly promoted all his
X], meaSures : And the general defection of John s vaflals

v , J made every enterprise eaSy and SucceSsful againSt him.

1203. Philip, after taking Several cafties and fortrcfies bevond
the Loire, which he either garrifoned or difmantled, re
ceived the Submiffions of the count of AIen9on, who de-
Serted John, and delivered up all the places under his com
mand to the French : Upon which Philip broke up his
camp, in order to give the troops fome repofe after the fa
tigues of the campaign. John, Suddenly collecting fome
forces, laid fiege to Alen9on ; and Philip, whofe difperfed
army could not be brought together in time to fuccour it,
faw himfelfexpofed to the difgraceof Suffering the oppref-
fion of his friend and confederate. But his active and fer
tile genius found an expedient againft this evil. There
was held at that very time a tournament at Moret in the
Gatinois : whither all the chief nobility of France and
the neighbouring countries had reforted, in order to Signa
lize their proweSs and addrefs. Philip prefented himfelf
before them ; craved their affiftance in his diftreSs ; and
pointed out the plains of Alen9on, as the moft honourable
held in which they could diSplay their generofity and mar
tial Spirit. ThoSe valorous knights vowed, that they would
t^ke vengeance on the baSe parricide, the Slain of arms
and of chivalry ; and putting themfelves, with all their
retinue, under the command of Philip, inflantly marched
to raiSe the Siege of Alen^on. John, hearing of their
approach, fled from before the place ; and in the hurry
abandoned all his tents, machines, and baggage, to the
enemy.

THIS feeble effort was the lafl exploit of that Slothful
and cowardly prince for the defence of his dominions.
He thenceforth remained in total inactivity at Rouen ; paf-
fmg all his time, with his young wife, in pafh mes and
amufements, as if his (late had been in the moSt profound
tranquillity, or his affairs in the mod profperous condition.
IS he ever mentioned war, it was only to give himSelf
vaunting airs, which, in the eyes of all men, rendered
him Still mere deSpicable and ridiculous. Let the French
go on, Said he, I will tetakf. in a day what it has coji (hem
years to acquire.* . His (tupidity and indolence appeared
So extraordinary, that the people endeavoured to account
for the infatuation by Sorcery, and believed that he was
thrown into this lethargy by Some magic or witchcraft.
The Englifh barons, finding that their time was wafted
to no purpoSe, and that they muft Suffer the diSgrace of

* M. Paris, p. 146. M. Weft. p. 266.

JOHN. 387

feeing without refinance, the progrefs of the French arms, CHAP,
withdrew from their colours, and fecretly returned to their XI.

own country*. No one thought of defending a man, who v *

feemed to have deferted himfelf ; and hi.s fubjedts regard- Iao *
ed his fate with the fame indifference, to which, in this
preifiiiL!; exigency, they law him totally abandoned.

JOHN, while he neglected all domeftic refources, had
the meannefs to betake himfelf to a foreign power, whofe
protection he claimed : He applied to the pope, Innocent
111. and entreated him to interpofe his authority between
him and the French monarch. Innocent, pleafed with
any occafion of exerting his fuperiority, lent Philip orders
to (top the progrefs of his arms, ami to make peace with
the king of England. But the French barons received
the meffage with indignation ; difclaimed the temporal
authority afTumed by the pontiff; and vowed, that they
would, to the uttermoft, alfiil their prince againft all his
enemies: Philip, fecondingtheir ardour, proceeded, inftead
of obeying the pope s envoys, to lay fiege to Chateau Gail-
lard, the moft confiderable fortrefs which remained to
guard the frontiers of Normandy.

CHATEAU Gaillard was fituated partly on an ifland in I20 ,
the river Seine, partly on a rock oppofite to it ; and was
fecured by every advantage, which either art or nature
could befiow upon it. The late king, having cafi his eye
on this favourable fituation had Ipared no labour or ex-
pence in fortifying it ; and it was defended by Roger de
Laci, conftable of Chefter, a determined officer, at the
head of a numerous garri (on. Philip, who defpaired of
taking the place by force, purpofed to reduce it by famine;
and that he might cut off itscommunication with the neigh
bouring country, he threw a bridge acrofs the Seine, while
he himfelf with his army blockaded it by land. The earl
cf Pembroke, a man of the greateft vigour and capacity in
the Englilh court, formed a plan for breaking through the
French entrenchments, and throwing relief into the place.
He carried with him an army of 4000 infantry and -C&amp;lt;co
cavalry, and fuddenly atiacked, with grvat fuccefs, Phi
lip s camp in the night-time; having ieft orders, that a
fleet of feventy fbt bottomed veflcls mould fail up the Seine,
and fall at the lame infiant on the bridge. But the wind
and the current of the river, by retarding the veH e s, dif-
concerted this plan of operations; and it was tTic.rning be
fore the fleet appeared ; when Pembroke, though fuccefs-
ful in the beginning of the aciion, was airead repuiied
with confiderable lois, and the king of France had lei fuse

M. Paris, ;&amp;gt;. i.jG. M. \Vcft. p. .(.j.

388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C f - \ P. to defend himfelf againft thefe new aflailants whoalfo met
XI. with a repulfe. After this misfortune, John made no far-

^ ther efforts for the relief of Chateau Gaillard; and Philip

12C 4- had all the leilure requifite for conducing and finifhing
the fiege. Roger de Laci defended himfelf for a twelve
month with great obflinacy ; and having hravely repelled
every attack, and patiently borne all the hardships of fa
mine, he was at laft overpowered by a fudden aflault in
the night-time, and made priloner of war, with his garri-
fon *. Philip, who knew how to refpeft valour even in an
enemy, treated him with civility, and gave him the whole
city of Paris for the place of his confinement.

WHEN this bulwark of Normandy was once fubdued,
all the province lay open to the inroads of Philip ; and the
king of England defpaired of being any longerable to de
fend it. He iecrctiy prepared veflcls for a fcatidalous"
flight ; and that the Normans might no longer doubt of
his resolution to abandon them, he ordered the fortificati-
onsof Poritde PArche, Moulineaux, and Moritfort 1 Amau-
ri to be demoliflied. Not daring to repofe confidence in
any of his barons, whom he believed to be univerfaily en
gaged in a confpiracy againlt him, he entiufted the go&amp;lt;vern-
ment of the province to Arenas Martin and Lupicaire,
two mercenary Bruban9ons, whom he had retained in his
iervice. Philip, now fecure of his prey, puihed his con-
quefls with vigour and fucceis againft the difmayed Nor
mans. Falaife was firft befieged ; and Lupicaire, who
comanded in this impregnable fortrefs, after lurrendering
the place, inlifted himfelf with his troops in the fervice of
Philip, and carried on hoflilities againil his ancient mafier.
Caen, Coutance, Seez, Evreux, Baieux loon fell into the
hands of the French monarch, and all the lower Norman
dy was reduced under his dominion. To forward his en-
terpriies on the other divifion of the province, Gui de
Thouars, at the head of the Bretons, broke into the terri
tory, and took Mount St. Michael, Avranches, and all (he
other fortrefles in that neighbourhood. The Normans,
who abhorred the French yoke, and who would Lave de
fended themfelves to the laft extremity if their prince had
appeared to conduct them, lound no relbuice but in fub-
miffion ; and every city opened its gates as fopn as Philip
appeared bcfure it. Rouen alone, Arques, and Verneuil"
determined to maintain their liberties; and formed a con
federacy for mutual defence. Philip began with the liege
of Rouen : The inhabitants were fo inflatried with hatred
to France, that, on the appearance of his army, they fell

* Trivet, p. 144. Gul, Biitto, lib. 7. Ann, \Vaveil. p. 168.

J O H N. 389

on all the natives of that country, whom they found within CHAP.
their wails, and put them to death. But after the French XI.

king had begun his operations with fuccefs, and had taken v *

fome of their outworks, the citizens, feeing no refource, 12 5&amp;lt;
offered to capitulate; and demanded only thirty days to
advertife their prince of their danger, and to require
fuccours againft the enemy. Upon the expiration of
the term, as no iupply had arrived, they opened their
gates to Philip*; and the whole province foon after imita
ted the example, and fubmitted to the victor. Thus was
this important territory re-united to the crown of France,
about three centuries after the ceffion of it by Charles the
Simple toRollo, the rlrft duke : And the Normans, fenfi-
ble that this conqueft was probably final, demanded the
privilege of being governed by French laws; which Phi
lip, making a few alterations on the ancient \ T ormari cuf-
toms, readily granted them. But the French monarch had
too much ambition and genius toftop in his prefent career
of fuccefs. Fie carried his victorious army into the wef-
tern provinces ; foon reduced Anjou, Maine, Touraine,
and part of Poiciou t ; and in this manner, the French
crown, during the reign of one able and aclive prince,
received fuch an acceffion of power and grandeur, as, in the
ordinary courfe of things, it would have required feveral
ages to attain.

JOHN, on his arrival in England, that he might cover
the difgrace of his own conduct, exclaimed loudly againft:
his barons, who, he pretended, had deferted his flandard
in Normandy ; and he arbitrarily extorted from them ;i
feventh of all their moveables, as a punilhment for the of-
fence J. Soon after he forced them to grant him a fcutage
of two marks and a half on each knight s fee for an expe
dition into Normandy; but he did not attempt to execute
the fervice for which he pretended to exact it. Next
year, he fummoned all the barons of his realm to attend
him on this foreign expedition, and collected fhips from
all the fea-p &amp;gt;rts; but meeting with oppofltion from ibme
of his minifters, and abandoning his defign, he difmifled
both fleet and army, and then renewed his exclamations
againft the barons for deferring him. fie next put to fea
with a fmall army, and his fubje&s believed, that he was
refolved to expofe himfclf to the utmort hazard for the de
fence and recovery of his dominions: But they were fur-
prifed, alter a few days, to fee him return again into har
bour, without attempting atiy thing. In the fubfequent
feafon, he had the courage to carry his hofHle meafures a
fiep farther. Gui de Thouars, who governed Britanny,

Trivet, p. 147. Ypod. Neufi. p. 459. f Trivet, p. 149.

t M. I aris.p. 146. M. \Vcft. p. 265.

390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. jealous of the rapid progrefs made by his ally, the French
XI. king, promifed to join the king of England with all his

N / forces ; and John ventured abroad with a confiderable ar-

1206. m y f anc | landed at Rochelle. He marched to Angers ;
which he took and reduced to alhes. But the approach
of Philip with an army threw him into a panic; and he
immediately made propofais for peace, and fixed a place
of interview with his enemy : But inftead of keeping this
engagement, he ftole off with his army, embarked at Ro-
chelie, and returned, loaded with new fhame anddifgrace,
into England. The mediation of the pope procured him
at laft a truce for two years with the French monarch*;
almoft all the tranfmarine provinces were ravifhed from
him ; and his Englilh barons, though haiatled with ar
bitrary taxes and fruitlefs expeditions, faw themfelves
and their country baffled and affronted in every enter-
prife.

IN an age when perfonal fa lour was regarded as the
chief accomplishment, fuch conduct as that of John, al
ways difgraceful, muft be expofed to peculiar contempt;
and he muft thenceforth have expected to rule his turbu
lent vaffalsuitha very doubtful authority. But the go
vernment exercifed by the Norman princes had wound up
the royal power to fo high a pitch, and fo much beyond
the ufual tenourof the feudal conftitutions, that it ftill be
hoved him to be debafed by new affronts and dilgraces,
ere his barons conld entertain the view of confpiring a-
gainft him, in order to retrench his prerogatives. The
church, which, at that time, declined not a conteft with
the moll powerful and moft vigorous monarchs, took firft
advantage of John s imbecility ; and, with the mofi ag
gravating circumftances of infolence and fcorn, fixed her
yoke upon him.

1207 THE papal chair was then filled by Innocent III. who,

having attained that dignify at the age of thirty-feven
years, and being endowed with a lofty and enterprifing
The king s genius, gave full fcopc to his ambition, and attempted,
ttowurTof P erha ps more openly than any of his predcceffors, to con-
Funce. vert that fuperiority, which was yielded him by all the
European princes, into a real dominion over them. 1 he
hierarchy, protected by the Koman pontiff, had already
carried loan enormous height its ufurpations upon the ci
vil power ; but in order to extend them farther, and ren
der them ufeful to the court of Rome, it was neceflary to
reduce the ecclefiafiics themfelves under an abfolute mo
narchy, and to make them entirely dependent on their

* Rymcr, vol. i. p. 141.

JOHN. 391

fpiritual leader. For this purpofe, Innocent firft attempted CHAP,
to impofe taxes at pleafure upon the clergy ; and in the firft XI.

year of this century, taking advantage of the popular^

frenzy for crufades, he fent collectors over all Europe, 120 7-
who levied, by his authority, the fortieth of all ecclefiafti-
cal revenues for the relief of the Holy Land, and received
the voluntary contributions of the laity to a like amount*.
The fame year Hubert, archbifhop of Canterbury, at
tempted another innovation, favourable to ecclefiaftical and
papal power: In the king s abfencc, he fummoncd, by
his legantine authority, a fynod of all the F.nglifh clergy,
contrary to the inhibition of Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, the chief
jufticiary ; and no proper cenfure was ever pafled on this
encroachment, the firft of the kind, upon the royal power.
But a favourable incident foon after happened, which en
abled fo afpiring a pontiff as Innocent to extend ftiil
farther his ufurpations on fo contemptible a prince as
John.

HUBERT, the primate, died in 1205 ; and as the monks
or canons of Chrift -church, Canterbury, pofierTed a right
of voting in the election of their archbifhop, fome of the
juniors of the order, who lay in wait for that event, met
clandestinely the very night of Hubert s death ; and, with
out any conge d elire from the king, chofe Reginald, their
fub- prior, for the fuccefTor ; inftailed him in the archi-
epil copal throne before midnight; and having enjoined
him the ftridlefl iecrecy, fent him immediately to Rome,
in order to folicit the confirmation of his election f. The
vanity of Reginald prevailed over his prudence ; arid lie
no fooner arrived in Flandeis, than he revealed to every
one the purpofe of his journey, which was immediately
known in England f. The king was enraged at the novel
ty and temerity of the attempt, in filling fo important an
office without his knowledge or confent : The fuffragan.
bilhopsof Canterbury, who were accufiomed to concur in
the choice of their primate, were no lefs difpleafed at the
exclufion given them in this election : The fenior monks
of Chrift church were injured by the irregular proceedings
of their juniors: The juniors themfelves, afhamed of their
conduct, and difgufted with the levity of Reginald, who
had broken his engagements with them, were willing to
fet afide his election || : And all men concurred in the de-
(ign of remedying the falfe meafures which had been ta
ken. But as John knew that this alfair would becanvafled
before a fuperior tribunal, where the interpofition of royal

Rymcr, vol. i. p. 119. f M. Paris, p. 148. M, \Veft. p. 266.

Ibid. || M. Weft. p. 266.

392 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- authority in beftowingecclefiafiical benefices was very in-
XI. vidious; where even the caufe of fuftragan bifhops was

-* not fo favourable as that of monks; he determined to make

7- the new election entirely unexceptionable : He fubmitted
the affair wholly to the canons of Chrift-church ; and de
parting from the right claimed by his predecetfors, ventu
red no farther than to inform them privately, that they
would do him an acceptable fervice if they chore John de
Gray, bifhop of Norwich, for their primate *. The elec
tion of that prelate was accordingly made without a con
tradictory vote ; and the king, to obviate all contefts, en
deavoured to perfuade the fulfragan bifhops not to infift on
their claim of concurring in the election : But thofe pre
lates, perfevering in their pretenfions, fent an agent to
maintain their caufe before Innocent ; while the" king,
and the convent of Chrift-church, dilpatched twelve monks
of that order to fupport, before the fame tribunal, the elec
tion of the bifhop of Norwich.

THUS there lay three different claims before the pope,
whom all parties allowed to be the fupreme arbiter in the
conqueft. The claim of the fuffragans, being fo oppofite
to the ufual maxims of the papal court, was foon let afide:
The election of Reginald was fo obvioufly fraudulent and
irregular, that there was no poffibility of defending it ;
But Innocent maintained, that though this election was
null and invalid, it ought previoully to have been declared
Inch by the fovereign pontiff, before the monks could pro
ceed to a new election ; and that the choice of the bifhop
of Norwich was of courfe as uncanonical as that of his com
petitor f. Advantage was therefore taken of this fubtlety
tor introducing a precedent, by which the fee of Canter
bury, the moft important dignity in the church after the
papal throne, fhould ever after be at the difpofal of the
court of Rome.

WHILE the pope maintained fo many fierce contefts, in
order to wreft from princes the right of granting invefti-
tures, and to exclude laymen from all authority in confer
ring ecclefiaftical benefices, he wasfupported by the united
influence of the clergy, who, afpiring to independence,
fought, with all the ardour of ambition, and all the zeal
of fuperftition, under his facred banners. But no fooner
was this point, after a great effufion of blood and the con-
vulfionsof many ftates, eftablifhed in forne tolerable de
gree, than the victorious leader, as is ufual, turned his
arms againft his own community, and afpired to centre all

* M. Paris,p. 149. M. Weft.p. 266. f M. Paris, p. 155.

Chron. de Mailr. p. 182.

J O II N.

power in his perfon. By the invention of referves, pro- CHAP,
vifions, commendarns, and other devices, the pope gradu- XL

ally aflumed the right of filling vacant benefices ; and the *

plenitude of his apoftolic power, which was not fubjecl to
any limitations, (Applied all defects of title in the perfon
on whom he beftowed preferment. The canons which
regulated elections were purpofely rendered intricate and
involved : Frequent difputesarofe among candidates : Ap
peals were every day carried to Rome: The apoilolic fee,
befides reaping pecuniary advantages from thele contefts,
often exercifed the power of letting a fide both the litigants,
and, on pretence of appeafing faction, nominated a third
perfon, who might be more acceptable to the contending
parties.

THE prefent controverfy about the election to the fee of
Canterbury afforded Innocent an opportunity of claiming
this right : and he fulled not to perceive and avail him-
felf of the advantage. He fent for the twelve monks de
puted by the convent to maintain the caufe of the biihop of
Norwich ; and commanded them, under the penalty of
excommunication, to chufe for their primate cardinal
Langtonr, an Englifhman by birth, but educated in France
and connected, by his intereft and attachments, with the
fee of Rome *. In vain did the monks reprefent, that Cardinal
they had received from their convent, no authority for H" 5 1 ap "

i r i i c\- -i pointed

this purpole ; that an election, without a previous writ archbiihop
trom the king, would be deemed highly irregular; and ofcanter-
that they were merely agents for another perfon, whole burr *
right they had no power or pretence to abandon. None
of them had the courage to perfevere in this oppofition,
except one, Elias de Brantefield : All the reft, overcome
by the menaces and authority of the pope, complied
with his orders, and made the election required of them.

INNOCENT, fenfible that this flagrant usurpation would
be highly relented by the court of England, wrote John a
mollifying letter; fent him four golden rings fet with pre
cious ftones ; and endeavoured to enhance the value of the
prelent, by informing him of the many myfteries implied
in it.; He begged hijn to confider ferioutly the form of
the rings, their number, their matter, and their colour.
1 heir form, he faid,oeing round, ihadowed out Eternity,
which had neither beginning nor end ; and he ought thence
to learn his duty of afpiring from earthly objects to hea
venly, from things temporal to things eternal. The num-

VOL. I. 3 E

* M. I aris, p. 155. Ann. \Vavcil. p. 169. VV.^ Hemiii;. p. ,353,

394

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, her four, being a fquare, denoted fteadinefs of mind, not

XL to be fubverted either by adverfity or profperity, fixed for
^ -^ - &amp;gt; ever on the firm bafis of the four cardinal virtues. Gold,

1207. which is the matter, being the moft precious of rnetals^
fignified Wifdom, which is the mod valuable of all ac-
coniplifhments, and juftly preferred by Solomon to riches,
power, and all exterior attainments. The blue colour of
the faphire reprefentcd Faith ; the verdure of the emerald,
Hope ; the rednefs of the ruby, Chanty ; and the fplen-
dour of the topaz, Good Works*. By thefe conceits, Inno
cent endeavoured to repay John for one of the moft impor
tant prerogatives of hiscrown, which he had raviihed from
him; conceits probably admired by Innocent himfelf : For
it is eatily poflible for a man, efpecially in a barbarous age,
to unite llrong talents for bufmefs with an ablurd taflc for
literature and the arts.

JOHN was inflamed with the utmoft rage when he heard
of tiiis attempt of the court of Komef &amp;gt; and he immediate
ly vented his patlion.on the monks of Chrift-church, whom
he found inclined to fupport the election made by their
fellows at Rome. He lent Fulk deCantelupe, and Hen
ry de Cornhulle, two knights of his retinue, men of vio
lent tempers and rude manners, to expel them the convent,
and take pofleffion of their revenues. Thefe knights en
tered themonafteiy with drawn fwords, commanded the nri-
orand the monksto depart the kingdom, and menaced them,
that, in cale of dilobedience, they would inftantly burn
them with the convent J. Innocent prognosticating, from
the violence and imprudence of thefe meafures, that John
would finally fink in the conteft, perfevered the more vi-
goroufly in his pretenfions, and exhorted the king not to
oppofe God and the church any longer, nor to profecute
that caufe for which the holy martyr St. Thomas had facri-
ficed his life, and which had exalted him equal to the
higheil faints in heaven]!: A clear hint to John to profit
by the example of his father, and to remember the preju
dices and efiablifhed principles of his fubjefts, who bore
a profound veneration to that martyr, and regarded his
merits as the fubjecl of their chief glory and exultation.

INNOCENT, finding that John was not fufh ciently tarned
*q fubmiffion, fent three prelates, the bifhops of London,
Lly, and WorceHer, to intimate, that if he perfevered in
his difobedience, the fovereign pontiff would be obliged

* Rytncr, vol. i. p. 130. M. Paris, p. 155.. f Rynier, vol. i.

p.i 43. . ^ M. Paris, p. 156. Trivet, p. 151. Ann. \Va\erl.

}&amp;gt; J( 9 I; M. Paris, p. 157.

J O II N. 395

to lay the kingdom under an interdict*. All the other CHAP.
prelates threw themfelves on their knees before him, and XI.
entreated him, with tears in their eyes, to prevent the * v -
fcandal of this fentence, by making a fpeedy fubmiffion I3 7-
to his fpiritual father, by receiving from his hands the new-?
elected primate, and by reftoring the monks of Chrift
church to all their rights and poffeffions. He burft cut
into the moft indecent inveclives againft the prelates ;
fwore by God s teeth, his ufual oath, that if the pope pre-
fumed to lay his kingdom under an interdict, he would
fend to him all the bifhops and clergy in England, and
would confifcate all their eftates ; and threatened, that if
thenceforth he caught any Romans in his dominions, he
would put out their eyes, and cut off their nofes, in order
to let a mark upon them which might diltinguifh them
from all other nations^. Amidft all this idle violence,
John flood on fuch bad terms with his nobility, that he
never dared toaffemble the ftatesof the kingdom, who, in
fojufta caufe, would probably have adhered to any olher
monarch, and have defended with vigour the liberties of
the nation againft thefe palpable ufurpations of- the court Interdict
of Rome. Innocent, therefore, perceiving the king s weak- l ^
nefs, fulminated at laft the lenience of interdict, which lie
had for fome time held fufpended over him if.

THE fentence of interdict was at that time the great
inftrument of vengeance and policy employed by thecouit
of Rome ; was denounced againft fovefeigns for the lighteft
offences ; and made the guilt of one perfon involve the ruin
of millions, even in their fpiritual and eternal welfare.
The execution of it was calculated to ftrike the fenfes in
the Ingheft degree, and to operate with irrefifiible force on
the fuperftitious minds of the people. The nation was of a
fudden deprived of all exterior exercife of its religion :
The altars were defpoiled of their ornaments : The croi-
fcs, the reliques, the images, thefbtues of the faints, were
laid on the ground ; and, as if the air itfelf were profan
ed, and might pollute them by its contact, the pricfts aire-
fiilly covered them up, even from their own approach and
veneration. The ufe of bells entirely ceafed in all the
churches: The bells themfelves were removed from the
fteeples, and laid on (he ground with tir. other f.ioced uten-
fiis. Mafs was celebrated wiih (hut doors, and none Init
the priefls were admitted to that holy intiitution. 1 !v
I.iity partook of no religious ii &amp;lt;c, except baptilm to new
born infants, and the communion to the dywig: Thj :i

; , ;-. ;. f |. . ri

". .i. \Weil. p. i-j-i. M. V. ti.i i. a S.

396 ET- HISTORY OF E N G L A N D.

CHAP, were not interred in confecrateJ ground : They were
JX. thrown into ditches, or buried in common fields; and their

v w obfequies were not attended with prayers, or any hallowed

120 7- ceremony. Marriage was celebrated in the church-yards*;
and that every action in life might bear the marks of this
dreadful iituation, the people were prohibited the ufe of
meat, as in Lent, or times of the higheft penance; were
debarred from ail pleafures and entertainments ; and
were forbidden even to falute each other, or To much as
to (have their beards, and give any decent attention to
their perfon and apparel. Every circumftance carried
iymptoms of the deepeft diftrefs, and of the moft immediate
apprehenfion of divine vengeance and indignation.

THE king, that he might pppofe his temporal to their,
fpiritual terrors, immediately, from his own authority,
confiscated the eftates of all the clergy who obeyed the in-
terdicl f ; banilhed the prelates, confined the monks in
their convent, and gave them only fuch a fmall allowance
from their own eftates as would fuffice to provide them with
food and raiment. He treated with the utmoft rigour all
Langton sadherents. and every one that (howedany difpofi-
tion to obey the commands of Rome : And in order to diftrels
the clergy in the tendered point, and at the fame time ex-
pofethem to reproach ;ind ridicule, he threw into priion all
their concubines, and required high fines as the price of
their liberty J.

AFTER the canons which eftablifhed the celibacy of the
clergy were, by the zealous endeavours of archbifhop An-
lelm, more rigoroufly executed in England, the ecclefiaf-
tics gave, a I moft univerfally and avowedly, into the ufe of
concubinage ; and the court of Rome, which had no in-
tereft in prohibiting this practice, made very flight oppofiti-
/ on to it. Thecuftomwas become fo prevalent, that, in

fome cantons of Switzerland, before the reformation, the
laws not only permitted, but, to avoid fcandal, enjoined
jtheufeof concubines to the younger clergy || ; and it was
ufual everywhere for prrefts to apply to the ordinary, and
obtain from him afi rrnal liberty for this indulgence. The
bilhop commonly took care to prevent the practice from
degenerating into Kcentioulncfs : Tie confined the prieft
to the ufe of one woman, required him to be conftant to
her bed, obliged him to provide for Jier lubfiltence and that
of her children ; and though the offspring was, in the eye
of the law, deemed illegitimate, this commerce was really

a kind of inferior marriage, fuch as is ftill praftifed in
i

* Cliton. Dr.nft. vol. i. p. 51. f Ann. Wavcrl. p. 171.

t M Paris, p. isS- Ann. Waved, p. 170. ]\ Faure Faolo,

Kift. Cone. Tricf. lib. i.

J O II X. 397

Germany among the nobles ; and may be regarded by the C H A P.
candid as an appeal from the tyranny of civil and eccie-

fiaiiica! iuftitutions, to the more virtuous and more uner- v

ring laws of nature.

THE quarrel between the king and the lee of Rome
continued for fome years ; and though many of the clergy,
from the fear of punifhmerit, obeyed the orders of John,
and celebrated divine fervice, they complied with the ut-
moft reluctance, and were regarded, both by themfelves
and the people, as men who betrayed their principles,
and facrificed their confcience to temporal regards and
interefts. During this violent fituation the king, in order
to give a luflre to his government, attempted military ex
peditions againfi Scotland, againli Ireland, againft the
Wellh*; and he commonly prevailed, more from the
weaknefs of his enemies, than from his own vigour or abi
lities. Meanwhile, the danger to which his government
flood continually expoled from the difcontents of the ec-
elefiaitics, increafed his natural propenfion to tyranny ;
and he feems to have even wantonly uifgufted all orders
of men, efpecially his nobles, from whom alone he could
reafonably expect fupport and affiftance. He difhonoured
their families by his licentious amours ; he publimed edicts,
prohibiting them from hunting feathered game, and there
by retrained them from their favourite occupation and a mufe-
mentf; heordered all the hedges and fences near his forefls
to be levelled, that his deer might have more ready accefsifl-
tothe fields for pafture; and he continually loaded the nati
on with arbitrary impofitions. Confcious of the general
hatred which he had incurred, he required his nobility to "nS.
give him hoftages for fecurity of their allegiance ; and
they were obliged to put into his hands their fons, ne
phews, or near relations. When his medengers came
with like orders to- the caflie of William de Braouie, a
baron of great note, the lady of that nobleman replied,
That (he never would entruft her fon into the hands of
one who had murdered his own nephew while in his cul-
tody. Her hufband reproved her for the Severity of this
fpeech ; but, fenfible of his danger, he immediately fled
with his wife and (on into Ireland, where he endeavoured
to conceal himlelf. The king discovered the unhappy
family in their retreat , fcixed the wife and Ion, whom he
ftarved to death in prilon ; -ind tiie baron himfelf narrowly
efcaped, by flying into Fiance.

* V. Hcmin.;. p. -,56. Vj-w !. Neufl. n. 46^. fj -.1

f M. Weft. p. 268.

398 HISTORY OF E N G L A N D.

CHAP. THE court of Rome had artfully contrived a gradation
XI. of fentcnces ; by which fhe kept offenders in awe; flill

&amp;gt; afforded them an opportunity of preventing the next ana-

uoo. thema by fubmiflion ; and, in cafe of their obftinacy, was
able to rcfrefh the horror of the people againfl them, by
new denunciations of the wrath and vengeance of heaven.
-As the fentence of interdict had not produced the defired
effect on John, and as his people, though extremely dil-
contented, had hitherto been reOrained from rifing in open
rebeliion againft him, be was foon to look for the fentence
of excommunication : And he had reafon to apprehend,
that notwiihfianding all his precautions, the mbft dange
rous coniequcnces might enjue from it. He was wilnels
of the other fcenes which at that very time were acting in
Europe, and which difplayed the unbounded and uncon
trolled power of the papacy. Innocent, far from being
difmayed at his contefts with the king of England, had
excommunicated the emperor Otho, John s ncphexv * ; and
loon brought that powerful and haughty prince to fubmit
to his authority, fie published a crufade againft the Aibi-
gcnles, a ipccies of enthufiafis in the fouth of France,
whom he denominated heretics ; becaufe, like other en-
thufiafts, they neglected the rites of the church, and op-
poied the power arid influence of the clergy : The people
rrom ail parts of Europe, moved by their fuperflition and
their pifiion for wars and ad.entures, flocked to his ftan-
dard ; Simon de Montfort, the general of the crufade, ac
quired to hfmfelf a fovereignty in thefe provinces : 1 he
count of Touloufe, who protected, or perhaps only tole-
raii|jhe Albigenfes, was dripped of his dominrcns : And
theieie claries themlelves, though the molt innocent and
inorfenfr/e of mankind, were exterminated with all the
circumftanccs of extreme violence and barbarity. Here
were therefore both an army and a general, dangerous from
. their zeal and valour, who might be directed to ait againft
John ; and Innocent, after keeping the thunder long fuf-
pendcd, gave at bfi authority tq the bilhops of London,
Excommu- Ely, and Worcefter, to fulminate the fentcnce of excom-
r.-cationof rnunication againrt himf. Thele prelates obeyed ; though
their brethren were deterred from publiming, as the pope
required of them, the fentence in the leveral churches of
their diocefes.

No fooner was the excommunication known, than the
effects of it appeared. Geoffrey, archdeacon of Norwich,
who was entruilcd with a confiderable office in the court

* M. Par!";, p- 6o. Trivp;, 154. M. \V*cft. p. 269.
j M. Paris, p. 159. M. \Veft.p. a;"".

J O H N. 399

cf exchequer, being informed of it while fitting on the CHAP,
bench, observed to his colleagues the danger of ferving XI.

under an excommunicated king; and he immediately left v v

his chair, and departed the court. John cave orders to - &amp;gt;
feize him, to throw him into prifon, to cover his head with
a great leaden cope} and by this and other fevere r.iage he
foonput an end to his life*: Nor was there any thing want
ing to Geoffrey, except the dignity and rank of Becket,
to exalt him to an equal ftatiun in heaven with that great
and celebrated martyr. Hugh de Wells, the chancellor,
being elected, by the king % appointment, bifliop of Lin
coln, upon a vacancy in that ice, defired leave to go a -
broad, in order to receive confecration from the aichbiPnop^
of Rouen ; but he no fooner reached France than he hafte-
ned to Pontigny, were Langton then refided, and paid iub~
millions to him as his primate. The bihVps, finding them-
felves expofed either to the jealouiy of the king 01 hatred
of the people, gradually Oole out of the kingdom ; and at
lafl there remained only three prelates to perform the func
tions of the epifcopal oftice f. Many of the nobility, ter
rified by John s tyranny, and obnoxious to him on diffe
rent accounts, imitated the example of the bifhops ; and
mcft of the others who remained were, with reafon, fui-
petted of having lecretly entered into a confederacy a-
gainll him$. John was alarmed at his dangerous fituation;
a fituation which prudence, vigour, arid popularity might
formerly have presented, but which no virtues or abilities
were now fdficient to retrieve. He defired a conference
with Langton at Dover ; ottered to acknowledge him as
primate, to fubrnit to the pope, to reftore the exiled clergy,
even to pay them a limited fum as a compenfation for tine
rents of their cpnfifcatcd eftates. But Langton, perceiving
his ad vantage, was not fatisfied with thele concefnons: He
demanded that full reftitution and reparation fhould be
made to all the clergy ; a condition fo exorbitant that the
king who probably had not the power of fulfilling it, and
who forefaw that thiseftimation of damages might amount
to an immenfe fum, finally broke off the conference !!.

THE next gradation of papal leniences was to abfolve
John s fubje&s from their oaths of fidelity and allegiance, I2IJ -
and to declare every one excommunicated who had any
commerce with him in public or in private; at his table,
in his council, or even in private converfation* * : And
this fentence was accordingly, with all imaginable folem-
nity, pronounced agaiuil him. But as John itill perfevc-

* M. Paris, p. 159. f Ann. \Vav._-rl. p. 170. Ann. Marg. p. 14.

J M. Paris, p. 162. M. Weft. p. 270, 271. ;, Ann. \Vavcrl." p. 171 .

* M. Paris, p. 161. M. Weft. p. 270.

400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. rcc l i ms contumacy, there remained nothing but the ferr-
XI. fence of depofition ; which, though intimately connected

&amp;gt; &amp;lt;, 1 with the former, had been diftinguifhed from it by the

" a- artifice of the court of Rome; and Innocent determined to
dart this lad thunvlerbolt againft the refractory monarch.
But as a fentence of this kind required an armed force to
execute it, the pontiff, carting his eyes around, fixed at
lalt on hilip king of France, as the peribn into \vhofe
powerful hand he could moll properly entruft that weapon,
the ultimate refource of his ghoftly authority. And he
Coffered the monarch, befides the remiflion of all his fins
and endlefs ipiritual benefits, the property and pofTeffion
of the kingdom of England, as the reward of his la
bour *.

1213. J T vvas tne common concern of all princes to oppofe

thei e exorbitant prctcnfions of the Roman pontiff, by which
they themfelves were rendered vaffals, and vaflals totally
dependent, of the papal crown: \eteven Philip, the moil
able monarch of the age, was feduced by prefent intereft,
and by the proipect of lo tempting a prize, to accept this
liberal offer of the pontiff , and thereby to ratify that au
thority which, if he ever oppoled its bound leis ufurpations,
might next day tumble him from the throne. He levied
a great artiy : fummoned all the vaflfals of the crown to
attend him at Rouen ; collected a fleet of 1700 veflels,
great and final t, in the lea pDrts of Normandy and Pi-
card y ; arid partly from the zealous fpirit of the age, part
ly from the personal regard univerlally paid him, prepared
a force, which fcemed equal to the greatnefs of his enter-
prife. The king, on the other hand, iffued out writs, re
quiring the attendance of all his military tenants at Dover,
and even of all able-bodied men, to defend the kingdom
fn this dangerous extremity. A great number appeared ;
and he felected a.n army of 6o,coo men ; a power invinci
ble, had they. been united in arreftion to their prince,
and animated with a becoming zeal for the defence of their,
native country f. But the people were fwayed by fuper-
flition, and regarded their king with horror, as anathe-
matifed by papal cenfures j The barons, befides lying un
der the fame prejudices, were all difgufted by his tyranny,
and were, many of them, fufpected of holding a fecret cor-
refpondence with the enemy : And the incapacity and
cowardice of the king himfelf, ill fitted to contend with
thofe mighty difficulties, made men prognollicatc the moft
fatal effects from the French invafion.

M. Pans p. 6c. M. Weft. p. 271.
f M. Pans, p. 163. M. Weil. p. 271.

J O H N. 401

PANDOLF, whom the pope had chofen for his legate,
and appointed to head this important expedition, had, be
fore he left Rome, applied for a fecret conference with
his mafler, and had afked him, whether if the king of
England, in this delperate fituation, were u illing to fubmit
to the apoftolic fee, the church fhould, without the content
of Philip, grant him any terms of accommodation*? In
nocent, expecting from his agreement with a prince fo
abject both in character and fortune, more advantages than
from his alliance with a great and victorious monarch,
who, after fuch mighty acquifitions, might become too
haughty to be bound by fpiritual chains, explained to Pan
dolf the conditions on which he was willing to be recon
ciled to the king of England. The legate, therefore, as
loon as he arrived in the north of France, fcnt over two
knights templars to defire an interview with John at Dover,
which was readily granted : He there reprelented to him,
in fuch ftrong, and probably in fuch true colours, his loft
condition, the difarrection of his fubjects, the fecret com
bination ot his valTals againft him, the mighty armament
of France, that John yielded at difcretionf, and lubfcribed i^t nMay,
to all the conditions which Pandolf was pleaied to impofe J

. . . , , -it lubaiiflion

upon him. tie promiled, among many other articles, that to ihe ^ope.
he would fubmit himfelf entirely to the judgment of the
pope ; that he would acknowledge Langton for primate ;
that he would reftore all the exiled clergy and laity who
had been banifhed on account of the conteft ; that he would
make them full relVitution of their goods, and compenfation
for all damages, and inftantly coufign eight thoufand
pounds in part of payment ; and that every one outlawed
or impriforicd for his adherence to the pope, fhould imme
diately be received into grace and favour |. Four barons
fwore, along with the king, to the obfervance of this ig
nominious treaty ||.

BUT the ignominy of the king was not yet carried to
its full height. Pandolf required him, as the firft trial of
obedience, to refign his kingdom to the church ; and he
perfuaded him, that he could nowife fo efFedlually difap-
point the French invafion, as by thus putting himfelf
under the immediate protection of the apoftolic fee. John,
lying under the agonies of prefent terror, made no fcruple
of tubmUting to this condition. He paJted a charter, in
which hefaid, that not constrained by fear, but of his own
free will, and by the common advice and consent of his

VOL. I. 3 F

* M. Paris, p. i6c. . f M - Vv eft. p. 571. * Rymcr,

vol. i. p. 166. M. Paris p. 163. Annai.Buit. p. i(8. jj Rymri, \ol.

1. p. 170. M.Paris, p, 16 j.

402 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. barons, he had, for remifHon of his own fins, and thofe of
XI. his family, refigned England and Ireland to God, to St.

* &amp;gt;/ -^ Peter and St. Paul, and to pope Innocent and his lucceflbrs

12I 3- in the dpoilolic chair : He agreed to hold thefe dominions
a&amp;lt;? feudatory of the church of Rome, by the annual pay
ment of a thoufand marks ; feven hundred for England,
three hundred for Ireland : And he ftipulated, that if he
or his fucceiTors fhould ever prefume to revoke or infringe
this charter, they fhould inftantly, except upon admonition
they repented of their oftence, forfeit ail right to their do
minions*.

iyh May. I N confequence of this agreement, John did homage to
Pandolf as the pope s legate, with all the fubmiffive rites
which the feudal law required of vaffals before their liege-
lord and fuperior. He came di farmed into the legate s
prelence, who was feated on a throne ; he flung himfelf
on his knees before him ; he lifted up his joined hands,
and put them within thole of Pandolf; he fwore fealty to
the pope ; and he paid part of his tribute which he owed
for his kingdom as the patrimony of St. Peter. The le
gate, elated by this fupreme triumph of facerdotal power,
couid not forbear difcovering extravagant fymptoms of joy
and exultation : He trampled on the money which was
laid at his feet, as an earnefl of the fubjeb on of the
kingdom : An infolence of which, however offenfive to
all the Englifh, no one prefent, except the archhifhop of
Dublin, dared to take anv notice. But though Pandolf
hdd brought the king to fubmit to thefe bafe conditions, he
fliil refufed to free him from (he excommunication and in
terdict, till an eftimation (hould be taken of the lofies
of the ecclefiaftics, and full compenfation and reftitution
fhould be mad? them.

JOHN, reduced to this abject fituation under a foreign
power, ftill fhowcd the fame difpofition to tyrannife over
his fubjects, which had been the chief caufe of all his
misfortunes. One Peter of Pomfret, a hermit, had fore
told that the king, this very year, fhould lofe his crown ;
and for that rafh prophecy he had been thrown into prifon
in Corf e Caflle. John now determined to bring him to
piuiilhment as an impoftor ; and though the man pleaded,
that his prophecy was fulfilled, and that the king had loft
the royal and independent crown which he formerly wore,
ihf defence was fuppofed to aggravate his guilt : He was
dragged 6t horfes tails, to the town of Warham, and there
hanged on a gibbet with his

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 176. M. Paris, p. 165.
f M. Paris, p. 165, Chron. Luiift. vol. i. p.

JOHN. 403

WHEN Pandolf, after receiving the homage of John, C H A P.
returned to France, he congratulated Philip on the fucceis XI.

of his pious enterprifc; and informed him, that John, &amp;lt; .

moved by the terror of the French arms, had now come 12Ij&amp;gt;
to a juft fcnfe of his guilt ; had returned to obedience
under the apoflolic fee; and even contented to do homage
to the pope for his dominions ; and having thus made his
kingdom apart of St. Peter s patrimony, had rendered it
impolfible for any Chriflian prince, without the mofl ma-
nifeft and moft flagrant impiety, to attack him*. Philip
was enraged on receiving this intelligence : He exclaimed,
that having, at the pope s irrigation, undertaken an expe
dition, which had coil him above 60,000 pounds flerling,
he was fruftrated of his purpole, at the time when its luc-
ccls was become infallible: He complained, that all the
expence had fallen upon him ; all the advantages had ac
crued to Innocent : He threatened to be no longer the
dupe of thefe hypocritical pretences: And aflembling his
vallals, he laid before them the ill-treatment which he
had received, expofed the interefted and fradulent con
duct of the pope, and required their afiiflance to execute
his enterprife againft England, in which he told them,
that, notwithstanding the inhibitions and menaces of the
legate, he was determined to perfevere. The French ba
rons were, in that age, little lefs ignorant and fuperftiti-
ous than the Englifh : Yet, fo much does the influence
of thole religious principles depend on the prelent dilpo-
fitions of men ! they all vowed to follow their prices on
his intended expedition, and were refolute not to be dif-
appointed of that glory and thofe riches which they had
long expected from this enterprife. 1 he earl of Flanders
alone, who had previoufiy formed a fecret treaty with
John, declaring againft the injuftice and impiety of the
undertaking, retired with his forces t; and Philip, that
he might not leave (o dangerous an enemy behind him, firffc
turned his arms againft the dom nions cf that prince.
Meanwhile, the Englifh fleet was aflcmbled under (he
carl of Saliiburv, thu king s natural brother ; and, though
inferior in number, received orders to attack the French
in their harbours. Salifnuiy performed this fervice with
jo much fucceis. that he took, three hundred ihips ; tlcf-
ttoyed a hundred more \ : And Philip, finding it impolTi-
ble to prevent the rcil f orn failing into the hands of the
enemy, fet fire to ihcm himfelf, arid tlicreby rendered

* Trivet, p. 160. ; M. )&amp;gt;;, () . 166.

^ M. Paris, p. 166,. Chiou. fu^i t. vo,. i. p. 59. 1 rivet, p. 137.

404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. it impofTible for him to proceed any farther in his enter-
XL prife.

* , J JOHN, exulting in his prefent fecurity, infenfible to

13I 3- his patt difgrace, was fo elated with his fuccefs, that he
thought of no lefs than invading France in his turn, and
recovering all thole provinces which the profperous arms
of Philip had formerly raviihed from him. He propofed
this expedition to the barons, who were already affembled
for the defence of the kingdom. But the Englifh nobles
both hated and defpiied their prince: They prognofticated
no fuccels to any enterprife conducted by fuch a leader ;
And pretending that their time of fervice was elapfed, and
all their provifions exhaufled, they refilled to fecond his
undertaking*. The king however, refolute in his pur-
pofe, embarked with a few followers, and failed to Jerley,
in the fooiifh expectation that the barons would at lad be
afhamed to flay behind f. But finding himfelf difappoint-
ed, he returned to England; and railing fome troops,
threatened to take vengeance on all his nobles for their de-
iertion and difobedienco. The archbifhop of Canterbury,
who was in a confederacy with the barons, here interpofed;
ftriclly inhibited the king from thinking of fuch an attempt;
and threatened him with a renewal of the fentence of ex
communication, if he pretended to levy war upon any of
his lubjecls, before the kingdom were freed from the len-
tence of interdict*.

THE church had recalled the feveral anathemas pro
nounced agaihft John, by the fame gradual progrefs with
which fhe had at firft ilfued them. By receiving his ho
mage, and admitting him to the rank of a vaffaf, hisdepo-
fition had been virtually annulled, and his fubjecls were
again bound by their oaths of allegiance. The exiled
prelates had then returned in great triumph, with Langton
at their head ; and the king, hearing of their approach,
went forth to meet them, and throwing himfclf on the
ground before them, he entreated them, with tears, to have
JM- comp.iffion on him and the kingdom of England]. 1 . The
primate, feeing thefe marks of fincere penitence, led him
to the chapter- houfe of Winchefier, and there adrniniftered
an oath to him, by which he again 1 wore fealty and obe
dience to pope Innocent and his fucceffors ; promifed to
love, maintain, and defend holy church and the clergy;
engaged that he would re-efiablifh the good laws of his
predecefibrs, particularly thofe of St. Edward, and would
abolilh the wicked ones; and expreded his refolution of

* M. Paris, p. 166. f Ibid. J Ibid. p. 167.

|| M. Tails, p. iCG, Ann. Waverl. p. 178.

JOHN. 405

maintaining juftice and right in all his dominions*. The CHAP,
primate next gave him abfoHfion in the requifite forms, XI.

and admitted him to dine with him, to the great joy of all * ,

the people. The fentcnce of interdict, however, was ftill 121 &amp;gt;
upheld againft the kingdom. A new legate, Nicholas
bi:hop of Frefcati, came into England in the room of Pan-
dolf; and he declared it to be the pope s intentions never
to loofen that fentence till full reinitiation were made to
the clergy of every thing taken from them, and ample re
paration for all damages which they had fuMained. He on
ly permitted mals to be laid with a low voice in the chur
ches, till thole lodes and damages could be eftimated to
the fatisfaclion of the parties. Certain barons were ap
pointed to take an account of the claims ; and John was
aftonifhed at the greatnefs of the fums to which the clergy
made their lolTes to amount. No lefs than twenty thou-
land marks were demanded by the monks of Canterbury
alone ; twenty-three thoufand for the fee of Lincoln; and
the king, finding thefe pretenfioris to be exorbitant and
endlefs, offered the clergy the fum of a hundred thoufand
marks fora final acquittal. The clergy rejected the offer
with dildain ; but the pope, willing to favour his new vaf-
fal, whom he found zealous in his declarations of fealty,
and regular in paying the ftipulated tribute to Rome, di
rected his legate to accept of forty thoufand. The iflue
of the whole was, that the biihops and confiderable abbots
got reparation beyond what they had any title to demand :
The inferior clergy were obliged to fitdown contented with
their lodes : And the king, after the interdict was taken
otf, renewed, in the mod folemn manner, and by a new
charter, fealed with gold, his profellions of homage and
obedience to the fee of Rome.

WHEN this vexatious affair was at laft brought to a con- IZM-
clufion, the king, as if he had nothing farther to attend
to but triumphs and victories, went over lo Poiftou, which
(till acknowledged his authority f ; and he carried war
into Philip s dominions. He befieged a caftle near An-
giers ; but the approach of prince Lewis, Philip s fon,
obliged him to raife- the fiege with fuch precipitation, that
he left his tents, machines, and baggage behind him ;
and he returned to England with diigrace. About the
lame time, he he.rd of the great and decifive victory gained
by the king of France at Bovines over the emperor Otho,
who had entered France at the head of I ,0,000 Germans;
a victory which &amp;lt;ftabiifhed for ever &amp;lt;he glory of Philip,
and gave full fecurity u&amp;gt; all his dominions. John could,

* M. Par&amp;gt;, p. J66. t Queen Eleanor died in 1203 or 1203,

4o5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, therefore, think, henceforth of nothing farther, than of
XI. ruling peaceably his own kingdom ; and his clofe connec-

v v tionswith the pope, which he was determined at any price

13 M- to maintain, eniured him, as he imagined, the certain at
tainment of that object. But the laft and moft grievous
fcene of this prince s misfortunes ftill awaited him ; and
he was deftined to pafs through a feries of more humiliat
ing circumftances than had ever yet fallen to the lot of
any other monarch.

Difcon- THE introduction of the feudal law into England by

tents of the William the Conqueror, had much infringed the liberties,
baror.s. however imperpect, enjoyed by the Anglo-Saxons in their
ancient government, and had reduced the whole people
to a ftate of vaffalage under the king or barons, and even
the greater part of them to a ftate of real flavery. The
neceflity alfo of entrufHng great power in the hands of a
prince, who was to maintain military dominion over a van-
quimed nation, hod engaged the Norman barons to iub-
mit to a more fevere and ablblute prerogative, than that to
which men ot their rank, iu other feudal governments,
wece commonly fubjeeled. The power of the crown,
once raifed to a high pitch, was not eafily reduced ; and
the nation, during the courie of a hundred and fifty years,
was governed by an authority unknown, in the fame de
gree to all the kingdoms founded by the northern conque
rors. Henry I. that he might allure the people to give
an exclufion to his elder brother Robert, had granted them
a charter, favourable in many particulars to their liberties;
Stephen had renewed the grant ; Henry II. had confirmed
it : But the conceflions of ali thei e princes had ftill remain
ed without erred ; and the fame unlimited, at leatt irre
gular authority, continued to be exercifed both by them
and their fucceflbrs. The only happinefs was, that arms
were never yet ravifhed from the hands of the barons and
people : The nation, by a great confederacy, might flill
vindicate its liberties: And nothing was more likely, than
the character, condvidt and fortunes of the reigning prince,
to produce fuch a general combination againfl him. Equal
ly odious and contemptible, both in public and private life,
he artronted the barons by his infolence, dishonoured their
families bv his gallantries, enraged them by his tyranny,
and gavedifcontent to all ranks of men by hisendlefs ex
actions and impofitions*. The effect of thefe lawlefs
practices had already appeared in the general demand made
by the barons of a reftoration of their privileges; and af-

* Chron. Mailr. p. iSS. T. Wykes, p. 36. Ann. Waved, p. 181. \V .
Heming. p. 557.

JOHN. 407

ter he had reconciled himfelf to the pope, by abandoning CHAP,
the independence of the kingdom, he appeared to all XI.

his fubjecls in fo mean a light, that they univerfaliv thought

they might with fafcty and honour infill upon their pre- I21 4
tendons.

Bur nothing forwarded this confederacy fo much as
the concurrence of Langton archbiihop of Canterbury ; a
man whofe memory, though he was obtruded on the nation
by a palpable encroachment of the fee of Rome, ought
always to be reipecled by the Englilh. This prelate,
whether he was moved by the generofity of his nature, ,

and his affection to public good ; or had entertained
an animofity againft John on account of the long oppofiti-
on made by that prince to his election ; or thought that
an acquifition of liberty to the people would ferve to in-
creafeand fecure the privileges of the church; had formed
the plan of reforming the government, and had prepared
the way for that great innovation, by inferting thofe fingu-
lar claufes above mentioned in the oath which he adminif-
tered to the king, before he would abfolve him from the
fentence of excommunication. Soon after, in a private
meeting of fome principal barons at London, he ihowed
them a copy of Henry I. s charter, which, he faid, he had
happily found in a monaftery ; and he exhorted them to
infill on the renewal and obfervance of it: The barons
Iwoie, that they would iboner lofe their lives than depart
from Ib reafonable a demand *. The confederacy began
now to fprcad wider, and to comprehend almofl ail the
barons in tngland ; and a new and more numerous meet
ing was fummoned by Langton at St. Edmonfbury, under
colour of devotion. He again produced to the aflembly November.
the old charter of Henry; renewed his exhortations of
unanimity and vigour in the prolccution of their purpofe ;
and reprefented in the ftrongeft colours the tyranny to
which they had fo long been f ibjecled, and from which
it now behoved them to free thcmfelves and their pofteri-
tyt. The barons, inflamed by his eloquence, incited by
the fenle of their own wrongs, and encouraged by the ap
pearance of their power and numbers, folemnly took an
oath, before the high altar, to adhere to each other, to in
fill on their demands, and to make endlefs war on the
king, till he fhould fubrnit to grant them |. They agreed,
th.it, after the feftival of Chriftmas, they would prefer in
a body their common petition ; and, in the mean time,
they ieparated, after mutually engaging, that they would
put themfelves in a pofture of defence, would iniift men

* M. Paris, p. 167. f Ibid. p. 175. * Ibid. p. 176.

408 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, and purchafe arms, and would fupply their caftles with the

XI. necellary provifions.
v v THE barons appeared in London on the day appointed ;

1 ""&amp;gt; and demanded of the king, that, in confequence of his
6th Jan. , , - , . * .. ,

own oath before the primate, as well as in deference to

their juft rights, he fliould grant them a renewal of Hen
ry s charter, and a confirmation of the laws of St. Edward.
The king, alarmed with their zeal and unanimity, as well
as with their power, required adulay ; promiled that, at
the feftival of Eafter, he would give them a pofitive anfwer
to their petition ; and offered them the archbifhop of Can
terbury, the bifhop of Ely, and the earl of Pembroke, the
marelchul, as fureties for his fulfilling this engagement*.
The barons accepted of the terms, and peaceably returned
to their cafties.

ijth Jan. DURING this interval, John, in order to break or fub-
due the league of his barons, endeavoured to avail him-
felf of the ecclefiaftical power, of whole influence he had,
from his own recent misfortunes, haa fuch fatal experi
ence. He granted to the clergy a chartef^relinquirtiing
for ever that important prerogative for which his father
and all his anceftors had zealoully contended ; yielding to
them the free election on all vacancies ; reserving only
the power to ilFue a conge d elire, and to fubjoin a con
firmation of the election ; and declaring that, if either of
thefe were withheld, ,the choice fhould neverthelefs be
deemed juft and valid^ He made a vow to lead an army
into Paleftine againft the infidels, and he took on him the
crofs ; in hopes that he fhould receive from the church
that protection which he tendered to every one that had
entered into this facred and meritorious engagement J.
And he fent to Rome his agent, William de Mauclerc,
in order to appeal to the pope againft the violence of his
barons, and procure him a favourable fentence from that
powerful tribunal)!. The barons alfo were not negligent
on their part in endeavouring to engage the pope in their
interefts: They difpatched Euftace de Vefcie to Rome ;
laid their cafe before Innocent as their feud il lord; and
petitioned him to interpofe his authority with the king,
and oblige him to reftore and confirm all their juft and
undoubted privileges**.

INNOCENT beheld with regret the difturbances which
had arifen in England, and was much inclined to favour
John in his pretenfions. He had no hopes of retaining
and extending his newly acquired fuperiority over that

* M. Paris, p. 176. \V. Weft. p. 273. t Rymer, vol. i. p- 197*

t Kyraer, vol. i. p. 200. Trivet, p. 192. T. Wykes, p. 37. M. Weft.

p. 273. || Rymer, vol. i. p. 184. ** Ibid.

JOHN. 49

kingdom, but by fupporting fo bale and degenerate a c H A P.
prince, who was willing to facrifice every confideiation XI.

to his prefent fafeiy : And he forefaw, that, it the adminit- &amp;gt;;

tration fhould fall into the hands of thofe gallant and 12I 5-
high-fpirited barons, they would vindicate the honour,
li 1 ,TCV, and independence of the nation, with the fame
ardour which they now exerted in defence of their own.
He wrote letters therefore to the prelates, to the nobility,
and to the king himfelf. He exhorted the firrt to employ
their good oiHces in conciliating peace between the con
tending parties, and puitingan end to civil difcord : To
the Iccond, he exprelled his disapprobation of their con
duct in employing force to extort concelTions from their
reluctant Jovere gn : The lad, he advifed to treat his
nobles with grace and indulgence, and to grant them
inch of their demands as fhould appear juft and realbn-
able*.

THE barons eafily law, from the tenor of thefe letters,
that they mud reckon on having the pope, as well as the
king, for their ad verfary ; but they had already advanced
too tar to recede Irom their pretentious, and their pafilons
were fo deeply engaged, that it exceeded even the power
of fuperftition itfelf any longer to control them. They
alfo fore fa w, that the thunders of Rome, when not fecond-
ed by ; he eJtbrts of the Knglifh ecclefiailics, would be of
fmall avail againd them ; and they perceived, that the moft
confklerable of tjie prelates, as well as all the inferior
clergy, profetVed the highed approbatio -t of their caufe.
Bclides that thefe men were feized with the national paffi-
on for laws and liberty ; bleflings, of which they them-
felves expected to partake; there concurred very powerful
caules to ioofen their devoted attachment to the apoftolie
fee. It appeared, from the late ulurpations of the Roman
pontitf , that he pretended to reap alone all the advantages
accruing from that victory, which, under his banners,
though at their own peril, they had every where obtained
over thecivil magificate. The pope aflumed a deipotic pow
er over all the churches : Their particular cuftoms, privi
leges, and immunities, were treated with difdain : Even
the canons of general councils were fet afide by his dif-
penfing power : The whole adminiftration of the church
was centered in the court of Rome : All preferments ran
of courfe in the fame channel : And the provincial clergy
(aw, at lead felt, that there was a neceflity for limiting
thefe pretenfions. The legate, Nicholas, in filling thole

VOL. 1. 3 G

* Ryraer, vol. i. p. 196, 197.

4 io HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP* numerous vacancies which had fallen in England during
XI. an interdict of fix years, had proceeded in the moft arbi-

v &amp;gt; trary manner ; and had paid no regard, in conferring

12I 5- dignities, to perfonal n/erit, to rank, to the inclination of
the electors, or to the cufloms of the country. The Eng-
Jifli church was uriiverfally difgufted ; and Langton him-
felf, thoi gh he owed his elevation to an incroachment of
the Romilh lee, was no iboner eftablilhed in his high of
fice, than he became jealous of the privileges annexed to
it, and formed attachments with the country fubjecled to
his jur/ldidion. M hefe caules, though they opened llowly
the eyes of men, failed not to produce their etiedl: They
fct bounds to the usurpations of the papacy: The tide fufl
flopped, and then turned againfl the Sovereign pontiff:
And it is otherwife inconceivable, how that age, io prone
to fuperftition, and fo funk in ignorance, or rather fo
devoted to a fpurious erudition, could have efcaped fal
ling into an abfolute and total ilavery under the court of
Rome.

ABOUT the time that the pope s letters arrived in Eng-
tion of the land, the malcontent barons, on the approach of the fef-
barons. tivalof Flatter, when they were to expect the king s an-
fwer to their petition, met by agreement at Stamford ; and
they aiTe;nbled a force, confiding of above ;&amp;gt;.ooo knights,
befides their retainers and interior perfons without num
ber. Elated with their power, tr^ey advanced in a body
7 th April. to Brackley, within fifteen miles of Oxford, the place
where the court then refided; and they there received a
mefiage from the king, by the archbifhop of Canterbury
and the earl of Pembroke, defiring to know what thofe
liberties were which they fo zealoufly challenged from
their ibvereign. They delivered to thefe medengers a
fchedule, containing the chief articles of their demands ;
which was no fooner (hown to the king, than he burft in
to a furious paffion, and afked, why the barons did not alfo
demand of him his kingdom? fw earing that he would
never grant them fuch liberties as muft reduce himfelf to
llavery *.

No fooner vcre the confederated nobles informed of
John s reply, than they chofe Robert Fitz- Walter their
general, whom they called the marejchal of the. army of
God and of holy church ; and they proceeded without
farther ceremony to levy war upon the king. They be-
fieged the caftle of Northampton during fifteen days,
though without fuccefsf: The gates of Bedford cattle

* M. Paiis, p. 176.

t M. Faiis, p. 177. Chron. Dur.ft. vol. i. p. 71.

J O H N. 411

were willingly opened to them by William Bcauchamp, C H A P.
its owner : They advanced to VV 7 are in their way to Lon- XI.

don, where they held n correfpondence with the principal v "-

citizens : They were received without oppofuion into that ,\ 2l ,-j
capital; and finding now the great fupcriority of their
force, they ilTued proclamations, requiring the other ba
ron-; to join them ; and menacing them, in cafe of refufal
or diljy, with committing devaluation on their houies and
edates*. In order to fhow what might be expecled from
their protpero-js arms, they made incurfions from London,
and laid wafle the king s parks and palaces; and all the
barons, M ho had hitherto carried the femblance of fup-
porting the royal party, were glad of this pretence for
openly joining a caufe which they always had fecretly
favoured. The king was left at Odilnm in Hampfhire,
with a poor retinue of only feven knights; and after try
ing ieveral expedients to elude the blow, after offering to
refer all differences to the pope alone, or to eight barons,
four to be chofen by himielf, and four by the confede
rates f, he found himfelf at lait obliged to fubmit at dif-
cretion.

A CONFERENCE between the king and the barons was Majna
appointed at Runnemede, between Wind for andStaines; chaita -
a place which has ever fince been extremely celebrated, 5
on account of this great event. The two parties encamped
apart, iike open enemies ; and after a debate of a few
days, the king, with a facility ibmewhat fuipicious, figned 191)1 June.
and fealed the charter which was required of him. This
famous deed, commonly railed the GREAT CHARTER,
either gr .anted or frcured very important liberties and pri
vileges to every order of m?n in the kingdom ; to the cler
gy, to the barons, and to the people.

THE freedom of elections was fecured to the clergy :
The former charter of the king was confirmed, by which
the neceiTity of a royal conge ci elire and confirmation
was iup.M-feded: All check upon appeals to Rome was
removed, by the allow;inre granted even man to depart
the kingdom at pleal urc : Ami the fines to be impofed
on the clergy, for any oilence, were ordained to be pro
portional to their lay efiates, not to their ecciehaftical be
nefices.

THE privileges granted to the barons were either abate
ments in the rigour of in:: feudal l.i\v, or determinations in
points whi&amp;lt;*h had been left by that law, or had become by
praft ice, arbitrary and air, . Thfe reliefs of heirs

J ucceiyiing to a military ice were afcertained ; an earl s

* M. Paris, p. 177. f Xymcr, vol. j. p. c .

412 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C F-T A P. and b aron sat a hundred marks, a knight s at a hundred
XI. ihiilings. It was ordained by the charter, that, it the

v * lieir be a minor, he fhall, immediately upon his majority,

I2 5&amp;lt; enter upon his eftate, without paying any relief: 1 he
king nail not foil his ward (hip : He mall levy only rea-
ibnabie profits upon the efbre, without committing wafie,
or hurting the property He fhall uphold the caftles,
houfes, mills, p^rks, and ponds : And if he commit the
guardianfhip of thj cflate to the fherirFor any other, he
Hull pievioufly oblige them to find furcty to the fame pur-
pofc. During the minority of a baron, while his lands
are in wardfhip, and are not in his own pofeffion, no debt
which he owes to the Jews (bail bear any intereft. Heirs
fhall be married without difparagement ; arid before the
marriage be contracted, the nearer! relations of the perfon
iliaii be informed of it. A widow, without paying any
relief, fhail enter upon her dower, the third part of her
hufband s rents: She fhall not be compelled to marry, fo
Jong as (he chufcs to continue fmgle ; fhe (hall only give
fecurity never to marry without her lord s con fent. The
king mall not claim the wardfhip of any minor who holds
lands by military tenure of a baion, on pretence that he
allo holds lands of tiie crown, by foccage or any other te
nure. Scutages (hall be eftimatecl at the fame rate as in
the time of Henry I. ," and no fcutage or aid, except in
the three general fe idiil cafes, the king s captivity, the
knighting of his eldeft fon, and the marrying of his eldeft
daughter, (brill be impofed but by the great council of the
kingdom; the pi dates, earls, and great barons, lhaii be
called to this great Council, each by a particular writ ;
the lerler barons by a general fummons of the fheriif.
The king ;hail not fcize any baron s land for a debt to
the crown, if the baron polTfffes r.s inai/y goods and
chattels as are fuMicient to difcharge the debt. No
man fhall be oh!i.?vd to perform more fervice for his fee
tlun Iro is bound to by histcnuic. No governor or confla-
bleof a caftle fhall chligc any knight to give money for
caftie-guard, if the knight be willing to perform the fer
vice in peribn, or by another able-bodied man S and if the
knight be in the field himfelf, by tl:o king s command, he
fhall be exemp .ed from all other fervicc of this nature.
No va ; Ll fliall be ;iHcnv ed to fell fo niuch of his land as
to incapacitate himfelf from performing his fervice to his
lor&amp;lt;),

THESE were the principal articles, calculated for the
inte r eft of the barons ; and had the charter contained
nothing farther, national happinefs and liberty had been
very little promoted by it , as it would only have tended
to increafe the power and independence of an crder of

J O H N. 413

men who were already too powerful, r.nd v. hofe yoke C H A P.
might have become more heavy on the people than even XI.

that of an abfolute monarch. But the barons, who alone v ,

drew and impofcd on the prince this memorable charter, 121 5-
were neceditated toinfert in it other claufes of a more ex-
tenfiveand a more beneiicent nature: 1 hey could not ex
pect the concurrence of the people, without comprehend
ing, together with their own, the interefts of inferior ranks
of men ; and all provifions which the barons, foi their own
lake, were obliged to make, in order to enfure the free and
equitable admtniftration of juftice, tended di redly to the
bcMiefit of the whole community. The following were
the princip.il claufes of this nature.

IT was ordained, that all the piivilcges and immunities
abo.e mentioned, granted 10 the barons againft the king,
extended by the barons to their inferior vaflals.
The king bound himielf not to grant any writ, empower-
in ^ i b iron to levy aids from his vaflals, except in the three
f.-udal cafes. Or.c weight and one meafure fhali be eila-
bliihed throughout the kingdom. Merchants fhall be al
lowed to tran fatt all bufmefs, without being expoied to
any arbitrary tolls and impositions: 1 hey and all free men
Ihall be ai owed to go out of the kingdom and return to it
at pleafurc : London and all cities and burghs, fhall pre-
ferve their ancient liberties, immunities, and free cuftoms :
Aids fhall not be required of them but by the confent of
the great council : No towns or individuals (hall be obliged
to make or fupport bridges but by ancient cuftom : The
goods of every freeman (hall be difpofed of according to
his will : If he die inteftatc, his heirs (hall fucceed to them.
No officer of the crown fhall take any horles, carts, or
wood, without the confent of the owner. The king s
courts of juftice fhall be ftationary, and (hall no longer
follow his perfon : They fhall be open to every one ; and
juftice fhall no longer be fold, refufed, or delayed by them.
Circuits mall be regularly held every year: The inferior
tribunals of juftice, the county court, (herifi"s turn and
court-leef, fhall meet at their appointed time and place :
The flieritls fhall be incapacitated to hold pleas of the
crown ; and (hall not put any perfon upon his trial, from
rumour or fufpicion alone, but upon the evidence of lawful
witnelFes. No freeman (hall be taken or imprifoned, or
difpoflelTed of his free tenement and liberties, or outlawed
or baniflied, or any \vife hurt or injured, unlefs by the le
gal judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land ;
and all who fuffered otherwile, in this or the two former
reigns, fhall be reftored to their rights and poffefllons. Eve
ry freeman (hall be fined in proportion to his fault ; and

414 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C II A P. nc &amp;gt; fi ne ft" 13 k c levied on him to his utter ruin : Even a
XJ. villain or ruilic fhal! not, by any fine, be bereaved of his

v carts, ploughs, and implements of hufbandry. This was

I3 5- the only article calculated for the interefts of this body of
men, probably at that time the inoft numerous in the
kingdom.

IT muft be confeffed, that the former articles of the
Great Charter contain fuch mitig.ttions and explanations
tf the feudal law as are reafonable and equitable ; and that
the latter in volv-c all the chief outlines of a legal govern
ment, and provide for the equal distribution of juftice and
five enjoyment of property ; the gieat objects for which
political fociety was at firft founded by men, which the
people ha.e a perpetual and unalietuble right to recal, and
which no time, nor precedent, nor ftatute, nor pofitive
inftitdtion, o.i^ht to deter them from keeping ever upper-
rnoU in their thoughts and attention. Though the provi-
fions n;ade by this chnrter might, conformably to the ge
nius o* he age, be eft earned too concile, and too bare of
circumltances, to maintain the execution of its articles, in
opposition to the chicanery of lawyers, fupported by the
viol-nee of power ; tio-.e gradually aleerlained the fenfe
of all the ambiguous exprefriouL, ; ?nd thole generous ba
rons, who firfl extorted this conceliion, ftill held their
fwords i:i their h.u"is, and could turn them againft thofe
who dared on any pretence to depart from the original fpi-
rit and meaning of fiie grant. \Ve may v.ow, from the
tenor of this charter, conje6hire wnut ihofe laws were of
kiog Edward which the Englifli naiion, during fo many
generations, ftill defired, with fuch an obftinate perfeve-
rance, to have recalled and eftablifhed. They were chief
ly thefe latter articles of Magna, Charta ; and the barons
who, at the beginning of theie commotions, demanded the
revival of th; Saxon Jaws, undoubtedly thought that they
had fufficicntly fatisfied the people, by procuring th ?in
this conceflion, which comprehended the principal objects
to which they ifad ib long afpired. But what we are nioft
to admire is, the prudence and moderation of thole haugh
ty nobles themfelves, who were enraged by injuries, in
flamed by oppofition, and elated by a total victory over
their fovercign. They were content, even in this pleni
tude of power, to depart from feme articles of Henry l. s
charter, which they made the foundation of their demands,
particularly from the abolition of wardfhips, a matter of
the greatcfi importance; and they feemtohave beenfurTici-
cntly careful not to diminilh too far the power and revenue
of the crown. If they appear, therefore, to have carried
other demands to too great a height, it can be afcribed o;:-

J O H N. 415

ly to the hifhlcfs and tyrannical character of the king C H A P.
himfelf, of which they had long had experience, and
which, they fbreiav/, would, if they provided no farther
fecurity, lead him loon to infringe their --.exv liherties,
and revoke liis own concelYious. This alone gave birth.
Jo thole other articles, feeniingly exorbitant, which were
added as a rampart for the fafe-guard of the Great Char
ter.

THE barons obliged the kins; to agree that London
fhould remain in their hands, au i the Tower be configned
to the cuflody of the primate, till the ir,th of Auguft, en-
fuing, or till the execution of the feveral articles of the
Great Charter*. The better to enfure the lame end, lie
allowed them to chufe iive-and-twenty members from their
own body, as confervators of the public liberties ; and no
bounds were fet to the authority of thefe men either in
extent or duration. If any complaint were made of a.
violation of the charter, whether attempted by the king,
jufliciaries, fheritls, or forcfters, any four of thefe barons
might admoniili the king to redrefs the grievance: If ia-
tisfaclion were not obtained, they could allcmbJe the whole
council of twenty-five ; who, in conjunction with the
great council, were empowered to compel him to obferve
the charter; and, in cafe of refinance, might levy war a-
gainfl him, attack his carties, and employ every kind of
violence, except againft his royal peribn, and that of his
queen and children. All men throughout the kingdom
were bound, under the penally of confilcation, to iwear
obedience to the twenty-five barons ; and the freeholders
of each county were to chulc twelve knights, who were to
make report of fucbevil cuflomsas required redrefs, con
formably to the tenor of the Great Charter f. The names
of thoie confervators were, the earls of Clare, Albemarle,
Glocefter, Winchelrer, Hereford, Roger Bigod earl of
Norfolk, Robert de Vere earl of Oxford, William Mare-
fchal the younger, Robert Fitz-Walter, Gilbert de Clare,
Euftace de Vefcey, Gilbert Delaval, William de Mou-
bray, Geoffrey de Say, Roger de Mombezon, William
de Huntingfield, Robert de Ros, the conOable of Chefter,
William de Aubenie, Richard de Pierci, William Malet,
John Fitz-Robert, William de Lanvalay, Hugh de Bi
god, and Roger de Montfichet |. Thefe men were, by
this convention, really inverted with the iovereignty of

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 201. Chrr.n. Bunft. vol. i. p. yj.

f 1 his feems a very ftroug proof that the houle of commons was not tiien
in being ; othcrvvife the knights and buigelles from the feveral counties could
have f iven in :o the lords a Hft of grievances, without lo urnifual an eledtion.

{ M. Flrii, p. 181.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, the kingdom : They were rendered co-ordinate with th
XI. king, or rather fuperior to him, in the exercife of the ex-

v ecutive power : And as there was no circumftance of go-

1215. vernment which, either directly or indirectly, might not
bear a relation to the fecurity or obfervance of the Great
Charier, there could fcarcely occur any incident in which
they might not lawfully interpofe their authority.

JOHN leemed to fubmit parTively to all thefe regulati
ons, however injurious to majefty : He fent writs to all
the IherirFs ordering them to conftrain every one to fwear
obedience to the twenty-five barons*: He difmiffed all
his foreign forces : He pretended that his government was
thenceforth to run in a new tencr, and be more indulgent
to the liberty and independence of his people. But he only
diffembiecl, till he fhould find a favourable opportunity for
annulling all his conceffions. The injuries and indigni
ties which he had formerly fuffered from the pope and the
]f ing of France, as they came from equals or fuperiors,
feemed to make but fmall impremon on hini : But the
fenle of this perpetual and total (ubjettion under his own
rebellious vaflals, funk deep in his mind, and he was de
termined, at all hazards, to throw oft fo ignominious a fla-
veryf. He grew fullen, filent, and referved : He fbun-
ned the fociety of his courtiers and nobles : He retired
into the Ifle of Wight, as if defirous of hiding his fhame
and confufion ; but in this retreat he meditated the moft
fatal vengeance againft all his enemies |. He iecretly
j ent abroad his emiflaries to inlift foreign foldiers, and to
invite the rapacious Braban9ons into his fervice, by the
profpecl of fharingthe fpoils of England, and reaping the
forfeitures of fo many opulent barons, who had incurred
the guilt of rebellion by riling in arms againft him || : And
he difpatched a meflenger to Rome, in order to lay before
the pope the Great Charter, which he had been compelled
to fign, and tocomphin, before that tribunal, of the vio
lence which had been impofcd upon him**.

INNOCENT, confidering himlelf as feudal lord of the
kingdom, was incenfed at the temerity of the barons, who,
though they pretended to appeal to his authority, had da
red, without waiting for his conient, to irr.pofe fuch terms
on a prince, who, by refigning to the Roman pontiff his
crown and independence, had placed himfelf immediately
under the p.tpal protection. He iflued, therefore, a bull,
in which, from the plenitude of his apoftolic power, and
from the authority which God had committed to him, to

M. Paris, p. 182. t Ibid. p. 183. J Ibid.

i| M. Paris, p. 183. Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 72. Chron. Mailr. p. 188.
* * M. Paris, p. 183. Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 73.

JOHN. 417

build and deftroy kingdoms, to plant and overthrow, he C H A P.
annulled and abrogated the whole charter, as unjuft in it- XI.

felf, as obtained by compulfion, and as derogatory to the

dignity of the apoftolic fee. He prohibited the barons IiJ 5-
from exacting the obfervance of it : He even prohibited
the king himfelf from paying any regard to it : He ab-
folved him and his fubjeds from all oaths which they had
been conftrained to take to that purpofe: And he pronoun
ced a general fentence of excommunication againft every
one who fhould perfevere in maintaining fuch treafonable
and iniquitous pretenfions*.

THE king, as his foreign force s arrived along with this Renewal
bull, now ventured to take off the mafk ; and, under f lhe ci ~
fan&ion of the pope s decree, recalled all the liberties V1
which he had granted to his fubjecls, and which he had
folemnly fworn to obferve. But the fpiritual weapon was
found, upon trial, to carry Jefs force with it than he had
reafon from his own experience to apprehend. The pri
mate refufed to obey the pope in publishing the fentence
of excommunication againll the barons ; and though he
was cited to Rome, that he might attend a general coun
cil there affembled, and was fufpended on account of his
difobedience to the pope, and his fecret correlpondence
with the king s enemies f ; though a new and particular
fentence of excommunication was pronounced by name
againft the principal barons if, John (till found that his no
bility and people, and even his clergy, adhered to the de
fence of their liberties, and to their combination againft
him : The fword of his foreign mercenaries was all he had
to truft to forreftoring his authority.

THE barons, after obtaining the Great Charter, feem
to have been lulled into a fatal fecurity, and to have taken
no rational meaiures, in cafe of the introduction of a fo
reign force, for re-afiembling their armies. The king
was, from the firft, mafter of the field; and immediately-
laid ftege to thecaftleof Rochefter, which was obftinately
defended by William de Albiney, at the head of a hun
dred and forty knights with thdr retainers, but was at laft
reduced by famine. John, irritated with the refinance, iot
intended to have hanged the governor and all the garrifon;
but, on the reprefcntation of William de Mauleon, who
fuggefted to him &amp;lt;he danger of reprisals, he was content
to facrifice, in this barbarous manner, the inferior prifoners
only II. The captivity of William de Albiney, the beft

VOL. I. 3 H

Kvmer, vol. i. p. 303, ao^ 805. 208. M. Paris, p. 184, i$$. 187.
f M. Taris, p. 180. + Ryraer, vol. i. p. an. M. fans, p. 192,

.i-is. j . 187.

418 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- officer among the confederated barons, was an irreparable
XI. lofs to their caufe ; and no regular oppofition was thence-

* - forth made to the progrefs of the royal arms. The rave-

I2l s- nous and barbarous mercenaries, incited by a cruel and
enraged prince, were let loofe againft the eftates, tenants,
manors, houfes, parks of the barons, and fpread devafta-
tion over the face of the kingdom. Nothing was to be
feen but the flames of villages and caftles reduced to allies,
the confternation and mifery of the inhabitants, tortures
exercifed by the foldiery to make them reveal their con
cealed treafures, and reprifals no lefs barbarous committed
by the barons and their partifans on the royal demefnes,
and on the eftates of fuch as flill adhered to the crown.
The king, marching through the whole extent of England,
from Dover to Berwic, laid the provinces waile on each
fide of him ; and confidered every flate, which was not
his immediate property, as entirely hoftile, and the object
of military execution. The nobility of the north, in par
ticular, who had (hewn greateft violence in the recovery
of their liberties, and who, adino in a feparate body, had
exprefled their dilcontent even at the conceffions made by
the Great Charter, as they could expel no mercy, fled
before him with their wives and families, and purchafed
the friendfhip of Alexander, the young king of Scots, by
doing homage to him.

Prince THE barons, reduced to this defperate extremity, an d

Lewis tai- menaced with the total lofs of their liberties, their proper
ties, and thsir lives, employed a remedy no lefs defperate ;
and making applications to the court of France, they of
fered to acknowledge Lewis, the eldeft Ion of Philip, for
their fovercign, on condition that he would afford them
protection from the violence of their enraged prince.
Though the fenfe.of the common rights of mankind, the
only rights that are entirely indefeafible, might have juf-
tified them in the depofition of their king, they declined
infifting before Philip on a pretenfion which is commonly
fo dilagreeable to fovereigns, and which founds hardily in
their royal ears. They affirmed that John was incapable
of fucceeding to the crown, by reafon of the attainder paf-
ied upon him during his brother s reign ; though that at
tainder had been reverfed, and Richard had even, by his
Jart will, declared him his fucceflor. They pretended
uifi . that he was already legally depofed by lentencc of the
peers of France, on account of the murder of his nephew ;
though that lenience could not poffibly regard any thing
but his tranfmarine dominions, which alone he held in
vaflalageto that crown. On more plaufible grounds they
affirmed, that lie had already depofed himfelf by doing

J O H N. 419

homage to the pope, changing the nature of his fovereign- CHAP*
ty, and refigningan independent crown for a fee under a XI.

foreign power. And as Blanche of Caftile, the wife of *

Lewis, was defcended by her mother from Henry II. I2 6 "
they maintained, though many other princes flood before
her in the order of fucceflion, that thev had not fhaken
off the royal family, in chufing her hufband for their
fovereign.

PHILIP was ftrongly tempted to lay hold on the rich
prize which was offered to him. The legate menaced him
with interdicts and excommunications if he invaded the
patrimony of St. Peter, or attacked a prince who was un
der the immediate protection of the holy fee*: But as
Philip was aflured of the obedience of his own vaflals, liis
principles were changed with the times, and he now un
dervalued as much all papal cenfures, as he formerly pre
tended to pay refpecl to them. His chief fcruple was
with regard to the fidelity which he might expect from the
Englifti barons in their new engagements, and the danger
of entrufting his fon and heir into the hands of men who
might, on any caprice or neceflity, make peace with their
native fovereign, by facrificinga pledge of fo much value.
He therefore exacted from the barons twenty-five hoftagcs
of the moft noble birth in the kingdom f ; and having
obtained this fecurity, he lent over firft a fmall army to
the relief of the confederates ; then more numerous forces,
which arrived with Lewis himfelf at their head.

THE firft effecl: of the young prince s appearance in
England was the defertion of John s foreign troops, who,
being moftly levied in Flanders, and other provinces of
France, refufed to ferve againft the heir of their monar
chy |. The Gafcons and Poiclevins alone, who were fliil
John s fubjefts, adhered to his caufe ; but they weie too
weak to maintain that fuperiority in the field which they
had hitherto fupported againfl the confederated Larons.
Many confiderable noblemen deferted John s party, the
earls of Salifbury, Arundel, Warrenne, Oxford, Albe-
marle, and William Marefchal t he younger: His caftles
fell daily into the hands of the enemy ; Dover was the on
ly place which, from the valour and fidelity of Hubert de
Burgh the governor, made refinance to the progrefs of
Lewis || : And the barons had the melancholy prolpecl of
finally fucceeding in their purpofe, and of cfcaping the
tyranny of their own king, by impofing on themfelves
and the nation a foreign yoke. But this union was of fhort

* M. Paris, p. 194. M. \Veft. p. 27;.
t M. Paris, p. 193. Chron. Dunft. vol. 5. p. 74.
{. M. Paris, p. 195. |j Ibid. p. irjS. Unon. Dunil. vol. i. p. 7;,, ;f&amp;gt;.

4 2o HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- duration between the French and Englifh nobles ; and the
XI. imprudence of Lewis, who on every occafion Showed too

vifible a preference to the former, increafed that jealouSy

1216. wh ch it was fo natural for the latter to entertain in their
preient fituation*. The vifcountof Melun too, it is&amp;gt; Said,
one of his courtiers, fell Tick at London, and finding the
approaches of death, he fent for Some of his friends among
the Englifh barons, and warning them of their danger,
revealed Lewis s fecret intenlrons of exterminating them
and their families as traitors to their prince, and beftowing
their eftates and dignities on his native Subjects, in whole
fidelity he could more realbnably place confidence f : This
(lory, whether true or fali e, was universally reported and
believed ; and concurring with other circumftances which
rendered it credible, did great prejudice to the caufe of
Lewis. The earl of Salisbury, and other noblemen de-
ferted again to John s party $; and as men eafily chan
ged fides in a civil war, efpecially where their power is
founded on an hereditary and independent authority, and
is not derived from the opinion and favour of the people,
the French prince had reaibn to dread a Sudden reverie of
fortune. The king was aflembling a considerable army,
with a view of fighting one great battle for his crown ; but
paffing from Lynne to Lincolnshire, his road lay along
the Sea-Shore, which was overflowed at high water; and
notchufmg the proper time for his journey, he loft in the
inundation all his carriages, treaSure, baggage, and rega
lia. The affliction for this difufter, and vexation from
the diffracted State of his affairs, increaled the ficknefs un
der which he then laboured ; and though he reached the
caflle of Newark, he was obliged to halt there, and his
^* diStemper Soon after put an end to his life, in the forty-
ninth year of his age, and eighteenth of his reign ; and
freed the nation from the dangers to which it was equally
expoSed by his Sucicefs or by his misfortunes.

andcha- ^ HE cn araclerof this price is nothing but a complica-

laderof tion of vices, equally mean and odious ; ruinous to him-
thekir-s. felf, and destructive to his people. Cowardice, inactivi
ty, folly, levity, jicentioulneSs, ingratitude, treachery,
tyranny, and cruelty ; all theSe qualities appear too evi
dently in the Several incidents of his life, to give us room
to fuipect that the diSagreeable picture has been anywJSc
overcharged by the prejudices of the ancient hiflorians. It
is hard to Say whether his conduct to his father, his bro
ther, his nephew, or his Subjects, was inoft culpable ; or

* W. Heming. p. 559. f M. Paris, p. 199. M. Weft. p. 277.

Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 78.

JOHN. 4 )i

whether his crimes, in thefe refpefts, were not even ex- CHAP,
ceeded by the bafenefs which appeared in his tranfaiStions XI.
with the king of France, the pope, and the barons. His * "" ^
European dominions, when they devolved to him by the
death of his brother, were more extenfive than have ever,
fince his time, been ruled by any Englith monarch : But
he firft loft, by his mifconducl, the flourifhing provinces
in France, the ancient patrimony of his family: Fie fub-
jefted his kingdom to a fhameful vafTalage under the fee of
Rome: He faw the prerogatives of his crown diminiihed
by law, andftill more reduced by faction : And he died
at laft, when in danger of being totally expelled by a fo
reign power, and of either ending his life (inferably in
prilbn, or feeking melter as a fugitive from the purfuit of
his enemies.

THE prejudices againfi this prince were fo violent, that
he was believed to have lent an embaffy to the Miramoulin
or emperor of Morocco, and to have offered to change
his religion and become Mahometan, in order to purchafe
the protection of that monarch. But though this flory is
told us, on plaufible authority, by Matthew Paris*, it is
in itfelf utterly improbable ; except that there is nothing
fo incredible but may be believed to proceed from the folly
and wickednefs of John.

THE monks throw great reproaches on this prince for
his impiety and even infidelity ; and as an inflance of it,
they tell us, that having one day caught a very fat flag, he
exclaimed, How plump and well fed is this animal! and
yet / dare fwear he never heard mafs^. This fally of
wit, upon the ufual corpulency of the priefts, more than
all his enormous crimes and iniquities, made him pafs with
them for an atheift.

JOHN left two legitimate fons behind him, Henry, born
on the firft of October 1207, and now nine years of age;
and Richard, born on the fixth of January 1209; and
three daughters, Jane, afterwards married to Alexander
king of Scots; Eleanor, married firft to William Mare-
fchal the younger, earl of Pembroke, and then Simon
Mountfort, earl of Leicefter ; and Ifabella, married to the
emperor Frederic II. All thefe children were born to
him by Ifabella of Angoulefme his fecond wife. His ille
gitimate children were numerous ; but none of them any-
wife diftinguifhed.

IT was this king, who, in the ninth year of his reign,
firft gave by charter to the city of London, the right of

* P. "69. .JM. Pans, p. 170.

422 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, clewing annually a mayor out of its own body, an office
XI. which was till now held for life. He gave the city alfo

v v power to elecl: and remove its (herifFs at pleafure, and its

j3i6. common-council-men annually. London bridge was
finifhed in this reign : The former bridge was of wood.
Maud the eraprefs was the firft that built a ftone bridge in
England.

( 423

APPENDIX II.

THE FEUDAL AND ANGLO-NORMAN

GOVERNMENT AND MANNERS.

Origin of the feudal law Its progrefs Feudal go
vernment of England The feudal parliament -

The commons Judicial power Revenue of the

crown Commerce The church Civil laws

Manners*

TH E feudal law is the chief foundation, both of the Appendix.
political government and of the jurifprudence efla- XII.

bliihed by the Normans in England. Our fubjel there- v /"" J

fore requires that we mould form a juft idea of this law,
in order to explain the ftate as well of that kingdom as of
all other kingdoms of Europe, which during thofe ages
were governed by fimilar inftitutions. And though 1 am
fenfible that 1 muft here repeat many obfervations and re
flections which have been communicated by others*; yet,
as every book, agreeably to the obfervation of a great hif-
torian f, fhould be as complete as poffible within itfelf, and
fhould never refer for any thing material to other books,
it will be neceffary in this place to deliver a fhort plan of
that prodigious fabric which for feveral centuries preferved
fuch a mixtre of liberty and oppreffion, order and anar
chy, ftability and revolution, as was never experienced in
any other age, or any other part of the world.

* L Efpirit de Loix. Dr. Robertfon s Hiftory of Scotland,
t Fadre Paolo Hift. Core. Trid.

424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix. AFTER the northern nations had fubdued the provinces
JJ- of the Roman empire, they were obliged to eftablifh a
fyftem of government which might fecure their conquefts,
as well againft the revolt of their numerous fubjects who
Theteudai remained in the provinces, as from the inroads of other
tew. tribes, who might be tempted to ravifh from them their

new acquifitions. The great change of circumftances
made them here depart from thofe inftitutions which pre
vailed among them while they remained in the forefts of
Germany; yet was it dill natural for them to retain, in
their prefent fettlement, as much of their ancient cuftonrcs
as was compatible with their new fituation.

THE German governments, being more a confederacy
of independent warriors than a civil fubjection, derived
their principal force from many inferior and voluntary
aflbciations, which individuals formed under a particular
head or chieftain, and which it became the higher) point of
honour to maintain with inviolable fidelity. The glory
of the chief confifted in the number, the bravery, and the
zealous attachment of his retainers : The duty of the re
tainers required that they fhould accompany their chief in
all u ars and dangers, that they fhould fight and perifh by
his fide, and that they fhoul^ efteem his renown or his
favour a fufficient recompence for all their lervices*. The
prince hirofelf was nothing but a great chieftain, who
was chofen from among the reft, on account of his fupe-
rior valour or nobility ; and who derived his power from
the voluntary affociation or attachment of the other chief
tains.

WHEN a tribe, governed by thefe ideas, and actuated
by thefe principles, fubdued a large territory, they found
that though it was neceffary to keep themfelves in a milita
ry pofture, they could neither remain united in a body,
nor take up their quarters in feveral garrifons, and that
their manners and inftitutions debarred them from ufmg
thefe expedients ; the obvious ones, which in a like fitua
tion would have been employed by a more cizilized nati
on. Their ignorance in the art of finances, and perhaps
the devaluations infeparable from fuch violent conquefts,
rendered it impracticable for them to levy taxes fufficient
for the pay of numerous armies ; and their repugnance to
fubordination, with their attachment to rural pleafures,
made the life of the camp or garrifon, if perpetuated during
peaceful times, extremely odious and difguftful to them.
They leized, therefore, fuch a portion ot the conquered
lands as appeared necefiary ; they affigned a fliare for fup-

* Tacit, de Mor. Germ.

APPENDIX II. 425

porting the dignity of their prince and government ; they Appendix.
diftributed other parts, under the title of tiefs, to the chiefs; " ^
ihele made a new partition among their retainers ; the ex-
prels condition of all thefe grants was, that they might be
refumed at pleafure,and that the polFclTor, fo longas he en
joyed them, fhould ftill remain in readinefs to take the
field for the defence of the nation. And though the con
querors immediately feparated, in order to enjoy their
new acquifitions, their martial difpofition made them rea
dily fulfil the terms of their engagement : Thev affembled!
on the firft alarm; their habitual atachment to the chieftain
made them willingly fubmit to his command; and thus a
regular military force, though concealed, was always rea-
dy to defend, on any emergence, the intereft and honour
of the community.

WE are not to imagine that all the conquered lands
were leized by ihe northerfTConquerors ; or that the whole
of the land thus feized was fubjrfted to thofe military fer-
vices. This fuppofition is confuted by the hiftory of all
the nations on the continent. Even the idea given us of
the German manners by the Roman hiftorian, may con
vince us that that bold people would never have been con-
lent with fo precarious a fubfifience, or have fought to
procure eftabliihmentr, which were only to continue during
the good pleafure of their fovereign. Though the northern
chieftains accepted of lands which, being confidered as a
kind of military pay, might be refumed at the will of the
king or general j they aHb took poflcffion of eftates which;
being hereditary and independent, enabled them to main
tain their native liberty, and fupport, xvithout court-favour,
the honour of their rank and family.

BUT there is a great difference, in the confequenccs, Progrefs o,
between the diftribution of a pecuniary fubfiftence, and tlie teuda ^
the alignment of lands burthened with the condition of
military fervice. The delivery of the former at the week
ly, monthly, or annual terms of payment, ftill recalls the
idea of a voluntary gratuity from the prince, and reminds
the fo .dier of the precarious tenure by which he holds his
commiffion. But the attachment, naturally formed with a
fixed portion of land, gradually begets the idea of fome-
thing like property, and makes the poflellor forget his de
pendent fituation, and the condition which was at firfi an
nexed to the grant. It feemcd equitable, that one who
rud cultivated and fowed a field fhould reap the harveft :
Hence fiefs, which were at firft entirely precarious, were
loon made annual. A man who had employed his monejT
in building, planting, or other improvements, expc&ed to

VOL. L 3 I

425 HISTORYOF ENGLAND.

Appendix, reap the fruits of his labourer expence : Hence they were
" next granted during a term of years. It would be thought

v hard to expel a man from his poflemons who had always
done his duty, and performed th;? conditions on which he
originally received them : Hence the chieftains, in a fub-
iequcnt period, thought themfelves entitled to demand the
enjoyment of their feudal lands during life. It was found,
that a man would more willingly expofe himfelf in battle,
if allured that his family mould inherit his poflVffions, and
Should not be left by his death in want and poverty : Hence
fiefs were made hereditary in families, and defcended,
during one age, to the fon, then to the grandfon, next to
the brothers, and afterwards to more diflant relations*.
The idea of property ftole in gradually upon that of
military pay ; and each century made fome fenfible ad
dition to the ftability of fiefs and tenures.

IN all thefe fuccefiive acquifitions, the chief was Sup
ported by his vaffals ; who, having originally a Strong con-
neciion with him, augmented by the conftant intercourse
of good offices, and by the friendship arifing from
vicinity and dependance, were inclined to follow their
leader againft all his enemies, and voluntarily, in his pri
vate quarrels, paid him the fame obedience to which, bv
their tenure, they were bound in foreign wars. While he
chily advanced new pretenfions to Secure the pofl effion
of his Superior fief, tl.ey expe ted to find the fame advan
tage, in acquiring (lability to their Subordinate ones; and
they zealoufly oppofed the intrufion of a new lord, who
would be inclined, as he was fully intitled, to befiow the
pofieffion of their lands on his own favourites and retain
ers. Thus the authority of the Sovereign gradually de-
cavecl ; and each noble, fortified in his own territory by
the attachment of his vafJals, became too powerful to be
expelled by an order from the throne; and he Secured by
Ira-v what he had at firSt acquired by uSurpation.

DURING this precarious tlate of the Supreme power, a
difference would immediately be experienced between
tiiofe portions of territory which were Subjected to the
feudal tenures, and thoSe which were pofTeiTed by an allo
dial or free title. Though the latter pofleSTions had at fiift
been efteemed much preferable, they were Soon Sound, by
the progreifive changes introduced into public and private
law, to be of an inferior condition to the former. The
pofleflorsof a feudal territory, united by a regular Subor
dination under one chief, and by the mutual attachments
of the vallals, had the Same advantages over the proprietors

* Lib. Feud. lib. j. tit. t.

A P P E N D I X IT. 427

of the other, that a difciplined army enjoys over n difper- Appendix.
led multitude ; and were enabled to commit with impunity 11.

all injuries on their defencelefs neighbours, kvery one, "--

therefore, haitened to feek that protection which he found
Ib neceflTary ; and each allodial proprietor, refigning his
podefllons into the hands of the king, or of forne noble
man refpected for power or valour, received them b ick
with the condition of feudal fervices*, which, though a
burden fomewhat grievous, brought him ample compen-
fation, by connecting him with the neighbouring proprie
tors, and placing him under the guarjdianfhip of a potent
chiiftain. The decay of the political government thus
neceflarily occafioned the extenfion of the feudal : The
kingdoms of Europe were univerfally divided into baro
nies, and thefe into inferior fiefs: And the attachment of
vafLls to theirchief, which was at firft an efTential part of
the German manners, was ft ill fupported by the fame caufes
from which it at firft arofe ; the necettity of mutual pro-
teilion, and the continued intercourfe, between the head
and the members, of benefits andl ervices.

Bur there was another circumfiance which corroborated
tlicfe feudal dependencies, and tended to connect the vaf-
fals with their fuperior lord by an ihdiflblublc bond of
union. The northern conquerors, as well as the more
early Greeks and Romans, embraced a policy, which is
unavoidable to all nations that have n*,!de flender advances
in refinement: They every where united (he civil jurif-
diclion with the military power. Law, in its commence
ment, was not an intricate fcience, and was more govern
ed by maxims of equity, which fecm obvious to common
fenfe, than by numerous and fubtile principles, applied to
a vaiifty of cafes by profound reafonings from analogy.
An officer, though he had parted his life in the field, was
able to determine all leg;jl controverfies which could oc
cur within thediftrict committed to his charge ; and hisde-
cifions were the mod likely to meet with a prompt and
ready obedience, from men who refpecled his perfon,
and were accufiomed to act under his command. The
profit aiifing from pr.nilliments, which were then chicflv
pecuniary, was another reafon for his defiling to retain
the judicial power ; and when his fief became hereditary,
this authority, \vhioh u ;;s eiloi;rial to it, was allb tranfmit-
ted to his pofterity. The counts, and other rnagiftrateSj
whole power was merely official, were tempted, in imita
tion of the feudal lords, whom fhev referr.bled in to many
particulars, to render their dignity perpetuul and hercdjta-

* Marculf, Form. ^7.

423 HISTORY OF ENG L AND.

Appendix, ry ; and in the decline of the regal power, they found no
M difficulty in making good their pretenfions. After this

; manper the vaft fabric of feudal fubordination became

quite folid and comprehenfive; it formed every where an
effential part of the political confutation ; and the Nor
man and other barons, whj followed the fortunes of Wil
liam, were fo accuflomed to it, that they could fcarcely
form an idea of any other fpecies of civil government*.

THE Saxons who conquered England, as they exter
minated the ancient inhabitants, and thought themfelves
fecured by the fea againft new invaders, found it lefs re-
quifite to maintain them/elves in a military pofture : 1 he
quantity of land which they annexed to offices feems to
fcave been of (mall value; and fcr that reafon continued
the longer in its original fituation, and was always poiTef-
fed during plealure by thofe who were intruded with the
command. Theie conditions were too precarious to fatisfy
the Norman barons, who enjoyed more independent pof-
feflions and jurifdictions in their own country; and Wil
liam was obliged, in the new diflribution of land, to copy
the tenures, which were now become universal on the
continent. England of a ludden became a feudal king-
domf; and received all the advantages, and was expoled
to all the inconveniences, incident to that Ipeciesof civil
polity.

The feu- ACCORDING to the principles of the feudal law, the
dai go- king was the fupreme lord of the landed property : All
verr.ment pofleiTors, who enjoyed the fruits or revenue of any part

of Jtng- r ii i /- -i -i i- i -I-

gland. * ]t held thole privileges, either mediately or immedi
ately, of him; arid their property was conceived to be, in
fome degree, conditional . The land was ftill apprehen
ded to be a fpecies of benefice, which was the original con
ception of a feudal property ; and the vaflfal owed, in re
turn for it, ftated lervices to his baron, as the baron him-
felf did for his land to the crown. The vaflal was obliged
to defend his baron in war ; and the baron, at the head of
his valTals, was bound to fight in defence of the king and
kingdom. But befides thefe military lervices, which were
ca. ual, there were others impoied of a civil nature, which
were more conftant and durable.

THE northern nations had no idea, that any man, train
ed up to honour, and enured to arms, was ever to be go
verned, without his own confent, by the ablolute will of

* The ideas cf the feural fevernment were fo looiecl, that even lawyers, iti
thofe agc-s, could not foim a notion of any other conftitution. Regiunt (fi\i
Erafton, l.L. 2. cap. 34-)&amp;gt; quod ex comhatlbus Of baronibus d .cltur tfft coxjii-
ttttum
f Coke Comm. on Lit. p. i. a. and fe&amp;lt;f&amp;gt;. i.

^ Soruner of Ga\elk. r. KJO. iiiiith tie Hep. lib. 3. cap. 10.

A P P E N D 1 X II. 429

another ; or that the adminifhation of juftice was ever to Apnendit.
be exercifed by the private opinion of anyone magiftrate, 1U

without the concurrence of fome other perfons, whole v *

intereft might induce them to check his arbitrary and
iniquitous decifion*. The king, therefore, when he found
It neceffary to demand any fervice of his barons or chief
tenants, beyond what was due by their tenures, was obli
ged to aflemble them, in order to obtain their confent I
And when it was neceffary to determine any controverfy,
which might arife among the barons themfelves, the quef-
tion mufl be difcufled in their prefence, and be decided ac
cording to their opinion or advice. In thcfe two circufn-
flances of confent and advice, confified chiefly the civil
fervices of the ancient barons ; and thefe implied all the
considerable incidents of government. In one view, the
barons regaided this attendance as their principal privilege,
in another, ?s a grievous burden. That no momentous
affairs could be tranfatted without their confent and ad vice,
was in general efteemed the great fecurity of their poflei-
fions and dignities : But as they reaped no immediate pro
fit from their attendance at court, and were expoled to
great inconvenience and charge by an abfence from their
own eftates, every one was glad to exempt himlelf from
each particular exertion of this power ; and was pleafed
both that the call for that duty fhould feldom return upon
him, and that others fhould undergo the burden in his
flead. The king, on the other hand, was ufually anxi
ous, for feveral reafons, that the affembly of the barons
mould be full at every ftated or cafual meeting: This at
tendance was the chief badge of their fubordination to
his crown, and drew them from that independence which
they were apt to affeft in their own caftles and manors ;
and where the meeting was thin or ill attended, its deter
minations had lefs authority, and commanded not fo ready
an obedience from the whole community.

THE cafe was the fame with the barons in their courts,
as with the king in the fupreme council of the nation. It
was requifite toaffemble the vaflals, in order to determine
by their vote any queftiori which regarded the barony ;
and they fat along with the chief in all trials, whether
civifr or criminal, which occurred within the limitsof their
jurifdiction. They were bound to pay fuit and fervice at
the court of their baron; and as their tenure was military,
and confequcntly honourable, they were admitted into his
fociety, and partook of his friendship. Thus, a kingdom
was confidered only as a great barony, ai.a a barony as a
fmall kingdom. The baions were peers to each other H.
the nat-onal council, and, in fome degree, companions

430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Append^, to the king : The vaffals were peers to each other in the
fJ- court of barony, and companions to their baron *.

v BUT though this refemblance fo far took place, the
vaffals, by the natural courfe of things, univerfally, in the
feudal conrtitulions, fell into a greater fubordination under
tfye baron, than the baron himfelf under his fovereign; and
tfyefe governments had a ncceflary and infallible tendency
to augment the power of the nobles. The great chief,
fefiding in his country-feat, which he was commonly al
lowed to fortify, loft, in a great meafure, his connexion or
acquaintance with the prince ; and added every day new
force to his authority over the vaffals of the barony. They
received from him education in all military exercifes: His
hofpitality invited them to live and enjoy fociety in his
hall: Their leifure, which was great, made them perpe
tual retainers on his perfon, and partakers of his country
fportsand amufements : They had no means of gratifying
their ambition but by making a figure in his train : His
favour and countenance was their great eft honour : His
difpleafure expofed them to contempt and ignominy : And
they felt every moment the neceffityof his protection, both
in the controverfies which occurred with other vaffals, a-nd,
what was more material, in the daily inroads and injuries
which v/ere committed by the neighbouring barons. Du
ring the time of general war, the fovereign, who marched
at the head of his armies, and was the great prote&or of
the ftate, always acquired lome accellion to his authority,
which he loft during the intervals of peace and tranquillity:
But the loofe police, incident to the feudal conftitutions,
maintained a perpetual, though fecret hoftility, between
the feveral members of the ftate; and the vaffals found no
means of fecuring themfelves againft the injuries to which
they were continually expofed, but by cloiely adhering
to their chief, and falling into a fubmiffive dependence up
on him.

IF the feudal government was fo little favourable to the
true liberty even of the military vaffal, it was ftill more
deftrucliveof the independence and fecurity of the other
members of the ftate, or what, in a proper fenfe, we call
the people. A great part of them were ferjs, and lived
in a ftate of abfolute flavery or villainage: The other in
habitants of the country paid their rent in fervices, which
were in a great meafure arbitrary ; and they could expert
noredrcfs of injuries, in a court of barony, from men who
thought they had a right to opprefs and tyrannife over

* Du Cansre Gloff. in verb. P&amp;lt;ir. Cupr. Commuti. in Lib. Feud. lib. i. i : ,
p- 18. bp jlm. Glorf. in verb.

APPENDIX II. 43*

them: The towns were fituatcd either within the demefnes Appendix.
of the king or the lands o; the great barons, and were **
almoft entirely fubjected to the ablolute will ot their maf- *
ter. The languiihing il ;te of commerce kept the inhabi
tants poor and contemptible ; and the poli tical inftitutions
were calculated to render that poverty perpetual. The ba
rons and gentry, lining in ruflic plenty and hdfpitafity,
gave no encouragement to the arts, and had no demand for
any of the more elaborate manufactures: Every profeHi-
on was held in contempt but that of arms : And if any
merchant or manufacturer rofe by indufiry and frugality to
a degree of opulence, he found himfelf but the more ex-
poied to injuries, from the envy and avidity of the military
nobles.

THESE concurring caufes gave the feudal governments
fo ftrong a bias towards arifiocracy, that the royal autho
rity was extremely eclipfed in all the European Rates ;
and, infiead of dreading the growth of monarchical power,
we might rather expect that the community would every
where crumble into fo many independent baronies, and
lofe the political union by which they were cemented. In
elective monarchies, the event was commonly anfwerable
to this expectation ; and the barons, gaining ground on
every vacancy of the throne, raifed themfelves almcft TO
a (late of fovereignty, and facrificed to their power both
the rights of the crown and the liberties of the people. But
hereditary monarchies had a principle of authority which
was not lo eafily fubverted ; and there were feveral caufes
which ftill maintained a degree of influence in the hands
of the iovereign.

i HE grcateft baron could never lofe view entirely cf
thofc principles of the feudal conftitution which bound
him, as a vafTal, to fubmiffion and fealty towards his prince;
becaufe he was every moment obliged to have recourfe to
thole principles, in exacting fealty and fubmiflion from
hfls own vaflals. The leffer barons , finding that the anni
hilation of royal authority left them expofed, without pro-
lection, to the infults and injuries of more potent neigh-
hours, naturally adhered to the crown, and promoted ihe
execution of general and equal laws. The people had Hi] I
a flronger intereft to defire the grandeur of the fovereign ;
and the king, being the legal magiftrate, who differed by
every internal convulfion or oppreffion, and who regarded
l he great nobles as his immediate rivals, aOumed the falu-
tary office of general guardian or protector of the com
mons. Befides the prerogatives with which the law invef-
ted him, his large demefnes and numerous retainers renue
red him, in one fcnfc, the greateft baron in his kingdom;

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, and where he was poflefled of pe fonal vigour and abilities

II* (for his fituation required thefe advantages), he was com-

* monly able to prcferve his authority, and maintain his

ftation as head of the community, and the chief fountain of

law and juftice.

THE firft kings of the Norman race were favoured by
another circumftance, which preferved them from the en
croachments of their barons. They were generals of a
conquering army, which was obliged to continue in a mili
tary pofture, and to maintain great fubordination under
their leader, in order to fecure themfelves from the revolt
of the numerous natives, whom they had bereaved of all
their properties and privileges. But though this circum
ftance fupported the authority of William and his immedi
ate fucceflors, and rendered them extremely abfolute, it
was loft as fopn as the Norman barons began to incorpo
rate with the nation, to acquire a fecurity in their poflef-
fions, and to fix their influence over their vaflals, tenants,
and (laves. And the immenfe fortunes which the Con
queror had beftowed on his chief captains, ferved to fup-
port their independence, and make them formidable to the
fovereign.

HE gave, for inftance, to Hugh de Abrincis, his fifter a
fon, the whole county of Chefter, which he erected into
a palatinate, and rendered by his grant almoft independent
of the crown*. Robert earl of Mortaigne had 973 man
ors and lordfliips : Allan earl of Britanny and Richmond
442: Odo bifhop of Baieux439f: Geoffrey bifhop of
Coutance 280 $ Wilter Giifard earl of Buckingham
107: William e.irl Warrennc 298, befides 28 towns or
hamlets in Yorkfhire : Todenei 81 : Roger Bigod 123:
Robert earl of Eu 119: Roger Mortimer 132, befidea
feveral hamlets : Robert de Stafford 130 : Walter de Eu-
rus earl of Salifbury 46: Geoffrey de Mandeville 118:
Richard de Clare :yi : Hugh de Beauchamp47: Baldwin
de Ridvers 164: Henry de Ferrars 222 : WilJiam de Per
cy 119!) : Norman d Arcy 33* *. Sir Henry Spelman
computes, that, in the large county of Norfolk, there
were not, in the Conqueror s time, above fixty-fix pro
prietors of land ft. Men, poflefled of fuch princely re
venues and jurifdiclions, could not long be retained in the

* Camel, in Ch~fh. Spelm. Gloff. in verb. Comet Palatinus.
t Brady s Hift. p. 198.2*0. t Order. Vital.

l| Dugdaie s Barona&e, trom Domefday Book, vol. i. p. 60. 74. iii. 112. 132.
136. 138. 156. 174. ioo. 207. 22j. 2S4- 57- 260.

* * Ibid. p. 369. It is remarkable that this family of d Arcy feerhs to be
the onlv male defcendems of any of the Conqueror s barons now remaining
among the peers. Lord HoUleinelfe i the heir of that faruilf .

ft Spel. GIoflT in - eib. Dentefday,

A P P E N D I X II. 433-

rank of fubjedls. The great earl Warrenne, in a fubfe- Apr- 1 *^*.
quent reign, when he was quettioned concerning his ^

right to the lands which he poffefled, drew his fword, which * *

he produced as his title ; adding, that William the Baftard
did not conquer the kingdom himielf ; but that the barons,
and his anceftor among the reft, were joint-adventurers in 1
the enterprife *.

THE fupreme legiflative power of England was lodged T]
in the king and grejt council, or what was afterwards cal- feudal
led the parliament. It is not doubted but the archbifhops, pariiamenV.
bifhops, and moft considerable abbots, were conftituent
members of this council. They fat by a double title : J3y
preicription, as baving always pofieiled that privilege,
through the whole Saxon period, from the firft eflablifh-
ment of Cbfiftianity ; and by their right of baronage, as
holding of the king in capitc by military fervice. Tlieie
two tiilesof the prelates were never accurately diftinguifh- ,
ed. When the ufurpstions of the church had rifen to
fuch a height, as to make the bifliops affect a feparate domi
nion, and regard their feat in parliament as a degradation
of their epifcopal dignity ; theking infifted that they were
barons, and, on that account, obliged by the general prin
ciples of the feudal law, to attend on him in his great coun
cils f. Yet there ftill remained Ibme practices, which
fuppofed their title to be derived merely from ancient pot-
feffion : When a bifhop was elected, he fat in parliament
before the king had made him reftitution of his temporali
ties ; and during the vacancy of a fee, the guardian of the
fpiritualities -was fummoned te attend along with the
bilhops.

THE barons were another conftituent part of the great
council of the nation. Thefe held immediately of the
crown by a military tenure : They were the moft honour
able members of the ftate, and had a right to be confulted
in all public deliberations : They were the immediate
vaflals of the crown, and owed as jtjcrvice their attendance
in the court of their fupreme lord. A refolution taken
without their confent was likely to be but ill executed i
And no determination of any caufe or controverfy among
them had any validity, where the vote and advice of the
body did not concur. The dignity of earl or count was
official and territorial, as well as hereditary ; and as all
the earls were alfo barons, they were confjdered as military
vaflals of the crown, were admitted in that capacity into

VOL. 1. 3 K

* Dug. Par. vol. i. p. 79. Ibid. Oi gines Jurid^dles, p. ij.
t Spcl, Gloff. invejb. Bare.

434 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, the general council, and formed the moft honourable and
!! powerful branch of it.

"~~ J BUT there was another clafs of the immediate military

tenants of the crown, no lefs, or probably more, numerous
than the barons, the tenants in capitt by knights fervice ;
and thefe, however inferior in -power or property, held
by a tenure which was equally honourable with that of the
others. A barony was commonly compofed of feveral
knights fees: And though the number feems not to have
been exactly defined, feldom comfifted of leis than fifty
hydes of land*: But where a man held of the king only
one or two knights fees, he vasflillan immediate vaflal
of the crown, and as fuch had a title to have a feat in the
general councils. But as this attendance was ufually
efteemed a burthen, and one too great for a man of flen-
der fortune to bear conflantly ; it is probable that, though
he had a title, if he pleafed, to be admitted, he was not
obliged, by any penalty, like the barons, to pay a regular
attendance. All the immediate military tenants of the
crown amounted not fully to 700, when Domelday-book
was framed ; and as the members were well pleafed, on
any pretext, to excufe themfelves from attendance, the
affembly was never likeh to become too numerous for the
difpatch of public bufinefs.

The com So far the nature of a general council, or ancient par-

mans, liament, is determined without any doubt or controverfy.
The only queftion feems to be with regard to the com
mons, or the reprefentatives of counties and boroughs ;
whether they were alfo, in more early times, conftituent
parts of parliament ? This queftion was once difputed in
England with great acrimony : But fuch is the force of
time and evidence, that they can fometimes prevail even
over faction ; and the queftion feems, by general confent,
and even by their own, to be at laft determined againft
the ruling party. It is agreed, that the commons were no
part of the gjeat council, till feme ages after the conqueft;
and that the military tenants alone of the crown compofed
that fupreme and legiflative atTembly.

THE vaffals of a baron were by their tenure immedi
ately dependant on him, owed attendance at his court,
and paid all their duty to the king, through that depen-
dance which their lord was obliged by his tenure to ac
knowledge to his fovereign and fuperior. Their land,

* Four hydes made one knight s fee: The relief of a barony was twelve
times greater than that of a knight s fee; whence we may conjecture its ufual
v.ilne. Spelm. Clod , in ve:b. l \ ,diun. J here were 243,600 hydes in i.ng-
5and, anc!6o,2i ; knights fees; whence it is evident tkat there were a little
mon- than four hydes in each knight s fes.

APPENDIX II. 435

comprehended in the barony, was represented in pailia-
ment by the baron himSclf, who was fuppofed, according
to the fitlionsc " the feudal law, to poffeSs the direct pro-
pertyof it, and it would have been deemed incongruous to
give it any other representation. They flood in the fame
capacity to him, that he and the other barons did to the
king : The former were peers of the barony ; the latter
were peersof the realm : The vaSfals poffefled a Subordinate
rank within their diftricr. ; the baron enjoyed a Superior
dignity in the great aflembly : They were in fome degree
his companions at home ; he the king s companion at court:
And nothing can be more evidently repugnant to all feu
dal ideas, and to that gradual Subordination which was eS-
fcntial to thoSe ancient inilitutions, than to imagine that
the king would apply either for the advice or confent of
men, who were of a rank fo much inferior, and whofe duty
was immediately paid to the ?n&amp;gt; fne lord that was interpofed
between them and the throne*.

IF it be unreasonable to think that the vaflals of a baro
ny, though their tenure was military and noble and ho-
noura &amp;gt;le, were ever Summoned to give their opinion in na
tional councils, much lels can it be SuppoSed, that the
tradefmen or inhabitants of boroughs, whoSe condition was
fo much inferior, would be admitted to that privilege. It
appears from DomeSday, that the greateSt boroughs were,
at the time of the conquefl, Scarcely more than country
villages; and that the inhabitants lived in entire depen-
dance on the king or great lords, and were of a Station lit
tle better than Servile f. They were not then So much as
incorporated ; they Sormed no Community ; were not re
garded as a body politic ; and being really nothing but a
number of low dependent tradeSmen, living, without any
particular civil tie, in neighbourhood together, they were
incapable of being represented in the States of the king
dom, liven in France, a country which made more early
advances in arts and civility than England, the firft cor
poration is Sixty years pofterior to the conqueft under the
duke of Normandy ; and the erecting of theSe communi
ties was an invention of Lewis the Grois, in order to free
the people from Slavery under the lords, nd to give them
protection, by means of certain privileges and a Separate
jurisdiction \. An ancient French writer calh; th;m a new
and wicked device, to procure liberty to Slaves, and en
courage them in Shaking off the dominion of theii maftersH.

* Spelm. GloIT. in veib. Euro. f L\Ler Lamol Thinly (ii-

fietl i f-emieinau : For fcaice any one beficle was entire 1 .)- fiee. Spelm. Gloll.
in verbo. j Du Cangc s Gioif. ift vb. Ciwl | C^mmunitus*

|| Guiber uu dc vita fua, lib. j. caj). 7.

430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix. The famous charter, as it is called, of the conqueror to
Ii- the city of London, though granted at a time when he af-

4 v fumed the appearance of gentleneis and lenity, is nothing

but a letter of protection, and a declaration that the citi
zens (hould not be treated as {laves*. By the Englilh feu
dal law, the fuperiqr lord was prohibited from marrying
his female ward toaburgefs or a villain + ; fo near were
jhefe two ranks efteemed to each other, and fo much infe
rior to the nobility and gentry. Befides pofle fling the ad
vantages of birth, riches, civil powers and privileges, the
nobles and gentlemen alone were armed, a circumftan.ee
which gave them a mighty fupeviority, in an age when
nothing but the military profeflion was honourable, and
when the looie execution of laws gave fo much encourage
ment to open violence, and rendered it fo decifive in all
difputes and conlroveifiesj.

THE great fimilarity among the feudal governments of
Europe is well known to every man that has any acquain
tance with ancient hiflory ; and the antiquaries of all fo
reign countries, where the qucftion was never embarrafJed
by party difpuies, ha^e allowed, that the commons came
very Jatejto be admitted to a fhare in the legislative power.

In Normandy particularly, whofe conciliation was moil
.likely to be William s model in laifing his pew fabric of
Englifti government, the ftates were entirely compofed of
the clergy and nobility ; and the firft incorporated bo
roughs or comm inities of that dutchy were Rouen and Fa-
laife, which enjoyed their privileges by a grant of Philip
Auguflus in the year 1207)!. All the ancient Englim hif-
torians, when they mention the great council of the nati
on, call it an aflembly cf the rnronzge, robility, or great
men ; and none of their expreffions, though feveral hun
dred paiTages might be produced, can, without the ufmcft
violence, be tortured to a meaning which will admit I he
commons to be conftilueut members of that body**. If

* Srat. of Merton, I5^,cap. 6. f Hollin? fhed, vol. iil.p. n; L
Madox s Paron. A n^t. p. iq. jj Norman. Cu Chefmi, p.

1066. Du Cange Glo.T. in erb. C^r.m -re.

* * Sometimes .the hiflorians mention the people, populvs, as a part of the
parliament ; ti;:t they always mran ihe !a ; rv, in oppofit on to the clergy. Snr.,--
times the word comif^aitat is found ; but it always mexKttnt^amitai barong&amp;gt;&amp;gt;.
Thefe points are clearly proved by Dr. Brady. 1 here is allb mention fon e-
tirnes made of a crowd or multitude that thronged into the great council on
particular interellirg rcralion.s ; but as defntJes from boroughs are ne- er
once fpole of, the proof, that they had not then any exiftei.ce, becomes tie
more certain and Undeniable. i hefe never could make a crowd, as they
mull have had a regular r a. eafligned them, if they had made a regular part cf
the legiflative body. Iheie were only 1 3 " boroughs who received wiitsof fun.-
jnons from Ldwaid 1. It is exprtMy laid in Gefa Reg. Steph. p. 932, lhat it
was uf;:ai for the populace, vulgus, to crowd into the great councils ; vl.tu-
they were plainly me:e i;jLClators, and could only giatify their curioiity.

A P P E N D 1 X II.

in the long period of 200 years, which elapfed between .
the Conqueft and the latter end of Henry ill. and which
abounded in factions, revolutions, and eonvulfions, of all
kinds, the houfe of co-unions never performed one finale
le^iflativs act to confiderable as to be once mentioned by

anv of the numerous hiftoiians or that age, they mull
have been totally infignificant : And in that tale, what
realbn can be afligned for their ever being affembled V
Can it be fuppofed, that men of Ib little weight or impor
tance poflefled a negative voice againit the king and the
barons? Every page of the fubfeq.uent hiftories difcovers
their exigence ; though thefe hiftoriesarc not written with
greater accuracy than the preceding ones, and indeed
Scarcely equal them in that particular. 1 he Magna
Ckarta of king John provides, that no fcutage or aid
fhould be impofed, either on the land or towns, but by
content of the great council ; and for more lecurity, it
enumerates the perfons entitled to a feat in that afiembly,
the prelates and immediate tenants of the crown, without
any mention of the commons : An authority io full, cer
tain, and explicit, that nothing but the zeal of party
could ever have procured credit to any contrary hypo-
thefis.

IT was probably the example of the French barons,
which firil emboldened the Englifti to require greater inde
pendence from their fovereign : It is allo probable, that
the boroughsand corporations of England were eftablifiied
in imitation of thofe of France. It may, therefore, be
propofed as no unlikely conjecture, that both the chief
privileges of the peers in England and the liberty of the
commons were originally the growth of that foreign
country.

IN ancient times, men were little folicitous to obtain a
place in the legislative aflcmblies ; and rather regarded
their attendance as a burden, which was not com pen fa ted
by any return of profit or honour proportionate to the trou
ble and expence. The only reaion for inftjtating thole
public councils was, on the part of the fubjeci, that they
defired fome fecunty from the attempts of arbitrary pow
er ; and on the part cf the fovereign, that he deipaired of
governing men of fuch independent Ipirits without their
own conient and concurrence. But the commons, or the
inhabitants of boroughs, had not as yet reached fuch a
degree of confederation as to defire fecunty againfi their
prince, or to imagine, that even if they were ailembled in
a reprefentativebody, they had power or rank fufficient to
enforce it. The only protection which they alpired to,
was againil the immediate violence and injuflic? ftf their

438 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

Appendix, fellow-citizens ; and this advantage each of them Jooked
U. f&amp;lt;,r from the courts of juftice, or from the authority of iome

v v _. prp.-jj. jortj, to whom by l..w or his own choice he was at-

ta bed. On itieo her hand, the (Sovereign was fufftciently
aflared of u -sedieuC 1 in the whole community, if he pro-
^fored tne concurrence of the nobles; nor had he realori
to apprehend ? Mt ? r iy order of the ftate could refill his
and their united a thorny. The military fub-vaflals could
enteituin no idea of oppoliagboth their prince and their
fuperiors : The burgeltes and tradelmen could much lei s
alp-re to Inch -: thought : And hus, ev.-.-n if hifiory were
filenton the head, we have reaioa to conclude, from the
known fituation of fociety during thofe ages, that the
commons were never admitted as members of the legifla-
tive body.

THE executive power of rh: Anglo Norman govern
ment was lodged in the kh.g. Befides the ftated meetings
of riie national council at the three great feftivals of Chrin-
mas, toiler, and Whitfuntide*, he was accuftomed, on
any fudden exigence, to lummon them together. He
could at his pleafure command the attendance of his
barons and their vaflals, iu which confuted the military
force of the king lorn; and could employ them, during
forty days, either in refilling a foreign enemy, or reducing
his rebellious fubjecls. And, what was of great impor
tance, the whole judicial power was ultimately in his
hands, and was exerciied by officers and miniflers of his
appointment.

THE general plan of the Anglo-Norman government

judicial was, that the court of barony was appointed to decide
fuch controverfies as aiofe between the several vaffals or
fubje&sof the fame barony, the hundred-court and county-
court, which were Hill continued as during the Saxon
times f, 10 judge between the fubje&S of different baro
nies |; and the curia regis, cr king s court, to give fcn-

* Dugd.Oiig. Jurid. p. 15. Speuii. GlofT. in vcrbo farliamenium.

\ Ar.g ,-&amp;gt;ai:ra. vol. i. p. jj-j, &amp;gt;xc. Dugd. Orig. Jur.J. p. ^7. 29. Madox
Hill, of L\cli. P 75, -/6. S,&amp;gt;e!in. Glcii. in verbo Hundred.

I N-^ne ol utc lfui.il go crnmenis in --utope had fuch iriftitutions as the;
count, c liuts, wh.chthe giea- authoriiy of the Conqueror ftiil iciained fiom the
Sa*on cuit^ms All UM freeholder* of die count" even the gieaieft barons,
were obliged to attend ilie theuffsin tnci.- courts, and to aifift them in the ad-
miniftidtion of juftice. By this means tuey receive ! frequent ano i"e;.:.fale ad-
mi iitiins . their de ^endance on the king or lupreme magi- rate : Jhey foimed
a kino of c immunity with their fellovr-ta O .3 and freeholdeis : J hey were
ofter liav from their indi .Jual an.i iadt ; .ident ftate, peculiar to the feudal
fy .iem ; ana were made members if a political body : And per), aj)-&amp;gt;, this iufii-
tution of count, -couits m Englam. has had gteaier effeits on the government
than has vet bcendiitindtiy pointed out by hifiorans, or tiactu bi antiijuaries.
The b.ron-. were never able to fiee themfe) es fiom this attendance on the
fiierifts and itineiaut jufticeb till the reign cf he;;r/ 111.

A P P E N D I X II. 439

tejice among the barons themfelves*. But this plan, though Appendix.
fimple, was attended with foroe circumftances which, being U-
derived from a very extenfive authority adumed by the * r ~~~ J
Conqueror, contributed to increase the royal prerogative;
and as Jong as the fiate was not difturbed by arms, reduced
every order of the community to fome degree of depen-
dance and fubordination.

THE king himfelf often fat in his court, which always
attended his perfon \ : He there heard caufes and pronoun
ced judgment %\ and though he was afFifted by the advice
of the other members, it is not to be imagined that a deci-
fion could eafily be obtained contrary to his inclination or
opinion. In hisabfence the chief judiciary pref.ded, who
was the firft magiftrate in the Rate, and a kind of viceroy,
on whom depended all the civil affairs of the kingdom ||
The other chief officers of the crown, the conftable, mare-
fchal, fenefchal, chamberlain, treafurer, and chancellor**,
were members, together with fuch feudal barons as thought
proper to attend, and the barons of the Exchequer, who
at firft were alfo feudal barons appointed by the king f"f.
This court, which was fomctimes called the king s court,
fometimes the court of Exchequer, judged in all caufes,
civil and criminal, and comprehended the whole bufinefs
which is now fhnred out among four courts, the Chancery,
the King s Bench, the Common Pleas, and the Exche
quer JJ.

SUCH an accumulation of powers was itfelfa great fource
of authority, and rendered the jurifdiftion of the court for
midable to all the fubje&s ; but the turn which judicial
trials took ibon after the Conqueft, ferved ftill more to
increafe its authority, and ,to augment the royal prero
gatives. William, among the other violent changes
which he attempted and effected, had introduced the
Norman law into England ||||, had ordered all the plead
ings to be in that tongue, and had interwoven, with the;
Engliih jurifprudence, all the maxims and principles
which the Normans, more advanced in cultivation, and
naturally litigious, were accuftomed to obferve in the
diflribution of juflice. Law now became a fcience,
which at firft fell entirely into the hands of the Normans ;

* Brady, Pref. p. 143. f Madox Hift. of Exch. p. in;.

t Bratton. lib. 3. cap. g. i. cap. T&amp;lt;V i. | Spelm. Gloii. in ver-

bo Jitjiic :arii. * Madox Hift. Exch. p. 27. 29. jj. 38. 41. 54.

The Nor mans introduced the practice of fealing charters ; and the chancrllor s
oftce was to keep the Great Seal IngvlfDugd p. 33.34. tt Ma

dox hiit. of the Exch. p. 134, 135. Gerv. IJorob. p. 1387. f J Ma

dox HiQ. of the Exch. p. 56. 70. ,j !| Dial, de Scac. p. 30. apod

Madox Hit. f the txchsquer.

440

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix. a nd which, even after it was commnnicated to the Englifh,
^ required Ib much ftudy and application that the laity, in

41 v thole ignorant ages, were incapable of attaining it, and
it was a myftery almoft folely confined to the clergy, and
chiefly to the monks*. The great officers of the crown,
and the feudal barons, who were military men, found
themfelves unfit to penetrate into thofe obfcurities ; and
though they were entitled to a feat in the fupreme judica
ture, the bufmefsof the court was wholly managed by the
chief judiciary and the law barons, who were men ap
pointed by the king, and entirely at his difpofalf. This
natural courfe of things was forwarded by the multiplicity
of bufineis which flowed into that court, and which daily
augmented by the appeals from all the fubordinate judica
tures of the kingdom.

1 N th* Saxon times, no appeal was received in the king s
court, except upon the denial or delay of juftice by the
inferior courts ; and the fame practice was ftill obferved
in moft of the feudal kingdoms of Europe. But the great
power of the Conqueror eftablifhed at ft rft in England an
authority which the monarchs in France were not able to
attain till the reign of St. Lewis, who lived near two centu
ries after : He empowered his court to receive appeals both
from the courts of barony and the county-courts, and by
that means brought the adminiflration of juftice ultimate
ly into the hand of the fovereignj. And left the expence
or trouble of a journey to court fhould difcourage luitors,
and make them acquiefce in the decifion of the inferior
judicatures, itinerant judgec were afterwards eftablifhed,
who made their circuits throughout the kingdom, and
tried all caufes that were brought before them||. By this
expedient the courts of barony were kept in awe ; and if
they ftill preferved fome influence, it was only from the
apprehensions which the vaflals might entertain of difo-
bliging their fuperior,by appealing from his jurifdiclion.
But the county-courts were much difcredited ; and as the
freeholders were found ignorant of the intricate principles
and forms of the new law, the lawyers gradually brought
all bufineis before the king s judges, and abandoned the

* Malmef. lib. 4. p. 123. f Cugd. Orig. Jurid. p. 25. } Madox

Kift. of the Uch. p. 6.-,. GJanv. lib. 12. cap. i. 7. LL. lien. I. 31. spud
Wilkins, p. 248. Jritz-Stepht-rs, p. 36. Coke s Comment, on the Statute of
Mulbridge, cap. 20. || Madox. Hift. of the txch. y&amp;gt;. $3, 84. ir,.

Gerv. Doic.b. p. 1410. What marie the Anglo-Noiinan barons more readily
fubm t to appeals from their court to the king s court of l ,&amp;gt; chequer, was their
feeing accuftomed to like appeals in Normandy to the ducal court of exchequer.
See Gilbert s HiRory of the Lxchequer, p. I, 2; though the author thinks it
"doubtful whether the Jv oriran coitit was not rather copied fiom the Eng,-
liih, p. 6.

APPENDIX II. 441

ancient fimple and popular judicature. After this manner
the formalities of juftice, which, though they appear te
dious and cumberfome. are fcrund requifite to the fupport
of liberty in all monarchical governments, proved atfirft,
by a combination of caule?, very advantageous to royal au
thority in England.

TME power of the Norman kings wasalib much fupport- Revenue
ed by a gre^t revenue ; and by a revenue that was fixed, of the
perpetual, and independent of the fubjeci. The people, cr
without betaking thernfelves to arms, had no check upon
the king, and no regular lecuritv for the due adminiftra-
tion of juftice. In thole days of violence, many inftances
of oppreflion pa fled unheeded : and foon after were open
ly pleaded as precedents, which it was unlawful to diipute
or control. Princes r rid minifters were too ignorant to be
thernfelves feufible cf the advantages attending an equita
ble adminiftra ion ; and there was no eftablilhed council
or aflemblv which could protect the people, and, by
withdrawing fupplies, regularly and peaceably admonifh
the king of his duty, and enfure the execution of the
laws.

THE firft branch of the king s Hated revenue was the
royal demelhes or crown lands, which were very exten-
Jive, and comprehended, befide a great number of manors,
moft of the chief cities of the kingdom. It was eftablilhed
by law that the king rould alienate no part cf his demefne,
and that he himfelfor his fucceflbr could at any timerefume
filch donations * : But this law was never regularlv oblerv-
ed ; which happily rendered in time the cro*.vn fomewhat
more dependant. The rent of the crown lands, confidered
merely as fo much riches, was a foutceof power : The in
fluence of the king over his tenants and the inhabitants of
1m towns, iacreafed this power : But the other numerous
branches of his revenue, befides fupplytng his treafury,
gave, by their very nature, a great latitude to arbitrary au
thority, and were a fupport of the prerogative; as will
appear from an enumeration of them.

THE king was never content with the flated rents, but
levied heavy talliages at pleafure on the inhabitants Loth
of town an.d country, who lived within his demefne. All
bargains of (ale, in order to prevent theft, being prohibit
ed except in boroughs and public markets f, he pretended
to exacl tolls on all goods which were there fold J. He
feized two hogfheads, one before and one behind the mail,

VOL. I. 3 L

* Flcu, lib. i. cap. 8. 17. lib. j.cao. 6. $ ^. Brttfon, Hb. 2. Cdp. ?,
t LL. Will, i, cap. 6t. * Yadox. p. $jo.

442

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, from every vefiel that imported wine. All goods paid to
H. his cuftoms a proportional part of their value*: PafTage

v v over bridges and on rivers was loaded with tolls at plea-

fure f: And though the boroughs by degrees bought the
liberty of farming thefe impofitions, yet the revenue pro
fited bv thefe bargains ; new fums were often exacted for
the renewal and confirmation of their charters J, and the
people were thus held in perpetual dependance.

SUCH was the fituation of the inhabitants within the
royal demefnes. But UK- pofletTors of land, or the milita
ry tenants, though they were better protected both by law,
and by the great privilege of carrying arms, were, from
the nature of their tenures, much expofed to the inroads of
power, and pofJefled not what we ihould efteem, in our
age, a very durable fecuritv . The Conqueror ordained
that the barons fhould be obliged to pay nothing beyond
their ftated fervices ||, except a reafonable aid to ranfom
his perion if he were taken in war, to make his eldeft
fon a knight, and to marry his elded daughter. What
fhould on thefe occafions be deemed a reaibnable aid, was
not determined ; and the demands of the crown were fo
far diicretionary.

THE king could require in war the perfonal attendance
of hisvaflals, that is, of almofl all the landed propiietors;
and if they declined the fervice, they were obliged to pay
him a cotnpofition in money, which was called a fcutage.
The fum was, during (ome reigns, precarious and uncer
tain ; it was fometimes levied without allowing the vaflal
the liberty of perfonal fervice** ; and it was a ufual arti
fice of the king s to pretend an expedition, that he might
be entitled to levy the fcutage from his military tenants.
Danegelt was another fpecies of land-tax levied by the
early Noiman kings, arbitrarily, and contrary to the laws
of the Conqueror ft. Money-age was alfo a general
land-tax of the fame nature, levied by the two firft Nor
man kings, and abolifhed by the charter of Henry 1 1|.
It was a .billing paid every three years by each hearth,
to induce the king not to ufe his prerogative in debafine;
the coin. Indeed it appears from that charter, that though
the Conqueror had granted his military tenants an immu
nity from all taxes and Uilliages, he nd his fon William
had never thought themfelves bound to oblerve that rule,
but had levied impofitions at pleafure on all the landed

* Madox, p. 579. Tliis author fays a fifteenth. But it is not eafy to recon
cile this account to other authpiities. f Mailox, p. 529.
Madox s Hift. of the Lxch. p. 675, 276, 277, fee.
|! LL. \Vi \. Conq. 55. * * Gervafe de I ilbury, p. 25.
f f Mauox ; Hift. of the Exch. p. 475. $$ Matth. 1 aris, p. 38.

APPENDIX II.

443

tfiates of the kingdom. The utmoft that Henry grants is, Appendix.
that the land cultivated by the military tenant himielf fhall
not be fo buidened ; but he reserves the power of taxing """ VM "~
the farmers : And as it is known that Henry s charter was
never obferved in any one article, we may be allured, that
this prince and his fucceffors retraclecl even this frnall in
dulgence, and levied arbitrary impofitions on all the lands
of all their fubjects. Thefe taxes were lometimes very
heavy; fince Malmefbury tells us, that in the reign of
William Rufus, the farmers, on account of them, abandon^
cd tillage, and a famine enfued*.

THE efcheats were a great branch both of power and
of revenue, efpecially during the firft reigns after the Con-
queft. In default of pofterity from the firft baron, his
land reverted to the crown, and continually augmented the
king s pofleffions. The prince had indeed by law a power
of alienating theie efcheats ; but by this means he had an
opportunity of eftablifhing the fortunes of his friends and
fervants, and thereby enlarging his authority. Sometimes
he retained them in his own hands ; and they were gradu
ally confounded with the roy-jl demefnes, and became dim-
cult to be dil tinguifhed from them. Thisconfr.fion is pro
bably the reafon why the kin^ acquired the right of alie
nating hisdemeines.

BUT befides eicheats from default of heirs, thole which
enfued from crimes or breach of duty tow-irds the fuperior
Jord, were frequent iv, ancient times. If the valTal, being
thrice fummoned to attend his firperior s court, and do feal
ty, neglected or refilled obedience, he forfeited all titie to
his landf- If he denied his tenure, or refufed his fervice,
he was expoled to the fame penalty $. If he fold his eftate
wi hout licence from his lord||, or if he fold it upon any
other tenure or title than that by which he himielf held
it**, he loft all right to it. The adhering to his lord s
enemiesft, deferting him in war, J :, betraying his fe-
cretsl! |!, debauching his wife or his near relations*^, or
even ufing indecent freedoms with themf^., might be
pun i(Tied by forfeiture. J he higher crimes, rapes, robbe
ry, murr!?r, arfon, &c. were called felony ; and being
interpreted want of fidelity to the lord, m.ide him lo!e his
fief* +. Even where the felon *va ; v.iilal to a baron, though
his immediate loid enjoyed the ioiiuiture, the king might

* SoaKbCbron. vbb. Knyghton, p. 2366.

t Hottom. de Feud. Difp. cap. , J L . . \.

tit. i. ^. tit. lib. a i. 39. (l Id. l.b. i . t t. 2 i. t&amp;gt;. 4.

Tit. .^4. ft ! - -" j- : *i l(i - i b. 4- tit. i \. -2\.

r i. l.b. 4. tit. 14. . !&amp;lt;!. l.b. i. tit. ; f, .

lib. I. tit. i. * j : i vim. ^ ;wi. .n veil.. 1 t-. -

444 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, retain poiTeffion of his eilate during a twelve-month, and

JI. had the right of fpoiiing and deftroying it, unlefs the ba-

v ^ j O n paid him a reafonable corppofition *. We liave not

here enume-rated ail the Ipecies of felonies, or of crimes

by Mihich forfeiture was incurred : We have faid enough

to prove, that the poffeffion of feudal property was anci-

eatly fornewhafc precarious, and that the primary idea was

never loft, of its beinga kind of jee or benefice.

WHEN a baron died, the king immediately took pof
feffion of the eftatc ; and the heir, before .he recovered his
right, was obliged to make application to the crown, and
defire that he might be admitted to do homage for his land,
and pay a compofition to the king. This compofition
.was not at firft fixed by law, at leafl by practice: The
king was often exorbitant in his demands, and kept pof-
fefllon of the land till they were complied with.

IF the heir were a minor, the king retained the whole
profit of the eflate till his majority ; and might grant what
fum he thovught proper for the education arid maintenance
of the young baron. This practice wa^^lib founded on
the notion that a fief was a benefice, an^hat while the
heir could not perform his military fcrvices, the revenue
devolved to the fuperior, who employed another in his
ftead. It is obvious, that a great proportion of the landed
properly mud, by means of this device, be rontrrnially in
the handb of the prince, and that all the noble families
were thereby held in perpetual dependance. When the
king granted the wardfhJp of a rich heir to any one, he
had the opportunity of enriching a favourite or rninifter :
If he fold it, he thereby levied a confideiable fum of money.
Simon de&lounrfort paid Henry III. io,coo marks, an
immenfe^lfim in thole days, for the wardfhip of Gilbert
de Umfrcvillef. Geoffrey de Ivlandeville paid to the f.~ine
prince the Aim of SO.OOQ marks, that he might marry lia-
bel countefs of Glocefter, and poffefs all her lands and
knights fees. This fum would be equivalent to 300,000,
perhaps 400,000 pounds in our time t-

IF the heir were a female, the king was entitled to olter
her any hufband of her rank ho thought proper; and if
ihe refufed him flic forfeited her land. Even a male heir
could not marry wifhout the royal confent ; and it was
ufual for men to pay lorgc fums for the liberty of making
their own choice in marriage ||. No man cculd difpofe
of his land, either by (ale or will, without the confent of
his fuperioi t The potlellor was never confidered as full

* Spe ra. GlofT. in veib. Ft Ionia. Glanville, lib. 7. cap. 17.

| Madox sHift. of the Exch. p. ;2j.

t Id. p. 322. j| Id. p. 320.

APPENDIX II. 445

proprietor: He was flill a kind of beneficiary ; and could Appendix.
not oblige his fnperior to accept of any vaHal that was not 11.
agreeable to him.

PINES, amerciaments, and oblatas, as they were called,
were another confiderable branch of the royal power
and revenue. The ancient records of the exchequer,
which are ftill preierved, give furpriting accounts of the
numerous fines and amerciaments .levied in thofe days*,
and of the flrange inventions fallen upon to exact money
from the fubjett. It appears that the ancient kings of
England put therqfelves entirely on the foot of the barba
rous eaftern princes, whom no man mud approach without
a prefent, who fell all their good offices, and who intrude
themfelvesinto every bufinefs that they may have a pre-
fence for extorting money. Even jufiice was avowedly
bought and fold ; the king s court itfclf, though the fu-
preme judicature of the kingdom, was open to none that
brought not prefents to the king; the bribes given for the
expedition, delay f, fufpenuon, and, doubrlefs, for the
perverfion of juftice, were entered in the public repifiers
of the royal revenue, and remain as monuments of the
perpetual iniquity and tyranny of the times. The borons
of the exchequer, for initance, the firft nobility of the
kingdom, were not afhamed to infert,as an article in their
records, that the county of Norfolk paid a fum that they
might be fairly dealt with $; the borough of Yarmouth,
that the king s charters, which they have for their liberties,
might not be violated ||; Richard, fon of Gilbert, for the
king s helping him to recover his debt from the Jews** :
Serlo, fon of Terlavafion, that he might be permitted to
make his defence, in cafe he were accufed of a certain ho-
micide ff ; Walter de Burton, for free law, if accufed
of wounding another || ; Robert de EHart, for hnving an
Jnqueit to find whether Roger the butcher, and VVace and
Humphrey, accufed him of robbery and theft out of envy
and ill-will, or not||]|; William Buhurft, for having an
inqueft to find whether he were accufed of the death of
one Godwin, out of ill-will, or for jurt caufe*^. 1 have
felected thefe few inftances from a ^reat number of a like
kind, which Madox had lelefted from a flill greater num
ber, preferveiiin the ancient rolls of the exchequer f 4"

SOMETIMES the party litigant offered the king a certain
portion, a half, a third, a fourth, payable out of the debts
which he, as the executor of juftice, fliould affift in re-

* Madox s Hift. of the Exch. p. rv . ! Id. p. 274. j-^o.
t Id. p. 205. l| Id. ibid. * (d. p. 296. He

pa d 2^0 mirks, a great fum in thcfs da&amp;gt; -c .. f j- Id. p. 2(..6.
tj Id. ibid. || || Id. p. 2 q8. *4 Id. 5. 302.

t j. MadoK s Hift. of the Exch. chap. xii.

446 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix. Covering*. Theophania de Weftland agreed to pay the
11. half of 212 marks, that fhe might recover that fum againft

* * f James de Fughlefton \ ; Solomon the Jew engaged to pay

one mark out of every feven that he ihould recover againft
Hugh de la HofeJ ; Nicholas Morrcl promifed to payfixty
pounds, that the earl of Flanders might be dillrained to pay
hirtl y43 pounds, which the earl had taken from him ; and
thefe fixty pounds were to be paid out of the firft money
that Nicholas fhould recover from the earl ||.

As the king adumed the entire power over trade, he
to be paid for a permiflion to exerciie commerce or
of any kind**. Hugh Oiiel paid 400 marks
for liberty to trade in England ft: Nigel de Havenne
gave fifty marks for the partnerfhip in merchandife which
he had with Gervafe de Hanton$$ : The men of Wor-
cefter p*id 100 millings, that they might have the liberty
of felling and bu ing dyed cloth as formerly |!|| : Seve
ral other towns paid for a like liberty * # . The commerce
indeed of the kingdom was fo much under the control of
the king, that he erected gi ds, corporations, and monopo
lies wherever he pleafed; and levied fumsfor thefe exclu-
five privileges f .]..

THKRE were i;o profits fo fmall as to be below the king s
attention. Henry, fon of Arthur, gave ten dogs to have
a recognition againft the countefs of Copland for one
Knight s fee|jj. Roger, fon of Nicholas, gave twenty
lampreys and twenty fhodsforan inqueft, to find whether
Giij&amp;gt;ert, fon of Alured, gave to Roger 200 muttons to ob
tain his confirmation for certain lands, or whether Roger
took them from him by violenceljjl j| : Geoffrey Fitz-Pierre,
the chief jufticiary, gave two good Norway hawks,
that Walter le Madine might have leave to export a hun
dred weight of cheefe out of the king s dominions f*f.

Ir i really amufing to remark the Orange bufinefs in
which the king fometimes interfered, and never without
a prefent : The wife of i ugh de Neville gave the king
2OO hens, that the might lie with her hufbundone night J*J;
and fhe brought with her two fureties, who anfwered each
fora hundred bens. It is probable that her huiband was
a prifoner,. which debarred her from having acccfs to him.
The abbot of Rucford paid ten marks, for leave to cret
houfes an:i place men upon his land near Welhand, in or
der to fecuie 1m wood there from being ftolen ||*|| : Hugh

* Madox s Hift.of the E&amp;gt;cl. 1.311- fid. ibid. J Id. p. jq. 31?.

!! Id. p. 512. !ci p. 323. t ( Id. ib.d.

** Id. ibid. !j!i Id.p. *. ; d. ibid.

f Id. p. 2;2, 233, &c. . Jtt M^iiOx s Hift. of txeK. p. ?oS.

Ijil l Id. p. 365. i*;Id. p. 3:3. +JW-P-3^

||"|| Id. ibid.

APPENDIX II. 447

archdeacon of Wells gave one tun of wine for leave to car- Appendix.
rv 6--O fumms of corn whither he would*: Feter de II.

Peraris nave twenty marks for leave to fait fifties, as Peter **- *

Chevalier ufedtodof.

IT was ufual to pay high fines, in order to gain the
king s good will, or mitigate his anger, hi the leign of
Henry II. Gilbert, the (on of Fergus, fines in 910 pounds
(hillings to obtain that prince s favour; William de Cha-
taignesa thoufarid marks, that he would remit l.is dilplea-
fure. In the reign of Henry HI. the city of London
fines in no leis a turn than 20,000 pounds on the tame ac
count .

THE king s proteclion :md good offices of every kind
were bought and fold. Robert Griilet paid twenty marks
of filver, that th; king would help him again!} the earl
of Moitaigne in a certain plea jj : Robot de Cundet gave
thirty marks of filver that the king would bring him to an
accord with the bitbop of Lincoln * * : Ralp de Breckham
gave a hawk, that the king would protect himf f ; and
this is a very frequent reafon ior payments: John, fon of
Ordgar, gave a Norway hawk to have the king s requeft
to the king of Norway to let him have his brother Go-
dard s chattels | $ : Richard de Neville gave twenty pal
freys to obtain the king s lequefl to Ifolda Biffet, that fhe
fhouldtake him fora hufband |||l : Roger Fitz- Waiter gave
three good palfreys to have the ki"g sletier to Roger Ber-
trame s mother, that (he fhould marry him %: Eiing, the
d^&amp;gt;.n, paid joo marks, lhat his whore and his children
might be let out upon bail j* 4 The bifhop of Winchef-
ter gave one tun of good wine for his not putting the king
in mind to give a girdle to the countefs of Albemai !e $ |J :
Robert de Veaux gave five of the beft palfreys, that the
king would hold his tongue about .Henry Pinel s wift||ll||.
There are, in the records of thecxchequer, many other fin-
gular inftancesofa like naturef*f. It will however be juft

Id. p. 320. f Id. p. jco. J Id. p. 327. j?8.

|| MacK;&amp;gt; s K&amp;lt;u. oi !-xch. p. 321.). * III. j&amp;gt;. 330. It id. p. 332.

$ Id. ,!.,!. !|.| Id. p. 333. - Id. ibid.

f| Id. p. 342. Pro ba ,txdii arnica fua ttJUl is. S?r. Jti id. p. 352.

j| l| ! Id. ib.d. Ut rtx toftrel de uxore tlenrici Pine/.

ft We.Jkall gratify t hi reader t curtnjity by J^ubjoining a fevi inme ivjlances
from Madnx, p. 3 j j. t luh OiU-1 was ti) ^i e the Ring iwo tobes of good gicen co
lour, to have tlie king s letters patent to the merchants of tlanriers, with a rc-
queft to lender him 1000 maiks, wh.ch lie loft in Flanders. i he abbot cf
Hyde paid thirty marks, to have the klr.g s letters of requeft to the archifliop of
Canterbury, to remote certain monks tl-.at \ve:e againft the abbot, liogerde
1 rihanton paid twenty marks and a palfrey, to ha e the king s requeft of Ri-
char.l de Umfieville to give liim his fiflei 10 wife, and to the lifter that fhe
would accept him fora hulband : \Vi!ham de Cheveringworth paid five marks, to
have the king s letter to the abbot of teiioie, to let him enjoy peaceably- his
tythes as formerly ; Matthew de Hereford, clerk, paid teojnarks fora leiter of

448 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, to remark, that the fame ridiculous practices and dangerous
iJ- abufes prevailed in Normandy, and probably in all the

&amp;lt; / other dates of Europe*. England was not, in this refpect,

more barbarous than its neighbours.

THESE iniquitous practices of the Norman kings were
fo well known, that on the death of Hugh Bigod, in the
reign of Henry II. the bell and moft juft of thele princes,
the eldeft fon and the widow of this nobleman came to
court, and drove, by offering large preients to the king,
each of them to acquire poffeffion of that rich inheritance.
The king was fo equitable as to order the caufe to be tried
by the great council ! But in the mean time he feized all
the money and treafure of the deceafedf. Peter of Blois,
a judicious and even an elegant writer for that age, gives
a pathetic defcription of the venality of judice, and ihe
oppreffions of the poor under the reign of Henry : And
he fcruples not to complain to the king himfelf of thefe
abufes J. We may judge what the cafe would be under
the government of worfe princes. The articles of enqui
ry concerning the conducl of fheriffs, which Henry pro
mulgated in 1170, (how the great power, as well as the
Jicentioufnefs of thefe officers)!.

AMERCIAMENTS or fines for crimes and trefpaffes were
another confiderable branch of the royal revenue||. Mod
crimes were atoned for by money ; the fines impofed were
not limited by any rule or datute ; and frequently occa-
fioned the total ruin of the perfon, even for the flighted
trefpaffes. The foreO-laws, particularly, were a great
fource of opprefiion. The king poffeffed fixty-eight fo-
reds, thirteen chares, and feven hundred and eighty-one
parks, indifferent paits of Englandtf ; and, confidering
the extreme paffion of the Englilh and Normans for hunt
ing, ihefe were fo many fnares laid for the people, by
which they were allured into trefpaffes, and brought with-

requeft to theblfliop of Landaff, to let him enjoy peaceably his chuich of
Schenfrith ; Andrew Neuhin ga e three Flemifll caps for the king s requeft to
the prior of Chikefand, for performance of an agreement made between them;
Henry de Kontibusgave a Lombardy horfe of value to we the king s requefl to
Henry Fita-Harvey, that he would give him his daughter to wife : Roger, fon
of Nicholas, promlfed all the lampreys ke cculd get, to hat e the king s requeft
toeail William Marfhal, that he would :ant h.m the manor of Langeford at
Firm. The burgeffesof Glocefler prom fedjoo Umpieys, that they nvght net
be diftrainedto find theprifoneisof Ptriftou withneceriaries, un.rfs they pleafed.
Id. p. 552. Jordan, fon of Reginald, paid twenty marks to ha-.e the king s
requeft to William Paniel, that he would grant him the land of Mill Jsiereimit,
and the cuftody of his heiis ; and if Jordan obtained the fame, he was to pay the
twentv maiks, otherwife not. Id. p. 333.

* Madox s Hift. of the Exch. p. jy,. t Bened Abb. p. 180, l8l.

J Petri Blef. Epift. 95. apud Bibl. latrum, torn. 24. p. 214.

i Hoveden, Chron. Gcrv. p. 1410. * Madox, chap, xiv,

f{ ,-ipelm. GloJi, in veibo Forejla.

A P P E N D 1 X II. 449

in the reach of arhitrary and rigorous laws, which the
king hud thought proper to enaCt by his own a lthoiity.

BUT the moft barefaced acls of tyranny ai d op) I-
fion were pnclifed againft the Jews, who were entin y
out of the protection of law, were e\t!err.elv od&amp;gt;ous from
the bigotry of the people, and were abandoned to the im-
nrea fur able rapacity of the king and his minifk-rs. Pe-
fides many other indignities to which they were continual
ly expofed, it appears that they were once all thrown into
priibn, and the (urn of 66,oco marks exacted for tln-ir li
berty* : At another time Haac the Jew paid alone 5100
marksf ; Brim, 3000 marks:}: ; Jurnet 2020 ; Beniiet,
500 : At another, Licorica, widow of David the Jew of
Oxford, was requited to pay 6000 marks ; and (he was
delivered over to fix of the richeft and difcreetcft lev s in
England, who were to anfwer for the fun:||. Henry HI.
borrowed 5000 marks from the earl of Cornwal ; and for
his repayment configned over to him all the Jews in Eng
land**. The revenue anting from exactions upon this
nation was Ib confiderable, that there was a particular court
of exchequer fet apart for managing itff.

We may jud^e concerning the low (late of commerce Commerce,
among the Englifh, when the Jews, notwithftan-iing thefe
oppreffions, could (till find their account in tradingamong
them, and lending them money. And as the improve
ments of agriculture were aifo much checked by (he itn-
menfe poffVffions of the nobility, by the diforders of the
times, and by the precarious (late of feudal property, it
appears that induftry of no kind could then have place in
the kingdom^.

IT is aflerted by Sir Harry Spelrnan|||! T as an undoubted
truth, that during the reigns of the firft Norman princes,
every edi6lof the king, iffued with the confent of his prr-
vy-council, had the fu!! force of law. But the barons,
furely, were not fo paffive as to entiufl a power, entirely
arbitrary and defpotic, into the hands of the (overeign.
It only appears, that the conftitution had not fixed any
precife boundaries to the royal power ; that the right of

VOL. I. 3 M

4 ,V of the Exch. p. 331. I his liarv^mM in the rcitti of king

]( .,, f Jf ^ P- 5 ? 5J-

* l\. p. ft id. ch. - :. *t ^ Vr Jl " " U1 &amp;lt;hc extiafls

p r.eti us of L oiu.-f: av by Brady, in IKS 1 reatifc of Rorovigiis. that ahnoft all

irooghSof I .ngland had fufTeied in the ft.cK k of ; and had

extremely &amp;lt;!&amp;lt; aved between the death cf the Coufeiior, and the time when

Doiii"l&amp;lt;!ay wa^ framed.

|| j| GiofT. in verb. JudidumDfi. The author of ihr ftfti-ror d,s JuJUcct
romiildin i, tliat ordinances are only made bv the kinp and his clerks, and by
aliens and others, who dare not &amp;lt; onna.li^ the kiiw, but (ludv to pleafe him.
Whence, he concludes, laws ie oftencr dictated by will, than founded on
win.

45 b HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Appendix, ifTuing proclamations on any emergence, and of exacting
Ji- obedience to them, a right which was always fuppofed in-

11 * herent in the crown, is very difficult to be diitinguifhed

from a legiildtive authority ; that the extreme iirperfedior
of the ancient laws, and the hidden exigencies which of
ten occurred in inch turbulent governments, obliged the
prince lo exert frequently the latent powers of his prero
gative ; thdt he naturally proceeded, from tTie acquiescence
of the people, to aiTume, in many particulars of rnomen ,
an authority from which lie had excluded himlelf by ex-
preis llatutes, charters, or conceflions, and which was, in
the main, repugnant to the general genius of the conflitu-
tion ; and that the lives, the peribnal liberty, and the
properties of all his fubjecls, were lefs fecured by law
agai .lt the exertion of his arbitrary authority, than by the
independent power and private connections of each indi
vidual. It appears from the Great Charter itfelf, that not
only John, a tyrannical prince, and Richard, a violent one,
but their father Henry, under whole reign the prevalence
of giois abufes is the leaft to be fufpe&ed, were accuflcm-
ed, from their fole authority, without procefs of law, to
in.priion, baniih, and attaint the freemen of their king
dom.

A GREAT baron, in ancient times, confidered himfelf
as a kind of fovereign within his territory ; and was at-
t-nded bv courtier s and dependants more zealoufly attach
ed 10 him than the minifters of ftate and the great officers
were commonly to thtir fovereign. He often maintained
in his couit tije paiade of royalty, by eftabliihing a juflici-
arv, conftabie, marcfchal, chamberlain, feneichal, and
Luancellor, and a(T)gning to each of thefe officers a fepa-
raie province and command. He was ufually very alTidu-
ous in exeicihng his juriidiclion ; and took fuch delight
in that image of fovereignty, that it was found r.eceHary
to reihain his activity, and prohibit him by law from hold
ing courts too frequently*. It is not to be doubted, but
the example fet him by the prince, of a mercenary and
fordid extortion, would be faithfully copied ; and that all his
good and bad offices, hjs juftice and injuflice, were equal
ly put tolale. lie had the power, wit!) the king s con-
lent, to exact talliages even from the free citizens who
lived within his barony ; and as his necciTities made him
rapacious, his authority was ufually found to be n.ore op-
pi;Iive and tyrannical than that of the fovereign j . He
WdS ever engaged in hereditary or perfonal animofities or
confederacies with his neighbours, and often gave protec-

* Ldgd. Jurid. Oiig. p. 26. t MaJox Hid. of Exch. p. 520.

A P P E N D I X II. 451

tion to all defperate adventurers and criminals who could Ap; r^lix.
be ufefjl in 1 erving his violent purpofes. He was able *!
alone, in times of tranquillity, to obflruct the execution of * v
juftice within his territories ; and hv combining with a few
malcontent barons of high rank and power, he could throw
the ftate into convulfions. And, on the whole, though
the royal authority was confined within hounds, and often
within very narrow ones, yet the check was irregular, and
frequently the fource of great dilbrders ; nor was it deriv
ed from the liberty of the people, but from the military
power of many petty tyrants, who were equally danger
ous to the prince, and oppreffive to the fubjecl.

THE power of the church was another rampart againft T]|p
royal authority ; but this defence was allo the caule of church.
many mifchiefs and inconveniences. The dignified cler
gy, perhaps, were not lo prone to immediate violence as
the barons ; but as they pretended to a total independence
on the flate, and could always cover themfelves with the
appearances of religion, they proved, in one refpeft, an
obftruction to the fettlement of the kingdom, and to the
regular execution of the laws. The poiicv of the con
queror was in this particular liable to fome exception. Ke
augmented the fuperftitious veneration for Rome, to which
that age was fo much inclined ; and he broke thofe bands
of connei^ion, which, in the Saxon times, had preferved
an union between the lav and the clerical orders. He pro
hibited the bifhops from fitting in the county courts; rm
allowed ecclefiaftical caufes to be tried in fpiiitua! courts
only* ; and he fo much exalted the power of the clergy,
that of 60,215 knights fees, into which he divided Kng-
land, he placed no lels than 28,015 under the church f.

THE right of primogeniture was introduced with the
feudal law : An inftitution which is hurtful, by producing
and maintaining an unequal divifipn ot private pioperty ;
but is advantageous in another relrv-ct, by accufloniing the
people to ~ preference in favour of the elrieft ion, and
thereby preventing a part tion or dilputed JuccefTion in fhc
monarchy. The Normans introduced the ufe of firnames,
which tend to preierve the knowledge cf families and pc-
di^reos. They aSoliihed none of the old a bfurd methods
of trial by the crois or ordeal; and the" adder 1 a newab-
furdity, the trial by iinglc combat , which became a re-

* Char. Will. ;i u l. M . ;H!MS. n. 9^n. Spel. Cone. vr!. \ .]i. T^.

lofT. in Bib. /i. :."/., Mnrtua. l \- .i.e. no; 10 im H IT. n r ri-np
me. that the- on, b\:t o::lv tiidl thf/

. ir a^ials enjm-c-i luca .1 i;io,i : lo.i.-b.t- , aa of ;l i ertv".

t i.i.. Will. ca.i. 68.

4 5 2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Ap;ie r.dix. gubr part of jurifprudence, and was conduced with
II. all the order, method, devotion, and folemnity imagina-

v bio*. The ideas of chivalry alfo feem to have been im
ported by the Normans : No traces of thole fantaftic no
tions are to be found among the plain and ruftic Sax
ons.

Manners. THE feudal infHtutions, bv raifing the military tenants
to a kind of lovereign dignity, by rendering perfonal
ftrength and valour rcquifite, and by making every knight
and baion his own protestor and avenger, begat that mar
tial pride and fenle of honour, which, being cuhivated
a^id embeliilheii by the poets and romance-writers of the
age, ended in chivalry. The virtuous knight fought nut
only in his own quarrel, but in that of the innocent, of
the helplefs, and, above all, of the fair, whom he fuppofed
tc; ;e for ever under the guardianihip of his valiant arm.
The uncourteous knight who, from his cafile, exercifed
robberv on travellers, and committed violence on virgins,
was the object of his perpetual indignation; and he put
him to death, without fcruple, or trial, or appeal, wherever
lie met wi;h him. The great independence of men made
perfonal honour and fidelity the chief tie among them ; and
rendered it the capital virtue of every true knight, or ge
nuine profelTor of chivalry. The folemnities of {ingle
conbat, as eftabilihed bv law, banilhed the notion of eve
ry thing unfair or unequal in rencounters ; and maintained
an appearance of courtefy between the combatants, till
the moment of their engagement. 1 he credulity of the
age grafted on this flock the notion of giants, enchanters,
dragons, fpellsf, and a thoufand wonders, which ftill
multiplied during the times of the Crufades; when men,
returning from fo great a diftance, uied the liberty of im-
pofing every fiction on their believing audience. Thefe
ideas of chivalry infected the writings, converfation, and
behaviour of men, during fome ages ; and even after they
were, in a great meafure, banilhed by the revivr.l of learn
ing, thev left modern gallantry and the point of honour,
which flill maintain their influence, and are the genuine
offspring of thole ancient affectations.

THE coricefiibn of the Great Charter, or rather its full
eftabliihment (for there was a confiderable interval of time
between the one and the other), gave rile, by degrees, to a
new ipecies of government, and introduced fome order

* Spel. Gloff. in verb. Campus. The laft inflanceof thefe duds was in the
i ; ,thof t-lix So! ; iibfurdity rema ; n.

f In all iej;al (iu^l- combats, i; was part of the champion s cath, that he ra--
ried not about li .m any herb, f|&amp;gt;eil, cr inchantments, by which he might procuie
vitlory. Dugd.Orie. p. ! ;.

A P P E N D I X II. 453

and juflice into the administration. The enfuinsc fcenes Appendix.
of our hiflory are therefore Somewhat different from the H.
preceding. Yet the Great Charter contained no e(ta- v *
bliibment of new courts, magiftrates, or Senates, nor abo
lition of the old. It introduced no new distribution of
the powers of the commonwealth, and no innovation in
the political or public law of the kingdom. It only guard
ed, and that merely by verbal claufes, againSt Such tyran
nical practices as are incompatible with civilized govern
ment, and, if they become very frequent, are incompati
ble with all government. r l he barbarous licence of the
kings, and perhaps of the nobles, was thenceforth Some
what more retrained: Men acquired fome more lecurity
for their properties and their liberties : And government
approached a little nearer to that end for which it was origi
nally instituted, the distribution of juftice, and the equal
protection of the citizens. Adts of violence and iniquity
in the crown, which before were only deemed injurious
to individuals, and were hazardous chiefly in proportion
to the number, power, and dignity of the perlbns affecled
by them, were now regarded, in fome degree, as public
injuries, and as infringements of a charter calculated for
general lecurity. And thus the eftablifhment of the Great
Charter, without feeming anywife to innovate in the dif-
tributionof political power, became a kind of epoch in the
constitution.

( 454 )

CHAP. XII.

HENRY III.

Settlement of the government General pacification

Death of the ProteElor- Some commotions Hubert

de Burgh displaced The bifliop of Winchester minif-

t er King s partiality to foreigners Grievances

Eccle/iaflical grievances Earl of Cornwal cletted

king of the Romans Difcontent of the barons

Simon de Moitntfort earl of Leicejler. Provifions oj

Oxford UJurpation of the barons Prince Ed
ward Civil wars of the barons Reference to the.

king of France Renezual of the civil wars Eattlf

of Lewes Houfe of commons Battle of Evejham

and death of Leicejler Settlement of the government

Death and character of the king Mifcellan&amp;gt; -

ous tranJaBions of this reign.

O S T fciences, in proportion as they increafe and

,*-* T&amp;gt; 1 / H V-7 O JL IV_lV,iIV_V.Oy ft 1 1 i/ivi^vx**wi. . , , ,

XII WA Jm P rove &amp;gt; invent methods by which they facilitate
^ j their reafonings j and employing general theorems, are
j?i6. enabled to comprehend, in a few propofitions, a great
number of inferences and conclufions. Hiftory alfo, being
a collection of fa^s which are multiplying without end, is
obliged to adopt fuch arts of abridgment, to retain the
more material events, and to drop all the minute circum-
ftances, which are only interefting during the time, or to
the perfons engaged in the tranfactions. This truth is no
where more evident than with regard to the reign upon
which we are going to enter. What mortal could have

HENRY 111. 455

the patience to write or read a long detail of fuch frivo- CHAP.
lous events as thole with which it is hiled, or attend XH.

to a tedious narrative which would follow, through a ieries * ^

of fifty fix years, the caprices and weakneffes of fo mean ici6 *
a prince as Henry ? The chief reafon why proteflant
writers have been lo anxious to fpread out the incidents
of this reign is, in order to expofe the rapacity, ambition,
and artifices of the court of Rome; and to prove, that the
great dignitaries of the catholic church, while they pre
tended to have nothing in view but the falvation of foul?,
had bent all their attention to the acquisition of n ches,
and were refl rained by no fenfe of jufiice or of honour in
the puihu t of that great objett*. But this conclusion
would icadily be allowed (hem, though it were not illuf-
tiated by fuch a detail of unintcrcfting incidents ; and
follows, indeed, by an evident necefflty, from the very
fituation in which that church was placed with regard to
the reft of Europe. For, bcfides that ecclefiaflical power,
as it can always cover its operations under a cloak of fanc-
tity, and attacks men on the fide where they dare not em
ploy their reafon, lies lefs under control than civil govern
ment ; befides this general cauie, I fay, the pope and hi&amp;gt;
courtiers were foreigners to moft of the churches which
they governed ; they could net poffibly have any other
object than to pillage the provinces for prefent gain ; and
as they lived at a dilbnce, they would be little awed by
(hams or rcmorfe, in employing every lucrative expedi
ent which was fuggefted to them. England being one of
the moft remote provinces attached to the Re mifh hierar
chy, as well as the rroft prone to fupeifliticn, felt fevere-
ly, during this reign, while its patience was not yet fully
exhaufied, the influence of thefe caufes ; and we fhall of
ten have occafion to touch curforily upon fuch incidents.
But we (hall riot attempt to comprehend every tranfaclion
tranfmitted to us ; and till the end of the reign, when the
events become more memorable, we fhall not always ob-
ferve an exart chronological order in our narration.

THE carl of Pembroke, who at the time of John s settlement
death, was marefchal of England, was by his office at the of the go-
head of the armies, and, confequently, during a (late of veriirac " t -
civil wars and convulfions, at the head of the government;
and it happened fortunately for the young monarch and
for the nation, that the power could not have been intruded
into more able and more faithful hands. This nobleman,
who had maintained his loyalty unfkaken to John during
the lowed fortune of that monarch, determined to fuppoit

M. Paris, p. 623,

456 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. the authority of the infant prince ; nor was he difmayed at
Xll. the number and violence of his enemies. Senfible that
Hemy, agreeably to the prejudices of the times, would
not be deemed a fovereign till clowned and anointed by a
churchman, he immediately carried the young prince to
Glocelter, where the ceremony of coronation was per
formed, in the prefenceof Gualo the legate, and of a few
noblemen, by the bilhops of Winchefter and Bath *. As
the concurrence of the papal authority was requifite to fup-
port the tottering throne, Henry was obliged to fvvear
fealty to the pope, and renew that homage to which his
father had already fubjecled the kingdom f: And in order
to enlarge the authority of Pembroke, and to give him a
more regular and legal title to it, a general council of the

nth Nov. barons was foon after fummoned at Briftol, where that no
bleman was chofen protector of the realm.

PEMBROKE, that he might reconcile all men to the go
vernment of his pupil, made him gram a new charter of
liberties, which, though moftly copied from the former
concefBons extorted from John, contains f ome alterations,
which may be deemed remarkable t- The full privilege
of elections in the clergy, granted by the late king, was
not confirmed, nor the liberty of going out of the
kingdom without the royal confent : Whence we may
conclude, that Pembroke and the barons, jealous of. the
ecclefiaftical power, both were defirous of renewing
the king s claim to iflue a conge d elire to the monks
and chapters, and thought it requifite to put fome check
to the frequent| appeals to Rome. But what may chief
ly furprile us is, that the obligation to which John had
fibjefted himfelf, of obtaining the confent of the great
council before he levied any aids or fcutages upon the na
tion, was omitted ; and this article was even declaied hard
and fevere, and was exprefsly left to future deliberation.
But we muft confider, that, though this limitation may
perhaps appear to us the moft momentous in the whole
charter of John, it was not zegarded in that light by the
ancient barons, who were more jealous in guarding againft
particular attsof violence in the crown, than againft fuch
general impofitionr, which, unlefs they were evidently rea-
ibnable and necetfary, could fcarcely, without general
confent, be jdfed upon men who had arms in their hands,
and who cojR epel any aft of oppreffion, by which they
were all immediately affected. We accordingly find
that Henry, in the courfe of his reign, while he gave fre
quent occafions for rvmplaint, with regard to his violati-

* M. Paris, p. 200. Hift. Croyl. Cent. p. 474 w - Kerning, p. 562-
Trivet, p. 168. t M Paris, p. 200.

Rymer, vol. i. p- 215.

HENRY 111. 457

ons of the Great Charter, never attempted, by his rhere C H A P.
will, to levy any aids or fcutages ; though he was often XII.

reduced to great neceflities, and was refufed lupply bv his v / *

people. So much eafier was it for him to tranlgrels the I2 6
law, when individuals alone were afFccled, th^n even to
exert his acknowledged prerogatives, where the intereft of
the whole body was concerned.

THIS charter was again confirmed by the king in the
enfuing year, with the addition of ibrne articles to prevent
the oppreflions of (herirFs : And alio with an additional
charier of forefts, a circumflance of great moment in thofe
ages, when hunting was lo much the occupation of the
uobi-rity, and when the king comprehended lo confidera-
bleapartof the kingdom within his tort-fts, which lie go
verned by peculiar and arbitrary laws. All the forefls,
which had been encloied fince the reign of Henry II.
were dilaforefted ; and new perambulations were appointed
for that purpofe: Offences in the forr.^s were declared to
be no longer capital ; but punilbable by fine, imprifonment
and more gentle penalties: And al the proprietors oi land
recovered the power of cutting and ufmg their own wood
at their pleafure.

THUS, thefe famous charters were brought nearly to the
Jliape in which they have ever fince flood ; and they were,
during many generations, the peculiar favourites of the
Englilh nation, and efleemed the mod lacred rampart to
national liberty and independence. As they fecured the
rights of all orders of men, they were anxioufly defended
by all, and became the bafis, in a manner, of the Englifh
monarchy, and a kind of original contract, which both
limited the authority of the king, and enlured the condi
tional allegiance of his fubjects. Though often violated,
they were dill claimed by the nobility and people ; and as
no precedents were f ppoied valid that infringed them,
they jather acquired than loft authority, from the frequent
attempts m.tde againft them in leveral ages, by regal and
arbitrary power.

WHILE Pembroke, by renewing and confirming the
Great Charter, gave fo much fatibfaclion and fecurity to
the nation in gerreral, he alfo applied himfelf fuccefsfully
to individuals : He wrote letters, in the king s nynie, to
all the malcontent barons ; in which he reprelented to
them, that, whatever jealoufy and antinomy they might
have entertained againfl the late king, a young prince, the
lineal heir of their ancient monarchs, had now lucceeded
to thi." throne, without fucceeding either to the reientments
or principles of his predeceffor : That the defperate expc-

VOL. 1. 3 N

458 HISTORY OF Eft.i*!.** .&amp;gt;. x;.

CHAP, client, which they had employed, of calling in a foreign
XII. potentate., had, happily tor them, as well as for the nation,

v - tailed of entire lucceis ; and it was fli l in their power, by

I2t6&amp;gt; a fpeedy return to their duty, to reftore the independence
of the kingdom, and to 1 ecu re that liberty, forwhichthey
fo zealoui.y contended : 1 hat as all part offences of the
barons were now buried in oblivion, they ought, on their
part, to forget their complaints againtt their late iovertign,
who, if he had been anywile blameable in his conducl,
had left to his fon he falutary warning, to avoid the paths
which had led to fuch fatal extremities: And that having
now obtained a charter for their liberties, it was their in-
tereft to (hew, by their conduct, that this acquifition was
not incompatible with their allegiance, and that the rights
of king and people, fo far from being hcflile and oppo-
fite, might mutually fupport and fufl:sin ea&amp;gt; h other*.

THESE confiderations, enforced by the character of ho
nour and conftancy, which Pembroke had ever mail tained
had a mighty influence on the barons ; and moft of them
began fecretly to negociate with him, and many of them
openly returned to their duty. The diffidence which Le
wis difcovered of their fidelity, forwarded this general pro-
penfion towards the king; and when the French pi ince
refufed the government of the cafileof Hertford to Robert
Fitz-Walter, who had been fo active againft the late king,
and who claimed that fortrefs as his property, they plainly
faw that the Englifh were excluded from every trull, and
that foreigners had engroffcd all the confidence and affec
tion of their new fovereign f. The excommunication,
too, denounced by the legate againft all the adherents of
Lewis, failed not, in the turn which men s difpofitions had
taken, to produce a mighty effect upon them; and they
were eafily perfuaded to confider a caufe as impious, for
which they had already entertained an unfuimouiitable
averfion^. Though Lewis made a journey to France,
and brought over fuccours from that kingdom IK he found,
on his return, that his party was (till more weakened by
the delertion of his Englifh confederates, and that the
death of John had, contrary to his expectations, given an
incurable wound to his caufe. The earls of Salisbury,
Arundel, and Warrenne, together with William Mare-
fnal, eldeft fon of the proteclor, had embraced Henry s
party; and every Engiifh nobleman was plainly watching
for an opportunity of returning to his allegiance. Pem
broke was fo much flrengthened by thele acceffions, that

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 215. Brady s A pp. No, T4&amp;gt; t M- P ar i s -

p.. son. 102. + Ibid. p. 20 i. M. Weft. p. 277. Chion.

Uunil. vol. i. p. 79. M. \Veft. p. 777.

HENRY III. 45y

he ventured to invert Mount-forel; though upon the ap- CHAP.
preach of the count of Perche with the French army, he XII.
defifted from his enterprik-, and railed the ficge *. The v - -
count, elated with this fuccefs, marched to Lincoln ; and 12l6&amp;gt;
being admitted into the town, he began to attack the
caftle, which he foon reduced to extremity. The pro
tector fummoned all his forces from every quarter, in order
to relieve a place of luch importance ; and he appealed
ib much luperior to the French, that they fhut themfelves
up within the citv, and reJolved to act upon the defenfivef.
But the garrilon of the caftle, having received a flrong
reinforcement, m.ide a vigorous (ally upon the befiegers ;
while the Englilh army, hy concert, altaulted them in-.tKe
fame inflant from without, mounted the w.ills by icaiade,
and bearing down all refinance, entered the city f .vord in
hand. Lincoln was delivered over to be pillaged; the
French army was totally rouied: the count of Perche,
with only two perlons move, was killed ; but many of the
chief commanders, and about 400 knights, were made pri-
foners by the EngliihJ. So little blood was Ibed in this
important action, which decided the fate of one of the moft
powerful kingdoms in Lurope ; and fuch wretched loldiers
were thoie ancient barons, who yet were unacquainted
with everything but rms!

PRIN ,F. Lewis was informed of this fatal event while
employed in the fiege of Dover, which was fiill valiantly
defended againft him by Hubert de Burgh. He imme
diately retreated to London, the centre and life of his
party ; and he there received intelligence of a new difalter,
which put an end to all his hopes A French tleet, bringing
over a ilrong reinforcement, lv,d appeared on the C0o.it of
Kent, where they were attacked by the Englifh under the
command of Philip d Albiney, and were routed with con-
fiderable lofs. D Aibiney emploved a fiiatagem againft
thein, which is (aid to have contributed to the victory :
Having gained the wind of the French, he came down up
on them with violence; and throwing in their faces a great
quantity of quick lime, which he purpoieiy carried on
board, he lo blinded them, that they were difabied from
defending themfelves ||.

AFTER this fecond misfortune of the French, the Engr-
lifh barons haitened every where to make peace with the
protector, and, by an early lubmilTion, to prevent thofe
attainders to which they were expofed on account of their

M. P.iris, p. 203. f ( liron. run ,, vol. i. p Bl.

M. Paris p. 204, 205. Chron. deMniir.ji

i. i Mia, |j. -.i . j. j * nruii. i-

J M. Paris, p. 20^, 205. Chron. de Maiir.

.nis. p. 206. Ann. XVa -cil. p. iSj.

3. ih^. M. \Veft. p. 277. Knyyhtim, p. 2.jo

\V. H&amp;lt; m mg. p. jf .

460 HISTORY OF E I\ G L A N D,

C H A P. rebellion. Lewis, whofe caufe was now totally defperafe,
XII. began to be anxious for the fafety of his perfon, and was

v v glad, on anv honourable conditions, to make his eicape

.1216. from a country where he found everv thing was now he-
come hoflile to him. He concluded a peace wiih Pem
broke, promifed to evacuate the kingdom, and oniy ftipu-
]ated,in return, an indemnity tc his adherents, and a ref-
titution of their honours arid foi tunes, together with the
free and equal enjoyment of thcfo liberties which had
been granted to the reft of the nation*. Thus was hap-

Genrra! pa- pily ended a civil war, which feemed to be founded on the

dotation. mo ft incurable hatred and jealoufy, and had threatened
the kingdom with the moft fatal conlequences.

THE precautions which the king of France ufed in the
conduit of this whole affair are remarkable. He pretended
that his ("on had accepted of the otier from the Eriglifh barons
without his auvice, and contrary to his inclination : The
armies fent to England were levied in Lewis s nvirre:
When that prince came over to France for aid, his father
publicly refufed to grant him any affifiance, and would not
fo much as admit him to his prefence : Lven after Henry s
party acquired the afcendant, and Lewis was in danger of
falling into the hands of his enemies, it was Blanche of
Caftile his wife, not the king his father, who railed armies
and equipped fleets for his fuccourt. All thefe artifices
were employed, not to fatisfy the pope; for he had too
much penetration to be fo eatily impoled on : Nor yet to
deceive the people ; for they were too grcls even for that
purpofe : They only ferved for a colouring to i hiiip s
caufe; and in public affairs, men are often better pleafedl
that the truth, though known to every body, thould be
wrapped up under a decent cover, than if it were exposed
in open daylight to the eyes of all the world.

AFTER the expulfion of the French, the prudence and
equity of the protector s fubfequent conduct contributed to
cure entirely thole wounds which had been made by in-
teftine difcord. He received the rebellious barons into
favour ; obferved ftrictiy the terms of peace which he had
granted them ; reftored them to their poireMions ; and en
deavoured, bv an equal behaviour, to bury ail paft ariimo-
fitiesin perpetual oblivion. The clergy alone, who had
adhered to Lewis, were fufTerers in ibis revolution. As
they had rebelled againfl their I piritual fovereign, by dif-
regarding the interdict and excommunication, it was dot
in Pembroke s power to make any ftipulations in their fa-

* Rymer, vcl. i. p. 221. &amp;gt;M. Ta-. if. p. ii-j. Chron. Dur.ft. vol. i. p. 83.
M. Weft. p. 2; 8. Knyghtoii, p. 2429.

f M. Paris, {.. 256. L)n6n. Dunft. vol. i. p. 82.

HENRY Ilf. 461

vour ; and Gualo the legate prepared to take vengeance on
them for their dilbbeaience*. Many of them were depo-
fed; many fulpendcd ; fbme banifhed , and all who efcap-
ed punimment made atonement for their offence by paying
large fums to the legate, whoamaffedan immenle trealiae
by this expedient.

THE earl of Pembroke did not long furvive the pacifi- Death of the
cation, which had been chi- fly owing to his wildom and piotettor.
valour t; and he was fuccoeded in the government by Pe
ter des Roches, bimop of Winchefier, and Hubert de
Burgh, the jufticiary. The councils of the latter were
chiefly followed; and had he poHefled equal authority in
the kindom with Pembroke, he feemed to be every way
worthy ot tilling the piace of that virtuous nobleman. ButSomecom-
ths licentious and powerful barons, who had once bioken I1J
the reins of fubjeclion to their prince, and had obtained by
violence an enlargement of their liberties a:-d indepen
dence, could ill be retrained by laws u idcr a minority ;
and the people, no leis than the king, fuffrred from their
outrages and diibiders. Thev retained by force the royal
caftles, which they had iVized during the part convulfions,
or which \\.\d been committed to their cuflody by the pro-
tec\or$. Thev ufurped the king s demcfnesll : They op-
preffed their vaflals : They infelted their weaker neigh
bours : They invited ail dilorderly people to ei;ter in
their retinue, and to live upon ti^eir lands: .And they
ga "c them protection in all their robberies and extorti
ons.

No one was more infamous for thefe violent and illegal
practices than the earl of Alhemarle; who, though he had
early returned to his duty, and had been ferviccable in ex
pelling the French, augmented to the utmoft the general
diforder, and committed outrages in all the counties of the
North. In order to reduce him to obedience, Hubert
leized an opportunity of getting pofieffion of Rcckingham
caftle, which Albemarle had garrifoned with his licenti
ous retinue: But this nobleman, infiead of fubrnitting,
entered into a fecret confederacy with Faukes de Breaute,
Peter de Mauleon, and other barons, and both fortified
the caftle of Biham for his defence, and made himfelf maf-
ter by furprife of that of 1 otheringav. Pandulf, who was
reftored to his legatefliip, was active in fuppreffing this
rebellion ; and, with the concurrence of eleven bifhcps,
he pronounced the lenience of excommunication agninfl

* Frady s Anp. No. 144. Chton. Dunft. vol. i. p. Sj.
t M. Paris, p. 210. * Trivet, p. i;.}.

j Ryraer, vol. i. p. 276.

4^2 HISTORY OF E N G L A N D.

CHAP. Albemarle and his adherents* : An army was levied : A
XII. fcutageof ten (hill ings a knight s fee wj& imputed on ail

^ he m iitary tenants : Alberaarle s aiTociates gradually de-

1?l6 - fened him : And he himfeif was obliged at fall to iue for
mercy. He received a paidon, and was reltored to iiis
whole eftate.

THIS impolitic lenity, too frequent in thofc times, was
probably the rcluit cf q fecret combination among the ba
rons, who never could endure to fee the total ruin of one
of their own order: But it encouraged Fawkes de Breaute,
a nrin whom king John hid railed from a low origin, to
per/everc in thscourfeof violence to which he had ov. ed
his fortune, and to let at naught all law and juitice. When
thirty-five verdicts were at one time found againit him, on
account of his violent expulfion of to man- 7 freeholders
from their pofleffions; he came to the courlof ju nice with
an aimed force, feized the judge who h,:d pronounced
the verdicts, and imprifoned him in Bedford raftie. lie
then levied open war againil the king ; hut being fub-
duedand taken prifoner, hi.; life was granted him; but
his eftate was &amp;lt;~onnfcatcd, and h; was banilht d the king
dom f.

1232. JUSTICE was executed v. ith greater feverity ngainft

diforders lefs premeditated which broke out in London. A
frivolous emulation in a match of wteftling. between the
Londoners on the one hand, and the inhabitants of Weft-
mirifler and thofe of the neighbouring villages on the
other, occafione J this commotion. The former ro(c in a
body, and pulled down tome houfes belonging to (he abbot
of Weftminfter I But this riot which, considering the tu
multuous dilpolition familiar to that capital, would have
bee.i little regarded, leemc-J to become more lerious by
the fymptoms which then appeared, of the former attach
ment ot the citizens to the French intertO. 1 he populace,
in the tumult, made ule of the crv of war commonly em
ployed by the iren-.li ttoops ; Moun jcy, moiintjcy, God
hf Ip us and our lord Lervis. The jniticiary made v?nquiry
into the diibrder ; and finding one Conllantine Fitz-Ar-
rrulf to have been the j ingleacu r, an inColent man, who
julliiied his crime in Hubert s prefence, he proceer ed
againrt him by martial law, and ordesed him immediately
to be handed, without tn a! or form of prccels. He allo
cut oft the feet of fome of Conftantine s accomplices j.

* Chron. Drnft. -ol. i. p. 1^2.

f Rymer, vol. i. p. 108. M. Fails, v&amp;gt;- 221. 724. Ann. \Vaverl. p. i. R c.
Chron. Dunn. vol. i. p. i}i. 146. M. \Veft. p. sSj.

M. Paris, p. 217, ai8. ^59. Ana. Waverl. p. 187. Cliron. Dunft. vol.
i. p. 129.

HENRY III. 463

THIS aft of po . . -T was complained of as an infringe- f[ ^ \\
:nent of the Great ."" . .rrer : Yet the iu!t ; c;ary, in a par- XII.

Jrarnent furnrtioRed ni (fort;, rest councils about -.

this tiiiie bewail u&amp;gt; receive that appellation), made i-.o m--
lerupk t &amp;gt; ;.M-a;:t in f!-c ki s ffiVne a renewal and confir-
uutio ; of that charter. When ;hc aflerobly n. .nh 1 ;&amp;gt;;&amp;gt;nii-
cation to the crow for this favour, c-.s a law in th-Me
times fee ivd to !o!c \i--~ validity if not frcq :^:it!v re::c-\vod,
VV illiarji dc Ij i- vvfre, one of the council of rt-^en^v, WMS
f o hold as to i&amp;lt;-,y openly, that tho e ii^crti*. :. were fxrorfed
hy force, and otig it not to be oljferVed ; But he was re
primanded by the archl ilhop of Canterbury*, and w-is not
coi .r .i -n.incc i by ihc king 01 his dmfr miniilers*. A
now confir-.naiion was deiKanded and si;rante 1 two years
alter ; and an aid, amounting to a fifteenth of all movrables,
was ^ivcn bv the piirliarnttrt, tri i-rtian for this indulgence.
Tlie king Jflued writs anew 10 tljc ibeviifs, en joining the
observance of the charter ; but he i; ;Vr c;[ a remarkable
claufe in the writi, that thole xvho p-.jycd not the fifteenth
.d not in future be entitled to the benefit of thole li-
l)i.} tics 1*.

. lew fl.-sfe into wliich the cro\vn u-as fallen mad:; it
ifite for a good irinifter to be attentive to the pre/erva-
tion of the roval prerogatives, as well as to the fecmitv
of public liberty. Hubert applied io the nope, who bad
always great authority in the kingdom, ai-d was now
corifulsred as its iupcrior lord ; and clefired him to iOue a
bull, d.vi.isng the king to be of full age, and entitled to
exercife i.; perlon all the acls of roy?.!tv ,t- ^n confequence
of this declaration, the judiciary refigned itito Henry s
han-.is the two ijiipoitant fortrefl^es of the 1 ovver -Mid Do
ver caftle, which Dad been entrulled into his cuftociv ; and
he required ftieorfici barons to irnit-ite his example. They
rcfufed c : Tiie earls of (.. helter and Albe-

marle, John Confl.ible of Chi l ter, John de Lacy, Brian
ci" i liif, .nd \Vil!iam de Cantel, with foriie others, even
formed a confpiracy to lurprife London, and met in arms
at Walfharn with that intention : but ttiiding the king
prepared for defence, they deliiled from th;:ir enrerprife.
When futrmoned to court, in order to anl wcr for their
conduct, they fcrupled- not to appear, and to confefs the
deiign : But they fold the king, that they had no bud in
tentions agcinll lits perfon, but only apainO Hubert de
Burgh, whom they were determined to remove from hi ;
-jlhcL-IJ. They apnenred too formidable to be cruflifed ;

V. x Vtf&amp;gt;. p. c?.?. f Cbi:le o ti. 3. rn. o ..

* .V. i-d .is, D, &amp;gt; .w. _ I.IIH.MI. Dui ii f3 i-

464 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, and they were fo little difcouraged by the failure of their
X I. firft enterprifr, that they again met in arms at Leicefter,

v -* in order to feize the king, who then refided at Northamp-

222 * ton : But Henry, informed of their purpole, took care
to he fo well armed and attended, that the barons fo ind
it dangerous to make the attempt; and they fat down
and kept Chriftmas in his neighbourhood*. The arch-
bifbop and the prelates, finding every thing tend to
wards a civil war, interpofed with tiieir authority, and
threatened the barons with the lenience of excommunica
tion, if they perfiffed in detaining the king s cafUcs.
This menace at laft prevailed : Moll of the fortreffes were
Surrendered; tho gh the barons complained, that Hubert s
caftles \vere foon after reftored to him, while the king Hill
kept theirs in his own cullody. There are faid to have
been 1115 caftles at that time in England f.

1 r muft be acknowledged, that the influence of the
prelates and the clergy was often of great fervice to the
pubiic. Though the religion of that age can merit no
better name than that of fuperftition, it ferved to unite to
gether a body of men who had great (way ever the people,
and who kept the community from tailing to pieces, by
the factions and independent power of he nobles. And
what was of great importance, it threw a mighty authority
into the hands of men who, by their profeffion, were averfe
to arms and violence ; who tempered by their mediation the
general diipofition towards the militarv enterpriies ; and
who ftill maintained, even amidft the (hock of arms,
thofe fecret links, without which it is impofliblc for human
fociety to fubfift.

NOTWITHSTANDING thefe inteftine commotions in
England, and the precarious authority of the crown,
Henry was obliged to carry on war in France ; and he
employed to th.it purpofe the fifteenth which had been
granted him by parliament. Lewis VIII. who had fuc-
ceeded to his father Philip, Jnftead of complying with
Henry s claim, who demanded the rc-ftitution of -Norman -
fly, and the other provinces wrefted from England, made
an irruption into I oiclou, took Rocheile $, after a Jong
fiege, and feemed determined to expel the Englifh from
the few provinces which ftill remained tu them. Henry
lent over his uncle, the eirlof Sililbury, together with
his brother prince Richard, to whom he had granted the
earldom of Cornwal, which had elcheated to the crown.

* M. Par.F, p. c?i. Chron. Dunfl. Vol. i. p TjS. f Coke s Com

ment, on Magna Charia, chap. 17. :J. Kymer, v,;l. i. p. 269. Trivet,

]-. 179.

HENRY III. 465

Salifbury flopped the progrefs of Lewis s arms, and re- C H A P.
tained the Poi^evin and Gafcon vaffals in their allegiance : XII.

But no military action of any moment was performed on v v &amp;lt;J

either fide. The earl of Cornwal, after two years ftay 122 7-
in Guienne, returned to England.

THIS prince was no wife turbulent or faclious in his
difpofuion : His ruling pafllon was to amafs monev, in
which he fucceedcd fo well as to become the riclv:ft iub-
ject in Chiiftendom : Yet his attention to gain threw him
fometimcs into acts of violence, and gave difturbance to
the government. There was a manor, which had former
ly belonged to the earldom of Cornwal, but had been
granted to Waleran de Ties, before Richard had been in-
vefted with that dignity, and while the earldom remained
in the crown. Richard claimed this manor, and expelled
the proprietor by force : Waleran complained: The king
ordered his brother to do ju ice to the uian, and nflo e
him to his rights : The earl faid that he would not fubmit
to thefe orders, till the caufe fhould be decided aeainft him
by the judgment of his peeri : Henry reolied, that it was
iirft necefbry to leinltate Waleran in pofliMTio 1 , befo e the
caufe -could be tried; a id he reiterated his ciders lo the
earl*. We may judge of the (late of the government,
when Miis aHTair Iiad nearly produced n civil war. The
earl of Cornwal, finding Henry peremptory in his com
mands, allociated himfelf with the young CT of Pembroke,
who had married his After, and who was difplealed on ac
count of the king s requiring; him to deliver up Ibme roval
caftles which were in hiscuflody. Thefe two ma contents
took into the confederacy the carls of Chefter, Warrenne,
Gloc--rter, Hereford, Warwic, and Ferrers, who were all
dtfgufted on a like account f. They aflemKled an army,
which the king had not the power or courage to refifl ; and
he was obliged to give his brother faiisfaction, by grants
of much oivater importance than the manor, which had
been the full ground of the quarrel .

THE character of the king, as he grew to man s eftate,
became every day better known ; and he was found 5n
every refpect unqualified for maintaining a proper fw ay
among thofe turbulent barons, whom the feudal conftitu-
tion fubje&ed to his authority. Gentle, humane, and
merciful even to a fault, he feeins to have been fteady in
no other circumlf.ance of his character ; but to have receiv
ed every impreflion from thofe who (urrouncled him, and
whom he loved, for the time, with the moil imprudent
VOL. I. 3 O

M. Paris, p. 7^3. f Ibid: J Ibid.

466 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- and moft unreferved affedion. Without activity or vi-
XII. g ur he was unfit to conduct war ; without policy or art,

4 , he was ill fitted to maintain peace : His refentments,

122 7 though hafty and violent, were not dreaded, while he
xvas found to drop them with Inch facility ; his friendfhips
were little valued, becaufe they were neither derived from
choice, nor maintained with conftancy. A proper pageant
of ftate in a regular monarchy, where his minifters could
have conducted ail affairs in his name and by his authority ;
but too feeble in thofe diforderly times to fway a fceptre,
whole weight depended entirely on the firmnels and dex
terity of the hand which held it.

Hubert de THE ableft and moft: virtuous minifier that Henry ever

Burgh poffefled, was Hubert de Burgh*; a man who had been
fteady to the crown in the moft difficult and dangerous
times, and who yet fhowed no difpofition, in the height of
his power, to enflave or opprefs the people. The only
exceptionable part of his conduct is that which is mention
ed by Matthew Paris f ; if the faft be really true, and
proceeded from Hubert s advice, namely, the recalling
publicly and the annulling of the charter of forefts, a con-
ceffion fo reafonable in itfelf, and ib paffionately claimed
both by the nobility and people : But it muft be conteffed
that this meafure is fo unlikely, both from the circum-
ftances of the times and character of the minifter, that
there is reafon to doubt of its reality, efpecially as it is men
tioned by no other hiftorian Hubert, while he enjoyed
his authority, had an entire afcendant over Henry, and
was loaded with honours and favours beyond any other
fubjecl. Befides acquiring the property of many caftles
and manors, he married the eldeft fifter of the king of
Scots, was created earl of Kent, and, by an unufual con-
ceffion, was made chief judiciary of England for life:
j,..,^ Yet Henry, in a fudden caprice, threw off this faithful
minifler, and cxpofed him to the violent perfecutions of
his enemies. Among other frivolous crimes objected to
him, he was accufed of gaining the king s affections by
enchantment, and of purloining from the roval treafury a
gem, which had the virtue to render the wearer invulne
rable, and of lending this valuable curiofity to the prince
of Wales J. The nobility, who hated Hubert on account
of his zeal in refuming the rights and pofleffions of the
crown, no fooner faw the opportunity favourable, than
they inflamed the king s animofity againft him, and pufhed
him to feek the total ruin of his miniflcr. Hubert took

* Ypod. Neuftiia, p. 264. f P. 232. M. Weft. p. 216. afcribes this

coimfel to Peter birtiop of \Vinchefter. } M. F.uis, p. 259.

HENRY III. 467

lUn&uary in a church : The king ordered him to be drag- CHAP,
ged from thence : He recalled thofe orders : He after- XII.

wards ret.ewed them : He was obliged by the clergy to v *

reftore him to the fanctuary : He conftrained him foon af- l 2 l l&amp;gt;
ter to furrender himfelf priibner, and he confined him in
the cattle of the Devizes. Hubt-rt made his efcape, was
expelled the kingdom, was again received into favour, re
covered a great (hare of the king s confidence, but never
fhowed any inclination to reinflate himfelf in power and
authority*.

THE man who fucceeded him in the government of the Rinmp of
king and the kingdom, was Peter bifhop of Winchefter, winchefler
a Poiftevin by birth, who had been railed by the late king, minifter
and who was no lefs diliinguifhed by his arbitrary princi
ples and violent conduct, than by his courage and abilities.
This prelate had been left by king John judiciary and re
gent of the kingdom during an expedition which that
prince made into France; and his illegal adminiftration
was one chief caufe of that great combination among the
barons, which finally extorted from the crown the charter
of liberties, and laid the foundations of the Englifh ccmfU-
tution. Henry, though incapable, from his character, of
purfuing the lame violent maxims which had governed his
father, had imbibed the fame arbitrary principles; and in
profecution of Peter s advice, he invited over a great num
ber of Poiclevins, and other foreigners, who, he believed,
could more fafely be trufted than the Englilh, and who
feemed ufeful to counterbalance the great and independent
power of the nobility f. Every office and command was
beftowed on thefe ftrangers; they exhaufted the revenues
of the crown, already too much impoverifhed J ; they in
vaded the rights of the people ; and their infolence, Hill
more provoking than their power, drew on them the ha
tred and envy of all orders of men in the kingdom j|.

THE barons formed a combination againft this oo ious 12 ,,.
miniflry, and withdrew from parliament, on pretence of
the danger to which they were exposed frxjm the machina
tions of the PoiiStevins. When again fummoned to attend,
they gave for anfwer, that the king fhould difmifs his fo
reigners, otherv/ife they would drive both him and them
out of the kingdom, and put the crown on another head
more worthy to wear it** : Such was the (lyle they tift-J
to their fovcreign ! They at laft came to parliament, but
fowcll attended, that they iecmed in a condition to pre-

* Ibid. p. 259, 260, ?6r. 266. Cliron. T. Wykcs, p. ^r, 42. Cliron.

Dunll. vol. i. p. 220, 221. M. Weft. p. 291. 301. tM.Kni-,

P- 263. + Chron. Dunft. vol. i. . i -, i. , M. PariSj
p. 238. * * Ibid. p. 265.

468 HISTORY OF EN GLAND.

C H A ?. Scribe laws to the king and miniflry. Peter des Roches,
Xli. however, had in the interval found means of /"owing dif-
i j fenlion among them, and of biinging over to his party
J ? 3j- the earl of Cornwai, as well as the earls of Lincoln 2nd
Cheiler. 1 he confederates were ditoonceited in their
meamres : Richard, earl marilchal, who had fucceeded
to that digmtv on the death of his brother William, was
chafed into Wales ; he thence withdrew into Ireland,
where he was treacherouily murdered hy the contrivance
of the bifhop of Wincbener*. The eitates of the more
obnoxious barons weie confifraJed, without legal ientence
or trial by theii peers t, and were bcftov/ed with a profufe
liberality on the PoiCtevins. Peter even canied his irifo-
lence fo far as to declare publicly, that the barons of Eng
land mull not pretend to put thernleives on the fame foot
with thofe of France, or aUuu.e the lame liberties and
privileges: The monarch in the foimer countiy had a
more abfolute power than in the latter. It had been more
juftifiable for him to have laid, that r,en, fo unwilling to
fubmit to the authority of law s, could with the worle grace
claim any Ibelteror protection from tlicm.

WHEN the king at any time w.s checked in his illegal
practices, and when the authority of the Great Charter
was objected to him, he was wont to reply ; " Why fhou d
.1 oblerve this charier, which is negledted by all my gran
dees, both prelates and nobility ?" It wvs very icafona-
bly faid to him : " You ought, fir, to fet them the ex
ample J."

bo violent a miniflry as that of the bifliop of Winchef-
ter could not be of long duration ; but iis fall proceeded at
Jail from tne influence of the church, not fiom the efio-rto
of the nobles. Hdrooi.d, the primate, came to court, at-
te .ded by many oi the other prelates, and lepiciented to
the king the pernicious meaiuies embraced by Peter des
Roches, the dilcontentsof his people, the ruin of his af
fairs; and, after requiring the diirrriffion of the minifter
and his ailbciat&amp;lt; s, threatened him with excommunication in
cale of his refulal. iienry, who knew that an excommu
nication, fo agreeable to the fen Ic of the people, couid not
fail of producing the moll dangerous effecis, was obliged
to fubmit: Foreigners were banithed : The natives were
reftored to their p! ice in council)!: 1 he primate, who was
a man of prudence, and who took care to execute the laws,
and obferve the charter of liberties, bore the chief fway in
the government.

* Chron. Dunfh vol. i. p. 219. t M. Fan5, p. 265.

J Ibid. p. 609. j| M. Faris, p. 271, 2/2.

HENRY 111. 469

BUT the Engliftiin vain flattered themfelvcs that they C H A P.
thould be long free from the dominion of foreigners. I he Xll.
king, having married Lle^nor, daughter of the coui.t of --/-&amp;gt;
Provence*, was lurtound-.-d by a great number of ftrangr rs
from that country, whom he care if-- d with the fon-k-ft arrec- a i&amp;gt;. "
tion, and enriched by an imprudent generofiiv f . The

bifhopof Valence, a prr-bte of the hci-fe of Savoy, and 3
maternal uncle to the queen, was his thief rriniller, and
employed every art to amafs wealth for himlelf and his
relations. Peter of Savoy, a brother of the fame family,
was inverted in the honour of Richmond, and received the
rich wardihip of earl Warrenne: Boniface of Savoy was
promoted to the fee of Canterbury : Many young ladies
were invited over from Provence, and rrum ed to the chief
noblemen in England, w ho were the king s wards| : And
as the fource of Henry s bounty began to fail, his Savoyard
miniitry applied to Home, and obtained a bull ; permit
ting him to relume all part grants; abloh ing him from the
oath which he had taken to maintain them ; even enjoining
him to make fucli a refumption, and rcprefcnting thole
grants as invalid, on account of the prejudice which eniued
from them to the Roman poniirF, in \\horn the luperiority
of the kingdom was vefted||. The oppofition made to
the intended refumpt on prevented it from taking place ;
but the nation law the indignities to which the icing was
willing to fubmit, in order to gratify the avidity of his fo
reign favourites. About the lame time, he publifhed in
England the lentence of excommunication pronounced
againft the emperor Frederic, hs brother-in-law**; and
faid in excufe, that, being the pope s vaiTal, he was obliged
by his allegiance to obey all the commands of his hoiir.efs.
In this weak reign, when any neighbouring potentate* in-
fulted the king s dominions, inltead of taking revenge for
the. injury, he complained to the pope as his luperior lord,
and begged him to give prote&ion to his vaflal f f.

THE refentmcnt of the Englifh barons role high, at Grievances,
the preference given to foreigners ; but no remonftrance
or complaint could ever prevail on the king to abandon
them, or even to moderate his attachment towards them.
After the Proven9als and Savoyaids might IK-JVC been fup-
pofed pretty well fatiated with the dignities and riches
which they had acquired, a new let of hungry foreigners
were invited over, and fhared among them thole favours,
which the king ought in policy to have conferred on the

* Ryroer. vol. i. p. 4.58. M. . -ris, p. 286. 1 M. P.ii s, p. 2^6. 301.

35- 3 6. . .-}&amp;gt; M. Wtft. p. 302. 304. J M. Pati\ p. ^4. M.

\Veft. p. 338. || M. paiis, 295. 301. * Kynu-i, \ol. i. p. 383.

|f Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 150.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P- Englifh nobility, by whom his government could have
XII. been fupported and defended. His mother, Jfabella, who

* had been unjuftly taken by the late king from the count

I? 5- dc la Ma re he, to whom ihe was betrothed, was no iboner
midrefsof herfeJf by the death of her hufband, than ihe
1:47. married thu t nobleman*; and (he had born him four fons,
Guy, William, Geoffrey, and Aymer, whom fhe lent
over to England, in order to pay a vifit to their brother.
The good-natured and affectionate difpofition of Henry
was moved at the fight of fuch near relations ; and he con-
fidered neither his own circumftances, nor the inclinations
of his people, in the honours and riches which he confer
red upon them f. Complaints roie as high againft the
credit of the Gafcon, as ever they had done againft that
of the Poiclevin and of the Savoyard favourites ; and to
a nation prejudiced againft them, all their meafnres ap
peared exceptionable and criminal. Violations of the
Great Charter were frequently mentioned ; and it is in
deed more than probable, that foreigners, ignorant of the
Jaws, and relying on the boundlefs affections of a weak
prince, would, in an age when a regular adrniniftration
was not any where known, pay more attention to their
prefent interefl than to the liberties of the people. It is
reported, that the Poh tevins and other ftrangers, when
the laws were at any time appealed to, in oppofition to
their oppredions, fcruplcd not to reply, What did the
Englifli laws fignify to them? They minded them not. And
as words are often more orFenfive than actions, this open
contempt of the Ej,ngli!ri tended much to aggravate the ge
neral difcontent, and made every al of violence committed
by the foreigners appear not only an injury, but an affront
to them $.

I RECKON not among the violations of the Great Char
ter fome arbitrary exertions of prerogative to which Hen
ry s ncceflities pufhed him, and which, without producing
any difcontent, were uniformly continued by all f;is (uccef-
forsjtill the laft century. As the parliament often refufed
him fupplies, and that in a manner fomewhat rude and in
decent ||, he obliged his opulent fubjedts, particularly the
citizens of London, to grant him loans of money ; and
it is natural to imagine, that the fame want of ccco-
nomy which reduced him to the neceffity of borrowing,
would prevent him from being very punctual in the re
payment* *. He demanded benevolences, or pretended

* Trivet, p. 17.5. |M. Paiis. p. 401. M. Weft. p. 33?. Knygliton, p. 2436.
J M. Paris, |&amp;gt;. 566.666. Ann. \Va.crI. p. 214. Chion. Dunft. vol. i. n. 333.
|| M. Paris, p. j oi. * * M. Paris, p.

HENRY 111. 47 ,

voluntary contributions, from his nobility and prelates*. Q |-[ ,^ p^
He was the fir ft king of England finee the conqueft, that XII.

could fairly he And to lie under the reftraint of law ; and , *

he was allo the fir ft that practiced the dilper.fing power, IM?
and employed the claule of non ob ft ante, in his grants
and patents. When -objections were mane to this novelty,
he replied, that (he pope cxercifecl that authority ; and why
might not he imitate the example ? but the abufe which
the pope made of his difpenfing power, in violating the
canons of general councils, in invading the privileges
and cufloms of all particular churches, and in uiurpingon
the rights of patrons, was more likely to excite the jea-
loufy of the people, than to reconcile them to a fimilar
practice in their civil government. Roger de Thurkefby,
one of the king s juftices, was fo difplealed with the pre
cedent, that he exclaimed, Alas ! what times are zue fallen,
into ? Behold, the civil court is corrupted in imitation oj
the. ecclejiajtical, and the river is poifoned from that foun
tain.

THE King s paitialiiy and profufe bounty to his foreign
relations, and to their friends and favourites, would have
appeared more tolerable to the Engliih, had any thing
been done meanwhile for the honour of the nation, or
had Henry s enterprifes in foreign countries been attended
with any fucceis or glory to himfelf or to the public : At
leaft, fuch military talents in the king would have ferved
to keep his barons in axve, and have given weight and au
thority to his government. But though he declared war
againft Lewis IX. in 1242, and made an expedition into
Guienne, upon the invitation of his father- iu- law, the
counl de Marche, who promifed to join him with all his
forces; he was unfuccefsful in his attempts againll that
great monarch, was worfted at Taillebourg, was deferted
by his allies, loft what remained to him or" Poiclou, and
was obliged to return, with lolsof honour, into England^.
The Gaicon nobility were attached to the Eni.li(h govern
ment ; becaule the diilance of their fovereign allowed
them to remain in a fbte of alinoft total independence :
And they claimed, ibme time after, Henry s proteclion
againft an invafion which the king of Caftile made upon
that territory. Henry returned into Guienne, arid was
more fuc jeisful in this expedition ; but he thereby involved
himfelf and his nobility in an enormous debt, which both

M. Paris, p. . f M. . , j ^oj.

-j. Cliron. Dun: 1 . .

472 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P.increafed their difcontents, and expofed him to greater
XII. danger from iheir enterprifes*.

* ., WANT of oeconomy, and an il! judged liberality, were

Henry s great defers ; and his debts, even before this
expedition, had become fo troub!efo .r&amp;gt;e, that he fold all his
plate and jewels, in order to discharge them. When this
expedient was firft prop^fe J to him he afked, where he
fhould fcr.d purchafers ? It was replied the citizens of Lon
don. On my word, (aid he, if the trea/ury of Augujlus
were h ought to fait, the cttiz m are able to be the purcka-
Jers : Th?fe clown*, who a/fume fo themfelves the nave of
batons, abound in every thins, while we a*e reduced to n^
Ct/ptUfl. And he was thenceforth obfcrved to be more
forward and greedy in his exactions upon the citizens^.

Eccieii,ii&amp;gt;!cai BUT the grievances which the Enslii h during this reign

grievances. h ac j reafon to complain of in the civil povcrn-nent, feem to
have been ftill lefs burthenfome than thofe which they fuf-
fered from the ufurpations and exactions of the court of
Home. On the death of Langton in I &amp;gt;?8, the monks of
Chrift-Church elected Walter de Hemefham, one of their
own body, for his fucceiTor : But as Henry retufed to con
firm the election, the pope, at his dcfire, annulled it||;
and immediately appointed Richard chancellor of Lincoln,
for archbifhop, without waiting for a new election. On
the death of Richard in 12 i, the monks eleaed Ralph
de Neville bifhop of Chichefter ; and though Henry was
much pleafed with the election, the pope, who thought
that prelate too much attached to the crown, aflumed the
power of annulling his election * *. He rejected two cler
gymen more, whom the monks had fucceffivelv chofen ;
and he at laft told them, that, if they would elecl Edmond
treafurer of the church o* Salifbury, he would confirm
their choice ; and his nomination was complied with. The
pope had the prudence to appoint both times very worthy
primates ; but men could not forbear obferving his inten
tion of thus drawing gradually to himfeif the right of be-
fto ing that important dignity.

THE avarice, however, more than the ambition of the
fee of Rome, feen:s to have been in this age the ground
of general coirpLint. The papal minifters, finding a
vafi flock of power armflkd by their prcdcceiTorp, were
defirousof turning it to immediate profit, which they en-
jo .-ed at home, rather than of enlarging tVir authority
in diftant countries, where they never intended to refide.
Every thing was become venal in the Romifh tiibunals ;

* M Pr;-. P. 614. f M. P^ris. p. 501. * M. Paris, p. 501.

507. riS.^S. 606.6^5. 6^S. i| M. t : aiis, p. 2^. * Ibid. p. 254.

HENRY III. 473

fimony was openly p acb fed ; no favour?, and even no C H A P.
. . &amp;lt; unit] be obtained without a bribe ; the highett bid- XII.

der was fur." to l.ave the preference, without regard either &amp;lt; ..-

to the merits of the perfon or of the cauic ; and befides Ia 5j-
t !i c ulual perverfions c&amp;gt;f right in the decificn of controver-
fies, the pope openly alTuM ed an abfolute and uncontrolled
authority of letting udtle, by the plenitude of his apofto-
Jic po .ver, all particular rules, and ail privileges of
patrons, churches, and convents. On pretence of reme
dying thele ai.T.les, pope Honorius, in I ?.::, complain
ing of the poverty of his fee as the fource of all grievan
ces, demanded frc m every catlu dral two of the belt pre-
is, and fiom every convent two monks portions, to be
lit apart as a perpetual and fettled revenue of the papal
crown : But all men being fenfiMe that the revenue would
continue fore- er, the abuies immediately return, his de
mand was unanimoufiv rejected. About three years alter,
the pope demanded and obtained the tenth of all ecclefiaf-
tical revenues, which he levied in a very oppreifive man
ner; requiring payment before the clergy had drawn
their rents or tythes, and fending about ufurers, who ad
vanced th. m t ;e money at exorbitant inter^O. In the
year 124 ), Otho the legate, having in vain attempted the
clergy in a body, obtained feparately, by intrigues and
menaces, large fums frrm the prelates and convents, and
on his departure is faid to have carried more money out of
the kingdom than he left in it. This experiment was re
newed four years after with fuccefsby Martin the nuncio,
\vho brought from Rome powers of fufpending and ex
communicating all clergymen that refuted to comply with
his demands. J he king, who relied on the pope for the
fupport of his tottering authority, never (ailed to counte
nance thofe exa6lions.

MF.ANWHILE, all the chief benefices of the kingdom
were conferred on Italians ; great numbers of the nation
were lent over at one time to be provided for ; non-refi-
dence and pluralities were carried to an enormous height;
IVLnlel, the king s chaplain, is computed to have held at
once feven hundred ecclefiaftical livings; and the abuies
became fo evident as to be palpable to the blindnefs of
fuperftiiion itlelf. The people, entering into ailoriations,
role againft the Italian clergy ; pillaged their barns; wafted
their lands ; inlulted the perfons of fuch of them as they
found in the kingdom* ; and when the juflices made in-
quirvinto the authors of this dilbrder, the guilt was found

VOL. I. 3 P

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 323. V. Paris, p. 255. 257

474 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, to involve fo many, and thofe of fuch high rank, that it
XII. pafled unpunilhed. At laft, when innocent IV. in l 245,

* , called a general council at Lyons, in order to excommu-

12 53- nicate the emperor Frederic, the king and nobility lent
over agents to complain before the council of the rapacity
of the Romifh church. They reprefented among many
other grievances, that the benefices of the Italian clergy
in England had been eftimated,dnd were found to amount
to 60,000 marks* a year, a I urn which exceeded the an
nual revenue of the crown itfelff. They obtained only
an evafi. c anfwer from the pope ; but as mention had been
mad before the council, of the feudal fubjedtion of Eng
land to the fee of Rome, th" Erigiifb agents, at whofe
head was Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk, exclaimed againfl
the pretemion, and infilled, that king John had no right,
without theconfentof hi.-, barons, to lubjett the kingdom
to fo ignominious a Icrvitude $. i he popes indeed,
afraid of carrying matters too far againft England, feem
thenceforth to have little infilled on that pretenfion.

THIS check, received at the council of Lyons, was
not able to ftop the court of Rome in its rapacity : Inno
cent exacted the revenues of all vacant benefices, the twen
tieth of all ecclefiaftical revenues without exception ; the
third of fuch as exceeded a hundred marks a year, and
9 the half of fuch as were poiTefled by non-refidentsjj. He
claimed the goo is of all inteftate clergymen ** ; he pre
tended a title to inherit all money gotten by ufury ; he
levied benevolences upon the people ; and when the king,
contrary to his ufual practice, prohibited thefe exactions,
he threatened to pronounce againft him the fame cenfures
which he had emitted againft the emperor Frederic f f.
J2C,. BUT the moft oppreflive expedient employed by the

pope, was the embarking of Henry in a project for the
conqueft of Naples, or Sicily on this fide the Fare, as it
was called; an enterprife which threw much difhonour on
the king, and involved him, during fome years, in great
trouble and expence. The Romifh church, taking ad
vantage of favourable incidents, had reduced the kingdom
of Sicily to the fame ftate of feudal vafTalage which (he
pretended to extend over England, and which, by reafon
of the diftance, as well as high fpirit of this latter king
dom, {he was not able to maintain. After the death of the

* Innocent s bull inRymer, vel. i. p. 471, fays only 50,000 marks a year.

f M. Paris, p. 451. The culloms were part of Henry s revenue, and
amounted to 6000 pounds a year : They were at tirft fmall fums paid by the
merchants for the ufe of ths king s warehoufes, meafures, weights, ta. See
Gilbert s Hiftory of the txch. p. 214.

J M. fails, p. 460. || M. Paris, p. 480. Ann. Burt. p. 305. 373.

** M. Paris, p. 474. ft M. Paris, p. 476.

HENRY III. 475

emperor Frederic II., the fucceflion of Sicily devolved to C H A P.
Conradine, grandfon of that monarch; and Mainfroy, his XII.

natural Ion, under pretence of governing the kingdom * *

during the minority of the prince, had formed a fcheme of I8 55-
eftablifhing his own authority. Pope Innocent, who had
carried on violent war againft the emperor Frederic, and
had endeavoured to dilpoflefs him ot his Italian dominions,
Dill continued hoftilities againfi his grand ion ; but being
diiappointed in all his fchemes by the activity and artifices
of Vlainfrov, he found, that his own force alone was not
fufficient to bring to a h;ippy iffue fo great an enterprise.
He pretended to difpofe of the Sicilian crown, both as fu-
perior lord of that particular kingdom, and as vicar of
Chrift, to whom all kingdoms of the earth were fubjecled ;
and he made a tender of it to Richard earl of Cornwal,
whofe immenfe riches, he flattered himfelf, would be
able to fupport the military operations againft Mainfroy.
As Richard had the prudence to refule the prefent*, he
applied to the king, whole levity and thoughlefs difpofi-
tion gave Innocent more hopes of fuccefs ; and he offered
him the crown of Sicily for his lecond lonEdmondf.
Henry, allured by io magnificent a preient, without rcliec-
ting on the confequences, without consulting either with
his brother or the parliament, accepted of the infidious
propofal ; and gave the pope unlimited credit to expend
whatever fums he thought neceffary for completing the
conqueft of Sicily. Innocent, who was engaged by his
own interefU to wage war with Mainfroy, was glad to
carry on his enterprifes at theexpenceof his ally : Alex
ander IV. who fucceeded him in the papal throne, conti
nued the fame policy : And Hen-ry was i urprifed to find
himfelf on a fudden involved in an immenfe debt, which
lie had never been conlulted in contracting. The fum
already amounted to 133,^41 marks, bcfide intereft J ; and
he had the proipect, if he anfwered this demand, of being
loon loaded with more exorbitant expences ; if he refuled
it, of both incurring the pope s difpleulure, and lofing the
crown of Sicily, which he hoped foon to have the glory cf
fixing on the head of his Ion.

HE applied to the parliament for fupply ; and that he
might be lure not to meet with oppofitton, he fent no
writs to the more refractory barons : But even thole who
were fummoned, lenfible of the ridiculous cheat impofed
by the pope, determined not to lavifh their money on fuch
chimerical projects ; and nuking a pretext of the abfencc

* M. Paris, p. 650. f Kvir.cr, vol. i. p. 5"?. 512. 53^. M.

Pc;is, p. 5qg. Oij. or, o!. 1. p. s^7- Chion. Duntt.

vol. i. p. Jig.

476 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, of their brethren, they refiifed to take the king s demands
X I. into confederation *. In this extremity the clergy u ere

v -v his onlv refource; and as both their temporal and fpiritual

I2 55- fovereign concurred in loading them, they were ill able
to defend themfelves 1 againft this united authority.

THE pope publifhe % a crufade for the conqueft of Sicily ;
and required every one who had taken the crol s ajjainft
the infidels, or had vowed to advance money for that fer-
vice, to fupport the war agninft Mainfroy, a more terri
ble enemv, as he pretended, to the Chriftian/aith than
any Saracen f. Fie levied a tenth on all ecclefiaftical be
nefices in England for three years ; and gave orders to ex
communicate all bifhops who made not punctual payment,
He granted to the king the goods of inteilate clergymen ;
the revenue s of vacant benefices ; the revenues of ail non-
refidents |. But thefe taxations, being levied by fome
rule, were deemed lets grievous than another impofition,
which aroiefrom the furgeftion of the bifhop of Hereford,
and which might have opened the door to endleis and in
tolerable abuies.

THIS pre ate, who re Tided at the court of Pome bv a
deputation fiom the Engiiih church, drew bills of differ
ent values, but amounting on the whole to l f; 0,^40 marks,
on al the bi-hops and abbots of the kingdom ; and grant
ed thefe bill." to Italian merchants, xvho it was pretended
had advanced money for the ler ice of the war /)gain(l
Muinfroyll. As there were no likelihood of the Enelifh
prelates tubmitting, without compullion, to fuch an extra-
ordinarv (iemand, Rufland the legate was charged with
the commiffion of etnployirtg authority to that purpole ;
and he fummoned an afTVmhiy of the bifhops and abbots,
whom he acquainted with the pleaiure of the pope and of
the king. Great were the lurprile and indignation of the
aflembly : The bilhop of Worcefter exclaimed, that he
would lofe his life rather than comply : The bifhop of
London faid, that the pope and king were more powerful
than he ; but if his mitre were taken orF his head, he would
clap on a helmet in it:; place**. The legate was no lefs
violent on the other hand ; nnd he told the alVembly in
plain terms, that all eccienVilical benefices were the pro
perty of the pope, and he might difpofe of them, either
in whole or in part, a; he ia-.v proper ft. In the end, the
hifhops and abbots, being threatened with excotrmunica-
tion, which made all their revenues fall into the king s
hands, were obliged to fubnn t to the exaction : And the

* M. Paris. p. 6:4. f Rvmer, vo^. 3. p. 5^7 .-,.iS &.C. * Rymer,
vol. i. p. 5157. 59?. || M. la;is. p. 612. 628. Chioa. T. Wykes, p. 5^.

* * M. Paris, p. 614. f f Ibid. p. 619.

HENRY III. 477

only mitigation which the legate allowed them was, that CHAP,
the tenths already granted llould be accepted as a partial XII.

payment of the bills. Bur the money wssfiill iniulficient v

for the pope s purpoie : The conqtuft of Sicily was as I255&amp;gt;
remote as ever : The demands which came from Rome
were endlels : Pope Alexander became (o urgent a credi
tor, that he fent over a legate to England , threatening
the kingdom with an interdict, and the king with excom
munication, if the arrears which he pretended to be due to
him weie not inftantly remitted *: And at laft Henry, len-
fible of the cheat, began to think of breaking off the
agreement, and of rellgning into the pope s hands that
crown which it was not intended by Alexander that he or
Ins family fhould ever enjoy f.

THE earl of Cornwal had now reafon to value himfelf Earl of
on his forefight, in refuting the fradulent bargain with ton ! w d al k .
Rome, and in preferring the lolid honours of an opulent O f theRo-
and powerful prince of the blood of England, to the empty mans.
and precarious glory of a foreign dignity. But he had not
always firmneis fufficient to adhere to this relolution : His
vanity and ambition prevailed at laft over his prudence and
his avarice; and he was engaged in an enterprile no iefs
extenfive and vexatious than that of his brother, and not
attended with much gi eater probability of fuccefs. The
iir.menfe opulence of Richard having made the German
princes caft their eye on him as a candidate for the empire,
he was tempted to expend vaft fums of money on his elec
tion ; and he fucceeded Ib far as to be choJen king of the
Romans, which leemed to render his fucceffion infallible
to %e imperial throne. He went over to Germany,
and carried out of the kingdom no Iefs a fum than feven
hundred thoufand marks, if we may credit the account
given by fome ancient authors |, which is probably much
exaggerated ||. H : s money, while it lafled, procured him
friends and partifans: But it was foon drained from him
by the avidity of the German princes ; and having no
perfon.il or family connexions in that country, and no

* Rymer. "cl. i. p. 6-24. M. Paris, p. 6 t Rvmer, vol. i. p. 631.

* M. Paris, p. 6j8. i lie fume anth.&amp;gt;r. .t ni^kes Richa&amp;gt; .--
treafures amount to little nurt- ti-.ni half tin: i .in. p. &amp;lt; ; . fhe king s difflpa-

.!n;l expeiic^. thinugliout l.li whole . ig to tiie fame author,

had amoimtc &amp;gt; iv.ly &amp;gt;&amp;gt; *b o . j , &amp;gt;,ooo marks, i.

.1 ic snl u;ii ; irs, wha \verf aim !&amp;gt; all moak*. are

often improbable, a:idnsj-t?r conil!!t:Mt i! l; i we know, fmin an infallibij :;
rtty, the public remonftra-.-.ce to the council of Lvons, tha&amp;gt; t!;r
were b. 3 low . bvoti-.er therefore r n u!d ne\er i

been ma ter of 7 &amp;lt; . ,

la\i l, as we learn from the iaiAe author: Ar.d we hear afterwards of his or-
denn a, I his w.xxh to hi: c,.t, m 01 KT ci lai .si v ilie r,i .a-it;. "f rh.^ German
princes : Hisfon fuv.ccca vi to the esrldcm of Cornwal and his other levenues.

47 3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, fo\\d foundation of power, he found at laft that he had
XII. laviihed away the frugality of a whole life, in order to pro-

v v cure a fplendid title ; and that his abfence from England,

1255- joined to the weiknefs of his brother s government, gave
reins to the factious and turbulent dilpofitions of the Eng-
liih barons, and involved his own country and family in
great calamities.

D fcontent? THE fuccefsful revolt of the nobility from kingjohn,and

of the La- their impofing on him and his fuccellors limitations of their
royal power, had made them feel their own weight arid
importance, had fet a dangerous precedent of refinance,
and being followed bv a long minority, had impoverished
as well as weakened that crown, which they were at laft
induced, from the fear of woiie conlequences, to replace
on the head of young Henr . In the king s fituation,
either great abilities and vigour were requifite to overawe
the barons, or great caution and rcferve to give them no
pretence for complaints ; and it mufl be confeffed, that this
prince was pofleffcd of neither of thefe talents. He had
not prudence to chufe right mealures; he wanted even that
conftancy which fometimes gives weight to wrong ones;
lie was entirely devoted to his favourites, who were always
foreigners ; he lavifhed on them without dilcretion his dimi-
niftied revenue; and finding that his barons indulged their
dilpofition towards tyranny, and obferved not to their own
vafl als the fame rules whi-~h they had impoled on the
crown, he was apt, in his adminiftrjtion, to neglect all
the falut.iry articles of the Great Charter; which he re
marked to be fo liltle regarded by his nobility. 1 his con-
duel; had extremely lefTened his authority in the kingdom;
had multiplied complaints againfi him; and had frequently
expofed him to affronts, and even to dangc-rous attempts
upon his prerog stive. In the year I -.44, when he deiircd
a fupply from parliament, the barons, complaining of the
frequent breaches of the Great Charter, and of the many
fruitlefs applications which they had formerly made for
the redrefs of this and other grievances, demanded in return
that he fliould give them the nomination of the great judici
ary and of the chancellor, to whofe hands chiefly the ad-
miniftration of juflice was committed: And, if we may
credit the hiftorian*, they had formed the plan of other
limitations, as well as of aflbciations to maintain them,
which would have reduced the king to be an abfolute cy
pher, and have held the crown in perpetual pu pi 11 age and
dependance. The king, to fatisfy them, would agree to
nothing but a renewal of the charter, and a general per-

* M. Paris, p. 432.

HENRY III. 479

miflion to excommunicate all the violators of it : And he C 11 A P.
received no fupply, except a fcutage of twenty ihiliings XiT.

on each knight s fre for the marriage of his ddett daughter

to the king of Scotland; a burthen vv.iich was exprelsly IJ Ji-
annexed to their feudal tenures.

FOUR years after, in a full parliament, when Henry
demanded a new lupplv, he was openly reproached with a
breach of his word, and the (sequent violations of the char
ter. He was afked whether he did not blufh to detire any
aid from his people, whom he profefledly luted and delpil-
ed, to whom on all occaiions he prefer: e i iliens and fo
reigners, and who groaned under the op pre (lions which he
either permitted or exerciJed over them. He was told that,
bcfidesdifparaging his nobility by forcing them to coutiact
unequal and mean marriages with Grangers, no rank of
men was fo low as to elcape vexations from him or his mi-
niflers ; that even the victuals conlumed in his houfehold,
the clothes which himfelf and his lervants wore, flill mors
the wine which they ufed, were all taken by violence from
the lawful owners, arid no compenlation was ever made
them for the injury ; that foreign merchants, to the great
prejudice and infamy of the kingdom, iliunned the fcng-
glifh harbours, as if they were poffeffed by pirates, and
the commerce with all nations was thus cut orFhy thele aits
of violence; that lois was added to lots, and injury to in
jury, while the merchants, who had been defpoilod of
their goods, were allb obliged to carry them at their own
charge to whatever place the king was pleated to appoint
them ; that even the poor lilhermen on the coaft could not
elcipe his oppreiftons and thofe of his co ntiers; and find
ing th ;t they had not full liberty to difpofe of their com
modities in the fcnglifh market, were frequently conftrain-
ed to carry them to foreign ports, and to hazard all the
perils of the ocean, rather than thofe which awa ted them
from his oppretlive emiflaries ; and that hir, very religion
was a ground of complaint to his fubjects, while they ob-
ferved that the waxen tapers and Ip endid filks, employed
in lb many ulelefs procedions, were the fpoils which he
had forcibly ravilhed from the true owners *. Throughout
this remonOrance, in which the complaints derived from
an abule of the ancient right of purveyance may be fup-
pofed to be fomewhat exaggerated, there appears a ftrange
mixture of regal ;" anny in the practices which gave rife
to it, and of ariflocratical liberty, or rather licentioufnefs,
in the expreflions employed hy the parliament. But a
mixture of this kind is oblerva-ble in all U.e ancient feudal

* M. Paris, p. 498. See farther, p. 578. M. Weft. p. 348.

480 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- governments; and both of them proved equally hurtful to
XII. the people.

As the king, in anfwer to their remonflrance, gave the
12 53- parliament only good words and fair promifes, attended
with the moft humble fubrnitnons, which they had often
found deceitful, he obtained at that time no fupply ; and
therefore in theyear 1253, when he found himfe lf again
under the neceffity of applying to parliament, he had pro
vided a new pretence, which he deemed infallible, and
taking the vow of a crufade, he demanded thir afliftance
in that pious enterprile *. The parliament, however, for
fame time hefitated to comply ; and the ecclefiaftical order
fent a deputation, confiding of (our prelates, the primate,
and the bimops of Winchefter, Salifbury, and Carlifle,
in order to remonftrate with him on his frequent violations
of their privileges, the opprrflions with which he had
loaded them and all his fubjedsf, and the uncanonical
and forced elections which were made to vacant dignities.
It is true," replied the king, " I have been fomewhat
faulty in this particular: 1 obtruded you, my lord of
Canterbury, upon your fee : 1 was obliged to employ
both entreaties and menaces, my lord of Winchefter,
to have you eleded : My proceedings, I confefs, were
very irregular, my lords of Salifbury a nd Carliile, when I
rjifed you from the loweft ftations to your preient dig-
nities : 1 am determined henceforth to correct thefe
abules: and it will allo become you, in order to make
a thorough reformation, to refign your prefent benefj-
ces ; and try to enter again in a more regular and ca-
" nonical manner ." The blfliops, furprifed at thefe
unex-pecled farcafms, replied, that the queftion was not at
prefent how to correct part errors, but to avoid them for the
future. The king promifed redrefs both of ecclefiaftical
and civil grievances ; and the parliament in return agreed
to grant him a fupply, a tenth of the ecclefiaftical bene
fices, and a fcutage of three marks on each knight s fee :
But as they had experienced his frequent breach of pro-
mile, they required that he mould ratify the Great Char
ter in a manner ftill more authentic and more folemn than
any which he had hitherto employed. All the prelates
and abbots were aflembled : They held burning tapers in
their hands : The Great Charter was read before them:
-They denounced the fentence of excr^muniration againfi
every one who mould thenceforth violate that fundamental
law : 1 hey threw their tapers on the ground, and exclaim-

* M. Paris, p. 518. 558. 568. Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 293.
t M. Paris, p. 568. t Ibid. p. 579.

HENRY III. 481

ed, May ihejoul of every one mho incurs this fcntencc fo C H A P.
Jlink and corrupt in hell! The king bore a part in this XII.

ceremony ; and fuSjoined : " So help me God, I will v "

" keep all thefe articles inviolate, as I am a man, as I am
" a chriftian, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crown-
" ed and anointed V Yet was the tremendous ceremony
no foo-ier (inilhed than his favourites, abufing his weak-
nefs, made him return to the lame arbitrary and irregu
lar adminiflration ; and the reafonabie expectations of
his people were thus perpetually eluded and difappoint-
edf.

ALL thefe imprudent and illegal meafures afforded a 1253.
pretence to Simon de Mountfort, earl of Leicefter, to at- s mon de
tempt an innovation in the government, and to wreft the en^ofLei-
fceptie from the feeble ^nd irrefolute hand which held it. c e fter.
This nobleman was a younger Ion of that Simon dc
Mountfort , who had conducted with fuch valour and re
nown the crulade agaiufl the Albigenfes, and who, though
he tar ni fried his famous exploits by cruelty and ambition,
had left a name very precious to all the bigots of that age,
particularly to the ecclefiaftics. A large inheritance in
England fell by lucceffion to this family ; but as the elder
brother enjoyed Oil! more opulent pofTeffions in France,
and could not prrfo r m fealtv to two mafters, he transferred
his right to Simon, his younger brother, who came over
to England, did homage for his lands, and was railed to
the dignity of earl ot Leicefter. In the year 1238, he
eipouled Eleanor dowager of William earl of Pembroke,
and lifter to the kingj; but the marriage of this princefs
with a fubjetl and a foreigner, though contracted with
Henry s confent, was loudlv complained of by the earl of
Cornwal and all the barons of England; and Leicefter
was fupported againll their violence by the king s favour
and authority alone ||. But he had no fooner eftaLlifhed
himfelf in his pofleffions and dignities, than he acquired,
by infinuarion and addrels, a ftrong interefl with the nati
on, and gained equally the affections of all orders of men.
He loll, however, the friendthip of Henry from the ufual
levity and ficklenefs of that prii&amp;gt;ce ; he was banifhed the
court; he was recalled : he was entrufled with the com
mand of Guienne**, where he did good fervice and ac
quired honour; he was again difgraced by the king, and
his banilhment from court 1 cemed now final and irrevoca
ble. Henry called him traitor to his face ; Lcicefter gave
VOL. I/ 3 Q,

* M. Pa. is, p. 5&amp;lt;?o. Ann. Bart. p. 323. Ann. Waverl. p. 210. W. Hem-
iug. p. 571. M. \\eft. p. 353. t M - Paris, p. 597- 608.

t Ibid. p. 314. || Ibid. p. 315. * * Ryyier, vol. i. p. 459. 51?.

482 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP h m tne lie an d t0 ^ mrn tnat ^ he were not "is fovereign
" XII. he would foon make him repent of that infult. Yet was
y__ v -j this quarrel accommodated, either from the good-nature or
1258. timidity of the king ; and Leicefter was again admitted
intolbme degree of favour and authority. But as this no
bleman was become too great to preferve an entire com-
plailanceto Henry s humours, and to act in fubferviency
to his other minions ; he found more advantage in cultiva
ting his intereft with the public, and in inflaming the ge
neral difcontents which prevailed againft the adminiftrati-
on. He filled every place with complaints againft the in
fringement of the Great Charter, the ads of violence com
mitted on the people, the combination between the pope
and the king in their tyranny and extortions, Henry b ne-
gle6\ of his native fubje&s and barons; and though himfelf
a foreigner, he was more loud than any in representing
the indignity of fubmitting to the dominion of foreigners.
Bv his hypocritical pretenfions to devotion he gained the
favour of the zealots and clergy : By his ieeming concern
for public good he acquired the affections of the public:
And befides the private friendfhips which he had cultivated
with the barons, his animofity againft the favourites crea
ted an union of interefts between him and that powerful
order.

A RECENT quarrel which broke out between Leicefter
and William de Valence, Henry s half brother, and chief
favourite, brought matters to extremity*, and determined
the former to give full fcope to his bold and unbounded
ambition, which the laws and the king s authority had
hitherto with difficulty reftrained. He fecretly called a
meeting of the moft confiderable barons, particularly Hum
phrey de Bohun high conftable, Roger Bigod earl maref-
chal, and the earls of Warwic and Glocefter; men who by
their family and poffeffions flood in the firft rank of the
Englifh nobility. He reprefented to this company the ne-
ceffityof reforming the ftate, and of putting the execution
of the laws into other hands than thofe which had hitherto
appeared, from repeated experience, fo unfit for the charge
with which they wereentrufted. He exaggerated the op-
preffions exercifed againft the lower orders of the ftate, the
violations of the barons privileges, the continued depreda
tions made on the clergy ; and, in order to aggravate the
enormity of his conducl, he appealed to the Great Charter,
which Henry had fo often ratified, and which was calcula
ted to prevent for ever the return of thofe intolerable grie
vances. He magnified the generofity of their anceftors,

* M, Paris, p. 649.

HENRY III. 483

who, at a great expence of blood, had extorted that famous CHAP*
conceffion from the crown; but lamented their own dege- XII.

neracy, who allowed fo important an advantage, once ob- v

tained, to be wrefted from them by a weak prince and by 13 5 8 -
infolent ftrangers. And he infilled that the king s word,
after fo many fubmifTions and fruitlefs promifeson his part,
could no longer be relied on ; and that nothing but his ab-
folute inability to violate national privileges could hence
forth enfure the regular oblervance of them.

THESE topics, which were founded in truth, and fuited
fo well the lentiments -of the company, had the defired ef-
fe&amp;lt;Sl; and the barons embraced a refolution of redrefling
the public grievances, by taking into their own hands
the adminiftration of government. Henry having fum-
moned a parliament, in expectation of receiving fupplies
for his Sicilian project, the barons appeared in the hall,
clad in complete armour, and with their fwords by their
fide : The king on his entry, ftruck with the unufual ap
pearance, afked them what was their purpofe, and whe
ther they pretended to make him their priloner*? Roger
Bigod replied, in the name of the reft, that he was not
their prifoner, but their fovereign; that they even intend
ed to grant him large f&amp;gt; pplies, in order to fix his fon on
the throne of Sicily ; that they only expecled fome return
for this expence and fervice ; and that, as he had frequent
ly made (ubmidions to the parliament, had acknowledged
his paft errors, and ha-1 Hill allowed himfelf to be carried
into the fame path, which gave them fuel) juft reafon of
complaint, he muft now yield to more ftrit regulations,
and confer authority on thofe who were able and willing
to redrels the national grievances. Henry, partly allured
by the hopes of fupply, partly intimidated by the unioq
and martial appearance of the barons, agreed to their de
mand ; and promifed to fummon another parliament at
Oxford, in order to digefl the new plan of government,
and toelert the pertons who were to be entrufted with thq
chief authority.

THIS parliament, which the rovaiifts, and even the nth June.
nation, from experience of the confufions that attended its
meafures, afterwards denominated the mad parliament, met
on the day appointed ; and as all the barons brought along
with them their military \affals, and appeared with an
armed force, the king, who had taken no precautions
againfl them, was in reality a priloner in their hands, and
was obliged to fubtr.it to all the ten:::; which they were
pleafed to impofe upon him. Twelve baions were leleo

* Annal. Tlieokcibury.

484 HI-STORY OF EN GLAND.

CHAP, ted from among the king s minifters; twelve more were
XII. chofen by parliament : To thefe twenty-four, unlimited

* / authority was granted to reform the ftate; and the king

12 58- himfelf took an oath, that he would maintain whatever or
dinances they (hould think proper to enal for that pur-
pole*. Leicefter, was at the head of this lupreme coun
cil, to which the Icgiflative power was thus in reality
transferred; and all their meafures were taken by his
lecret influence and direction. Their firft flep bore a fpe-
cious appearance, and feemed well calculated for the end
which they pro felted to be the object of all thefe innovati
ons : They ordered that four knights fhculd be chofen by
each coun y ; that they fhould make inquiry into the
grievances of which, their neighbourhood had reafon to
complain, and fbpuld attend the enfuing parliament, in
order to give information to that afiembly of the flate of
their particular counties! : A nearer approach to our pre-
fent conftitution - han had been rrade by the barons in the
reign of king John, when "the knights were only appoint
ed to meet in their feveral counties, and there to draw up
a detailof their grievances. Meanwhile the twenty-four
barons proceeded to ena6t forne regulations, as a rcdrefs
of fuch grievances as were fuppofed to be fuffictcritly noto
rious. They ordered that" three feflfions of parliament
fhould be regularly h;-ld every year, in the months of Fe
bruary, June and October; that anew fheriff fhould be annu
ally elcdted by th? votes of the freeholders in each county J ;
that the fhcrifFs (hould have no power of fining the barons
who did not attend their courts, or the circuits of the jul-
liriaries; that no heirs mould be committed to the ward-
fhipof foreigners, and no caftles intrufted to their cuflody;
and that no new warrens or fcrcOs fhould be created, nor
the revenues of any counties or hundreds be let to farm.
Such were the regulations which the twenty-four barons
ettdblifhed at Oxfotd, for the redrefs of public grievan
ces.

BUT the earl of Lcicefter and his alTociates, having
advanced fo far to fatisfy the nah on, inftead of continu
ing in this popular courfe, or grai tirg the king that lupply
which they had piomifed him, in mediately provided for
the exttnfion ai.d continudnce of their own authority.
They rouled anew the popular clamour which had long
prevailed againtl foreigners; and they fell with ihe utmofl
violence on" the king s half-brothers, who were luppt-ed
to be the authors of all national grievances, and whom

* Ryrner, vol. i. p. 6;,5- Chrcn. Dur.ft. vol. ;. p. j J4- Knyghton, p. 2^-i5-
f M. i aijs, p. f 57. Adciit. p. LJO. Ann. Burt. p. 412.
i Cbron. Luuft. vol. i. p. 3j6. ,

HENRY III.

Henry had no longer any power to protect. The four
brotheis, fenfible cf their danger, took to (light, with an
intention of making their elcape out of the kingdom ;
they were eagerly purlued by the barons ; Ayrncr, one of
the brothers, who liad been elecled to the fee of Winchef-
ter, took fhelter in his epifcopa) palace, and carried the
others along with him ; they were furrounded in that pL&amp;lt;v,
and threatened to be dratted out by force, arid to be pu-
nilhed for their crimes and mifdemeanors ; and the king,
pleading the facredtiefs of an ecclefiaHical fanctuary, was
glad to extricate them from this danger by banilhina them
the kingdom. In this a&amp;lt;5l of violence, as well as in the
former usurpations of the barons, the queen and her unck-s
were thought to have fecretly concurred ; being jealous of
the credit acquired by the brothers , which, they found,
had eclipfed and annihilated their own.

BUT the fubfequirit proceedings of the twenty- four ba- l -f. ir . iat ; ons
rons were fufficient to open the eyes of the nation, and to ofiheba-
prove their Intention of reducing, for ever, both the king i0ns -
and the people under the arbitrary power of a very narrow
ariftocracy, which muft at !aft have terminated either in
anarchy, or in a violent ufurpation and tyranny. They
pretended that they had not yet diverted all the regulations
neceffary for the reformation of the (late and for the re-
drels of grievances; and they mui\ flill retain their power,
till that great purpofe were thoroughly effecled : In other
words, that they muft be perpetual governors, and rauft
continue to reform, till they werepleaied to abdicate their
authority. They formed an aflbciation among fhemfe ves,
and iwore that they would fhind by each other with their
lives and fortunes: They difphced all the chief officers
of the crown, the judiciary, the chancellor, the treafurcr ;
and advanced either themlelves or their own creatures in
their place : Even the oflices of the king s ho ifehold were
difpoied of at their pleafure: The government of all the
caHles was put into hands in whom they found reafon to
confide : And the whole power of the (late being thus
transferred to them, they ventured to impoie an oaih, by
which all the fubjeds were obliged to fwear, under the
penalty of being declared public enemies, that they would
obey and execute all the regulations, both known and
unknown, of the twenty-four barons: And all this, for
the greater glory of God, the honour of the church, the
fervice of the king, and the advantage of the kingdom*.
No one dared to withiland this tyrannical authority : Prince
Edward himfelf, the king s eldeft fon,a youth of eighteen,

Chron. T. Wyke , f . 52.

4 36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, who began to give indications of that great and manly fpirit
Xli. which appeared through the whole courfe of his life, was,

v v after making feme opposition, confhained to take that oath,

1258. which really depofed his father and his family from fove-
reign authority *. Ear! Warrenne was the laft perfon in the
kingdom that could be brought to give the confederated
barons this mark of fubmiffion.

Bur the twenty-four barons, not content with the ufur-
pation of the royal power, introduced an innovation in
the confiitution of parliament which was of the utmoft im
portance. They ordained, that this affembly fhould chufe
a committee of twelve perlbns, who fhou:d, in the inter
vals of the feffions, poflefsthe authority of the whole par
liament, and fhould attend, on a furnmons, the perfon of
the king, in all his motions. But fo powerful were thefe
barons, that this regulation was allb fubrnitted to; the
whole government was overthrown, or fixed on new foun
dations ; and the monarchy was totally fubverted, without
its being poffible for the king to ftrike a Tingle ftroke in
defence of the conftitution againft the newly-eiecled oli
garchy.

1259- THE report that the king of the Romans intended to

pay a vHii to England, gave alarm to the ruling barons,
who dreaded left the extenfive influence and eftablifhed
authority of that prince would be employed to reftore the
prerogatives of his family, and overturn their plan of
government f. They lent over the bifhop of WorceUer,
who met himatSu Omars: afked him in the name of the
barons, the realon of his journey, and how long he inten
ded to flay in England, mil infifted that, before he entered
the kingdom, he (hould iwear to obferve the regulations
eftablifhed at Oxford. On Richard s refuial to take this
oath, they prepared to refifi him as a public enemy ; they
+ fitted out a fleet, aflembled an army, and exciting the in
veterate prejudices of the people againft foreigners, from
whom they bad differed Ib many oppreffions, Ipread the
report, that Richard, attended by a number of ftrangers,
meant to reftore by force the authority of his exiled bro
thers, and to violate all the fecurities provided for public
liberty. The king of the Romans was at laft obliged to
fubmit to the terms required of him \.

BUT the barons, in proportion to their continuance in
power, began gradually to lofethat popularity which had
affifled them in obtaining it; and men repined, that regu
lations, which were occafionally eftabliihed for the re for -

* Ann. "Burl. p. 4 I i. f M. Paris, p. 66 1.

t Ibiti. \.. 661, 662. Chron. T. Wykes, p. 5.3.

HENRY 111. 487

matlon of the ftate, were likely to become perpetual, and CHAP.
to fubvert entirely the ancient conftitution. They were Xll.

apprehenfive left the power of the nobles, always oppref- .,

five, fhould now exert itfelf without control, by remov-
ing the counterpoiie of the crown ; and their fears were
iticreaied by fome new ediits of the barons, which were
plainly calculated to procure to th-mfelves an impunity in
all their violences. They appointed that the circuits of
the itinerant juftic.es, the fole check on their arbitrary
conduct, fhould be held pnly once in ieven years ; and
men eafily law that a remedy, which returned after fuch
long intervals, againft an oppreflive power, which was
perpetual, would prove totally infignificant and uielefs*.
The cry became loud in the nation, that the barons fhou d
finifli their intended regulations. The knights of the
(hires, who feem now to have been pretty regularly afTem-
bled,and foinetimes in a feparate houfe, made remonftran-
ces againft the llownefs of their proceedings. They re-
prefented that, though the king had performed all the con
ditions required of him, the barons had hitherto done no
thing for the public good, and had only been careful to
promote their own private advantage, and to make inroads
on royai authority ; and they even appealed to prince Ed
ward, and claimed his interpofition for the intereftsof the
nation and the reformation of the government f. The
prince replied, that though it was from conflraint, and
contrary to his private fentiments, he had fworri to main
tain the provifions of Oxford, he was determined to obierve
his oath : But he lent a mefiage to the barons, requiring
them to bring their undertaking to a fpeedy conclufion,
and fulfil their engagements to the public: Otherwise he
menaced them, that at the expence of his life he would
oblige them to do their duty, and would fhed the laft drop
of his blood in promoting the interefts, and fatisfying the
juft wifhes of the nation |.

THE barons, urged hy fo prefling a neceffity, publifhed
at laft a new code of ordinances for the reformation of the
ftate||: But the expectations of the people were extremely
difappointed, when they found that thefe confifted only
of fome trivial alterations in the municipal law ; and Hill
more, when the barons pretended that the tafk was not
yet finifhed, and that they tnuft farther prolong their autho
rity, in order to bring the work of reformation to the de-
fired period. The current of popularity was now much
turned to the fide of the crown ; and the barons had little

* M. Paris, p. 667. Trivet, p. 209. f Annal. Eurt. p. 427.

i Annal. Buit. p. 427. l| Ibid. p. 428. 430.

488 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. to rely on for their fupport, befides the private influence
XII. and power of their families, which, though exorbitant,

v was likely to prove inferior to the combination of king and

1? 59- people. Even this bafis of power was daily weakened
by their intefline jealoufies and animofities: their ancient
and inveterate quarrels broke out when they came to fhare
the fpoils of the crown ; and the rivalfhip between the earls
of Leicefter and Glocefter, the chief leaders among them,
began to .disjoint the whole confederacy. The latter,
more moderate in his pretenfions, was defirous of flopping
or retarding the career of the barons ulurpations; but the
former, enraged at the oppofition which he met with in
his own party, pretended ro throw up all concern in Eng-
lifn affairs ; and he retired into France*.

THE kingdom of France, the only ftate with which
England had any confiderable intercourfe, was at this time
governed by Lewis IX. a prince of the mofl fingular cha
racter that is to be met with in all records of hiftory. This
monarch united, to the mean and abje&amp;lt;5t fuperftition of a
monk, all the courage and magnanimity of the greatefl
hero ; and, what may be deemed more extraordinary, the
juftice and integrity of a difintereftsd patriot, the mildnefs
and humanity of an accomplifhed philofopber. So far
from taking advantage of the divifio*is among the Englifh,
or attempting to expel thole dangerous rivals from the pro
vinces which they Hill poflefled in France, he had enter
tained many fcruples with regard to the fentence of attain
der pronounced againil the king s father, had even expref-
fed .ome intention of reflonng the other provinces, and
was only prevented from taking that imprudent reiolution
by the united remonftrances of his own barons, who re-
prefented the extreme danger of fuch a mealure f, and,
what had a greater influence on Lewis, the jufiice of
punifhing, by a legal fentence the barbarity and felony of
John. Whenever this prince interpofed in Englifli affairs,
it was always with an intention of compofing the differen
ces between tlie king and his nobility ; he recommended
to both parties every peaceable and reconciling meafure ;
and he uied all his authority with the earl of Lei^efler, his
nativefabjeit, to bend him to a compliance with Henry.
; May. H c !nac le a treaty wita England, at a time when the diftrac-
fions of that kingdom were at the grcateft height, and when
the king sauthority w.is tofally annihilated, and the terms
which he granted roigiit, even in a more profperous ftate of
their affairs, be deemed reafonable and advantageous to
the Engli(h. He yielded up fame territories which had

*Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 348. I M. Paris, p. 604.

HENRY 111* 489

been conquered from Poi6tou and Guienne ; he enfured CHAP,
the peaceable poffelTion of the latter province to Henry ; XII.

he agreed to pay that prince a large fum of money : and v */

he only* required that the king fhould, in return, make a 12 ^
final cedion of Normandy, and the other provinces, which
he could never entertain any hopes of recovering by
force of arms*. Thisceffion was ratified by Henry, by
his two fons and two daughters, and by the king of the
Romans and his three fons: Leiccller alone, either moved
by a vain arrogance, or defirous to ingratiate himfelf with
the Englifh populace, protefted againft the deed, and in
filled on the right, however diflant, which might accrue
to his confort f. Lewis f&amp;lt;*w, in this obftinacy, the un
bounded ambition of the man; and as the barons infifted
that the money due by treaty Ihould be at their difpofal,
not at Henry s, he allo faw, and probably with regret,
the low condition to which this monarch, who had more
erred from weakuefs than from any bad intentions, was
reduced by the turbulence of his own fubj?cis.

BUT the fituation of Henry foon after wore a more fa- 2Gl
vourable alped. The twenty four barons had now en
joyed the fovereign power near three years ; and had vifi-
bly employed it, not for the reformation of the (late, which
was their firfi pretence, but for the aggrandifement of
thenifelves and of their families. 1 he breach of truft was
apparent to all the world: Every order of men felt it, and
murmured againft it : The diffenfions among the barons
themlelves, which increaled the evil, made alfo the reme
dy more obvious and eafy : And the fecret defertion, in-
particular, of the earl of Glocefter to the crown, feemed
to promife Henry certain fucceis in any attempt to relume
his authority. Yet durft he not take that ftep, io recon-
cileable both to juftice and policy, without making a pre
vious application to Rome, and defiring an abfolution from
his oaths and rngagements j.

THE pope was at this time much difTatisfied with the
condufl of the barons; who, in order to gain the favour
of the people and clergy of England, had expelled all
the Italian ccclefi^ftics, had confiscated their benefices, and
leemed determined to maintain the liberties and privileges
of the Englilh church, in which the rights of patronage,
belonging to I heir own families, were included. The ex
treme anirnofuy of the Englifh clergy againft the Italians
u as alfo a fource of his dilguit to this order ; and an at-

VOL. I. 3 R

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 675. M, Paviv, {. -,CC. Chron. T. Wykcs, p. $|&amp;lt;
1 rivet, p. . c-i. M. Weft. p. 371.

} Uifon. I. XYykes. p. ^,j. J Ann. ?:: .. p. jJn.

490 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- tempt which had been made by them for farther liberty,
XII. and greater independence on the civil power, was therefore

* T-V lefs acceptable to the court of Rome*. About the fame

I26l time that the barons at Oxford had annihilated the prero
gatives of the monarchy, the clergy met in a fynod at
Merton, and pafied feveral ordinances, which were no
lefs calculated to promote their own grandeur at the ex-
pence of the crown. They decreed, that it was unlawful
to try ecclefiaftics by fecular judges; that the clergy were
not to regard any prohibitions from civil courts; that lay-
pitrons had no right to confer fpiritual benefices ; that the
magiftrate was obliged, without farther inquiry, to impri-
ion all excommunicated perfons; and that ancient ufage,
without any particular grant or charter, was a iufficient
authority for any clerical pofleflions or privileges f. A-
bout a century before, thefe claims would have been fup-
ported by the court of Rome beyond the moil fundamen
tal articles of faith: They were the chief points maintain
ed by the great martyr, Becket ; and his relblution in de
fending them had exalted him to the high flation which he
held in the catalogne of Romim faints. But principles
were changed with the times: The pope was become fome-
what jealous of the great independence of the Englifh
clergy, which ma^ie them ftand lefs in need of his pro
tection, and even emboldened them to rcfift his authority,
and to complain of the preference given to the Italian cour
tiers, whole interefls, it is natural to imagine, were th,e
chief object of his concern. He was ready, therefore,
on the king s application, to annul thefe new conftituti-
onsof the church of England $. And, at the fame time,
he abiblved the king and all his fubjecls from the oath
which they had taken to obferve the provifions of Ox
ford ||.

Prince Ed- PRINCE Edward, whofe liberal mind, though in fucH
ward. early youth, had taught him the great prejudice which

his father had incurred, by his levity, inconftjncy, and
frequent breach of promife, refufed for a long time to take
advantage of this abfolution ; and declared that the provi
fions of Oxford, how unreafonable foever in themfelves,
and how nr.ich foever abufed by the barons, ought flill to
be adhered to by thofe who had fworn to obferve them* *.
He himfelf had been conftrained by violence to take that
oath; yet was he determined to keep it. By thi fcrupu-
lous fidelity, the prince acquired the confidence of allpar-

, * Rymer, vol. i. p. 755. f Ann. Burl. p. 389. J Rymer,

vol. i. p. 755. || Ryrner, vol. i. p. 723. M. Paris, p. 666. W.

Heming. p. 580. Ypod. Neuft. p. 468. Knygluon, p. 2416.
** M. Paiis, p. 667.

HENRY III.

49 r

ties, and was afterwards enabled to recover fully the royal CHAP,
authority, and to perform fuch great actions, both during XII.
his own reign and that of his father. &amp;gt; v

THE fituation of England, during this period, as well I26|
as that of moft European kingdoms, was fomewhat pe
culiar. There was no regular military force maintained
in the nation : The fword, however, was not, properly
fpeaking, in the hands of the people: The barons were
alone entrufted with the defence of the community ; and
after any effort which they made, either againft their own
prince or againft foreigners, as the military retainers de
parted home, the armies were difbanded, and could not
ipeedily be re-ailembled at pleafure. It was eafy there
fore, for a few barons, by a combination, to get the flo rt
of the other party, to collect fuddenly their troops, and
to appear unexpectedly in the field with an army, which
their antagonifts, though equal, or even fuperior in power
and intereft, would not dare to encounter. Hence, the
ludden revolutions, which often took place in thofe go
vernments: Hence the frequent victories obtained without
a blow by one faction over the other : And hence it hap
pened, that the feeming prevalence of a party was feldom
a prognoftic of its long continuance in power and autho
rity.

THE king, as foon as he received the pope s abfolution Ia62 -
from his oath, accompanied with menaces of excommuni
cation againft all opponents, trurting to the countenance
of the chinch, to the fupport promiied him by many con-
fiJerable barons, ^nd to the returning favour of the peo
ple, immediately took off the mafk. After juftifying his
conduct by a proclamation, in which he fet forth the pri
vate d rr-ltio:i, and the breach of truft, confpicuous in Lei-
teit~r and his afTociates, he declared, that he had refumed
the government, and was determined thenceforth to exert
th;- royai authority for the protection of his fubjecls. He
removed Hugh le Defpenferand Nicholas de Ely, the juf-
ticiary and chancellor appointed by the barons ; and put
Philip Ballet and W-iUer de Merton iu their place. He
fubftituted new fherifFs iiall the counties, men of character
and honour : He placed new governors in molt of the
^pities : He changed all the oHicers of his household : He 2 3 d A P ril r
fuminoned a parliament, in which the refumption of his
authority was ratified, with only five clilFenting voices:
And the barons, after making one fruitlefs etibrt to take
the king by furpriie at Winchefler, were obliged to acqui-
efce in thofe new regulations*.

* M. Paris, p. 668. Chron. T. Wykes, p. 55.

492 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. THE king, in order to cut off every objection to his
XII. conduct, oHered to refer all the different es between him

and the earl of Leicefter, to Margaret queen of France*.

1262. The celebrated integrity of Lewis gave a mighty influence
to any decifion uhich iffued from his court; and Henry
probably hoped that the gallantry, on which all barons
as true knights, valued themfelves, would make them
afhamed not to fubmit to the award of that princels. Lewis
merited the confidence repofed in him. By an admirable
conduct, probably as political as jufr, he continually in-
terpof-d his good ofhces to allay the civil difcordsof the
Engliih : He ; forwarded all healing meafures, which
might give fecurity to both parties: And he ftill endea-
tfoured, though in vain, to footh by perfuafion the fierce
ambition of the earl of Liecefter, and to convince him
how much it was his duty to fubmit peaceably to the au
thority of his lovereign.

?26j. THAF bold and artful confpirator was no wife difcou-

raged by the bad fuccels of his part enterpriles. The
death of Richard earl of Glocefier, who was his chief
rival in power, and who, before his deceafe, had joined
the royal party, feemcd to open a hew field to his violence,
and to expofe the throne to frefh infults and injuries. It
was in vain that the kint profefled his intentions of ob-
ferving ftriftly the Great Chartei , even of maintaining
all the regulations made by the reforming barons at O
ford or afterwards, except thofe which entirely annihilated
the royal authority : Thefe powerful chieftains, now ob
noxious to the court, could not peaceably refign the hopes
of entire independence and uncontrolled power, with
which they had flattered themfelves, and which they had

Civil wars of fo long en joved. Many of them engaged in Liecefier s

the barons, views ; and among the reft, Gilbert the young earl of
Glocefter, who brought him a mighty acceffion of power,
from the extenfive authority pofleiTed by that opulent fa
mily. Even Henry, fon o r the king of the Romans,
commonly called Henry d Allmaine, though a prince of
the blood, joined the party of the barons againft the king,
the head of his own family. Leicefler himfelf who ftill
refided in France, fecrelly formed the links of this great
confpiracy, and planned the whole fcheme of operations.
THE princes of Wales, notwithflanding the great pow
er of the monarchs, both of the Saxon and Norman line,
dill preferved authority in their own country. Though
they had often been conftrairied to pay tribute to the
Crown of England, they were with difficulty retained irj

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 724.

HENRY 111.

403

Subordination, or even in peace ; and almofl through every CHAP,
reign fmcc the conqueft, they had infefted the Englifh XII.

frontiers with fuch petty inourfions and CudHeti inroads, as v ., .

fcldom merit to have place in a gener.il hiftory. The Ia6 3-
Englifh, ftill content with repelling their invaiion, and
chafing them back into their mountains, had never purfu-
ed the advantages obtained over them, nor been able, even
under their greateft and moft active princes, to fix a total,
or Co murh as a feudal Cubjection on the country. This
advantage was reCerved to the prelent king, the weakeft
and mofi indolent. In the year 1237, Lewellyn prince
of Wales, declining in years and broken with infirmities,
but ftill more haraffed with the rebellion and undutiful be
haviour of his youngeft Con Griffin, had recourie to the
protection of Henry ; and conCenting to Cubjeft his prin
cipality, which had Co long maintained, or Coon recovered,
its independence, to vatTalage under the crown of Eng
land, had purchaCed Cecurity and tranquillity on thele dif-
honourable terms. His eldeft Con and heir, David, re
newed the homage to England ; and having taken his
brother prifbner, delivered him into Henry s hands, who
committed him to cuftody in the Tower. That prince,
endeavouring to make his efcape, loft his life in the attempt ;
and the prince of Wales, freed from the apprehenCions of
fo dangerous a rival, paid thenceforth lefs regard to the
Jlnglifh monarch, and even renewed thole incurfions, by
which the Welch, during Co many ages, had been accuf-
tomed to infeft the Englifh borders. Lewellyn, however,
the Con of Griffin, who Cucceeded to his uncle, had been
obliged to renew the homage, which was now claimed by
England as an eftablifhed right ; but he was well pleafed
to inflame thofe civil diicords, on which he refted his pre-
fent fecurity, and founded his hopes of future indepen
dence. He entered into a confederacy with the earl of
Liecefter, and collecting all the force of his principality,
invaded England with an army of 30,000 men. He ra
vaged the lands of Roger de Mortimer, and of all the
barons who adhered to the crown * ; he marched into
Chefhire, and committed like depredations on prince
Edward s territories ; every place where his dilbrderiy
troops appeared was laid wafle with fire and Cword ; and
though Mortimer, a gallant and expert Coldier, made flout
refinance, it was found nccefTary that the prince himfelf
fhould head the army againd: this invader. Edward repulf-
ed Lewellyn, and obliged him to take fhelter in the moun
tains of North Wales : But he was prevented from making

Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 354.

494 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, father progrefs againft the cncmv, by the diforders which
XII. foon after broke out in England.

w,, &amp;gt; THE VVelfh invafion was the appointed fignal for the

1263. ifialoontented barons to rife Inarms; and Leicefter, coming
over fecretly from France, colletted all the forces of his
party, and commenced an open rebellion. He feized the
perfon of the bifhop of Hereford ; a prelate obnoxious to
iill the inferior clergy, on account of his devoted attach
ment to tire court of Rome*. Simon bifhop of Norwich,
and John Manfel, becaufe they had publifhed the pope s
bull, abiblving the king and kingdom from their oaths to
obferve the provifions of Oxford, were made prifoners,
and expofed to the rage of the party. The king s demefnes
were ravaged with unbounded furyf; and as it was
Leicefter s interefl to allure to his fide, by the hopes of
plunder, all the disorderly ruffians in England, he gave
them a general licence to pillage the barons of the oppofite
party, and even all neutral perfons. But one of the prin
cipal refources of his faction was the populace of the cities,
particularly of London; and as he had, by his hypocriti
cal pretenfions to fanaity, and his zeal again!* Rome, en
gaged the monks and lower ecclefiaftics ia his party, his
dominion over the inferior ranks of men became uncon
trollable. Thomas Fitz-Richard mayor of London, a
furious and licentious man, gave the countenance of au
thority to thefe diforders in the capital; and having decla
red war againft the fubftantial citizens, he loofened all
the bands "of government, by which that turbulent city
was commonly but ill retrained. On the approach of
Eafter, the zeal of fupevftition, the appetite for plunder,
or what is often as prevalent with the populace as either of
thefe motives, the pleafure of committing havoc and dei-
truftion, prompted them to attack the unhappy Jews, who
were firft pillaged without refiflance, then madacred to
the number of five hundred perfons \. The Lombard
bankers were next expofed to the rage of the people ; and
though, by taking fanctuary in the churches, they efcaped
with their lives, all their money and goods became a
prey to the licentious multitude. Even the houfes of the
rich citizens, though Englifh, were attacked by night ;
and way was made by Iword and by fire to the pillage of
their goods, and often to the deftruftion of their perfons.
The queen, who, though defended by the Tower, was
terrified by the neighbourhood of fuch dangerous commo
tions, relblved to go. by water to the caftle of Windfor ;

* Trivet, p. 21 1. M. Weft. p. 382. 392.
t Trivet, p. 211. M. Weft. p. 382.
+ Chron. T. Wykes, p. 59.

HENRY IH. 495

but as (lie approached the bridge, the populace aflembled C H A P.
againrt licr : The cry ran, drown the. witch; and L/elides Xll.

abufing her with the molt opprobrious language, and pel- ^

ting her with rotten eggs and dirt, they had prepaied large li " j&amp;gt;
ftones to fink her barge, when the fhould attempt to fhoot
the bridge; and (he was fo frightened, that (he returned
to the Tower*.

THE violence and fury of Leicefter s faction had rifen
to luch a height in all parts of England, that the king, un
able to refill their power, was obliged to let on foot a treaty
of peace ; and to make an accommodation with the barons
on the mod difadvantageous terms f. He agreed to con- is t h July.
firm anew the provifions of Oxford, even thole which en
tirely annihilated the royal authority ; and the barons were
again re-inflated in the fovereignty of the kingdom. They
icftored Hugh le Delpenfer to the office of chief judiciary ;
they appointed their own creatures flierirrs in every county
of England ; they took pofleiTion of all the royal caftles
and forlreiTes . they even named all the officers of the
king s houfehold; and they fummoned a parliament to
meet at Wedminder, in order to fettle more fully their
plan of government. ! hey here produced a new lift of
twenty-four barons, to whom they propofed that theadmi-
niflration fbould be entirely committed ; and they infided
that the authority of this junto (hould continue, not onlV
during the reign of the king, but alfo during that of prince
Edward..

THIS prin.ce, the life and foul of the royal party, had
unhappily, before the king s accommodation with the ba
rons, been taken pri loner by Leicefter in a parley at Wind-
iorj ; and that misfortune, more than any other incident,
had determined Henry to fubmit to the ignominious condi
tions itnpoled upon him. But Edward having recovered
his liberty by the treaty, employed his activity in defend
ing the prerogatives of his family ; and he gained a j&amp;gt;reat
party even among thofe who had at firft adhered to the
cuule of the barons. Hiscoufin Henry d Allmaine, Roger
Bigod earl marelhal, earl Warrenne, Humphrey Bohun
earl of Hereford, John lord BaiTct, Ralph Ballet, Hamond
i Ellrnnge, Roger Mortimer, Henry de Piercy, Robert
de Brus, Roger de Leybourne, with almoft all the lords
marchers, as they were called, on the borders of Wales
and of Scotland, the mod warlike parts of the kingdom,
declared in favour of the roy.il caufe ; and hoftilities,
which were fcarcely well compoied, were again renewed

Chron. T. Wykes, p. 57. f Chron. Dunfh vol. i. p. 7*8.

Trivet, p. -.MI. i M. Paris, p. 669. iil.t;:. y&amp;gt;. ?i.

49 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. in every part of England. But the near balance of the
" XII. parties, joined to the uiiverfal clamour of the people, ob-

v , / Hged the king and borons to open anew the negotiations

I26 3- for peace; and it was agreed by both fides to lubmit
their differences to the arbitration of the king of
France *.

Tins virtuous prince, the only man who, in like cir-
tothck^ cumftances could fafely have been intruded with iuch an
of fiance, authority by a neighbouring nation, had never ceafed to
interpofe his good offices between the Englith fadtions ;
and had even, during the fhort interval of peace, invited
over to Paris both the king and the earl of Leicefter, in
order to accommodate the differences between them; but
found, that the fears and animofities on both fides, as well
as the ambition of Leicefter, were fo violent, as to render
all his endeavours ineffectual. But when this folemn ap
peal, ratified by the oaths and fubfcriptions of the leaders
in both factions, was made to his judgment, he was not
difcouraged from purfuing his honourable purpoie : he
fummoncd theftates of France at Amiens; and there, in
the prefcnce of that aflembly, as well as in that of the
king of England and Peter de Montfort, Leicefter s fon,
" 64&amp;gt; he brought this great caufe to a trial and examination, I
appeared to him, that the provifions of Oxford, even had
they not been extorted by force, had they not been fo ex
orbitant in their nature, and fubverfive of the ancient con-
flitution, were exprefsly eftablifhed as a temporary expe
dient, and could not, without breach of truft, be rendered
33 d Jan. perpetual by the barons. He therefore annulled thefe pro
vifions; reftoredto the king the poffeffion of his catties,
and the power of nomination to the great offices ; allowed
him to retain what foreigners he pleafed in his kingdom,
and even to confer on them places of truft and dignity ;
and, in a word, re-eftablifhed the royal power in the lame
condition on which it ftood before the meeting of the par
liament at Oxford. But while he thus fupprelTed danger-
pus innovations, and preferved unimpaired the prerogatives
of the Engliih crown, he was not negligent of the rights
of the people ; and befides ordering that a general amnefty
fhould be granted for all p.ii&amp;gt; offences, he decla.ed, that
his award was not any wife meant to derogate from the pri
vileges and liberties which the nation enjoyed by any for
mer concedions or charters of the crown f.

THIS equitable fenteuce was no Iboner known in Eng
land, than Leicefter and his confederates determined to

M. Fa is, p. 663. Chron. T. VVyVes, p. 5*- W. Kerning, p. 580.
Chrcn. Dunft. vol. i. p. j6j. t Rjrmer, vol. i. p. 776. 777.

*ic. Chron. T. \Vykes, p. 58. Kivfgh .on, p. 5-H&.

HENRY III. 497

reject it, and to have recourfe to arms, in order to pro- CHAP,
cure to themfelvesmore fafe and advantageous conditions*. XH.

Without regard to his oaths and iublcriptions, that enter- v

prifins conlriirator directed his t\vo Ions, Richard and PC- I26 4-

i ix r T i i&amp;gt; i Renewal of

ter de JVlontfort, in conjunction with Kobert de Ferrars the dvU
earl of Derby, to attack the city of Worceftcr ; while wari -
Henry and Simon dc Montfort, two others of his Tons,
affified by the prince of Wales, were ordered to lay wnfte
the eftate of Ro^cr de Mortimer. He himfelf refided at
London; and employing as his inflnment Fitz-Richatd
the (editions mayor, who had violently and illegally pro
longed his authority, he wrought up th;it citv to the higheft
ferment and agitation. The populace forn.cd themlelves
into bands and companies ; chofe leaders ; practifc-d all
military exercifes ; committed violence on the royalifts :
And, to give them greater countenance in their disorders,
an alTociation was entered into between the city and eigh
teen great barons, never to make peace with the king but
by common content and approbation. At the head of
thofe whohvore to maintain this alTociation, were the earli
of Leicefter, Gloceller, and Derbv, with le Defpenfer
the chief judiciary ; men- who had all previoufly (worn to
fubmit to the award of the French monarch. Their only
pretence for this breach of faith was, that the latter part of
Lewis s lenience w.is, as they affirmed, a contradiction to
the former : He ratified the charter of liberties, yet an
nulled the provifions of Oxford, which were only calcu
lated, as they maintained, toprelv-nr that charter ; and
without which in their eftimition, they had no fecurity for
its obiervancc.

THE king and prince, finding a civil war inevitable,
prepared themfelves for defence ; and fummoning the mi
litary v.^flals from all quarters, and being reinforced by
Baliol lord of Galloway, Brus lord of Annandale, Henry
Piercy, John Cornynf, and other barons of the north,
they compofed qn army, formidable, as well from its num
bers as its military prowefs and experience. 1 he firft en-
tcrprife of the royalifts WHS the attack of Northampton
which was defended by Simon de Montfort, with ninny
of the principal barons ofih.it party : And a breach Icing
made in the walls by Philip Ballet, the place was carried
by afiault, and both the go- -Tor and the p:uii!bn were
made prilbners. Th;.- ro\ .. i.c&amp;lt;( thoncc to Lcicti-

ter and Nottingham; both whii. :i pk-.ccs liuving opened

VOL. 1. 3 S

* Chron. Dunft. vol. i. ji. ;f&amp;gt;j. j : 1. \&amp;gt;. 77?. .

Weil. p. j:&amp;gt; 5. \ i&amp;gt;od. NcijiL. (i. .^69.

49 g HISTORY OF E N G L A N D.

C II A? theirg.it.es to them, prince Edward proceeded with a de-

XII. tachment into fhccountv of Derby, in order to ravage with

-^ f ir e and fword the lands of the earl of that name, and

J2&4- take revenge on him for his diiloyalty. Like maxims of

war prevailed with both parties throughout England; and

the kingdom was thus expoied in a ir.oment to greater de-

va^ation, from the animosities of the rival barons, than

it would have differed from many years of foreign or even

domeftic hoftilities, conduced by more humane and more

generous principle*.

THE earl of Leicefter, mafler of London, and of the
counties in the fouth-eail of England, formed the fiege of
Rochtfier, which alone declared for the king in thole
parts, and which, befides earl Warrenne, the governor,
was garrifoned by many noble powerful barons ot the royal
party. The king and prince haftened from Nottingham,
where they were then quartered, to the relief of the place;
and on their approach, Leiceihr raifed the fiege, and re
treated to London, which, being the centre of his power,
he was afraid mi^M, m his ablen&amp;lt;;e, fall into the king s
hands, either by force, or by a correfppndence with the
principal citizens, who were all fecretly inclined to the
royal caufe. Reinforced by a great body of Londoners,
and having fummoned his paniians from all quarters, he
thought himfelf ttrong enough to hazard a general battle
with the rovalifts, and to determine the fate of the nation
in one great engagement; which, if it proved fuccefbful,
mufi be decifue again ft the king. v&amp;gt; ho had no retreat for
his broken troops in thole paits ; while Leicefler himfelf,
in cafe of anv finifter accident, could eafjly take Ihelter
in the city. To give the better colouring to his caufe, he
previoutlv fenta meiTage with conditions of peace to Hen
ry, fubmitlive in the language, but exorbitant in the de-
rnands*; and when the mefTenger returned wilh the \ \e
and defiance from the king, the prince, and the king of the
Romans, he fenta new mefjage, renouncing, in the name of
himfelf and of the aflbciated barons, all fealty and allegi
ance to Henry. He then nnrched out of the city with his
army, divided into four bodies : The firft commanded by
his two ions Henry and Guy da Montfort, together with
Humphrey de Bohun earl of Herefo -d, who had defevted
to the barons ; the fecond led by the earl of Glocefter,
xvith William de Montchelhey and John Fitz-Tohn ; the
third, compofedof Londoners, under the command of Ni
cholas de Segrave ; the fourth headed by hiirlclf in perfon.
The biihop of Chichefter gave a general abfolution to the

* M. Pans, p. 669. \V. Heniitig. p. 58.;.

HENRY III.

arriiy, accompanied with afTuranccs that, if any of them C H A P.
fell in the enluing aclion, they would infallibly be received XII.

into heaven, as the reward of their luriei ing in fo mcritori- *

ous a caufe. Ii6l%

LEICESTER, who poflTelTed great talents for war, con- Bnde of
duded his march with I uch (kill and lecrecy, that he had
well nigh fiirprifed tlie royal ills in their quarters at Lewei
ihSuQex: But the vigilance and activity of prince Edward
if-uri repaired this negligence ; and lie led out the
kind s army to the field in three bodies. He himfeif con
ducted the van, attended by e.u 1 \Varrenne and William
de Valence : The main body was commanded by the king
of the Ko tnus and his fun Henry : The kiiiJ hiniielfwas
j.- aced in the rear at the head of his piincipal nobility.
Prince Edward rulheri upon the Londoners, who had de
manded the poft of honour in leading the rebel army, but
wiio, from their ignorance of difcipline and want of experi
ence, were ill fitted to refill the gentry and military men,
of whom the prince s body was compofcd. They were
broken in an inftant ; were cluled ofF the field; and Ed
ward, tranlported by his martial ardour, and eager to re
venge the infolence oi the Londoners ngainft his mother*,
put them to the fword for the lengih of four miles, without
gi-ing them any quarter, and without reflect ing on the fate
which i l the mean t me attended the reft of the army.
The earl of Leiccfter, feeing the rovalifts thrown into con-
fisfion by their eagernefs in thepurfuit, led on his remaining
troops ag n nft the bodies commanded by the two royal
brothers: He defeated with great flaughter the forces head
ed by the king of the Romans ; and that prince was obli
ged to yield himfeif prilbner to the earl of Glocefter : He
penetrated to the body where the king himfeif was placed,
threw it into dil order, purfued his advantage, chafed it in
to the to\Vn of Lewes, and obliged Henry to furrender
himfeif prifonerf.

PRINCK Edward, returning to the field of battle from
his precipitate pur uu of the Londoners, was aftonimed
to find it covered with the dead bodies of his friends, and
flill more to hear, that his father and unc e were defeated
and taken prisoners, and that Arundel, Comyn, Brus,
ILtmond i Eilrange, Roger Leybourne, and many confi-
derable barons of his paity, \vere in the hands of the vic
torious enemy. Earl \Varrenne, Hugh Bigod, and VVil-
!i im de Valence, ft ruck with defpair at this event, imme
diately took to flight, hurried to Pevencey, and made

* M. Paris p. 670. C hron. "V. \V, -kcs, p. (&amp;lt;-i. \V. Ilennng. p. 583. M.

o. jS?. Yixxl. Neuft. p. 469. H. Knyghton, p.*45.
f M. i j r:s, 6;o. M. Weft. p. 387.

5 oo HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, their efcape beyond fea*: But the prince, intrepid amidfl
~ XII. the greateft dilafters, exhorted his troops to revenge the
&amp;lt;_ , J death of their friends, to relieve the royal captives, and to
12D -i- fnatch an eafy conqueft from an enemy diibrdered by their
own vi&oryt. He found his followers intimidated by
their fituation; while Leicefter, afraid of a fudden and
violent blow from the prince, amuled him by a feigned
negotiation, till he was able to recal his troops from the
purfuit, and bring them into order*. There now appear
ed no farther refource to the royal party; (unrounded by
the armies and garrifons of the enemy, defliruteof forage
and provifions. and deprived of their Sovereign, as well as
of their principal leaders, who could alone infpirit them
to an cbftinate refifbmce. The prince, therefore, was
obliged to lubmit to Leicefter s terms, which werej! ort
and fevere, agreeably to the fuddennefs and neceffityof
the fituation: He Ilipulated, that he and Henry d Alimaine
fhould furrendcr themfelves prifoners as pledges in lieu
of the two kings; that all other prisoners on both fides
fhould be releafcdll; and that, in order to fettle fully the
terms of agreement, application fhould be made to the
king of France, that he fhould nanu- fix Frenchmen, three
prelates, and three noblemen: Thel e fix to chute two
others of their own country : And thefe tvo to chufc one
Englifhman v .who, in conjunction with themfelves, were
to be inverted by both partis with full powers to make
what regulations ihey thought proper for the fettlement of
the kingdom. 1 he prince and young Henry accordingly
delivered themfelvs into Leicefler s hands, who lent them
under a guard to Dover caftle. Such are the terms of
agreement called the Mife of Lewes, from an obfolete
French term of that meaning : For it appears, that all the
gentry and nobility of England, who valued themfelves
ou their Norman extra6tion, and who difdaincd the lan
guage of their native country, made familiar ufe of the
French tongue, till this period, and for forne time at-

ter.

LEICESIER had no fooner obtained this great advan
tage, and gotten the whole royal family in his power, than
he^openly violated every article of the treaty, and ated as
Ibie mafier, and even tvrant of the kingdom. He ftill
detained the king in effetl a prifoner, and made ufe of
that piince s authority to purpofes the molt prejudicial to
his intereits,and the moil oppreifive of his people**,
every where di fanned the royalifls, and kept all his own

Chion. T. VVykcs, p. 6j. t W. Keinir.?. p. 584.

^.Hemibjg. p. 584. !| M. Parii, p. 671. Knyghtoft, p. 2451.

u-r, vol. J. p. 790, 791, ice.

HENRY lit. 501

partifans in a military po^ure*: Ho obferved the fame por- C R A F-
tial conduct in the deliverance of the cap: . en XI i.

threw many of the royaliJls into prilbn, :

were taken in the battle of Lewes : 11 carried the kinc; l ***
from pi.ice to place, and obliged all the roval c.ifHes, in
pretence of Plenty s cominu: Is, to i .d

garriion of his o\vu ap-.ioinMimt : All t i i rs of the
cro vn and of the . .oufehold were name. * by him ; and ihc;
whole authority, as well as irn:s of the fltte,
In his hands: lie inftituted in the counties a r.ew kind
of magi fir acy, endou-od with new and ..: it ;::/ pnv-
ers, that of confervators of . : His avarice

appeared barefaced, and mi-iht induce us to uucliioa
the greatnefs of his ambition, at leail tie I : hia

mind, if we had nut r ,M! on to think, that he intended to
employ his acquisitions as the inflruments for attaining
futher power and grandeur. He feized theeftates of no
lefs than eighteen barons, as his lhare of the fpoil gained
in the battle of Lewes: He engrofled to himfelf the ran-
fom of all the priloners; and told his barons, with a wan
ton Jnlblcnce, that it was fuificient for them, that lie had
faved them by that viciory from the forfeitures and attain
ders which hung over them $ : He even treated the earl
of Glocefter in the fame injurious rrnnner, and applied
to his own ufe the ranfom of the kinp: of the Romans,
who in the field of battle had yielded himfelf prlfonf r to
that nobleman. Henry, his eldeft ion, made a monopoly
of all the wool in the kingdom, the only valuable commo
dity for foreign markets which it at that time produced]).
The inhabitants of the cinque-ports, during the prefent
diilblution of government, betook themfelves to the moil
licentious piracy, preyed on the (nips of all nations, threw
the mariners into the lea, and by thefe practices (con ba -
nilhedall merchants from the Mngiifh coails and oarl&amp;gt;ours.
Every foreign commodity role to ;m exorlutart piicc ;
and woollen cloth, which the Englifh had not then the
art of dyin&amp;lt;r, was worn by them white, and without re
ceiving the laft hand of the manufacturer. In anf\ver to
the complaints which arofe on this occafion, Leicdler re
plied, that the kingdom could well e--oi!gh lul fill within
itfelf, and neeiied no intercourfe with foreign^:];-.. And
it was found, that he even combined with th;: pirates of
the cinque ports, and received as his (hare the third of their
prizes**.

No farther mention was made of the reference to the
king of France, fo eiTential an article in the agreement of

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 79^. Brack s A;-pea!s, N o. sit, 212. Chron. T. Wyke",
P- ( j- t Ryrat-r, voj. i. j;. 792. J Knyg!it;!i, p. 2451.

: J Chron. T. Wykes, p. 65. * Ibid,

502 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. Lewes ; and Leicefter fummoned a parliament, compofec!
XII. altogether of his own partilans, in order to rivet, by their

. 1 authority, that power which he had acquired by fo much

1*6.5. violence, and which he ufed with fo much tyranny
and injuftire. An ordinance was there patted, to
which the king s con lent had been previoufly extorted,
that every ad of royal power (hould be exercifed by a
council oi nine per forts, who were to be chofen and re
moved by the majority of three, Leicefter himfelf, the
earl of Glocefter, and the bilhop of Chichefter *. By
this intricate plan of government, the fceptre was really
put into Leicefter s hands; as he had the entire direction
of the bifhop of Chichefter, and thereby commanded all
the resolutions of the council of three, who could ap
point or difcard at pleafure every member of the lu-
preme council.

Bur it w s impoffible that things could long remain in
this Orange fituation. It behoved Leicefter cither to de-
fcend with fome peril into the rank of a fubjecl, or to
mount up with no lefs into that of a fovereign ; and his
ambition, unreHrained either by fear or by principle,
gave too much realon to fufpeft him of the latter intention.
Meanwhile, he was expoied to anxiety from every quar
ter; and felt that the fmallell incident was capable of over
turning that iinmenfe and ill-cemented fabric which he
had reared. The queen, whom her hufband had left a-
broad, had collected i i foreign parts an army ofdefpe-
rate adventurers, and had aiFembled a great number of
llnps, with a view of invading the kingdom, and of bring
ing relief to her unfortunate family. Lewis, detefting
Leicefter s ufurpations and perjuries, and dilgufted at the
Englifh barons, who had re f ufed to fubnut to his award,
fecretly favoured all her enterprifes, and was get.erally
believed to be making preparations for the fame purpofe.
An Englidi army, by the pretended authority of the cap
tive king, was aflembled on the iea-coait to oppofe this
projected invalionfi but Leiceftcr owed his fafety more
to crofs winds, which long detained and at laft diiperfed
and ruined the queen s fleet, than to any refiftance which,
in their preicnt fituation, could have been expected from
the Englilh.

LEICESTER found himfelf better able to refift the fpi-
litual thunders which were levelled againft him. The
pope, ftill adhering to the king s caufe againft the barons,
di/patched cardinal Guido as his legate into England, with
orders to excommunicate, by name, the three earls, Lei-

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 793. Biady s App. \o. 213.

f Biady s Apj&amp;gt;. No. 216, 217. Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 373. M. XVeft.
p. Jf;.

H E N R Y III. 503

Glocefter, and Norfolk, and all others in general, CHAP,
who concurred in the oppreflion and captivitv of their lo- Xli.

vereign*. Leicefter menaced the legate with death, if y

he let foot within the kingdom ; hut Guido, meeting in 12( M-
France the biiliops of Winchefter, London, and VVorcef-
ter, who had been lent thither on a negotiation, command
ed them, under the penalty of ecclefullical cenfures, to
carry his bull into England, and to publilh it againft the
barons. When the prelates arrived orF the coaft, they
were boarded by the piratical mariners of the cinque- ports,
to whom probably they gave a hint of the cargo which
they brought along with them : The bull was torn and
thrown into the fea ; which furniflied the artful prelates
with a plaufible excufe for not obeying the orders of the
legate. Leicefter appealed from Guido to the pope in
perfon ; but, before (he ambafladors appointed to defend
ftiscaufe could reach Rome, the pope was dead ; and they
found the legate him/elf, from whom they had appealed,
feated on the papal throne, by the name of Urban IV.
The daring leader was no wile difmayed with this inci
dent ; and as he found that a great part of his popularity
m England was founded on liis oppofition to the court
of Rome, which was now become odious, he per filled
with the more obflinacy in the prolecution o.f his mea-
fures.

THAT he might both increafe and turn to advantage his 6 .
popularity, Leicefter lummoned a new parliament in Lon- aoth jan.
don where he knew his power was uncontrollable; and
he fixed this aflembly on a more democratical bafis than
any which had ever been fummoned fince the foundation
of the monarchy. Befides the barons of his own party,
and leveral ecclefiaftics, who were not immediate tenants
of the crown; he ordered returns to be inade of two
knights from each (hire, and, what is more remarkable, ^ c
of deputies from the boroughs, an order of men which, in
former ages, had always been regarded as too me.in ?&amp;gt; en
joy a place in the national councilsf. This period is com
monly cfteerned the epoch of the houl e of commons in
England ; and it is certainly the lirit time that hiftorians
fpeak of any representatives fent to parliament by the bo
roughs. In all the general accounts given in preceding
times of thole alTemblies, the prelates and barons only are
mentioned as the conftituent members ; and even in the
moft particular narralivesdelivered of parliamentary tranfac-
tions, as in the trial of Thomas a Becket, where the

* Rvtivr, vol. i. p. 708. Chion. Dun ft-, vol. :. p. 37^.
f Rymer. vol. i. p. 803.

5 o 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, f each day, and almoft of each hour, are carefully rc-
Xll. corded bv contemporary authors *, there is not, through-

* ,, out the whole, theleaft appearance of a houfe of commons.

J2-5- But though that houle derived its exiftence from fo preca
rious, and even fo invidious, an origin as Leicefter s ulur-
pation, it ioon proved, when fummoned by the legal
princes, one of the moft uleful, and, in procefs of time,
one of the molt poueiful members of the national confti-
tution ; and gradually refcued the kingdom from ariftocra-
tical as well as from regal tyranny. But Leicefter s poli
cy, if we mull alcribe to him fo great a bidding, only for
warded by ibme years an ihftitution, for which the gene
ral Hate of things had already prepared the nation ; and it
k othyrwjfe inconceivable, that a plant, let by lo maufpici-
ot.sahand, could have attained to lo vigorous a growth,
and have tlouriihcd in the miclft of iuch tempefts and con-
vulfions. The feudal fyftem, with which the liberty,
much more the power, of the commons was totally incom
patible, egan gradually to decline ; and both the king
and ti;e communally, who felt its inconveniences, contri
buted to favour this new power, which was more fubmit-
five than the b.irons to the legular authority of the crown,
and it the lame time afforded piotecUon to the inferior or
ders (j\ the fLte.

LEICESTER, having thus affembled a parliament of his
own model, and trufting to the attachment of the populace
of London, fcized the oppoi tunity of crufhirig his rivals
* among the powerful barons. Robert de Feirars earl of
Derbv vvasaccufed in the king s name, feized, and com
mitted to cullody, without being brought to any Icgaltrialf.
John Gilford, menaced with the lame fate, (led from Lon
don, and took {belter in the borders of Wales. Even the
earl of Glccdter, whole power and influence had fo much
contributed to the fucceis of the barons, but who of late
was extremely difgufted with Leicefter s aibltrary conduct,
found himfeff in danger from the prevailing authority of
hisancien confederate; and he retired from parliament |.
This known diiVi-ntlon gave-tourage to all LeiceOer s ene
mies and to the king s friends, who were now luie ol pro
tection from lo potent a leader. Though Roger Mortimer,
Hamon L Llirange, and oiiier powerful marchers ot \Vales,
!iad been obliged to lea.e the kingdom, their authority
llill remained over the territories* fubjedkd to their junl-
diction ; and ther^ were many others who were dilpoied to
give disturbance to the new government. The anutiofities,

* Fit .-Stephen. Hift. Qi ad. Ho&amp;lt; t den, &c.

t Chron. T. Wykes, p. 66. Ann. Waved, p. 216.

* M. Paris, p. 671. Ann. Waveil. p. 216.

HENRY III.

505

infeparable from the feudal ariftocracy, broke out with C HAP.
fredi violence, and threatened the kingdom with new con- XII.
vulfions and dilorders.

THE earl of Leicester, forrounded with thefe difficul- ja ^
ties, embraced a mcafure, from which he hoped to reap
fome prelent advantages, but which proved in the end the
fource of all his future calamities. The adtive and in
trepid prince Edward had languilhed in prifon ever fincc
the fatal battle of Lewes; and as he was extremely popular
in the kingdom, there arofe a general defue of feeing him
again reftored to liberty *. Leicefler finding that he
could with difficulty oppofe the concurring wiihes of (he
n ition, ftipulated with the prince, that, in return, he
fhould order hisaJherents to deliver up to the barons all
their caftles, particularly thole on the borders of Wales;
and (hould fwear neither to depart the kingdom during
three vears, nor introduce into it any foreign forcesf.
The ki;i took an oath to the fame effect, and he alfo
pilled a charter, in which he confirmed the agreement or
Mife of Lewes; and even permitted his fubjectsto rife in
arms tgainrt him, if he ihouid ever attempt to infringe
it}: So little care did Leicefter take, though he conftant-
1, made ufe of the authority of this captive prince, to
preierve to him any appearance of royalty or kingly pre-
rogiti"es !

IN coniequence of . this treaty, prince Edward was
brought 1:1:0 \VeAminfter-hall, and was declared free by nth Mar.
the barons: But inftead of really recovering his liberty,
as he had vainly expedted, he found that the whole tranf-
action was a fraud on the part of Leicester ; that he him-
felf rtill continued a prifoner at large, and was guarded
by the crniffaries of that nobleman ; and that, while the
faction reaped all the benefit from the performance of his
part of the treaty, care was taken that he fhould enjoy no
advantage by it. As Glocefter, on his rupture with the ba
rons, had retired for fafety to his eftatcs on the borders of
Wales; Leiceder followed him with an army to Here
ford ||, continued ftill to menace and negotiate; and that
he might add authority to his caule, he carried botli the
king and prince along with him. The earl of Glocel-
ter here concerted with young EJward the manner of that
prince s efcape. He found means to convey to him a horfe
of extraordinary fwiftnds; and appointed Roger Mortimer,

VOL. 1. 3 T

* Knyghton, p. 3451. t Ann. \Yyverl. j&amp;gt;. ai(v.

Blackifton s Mag. Charta. Chron. Dui. t. vol. i. p. 378.
|| Chro-i. T. Wykes, p. 67. Ann. V. a &amp;lt;.,.. [ . .i :. W. I!; a..^. p. 58 j,
Chron. Dur.ft. vol. i. p. 38 j, jS^.

5 o5 H I S T O R Y O F E N G L A N D.

C H A P. who had returned into the kingdom, to be ready at hand
XII. with a fmall party to receive the prince, and to guard him
to a place of fa f ety. Edward pretended to Mke the air
with fome of Leicefter s retinue, who were his guards ;
and making matches between their horl es, after lie
thought he had tired and blown them fufficiently, he fud-
denly mounted Glocefter s nolle, and called to his attefc-
dants,that he had long enough en joyed the pleaiureof their
company, anu now bid them adieu. They followed him tor
fome time, without being able to overtake him ; and the
appearance of Mortimer with his company put an end to
their pursuit.

THE royalifls, ft cretly prepared for this event, imme-
diatel flew to arms ; arid the joy of this gallant prince s
. deliverance, the opprefilons under which the nation labou
red, the expectation of a new fcene of affairs, and the
countenance of the earl of Glocefter, procured Edward
an army which Leicefler was utterly unable to withftand.
This nobleman found himfelf in a remote quarter of the
kingdom ; furronnded by his enemies ; barred from all
communication with his friends by the Severne, whole
bridges Edward had broken down ; and obliged to fight
the caufe of his party under thefe multiplied difadvantages.
In this extremity he wrote to his fon Simon de Montfort,
to haflerifrom London with an army for his relief; and Si
mon had advanced to Kenilworth with that view, where,
fancying that all Edward s force ami attention were direc
ted againft his father, he lay fecure and unguarded. But
the prince, making a fudden and forced march, furpriied
him in his camp, dilperfed his army, and took the earl
of Oxford and man\&amp;gt; other noblemen prifoneis, almoft
without refinance. Leicefter, ignorant of his foil s fate,
pa (Ted the Severne in boats during Edward s ablence, and
lay at Evefham, in expectation of being every hour joined
by his friends from London : When the prince, who avai
led himfelf of every favourable moment, appeared in the
Eattl" of fi e ld before him. Edward made a body of his troops
Evefham. advance from the road which K-d to Kenilworth, and 01-
and ck-ath dered theai to carry the banners taken from Simon s ar-
4th Aug." m y while he himfelf, making a circuit with the reft of
his forces, purpofedto attack the enemy on the other quar
ter. Leiceiler was long deceived by this ftratagem, and
took onedivifion of Edward s army for his friends ; but at
laft, perceiving his miftake, and obicrving the great f upe-
rioiity and excellent difpufition of the royalifts, he ex
claimed that they had learned from him the art of war,
adding, * The Lord have merry on our fouls, for I fee
" ourbodiesare the prince s!" The battle immediately

HENRY III. 507

began, though on very unequal terms. Leioefter s army, C II A P.
by living on the mountains of Wales without bread, XII.

which was pot then much uled among the inhabitants, v

had been extiemely weakened by ficknefs and delertion, I26 5-
and UMS foon broken by the victorious rov alifts; while
his Welfh allies, acrufromed only to a defultory kind of
war, immediately took to flight, and were purfued wilh
great il tughter. Lei - efter himfelf, allying for quarter,
was fiain in the heat of the action, with liiseldeft fun Hen
ry, iliiLTii le L)-_ : ~penfer, and about an hundred and fixty
knights, and many other gentlemen of his party. The
o d king had been purpofely placed by the rebels in the
front of the b.ittle ; and being clad in armour, and there
by not known by his friends, he received a wound, and
was in danger of iijs iife: But cry ing ou/, I am Henry of
H lnchcjlcr, your king, he was faved ; and put in a place
of fafety by hisfon, who fled to his refcue.

THE violence, ingratitude, tyranny, rap.icity, and trea
chery of the earl of Leiceiler, give a very bad idea of his
moral character, arid make us regard his death as the mod
fortutiaPe event which in this conjuncture could have hap
pened to the lingliih nation : Yet muft we allow the man
to have potteiTed great abilities, and the appearance of great
virtues, who, though a ftringer, could, at a time when
flrangers were the moft odious and the molt univerfally
decried, have acquired foextenfive an intereU in the king
dom, and have fo nearly paved his way to the throne it-
felf. His military capacity,, and his political craft, were
equally eminent: He potto rTed the talents both of govern-
i ];; men and conducting bufinefs: And though his ambi
tion was bound lei s, it leems neither to have exceeded his
courage nor his genius; and he had the happinefs of ma
king the low populace, as well as the haughty barons,
co-operate towards the fuccefs of his felfim and dangerous
purpofes. A prince of greater abilities and vigour than
Henry might have directed the talents of this noblern3:i
either to the exaltation of his throne, or to the good of his
people: But the advantages given to Lelcefter, by the
weak and variable administration of the king, brought on
the ruin of royal authority, and produced great con-
fuiions in the kingdom, which, however, in the end pre-
ferved and extremely improved national liberty, and the
conftitution. His popularity, even after his death, conti
nued fo great, tint though he was excommunicated by
Rome, the people believed him to be a faint ; and many
miracles were faid to be wrought upon h;s tomb *.

* ( hron. de Mailr. p. 239.

5 o8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. THE viclory of Eveiham, with the death of Leicefter,
XII. proved decifive in favour of the royalifis, and made an
equal though an oppofite imprelfion on friends and ene
mies in every part of England. The king of the Romans
recovered his liberty : The other prifoners of the royal
party were not only freed but courted by their keepers ;
Fitz-Richard, the feditious mayor of London, who had
marked out forty of the moll wealthy citizens for flaugh-
ter, immediately flopped his hand on receiving intelligence
of this great event : And almoft all the caftles, garriloned
by the barons, haftened to make their fubmiflions, and to
open their gates to the king. The ifle of Axholme a-
lone, and that of Ely, trulHng to the ftrength of their
Htuation, ventured to make refinance; but were at lafi re
duced, as well as the caftle of Dover, by the valour and
activity of prince Edward *. Adam de Gourdon, a cou
rageous baron, maintained himfelf during fome time in
the forefts of Hamplhire, committed depredations in the
neighbourhood, and obliged the prince to lead a body of
troops into that country againfl him. Edward attacked
the camp of the rebels; and being tranfported by the ar-
cJour of battle, leaped over the trench with a few followers,
and encountered Gourdon in finfgle combat. The victory
was long difputed between. the^ valiant combatants ; but
ended at laft in the prince V favour, who wounded his an-
tagoniR, threw him from his horfe, and took him prifo-
ner. He not only gave him his life ; but introduced
him that very night to the queen at Guildford, procured
him his pardon, icftored him to his eftate, received him
into favour, and was ever after faithfully ferved by hinrf*.
A TOTAL victory of the fovereign over fo extenfive a
rebellion commonly produces a revolution of government,
and ftrengthens, as well as enlarges for fome time the pre
rogatives of the crown : Yet nofacrifices of national liber
ty were made on thiSqg^cafion ; the Great Charter remain
ed Hill in.iolate ,ya?fJB the king, fenfible that his own ba
rons, by whofeaffifbnce alone he had prevailed, were no
lels jealous of their independence thjn the other party,
leems thenceforth to have more carefully abflained from
all thole exertions of power which had afroided fo plau-
lible a pretence to the rebels. The clemency of this vic
tory is alfo remarkable : No blood was fhed on the fcaf-
fyld: No attainders, except of the Mountfort family, were
carried into execution : And though * parliament aflembled
at Wincheller attainted all thole who had borne arms a-
guinfl the king, ealy compofitions were made with them

* M. Paris, p. 676. \V. Kerning, p. 588. f M. Paris, p. 675.

HENRY III. 509

for their lands*; and the highefl fum levied on the moft CHAP,
obnoxious oiienders exceeded not five years rent of their XII.

eftate. Even the earl of Derby, who again rebelled, after v ./ *

having been pardoned and reftored to his fortune, was I2b6 *
obliged to pay only leven years rent, and was a fecond
time reltored. The mild difpofuion of the king, and the
prudence of the prince, tempered the infolence of victory,
and gradually reftored order to the feveral members of the
(late, disjointed by fo long a continuance of civil wars and
commotion

THE city of London, which had carried farthefl the
rage and animofity againft the king, and which Teemed
determined to (land upon its defence after alinofl all the
kingdom had fub drifted, wa~, after lome interval, reftored
to moft of its liberties and privileges; and F^-Richard
the mayor, who had been guilty of fo much illegal vio
lence, was only punifhed by fine and imprifonme-nt. The
countefs of Leicefler, the king s fifter, who had been ex
tremely forward in all attacks on the roval family, was
di fmiiled the kingdom, with her two ions, Simon and Guy,
who proved very ungrateful for this lenity. Five years
afterwards, they aflaffinated, at Viterbo in Italy, their
coufin Henry d Allmaine, who at that very time was en
deavouring to make their peace with the king ; and by
taking fanctuary in the church of the Francifcans, they
efcaped the puniihment due to fo great an enormity f.

THE merits of the earl of Glocefter, after he returned lt g.
to his allegiance, had been fo great in refloring the prince
to his liberty, and ainfting him in his victories againft the
rebellious barons, that it was almoft impoffible ,to content
him in his demands; and his youth and temerity, as well
as his great power, tempted him, on fome new difguft, to
raife again the flames of rebellion in the kingdom. The
mutinous populace of London at his inftigation took to
arms ; and the prince was obliged to levy an army of
30,000 men, in order to fupprefs them. Even this fecond
rebellion did not provoke the king to any aft of cruelty;
and the earl of Glocefter himfelf efcaped with total impu
nity. He was only obliged to enter into a bond of 20,000
marks that he fhould never again be guilty of rebellion ;
A ftrange method of enforcing the laws, and a proof of
the dangerous independence of the barons in thole ages !
Thefe potent nobles were, from the danger of the prece
dent, averfe to the execution of the laws of forfeiture and
felony againft any of their fellows; though they could not,

* M, Paris, p. 675. f Rymer. vol. i. p. 879. vol. ii. p. 4, 5, .

Chion. T. \Vykes, p. 94. W. Heming. p. 589. Trivet, p. 240.

5 io HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP- with a good grace, rcfufe to concur in obliging them to
XII. fulfil any voluntary contract and engagement into which

* ,. they hnd entered.

12 7- Tne prince finding the flate of the kingdom tolerably

compofed, was (educed, by his avidity for glory, and by
the piejudices of the age, as well as by the earneft folici-
tations of the king of France, to undertake an expedition
againft the infidels in the Holy Land* ; and he endeavou
red previoufly to fettle the ftate in fuel) a manner as to
dread no bad efFecls from his abfence. As the formidable
power and turbulent dilpofition of the earl of Glocefler
gave him apprehenfions, he infifted on carrying him along
with him, in confequence of a vow which that nobleman
had made to undertake the fame voyage: In the meantime,
he obliged him to refign fome of his caftlcs, and to enter
into a new bond not to dillurb the peace of the kingdomf.
He failed from England with an army ; and arrived in
Lewis s camp before Tunis in Africa, where he found that
monarch already dead, from the intemperance of the cli
mate and the fatigues of his enferprife. The great, if not
only weaknefs of this prince in his government, was the
imprudent paflion forcrufades; but it was his zeal chiefly
that procured him from the clergy the title of St. Lewis,
by which he is known in the French hirtorv ; and if that
appellation had not been fo extremely proflituted as to be
come rather a term of reproach, heieems,by his uniform
probity and goodnefs, as well as his piety, to have fully
merited the title. He was fucceeded by his fon Philip,
denominated the Hardy ; a prince of fome merit, though
much inferior to that of his father.

1271. PRINCE Edward, not difcouraged by this event, conti

nued his voyage to the Holy Land, where he fignalized
himfelf by acts of valour, revived the glory of the Englifh
name in thofe parts; and firuck fuch terror into the Saracens,
that they employed anaflaflin to murder him, who wounded
him in the arm, but perilhed in the attempt $. Meanwhile,
his abfence from England was attended with many of
thofe pernicious confequences which had been dreaded
from it. The laws were not executed : The barons op-
prefled the common people with impunity || : They gave
ihelter on their eftates to bands of robbers, whom they em
ployed in committing ravages on the eftates of their ene
mies : The populace of London returned to their ufual
licentioufnefs : And thp old king, unequal to the bur
then of public affairs, called aloud for his gallant fon to

M. Paris, p. 677. f Chron. T. Wykes, p. 90.

t M. Paris, p. 678, 67(5. \V. Heming. p. 570.
l| Chron. Dunft. vol. i. p. 404.

HENRY III.

5 11

return*, and to affift him in fwaying that fceptre which C H A P.
was ready to diop from his feeble and irrefolute hands.
At Jail, overcome by the cares of government and the in
firmities of age, he vifibly declined, and he expired at
St. Edmonfbiiry, in the 64&amp;lt;h year of his age, and 56th of
his reign ; the long"!} reign that is to be met with in the
Engliih annals, lifs brother, the king of the Romans
(for he never attained the title of emperor), died about
fcven months before him.

THE mod obvious circumftance of Henry s character a " d c --
is, his incapacity for government, which rendered him J
as much a prilbner in the hands of his own minifters and
favourites, and as little at his own difnol.il as when detained
a captive in the hands of his enemies. From this iburce,
rather than from infinceritv or treachery, arofe his negli
gence in oblerving his promifes; and he was too eafily in
duced, for the lake of prefent convenience, to facrifice
the lafting advantages arifing from the trufl and confidence
of his people. Hence too were derived his profufioo to
favourites, his attachment to Grangers, the vaiiablenefs of
his conduct, his hafty refentmcnts, and his fudden forgive-
nefs and returnof affection. IniteaJ of rediuii.i: i! ; n-
gerous power of his nobles, by obliging them tooli*..ve
the laws towards their inferiors, and Jetting them the falu-
tary example in his own government ; he was ieduced to
imitate their conduct, and to make his arbitrary will, or
rather that of his minifters, the ruleof his actions. Inftead
of accommodating himfelf, by a Uriel frugality, to the em-
barraffcd fituation in which his revenue had been left, by
the military expeditions of his uncle, the diflipations cf
his father, and the ufurpations of the barons ; he was
tempted to levy money by irregular exations, which, with
out enriching himfelf, impoverished, at leaft difguOed his
people. Of all men nature feemed leaft to have fitted
him for being a tyrant : yet are there inftances of oppref-
fion in his reign which, though derived from the f&amp;lt;iece-
dcnts left him by his predeceffors, had been carefully
guarded agsinft by the Great Charter, and are inconfiftent
with all rules of good government. And on the whole
we may fay, that greater abilities, with his good dii pofili-
ons, would have prevented him from falling into his faults;
or, with worfe dilpofnions, would have enabled him to
maintain and defend them.

THIS prince was noted for his piety and devotion, and
his regular attendance on public worfhij) ; and a laying of
his on that head is much celebrated by ancient writers.

* Rymer, vol. i. p. 869. M. Pans, p. 678.

512 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, He u as engaged in a difpute with Lewis IX. of France,
XII. concerning the preference between fermons arid rnafles :

v He maintained the fuperiority of the latter, and affirmed

I2 7 2&amp;gt; that he would rather have one hour s converfation with a
friend, than hear twenty the moft elaborate difcouries pro
nounced in his praife *.

HENRY left two ions, Edward his fucceflbr, and Ed-
mond earl of Lancafter; and two daughters, Margaret
queen of Scotland, and Beatrix dutchefsot Britanny. He
had five other children, who died in their infancy.

Mifceiiane- THE following are the moft remarkable laws enacled

cms tranf- during this reign. There had been great difputCS between
the civil and ecclefiaftical coutts concerning baftardy. The
common law had deemed all thofe to be baftards who were
born before wedlock : By the ca.noa law they were legiti
mate : And when any difpute of inheritance arofr, it had
formerly been ufual for the civil courts to ifTue writs to the
fpiritual, directing them to inquire into the legitimacy of
the perfon. The bimop always returned an anfwer agree
able to the canon law, though contrary to the municipal
law of the kingdom. For this reafon the civil courts had
changed the terms of their writ ; and inftead of requiring
the fpiritual courts to make inquifition concerning the le
gitimacy of the perfon, they only propofed the fimple quef-
tion of fact, whether he were born before or after wed
lock? The prelates complained of this practice to the par
liament aflembled at Merton in the twentieth of this king,
and deiired that the municipal law might be rendered con
formable to the canon: But received from all the nobility
the memorable reply, Nolumus leges Anglicc mutars^ We,
will not change the laws of England *.

AFTER the civil wars the parliament fummoned at Marie-
bridge gave their approbation to moft of the ordinances
which had been eftabHfhcd by the reforming barons, and
which, though advantageous to the fecurity of the people,
had not received the fanttion of a legal authority. Among
other laws it was there enated, that all appeals from the
courts of inferior lords Irtould be carried directly to the
king s courts, without paffing through the courts of the
lords immediately fuperior|. It was ordained ribat money
fhould bear no intereft during the minority of the debtor j|.
This law was reafonable, as the eftatcs of minors were
always in the hands of their lords, and the debtors could
not pay intereft where they had no revenue. The char
ter of king John had granted this indulgence : It was

* Walling. Edw. J. p. 43. f Statute of Merton, chap. 9.

; Stauue of Marleb. -cjjap. co. |{ Ibid- chap. 16.

HENRY III. 513

omitte.1 in that of Henry III. for what reafon is not known ; C H A P.
but it was renewed by the ftatut; of M.nlebridge. Moft XII.
of the other articles of this ftatute arc calcinated to reflrain v "~~~
the oppreffions of fheritFs, and the violence and iniquities
committed in diftraining cattle and other goods. Cattle
and the inftruments of husbandry formed at that time the
chief riches of the people.

IN the 3 ,th year of this king an aflize was fixed of
bread, the price of which was fettled, according to the
different prices of corn, from one (hilling a quarter to feven
(hillings and fixpcnce*, money of that age. I hefe great
variations are alone a proof of bad tillage f : Yet did the
prices often rile much higher than any taken notice of by
the ftatutc. The Chronicle of Dunftable tells us, that in
tin s reign wheat was once fold for a mark, nay, for a
pound a quarter; that is, three pounds of our prefent mo
ney J. The fame law affords us a proof of the little com-
mu iication between the parts of the kingdom, from the
very different prices which the fame commodity bore at
the tame time. A brewer, fay the ftatute, may fell two
gallons of ale for a penny in cities, and three or four
gallons for the fame price in the country. At prefent
luch commodities, by the great con fumption of the people,
and the great (locks of the brewers, are rather cheapeft in
cities. The Chronicle above-mentioned obferves, that
wheat one year was fold in many places for eight {hil
lings a quarter, but never role in Dunftable above a
crown.

THOUGH commerce was ftill very low, it feems rather
to have increased fince the Cooqneft ; at lead if we may
judge of the increafe of money by the price of corn.
The medium between the higheil and loweft prices of
wheat affigned by the ftatute is four (hillings and three
pence a quarter, that is, twelve (hillings and nine pence of
our prefent money. This is near half of the middling
price in our time. Yet the middling price of cattle, fo
lateasthe reign of king Richard, we and to be above
eight, near ten times lower than the prefent. Is not this
the true inference, from comparing ihcfe facts, that, in all
uncivilized nations, cattle, which propagate of themfelves,
bear always a lower price than corn, which requires more
art and ftock to render it plentiful than thoie nations are
pofTelTed of? It is to be remarked, that Henry s aflTize of

VOL. I. 2 U

* Statutes at Large, p. 6. f V.Y learn from Cicero s Oration*

a^aiaft Verres, lib. Hi. cap. 84. 02. that the price of corn in Sicily was. during
the pnetorfhipof Sacerdos, f^e Denaiii a Modus: during; that of Verres. which
immediately fucceeded, only two Sefterces : That is, ten tunes lower ; aprc-
fumption, or rather a proof, of tli-; very tad flats of tiilaje in ancient times.

+ So alfoKnygh .oa, p. 24-14.

5 i 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, corn was copied from a preceding affize eftablimed by king
XII. John; confequently, the prices which we have here com-

*_ / pared of corn and cattle may be looked on as contempo-

!! 7- rary ; and they were drawn, not from one particular year,
but from an eftimation of the middling prices for a feries
of vears. It is true, the prices, afh ened by the affize of
Richard, were meant as a ftandard for the accompts of
fheriffs and efcheatcrs ; and as confiderable profits were
allowed to thefe minifters, we may naturally fuppofe, that
the common value of cattle was fomewhat higher : Yet
ftill, fo great a difference between the prices of corn
and cattle as that of four to one, compared to the preleni
ratec, affords important reflections concerning the very
different (late of induftry and tillage in the two peri
ods.

INTEREST had in that age mounted to an enormous
height, as might be expected from the barbarifm of the
times and men s ignorance of commerce. Inftances oc
cur of fifty per cent, payed for money*. There is an
edict of I hilip Augufhis near this period, limiting the
Jews in France to 48 per cent f. Such profits tempted the
Tows to remain in the kingdom, notwithftanding the grie
vous oppreffions to which, from the prevalent bigotry and
rapine of the age, they were continually expofed. It is
eafy to imagine how precarious their flate mult have been
Tinder an indigent prince, fomewhat retrained in his ty
ranny over his native fubje&s, but who pollened an unli
mited authority over the Jews, the fole proprietors of mo
ney in the kingdom, and hated, on account of their riches,
their religion, and their ufury : Yet will our ideas fcarcely
come up to the extortions which, in fal, we find to have
been praclifed upon them. In the year 1241, 20,000
marks were exacted from them $ : Two years after, mo
ney was again extorted ; and one Jew alone, Aaron of
York, was obliged to pay above 4000 marks || : In 1250,
Henry renewed his oppreflions ; and the fame Aaron was
condemned to pay him 30,000 marks upon an accufation
of forgery**: The high penalty impoied upon him, and
which, it feems, he was thought able lo pay, israthera
prefumption of hi&amp;gt;innocence than of his guilt. In 1255,
the king demanded 8000 marks from the Jews, and threa
tened to hang them if thry refilled compliance. They
now loll all patience, and defired leave to retire with their
effects out of the kingdom. But the king replied : " How
" can 1 remedy the oppreifions you complain of? 1 am my-

* M. Paris, p. 586. f Bruffel Traits des Fiefs, vol. i. p. 576.

} M. Paris, p. 373. -jj Ibid. p. 410. * Ibici. p. 525.

HENRY 111.

" felf a beggar. I am fpoiled, I am ftripped of all my C H A P
" revenues: 1 owe above 200,000 marks; and if I had XII.

" laid 300,000, I fhouid not exceed the truth : I am ob- * ,

" liged to pay my **bn prince lid ward 15,000 marks a 1S ? 3 -
" year : 1 have not a farthing ; and 1 muft have mone\ ,
" from any hand, from any quarter, or by anv means."
He then delivered over the Jews to the earl of Cornwal,
that thofe whom the one brother had flayed, the other
might embowel, to make ule of the words of the hiftori-
an*. King John, his father, once demanded 10,000 marks
from a Jew of Briflol ; and on his refufal, ordered one of
his teeth to be drawn every day till he fhould comply. The
Jew Joft feven teeth; and then paid the fum required of
him f. One talliage laid upon the Jews in I 24^ amoun
ted to 60,000 marks $ ; a lum equal to the v/hole yearly
revenue of the crown.

To give a better pretence for extortions, tlie improba
ble and abfurd accufation, which has been at different
times advanced againll that nation, was revived in Eng
land, that they had crucified a child in derifion of the iuf-
ferings of Chrift. Eighteen of them were hanged at once
for this crime l| : Though it is no wife ctedible, that even
the antipathy born them by the Chriflians, and the op-
preffions under which they laboured, would ever have
pufhed them to be guitly of that dangerous enormity. But
it is natural to imagine, that a race, expoied to fucji in-
fults and indignities, both from king and people, and who
had fo uncertain an enjoyment of their riches, would carry
ufury to the utmoft extremity, and by their great profits
make themfelves fome compensation for their continual
perils.

THOUGH thefe als of violence againft the Jews pro
ceeded much from bigotry, they were flill more derived
from avidity and rapine. So far from defiring in that agv
to convert them, it was enacled by law in France, that, if
any Jew embraced Chriftianity, he forfeited all his goods,
without exception, to the king or his fuperior lord. Thele
plunderers were careful, lell the profits accruing from their
dominion over that unhappy race fhould be diminifhcd by
their converfion * *.

COMMERCE muft be in a wretched condition, where
intereft was ib high, and where the fuic proprietors oi
money employed at in uiury only, and ueie expofcd to
iuch extortion and injuftice. But the bad police of tin-
country was another obflacle to improvements; and render-

* M. Paris, p. 606. f - ! lt)0 - *::,. !o\, j&amp;gt;. i; 2.

I) M. Pam. p. 6M. * * Pruffl, vd. H p. fc aa. . - ..bo

5 i6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C H A P. ed all communication dangerous, and all property preca-
XII. rious. The Chronicle of Dunfiable lays*, that men were

v v never fecure in their houfes, and that whole villages were

12 7 2 - often plundered by bands of robbers, though no civil wars
at that time prevailed in the kingdom. In 1249, fome
years before the infurreclion of the batons, two merchants
of Brabant ca: ; ie to the king at Wincefter, and told him,
that they had been ipoiled of all their goods by certain
robbers, whom they knew, becaufe they law their faces
everyday in his court . that like practices prevailed all
over England, and travellers were continually expoled to
the danger of being robbed, bound, wounded, and mur
dered; that thefe crimes elcaped with impunity, becaufe
the minifters of juftice thcmfelves were in a confederacy
with the robbers; and that they, for their part, inflead of
bringing matters to a fruitlefs trial by law, were willing,
though merchants, to decide their caufe with the robbeis
by arms and a duel. The king, provoked at thele abcfes,
ordered a jury to be inciofed, and to try the robbers : The
jury, though confiding of twelve men of property in Hamp-
fhire, .vere found to bealfo in a confecleiacy with the fe-
Jons, and acquitted them. Henry, in a rage, committed
the jury to prifcn, threatened them with, levere puni.fn-
ment, and ordered a new jury to be inclofed, who, dread
ing the fate of their fellows, at laft found a verdict againft
the criminals. Many of the king s own houfebold were
difcovered to have participated in the guilt ; and they laid,
for their exvufe, that thev icceivcd no wages from him, and
were obliged to rob for a maintenance f. Knights and
efquires, fays the Diftum of Krnclworth, who were rob
bers, if they have 110 land, fliall pay the ha/J of their goods,
and find fuffident ftcunty to ktcp hence] 01 th the peace of
the kingdom. Such were the manners of the times !

ONE can the lets repine, during the prevalence of fuch
manners, at the frauds and forgeriers of the clergy ; as it
gives lefs difturbance to fociety, to take men s money
from them with their own confent, though by deceits and
lies,, than to ravifh it by cpen force and violence. During
this reign the papal power v/as at its furmmt, and was even
beginning infenub-iy to decline, by reafon of the immea-
i urable avarice and extortions of the court of Rome, which
difgufted the clercy as well as laity, in every kingdom of
Europe. England itfelf, though funk in the deepeO al vis
of ignorance and iupcrftition, had ferioufly entertained
thoughts of {halting off the papal yoke $ ; and the Roman
pontiff was obliged to think of new expedients for rivet-

* Vol. i. p. i ,3. f M - lads, p. 509. ^ Ibid. p. 421.

HENRY 111. 5 i 7

ting it fafter upon the Chriftian world. For this purpofe, CHAP.
Gregory IX. publifhed his decretals*; which are a col- XII.

leclion of forgeries, favourable to the court of Rome, and *

confifl of the fuppoled decrees of popes in the firft centu- -7 9
ries. But thefe forgeries are fo grofs, and confound fo
palpably all language, hifiory, chronology, and antiqui
ties ; matters more flubborn than any fpeculative truths
whatsoever ; that even that chinch, which is not ftartled
at the mofi monftrous contradictions and abfurdities, has
been obliged to abandon them to the critics. But in the
dark period of the thirteenth century, they palled for un-
dilputed and authentic ; ai.d men, entangled in the mazes
of this falfe literature, joined to the philofophy, equally
faHe, of the times, had nothing wherewithal to defend
themfelves, but fome Jmall remains of common fenfe,
which pafleJ for profanenefsand impiety, and the indeli
ble regard to felf-mtereft, which, as it was the fole motive
in the priefis for framing thele impoftures, ferved alfo, in
fome degree, to protect the laity againfl them.

ANOTHER expedient, deviled by the church of Rome,
in this period, for fecuring her power, was the inftitution
of new religious orders, chiefly the Dominicans and Fran-
ci leans, who proceeded with all the zeal and fucccfs that
attend novelties ; were better qualified to gain the popu
lace than the old orders, now become rich and indolent ;
maintained a perpetual rivalfhip with each other in pro
moting their gainful fuperflitions; and acquired a great
dominion over the minds, and consequently over the purles
of men, by pretending a defire of poverty and a contempt
for riches. The quarrels which arofe between thele cr-
ders, lying dill under the control of the fovereign pon-
tirF, never difturhed the peace of the church, and ferved
only as a fpur to their induftry in promoting the common
caufe; and though the Dominicans lo^ fome popularity by
their denial of the immaculate conception, a point in which
they unwarily engaged too far to be able to recede with
honour, they counterbalanced this difadvantajje by acqui
ring more folio cftablifhments, bv gaining the confidence
of k.ings and princes, and by exercifing the jurildiclion
afligned them, of ultimate judges and punifheisof here-
fy. Thus, the feveral orders of monks became a kind of
regular troons or garrifons of the Romifh church ; and
though the temporal interefts of i ociety, (till more the
caufe of true piety, were hurt, by their vai ions devices to
captivate the populace, they proved the chief fupports of

* Tri-. ei, \&amp;gt;. lot.

518 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, that mighty fabric of fuperftition, and, till the revival of
XII. true learning, fecured it from any dangerous invafion.

v v THE trial by ordeal was abolithed in this reign by or-

I2 7 2 - der of council : A faint mark of improvement in the

age *.

HENRY granted a charter to the town of Newcafllc,
in which he gave the inhabitants a licence to dig coal.
This is the firft mention of coal in England.

WE learn from Madox f, that this king gave at one
time 100 Ihillings to mafter Henry, his poet. Allb the fame
year he orders this poet ten pounds.

IT appears from Selden, that in the4yth of this reign,
a hundred and fifty temporal, and fifty fpiritual barons
were fummoned to perform the fervice due by their
tenures $. In the 35th of the fubfequent reign, eighty-
iix temporal barons, twenty bifhops, and forty-eight
abbots, were fummoned to a parliament convened at
Carlifle ||.

* Rytner, vol. i. p. 228. Spelman. p. 326. f Page 2-6$.

* Titles of Honour, part. 2. chap. 3.
!j Parl.aiaemary Hifl. vol. i.p. 151.

( 5 9 )

NOTES

TO THS

FIRST VOLUME,

NOTE [A], p. 9.

r I ^H I S que(iion has been difputed with as great zeal, and even ar.-iinonr,
JL between the Scotch and Irifh antiquaries, as if th , honour of their refpec-
tive countries were the moft deeply concerned in the decifion. We fhall not
enter into any detail on fo uninterefting a fubjecl ; but fhall propofe our opini
on in a few words. It appears more than probable, from the fimilitude of
language and manners, that Britain either was originally peopled, or was fub-
dued, by the migration of inhabitants from Gaul, and Ireland from Britain :
The pofition of the feveral &amp;lt; ountries is an additional rcafon that favours this
conelufion. It appears aifoprobable, that the migrations of that colony of Gauls
or Celts, who peopled or fubdued Ireland, was originally made frum the north-
weft parts of Britain; and th;s conjecture (if it do not merit a higher name)
is founded both on the Iriih langud^e, which is a very different dialed from
the \Velfh, and from the laniua^e anciently fpoken in .South Britain, and on the
vicinity of Lancalhire, Cu nberland, Galloway, and Argylefhire, to that idand.
Thefe event?, as they paiied long befo.e the age of hillory and records, muir
be known bv reafonii:g alone, which in this cafe icemsto be pretty latisfadlory :
Czfar and Tacitus, nut to mention a multitude of other Greek and Rcrryn au
thors, were guided by like inferences. But belidesthefe primitive fails wh ; c!i
lie in a remote antiquity, it is a matter of politive and undoubted teflimony,
that the Roman piovince of Britain, during the time of the lower empire, was
much infefted bv bands of robbers or pirates, whom the provincial Britons
called Scots or Scuits; a name which was piobably ufed as a term of reproach,
and which thefe banditti themfc.ves did not acknowledge or aflume. We
may infer from two paifages in Ciaudian, and from one in Orofius, and ano
ther in Hidore, that the chief feat of thefe Scots was in Irelan .. 1 hat fome
pait of the Ir.fh. freebooteis in. grated hack to the north-weft parts of Britain,
whence their anceftors ha. I probably been derived in a more remoteaje, is j.-oli-
mely aliened by Bde, and implied in Giidas. 1 grant, that neither Bede nor
^i a:e Calais or f ic.itiiloi; but. fuc .i as the&amp;gt; are, they remain the- fol: teftv-

5 20 NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME.

tnony on the fubjeft, and therefore muft be relied on for want of better : Hap
pily, the frivoloufnefs of the queltion correfponds to the weaknefs of the autho
rities. Not to mention, that, if any part of the traditional hiflory of a barbarous
people can be relied on, it is the genealogy of nations, and even fometi;nes
that of families. It is in vain to argu againft ihele facts from the fuppofed
warlike difpolition of the Highlanders, and unwarlike of the ancient Irifh.
Thofe arguments are ftill much weaker than the authorities. Nations change
very quickly in thefe particulars. The Brito-is were unable to relift the
Pitts and Scots, and invited over the Saxons for their defence, who it-pelled
thofe invaders: Yet the fame Britons valiantly reiifted, for 150 vears, not only
this victorious ba;id of Saxons, but infinite numbers more, who pourtd in upon
them from all quarters. Robert Bruce, in 132?, made a peace, in which
England, after many defeats, was conftiained to acknowledge the independence
of his country : Yet in no more diftant period than ten years after, Scotland
was totally fubdued by a fmall handful of tnglifli, led by a few private noble
men. All hiftory is full of fuch events. The Irifh Scots, in the couife of
two or three centuries, might find time and opportunities furticient to fettle
in North Britain, though we can neither alfign the period nor caufes of that revo
lution. Their barbarous manner of life rendered them much fitter than the
Romans for lubduing thefe nrjuntaineis. And, in a word, it is clear, from the
language of the two countries, that the Hizhlandeis and the Irifh are the fame
people, and that the one are a colony from the other. We have potiti"e evi
dence, which, though from neutral perfons, is not perhaps the belt that may be
wilhed for, that the lormer, in the third or fourth century, fprang from the latter :
We have no evidence at all that the latter fprang torn the former. I fliall add,
that the name of Erfe or Irifh, given b/ the iow country Scots to the language
of the Scotch Highlanders, is a certain proof of the naditional opinion delive
red from father to fon, that the latter people came originally from Ireland.

NOTE [B], p. 33.

THERE isafeeminsj contradiction in ancient hiftorians with regard t
fome circumftances in the ftory of Edwy and Elgi- a. It is agreed, that
this prince had a violent paffion for his fecond or third coufm, Elgiva, whom he
married, though within the degrees prohibited by the canons. It is alfo agreed,
that he wasdragged from a lady on th^: nay of his coronation, and that the lady
was afterwards treated with the (inguiar barbarity above mentioned. The only
difference is, that Oiborne and fome others call her hisftrumpet, not his wife,
as flie is iaid to be by Maimefbury. Rut this difference is eafily reconciled :
For if Edwy married her contrary to the canons, the monks would be fure to
deny her to be his wife, and would iniift that (lie could be nothing but his
flrumper : So that, on the whole, we may eiteem this reprefentation of the
matter as certain ; at leaft, as by far the moft probable. If Kdwy had only
kept a mifttefs, it is well known, that there a;e methods of accommodation
with the church, which would have prevented the clergy from proceeding to
fuch extremities againft him : But his marriage, contrary to the canons, was an
infu iton their authority, and called for their hi^ht-ft relentment.

NOTE [C], p. 88.

MA N Y of theEn?;lifh hiftorians make Edgard s fliips amount to an extra
vagant number, 103000, or 3600: See Hoveden, p. 426. Flor. Wi-
gorn. p. 607. Abbas Rieval. p. 360. Brompton, p. 869, fays, that Edgar had
4000 veffels. How can thefe accounts be reconciled to probability, and to the
fiate of the navy in the time of Alfred ? W. Thome makes the whole number
;. mount only to 300, which ismore probable. The fleet of Ethelred, Edgar s

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME. 521

fon, muft have been fhon of 1000 fliips ; yet the Saxon Chronide, p. 137,
ftys it wasihe greateft navy that ever had been fsen in England.

NOTE [D], p. 1 06.

ALMOST all the ancient hiftorians fpeak of this mattacre of the Danes
as if It had been universal, and ;,s if every individual of that nation
throughout England had been put to death. But the Lanes were almoft the
fole inhabitants in the kingdoms of Northumberland and cat! Anglia, and were
very numerous in Mercia. This reprefentation therefore, of tbe matter is 1
abfolutelf impoifible. Great reliflance muft ha--e been made, and violent
wais enfaed -, which was not the cafe. This account gi v en by \Vallinjclord,
though he ftands finzle. muft he ar.mitteu as the only true one. We are
to .d, that the name Lurdane, lord Dane, for an idle iazy fellow, who lr. es at
other people s essence, came fiom the conduct of the Danes who wn, |&amp;gt;ut
to d?ath But the cnglilh ,&amp;gt;rinces had been intirelv marteis for feveral gene
rations; and onl. Supported a military corps of that nation. It leems proba-
blc, therefore, thai it was theie Danes only that were put to death.

NOTE [E], p.

r I "* H E ingenious author of the art cle GODWIN, in the Biographia Britannlca,
J_ has endeavoured to clear the memory of that nobleman, upon the fup-
pontion, that all the Englifli annals had been falfiticd by the Noiman hiflorians
after the conqueft. But that this fuppofition has nat much foundation, appears
hence, that almoft all thefe hiftorians have given a very good character of his
fon Harold, whom it was much more the intereft of the Norman caufe to
blacken.

NOTE [F], p.

TH E whole ftory of the tranfaftions between Edward, Harold, and the
duke of Normandy, is told fo differently by the ancient writers, that there arC
few important paflages of the Englilh hiftory liable to lo greit uncertainty. I
ha v e followed the account which appeared to me the moft coniiftent and proba
ble. It does not feem hksly, that Edward ever executed a will in the duke s
favour, much lefs that he got it ratified by the Mates of the kingdom, as is affir
med by fome. The will would have been known to all, and would have been
produced by the Conqueror, to whom it gave ib plauhbl .;, audit-ally fo juft a
title; but the doubtful aiv. ambiguous manner in which he feems always to
have mentioned it, proves that he could only plead the known intentions of
that monarch in his favour, which he wasdefirous to call a will. There is
indeed a charter of the Conqueror preferred bv Dr. Hickes, vol. i. where he
calls himfclf rexbercditarius, rneanirg heir br will; but a prince, porTefled of
fo much power, and attended with fo much luccefs, may employ what pre
tence he pleafes ; It is futlicient to refute his pretences to oblerve. that there
is a great difference and variation among hittorians, with regaiJ to a point which,
had it been real, rnuft have been agreed upon by all of them.

Again, fome hiftorians, particularly Malmeibury and Matthew of VVeftminf-
ter, attirm that Harold had no intention of going over to Noimandy, but that
taking the air in a pleafure-boat on the coaft, he was driven over by ft re fs of
weather to the territories of Guy count of Ponthieu : But befides that this ftory
is not probable io itfelf, and iscomradifted by inoil of tbe ancient hiftorians, it

VOL. 1. 3 X

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME.

is contradicted by a very curious and authentic monument lately discovered.
It is a tapeftry, preferred in the ducal palace of Rouen, and fuppofed to have
been wrought by orders of Matilda, wife to the emperor : At leaft it is of verf
great antiquity. Harold is there reprefented as taking his departure from king
Edward in execution of fome commiffion, and mounting his veflel with a great
train. The defign of redeeming his brother and nephew, who were hoftages,
is the moft likely caule that can be afligned; and is accordingly mentioned by
iadmer, Hoveden, Brompton, and Simeon of Durham. For a farther account
of this piece of tapefhy, fee Hiiloire de 1 Academic de Literature, torn. ix.
page 535.

NOTE [G], p. 150.

1 T appears from the ancient tranflations of the Saxon annals and laws, and
*from king Alfred s tranflation of Bede, as well as from all the ancient hif-
torians, thar comes in Latin, alderman in Saxon, and earl in Dano-Saxon, were
quite fynonimous. There is only a claufe in a law of king Athelftan s (fee
Spelm. Cone. p. 406.) which has ftumbled fome antiquaries, and has made
them imagine that an earl was fuperior to an alderman. The weregild, or the
price of an earl s blood, is there fixed at 15,000 thrimfas, equal to that of anarch-
birtiop ; whereas that of a bifhop and alderman is only 8000 thrimfas. To folve
this difficulty we muft have recourfe to Selden s conjeclure (fee his Titles of
Honour, chap. v. p. 603, 604.}, that the term of earl was in the age of Athel-
flan juft beginning to be in ufe in England, and ftood at that time for the athe-
ling or prince of the blood, heir to the crown. This he confirms by a law of
Canute, 55. where an atheling and an archbifhop are put upon the fame
footing. In another law of the fame Athelftan the weregild of the prince or
atheling is faid to be 15,000 thrimfas. See Wilkins, p. 71. He is therefore
he fame who is called earl in the former law.

O T E [Hj, p. iSS.

"jT HERE is a paper or record of the family of Sharneborne, which pre-
JL tends, that that family, which was Saxon, was reftored upon proving
iheir innocence, as well as other Saxon families which were in the fame fitu-
ation. Though this paper was able to impofe on fuch great antiquaries as
Spelman (fee Gloff. in vetbo Drenges) and Dugdale (See Baron. Vol. i. p.
118.), it is proved by Dr. Brady (lee Anfw. to Petyt, p. u, 12.) to have been
a forgery ; and is allowed as fuch by Tyrrel, though a pertinacious defender of
his patty notions (fee his Hift. vol. ii. introd. p. 51. 73.). Ingulf, p. 70. tells
m. that very early Hereward, though abfent during the time of the conqueft,
was turned out of all his eftaie, and could not obtain redrefs. William even
plundered the monasteries. Flor. Wigorn. p. 636. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de
[lurgo, p. 48. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun. p. 200. Diceto, p. 482. Bromjp*
ton, p. 967. Knyghton, p. 2344. Alur. Beverl. p. 130. We are told by
Ingulf, that Ivo de Taillebois plundered the monailery of Croyland of a. gfeat
\. ai t of it* land, and no re&amp;gt;.rels could be obtained.

NOTE [I], p. 188.

^T" 1 HE obliging of all the inhabitants to put out the fires and lights at rex-
X tain hours, upon the founding of a bell, called the courfeau, is reprefen
ted by Polydore Virgil, lib. 9. as a mark of the fervitude of the Englifh. But
this was a law of police, which William had previouily eflabliflicd in Norman-

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME, 523

dy. See du Moulin, Hift.de N ormandie, p. 160. The lame law had place
in Scotland. LL. Burgor. cap. 86.

NOTE [K], p. 193.

WHAT thefe laws/vere of Edward the Confeifor. which the Englifh,
every reign during a century and a half, defire fo pafTionately to have
reflored, is much difputed by antiquaries, and our ignorance of them feems one
of the jreatell defefts in the ancient Englifli hiftory. The colleflion of laws
in Wilkins which pafs under the name of Edward, are plainly a pofterior
and an ignorant compilation. Thofe to be found in Ingulf are genuine : but
fo imperfect, and contain fo few claufes favourable to the fubjeft, that we fee
no great reafon for their contending for them fo vehemently. It is probable,
that the Englifli meant the common /aw, as it prevailed during the reign of
Edward ; which we may conjecture to have been more indulgent to liberty than
the Norman inftitutipns. The moft material articles of it were afterwarcs
comprehended in Magna Ghana.

NOTE [L], p. 210.

INGULF, p. 70. H. Hunt. p. 370.372. M. Weft. p. 225. Clui.
Neub. p. 357. Alured. Beverl. p. 124. De Geft. Angl. p. 333. M. Pa
ris, p. 4. Sim. Dun. p. 206. Brompton, p. 062. 980. 1161. Gervafe lilb.
lib. i. cap. 1 6. Textus Roffenfis apud Seld. Spicileg. ad Eadm. p. 179. Gul.
Picl. p. 206. Ordericus Vitalis, p. 521. 666. 53. Epift. St. Thorn, p. 801.
Gul. Malmef. p. 52. 57. Knyghtoru p. 2354. Eadmer, p. no. Thorn.
Rudborne in Ang. Sacra, vol. i. p. 248. Monach. Roff. in Ang. Sacra, vol. ii.
p. 276. Girald. Camb. in ea.dem, ml. ii. p. 413. Hift. Elyenfis, p. 516.
The words of this laft hiftorian, who is very ancient, are remarkable, and worth
trauf ribin;. Re x itayue J afius IVillielmits, quid in principes Anglorum, qui
tantae cladifupereffepoterant,fecerit, dicer e, cum nibil profit, entitle. Quid enitn
prodejj et.ji nee unum in tato regno deillis dicerem prijiina potejtate uti pcrmijfum,
Jed ornnes out in gravem paupertatis eerumnam detruj cs, aut exhared^tos, patria
pulfos, aut fjfoffis oculit, -vel caeteris atnputatis membris, opprobrium bominumfac*
tat, aut certe miferrime ajfliclos, vita, privates. Simili modo militate carere exij-
tintodiare yuid in minoretnpopulum, non folum ah eo,fed afuis aflum Jit, cun:
id diclu Jiiamui dijpcile, ei ob immanent crudelitattm fortaj/is incredibile.

X O T E [M], p. 552.

HENRY, by the feudal cuftoms, was entitled to levy a tax for the mar
rying of his eldeft daughter, and he exatfed three (hillings a hyde on all
England. H. Hunt. p. 379. Some hiftorians (Brady, p. 270. and 1 yrrel.
vol. ii. p. 182.) heedlefsly make this fum amount to above B JO.OOO pcunes
of our prefent ino.iey : But it could not exceed 135,000. Five hydes, lome-
times lefs, made a knight s fee, of which there were ibout 60,000 in Kn^land,
confequently near 300,000 hydes ; and at the rare of three f!iillins,s a hyde,
the fum would amount to 45, coo pounds, or 135,000 of our prefent money.
See Rudbcrne, p. 257. In the Saxon tim?, there were o.ily computed
243,600 hydes in England.

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME,

?: O T [N], p. 2.55-

THE legates a latrrc, as they vere ral eil, \veie a k nd of delegates, who-
poilefled the full power of the pore in ..11 the iuo inces commuted to iheir
charge, and were verv b. fy in extending as we l as exerciling it. Ihev nomi
nated to all vacant benefices, aHenilled lyr.on*. and were anxious 10 maintain
eccleliaitical pri"ile?es, wfrch never could be felly protected without en
croachments on tlie chil power. If there wese the leaft concurrence or opj o-
fition, it was alwjvs fiippofed that ihe ci- :1 rov i-r was to t,ive way . Every
deed, which had ihe Irait pretence of hoiding of any thing Spiritual, as marri
ages, tefiaments, p:onriiflbry caths, we;e truu;iht into the i pirituai court, anj
could not bo canvafiea before a ci&amp;gt; ii rnagiuinte. r j hefe weie the ei ablillieJ
lawsof the chinch ; and where ale rite u as lent immediately from Rome, he
was fuie to maintain ;he papal claims wiin tlie utrnoft ligour: But it w,is an
ad\ an!a n e to the king to have the a chnillion of Canteibury appointed legjte,
beciafe the connexions of that prelaic wiih the kingdcin teiu ed to modeiatc
his mcsl ures.

NOTE [O], p. s?&amp;lt;s.

WILLIAM of Newbridge, p. 383. (who is copied by later hiftorians),
afTerts, that Geoffrey had Ibme title to the counties of Maine and
Anjou. He pretends that count Geoffrey, his father, had left him thefe domi
nions by a fecret will, and had ordered that his body fliould not be buried, till
Henry fliould fwear to the dbferv.ince of it, which he, ignorant of the con
tents, was induced to do. But befides that this ftory is not very likely in itfelf,
and favours of monkifh fidtion, it is found in no other ancient writer, and is
contradicted by fome of them, particularly the monk of Marmoutier, who had
better opportunities than Newbridge of knowing the truth. See Vila Gauf.
Due. Norman, p. 103.

NOTE [P], p. 282.

"I" 1 H E fumfcarcely appears credible ; as it would amount to much above
J_ half the rent of the whole land. Gervafe is indeed a contemporary au
thor ; but churchmen are often guilty of ihange mifiakes of mat nature, and
ate commonly but little acquainted with the public revenues. This fum
would make 540,000 pounds of our prcfeni money. The Norman Chronicle^
p. 995, fays, that Kenry railed only 60 Angevin fbillings on each knight s fee
in his foreign dominions : This is only a fourth of the fum which Gervafe
fays he levied on England : An inequality no wife probable. A nation may by
degrees be brought to bear a tax of : ;, (hillings in the pound, but a fudden and
precarioustax can never be irapofed to that amount, without a very vilible ne"-
ceHity, efpecialiy in an age lo little accuilcmed to taxes. In the- fucceeding
reign the rent of a knighi s fee was computed at four pounds a year. I here
were 60,000 knights ftes in England

T7 1

fTther,

NOTE [QJ, p. 284.

I T Z-S T E P H E N, n. 18. This conduit appears violent and arbi
trary ; but was fuitable to the flrain of adminHtration in thofe days. His
Geoffrey, though repieiented as a isuld prince, let him an c:\ample of

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME. 525

much greater violence. When Geoffrey was matter of Normandy, the chapter
of Sf-v preluined, without his content, to proceed to the election of a bilhop ;
upon which he ordered all of them, with the biiliop elecl, to be caftrated, and
made ail their tefticles be brought him in a platter. Fitz-Steph. p. 44. In
the war of Touloufe, Henry laid a heavy and an arbitrary tax on all the church-
fs within his dominions. Sec Epiil. Jit. Them. p. 23-;.

NOTE [R], p. 29.,.

T FOLLOW here the narrative of Fit*- Stephens, who was fecretary to
4- Becketj though, no&amp;lt;hubt, he may be iuf.&amp;gt;e:led of partiality towards
his patron. Lord Lyttelton chufes to follow theauthority of a manufcript let
ter, or rather manifeflo, of Kolliot, bifliop of London, which is addrelied to
Becket himlelf, at the time when the bifliop appealed to the pope from the
excommunication pronounced a.;ainft him by hts primate. My reafons, why
I give the preference to Fit 7. Stephens, are, ((.) If the friendship of Fitz-
Stephens might render him pa::ial to Becket, even after the death of that pre
late, ths declared enmity of the bifhopmuit, during his lifcti.ne, have rendered
iiim more partial on the other liilc. (2.) 1 IK: bilh^j) was moved by intereft,
as well as enmity, to calumniate Becket. He had himfelf to defend againit
the fentence of excommunication, dreadful to all, etpecially to a prelate: And
no more effectual means than to throw all the blame on his adverfary. (3.)
He has a^huily been guilty of palpable camtnnies in that letter Among thefe,
1 reckon thf following : rie affirms, that, when Becket lublcribed the Conftitu-
rions of Clarendon, he faid plainly to all the bilhops of England, // it my tr.af-
lir"t pie afure , that IJbculJforftvtar myfelf, and at prefint I fubmit toil, and do
rrfoh e f) incur a perjury , and repent after-wards as I may. However baibarous
tiie times, and however ne^li^-.t zealous chuichmen were then of morality,
thafe are not words which a primate of great ferns, aryJ of much feeming fanc-
thy, would employ in an affembly of his fuiTiagarrj : He inijht Si upon thefe
principles, but never furely would pubkcly allow them. Folliot alfo lays,
that all tiie biihops were relblved obiiinately to qppofe the Conftitutions of
Clarendon, but the primate himfelf betrayed \:---i}\ from timidity, and led
the way to their fubfcribinj. i his is contrary to the teltimony of all the hif-
lorians, and direifrly contrary to Beckoi s chaiacK:r. who furely wss not defti-
tute either of courage or of zeal for eccleliaibcal immunities. (4.) The vio
lence and injufticii of Henry, afcrib^d to him by Fitz-Stephens, is of a piece
with the veil of the profecuuon. Nothing could be more iniquitous, than, after
two years filence, to make a hidden and unprepared demand upon Becket to the
amount cf 44,000 marks (equal to a turn of n,ear a million in our time) and
not allow him the lea ft inicv .r 10 bang in his accounts If the king was
fo palpab y oppreHive in o::e .!-Lic! k :, he may be prefumed to be equally fo in
the reft. (5.) Though t- er, 01 rather ni.u: iv do. be addieiled to

i el himfsif, i doe; not rfOijuit!: moir a.ithority 0:1 riia; ..ccount. We know
not what ar.l wer v^-&amp;gt; r:u;i" i t .i c-:.e: : i lie collection nf letters cannot be fii]-
. qu^ie complete. But I ; ..a xva-, nut ,n,.,ij b;. one (whoever

uery "partial to that primate, appears fnJnj the tenor of them, \\

there a- _- many i,aiia: - to him: InicmiiKh that iiu-

- of !:v-in Jt (" . Bl with | uniii -

. p- iti -ttUrly of i: . .iiji!..- r.u.i!ifwer at

all, as not deigning to write 10 an exccmmi cum-

j would contaminate, him , a;. . : .ii u..,,ce of

his primate, might calumniate him the more freely, (o.; I hough the fentence

pronounced on becket by the grta: council implies tliat lie h;id ntiuil..! to indkr

any anl A sr to t:-i: forufj iti .: of Fcllior ;

For if !Js excufe v.;\ u ici U-d as t.iiU: diid ( rr-di

Enfwer. Beckatfubm ttedfo far !&amp;gt;&amp;gt; trie f: j ii! n : - ids and

ch^aels, that he ga c !;;,;,, v. ;,!.. ... .1! mat ;un c

to queftion the authci)tyf the king icourl . (;.; It mav \&amp;gt;&amp;lt;. &amp;gt;Muih O DILT-
ving, that both the author of Hittoria qtiadrapartita, an&amp;lt;l Cei ::,,:, icm,
writers, Je cc " J:t. - s ii ; hc-ns ; &amp;lt;&amp;lt;nd the Utter is not iit ully vei &amp;gt; ;
ct. All the ai.clt i,: iiiuoria-.r. ,rive the liiin-j acicui.t.

526 NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME.

NOTE [SJ, p. 375-

MA D O X, in his Baronia Anglica, cap. 14. tells iri, thfc in the joth
of Henry II. thirty-three cows and two bulls coft but eight pounds feven
fliillings, monev of that age ; 500 fheep, twenty-two pounds ten {hillings, or
about ten pence three farthings per fheep ; fixty-fix oxen, eighteen pounds three
{hillings ; fifteen breeding rriares, two pounds twelve fhillings and fix pence ; and
twenty-two hogs, one pound two fhillings. Commodities feem then to have
been about ten times cheaper than at prefent ; all except the fheep, probably on
account of the value of the fleece. The fame author, in his Formulare Angli-
canum, p. 17. fays, Tkat in the loth year of Richard I. mention is made of
ten per cent, paid for money : But the Jews frequently exacted much highef
intereft.

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