^ .^ LIBRARY UNfVERSITr OF CALIFOR^JtA SAN DiEGO THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO U\ JOLLA, CALIFORNIA r 7 6(.21 C4?5 ''7l "2 01127 4016 60^/ 4ar i DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OP SANSKRIT, PALI, AND SINHALESE LITERARY WORKS. w > DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT, PALI, & SINHALESE LITEEAET WOEKS OF CEYLON. BY JAMES D'ALWIS, M. UTA. S., ADVOCATE OF THE SUPREME COURT; AUTHOR OF THE SIDATSANGARA' ; AN INTRODUCTION TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR ; INTRODUCTION TO KACHCHA'yANA's PA'lI GRAMMAR ; THE ATTANAGALUVANSA ; CONTRIBUTIONS TO ORIENTAL LITERATURE, ETC., ETC. m THREE VOLUMES. VOL. L COLOMBO: WILLIAM SKEEN, GOVERNMENT P K I N T E K, CEYLON. 1870. "M .'* Sir HERCULES GEORGE ROBERT ROBINSON, K. C. M. G., GOVERNOK AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE ISLAND OF CEYLON. Sir, It is my pleasing duty to inscribe this work to you, for the compilation of which you did me the honor to appoint me, and for the prosecution of which you have placed at my disposal much of the assistance of which I was in need. I shall not speak of my own work in terms of appro- bation, — it is for the public to decide on its merits; nor is it within my province to enhance its value by any allusion to the trouble it has entailed on me, — for that too may be judged of by others: but, apart from the mode in which the work has been executed, permit me to say that, from its very design, it will open to the reading public a means of obtaining rare and valuable information. If the orient pearls for which Ceylon has been famed from all antiquity, are still highly prized amongst the nations of the world, the intellectual [tcarls which Oriental scholars of VI many nations will be enabled to gather from Lanka's Store-house of Literature, which you have founded, and the key to which is here presented, will not, I hope, be esteemed as less precious or valuable. Confident that nothing will more enduringly bind the hieraory of Your Excellency to the present and future generations of the native Sinhalese, than " Tee Sanskrit, Pali, and Sinhalese Library" which you have established, it is to me a source of sincere pleasure that I have been enabled to complete, at least, one volume of the Descriptive Catalogue during your Government; and I indulge the hope that, as an Index of the Library, it will set before the world a correct, though feeble, ** description" of the now fading, but still rich, literature of the Country, over the Govern- ment of which you have presided for the last five years, with great credit to yourself, and lasting benefit to all classes of the people. I have the honor to be. Your Excellency's Most obedient and faithful Servant, JAS. ALWIS. Nai- Villa, 28th June, 1870. CONTENTS. Preface ... ... ... ... ... Ix. — xxx. Abhiclh6.napaclipika ... ... ... ... 1 Attanagaluvansa . . ... ... ... 11 Kachchayana's Pali Granimai- ... ,.. ... 39 Netti-pakarana ... ... ... ,,. 70 Biilavatara ... ... ... ... ... 78 Gadaladeni-Sanna ... ... ... ... 80 Dhatu-Manjusa ... ... ... ... ... 82 Namavaliya .. ... ... ... ... 87 Maha Vansa ... ... .. ... .. 93 Dipavansa ... ... ... ... ... 118 Anuruddha S'ataka ... ... ... ... 168 Bauddha S'ataka ... ... ... .. 172 Sinhalese Sanna ... ... ... ... ... 174 Vritta Malakhya ... ... ... ... 175 Vritta Ratnakara Panchlka ... ... ... 177 Riipasiddhi ... ... .. ... ... 179 Moggallana Vyakarana ... ... ... ... 183 Vuttodaya .. ... --■ ... ... 186 Janakiliarana ... .. ... .. ... 188 Kaviyasekara ... ... ... ... 196 Selalihini Sandesa ... ... ... ... 209 Parevi Sandosa ... ... ... ... 216 Sidat Sangar.4 .. ... ... ... ... 221 APPENDIX. Letter from Professor Max Miiller to the Secretary of State for the Colonies ... ... ... ... 227 Remarks on the Spelling adopted in Roman character 234 Report of progress of Volume the Second ... ... 236 PREFACE. *^'That Ceylon is one of the ])i-incipal seats of Bud- dhism, that Buddhism is one of the most important religions of mankind, that the Buddhist priests possess a sacred literature which dates from several centuries before the Christian era, — all this is perfectly well known. But it is less well known that though, since the beginning of this century, Ceylon has been an English colony, hardly anything has been done by the Euolish Government to collect these interestino; relics of an ancient literature, to deposit them in our public libraries, and thus to i-ender them accessible to Oriental scholars; while the French Government — nay, it would seem an individual French gentleman — has, during the last six years, accomplished all that could be desired."* Such was the reproach cast on the English Go- vernment by the Saturday Review of the 28th of July, 1866. Three years had scarcely elapsed from that date before Sir Hercules Robinson, the Governor of Ceylon, alive to the importance of the subject, has * " Du Bouddhisnie et de st of Galle and his Assistants in the vSouthern Province — the only part of this Island where Ola-writing is carried to perfection, pnd where qualified copyists are to be founil. In my previous letter I indicated that books might be procured in different ways ; and I am still not without hope, that many MSS. may be obtained without charge; but these are details which may be left to the parties employed by Government for the collection of books. A Library, thus formed at a cost of £1,200, may be attached to the Government Record Office. Three large rooms (say 20 x 25 feet each) will contain all the necessary shelves, which may be constructed of sheet iron, containing a cell for each book, with a lid, whereon the name of the book may be marked. The furniture, so far as I can judge, need npt cost £300 ; and thus the entire expense of getting up a Library will be no more than £1,500. When once the Library has been established, the expense of upkeep will be very trifling. The servants of the Eecord Office alone will be sufficient to do the needful in respect of the preservation of the books. The Library may be open to the Public, subject to Rules whieh the Government may deem proper to pi'escribe j and the only Officer who, so far as I can foresee, will be required to carry out such Rules, is a Librarian, whose salary peed not be more than £100 per annum. xxu pm:rA( K. I bPi? again to press o)i the atteution of Government the great desirability of forming such a Library, and the mani- fold and lasting advantages which will accrue thereby to the Sinhalese Nation and the English Community, not to speak of the benefits which will be derived theretrora by Scholars in Europe, and by distinguished Travellers who visit Ceylon. From the Coloni^v^ Secretarv to Mr. Jajies Alwis. Colombo, 4th January, 1870. Having laid before the Governor and the Executive Council vour letter of the 8th ultimo, submitting suggestions for the establishment of a Pali, Sanskrit, and Sinhalese Library. I am desired to inform you that the project meets with the entire approval of the Government, and that His Excellency will be prepared to apply to the Legislative Council for the necessary funds to carry it into effect. It is His Excellency's wish that you should take a leading part in the formation of the Library, and he would be glad if you Avould from time to time furnish Lists of the Books which you think should be procured, naming what you consider a fair price for them, and suggesting in each case the best agency for conducting the negotiations. The object of this Preface, is not so much to give information on the establishment of a Library, as to explain the plan of the Descriptive Catalogue. Yet, as the one is inseparably connected with the other, I may briefiy allude to the steps which are being taken for the formation of " the Government Oriental Library of Cevlon." PREFACE. XXIII The Legislative Council of Ceylon has voted the funds necessary for immediate expenditure ; and Connnittees composed of influential priests and laymen, under the presidency of Government Agents, have been appointed by the Government in the Sabaragamuwa District, in Galle, and in Mdtara, to secure in the first instance, what I am glad to find Professor Max Miiller in his letter on the subject to the Secretary of State for the Colonies,* calls — "the important" viz., "the sacred literature of Buddhism." I believe these Com- mittees are actively engaged in the work of transcrip- tion assigned to them, and I trust the time Avill not be long before the existence of a Public Oriental Library in Ceylon will be a fact. The Government have also secured the benefit of a revision of a portion of the canonical works of 'Buddhism, made by a body of learned priests under the presidency of the learned High Priest of Adam's Peak, in the monastic establishments of Sabaragamuwa. The only want hitherto felt for rendering this copy as accurate as possible, was that of a complete copy of the Burmese Code, which had been taken away many centuries ago from this Island ; but I believe there is every probability of this being soon obtained from the king of Burma. It is not possible to purchase all the MSS., but where the writing pre- sents undoubted evidences of high antiquity, it would be desirable, as remarked by Professor Max Miiller, "that the original MSS. should be bought and preserved;" * See Appendix A. Xxiv PREFACE. and I see no objection to his proposal " to presei'A'e carefully-made copies (of them) in Ceylon, and to transfer the originals to England," where they would be (not only) in safer keeping than elsewhere, but would be more thoroughly examined and published than in Ceylon, Application has also been made to the authorities at Burma ; and a copy of the Tepitaka consisting of 42 vols, is on its way to Ceylon ; and it is not unlikely that a similar application to the king of Siam will secure to the Colony the benefit of the version extant in that country. The advantages to be derived from an intercomparison of these versions with our own cannot be overrated. Such are briefly the facts connected with the proposed Library: and, though its establishment, (which may be looked upon as an accomplished fact), has in a great measure rendered an alteration in the original design of the Descriptive Catalogue necessary ; yet, since it Was impossible to frame a classified Catalogue until the very last MS. had been examined, and it would be difficult to say when that would be possible ; and since much valuable time, which could be devoted to printing, would, in the meantime, be lost ; I resolved, as desired by Mr. Murdoch, to afford "information to Oriental scholars respecting the numerous works which still exist," and to publish a description of each book as it presented itself, without reference to any alphabeti- cal order of names, or to the subjects which it treated upon, — purposing, however, when this has been done, PREFACE. XXY to frame a "classified Index," wliicli should serve all the purposes of the Catalogue originally designed, and which might moreover be regarded as the official Catalogue of the Government in connection with the Library it has established. The following sheets are issued as a specimen of the Descriptive Catalogue, preparatory to the official Classified Catalogue, the framing of which, with the assistance of the former, will be comparatively easy, and can be completed at the same time as the Library. A few words may here be necessary in explanation of the plan of my work. With a view to concentrate as much information as could be collected into one book from different sources, — information which is much sought for by European inhabitants of Ceylon, and by natives, as well as by Oriental scholars in Europe, — I have availed myself of my own previous labours, as well as of those of other writers, after due acknowledgment. Where a work appeared to possess more than ordinary interest, e. g., Tepitaka or Dipiivansa, I have, within legal bounds, either noticed or embodied all the ti-anslations hitherto made and scattered in various periodicals ; and have, whenever possible, given a brief analysis of the unpub- lished portions. Though exception has been taken by some to the course thus pursued, I see no valid objection to it, except on the score of delay and bulk. As for " delay," there can be none, since, the materials are already at hand, and have scarcely taken any time in the printing; d XXYl PREFACE. and a!« to "bulk," that is a matter more for my consi- deration, than that of others. It has also been urged, that it was " useless to include in this what was in everybody's hands." Now, though this might be said of my remarks under the title of Attanagaluwansa, which previously formed part of the Preface attached to my Translation of that work ; yet I may remark that the Attanagaluwansa* has not had the circulation which some have supposed, and that, as remarked by European friends in Ceylon, whose opinions are enti- tled to weight, "if the object of the * Descriptive Catalogue' is to concentrate all the information re- garding a particular work, including the subject on which it treats, twenty-eight pages devoted for such a purpose is an advantage rather than the reverse." As regards the observations under the title of Kach- chayana, a cursory perusal of them will shew the cause which rendered them necessary. They are intended more to correct a previous erroneous identification of the author by myself, than for any display. The space which I intend to devote to a proper elucidation of different important topics connected with the Tepitaka may, I trust, be not deemed too great. No one has yet examined the entire text of the Pali, much less its huge Comment. The time * This work has not yet been completed ; and the Text is still in the press. Only a few copies of the Translation have been forwarded to England, and to some friends on the Continent of Europe. PREFACE. XXVll indeed is far distant before such an examination can be accomplished. In the meantime, great misappre- hensions exist as to the real words of Buddha, his doctrines, the authenticity of the Pali version, the supposed admixtures into it by his pupils, the date when it was consigned to writing, the age of its lan- guage, etc, etc. It is therefore my intention, in the article devoted to the consideration of Tepitaka, briefly to notice many of the above points, and to refer to facts and circumstances which may perhaps appear new to many. My views may be incorrect, my inferences wrong, and my readings inaccurate; and yet those very errors will, I am persuaded, lead to investigations which — as in the case of Kachchtiyana's Pali Gram- mar — may result in the ascertainment of facts previously unknown, or discoveries interesting to the students of science. As to the only other titles under which lengthy extracts have been admitted, viz., the Mahawansa and Dipawansa, the course is justified by the interest which attaches to the extracts, and the scarcity of the works from which those extracts have been made. Except in these instances, and few others, I have not thought proper to elaborate particulars beyond describing the work, ascertaining the name of the author, fixing his age, and presenting the reader with a specimen of each writer, with a translation such as I was able to produce according to my humble ability, aided and directed by an accomplished Pandit "whose critical acumen" has been already acknowledged by learned Eurojiean Scholars. XXVlll PREFACE. It. is perhaps needless for me to say, that, with all the attention I have bestowed, there still appear errors of both omission and commission; and that all my translations from the Sanskrit and Pali may be wanting in critical accuracy. If however the island abounded — which it does not — with Oriental scholars, and with linguists both able and ready to render assistance,* the case miojht have been different. But without a single European who has mastered the Pali or Sanskrit, with but few Native scholars possessing a fair acquaint- ance with English, Pali and Sinhalese — and those generally inaccessible to me either for consultation or advice — I have had to struggle through all difficulties single-handed, so far as the translations into English were concerned. Under such circumstances it is perhaps not too much to ask for the indulgence of the public. I have anticipated Professor Max Miiller, as was done by the Hon. Mr. Turnour before the publication of the Mahawansaj in the adoption of the lioman alphabet, very nearly in accordance with the system sanctioned by Government in the Minute w^hich is published in the Appendix. Great care has been taken, as further suggested by the learned Professor, "that the extracts are given correctly, "f and to render the translations as ''■literal" as possible. * See remarks in Introduction to Kachchayana, page cxxxiii. t The system of printing Pali and oilier Asiatic languages in the [Roman character is quite new to the country. Neither copyists nor compositors are yet familiar with it. The consequent PREFACE. XXIX In my notes and observations on the Buddhist litera- ture and religion,* I have endeavoured, as sugsjested by the same Professor in his Introduction to Dliam- mapada, " to adopt Sanskrit throughout as the li/tgua franca,'' and I have departed from this principle in those instances only where I have been treating of particular doctrines, or expressions in a particular book : in which case I have adopted Sanskrit, Pali, or Sinhalese words as they occurred in each : and this appears to me the only modef in which a great many difficulties may be obviated. I estimate that the entire work,Avith the Indices, will not exceed 800 pages, and therefore purpose to divide the whole into three volumes. Though this specimen contains but 230 pages, I have MSS. on hand which will cover 200 pages more. In addition to these, I have in a state of progress several articles, which will occupy, when completed, at the least, 300 pages. I do not indeed expect that my observations, though carefully worded, and adiijited for a document such as this Catalogue is, will be received by the learned Oriental Scholars of Europe with universal approba- tion ; but whether they be correct or not, I have no correction of " copy," and the subsequent alterations in the course of printing are manifold. Under such circumstances, it is not to be wondered at that the writer's vigilance has not detected errors such as " nara " and " anara " at page 4, * See my Review of Dhanimapada. I A/loparture has been soiiTctimes rendered necessary owing to the want of the required type. XXX PREFACE. doubt they will be appreciated by many, as affording topics of great interest for consideration and future investigation. Any remarks which they may be pleased to forward to me directly, or through the Government, will, I beg to assure them, be accepted thankfully, and shall receive my best and most careful attention. In conclusion, whilst acknowledo-ino; the invaluable assistance I have received from the publications of Weber, Turnour, Gogerly, Hardy, Fausboll, Max Miiller, Childers, and Kuhn, I beg to offer my warmest thanks to Mr. Skeen for his kind and valuable assist- ance in carrying this work through the press, and to the Rev. J, Scott, the Chairman of the Wesleyan Mission in Ceylon, for placing at my service the whole of the valuable Pali library of the Inte Rev. D. J. Gogerly, of which I have largely availed myself in the examination of several questions of great interest. JAS. ALWLS. A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. DESORIPTIVB CATALOGUE or LITERABY WORKS IN CEYLON. Abhidha'napadi'pika' is the only ancient Pali Dictionary in Ceylon, or, so far as it is known, any where else. It is of the highest authority, and holds the same place in Pali, which Amarakosa does in Sanskrit literature. Indeed it may be called a twin-sister oF t'ne Sanskrit Vocabulary. They are both composed exactly in the same style and plan, (if indeed one is not a transcript of the other), and are intended to help those who study the Bauddha sacred works. The name, too, adopted foi- the Pali work is one by which Auiara's Sanskrit Vocabulary had already been known, viz., Abhidhdna (Nouns), for the purpose of throwing 'light' ipadipika) on which, this work is professe'Uy undertaken. It was printed in 1824 by the Rev. B. Cloughofthe Wesleyan Mission, with a translation into English B 2 DESCRirXIVE CATALOGUE. but he omitted to give both the Introduction and the Conclusion of the book, — an omission Vvdiich led Ori- ental scholars to express various conjectures as to the date of the Dictionary, until the Translator of a portion of Kachchayana's Pali Grammar published them in 1883.* As affording a specimen of the work, and a description of the Vocabulary under notice, the follow- insf is transferred from the work last named. o 1. Tuthagato yo karuna karo karo 'Payatamossajja sukhap padau padan Aka paratthan kalisam bhave bhave Namami tan kevala duk-karan karan 2. Apujayun yam muni kunjarajara 'Rujadimuttii yahi'muttare tare Thita tivattambu nidhin nara'nara Tarinsu tan dhamama" magha pahan' palian 3. Gatam munindo' rasasunutaii nutan Supiifinakhettan bhuvane'sutan sutau Gauam'pi pani kata sanvaran varan Sada guno' ghcna nirantar'an (aran 4. Nama lingesu kossallan 'Attha nichcbhaya karanan Yato mahabbalan Buddha Vachane pata vatthinan. * See Alwis's Kachchayana's Grammar, p. vi. et seq. We learn on the authority of Professor Weber of Berlin, that "Wester- gaard, too, (Catab p. 586,) communicates only the verse in which the author's name is contained." ABIIIDIIA'NAPADl'riKA'. o 5. Namalingdn' yato Buddha Bhasitfissa' lalia n'aliaii Dassajanto pakasissani 'Abliidliana' padipikaii 6. Bhijo rupan tarti sa,ha 'Cliarijena cha katthaclii Kvacha' hachcha vidhanena JTeyjan thipuu napunsakau. 7. Abhiiina lino;inan vcva Dvando cha lingavachaka Gatha padauta majjhattha Pubbaii yaiitya'pare parau. 8. Pumittliiyan padan dvisu Sabba linge cha tis'viti Abhidhanan tura rambhe Neyyan fvatita inathadi cha. 9. Bhiyo pa} oga'magamma Sogate ahidhanappadipika. 2 Tidive raahiyan bliujagu, vasathe Sakalattlia samavliaja dipani'yau Ilia yo kusalo matima sanaro Pafn liofi Uu'dianiiiiiino vnclurne. DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 3 Parakkama bhujo narna Bhupiilo ginia bhiisauo Lankiija' miisi t-ojassi Jaji kcsari \ikkamo. 4 Vibhinuan chiran bhikkhu sanghau iiikaya Tayasmin clia karesi samma samagge Sadeliau'va uicliclia 'daro digha ktilan Maliagghelii lakkhesi yo paclichayelii. o Yena Lankii viharehi Gama'rama purihicha Kittivaviya fiambadlil Kata khettehi vapihf. 6 YassiV siidliciraiiau patvii 'Nna'aalian sabba kamadan Alurin'pl gantha karattara Patto vibudlia- gocharan. 7 Karitc tena passada Gopuradi vibhusite Sagga kande'va tattoyii Sayasvniu patibimbite. 8 ?.Iaha Jetavana kliyamhi Yiliare siidlm sammate Sarogaraa samubamlii ^'afiata saiita vuttina. 9 SaddhamraatUiili karaena MoggalUniona dhimata DO Therena raehita yesa Abhicllianajjpadipika. v abhidha'napadi'pika'. 7 'The Abhidhduapadipika consists of three sections — on Heavenly, Earthly, and General subjects. 'It interprets the names of all objects in Heaven, Earth, and the Xiiga regions. A sensible person who excels in this, v/ill master the words of the great sage. ' There was in Lanka a Monarch named Parakkama- bahu — 'Celebrated, successful, endowed with virtues, and valorous as a lion. *He in the right manner (in the legitimate mode^ reconciled* the Bltikkhus and Sanghas of the three Nikdi/as;^ and, with unceasing love, long extended his protection to (them; as to his own body, with valuable objects of maintenance 4 ' He established to profusion in Lanka, in the same manner that it was filled with his renown,§ monaste- rieSjIF villages,! parks,** cities,f| fields^:!: and tanks.§§ * 'He reformed the religion.' — Upliam, vol. i. p. 299. f " Association or Congregation performing the same duties." \ 'Pachchaya' — Objects of maintenance, which are four, viz., 'chivara,' garments; 'plndapata,' food; 'senasana,' sleeping objects; 'gilana pachchaya,' that which is necessai-y for the sick — medicines. § See Ceylon Almanac for 1834. •[[" He built the viharas in the city of Anuradhapura." — ib. at p. 1 90. II " The King also made several hundreds of houses and many streets arranged with shops." — Mahawansa. ** " He formed many pleasant and delightful gardens." — Mali. C. B. A. S. J., p. 148. ■)"j-''He built three more cities." — Uphanis Mahawansa, p. 277. +f " He formed paddy fields."— A/aA. 0. B. A. S. J., vol. vii., p. 141. §§ " The King also repaired many ancient tanks." — Mahaioansa, ib. p. 149. 8 DESCRIPTIVE C4.TALOGUE. * I, the special object of his wish-conferriiig patronage, have also acquired the privilege of authorship peculiar to the learned. 'Desirous of perpetuating the Saddhamma, the Abhi- dhanapadipika was composed by the erudite Moggallana thera — ' Of mild deportment, dwelling amongst the Sai^o- gdma* fraternity (who were) received by the virtuous with approbation; and (residing) in the Monastery called the Maha Jeiavava ; — '[A monastic establishment] adorned Avith the temples, ornamented porches, &c., Avhich were built by him (the aforesaid king) as it vvere a portion of Heaven reflected in his tank.' Here we have sufficient data to fix the date of the Abhidhanapadipika. It v/as composed by a thera named Moggallana, wlio had been patronized by king Parakkaraa. His acts, which are here related, can only be identified with those of "the heroic and invincible royal v/arrior, gloriously endowed v/ith might, majesty, and wisdom; and x-adiant with benignant virtues,"! *'the mt^st martial, enterprising and glorious of the Sinhalese Sovereigns,"! who, according to history, v/as Parak- kamabahu of Polonnoruwa. He ascended the throne in 1153 A. D. ; and when v/e notice that that sove- reign, who reigned for thirty-three years, turned his * This is a Pali translation of the Sinhalese prosier name Velgam. f Inscription in Ceylon Almanac for 18rj4. J Mahawansa, p. Lxvi. abhidha'napadi'pika'. 9 attention to the internal improvements which are here mentioned, in the latter part of his reign, and after he had brourfit his local and foreio-n wars to a termina- tion; we may assign to the Abhidhanapadipika a date at the latter end of the second half of the twelfth century. This, therefore, is posterior to the Amara- kosa,* which may bo placed about the middle or end of the fifth century after Christ. To shew their correspondence the three following introductory stanzas are here introduced from the last named work. ' The masculine, feminine, and neuter (genders) are to be known cluefly by their different forms; sometimes by the association of words; and sometimes by specific rule. ' Here with a view to distinct elucidation (nouns of) different unspecified genders are not rendered into dvandva compounds. Neither are they, without order, jumbled together; nor indeed expressed by ' eka sesha.'f * Professor H. H. Wilson thus notices the date of this writer in the Preface to his Sanskrit Dictionary ; " Aniera Sinha may therefore be loft, agreeably to tradition, to the beginning of the Christian era; or as connected v/ith other traditionary notices of names and events, which, I shall proceed to describe, he may be brought down to a later date, and ph.ced about tlie middle or end of the fifth century after Christ." f 'Eka sesha': 'one left out,' /. c, the omission of one to designate the same by another, v/hich has been mentioned; or, conversely, the expression of one name to designate another omitted name of the same genus or family ; as Asvinu ' the two Asvin,' in the dual, designate 'the Physicians of heaven, a;;d twin sous of the sun, or child) en of the constellation Asvini, ' who arc sepai-ately named Nasatya and Dasra. C 10 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. ' The term trishu (denotes") the three genders ; and dvayoh tlie male and female. (Where a certain) gender is expressly negatived, the remaining ones (are meant); and, where woi'ds ending in fu (occur, or) atha, &c,, they do not refer to the preceding (words).' As already intimated the work is divided into three parts ; the first treats on celestial, the second on terrestrial, and the third on miscellaneous, objects. Each part is sub-divided into several sections ; but the whole book may be regarded as a Dictionary of Syno- nymes, except the 3rd and 4th sections of part third, the former alone being devoted to homonymous terms, and the latter to indeclinable particles. The entire work contains 1212 gutJids of, chiefly, 32 syllables, tliough occasionally we meet with longer metres. Some MSS. which my Pandit has examined, con- tained two or three stanzas which are omitted in the printed editions.* In addition to the Translation and the Text of the Abhidhanapadipika, published by Clough, a second edition of the same was printed in 1865, by a Buddhist priest named Subhuti. Both these editions, as well as the original, are deficient, for want of an Alphabetical Index,^ — a deficiency which the late Rev. D. J. Gogeidy endeavoured to supply; but his Dictionary has not * After tlie above desciiptiou it is uimecossaiy to state the space which this work occupies in Oia MSS., as they vary, accord- ing to the size of the leaves on which they arc written. A copy in my possession, with four stanzas to the page, contains 15'2 leaves. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 1 1 been published. It is however now being revised by the Kev. J. Coles of the Church Missionary Society, and will, it is hoped, be published in the early part of next year. Attanagaluvansa. Amongst the many historical Avorks extant in Ceylon, is the Pali work above indicated, written in very ancient times upon the authoi'ity of 'old historians and ancient legends.' According; to the established usage of all eastern nations, it opens with an adoration, which is the usual Buddhistical one, and proceeds to an invocation, between which and that in the Sdhitya Darpana there seems to be much agreement. Although this book is entitled the Attanafjaluvihdrovansa, 'the history of the Temple of Attanagalla'; yet, as a prelude to that which is the chief subject matter of the work, the writer devotes several chapters to depict the history of Sri Sanghabodhi, whose decapitation at the place above- mentioned led to the erection of a Temple which still exists; and who was the onlv one from amono'st the Sovereigns of Ceylon to whom the historian has devoted an entirely separate work. He was one of three Princes, connected Avith each other, of the Lambakanna (Lamini, Sinh.) race, who had their domains at Mahiyangana in Bintenna, a place still knov/n by that name. Sanghabodhi's father 12 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Sela-Abhaya is alone mentioned here, but in a rock- inscription at Mihintala,* liis parents are both named — the father as Abaya-Sela (the same names inverted), and the mother as Devugon. In the Attanagaluvansa Selabhaya is simply called a •' Khattiya' (prince) ; bnt he was, probably a provincial chieftain or sub-king. For, both the inscription above- mentioned and the Sinhalese version of the Attana- galuvansa, designate him 'monarch.' It vv^ould seem from the historv under notice, and from the particulars given in the Mahavansa that Sanghabodhi and his associates Sanghatissa and Gothabhaya, repaired to Anuradhapura, and soon became established in high favor at the Court of the reigning prince (Wijaya Indu A. D. 241,) obtaining from him the highest offices of the state, and enjoying his unlimited confidence. They were not, however, long in subjection to Wijaya Indu; for scarcely a year expired from the time they had entered into his service, when Sanghatissa, procuring Gothabhaya to assassinate his benefactor, ascended the throne. Sanghabodhi, it would appear from the Attanagalu- vansa, (vide cap. iii. § 6), was no party to this foul deed; and the general character given of him in the Dipavansa, as ' a good and pious prince,'! goes to sup- port that statement. Yet such a belief is inconsistent with the version of the transaction in the Mahavansa, * For the original see Sidatsangara, p. xxxvi. f Sanghabodhi'ti namer.a Raja, asi susilava ; Dve vassaneva so rftjn rajjan karesi Khattiyo. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 13 which, ill the language of Mr. Tumour's translation, p. 229, runs as follows : ' These three persons, on their reaching the capital, were most graciously received by the monarch Wijaya in whose court they were established, and employed in offices of state. Conspiring together, they put to death the raja Wijayo in his own palace ; and two of them raised (the third) Sanghatisso, who was at the head of the army, to the throne.' Sanghatissa I'eigned only four years, at the termina- tion of which he was poisoned by the people, who could no longer bear the oppression of the exactions made during his royal excursions to the Eastern Provinces, Upon the death of Sanghatissa, Gothabhaya, who was destined (according to the prediction of a blind sage) to reign longer than his two associates, requested Sano-babodhi to assume the reigns of Government. But he declined this high honor ; and his denunciation of principalities, dominions, and powers, as recorded by the historian in a beautiful speecli, is couched in oriental imagery, and exhibits a thorough knowdedge of man and his depraved nature, — a fact however, not borne out by his subsequent conduct. Sanghabodhi was soon prevailed upon by the priesthood to accept the pressing invitation of the people. The historian here dwells on the principles of good Government, as having been enunciated by the prince's precej^tor, Nanda, to whose previous discourse on the duties of Man, and the necessity for the early formation of right principles, nearly an entire chapter is devoted. 14 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. The policy however of Sanghaboclhi's government was characterized by great weakness. After he was crowned, lie continued to evince, as he had done before, greater devotion to the interests of reliiiion than to the affairs of the state. This from ' A man on earth devoted to the skies,' was scarcely unexpected. He mixed not with the world, and could not therefore distinguish the local from the natural man. He was too much absorbed in relio:ious affairs, to enable him "to track the silent march of human affairs, and to seize with happy intuition on those great laws which regulate the prosperity of empires." His meditations did not permit him to reconcile principles to circumstances, or to devise measures in anticipation of the effects which state-affairs had upon " the entangled relations and awkward complexity of real life." Buddhism, moreovei', manifested an antagonism to good Government. The principles of the former con- flicted with those of the latter. The exercise of those duties which a state policy demanded, threatened the destruction of all religious merit. The enthusiasm and rigid piety of so great an adherent of Buddha as Sanghabodhij permitted not a departure from the duties prescribed by his religion, — even where the majesty of the law demanded the infliction of punishment. And the consequence was, as may be easily expected, that, having forgotten ' the highest virtue of a king, (which) is the protection of his subjects,'* the old * Manu, vii. § 144. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 15 existing Ordinances for the repression of crime, the promotion of the comforts of the poor, and tl.e security of their person and property, became disregarded. " When the malefactors were brought to the prison of the capital," says the historian, " as the king's vows precluded the possibility of their being executed, they were secretly released at night after condemnation, and the corpses, furnished by the usual casualties of a populous city, were exhibited at the place of execution, on gibbets and impaliiig poles, as the victims of violated laws." Thus, says the historian, a pious king not only successfully repressed crime, but also gave the criminal time and opportunity to reform. The contrary hovy^ever was indeed the result. Crime increased in the same proportion that Sanghabodhi neglected to punish the otfender. '• The whole frame of society was disorganized." The whole country became the scene of plunder, and a prey to lav/less banditti who infested its environs, encouraged by the unbounded charities of the reigning prince. iSTor was this all. A famine and a pestilence soon made their appearance ; and to the sufierings of the people from these causes, the historian adds those arising from the ravages of a cannibal, who, in the usual phraseology of Oriental exao'iieration, he describes as a monstrous '•' demon" of extraordinary appearance and magnitude. Suchx a state of things could not continue for any length of time. Gothabhaya, impatient to become a king, and availing himself of the weakness of his friend, and the feebleness of his Government, plotted his 16 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, destruction. He collected an army from amongst the marauders that pillaged the country, and prepared for war. In the mean time the commotion of an insurrection reached the king's ears ; and he instantly left the city in diso-nise, abdicatino* the throne in favor of him who had been instrumental in placing him on it. But Gothabhaya was disliked by the people. Suspecting therefore the stability of his power so long as the people's favorite was suffered to remain in the country, he offered a reward for Sanghabodhi's head. At this time the latter was enjoying the solitude of an hei'mi- tage in Attanagalla in the Sina Korale of the Western Province, with the contemplation of exercising those religious duties, especially the Dana paramita (which includes the sacrifice of life,) in expectation of attain- ing to a Buddhaship. Mr. Turnour, who was probably indebted to the Kajavaliya for the matter in the following passage, (see Ceylon Almanac for 1834, p. 175) says, "Many heads, obtained by mui'der and assassination, had been produced before the usurper (Gothabhaya,) by persons who successively forfeited their own heads for the imposition they had attempted to practise. Siri Sanoabo hearing of these enormities, resolved to put an end to them by sacrificing his own life. In this frame of mind he met with a peasant who had fled from his home, horrified at the suggestion of his wife, of destroying the king. He revealed his distress to his disffuised sovereign, lu order tliat the reward aiiwht ATTAXAGALUVANSA. 17 be secured to this mau, the king avowed himself, and with his ov/n hand severed his head {iora his body." But the Attanagaluvansa omits the matters stated in the early part of this extract, and contradicts those given in its conclusion, especially as to the visit of the peasant having been originated by the suggestion of his wife ; and as to the pre-knowledge of Sanghabodhi re^ardino; the hi^h reward wdilch had been set on his head. All tliat the Attanagaluvansa authorizes us to state, is, that the king accidentally met a poor peasant travelling by his hermitage; and, whilst partaking with him las meal, heard the proceedings of his soi-dlsant friend. Heartily glad at tlie opportunity thus presented of carrying his designs into effect, viz., of 'propitiating' his own life, the ctfestruction of which he pi'ohibited in others, he requested the peasant to accept his head. The latter indignantly protested against being considered an assassin, or one capable of murder ; and declined the offer. But he was soon prevailed uj)on ; and the result was, that the king himself severed liis head from his body, and j^rescnted it to the traveller. On its being taken before Gotliabhaya it sprang up (as predicted by Sanghabodhi) into the air. and proclaimed to the suspecting king, that ' it was the identical licad of king Sanghabodhi.' The history then proceeds to narrate tlie events connected with the death of Sanghabolhi's queen in the same forest in which the king's corpse was found ; and the cremation of the royal couple with that pomp and grandeur to which their high station entitled D 18 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. them. Then follows a narrative of the erection of monumental and religious edifices by Gothabhaya, upon the spot where Sanghabodhi had perislied : and the history concludes with the high munificent attentions v/hich they had received from successive Sovereigns by way of maintaining the Temple of Attanagalla, from whence the appellation of this little history is derived. The reader is doubtless aware of the loc;ility indi- cated by the name of Attanagalla. It is a village in the Sina Korale, in the Western Province, and its delightful scenery, as it presents itself in passing from the Maritime Province into the Kandyan country, is but imperfectly described in the record before us. " There," says Forbes,* " the Imbuland Muruta trees, covered with scarlet and pink flowers, or the blaze of Avhite blossoms on the Nagaha trees, form a beautiful variety to the heavy green of continuous forests ; and cocoanut-trees are only seen in plume-like tufts near villages, of which they are the valuable ornament and certain index." In the seventh chapter of the work under notice is found a graphic description of the Forest as it stood many centuries ago. The picture is indeed nnt over- drawn. When, some years ago, I visited th.is part of the country, my eyes rested on a scene which I could not soon or easily forget. Its greatest attraction was the stately Forest. Whilst I stood amazed at the pro- Eleven Years in Ceylon, vol. i. p. ATTANAGALUYANSA. 19 dicious hei'^lit to which the trees ha.l oTown, straio'ht from the ground, the eye lingered with delight on the ?' pillared shades," thick with their dense green foliage, and laden "with their pendent fruits and lowers." The Figs and the Palms which grew up together reminded me of the Cocoa-nut and the Bread-fruit which rose, as it were, in love's embrace in the south-v/est coast of Ceylon. The Talipot, the Na, the Sapan, the Hedawaka, the Ketakala, the Del, the Milila, the Godapara, (not to mention other timber-trees enume- rated in the text), were all here seen sIde-by-side with the Katu-imbul, the Goraka, the Veralu, the Kaju, the Erabadu, etc, etc. There were also climbing plants in endless variety, lUie Pota, the Kirindi, the Kiritilla, and the Kiri-anguna* entwined them- selves /ound the trunks as they clambered up in search of liofht. The ferns and the orchids, which thrived luxuriantly in the hollows of old trees, waving their brilliant foliage, seemed as if they were the cultivation of some nymph of the forest. Nothing could exceed the beauty of the flowing tresses of the Hcdaya, of * Speaking of tliis plant \_Giimnema lactiferum] Sir Emerson Tennent, says "it is a creeper used medicinally by the Natives, but nevc7- as an article o//oofZ."— History of Ceylon, vol. i. p. 102. This is an error. It is a pot-herb commonly used by all classes of the Si^ihalese. There are few places in the Western Province where it is not cultivated. The 1'emple premises contain a beautiful creeper ; and the writer sees, just as he is now writing, another in his own town residence. 20 DESCIiirTIVE CATALOGUE. Avliich two species were met within the cold and mossj clefts of trees that never saw the light of the sun. Under the shade grew the Vana-Raja. Revelling in the rich and luxurious vegetable mould, which lay several feet thick, this dwarf " King of the Forest" spi'ead out its leaves, " the most exquisitely formed in the vegetable kingdom, and whose colour resembles dark velvet approaching to black, and reticulated over all the surface with veins of ruddy gold."* It is diffi- cnlt to realize the beauty of the distant landscape along the streams and marshes of the forest. The graceful Bambu was surrounded by the magnificent Asoka. The pale azure of the Sal, which deeply contrasted with the burnished green of tlie delicately tinted foliage of the Siarabahi on tli# hillocks, and both with the deep emerald brushwood below, — waved over the Gloriosa Superba (Xiagala), wliose matchless flowers festooned the adjacent heaps of verdure; whilst the Muruta overshadowed the Bandura, which grew luxuriantly beneath the pink-clad branches of the former. Nothing, again, could surpass either the splendour of the flowers, or the beauty of the leaves. Some of the latter by themselves exhibited the hues of the former. The scarlet shoots of the Na, for instance, vied in beauty with the gorgeous flowers of the Katu-imbul, the pink clusters of the IN'Iuruta with the ripe leaves of the * Sir James E. Tennent, from whom 1 quote the above descrip- tion, calls it " a terrestrial orchid (the AncedocMlus seiacenH.)" — See liis History of Cevlon, vol. i. p. 103. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 21 Kottamba, the pale yellow C'hampac with the tawny Veralu, and the snow-v/hite blossoms of the Idcla with the tender buds of the Musseuda.* Such were the charms with Avb.ich the Forest \\^s invested six-and-twenty years ago, as I beheld it at the confluence of the Levano'am and tlie Hulo'am becks, which converging into one rivulet, take a westerly direction near this forest, from whence it is called the Attanagalu Oya. My second visit vras not manv months ale. Here is to be seen the foundation of the five-storied structure originally erected by Upatissa (cap. x. § 3), and subsequently rebuilt and altered by Moggallana into one of three stories. At })resent, it is a square building, 54x44 feet, with four neat porches, facing the cardinal points. Of the ancient granite pillars, upon which the oi'iginal structure of five-stories was built, and of which up- Avards of one hundred existed 26 years ago, there are only IG now left, each nine feet higli On the soutli of this hill is a large irregular building, probably patched up fi*om time to time, but containing ample evidence of its former splendour. This is used as a residence of one of the two fraternities of priests, amongst whom the establishment is now divided, "Walpola Indrajoti being the chief over botli. Leaving this, and proceeding Avestvvard, the traveller has again to ascend a flight of 73 steps, 36 feet in height. Here nothing attracts his attention more prominently than the granite slabs that lie scattered on either siiie. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 25 exhibitiniij f^iint traces of the skill of the Sinhalese sculptor. Inscriptions are also found, but tliey are so defaced and decayed that one cannot learn from them anything beyond the fact that they once bore some Deva Nagara characters. When once you get upon the topmost terrace, tlie most remax'kable nf the buildings is the " Kotunda," built by Gothabhaya. (cap. ix, § 6). This is 1.08 feet in circumference, and is most substantially built, with a broad foundation rising about 3| feet from the ground, of entirely large slabs of hewn granite. It has four porches for en- trances; and the roof, which contains two stories covered with flat tiles, rests upon two rows of granite pillars, — the top story in the centre on eight granite pillars, occupying an area of about 250 feet, and the lower story upon IG similar pillars, which are fixed close to the round wall. Both the roof as well as the walls are beautifully painted in the style peculiar to Buddhists, embellished with statues, pictures of the Devas, etc.. The Thupa which was originally built by Gotlnihhaya, (cap. ix, § 7), and subsequently restored by Parakkama, after its destruction by our intestine foes (cap. xi. § 3), and of which so much has been written in the history before us, occupies the centre. It is a neat structure of bricks, surmounted with a silver-gilt pinnacle, and reaches the roof wdiich is intended as a canopy for the same. (cap. ix. § 7.) Outside these pillars and facing the four doors, are four images of Buddlia, in a sitting posture, enclosed in neat glass cases. One of the statues is of granite; B 26 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. but the liead, Avhicli was destroyed by some fanatics, has been since restored. In close proximity to this sacred building is the rocky pool, near which Sangha- bodhi met the poor traveller ; (cap. viii. §1). Its sides are found scarped and polished, and the crevices and holes neatly filled up with granite. It contains a plantation of the Lotus; and our attendant, the High Priest of the Temple, pointed out to us a healthy bush of corn, which he would have us believe never ceased to live. 'This, Sir,' said he, with great self-satisfac- tion, 'is the plant produced from the Ma-vi-iice, thrown by Siri Sangabo at the time he partook of the traveller's hospitality. This never ceases to exist, when one withers, another shoots up.' 'Yes, of course,' said I, promptly, 'if you don't reap the corn it is sure to drop down and shoot ao;ain.' The Priest would not under- stand the solution of the mystery, nor did he seem to relish the explanation. I was not therefore over- anxious to ridicule a notion, perhaps honestly enter- tained, by one who paid me much attention, and who treated me with great courtesy. I therefore changed the subject of our conversation, and he took us to another side and pointed out to us an outline of a head and two feet — emblems engraved on the rock. ' This,' he declared, 'was the identical spot whei'e the old king- cut off his head. These marks were of course made in subsequent times to preserve the tradition respecting the spot.' We then inspected a large granite slab 2x8 feet, standing in the centre of the compound and con- taining traces of an inscription, defaced by atmospheric ATTANAGALUVANSA. 27 influences. This is probably tbe one erected by Patiraja and mentioned in the Mahavansa. After an unsnccess- ■ful attempt to decipher even a word of this inscription, we proceeded to the Bauddha-house, which is close to the rocky pool. Here too desolation and ruin reigned supreme : tlie figures and images Avere all partially broken, — and even the granite images of Buddha mentioned at cap. xi. § 10, had wholly disappeared. We next insj^ected a little Devala, a very modern structure. There was nothing remarkable about it, except some drawings on its walls, which were pointed out to us as the portraits of Sir Edward Barnes, and the late Abraham De Saram, Esq., Second Maha Mudliyar — representations, which, though rude and unfaithful, yet exhibited the genuine feeling of gratitude, respect, and esteem felt for two of the greatest statesmen of the times in Avhich the Temple was repaired. Casting a glance at the stately Bo which occupies a corner of the terrace, and which was stated to have been a branch of the sacred Bo at Anuradhapura, we descended a flight of steps on the south of this elevation, and proceeded to the adjacent rocks, which, tradition aflSrms, King SanMiabodhi selected for his hermitage. They consisted of two large granite boulders, one over-hanijin!>- the other and the ground below, so as-to render it a secure habitation, free from sun and rain. It almost realized to the mind Shakspeare's description of the — ' ballon 'd, oloomy cave, ■with moss o'ergrovrn, The temple join'd of Nature's pumice stone.' 28 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Thouoh not so laroe as the rocks of Aluvlliura at Matale, and though, as in the latter, no 'antique images by priests were kept, And wooden deities securely slept;' yet there was trie sameness of appearance in the forma- tion of a cave by the overhanging brow of a granite boulder which had been precipitated from the rocks above. Except this, there was little to see here beyond the sleeping apartments of another section df priests belonging to the establishment, and the surrounding vegetation, consisting cliiefly of the Kancru, planted for the sake of its flowers. We then proceeded to partake of the kind hospitality of the Mudliyar of the district; but, before quitting the premises, there was one other spot which I desired to see, it was the Vidhava Vana (see IS'ote 4, cap. ix.) The surprise of the priests was great, when I asked them to show me this place. They seemed to wonder how I had known the name; and from this and other circum- stances, I concluded that they v/ere not conversant with the Attanagaluvansa. They took me a little distance and pointed in the direction of a paddy field called Kanavenduma, bearing in the vernacular Sinhalese the same sense as the name given to it in the Pali work, and its Sinhalese translation. This is the spot, as the reader is aware, where the Queen of Saiighabodhi rested; and on inquiry, with a view to test the accuracy of the descrip-r tions in the history before us, I ascertained that during heavy rains the suiTounding country still exhibited ATT ANAGALUV ANSA. 29 white sandy spots, on one of wliich, close upon a "blooming shrubbery," the Queen is stated to have spent the night before her death. — Cap. ix. § 1. To return to Attanagaluvansa. It will be observed, that in t no dates are given either as to the number of years which Sanghabodhi reigned, or the year on Avhich he ascended the throne. According to the Mahavansa, he Avas crowned in A. D. 246, and he reigned only two years. The Dipavansa bears out Mahanama, in the following stanza — Sanghabodhi' ti namena raja asi su-silava Dve vassaneva so raja rajjan karesi khattiyo. That is to say : ' There was a highly religious king named Sanghabodhi : the same, who was a Khattiya reigned only two years.' There is nothing, therefore, in the Attanao-aluvansa to induce us to doubt the correctness of Mahanama's figures. On the contrary there is much in it which confirms the facts given in the ]Mahavansa. Yet, it would seem from one of the Mihintala inscriptions, that the reign of Sanghabodhi had extended to more than sixteen years.* Kext to the historical and political considerations which are suggested by the Attanagaluvansa, the religion which it presents to the reader in one of its most engaging phases, — indeed in that in which its greatest superiority is boasted of, and maintained by its adherents, viz., its moral code, may not be devoid of interest. * For a reconciliation of these conflicting statements, see Atta- nagaluvansa, p. ci. et seq. 30 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 'Not less interesting is it in other respects. ' The objects,' says Professor H. II. Wilson, ' for which an ancient dialect may be studied, are its philology and its literature, or the arts and sciences, the notions and manners, the history and belief of the people by whom it was spoken.'* Many of these objects may indeed be attained to no mean degree by a study of this historical novel. It is reckoned by our learned Pandits as one of the best Pali Avorks which can ensrage the attention of the beginner. Though more artificial than the style of the Pitakas, it is by no means inferior to many other works such as Buddha- ghosa's Atthakatha, Milindappanna, etc. It even excels in its diction the Mahavarisa, the Dipavansa, the Rasavahini, etc. Its language is generally intellio-ible, and, altogether, elegant. It is the first Pali work which is read in many of the Buddhist Monasteries of this Island, with a view to illustrate grammatical forms ; and there is scarcely a book more calculated to assist the Pali scholar, or one which better delineates the manners and feelings of the Sinhalese, or more largely draws its illustrations from the Institutions, Usages, Arts, and Sciences wliich prevailed among them in ancient times. Here is a specimen from cap. vii. §§ 1 — 3. Cap. vii. Atha kadachi Vassadhikatdnan devatanan pama- dena avaggaho paturahosi. — Pr. Wilson's Hindu Plays, vol. i. p. ix. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 31 Nicliigha vegena ravi patiipi Unhiibhi tatto pavano kharo cha Janiture'va 'sisira dhariiclia Pivinsu te sabbadhi sabbama'mbun. Antobhu sunliena vipachcliamaua Sauissanambho bliarite'va chati Tibbatapakkanta vanantarajl Rutakula khavati chirikauan. Vassanakale'pi pablia kavassa Patapasanttipita m'antalikkban Samachitan panclara varidehi Sacbandanalepa ra'iva'ti rocbi. 'At this time, through the neglect of tlie divinities presiding over rain, there was a drought. By reason thereof a scorching sun, a hot burning atmosphere, and a dry earth, — these three, like those affected by fever, had imbibed all the moisture in all parts. The beautiful forest scorched by the sun, and filled witli the cry of crickets, seemed as it were a bason filled with hissing water, boiling with great heat. The (expanse of the) sky, hot with the burning sun, Avas brightened, even in the rainy season, with masses of white clouds, as if it were anointed with (the powder of the) Sandal.' With a view, however, to render this work interest- ing to the ffeneral reader, as well as to the Oriental scholar, tlie writer has lately published a translation 32 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. of this v,-ork into English, the text itself is at the fame time printed in the Sinhalese character.* It may be here convenient to determine the date of this work. Tradition affirms that it was written in the reign of Parakkama III., the celebrated patron of men and letters in the 13th century, (1266 — 1301 A. D.) Both internal and external evidence support this belief. Its style is not incompatible with that of other works of the same date. The events, too, which it records are brought down to the end of this prince's reign ; and it is remarkable that the writer, after recordiiifr the various works which Parakkama had executed in connection with the Temple of Attana- galla, abruptly concludes the history, by expressing a fond hope that the annals of Attanagalla from thence- forth might be continued by future historians. "If hereafter any pious (persons), by way of repairing that which is dilapidated, or adding any thing new to it, or of making a provision of offerings (for it), such as fields, etc., shall maintain this temple, let them, record in continuation their names as well as their acts." Although the above is not conclusive proof of this work having been written at the date to which the events it records are brought down, yet it may be * I'his is the more to be regretted, as an earnest hope is entertained bjr i'roiessor Weber, in his elaborate Review of Kachchayana's Tk\i Grammar printed in his Bihliographische Anzeigf-.n, tliat the Translator should 'use only the Roman character,' since 'the Siohalese letters are difficult to read and cause needless trouble.' ATTANAGALUVANSA. 33 safely inferred that a work which implies the prior existence of Parakkama III., was written during, or subsequent to, the reign of that prince ; and how far posterior may be conjectured from another fact, namely, that the self-same work was translated into the Sinhalese durino- the reiun of Buvaneka- bahu in 1304 Saka, or 1382 A. D., answering, according to the chronological tables of Mr. Turnour, to the 4th year of the reign of Buvanekabahu IV. of Gampola. The Anomadassi mentioned in the Sinhalese version is also named in the original Pali version ; and the followino- extract from the Mahawansa contains the reasons for the belief o-enerallv entertained that he was identical with the priest of that name, to whom the Temple of Attanagalla was bestowed by Parakkama Bahu. Tato gantviina so Hattha-vanagalla Viluirakan Rafiiiii vutta niyamena katvii bahu dhanabbayan Kaiapetvaua piisadan tuuga singan tibhiimakaa Anomadassi namassa malia samissa dhimato Tail datvaiia tato tassa maliaraja niyogato Dauavattampi kappetvii Sila lekhanakarayi. ' He (Patirajadeva), having gone from thence (Adam's Peak) to the monastery of Hattha-vanagalla, and having, pursuant to the ordei's of the King, expended large sums of money, built a lofty mansion of three stories. Offering it to the erudite and venerable Lord named Anomadassi, and establishing, according to royal p 34 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. command, a continuous bestowal of alms for him, he put up a stone Inscription.'* According to the above record and the tenor of other passages in the Mahawansa, the Attanagaluvansa must have been written, as is generally believed, by a pupil of Anomadassi during the latter part of the reign of Parakkama, when that monarch had retired from the active labours of his life by entrusting the Government to Wijayabahu. Professor Weber of Berlin in a Review f of this work, says: " If this Temple-iegend be compared with similar works of the kind — tlie so-called Mahaturya found amongst the Brahmans, — a difference greatly in favour of the Buddhist legend will become ajiparent. Instead of the wonderful tales of gods and heroes of the Puranas, we here possess a sober narrative, which indeed, thouo-h not altogether free from some conflict- ing mythical exaggeration [who could expect such a thing!] is nevertheless very evidently, and possibly faithfully, related to the truth. "| Having noticed the Pali work, a brief notice of its Sinhalese Version may not be out of place here. It was written in loOl, A. D., and the modesty of the writer has prevented the publication of his name. His language however * This Tablet is the one referred to ante, p. 27. t Litcrarisches Centralblott. July 13, 18G7. + The printed edition contains 43 octavo pages, and the Ola M.S. in the Temple at relmaduUa has 36 pages of U feet in length, with 7 lines to a page, closely written. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 35 Avould jiuthorize the inference that he was a Buddhist priest. The following Introduction will serve as a specimen of his language : — Svastipprasasta pravara dvijakula kamalavana rtiji- rajahansaya manavu Akshara Likhita Ganita Gandhar- va Nakshattra Chhandas Nighandu Alankara Salihotra Yantra Tantra Mantra Jyotigfiana Itihasa Puranadi sakalakalavanta kalanidhihu venivu Sutrabhi-dharma vinaya sankhyata Tripitaka buddha vachanayehi ano- madar.sivu Anomadarsinam sangha rajadhurandaravu maha-svamihu visin mehayanaladuva itihasa kathavaha purva-likhitayada assrayakota ptirvayehi Mtighadhika bhashaven rachanakaranalada Attanagaluvihara-van- sakkhyata Prabandhaya sri saka varshayen ekvadahas tunsiya sivu vasak pirunusanda, trisinhaladhisvara navaratnadhipati Bhuvanaikabahu Narendrayahata aggramattyavu sraddha buddhi sampanna ratnattraya saranaparayana asarana-sarana saranagata vajra panjara anavarata danahctuppranchikrita vividha vibhava sanchikrita Vanchi purappravara pavitrapurvagotraika kalapprabhuta chandra surya mandala yugalayamanavu Srilankadhisvara Alakesvarauam mantrisvarayananha mema mantrisvarayanauta saliodaravu — ' Parandri sahodara ' — y anadi anekapprakara viruda vali eti svartha parartha karana pravina ishtartha prasavaya kirimen arthijana manoratha piiranayehi atyarthayen arthivu Ai'thanayakanam Mantrisvarayanan hii dedenage karunii kataksha nirikshanayen susanrakshitamadhura- tara kusalaphala bharita taruna vrikshayamanavii parasattru kunjara nikara nirakaranayehi pravina 36 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. sinhayamaiiavu Satru Sinha Kunjarabhi dhana senana- yaka pradhanihii visin ijotrujanayage sukhava-bodhaya pinisa svakiya Sinhala bhashaven pravartitavuvabot yebekeyi ai'adhitava sastrarambhayelii isbta deva- ta'radhanava sandaba purva katti'invisln varnitavti snehuttajiiya hadayd mala mallikaya — yanadi pratbama gatbavebi patam artba katbanaya karamu. ' Patronized by tbe glance-of- support of two descend- ants of tbe ancient, iUustrious, and pure family of tbe city of Vancbi,* like unto tbe sun and moon manifested at one and tbe same time, viz., (one) named Alakesvara — tbe Prime minister of Buvanukababu king of tbe three-divisioned Sinhala, and lord over tbe nine treasures,! — a Cbieftain of Lanka, wbo is possessed of faitb and wisdom, and is dependent entirely on tbe protection of tbe tbree gems ',% wbo belps tbe weak, and is a mine [cage] of diamond to tbe needy ; and, wbo, by reason of bis unceasing munificence, bas accu- mulated and increased great wealtb: — and [tbe otber] his brotber. Minister Artbanayaka, tbe object of tbe hymns of praise, such as 'Paranari Sabodara':j:J etc., * This is not known, and cannot now be identified. Probably it was a renowned city in India. f All precious gems found in tbe island were anciently the property of the sovereign, and hence the allusion to his being " the lord over the treasures," (lit. 'gems '), of which there are nine kinds. \ "Buddha," "the Priesthood" and "the sacred writings" are meant by " the three gems." \\ Lit. ' A brother to others' wives,' etc. ATTANAGALUVANSA. 37 who is unceasing in doing himself and others good, and who ever longs to satisfy the desires of mendicants by giving away the desired objects: — and, invited by the Chief General of the Forces named Satru Sinha Kunjara, who is like unto a young tree laden with the fruits of his delectable* fortune, and an experienced lion to subdue the elephants of foreign enemies ; and Avho intimated the propriety of perpetuating [the Pali Attanagaluvansa] in the native Sinhalese language, with a view to render it easy of comprehension to the (learner) student: — we, at the lapse of 1304 years after the Saka era, paraphrase, commencing from Snelmttardya hadaya mala malUhdya ,&iQ. ,i\\& first gatha uttered by its author, in adoration of tlie deity of his own Faith in his literary introduction to the Attanagalu- Viharavansa, which was in aforetime composed in the Magadhi language upon the basis of ancient writings and traditions, and under the auspices of His Lordship Sanga Raja Anomadassi, a very Royal-Hansa to a mass of Lotusesf of the supremely venerable Brahaman race, and who fas his name signifies) is 'highly educated' in the Tripitaka word of Buddha, consisting of the * I have used this word as the nearest that can be employed to express the original, which conveys the quality of the ' fruit' as well as of ' fortune '; — one ' sweet ' and the other ' pleasing, ' •f Lit. 'Lotus -massy-line.' This may not be a correct English expression. It is however an elegant Oriental metaphor. As the Kansas or cranes are supposed to dwell in lotus fields, here the writer compares the object of his jjraise to a ' Hansa, ' and his lin- eage to a " long-row of Lotuses growing in masses." 38 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Sutra Vinaya and Abhiclharma (sections), and which (moreover), like unto Kalanidhi* (moon) is -accomplished in all practical and mechanical arts and sciences (such as) Akshara, Likhita, Ganita, Gandharva, Nakshattra, Chhandas, Nighandu, Alankara, Sali- hotra, Yantra, Tantra, Mantra, Jyotigiiana, Itihasa, Parana,! ^tc. The lancuafye of this translation will firlve the reader but a very imperfect idea of the elegance of the style of the original. The collocation of the different parts of the above, which, contains but one sentence, and which in the Sinhalese may be pronounced to be ex- ceedingly beavitiful, is however such as to render its translation into English very difficult. Just before each name there are a number of complimentary epithets and metaphors adjectively used, which, as the reader will perceive, when rendered into English, * This word is Kalinidi in my copy. It is probably Kala-nidi or 'moon.' As the moon is supposed to be filled with ambrosia, so the object of the writer's comparison is said to be accomplished m the (kala) arts and sciences. f Akshara may be translated 'letters,' Likhita 'writing,' Ganita 'calculations or arithmetic,' Gandharva ' music, dancing, ' Nak- sattra 's-jience of asterisms or astrology,' Chhandas 'prosody,' Nighandu 'philology,' Alankara 'rhetoric,' Salihotra ' Ferriery,' Yantra 'science of diagrams' for equinoxes, etc., Tantra 'science of medicine, etc' [This is used to signify difierent arts — such as Nyaya ' philosophy,' Yoga 'meditation,* jugglery, etc.] Mantra 'charms,' Jyotignana 'asti'onomy,' Itihasa 'ancient legends — such as Maha Bhdrata, etc' Pm-ana ' ancient history.' kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 39 suspeuds the sense between the several members of that sentence. Thongh the translator calls it a 'paraphrase'; yet the wurk is a free translation, with but few errors, and those of not much consequence. This translation is also now being printed with the original, and will soon be published. The M.S. ola copy contains 72^ pages of 15 inches x2^, with 7 lines to a page. Kachcha'yana-Pa'li Grammar, is a very ancient Pali Grammar, and is held by Buddhists in the same high estimation that Piinini is by the Brahmans. It is to be found in nearly all the Buddhist Monasteries in Ceylon, although the learned translator of the IMahawansa states, in his Introduction, that it is no lono-er extant in this island. The writer of this notice has lately published a translation of a portion of this Grammar; and the Rev. F. Mason of the Baptist Mission has made a com- pendium of the entire work, on the model of European Grammars. This Grammar is divided into eight books. The first treats on "Combination," the second on "Declension,"' the third on " Syntax," the fourth on " Compounds," the fifth on (Tadhita) "nominal Derivatives," the sixth on " Verb.'^,"' the seventh on (Kitaka) "verbal deriva- tives," and the eis-hth on " Unnadi Affixes," 40 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. These are found siibdividecl into Chapters or Sec- tions. But, all the aphorisms do not exceed six hundred and eighty seven.* The following extract embraces the writer's introductory remarks, together with the firt^t Section of his Grammar : — Setthan tiloka maliitan abhivandi yaggan Buddhan cha dhamma' mamalaa gana' mutta mancha Satthussa tassa vaclxanattha varan suboddhun Vakkhiiini sutta hita' mettlia su Sandhikappan. Seyjan Jinerita nayena budha labhanti Tancha'pi tassa vachanattha subodhauena At than cba akkhara padesu amoha bhavti Seyyatthiko pada'mato vividhan suneyya. 'Having reverentially bowed down to the supreme chief Buddha adored by the three worlds, and also to the pure dhamma, and the illustrious priesthood ; I now celebratef the (pure) Sandhikappa in accordance with the Suttas, to the end that the deep import of that teacher's words may be easily comprehended.' ' The wise attain to supreme (bliss) by conforming (themselves) to the teachings of Buddha. That (is the * Satti'i sifciittara Sutta chha sata' sun pamanato=G87 Suttans. f Vakkhdini "I utter" — The true import of this word, taken in connection witli the aUcgation that ' Kachchayana published (pakasesi) his Grammar in the midst of the priesthood,' may lead to the inference that it had at first only a memorial existence. This Introduction may therefore belong, consistently with tradition, to the compiler who reduced the aphorisms into writing. KACHCHA'TAjSrA PA'LI GRAMMAE. 41 result) of p. correct acqiiaiutance with the import of his word. The sense, too, (is learnt) hy a [non-igno- rance] knowledge of characters and words. Wherefore, let hiin who aims at that highest felicity hear the various verbal forms.' Lib. I. Section 1. 1 . Attlio aklihara sannato. The sense is known by letters. 2. Akkliani piiilnjo eka cliattalisan. The letters, a &c., are forty one.* 3. Tatth'odanta sara attha. Of ihese the eight ending with o are vowels. 4. Lahumatta tayo rassa. The three light-measured (are) short. 5. Anne dighti. The others, (are) long. 6. Sesa byanjana. The rest are consonants. 7. \'agg:i panchapanchaso mauta. Each (set of) five to the end of m (constitutes) a class. 8. Au iti niggahitan. This n f is a dependent. * Moggnlluyana disputes the correctness of this Suttan, and says, that the Pali alphabet contains forty-three ciiaractcrs, inchiding the short e (epsih)n) and o (oniicron.) The Sinhalese Alphabet, which is nearly as old as the Sinhalese nation, also omits these. This is evidence of that lanijjuaoje being derived from the Pali. f The anusvura. G 42 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Para samanna payoge.* Other's names in composition. 1 0. Pubbam'adho-tliitam' assaran sarena viyojaye. Let the Lastf consonant in the first (word) be sepa- rated from (its inherent) vowel 4 Such is the sententious brevity with which the Kules in Kachchayana's Grammar are expressed. The author adopts three modes of explaining them. First, Vuttiya or Vartikas, comments to supply the defi- ciencies in the Suttas, and to render them clear; secondly, examples ; and thirdly, explanatory notes on some of the principal grammatical terms, in the shape of questions and answers. To these again are occa- sionally added, a note to mark the exceptions to the Rule. In the examples, mention is made of several of the places and towns which were rendered sacred by the abode of Gotama, such as Savatti, Patali, * Names or technical terms. t Adhu-thitam " that which stands below [after such separa- tion.] " Tlic word below must however be understood to mean preceding; for in composition, which Eastern writers regard as a tree from bottom to top, the first-written character is considered as being at the bottom or below the rest. X There is some confusion, as remarked by Professor 'Weber, ill the translation of this Sutta in my Introduction (p. xvii,) It is here rendered plainer — 'Let the last consonant in the first (woi'd) be separated from (its inherent) vowel.' e. g. Take loha and agga. Here ka is the last consonant in the first word. When li is separated from its inherent vowel, say we get Ink — a -{-agga. ThcQ by the rule sard sure lopam we obtain loJi-agga ; and by the rule naye param yuttc, — loKagga. kaciicha'yana ta'li grammar. 43 Baranasi, &c. There is also mucli correspondence between the Paninya Sutras and those given in Kach- chayana. e. (j: — J. ApiuUiiie panchami — Pdrdni III, 4, 52. Apdddne jyanchami — Kachchdyana. So likewise : — 2. Bhiivtidayo clhiitavab. I. 3, 1. Bliuvddayo dhdtavo. 3. Kulatlhvano ratyaiita sauyoge. II. 3, 5. Kdladdhdna machchanta sanyogc. 4. Kartari krit. III. 4, 6. Kattari kit. 5. Asmadyuttamali. I. 4, 107. Amhe nttamo. Again, the text of Ptinini is altered to meet the exigencies of the Pali Grammar, thus; 6. Tinas trini trini pratliama madhyamottamah Dve dvepailiama majjhimnttmna puri$d. [1. 4, 101 . Tradition with one voice represents that the whole of the aphorisms were written by one and the same person; viz., SarijDutta Maha Kachchayana. From their language, the aphorisms appear to have been written in very ancient times. In the commentary on the Riipasiddhi, we find the following distinct and important particulars regarding Kachchayana. "Kachchayano signifies the son of Kachcho. The said Kachcho was the first individual (who assumed that name as a patronymic) in that family. All who arc descended from that stock are, by birth, Kachchayana. 44 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. "(If I am asked) who is this Kachchayano? Whence his name Kachchayano ? (I answer), It is he who was selected for the important office ("of compiling the first Pali Grammar, by Buddho himself; who said on that occasion): 'Bikkhus, from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are capable of elucidating in detail that which is expressed in the abstract, the most eminent is this Mahakachchayano.' *' Bhagava (Buddho) seated in the midst of the four classes of devotees, of which his congregation was composed (viz., priests and priestesses, male and female ascetics:) — opening his sacred mouth, like unto a flower expanding under the genial influence of Surio's rays, and pouring forth a stream of eloquence like unto that of Brahmo — said: 'My disciples! the profoundly wise Sariputto is competent to spread abroad the tidings of the wisdom (contained in my religion) by his having proclaimed of me that, — ' To define the bounds of his omniscience by a standard of measure, let the grains of sand in the Ganges be counted ; let the water in the great ocean be measured; let the particles of matter in the great earth be numbered'; as well as by his various other discourses. *'It has also been admitted that, excepting the saviour of the world, there are no others in existence whose wisdom is equal to one- sixteenth part of the profundity of Sariputto, By the Acharayos also the wisdom of Sariputto has been celebrated. Moreover, while the other great disciples also, who had overcome the dominion of sin and attained the four gifts of kachcha'yana pa^li grammar. 45 sanctification were yet living ; lie (Buddlio) allotted, from amongst those who were capable of illustrating the word of Tbathagato, thio important task to me, — in the same manner that a Chakkawatti raja confers on an eldest son, who is capable of sustaining the weight of empire, the office of Parinayako. I must therefore render unto Thathagato a service equivalent to the honor conferred. Bhagava has assigned to me a most worthy commission. Let me place implicit faith In whatever Bhagava has vouchsafed to propound. '•'This being achieved, men of various nations and tongues, rejecting the dialects which had become con- fused by its disorderly mixture with the Sanscrit and other languages, will, with facility acquire, by confor- mity to the rules of grammar propounded by Tathagato, the knowledge of the word of Buddlio: ' Thus the Thero Mahii Kachchayano, who is here (in this work) called simply Kachchayano, setting forth his qualifica- tion; pursuant to the declaration of Buddlio, that * sense is represented by letters/ composed the gram- matical work called Niruttipitako."* Mahavansa, p. xxvii. Before I notice some of the oljjections urged against the above tradition, it may perhaps be convenient to * "Another name for the Riqiasiddhi."— In the above note Turnour identifies Rupasiddhi Avith Niruttipitaka. But, it would seem that the latter is an original work of Maha Kachchayaua, different from his Grammar, and different also from his theological work entitled the Nettipakaraua. See Kachehayana Vannana. 46 DESCIIIPTIVE CATALOGUE. refer to the various other Pali writers who have given it the sanction of their high authority. Kachchayana commences his work, as we have ah-eady seen, with Attho akkliara safihato ; and it has ah'eady been shewn from the passage quoted by Turnour, that that Suttan was declared by Buddha hnnself. This is more clearly stated as follows in the Sutta Niddesa. Attho akkhara saiinato-ti adi maha; idan suttan kena vuttan ? Bhao'awata vuttan. Kada vuttanti — Yama Uppaia uamaka dve Brahmana khaya-vaya kammattha- uan gahetva gachchhanta Nadi-tire Khaya-vayanti kammatthane kariyamane eko udako machchan gan- hitun charantan bakan disva, udaka bakoti vicharati. Eko ghate patan disva ghata pato ti vicharati. Tada Bliagava obhasan munchitva attho akkhara sanfiato-ti vakyan thapesi. Tesan cha Kammatthanan patitthahi. Tasma Bhagavata vuttanti vuchchati. Tanfiatv^ maha Kachchano Bhagavantan yachitva Himavantan gantva Mano-sila tale dakkhina disabhagan sisau katva puratthima disabhimukho hutva attho akkhara sannato-tiadikan Kachchayana pakaranan rachi. *It is said that 'sense is represented by letters/ &c. By whom was this suttan declared ? It was laid down by Bhagava. (To explain) when it Avas declared: — Two Brahman (Priests) Yama and Uppaia, having learnt (from Gotama) the khaya-vaya branches of Kammatthanan,* went away ; and, whilst engaged in * Such studies as Abstract Meditation, &c., preparatory to the attainment of the paths leading to Nibbau. kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 47 abstract meditation, repeating 'khaya-vaya' on tlie banks of the Nadi, one of them saw a crane proceeding to catcli a fish in the water, and began muttering* udako bako, ' water-crane.' The other, seeing a ghate- patan, 'a cloth in a pot,' began muttering ghata-pato. At this time Bhagava by means of a light which he issued, declared the sentence, Attho akkhara safinato — *The sense is represented by letters.' Their Kam- matthanan was also effectual. VvHierefore it is said that this Suttan was declared by Bhagava. When Maha Kachcahyana learnt this, he proceeded with Bhagava's permission to Himavanta. lieclining in the Mano-sila region with his head towards the south, and facing the east, he composed the Kachchayana-pakarana, consist- ing of (the Suttans) attho akkhara saniiato, &c.' In the atthakatha to the Anguttara Nlkaya, ]\Iaha Kachchayana is spoken of ;t and the Tika to the same work contains further particulars, which are embodied in the following extract from The Kachciia'yaxa Vanjvana'. A'chariya pana lakkhana vutti udaharanasankhatan imau Kachchayana gandha pakaranan Kachchayanat- therena eva katanti vadanti. Teua aha eka nipata Antyuttara tikayan 'Maha Kachchayatatthero pubba patthami vasena Kachchyana pakaranan, Maha Nirutti pakaranan, Netti pakaranan, chati pakaranattayan sangha majjhe pakasesi. * Or nitlier ponderlnji oa vviiat be had observed. I Vide extract tliere-iroiu infra. 48 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. * Teachers say that this Kachchayana gandha paka- rana, which numbers hxkkhana (Rules), vutti (supple- mentary notes), and Udhaharana ( Examples), was composed by Kachchayana thera himself. Wherefore the Tika to tlie Anguttara of the Ekanipata says, 'the thera Maha Kachchayana, according to his previous aspirations, published in the midst of the priesthood the three compositions, viz. Kachchayana Pakarana, Maha iS'irutti Pakarana, and Netti Pakarana.' The literary qualifications of the tliera Kachchayana, seem to have been indeed such as to warrant the belief that he devoted his time to the elucidation of the language of Dhamma. He was, as is abundantly j)roved in the Pali Avorks, a distinguislied member of the Buddhist fraternity. He is also mentioned in the Tibetan Buddhistical Annals, as one of the disciples of Gotama; and it is expressly stated of him, that 'he recited the Sutra on emancipation in the vulgar dialect.' By 'the vulgar dialect,' Mons. De Koresi doubtless meant the language to which Colebrooke had previously given that appellation — the Magadhi. Gotama himself states that of all his pupils Maha Kachchayana was the most competent to elucidate his Dhamma. In the very language of the snge, which is here quoted from the Ekanipata of the AnguttaNikaya, — Etanao-oan Bikkhawe mama savakanan bikktinan sankhittcna bhasitassa vittharena atthan vibhajantanan, yadidan Maha Kachchano — 'Priests, he who is Maha Kachchayana is the chief of all the bikkhus, my pupils, who can minutely elucidate the sense of what is kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 49 concisely expressed.' That this supremacy refers both to tlie literary, and the theological attainments of Kachchayana appears from the following comment, which we extract from the Atthakatlia to the Anguttara Nikaya. Anne kira Tatagatassa sankhepa vachanan attha vasena va puritun sakkonti vyanjana vasena va; ayan pana thero ubhayenapi sakkoti : tasma aggo-ti vutto. 'Some are able to amplify the concise words of Tathagata either by means of letters, or by [shewing] their sense. But this thera can do so in both ways. He is therefore called the chief.' In the Nyasa or the Mukha-matta-dipani, which is supposed to be the earliest commentary on Kachcha- yana's Pali Grammar, and is, as may be proved, older than the liupasiddhi, the author of this Grammar is not only identified with the Kachchayana thera, whose 'intellectual supremacy was extolled by Buddha', but his memory is thus respected by an 'obeisance.' Kaelichayanan cha muni vannita buddhi-massa Kachchayauassa mukha matta mahau karissaii Parampara gata viiiichchaya nichchayan cha. 'Also (bowing down to) Kachchayana, whose in- tellectual attainments had been complimented by Buddha, I shall comment upon the positive conclusions (Rules), Avhicli have been handed down by tradition as the very oral (teachings)* of this Kachchayana.' * Mukliamatta 'the very (word of) mouth,' a term which does not necessarily imply the absence of writing. H 50 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. AVith reference to the name Kachchayana in the above extract, the following passage occurs in the Nirutti-sdra-Manjiisa, wherein also the Avriter acknowledges the consummate scholarship of the Grammarian. Kasi Kammadina vyaparena kachchati dippatiti Kachcho, thera pita tassa apachchan putto Kachcha- yano Neruttukanan pabliava bhuto pabhinna pati sambhido etadagga thane thapito khinasavatthere tan pana natvana. 'By reason of the occupation of ploughing, &c. [comes] Kachchati ' he shines.' Thence, Kachcho, (the name of) the thera's father. His son is Kachchayana — a thera, Avho was an arahanta, who was placed in the highest position, who had attained the patisam- bhida,* and who was the first cause (source) of all JSTeruttika, [Grammarians or] philologers.' Although it is stated! that Kachchayana was resi- dent at Avanti, the pachchanta or ' the foreign regions'^, it is however expressly stated that this Grammar was * See SivuplHsimbiy a in Cloiigh's Dictionary. Turnour has de- fined this to be 'the attainment of the four gifts of sanctifioation.' ■f- In the Chammakkhandaka section of tlie Maha Vagga. J Mr. Muir, in his Sanskrit texts, says that "the people whom Yaska designates Prachyas, or men of the East, must have been the Kitakas or the Magadhas, or the Angas, or the Vangas." — p. 371. In the Buddhist annals, however, the word Pachchanta is used to designate all the countries beyond the Majjhima desa, which is thus defined in the Maha Vagga: 'Here the Pachchanta are these countries. On the east [of JMajjliinia] is the market kaciiciia'yana pa'li grammar. 51 written in the Himavanta ; and, from the mention of the principal towns celebrated by the presence and abode of Gotama, and especially that which had risen from a small village to the importance of a populous city in the time of the sage, I mean Pataliputta,* it may be inferred the writer took for his examples such of the names as were then of recent celebrity. It must also be borne in mind, that although tradi- tion in one voice ascribes the authorship of the Pali Suttans in the Sandhikappa to Sariputta Maha Kach- chayana, yet that writers are divided in their belief as to the Vutti having been written by that distinguished hierarch of the Buddhist Church, as stated in the town called Kajangala, and on the west Malia Sala. Beyond them is the great country of Pachchanta, and this side of it is the Majjha. On the south-east is the river called Salalavati. Beyond it is the Pachchanta country, and this side of it the Majjlia. On the south is the town called Setakanni. Beyond it is the Pach- chanta country, and this side of it is the iSIajjha. On. the west is the Brahman village called Thuna. Beyond it is the Pachchanta country, and this side of it the Majjha. And on the north is the mountain called Usuraddhaja. Beyond it is the Pachchanta country, and this side of it is the JMajjha.' For the original of this see Childers' Khuddaka pdiha, p. 20. * It is stated in the Buddhist annals (see the first Banavara of the Parinibban Suttan) that this city, which in modern times has received the name of Patna, was built during the lifetime of Gotama, for the purpose of checking the Vajjians; and it is also stated that at the time it was built by Sunidha and Vassakara, two ministers of the reigning prince Ajatassatta, Gotama predicted its future opulence and grandeur, as Avell as its partial destruction by fire and water. 52 descriptive catalogue. Kachcha'yana Bheda Ti'ka'. The followino; extract from it contains the tradition as to Avho were the authors of the supplementary notes and examples in Kachchayana's Grammar. Teua'ha Kachchayana Dipaniyan. Sandhimhi eka paniiasan namamlii dvi satan bhave, Attha rasadhi kanchena karake pancha talisan ; Samiise attlia visan'cha dvasatthi Taddliite matan, Attha rasa satakkhyate kite sutta satan bhave ; Unnadimlii cha paniiasan neyyan sutta pabhedato ; — Sabbau sampin(la manantu cha sata sattati dvecha'...ti. Imani sutta sankhyani fiyase agata sutta sankhyahi nasamenti; kasmati che? pakkhepa suttan gahetv gananta dasadhika sata sata suttani honti. Imani suttani Maha Kachchayanena katani ; vutti cha Sangha- nandi sankhatena Maha Kachchayanen'eva kata — payogo Brahmadattena kato...ti. Vuttan ch'etan. "Kachchayana kato yogo vutti cha Sanghauandino, Payogo Brahmadattena ilyaso Vinialabuddhiiiii ". . - ti. *It is said in the Kachchayana Dipani — that the distribution of Suttani may be regarded (as follows. kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 53 viz. that) there are fifty one (Suttiini) in the (book which treats on) Combination ; two hundred and eighteen on Nouns; forty-five on Syntax; twenty- eight on Compounds; sixty-two on Nominal Deriva- tives; one hundred and eighteen on Verbs; one hundred on Verbal Derivatives; and fifty on Unnadi. The aggregate (number is) six hundred and seventy-two. ' These numbers of aphorisms do not correspond ■with the numbers aj^pearing in the Nyasa. To explain wherefore: By the computation of the interpolated aphorisms there are seven hundred and ten aphorisms. These aphorisms Avere composed by Mahd Kachclia- yana. The Vutti were made by Maha Kachchayana himselfj (who was also) called Sanghanandi ; — and the illustrations by Brahmadatta. So it is expressly stated — that 'The aphorisms were made by Kachchayana The Vutti by Sanghanandi* — The illustrations by Brahmadatta — And the nyasa by Vimahibuddhi.' To sum up all the evidence on the subject: In the first place, tradition asserts that the writer was Kach- chayana, one of Gotama Buddha's disciples. 2. It is * It will be observed, that the writers statement, that Sangha- nandi was identical with Maha Kachchayana, is not borne out by the authority quoted. From the distinct mention of different names for the authors of different parts, viz., the Grammar, its supplements, its notes, and its principal comment, the Nyasa; it would seem that Sanghanandi (also called Sankhanandi) was a person dillercnt from IMaha Kachchayana. 54 DESCUIPTIVE CATALOGUE. written in a very ancient stjle — that of the algebraic aphorisms of Ptinini. 3. The Rules laid down are adapted to a language, which was certainly more refined than the Magadhi of the third Ecumenical Convoca- tion, and therefore as the writer himself states, to the language of Buddha.* 4. The allusions to places, etc., in the examples are those which were rendered sacred by the abode of Gotama. Such are the facts and circumstances connected with the age and authorship of this Grammar, on which, without a thorough examination of tlie entire work, and unwilling to believe that so many writers have stated that which was not the fact, I was induced to uphold Tradition, and to support the same in my Introduction. But I was not over sanguine as to the correctness of my views. Even then I expressed the belief that future researches might enable me to adduce more satisfactory proof, which would tend materially to qualify the inferences and conclusions I had drawn. Later researches, I am happy to say, have consider- ably shaken them. Professor Weber of Berlin in his Review f of my work, above referred to, has also expressed " his disbelief in the identity of the author of this Grammar Avith * See my Notes in the Appendix to the Introduction of Kach- chayana. f See the Journal of German Oriental Society, vol. xix. p. 619. This Essay was translated into English and published in Pamphlet form by Williams and Norgale; and wherever reference is made to the Review in this work, it will be to tlic English Translation. KACHCHA'yAXA pa' LI GRAMMAR. 53 SEiri[)utta, on the ground of his extensive acquaintance Avith previous works on Grammar; of the highly sys- tematic arrangement he has adopted ; and of the want, in the older documents of the language, of the complete attano-pada forms which he recognises." Now, "the extensive acquaintance with previous works on Grammar " proves scarcely anything; since the age of many of them, for instance Panini, is not yet settled, and which I am still inclined to believe was ante-Buddhistical. JSeither is lucid arid systematic arrangement, especially in view of similar evidence of arransxement in the canonical works of Buddhism, an argument against this work, containing what one of the writers already quoted, says, 'the Kules which have been traditionally handed down as the very oral (teaciiing) of [Sariputta] Kachchayana.' Again, the paucity of attano-pada forms in the Buddhistical works signifies little or nothing in view of the fact that such forms are unquestionably found in the Tepitaka,* and that the Grammarian could never have intended to exhibit entirely obsolete forms. And it is very remarkable that the Grammar notices the fact of their gradual displacement by parassa-pada. But the learned Professor's conclusion may, however, be u})held on other grounds: and I am glad of the opportunity which the publication of this Catalogue affords me, not only to confirm those views, but also to set myself aright with the literary public by qualifying some of the opinions which I have previously expi^essed. * See examples given under the title of Tepitaka. 56 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. i. As remarked by the learned Professor I do not, any more than he does, place implicit reliance on Tradition, unless indeed the same is supported, and not contradicted, by coHateral circumstances. Now, supposing for the sake of argument, that this work was written — contrary to the testimony which tradition furnishes — in this island, and after the age of A soka, let us see if that supposition militates against inferences drawn in favour of my previous position. ii. "It is* written in an ancient style." Though this is a circumstance quite worthy of consideration along with other facts; yet by itself it throAvs no weight in the scale : since compositions of an un- doubtedly modern date, c. g. Riipasiddhi, etc., are found written in a similar style. The same remarks apply to the iii ground in support of my previous position — *' that the Rules laid down are adapted to the language of the Pitakas." Before, however, dismissing this part of the evidence, I may point out that the paucity of attano-pada forms, as remarked by Dr. AYeber, in "the sacred literature," does not militate against the belief I once entertained; and that the Grammar only shews what the sacred texts clearly prove, that when the latter came into existence, whether mentally or as a written composition, the attano-pada forms were being gradually superseded by parassa pada. Attanopadani parassapadattam. Kach. vi. 4. 37. But these forms, though sparingly, are to be found in the text"books of Buddhism. KACnCHA'YANA Pa'LI GRAM3IAR. 57 iv. ' From the mention of names rendered sacred by the abode of Gotama' no inferences can be drawn; since, as I have recently found, the name of "Devananpiya Tissa" (a king of Ceylon, the ally of Asoka, 307 B.C.) occurs in the follovv-ing extract from Book II. Sec. V. Sutta — Kisma' vo. Vutti — Kimicliche tasma vappachchayolioti Sattam- yattlie. Exam-pie — Kva gato'si tvan Devauan Piyatissa. S— 'Va' from 'Kin.' V — To this 'kin' is (added) the affix 'va' in a locative sense. E — O Devanan-piya Tissa I where was it that thou hast 2;one? It may however be urged on the other side, that though the Vutti and the Examples were, as a second tradition clearly states, by Sanghanandi and Brahma- datta; yet the Suttas themselves might have been by Maha Kachchayana, to whom tradition without excep- tion points at. In this view of the question it has also been pointed out to me by a friend, that the majority of writers on the subject attribute the Suttas olone to Maha Kachchayana. For instance, it is said, in the Sutta Niddesa {see ante, p. 47) that he "composed the Kachchdi/ana-pakarana, consisting of (the Suttans) attho ahkliara Sahudto etc.'" Hence it is quite clear, tliat upon the recent researches to which I have adverted, Kachchayana I 58 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. can only be looked upon as the author of the Suttas. This too appears to be very doubtful, according to the new lights which have been thrown upon this investi- gation, and to which I shall now proceed to advert. 1. A close and careful study of the oldest works on Buddhism has satisfied me of the correctness of my Pandit's remark, that the existence of the introductory stanzas in the Vasantatilaka metre justifies us to place this Grammar at a period long subsequent to the age of S^riputta Maha Kachchayana. It may be confidently asserted, that there are no such metres in the text books of Buddhism. An examination of all the poetic portions of the Pitakattaya thoroughly establishes the fact, that at the time it came into existence, no such Sanskrit metres were known. See }wst, under the head of Tepitaka. But it is suggested, that " though in point of fact tlie prefatory stanzas have been introduced by the compiler, yet the Suttas might have been, accord- ing to tradition, the work of Kachchayana," Neither does this appear to have been the case; for the Mukha- mattadipani, the oldest comment on this Grammar, refers to the words of the introductory stanzas as the very words of the Grammarian. I must not omit to state that Stiriputta Maha Kach- chayana is also mentioned in a Burman work called the Midamule, as the author of a Pali Grammar. The Rev. Francis Mason, in an article in the American Oriental Journal, vol, iv. p. 107, writes: "The Mula- mule opens with the statement that, when Gautama, soon after he attained the Buddhahood, preached to KACHCHA'yANA PA'lI GRA3IMAR. 59 his followers in Pali, they found it difficult to under- stand him; but one of them, the great Kachchayana, prepared a Pali Grammar, which enabled them to un- derstand his language with facility." This tradition is substantially the same that is current in Ceylon; and the fact here stated renders no assistance Avhatevcr in the investi2;ation before us ; since the mere existence of Kachchay ana's Grammar in Burma proves nothing. The best available evidence as to the introduction of Pali books and character into that country points at Ceylon; and the earliest period at which the same were taken to Pegu from Ceylon, was, according to the statement of P. Garpanus, on the authority of a Burman History called the Maharazoen, by Buddhagosa in the 940th year of their era, answer- ing to 307, A. D.* This, according to the authentic chronology of the Mahawansa, could not have been earlier than 432 A. D. Be that however as it may. We have clear evidence, as we shall hereafter shew, that Buddhagosa did not see Kachchay ana's Grammar; and it is thence clear that the work of Kachchayana, like the tradition as to its authorship, has been carried from Ceylon to Burma. Allowino; our conclusions to be thus far correct, there is indeed another view of the whole question. It is this — that, though, as we have already seen, the Grammar which goes by the designation of Kach- chdyana's Pali Grammar, and which is also extant in * See Essai sur le Pali, by Burnouf and Lassen, p. G2. 60 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Burma, Avas not entirely the work of Sariputta Maha Kachehayana, yet there is nothing in the evidence which we have examined to preclude, but many things to warrant, the belief — that a Grammar in point of fact was composed by him, and that it is either now entirely lost; or, having been partially deranged, was at a subsequent date reproduced by some one with the aid of Piinini and other Sanskrit Grammars, by adopting their terminology. Indeed I have already shewn* that some of the technical terms adopted in Kachchayana were bor- rowed from Sanskrit writers. Book \. Caf. 1. § 9. Paea SAMAnfiA' TAYOGE. Vutti — Ya cha pana Sakkata gandhesu Samanna gliosa ti va aghosa ti va ta payoge sati ettlia'pi yujjante. ' In composition other's terminology. Vutti — Such (grammatical) terms as are called ghosa (Sonants) or aghosa (Surds) in Sanskrit gandhas (or literary Avorks) are here adopted as exigency may require.' I have also shewn that though some of the aphorisms in Kachchayana, like portions of its terminology, were the same in Panini, yet others greatly differed; e.g. Panchami and Sattami, for the 'Benedictive' and 'Potential' Moods, were not found as a 'fifth' and •seventh' division of the Verb in any Grammar that I have examined. The Balavatara explains — * See Introduction to Kaclicli£iyana, pp. xxv. et xl. kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 61 Pancliami Sattami tyayan pubbachariya safinti — that 'Panchami and Sattami were the terminology of former teachers;' and the Maha Sadda-niti states that those terms Avere in accordance with Sanskrit Grammars such as the Katantra. I have not however had the good fortune of consultiniT the work to which reference is here made. M. Kuhn, who has only had the benefit of examining a few fragments which Theodore Aufrecht published of the doctrine of the Katantrics in his Catalogue of Sanskrit works in the Bodleian Librarv No. 374, has the following observations appended to his translation of Kachchayana's section on Karaka, which has just* been received in Ceylon: — " It is not surprising that D'Alwis, p. xli., was excited at such agreement with the opinion that Panini was before the eyes of Kachchayana while composing his work. He grants, however, that this agreement may be explained too, in anotlier way. And, indeed by a certain grammarian of the Pali language, I mean the author of the Grammar Maliasaddaniti, in D'Alwis's work, p. xl.j we are referred to the Katantric School, for the terms used by Kachchayana, which were 'in accordance vvith Sanskrit Grammars such as the Katantra.' Weber in his Review of D'Alwis's book, p. 564., lias justly observed, that D'Alwis has in- correctly rejected this assertion . His words are : ' This passing remark of a scholiast can but seem to us as a * April, 1870. 62 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. plain and simple statement, and altliough we need not naturally take it np for present use as ready money, it may nevertheless serve at all events as a welcome support for future investigations.' " And, in fact, that this opinion is not plahily alien from the truth, appears most perspicuously from those few fragments, which Theodore Aufrecht published, of the doctrine of the Katantrics, in his Catalogue of Sanskrit works in the Bodleian Library, No. 374. For the prefaces of both Avorks (D'Alwis p. xvii., Weber, in the place already cited, p. 657. — Aufrecht p. 168) and the rules that are read in the beginning of every book alike exhibit a certain likeness. These are the rules : Kat. Aufr. p. 169. Samiis. 1. namnum samaso yuktartah. Samas. 2. taststha lopya vibaktayah. Taddh. 1. vann apatye. A'kliy. 1. atha parasmaipadaai. A'khy. 2. nav^ paraiiy atmanepade. A'khy. 3. trini trini prathamamadbyamottamali. Kacc. Samas. 1 . namauam samaso yuttattho. Samas. 2. tesam vibhattiyo lopa ca. Taddh. 1. van apacce. Akhy. ]. atha pubbani vibhattinam cha parassapadaui. Akhy. 2. parany attanopadani. Akhy. 3. dve dve pathamamajjimuttamapurisa. " Now, though these rules, which are similar to each other, of the Katantrics and of Kachchaj^ana, differ greatly from the rules of Panini and his followers. KACHCHA YANA PA LI GRAMMAR. 63 yet Katantru Nam 1. Dbatuvibhaktlvarjam arthaval lingam (compare Pan. 1, 2, 45 : arthavad adliatur apratyayah pratipadikam) is of almost greater import- ance ; whence it is evidently perceptible that, amongst the Katantrics and in Kachchaj^ana's Grammar, the word lingahad the same signification, namely the notion of a nominal theme (see what we have discussed above on the rule Karak. 15.) That even Vopadeva had the same notion of the word linga before his eyes, in forming the noun of the theme li, is handed down to us by the scholiast on Vopad. 1, 12; but Vopadeva made use of many books belonging to the Grammar of the Katantrics. (Westergaard. Radices proef. p. iv.) Finally, it seems proper to remark, that in Durgasinha's commentary to the Katantric Grammar, (in the place already cited, p. 369,) the arrangement of the krit suffixes is attributed to one Kachchayana. Vriksliadivad ami riKlhali Kritinalamkritiih kritali Katyayaneua te srishtah vibuddhipratibuddhaye.* "The Katantric Grammar 'docs not labour under the studied brevity and obscurity of Panini and his school,' and when the great number of its appendices (pari9ishta) is considered, you will scarcely doubt of its being composed for the use of beginners. Excellently therefore do tlie perspicuity and the method of * Colebrooke names a certain Yararuclii also anu)ng.st the coiu- mentators of the Katantric Grammars, misc. ess. ii, 45. Weber Zeitschr. d. dentschen morn;cnl. (jesellschaffc viii. 851. 64 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Kachcluvyaua's work agree with that Grammar, giving a sketch only and being less ample ; points in which the 3rcl book also departs widely from Panini's Gram- mar ; and, if the author has followed the Katantrics, he could have also drawn from their compendium those articles which are common to Panini and himself; and assuredly the Katantrics have, by no means, re- jected the method of the Paninians in the exposition of the unadi particles. However this may be, it is already apparent that Kachchayana's work has the semblance of a very great affinity with the Katantric Grammars. " It is quite evident that there are, in this third book, two kinds of examples which are drawn from Brahma- datta. And the first kind is that which is mostly used* in Sanskrit Grammars, such as the commentary to Kac. 2 : himavata pabhavanti pafica mahanadiyo, and the scholium to Pan. I, 4, .'^1 : himavato ganga prabhavati. Kach. 3 : yava patisedhenti gavo, and Pan. I 4, 27, yavebhyo gam varayati. Kach. 4, upajjhaya antaradayati sisso ; and Pan. I, 4, 28, upadhyayad antai'dhatte. Kach. 5, satasma bandho naro; and Pan. II, 3, 24, catad baddhah. The proper names devadatta and yajiiadatta are set by each other in the same manner. Kach. 6 and Pan. I, 4, 52, 55. * It will do to cite the Scholia to Pi'inini's work. It is well known that the learneu men who in the beginning of the present century commented at Calcutta, on Panini's Sutra, drew from more ancient sources. Many examples are found also in Siddhautakauni. kaciiciia'yana pa'li grammae. 65 Kach. 7 alam mallo mallassa, and Pan. II, 3, IG, alam mallo mallaya. Kach. 8, tilesu telam, and Pan. I, 4, 45, tilesliu tailam (see wtiat was expounded above con- cerning akase sakuna yanti) Kach. 8, gangayani ghoso, and Pan. I, 4, 42, gangayam ghoshah. Kach. 9, datena lunati, and Pan. I, 4, 42, II, 'A, 18 datrena lunati. Kach. 14, karasapatiya bhunjati, and Pan. II, 3, 64: dvih kamsapatryam bhunkte, Kach. 20, kena hetuna vasati, and Pan. II, 3, 26, annasya hetor vasati Kach. 25, sotthi pajanam, and Pan. 2, 3, 16, svasti prajabhyah, Kach. 28, Katam karoti, and Pan. I, 4, 49, II, 3, 2, the same. Kach. 29, masamadhite, and Pan. II, 3, 5, the same. The examples Avhich are adduced from the scholia to jPan. I. 4, 52, appear to have been of some little authority even in the text of Kachchay ana's 31st Rule; compare 91 9ayayati, and si sayati; adhi-i adhyapayati and the synonym path pathayati. Kah. 34, gonanam sami, gonesu sami &c., and Pan. II, 3, 39, gavam svarai, goshu svami. Kach. 35, kanha gavinam (gavisu) sampannakkhiratama and Pan. II, 3, 41, gavam (goshu) krishna bahukshira. Kach. 36, rudato darakassa (rudantasmin darake) pabbaji, and Pan. II, 3, 38, rudatah (rudati) pravrajit. Kach. 41,dipi cam- mesu hannate, kuhjaro dantesu hahiiate, and the Vartt. to Pan. II, 3, 36, carmani dvipinam hanti, dantayor hanti kuujaram. Kach. 44, gosu duyhamanesu gato, duddhasu agato and Pan. II, 3, 37, goshu duhyamiinesu gatah, dugdhasv agatah, Kach, 44, upa nikkhe kalia- panam, and Pan. I, 4, 87, upa nishke karshapanam. K 66 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Kach. 44, adhi Bralimadatte pancala, and Pan. I, 4, 97, II, 3, 9 adlii Brahmadatte pancalah. " The second kind of examples is what are added by the author, who was devoted to Buddha's doctrine, from the sacred books, as comment to Kach. 7, saggassa gamanena va from the Dhamapa. str. 178. Kach. 17, manasa ce padutthena, and manasa ce pasannena from Dhammap, str. 1 and 2. Kach. 26, papa cittam nivaraye from Dliaramap, str. 116. abbha mutto va candima from Dhammap. 172, 382 Kach. 33, papasmim ramati mano from Dhammap str. 116, Kach. 40, sabbe tasauti dandassa, sabbe bhayanti maccuno from Dhammap, str. 129 &c., &c. " I have been able to use only a single copy, in order to learn the constitution of the entire text, namely a copy written with a style in the writing of " Cambodia," and supplied with emendations added by another hand. I have collated another copy concerning the siitras, containing all the sutras of Kachchayana. The former copy is most negligently written with respect to ortho- graphy, so that I judged it unnecessary to notice a variation merely orthographical ; but in this still very doubtful matter I have mostly followed Fausboll."* Coincidences like the above lead yer se to no import- ant results as to the age of Kachchayana ; yet they are, when taken with other circumstances, not without * Translated from "Specimen of Kachchayana" bj Ernestus Kuhn, pp. 19—22. kachcha''yana vx'li grammar. 67 value as exhibiting, if notliing farther, than, as Kuhn says, '■' a semblance of a very great affinity between Kachchay ana's work and the Katautric Grammars." Failing in all my endeavours to fix the age of the work under notice, I have resorted to the only practi- cable mode, suggested by Professor H. H. Wilson, of examining w^hat I may call positive and negative evidence furnished by subsequent writers.* Anxious, therefore to find out the oldest book which refers to Kachchayana or his terminology, I was, in the course of my investigations, naturally led to an examination of Buddhao-osa's Atthakatha : and I am olad to sav my trouble has not been altogether fruitless. Indeed it has led to one important result, viz., to shake the confidence which I had previously placed on Tradition, and to establish the fact, that the work under notice was not known to the Sinhalese between the a^e of o O Buclclhag-osa and that of the Tikas to the Atthakatha. Now, if this Grammar was written by the eminent disciple of Buddha, to whom it is attributed by tradi- tion, it is very reasonable to believe that it, like the Pali language, found its way into Ceylon soon after the introduction of Buddhism into it, and upon" the arrival of Mahiuda. In that case, too, Buddhagosa * " The comparative age of various compositions is in many cases ascertainable by the references which the writers make to their predecessors ; and the absence of the notice of a celebrated work where mention of it is likely to be found, is a very strong presumption of its not being in existence." — Prof nee lo the Sans- krit Dictionary^ p. xxv. 68 DESCRirTIVE CATALOGUE. must liave tbund it here on his arrival, if indeed he had not been ah-eady familiar with it; and nothing is more reasonable than to find that in his comments on the Pitakattaya — especially when we consider that he had to translate from the Sinhalese into the very lanffuao'e from which the Sinhalese version itself was produced,— he had, in the interpretation of terms, referred to the very personage whom Buddha had so much complimented, or had frequently quoted or alluded to his Grammar, or, at least, had adopted the technical terms given in his Grammar. Such would have also been precisely the result, though Mahinda had not brought the work into Ceylon, yet, if it was the work of Maha Kachchayana in India. But it is strange to find, that, far from any allusion being made to the author of this Grammar, and far from the Grammar itself being in any way cited, there is not even au agreement between the terminology of Buddhagosa and Kachchayana. Some of the terms used by the former are thus collected in the following stanza, which we quote from Sutta-Niddesa. Pachchatta' mupa yo gancha Karanan Sampadauiyan Nissakka Stirni vachanan Bhurama'malapaDatthaman. And they may be thus tabularized : — Buddhagosa. Kachchayana. Sinhalese.* Signification. Pachchattau ... Pathama ... Pera ... Nominative. * See Sidatsangara, § 26, ei seq. kachcha'yana pa'li grammar. 69 Bud(lhago',a. Upayogau Karanaii Kachchdyana. Dutiyii . . Tatiya Sinhalese. Kam I Katu '" \ Karana*... Signification. Accusative. Auxiliary. Instrumental Sarapadana . . . Chatutthi Sapadan . . Dative. Nissakka . . Panchami . . Avadi . . . Ablative. Sami . . Chhatthi Sabanda. . . Genitive. Bhumnia Sattami . . . Adara . . . Locative. Alapana A'lapana . . . Alap Vocative. So reasonable is the inference which we drew before, " that if Kachchdyana was pre-Buddhagosic, that he would have adopted his terminology," — that we find in the iLtkas, or 'paraphrases' to the Atthakatha, not only the terminology of Kachchayana, but that of Buddhagosa — indicating, as cleai'ly as any matter of this kind can be shewn, that this Grammar came into existence betv/een the age of the Atthakatlia and that of the Tz7«i5. To this it is no argument to say, that it is possible that Buddhagosa simply translated into the Pali the words adopted in the Sinhalese Atthakatha, as the words Karana, Sampadana, and A'lapana clearly shew their ao-reement with the Sinhalese Grammatical terms Karana, Sapadan, and Alap for the same cases; for, if a portion of the terminology of Buddhagosa was that which Mahinda's Sinhalese version contained, * The Sinhalese divide the Karanan into two, the instnimental (Katu) and the auxiliary (Karana). See Sidatsangara, p. 30, note (f). 70 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. and therefore the terminology of the Sinhalese Attha- katha, originally made at the first dawn of Buddhism, it is inexplicable, on the supposition that this Grammar was by Sariputta, that Buddhagosa did not, in some parts at least of his Translation, adopt the terminology of the eminent disciple of Buddha, but departed so widely from it as to employ the technical terms of Sanskrit Grammarians. Netti-pakarana. Another work which is ascribed to Sariputta Maha Kachchayana is the one above indicated. From an examination of its style it would seem to be the work of a person different from the author of the Grammar ; but the difference of the subjects, and therefore of their treatment, might have led to the difference of style as already pointed out by me elsewhere.* It is, what it professes to be, a very full and complete commentary on the Texts of Buddhism. It combines a Commentary with a Dictionary. It quotes ]iassages said to have been uttered by Buddha himself. The metres of the Gathas are clearly Prakrit, And, from the interpolations of certain notes, which make refer- ence to some of the distinguished members of the Buddhist Convocations, and which are also to be found in all the MSS. Avhich I have consulted, I am the more inclined to the belief, that this '^ extensive dogmatical * See Introduction to Kacbchayana, p. xxiii. NETTI-PAKARANA. 71 and exegetical commentary on a metrical text containing questions and answers, diffuse and prolix, as is the case in works of this kind,"* was written by Maha Kach- chayana. Professor Weber adds in a note — "It is probably on account of this text that the whole work has been ascribed to Sariputta, and it is indeed just possible that at least part of the text may be by him. For it appears from king Asoka's letter to the Bhabra Convocation, that even at that period the question of Upatissa (upatisapasina) i e., of Sariputra, formed part of the sacred texts. — See ' Indische Studien,' iii. 172." The book from which the following specimen is extracted contains 108 olas; each two feet long, with nine lines written on each page. Tattha katarao vichayoharo? ' yan puchchhitancha vissajjitancha' adi gatha. Ayan vichayoharo kin vichinati ? Padan vichinati, pafihan vichinati, vissajja- nan vichinati, pubbaparan vichinati, assadan vichinati, adinavan vichinati, nissaranan vichinati, phalan vichi- nati, upayan vichinati, anattin vichinati, anugitin vichinati, sabbe nava suttante vichinati. Yatha kin bhave? Yathd, ayasma Ajito Parayane bhagavantan pafihan puchchhati — "Keuassu nivuto loko [ichcba yasma Ajito]f Kenassu nappakasati Kissabhilepanau briisi Kinsutassa mahabbhayau..." ti * Weber's Review of Alwis' Introduction to Kachcliayana, p. 29. "j" This passage witliin brackets is stated by the commentator to hare been interpolated in one of the Buddhist Convocations. 72 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Imani cliattari padani piichchhi tani. Soclia kho eko pafihoj kasma? eka vatthupariggaho, Evanhi aha — ' kenassunivutoloko'-ti — lokadliitthanan piichclihati: 'kenassu nappakasati' ti — lokassa appakasanan puch- chliati: 'kissablu lepananbrusi'ti — lokassa abhilepanan puclichhati : 'kiiisutassa mahabbhayan'ti — tasseva lokassa mahabbhayan puchchliati. Loko tividho, — kilesa loko, bhava loko, indriya loko. Tattha vissajjana " Avijja [ya] nivuto loko [Ajitati bliagava] Vivichchha* nappakasati Jappabhi lepanan brumi Dukkham'assa mahabbhayan..." ti Imani cliattari padani imehi chatuhi padehi vissajji- tani — Pathanian pathauiena, dutiyan dutiyena, tatiyan tatiyena, chatutthan chatutthena. * Kenassu nivuto loko'ti — panbe ' avijja nivuto loko'ti — vissajjana. Nivaranenahi nivuto loko, avijja- nivaranahi sabbe satta yatbaha bbagava. '*' Sabba satlanan bhikkhave sabba pananan sabba bhutanan pariyayato ekam'eva nivaranan vadami, yadidan — avijja ; avijjanivarana-hi sabbe satta, sabbaso cha bhikkhave avijjaya nirodha chagii patinissagga, natthi sattanan nivaranan ti vadami" — tenacha pathamassa padassa vissajjana yutta. 'Kenassu nappakasati'ti — pahhc vivichchha,f nappa- kasati'ti vissajjana; yo puggalo nivaranehi nivuto so * After this word, I find "pamada." It is, I believe, the inter- poUition (jf a note. I " Taniada " also occurs here. NETTI-PAKARAXA. 73 viviclichhati, viviclichhdnama vuchchati viclilkichchha — So vichikichchhanto nabhi saddahati, anabhisadda- hanto viriyan narabhati akusald;nan dhammanan paha- naya kusalanan dhammanan sachchhi kiriyaya, so idha paraada'raanuyutto viharati; pamatto sukke dhamme na upadiyati; tassa te anupadiyamana nappakasanli — yatha'ha bhagava — "Dure santo pakasenti Himavanto va pabbato ; Asantettha na dissanti Eatti khitta yathd sara ; Te gunehi pakasenti Kittiya cha yasena cha"...ti. Tena cha dutiya padassa vissajjana yutta. Kiss'abhi lepanan brusi'-ti panhe ' japp'abhi lepanan brumi'...ti vissajjana; jappanama vuchcha-ti tanba ; sa kathan abhilirapati yatha'ha bhagava — "Ratio atthan na ja nati Ratto dhamman na passati ; Andhan taman tada hoti Yan rago saliate naran"...ti Sa'yan tanha asattibahulassa puggalassa evan abhl- jappati karitva; tattha loko abhilitto nama bhavati — tena cha tatlyassa padassa vissajjana yutta. * Kinsu tassa mahabbhayan'ti panhe ' dukkham'asea mahabbhayan'ti vissajjana. Duvidhan dukkhan kayi- kan cha chetasikan cha, yan kayikan idan dukkhan, yan chetasikan idan domanassan, sabbe satta hi duk- khassa ubbijjanti, natthi bhayan dukkhena sama saman kuto va pana tassa uttaritaran. Tisso dkkhata — L 74 DESCRIPTIYE CATALOGUE. dukkha-dluikkhata, vipari nama dukkhatii saukh^ra dukkha-ta ti, tattha loko odhiso kadachi karahachi dukkha dukkhataya muclicliati, tath^ vipai'inaraa duk- kataya; tan kissa hetu iionti loke appabadhd'pi digh^yukd'pi. Sankhara dukkha taya pana loko anupadisesaya nibbanadhatuya miiclicbati, tasma sank- bara dukkhata dukkhan lokassa tikatva 'dukkham'assa mahabbbayan'ti — tenacha chatutthassa padassa vissaj- jana yutta. Tena'ba bhagava 'avijja nivuto loko...'ti. 'Of the foregoing what is vichayaharo? [See] the gdthd — ' Yan puchchhitan cha vissjjitan cha' etc. What does this vichayaharo investigate ? It investigates partsof speech [words]. It investigates questions. It investigates answers. It investigates what precedes, and follows [the context]. It investigates happy [results]. It investigates ill-effects. It investigates [their] non-existence. It investigates consequences. It investigates means. It investigates canons. It investigates parallel passages. It investigates all the nine -bodied suttans. What is it? Just as in the question propounded of Bhagavd by the venerable Ajita in the section [entitled] Parayana — * * Say by what has the world been shrouded ? Wherefore is it not manifested ? Whereby is its attachment ? What is its great fear ? ' ' These four sentences were thus propounded [by Ajita]. They comprise one question. Wherefore? * A section of Sutta Nipata. XETTI-rAKARANA. 75 [Because] they take in one matter. He has stated it thus : By [the first sentence] kenassu nivuto loko, he investigates the abiding cause of the world [living- beings]; by [the second] kenassu nappakasati he inves- tigates its non-manifestation ; by [the third] kissabhi lepanan brusi, he investigates its allurements ; and by [the fourth] kinsutassa mahabbhayan, he investigates its very dreadful horror. The [loka] world is threefold, viz., world of kilesa,* world of [bhava], or existence ; and the sensible [indriya], world. The explanation of the question [is as follows:] ' I say the world is shrouded by Ignorance ; ' By doubt is it not manifested ; * By desire is its attachment ; 'And its horror [proceeds] from Affliction. ' The four sentences [first quoted] are explained by the four sentences [last quoted], i. e., the first [of the former] by the first [of the latter], the second by the second, the third by the third, and the fourth by the fourth. ' The world is shrouded by Ignorance ' — is the explanation of the question, ' by what has the world been shrouded?' Yes, it is shrouded by an obstacle ; yes, all beings are clothed with the obstacle of Ignorance. So it is declared by Bhagava : ' Priests, I declare that all beings, all lives, all existences, have inherently a particular obstacle, viz.. Ignorance ; — yes, all beings are beclouded by ignorance. Priests, * Evil in thoughts, desire?-, or atrectioiis. 76 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. I declare that by completely destroying, abandoning, (and) forsaking Ignorance, (existing) beings have no impediment.' Hence the explanation of the first sentence is satisfactory. *By doubt is it not manifested'— is the explanation of the question, * by what has (the world) been shrouded?' He, who is impeded with an obstacle, doubts. By the ^obsolete) term vivichchhd, (in the text) vichikichchha (doubt) is expressed. [Thus] a person who doubts, is devoid of pure faith. He who is devoid of pure faith, exerts not, to destroy demerit, and to acquire merit. He (thus) lives clothed with procras- tination. He who procrastinates, fails to practise good deeds [religious and abstract meditation.] He who does not practise them, is not manifested.* So it has been declared by Bhagava, that ' The righteous are manifested far-and-wide like the Himalava mountain: (but) the wicked are here unperceived, like darts shot at night. The former are manifested by (their) virtues, fame and renown.' Hence the explanation of the second sentence is satisfactory. ' By desire, I say, is its attachment' — is the expla- nation of the question, 'whereby is its attachment?' By the (obsolete) term jappa (in the text) tanhd (or) lust is convevcd. How she forms an attachment is thus stated by Bhagava: — 'He who is actuated by lust, knows not causes (of things) ; he who is actuated * I have rendered this passage rather freely, without reference to words. KETTI-PAKARANA. 77 by lust perceives not what is right. Whenever lust enslaves [lit. bears] a man, then is there a thick dark- ness.' Thus the aforesaid lust in an inordinately lustful person becomes (as if it vrcre) a glutinous [substance.] In it the world becomes adhesive. Hence the explanation of the third sentence is satisfactory. * Affliction* is its dreadful horror' — is the expla- nation of the question, ' what is its great fear ? ' Affliction is two-fold ; that which appertains to the body, and that which appertains to the mind. That which appertains to the body is pain, and that which appertains to the mind is sorrow. All beings dread affliction. There is no dread equal to that of Affliction (dukkha.) Where indeed is a greater than that? Affliction in the abstract is three-fold — inherent misery (dukkha-dhukkhata), vicissitudinary misery (vipari- nama dukkhata), and all-pervading misery (sankhara dukkhatajj'f Hence a being, sometimes, in the course (of transmigration) becomes free from inherent misery.:}: So likewise, from vicissitudinary misery. § From what causes? [From] his being free from disease, and also (by the enjoyment of) longevity, A being also becomes free from all-pervading misery by means of (final) * In the sense of the word "trouble," in the passage "Man is born unto trouble." — Job v. 7. ■f- Sankhara — ' appertaining to all states of existence,' ' that which comes to existence, exists, and dies away.' J p.g. 'Brahmans' — says the Commentator. § 'Those who are Ixjrn in the arvpa or the incorporeal world.' 78 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. birthless nibbana. Hence, treating the atftiction of a being as all-pervading misery, (the reply was), 'Its dreadful horror [proceeds] from Affliction.' Hence the explanation of the fourth sentence is satisfactory. Wherefore Bhagava has declared: — Avijja nivuto loko, &c. *I say, the world is shrouded by Ignorance; — by doubt is it not manifested; — by (reason of) desire is its attachment;— and its dreadful horror [proceeds] from Affliction.'* Ba'la'vata'ra. This is the Grammar which is in current use among all Pali students. It is the smallest Grammatical work on the basis of Kachchayana, and is found compiled nearly in accordance with the principles of Lao-hu-kavu-mudi. It treats of all grammatical rules as in Kachchayana, but the arrangement is different, and is as follows: — Ihe first Chapter treats on Sandhi; the second on Nama; the third on Samasa; the fourth on Taddhita; the fifth on A'kkhyata; the sixth on Kitaka, with a few Suttas on Unnadi treated of as Kitaka ; and the seventh on Karaka, diyded into two sections, one entitled Utta'nutta, and the other Vibhattibheda.f * This work is complete in 108 palm leaves of 2 feet in lengtli, with 9 lines to the page, ■j- The matter in these two Sections, especially the treatment oi the subjects, coiTesponds with cap. ix. and x. in the JSidatsangara. ba'laVata'ra. 79 It begins with the following giltha: — Buddhan ti dha'bhivanditva buddhambujavilochanan Balavatdraii bhasissan balanan buddhi vuddhiya ' Havino- made a three-raembered obeisance unto Buddha, the sight (of whom is as) delightful as the o[)en illy, I shall declare (bhasissan) the Balavatara for the promotion of the knowledge of the young.' And it concludes with the following: — Satirckehi chatuhi, bhanavarehi nitthito Balavataro janata buddhi vuddhin karotuhi ' May this Balavatara, completed (slightly) in ex" cess of four bhanavaras, increase the knowledge of mankind.' The Rev. B. Clough, of the Wesleyan Mission, published, (in 1824) a translation of this work made by M. W. Tolfrey, Esq. late of the Ceylon Civil Service.* Don Andrls De Silva Batuvantudave, adopting the name of Devarakklilta, which he had assumed when a Buddhist priest, also published the Text in 1869. It contains 77 octavo pages. Neither the name of the writer, nor the date on which it was composed, is given in the book. It how- ever appears to, be an old work, but I cannot ascertain * Mr. Childers late of the Ceylon Civil Service, in his Prospectus to a Pali-English Dictionary, says: "Practically there are no Grammars of the Pali language. Clough's Pali (J!rammar is quite unobtainable by the ordinary student; D'Alwis's Introduction is a mere fragment; and Mason's recent work leaves our knowledge of Pali Grammar exactly where it -was before." See Triibner's Americau and Oriental Literary Record for April, 1870. 80 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. how much older it is than the Panchikapradipa,* which mentions its earliest and best Sinhalese com- mentary, that goes by the name of the Temple in -which it was composed, viz.: GAdALA'DENl SaNNA. This also appears from its style to be a very ancient book; but the name of the writer and its date are not given. It contains 232 ola pp. of 15 inches in length, with 9 lines to the page. The author in his comment on sec. 40 of the Balava- tara, see edition 1869, quotes Panini and Katantra, and says, that 'the Sutta karmavat karmana tullyakriyah in Panini (iii. 1, 87.) is rendered karmavat karma karta in the Katantra.' There are several other Sinhalese Commentaries and Translations which I shall hereafter notice. In the meantime I extract the following specimen from the writer's observations on Taddhita. Shabdayo yogikayaha rudhayaha yogarudhaya hayi trividha vet. Ehi yogikayo nam pachanadikriya sambandhaya pravritti nimitta kota eti pachakadi shabdayaha: rudhayo nam loka prasiddha sajfia matra pravritti nimitta kota eti ghata pata'di shabdayaha: yoga-rudhayo nam kriyadi sambhandayada loka * This was written in the 45th year of the reign of Parakrama- bahu VI., answei'ing to a.d. 1455. See some remarks on the subject under the head of Sidat-Sangar&. gacTal.Vdeni-sanna. 81 prasiddha sajnavada pravritti nimittakota eti paiikajadi shabdajaha. Paiike jalan paiikajan, madehi upanne Paiikaja iiarai : pailkaja sliabdaya paiikayehi janana kriya sambandliayada loka prasiddbayada apeksttkota pavatineya: madehi iipan sesu Holu adin eta, ovun kerehi paiikaja yana loka prasiddbayak neti beyin ovun bera Piyumbima vc. Meseyinina taddbita sbab- daya artba prakasbana kriya sambandhayada vriddha prasiddba sajnavada pravritti iiimitta kota vannc : artba prakasbana rukkbo pacbati kattabbo yanadi sesu padaj^an etada rukkba yauadin kerebi taddbitaya yana vriddha vyavabaravak neti bevin ovun bera na nikadi pratyantavii vasettba gbatikadin kerebima ve. 'Nouns are of three kinds, — Yogika, liudha, and Yoga-rudba. Here the Yogika are nouns (such as) pacbika ' a cook,' etc., originating in usage, and signi- fying an action (such as) pacha ' to cook,' etc. The Rudba are nouns sucli as ghata ' pot,' pata ' raiment,' etc., originating in usage, and expressing a previously well-known appellation. Yoga-rudbayo are nouns such as Paiikaja 'lotus,' etc., originating in usage, and signifying an action, and also expressing a previously \v ell-known appellation. Paiikc jatan Paiikajan, ' that which is born in mud is named Paiikajan.' The noun paiikaja, ' lotus,' is used according to visage, and with a view to its action of birth in mud. There arc (bow- ever) other (species) that arc produced in the mud, such as Holu ' water lily,' etc. ; but, since there is no usage to designate them paiikaja, (tliat word) is only applied to Piyum ' the lotus,' to the exclusion of others. M 82 DESCRPITIVE CATALOGUE. In the same manner nouns (named) Taddhita ' nominal derivativec-/ originate in ancient usage, signifying an action, and expressing a previously well-known name. Though there are expressions, conveying a certain sense, such as rukkho 'tree,' pachati 'he cooks,' kattabbo ' that which should be done,' etc. ; yet, since ancient usno;e has not sanctioned words such as rukkho * tree,' etc., in the sense of Taddhita, they are excluded, and that name is applied only to nouns such as Vasittha 'son of Vasittha,' and ghatika ' clarified butter,' etc., ending in affixes na, nika, etc.'* Dha'tu-manjusa'. Pali, like Sinhalese Lexicography, is compara- tively more recent, and has attained to a less degree of cultivation, than Pali Grammar. f As we have already seen, the Abhidhanapadipika, is a metrical vocabulary, and contains no verbs. There are indeed several Dhatupathas, or Lists of Radicals, but they arc very * From tlie trivial errors with wliich this work abounds, — errors, which cannot be traced to incoiTect transcription, and which are also inconsistent with the great learning and research exhibited by the author ; and, moreover, fi'om the absence of the usual 'Adoration,' and any remarks of the writer, either at the beginning or at the end of the work, I am inclined to the belief that the writer had died before he fairly completed it. t Speaking cf the Pali, Mr. Childers has the following remai'k; and so far as it applies to 'Dictionaries' he is quite right. "It has long been felt as something of a reproach that an oriental dha'tu-manjusa'. 83 defective, both as to arraugeraent, and the meanings assio-ned to them. Amono; them, however, there are none which can claim such decided pre-eminence as belongs to the work under notice. It is an ancient Pali work. It v/as composed by a learned Buddhist Priest named Silavansa, on the basis of the Grammatical System propounded by Kachchayana. Thence it is also called Kachhayana Dhatu Maujusa. The residence of the author is stated to have been Yakkhaddhi Lena. But there is no proof in support of the conjecture that it refers to Yakdessagala in the district of Kurunegala. No date is given in the work; and there is no clue to its discovery. The following is the author's Preface. Nirutti nikarii para, piirdvurantaguu muniu Vanditva Dhatumanjusaa briimi pavacliananjasan Sogatagama ma'gamma tan tau vyakarauiiui clia Pathe cha'patliita' pettha dhatvattliii cha pavuchcliare Chhanda hauittha mo'karan dhiitvantauan siya kvachi Yunan digho cha dliatumha pubbam'attha padaii api 'Having bowed unto Buddha, ^f ho has crossed the boundless ocean of all philological sciences (treasures), I compose the Dhiitu Manjusa, ['Casket of Radicals'], which is a path to the Saddiiamma, or the sacred Scriptures. language of singular -wealth and beaulj, and embodying a literature of siu'passing intere&t, should be destitute both of Grammars (?) and of Dictionaries.'— Triibner's Literary Record," April, 1870. 84 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. ' Having studied Buddhism, and various Grammars, I have given the Eadicals, and their significations, consisting both of what have, and have not, been treated of, in the Fatha or Glossaries.* ' To meet the exigencies of metre, I have in some places [substituted] an o at the end of the Radical, and have rendered the final i and ii long. I have also occasionally given the sense before the Radicals.' The author afterembodyingabout421 Kadicalsin 148 stanzas, offers the following explanation as to the plan of the work, to which I may add the fact, that an Alphabetical List is being prepared by the publisher, to facilitate reference : — Bhii radl cha rudhadi cha divadi svadayo gaiu'i Kiyadi cha tanadi cha churadi'ti'dha sattadha, Kriya vd chitta makkhatu'mekekattho bahii'dito Payogato'nugantabba auekattbtihi dhatavo Hitaya manda buddhiiiau vyattau vannakkama lahim Eachita Dhatu-manjusa Silavansena dhimata Saddhamma paukeruha rajahanso asittha dharamat thitl Silavanso; Yakkhaddi lenakkhya nivasa vasi yatissaro so yamidan akasi. ' Thus, the seven classes of Radicals are, bhiivadi ' bhu, &c.,' rudhadi ' rudha, &c.,' divadi 'diva, &c.'suvadi 'su, &c.' kiyadi 'hi, &c.' tanadi 'tanu, &c.,' and churadi *chura, &c.' * Lit. "Prose collections." dha'tu-manjusa'. 85 * Radicals liave various meanings which must be learnt from (reading) authors. I have, for the most part, given but one signification [of each Radical] to convey the action Avhich (each) expresses. ' The Dhatu Manjusa, rendered clear and easy by means of alphabetical arrangement,* has been com- posed for the instruction of the uninitiated, by the learned Silavansa, — that Siiavausa, a priest, who resides in the [Temple of] Yakkhaddi Lena, with aspirations that Buddhism may continue long, like a Hansa to the lotus-of-Scriptures.' The following is a specimen of the work: — 6. Aggo (tu) gati kotille laga saiige mag'csane Agi igv n'gi ligi vagi gatyattha dhatavo GH. 7. Silaglia katthane jaggha hasaue aggha agghaiie Sighi agbayane hoti laghi sosa gatisu cha Don Andris De Silva Batuvantudave, Pandit, in publishing this work with a Sinhalese and an English Translation, has not only prefixed the number of the stanza in which each word in the alphabetical list occurs, but has also prefixed to each Radical the number of the class to which it belongs. He has also added two * This refers to the alphabetical arrangement in the verses, not the list. 86 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. stanzas (the 4th and 5th) by way of supplying an omis- sion occnrring in the ^York. They are the following : — KH. Ikkho (tu) dassanan'kesu klii kliaye kankha kankhane Chakklia dasse chikklia vaclie dikkho'panaya mundlxisu Vata'desesu niyame bhakklia'da namlii bliikklia cha Yache nikkho rakkhanatnlii sikkho vijjaggahe tatha. Although the author has generally given but one meaning to each word ; yet, where he has added an *etc.' to a given signification, the publisher has not failed to add others, for which he is chiefly indebted to the Buddhist scriptures. I shall conclude this notice with a specimen of the Alphabetical list, p, 22: — Ki' — 120. Ki'...vinimaye, dravya gaiuidenu kirimehi, 'to buy', 'to exchange.' BHu' — 64. ki'la. ..bhaudc, bendimehi, 'to bind' ' to wedge.' BHu' — 84. ki'la... vihare, kelimehi, 'to play' ['to draw a Ime.']* BHu' — 2. KU...saddekuchcUhite, shabdkirimelii, kutsita- yehi, *to sound' 'to contemn.' BHu' — 2. KUKA.-.a'dane, genmehi, 'to take,' 'to accept.' BHu' — 8. KUCHA ... sadde, shabdakiriraehi, 'to sound.' TU — 85. KUCHA...sankochane, hokilimelii 'to straiten,' *to narrow,' 'to contract.' BHU' — 20. KUtA — chhedane, kcpimehi, 'to cut.' * I believe this means 'to peg,' in the sense of planting sticks on the ground to draw lines for cutting foundations. THE na'ma'valiya. 87 The Na'ma'valiya. It is well known that poetry has from time immemo- rial been the idol of literary men in the East, At a period when poetry was cultivated by the king as well as the peasant, the recluse in his monastery, and the traveller on the road, the necessity for abridged voca- bularies of synonymous and homonymous terms, was quite obvious. To facilitate therefore, reference, and to render one's memory the store-house of information, such vocabularies were invariably composed in easy metre. To this class belongs Ainara-Koshct., called in Ceylon, after the writer's name, Amara Sinha — to which Hias been assigned the first place In Lexico- graphy by the unanimous suffrage of the learned in the East.' In close imitation of this work is the Namavaliya of the Sinhalese, composed in 1421, a.d. by Nallaratun, a chieftain of the time of Pardkrama Bahu VI. A comparison of the Sanskrit Amara Kosha and the Pali Abhldhanapadipikii with the Namavaliya, will not fail to Interest the philologer and the historical student. At the same time that the Sinhalese words shew an affinity to the Sanskrit family of languages, the student will also perceive the still closer relationship which the former bears to the Pali. Between the Maharashtri, which Lassen has designated the ' dialecfus jircecipua,^ and the Sinhalese, there seems to be great connection ; and, when we compare the Sinhalese in its relation, whether verbally or grammatically, with the Prakrit, 88 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. the conviction forces itself on the mind, that the former is a sister dialect of the latter, which Hema- chandra defines to be — \_Prakritih Sanskritam, tatra- hhavam tata dgatam vd ^ prakritain^~\ — 'that which has its source in Sanskrit, and is either born with, or sprung from, it.' In wading through the Lexical works of the East, one peculiarity, which must necessarily strike the student, is, that both in Pali and Sinhalese, Lexico- graphy is in its infancy. The Abhidhanapadipika, the best of all Pali Dictionaries, and one certainly superior to all the Dliatupathas that were ever written, is inferior to Professor Wilson's Sanskrit Dictionary, and even to the Radices Lingua? Sanskrits of Professor Westergaard of Copenhagen, and the Glossariuni Sanskritum of Bopp. A close examination of Nama- valiya will exhibit this inferiority, and the comparative superiority of modern Lexicographers, as compared with the ancient writers, who merely put down some thousands of words into metre without order, method, or arrangement. In the number of words too, tlie superiority of Professor Wilson's Dictionary is greater than the Amara Kosha in the proportion of 60,000 to 12,000. The rhymes in which the work is composed, though useful in one point of view, are nevertheless calculated to Aveary the beginner in the ascertainment of the words, which run into one common mass with the observations of the Poet. Namavaliya labours under this and many other disadvantages. THE XA MA VALIYA. 89 To render therefore, its use easy to all classes, and especially to the European student, the Eev. C. Alwls has published an English Translation* after the plan of Colebrooke's version of the Amara Kosha. The utility and importance of the Vocabulary are thus noticed by the Translator: — *Namavaliya, the subject of the following pages, is a work of great authority, and is constantly referred to by Sinhalese scholars. It holds the same position in Sinhalese literature, as the Amarakosa vocabulary in the Sanskrit, and Abhidanap-padipika in the Pali, both of which works have been translated and pub- lished. It is scarcely necessary to adduce anything by way of demonstrating the utility of offering the Namavaliya to the public in its present shape, beyond the fact that there is hardly a Sinhalese scholar, who is not in possession of a manuscript copy, or to whom its contents are not familiar.' However useful this little work may be for various purposes, especially as a ready help to the student in furnishing him with a variety of names, from which he may at pleasure select such as may suit the exigen- cies of a peculiar metre, yet it cannot be denied that, like the Amara Kosha, it contains but a very small portion of the words of a very copious language. Neither verbs or derivatives are given in it. Except a few epithets which are aj^propriated as titles of deities, or as names of plants, &c., ordinary compound * Namavaliya, by Rev. C. Alwis, 1858, octavo, pp. 12.3. N 90 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. words, (not to mention sesqiiipcdalia and septlpedalia), are omitted. Technical terms, too, as in most diction- aries, are excluded from tliis. The catalogue of liomouymous Avords is also defective; and this is not to be wondered at, when we find the same deficiency in the Amara Kosha, Avhich contains only about 12,000 words. But it is to be regretted that neither the ori- ginal writer, nor his translator has given us the etymology of the words. Nor have wc the gender of the nouns, which, as our readers know, it is difficult to distinguish in the Sinhalese; for it does not recog- nise, as in many modern languages, a philosophical or an intelligible principle, in fixing the genders of nouns. The writer, after the usual adoration to Buddha, gives the following introductory stanza : — Lovcfla pinisa poraueduran metin kala Nam paliyeu mut bevinudu kavi nokala Vanapot kara viyat bevu vana lesa lakala Pada benda kiyam Namavaliya Sinhtda. ' Though the names, which ancient teachers em- ployed, for the good of the Avorld, were in prose and not rendered into verse; yet, do I, in rhyme, sing the Sinhalese Namavaliya, so that (persons) may be distinguished in learning, by committing (the same) to memory.' This work is divided into two parts, the first consisting of synonymous, and the second of homonymous terms. The first is subdivided into thirteen orders of names, consisting: — THE NA'ma'vALIYA. 91 1. Of celestial terms, for things above human abodes. Under this head are comprised the names of Buddhas, deities, both religious and mythological, the cardinal points, the heavens, the different phenomena of nature, the various stars, including the personifica- tions of the planetary system, the various distinctions of time, colour and season, the emotions of the mind, &c, 2. Of geographical terms, for objects in and beneath the earth, such as the naga worlds, the hells, darkness, serpents, waters, seas, rivers, fishes, and marine objects, &c., &c, 3. Of terrestrical objects, which enter into the graphic delineation of a landscape in poetry. 4. Of towns, and all the w^ealth, beauty, and splendour thereof. 5. Of mountains, rocks, stones, &c. G. Of the veo:etable kino-dom, — o-ivino- the names of trees and flowers and some of the best medicinal herbs known to the Sinhalese, 7. Of beasts, birds, &c. 8. Of men, and their different relations to each other in a domestic and social point of view; the different distinctions of their growth; the variety of names by which the organs of the body are distin- guished; the various objects which are used for the adornment or comfort of the person, &c. 9. Of terms relating to ascetism, which Mr. Alwis has literally translated "Brahaman," the originator of monachism, according to eastern legends. 92 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 10. Of kings, and their attendants, pageantry, armies, martial weapons, kingdoms, wars, powers, royal virtues, &c. 11. Of merchants, and the different articles of trade, as anciently carried on. 12. The distinctions of caste and classes, slaves savages, outcasts, &c. 13. Miscellaneous terms not included in the above. Part second contains a number of homonymous words, placed without any arrangement or order. Having thus glanced at the contents of Namavaliya, we come to the Index No. 1, which is well got up, containing all the names given in the Namavaliya, arranged alphabetically, and referring by roman figures to the pages in the text, where their English significa- tions are given in foot-notes. The reader will find by casting his eyes over pages 76 to 114 that the Nama- valiya contains about 3,500 words. There is also a second Index given by Mr. Alwis of the English terms in his translation, and referring by figures to their nearest Sinhalese significations in the text. It will be thus seen that J\Ir. Alwis has not only given a literal translation of an oriental metrical Vocabulary, but has reduced all the terms contained in it into both an English and a Sinhalese Dictionary, alphabetically arranged. He says: — " Of the two Indices or alphabetical lists, at the end of the work, the first will serve the purpose of a Sinhalese and English Dictionarj^, and the second, as THE MA.HAWANSA. 93 an English and Sinhalese, as far as the words of the Namavaliya are concerned.* The Mahaayansa. Of all the Pali works extant in this island, no class possesses a more absorbing interest than the Historical Records of the Sinhalese. Besides the general archaeological interest attached to the writings of the past, there is in these Sinhalese Historical records much to excite admiration and suggest inquiry, — admiration for a people, from whom has originated in the East a desire for histoiical pursuits ; — and inquiry into matters of the greatest value to the Antiquarian and Philologer, as well as to the Statesman and tlie Christian Missionary, It is a remarkable fact that no country in the East possesses so correct a history of its own affairs, and those of India generally, as Ceylon. The Phoenicians, who had influenced the civilization of a very large portion of the human race by their great inventions and discoveries, by their colonies * Though modern works by Europeans do not come strictly ■within the plan of this work, I may nevertheless here notice two Sinhalese Dictionari e One is a school Dictionary : Part First, Sinhalese aud English ; and Part Second English and Sinhalese, with an Introduction containing (valuable) observations on these languages, designed to assist the student in their acquirement, and an Appendix containing Latin aud French phrases in common vise, by John Calloway, Wesleyan Missionary, Colombo Wesleyan 94 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. establislicd iu almost every quarter of the globe, and above all by the extensive commerce which they carried on, — have left nothing behind, except the alphabet which they invented. The Persians, a very interesting and a very ancient race, to whom we naturally look for historic information, have little beyond their Zenda- vasta, two chapters of which contain some traditions of their own. The Hindus, a people who had a literature of their own from a period long before the Sinhalese became a nation, have no historical records; and their scanty " fragmentary historical recollections," which have been embodied in their religions works, such as the Puranas, present themselves in the language of prophecy; and upon their basis no trust -worthy chronological calcula- tions can be made.* In the Vedas again, which are perhaps older than any Ceylonese Buddhist writings, and which are supposed to "furnish the only sure foundation on which a knowledge of ancient and modern India can be built up,"t there is a " lamentable Press, 1821, pp. 156 aud xxii. And the other by the Rev. B. Clough, is an English and Sinhalese Dictionary, and also a Sinhalese and English Dictionary, 2 vols. 8vo. in 1821, pp. 628 and 852. This work is chiefly vahiable for the explanations it gives of Buddhistical phraseology. Tt is out of print ; and a cojiy, occa- sionally offered to public competiton, fetches from seven to eight pounds. The Rev. W. Nicholson has also published a small octavo. * See Pr. Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, p. 503. f Essay on the results of the Vedic Researches by W. D. "Whitney, American Oriental Journal, ii-i. p, 291. THE MAUAWAXSA. 95 lack of alilstorlc sense^ whicli has ever been one of the most remarkable characteristics of the Indian mind."* Although our Dravidiau neighbours, especially the Tamils, had attained to a very high degree of civiliza- tion at the time our first monarch sought for, and obtained, a Paudian princess as his queen ; yet liey have no works which can be called historical, and their literature, however ancient, is much inferior to that of the Brahmans. | The Chinese, who boast of a descent from times remoter than the days of Adam, have no historical writings which can throw the slightest light upon the affairs of the East, In the country of Maghada, so greatly renowned as the birth-place of Buddhism, and of the still more interesting language (the Pali) in which it was promul- gated, — a kingdom, moreover, which dates its origin from the time of the Maha Bharat.J — we have no records of a historical character, beyond religious inscriptions sculptured on stone, and grants of lands engraved on plates of copper. These "unconnected fragments," beyond serving to fix tlie dates of particular Kings, furnish us at present Avitli neither history, nor matter sufficient to help us to a general chronology. The Bactrian coins, again, afford us little or nothing beyond the kind of information which tlic monumental * lb. p. 310. f Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, p. 81. X Elphinstone's History of India, vol. i. p. 260. 96 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. inscriptions furnish us. '' The only Sanskrit composi- tion yet discovered in all Asia, to which the title of History can with any propriety be applied, is the Rajataraugiui;" * a comparatively modern work which Avas compiled a.d. 1148: but, this again does not bear any comparison either in point of the matter it contains, or in the interest which attaches to the subjects it treats upon, with the Sinhalese Historical Records, The genuine historic zeal exhibited by the Sinhalese from the very time they colonized Ceylon, far surpasses that of all other Indian nations.f The love which the Sinhalese had for such pursuits, was participated in by their rulers themselves ; and, whilst tradition asserts that some of our early Sinhalese Annals, from which the Mahavansa was compiled, were the works of some of our JMonarchs, — history records the facts, that "the national annals were from time to time compiled by royal command;" and that the labours of "the historians were rewarded by the State with grants of lands." The interest which our Sovereigns took in this part of the national literature was indeed so great, that many a traveller and geographer of the middle ages was particularly struck, as "a trait of the native rulers of , Ceylon," w4th the fact of the employment by them of persons to compile the national annals.:}: And, though comparatively * Pr. H. H. Wilson's Introd. to Rajatarangini. t Lassen's Indis. Alt. vol. ii. pp. 13 — 15. J Edrisi, dim. 1, § 8, p. 3. TilE M ATI AW ANSA. S7 few are the records which the ravages of thiie, and the devastating hand of sectarian oppression, have left behind; — they, nevertheless, excel in matter and interest, all the Annals of Asia. As "the first actual writing, and the first well-authenticated Inscription in India, are of Buddhist origin,"* so, likewise, the first actual chronicle, as well as the most authentic history, in the whole of the eastern hemisphere, may be traced to a Ceylon-Buddhistic source. "The Mahavansa stands," says Sir James Emerson Tennent,t "at the head of the historical literature of the East, unrivalled by any thing extant in Hindustan, the wildness of whose chronology it controls." When, for instance, the watchful mind of Sir William Jones seized with avidity the identity of Chandragupta and Sandracottus, and thence discovered the only key for unlocking the history and chronology of Asia, the annals of Ceylcn were not v/ithout their use in removing the doubts which had been conjured up by antiquarians. When the indefatigable labours of a Prinsep enabled him to decipher the rock inscrip- tions of Piyadasi or Devanampiya, the discovery could not with certainty have been applied either to fix the proper date of the Buddhistic era, or to reduce the extravagant chronology of Asia to its pi'oper limits, without the aid of the Sinhalese records — the * Pr. Max Miiller's Sanskrit Literature, p. 520. t History ofCejlon, j). 51G. 98 DESCRirriYE catalogue. Dipavansa* In particular, Avhich identified the Devanam- piya with Asoka. When the obscure dialect of the pillar inscriptions presented philological difficulties, the Ceylon Pali Mahavansa alone served as an "infallible dictionary "f for their elucidation. When again the Cashmirean history put forth an extravagant chrono- logy, Ceylonese chronicles alone enabled Mr. Turnour to effect an important and valuable correction, to the extent of 794 years, and thereby to adjust the chronology of the Rujatarangini.t When lastly, the penetrating mind of a Burnouf, from an examination into the Nepal version of the Buddhist scriptures, conceived the idea of "a fourth digest" of the Bud- dhists, apart from the compilations of the three Convocations in India, the Sinhalese annals, and above all the Dipavansa,§ alone furnished the proof required for establishing the conjecture. Althou"-!! the several early historical records in the vSinhalese lann-uao-e which had existed before the third * "Mr. Tumour's Pali authorities will be of essential use in expounding om* new discovery, and my only excuse for not having taken the epitome already published as my guide before, is that the identity of Piadassi was not then established.'" — Mr. James Prinsep, in the Bengal A. S. J. vi., p. 792, &c. f " On turning to the infollible Tfka upon our Inscriptions, afforded by INIr. Tumour's admirable Mahawansa, we find a circumstance recorded which may help us materially to understand the obscure passage."— Prinsep ; see Bengal A. S. J. vii., p. 264. + See Bengal A. S. J. for September, 1836. § See extracts and observations on the subject, in the Intro- duction to Kachchayana's Pali Grammar. THE MAHAWANSA. 99^ century, and from which the subsequent histories were compiled, are irretrievably lost, we nevertheless have the Dipavansa, the Daladavansa, the Bodhivansa, the Tupavansa, the Rasavahini, the Rajavaliya, the Eajaratnakara, Sulu-Rajaratnakara, Pujavaliya, Bud- dhagosa's Atthakatlui, the Nikayasangraha, and the ISIahavansa, all which contain historical matter exhi- biting the succession of 165 kings, during a period of 2341 years, from the time wdien Wijaya settled in Ceylon to the British conquest in 1798; and whose general accuracy is proved by a variety of facts and circumstances. Colonel Sykes, an indefatigable scholar, wdio maintains to this day the superiority of the Pali language, and its history, over the Sanskrit and the Brahman prophetical annals, says in speaking of the last named work: "The Mahavansa, In its details, manifests the same love of the marvellous, the same credulity and super- stition, the same exaggeration in description, and the same adulation of kings and princes, which is met with in the annals and religious history of heathen and Christian nations called civilized, of ancient and modern Europe. AVith these drawbacks, common, however, to the annals and religious history of all nations, the Chronology of the Mahavansa, from the birth of Buddha before Christ 623, does not admit of a question with respect to its general accuracy ; and neither Brahmanism nor the Sanskrit language can shew any work of an unquestionable date, approaching to within many centuries of it [B.C. 623], nor a work 100 BESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, with the shadow of a claim to its honesty of intention, and its accuracy of chronological records ; and Mr, Tumour seems justified in stating that ' from the date of the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, B.C. 307., that history [Mahavansa] is authenticated by the concurrence of every evidence which can contribute to verify the annals of any country.' — Introduction, p. li "* Such are the merits of the best and most authentic historical work in the whole of Asia. It is written in Pali verse, and contains 100 chapters, of which the early portion, comprising the history of Ceylon from B.C. 543. to A.D, 301, was composed by a learned priest named JMahanama. It was compiled from. Pali and Sinhalese annals then extant, and was composed at Anuradhapura, under the auspices of his nephew Dasan Kcliya, between A D. 459 and 477. It is still doubtful whether Mahanama was not also the author of the subsequent portion, to his own times. f Yet, when it is considered that he himself was the author of the Commentary which extends to a.d. 301, and that the subsequent portion of the work goes by the name of Sulu Wansa, it may be concluded, without much doubt, that he wrote the whole history to the date last given. "From the period (says Turnour) at which Maha- nama's work terminated, to the reign of Parakrama * Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vi., pp. 339, &c. f Introduction to Mahavansa, p. ii. THE MAHAAVxS.NSA. 101 Bahu, in A.D. 1266, the Sulu Wansa was composed, under the patronage of the last named sovereign, by Dharma Kirti, at Dambedeniya. I have not been able to ascertain by whom the portion of the history from A.D. 1207 to the reign of Parakrama Bahu of Kurunegala was written, but from that reign to A.D. 1758, the Maha or rather Sulu, Wansa was compiled by Tibbottuvawa, by the command of Kirtissri, partly, from the works brought to this island during his reign by the Siamese priests, (which had been procured by their predecessors during their former religious missions to Ceylon), and partly fi'om the native histories, which had escaped the general destruction of literary records, in the reign of Eaja Sinha I."* The entire Mahavansa, together with some other historical works, was translated and published by Mr, Upham, in 1833 ;f but this work is not to be trusted as a translation- Noticing its character at length the Hon. George Turnour, who subsequently (1837) published the first thirty-seven Chapters with an English translation, says; — "This translation, which abounds in errors of the descrip- tion above noticed, is stated to have been made 'under the superintendence of the late native chief of the Cinnamon department, (Eajapaxa, Maha Modhar), who was himself the best Pali and Singhalese scholar in the country.' I was * Tumour's INIahavansa, p. ii. t The Sacred and Historical Book;^ of Cejloii, in three vols. \)j pjdward Upham, m.r.a.s,, and f.^-.a., Loudon, 183:3. 102 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. personally acquainted with this individual, who was univer- sally and deservedly respected, both in his official and private character. He possessed extensive information, and equally extensive influence, among his own caste at least, if not among his countrymen generally ; and as of late years, the intercourse with the Buddhistical church in the Burmese empire had been chiefly kept up by missions from the priest- hood of his (the Chalia) caste in Ceylon, the late Chief Justice could not, perhaps, have applied to any individual more competent to collect the native, as Avell as Burmese, Pali annals ; or more capable of procuring the best qualified translators of that language into Singhalese, from among the Pali scholars resident in the maritime districts of the island, than Rajapaxa was. This was, however, the full extent to which this Chief coidd have efficiently assisted Sir A. Johnston, in his praiseworthy undertaking ; for the Maha Modliar was not himself either a Pali, or an English scholar. That is to say, he had no better acquaintance with the Pali, than a modern European would, without studying it, have of any ancient dead language, from which his own might be derived. As to his acquaintance with the English language, though he imperfectly comprehended any ordinary question which might be put to him, he certainly could not speak, much less write, in reply, the shortest connected sentence in English.* He must, therefore (unless he has practised a most unpardonable deception on Sir A. Johnston) * "In 1822, five years after Sir A. Johnston left Ce} Ion, and before I had acquired a knowledge of the colloquial Singhalese, as Magistrate of Colombo, I had to examine Rajapaxa, Maha Modliar, as a witness in my Court. On tliat occasion, I was obliged to employ an intei-preter (the present permanent Assessor, THE MAIIAWANSA. ' 103 be at once released from all responsibility, as to tlie correct- ness both of the Pali version translated into fcjinghalese and of the Singhalese version into English." In marked contrast with the above is Mr. Tumour's translation. He w^as the Colonial Secretary of Ceylon, and, during the time he prosecuted his study of the Sinhalese language, he was the Agent of Government at Kandy. Encouraged by the publication of the Bahivatara by the Kev. B. Clough, Turnour was induced to learn the Pali, and from time to time to direct the minds of the learned in Europe to its study. The o-reat and invaluable services which he thus ren- dered to the cause of Asiatic History, to Chronology, and to the study of Buddhism, is acknowledged and appreciated by every one who is now engaged in the study of the Buddhist religion, and the dialect in which its scriptures are recorded. I am indeed at a loss which to admire most — whether the disinterested zeal that animated Mr. Turnour, or the perseverance with which amidst his arduous and responsible duties, he pursued the object of his researches. " When I come to analyze the Pali books of Ceylon," says M. Burnouf,* *'it will be seen what discoveries and labours we owe to the zeal of Mr. Turnour; and we shall have to admit Mr. Bias, Modliar) not only to convey his Singhalese answers in English to me, but to interpret my English questions in Singhalese to him, as he was totally incapable of following me in English. With Europeans he generally conversed in the local Portuguese." * History of Buddhism, p. iv. 104 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. tliut if he has given to Europe fewer original manii* script:?, he has furnished us with a hirger number of accurate translations.'' Of these valuable observations and translations, in his lengthy Introduction descrip- tive of the Mahawansa, I shall now proceed to make copious extracts : "The Avriter opens his work with the usual invocation to Buddho, to the explanation of which he devotes no less than twenty-five pages of the Tika. Without stopping to examine these comments, I j)roceed to his notes on the word ' Mahawanso.' "Mahawanso is the abbreviation of Mahantananwanso, the genealogy of the great. It signifies both pedigree, and inheritance from generation to generation ; being itself of high import, either on that account, or because it also bears the two above significations ; hence 'Mahawanso.' "What that Mahawanso contains (I proceed to explain) : — Be it known, that of these {i. e,, of the aforesaid great) it illustrates the genealogy, as well as of the Buddhos, and of their eminently pious disciples, as of the great monarchs, commencing with RIaliasammato. It is also of gi'eat import, inasmuch as it narrates the visits of Buddho (to Ceylon). Hence the work is ('Maha') great. It contains, liiiewise, all that was known to, or has been recorded by, the pious men of old, connected with the supreme and well defined history of those unrivalled dynasties ('wanso'). Let (my hearers) listen (to this Mahawanso). "Be it understood, that even in the (old) Atthakatha, the words 'Dipatthutiya sadhusakkatan' are held as of deep import. They have there (in that work) exclusive reference to the visits of Buddho, and matters connected therewith. THE MAHAWANSA. 105 On this subject the aiitient historians have thus expressed themselves: — 'I will perspicuously set forth the visits of Buddha to Ceylon ; the arrival of the relic and of the bo-tree ; the histories of the convocations, and of the schisms of the thoros ; the introduction of the religion of (Buddha) into the Island ; and the settlement and pedigree of the sovereign (Wijayo).' It will be evident, from the substance of the quotations here made, that the numerical extent of the dynasties (in my work) is exclusively derived from that source: (it is no invention of mine.) " Thus the title 'Mahawanso' is adopted in imitation of the history comjiosed by the fraternity of the Mahawiharo (at Anuradhapura.) In this work the object aimed at is, setting aside the Singhalese language in which (the former history) is composed, that I should sing in the IMagadhi. Whatever the matters may be, which were contained in the Atthakatha, without suppressing any part thereof, rejecting the dialect only, I compose my work in the supreme Magadhi language, which is thoroughly purified from all imperfections. I will brilliantly illustrate, then, the Maha- wanso, replete with information on every subject, and compre- hending the amplest detail of all important events ; like unto a splendid and dazzling garland, strung with every variety of flowers, rich in color, taste, and scent. "The former historians, also, used an analogous simile. They said, 'I will celebrate the dynasties ('wanso') perpe- tuated from generation to generation ; illustrious from the commencement, and lauded by many bards : like unto a garland strung with every variety of flowers : do ye all listen with intense interest.' " After some further commentaries on other words of the first verse, Mahanamo thus explains his motives for uuder- P 106 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. taking the compilation of his history, before he touches on the second. " ' Thus I, the author of the Mahawanso, by having rendered to religion the reverence due thereto, in my first verse, have procured for myself immunity from misfortune. In case it should be asked in this particular place, 'why, while there are Mahawansos composed by ancient authors in the Singhalese language, this author has written this Palapadoru- "wauso ?' in refutation of such an unmeaning objection, I thus explain the advantage of composing the Palapadoru-wunsa, viz., that in the Mahawanso composed by the ancients, there is the defect, as well of prolixity as of brevity. There are also other inaccuracies deserving of notice. Avoiding these defects, and for the purpose of explaining the principle on which the Pulapadoru-wanso I am desirous of compiling, is composed, I proceed to the second verse." The followino; extracts are also made to elucidate certain particulars connected with the history of Maha- nama. Mr. Turnour says: — *' In opening the second chapter, Mahanamo supplies detailed data touching several of Gotamo's incarnations, prior to his manifestation in the person of Mahasamraato, the first monarch of this creation. I shall confine myself to a translation of the portion of the commentary Avhich treats of that parti- cular incarnation. It will serve to assimilate his production or manifestation, by 'opapatika' or apparitional birth, with the Hindu scheme of the origination of the solar race. " 'At the close of that existence fin the Brahma Avorld) he was regenerated a man, at the commencement of this creation, by the process of 'opapatika.' From the circumstance of mankind being then afflicted with unendurable miseries, resulting from the uncontrolled state of the sinful passions THE MAHAWANSA. 107 which had been eugeiidered, as well as from the consterna- tion created by the murder, violence, and rapine produced by a condition of anarchy, a desire manifested itself among men to live subject to the control of a ruler. Hiiving met and consulted together, they thus petitioned unto him (the Buddho elect), 'O great man! from heucefoj'th it belongs to thee to provide for our protection and common weal.' The whole human race having assembled and come to this decision, the appellation was conferred on him of 'Maha- sammato,' ' the great elect.' " Valuable as the comments are on the genealogy of the Asiatic monarchs — the descendants and successors of Maha- sammato, — they are still only abridged and insulated notes deduced (as already noticed) from the Pitakattaya and the Atthakatha ; to which justice would not be done in this limited sketch of the buddhistical annals. As a proof, however of Mahanamo's general rigid adherence to the data from which his history is compiled, I may here advert to one of the instances of the care with which he marks every departure, however trivial, from the authorities by which he is otherwise guided. He says, in reference to the twenty- eight kings mentioned in the 6th verse : 'In the Atthakatha composed by the Uttarawiharo priests, omitting Chetiyo, the son of Upacharako, and representing Muchalo to be the son of Upacharako, it is stated that there were only twenty-seven rajas, whose existence extended to an asankya of years.' " The account of the first convocation on religion, after Gotamo's death, is so clearly and beautifully given in the third chapter, that no explanatory comments are requisite from me. For detailed particulars regarding the construc- tion of the convocation hall at Rajagaha, and the proceedings held therein, tlie Tika refers to the Samanlapasada Attha- 108 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. katha on the Dighaiiikayo, and the Sumangala wilasini Atthakatha. " The fourth and fifth chapters are the most vak;able in the Mahawauso, with reference to the chronology of Indian history. It will be observed that in some respects, both in the names and in the order of succession, this line of the Magadha kings varies from the Hindu genealogies. '• The rest of the fifth chapter, containing the account of Asoko's conversion — the history of Moggalii^uttatisso, by whom the third convocation was held, as well as of that convocation, is full of interesting matter, detailed with peculiar distinctness, on which the comments of the Tika throw no additional light. " At this stage of his work, being at the close of the third convocation, Mahanamo abruptly interrupts his history of India, and without assigning any reason in the sixth chapter for that interruption, resumes the history of Lanka, in con- tinuation of the visits of Buddho, given in the first chapter, commencing with the landing of Wijayo. His object in adopting this course is sufficiently manifest to his readers, when they come to the twelfth chapter. In the Tika, how- ever, he thus explains himself for following this course, at the opening of the sixth chapter. "'As soon as the third convocation was closed, Maha Mahindo, who was selected for, and sent on, that mission, by his preceptor Moggaliputto, who was bent on establishing the religion of Buddho in the different countries (of Jambu- dipo) came to this island, which had been sanctified, and rescued from evil influences, by the three visits paid, in aforetime, by the supreme Buddho ; and which had been rendered habitable from the very day on which Bhagavva attained pariuibbanan. THE MAHAWANSA. 109 ** 'Accordingly, at the expiration of two hundred and thirty-six years from that event, and in the reign of Dewa- iianpiyatisso, (Mahindo) arrived. Therefore (the Maha- wanso) arresting the narrative of the history (of Jambudipo) here, where it was requisite that it should be shown how the inhabitants of this island were established here ; with that view, and with the intent of explaining the arrival of Wijayo, it enters (at this point), in detail, into the lineage of the said Wijayo, by commencing (the sixth chapter) with the words : 'In the land of Wangu, in the capital of Waugu, &c.' " "The Tika adds nothing to the information contained in the Mahawanso, as to the fabulous origin of the Sihala dynasty. There are two notes on the first verse, on the words 'Wan- gesu' and 'pure,' which should have informed us fully as to the geographical position of the country, and the age in which the Wangu princes lived. They are however unsatisfactorily laconic, and comprised in the following meagre sentences. " ' There w-ere certain princes named Wangu. The country in which they dwelt becoming powerful, it was called ' Wangu,' from their appellation. "'The word 'pure' 'formerly,' signifies anterior to Bhagawa becoming Buddho. "All that can be safely advanced in regard to the contents of the sixth chapter is that Wijayo was descended, thi-ough the male branch, from the rajas of Wangu (Bengal proper), and, through the female line, from the royal family of Kalinga (Northern Circars) ; that his grandmother, the issue of the alliance above mentioned, connected herself or rather eloped with, some obscure individual named Siho (which word signifies 'a lion'); that their son Sihabahu put his own father to death, and established himself in Lala, a subdivi- sion of Magadha, the capital of which was Siliapura, probal'ly 110 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. the modern Synghaya on the Gunduck river ; (in the vicinity of which the remains of buddhistical edifices are still to be found) ; and that his son Wijajo, with his seven hundred followers, lauded in Lankd, outlawed in their native land, from which they came to this Island. I shall hereafter notice the probability of the date of his landing having been antedated by a considerable ternij for the purpose of support- ing a pretended revelation or command of Buddho, with which the seventh chapter opens. "The fabulous tone of the narrative in which the account of Wijayo's landing in Lanka is conveyed in the seventh chapter, bears, even in its details, so close a resemblance to the landing of Ulysses at the island of Circe, that it would have been difficult to defend Mahauamo from the imputation of plagiarism, had he lived in a country in which the works of Homer could, by possibility, be accessible to him. The seizure and imprisonment of Ulysses' men and his own rencontre with Circe, are almost identical with the fate of Wijayo and his men, on their landing in Lanka, within the dominions of Kuweni. " The narrative is too full and distinct in all requisite details, in the ensuing three chapters, to make any further remarks necessary from me. "The twelfth chapter contains the account of the dispersion of the buddhist missionaries, at the close of the third convo- cation, in B.C. 307, to foreign countries, for the purpose of propagating their faith. I had intended in this place to enter into a comparison of the data contained in Professor Wilson's sketch of the Raja Taringini, with the details furnished in this chapter of the Mahawanso, connected with the introduction of buddhism in Cashmir. The great length, however, of the preceding extracts from the Tika, which THE MAHAAVANSA. 1 1 1 has already swelled this mtroduction beyond the dimensions originally designed, deters me from undertaking the task in the present sketch. I shall, therefore, now only refer to the accordance between the two authorities (though of conflicting faiths) as to the f\\cts of that conversion having taken place in the reign of Asoko ; of the previous prevalence of the naga worship ; and of the visitation by tempests, which each sect attributed to the impiety of the opposite party ; as evidences of both authorities concurring to prove the histori- cal event, here recorded, that this mission did take place during the reign of that supreme ruler of India. "In entering upon the thirteenth chapter, a note is given in the Tika, which I extract in this place, as containing further particulars of the personal history of Asoko ; and I would take this opportunity of correcting a mistranslation, by altering the passage 'she gave birth to the noble (twin) sons Ujjenio and Mahindo,' into 'she gave birth to the noble Ujjeniau prince Mahindo.' The other chiMicn born to Asoko at Ujjeni, alluded to in a former note, were probably the offspring of different mothers. "■ 'Prior to this period, prince Bindusaro, the son of Chada- gutto of the Moriyan dynasty, on the demise of his father, had succeeded to the monarchy, at Patiliputta. He had two sons who were brothers. Of them (the sons) there were, also, ninety other brothers, the issue of different mothers. This monarch conferred on Asoko, who was the eldest* of all of them, the dignity of sub-king, and the government of Awanti. Subsequently, on a certain occasion, when he came * "This is at variance with a preceding note, which made Sumano the eldest of all Bindusaro's sons." 112 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. to Y>ay his respects to him (the monarch), addressing him, 'Sub-king, my child ! repairing to thy government, reside at Ujjeni,' ordered him thither. He, who was on his way to Ujjeni, pursuant to his father's command, rested in his journey at the city of Chetiyagiri, at the house of one Uewo, a settho. Having met there the lovely and youthful daughter of the said settho, named Chetiya dewi, and becom- ing enamoured of her; soliciting the consent of her parents^ and obtaining her from them, he lived with her. By that connection she became pregnant ; and being conveyed from thence to Ujjeni, she gave birth to the prince Mahindo. At the termination of two years from that date, giving birth to her daughter Sanghaniitta, she continued to dwell there. Bindusaro, the father of the sub-king, on his death bed, calling his son Asoko to his recollection, sent messeugers to require his attendance. They accordingly repaired to Ujjeni, and delivered their message to Asoko. Pursuant to those instructions, he hastened to his father by rapid stages, leaving his son and daughter, in his way, at Chetiyagiri ; and hurrying to his father at Pataliputta, performed the funeral obsequies of his parent, who died immediately on his arrival. Then, putting to death the ninety-nine brothers of different mothers, and extirpating all disaffected persons, and raising the chhatta, he there solemnized his inauguration. The mother of the thero (Mahindo), sending her children to the king's court, continued to reside herself at the city of Chetiyagiri. Tt is from this circumstance (that the author of the Mahawanso has said), 'While prince Asoko was ruling over the Awanti country.' " The Tika affords no new matter, as far as regards the interesting narrative contained in the fifteenth, sixteenth, THE MAHAWANSA. Il3 seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth chapters. The twentieth chapter contains a chronological summary of the reign of Dhammasoko, at the opening of which the TIka gives the following note, affording another proof of the minute attention paid by the author to prevent any misappre- hension in regard to the chronology of his history. "After describing the arrival of the bo-tree, and preparatory to entering upon the chapter on the subject of the theros obtaining 'parinibbauan,' the account of the death of the two monarchs, Dhammasoko and Dewananpiyatisso, is set forth (in the Mahawanso in these words) : ' In the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammasoko, the bo-tree was placed in the Mahameghawanua pleasure garden.' "(In the Mahawanso it is stated), 'these years collectively amount to thirty-seven.' By that work it might appear that the total (terra of his reign) amounted to forty-one years. That reckoning would be erroneous ; the last year of each period being again counted as the first of the next period. By avoiding that double appropriation, the period becomes thirty-seven years. In the Atthakatha, avoiding this absurd (literally laughable) mistake, the period is correctly stated. It is there specified to be thirty-seven years." The untranslated portion of the Mahawansa contains sixty-two chapters; (vide an Analysis of the same in Tumour's Mahawansa^ p. xci.) There is not the same facility for translating this portion which Mr. Turnour had for the rendering of the first thirty-eight chapters into English ; for, not only is there not a gloss or tika to the untranslated part, but the work itself is found in almost inextricable confusion ; and the only hope of securing a correct copy of the text is by careful inter- Q 11-1 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. comparison with old MSS. lu different parts of the island, and with copies, if procurable, from Siam and Amarapura. Having given all the information worthy of notice regarding this ancient History, we may state that Tumour has translated and published the first thirty- eight chapters, and also the fifty -ninth. It was publicly stated that he had also translated ten other chapters, but these have never been published. Mr. L. De Zoysa, Mudaliyar, has also published a translation of the Ixviiith and Ixixth chapters in the C. B. Royal Asiatic Society's Journal for 1856 — 58. Not only as a specimen of the third part of the Maha- wansa by Tibbottuvawa, but as furnishing evidence of the wanton destruction of the ancient literary records of this country, which, according to another historian, *'were burnt in heaps as high as cocoa-nut trees," we here present, with a translation. Cap. XCIII. Atha tassachcliaye tasmiu samudd'asanna ratthake Jayawaddhana kotth'adi pasiddha nagaresuhi Tahin tahin vasantesu Suriya vansaja rajusu Maya dhanavho raj'eko asi tejo janadhipo Tass'atrajo balo dsi Eajasiho'ti namako Gantva tahin tahin yuddhau katvana aggahi jayan Jayaggaho mahabalo attano pitaran'^^icha Gha tetva saka hattha so rajja'maggahi dummati Sltavaka nagarasmin Eajasiho'ti vissuto Pasanno sasane kinchi kalamhi kusalan karan Danan datv'ekada raja malm there apuchchhi so THE MAHAWANSA. 115 PItu gbatakapdpa'han kathan nasemi bhitiko Tada thera tassadhamman desetvana visarada A'radhetun asakkonta duttha chiltan kubuddhino Kata papan viua setun nasakka'ti giran sute Dandappa Lata matteua kuddbo ghora viso viya Sivabbattike'pi pucbcbbitva sakka'ti katbitan giran Amatan viya sutvana kayan limpetva cbbarikan Sivabbattin gabetvana nasento jiuasasanan Bbikkbu Saughancba gbatento jbapento dbammapottbake Bbindapetvana arame saggamaggam'pi cbbadayi Sansarakbanubbuto'va micbcbbadittbiu auanhi so Sumana kutambi uppannan sabban labban bi ganbilun Niyojesi tabiu papa micbcbbadittbika tapase Evan adbammiko balo gahe tabban ajaniya Agabe tabbakan gayba maba dukkbau aganhi so Tadd, rdjabbayen'eva uppabbajj insu bbikkhavo Sausara bbiruka tesu gata asuu tabin tabiu Sabba loka bitan buddba sasanan hi suuimmaLan Dbansetva'k^si rajjan so pubba puiiiia baleni'dha A'na balena yuttova sabba Linkatalan hi so Katvana attano batthe rajjan akasi papiko Evan rkjabalen'upeta mahipo dassetva ana balan Katva so sakalan apuiiuanicbayan marassa hattban gate Ittban papa kuditthi moha vasage adinavan janiya Bhita sabba pamada bbavarabila sadbentu atthan babun. Iti sujanappasada sanvegatthaya kate Maba-vanse IMaya Dhanavba rfija dipako nama te-navutimo paricb.cbbedo. " Thereupon after his demise there, when several Princes of the Siirya race were resident in different 116 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, localities in Jayawaddhana Kottha, and other cele- brated cities adjacent to the sea, there was a mighty and supreme king named Mayadhanu. He had a valiant son named Raja Sinha, who, having gone to different places, waged war, and achieved victory. This vic- torious, but very unwise and wicked person, having (next) killed his father with his own hand, ascended the throne ; proclaimed himself Raja Sinha of Sitavaka ; and, for a short time, did meritorious acts in devotion to (Buddhism) religion. One day, this timid conscience-stricken king, after feeding the Maha theras, inquired of them: ' How shall I get over the sin of Patricide?' Thereupon, though these talented priests preached the dhamma to him, they were nevertheless unable to satisfy the wicked mind of this foolish (prince); and when he heard the reply that it was impossible to get rid of the sin which he had committed, he was provoked like a venomous (serpent) that had been struck with a stick. Making the (same) inquiry of Saivites, but hearing their reply, that *it was possible,' he was (filled with joy) as with ambrosia. Daubing his body with ashes, and (thus) embracing the faith of Siva, he destroyed the religion of Buddha, murdered Bhikkhus, and Sangha, burnt the sacred works of Buddha, pulled down monastic establishments, raised a barrier to heaven, and, as if he had raised a (lasting pillar) monument to Sansara [never ceasing circle of existence], became a heretic. He placed sinful heretical (Tapasa) Fakirs at the Sumana Mount [Adam's Peak], and directed them to THE MAHAWANSA. 117 take all the revenues derivable at that (establishment.) Thus this unjust and foolish personage, not knowing what was fit to be taken, and taking what was improper to take, entered into (paths) of great distress. At this period (some of) the bhikkhus, from a dread of the king, left the priesthood; and others, from fear of Sansara, resorted to different countries. This sinful king (however), having destroyed the unblemished religion of Buddha, which was profitable to the whole world, continued to reign by reason of his previously acquired merit, and by means of his great powers, secured the rule of the whole of Lanka into his hands.* Having thus exhibited his powers, and having also amassed a large amount of sin, he entered the hands of death. May the (righteous), thus knowing the danger of sin, ignorance, and false religion; and, with dread, forsaking all conditions of procrastination, accomplish great felicity. Here (ends) the ninety-third chapter of the Maha- wansa, entitled 'the Dynasty called Mayadhanu,' composed equally for the delight and affliction of risrhteous men." o Having already noticed the Tika to the Mahawansa, it only remains to give a specimen of the work; and we subjoin the following passage with a translation, referring to the text at p. 229. * I have here omitted certain repetitions. 118 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Tliupassa miiddhani tatha 'nagghan vajira cliumba- tan-ti ; tatlieva maha tliupassa muddhani satasaliassag- ghanikan maha maninclia patittliapetwa tassahettha asani upaddava viddhansa natthan adhara valaya miva katva anagghan vajira chumbatan* cha pujesi'tif attho. That is; "Thuj^assa muddhani tatha'nagglian vajira chumbatan" means, "having in like manner placed a large gem, of a lac in value, on the top of the great thupa, he fixed (literally, offered) below it (/. e. below the gem), for the purpose of destroying the dangers of lightning, an invaluable diamond chumbata, (having made it) like a supporting ring, (or annular rest.)" Dl'PAWANSA. Though the Mahawansa is at present "the most authentic" history of Ceylon, it is by no means the only existing historical record, nor the most ancient. * The word chumbata is compounded of chumba ' to kiss,' and ata ' to go.' This is sometimes used with, and sometimes without, an affix. If with an affix, (when a euphonic change is intended) it takes navu, which is changed into aka. See Balava- tara, p. 113. Thence, the word itself is written chumbataka. See also Pali Nighandu. •)■ A respectful term ; and means ' placed,' or ' fixed as an offering ' in a religious point of view. This is a very common expression. See Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, vi. note at p. 755. In vol. vii. of the same work, at p. 259, Mr. Prinsep defines this term "propitiated by puja." Dl'PAWANSA. 119 One of the Pdli Records to which Mahanarao was indebted for information, and from which he has extracted two verses without alteration, is the Dipa- wansa, Mr. Tumour's conjecture, that this work* is the Mahawansa of the Uttara Vihara priests, is entitled to much weight. He says: — " The author of the Mahawanso,f in his Tika, declares more than once that he compiles his work from the SIhala Mahawanso . and Atthakatha of the Mahawiharo, and from the Sihala Atthakatha of the Uttarawiharo fraternities, as well as from the Mahawanso of the Uttarawiharo priests. The last mentioned of these works alone, as far as I am able to form an opinion at present, was composed in the Pali language, at the time Mahanamo compiled his Mahawanso. I am induced to entertain this opinion from the circumstance, that Mahanamo's quotations from that work alone are in the metrical form, whereas all the translated quotations made by Pali authors from Sihala authorities are invariably, as might have been expected, rendered in prose. One of these quotations consists of the identical two verses with which the Dipawanso opens, and at the close of the Tika a reference is made to the Dipawanso for explanation of the violation of the Maha- wiharo consecration, in the reign of Mahaseno. For these reasons, and as that work bears also the title of the "Maha- wanso" or "the great genealogy," my Buddhist coadjutors concur with me in thinking, that the Dipawanso now extant * My copy is written in 328 pages, with 16 lines to the page, •j- Pages xxxi., xxxii., xlii. and xliii. of the Introduction to the Mahawanso. 120 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. is the Pali Mahawanso of tlie Uttarawihtlro fraternity. In fact the titles of Dipa and Maha, are indiscriminately given to both these histories." From the evidence which its contents furnishes, there can be no reasonable doubt that the Dipawansa was compiled from time to time by several official historio- graphers, appointed by the State, as we learn from tradition, as well as from the early Arabian travellers in Ceylon.* I have procured several copies of this, work, but they are all in great confusion. Some of the Bana- waras, into which it is divided, are deficient in the necessary number of stanzas. The whole work is confused in its arrangement; the same stanza being repeated in several chapters, and sometimes several times in one and the same chapter. Some of the verses are also deficient, and perhaps owing to bad copyists, very defective in language. Such appears to have been the case, as remarked by Mr. Turnour in his essay on the Indian Inscriptions,! even in the copy which he obtained from Burma through the intervention of Nadoris De Silva, Mudaliyar. This leads me to believe that these defects of repeti- tion, etc., are attributable chiefly to the compilers themselves. I am the more confirmed in this belief, not only by the repetitions with which all ancient books, especially the Tepitaka, abound; but also by the * Sir E. Tennent's History of Ceylon, i. p. 387, note. t See Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal. Dl'PAWANSA. 121 testimony contained in later writings as to their general character. Mahanama in speaking of such works (of which the Dipawansa was doubtless one) says, "that in the Mahawansa composed by the ancients there are defects both of prolixity and brevity. There are also other inaccuracies deserving of notice." And Bud- dhao-osa in referrino^ to the writers he was indebted to for his Gloss, says, •*! translate the Atthakatha into the Pali omitting only the frequent re- petition of the same explanation." The Dipawansa, as remarked by Turnour, from its being quoted by the Mahawansa, is unquestionably a prior work, but as its narrative extends to the reign of Mahasena in a.d. 302, its priority cannot exceed 150 years. The most remarkable feature in this history, is the great effort which is made by its authors to complete the links of the Theraparampara chain, or the genealogy of the priesthood, and make them consistent with chronology. This is, obviously, for the pui'pose of shewin Supposing his ordination had been put off to the last year of Upali's life, he could not have been more than 17, when made an upasamjDada. So far from being qualified to be the custos of the Wineyo, he wanted three years of the age to make him admissible for ordination. But we are further told, that he died at the age of 64 in the eighth of Susunago's reign, which falls to a. b. 80 : having then been an upa- sampada 50 years, he must necessarily have been ordained at 14 years of age. But there is manifestly some trifling error somewhere ; foi-, by the latter dates ho must have been bom nut a. b. 13, liul a. b. 16. 124 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. "Souuko was Dasako's successor ; he was 40 in the lOih year of Kalasoko's loign, which was a. b. 100; he was born therefore in GO, and he is stated to have died at the age of 66 in the sixth of the reign of the Nandos, which falls to A. B. 124. lie Avas therefore only 20 years old when his preceptor died : but it is specifically stated that he had been a learned upasampada 44 years when he died ; and conse- quently Sijnako also could only have been 16 years when ordained. " Siggawo and Chandawo or Chandawajji were the co- disci- ples and successors of Sonako. Siggawo was 64 years old in the second of Chandagutto's* reign a, b. 1 64, and he died aged 76 in the 14th of that reign a. b. 176. He was born therefore a. b. 100, and yet we are told, that it was in this very year, the 10th of the reign of Kalasdko, they Avere ordained npf.sampad^ by Sonako. There is a manifest error, therefore, in the term of five years assigned for Siggawo's upasampadaship. As his ordaining preceptor Sonako died A. B. 124, he must have been at that time only 24 years old, and at his own death an upasampada of 76 years' standing, — a term co-equal with his natural life. In various parts of the Atthakatha, and in the fifth chapter of the Mahawanso likewise it is stated that they were "adult priests" at the time the second convocation was held ; and indeed it is speci- fically stated in page 30, that Siggawo was 18 years old when he was first presented to Sonako. The pretended prophecy, delivered to him and Chandivwajji at the close of * "I assign in these remarks 24 years to the reign of Chanda- gutto, which will bring Asoko's accession to a. n 214, and hi* iuaugm-ation, four years afterwards, to a. b, 218," Dl'rAWANSA. 125 that convocation, avouIcI consequently be nullified at once, if their birth be not dated anterior to A. b. 100: manifestly, therefore, these dates also are an imposition. "Lastly, Moggaliputtatisso was their disciple ; he was ordained in the second of Chandagutto A. b. 164, and he was 66 in the sixth of Dhammasoko A. b. 220 ; he was born, therefore, in a. b. 154, and could only have been 14 years old at the death of Siggawo, when he became the chief of the Wineyo preceptors. He is stated to have died in the 26th of Dhammasoko, A. b. 240, aged 80. This gives A. b. 1 60 instead of A. B. 154 for his birth, being a discrepancy of six years. "On pointing out to my Pandits, that, even in this elaborate adjustment of the succession of preceptors, the number of lives given is found to be insufficient to fill up a term of 236 years, without bringing the several preceptors into office before they had attained the prescribed age, they at once decided, that the author of the Dipawanso has put forth an erroneous statement, and that the whole ought to be rejected as unfounded. How the discrepancies are to be rectified they do not suggest, beyond hazarding a conjecture, that each preceptor, like Sabhakanii, must have lived to a more advanced age ; and that each succeeding preceptor conse- quently had attained a maturer standing at the period of his succession." Mr. Turnour lias published, in an analysis, some of the most interesting portions of this work, in the columns of the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal. In reprinting the same here, I have added to it translations of other portions by myself. Where the matter was such as I thought not very interesting, I have given a summary of its contents. 126 descriptive catalogue. Bha'nava'ra First. Contents. — The usual adoration — introductory re- marks — Gotama's attainment of Buddha-hood — his first work as Buddha — his perception of Lanka, and its affairs — his fore-knowledge of Asoka and Maliinda — his departure to Baranasi after seven weeks— the reception which he gave to "the five priests" — his visit to Uruvela — how he overcame a Naga at Uruvela, and was invited to spend the Hemanta (dewy) season there — his knowledge of the thoughts of Kassapa — his departure to Uttarakuru, and his perception of the Yakkhas in Lanka — his first visit to Lanka — the great wonders which he there exhibited — how he obtained permission to occupy a place, and how he terrified the Yakkhas— their removal to Giri-dipa — description of Giri-dipa — how the Yakkhas were expelled into it — Buddha's departure to Uruvela after extending his protection to Lanka. Bha'nava'ra Second. Gotama's perception, whilst at Savatti, of a contest between Nagas — description of their battle — the cause which led to Gotama's second visit to Lanka — his departure thereto — how he produced a darkness — how he reduced the Nagas to terror — his preaching to them from the sky — their conversion, and offering of a gem-set seat to Buddha — how he sat upon it, and the attentions which he received from the Nagas — the request to him by Mani-akkhika Nsiga to visit Lanka — his acceptance of the invitation, and dcpar- Dl'PA"\VAN3A. 127 ture from Jetavana monastery. Buddha's third visit to Lanka and Kalyani — the offerings to him by Mani Akkhika — his dhyana meditations at IMaha Megha park — the acceptance of the said park by former Buddhas. The following is Tumour's* translation of Bha'nava'ra Thikd. "Omitting the rajas who existed in former kappii, I vrill in the fullest manner narrate (the history of} the rajas of the present creation. I shall perspicuously set forth the regions in "which they existed, their name and lineage, the term of their existence, and the manner in which they governed : whatever that narrative may be, attend ye thereto. "The first individual who was inaugurated a raja, the protector of the land, was named Mahasanmiato ; he was superlatively endowed w^ith personal beauty ; that Ivhattiyo exercised the functions of sovereignty. "Rojo was his sou, Wararojo, the monarch Kalyauo ; Warakalyauo, Uposatho, Mandatof the seventh in succession, * He designates this the third Bh^navaro ; see Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, vii. p. 924. Mr. Turnour remarks, "ahhiina- varo ought to contain 250 gatha. This section is only equal to 87, and some of the verses are incomplete. I can however detect no want of continuity in the narrative." — The defect in this re- spect is only in the division of the sections. f " In the Mahavvanso, I have been misled by the plural Mandata, and reckoned two kings of that name. I see by the tiki the name should be in the singular Mandato. The twenty -eight rajas who lived for an Asankhevvan include therefore Mahasammato." 128 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. a supreme ruler of the four dipa,* endowed with great wealth; Charo, the raja Upacharo, and Chetiyo abounding in riches; Muchalo ; Mahamuchalo, Muchalindo, Sagaro ; Sagaredewo, Bliarato, Bhagiratho the Khattiyo ; Ruchi, Maharuchi, Patapo, Mahapatapo, Panado, Maliapaniido, the Khattiyo Sudassano, Mahasudassano, and in like manner two of the name of Neru ; and Achchimiif , (were successively the sons of each preceding ruler.) The term of existence of these twenty-eight rajas was an Asaukheyyan ; and the capitals in which these monarclis, whose existence extended to an Asan- kheyyan, reigned, were Kusawati, Riijagahan and Mithila." (Here follows the rule by which an Asankheyyan is to be computed.) " The descendants of Achchima were one hundred ; and they ruled supreme in their capital called Sakula.^ The last of these was the Khattiyo Arindamo ; his descendants, fifty-six mouarchs in number, reigned supreme in their capital Ayujjhapurd. * " Jambudipo, Uttarukuru, Aparagojanan and Piibbawideho." f " This name also has been erroneously omitted by me in the Mahawanso. Achchima was there read Pachchima. The Tika, however, shows that the Dipawanso is correct." I " In the Tika, it is further stated : The eldest son of Achchim& was the monarch Wattaparasani, though his name be not preserved, quitting Mithela in the same manner that the Okkaka family quitting Baranasi founded Kapilawatthu in a subsequent age, established himself at Kasawati, raised the Chhata there, and there his dynasty flom-ished. His lineal successors in that empire were in number ninety-nine, the last of whom was Arindam, and they all ruled there under the designation of the Achchima dynasty. I should infer from this passage that the capital called Sakula in the Dipawanso should be Kus&wati." Dl'PAWANSA. 129 '• The last of these was Duppasalio, a wealthy monarch; his descendants were sixty rulers, who reigned supreme in their capital Baranasi. "The last of these was Ajitajauo ; his descendants, eighty- four thousand in number, ruled supreme in their capital Kapilanagamn. "The last of these was Brahmadatto, greatly endowed with riches ; his descendants were thirty-six i-ajas in number, who reigned supreme in their capital Hatthipura. "The last of these was the raja Kambalawasabho ; his descendants were thirty- two monarchs, who reigned supreme in their capital Ekachakkhu. " The last of these was the illustrious Purindadewo ; his descendants were twenty- eight monarchs, who reigned supreme in their capital Wajirapura. " The last of these was the raja Sodhano ; his descendants were twenty monarchs, and they reigned supreme in their capital Madhura. '* The last of these was the raja Dhammagutto, powerful in his ai'mies ; his descendants were eighteen monai'chs, who reigned supreme in their capital Aritthapura. " The last of these was the raja Narindasitthi*! ; his descendants were seventeen kings, who reigned supreme in their capital ludapattapura. " The last of these was Brahmedewo'- raja ; his descend- ants were sixteen monarchs, who reigned in their capital Ekachakkhu. * In the TIka there are the following variations of appellation from the Dipawanso: 1. Brahmastwo. 2. Brahmadatto. 3, Balad6wo. 4. Hatthidewo. 5. Samuddhadatto. S 130 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. " The last of these was the monarch Baladatto^ ; his descend- ants were fourteen rulers, who reigned supreme in their capital Kosabinagaran. "The last of these was celebrated under the title of Bhaddadewo* ; his descendants were nine kings, who reigned in their capital Kannakochchhanagaran. "The last of these was the celebrated Naradewo ; his descendants were seven monarchs, who reigned supreme in their capital Rajananagaran. " The last of these was the raja Mahindo ; his descendants were twelve kings, who reigned supreme in their capital Champakanagaran. " The last of these was the monarch Nagade wo ; his descend- ants were twenty -five rulers, who reigned supreme in their celebrated capital Mithila. " The last of these was Buddhadatto^, a raja powerful by his armies ; his descendants were twenty-five monarchs, who reigned supi'eme in their capital Rajagahan. " The last of these was Dipankaro ; his descendants were tAvelve rajas, who reigned supreme in their capital Takkasila. " The last of these was the raja Talisakaro ; his descendants were twelve rulers, who reigned supreme in their capital Kusinflra. "The last of these was the raja Purindo ; his descendants were nine kings, who reigned supreme in Tamaliti. " The last of these was the worthy monarch Sagaradewo, whose son Makhadewo* was pre-eminent for his deeds of * The Tik& observes in reference to the Mahawanso, that accord- ing to the Atthakatha, Makhadewo is reckoned among the eighty- five thousand successors of Sagaradewo, whereas that number should be exclusive of him. Dl'PAWANSA. 131 cliarity ; his descendants were eighty-four thousand monarchs, who reigned sujireme at Mithila. " The last of these was Nemi, a monarch who received offerings from the Dewa and was a Chakkawatti (powerful sovereign), whose dominions were bounded by the ocean : thesonof Nemi was Kalakajanako*; his son was Samankuro: and his son was Asoko ; and his descendants were eighty-four thousand rulers who reigned supreme in their capital B&ranasi. " The last of these was the raja Wijayo, a wealthy monarch : his son was Wijitasano who was endowed with great personal splendor. Dhammaseno, Nagaseno, Samatho, Disampati, Rainu, Kuso ; Mahakuso, Nawaratho, Dasaratho, Ramo, Bilaratho, Chittadassi, Atthadassi, Sujato, Okkako|, Okka- kamuko, Nii)uro, Chandima, Chandamukho, Siriraja, Sanjayo, the monarch Wessantaro, Jalo, Sihawahano and Sihassaro. These were enterprising monarchs, who upheld the pre-emi- nence of their dynasty ; and his (Sihassaro's) descendants were eighty-two thousand, who (all) reigned supreme in their capital Kapilawatthu. "The last of these was Jayaseno ; his son was Sehahanu who was endowed with great personal splendor. Unto the said Sehahanu there were five sons. Those five brothers were Suddhodano, Dhotddano, Sukkodano, Ghatitodano and Amitodano. All these rajas were distinguished as Odano.| * Here also the Tik-i notices in reference to the Mahawanso that the eighty-five thousand are to be reckoned exclusive of Samankuro and Asoko. ■\ Vide Mahawanso Introduction, p. xxxv., for the establishment of the Sakyan dynasty of Okkakamukho. J This woi'd literally signifies " boiled rice ;" no I'eason is assigned for adopting the designation. 132 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Siddattho, the saviour of the world, was the son of Suddhu- dano ; and after the birth of his iUustrious son Rahulo, finally relinquished (worldly grandeur) for the purpose of attaining Buddliohood. " The whole of these monarchs, who were of great wealth and power, were in number one lakh, four nahutani* and tliree hundred. Such is the mumber of monarchs of the dynasty from which the Bodhisatto (Buddho elect) is sprung. "Perishablcf things are most assuredly transitory, it being their predestiny that after being produced they should perish ; they, accordingly, being produced, pass away. To arrest this (eternity of regeneration and destruction, by the [attain- ment of nibbanan) is indeed to be blessed." The conclusion of the Maha'ra'jawanso. " The raja Suddhodano, the son of Sehahanu was a monarch who reigned in the city called Kapila ; and the raja Bhatiyo was then the monarch who reigned at Rajagahan, a city situated in the centre of five| mountains. These two rulers of men, Suddhodano and Bhatiyo, the descendants (of royal dynasties) from the commencement of the kappo, were intimately attached to each other. * In this sense a nalmtaii is 10,000, making therefore, 140,300 monarchs. Accordinoj to the Tika there were 252,539 n'ljas from Mahasammato to Okkuko, the Ikswaku of the Hindus. I This is a passage of the Pitakattayan as pi'opounded by Sakya. X The names of these mountains are Isigili, Wibharo, in which is situated the Sattampanni cave in which tlie first convocation was held; Wi^'putto ; Pandawo and Gejjhakato, the mountain '.vbere Ruddho dwelt last in the neighbourhood of Rajagahan. DI'PAWANSA. 133 " (By Bimbisaro the sou of Bhatiyo) these five wishes were conceived in the eighth year of his age. ' Sliould my royal parent invest me with sovereignty : should a supreme of men (Buddho) be born in my dominions : should a Tathagatho select me for the first person to whom he presented himself: should he administer to me the heavenly dhammo ; and should I comprehend that supreme dhammo— these will be blessings vouchsafed to me.' Such were the five wishes conceived by Bimbisaro. "Accordingly, on the demise of his father, he was inaugu- rated in the fifteenth year of his age : within his dominions the supreme of the world was born : Tathagato repaired to him as the first person to whom he presented himself : propounded the heavenly dhammo : and the monarch comprehended it. " Mahawero was not less than thirty-five years old, and the monarch Bimbisaro was in the thirtieth year of his age. Gotamo therefore was five years senior to Bimbisaro. That monarch reigned fifty-two years, thirty- seven of which he passed contemporaneously with Buddho. "Ajatasatto (his son) reigned thirty-two years : in the eighth year of his inauguration, the supreme Buddho attained nibbanan. From the time that the omniscient Buddho, the most revered of the world and (he supreme of men attained Buddhohood, this monarch reigned twenty-four years." Bha'nava'ra Fourth. Pariiubbute cha sanbuddhe bhikkhu sangho samagato Araha* khind sava suddha sabbe [te ?J guiia paraga Te sabbe vichi nitvana uchchiuitva varan varan * This is in the singular number. I ni)pi-chend it should be arahanto. 134 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Pauclia satauan theranan akansu sanglia sammataii Dliutavadanam'aggo so Kassapo jina sasaue Bahussutaiiam' A'nando vinaye Upali pandito Dibba chakkhumhi Anuruddho Vangiso patibbanako Punno cha dhammakathikanan cbittakathi Kumai'a Kassapo Vibhajjanainbi Kachcliano Kotthito patisambhido Anile' p'atthi maha thera agga dhamme patitthita Thehichanuehi therehi katakichchehi sadbubi Panchasatehi therehi dharama vinaya sangaho Therehi kata sangaho thera vadoti vuchchati Upalin viuayaa puchchhitva dhaniman A'nanda yavhayan Akansu dhamma sangahan vinayan chapi bhikkhavo Mahakassapa there cha Anuruddho maha gani Upali there satima A'nando cha bahussuto Ailiie bahu abhiiinata savaka satthu vannita Pattapati sambhida chhala bhiiina mahiddhika Samadhijjhaua manuchiuna saddhamme paramingaty Sabbe pan cha sata thera navangan jina sasanan Uiforahetvaua dharesun buddha setthassa sautike Bhagavato sammukha suta patiggahita cha san>mukha Dhammaucha vinayan chapi kevalan buddha desitan Dhammadhara vinaya dhara sabbepi agata'gama Asanliira asankuppa satthukappa sada garu Aggasantike gahetva agga dhammau tathagata Agganikkliittaka thera aggan akansu sangahan ' Sabbopi so thera vado agga vado ti vuchchati Sattapanni guhe* ramme thera pancha sata ganI ta J * Guha is a feminine noun. In the locative it should be guha- yan, as Buddhagosa has correctly rendered it in the Atthakatlia — "sattapanne guhayan." It is heie treated .as a masculine or ueuter noun, for •which I find no authority. Bl'PAWANSA. 135 f Nisinna patigiijjinsu navangaii satthu sasanan Suttan Geyyan Veyyakaranan Gathudanitivuttakan Jatak 'Abbliuta Vedallan navauga satthu sasanau Pavibhatta iman thera saddhamman avinasanan Vagga paiinasakan uama sanyuttaucha nipdtakau A'gama pitakau nama akansu sutta samniatan Yava titthati saddhammo sangahonavinassati Tavata sasanaddhanan chiran titthati satthuno Kataucha dhamma Vinaya Sangahan sasana rahan Asankampi achalan dalhan appati vattiyan Yo kochi samano vapi brahmano cha bahussuto^ Parappa vada kusalo valavedhi samagato v Nasakkd pati vattetun sineruva suppatitthito ) Devo maro cha brahma va ye kechi patliavi nissita Napassauti auuppattan kinchi dubbhasitan padan Evan sabbaAga sampannan dhamma Vinaya sangahan Suvibhaltan supatichchhannan satthu sabbanilutaya cha Maha Kassapa pamokkha thera pancha sata cha te Kata dhamman cha vinayan sangahan avinasanan Samma sambuddha sadisan dhammakayan sabhavato Natva janassa sandehan akansu dhamma sangahan* Anuiiiia vado saratto saddhammd anurakkhato Thitiya sasanaddhanan thera vado sahetuko Yavatd ariya atthi sasane buddha savaka Sabbe pi samanuiiiianti pathaman dhamma sangahan Mula nidanan pathaman adi pubbangaman dhura Pancha sata katd aggd ajaniya ana kulan...ti Maha Kassapa sangahan uitthitan. * There are many doubtful expressions in tliis extract; but I have not thought proper to revise the text. 136 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 'When Buddha had attained nibbana, the assembled priesthood, who were all pure Arahantas of eminent virtues and whose clinging to existence was extinct, having consulted together, and selected pre-eminent theras, held a Council of five hundred. Kasappa, who was the chief, amongst the Dhuta- vadas* in the Buddhist faith; A'nanda, amongst those who had much heard (the original discourse's); Upali, amongst those who were versed in the Vinaya; Anuruddha, amongst those gifted with divine per- ception; Vangisa, amongst those who were of prompt speech; Punna, amongst the preachers; Kumarakassapa, amongst those who could (adorn) expatiate on a subject ; Kachchana, amongst those who were able to consider a matter in all its bearings; Kotthita, amongst those versed in the Patisambhida;t and others of pre-eminent virtues; as well as various other pious, sanctified theras, (in all) five hundred, made a collec- tion| of the doctrines of the Dhamma and Vinaya. The compilation so made by them is called Thera Vada,§ ' the discourses of the Theras.' * Observers of thirteen religious ordinances. See Telesdhutinga, in Clough's Siigihalese Dictionary, p. 242, •}• Four eminent qualifications, peculiar to the highest order of Ai'ahantas ; a knowledge of ethics ; of dhamma or religious doctrines ; of the philological comments and expositions thereon ; and a supernatural discrimination. J Sangaha, ' collection,' ' compilation.' § This is an important and remarkable admission, and it is con- sistent with the facts which every section of the Pitakatt&ya discloses. Dl'PAWANSA. 137 The Bhikkhus made the collection of the Dhamma* and the Yinaya, having first consnlted (him who was called) A'nanda on the former, and Upaiion the latter. The Theras, Mahjikassapa; Annruddha of immense retinue ; Upc4li of retentive memory ; A'nanda of profound learning,! and many other celebrated disciplesj — in all 500 principal theras, endowed with the six perceptions, § and mighty powers; who had been complimented by Buddha (himself); who were versed in the Patisambhida ; who practised Samadh;|| and Jhana ;1[ who were perfect masters of the doctrines, and the sustainers of tliem ; and who had, moreover, learnt the nine-branched** religion in the very j)resence of the supreme Buddha; heard and received the entire body of Buddha's Sermons (comprising < the Yinaya and Dhamma (in the presence of) from Buddha himself. * Dliamma, here comprehends the doctrines of the Sntta and Abhidhanima pitakas, as opposed to the Vinaya, which is on Discijiline. f Bahussuta, 'much heard.' I Siivaka, 'hearer,' thence 'a disciple.' § Chhalabhiniia — 1, The power to assume any shape. 2, Super- natural hearing of any s^oiind, however low. 3, The power of knowing the thoughts of others. 4, The knowledge of previous states of existence. 5, The power of vision at any distance ; and 6, The subjugation of all desires. II ' Deep and devout meditation.' ^ Jhana, ' meditation and reflection, so as to bring their object fidly and undistui'bedly before the mind.' ** Lit. 'nine-bodied'— vide tlie text. 138 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. All these pre-eminent, ever venerable theras of undeviating orthodoxy, and unchangeable (principles), like Buddha himself, who were the sustainers of the Dhamma and Vinaya, who were well versed in the doctrines, and who learnt the supreme dhamma in the presence of their chief, made the first Compilation. All the discourses of the Theras are (thence) called the chief discourses. The Council of five hundred Theras sat in the delightful cave Sattapanni, and chaunted the nine- bodied discourses of Buddha, which, with a view to their perpetuation,* they apportioned into Sutta, Geyya, Veyyakarana, Gathii, Uduna, Itivuttaka, Jdtaka, Abbhuta, (Dhamma), and Vedalla. They also constituted (the foregoing) into Vagga, Pannasaka, Sanyutta, Nipataka, A'gama, Pitaka, and Sutta. As long as the Dhamma shall stand, so long shall this Compilation last; — and by its means the religion (itself) of Buddha shall endure for a long time. The Compilation thus made of the Dhamma and Vinaya was in conformity to the doctrines — firm, durable, immovable, and unchangeable. Like the steadfast Sineru, it could not be shaken by any association, either of Samanas or Brahmanas, however much they might be endowed with hair-splitting ingenuity, (acuteness), and (however) well learned, and greatly distinguished for dialectic disputation. Neither Gods, Maras, Brahamas, nor any inhabitants AvJnasayan, ' That tlicy may not perish.' DI^PAWANSA. 139 of the earth will (ever) perceive in it a single improper expression. Thus, this perfect Compilation of the Dhammaand Vinayais well defined; and is conformable to the dictates (omniscience) of Buddha himself. The five hundred theras, headed by Mahakassapa, made the compilation of Dhamma and Vinaya, with a view to its preservation ; and regarding the doubts of the people, they made this compilation of the entire body of Dhamma (in purity) like Buddha himself. To him who maintains its doctrines, this compilation is a mandate, and is full of instruction. It is destined to endure long. All the venerable members of the faith, the disci- ples of Buddha, participated in the first compilation of the Dhamma. The first (in point of time,) the prior (in respect of others,) the leading, the principal, and the chief orio-inal nidana (cause) is to be known without confusion."* The end of the Convocation of Kassapa. " This chapter then proceeds with a chronological narrative of the history of India, specifying also the contemporaneous dates of the reigns of the mouarchs of Ceylon, and of the death of those inspired theru, who are considered to have constituted the connecting links of the chain called the Theraparampara, or generation of Preceptors, * Here is a play upon words, an aUiteration of the word agga which we have rendered 'pre-eminent,' 'supreme' 'chief,' 'first.' 140 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, '' The following arc the most important passages of this, section : " The sixteenth year after the nibbanan of the saviour (>f the Avorld was the twenty-fourth of Ajatasattu, and ilie sixteenth of Wijaya (the raja of Lanka.) The learned Upiili was then sixty years old. Dasako entered into the upasain- pada order in the fraternity of Upiili. Whatever may be the extent of the doctrines of the most revered Buddho which had been promulgated by that vanquisher as the nine integral portions of his dispensation, the whole thereof U[)ali taught. The said Upali thus taught the same, having learnt in the most perfect manner the whole of the nine portions of his doctrine, which have been aurieularly perpetuated,. from Buddho himself. Buddho has declai'ed of Upali in the midst of the congregated jjriesthood, ' U{)ali, being the first in the knowledge of winaya, is the cliief in my religion.' He who had thu.s been selected and approved in the midst of the assembled priesthood, and who had a numerous frater- nity, taught the three Pitakas to a fraternity of a thousand bhikkhiis, of whom Dasako was the chief disciple : he taught them (especially) to Dcisako, and to five hundred Theras, who had overcome the dominion of sin, were of immaculate purity and morals, and versed in the wada (history of the schisms). The there Upali, who had a great fraternity, continued to teach the wiuayo for full thirty years after the nibbanan of the supreme Buddho. The said Upali taught the whole of the eighty-four thousand component parts of the doctrines of the divine teacher to the learned Dasako. "Dasako, having learned the whole of the Pitaka in the fraternity of Upali, and held the office of Upajjhaya (conferrer of the sacerdotal ordination of upasampada) pro- pounded the same. The chief of the great fraternity (Upali) Dl 'pa WANS A. 141 liaving deposited (tliapetwaua) the whole whiayoiu the charge of the leai-ned Dasako, died. The monarch Udayo reigned sixteen years. It was in the sixth year of his reign that the thero Upali demised. " A certain trader named Sonako, who had come from the Kasi country, and was proud of his high descent, entered the sacei'dotal order in the religion of the divine teacher (Buddho) at the Weluwana* wihara in the mountain-girt city i\ajagahau. Dasako, the chief of the confraternity, sojourned in the mountain-girt city, the capital of the Magadha nation, thirty-seven years, and initiated Sonako into the sacerdotal order. The learned Dasako was forty-five years old, in the tenth year of the reign of the raja Niiga- dasa, and twentieth of the reign of the raja Pandu (of Lanka). " The thero Sonako became an upasampadii in the frater- nity of the thera Dasako, and the thero Diisako taught Sonako the nine component parts of the faiih ; and having learned the same from the preceptor who ordained him, he also taught the same. The thero Djisako having invested Sonako thera, who was the senior pupil in his fraternity, with the office of chief over the winayo, died in the sixty- fourth year of his age. " At the expiration of ten years and half a month of the reign of the raja Kalasoka, the thero named Sonako was forty years old, and he had been a thero learned in the doctrines for fourteen years ; and at the period of the expira- tion of ten years and six months, the thero Sonako, Avho was the chief of a great fraternity, conferred the upasampadii ordination on Siggawo and Chandawo. * This word siiriiifies 'tlie bauiboo o;rove. 142 DESCRirTIVE CATALOGUE. "At that period a century had expired from the time that' Bhagawa had attained nibbanan, and certain (bhikkhus) of Wesali, native of Wajjis, set forth these ten (new) tenets of discipline." This Bhanavara concludes with a brief account of the sciiisru of the ten innovations* which led to the second Convocation, held by the orthodox priests of the time. Bhanavara Fifth, The first Convocation referred to — the hierarchs connected with it — how it was held — the ten innova- tions again referred to — the confusion made by Vajjiyans in the Dhamma and Vinaya — is thus related : U ddhammau ubljinayaiiclia apagatan satthu sasane ; Atthan dhamman cha bhinditva vilomay dipayinsu te Tesan niggahanatthaya bahu buddhassa savaka ; Dva dasa satasahassani jina putta samagata. Etasmiij sannipatasmin pamokkha attha bhikkhavo ; Satthukappa mahanaga durasada mahagani Sabbakami cha Salho cha Eevato Khnjja-sobhito ; Vasabhagami Suraano Sana vasicha Sarabhuto ; Yaso Kakanda putto clia jinadittha ime isi ; Piipanan niggahatthaya Vesaliyan samagata ; Vasabhagami cha Sumano Anuruddhassa'nuvattaka ; Avasesa A'nandassa ditthapubba tathagataii. Susunagassa putto Asoko'si mahlpati ; Pataliputta nagaramhi rajjan karesi khattiyo Tancha pakkhay labhitvana attha thera maliiddhika ; Dasavatthunay ninditva piipe nimmaddayinsu te. * For an account of this, see Introduction to Kaclichayanas Pali Grammar, p. 53. Dl'PAWANSA. 143 Niddliametva papa bhikku madditva vadu piipakan ; Saka-vada sodhanatthiiya attha thera maliiddhika, Arahantanan sattasatau uchchinitvana bliikkhavo ; Varan varan galietvana akansu dharamasangahan. Kiitagara salajan Vesjiliyan puruttame ; Attha maselii nittbasi dutijo sangaho ayan. Nikkaddbitii papa bhikkhu therehi Vajji puttaka ; Annan pakkhan labhitvana adhammavadi bahu jana ;* Dasa sahassa samjigantva akansu dhammasaiia-ahan Tasmayan dhammasaiigiti maba sangiti vuchcbati Maba sarigitika bhikkhu viloman akansu sasanan ; 'O' Bhinditva muhi sangahan aiinan akansu sangaban. Aniiattba saiigabitan suttan aiinattba akarinsu te — Atthan dhammancha bbindinsii nikayesu cha pafichasu Pariyayadesitan vapi atbo nippariyayadesitan ; Nitatthancheva neyyatthan ajanitvaua bhikkhavo Aiinan sandhaya bhanitan annattba thapayi^su te ; Vyanjanacbhiiyaya te bhikku bahun atthan vinasayun. Cbhaddetva oka desancha suttan vinaya gambhiran ; Patirupan sutta vinayan tantin cha akarinsu te Parivaran atthuddhiiran abhidhamman cbhappakaranan ; Patisanibhidancba niddesan eka desancha Jatakaii Etta kan vissajitvana aniian va akarinsu te Namaliiigaparikkharan akappakaranani cha ; Pakatibhavan vijabitva taiicha annari akansu te Pubbarigama bhinnavada maba sai^giti karaka ; Tesancha anukarena bhinna vada bahu ahii. Tato aparakalamhi tasmin bhedo ajayatha ; sGokulika Ekabbohari dvidha bhijjittha bhikkhavo * Buddhaghosa has quoted portions of this section in his Paiichap- pakaranatthakatha. 144 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGtlE. (joknlikanan dv-eva bhedii apara kiilanihi j;iyatha ; Bahussntiku clia paniiatti dvidlui bhijjittha bhikkhavo. Chetiyjicha punaviuli mahasai\giti bhedaka ; Paficha Viidii ime sabbe Mahiisai^giti miilaka. Atthan dhammancha bliindinsu eka desaueha saugahan ; OauthaiTi cha ekadesaijhi chhaddetv'annan akansu te Kamalii'igan pavikkharan akappakaranani cha ; Pakatibbjivan vijahitva tancha afmau akansu te. Visuddha-theravadamhi puna bbedo ajayatha ; ' Mahinsasaku Vajjiputta dvidha bbijjittba bbikkhavo Vajjiputtaka-vadamhi cbatudhii bhedo ajixyatha ; Dhammuttarika Bhadrayani Cbbannagarika cba Sammiti, Mabiysasakanan dvo bhedji apara ktUamhi jayatha ; Sabbatthi vtida Dbammagutta dvidha bbijjittba bbikkhavo Sabbattbiviida Kassapika Kassapikena'pi Sankantika ; Sankantito Suttavadi anupubbena bbijjatha. Ime eka-dasa vadii pabbinnii thei'a-vadato, Attban dhammaiicba bbindinsu ekadesaScha sano;aban ; Gantbancba ekadesamhi chhaddetvjina akansu te Namalii'igan parikkharan akappakaranjini cba ; Pakatibbuvan vijahitva taiicba aman akansu te * Sattarasa bbinnavada eko vado abhinnako ; Sabbe v'atthjidasa houti bbinnavadena te saba. Nigi'odbo'va maharukkbo there vtidana muttamo, Anunanadbikanche'va kevalan Jina sasanan ;f * It is remarkable that the rejnetition of an act is conveyed by a repetition of the same stanza, a circumstance which proves the truth of the tradition, that the Dipawansa was compiled by royal chi'oniclers, to whom it was assigned as a task. t In reprinting this sheet we have inadvertently adopted ij for the niggiihita. Dl'PAWANSA, 145 Kantaka viya rukkliamlii nibbatta viida scsaka Pathanie vassa sate natthi dutiye vassa satautare ; Bliinnasattaiasa vada uppaniia Jina sasane A'chariya vadan nittliitan. They (the sinful priests) made an absurd mixture by departing from the sense and phraseology of the dhamma and vinaya, the doctrines of Buddha. With a view (therefore), to degrade them, many priests, disciples of Buddha, (in all) twelve hundred thousand, assembled together. In this congregation there were eight pre-eminent principal bhikkhus, who had a large retinue, who were (unapproachable, /. e. ) without their equals, and not inferior to (Buddha himself; viz.) Sabbakami Salha,Revata, Khujjasobhita, Vasabhagami, Sumana, Sambhuta of Sana, and Yasa, son of Kakanda, all who had seen Buddha. They assembled at Vesali with a view to reproach the sinful priests. Vasabhagami and Sumana were the disciples of Anuruddha, and the rest of A'nanda. They had all seen Buddha. [At this time] Asoka, the son of Susunaga, a Khattiya prince, reigned in Pataliputta. The (abovenamed) eight pre-eminent theras, having gained (this prince) to their side, censured the ten indulgences, and (oppressed) inflicted pains and penalties on the sinful innovators. Having (thus) overcome the sinful bhikkhus, and suppressed their heresies ; these illustrious eight priests, with the object of purifying their own discourses, assembled seven u 146 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOQUE, liuudred araluuitas —pre-eminent ])hikklius; and held a Council of dhanima. This second Sangitl was brought to a close in eight months, at the Kutagara Hall, in the renowned city of Vesdli. Many individuals (viz.) ten thousand sinful Vajjian* bhikkhus, Avho had been expelled by the theras, assem- bled together; and, having formed another party, held a council of dharama. This is thence called Maha Sangiti. The bhikkhus who held theMahii Sangiti reduced the religion into confusion,! set aside$ the first compilation, § and made another. 1| They placed in different places the Suttans which occurred in different other places, and distorted the sense, and the wordsH of the five * Vajji— the inhabitants of Vesali, a territory on the north of Petna in which the Lichchhavi Princes were settled. It is however not stated where the Council was held. Doubtless it was at a distance from the principal seat of Government and Buddhism, which at this period was at Vesali. f Viloman akansu, 'made to bristle,' 'ruffled,' 'crossed,' 'reversed,' ' confused.' X Bhinditvd — ' having broken,' 'split,' 'set aside.' § Sangahan. From the context I would render this word ' com- pilation ' and not ' rehearsal.' The acts here related, taken in connection with the original import of the word, can only refer to a written and not a mental collection. II Akarinsu 'made,' 'done,' 'effected,' The same word is used in the following sentence, wherein I have rendered it 'placed.' ^ Dhanmia here means phraseology of the Scriptures, as opposed to their attha, 'sense' or 'import.' Dl'PAWANSA. 147 nlkaya. They did so, ignorant of (the difference between) the general discourses, and those (delivered) on particular occasions, and also (between) their na- tural and implied significations. They expressed* in a sense different from that which was declared, and set aside various significations under the unwarranted authority (shadow of) words. f They omitted a portion of the Sutta, and Vinaya of deep import, and substituted|(theirown)version§ of them and the text. I] They left out the Parivaran annotations,1[ the six books** of the Abhidhamma, the Patisambhida, the Niddesa,andaportionof the J atakasft without replacing * Thapaylnsu — ' They made to stand.' t Vyanjana, 'letters,' and in some of the Buddhist writings, ' words' or 'sentences.' J Patirupa — placed another figure or 'counterpart.' § From a comparison of the Ceylon and Nepal versions of the sacred writings I find the latter has three sections, the Vaipulya, the Nidan, and the Upadesa ; all which are additions to the original discourses. Compare the following list taken from Hodgson's Illustrations, with the list from Buddhagosa's atthakatha, given in Introduction to Kachchayana's Pali Grammar, p. 61. Hodgson says ; " The Bauddha scriptures are of twelve kinds, known by the following twelve names, 1 Siitra; 2 Geyya; 3 Vyakarana; 4 Gath.^ ; 5 Udan ; 6 Nidan ; 7 Ityukta ; 8 Jataka ; 9 Vaipulya ; 10 AdLhiita dliarma; II Avadan ; and 12 Upadesa." II Tantin. The text; see my remarks hereon in the Intro- duction to Kachch. Pali Grammar, p. v. ^ Atthuddhdran, 'explanatory discourses.' *'^ Pakarana, ' compilation,' ' something made methodically," ' an original composition.' ft The version of the Jatakas in Ceylon is, I believe, deficient. 148 DESCRirXIVE CATALOGUE. any thing in their stead. They moreover, disregarded* the nature of nouns, their gender, and (other) accidents,! as well as the (various) requirements of style,! ^"t* corrupted the same by different forms. The originators of the Maha Sangiti were the first seceders. Many followed their example. Since then, there was a breach in that association, and the Priests were divided into two sections — the Gokulika and Ekabbohdrika. Subsequently the Gokulikas branched off into two others, viz., Bahussutika and Pannatti. Subsequently still, there arose a schism (called) the C hetiya. Then there were altogether five schisms which had sprung up from the Maha Sangiti— the same, which was the first, (being a sixth ) These heretics (also) distorted the sense and the phraseology (of the scriptures); omitted a portion of the (original) compilation, and of the gathas, and substi- tuted others (in lieu of them). They (further) dis- regarded the nature of nouns, their gender, and other * A'kappakarana — also 'decorations, embellishments, niceties of style or composition, or figures of speech.' t The peculiarities here noticed, when compai'od with those, of the Gatha dialect of the Nepal Scriptures (see Essay thereon by Babu Rajendralal Mitra in the Bl. A. S. J. for 1854, p. 604, et seq.), there can be no doubt of the identity between this fourth code of the Buddhists and the Nepal version. The dilTerences of style therehi illustrated by Mr. Mitra exactly correspond with the defects of composition hci'e described. I Parikkaran — 'attributes,' 'decorations,' 'accidents.' Dl'r AAV ANSA. 140 acciclents, as well as the various requisites of style, and corrupted the same by different substitutions.* In the doctrines of the orthodox priests there was again a breach (which resulted in the establishment) of two sects called the Mahinsaka and Vajjiputtaka. From the latter arose four sects, called Dhammuttarika, Bhadray ani, Chhannagarika, and Sammiti. Afterwards, two (more) schisms, the Sabbatthivada and Dhamma- gutta arose out of the Mahinsaka ; and from the Sab- battika gradually pprang up the Kassapika, and from the latter the Sankantika, and from it the Suttavadi schism. These eleven emanated from the orthodox party. They (likewise) made a compilation by distorting the sense, and the phraseology of the sacred discourses ; and by omitting a portion of the text and of the gathas. They too disregarded the forms of nouns, their gender, and other accidents, as well as the various requirements of style, and corrupted the same by different substitutions. The schisms of the seceders were (thus) seventeen, the vadaf of those wdio had not seceded, was one ; and with it there were altogether eighteen sects. * "In the Gatha, says Mr, Mitra, we tind the old forms of tlie Sanskrit Granniiar gradually losing their impressive power, and prepositions and periphrastic expressions supplying their places, and time-hallowed verl)s and conjugations juxtaposed to vulo'ar slangs and uncouth jiniviucialisins." f The word vada, which we Iiave iliiferently translated at diilerent places to convey 'heresy,' ' schism/ &c., means simply as in this place, 'discourse,' 'discussion,' 'demonstrated conclusion,' ' doctrine,' ' principle.' 150 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Like the great Nigrodha (among) trees, the ortho- dox discourses alone are supreme among doctrines; and they are moreover the pure (very) word of Buddha, without retrenchment or addition. The doctrines which have arisen from it are like the thorns of a tree. There were no (heresies) in the first century (anno Buddhas) but in the second, seventeen sprung up in the religion of Buddha. 'O End of the A'chariya Va'da. This section then proceeds to narrate the division amongst the preceptors. The life of Moggaliputta Tissa thera is thus translated by Turnour. "In the second year of the reign of Chandagutto, Avhen Siggawo was sixty- four years old, which was the fifty-eighth year of the reign of Pandukabhayo, the raja (of Lanka) Moggaliputto was ordained an upasarapada in the fraternity of Siggawo ; and the said Moggaliputtatisso, having acquired the knowledge of the wineyo in the fraternity of Chandawajj i, was released from the sins inseparable from liability to future regeneration. Both Siggawa and Chandawajj i taught the whole of the Pitako, which embraces botli (the wineyo, discipline, and dhammo, doctrine), to the pre-eminently endowed Muggaliputto. Siggawo of profound wisdom died at the age of seventy-six, having constituted the pre-eminently endowed Moggaliputto the chief of the wineyo Chandagutto reigned twenty four years. In the fourteenth year of his reign Siggawo died. "In the sixth year of the roign of Dliammasoko, Mogga- liputto was sixty -six years old. Mahindo was then ordained Dl'PAWANSA. 151 an upasarapada iu Lis fraternity, and acquired a knowledge of the Pitako. "Upali attained his seventy-fourth, Dasako his sixty- fourth, the thero Sonako his sixty-sixth, Siggawo his seventy- sixth, and Moggaliputto his eightieth year. The following are the periods that all of these theros were upasampada, of whom at all times the learned Upali was recognized as the first chief, viz., Dasako was an upasamjmda fifty, Sdnoko, forty-four, Siggawofive,* and Moggaliputto, sixty-eightycars. "Udayo reigned sixteen years, and in the sixth year of Udayo's reign, Upali died. " Susanago, the opulent monarch, reigned ten years, in the eighth year of Susanago's reign Dasako died. "Atf the demise of Susanago he had ten brothers, who collectively reigned twenty-two years, in great celebrity. In the sixth year of their reign Sonako died. "Chandagutto reigned twenty-four years, and in the fourteenth year of his reign Siggawo died. "The celebrated Dhammasokotheson of Bindasaro reigned thirty-seven years. In the twenty-sixth year of his reign, Moggaliputto died, having caused religion to be glorified, and having completed the full measure of human existence, "The learned Upali, the chief of a great fraternity died at the age of seventy-four, having appointed his learned disciple Dasako to the office of chief wineyo. "Dasako, died at the age of sixty-four, having appointed his senior learned disciple Sonako to the office of chief of the wineyo. * " This is evidently a mistake. t " The reign of Kalasoko is omitted, who Avas the father of the Nandos -who are here designated the brothers of Susanago. 152 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. "Soiiiiko, who was endowed with the six abimui, died at the age of sixty-six, having appointed his arahat son (disciple) Siggawo to the office of chief of wineyo. "Siggawo who was endowed with the six abinna died at the age of seventy-six, having appointed his son (disciple) Moggaliputto to the office of chief of wineyo. "Moggaliputtatisso died at the age of eighty, having appointed his disciple Mahindo to the office of chief of wineyo. The conclusion of the fifth Bha'naaya'ro. Bha'nava'ra Sixth. " Piyadassano* was inaugurated in the two hundred and eighteenth year after the death of the supreme Buddho. At the installation of Piyadassano preternatural manifestations took place. "(For these manifestations I must refer to the Mahawanso.) " That royal youth, who was the grand-son of Chanda- gutto and the son of Bindusaro was at that time the (karmalino) ruler of Ujjeni. "In the course of an official circuit he visited Wessanaga- ran ; where lived a damsel, the daughter of a Sitthi, who became celebrated under the name of Dewi. By his connection with her, an illustrious eon was born. (The said son) Mahindo and (his daughter) Sangamitta formed the resolution to enter the order of j)riesthood. Both these individuals having been thus ordained, overcame subjection * " Having erroneously written this name "Piyadasino" in a former paper, (Beng. A. S. Journal) vol. vi. p. 1056, yuu have been led to suppose it was the genitive case of Piyadasi." Dl'PAWANSA. 153 to regeneration. Asoko was then reigning in the illustrious Pataliputto. In the third year of his inauguration he became a convert to the religion of the supreme Buddho. (If it be asked) what the dui-ation of the term is, from the date of the parinibbanan of the Supreme Buddho to the date of the birth of Mahindo, who was descended from the Moriyan dynasty, (the answer is) two hundred and five years. In that year Mahindo the son of Asoko was horn. In Mahindo's tenth year, his father put his own brothers to death ; and he past four years in reducing Jambudipo to order. Having put to death his hundred brothers, and reduced the dynasty to one (family), they (the people) inaugurated him in the fourteenth year of Mahindo's age. Asoko, who was endowed Avith great personal superiority and good fortune, and was destined to rule the world, was inaugurated under miraculous manifestations. They installed Piyadassano on his completing his twentieth year."* This blianavara concludes with Niajrodha's visit to the Palace — his preaching to Asoka — the admission of the lattev to Buddhist religion — his interview with sixty thousand priests — a city festival — alms-giving — the offering of garments — inquiry by Asoka into the division of the diiarama — its enumeration — eighty-four thousand monumental erections by Asoka.f * "This is evidently a clerical error, his son Mahindo being then fourteen years old. It was subsequently mentioned that Asoko- dhammo was forty-five yeai-s old at his inauguration. t There is a great deal of confusion and repetition in this section. I have retained the spelling of Mr. Turnour; and have not thought proper to interpose any observations on his translation. X 154 descriptive catalogue. Bha'nava'ra Seventh "Begins with the account of Mahiudo and Sangamitta being admitted into the order of the priesthood, (the former was at once ordained upasauipada, being of the age of twenty ; but the latter remained a samaneri for two years, being only eighteen,) in the sixth year of Asoko's inaugu- ration. These particulars will be found in the Mahawanso. "Asokadhammo was fifty-four years old at the time of his inauguration, and at the time of Asokadhammo being- inaugurated, Moggaliputtatisso was sixty-six. Mahindo entered into the order of priesthood in the fraternity of Moggaliputtatisso. Mahadewo performed the ceremony of admission, and Mojjhanto, the ceremony of the upasampada ordination. These were the three preceptors who qualified Mahindo for the priesthood. The said preceptor Moggali- puttatisso taught Mahindo, who illuminated (Lanka) dipo, the whole of the Pitako, both as regards its import and its doctrine. In the tenth year of Mahindo's (ordination) having acquired a perfect knowledge of the whole creed, he became the head of a fraternity, and (pachariyo) a sub-preceptor (under Moggali). The said Mahindo, having thus acquired a knowledge of the perfectly profound and well arranged (Pitakattayan), containing the two doctrinal portions (the wineyo and the abhidhammo) and the suttako (the parables) as well as the history of the schisms of the preceptors, became a perpetuator of the same. Moggaliputtatisso thus perfected Mahindo the son of Asoko, in the knowledge of the three wejja and the four patisambhidd, and (thereby) Moggali- puttatisso permanently established in his disciple Mahindo, the whole of the Pitakattayan which had been thus handed down to him. Dl'PAAVANSA. 155 "Nigrodho was admitted into the priesthood in the third year of Asoko's reign, his brother (Tisso) in the fourth, and in the sixth his son Mahindo. Tisso and Sumittako, the two theros who were descended from the Kunti, and were endowed with supernatural powers, died in the eighth year of the reign of Asoko. From these two princes having entered the order of priesthood, and from (the manner in which) these two theros died, multitudes of the khattiya and brahman castes proclaimed themselves to be devotees in this creed, and great benefits and honors resulted to the religion of the vanquisher ; and the heretics, Avho had been influential schismatics, lost all their ascendancy. The pan- daranga, the jatila, nigantha, chetaka and other sects for seven years continued, however, to perform the uposatha in separate fraternities. The sanctified, pious, and virtuous ministers (of Buddho) would not attend those uposatha meetings. At this conjuncture, it was the two hundred and thirty-sixth year (of the Buddhistical era.) Bha'nava'ra Eighth. After relating the woi'king of wonders, and the inquiries made of the priesthood regarding religion, this section proceeds to give a brief account of the third convocation of which the following is a translation : * The heretics, who, seeing the gains (of the Buddhists), and the very great attentions (paid to them), fraudulently associated (with them), were sixty thousand. (Owing to their intrusions the observance of) the Patimokkha* * The meeting of the priesthood once in 15 days; or, on the full-moon day and on the new-moon day, — when they usually recite and explain the rules of discipline. 156 ' DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. was discontinued in the Asokarama monastery ; and a minister who ceased to hold the Patimokkha killed some of the priests.* With a view (therefore) to eject the heretics, many Buddhist priests, about sixty thousand in number, assembled. In this assembly Moggaliputta thera was the chief. He was equal to Buddha himself — pre- eminent, and peerless; and, having been requested by the king (to declare who would incur) the sin of having killed the priests, he dispelled the Sovereign's doubts by working a miracle. "When the king had learnt the religion from (this) thera, he extirpated the imposters by removing their (sacerdotal) garments. (These were) the inimical heretics, who had entered the priesthood, and who, by means of their own doctrines, set aside the word of Buddha, which was as pure as gold. All those doc- trines were false,! and opposed to the discourses of the theras. To render (therefore) the orthodox doctrines pure, and to eject the heretics, Moggaliputta delivered the Kathavatthupakarana| on the Abhidhamma. For the suppression of heresies, there was not a better (Instrument of) reproof than this. * For a detailed accomit of this proceeding, see the Mahawansa. f Lit. — 'Bro!>cn, imperfect.' I A 'book-on-the-substance-of-the-discourses.' This is the name given to the additional pakarana or 'book' of the Abhi- dhamma. It was composed by amplifying the pre-existing niatika, and it is devoted to the consideration of five hundred points of difference between the Buddhists and the heretics, and five hundred errors of the orthodox party. Dl'PAWANSA. 157 This done,* with a view to the stability of religion, and the purification of its doctrines, this hierarch assembled a thousand arahanta ; and, having selected a pre-eminent and highly erudite thera, held a Council of dhamma. This third convocation was brought to a termination in nine months, at the Asokarama monastery, founded by the pious king of that name. This section concludes with the dispersion of missionaries for the promulgation of Buddhism into different parts of Asia, viz., Gandhdra, Mahinsa, Aparantaka, Maharattha, Yonaka, Himawanta, Su- vannabhumi, and Lankadipa, Bha'nava'ra Ninth Commences with the history of Lanka, thus : — "This island Lanka acquired the name of Sihala from Siliof. Listen to this narrative of mine, being the account of the origin of this island and this dynasty. The daughter of a king of Wango, having formed a coimection with a certain Siho, who found his livelihood in a wilderness, gave birth to two children. These two children named Sihabahu * Lit —'the thera having delivered the Kathavattliu-jiakarana on the Abhidhainma.' ■j" " Pachchantan," I have translated, " foreign " in the Maha- wanso, as the word is compounded of "pati" and " antan." It would be better rendered as " situated on the confines." Wanawasi is here omitted, probably by an error of transcription. This passage is important. Matacha Susinianama, pitaeha Sihasawhayo. If " Siho " was intended for a "lion," "sawhayo," which signifies " named " or " called," would not be used. 158 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. and Sewall were of prepossessing appearance. The mother was named Susima, and the father was called Si'ho, and at the termination of sixteen years, secretly quitting that wilderness, he (Sihabtihu) founded a city, to which capital he gave the name of Sihapura. In that Lala kingdom, the son of Siho becoming a powerful monarch, reigned supreme in his capital Sihapura." This Bhanavara proceeds to relate the history of Wijaya, his arrival in Lanka, the names of which are embodied in the following verse. Ojadipo Vara-dipo Manda-dipo cha tada ahii Lanka-dipo cha paunatti Taubapanniti iiayati. And its magnitude is described to be 'thirty six yojanas in length, eighteen in width, and a hundred in circumference' Eattinsa yojanan dighan attharasahi vitthatan Yojananan satan avattan sagarena parikkhitan* Gotama's request to Indra concerning Lanka [regard- ing which we quote the following gathas]. Parinibbana samaye sambhuddho dipa duttamo Sihabahussayan putto Wijayo nama Khattiyo Lankadiparaanuppatto jahitva Jambu-dipakan Byakasi Buddhasettho so raj a hessati khattiyo Tato amantayi sattha Sakkan devanamissaran Lankadipassa ussukkau samapajjathaf Kosiya Sambuddhassa vacho sutva deva raja Sujanpati Uppalavannassa achikkhi dipassarakkha karauao * 'Surrounded by the ocean.' It is quite clear that at this pei'iod at least this island was not a part of India. T This should be in the singular number. Dl'PAWANSA. 159 Sakkassa vachanan sutva (leva putto maliiddhiko Laukadipassa arakkhan thapesi Vasu-devako. 'At the period of the parinibbana of Buddha, who v/as superior to bipeds, the Khattiya named Wijaya, son of Sihabahu, left Jambudipa, and arrived in the island of Lanka. The supreme Buddha, having declared that Wijaya would be king, summoned Sakka, the chief of the devas (and said to him) — 'Kosiya, exert thyself in regard to the island of Lanka. Sujapati, the king of the devas, on hearing the word of Buddha, intrusted to Uppalavanna the protection of the island of Lanka; and he Vasudeva, the great mighty deva, on hearing the word of Sakka, extended his protection to Lanka.' As regards the origin of the name Tambapanna for this island, the Dipawansa has the following : Ukkhitta vata vegena disa mulha maha jana Lanka dipa'mnpa gamma orohitva thale tliita Patitthitd dharani tale dubbala'ti jighachchhita Pipasita kilantacha padasa gamanena cha Ubhohi pani jannulii viaggan katva puthuviyan Majjhe vutthaya thatvana nabipassanti sobhanan Surattau pansu bhumi bhage hattha padanhi makkhitan Is'araa deyyan tada asi Tambapanni 'ti dipitau. * By the fury of the tempest the large assemblage of people lost their way, and reached Lanka-dipa; (where) having disembarked, and landed, they [lit. those who thus stood on land] were weak and hungry. When they became thirsty and faint by walking on foot, they rested on the ground, with both their palms and knees : and, when they rose and stood up, they 160 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. saw in the interval [the space occupied by them] iiotliing beautiful. The dust, however, which stuck to the palms of their hands and feet, was very ruddy. Thence the celebrated name Tambapanui.' Analysis continued — The first city is also called Tambapanui — Wijaya's reign in Lanka [interpolation regarding Buddha's visit to Lanka] Wijaya's embassy to his brother Sumitta — King Panduvasa and his sons — his reign. Bha'nava'ra Tenth. King Abhaya — Pandukabhaya — Prince Pakundaka — Pandukabhaya again — Mutasiva — interregnum — Mutsaiva's children.* Bha'nava'ra Eleventh and Twelfth. Inauguration of Devananpiyatissa — his good fortune — his alliance with Asoka — the offerings of tlie latter to the former — Mahinda's visit to Lanka — prelimina- ries connected with his departure — Indra's interview with Mahinda — particulars connected with his journey — his arrival in Lanka — Devananpiyatissa's excursion on a deer-hunt — his invitation and visit to Mahinda — Mahinda preaches to the king — entrance into the city — ordination of Sumana — Mahinda's missionary labours at Anuradhapura — -his stay at Maha Meghavana — description of this Park— its dedication — acceptance — preternatural indications - the earth quakes eight times. * This as well as several other Bhfinavaras are found short of the required number of stanzas. Dl'PAWANSA. 1&-1 Bha'nava'ra Thirteenth. Mahinda's visit to the palace — second visit — his preaching in the Nandana Park — the ecclesiastical limits of Lanka — the city included, and why? — limits fixed — Mahinda's visit to the palace — he preaches in the Nandana — accepts the Maha Vihara — preaches at the palace — the departure of the priests to IMount Missaka, where the king rejoins them — Mahinda's inter- view with the king — his preparation for Vassa—his proposal to define the ecclesiastical limits about the mountain — limits defined — ordination of Prince Arlttha • — the monastery on the mountain. Bha'nava'ra Fourteenth. As the portion Avhich follows the above is sufHciently interesting w^e give a translation of it below, omitting repetitions. 'We,' (said Mahinda), who have arrived from Jam- budipa in the first month of the Gimhana* season, and on the full-moon Sabbath (day,) have resided in the celebrated mountain. We purpose returning to Jam- budipa in the fifth month of our residence in the mountain, and in Tissarama. O Monarch, permit (us to do) so. [The king answered and said]; 'All the people have taken refuge. (They) have pleased you witli eatables and drinkables, with raiment and habitations. Where- fore (then) is your dissatisfaction?' * The hot season. 162 DESCRirTIVE CATALOGUE. * Monarch,' (replied Maliinda), 'it is very long since Buddha, the chief of the bipeds, was (worshipped by) prostration, by rising from one's seat, by salutation, and by reverent attention.' * Lord,' (returned Devananpiyatissa), *what you have (said) is indeed understood by me. I shall erect a splendid Thupa. I shall build it for Buddha. Look out for a suitable locality.' [Whereupon Mahinda thus spoke] : ' Sumana, come hither. Go to the city of Pataliputta, and say thus to king Dhammasoka; Maha raja, thy ally has em- braced Buddhism. He will build a thupa for Buddha. Bestow upon him (some) valuable relics.' The eloquent, and meek (Sumana) of great erudi- tion, — the sustainer of learning, who had achieved iddhi, and who was on the mount, instantly took his bowl and robe, and went to king Dhammasoka, and delivered the message (thus) : 'Maharaja, hear thou the word of the spiritual preceptor. Maha raja, thy ally has embraced Buddhism. Bestow on him some valuable relics, and he will erect a Thupa for Buddha.' The king hearing the (above) speech was highly pleased and became very anxious. He (immediately) filled (for him) a vessel of relics, (and said) 'O! vir- tuous, depart quickly.' Whereupon the eloquent and meek (Sumana) taking the relics, ascended the sky, and went to Kosiya.* And, when he had approached Kosiya's presence, the * Indra. Dl'PAWANSA. 163 pious (ascetic) spoke thus: *Maha raja, hear thou the words of the spiritual teacher. The king-beloved of the gods has embraced Buddhism. Give him valuable relics, and he will construct a great Tlitipa.' Hearing his words, and being pleased, Kosiya bestowed the right collar-bone (of the sage, and said) *0 virtuous, depart quickly.' Sumana, the Samanera, having thus gone to Kosiya, and received the right collar-bone, returned to the celebrated mountain. ****** Thereupon the king of immense forces, with his brother, preceded by the bhikkhus and sanghas, repaired to meet the relic of the illustrious Buddha. On the day which completed the fourth month (of the seasons), in the full moon niglit of Komudi,* the Maha Vira, who had come (thither) took his place on the frontal globes of the elephant. There (in honor of) Buddha's arrival at Pachchanta, the elephant roared, the earth quaked, like a stroked basin, and chanks and musical instruments were jjlayed. Immense was the noise of drums; and the king, at- tended by his retinue, made offerings unto the great being. The royal elephant, which had its face towards the west, went away from amongst (other) elephants, and entered the city through the eastern gate; when both men and women made offerings (unto the relic) with all kinds of scents and flowers. * Kattika, 'Oct.— Nov.' 164 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. The elephant, when proceeding through the southern geA< pleased To share her joys among her women friends, xcjx. 4. ..Fair as the new moon whicli th' inhabitants (Jf earth, loving, adore 3. ..in wisdom like Divine Saraswati ai)parent made. 214 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. As a fiirLher specimen wc quote stanzas 99 to 102.'* 99. Sirisa(u)da wan saw siri diyuiiuwe ra(u)dana Situ miua wan yadi yadinata danin dena Sarasawi wan nuwanin pnhalawc pcnena Nawa sa(u)da wan lew" wcsi adarin wa(n)dina. [sweet, 99. "To her— his youthful daughter — like peerless Liik.shmi Or new moon cloudless rising, which men adoring greet ; Who learn'd as Saraswati, and graced with beauty's charms, Is filmed alike for wisdom, for liounty, and for alms, — Whose suppliants see daily, she more and more to them Is, in generous donations, the wish-conferring gem : — From almsgiving to suppliant mendicants The wishing gem resembling, like Siri In whom reside, in whom increase all charms; — 4... On her, as fitting is, a jewel fair A son bestow, 3... with glory, wisdom wealth. And length of years, cheering the hearts of men: Give this, great God, eye of the triple worlds, Whose sacred feet are wetted 1.. with the drops Of perfumed honey from the flower wreaths Upon the crowns of bending deities." * Lit. — 1C2. O great God (Vibhishana)— tlie eye of the three worlds, and whose beauteous feet are laved in tlie sweet nectar that proceeds from the flowery chaplets of the Daityas! [101] On Princess Ulakud^, happy and renowned, — 99. who lives, like Siri, in the enjoyment of great prosperity, — like the Situmini, by reason of her gifts to supplicating mendicants, — like Sarasvati, who is famed for her wisdom, — and like tlic new moon which is alfectionately adored by people ; 100. who possesses a very mind cherished with (as much) affection towards her friends, as to jierself; who is like a rainy-cloud, which graciously showei-s (wealth) upon her maids and servants; who observes inviolate a SELALIHINI SANDESA. 215 100. Yelit4in koie saki scpii samaga sit me Kuluneu desi dasuu weta wasina watme Kakimin patini dam yahapat sirit me Sihineu nipan wan dasa pin pewetme. 101. Mihiri tepala tan wesi Idwikam purudu Itiri bcti pemeti pela daliamehi Muni(n)du Noheri poya ata sil rckuma pirisidii Sasiri Ulakudaya dcwihata pasidii. [bonds 100. Toiler — the high-born princess — who, natheless, friendship's Delights in ; -with her ladies shares joys, to theirs responds ; — Whose men and maids are by her, witli kindly lilierul hand Enrich'd, as by the rain-clonds is fertilized tlie hind ; Who from her inborn wisdom and intellectual ken Appreciates, adheres to. Religion's precepts ten ; Who with pure heart unswerving the Patini- Dam obeys, A model is of virtue, a wife above all praise : — 101. Who gracious in her language, with soft and 'suasive voice Selects, and fluent utters, words eloquent and choice ; Who skill'd in arts poetic, evinces earnest zeal For all that sacred writings, our Sage's laws reveal; Who each recurring poya neglects no holy rite. Nor fails tlie eight-fold Sila with fervor to recite : — course of pure chastity ; and who is born, endowed Avith wisdom and sound memory, for the observance of the ten meritorious deeds; — 101. who is accustomed to speech, sweet and apropos; who is skilled in the art of poetry — evincing great and afTectionate zeal for Buddha's doctrinal texts; and who never fails the observ- ance of the sabbath, and the eight pure religious obligations; — [on this happy and i-enowncd princess] 102 bestow [I pray thee], 2)G DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 102. Dit rupu silu malJam siiwa(n)(la mi wesa Tet siripayut smn(n)cluni tilo esa Sit pinawana eti asiri nuwana yasa Put ruwanak so(n)da duua inenawi nisi lesa. 102. Eye of the world — worlds triple — whosebeauteous feet are wet With nectar- drops sweet-scented from floral cliaplets set On crowns of bow'd D&ityas, — oh Vibishana I give, With glory, wisdom, power, and destined long to live — To Ulakuda-Dewi — belov'd, renovvn'd, most fair, Oh give, as best thou seest, to her a son, an lieir ! — Th' inestimable blessing in season due bestow ; To king, princess, and people, thy favor great thus shew." W. S. Parayi Sandesa, ' The Pigeon-Messenger' is also a poem by the same writer. It is a work of great merit, and is generally of a piece with the last in style, although in many parts inferior to it in imagery. It was a Message to Krishna, invoking blessings upon the army, the king's brother of the name of Parakkrama of Mayadnnu, who had the government of Jaffna, and upon Chaudrawati, a near relation of king Parakkrama Bahu VI. The poet's attachment to the family of his sovereign seems to have been very great. Even in this poem there are tender allusions to the royal family. That Chandrawati might soon enter the bonds of matrimony, as it seemeth best, an invaluable son, acceptable, replete with wisdom, wealth, years and renown. PARAVI SANDI^SA. 217 and that, allied to a noble prince, she might become the mother of a virtuous son, are amongst the warmest aspirations of the writer, and the topics of his song. No date is given to this work ; but from the slight difference of style to which allusion has been made, we are led to suppose that it was written shortly after the last, Similar in plan to the Sela-lihini Sandesa, this poem commences with an address to the Paravi, his messen- ger. The opening stanzas (seheli,) we here quote: — Serada parevi(n)du sa(n)da pa(n)duwan surat saranin Pahala kirimuhudin saha pabala pelasak wan Mituru turu sarahana mamituru nawa wasatayuru Nu(m)binena sa(n)da nada mada mada pawaneleli Hebipul Kiimudu he(n)ge nogaluda atingili. Sui'aga(n)gi nalanelu(m)bu delisaudahasa novetapata.* "Long be thy life extended, sweet Paravi, dear friend ! Who with thy plumes cream-tinted and feet of reddest hue Art like a chank with corals, Milk-ocean's product fair, Or sun with stars bright shining in azure autumn sky. — When hither gently wafted, on breeze delightful borne. Did not the nymphs who saw thee thy form believe to be AfuUbloom'd snow-white lily from Swarga blown to eai'th ? Did not the raja-hansas thee deem, when gathering round, A lotus-bud fresh fallen from heaven's own river clear ? — * Lit. — Mayest thou, O noble Paravi ! live long ; My friend ! who by reason of thy yellow -white hue, and deeply red feet, art like unto a chank with coral plants produced fi-om the milky- ocean, and unto the clear autumnal sky bespangled with the sun and the stars ! When thou wast slowly moving in the sky, and in 2 F 218 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Sudubudu nivesinena topa deka lew esa(n)da Sudubudu res pidekeji nokaloda puda Sa(n)dekin Nadunuyaniuena maleka suraiia(m)be Sa(n)dekin lobiu watala nodamuda i(ra)be Nidukiii avudasakisa(u)da ataramaga nu(m)be Itikiu apata sepanam dekma mayi uu(m)be Did not the world, deluded, thee for Buddha's raj mistake, His ray of purest white, and hasten offerings to make ? — Did not goddesses embrace thee, caress with fond delight, And imagine thee a flower from Nandana's gardens bright ? — Hast thou scatheless hither come, hath unhinder'd been thy flight? Then trebly welcome friend to us thy bliss -producing sight." W. s. The route of the intended journey is then sketched out; Kotta, the chief city; the reigning sovereign, the temples and dewalas are described; and particular notice is taken of Pepiliyana-vihara, founded by the king in honor of his mother — to which ftiet a stone inscription on the spot still bears witness. Attidiya and Moratu Eliya [plain] are then noticed, and the scenery from thence to Panadure and on to Kalutara, a delightfully gentle breeze, were not (goddesses) deceived in thee for a beautifully full-blown white lily dropt from (heaven) ? Did not raja-liansas approach thee under a belief that thou wast a lotus-bud fallen off from the celestial river ? Did they (the world) not make offerings to thee under an impression that thou wast a white ray emitted from Buddha's pure court ? Did not goddesses kiss thee with delight under the mistaken idea that thou wast a flower from Nandana, the heavenly park? Hast thou arrived scatheless in thy aerial journey ? Noble friend, to us thy sight is bliss ! PAR AVI S ANDES A. 219 occupy the poet up to stanza 66. Towns, villages, temples, streams, tanks and ponds, and scenery of sky, land, and sea, with all objects worthy of note from Kalutara to Bentota, on to Galle and Matara, and thence to Dondra head, are themes for stanzas 67 to 147; and the reader will observe that the route v/hich was known 400 years ago, is, with very slight deviation, the principal line of communication now existing between Kotta and Dondra. The latter is then de- scribed (similarly to Kelani in the Sela-lihini Sandesa) in 33 stanzas. The 181st stanza commences a descrip- tion of the god Krishna, which ends with the 195th. The Message, to the god, with prayers on behalf of the king, his brother the sub-king at Miiyadunu, and the royal ai-my, hi'ing the poem to the concluding stanza, the 212th, in which the author gives his name. The whole is full of most interesting topographic and historic notices. As a further sample of the author's style we here give stanzas 71 to 73. 71. Ean teti ayuru fa(n)gu pun piyayuru udula Man ati karana a(n)gan6 ra(n)ga dena ipila Un seti balasiti salelun nope ela Bentotinetara setapewa Kalikowila.* "Bentota cross, and nigh the stream where Kali's temple stands For sleep repair, observing well the gay and sprightly bands That fascinated nightly there the dancing girls behold, Whose heaving bosoms to their gaze seem rounded cups of gold. * Lit. 71. Cross Bentota, and sleep thou at Kall-kovila, where sprightlv youths, unmoved witness, the lovely hopping uautch girls. 220 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. 72. Eta dadarada eguwaua wana wasayata A(n)duru rupun wan sa(u)da "wana wasayata Gosin tosin Bentota Wanawasayata Wadu mituri(n)du re dina wana wasayata. 73. Evu Riwi himi wil kata kirana ran pata Evu kiyawana bi(n)gu revu watiui siyapata Sivu digineta esa(n)dehi nala suwa(n)da yuta Yavu mamituru we(n)da rauni(n)dun betin sita. When next the Moon possession shall have taken of the sky, And to solitude hath Darkness his foe compell'd to fly, To Bentota with gladness then, oh friend ! direct thy way, And at Wanawasa quietly repose till break of day. AVhen to the Plain her lord the Sun his message sends of light, And with the hum of bees its lines her lotus-lips recite. To Buddha great then worship give with true and faithful heart, And on the fragrant balmy breeze that fills all space depart." vr. s. whose full heaving bosoms resemble golden cups. 72. When the Moon shall have taken possession of the sky, and the Enemy of Darkness has retired into solitude ; noble friend! gladly enter thou the Wanawasa [temple] of Eentota for (thy) rest at night. 73. [But] when the Consort of the Plain shall, with her lotus- mouth, and the hum of bees, have read the Epistle of Light, forwarded by her lord, the Sun,— then in the soft fragrant breeze which fills all sides, do thou depart, after worshipping Buddha with a faithful heart. SI DAT-SANG ARA. 221 The Sidat-Sangara is the only standard Grammar of the Sinhalese. There are several editions of this work, and one, with an English translation, published in 1853. The text has been also published by Pandit Tudave, with a gloss, and vocabulary. Sidat-Sangara means 'a compilation of First Prin- ciples.' This Grammar is designed ' for beginners,' and is stated to have been compiled 'on the standard of previous works on Grammar.' We thus learn that many Siiihalese Grammars were extant in this Island from a very early period ; a fact which, without this direct testimony, is rendered highly probable from the evidence which is furnished by the literature of the land. The work under notice contains twelve chapters. The first treats on Signs, or Orthoepy, and Orthography ; the second on Permutation ; the third on Gender; the fourth on Declension ; the fifth on Compound words ; the sixth on Concord; the seventh on Verbs; the eio-hth on Derivatives; the ninth on Voices; the tenth on Syntax ; the eleventh on good and evil Characters, etc. ; and the twelfth on Rhetoric, Since there is a translation of this work with a lenothy Introduction, an extended notice of it here is unnecessary; a few descriptive observations may not however be deemed unacceptable. The correspondence between the terminology of the writer before us, and that of Buddhagosa, has been already briefly noticed.— See ajite, p. 68. 222 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. The language used, and the grammatical forms treated of, prove, beyond all manner of doubt, that the Sinhalese is a North-Indian dialect. For full parti- culai's on the subject the reader is referred to two articles published in t!ie Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1866 and 1867. The following extract from the concluding part of the work, which we present as a specimen, contains allusion to the writer, and his patron : Me pela paniana si(m)bi kivi man danan pasasata Garahata yalidu kara kun pa(n)duv6ma mehi pamano. Duhuna dana hata mut mekudu Sidatin viyatini Pirij'atnata neta datak mehi ka]a mateta tusva. Dakana Laka siyal bujamaliavuruui rakna Dedev radalagam vimanaga patirajadevseradene Adaren yaduta ohu vibate tirana siya base Palakaranuvas mekelem kulunen Sidatsangard. Mehi padauuvaga dens, viyarana vidi bajaiiiina Nitetinimana pasi(nVla vida danada pini pilena Yasaraladigebi(m)bena vitara pata sayuru mena Naganu melaka uiti diya dada narasaliamina. * What signifies the praise or censure of pretended Pandits, Avho only acquired the first elements (of Grammar)? Learned Pandits alone are competent critics. O Pandits, although this little Sidata, except to the beginner, has nothing original in it (to recom- mend itself) to the erudite; rejoice ye at my labours. May Patiraja, like unto a flag on the summit of the mansion like village Radula, and who, by the arm of his extensive ramparts, governs the whole of the SIDAT-SANUARA. 223 Southern Lanka, be long prosperous ! I have composed the Sidat- Sangara at his kind request, and witli a view to disseminate (the knowledge of) the rudiments of cases, etc., in the Sinhalese language. The wise man who has learned its rules (both) primary and secondary, and made Grammar his study, will, having with facility removed the pretensions of the learned, who are elated with pride, constantly hoist up the flao" of success in (this island of) Lanka, like the bound- less ocean with the renown of his waves, wide-spread in all directions.' We are unable to identify the village Kadula ; and there is no reliable evidence to indicate the situation of the Patirajapirivena, of which the author was the superior incumbent; See Sidat- Sangara, p. 43, But, since the temple was named after its founder, and he is said to have been the Governor of Southern Lanka, it may not be difficult to place it somev/here in the Southern Province of Ceylon. But we have yet to learn the name of the author, and to identify the founder of the monastery. A tradition states that the writer is identical with the author of the Biilavatara ; but this is contradicted by another tradition which identifies the Grammarian with the author of the Sidat- Sano;ara. That tradition is founded on the facts stated in the following passage in the Easavahini. Yoka sihala bhasaya sihala sadda Lakkhanan tena Vedeha therena kathaya Rasavahini. — ' This book called the) Kasavahini was composed by the same 224 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Reverend Vedeha who had composed the Smhalese Grammar in the Sinhalese language.' Before however we attempt to identify the minister Patiraja, we shall, from internal evidence, which the Sidat-Sangara furnishes, endeavour to ascertain the chronological position which it occupies with reference to the known literature of the land. The wi'iter, it would appear, quotes from several authors, and among others from the Asakda, a poem which is no longer extant, and of which little or nothing is known beyond that it was a poem of great merit; and from the Kavu Silumina, whose author was King Pandita Parakrama Bahu III — 1266 a. d. As pointed out by the translator at page cxvi., a stanza in the Kaviasekara quotes a few words which are given as examples in the Sidat-Sangara. Now, it is true that there is a belief among some Sinhalese scholars, that the grammarian, who professes to write his work upon ' the precepts of unerring custom, or after the established usage of eminent writers, has borrowed most of his illustrations such as 'nat for anat,from the Kaviasekara;' yet, we believe, apart from the modernism of the style and poetry of the last- mentioned work — a fact which sufficiently refutes the above opinion — there is almost conclusive evidence to support the more generally prevailing belief, that the Kaviasekara was subsequent to the date of this Grammar. We say there is nearly conclusive evidence, because the poet, as will be seen on reference to the stanza quoted in the Sidat-Sangara at p. clxxx., places SIDAT-SANGARA. 225 tlie Verb in the " seventh section or chapter of the Grammar," a division which agrees accurately with that given in the Sidat-Sangara. Assuming then that the above refers to the Gram- mar under notice, we find no difficulty to assign to it a date between the age of Parakrama in 1266 and 1410 A, D., when the Kaviasekara was written. We have yet another fact, by which the interval between these two dates, which gives a period of 144 years, may be reduced, and that is, if possible, by the identification of Patirtija. , We read of several celebrated ministers of that name in our historical books. In the Introduction to the Sidat-Sangara (see p. clxxxii), we were inclined to identify him with the Wirasinha Patiraja mentioned in the Introduction to the Sinhalese version of the Pansiyapanas Jataka. But recent researches enable us to identify him with the Patiraja deva, whom Parak- rama III — 1266 A. D, despatched to South Ceylon to repair dilapidated religious edifices,* and generally for the promotion of religion, and to whom we have already alluded at p. 23, * Ses Mahavansa. 2 Q APPENDIX. APPENDIX. Professor Max Midler to Mr. Herbert. Parks Eiul, Oxford, March 21st, 1870. SlK, I HAVE read with great interest the papers forwarded to Lord Granville by Sir Hercules Robinson, stating the measures which have lately been taken by the Ceylon Government for making a collection of MSS. — Pali, Sinhalese and Sanskrit — that are still to be found in Ceylon, and publishing without delay a Catalogue of the same. In taking measures for the preservation of the ancient Literature of India and Ceylon, the Government is perform- ing a duty which, in the present state of the country, could be efficiently performed by no one else. Whatever, according to the varying judgment of European Scholars, the intrinsic value of the ancient Literature of India may be, the fact remains that, through all the vicissitudes of their past history, the inhabitants of that country have from century to century handed down their literary treasures with the greatest care, and have thus preserved to us a literature which in antiquity exceeds that of Italy and Greece, nay, possibly of evey other country in the world. From the days of Sir William Jones, the interest excited by the ancient Literature of India among European scholars has been steadily increasing, and it seems certainly a strange fact, that while English education is rapidly spreading all over India, Professorships should be founded in eveiy University of 230 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. Europe for teaching the ancient language and Literature of the Brahmans. It would by no means be fair to charge the English Government with indifference as to the ancient Literature of its Indian subjects. Both the East India Company and the Indian Ministry have repeatedly afforded their patronage to Editions of texts and translations from Sanskrit Literature, and the collection of Sanskrit MSS. which has gradually been brought together in the East India House, and is now preserved at the India Office, is without comparison the largest and most valuable in Europe. At the same time it cannot be doubted, that more energetic measures are required, in order to prevent the loss of a Litera- ture w^hich exists chiefly in MSS., and which, with the progress of English education and the spread of English ideas in India, is losing in the eyes of many of the natives that importance which it formerly possessed. In former days, most native princes considered it their duty to keep up a Library and to maintain a staff of Librarians, whose office it was to copy each MS. as soon as it began to shew signs of decay. Sanskrit MSS. are mostly written on paper made of vegetable substances, and unless preserved with great care, they seldom last in the sultry climate of India beyond three or four centuries. When the native princes were mediatised and pensioned by the English Government, one of the first retrenchments in their establishments consisted in the aboli- tion of their libraries, and the dismissal of their librarians. Some of the Rajahs offered their libraries as presents to the East India Company, but report says that a rule was passed excluding libraries from the class of presents acceptable to the Company. APPENDIX. 231 Tlie result is, that in ditiereiit parttr of India collections of ancient MSS. have crumbled to dust, and that literary works which had been preserved for centuries have been lost forever. During and after the late mutiny, so inany accounts of the wanton destruction of Libraries came to my knowledge, that I ventured to make a representation to Lord Elgin before he left England as Governor-General, urging him to sanction some plan for the preservation of the ancient literature of India. Lord Elgin promised to keep the matter in mind, and I doubt not that if his life had been spared we should have had an Elgin collection of Oriental MSS., which need not have feared comparison with the Elgin collection of Marbles at the British Museum. My letter to Lord Elgin would probably be found in his official correspondence. I was much pleased therefore to find, when reading the letter from Pandit Radha Kisu to His Excellency the Viceroy, dated 10th May, 1868, that what I had so long advocated had at last taken a practical shape, and I trust that nothing Mill now interfere with the carrying out of the judicious measures sanctioned by the Indian Government for the col- lection and preservation of Sanskrit MSS. With regard to Ceylon, it seems to me that it would there be even easier to carry out the plan adopted by the Indian Government than in India itself. The literature of Ceylon is much more limited. It is the literature of an Island, and what is important in it is almost entirely restricted to the sacred literature of Buddhism. I doubt whether in Ceylon there are MSS. more ancient than those of India, for although the materials on which they are written, palm or bamboo leaves, are far more durable than paper, political and religious convulsions seem to have caused the destruction of the ancient libraries of the temples and 232 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. monasteries ; still there is no reason why a careful search should not be made for ancient MSS., or fragments of ancient MSS., and in case they should be found it would seem expe- dient to preserve carefully-made copies in Ceylon, but to transfer the originals to England, where they would be in safer keeping than anywhere else. It is important to observe, that even paper MSS. which begin to shew signs of decay in India, are perfectly safe as soon as they are brought to the colder climate of England. I possess myself MSS. which had suffered much from damp and insects while in India, but which now seem to resist all further ravages. The principal object of the collectors should be to bring together a complete set of the canonical books of the Buddhists, with their commentaries, whether in Pali or Sin- halese.* The titles and contents of most of these books are known to every student of Buddhism, and the munificent present of a complete copy of the Buddhist Canon from the " It will be satisfaotory to know that a carefully revised copy of the Tepitaka is being transcribed for the Ceylon Oriental Library; that "the munificent present" of the Burmese Government is already in its shelves, and that ere long a third copy of the Texts, from Siam, in Kamboja character, Ihe gift of which has also been promised, will be added to tlic collection. There is no real difFsrence between these three national Records, since thej' are all copies of the woi-k originally brought over to Ceylon by ilahinda. But, we apprehend, great difference will be found to exist between the Sinhalese version of the Tepitaka and its Commentaries, and the version of the Northern Buddhists ; and we have no doubt that tbg Government of this Island will, at no distant date, add to its Library a copy of the Nepal version of the Buddhist Scriptures, including their Commentaries, — works which will certainly enable scholars to detect, by intercomparison, the frauds and impostures which have in process of time crept into both. APPENDIX. 233 king of Burmah, would enable any Pali Scholar to make out an accurate list of the books contained in it. It would thus be easy, after the most accessible MSS. have been brought together, to draw up a list of deficiencies, and to send it to the principal monasteries and libraries in Ceylon. It would not require any large outlay to have the whole of the now existing Pali literature of Ceylon carefully transcribed, and the copies preserved in a safe place. It would be still better, wherever it is possible, that the original MSS. should be bought and preserved; and I may state, that on several occasions I have found possessors of ancient and slightly damaged MSS. in India ready to exchange them for a modern copy. The publication of a Catalogue of the MSS. thus collected would be of great use to scholars in Europe, and it is much to be desired that the making of such a Catalogue should be entrusted to one or several really competent Pali scholars. It might be well at first to print a specimen only, and to send that specimen for approval to some Pali scholars in Europe. In printing extracts, it would be most desirable to adopt the Roman alphabet, and strictly to adhere to some definite system in transcribing Pali letters by Roman letters. Great care should also be taken that the extracts are given correctly, and, if possible, with a literal translation. I return the original enclosures. I have, &c., (Signed) Max MUller. R. G. W. Herbert, Esq. 2 H 234 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. The Scheme of Orthogiuphy adopted in this work, to express, in Roman characters, the Pali, Sanskrit, and Sinhalese words and extracts, demands a brief explanation. It will be observed that that scheme is in the main identical with the one sanctioned by the Govern- ment Minute of the 28th August, 1 866, and is as follows : — Sanskrit, PAli, and Sinhalese. Vowels. (i3)g ^ (n)j ©(n)l ^(n)d; © (m)b. APPENDIX. 235 Remaj-ks. For the vowels £3h and ssaj, the Government ]Minute gives ri, fi ; and there is neither provision for p3 Ir, and ?^=a If, nor the necessary type for the signs adopted and given above. For the anusvara again, the same Minute gives ij ; but since the use of n, with an open dot below, mvij lead many, as it has led me, to confound it with tlie lingual n; I have adopted an in with a dot below. That symbol, however, is not to be found in the Printing Establishment, and tlie consequence is, that I have been compelled to use the simple dental n or the labial m in its stead, leaving it to the reader to discern the correct character from the sense of the word. Owiiif- to the same cause I have not been altle to express the semi-consonant g h properly. In proceeding to the Consonants I may remark tliat & cli, is unnecessarily expressed in two letters; and the inconvenience is doubly great when we have to express it with its aspirate, tlius chchh. As the scheme adopted by FausboU is in this respect, as in others, very simple, it is my intention in the second volume to use c and ch in all cases, where in this volume I have used ch, and chh. There is only one other remark necessary under this head, and that is, that I have not been able to confine the last semi vowel in the list to a simple V, but have adopted the promiscuous use of v and w. Under the head of the Sinhalese Vowels the reader will observe that in the Sinhalese extracts I had to use e, e, characters which are not found in the Sanskrit and Pali alphabets ; and also e, and o, which in the Sigihalese are found with mai'ked accent. The Sanskrit anubandhas ^g, fij, nd, ud and mb possess different sounds in the Sinhalese (see Sidatsangara,p. Ixi.) and 236 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, are, metrically, one syllabic instant. No signs have been appropriated authoritatively for these sounds ; nor are there any types to represent them. I have therefore (though some- what unwillingly) resorted to the plan indicated in the above table for expressing them. In presenting the first volume of this work to the Public, I may be permitted to state that the materials for the second volume are ready, and in the press. It will contain a complete Analysis of the Vinaya-pitaka, with prelimi- nary observations on several important subjects. I have, with the assistance of two of the most talented Pandits in this island, Batuvantudave, and Sumangala, High Priest, literally rendered into English all that may fairly be ascribed to Gotama Buddha. I have also given, to an appreciable extent, all the Precepts, Legends, Explanations, and Sutras, extracting only those parts of the Text, which, in my opinion, might lead to important investigations. The literal translations are invariably preceded by the Texts, which have been collated with several authentic copie?, Sinhalese, Burmese, and Siamese. A copious Table of Contents will serve all the purposes of a Descriptive Catalogue, Avhilst no pains will be spared to make the separate Index, intended for the second volume, as full as is desii'able. If the Analysis of this Pitaka should fall short of the prescribed limits, which are the same as those assigned to the present volume, I purpose to commence with an analysis of the Su'tra-pitaka, but I do not believe I shall be able to present as many extracts from it as I have done from the Vinaya. ' APPENDIX. 237 RULES OF THE GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL LIBRARY.* I. Tliat the Sanskrit, Pali, and Sinhalese Library estab- lished by the Government of Ceylon, be called "The Government Oriental Library." II. That the same be under the immediate control aiul supervision of the Colonial Secretary for the time bein<^. III. That all affairs connected with the said Library be conducted and managed by a paid Librarian, and one or more servants appointed by the Governor. IV. That the Librarian be required to give security to the satisfaction of the Colonial Secretary for the due preservation of the books and records, and generally for the observance of the rules of the institution, and the due performance of all the duties I'equired of him. V. That the Library be kept open every day from 1 1 o'clock in the forenoon till 4 o'clock in the afternoon, except on Sundays and other Government holidays, and except after 2 o'clock on Saturdays. VI. That on no account whatsoever shall any person be allowed to remove any book belonging to the Library beyond the precincts of the Library. * '■' His Excellency the (iovernor has been pleased to direct, that the following Rules framed by the Government Oriental Library Committee, and approved by His Excellency, be published for general information. " By His Excellency's Command, « Colonial Secretary's Office, Henky T. Irvin«, Colombo, 2(Uh September, 1870. Colonial Secretary." — {^Ceylon Uoter/imenl Guzelte. No. 3,787. Oclvber 1, 1870.] 2 I 238 'descriptive catalogue. VII. That the books belonging to the Libi-ury shall be kept clear of dust, shall'always during office hours be exposed to the air, and shall at intervals of two months be exposed to the sun ; the Librarian shall moreover do all things necessary for the due preservation of books and olas. VIII. That the Librarian shall himself keep the keys of the Library shelves, and shall not permit any person access to the books of the Library except in his presence, or except in the manner provided for by Rule IX. IX. That the Librarian shall be responsible for any book that may be taken out of the shelf for purposes of copying, comparison, or inspection, and that the same shall on no account be removed beyond the limits of the Library premises. X. That the Librarian shall from time to time, as may be expedient, cause a printed Catalogue of the Library, both in English and Sinhalese, to be issued to the public, and for a price to be fixed by the Colonial Secretary. XL That the Librarian shall be at liberty to issue extracts on ola or paper of any of the books, or parts of the books, of the Library, on the written application of a party, ■and on payment of such a reasonable fee as the Colonial Secretary may from time to time sanction. XII. That the Librarian shall keep ( 1 ) A classified Catalogue of the books of the Library, the numbers in which shall correspond with the numbers borne by the books. All additions to the Library shall from time to time be inserted in the said catalogue ; (2) A register, in a form to be approved of by the Colonial Secretary, of references made and of extracts or copies issued by him ; APPENDIX, 239 (3) A memorandum of all the fees so rrceived as aforesaid, an account whereof the Librarian shall, moreover, from time to time render to the Colonial Secretary, shewing the receipts on the one hand, and disbursements on the other ; and (4) Such further catalogues, lists, or other memo- randa, as the Colonial Secretary may from time to time prescribe. XIII. That all extracts shall be made within the Library premises either by copyists employed by the Librarian, or by the person or persons requiring such extracts. No one shall be employed as copyist without the previous sanction of the Colonial Secretary, XIV. That any one desirous of inspecting or comparing a book of the Library with his own, shall be at liberty to do so in the presence of the Librarian within the Libraiy premises, and free of any charge whatever. XV. That any one desirous of obtaining an extract from a book belonging to the Library, may employ his own copyist to make it at his sole cost and expense, or he may obtain the extract on a written application to the Librarian, and on his tendering the regulated fee for that purpose. XVI. That no one should be allowed to smoke, or chew betel, or spit within the Library premises. 240 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE, CORRECTIONS. ]PAGE, LINE. xi ... 29 for PItaka read Pitaka. 2 ... 13 for \\x\\]wck read \s.\x\\yAv'\. ,, ... J 9 /y/- Ganam'pi pani re«(i ganam'pi paui, „ ... 20 for guno read guno. „ ... 21 ybr lingesu retfc/ liiigesu. „ ... 22 /o/' karanan re«£/ karanan. 3 ... 4 for Abhidhana'padi'iiikan read Abhidhanappadipi- kan. 4 ... 22 /or anara reoc/ anara. 7 ... 10 /or Bhikkhus and Sanghasreac/ Council of bLikkhus. 11 ... 7 /or Pali rend Pali; also elseiohere, ,, ... 24 fir Lambakanna 7-ead Lanibakanna. 31 ... 16 for affected read afflicted. 3."^ ... 23 /or lekhanakarayi rearf lekhamakarayi. 35 ... 7 /or Jyotigriana...Purauareac/Jyotiijnana,..Purana „ ... 11 /or visip read visin. „ ... 13 /or rach.anakarana ?'earf rachanakarana. ,, ... 18 /or panjara ?-ea''i paiijara. „ ... 20 for saycliikrita Vaychi read Sanchikrita Vaiichi. ,, ... 22 for lanka read lanka. 36 ... 7 /or patam reac/ patan. 37 ... 4 for Satru read S'atrii. 40 ... 6 /^r abhivandi yaggan rea^/ abliivandiya'ggan. „ ... 7 /or gana'mutta mancha reac/ gana'inutta manclia. „ ... 13 for suneyya read suneyy-i. 41 ... 17 /or byanjana reoa( byafijnna. „ ... 20 for Each (set of) five, etc, read Lit. '(There are) classes, from five to five, to the end of m' CORRECTIONS. 241 PAGE. LINE 41 ... 23 42 2 43 9& 10 47 4 11 5 55 ... 20 »? ... 21 11 ... 22 49 ... 20 i» ... 22 50 .. 3 15 .. 6 fi 8 6\ .. 25 52 8 51 ... 9 11 .. 16 11 .. 17 11 .. 19 11 .. 20 11 .. 21 11 ... ,, 11 .. 28 57 ... 26 62 ... 23 66 .. 2 68 .. 28 69 3 11 ... 6 71 ... 15 for Suttan read Sutta. fo7' composition read usage ; also at p. 60. /or .sanyoge read sayyoge. for udako bakcj rcwJ uilakabako. for in a pot read on a pot. /or Vannana read Vannana. for udaharana read udaharnna. for j)akaranan read pakarauan. for vannita read vannita. for parampara read i)arauipara. for viniclieliaya nichchayan read vinichchhaya niohchliayan. for Manjusa read Maiijusa /or Kanimadina read kauimadina. for Neruttii read Ncrutti. for hanavara, and elxeicfiere. read blianavara. for kancheiia read kaiiclieva. for pancha read pancha. for sanipiiula read samriiuja. for cba read cbha. for fiyase ?-ead nyase. for gahetv read gahetva. for gananta read ga^anta. for sata sata read satta &ata. for iiyaso read nyaso ; also at p. 53. for pakarana read pakarana. for van read van. fo^ pancalah read pailcalali. fir Budilhago.sa read Buddhagbosa ; also at pp. 69, 70, etc. for Karanan read Karanan ; also line 4, 22, 27. for Paiicbami read Paiicbami. /o/' vichayohAro rw/ vicbayabaro ; also at line 16, and 74. 242 DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE. PAGE. LINE. 71 ... 17 for vicliinati read vichiuati ; also al line IS. ,, ... 19 /or nissaranan reac/ nissaranan, 72 ... 19 /or pananan reurf pananan. ., ... 20 for uiy&rscnun read uivarnngn; also at other places. 73 ... 13 for i:ha read chk. „ ... 30 /br dkkhata read dukkhatk 74 ... 1 yb/- dhukkata rtailation of this work, pp. clxxix — 186, price lO.s. 6a!.; together with the Text, Vis. Those who have already purchased the Translation man ohtarii the Index on application to the Traiis/afor, accojnpanicd hy stamps to cover the necessary charge for postage. ALSO, BUDDHIST NIRVANA; A REVIEW OF MAX MiJLLEirS~I)HA;MMAPADA. octo. pp. -xii. — 140. Price OS. Trcbmcr ani> Co., 60, Paternoster Row, London. UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 324 006 6