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 -ft 
 
 NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TRANSACTIONS 
 
 I H 
 
 BENGAL, 
 
 V U R f X G THE 
 
 ADMINISTRATION 
 & 
 
 MR. HASTINGS. 
 
 B Y 
 
 MAJOR JOHN SCOTT. 
 
 9082 6 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 b.tcd for J. DEBRETT, oppofite BUSJ.JNGTOH 
 HOUSE, PICCADILLY.
 
 -4-73.5 
 
 43 -n. 
 Cf ' ' 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 to THE 
 
 = FIRST EDITION. 
 
 ft 
 
 1 H E controul which the Supreme Coun- 
 g cil of Bengal holds over the other Prefiden* 
 
 O"3 
 
 ^ cies, makes the members of that Government 
 M in fome meafure reiponfible for the peace of 
 ^. India. It will appear very clearly, upon en- 
 quiry, that the Governor General and Coun- 
 cil exerted themfelves to the extent of the 
 powers vefted in them by the Legiflature, to 
 avert thofe misfortunes which have been ex- 
 perienced upon the coaft of Coromandel ; but 
 that a war with a country power fhould have 
 been commenced with fuch circumftances of 
 
 CD 
 
 Ijdifgraceto our arms, was not apprehended, I 
 <fwill venture to fay, either by the Supreme 
 Council or by any man in India. 
 
 a 2 Much 
 
 301074
 
 t 5v ] 
 
 Much pains have been taken in India, arid 
 the fame efforts will doubtlefs be ufed in 
 England, to attribute every unfortunate event 
 upon the coaft, to the Mahratta war ; which, 
 by fome in Bengal, and by moft of the gen j 
 tlemen in Madras, has been denominated Mr. 
 Haftings's war. The Court of Directors, 
 who* perfectly acquainted with the circum- 
 ftances which led to the war, highly ap- 
 proved of the conduct which the Governor 
 General took in it, will, doubtlefs, do him 
 the juftice to contradict this affertion. 
 
 In the following iketch I mean to relate 
 the events which led to a war which, from 
 the year 1778, uniformly fuccefsful on our 
 part, muft have produced an honourable and 
 advantageous peace many months ago, if the 
 invafion of the Carnatic* the deftrucYion of 
 a third part of our army, and the expectation 
 pf a French armament, had not given frcfo 
 fpirits to a vanquimed enemy. 
 
 Upon other articles the conduft of the 
 Governor General has been groffly mifrepre- 
 fented : it may not therefore be unacceptable 
 to his friends, to relate, as concifely as the 
 importance of the fubjed will admit, the 
 
 prin-
 
 principal tranfaiYions in Bengal, frcm the pe* 
 riod of his arrival in February, 17/2, to the 
 day of my departure from Bengal the 9th of 
 January, 1781; fi;ft premifing that I will 
 not advance a {ingle fact which I cannot 
 prove, either from my own knowledge or 
 from authentic documents now in my pof- 
 feflion. 
 
 No man has more feverely fuffered from 
 nnjuft and illiberal infmuations than Mr. 
 Haftings; nor has any man lefs deferved 
 them : fince, even in his own j notification, 
 he has carefully avoided all perfonal reflec- 
 tion?. It is much to be lamented, that the 
 public has fuffered as well as Mr. Ballings, 
 by the impreffion which fuch iniinuations 
 did at the time make upon the Court of 
 Directors ; for to what other caufc can it 
 be owing, that, for fo many years, they 
 with-held their confidence from a man they 
 once thought fo worthy of it ? Confcious of 
 the rectitude of his own actions, he has 
 been too little {olicitous to ftem that tor- 
 rent of calumny and abufe which his oppo- 
 nents have fo liberally beftowed upon him. 
 It is now high time to refute theie calum- 
 nies. I do not helitate to declare, nor am 
 2 sppre-
 
 . [ vi ] 
 
 apprehenfive of committing myfelf too far 
 by fuch a declaration, that to render our pof- 
 feliion of Bengal of confequence to the Bri- 
 tifh nation, Mr. Haftings muft be fupported, 
 and with effect, both by Government and the 
 E'ift-India Company. The event will prove 
 that my judgment has not been warped by 
 my private affections. 
 
 FILER VARY, 
 1782. 
 
 JOHN SCOTT. 
 
 PREFACE
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 I N the prefent very critical and important 
 lituation of the affairs of the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, a re-publication of the following Nar- 
 rative, which has long ago been out of print, 
 jnay perhaps not be unacceptable to the 
 Public, as I have ftudioufly confined myfelf 
 to a relation of fiich facts as are of public no- 
 toriety, or are capable of complete proof 
 from the records at the India Houfe. It has 
 been, of late, too much the fafliion to mifre- 
 prefent the conduct of our countrymen in In- 
 dia, and to aflert that Bengal is going faft to 
 decay. 1 confcientioufly believe that the 
 merits of the Governor General, and his 
 Council, from the commencement of the war 
 in the Carnatic, to the date of the laft dif- 
 patches from India, will fecure to them the 
 
 applaufc
 
 [ viii J 
 
 jtp.p)an(e of the candid- and difpaffionate 
 of mankind, when the prejudices which have 
 been induftrioufly railed by artful and defign- 
 ing men (hall ceafe to operate : and from 
 .every pbfervation I was capable of making 
 in the courfe of fifteen years refidenue in 
 Bengal, I am convinced that that country 
 has very confiderably increafed in population 
 and manufactures, from the y v ear 1767 to 
 1781, although a famine in 1770 fwept away 
 a third of its inhabitants. Since that period 
 the Cpmpany has 'been involved in a very ha- 
 zardous and expenfive war ; and for a confi- 
 derable time our army in the Garnatic was 
 fed as well as paid frorri Bepgal. The aflo- 
 iiilhing refources of that country, and the 
 abilities of the men who have governed it, are 
 pow generally known and acknowledged; 
 and however the calamities of war may have 
 defolated the Carnatic, it is certain that at 
 no period has Bengal enjoyed a greater degree 
 pf internal profperity than during the govern- 
 ment of Mr. Hadiugs. The Narrative is now 
 continued to the period of the lateil accounts 
 \ve have received from India. 
 
 JOHN SCOTT. 
 
 ASS, 
 N. 4, :? 4 . 
 
 h NARRATIVE.
 
 NARR ATIVE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TRANSACTIONS 
 
 I N 
 
 BENGAL. 
 
 iVJL R. Haftings was appointed by the Court of 
 Directors to fucceed to the Government of Bengal, in. 
 the month of April, 1772, immediately after the 
 great famine. They were alfo pleafed to inveft him 
 with fome extraordinary powers, not heretofore veft- 
 ed in a Governor, from a conviction, that if their 
 affairs there were yet retrievable, Mr. Haftings, 
 (whofe perieverance, firmnefs, and integrity, both 
 in Bengal and Madras had been remarkably con- 
 fpicuous,) was the mofl proper perfon to be em- 
 ployed in fo arduous an undertaking. It is well 
 known that the Government of Bengal was from 
 various caufes at this time reduced to the greateit 
 diftrefs. The late Governor, though a mod amiable 
 and refpectable character, poffefied neither the vigour
 
 [ 10 ] 
 
 or refolution which his public fhtion required ,* and 
 the Members of his Council fubmittted to the con- 
 tinuance of evils which 'they wanted either the 
 power or the inclination to reform. The Company's 
 annual expences in Bengal confiderably exceeded 
 their revenues ; and although bills had been drawn 
 upon the Court of Directors for more than a mil- 
 lion fterlingin 1770, there ftill remained a bond debt 
 oT a million and a half fterling, due to individuals 
 in Bengal. There was a profpect alfo of this bond 
 debt being monthly increafed to the degree, that the 
 expences ancj the inveftment exceeded the actual re- 
 venues of the provinces. 
 
 So fupine a Government muft have funk of itfelf 
 in a few years. That this was the real ftate of pub- 
 lic affairs at Bengal, when Mr. Haftings arrived 
 there, is known to every man at that time in India. 
 In April 1772, he fucceeded to the chair, and, ar- 
 duous as the rafk of reformation is in all countries, 
 but more particularly in Bengal, he inftantly began 
 upon it. The excefiive civil charges .in Calcutta 
 were retrenched, unnecefTary appointments were abo- 
 lilhed, and that fpirit of extravagance and diffipa- 
 tion which had pervaded all orders of men, was fup- 
 prerTed, both by precept and example. 
 
 Nothwithftanding oppofhion from many indivi- 
 duals, Mr. Haftings fteauily purfued his plan of re- 
 formation, regardlefs of the perfonal obloquy which 
 attended it, and in lefs than a month from his ac- 
 ceffion to the chair, the face of affairs was totally 
 
 altered.
 
 altered. Every refolution of Government was car- 
 ried into effect with a promptitude and fpirit which 
 did honour to its executive members. 
 
 The Court of Directors at this time determined 
 .to ftand forth themfelves as Dewans of the provin- 
 ces, through the agency of their own fervants ; and 
 Mr. Haftings loft no time in carrying orders fo be- 
 neficial to the Company into execution. He pro- 
 ceeded to Moorfhedabad, the refidence of the Nabob 
 and the native officers of the Government, attended 
 by three Members of the Board, with an intention 
 to inveftigate the (late of the revenues, to reduce 
 the charges incurred in the collection of them, 
 and to eftablim provincial Courts of Jufiice, which 
 might prevent thofe acts of oppreflion and arbitrary 
 power that had hitherto been fo much complain- 
 ed of.* 
 
 Unfortunately for the Company in this, as in 
 many other inftances, Mr. Haftings had not the 
 power to carry his whole plan into execution; but 
 thofe regulations which he did eftablilh will ever 
 remain as the ftrongeft proofs of the extent of his 
 genius, and of jhe r laborious attention he paid to 
 every point which could in the leaft degree contri- 
 bute to fecure the natives of Bengal in the pofleffion 
 of their property. 
 
 * It was at this period, that Muny Begum was appointed the 
 guardian of the young Nabob, and the Court of Dire&ors, as foon 
 as they heard of the appointment, cxprefTcd their approbation of it 
 in very \varm terms, 
 
 B 2 The
 
 The fame unremitting attention was paid to 
 public bufinefs, on his return to Calcutta ; and the 
 Court of Directors were very early in their acknow- 
 ledgements of Mr. Haftings's fervices, and of the 
 benefits which were derived from them. 
 
 At the clofe of the year 1772, a new fcene was 
 opened in Bengal. To the fpirited and decided part 
 which Mr. Haftings then took in foreign politics, 
 are the Company and the Britifh nation indebted 
 for the dominions and the extenfive influence which 
 they now enjoy in Indoftan. To fet this matter in 
 its true point of view > and not with a defign to re- 
 flect upon the political conduct of any perfon, it is 
 neceffary to revert to the period of Lord Clive's go- 
 vernment. 
 
 The Eaft-India Company's affairs were fo tho- 
 roughly inveftigated by a Committee of the Houfe 
 of Commons in 1772, whofe proceedings have fince 
 been made public, that it is needlefs to relate the 
 Heps by which we have arrived at our prefent 
 power in Tndia. The Company's agents in Ben- 
 gal were inoffenfive and reputable merchants when 
 they were attacked without provocation, by that 
 moft defpicable of tyrants, Surajah Dowlah, the 
 grandfon of an ufurper: They were at firft driven 
 from their pofleffions, but had afterwards the good 
 fortune to fee their perfecutor vanquilhed and de- 
 pofed : His fucceffor, Meer Jaffier, who owed his 
 promotion entirely to us, beheld the increafe of 
 our power with a jealous eye, and concerted a 
 fcheme with the Dutch for our deftru&ion. The 
 
 firmnefs
 
 t 13 ] 
 
 firmnefs of Colonel dive defeated the project, and 
 in the fucceeding Government it was neceffary to 
 depofe the Nabob. A chain of well-known events 
 brought on a war with the fucceffbr, and his reiio- 
 ration. In one campaign, Coffim Ally was driven 
 from the provinces. Sujah Dowlah, Nabob of Oude 
 and Vizier, unprovoked by us, invaded Bahar; 
 he was defeated, and had thrown himfclf upon our 
 mercy at the time that Lord Clive returned to 
 Bengal in 1765 ; his Lordmip dictated his own 
 te*ns to the King, Sujah Dowlah, and the young 
 Nabob of Bengal. We had certainly a right to 
 retain the poffeffion of countries which we had con- 
 quered in a juft and neceflary war, and Lord dive 
 undoubtedly gave the Princes of Indoftan a con- 
 fpicuous proof of his moderation, when he only 
 required fifty lacks of rupees from the Vizier as 
 a compenfation for the rcftoration of his country, 
 and the ceffion of Benares. 
 
 By the treaty which his Lordmip concluded with 
 the King, he guaranteed to him the poffeflion of 
 the provinces of Corah and Allahabad, aud engaged 
 to pay him twenty-fix lacks of rupees annually from 
 the provinces of Bengal. Perhaps all the objec- 
 tions to fo fatal a drain of fpecie from Bengal 
 did not then occur to his Lordfhip, or Patna or 
 Monghier would have been fixed upon as the- place 
 of his Majefty's refidence. In this cafe, the evils 
 which have fince befallen the unhappy monarch 
 would have been prevented, and our provinces con- 
 fiderably benefited, by having the amount of the 
 tribute annually circulated in them. Still the con- 
 dition
 
 [ 14 3 
 
 dition implied in the treaty was undoubtedly, that 
 his Majefty fhould refide under our immediate pro- 
 tection at Allahabad, which he quitted in June, 
 1771, at the inftigation of the Marattas, who had 
 engaged to conduct him to Delhy - t a project this 
 prince had much at heart. 
 
 By leaving Allahabad, he quitted our protec- 
 tion , and Mr. Haflings, who arrived in Bengal 
 early in the next year, very juftly concluded, that 
 the firft ufe which 'the Marattas would make of 
 their royal gueft, would be to extort from him 
 the provinces of Corah and Allahabad. He had 
 authentic intelligence foon after, that grants of thefe 
 provinces were actually made to them and figned 
 by the King ; and if his Majefty's commands were 
 at all events to be obeyed, we might be required 
 in another year to evacuate Bengal. The danger 
 that was to be apprehended from having the Ma- 
 rattas (not at that time broken by inteftine di- 
 vifions) fo near us was early forefeen, and wifely 
 guarded againft by an alliance with Sujah Dowlah, 
 which being concluded on the firm bafis of mutual 
 intereft, was in no danger of being violated. 
 
 It is well known that this Prince had been con- 
 fidered as a difaffected Ally during the govern- 
 ments of Mr. Verelft and Mr. Cartier. By his 
 conduct in 1768 he had fo far excited the fuf- 
 picions of a majority of the Select: Committee, 
 that they deputed * two of their members, and a 
 gentleman of the Council, to expoftulate and to treat 
 
 * General Richard Smith, Mr. Cartier, and Mr. Ruflcll. 
 
 with
 
 C '5 3 
 
 with him. In Mr. Haftings's adminiftration he be- 
 came a moft ufeful and valuable ally. 
 
 When Mr. Haftings fucceeded to the Government, 
 the province of Bengal had been nearly exhaufted 
 of its circulating fpecie, by the annual tribute of 
 twenty-fix lacks of rupees to the King, by the re- 
 mittances in filver to China, to Madras, to Bom- 
 bay, and to Europe j not a rupee of which -ever 
 returned again; by the total flop which was put 
 to the importation of bullion from Europe, 
 in confequence of the great increafe of our 
 own inveftment, and the fupplies which were af- 
 forded to foreign companies, by the fervants of 
 the Company, who had no other means of re- 
 mitting their fortunes to Europe ; the fatal ef- 
 fects of which Mr. Verelft had forefeen, and re- 
 prefented very fully to the Di rectors in a feries 
 of letters which do great honour to his abilities 
 and forefight. 
 
 The regulations which were framed by Mr. 
 Haftings on his accefiion to the chair, although 
 they immediately contributed to the happinefs of 
 the natives, and would in time prove highly bene- 
 ficial to the Company, were not efficacious to re- 
 lieve their prefent wants. The diftrefs of the Di- 
 rectors for cam. at home was very great ; they 
 had been obliged to have recourfe to Parliament 
 for affiftance, in confequence of the large drafts 
 which had been made upon them from Bengal. 
 Their chief dependance was upon Mr. Haftings 
 to extricate the Company from their difficulties, 
 both in Europe and in Afia. Their confidence 
 
 was
 
 [ 16 ] 
 
 was not mifplaceJ, and their moft fanguine ex- 
 pectations were fully anfwered. Foreign trade was 
 encouraged to a greater degree than had before 
 been known*, and a new commerce, by the way 
 of Suez, was opened in confequence of the en- 
 couragement given to it by Mr. Haftings, which 
 promifed a relief to the languid circulation in Ben- 
 gal, opened a quick communication with Great 
 Britain, and has fince been of the mod eflential 
 advantage to us. Duftucks were abolifhed in the 
 provinces, and every fpecies of undue influence 
 fuppreffed as far as the authority of Government 
 could fupprefs ir. 
 
 The King, as I before obfcrveJ, having ceded 
 Corah and Allahabad to the Marattas, it became 
 a queflion, whether we ihould tamely permit them 
 to take pofleilion of thole provinces with the prof- 
 pect of Bengal being invaded the . following year, 
 or inftantiy fecure them. The latter refolution was 
 taken, and a member of the Council was deputed 
 to form an exact ftatement of their revenues in 
 May, 1773. The King was at this time a prifoner 
 at large at Dehly, flighted and defpifed by the Ma- 
 rattas, who propofed to invade the dominions of Sujah 
 Dowlah, by the route of Rohilcund. To prevent 
 this invafion, the firft brigade, confiding of one re- 
 giment of Europeans, fix battalions of Seapoys, 
 and twenty pieces of cannon, had formed a junction 
 
 * In 1773, Mr. Haftings deputed Mr. George Boyle to Thibet. 
 He was very hofpitably received by the Grand Lama, where he re- 
 fided above a year : a communication has fince been kept up between 
 the two countries, which is highly advantageous to Bengal, and 
 proinilcs to be ftill more fo in future. 
 
 with
 
 C 7 ] 
 
 with the troops of Sujah Dowlah and the Rohillas, 
 and were advancing towards the banks of the Gan- 
 ges, by forced marches. The Marattas, who had 
 forded that river, recrofied it with precipitation, as 
 we advanced, were purfued, and prevented from 
 doing any other damage than the plundering and 
 burning a few inconfiderable villages in Rohilcund. 
 When the approach of the rains fwelled the Ganges, 
 our troops returned to Oude. This expedition laid 
 the foundation of the Rohilla war, of which I mail 
 fpeak more fully hereafter. 
 
 Sujah Dowlah had repeatedly and earneftly fo- 
 liated a perfonal conference with Mr. Haftings, to 
 which he confented, and met him at Benares, in 
 September, 1773, a few months after we had taken 
 pofTeffion of Corah and Allahabad. 
 
 It was at this time that Mr. Haftings conclu- 
 ded the treaty of Benares, which in its confequen- 
 ces was fo extremely beneficial to the Eaft India 
 Company. 
 
 The principal articles were the ceflion of Corah 
 and Allahabad to the Vizier, the increafe of the 
 fubfidy, and our engagement to afiift him in the con- 
 queft of Rohilcund. 
 
 The nominal revenues of Corah and Allahabad 
 were twenty-five lacks of rupees per annum; 
 but the actual collections fell greatly Ihort of this 
 fum : nor could any collections be made without the 
 affiftance of a ftrong military force. Several dif- 
 affected Zemindars were to be reduced ; and thcfe 
 provinces were feparated from our other poifeflions 
 by the Zemindaryof Chcyt Sing, the Raja of Benares, 
 C at
 
 at that time 'a tributary to Sujah Dowlah. Mr. 
 Haftings, after the matureft reflection, confented to 
 cede thefe countries to Sujah Dowlah, in confidera- 
 tion of his paying fifty lacks of rupees to the Com- 
 pany. This arcicle of the treaty was highly appro- 
 ved of by the Court of Directors. 
 
 We were bound by Lord Clive's treaty with the 
 Vizier to afiift him with a military force, and he was 
 to pay thirty thoufand rupees* a month for a com- 
 plete brigade ; which was fuppofed to be equivalent 
 to the additional expence incurred in the field, 
 though it was in fadt very inadequate to it. Mr. 
 Haitings thought, and with juftice, that Su-jah 
 Povvlah fhould pay the whole expence of art army 
 .adting at his requifition, or a fum equivalent to it. 
 This he confented to, and it was fixed at two lacks 
 and ten thoufand rupees a month. -f- This alteration 
 was warmly approved by the Directors. 
 
 The articles by which the Company were engaged 
 to affift the Vizier in the conqueft of Rohilcund, 
 however feverely attacked both in Bengal and in 
 England, may certainly be defended on the ftri&eit 
 grounds of policy and juilice. 
 
 The RohillasJ were a tribe of Afghan Tartars, 
 who about twenty-fix years before this time in- 
 vaded and conquered a large and fertile tract of 
 country lying to the eaftward of the Ganges, boun- 
 ded 
 
 * 300ol. f 2I,0001. 
 
 + Dow's Hiftory of the Decline of the Mogul Empire, published 
 in 1768, p. 37, gives this account of the Rohillas : " In the year 
 1744, Ali Mahummud, a Patan of the Rohilla tribe, a foldier of 
 fortune, and native of the mountains f Cabaliftan, begun to appear
 
 [ '9 ] 
 
 <kd on one fide by the north-eaft frontier of Oude, 
 and on the other by what are called the Cachmere- 
 hills, which are a continuation of thofe mountains 
 that feparate Bengal from Thibet. Some of the 
 original invaders of this country are yet living. 
 The fixed inhabitants are Hindoos. The Pvohillas 
 are MuiTulmen and foldiers to a man. The reve- 
 nues were regularly collected and divided amongfl 
 the different chiefs, of whom the mod confiderable 
 were Fyzula Cawn and Haffez Hamet. The Vizier 
 had long beheld, with great mortification, the fet- 
 tlement of the Rohillas in a diftrict which had for- 
 merly been dependant upon Guile i but as our 
 
 in arms. He had fome years before come to Dehly, and was enter- 
 tained in the fervice of Mahummud Shaw, and the command of a 
 fmall diftricl between Dehly and Lahore was conferred upon him ;. 
 Ivere he entertained all vagrants of his own clan, who came down 
 in queft of military fervice from their native mountains ; not paying 
 his rent, Hernind, the Fogedar, to whom he was accountable, 
 raifed 15000 men to expel or chaftife him ; he wss defeated with 
 great flaughter, and thus AH laid the foundation of the Rohilla 
 government. Upon this defeat, the Vizier fent 30,000 men under 
 his fon againft the rebels. Each fide averfe to a decifion by battle, 
 a treaty was concluded, whereby Ali was to keep the country before 
 governed by Hirnind, upon paying the ancient revenues to the 
 Crown: no payment was made, and Ali continued to ftrengthen 
 himfelf r and ravaged the neighbouring country to fubfift his army : 
 at laft the monarch himfelf was obliged to take the field. Ali fhut 
 himfelf up in Bangur, where he was obliged to capitulate. He was 
 carried a prifoner to Dehly, where he remained fix months ; at the 
 end of which the Patans not only obtained him his releafe, but the 
 Feugedarfliip of Sirhiud. There he maintained himfelf, and col- 
 lecting his difperfed tribes, kept poffdTion not only of Sirhind, but 
 feveral diftrils between the rivers, and beyond the Ganges, without 
 remitting one rupee to court." This happened in 1747. 
 
 C 2 Govern-
 
 Government had entertained fo ftrong a jealoufy of 
 his power, previous to Mr. Haftings's acceffion, and 
 had kept up a correfpondence with the Rohillas, he 
 had been prevented from fubduing them ; and it is 
 alfo probable that he did not think himfelf equal to 
 the conqueft of the country without our affiftance. 
 
 A bare infpe&ion of the map will prove of how 
 much confequence it was, that the power in poflef- 
 fion of Rohilcund fhould be in a ftrid alliance 
 with us. 
 
 The foil is fo fertile, that an army of Marattas 
 might fubfift in it for any length of time. It is 
 full of ftrong forts for the fecurity of plunder ; and 
 from hence, in the courfe of one feafon, their rava- 
 ges might have been extended through the dominions 
 of the Vizier into Bengal. When, therefore, the 
 Marattas were mafters of the King's perfon and of 
 Dehly, and threatened to invade the country of an 
 ally, whom by treaty, and from policy we were 
 bound to defend, it was abfolutely neceflary either 
 to conclude a defenfive alliance with the Rohillas, 
 or to take pofleffion of their country. 
 
 Many fmall ftates in Europe have been 'precifely 
 in the fame fituation. It was impoflible that they 
 could remain neuter in our approaching rupture 
 with the Marattas; and they concluded an alliance 
 with the Vizier and the Company, by which we 
 engaged to protect their country from the ravages 
 of the Marattas ; they on their part were to join 
 us with their forces, and at the conclufion of the 
 campaign to pay forty lacks of rupees, as their pro- 
 portion of the expences of the war. 
 
 The
 
 The Marattas, as I before obferved, did invade 
 Rohilcund, but we arrived fo opportunely, that 
 they were obliged to retreat very precipitately. The 
 Rohillas, as we advanced, 'peremptorily rcfufed to 
 join us, and it was propoied to dorm their camp; 
 which they prevented, by forming a junction when 
 we were upon the point of carrying this defign into 
 execution.* 
 
 On the return of our troops to Oude, the Vizier 
 demanded the ftipulated payment of forty lacks, 
 which at firft was evaded, and afterwards abfolutely 
 refufed. 
 
 Such was the ftate of this bufmefs when Mr. 
 Haftings met the Vizier at Benares. 
 
 That the Rohillas would dread the Vizier's re- 
 fentment, for this breach of faith cannot be doubt- 
 ed; and that, to guard themfelves againft the effects 
 of it, they would apply to the Marattas for aflift- 
 ance was highly probable. In truth they did nego- 
 ciate with them, I need not mention the many 
 fatal confequences with which fuch an alliance would 
 have been attended. Succefs in the Rohilla war ex- 
 tended and fecured the frontier of an ally ; and it 
 was founded on their breach of a treaty, to which we 
 were guarantees, and their alliance with his enemies. 
 
 The advantages which the Eaft-India Company 
 were to reap from the war, were great indeed : Our 
 exhaufted provinces were to be relieved from the pay 
 
 * It was at this time that Sir Robert Barker denominated the Ro- 
 hellas the moft faithlefs and treacherous of men, and propofcd that 
 we fliould put the Vizier in pofTeflion of their country, 
 
 of
 
 of a third part of our army during the fcrvice ; 
 and we were to receive fifty lacks of rupees at the 
 conclufion of it. 
 
 The danger apprehended from an increafe of the 
 Vizier's power was merely ideal, as the event has 
 fully proved. Mr. Haftings, who had ftudied his 
 character, knew it perfectly well ; but the gentlemen 
 at home, who had for a long time been alarmed by 
 accounts of the dangerous ambition and high Jpirit of 
 Sujah Dowlah, deemed every addition whieh we 
 might make to his power a meafure founded upon 
 wrong policy *. Fortunately, however, for the Com- 
 pany and the Bririfh nation, the man who managed 
 their political affairs in Bengal, clearly forefaw, -and 
 fteadily purfued their true imereft. 
 
 The Rchilla war commenced in 1774, the con- 
 queft of the country was effected in feven months, 
 and an equitable peace was concluded with Fyzula 
 Cawn, the principal Rohilla chief, which has con- 
 tinued from that period uninterrupted. 
 
 I mould exceed the bounds which I have pre- 
 fer ibed to myfelf, were I to enter into a detail of 
 Mr. Haftings's public proceedings from his return 
 to Calcutta in September 1773, to the commence- 
 ment of the new Government in October 1774, 
 when his authority was effectually annihilated. But 
 
 * General Richard Smith's letters to the Seleft Committee of 
 Fort William, when he commanded the army, contain ftrong ex- 
 preffions of fufpicion againft Sujah Dowlah. It has fmce been fully 
 proved, that the General had entirely miftaken the Vizier's real 
 
 character, 
 
 the
 
 the concurrent teftimony of the Englifh gentlemen 
 then in Bengal, the flouriihing ftate of the Com- 
 pany's affairs, the increafe of wealth, and the affec- 
 tion ihewn by the natives to our Government, are 
 ample proofs that every moment of his time was 
 employed in purfuing the true interefts of his con- 
 flmients. 
 
 In the year 1767, I have travelled four hundred 
 miles through a country very thinly inhabited ; the 
 appearance of an European with his attendants ex- 
 cited diftruft and apprehenfion. I have travelled 
 the fame road fmce that period ; I then found it in 
 high cultivation. The natives, fecure under the 
 protection of humane and equal laws, were encreaf- 
 ing in numbers, and no longer looked upon Englifh- 
 rnen as enemies. 
 
 It is certain, however clamour may have obfcured 
 the truth, that the lower ranks of people in no 
 part of the world live more happily, or are lefs op- 
 preiied than the natives of Bengal and Bahar. The 
 abufes which exifted after our acceffion to the 
 Dewanne, are more to be attributed to a defective 
 fyflem of Government, than to the want of inclina- 
 tion to correct them in the members of adminiftra- 
 tion j nor could thefe abufes be corrected until the 
 Governor and Council were authorifed to break 
 through the forms of a double Government. 
 
 At Mr. Haftings's acceffion to the chair, he en- 
 tirely new modelled the public offices, and alloted 
 to each its diftinct bufinefs. The mode of collect- 
 ing the revenues, as well as the quantum to be col- 
 lected,
 
 [ '4 ] 
 
 lected, had heretofore been regulated by the Refident 
 of the Durbar and Mahomed Reza Cawn ; and 
 even after the eftablifhment of provincial councils, 
 Moorfhedabad continued the feat of Government. 
 But when the double Government, as it has been 
 properly called, was abolifhed, Mr. Haftings re- 
 moved all the native officers of it to Calcutta, and 
 brought every department of finance immediately 
 before the Council. 
 
 His regulations of the public offices, of the col- 
 lections, and the various ceconomical reforms, 
 which, notwithstanding the difficulties preventing, 
 and the odium confequent, he had effected in the 
 ihort fpace of thirty months, added to the fupply 
 of treafure, which the treaty of Bengal afforded, had 
 raifed the reputation of the government of Bengal to 
 the higheft pitch, and the Company's affairs, which, 
 when he fucceeded to the chair, were thought to be 
 irretrievable, bore the firongeft afpect of affluence 
 and profperity. The time however was now come, 
 when the abilities of the man who had done fo 
 much for the Company were to be decried, and his 
 character expofed as a fubject for public derifion. 
 
 On the 1 9th of October, General Clavering, Colo- 
 nel Monfon, and Mr. Francis, arrived in Calcutta, 
 and with the Governor General and Mr. Barwell, 
 compofed the Supreme Council of India. No Go- 
 vernment could have commenced under more favour- 
 able circumftances. Our treafury was fullj foreign 
 trade flouriihed to a greater degree than had ever 
 been known in Bengal. Inland commerce was freed 
 
 from..
 
 r 25 ] 
 
 from every impolitic reftr'nflion. The reputation of 
 cur arms was great, and the fupply of wealth to Great 
 Britain by the inveftment (the only proper mode of 
 enriching our native country from India) had in-, 
 creafed every year fince Mr. Haitings came to the 
 Government. The Gentlemen who then arrived 
 from -England, had no perfonal connections to 
 gratify ; they had not been bred up in the Com- 
 pany's fervice ; nor had they formed friendmips, to 
 which a fmall portion of their conftituents's interefts 
 might have fouietimes been facrificed ; (human na- 
 ture will ftill be the fame !) and their own appoint- 
 ments were fo ample as to preclude even the temp- 
 tation to aft from interefted motives. With fuch 
 advantages, why has k happened that the Britifh na- 
 tion has Rot experienced all thofe good effects 
 which the s wi!dom of theLegiQature predicted when 
 the Supreme Council of India v/as eftablifhed ? I 
 (hall relate -facts as they happened, without a wiih 
 to reflect in the fmalleft degree .upon two gentle-, 
 men of great 'honour and .undoubted integrity, who. 
 are now no more ; and who, I think, would have 
 heartily co-operated with Mr. Haftings, if much 
 pains had not been taken to deceive them by defign- 
 ing men, who unfortunately were but too fuccefs- 
 ful in lo pernicious an undertaking. 
 
 Although Mr. Haftings received an addition to 
 his former title by the act which conilituted the Su- 
 preme Council, his powers were confiderably cur- 
 tailed by the instructions of the Court of Directors. 
 Under thefe circumftances, he was at firfl undeter- 
 D mined.
 
 t * } 
 
 mined, whether to refign or to retain the Govern- 
 ment; but the violent conduct of a decided majo- 
 rity determined him to remain in the . chair at all 
 events. 
 
 The flame of oppofition broke out with gre?.t vio- 
 lence at the fecond meeting of the Supreme Council. 
 The Governor General, for the information of his 
 colleagues, drew up a clear and diftinct ftatcment of 
 our political fituation. Our alliance with the Vizier, 
 the advantages which we had already received, and 
 might in future expect to receive from it. Our al- 
 liances or connections with the native powers in In- 
 doftan, and every other particular which it was ne- 
 ceffary to communicate to gentlemen veiled with fo 
 high a public truft, and who at the fame time were 
 fo intircly uninformed with refpect to a country, 
 which from that moment they were to govern. To 
 elucidate fome part of his minutes, Mr. Haftings 
 delivered into the Board feveral extracts from Mr. 
 Middleton's letters, who had refided for fome months 
 by his appointment at the Court of Sujah Dowlah. 
 
 A member of the Board immediately propofed 
 that the Governor General mould lay before them 
 the whole correfpondence of Mr. Middleton. This 
 xvas fo direct an attack upon the honour of Mr. 
 Haftings, that he abfolutely refufed to comply with} 
 the requifition ; and from this moment commenced 
 the attack upon his former adminiftration. 
 
 They began with the Rohilla war. It was a war, 
 they faid, which would bring dimonour upon the 
 Cation. The money to be received, which they de- 
 clared
 
 clared would never be paid, was the price of blood. 
 Our army was expofed, in the dominions of a trea- 
 cherous ally, to the moft imminent dangers, and the 
 majority determined to recall it immediately, pro- 
 vided the retreat could be effected with fecurity to 
 our own troops, though at that time Fyz Ulla ftill 
 flood out ; and .by abandoning the Vizier, the fifty 
 lacks which we were to receive from him would not 
 have been demandable. 
 
 By proceedings thus violent and unjuftifiable, the 
 great advantages which have fince accrued to the 
 Company had nearly been forfeited-, but the earneft- 
 nefs of the Governor General for a Ihort delay in the 
 execution of thefe intemperate orders had fortunate- 
 ly fome effect. The non-payment of the fubfidy 
 due from the Vizier to the Company, was the prin- 
 cipal caufe affigned for the recall of our army, al- 
 though the bad policy of advancing our troops be- 
 yond the Carumnaffa * was warmly infilled upon ac 
 the fame time. A pare of the money due by the 
 treaty was foon after paid by the Vizier ; this pay- 
 ment, as well as that of the remainder, was repre- 
 fented as the recovery of a defperate debt ; and it 
 was confidently aflerted, that the recovery of fo large 
 a fum was owing to the firmnefs and refolution of the 
 majority, though it had never been conceived that 
 he meant to deduct any part of the payment. 
 
 Mr. Middleton was immediately recalled from his 
 ftation ; and Mr. Ersftow, the confidential friend of 
 
 * That river divides the province of Bahar from the province of 
 Benares, 
 
 D 2 Mr.
 
 Illr. Francis, appointed Kefident at the Vlnicr 3 
 court in his room. 
 
 The Governor General's conduct, rn points which 
 had already been referred to the judgment of tha 
 Court of Directors, was Teverely attacked;- a mofi 
 melancholy picture was drawn of the riiftre fifed -ftate 
 cf the provinces-, the natives were faici to groan 
 tinder every fpecies of oppreffion, and even murders 
 to have been committed with impunity in our moft 
 populous cities. 
 
 To thofe, who for more than two years had lived 
 under a Government, vigorous far beyond what had 
 ever been known in India, fuch a representation ap- 
 peared extraordinary indeed. On Mr. Haftings's ar- 
 rival, our dominions and our influence were bound- 
 ed by the banks of the Carumnafla. The Company 
 was finking under the weight of a heavy bond debt, 
 an expenfive civil eftabliihment, and an army which 
 coft more than a million fterling annually, and which 
 could not with prudence have been confiderably re- 
 formed. When the majority of the Supreme Coun- 
 cil afiumed the Government, the bond debt was re- 
 duced, and funds provided for paying off the re- 
 mainder-, the public di/burlements were regulated; 
 the pay of a third of our army was furmfhed by Su- 
 jah Dowlah ; and by its remaining in Oude we had 
 a profpedl: of ftill farther andvantages, which were 
 afterward realized. 
 
 Mr. Haftings, fenfible of thefe advantages, and 
 of the falfehood of the gloomy prefages of the ma- 
 jority, in his feparate letters to the Directors, allured 
 
 them.
 
 [ '9 ] 
 
 them, that their affairs were at no former period ia 
 fo flounfhi. g a fuu.tion ; that they would receive a 
 large inveftment ; the bond debt would be paid off", 
 and a Urge Turn retained in the treafury for emerges 
 cics in the courfe of the following feafjn. 
 
 The majority contradicted and ridiculed this re- 
 prctentation ; but the event has proved that it was 
 noc made without full confederation ; nor can it be 
 denied that Mr. Haft ings alone is entitled to the me- 
 rit of paying off a debt of a million and a half, of 
 referving an equal fum in the treafury of Bengal, of 
 funplying Madras, Bombay, and China with cam, 
 and adding very ccnfiderably to the annua4 invcit- 
 ment. His civil regulations in 1772,. and his nego- 
 tiations with Sujah Dowiah in 1773, have, in their 
 confequences, fixed us fo fecurely in the pofleHion 
 of Indoftan, from the fource of the Ganges to the 
 Ocean, notwithftanding the temporary diftrefs under 
 which we now labour, from Hyder Ally Cawn's 
 fuccefcs in the Carnatic, that we are in no danger 
 of a reverfe of fortune, except from internal diilen- 
 tions. 
 
 In the condemnation of pall meafures, no public 
 aft of the Governor General's was pafled over with- 
 out a comment. By giving up Corah and Allahabad 
 to the Vizier, he fold what was the property of ano 
 ther ; by with-holding the tribute which we were by 
 treaty engaged to pay to the King, he forfeited the na- 
 tional faith ; and even admitting that it would have 
 been imprudent to furnifh.his Majefty with fo large a 
 fum, when he was a prifoner with the Marattas, it 
 
 ought
 
 [ 3 1 
 
 ought at lead to have been referved as a depofit in 
 Calcutta: Probably the confluences of with- hold- 
 ing fuch a fum as a crore of rupees from circula- 
 tion, when we could hardly find m^ney fur our ne- 
 cefiary expences, was not confideied by the majo- 
 rity. However, as the Court of Directors in the 
 firtl letter which was received from them in 1775, 
 very highly approved of the fale of Corah, and the 
 non-payment of the tribute, no farther remarks 
 were made on Mr. Haftings's conduct in thefe 
 points. 
 
 I now enter, and I confefs with much regret, 
 upon the conduct of the majority towards Mr. 
 Haftings as a private gentleman, in which his re- 
 putation was principally concerntd. I lament fin- 
 cerely that gentlemen of high honour and un- 
 blemifhed characters mould have been fo war- 
 ped by their prejudices. But fuch are the fatal ef- 
 fects of party fpirit. 
 
 This attack was authorifed by a very impoli- 
 tic though well-meaning order of the Court of 
 Directors ; " That the Supreme Council Ibould 
 * f enquire into pad abufes." A fimilar order 
 had beeen given to Mr. Haftings on his accefiion 
 to the Government, and it is now needlefs to la- 
 ment the fatal confequences which were occa- 
 fioned by an inattention to his opinion upon it. 
 Mr. Haftings had found it impoflible to detect: 
 or to punifh thofe who had abufcd the confi- 
 dence repofed in them. Much valuable time 
 was loft, and much o Jium incurred by the attempt. 
 
 Mr,
 
 [ 3' ] 
 
 Mr. Verelft and Mr. Carrier were men of honour, 
 w! ofr puolic virtue could not be better proved than 
 by i '/cry moderate amount of the fortunes which 
 they brought home with them. From various caufes, 
 however, the Company's affairs were in great confu- 
 lion ; and e he Directors attributing it to the bad ma- 
 nageine.it of their fervants in Bengal, were, with 
 reaibn, anxious to detect thofe who were guilty, and 
 therefore earneitly preffcd Mr. Haftings to com- 
 mence a r-.Trofpect of their co-duft. But when the 
 Sup".'me Council arrived in Bengal, our affairs were 
 in foflourifhmg a ftate, that fuch an order was furely 
 unnecefiary. 
 
 I will quote Mr. Haftings's opinion upon this fub- 
 ject i it reflects the greateft honour upon him. The 
 lerer trom which I have taken the following extract:, 
 is dated the nth of November, 1773; and if not 
 received in London before the departure of the majo- 
 rity of the Supreme Council, might have been tranf- 
 rrmtpcl to them very fhortly after. 
 
 " AH my letters addreffed to your honourable 
 " Court, and to the Srledt Committee, repeat the 
 <f ftroneeft promifes of profecuting the inquiries inta 
 *' the conduct of your fervants, which you had been 
 " pleafed to commit particularly to my charge. 
 " You will readily believe that I muft have been, 
 " fincere in thofe declarations, fince it would have 
 <f argued great indifcretion to have made them, had 
 f s I forefeen my inability to perform them. I find 
 <? myfelf now under the difagreeable neceffity of 
 ?'* avowing that inability j at the fame time that I will 
 
 boldly
 
 [ v 3 
 
 *f boldly take upon me to affirm, that on whomfo- 
 * ever yr.u might have delegated that charge, it would 
 ** have been fufEcient to occupy the entire attention 
 " of thole \vho were -entrufted with it, and even 
 ** with all the aids of leifure and aurhority, would 
 " have proved ineffectual. I dare appeal to the 
 ** public records, to the teftimony of thofe who 
 " have opportunities of knowing me, and even to 
 " the detail which the puHic voice can repeat of the 
 " paft afts of this government, that my time has 
 *' -been neither idly nor ufclefsly employed. Yet fuch 
 " are the cares and embarraflments of this various 
 " ftate, that although much may be done, much 
 " more, even in matters of moment, muft remain 
 4 * neglected. To feled from the mifcellaneous heap 
 " which each day's exigencies prefer) ts to our choice, 
 " thofe points on which the general welfare of your 
 " affairs moft effentially depends, to provide expe- 
 " dients for future advantages, and guard againft 
 " probable evils, are-all that your adminiftration can 
 tf faithfuHy promife to perform for your fervice, with 
 " their united labours moft diligently exerted. They 
 <f cannot look back without facrificing the objedts 
 " of their immediate duty, which are thofe of your 
 " interefts, to ufelefs refearches, which can produce 
 <c no real good, and may expofe your affairs to all 
 ' the ruinous confequences of perfonal malevolence 
 * l both here and at home. 
 
 " May I be permitted to offer it, in all deference 
 <* and fubmiflion to your commands, as my opinion, 
 " that whatever may have been the condud of indi- 
 
 * f viduals,
 
 C 33 3 
 
 " viduals, or even of the collective members of 
 " your former adminiftrations, the blame is not fo 
 u much imputable to them as to a want of a princi- 
 & pie of government adequate to its fubftance, and 
 " a coercive power to enforce if. The extent of 
 " Bengal and its poffible refources are equal to thofe 
 " of mod ftates in Europe. Its difficulties are greater 
 " than thofe of any, .becaufe it wants both an efta- 
 *' blifhed form and powers of government; deriving 
 " its actual fupport from the unremitted labours 
 " and perfonal exertions of individuals in power, 
 ft inftead of the vital influence which flows through 
 " thechannels of a regular conftitution, and impercep- 
 " tibly animates every part of it. Our conftitutioa 
 " is no where to be traced but in the ancient char- 
 " ters which were framed for the jurifdiction of your 
 <c trading fettlements, the fales of your exports, and 
 " the provifion of your annual inveftments. I need 
 " not obferve how incompatible thefe muft prove to 
 " the government of a great kingdom, and for the 
 " prefervation of its riches from private violence, and 
 ( embezzlement. 
 
 " Among your fervants, who for a courfe of years 
 " have been left at large, in poiTeflion of fo tempt- 
 (l ing a depofit, it is not to be wondered at, that 
 f many have applied it to the advancement of their 
 " ov/n fortunes; or that thofe who were poflcifed of 
 * c abilities to introduce a fyftem of order, fnould 
 41 have. been drawn along by the general current; 
 " fince few men are formed with fo large a ihare of 
 ** public virtue as to facrifice their intereil. peace, 
 E and
 
 t 34 ] 
 
 ** and focial feelings to it, and to begin the work of 
 (( reformation on themfelves. 
 
 " I Ihouid not have prefumed to expatiate on a: 
 " fubject of this nature, although my own juftifica- 
 " tion has made, it in fome meafure necefiary ; but 
 " that ycur late advices have given hopes that we 
 " lhall ipeedily be furnifhed with your inductions 
 ** for eftablifhing a fyftem of law and polity, which 
 *' we hitherto wane. Whenever this work (hall be 
 4< accompliihed on a foundation of corcfiilency and 
 " permanency, I will venture to forctel, from the 
 *' knowledge which I have of the general habits and 
 " manners of your fcrvants, that you will have as 
 c< few inftances of licentioufnefs amongft your fer- 
 tf vants as amongft the members of any community 
 <l in the Britim empire." 
 
 What imprefilon this folid and conclufive reafon- 
 ing of the Governor General made upon the Court 
 of Directors is not known ; but the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany would have felt the good effects of it moftfen- 
 fibly, if, in confequence of this opinion, the Court 
 of Directors had new-modelled their inftruclions. 
 
 The difagreement in the Supreme Council became 
 the general fubje<5ts of converfation in India. New- 
 hopes and fears were excited in all every former 
 tranfaction of Government was harlhly cenfured 
 and the majority publicly declared, that they expected 
 Mr. Haftings would be difmifled with difgrace from 
 his ftation, as foon as their reprefentations arrived in 
 England. 
 
 When every aft of Government which could be 
 attributed 10 Mr. Haftings had been canvafied, his 
 
 private
 
 private character was attacked, and the man who had 
 filled the moft important ftations in India with an un- 
 blemifhcd reputation, who might with eafe -have ac- 
 cumulated a fortune of two hundred thoufand pounds, 
 during the many years that he w r as reiident at the 
 Court of Meer J^lHer, but who, it is well known, 
 returned to his native country without a competency, 
 was publicly accufed of the mofl flagrant acts of ra- 
 pacity and extortion, and of having amzfled i for- 
 tune of four hundred thoufand pounds in little more 
 than two years. 
 
 To thofe who are acquainted with the moderation 
 of Mr. Haftings's character, with his neglect of his 
 private intereft, this accufation appeared as abfurd 
 as it was ill founded ; .but the proof was at hand, 
 and Nundcoma-r ftepped forth to fuppo rt what 
 they had advanced. It would indeed have been a 
 cruel circumftance if the oath of Nundcomar had 
 operated to the difadvantage even of a man as bad as 
 himfelf ; but that it mould have had the leaft weight 
 in the accufation of a character fo refpectable, and 
 fo firmly eftablimed as the Governor General's, will 
 hardly be credited when the fpirit of party has fub- 
 iided : yet certain it is, that upon the aflertion of 
 this wretch, the majority fixed Mr. Haftings's for- 
 tune at forty lacks of rupees. 
 
 To gentlemen at all converfant in the affairs of 
 Bengal, the character of Nundcomar was well known. 
 Mr. Haftings had employed him on his fir ft arrival 
 by the expreis order of the Directors, to whom he 
 hid explained his lentiments of the man very freely. 
 2 He
 
 [ 36 ] 
 
 He in facl foretold to them the part Nundccunar 
 would adt, if ever he had an opportunity. Captain 
 Swinton, in his evidence before a Corrnnittee of the 
 Houle of Commons, declared that Nundcomar had 
 been repeatedly guiky of forgery, and for this crime 
 he fufiired death in Auguft 1775-, whether ftrictiy 
 legally has been queftioned, but there never xvas a 
 doubt of the fact of his being perjured, nor of the 
 rrujoriiy kncAving he was fo, when they accepted his 
 fervice in accufing Mr. Haftings. 
 
 This man, before he was committed to cuftody, 
 had opened what may properly be called an infor- 
 rnation office in Calcutta. It was well known, that 
 he was countenanced by the majority. I am very 
 clear that neitherGeneral Clayering nor Colonel Mon- 
 fon were aware of the dangerous ufe to which he 
 would apply the power which he had acquired ; but 
 certain it is that the rnofl liberal encouragement was 
 given to informers of every denomination by the ma- 
 jority. Accuidtions as abfurd as improbable were 
 hourly received againft the Governor Qeneral , but 
 although divefted of all power, although Nundco- 
 mar was pofTclFed of the means of proving his guilt, 
 had he really been guilty, after the fuileil inquiry, with 
 rewards offered on the one hand and punilhments de- 
 nounced on the other, in.oruer to procure the evidence 
 which he wanted to criminate the Governor General, 
 nothing appeared that reflected either upon his ho- 
 nour or his integrity ; unle-fs it could be deemed a 
 crime to receive from the Nabob a certain fixed fum 
 for his expences during his refidence at Moorfheda- 
 bid, in cor.formity to the cuftoms of the country,
 
 L 37 ] 
 
 and to the examples which had been fet him by his 
 predeceiibrs, Lord Clive, Mr. Verelft, and Mr. 
 Carder. Ic was acknowledged by Sir George Womb- 
 well in the General Court in 1776, that the allow- 
 ance was to be taken, and that it he had given the 
 Company credit for it, he might have charged them 
 theexpenccs of his progreis : this allowance had been 
 fettled by Lord Ciive in lieu ot purveyance. * 
 
 Lei ic for a moment be fuppofed that Mr. Haf- 
 tings had accumulated the large fortune which the 
 majority fuppofed him to be poflelTed of. \Vas it 
 made at the expence of the Rail-India Company 
 had he added to the weight of their bonded debt - 
 had he involved them in dangerous or expenfive alli- 
 ances had he negletted to make the necefTary remit- 
 tances of cafli to our other Prefidencies, or to China 
 or had he diminiihed the annual inveftment to Eu- 
 rope there might have been fome excufe for inqui* 
 ring into the amount of his private fortune, and how 
 he amafi'ed it. But when this inquiry commenced, 
 the Company's bond debt of a million and an half 
 was paying off-, fupplies had been fent to China, Fort 
 St. George, and Bombay ; two additional ihips, the 
 Anfon, and the Northumberland, had been taken 
 up in Calcutta. So much was the inveftment in* 
 creafed ; and the death of Sujah Dowlah gave us a 
 profpect of a ftiU farther addition to our power, our 
 influence, and our refources. 
 
 * General Smith mu ft know this ftate of the facl to be correct ; 
 and he knows that he himftlf never paffed through Moorfhedsbad 
 without receiving a complknentary prefent, agreeable to the cuftom 
 *>f the country. 30 L 074 
 
 ^However,
 
 However, I will take upon me to affirm, that 
 when the amount of the Governor General's pri- 
 vate fortune is known, it will appear to the moft 
 moderate man in England to be greatly inadequate 
 either to the length or to the importance of his 
 fervices. 
 
 During thefe violent attacks upon the character 
 of Mr. Haflings, all public bufmefs was fufpended. 
 The inferior fervants pf the Company were divided 
 into parties, and after the example of the Prefidency, 
 each Provincial Council had its majority, and mino- 
 rity. Expenfive profecutions were commenced in 
 the Supreme Courts of Judicature againft the Gover- 
 nor General of India, who was reluctantly obliged, 
 in vindication of his own honour, to bear a part in 
 this difgraceful fcene. At a time when our domi- 
 nions and our influence were fo greatly increafed, at 
 a time when the gentlemen of Bombay had com- 
 menced a war againft the Marattas, at a time when 
 the attention of every member of the Board Ihould 
 have been entirely employed in the confideration of 
 the great political queftions which were before them 
 at this time, the Governor General and Council 
 were attending as evidences or parties in a Court 
 of law j Mr. Haftings in his own defence, and the 
 gentlemen of the majority, as guardians of the in- 
 terefts of the Eaft-India Company, to criminate 
 the man who had fo eflentially ferved his confti- 
 ruents. 
 
 So falutary were the regulations which Mr. 
 Haftings had eftabliflied, fo firmly was the govern- 
 ment fixed in all its parts, that notwithitanding 
 
 theie
 
 L 39 ] 
 
 thefe unhappy difientions, our affairs were at no for- 
 mer period in fo flourifhing a fituation-, and in the 
 courfe of the years 1775 and 1776, every promife 
 which the Governor General had made to the Court 
 of Directors was amply fulfilled. Whether this prof- 
 perity was owing to Mr. Hafting's regulations, and 
 the political connections which he formed previous 
 to the 1 9th of October 1774, or to the abilities and 
 exertions of the Supreme Council fince that period, 
 can at once be determined by an examination of the 
 Company's records. 
 
 A treaty highly advantageous to the Company 
 was concluded with Afoph ul Dowlah, by which 
 the fovereignty of Benares, with all the rights and 
 powers annexed to it, was transferred to us, and a 
 nett revenue of twenty-four lacks of rupees acquired. 
 The continuance of a brigade in^ the Vizier's domi- 
 nions was another article of the treaty, and the fub- 
 fidy fixed at two lacks and fixty thoufand rupees a 
 month. Let not the Governor General be deprived 
 of the merit of thefe important acquifitions. The 
 majority would never have agreed to advance our 
 troops beyond the bounds of the Carumnafia-, they 
 even were anxious to recal them immediately, and 
 were only prevented from actually doing fo, by the 
 earned oppofition of Mr. Haftings. In either cafe, 
 the death of Sujah Dowlah would have been at- 
 tended with no advantages to the Company. The 
 provinces of Dude, Corah, and Allahabad would 
 have been torn by civil wars, and muft, in the end, 
 have been fubdued, either by Nuzeph Cawn or the 
 Marattas. 
 
 In
 
 C 4o J 
 
 In September 1776, Colonel Monfon died. No 
 man was more ready to do juftice to that gentleman's 
 abilities than Mr. Haflings, or m^-re iincercly la- 
 mented the unhappy prejudices which he imbibed 
 on his fir ft arrival in Bengal. Bred a foldier, and 
 having lerved with diftinguifned reputation in India, 
 he was admirably calculated for the command of our 
 army in Bengal ; to which had he fortunately been- 
 appointed, and confined to his profefiional duties, the 
 Company would have experienced the good ef- 
 fects of his return to India in a very fenfible 
 degree. 
 
 At this period too we received advice of the ex- 
 traordinary revolution at Madras. The Supreme 
 Council were unanimous in their opinion of the 
 meafures to be taken upon fo critical an occafion, 
 and of the powers which Lord Pigot claimed, as 
 PreGdent of a Council in which he had only a caft- 
 ir.g voice when the numbers were equal. That the 
 powers of a Governor in India are very inadequate 
 to the dignity of his ftation, and to the refponfibi- 
 lity annexed to it, is beyond adoubr. This was Mr. 
 Haftings's opinion, and he expreiHd it very freely 
 to the Court of Directors, in the letter of which I 
 have already given an extrad : but until thofe powers 
 are enlarged, a Governor, with a majority againft 
 him, mult be a meer cypher. The Governor Ge- 
 neral had only taken upon him to break up the 
 Council, when the majority had called Nundcomar 
 before them, for the exiraorflinary purpofe of pre- 
 ferring
 
 C 4i ] 
 
 ferring a criminal accufation againft their Prefident, 
 and the firft Britifh fubjeft in India. For this fmall 
 exertion of authority he was feverely reprimanded by 
 the Court of Directors, and plainly informed, that 
 he had no diftinft authority annexed to his flation, 
 but that all the powers of government were vefted 
 in a majority of the Board. Could the Governor 
 General allow, that a law which was to bind him, 
 was not of force when applied to the Governor of a 
 fubordinate prefidency ? The Court of Directors' 
 fentiments on this fubject were of fufficient force to 
 determine the Supreme Council, had the reference 
 made to them by the gentlemen of Fort. St. George 
 been a point of difficulty. 
 
 It was necefiary to mention this unhappy bufinefs, 
 becaufe Mr. Stratton has publiftied fome partial 
 extracts of a private letter, which he received from 
 the Governor General immediately after that revo- 
 lution, from which it might appear that he was in- 
 terefted in the difpute, although he had not the 
 fmalleft perfonal concern in it. To thofe who 
 have feen the whole letter, this explanation is un- 
 neceflary. 
 
 By the orders of the Company, wifely framed 
 with a view to comply with Afiatic cuftoms, all po- 
 litical negociations are conducted through the chan- 
 nel of the Governors of the different prefidencies. A 
 native of India can have no idea of a participation 
 of power, and he very naturally concludes that a 
 Governor is either abfolute, or has no power in the 
 ftate over which he prefides. 
 
 f When
 
 t 42 1 
 
 When the connection of this government with 
 fujah Dowlah was more clofely cemented, Mr. 
 Haftings thought proper to appoint Mr. Nathaniel 
 Middleton his private agent at the court of that 
 prince. When the Supreme Council was divided 
 into two diftinct parties, Mr. Middleton was recalled, 
 and Mr. Briftow, the confidential friend of Mr. 
 Francis, appointed in his room. 
 
 By this ftep the annihilation of the Governor Ge- 
 neral's political influence \va$ completely proclaimed 
 to every povver in Indofhn. While Mr. Briftow 
 remained at Lucknow, Mr. Haftings could only be 
 looked upon as the conftrained iniirument of an 
 authority raifed upon the .ruin of his own. This 
 evident truth \vill not be difputed by any man whc* 
 has ferved in India ; from the period of Colonel 
 Monfon's death to the time of Mr. Middleton's re- 
 appointment to the Vizier's court, the attention of 
 every man from Calcutta to Dehly was fixed upon 
 this iingle point, as the criterion by which he was 
 to judge, whether Mr. Haftings meant to retain or 
 to give up the government. I do not reft the pro- 
 priety of this meafure upon the obligation which 
 Mr. Haftings lay under, of doing an aft of juftice to 
 an individual who had fuffered feverely for his at- 
 tachment to him. But I infift upon it, that the pub- 
 lic fervice could not be carried on with effect, while 
 an opinion prevailed in Oude, that Mr. Haflings 
 was upon the point of quitting the chair j and fuch 
 \vould have been the conclufion had Mr. Briftow 
 been permitted to remain there. He was known to 
 
 be
 
 C 43 ] 
 
 be the confidential friend of Mr. Francis-, and how- 
 ever Mr. Haftings might have approved of his con- 
 dud, tie could not give a perfon ib fituated his en- 
 tire confidence, even admitting it pofiible to anfwer 
 the other objections, which I will venture to affirm 
 are not to be controverted. 
 
 The Governor General furely mould not be ex- 
 pected to conduct the complicated affairs of an ejf- 
 tenfive empire, where our countrymen bear fo very 
 fmall a proportion in point of numbers to the na- 
 tives, upon principles fo different from thofe upon 
 which all countries are regulated, and fo totally dif- 
 ferent from thofe by which the late majority plofef- 
 fedly acted. The late Mr. Playdell was deprived 
 of the office of fuperintendant of the police (which 
 was immediately given to the brother-in-law of Mr. 
 Francis) for his activity in prefenting an addrefs to 
 the chief juftice that was obnoxious to the majority*. 
 Mr. Playdell complained bitterly of the ill ufage 
 which he had received, but it was obferved in reply, 
 that what had happened to him, was the chance of 
 the worthieft men in England upon every change in 
 adminiftration, and that no wife government would 
 ever employ men in offices of truft under them, of 
 of whofe attachment they were not very well allured. 
 
 * Writs had been attempted to be taken out, which would have 
 reached every part of Bengal and brought natives to Calcutta ; 
 the Court refufcd them. This moderation and juftice procured 
 them an addrefs of thanks from the different fets of inhabitants at 
 Calcutta. 
 
 F 2 This
 
 [ 44 3 
 
 This reafoning, however it may appear in the cafe 
 of Mr. Playdell, whofe appointment was of very 
 little confequence to the flate, is furely conclufive 
 in that now before us. 
 
 The removal of Mr. Fowke from Benares was 
 from the fame motive. 
 
 Benares is one of the richeft cities in India. It is the 
 refidence of learned men, and the center of all politi- 
 cal bufinefs. Vackeels, or agents, from every prince 
 in India refide here, and as the Britifli government is 
 confefiedly now the moft important in Indoftan, it is 
 abfolutely necefTary that the refident at Benares 
 fhouid be dependant upon the ruling party in the Su- 
 preme Council. Upon this principle was Mr. Fowke 
 fent there by the majority, and upon the fame prin- 
 ciple was he recalled afrer Colonel Monfon's death. 
 It is Efficient to ftate thefe facts as they really are, 
 and then the Governor General's conduct towards 
 Mr. Briftow and Mr. Fowke will need neither a 
 juftifkation nor an apology. Whoever mail attribute 
 thefe removals to a perfonal pique, or fliall con- 
 ceive Mr. Haftings capable of gratifying a private 
 refentment at the expence of Mr. Briftow and Mr. 
 Fowke, will be much deceived. He is too liberal 
 to aft from fuch narrow principles ! 
 
 Every rneafure propofed by the Governor Gene- 
 ral, however falutary, was oppofed by General Cla- 
 vering, and fuppofed to be ultimately intended to 
 anfwer fome private view. The fettlement of the 
 lands, having been made for five years only, was 
 on the point of expiring foon after Colonel Monfon's 
 
 death:
 
 C 45 ] 
 
 death: Mr. Haftings propofed to obtain the fulleft 
 Information of the ftate of the country, that the re- 
 venues might be fixed upon an equitable fcak: to 
 affift him in the laborious talk which he had im- 
 pofed upon himfelf, he had fixed upon two gentle- 
 men of diftinguiihed abilities and irreproachable 
 characters, whofe proceedings were to have been 
 laid before the Council a: large, in whom was 
 vefted the power and decifion upon every point. 
 Much valuable information was procured and tranf- 
 rnitted to the Court of Directors in confequence of 
 this inveftigation, both as to the ftate of the country 
 and its population and rcfources -, but at that time 
 it really appeared fufikient to blaft every- fcheme, 
 however beneficial, that it was propofed by Mr. 
 Haftings: The minority questioned its legality, and 
 General Clavering denominated it a trick to extort 
 money from the Zemindars for the benefit of Mr. 
 Haftings and his friends. 
 
 The lad material act of Mr. Haftings's adminif- 
 tration, previous to the death of General Clavering, 
 was, the increafe of our military eftablimment ; a 
 meafure which has been attended with infinite ad- 
 vantages to the public and to individuals, and has 
 effectually fecured the continuance of our influence 
 in the extenfive dominions of the Vizier. To let 
 this matter in a clear point of view, and to free it 
 from the falfe lights which may be thrown upon it, 
 I will briefly relate the fteps which led to it. 
 
 Sujah Dowlah died in February 1775. His eldeft 
 fon, Afolph ul Dowlah, was declared the heir of his 
 
 father's
 
 [ 46 ] 
 
 father's dominions j but he owed his peaceable fuo 
 cefiion to the Mufnud to the prefence of our army. 
 Intrigues were immediately formed againft him; and 
 in his troops, mutinous and difafFected, were many 
 officers in the intereil of his competitors. The Vi- 
 zier, juilly alarmed for his perfonal fafety, which 
 had frequently been endangered, difbanded the mod 
 turbulent of his battalions, and applied to the Su- 
 preme Council for Britifh officers to difcipline thole 
 which he retained in his fervice. In conlequence of 
 this requifition, nine captains and thirty lubalterns 
 \vere appointed to his fervice, and were to receive 
 the pay of the rank next above that which they held 
 in Bengal. No funds were fixed for the payment of 
 thefe officers, or of the troops which they were to 
 command -, fo that, in fact, this new eftablifhment 
 was fubject to all thofe inconveniencies which it was 
 meant to redrefs. 
 
 A General fpirit of mutiny broke out amongft the 
 Vizier's troops immediately after the arrival of our 
 officers; this in fome batalions was carried to the moft 
 alarming lengths. Many officers were feized, con- 
 fined, and threatened to be put to death. The ftorm 
 at length fubfided. The principal mutineers were 
 punifhed, and difcipline was in fome meafure re- 
 ftored. Many however were the difad vantages 
 which our fervice fultained by this eftablifhment. 
 The emoluments were fo con fider able to thofe who 
 had the good fortune to be appointed to the Vizier's 
 fervice, that it created a general fpirit of difcontent 
 amongft our officers in Bengal; and trifling as tbe 
 
 eftablifh-
 
 [ 47 ] 
 
 eftablifhment was in point of numbers, the expence 
 of it fo far exceeded all bounds, that the Vizier was 
 unable to keep it up, and to difcharge his debt to the 
 Company. Certainly a fervice in which the emolu- 
 ments to individuals fo far exceeded thofein our own, 
 required fome regulators. Mr. Haftings had feen 
 the bad effects of a fimilar eftablimment in the Car- 
 natic, and the Company at this moment moft feverely 
 feel it : upon Colonel Monfon's death he propofed a 
 remedy for them. 
 
 On the principle that our interefts and the Vizier's 
 were thus clofely connected, Mr. Haftings brought 
 his plan before the Board, which was, that three re- 
 giments of horfe, three companies of artillery, and 
 nine battalions of Sepoys, fhould be added to our 
 eftablifhments, and with this addition of force we 
 were to protect the Vizier's dominions. The difci- 
 plined corps in his fervice were to form this body ; 
 and to fix them more firmly in our fervice, they were 
 to take their tour of duty in our provinces, and to be 
 fubject to the fame regulations with refpect to pay as 
 the reft of our army. The Vizier was to appro- 
 priate certain fixed funds for the payment of thefe 
 troops, fo that this important addition to our army 
 was made without the fmalleft expence to the Eaft- 
 India Company. 
 
 Beneficial as this plan muft appear, and to which 
 only one objection could be urged, the difficulty of 
 procuring the Vizier's aflent to it, it was vehemently 
 oppofed. Mr. Francis contended, that all military 
 arrangements (hould originate with the Commander 
 
 in
 
 C 48 ] 
 
 in Chief, although this was evidently a great politi- 
 cal regulation of the higheft confequence. The Ge- 
 neral's objections were numerous. The Vizier's con- 
 fent was obtained through the agency of Mr. Mid- 
 dleton ; the plan was foon after carried into execu- 
 tion, and has fo completely anfwered every good end 
 which was propofed by it, that even thole gentlemen 
 who loft confiderably by the alteration, have been 
 candid enough to declare, that no act of Mr. Haf- 
 tings's adminiftration redounds more to his honour 
 or to the Company's advantage, than this tftablifh- 
 ment, formed againft the opinion of the Commander 
 in Chief, and the oppofition of Mr. Francis. 
 
 The provinces of Oude, Corah, Allahabad, Ro- 
 hilcund, ard the Doab, have been protected, the 
 revenues have been collected, and the troops have 
 teen regularly paid from the day this eftablifh- 
 ment took place; and in the year 1780, the ge- 
 neral relief of the army was effected; by which 
 thefe new battalions were brought into our pro- 
 vinces, and relieved by an equal number from 
 Bengal. 
 
 In Auguft 1777, General Clavering died. A man 
 whole character mud be always confidered with re- 
 fpect, as his errors arofe from a good principle, the 
 hatred of corruption. He certainly brought with 
 him to Bengal a rooted prejudice againft the Com- 
 pany's fervants in general, and a very unjuft one 
 againft Mr. Haftings in particular. The Court of 
 Directors^by their inftructions, in which, from the 
 beft motives, they authoriied a review of paft tranf- 
 
 a&ions,
 
 C 49 ] 
 
 .aifdons, opened fo wide a field for imposition, that 
 the General's prejudices were ftill more confirmed by 
 the improbable tales which were hourly brought to 
 him. The violence of the majority absolutely 
 created a party, where otherwife there would have 
 been none. 
 
 Mr. Haftings, through the whole courfe of his 
 public life, had given the ftrongeft proofs of his in- 
 tegrity and difmtereflednefs ; Sir John Covering's 
 has never been queftioned , had ibme pains therefore 
 been taken to unite fuch refpectable characters, the 
 intention of the Legislature informing the Supreme 
 Council would have been effectually anfwered ; but 
 as it was, the firft irnpreffions which the General re- 
 ceived, from a certain perfeverance in his temper, 
 grew flronger every day, and the imereft of the Eaft 
 India Company unhappily fuffered by it. 
 
 I do not mean -to infer that no abufes exifted in 
 Bengal when the Supreme Council arrived there. 
 Let it be confidered that Mr. Haftings was the Pre- 
 fident of a Council, in which he had a calling voice 
 only when the numbers were equal, confequently 
 that he would fomstimes be obliged to accommodate 
 his opinion to the fenfe of the majority of his Coun- 
 cil ; but it is a certain truth, that whilft he had the 
 lead, he did more to reform abufes than any other 
 man would have done or attempted: The-eftabhih- 
 ment of the Supreme Council was calculated for 
 completing his plans of reformation, a work in which 
 he would moft cordially have taken the lead , bat 
 unfortunately he was obliged to give up that run--, 
 G which
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
 which might have been fo valuably employed for the 
 public fervice, to thejuftificationof paft, and fuccefsful 
 meafures, and even to the defence of his private 
 character. 
 
 Faffing over common occurrences, I come to that 
 period in which arofe the prcfent expenfive (though 
 when Mr. Raftings' s fcheme prevailtd, fuccefsful) 
 war with the Marattas. It has been induftrioufly 
 endeavoured to impute the origin as well as the pro- 
 grels of this war to Mr. Haftings. The Court of 
 Directors are poffeffcd of the fulleft evidence to the 
 contrary ; and both living teftimony, and authentic 
 documents prove, that its origin is not owing to him, 
 and that the continuation of it is the effect of ne- 
 ceflity. 
 
 It will be proper to take up this important fubjecl: 
 from the firft connection of the Bombay Council with 
 Ragonath Row, otherwife called Ragobah. 
 
 Although the nominal fovereignty of the Maratta 
 flate was in a Raja, the real adminiftration of govern- 
 ment, as well as the power inherent to it, was puflefTed 
 by a Bramin family, under the title of Pafnwa, or 
 Chancellor; and this authority was fo fixed in them, 
 that it became hereditary ; and in cafe of infancy, 
 the State was governed by a Regent, who was gene- 
 rally the neareil in blood. Narrein Row, the laft 
 Palhwa, died, leaving no children ; and Ragobah, 
 who was his uncle, became Pamvva. During an 
 expedition, which carried him to a diftance from his 
 capital, the Council (confiding of Bramins)difpoflc fled 
 him, giving out that the widow of Narrein was with 
 
 child,
 
 [ S' ] 
 
 child, and accufing him of having aflaffinated hii 
 nephew. The firft of thefe facts was doubtful, the 
 latter mod probably falfe, he having been in confine- 
 ment for a long time before that event, without any 
 communication with the confpirators. Soon after it 
 was given out that the widow of Narrein was de- 
 livered of a fon ; and Nana, with Saccaram, and 
 others of the Bramin Council, acting, as they al- 
 ledged, in fupport of the infant, drove Ragobah 
 from Poona, and reduced him to fuch diftrefs, that he 
 applied for afMance to the Prefidency of Bombay. 
 
 Not relying folely on the juftice of his caufe, the 
 more readily to obtain affiftance, he offered to make 
 fome very valuable ceffions of territory to the Eaft- 
 India Company. A treaty was concluded, by which 
 we engaged to affift him with a military force j and 
 an army from Bombay took the field under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Keating; whether our forces, irt 
 conjunction with Ragobah's would have conducted 
 him in triumph to Poona is uncertain, but it can 
 hardly be doubted that a few fpiritcd operations 
 would have been productive of an advantageous peace 
 with the minifterial party, both for the Company 
 and for Ragonaut Row. 
 
 Intelligence of the tranfactions at Bombay, was 
 received at Calcutta a few months after the firft 
 meeting of the Supreme Council, whofe autho- 
 rity having been totally difregarded, either 
 from inadvertence or defign, produced very ferious 
 confequences. The treaty with Ragobah having 
 been concluded without rhefanction of the Governor 
 G % General
 
 L ^ 1 
 
 General and Council, was disavowed , snd an ofHc'er 
 of rank (Lieurenant Colonel Upton) was deputed to 
 Poona, with inftruclions to conclude a peace upon 
 almoft any terms, with the miniiters who were de- 
 nominated the ruling members of the Maiatta flate - r 
 and the Englifh army was ordered to march back. 
 
 So glaring a condemnation of paft rr.eafurtrs, and 
 fo pointed an interference in therr affairs, naturally 
 tended to deftroy the influence of the gentlemen of 
 Bombay, upon the Malabar coaft -, while it provoked 
 their paffions and excited their refentments. Under 
 thele circumftances, a co-operation with Colonel 
 Upton could not be- expected. It had been fortunate 
 if, from that moment, the Government of Bombay 
 had been fixed upon a plan of the mod rigid cecono- 
 my ; and their troops had been confined to the de- 
 fence of Bombay, the caftle of Surat, and the ifland 
 of Salfette. 
 
 Mr. Haftings, although he joined whh the other 
 
 members in difapproving the conduct of the Prell- 
 
 dency of Bombay, thought that there might exift 
 
 circumftances which mould prevent the return of the 
 
 army, but he was over-ruled, and the moderation of 
 
 our demands was attributed very naturally, by the 
 
 Marattas, to a want of ability to carry on the war. 
 
 Colonel Upton was five months on his jcar.iey to 
 
 Poona. He was treated with great dilrefpect by the 
 
 Maratta Chiefs through whofe countries he pa/Fed. 
 
 The Minifters, on his arrival, complained bitterly of 
 
 'our interference in their family difputes , apd were 
 
 fo high in their demands, infilling even upon the re* 
 
 iteration of Salfette, that Colonel Upton broke off the 
 
 nego-
 
 [ 53 ] 
 
 negociation ; and by' his firfb difpatches to Calcutrar, 
 it was fuppofed that the war would be continued. 
 But this was a mere trick of the Minifters, who were 
 anxious for an accommodation; and on the firft of 
 March, 1776, a treaty of peace was (igned by Colonel 
 Upton, on the part of our government ; and on their 
 fide was authenticated, by the Teal of the Pamwa, an 
 infant of about two years old, and by the ftgnature of 
 his two Miniftcrs, Sacaram Bappoo and Nana Fur- 
 nefe. By one article of the treaty, a provifion was 
 made for the fubfiftence of Ragobah, their late com- 
 petitor, on condition of his rcfiding in the heart of the 
 Maratta dominions, with a guard appointed by the 
 Minifiers themfclves, for his ftate and fecurity. This 
 claufe, as might reafonably be expected, defeated the 
 intention of the treaty, fince it left Ragobah at the 
 mercy of his enemies, without any pledge or engage- 
 ment for his fafety. The confequence was, that 
 he fied to Bombay, and claimed the protection of that 
 Government for the fecurity of his perfon. 
 
 The Miniiters exclaimed againfl this protection ; 
 and mutual complaints of the violation of this 
 treaty were made by them and the Bombay Council. 
 About the Month of May, 1777, the Chevalier St. 
 Lubin made his appearance at Poona, in the public 
 character of a Minifter from, the Court of France. 
 He was received with great honour, and in a little 
 t time written engagements were mutually interchanged 
 .between him and Nana Furnefe, by which he pro- 
 rnifed to bri^g a regiment of Europeans, with mili- 
 tary ftcres to Peon a, for the fervice of the Maratta 
 ftate. Intelligence of this treaty, a: firft doubted, 
 
 was
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 was foon confirmed by authorities of unqueftionable 
 credit, and by a feries of fads of public notoriety. 
 It had been always the Governor General's opinion, 
 that this was the only way by which the French could 
 hope to regain their confequence in India, or to affect 
 curs; and he reafonably expected, that the Prefi- 
 deney of Bombay, which was more immediately in- 
 terefted in the effects of fuch a connection, would 
 take fome fteps to render it abortive. This was by 
 no means difficult. The Maratta army under Hurry 
 Punt Furkia, was at that time engaged in an une- 
 qual war with Hyder Ally. The Minifters quarrel- 
 ling among themfelves, poflefled little authority, and 
 were dependent for that little upon their own vaf- 
 fals. The Prefidency of Bombay had long fhewn 
 an impatience to revive the caufe of Ragobah ; and 
 the flighted movements made by them in his favour 
 would have proved fufficient to overthrow the fee- 
 ble power which they had to contend with, ano^to 
 eftablifh their own influence in the Maratta ftate on 
 its ruins. But Mr. Haftings, that he might leave 
 no means untried to avoid a rupture with the Ma- 
 rattas, and to counteract the French influence at 
 Poona, formed a treaty, which he meant fhould 
 remedy all the defects of that concluded by Colonel 
 Upton-, every article of which, at that time remained 
 unexecuted. This treaty was laid before the Board 
 : n Calcutta, vvith a very long explanatory minute, 
 on the 23d of January, 1/78, and will, if read with 
 the attention it deferves, entirely exculpate the Go- 
 vernor General from the fmalleft fufpicion of a de- 
 fire to involve the Eail-India Company in a war with 
 
 the
 
 [ 55 1 
 
 the Marattas. On the 29th of January, whilft this 
 minute lay for confideration, a letter was received 
 from Bombay, dated the 1 2th of December, 1777, 
 informing the Supreme Council that a propofal had 
 been fecretly made to the Governor and Council, 
 through their agent at Poona, by a party which had 
 been formed againft Nana Furnefe, confiding of Sa- 
 caram Bappoo, who had figned the treaty, and other 
 confiderable men, with a potent Raja, Tuckajee 
 Holkar, to affift them in the defign of reinftating 
 Ragobah in the chief adminiftration of the Maratta 
 ftate ; and that they had agreed to join in it, re- 
 quiring only, as a preliminary condition, a writ- 
 ten application to the fame effect, under the 
 hands and feals of the confederates. They excufed 
 themfelves for having fo far engaged, without the 
 previous authority of the Supreme Council, by the 
 obvious neceffity of an immediate decifion ; and they 
 requeiled their acquiefcence and afliftance in it. On 
 the receipt of this letter, the Governor General and 
 Council refolved to ratify what they had done, to 
 authorize them to proceed, and to fend them an extra- 
 ordinary fupply often lacks of rupees for the under- 
 taking. It was alfo refolved, to afiift them in the 
 execution of their plan w;th a military force. 
 
 In forming thefe refolutions the majority of the 
 Supreme Council were fwayed by the following con- 
 fiderations. 
 
 ift. In the event of a rupture with France, which 
 was daily apprehended, the connection formed by 
 Nana Furnefe with St. Lubin, and the engagement 
 which he had entered into to land a regiment of Eu- 
 ropeans
 
 [ 56 ] 
 
 eopeans with military (lores at Poona, might, if car- 
 ried into effect, be productive of the moft dange- 
 rous confequcnccs to t!ie Company's influence, and 
 their pofil'iiions in India. This could be prevented 
 pnly by the removal of the parly fo clolely connected 
 ^vith our natural enemy, and therefore this was an 
 object of the firit importance ; and Ragonaut Row 
 was the inftrument for this pupofe. Mr. Haftings 
 had no predilection for this Chief, nor is it poftible 
 to attribute his conduft to any interefted v;e\v. 
 
 2dly, Author'fing the gentlemen of Bombay to 
 take part with Ragobah, was a Uriel: compliance 
 with the orders of the Court of Directors contained 
 in the following paragraph of their general letter of 
 the 5th of February 1777. 
 
 " His (Ragobah's) pretenfions to the fupreme 
 f authority, either in his own right, or as guardian 
 * to the infant Pafhwa, appear to us better founded 
 " than thofe of his competitors ; and therefore, if 
 " the conditions of the treaty of Poona have not 
 .' been ftrittly fulfilled on the part of the Marat- 
 " tas, and if, from any circumftances, you fhall 
 " deem it expedient, we {hall have no objection to 
 Cj an alliance with Ragobah, on the terms agreed 
 " upon between him and the Governor and Council 
 '" of Bombay." 
 
 ^dly, The reftoration of Ragonaut Row would 
 have been attended by an acceflion of territory upon 
 the Malabar coaft to the amount of the annual ex- 
 pences cf the Prefidency of Bombay; by which 
 means no farther drains would have been made from 
 our treafury in Bengal. 
 
 4thly,
 
 , C 57 3 
 
 4thly, The re-deration of Ragobah was not a 
 breach of the treaty of Poona, becaufe that treaty 
 was figned by Saccaram Bappoo and Nan a Furnefe 
 only; and Saccaram, the firft Minifter in rank, with 
 the principal officers of the Maratta date, joined in 
 the propofal to the gentlemen of Bombay, for his 
 return to Poona. 
 
 Mr. Francis and Mr. Wheler, however, drenu- 
 oufly oppofed the meafure, on various grounds j and 
 amongd others, becaufe it was in difobedience to the 
 order of the Court of Directors. 
 
 I mud here interrupt my narrative, to obferve in 
 what view the Directors confidered the conduct of the 
 Governor General in this indance. 
 
 About the 29th of July, 1778, the Court of Direc- 
 tors received difpatches both from Bombay and Ben- 
 gal, in which they were informed of the plan propofed 
 to the Prefidency of Bombay, by the opponents of 
 Nana Furnefe, of the fanction given to it by the 
 Governor General and Council, and of their refolu- 
 tion to affift them with money and a confiderable re- 
 inforcement, in order the more effectually to carry it 
 into execution, and to fupport them in the confe- 
 quences of it. Thefe advices the Court of Directors 
 thought of fuch great importance, that on the 29th 
 of Augud 1778, Colonel Capper was applied to by 
 the Select Committee of the Court of Directors, to 
 carry a packet to Bombay, of the greated national 
 importance. He accordingly left London the id of 
 September, and by the letters which he brought, 
 both the gentlemen of Bengal and Bombay had the 
 fatisfaction to receive the fulled approbation of the 
 II Directors,
 
 C 58 3 , 
 
 Directors, who exprefs very ftrong anxiety for Ra- 
 gobah's reftoration, and the overthrow of that party 
 at Poona in alliance with the French. The firft Ihip 
 of the feafon brought out a complete approbation 
 to Mr. Haftings, for the part which he had acted in 
 this important bufinefs.* 
 
 On the 2jd of February, -1778, orders were iflued 
 for forming a detachment of fix battalions of Se- 
 poys, one company of native artillery, with a regu- 
 lar proportion of field artillery, to which were after- 
 xvards added the firft regiment of cavalry and five 
 hundred of the Vizier's Candahar horfe. Colonel 
 Leflie was appointed to command this force, and or- 
 dered to march directly to Bombay by the fhorteft 
 route he fhould judge moft practicable, and for the 
 fequel of his operations, he was to obey the orders 
 of the Prefident and Council of Bombay. This de- 
 tachment crofled the Jumma the latter end of May, 
 with flight and ineffectual bppofitton from Ballajee 
 Pundit, the chief of the Maratta territories de- 
 pendent upon Culpee. In the mean time the defign 
 which had furnifhed the occafion of this expedition 
 was fuffered to fleep at Bombay, the violent ardour 
 of that Prefidency for the caufe of Ragonaut Row 
 ceafing with the removal of the bar which had been 
 laid on the profecution of it. It produced however 
 the principal effects intended by the promoters of it. 
 Thefe fuddenly affembling their forces on the ^oth of 
 March, deprived Nana Furnefe of his authority, and 
 inverted Moraba Furnefe with it in his (lead. This 
 cafy revolution, without bloodfhed or conteft, proved 
 
 * Thefe letters were approved by his Majefty's Minifters. 
 
 the
 
 r. 59 J 
 
 the extreme weaknefs of the Maratta government, 
 and the great facility with which the plan, offered to 
 the Prefidency of Bombay, might have been executed 
 in its full extent, had they immediately engaged in it. 
 When the gentlemen of Bombay firft heard of Colonel 
 Leilie's march, they ordered him to halt; and a few 
 days after, they fent him an order to profccute his 
 inarch, but without any object defcribed, or plan of 
 operations propofed, or thought on : thus abandoned 
 by the Prefidency of Bombay, Mr. Haftings had re- 
 courfe to other means which were more within the 
 compafs of his own direction, and for which he had 
 in fome degree made a provi&on a confiderable time 
 before, on the prefumption of the utility of which 
 it might prove in the event of a rupture with the 
 Marattas. 
 
 When the Supreme Council determined to fend a 
 detachment to the other fide of India, the Governor 
 General applied to the Raja of Berar to grant his 
 permifiion for its free march through his territories, 
 with fuch afliflance as it might require on the way. 
 He received an immediate anfwer to his application 
 on fuch terms as he wilhed, and the Raja at the fame 
 time fent a perfon to the banks of the Nurbudda, 
 which bounds his dominions to the north, with a 
 ftore of grain for the fubfiftence of the detachment, 
 and orders to attend it through his country, of 
 which he advifed Colonel Leflie, inviting him to 
 take that route, and afluring him of his moft friend- 
 ly reception. 
 
 The nominal Sovereign of the Maratta ftate, who 
 
 had languished in honourable confinement at Sattarah, 
 
 H 2 Raiah
 
 [ 60 ] 
 
 Rajah Ram Rajah, died in December, 1777. HvJ 
 left no children, and Moodajee Boofla, Rajah off 
 Berar, had the faired pretenfions to the fuccefilonj 
 being in direct lineal defcent from the ancient flock, 
 and the adopted fon of Sahoo Rajah, the predeceflbr 
 of Rafn Rajah, though deprived of his right by the 
 artifices of Ballajee, who was the Pafawa, when 
 Sahoo Rajah died. Mr. Hidings judged Moodajee 
 Boofla to be a proper perfon to f apply the place of 
 Ragobah, in the plan offered to the Supreme Council 
 for overturning the French influence at Poona. He 
 pofTefled wealth, power, and a territory extending 
 from the borders of Bengal almbft to Poona. Ra- 
 gobah had neither wealth nor power, nor had he in- 
 fluence to fupply the want of thefe requifites, ex- 
 cept what might arife from the Prefidency of Bom- 
 bay taking an aclive part in his favour, and it did 
 not then appear that they took any. Mr. Raftings 
 wifhed and expefted the propofal of an alliance to 
 come from. Moodajee, and he had deputed his 
 Vackeel to him for that purpofe, a man of under- 
 jftanding, and well indrufted ; but it now became ne- 
 cefTary to take a more aclive and determined part. 
 
 On the 7th of July, 1778, advices, deemed wor- 
 thy of credit, were received from Cairo that wai? 
 had been, declared between Great Britain and France; 
 at Paris on the i8th, and in London on the 3Oth 
 of March. The dedinarion of Count d'Eftaing's 
 fleet was not then known. It was very naturally 
 fuppofcd to be intended again d Bombay, and the 
 fird advices which were received from England 
 tended dill more drongly to confirm this fuppofition. 
 
 The
 
 r 6, 3 
 
 The Chevalier St. Lubin was known to be ft ill al 
 Poona, and to hold frequent conferences with the 
 minifters of the Pafliwa. The Supreme Council, 
 regsrdlefs of all peribnal coniequences, determined 
 inftantly to take polleflion of all the French fettle- 
 ments in Bengal, and of the fliips in the river.* At 
 the fame time, thty earneftly recommended to the 
 Prefiuency of Fort St. George, to commence the 
 liege of Pondicherry immediately, and if poflible to 
 fecure the friendship of Hyder Ally Cawn. It was 
 alfo refolved to enter into a negociation with Mooda- 
 jee, on the grounds which I have mentioned obove. 
 Mr. Elliot was deputed on this fervice. At 
 Cuttack he overtook Mr. Chevalier, the Governor 
 of Chandernagore, who had efcaped from that place, 
 and was fo far in his way to Pondicherry. Mr. 
 Elliot had the addrefs to perfuade Moodajee's 
 Deputy at that place, to con-lent to his apprehend- 
 ing Mr. Chevalier; which he did, and fent him a 
 prifoner to Fort William. By his papers, the re- 
 ality of the French fcheme againft us was fully evin- 
 ced. He then proceeded towards Naigpore, the 
 capital of Berar : the whole fervice could not have 
 afforded an agent more proper for fuch an embaffay, 
 and Mr. Haftings's hopes were proportionably 
 railed, but as fuddenly blafted by the untimely death 
 of that very valuable young man, about a fortnight 
 after he had left Cuttack. It is more than probable 
 
 * The Governor General and Council took poffeilion of all the 
 French fettlements and their fhips in the river of Bengal, in confe. 
 quence of the private advkes uanftnittcd to them from Cairo by 
 Mr. Baldwin. 
 
 that
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 that if Mr. Elliot had arrived at Naigpore, an alli- 
 ance of the mod beneficial confequence to the Eaft- 
 India Company would have been concluded with 
 the Rajah of Berar. 
 
 Colonel Leflie, when Mr. Elliot died, had advan- 
 ced but 120 miles from Calpee, having employed 
 fo much of his time in fetiling the family difputcs 
 of the Bundella Chiefs. He was recalled from his 
 command on the 7th of October ; but by his death. 
 Colonel Goddard had fucceeded to it before the let- 
 ter reached the camp. 
 
 Colonel Goddard immediately profecuted his 
 march to the banks of the Nerbudda, and was 
 empowered, on his arrival there, to treat with 
 Moodajee. He deputed his interpreter to the Court 
 of that Prince ; who, in his letter to Mr. Haftings, 
 after the death of Mr. Elliot, had defired the nego- 
 ciation might be transferred to his fecretary ; and 
 had expreffed the firongeft inclination to bring it to 
 a conclufion. 
 
 A fecond, and unexpected revolution was effected 
 at Poona on the i6th of June, and Moraba Furnefe 
 was imprifoned, with his principal adherents. Mo- 
 raba, before his imprifonment, had made propofds 
 to the Prefidency of Bombay, who had refolved to 
 conduct Ragobah with an army to Poona ; a cir- 
 cumftance well known to Moodajee, who, in confe- 
 quence of it, declined the alliance which was pro- 
 pofed to him, deeming Ragobah's interefls incom- 
 patible with his own : but with very cordial profe 
 fions of friendihip for the Engliih nation, which he 
 
 evinced,
 
 evinced, by furnifhing Colonel Goddard with cafii, 
 provisions, and draft cattle for his artillery. Colo- 
 nel Goddard advanced towards Poona by quick, 
 marches. 
 
 I have already obferved that the Bombay gentle- 
 men had reafTumed their dcfign in favour of Rago- 
 bah. The period at which they reafiumed it was 
 unfavourable; Ragobah's principal adherents were 
 confined, and Colonel Goddard, whole army would 
 by its prefcnce have infured fuccefs, was at a con- 
 fiderable diftance. I wifh to relate facts, and not 
 to comment upon them. On the 2gd of November 
 the Bombay army, confifting of one hundred and 
 forcy-three artillery, five hundred and forty-eight 
 European infantry, two thoufand two hundred and 
 feventy Sepoys, and five hundred Lafcars, was 
 tranfported to the Continent. On the 2^d of De- 
 cember, they afcended the Gauts, and marched to- 
 wards Poona, and en the 9th of January it was de- 
 termined to retreat, on account of a fcarcity of 
 provifions, although they had a fupply for eighteen 
 days, and there was but one fhort day's march to 
 Poona. So much alarmed had the minifters been 
 for the event, that, by their agent at Bombay, they 
 had offered frefh terms to the Governor before the 
 army advanced. The commanding officer, Colonel 
 Cockburn, when confulted, faid, that he had not a 
 doubt of the army's marching to Poona, but that 
 our troops had not been ufed to retreat. However, 
 the refolution was not to be altered. The army was 
 formed into three divifions, encumbered with bag-r
 
 gage, ^and moved off by night. They were attacked 
 by numerous bodies of Marattas, but defended 
 themfelves with the utmoft bravery, and fuftained a 
 lois comparatively fmall, if the length of the action 
 and the numbers of the foe are confidered. In the 
 evening of that day, application was made to Nana 
 and Sindia, for an undifturbed retreat of the army 
 to Bombay ; this was granted, upon the humiliating 
 terms, that Salcot, and every other acquifition by 
 the Bombay Government fince the time of Mahde- 
 row, fhould be given up, and that orders fiiould be 
 fent to Colonel Goddard, to return \vith his army to 
 Bengal. It is true the Committee * who governed 
 that army, gave an exprefs declaration, in writing, 
 that they had not the power to bind the Supreme 
 Council to the obfervance of thefe terms, and the 
 Maratta Chiefs know it was fo. 
 
 By this fatal check the honour of the Britim arms 
 was tarnifhed, the caufe of Ragobah Row given up; 
 and, had the treaty been valid, all our conquefts 
 upon the Malabar coafts ceded to the Marattas. 
 That the corps which took the field from Bombay, 
 was ftrong enough to refill the united force of the 
 Maratta empire, is beyond a doubt; that it was able 
 to furmount every obilrudtion which the fuddenly- 
 eolle<5bed army of the Marattas could have thrown 
 in its way, is highly probable, (fmce two of our 
 
 * The Council of Bombay, on the 4th of November, appointed 
 Mr. Carnac, Colonel Egcrton, and Mr. Moftyn, a Committee to 
 carry their plan into execution ; this was called the Poona Commit- 
 tee. Mr. Moftyn died during :he expedition, 
 
 batta-
 
 C 65 ] 
 
 battalions, with four field pieces, in February, 
 1780, put twenty thoufand of their bed troops 
 under Madajee Sindia to the rout) but that by wait- 
 ing for the junction of General Goddard's army, 
 every pofllbility of a failure would have been avoid- 
 ed, cannot be difputecL 
 
 Colonel Goddard, when he was about three hun- 
 dred miles from Surat, and the fame diftance from 
 Poona, received an order from the Poona Commit- 
 tee to return to Bengal, without any notice being 
 taken of the ditafter, and retreat of the Bombay 
 army ; after mature reflection, he determined, not- 
 withftanding this order, to advance towards Surat. 
 On his march, a Vackeel from the'Maratta minifters 
 arrived in his camp, with a copy of the convention. 
 Colonel Goddard denied that the Committee had 
 any authority over him, and faid that he was direc- 
 ted to march to Bombay for the fecurity of the Com- 
 pany's pofleffions againit the defigns of the Fiench, 
 and that he Ihould profccutc his march. He effec- 
 ted his arrival at Surat on the i8th of February, 
 
 1779- 
 
 Sir Eyre Coote arrived in Bengal on the zyth of 
 
 March, 1779; the Supreme Council was then com- 
 plete, and the Governor General at the ftrft aficmbly 
 of the Board, although they had not received . .ull 
 account of the tranfa&ions at Bombay, propofcd 
 that we mould, if poffible, conclude a lafting peace 
 with the Marattas, upon the terms of Colonel Up- 
 ton's treaty. His propofal was unanimoufly agreed 
 to, and Colonel Goddard appointed the minifter of 
 this Government. 
 
 I Th*
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 The Supreme Council were as unanimous in 
 vowing the convention of Worgaum, concluded by 
 the Poona Committee -, bur, anxious for peace with 
 the Marattas, and on a fuppofuion that the gentle- 
 men of Bombay might not heartily co operate with 
 them, Colonel Goddard was inftructed to ufe his 
 utmoft endeavours to effect a reconciliation. All 
 thefe refolutions were moved by the Governor Ge- 
 neral ; no mem ber of the Board propoled to avow 
 the convention of Worgaum j upon what grounds 
 therefore hath Mr. Haftings fingly been charged as 
 the author of the fecond Maratta war ? 
 
 Colonel, now General, Goddard, when he had re- 
 ceived his in ft ructions, communicated his appoint- 
 ment to th minifters at Poona ; and they deputed a 
 Vackeel to negotiate a treaty of peace with him. 
 Before this Vackeel arrived at Surat, P\agobah had 
 made his efcape from the officers of Sindia, who had 
 charge of his perfon, and were conveying him to a 
 place of confinement. He fled to Surat, and Gene- 
 ral Goddard agreed to give him perfonal protection ; 
 informing the minifters at Poona of this unexpected 
 event. The Vackeel arrived at Surat received our 
 propofals returned to Poona, and proniifed to 
 forward a categorical anfwer in three weeks. After 
 fome delays, during which time General Goddard 
 received intelligence that the minifters were nego- 
 tiating a treaty with Hyder Ally, and making every 
 preparation for war, the Vackeel returned to Surat, 
 with the only terms on which the Marattas would 
 confent to a peace. Thefe were, that we fhould cede 
 
 Salfette
 
 Salfette to them, and deliver up the perfon of Rago- 
 bah Row : Thus were the efforts of the Supreme 
 Council difappointed. Can this difappointment be 
 attributed to a want of zeal for an accommodation, 
 cither in the Governor General or General God- 
 dard ? 
 
 General Goddard at the fame time received intel- 
 ligence, that an alliance had been concluded at" 
 Poona, between Hyder Ally, the Marattas, Nizam 
 AllyCawn, and Mcodajee Booila. By the principal 
 article of it, the Marattas, under Madajee Sindia 
 and Tukajee Holkar, were to act againft General 
 Goddard in Guzzerat ; Hyder Ally was to invade 
 the Carnatic ; the Nizam the Northern Circars, and 
 Moocfajee Boofla, Bengal. The truth of this intel- 
 ligence has fince been fatally confirmed. The Ni- 
 zam, the projector of the treary, acted the part 
 which he did, in revenge; for the Prefidency of Fort 
 St. George having concluded an alliance with his 
 brother, Bazakt Jung, by which they acquired pof- 
 feffion of the Guntoor Circarj and Hyder Ally 
 Cawn very ftrongly exprefled his difgnft at our ac- 
 quifuion of that Circar. This bufinefs will doubt- 
 lefs be fully inveftigated j and it is foreign from my 
 fubject to take any farther notice of it here. Moo- 
 dajee Boofla was very unwillingly drawn in to take a 
 part againft us. Of this there cannot be a doubt, 
 as he regularly kept the Governor General informed 
 of the defigns which were formed againft us, and 
 purpofely delayed f he march of his army until the 
 feafon of action mould be paft, with the hope that 
 I 2, in
 
 C 6? 3 
 
 in the laft rains our differences with the Marattas 
 would have been accommodated. The Nizam has 
 hitherto been inactive, though the original projector 
 of the confederacy. 
 
 The army at Surat was ftrengthened by detach' 
 merits from Bombay and Fort St. George i and Ge- 
 neral Goddard was furnifhed with dilcretional orders, 
 Ihould the treaty with the Marattas prove abortive. 
 He took the field in December, 1779 ; and foon af- 
 ter concluded a treaty with Futty Sing Guicawar, by 
 which the extenfive province of Guzzerat was eaual- 
 ly divided between the Eaft-India Company and him. 
 He immediately advanced towards Ahmedabad, the 
 capital of that part of Guzzerat which was in the 
 poflefiion of the Marattas. This place our troops 
 took by ftorm ; a conqueft which added greatly to 
 the fplendour of our arms. In three months he en- 
 tirely fubdued the whole province. Madajee Sindia, 
 who had aflcmbled the Maiatta forces, was march- 
 ing with an intent to relieve Ahmedabad, nor fup- 
 pofing that we mould fo foon be in pofleflion of it. 
 General Goddard, leaving a garrifon in this place, 
 advanced towards the Maratta army to offer them 
 battle ; which, notwithstanding their great fuperiori- 
 ty of numbers, and the unfortunate event of the 
 Bombay expedition, which muft naturally have 
 elated them ? their General declined upon every oc- 
 cafion. 
 
 So anxious was General Goddard, knowing the 
 good confequence of engaging the Maratta army, 
 chat on the c.d of April, 1780, he left his army on, 
 
 their
 
 C 69 ] 
 
 their ground, and advanced to ftorm the enemy's- 
 .camp ajt the head of two hundred Europeans, ten 
 companies of grenadier Sepoys, three battalions 
 ot Sepoys, two twelve and ten fix-pounders, with 
 the firtf regiment of Cavalry and the Candahar horfe : 
 with this force, fo greatly interior to the troops that 
 retreated before the Maratta army the preceding year, 
 he advanced, pafled their principal guards, and in- 
 Itantly attached the main body drawn up ready to 
 receive him. Our artillery did great execution 
 amongll their numerous cavalry, and in an hour 
 from the commencement of the action they retreated, 
 after a confiderable lofs ; nor did a fingle hork an 
 appear to moleft our army in its return to camp. 
 Every action of this campaign was equally glorious 
 to our arms. Captain John Campbell, of the Ben- 
 gal eflabiimment, was detached with a foraging 
 party to a confiderable diftance from their camp ; 
 and on his return with a large convoy of provifions, 
 he was attacked by Sindia at the head of twenty 
 thouland men, the flower of the Maratta army. 
 Captain Campbell formed his detachment, confifling 
 of two battalions of Sepoys, and four field pieces, 
 to the bed advantage, repulfed the Marattas, who 
 )ofl between five and fix hundred men, many of 
 whom were killed by the fire of the flank compa- 
 nies of our line. Captain Campbell, after this re- 
 markable action, joined General Goddard without 
 the lofs of a man, or of any part of his convoy. 
 Lieutenant Welfh, of the Bengal eflabiimment, 
 was detached by General Goddard on the ^d of 
 
 May,
 
 C ?o } 
 
 May, to furprize a body of fix thoufand Maratfas ; 
 his force confifted of the firft regiment of cavalry 
 and a battalion of Sepoys. Lieutenant Welfh, 
 when he had performed half his march, found, by 
 calculating the time which remained, that if he 
 waited for his infantry, he mould not arrive before 
 day break in the enemy's camp. He therefore came 
 to the fpirited refolution of advancing at the head of 
 the cavalry only j with this force he entered the Ma-- 
 ratta camp, and feized the enemy's cannon, which he- 
 turned upon them in their flight. The rout was ge- 
 neral. The commanding officer and a great number 
 of the Marattas were killed j and the artillery, bazar, 
 ammunition, 6cc. fell into our hands. No victory 
 could be more decifive : and this officer had the good 
 fortune foon after to get pofTeffion of two forts, which 
 iutirely completed the conqueft of Guzzerat. 
 
 Major Forbes, of the Bengal eftablifhment, at the 
 bead of t\vo battalions of Sepoys, effe&ually fur- 
 prized and routed a body of 7000 Marattas, and with 
 this action clofed the campaign of 1780, both par- 
 ties retiring to winter quarters for the rainy feafon. 
 General Goddard commenced the prefent campaign 
 by the conqueft of the important fort of Baflein, and 
 by a decifive victory over the Maratta army, which 
 had been fent to relieve the place. The Marattas 
 themfelves deeply feel the lofs of this important for- 
 trefs, which they had taken from the Portuguefe af- 
 ter a fiege of two years. 
 
 I now return to the transitions in Bengal, where 
 the meafures propofed by Mr. Haftings were attend- 
 ed with the mofl brilliant advantages. 
 
 When
 
 [ 7" 1 
 
 When the Governor General found, by Genera; 
 Goddard's difpatches, that we had no hopes of a<i 
 accommodation with the Marattas, he concluded 
 that the only mode of bringing them in one cam- 
 paign to reasonable ternfs would be by attacking 
 them ia every quarter ; for this purpofe he entered 
 into a treaty with the Rana of Gohid, an indepen- 
 dent prince, whofe country had been invaded by 
 them. Mr. Haftings's motives for entering into this 
 alliance were, to diftrefs the Marattas, by making a 
 confulerable diverfion in one of their belt provinces, 
 inconjuclion with the Rana's forces, and, if poffible, 
 to acquire poffefTion of the important fortrefs of Gu^- 
 ]icr. But he had another view, which would effectual- 
 ly have humbled the Marattas, and in which he muft 
 have fucceeded, if the diftracted ftate of our Govern- 
 ment, and the continual reports of his difmiffion 
 from his ftation, had not deterred the Rajahs depen- 
 dent upon them from entering into a clofer connec- 
 tion with us. 
 
 The principal revenues and refources of the Ma- 
 rattas arife from the annual tribute paid to them by 
 the Rajahs of Oudepore, Joudpore, Zeynagur, Bo- 
 paul, Narva, Bundlecund, &c. &c. Thefe Princes, 
 who take every opportunity of evading their pay- 
 ments, had now a fair opportunity of fhaking off 
 their dependance. And had the Government of Ben- 
 gal been at liberty to have exerted itfeif at this time, 
 or had not an idea of a change of men and meafures 
 unhappily been induftrioufly propagated throughout 
 
 Indoftar^
 
 t r- 3 
 
 tndoftan, the Maratta war would have been conclu- 
 ded upon our own terms many months ago. 
 
 I will now proceed to relate the important confe- 
 quences which were produced by our alliance with 
 the Rana of Gohid, fmall as his dominions may be. 
 When the treaty was concluded, the M^rattas were 
 in pofleflion of the beft part of his country. Major 
 Popham, at the head of 2000 Sepoys, 40 European 
 artillery, a body of 120 horie, and 4 field pieces, 
 fix-pounders, marched to his afilftance. With this 
 little army, he in a few monrhs drove the Marattas 
 out of the Rana's country, purfued them, and en- 
 tirely conquered one of their provinces, producing 
 an annual revenue of fix lacks of rupees. In the 
 courfe of this fervice he took feveral forts, bea*t up 
 the Maratta camp -, nor were all the efforts of above 
 15,000 Marattas able to oppoie the fuccefs of his 
 gallant little army. The mod important aftion ftill 
 remains to be related. When Major PopharrTs de- 
 tachment had cantoned for the rains, Mr. Haftings 
 propofed to him to make an attempt upon Gualier. 
 He knew this place to be fo ftrong, that it never 
 eould be taken by regular approaches j and he knew 
 too, that the enemy, confident in the natural ftrength 
 of the place, would be more liable to be furprized. 
 The importance of the conqueft may be well con- 
 ceived when it is known, that by all ranks of men 
 in all ages, this place has been denominated, The 
 impregnable Fortrefs of Gualier. As fuch, Colonel 
 Dow fpeaks of it in feveral parts of his Hiftory of 
 Indoftan. 
 
 la
 
 [ 73 3 
 
 In a country where we retain our authority, by 
 an opinion which the natives have, not only of our 
 fuperior genius for war, but alfo our good fortunej 
 fuch a conqueft, at fuch a time, would be equal to 
 the moft decifive victory in the field. I believe there 
 was not a man in Bengal who differed in opinion 
 with Mr. Haftings as to the importance of this place 5 
 but I well remember when the treaty with the Rana 
 of Gohid was concluded, the impoflibility of our 
 getting pofTcffion of Gualier was frequently men- 
 tioned. Major Popham, who by the furprize of this 
 place, has acquired immortal honour in India, had 
 the good fortune to receive fome important in- 
 formation from a party of Mewattes, who had 
 found means to enter the place by night at diffe- 
 rent times. 
 
 He employed fpies to examine the place where 
 thefe men had entered, and from their report con- 
 ceived the defign to be poffible In compliance with 
 Mr. Haftings's repeated folicications, and guided by 
 his own judgment, he made every preparation for 
 the attempt with the utmoft fecrefy, only two perfons 
 being privy to it. The night be-fore the execution 
 of it, he wrote to the Governor General, informed 
 him that the attempt was to be made early the next 
 morning, and he hoped in cafe of failure, that Mr. 
 Haftings would do him the juftice to fay, it was 
 at his defire that he had undertaken an enterprize^ 
 which, if it failed, would be denominated rafli and 
 impracticable-, if it fucceeded, would redound as 
 much to the honour of the Governor General^ bv 
 K whofe
 
 [ 74 1 
 
 whofc advice it was undertaken, as of thofe by whom 
 it was executed. The fuccels was equal to the fpi- 
 rit and prudence of the action ; it was taken on the 
 4th of Au2;uit, 1780, and that with the trifling lofs of 
 20 Sepoys wounded. 
 
 It is impoffible to defcribe the defpondency of 
 the Marattas upon this important event. The whole 
 country adjoining to Gualier was immediately eva- 
 cuated by their troops, and our military reputation 
 proporcionably raifed. This was the favourable mo- 
 ment for us, and if Mr. Haftings could have pro- 
 fited by it, as he wiihed to have done, the power 
 of the Marattas in India would have funk at once. 
 Mr. Haftings, previous to the capture of Gualier, 
 had propofed to form a ftrong detachment in Gohid, 
 for the purpofe of advancing into the province of 
 Malwa, the country of Sindia, the Maratta general. 
 In this the Governor General was over ruled j Al- 
 though he had every reafon to believe, that in the 
 condutft of that branch of adminiftration he was to 
 meet with no oppofition. If the detachment had been 
 formed, as Mr. Haftings had propofed, the capture 
 of Guaiicr enfured us the urmoft fuccefs in its ope- 
 rations. 
 
 General Goddard had earneftly prefied the Go- 
 vernor General and Council to invade the province 
 of Malwa, which would have diverted the attention 
 of Sindia from Guzzerat ; and one campaign would 
 have finimed the war with honour and advantage on 
 our fide. An event which no Member of the Board 
 more earneftly wiihed to fee accomplifhed than 
 
 Mr.
 
 [ 75 ] 
 
 Mr. Haftings-, particularly as Hyder Ally Cawn 
 had, in July, 1780, invaded the Carnatic, where 
 our forces were utterly unprepared to receive 
 him. 
 
 On the 1 9th of September an exprefs arrived in 
 Calcutta from the Secret Committee of Fort Sc. 
 George, informing the Supreme Council that the 
 flower of their army had been cut off or taken pri- 
 Ibners by Hyder Ally, and that Sir Hector Munro, 
 \vith the part of the forces under his command, had 
 retreated to the mount with the lofs of his baggage 
 and part of his artillery. This intelligence was ac- 
 companied by advice that a confiderable French fleet, 
 with land forces on board, were on their way to 
 India. 
 
 This important intelligence left little room for 
 deliberation, and at the firft meeting of the Board, 
 theSGovernor General propofed that Sir Eyre Coote 
 fhould be requefted to take the command of the arm v 
 at Madras. That a reinforcement of Europeans 
 fhould be fent to the coalt by fea, with a fupply of" 
 fifteen lacks of rupees ; and that a large detachment 
 of Sepoys mould be formed to march to the Car- 
 natic as foon as the feafon would permit. That an 
 inftant offer of peace mould be made to the Marartas 
 upon terms fo advantageous to them, as almoft to 
 enfure their acceptance of them. The feafon was 
 fo far advanced that the embarkation of troops 
 would be attended with difficulty and danger. But 
 the Governor General, juftly confidering that every 
 K 2 rifque
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 lifque was to be run, when probably the very 
 exiftence of the Company would depend upon their 
 arrival, defpifed every inferior confederation. Mr. 
 Francis oppofed the embarkation of the troops, and 
 would only agree to feven lack of rupees being fent 
 from Bengal. However, all thefe motions were car- 
 cried by the majority: and Sir Eyre Coote, with fix 
 hundred and forty Europeans, fifteen lacks of ru- 
 pees, and a great fupply of provifions arrived at 
 Madras, in lefs than two months, computed from 
 the return of the army under Sir Heeler Munro, at 
 the mount on the i4th of September, to the arrival 
 of the laft fhip of the fleet, the Duke of Kingfton, 
 at Fort St. George, on the 5th of November. It 
 will undoubtedly reflecl great honour upon Mr. 
 Haftings and Sir Eyre Coote, that they had fpirit 
 enough to afford fuch extraordinary aids to the Pre- 
 fidency of Fort St. George, at a feafon in which the 
 navigation from Bengal to Madras had hitherto been 
 interdicted on account of the dangers which attend- 
 ed it. 
 
 I have related as briefly and as clearly as I was 
 able, the rife and progrefs of the Maratta war, from 
 the I2th of December, 1777, to the clofe of the 
 year 1780. Upon what ground or fuggellion this 
 war can be attributed to Mr. Haftings, let every man 
 judge who reads this account. 
 
 The occafion of the war was planned and executed 
 without the knovvledge or previous confcnt of the 
 Governor Genera^ who had another participation ia 
 
 it
 
 [ 77 ] 
 
 It than by providing, by an extraordinary exertion, 
 for the iupport of the meafures undertaken by the 
 Prefidency of Bombay if they fucceeded, and for its 
 preiervation if they failed. The Court of Directors 
 have warmly approved of the exertions made by the 
 Government of Bengal. Colonel Goddard arrived 
 feafonably for the prefervation of Bombay, and for 
 the redemption of the national honour, which had 
 without it been irretrievably loft. Our fucccfles in 
 every part, after the Maratras had rejected all rea- 
 Tenable terms of accommodation, gave the Governor 
 General the ilrongeft hopes of fpeedily terminating 
 it by fuch advantages as ihould have amply recom- 
 penfed the Company for the expences which had at- 
 tended it, and the calamities with which it had 
 commenced. In the midft of our fucceffes, another 
 and more interefting occafion called for the exertion 
 of the Government of Bengal. The prefervation of 
 Fort St. George depended upon their refolutions* 
 The misfortunes upon the coaft cannot be attributed 
 to Mr. Haftings. If the general opinion is to have 
 weight, the invafion of the Carnatic might have 
 been prevented by the aflembly of our army in the 
 month of June. If the confeflion of the Nizam to 
 Mr. Holland may be credited, (and it is confirmed 
 by the evidence of the moft public notoriety) that 
 invafion was the fole effect of a confederacy formed 
 at his inftigation, and dictated by his refentments of 
 the infringements made by the Select Committee of 
 fort St. George on his rights obtained by the 
 
 treaty
 
 treaty fubfifting between him and the Company, and 
 his natural apprehenfion of hoftilities, intended by 
 that government againfl him. 
 
 ^^ 7 hen Mr. Haflings propofed to conclude a treaty 
 of peace with the Marattas, he recommended to the 
 Board to form the treaty in Calcutta^ to fend it exe- 
 cuted by the Supreme Council, to Moodajee Booila, 
 the Rajah of Berar, who had repeatedly offered him- 
 fclf as mediator between our Government and the 
 Marattas. This treaty was rejected, and the reafon 
 was obvious; Hyder Ally Cawn had cut off a third 
 of our army. He had taken Arcot, when he was 
 proclaimed Nabob of the Carnatic. He had boaft- 
 ed, that he would prevent the Englifh army from 
 moving from the Mount, and that he was to be join- 
 ed in a month by 3000 French regulars from the 
 Iflamis, when he would commence the fiege of Fore 
 St. George. The French fleet, fix fail of the line and 
 five frigates, appeared on the coaft of Coromandel. 
 Under theie circumftances, the Marattas deeming our 
 fituation a defperate one, rejected all treaty, except 
 upon the moft difgraceful terms to us. 
 
 Sir Eyre Coote took the field on the 2jd of Janua- 
 ry, 1781. On his march to Pondicherry, he re- 
 peatedly offered battle to Hyder Ally Cawn. 
 
 His detachments were upon all occafions fuccefs- 
 ful, againft every fuperiority of numbers. The army 
 under his command was the fined that ever took the 
 field in India, in point of difcipline and numbers, 
 and completely provided with artillery and military 
 ftores. The men were eager to revenge the late de- 
 feat
 
 [ 79 ] 
 
 feat and deftruction of their companions. The 
 French fleet, after appearing off Madras, on the 
 29th of January, went off without even making an 
 attempt -to defbroy the fhips in that road, in which 
 they mud have fucceeded. The fleet had not a fin- 
 gle foldier on board, except their marines, and on a 
 report that Sir Edward Hughes was returning from 
 Bombay to the coaft of Coromandel, quitted the coaft 
 on the 1 6th of February, and returned to the iflands. 
 In addition to the army under the command of Sir 
 Eyre Coote, Colonel Pearfe was advancing from 
 Bengal with ten battalions of Sepoys and twenty 
 pieces of cannon. This force would arrive in 
 the neighbourhood of Madras in the month of 
 June, 
 
 The Marattas at the commencement of this cam- 
 paign, had been defeated in a general action by Ge<- 
 neral Goddard, who the day after took the fort of 
 Baffein. Lieutenant Colonel Camac, advancing at 
 the head of twelve battalions of Sepoys to the pro* 
 vince of Malwa, has had the good fortune to gain a 
 complete victory againft an army of 30,000 men, 
 commanded by Sindia in perfon, the effect of which 
 muft be greatly beneficial to General Goddard's de- 
 figns. Gualier was garrifoned by our troops, aud. 
 by that means a fafe communication was preferved 
 with the dominions of our ally the Vizier. Our 
 forces in Bengal were fo (lationcd, as to prevent 
 all danger from an rnvafion, mould i: be attempted. 
 Thefe favourable circumilances make an honourable 
 peace with the Marattas a probable event. 
 
 In
 
 [ 80 ] 
 
 In this review of the rife and progrefs of the Ms- 
 ratta war, let ic be remembered, that the main de- 
 fign of marching an army acrofs India, was not to 
 aflift the Prefidency of Bombay in the execution of 
 their original plan, but to fupport them in the con- 
 fequences of it to us, and to protect the interefts of 
 the Eaft-India Company from the effects of a con- 
 nection well known to 'oe formed between the ruling 
 member of the Maratta ftate and the avowed agent 
 of the King of France. General Goddard very op- 
 portunely arrived at Surat for the prefervation of 
 Bombay. The Governor General, who faw in as 
 ftrong a light as any other member of the Board, the 
 difad vantages even of a luccefsful war with the Ma- 
 rattas, (however great the neceffity might be of re- 
 trieving our military reputation) mould the opera- 
 tions be continued beyond one campaign, propofed 
 to them the moil equitable terms of peace ; and in a 
 letter which he himfelf drew up to the Committee at 
 Bombay, the Supreme Council obferve, " Having 
 (f given full powers, to Colonel Goddard to nego- 
 ee ciate and conclude a peace with the Marattas, we 
 " have only to repeat, that we look to the iflue 
 " of that commiilion as our primary object, and the 
 " termination of all our political views on your fide 
 " of India, if it prove fuccefsful." To Colonel 
 Goddard, the Board obferve, " Our firft defire is to 
 *' obtain peace." 
 
 When Ragonaut Row had efcaped from Madajee 
 Sindia, and had joined General Goddard, who con- 
 fented to give him perfpnal protection, the Supreme 
 
 Council
 
 [ 8' ] 
 
 Council approve of its being continued to him, pro- 
 vided he flial) " not attempt to defeat the effect of 
 " your negotiations, to which you are to give your 
 " entire attention without regard to any other confi- 
 4f deration." With fuch proofs of Mr. Haftings's 
 fincere difpofition to accommodate our differences 
 with the Marattas, what are the grounds to fuppofe 
 he was lefs inclined to a pacification than Mr. Fran- 
 cis, or any other member of the Board ? The Go- 
 vernor General was not at all involved in the difgrace 
 which the gentlemen of Bombay had incurred by 
 their ill-timed expedition ; on the contrary, the 
 Court of Directors had conveyed to him, by an ex- 
 prefs over land, their approbation of the part which 
 he had taken in their affairs. The anfwer of the 
 Poona Durbar to our propofals was conveyed in few 
 words. tc They would only confent to a peace on 
 <c thefe conditions : That we mould give up the per- 
 " fon of Ragobah, and cede the ifland of Silfette to 
 " them." Was it even propofed by any member of 
 the Supreme Council to purchafe a peace by fuch 
 conceffions ? It was not. The war was therefore a 
 war of neceflity on our part ; and from this moment 
 it ought to have been profecuted with the utmofl vi- 
 gour. Thwarted and oppofed as the Governor Ge- 
 neral was, the brilliant fuccefles which have attended 
 our arms will fully prove what our Government 
 when united may be capable of. 
 
 That I might not break in upon the narrative of 
 
 the Maratta war, I have patted over the other tranf- 
 
 acYions of Government during that period. The 
 
 L refglution
 
 refoludon ro commence hoftilitics againft the French,. 
 on the 7th of July, 1778, before any regular advices 
 of a rupture had been received from England, re- 
 flects honour upon every member of the Supreme 
 Council in proportion to the relponfibility which each 
 incurred by fo fpirited a meaiure. The celerity witlv 
 which two (hips of 40 guns each were fitted out, 
 and joined Sir Edward Vcrnon before Pondrcherry, 
 arriving there againfl the monfoon, in lefs than two 
 months from the day when they were ordered to be 
 equipped, the plan- formed for the defence of the 
 river, when the deftinatidn of the Toulon fleet was 
 unknown, the reinforcements ordered to be railed for 
 the army, the difpofition of our forces, and the af- 
 iembly of the militia, are fubftantial proofs of trie 
 attention of the Governor General- and Council to 
 the prefcrvation of the valuable empire committed 
 to their charge, and the fpirit which animated ail 
 ranks of men living under their Government. 
 
 Why the French milled fo favourable an opportu- 
 nity of attacking us on the Malabar coaft we know 
 not, but it would have been a very poor fatisfadtion 
 ro his country if Mr. Haftings had flopped the 
 march of the army deftined for the prefervation of 
 Bombay, at fo critical a period, either on account 
 of the expence attending it, or to add dill more to 
 thefecurity of Bengal, already well fecured, if that 
 place had been attacked the following year. The 
 majority of the fupreme Council therefore determined 
 at this time, that their army fhould advance j and 
 the Governor General had the ftrongeft and beft 
 
 founde 
 
 d
 
 founded expectations of carrying the projected alli- 
 ance with Moodajee Boofla into execuiion ; which 
 .was intended effectually to preclude the French nation 
 from territorial poffeiiions in every part of India. 
 
 The temporary agreement between the Governor 
 General and Mr. Francis, and the extraordinary 
 event it produced, are facts, the elucidation of which 
 is ditagreeable. Certain it is fome agreement was 
 made as to the conduct of the war, as certain that 
 Mr. Haftings, as well before as in the meetings which 
 he had with Mr. Francis, infifted, that as the whole 
 refponfibility of the war \vith the Marattas was, by 
 Mr. Francis and Mr. Wheler, thrown upon him, 
 hefhould have the entire conduct of it, and as cer- 
 tain that the perfons in Mr. Hadings's confidence 
 underftood that was agreed to. 
 
 The Governor General's plan for carrying on the 
 war was confeiTcdly the beft that could have been 
 propofed. The operations of a fmall army the laft 
 campaign had put us in pofleffion of an extenfive 
 country, had confiderably added to our military re- 
 futation ; and during the rains, that very feafon in 
 which Mr. Francis contended nothing could be done, 
 Major Popham took the important fortrefs of Gua- 
 Jier. By Mr. Francis's opposition to the Governor 
 General's plan, our army, which was formed the laft 
 campaign, was diflreffed for pay, and continued in- 
 active, when it might have moved with great effect: 
 that army which muft have fo completely divided the 
 forces and the attention of the Marattas, and made 
 us fuccefsful in every quarter, 
 
 Lz Tfa
 
 The plan which Mr. Haftings propofed for car- 
 rying on the Maratta war exactly correfponded with 
 one drawn up by an excellent officer, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Upton, of whom Mr. Francis himfelf had 
 the higheft opinion. This gentleman had travelled 
 to Poona by land, and his fentiments were certainly 
 aftrong confirmation of the propriety of the Gover- 
 nor General's proportions. The great expences of 
 the war are doubtlefs to be lamented ; but there are 
 feafons when great expences are abfolutely necefiary ; 
 nor can a Government, like ours, hope to be fecure, 
 if in time of war we are contented to guard our fron- 
 tier only. This we muft do at a confiderable 
 expence, and with the lofs of reputation ; but 
 by invading the dominions of our enemies, 
 we have kept them at home, we have deprived 
 them of refources for carrying on the war, we 
 have infufed fuch a degree of fpirit into the native 
 troops in our fervice, that they look upon themfelves 
 as invincible when headed by Britifh officers j and 
 the conquefts which we have made would have 
 amply repaid us for all our expences, had the inva- 
 fion of the Carnatic not taken place. 
 
 The Governor General would have had no diffi- 
 culty in extending the influence of the Company 
 through all the countries now dependent upon the 
 Marattas, if the native powers of India had had the 
 fame opinion of the continuance of his authority, 
 as was univerfally entertained of his fuperior abilities 
 and good fortune. But unfortunately, Mr. Haf. 
 tings, notwirManding his utmoft efforts, could ne- 
 ver
 
 ver efface thofe ideas which had fo generally been 
 conceived from Benares to Dehly, and in the Decan, 
 of his fpeedy removal from the Government of 
 Bengal. 
 
 Before Sir Eyre Coote's arrival, it was univerfally 
 given out by the friends of Mr. Francis, that he 
 would undoubtedly take a decided part againft Mr. 
 Haftings. Thefe declarations fo often repeated, 
 made a deep impreffion upon our allies, and were 
 attended with very ferious confequences. I will 
 mention one that immediately occurs to me. 
 
 When our military eilablifhment was confiderably 
 increafed, in confequence of the war with France, 
 Mr. Haftings thought it reafonable that Cheyt Sing, 
 the Raja of Benares, and a vafTal of the Company, 
 fhould pay a proportion of an expence incurred for 
 our common defence. This he fixed at five lacks of 
 rupees per annum, and the Raja was with fome dif- 
 ficulty prevailed upon to advance this fum, but he 
 pofitively refufed to continue the payment beyond 
 the firft year; and in this refolution he was con- 
 firmed by a knowledge of Mr. Francis's fentiments, 
 who difapproved of any compulfion being ufed for 
 the continuance of the payment. The intrigues of 
 the Raja's Vackeel in Calcutta, previous to the Gene- 
 ral's arrival, were very well known ; but as Sir Eyre 
 Coote fupported the authority of the Governor Ge- 
 neral, the Raja was obliged, not only to pay five 
 lacks of rupees for another year, but in addition to 
 it, the expences incurred by the march of two bat- 
 talions to Benares, for the purpofe of enforcing the 
 
 payment,
 
 t 86 ] 
 
 payment, if he mould continue obftinate. If the 
 Rajah had not received the moft pofitve liffurances 
 from his agent at Calcutta, that Mr. Francis was 
 on the point of fucceeding to the Government, he 
 never would have reduced Mr. Haft ings to the ne- 
 cefTity of taking fo violent a meal u re, for the fup- 
 port of his own authority and the Company's in- 
 terefts. 
 
 If the expectation of a ch,;nge in Bengal had been 
 productive of no effects more detrimental to the pub- 
 lic fervice than the contemptible oppoiition of the 
 Raja of Benares, it had been fortunate j but inde- 
 pendent of the great relaxation of Government in 
 our own provinces, which was, and always mult be 
 the confequence of it, fuch an expectation very effen- 
 tially interfered with the only plan by which the 
 Maratta war could be brought to a fpeedy and fuc- 
 cefeful termination. The Rajas of Jaynagur, Narva, 
 Bundlecund, Sec. were all, I can affirm from the 
 heft authority, eager to throw off their dependence 
 upon the Marattas j the flighted affiftance from us 
 would have enabled them to do it. The fuccefsful 
 operations of Major Popham's little army has very 
 probably produced this effect, if a peace is not yet 
 concluded. 
 
 Our political influence was extended immediately 
 upon Mr. FJaftings's acceffion to the chair. Every 
 power in India has an agent in Calcutta ; and thefe 
 men regulajrly tranfmit to their principals the intelli- 
 gence of the day. Influenced by the intelligence 
 thus received, they have univerfally dreaded, and 
 expected Mr, Haftings's removal, and have been 
 
 deterred
 
 C s? 1 
 
 deterred from taking part with fo unftcady a Go 
 vernment. 
 
 Mr. Francis will excufe me for obferving that he 
 is refporifible for the faral confequence which follow- 
 ed;, from the opinion of a change in the Govern- 
 ment being fo univerfal. The paragraphs of the 
 general letters, from the direction which reflected 
 mod feverely upon Mr. Haftings, were induftrioufiy 
 circulated ; Mr. Francis, in the moft unreferved 
 manner, expreffed his certainty of fucceeding him 
 in a few months, nor could all the efforts of Mr. 
 Middleton at Lucknow, or Mr. Graham at Benares, 
 obviate the bad effects which fuch pofitive declara- 
 tions produced throughout Indoftan. I affirm, no- 
 thing can be fo detrimental to the interefts of the 
 Britim nation in India, as a divided or unfettled ad- 
 miniftration in Bengal ; and whatever fyflem the 
 Court of Directors may adopt in future, or whom- 
 ever they may think proper to employ, they ought 
 to give the ruling members every public fupport in 
 their po\vcr. The hands of Government mould be 
 ftrengthened by every poffible means. Profperity 
 attended the confidence which they placed in Mr. 
 Haftings , and reverfe of fortune, the diminution, or 
 more properly the annihilation of his authority. 
 
 I now beg leave to offer a few remarks upon the 
 ftace of our affairs in India. 
 
 Our fituation is indeed fo very alarming, that 
 there are many men who will believe, and many 
 more who will affect to believe them irretrievable j I 
 muft confefs that it will require all the abilities, the 
 integrity, and the firmnefs of the Governor General, 
 
 with
 
 C S3 1 
 
 with every poffible degree of fupport that can be 
 given from home, to reflore Bengal to its former 
 profperity ; but that Mr. Haftings will effect this, if 
 he is treated with that confidence which his great 
 and impotant fervices entitle him to expe<5b, I have 
 not the fmalleft doubt. 
 
 What was our fituation in Bengal, when Mr. 
 Haft'ngs arrived there in 1772; and what is it at 
 this time? To bring this lubject to one point of 
 view, I muft recapitulate what I have already ob- 
 ferved. At the former period, the Company's debt 
 at intercft was above one hundred and twenty lacks. 
 The Court of Directors the feafon before had 
 been drawn upon for one hundred and twenty lacks. 
 There was no profpect of providing future inveft- 
 .ments but by an increafe of the bond debt, as our 
 civil and military expences were barely defrayed by 
 the annual revenues. In one year only what a 
 change was effected. The alliance with Sujah Dow- 
 lah brought fuch an ample fupply of treafure into 
 Bengal, that every fervice was fully provided for, 
 and the bond-debt reduced. Until this period, our 
 foreign connections only ferved to accelerate the ruin 
 of our provinces, by draining them of the little fpecic 
 that. remained in them. 
 
 No one good effect was experienced from our al- 
 liance with Sujah Dovvlah, before Mr. Haftings's 
 accemon to the chair j an entire brigade kept at 
 Allahabad, which was paid by the exportation of 
 filver from Bengal, was a ruin. 
 
 A very confiderable fum was faved by the reduc- 
 tion of the ftipends paid to the Nabob and his 
 
 minifters*
 
 L 89 3 
 
 minifters. In this particular, where the intereft of 
 the Company was concerned, Mr. Haftings paid a 
 pointed attention to the orders of the Court of Di- 
 rectors. At the feafon when the Supreme Council 
 arrived, our inveftment was fo confiderably increaf- 
 ed, that two extra fhips, the Anfon and the Nor- 
 thumberland, were lent home. The following year 
 we obtained a clear additional revenue of twenty- 
 four lacks from Benares, and the expence of at lead 
 a third of our army was defrayed by the Vizier. 
 Thefe beneficial advantages are the refuk of Mr. 
 Haftings's treaty of 1773 ; a treaty which the majo- 
 rity of the Supreme Council decried in all its parts 
 the firfl month of their arrival. China, Bombay, 
 and Madras, have been fnpplied with treafure to a 
 very confiderable amount i and the annual inveft- 
 ment from j 7 74 to 1779, was confiderably above a 
 million fterling each year. The bond-debt was in- 
 tirely paid off, and a large balance of cam in our 
 treafury. 1 had forgot to mention the erection of 
 public granaries, by which the return of famine, 
 which fo depopulated that country, is totally pre- 
 vented. 
 
 A feries of events which I have already related 
 brought on the Maratta war , a war in Europe 
 obliged us to increafe our military eflabliQimcnt 
 very confiderably, to provide a marine force, to re- 
 inforce Sir Edward Vernon, and for the defence of 
 the river. Thefc exertions were attended with addi- 
 tional expence, but they were abfolutely neceffary, 
 and have been fully approved of at home. The 
 French, contrary to their ufual policy, miffed the 
 M fairelt
 
 [ 9 3 
 
 faireft opportunity which they ever could have had 
 to regain their influence in India. Why they were 
 fo remifs we know not ; t>Jt what would Mr. Haf- 
 tings have deferved, had he taken no Steps to coun- 
 teract their intrigues at Poona, and in eonfequence 
 of them, two regiments and a hundred French offi- 
 cers had landed at Chrule. When our fucceffcs 
 againft the Marartas gave us every reafon to expect 
 an honourable peace, the Carnatic was invaded. 
 This was a frefh demand upon Bengal for men, 
 money, and provrfions. The exertions of the Gover- 
 nor General and Sir Fyre Coote, have faved Fort St. 
 George. After fo many great drains from our trea- 
 fury r after fupporr.ng an cxpenfive war againft the 
 Marattas, and affording Bombay fuch effectual 
 affiftance in caih, provifions, and (lores, after dou- 
 bling our invc-ftment for many years, that debt 
 which, when Mr. Haftings came to the chair, was 
 above one hundred and twenty lacks, was, on the 
 15th of December laft, only lixty-fix lacks of cur- 
 rent rupees, and we had eighty-eight lacks of goods 
 in the Company's warehoufes. 
 
 I have already ftated my reafons for fuppofing 
 that we are now at peace with the Marattas. An 
 accommodation with Hyder Ally, or his entire 
 overthrow, muft foon follow. When thefe events 
 have taken place, our military eftabimtnent may be 
 confiderably reduced ; the Prefidency of Bombay 
 muft ibpport* its expences from the revenues arifing 
 from their late acquifitions. The Carnatic cannot 
 recover itfelf for many years. Before its rnvafion, 
 the country was aimoft ruined, and -the Nabob either 
 
 wanted,
 
 [ 9' ] 
 
 wanted, or pretended to want, money for his private 
 expences. 
 
 The Government of Bengal muft fupply Bombay 
 and Madras with cam, as it has conftantly done, 
 if their own reiburces are inadequate to their dif- 
 burfements. And from the revenues of Beng .1 r;uft 
 the interelt ef their bond debcs be p;:iJ. This I 
 contend can eafily be done, if forne care is taken to 
 prevent Bengal from being unneo;iTarily drained of 
 its fpecie, and if foreign trade is properly er.cou- 
 raged. To effect thefe points, the Court of Direc- 
 tors muft fix upon fome equitable mode, by which 
 the private fortunes of rheir fervants can be remitted 
 to England. At prefenc they are under an abfolute 
 neceffity either of fending their fortunes home in 
 cam, which is ruinous to Bengal, or of lending their 
 money to foreigners, by which means the Company's 
 fales in England muft be efientially injured. 
 
 If foreigners mould once be under the neceffity of 
 bringing bullion to Bengal to purchafe cargoes, fuch 
 a flow of treafure to our exhaufted provinces would 
 amply compenfate for a trifling diminution of the 
 public fales in England ; and if the Company's fer- 
 vants are reftricled from lending money to foreigners, 
 they muft either bring bullion to Bengal, or relin- 
 quifh the trade altogether. I can fay, from my own 
 knowledge, that it is from neceffity, not choice, the 
 Company's fervants^ fupply them with cam. But an 
 equitable mode of remittance once fixed by the Di- 
 rectors, difmiffion from the fervice mould be the pu 
 nifhment of any man who mould lend money to fo- 
 reigners or to foreign companies. 
 
 M 2 Perhaps
 
 C 9* 1 
 
 Perhaps the Court of Directors do not know the 
 extent to which this trade is carried on. Four For- 
 tuguefe (hips have failed from Bengal this year. I 
 came to Lifbon in one of them. Rer cargo was va- 
 lued at five lacks of rupees. The others were iiill 
 more valuable. Some of thefe (hips were taken up 
 in India ; the captains and owners borrowed as much 
 money as they wanted to purchafe both (hips and car- 
 goes, on rhe following terms: The lenders to re- 
 ceive 12 per cent, intereft, and two millings for each 
 current rupee at Lifbon, three months after the arri- 
 val of the [hip. Prejudicial as this trade may appear 
 to the Directors, it is not half fo ruinous to Bengal a s 
 the remittance of fortunes in filver would be. The 
 Dutch and Danifh Companies, as well as individuals 
 of both nations, have borrowed large fuins laft year, 
 and the feafon preceding, upon the terms above men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The trade to Suez (hould, if poflible, be again 
 opened j it is Advantageous to Bengal in every point 
 of view, and can never interfere with the Company's 
 fales in England. Mr. Haftings deferves the higheft 
 credit for his encouragement of this trade, and for 
 his attempts to eftablifh a regular communication 
 v/ith our native country by this route. We owe the 
 early capture of Pondicherry entirely to it. 
 
 I own I de-part from the line of my profeffion 
 when I prefume to hazard opinions upon commercial 
 lubjccls j but as I have been fifteen years in Bengal, 
 and have not been an unconcerned fpeclator of the 
 various changes which have happened in that time, 
 
 I may
 
 C 93 ] 
 
 1 may be excufed for declaring my femiments upon a 
 iubject of fuch importance. 
 
 Arts, agriculture, and commerce, have greatly in- 
 creafed fince my fir ft arrival in India. The riches of 
 Bengal are its manufactures. For them there will 
 always be a market ; and while we increafe in popu- 
 lation r we muft increafe our manufactures. Mr, 
 Haftings, it mult be recollected, fucceedcd to the 
 Government at a moft unfavourable period. The 
 lofs by the dreadful famine of 1770 has been efti- 
 mated at four millions of people ; and from my own 
 obfcrvations in various psrts of Bengal, I do not 
 think, this an exaggerated account. 
 
 However I may be miftaken when I fpeak of trade, 
 I will venture to affirm, that our affairs in Bengal 
 are much more alarming in appearance than in 
 reality. 
 
 Let iis fuppofe that by the time the war in India 
 is at an end, and a general peace has been eftablimed 
 in Europe, the bond debt in Bengal amounts to 200 
 lacks of rupees *. This is not fo large a fum as was in, 
 fact owing when Mr. Haftings came to the chair. 
 The bond debt was then 120, and the Directors had 
 been drawn upon for above 100 lacks of rupees only 
 the feafon before. I hope it will be .recollected that 
 this great debt was contracted in times of the mojl 
 profound peace j and the greateft part of it even before 
 
 * I cannot avoid dcfiring the attention of the public to this part of 
 my Narrative. It was written n my paflagc from Bengal to Lifbon 
 in 1781, What I have ventured to foretel, has in a great meafure 
 happened - We have peace in India, and our bond debt in Bengal is 
 199 lacks, 
 
 the
 
 [ 94.] 
 
 the famine. Dreadful as was that calamity, its effc&s 
 were more feverely felt after Mr. Haftings's acceffion 
 to the Government than at the time it happened. It 
 is a fad: that the collections in the year of the' famine, 
 and the year after, were higher than in either of the 
 two preceding ones. 
 
 . The interefl of 200 lacks of rupees will be 16 
 lacks a year. All our eftabiiihments upon a peace 
 will be. confiderably reduced ; and if the Governor 
 General is properly fupported, the Government of 
 Bengal will acquire a vigour, to the want of which, 
 and not to the Maratta war, we owe our prefent 
 misfortunes. 
 
 To pay the intereft of this debt, let us examine 
 our funds, and compare them with thofe of 1772. 
 I will fuppofe the actual collections from Bengal, 
 Bahar, and Orixa, to be only what they were at thac 
 period. 
 
 The favings under the different heads of tribute to 
 the King, (Upends to the Nabob, his minifters and 
 dependants, are at leaft 50 lacks of rupees a year. 
 
 The Vizier pays 70 lacks of rupees annually to- 
 wards our military expences. 
 
 We lhall receive annually from Chcyt Sing, 24 
 lacks of rupees. 
 
 When our dominions and our influence, at leaft 
 an influence advantageous to the Company, were 
 bounded by the banks of the Carumnaffa, our mili- 
 tary expences were 105 lacks of rupees a ye.r. 
 
 Our connection with Oude, now fo profitable, was 
 a molt diladvantageous one before Mr. Haft ings ar- 
 rived in Bengal. To the Company it was ruinous, 
 
 although
 
 C 95 ] 
 
 although it ar.fwered the interefted purpofes of cer- 
 tain individuals perfectly well. 
 
 Can one good reafon be given for the very curious 
 deputation to Sujah Dowlah in 1768, againft the 
 opinion of Mr. Verelft, at that time the Governor 
 of Bengal ? or for keeping the third brigade at Alla- 
 habad until the middle of the year 1769, at the 
 Company's expence ? 
 
 The tranfactions of that period are worthy the 
 public attention I may enlarge upon them here- 
 after. 
 
 At a peace our military expences can and will be- 
 reduced to 1 10 lacks of rupees a year. 
 
 The intereft of our debt, fuppofing it 200 lacks, 
 will be 1 6 lacks a year. 
 
 When Mr. Haftings came to the Government, 
 the Company owed fomething more than 120 
 lacks. 
 
 Upon comparing the accounts of 1771, and they 
 are applicable to a former period, with thofe at a fo- 
 much-wifhed-for peace, the balance will be 133 
 lacks a year in favour of the Company, as appears 
 by the following ftattfaent : 
 
 EXPENCES in 1771. 
 
 Rupees, 
 
 Military, 105 
 
 Intereft of bond debt, 10 
 
 Paid in tribute, ftipcnds, &c. but retrenched 1 
 
 by Mr. Haftings, j 
 
 Total 165 
 EXPENCE*
 
 t 96 ] 
 
 EXPEKCES at a PEACE. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Military, no 
 
 Intereft of debt, . 16 
 
 Total 126 
 
 Credit in favour of the Company. 
 
 Difference of difburfements, 39 
 
 Paid by the Vizier, 70 
 
 By the Raja of Benares, . 24 
 
 Total, 
 
 While arts, manufactures, and commerce, are 
 encouraged in Bengal ; while the natives continue 
 happy under our Government, and attached to it as 
 the great body of the people are ; while population 
 increaies, as it has done the laft feven years, Bengal 
 muft be a molt valuable country to Great Britain; 
 but it can only yield its tribute by the increafe of the 
 annual inveftment. 
 
 Mr. Haftings has been very feverely charged with 
 difobedience of orders Upon this fubject I muft 
 add a few words. I do not mean to juftify the 
 Governor General's conduct by pleading precedent 
 for it, yet I am reduced to the difagreeable neceffity 
 of contrafting it with the conduct of his prede- 
 ceflbrs Ln power in-Bengal, 
 
 I affirm
 
 C 97 1 
 
 I affirm that it had long been reported, Mr. 
 Hafljngs was to be difmiffed the fervice, that Mr. 
 Francis was to fucceed him ; and the reinftatement 
 of Meffrs. Briftow, Fowke, and Mahomed Reza 
 Cawn, were connected with Mr. Francis's accefiion 
 to the Government. This report, circulated for 
 months throughout Indoftan, obliged Mr. Haftings 
 to adopt meafures which were by no means agree- 
 able to the natural humanity of his temper, or to 
 that regard to the juft claims of individuals which 
 he is known to poffefs. He affigned his reafons to 
 the Directors for keeping them out of office, and if 
 they were not approved, he of courfe expected to be 
 difmifled from the fervice. To thofe who ferved in 
 India I appeal, whether it is not abfolutely neceflary 
 to ftrengthen the hands of Government by every 
 poflible means, and to imprefs the natives with an 
 idea of its liability ; That the reinftatement of Mr. 
 Briftow, Mr. Fowke, and Mahomed Reza Cawn,would 
 have had a contrary effect is univerfally known. 
 
 When General Richard Smith was Commander in 
 Chief of the Company's forces in Bengal, and third 
 member of the Secret Committee and the Council, 
 he wrote the following letter to the Secret Com- 
 mittee, 24th November 1767, and forced Mr. 
 Verelft to do an act of greater feverity than Mr. 
 Haftings was ever guilty of in the whole courfe of 
 his political life. I muft affirm here, that the Eaft- 
 India Company was faddled with the expence of an 
 eftablifhment of a Supreme Court of Judicature, in. 
 confequence of the difcuffions which this famous 
 letter produced. 
 
 N Tht
 
 C 98 3 
 
 " The nature of the intelligence tranfmitted front 
 Calcutta to Sujah Dowlah is without limits. The 
 *' Nabob is almoft as well acquainted with the Par- 
 <f liamentary proceedings as I am; how far the im- 
 " portance and dignity of the Company, and the 
 " weight and influence of adminiftration is leflened 
 " in his efteem by fuch communication, may be eafily 
 " conceived. Whilft a Vackeel is fo ready and fo 
 * f fure a channel to communicate intelligence, few 
 " men will be found fo hardy as to maintain a direct 
 e correfpondence with the Nabob ; but there is a 
 " man who has obliquely offered fo great an infult 
 " to our Prefident, that was I prcfent at the Board, I 
 " would move for the exertion of our authority to 
 <c its utmoft extent to free the fettlement from fo 
 ft dangerous an inhabitant; I mean Mr. Bolts ; and 
 *'- the inclofed copy of a letter to Mr. Zentil, where 
 " he afferts an abfolute falfehood, which tends to 
 ct leflen that eflential dignity and necejfary influence of 
 " our Prefident^ is furely deferving of your fevereft 
 " refentment." 
 
 I approve highly of General Richard Smith's ar- 
 guments , if he had known how the e/ential dignity 
 and necejjary influence of Mr. Haftings, would have 
 been affected by carrying the Director's orders into- 
 execution refpecting Mr. Briftow, he would upon 
 his own principles have concurred in the difobedience 
 of them, had he been a member of the Supreme 
 Council in December, 1779. 
 
 Three poor Armenians, the trading agents of Mr. 
 Bolts, a keen trader himfelf, who perhaps wanted 
 
 to
 
 C 99 J 
 
 to come in for fome (hare of the plunder of Oudc 
 und Benares, were afterwards feized, and treated 
 with too much rigour. Moft men in Bengal attri- 
 buted General Smith's conduct to private motives. 
 It is ftrictly juftifiable upon public grounds , how- 
 ever I mud add in this place, and I can prove it, 
 that our connection with Sujah Dowlah at that time 
 \vas ruinous to the Haft-India Company, in as great 
 a degree as ic was advantageous to a few individuals 
 in power. 
 
 The Directors' moft pofitive orders have been re- 
 peatedly difobeyed or evaded during my refidence 
 in Bengal. Two very particular inftances I will 
 now mention. 
 
 As foon as the Court of Directors were informed 
 of the fait monopoly of 1765, they fent pofitive 
 orders to Bengal to abolifh it immediately on the re- 
 ceipt of their letter. In defiance of this order, the 
 monopoly was continued almoft two years longer, 
 and the profits arifing from it were divided amongft 
 the members of the Council, General Richard Smith 
 (Commander in Chief at that time) and the prin- 
 cipal civil and military fervants in Bengal. 
 
 The Directors had pofitively prohibited their fer- 
 vants in Bengal from drawing upon them except for 
 a certain amount, and a rate of exchange much 
 more favourable than the preient. Yet by a refolu- 
 tion of the Council, in October, 1769, bills were 
 drawn upon them at a very unfavourable exchange 
 for the Company, to the amount of one million and 
 xty thoufand pounds fterling. I affirm that three- 
 N 3 fourths
 
 fourths of the money paid into the treafury in Cal* 
 cutta might have been borrowed upon bond until the 
 Directors' pleafure was known. 
 
 Let thefe inftances of difobedience be compared 
 with the charges brought againft Mr. Haftings. 
 
 I will here quote General Richard Smith's fenti- 
 ments upon the fubject of difobedience of orders. 
 
 In his minute of the 25th of September, 1769, 
 when he propofed opening the Company's treafury, 
 and to grant bills upon the Directors, he fays, 
 <c Although the Court of Directors' orders are ftrong 
 " in prohibition, yet I think we fhall be fully zi'ar- 
 t{ ranted to deviate from thofe orders, and I do not 
 * f think I mould perform my duty to the Company 
 c as a member of their admin iftration, if I did not 
 V enter this my opinion upon the public records.'* 
 
 Upon another occafion, 24th November, 1767, 
 General Richard Smith writes to the Secret Com- 
 mittee, whofe orders he was bound to obey in the 
 fame degree as Mr. Haftings is thofe of the Direc- 
 tors. " My zeal for the welfare of the flate I ferve 
 " would, on occafions of great emergency, induce 
 <f me not only to hazard my commifiion, but even 
 <c futtjeel: my life and honour to the fentence of a 
 *< general court-martial, rather than the public fervice 
 " mould fuffer by delay. Whenever I act contrary 
 * to their orders, it is not that I entertain the moft 
 " diftant idea of difobedience or independence* but 
 ? e from a conviction that at this diflance from the Pre- 
 " fidency^ their orders and tie welfare of the flat e may 
 " happen, they have happened, to be incompatible \ and 
 
 " whenever
 
 L i' 3 
 
 <c whenever 1 take upon me to deviate from their orders^ 
 " it is not from independent authority Iprefume, becaufe 
 " I know I am totally refponfible to them for fuch a 
 " deviation" 
 
 This is the language of a fenfibleman. It is manly 
 language. It is the language of Mr. Haftings ; buc 
 in the Governor General's cafe, the arguments operate 
 with ten-fold force, when we confider the fituations 
 of Mr. Hailing? and General Richard Smith ; the 
 former could only receive anfwers from his fupencrs 
 in fifteen or eighteen months, the latter in as many 
 days. 
 
 I will now mention a few eflential points in which 
 Mr. Haftings pointedly obeyed the orders of the 
 Directors. He employed Nundcomar by their 
 orders. 
 
 He reduced the Nabob's ftipend from thirty-two 
 to fixteen lacks of rupees. He aboliihed nominal 
 penfions to a large amount. He fufpended Maho- 
 med Reza Cawn from his office; he brought him to 
 a trial before the Council for his former conduct; 
 and to the juftice, the impartiality, and the attention 
 of Mr. Haftings, Mahcmed Reza Cawn has always 
 declared, he was indebted for his life, which the 
 villany of Nundcomar would have deprived him of. 
 In November, 1773, Mr. Haftings received the 
 thanks of the Directors for his great attention to 
 their orders, and for his other eminenc fervices. 
 
 Soon after the majority of the Supreme Council ar- 
 rived in Bengal, they afferted that Mr. Haftings had 
 made 40 lacks of rupees, or 400,000!. from the 
 
 revenues
 
 I m 3 
 
 revenues of Bengal, in lefs than three y?ars. The 
 deipicable character of the man on whofe informa- 
 tion this declaration was grounded, the well-known 
 moderation of Mr. Haftings, his active and vigorous 
 adminiftration, the ftate of his private fortune at 
 that time, or at prefent, which any man may know- 
 that choofes to inquire, are folid proofs of ihe falfity 
 and the folly of this affertion. Are the great fervants 
 of the Company who preceded Mr. Haftings in high 
 Nations, although not in the chair, willing to put 
 tbeir integrity to this teft ; will they declare the 
 amount of their private fortunes ? 
 
 I do affirm, that if public and repeatedly af- 
 ferted declarations have any weight, the amount of 
 the private fortunes of three gentlemen, of high 
 ilation, who left Bengal in the courfe of the year 
 1769, or in January 1770, equalled the amount of all 
 the private fortunes that have been accumulated du- 
 ring Mr. Haftings's government of ten years, from 
 the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa, by the 
 civil and military fervants of the Company. 
 
 If we were to judge from vague reports, what 
 character could be flickered from calumny. I can 
 recollect perfectly well, that in the year 1768 and 
 1769, it was univerfally faid in Bengal, that a mint 
 was eftablimed at Allahabad ; that the good rupees, 
 which were fo abfurdly fent from Bengal and Bahar 
 to that place, were all recoined into bafe rupees, 
 called Vizieryj that our troops I uftained a very heavy 
 lofs by being obliged to receive their pay in this bafc 
 money. That twenty- fix lacks of ficca rupee. s were 
 
 annually
 
 C "3 ] 
 
 annually fcnt from Bengal, for the payment of the 
 King's tribute, but that his Majefty a&ually received 
 it in viziery rupees , and that a very confiderable 
 ihare of the profits arifing from this coinage, which 
 was faid to be uuauthorized by the Governor and 
 Council, centered in the Commander in Chief, Ge- 
 neral Richard Smith. It does not, however, follow, 
 that this was the fafb. I have been long enough in 
 India to know, that men who are deprived of the 
 opportunity of making money themfelves, are very 
 apt to exaggerate when they ftate the advantages of 
 their fuperiors. It ?s very poffible to inveftigate this 
 matter thoroughly; and I muft obferve, that Mr. 
 Haftings has been accufed of peculation upon much 
 more flender ground. 
 
 Upon the fubjeft of prefents received, which was 
 one of the modes by which Mr. Haftings was ac- 
 ,cufed of having made the enormous fum of 400,000!. 
 I (hall make but one obfervation : That, upon a 
 reference to the Governor General's Durbar charges, 
 it will be found he has brought to the Company's 
 credit the fums which he received, and has dra\vn 
 the amount of the prefents he made from the Trea- 
 fury. This rule was obferved, I believe, by his pre 
 deceflbrs. In the Confukations of the 8th of De- 
 cember, 1769, and iince printed in the Reports of 
 the Secret Committee of 1773, I find, that General 
 Richard Smith made the Mogul, Shaw Allum, a 
 prefent to the amount of aoool. fterling, when his 
 Majefty honoured him with a vifit to Sujah Dowlah, 
 Buiwant Sing, and a firing of et ceteras. Prefent?, 
 
 for
 
 C I0 4 3 
 
 for which he received from the Company one lack 
 twenty-four thoufand fix hunderd and fix Souaut 
 rupees, or 16,000!. fterling. I do not fee the pre- 
 fents which he received in return, brought to account; 
 but if the invariable cuftom and ufage of the coun- 
 try at that tirne to men of high rank and ftation was 
 difpenfed with, out of delicacy to his feelings, and he 
 received no prefents from the King, Sujah Dowlah, 
 &c. his liberality was a very unnecefiary wafte of the 
 public money. 
 
 The execution of Nundcomar has been again 
 brought forward. The ingenious Englijb writer of 
 A Letter from Calcutta has, without any foundation, 
 quoted the mod refpectable authority for calling his 
 death a murder. My obfcrvations upon it will be 
 very fhort. 
 
 Nundcomar was employed by Mr. Haftings, on 
 his firft arrival in Bengal, at theexprefs defire of the 
 Court of Directors. Mr. Haftings's choice of th$ 
 man excited very general furprife, as the caufe was 
 not known. Nundcornar's villany was detected in 
 the affair of Mahomed Reza Cawn, and Mr. Haf- 
 t-ings ceafed to employ him. On the arrival of the 
 Supreme Council he gave in the curious information 
 which I have already mentioned. It is remarkable, 
 that when Lord Clive and the Secret Committee 
 of 1765, were invefted with all inquifitorial powers, 
 Nundcomar gave in an information againft Mr. John 
 Johnfton and other fervants of the Company, fimilar 
 to that which he afterwards gave in againft Mr. 
 Haftings, and upon a full enquiry, the information 
 
 was
 
 was found to be void of the fmalleft foundation. Mr 
 Haftings commenced a profecution againft him. The 
 majority, and Mr. Jofeph Fowke, vifited him in 
 confinement; an attention which, of courle, at- 
 tracted the notice of every man in Indoftan, and in- 
 duced Nundcomar to fuppofe that he mould be pro- 
 tected at all events by the Supreme Council. 
 
 I now come to the forgery. In 1762, a Gentoo 
 was condemned to be hanged for this crime. The 
 fentence was reipitedj and his Majefty was pleafed to 
 pardon the criminal ; but I believe it was understood 
 that the royal mercy would never again be extended 
 to a fimilar offender. Be that as it may, Nudcomar, 
 when he committed a forgery many years after this 
 period, accompanied with the moft aggravating cir- 
 cumftances, well knew the confequence if he ihould 
 be detected. A lawyer, in 1772, was faid, and truly, 
 I believe, to have received ten thoufand rupees for 
 fuppreffing his knowledge of the affair. Nundcomar 
 was well acquainted with the nature of our laws. He 
 had had a hundred caufes before the Mayor's Court at 
 different times. Before bis profccutor complained, 
 he offered to fettle the affair for fifty thoufand rupees. 
 He repeated the offer after Nundcomar was in jail. 
 Was Nundcomar's refufal fuppofed to be the refult 
 of confcious innocence ? Was there a man in Bengal 
 queftioned the fairnefs of his trial, or the characters 
 of the jurymen who found him guilty ? Was he noC 
 univerfally deemed the moft unprincipled of all the 
 intriguing narives of Bengal ? I am not an advocate 
 for the judges i but as a moft illiberal and unjuft 
 O motive
 
 L "6 3 
 
 motive has been affigned for their conduct, and their 
 cfefire to fcreen Mr. Haftings from the effects of his 
 information, I mud alTert, and I do it in "the mofl 
 folemn manner, that Mr. Haftings was not concerned, 
 either directly or indirectly, in the apprehenfion, the 
 trial, or the execution, of Nundcomar. 
 
 The judges might have refpited the execution of 
 the fentence ; I wifli with all my heart they had ; 
 but ibmething may be urged in their favour upon this 
 liead. It was the firft grand caufe that came before 
 them. I was at Berhampore, about 100 miles from 
 Calcutta, at the time of Nundcomar's trial and exe- 
 cution. It was the common fubject of converfation 
 amongft men of all ranks. I have heard the fen- 
 timents of feveral natives, then, and fince upon 
 if. At the time, they very generally obferved, that 
 Nundcomar, though he was undoubtedly guilty, was 
 too rich a man to be hanged j and fince his death, it 
 was faid, he depended upon the interference of the 
 Supreme Council, or he would have compromifed the 
 affair before his trial. Might not the judges be fup- 
 pofed to have acted as they did, from a defire to im- 
 "prefs the natives with an idea of the juilice and the im- 
 partiality of the Supreme Court ? Would not the 
 fame fet of men, who think Mr. Haftings capable of 
 fo villanous an action as influencing the judges of 
 the Supreme Court of Judicature, or thofe judges 
 of being influenced upon fuch an occafion , would 
 they not have concluded that Nundcomar, if his 
 execution had been refpited, had obtained that favour 
 by improper means ? 
 
 In
 
 C 107 3 
 
 In this review of the tranfacKons in Bengal, I have 
 avoided as much as poflible every expreffion which 
 may be fuppofed to convey a perfonal reflexion. It 
 is from neceffity, not from inclination, that I'have 
 been obliged to contraft his con duel: with any man's. 
 However ftrong the provocation may have been, Mr. 
 Haftings has upon all occafions attended folely to his 
 own juftification. It has been the fate of the Gover- 
 nor General, whofe liberality of fentim.nt ean only 
 be equalled by his moderation, or rather by his con- 
 tempt of money, to be engaged in a perpetual courfe 
 of party contention. No man could lefs merit fuch 
 a fate. With integrity that has defended him againft 
 the mofl tempting offers of private advantage, 
 with abilities and application that have furmounted 
 greateit difficulties, he has been reduced to the 
 painful necefllty of defending himfelf from the extra- 
 ordinary charges of private rapacity, and a want of 
 zeal for the intereft of his employers. To the firft I 
 fhall only obfertfe, that he jjas now been almoft ten 
 years at the head of the ad mini ft ration in Bengal, a 
 period much more than fufficient to anfwer the pri- 
 vate views of any man, if to accumulate money was 
 his object. To the laft, I mail oppofe the very flou- 
 riming ftate in which the Supreme Council found 
 Bengal, and in which it continued, until foreign 
 wars, and v\lut is dill worfe, a continued oppofttion 
 to the Governor General, exhaufted our treaiury, and 
 dimifhed or almoit annihilated the neceflary power of 
 Government. 
 
 Oa POST-
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 JL H E arrival of the Belmont enables me 
 to carry on this review to the 31 ft of May laft 
 
 The Nizam remained inactive. In the latter 
 end of April he exprefled his wifhes to join us in 
 an alliance againft Hyder Ally Ca\vn. On this 
 account Mr. Holland remained at Hyderabad, al- 
 though he had intended to quit it on account of his 
 health. The Nizam's conduct is politic. Hyder 
 afpired to the fubamip of the Decan, and had ap- 
 plied to the King for funnuds, through Nuzeph 
 Cawn. 
 
 The engagement with the Rajah of Berar pro-r 
 mifes to be followed with the mod important and 
 beneficial effects. Colonel Pearfe, in his maich 
 through Cuttac, received every afliftance he flood 
 in need of from the Naib of that province, and his 
 camp was amply fupplied with provifions. It is 
 fuppofed he would be joined at Ellore by 2000 
 of the Berar horfe j the remainder of that army was 
 on its return to Naigpoore, except that part of it 
 which was to act in conjunction with our forces 
 againft Quramundela. It is impoiTible to detail the 
 negociation which brought on this agreement, but 
 it reflects great hpnour upon Mr. Haftings, Mr. 
 Wheler, who entirely concurred in opinion with 
 him, and Mr. Anderfon, through whofe agency it 
 yvas CQncluded. No chout, as has been reprefented, 
 
 was
 
 t * ] 
 
 was either given or promifed, and our fuperiorl- 
 ty appeared through the whole courfe of the nego- 
 tiation.* 
 
 On the fame day, the ad of April, an agreement 
 was figned between the ambaiTador of the Nabob of 
 Arcot, and the Supreme Council on the part of the 
 Company. By this agreement, the whole revenues 
 of the Carnatic are appropriated for the fervices of 
 the war. Credit being given to the Nabob's credi- 
 tors for the actual collections from thofe diftricts 
 \vhich had been previoufly afilgned to them. The 
 utility of this agreement will forcibly ftrike every 
 impartial perfon. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Camac's night attack on the 
 camp of Madjee Sindia, was attended with very fa- 
 vourable confequences. Many of the chiefs who 
 were compelled to join him, had come over to us; 
 and an overture for a pacification had fecretly been 
 made by Sindia himfelf. His army was difperfed, 
 except about 7000 horfe under Ambajee Punt, which 
 were furpriied and totally defeated by Captain Bruce, 
 the officer who had fo great a (hare in taknig the 
 fortrefs of Gualier. Thefe fucceffes and the alliance 
 with Moodajee Boofla gave us the faired hopes of a 
 fpeedy accommodation with the Marattas, and their 
 junction with us againft Hyder Ally Cawn j events 
 
 * Many fcvere ftriftures have been paffed upon Mr. Haftings for 
 this agreement : but the men bed acquainted with Indian affairs, 
 who have no intereft in traducing his character, give him great credit 
 for breaking the grand confciictacy formed againft us, and fecuring 
 Colonel Pearfe's march, at the trifling expence of fixtcen. lacks of 
 rupees. 
 
 which
 
 C " I 
 
 which Mr. Haftings molt anxioufly withes ta ac- 
 compliih. 
 
 Provincial courts of juftice had been eftablifhed, 
 agreeably to the Governor General's plan, and a con- 
 troul vefted in the chief juftice. The Company and 
 the natives, afte'r fix months experience, have fenfibly 
 felt the good effects of this regulation. To the for- 
 mer it is a very confiderable faving ; to the latter it 
 has infurcd an impartial, and not an expenfive diftri- 
 bution of iuftice. 
 
 The former mode of collecting the revenues has 
 been abolimed. An increafe of 39 lacks or 390,000!. 
 is expected from this regulation, which is Mr. Haf- 
 tings's plan, formed in 1773, and the propriety of 
 it confirmed by eight years experience of the former 
 defective fyftem.* 
 
 The revenue from fait will be 30 lacks of rupees 
 or 300,000!. fterlingthisyear.-j" The gentleman Mr. 
 Haftings has placed at the head of this bufinefs, 
 \vhofe abilities and integrity have never been exceed-, 
 cd in Bengal, has made this declaration, and the au- 
 thority is inconteftible ; fo that the additional re- 
 fources from the revenues of Bengal may fairly be 
 cftimated for this year at 690,000!. 
 
 The cargo of the Belmont is valued at 16! lacks > 
 cr 165,000!. prime coftj the Neptune, which was 
 obliged to return to Bengal, had 14! lacks, or 
 14^,000!. on board ; and there remained in the Com- 
 pany's warehoufes in Bengal, goods to the amount of 
 59 lacks, or 590,000!. 
 
 * The lateft advics confirm the truth of this eftimater 
 -|- JscreaftJ to. 570,000!. in i78z. 
 
 The
 
 The inveftment for 1781-2 is fixed at 90 lacks, 
 or 900,000!. and was providing when the Belmont 
 failed ; fo that for the mips of this feafon there will 
 be goods to the amount of i ,600,000!. in Bengal. 
 
 The Company's difpatches by the Belmont will 
 prove what exertions the government of Bengal is 
 capable of when unanimity reigns in its councils. 
 
 On the 6th of July, Sir Eyre Coote gained a deci- 
 five viftory over the army of Hyder Ally Cawn, and 
 in the following month he was joined by the Bengal 
 detachment, under the command of Colonel Pearfe. 
 
 CONTINUATION. 
 
 The campaign of 1781, upon the coaft of Coroman- 
 del was uniformly fuccefsful on our part. Hyder 
 Ally was defeated by Sir Eyre Coote in Auguft and 
 September, the important fonrefs of Negapatnam 
 xvas taken in November, and Trincomale in the 
 following month. It is no part of my prefent plan 
 to enter into a particular detail of the operations of 
 our army in the Carnatic. Sir Eyre Coote received 
 in the courfe of the campaign the moil ample fup- 
 plies of money and provifions from Bengal, and he 
 attributed his fuccefs, in a great meafure, to the un- 
 wearied exertions of the Governor Ceneral and Coun- 
 cil, for the fupport of the Prefidency of Fort St. 
 George, and the army under his command. 
 
 In the month of April 1781, Mr. Haftings car- 
 ried into effect a plan which he had projected fome 
 time before, for collecting the revenues of Bengal 
 and Bahar. The interference of Europeans in the 
 '" in tenor parts of Bengal, and the various abufes here- 
 tofore
 
 tofore alledged to have been committed by native? 
 in the fervice of Englim gentlemen were effectually 
 prevented. Every encouragement was held out to 
 the Zemindars and farmers to induce them to attend 
 to the cultivation and improvement of their feveral 
 Zemindaries and farms ; and a deduction was allow- 
 ed to fuch of them as mould pay their rents at Cal- 
 cutta, (the Sudder.) The plan itielf is in fact merely 
 reverting to the fyitem of collecting the revenues as 
 eftablifhfd and pratifed when the Mogul empire 
 fc'as in its vigour. The three great points which 
 Mr. Haft'ngs had in view, have been moft com- 
 pletely anftvered by the new fyftem. Firft, The 
 eafe and happinefs of the native landholders and 
 farmers: Second, A retrenchment in the expence 
 or collecting the revenues : And third, An in- 
 crealein the amount collected. The actual receipts for 
 the year 1781 exceeded the receipts of the preceding 
 year in the fum of three hundred thoufand pounds.* 
 Another very confiderable branch of the Company's 
 revenue in Bengal, was increafed by Mr. Haftings 
 to the fum of five hundred and feventy thoufand 
 
 * The Scledt Committee made a report upon this plan in the month 
 f May 1782, before it was poflible that its effects could be known. 
 It i> fomeihing ficgular that they mould condemn Mr. Haftings in 
 the report alluded to, for taking the collections from Europeans, 
 and putting them into the hands of the natives, but in the ceie- 
 bnted Ninth Report of the Selet Committee, publifhed the fol- 
 lowing year, the Government of Bengal is blamed for depriving 
 ih; r;:;tiv of every office of honour and emolument, which arc 
 f* -J ;y yj veftevi is the hands o^ Europeans. 
 
 pound$>
 
 [ "3 ] 
 
 pounds, 2nd in his opinion is capable of dill far- 
 ther improvement. In order to make this part of 
 my narrative perfectly intelligible, I will ftate the 
 different alterations which have taken place in the 
 management of the fait revenue. It has been proved 
 by incontrovertible evidence on a former occafion, 
 that the manufacture of fait has invariably been a 
 monopoly, either for the advantage of the Hate, or 
 for that of individuals. This was the cafe long be- 
 fore the Englim pofieffcd power in Bengal. Lord 
 Clive eftablifhed the monopoly for the benefit of the 
 Company's fervants, referving a duty to the Com- 
 pany producing about one hundred and twenty thou- 
 fand pounds a year, This fcheme was difapproved 
 of in England, and perhaps with reafon. The trade 
 in fait was ordered to be laid open, and a trifling duty 
 to be collected upon- ir. The confequence of this 
 fcheme was, that this trade fell into the hands of 
 wealthy individuals, and the duties fell confiderably 
 fliort of the moderate fum the Court of Directors had 
 ordered to be collected. When Mr. Haftings fuc- 
 ceeded to the government, he propofed, and it was 
 determined to fccure the manufacture of fait for 
 the ufe of the Company, The fcheme anfwered in 
 fome degree ; but after the eftablifhrnent of the Su- 
 preme Council and the unfortunate diflentions which 
 divided the Members, this branch of the revenue had 
 dwindled to a mere trifle. 
 
 In 1780 Mr. Haftings brought forward a fcheme 
 
 for managing the fait revenue, which was adopted at 
 
 his feparate refponfibility, and it has anfwered moil 
 
 P coin-
 
 [ "4 J 
 
 completely. It is a well known fad, that the na- 
 tives do nor pay more for the fait they eat now, than 
 they did in former years, and prohibiting the im- 
 portation of foreign iak into Bengal, is univerfally 
 allowed to be a falurary and a wife regulation ; and 
 to this too, in fome degree, it is owing that the re- 
 venue upon fait has been fo txceedingly productive 
 in the two Lift years. When the importation of fait 
 was permitted, it occafioned a confiderable drain of 
 fpecie from Bengal. The moft accurate and authen- 
 tic accounts that I have been able to procure of the 
 returns made from Bengal by the importers of 
 foreign fait are, that every native merchant bringing 
 foreign felt to Calcutta, expended a fourth part of 
 the produce of his cargoe in coarfe piece goods, and 
 that the remaining three parts were actually carried 
 from Bengal in fpecie *. As it is certain the Com- 
 pany may manufacture fait to a much greater extent 
 than they now do, if there was an encreafed demand 
 for it, it was furely a politic and a wife meafure to 
 prohibit the importation of fait from the Maratta 
 countries, or the Northern Circars. Many People, 
 uninformed upon this fubiedr, may fuppofe that the 
 monopoly of fait is carried to a much greater length 
 than it really is; but it is a monopoly only in the 
 fiifc inftance, for the monopoly of the fait is limited 
 to the manufacture, and the native merchants, who 
 purchafe it from the Company on the fpot where it 
 is manufactured, may difpofe of it as they pleafe 
 
 * This drain may be fairly computed at ten lacks of rupees a year, 
 
 through-
 
 [ "5 ] 
 
 throughout the provinces, without being fubjcft to 
 any exactions whatever. The preient plan differs molt 
 'iTentially from that eftablirhed by Lord Clive. 
 There are no European agents difperfed througtuthc 
 interior parts of Bengal, to difn-ic of fait, either on 
 the Company's account or j."or the benefit of" indi- 
 viduals. The operation is fi-mple and eafy. The 
 advantage arifes to the Company from the faloof the 
 fait in the firft inftance, they do not interfere with the 
 fair commercial profit of the merchant, who buys it 
 from them-, and it is undoubtedly true, that although 
 the Company clears five hundred and feventy thouf- 
 a,nd pounds by the plan, the mechanic and hufband- 
 man pays no more now for the fait he confumes than 
 he did in former years. The refources of Bengal 
 were increafcd above cm r,>iUion fterting in the year 
 1782, from this fcheme, the new mode of collecting 
 the revenues, and the reduction in the firft coft of the 
 inveftment. 
 
 Another branch of revenue, for which the Com- 
 pany is indebted to Mr. Haftings, arifes from 
 th.e monopoly of opium , and this revenue will 
 be confiderably encreafed in confequence of the 
 late treaty \\ich Holland, which fecures to us a free 
 trade to the eaftward of Bengal. Opium has always 
 been a monopoly in the firft inftance ; that is, a con- 
 fiderable fum of money muft be advanced to the 
 cultivator of the land which produces the poppy; 
 and it requires, on the part of the perfon who makes 
 the advances, the utmoft attention, to prevent the 
 opium being debafed before it is packed up for fale. 
 When the country government was in its vigour, 
 P 2 opium
 
 [ 116 ] 
 
 opium was a monopoly in the hands of fome one of 
 the moft capiial native merchants, whofe imereft it 
 was to fend it good and unadulterated to the lea 
 ports of Bengal, for the foreign markets. It often 
 happened, that the monopolill warranted it not only 
 good, but that it fliculd keep for a certain timej 
 under this fanftion the trade was carried on formerly, 
 and produced rich returns in gold, and other articles 
 of merchandize, into Bengal. 
 
 When the Englifh acquired pofiemon of the Du- 
 annee, the trade in opium was nominally laid open, 
 though in fact the monopoly was, in a great mea- 
 iure, confined to our factory at Pstna. The opium, 
 however, was much debaiea from 1765 to 1773, and 
 the trade confiderably diminished in confequence. 
 In 1772, when Mr. Haftings came to the govern- 
 ment of Bengal, he fecured a proportion of this 
 trade for the Company. In 1773, the monopoly 
 was taken into the Company's hands, and became a 
 branch of their revenues. In 1775, it was debated 
 by the Supreme Council, whether the trade Ihould 
 be laid open or not ? General Clavering concurred 
 in opinion with Mr. Haftings, that the manufacture 
 of opium muft be, what it ever had been, a mono- 
 poly.* All Britim fubjects and natives were invited 
 
 to 
 
 * The reflection of the Seleft Committee on this declaration of 
 General Clavering, is unfounded and unjuft. They fay it ihev/s the 
 General's opinion of the wretched ftateofthe country. By no meant. 
 It v/as to prevent adulteration, and the lofs of a valuable branch of 
 export trade that opium had been a monopoly under the native 
 
 Subadarsj
 
 [ "7 ] 
 
 to fend in propofals for furnifhing the Company with 
 opium ; and Mr. Richard Griffith, whofe terms were 
 the loweft, obtained the conrract. Mr. Mackenzie 
 fucceeded Mr. Griffith in 1777, and held the con- 
 tract till 1781, on terms fomething more favourable 
 for the Company than the former gentleman had 
 agreed to ; and upon the fame terms that it had been 
 granted to Mr. Mackenzie in 1777, it was granted to 
 Mr. Sulivan in 1781. This is the plain and fimplc 
 ftate of atranfaclion which has been mod fhamefully 
 and indecently mifreprefented. The Supreme Coun- 
 cil, who had every means of information before 
 them, determined, in 1775, that opium mud be a 
 monopoly as it always had been; Mr. Francis 
 thought very properly, that it would be impolitic to 
 give this contract on too low terms, becaufe it was 
 liable to abufes ; and on the equitable terms fettled 
 by Mr. Haftings, General Clavering, Colonel Mon- 
 fon, Mr. Bar .-ell, and Mr. Francis, has it continued 
 from 1775 to tne Patent time. It produces to the 
 Company about eighty ihoufand pounds a year, and 
 will certainly be much more productive, as the de- 
 mand for opium will increaie confiderably, which 
 
 Subsdars; and it would not have been in the power of any govern- 
 ment whatever to have preyented adulteration, had the monopoly- 
 been aboliflied. The opium of Ghauzipire being manufactured 
 with lefs care than the Patna opium, fetches an inferior price in all 
 foreign markets. It is the duty of Government to fee that the 
 cultivator of the poppy gets a fair and equitable price for his labour j 
 and this was a found argument urged by Mr. Francis againft veiling 
 the contract in the hands of the Company's fervants at Patna, who 
 \\tre the proper checks upon the contractor. 
 
 muft
 
 C ii* 3 
 
 muft of courfe increafe the price of it. I know of 
 no monopolies in Bengal but thofe of fait and opium; 
 if they are abolifhed, the Company will lofe a revenue 
 of fcvcn hundred thoufand pounds a year, which in 
 all probability is by this time increafed to a million ; 
 and I defy any man living to affign a Tingle reafon 
 for the abolition of thefe monopolies, or to prove 
 that fait and opium can be manufactured, except by 
 the Company, or by individuals who are able to make 
 very large advances of cafh to the manufacturers, 
 and who confequendy will divide that profit amongft 
 themfclves, which is now fecured to the Company, 
 and makes a very confiderable branch of their re- 
 venues.* 
 
 In the month of July 1781, Mr. Haftings left 
 Calcutta ; in order to viiit the dominions of the Na- 
 bob Vizier of Oude. The infurreclion at Benares, 
 
 * I will fuppofe for a moment, that the ungenerous and the un- 
 worthy modes praftifed by the enemies of Mr. Haftings to decry his 
 chara&er, were retorted by him upon his opponents, what would 
 then be his reflections, or the reflexions of his friends, upon th 
 following tranfaftion, I leave the world to guefs. -When the trade 
 in opium was nominally laid open, it was undoubtedly a monopoly 
 in the hands of the Chief and Council of Patna. In the month of 
 July, 178*, when Mr. Robert Gregory was chairman of the Court 
 of Directors, a letter was written by the Court to the Governor Ge- 
 nera! and Council, in which they exprefled their difyleafurc at their 
 conduct, in graniing the opium contract to Mr. Sulivan; they ex- 
 prefied their \\ifhes that that, and all ether monopolies, might be 
 abolifhed ; and they directed, that Mr. Robert Gregory's fon Ihould 
 fucceed to the Chief Jhip of Patna, though he was a younger fcrvant 
 than any one of the gentlemen, who cotnpofed the Council at thgt 
 place. 
 
 fcems
 
 [ "9 ] 
 
 ieems now fo generally underftood, that I mall fay 
 very little upon the fubject. But I defire to fubmit 
 the following ftriking facts to the consideration of 
 the public: 
 
 ift, That Bulwant Sing, the father of Cheyt Sing, 
 had behaved fo treacheroufly to us in the war with 
 Sujah Dowlah, that the Governor and Council or- 
 dered him to be dilpoflefTed of the Zemindary of 
 Benares in 1765, though it \vas afterwards judged 
 prudent to continue him in the management of that 
 country. 
 
 2d, That no inftance has ever yet been pro- 
 duced of fervices rendered to our nation by Bulwant 
 Sing. 
 
 jd, That Lord Clive protected him from the 
 vengeance of Sujah Doivlah, and fecured to him a 
 degree of independence which he never before po 
 feffed. 
 
 4th, That upon the death of Bulwant Sing, Cheyt 
 Sing, his fon, by a woman of a very low caft, was 
 continued in the Zemindary, through our influence 
 with the Vizier, although by Colonel Harper's ac- 
 count it appears, that Mehipnarain, the prefent 
 Zemindar, ought by the Hindoo laws to have fuc- 
 ceeded Bulwant Sing. 
 
 5th, That Mr. Haftings in 1773, procured from 
 the Vizier a confirmation of Cheyt Sing and his 
 pofterity in the Zemindary of Benares, of which 
 Bulwant Sing had only been the aumli, or col- 
 lector. 
 
 6th, That
 
 C 120 ] 
 
 6th, That by the treaty of Lucknow, concluded 
 in 1775, \hefovereignty cf Benares and Ghauziporc, 
 with all the powers and rights annexed to it, was 
 transferred from the Vizier to the Eaft-India 
 Company. 
 
 7th, That the Supreme Council yielded to Cheyt 
 Sing the Cutwalke and the Mint, and treated him 
 with the utmoft indulgence, and ftipulated that no 
 demands mould be made upon him on account of 
 his annual revenue beyond the fum ftipulated. 
 
 8th, That when the war with France broke 
 out, Cheyt Sing was called upon to contribute his 
 proportion to the additional expence which the 
 Company, his Sovereign, would incur. That he was 
 ordered to maintain three battalions of Sepoys, and 
 the expence fixed at five lacks of rupees a year. 
 
 pth, That the propriety of this demand was de- 
 bated in the Supreme Council, and thar Mr. Haftings 
 infifted upon it we had never yielded to Cheyt Sing 
 that right, li-hich every government inherently foffeffes, 
 to compel all its dependencies to contribute by extraor- 
 dinary Jupplies, to the relief cf extraordinary emer- 
 gencies. 
 
 loth, That Colonel Harper has proved it to have 
 been the cuftom of the Zemindar of Benares, to fur- 
 nifh his quota of troops to bis Sovereign^ when he was 
 at war. That he gave this in evidence to the Se- 
 lect Committee in 1781, long after it was known 
 in England, that the Supreme Council, as reprefent- 
 in the Sovereign^ had compelled Cheyt Sing, by 
 
 military
 
 military force, to furnifli his quota of troops during 
 the war. 
 
 nth, That in 1779, and 1780, the Supreme 
 Council compelled Cheyt Sing to pay five lacks, 
 each year that the attention of the Court of Direc- 
 tors and his Majefty's Minifters was particularly 
 called to the fubject, becaufe it was mentioned 
 in the general letters of three fucceflive years, but 
 that no mark of difapprobation whatever was ex- 
 prefled, either by his Majefty's Minifters, or the 
 Court of Directors. 
 
 1 2th, That when Sir Eyre Coote was on the 
 point of embarking for the coaft, in October 1780, 
 when it was uncertain whether or not Bengal would 
 be invaded by the Marattas, and every exertion on 
 our part was necefiary, to preferve the finking in- 
 terefts of the Company, he laid before the Supreme 
 Council, his plan for covering Bengal and its depen- 
 dencies from the expected attack of our enemies. 
 
 1 3th, That for the general defence, he propofed 
 Cheyt Sing's cavalry fhould in this critical hour be 
 put under our orders, to which the Board unani- 
 moufly agreed. 
 
 i4th, That Cheyt Sing evaded this demand aftec 
 promifing compliance, precifely in the fame manner 
 as he had evaded the payment of the money, after 
 pofitively prornifing to pay it. 
 
 1 5th, That Cheyt Sing never difputed the right 
 of his Sovereign to demand military aid from him, 
 but that he flickered himfelf under the plea of po.- 
 yerty, which was notorioufly untrue. 
 
 Q^ 1 6th, That
 
 [ I" ] 
 
 1 6th, That the difaffection of Cheyt Sing was ap- 
 parent to every gentleman who pafled .through 
 Benares and Ghauzipore for two years before his re- 
 trolt. That the infolence of his people was a perpe- 
 tual fource of complaint, and that Mr. Fowke, when 
 refident, profeffed his inability to procure redrefs 
 from Cheyt Sing, for injuries offered by his men 
 to Englifh gentlemen pafling through the country 
 to Oude. 
 
 1 7th, That Cheyt Sing had laid in a very great 
 fupply of military ftores of all kinds ; that he kept 
 up a communication with the different difcontented 
 Zemindars of Bahar and Oude, and had determined 
 to throw off his allegiance to the Company, on the 
 firft favourable opportunity. 
 
 i8th, That Mr. Haftings never did communicate 
 to Cheyt Sing his defign of fining him forty or fifty 
 lacks of rupees. That the anfwer returned by 
 Cheyt Sing to the Governor General's letter, was 
 infolent and unfatisfactory, and will be pronoun- 
 ced fo by every man converfant in the Perfian lan- 
 guage. 
 
 1 9th, That Mr. Haftings, by fecuring the perfon 
 
 of the Raja, acted in perfect conformity to the cuf- 
 toms of Indoftan, and that every thing which fub- 
 fequently happened, is chiefly imputable to the in- 
 human mafiacres of our troops. 
 
 2oth, That Cheyt Sing was a weak, headftrong, 
 and violent young man. That he kept very low 
 company, was addicted to liquor and thofe pleafures 
 in which the moft abandoned people of Indoftan 
 
 only
 
 [ "3 ] 
 
 only indulge themfelves, and to diffipation of every 
 kind. That he was not efteemd by the reputable 
 inhabitants of Benares, and was undoubtedly both 
 avaricious and rapacious. 
 
 21 ft, That the very great additional eafe and fe- 
 curity which he enjoyed as the fubject of the Eafl 
 India Company, from what he or his father had 
 known under Sujah Dowlah, inftead of infpiring him, 
 with fentiments of gratitude, induced him to wifh 
 to throw off his dependence altogether, and in this 
 he was undoubtedly encouraged by the means of vul- 
 gar men, who were his conftant companions. 
 
 I believe the facts which I have ftated will be very 
 generally admitted, and I certainly mean to appeal 
 to the knowledge of gentlemen of all defcriptions, 
 who have been of late years either in Oude or Be- 
 nares, whether what I have faid of Cheyt Sing, is 
 not agreeable to the generally received opinion 
 of his character in thofe countries. The other 
 facts can be proved from the records at the India 
 Houfe. 
 
 A few days after Mr. Haftings retreated from 
 Benares to Chanar, he was joined by the Vizier, and 
 to the unmeaning declamation which I have heard 
 of late, I (hall merely reply, that if the Vizier had 
 felt the Britilh influence fo exceedingly diftrefling 
 and even intolerable, he had the faireft opportunity 
 in the world of emancipating himfelf from it for 
 ever, and at lead of totally annihilating our power 
 in Oude. He might have joined Cheyt Sing, and 
 our deduction would have been almoft inevitable. 
 2 S*
 
 So far, however, from doing this, he performed 
 the moft eflential fervices, and after concluding a 
 new treaty with the Governor General, he returned 
 to Lucknow, perfectly fatisfied with the interview. 
 The rebellion of Cheyt Sing was effectually quelled 
 in the month of October, and Mr. Haftings remain- 
 ed at Chanar with a view of fettling with the Vi- 
 zier's Minifter the difordered date of the govern- 
 ment of Oude. A plain relation of the events which 
 reduced the dominion of the Vizier to the diftrefs 
 from which they are now recovered, will effectually 
 clear Mr. Haftings from the charge of being the 
 author of thofe diftreffes. 
 
 When Sujah Dowlah died, in February 1775, 
 the Majority of the Supreme Council determined, 
 contrary to the opinion of Mr. Haftings, that we 
 fhould enter into a new treaty with his fuccellbr, 
 \vhich was concluded the following May. By this 
 treaty, the Vizier, in a great meafure, forfeited his 
 independence. He ceded Benares to the Englifh, 
 and he agreed to an increafe of fubfidy for their 
 troops ftationed in his country. Mr. Haftings, at the 
 time, acknowledged the importance of thefe advan- 
 tages to the Eaft India Company, but foretold, that 
 in their confequences they would reduce the Vizier to 
 a ftate of diftrefs and infignificance. In the month of 
 December following, the Vizier applied for Britifh 
 officers to command his troops. Thefe were fent by 
 the Supreme Council, and various appointments to 
 offices in Oude were made in the courfe of the next 
 } r ear, by the Supreme Council, fo that in fact, the 
 
 govern-
 
 C J ] 
 
 government of Oude, may with fome propriety, be 
 faid to have been conduced by the Engliih Gentle- 
 men, from the time the Britim officers were difperfed 
 through his country, and a civil eftablilhment fixed at 
 his capita!. In July 1777, Mr. Haftings regulated 
 the military eftablifhment of the Vizier, by putting 
 the battalions under Britim officers upon the fame 
 footing as to pay and allowances with thofe in Bengal, 
 and this was undoubtedly a very great relief to the 
 Vizier, and a very necelfary regulation for our own 
 fervice. In November 1779, the Vizier found the 
 eftablifliment of Englifh officers, which he had fo- 
 licited himfelf, intolerably burthenfome to him j and 
 he wrote that very pathetic letter which Lord Sand- 
 wich quoted in one Houfe, Mr. Fox in another, 
 the Select Committee in the nth Report, Mr. 
 Debrett in the publication he calls a Report, and 
 every news-paper editor in England, to his readers, 
 on account, I fuppofe, of the figurative expreflion 
 " When the knife has penetrated to the bone." 
 
 It was abfolutely impoffible at that time to recall 
 the officers, and to difband the battalions ferving in 
 Oude. The country muft and would have been in- 
 invaded by the Seiks, Nuzeph Cawn, and the Ma- 
 rattas ; but Mr. Haftings very readily allowed the 
 juflice of the Vizier's complaints, and with truth 
 obferved, that he was not refponfible for the diftrefied 
 ftate of Oude. The treaty of Benares was his treaty; 
 that left the Vizier's father in perfect pofleffion of 
 independence, and be was againft any infringement 
 of that treaty, when Sujah Dowlah died. One of 'the 
 
 firft
 
 C "6 ] 
 
 firft articles of the treaty concluded between Mr. 
 Hafiings and the Vizier was, that all the Britilh 
 officers in his Excellency's fervice, ftiould be recalled, 
 and that one of our brigades only, as fettled by the 
 treaty with his father, fhould be flattened in his 
 country, and paid by him. If the Vizier fhould in 
 future apply for farther military afliftance, it was to 
 be granted to him. Every caufe of difcontent being 
 removed by this arrangement, the Vizier returned to 
 his capital ; but as that part of the treaty which re- 
 fpected the Nabob Fyzulla Cawn, has been the fub- 
 ject of much enquiry here, as well as the cafe of the 
 Begums, I mall relate the facts as they really exift, 
 being convinced that Mr. Haflings's conduct will 
 need no farther juftification. The late Vizier con- 
 cluded an agreement with Fyzulla Cawn, in October 
 1774, by which the latter was fecured in the poflef- 
 fion of a Jaghire producing about fourteen lacks of 
 rupees a year. He was to be obedient to the Vizier, 
 and to join him with 2 or 3000 horfe and foot when 
 he called upon him. Colonel Champion fanctioned 
 this agreement by his fignature. In 17/8, the Vizier 
 made great complaints of the conduct of Fyzulla 
 Cawn. A gentleman was deputed to enquire into 
 the truth of thefe complaints, and his report was 
 highly favourable to Fyzulla Cawn, by whofe ex* 
 prefs defire the Company became guarantees of the 
 treaty. In October 1780, after the invafion of the 
 Carnatic, when Sir Eyre Coote formed his plan for 
 the defence of Bengal and Oude, he propofed that 
 Fyzulla Cawn fhould furnifh a body of 3000 horfe, 
 
 agree-
 
 [ "7 1 
 
 agreeably to treaty, to join the Vizier's army. This 
 requeft was not complied with by Fyzulla Cawn, and 
 there were other complaints againft him preferred by 
 the Vizier. Mr. Haftings confented to withdraw the 
 guarantee in September 1781, but expreflly provided 
 that no injury fhould be offered to Fyzulla Cawn, 
 and he actually refufed every folicitation in the fol- 
 lowing year from the Vizier, to permit him to relume 
 Fyzulla Cawn's Jaghire, and to pay the amount in 
 money. The reports relative to Fyzulla Cawn being 
 very different, the Vizier, at the defire of the Go- 
 vernor General, deputed Major Palmer to him in 
 January 1783, who concluded an agreement with 
 him on the part of the Vizier, in the following month, 
 by which every poffibility of future difpute was 
 avoided, as the Vizier agreed, under the guarantee of 
 the Company, to the execution of a new treaty, which 
 freed Fyzulla Cawn from every obligation to furnifli 
 military affi fiance, or any other aid whatever to the 
 Vizier. 
 
 The following facts, authenticated as well as the 
 foregoing, from the records of the Eaft India Com- 
 pany, will fully juftify Mr. Haftings for not inter- 
 fering in the cafe of the Begum. 
 
 i ft. That on the death of Sujah Dowlah, the 
 Begum, his wife became pofleffed of all his trea- 
 fures. 
 
 2d, That Mr. Briftow the Englifh refident inOude, 
 reprefented to her that thefe treafures were the 
 treafures of the State; and the property of the So- 
 vereign herfon, 
 
 3d. That
 
 [ "8 ] 
 
 ^d, That he complained to the Board of the con- 
 duct of the B'gum and her eunuchs, who denied to 
 fubmit to the Vizier's authority, and beat and abufed 
 the officers of his government. 
 
 4th, That the Begum contented to pay thirty 
 Jacks of rupees to her fon, to be fecured in the quiet 
 pofleffion of all the treafures of his father, and that 
 the Vizier was compelled to fubmit to this agree- 
 ment, Mr. Briftow being the guarantee of it. 
 
 5th, That Mr. Briftow obferved to the Supreme 
 Council in July 1776, that the Begum could claim 
 no protection from this guarantee, having herfelf in- 
 fringed the conditions of the treaty. 
 
 6th, That Mr. Briftow made repeated complaints 
 to the Begum of the rebellious conduct of the eunuchs, 
 that he prefied her on the part of the Vizier, to fur- 
 render her jaghires, and to receive the amount in 
 money, obferving that two rulers were too many 
 for one country. 
 
 7th, That the extraordinary conduft of the Begum 
 was noticed by the Members of the Supreme Coun- 
 cil, and in particular by Mr. Francis. 
 
 8th, That the Begum and her eunuchs excited a 
 revolt in Oude, when the infurreclion happened at 
 Benares, is proved beyond a doubt. 
 
 9th, That Mr. Haftings confented to allow the 
 Vizier to reclaim the treafures of his father, and to 
 pay his mother the amount of her jaghire in future 
 in money, as Mr. Briftow had propoied he fhould 
 do in ; 1776. 
 
 loth, That
 
 [ "9 3 
 
 loth, That no violence of any kind was ever 
 offered to the Begum or her fervants, or any one 
 man put to death. That fhe furrendered the treafures 
 of the ftate by agreement, and has remained unmoleft- 
 ed at Fyzabad, treated with every mark of refpeft. 
 
 1 1 th, That thefe treafures were paid by the Vizier 
 in liquidation of the debts of the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, and that no bad confequence whatever has or 
 can refult to the Britifh interefts in India, from the 
 conduct of the Governor General and Council upon 
 this occafion. 
 
 I have been more particular in dating thofe oc- 
 currences, becaufe much pains have been taken in 
 this country to imprcfs the public with an opinion, 
 that Mr. Haftings has forfeited our national character 
 for moderation, juftice, and good faith, in thefe 
 inftances, and that he had encouraged a fon to 
 plunder his mother in a moft inhuman manner. I 
 am pofitivc I have ftated the fa&s correctly; and 
 I am not at all apprehenfive that Mr. Haftings' s 
 character will fuffer in the opinion of any unpreju- 
 diced man for the part he has taken, in compel- 
 ling the Begum to relinquifh the treafures of the ftate. 
 
 Thefe are the moft material occurrences of 1781, 
 in India but I cannot avoid joining with General 
 Pvichard Smith, in applauding the wife and fpirited 
 conduct of Lord North, and his Majefty's Minifters 
 of that day, who at a time of general diftrefs, equip- 
 ped fo very confiderable a reinforcement for, the 
 prefer vation of our pofTefiions in the Eaft Indies. 
 In juftice to Mr. Suhvan, and the late Sir William 
 James, their great exertions at this period ^ocght 
 R al
 
 C 130'.] 
 
 alfo to be mentioned , the wife policy of writing 
 fuch letters to Bengal, as tended to imprefs the 
 different powers of India with an idea of the fla- 
 bility of the men who were to fave India, if it 
 could be faved, appears in a very ftrong point of 
 view, when contrafted with the miferable policy which 
 obtained when Mr. Gregory and Sir Henry Fletcher 
 came into office. 
 
 It is impofiible to continue this narrative without 
 flating the effect which the change of Minifters, in 
 1782, had upon our affairs in India ; n the courie 
 of that year. Whatever part Lord North may have 
 formerly or latterly taken with refpect to Mr. Haf- 
 tings, it is certain, that from 1780 to the time his 
 Lordfhip refigned, he gave him very cordial fuP- 
 port. For my part, I do not fee how the Carnatic 
 could have been relieved, or the operations of Go- 
 vernment in India carried on at that mod critical 
 period, if Mr. Haftings's removal had been hourly 
 expected. Lord North was undoubtedly convinced 
 that a (lablc government was neceffary, and that 
 factions in our councils abroad had been as deftruc- 
 tive there, as he at that time contended, they had 
 been in England. I believe the adminiftration of 
 this country had not been changed many days, be- 
 fore Mr. Burke very publicly declared, that Mr. 
 Haftings and Mr. Macpherfon were to be remov- 
 ed : and a refolution that the Directors ought to 
 remove the Governor General, pafled in May 1782. 
 A majority of three in the Court of Directors did, 
 in October, agree to Mr. Haftings's removal ; but 
 a majority of fix to one in a General Court pre- 
 vented
 
 [ '3' ] 
 
 vented if The firft bufinefs attended to at the 
 India Houfe, after Mr. Gregory and Sir Henry 
 Fletcher became the leading men, was to examine 
 every aft of Mr. Haftings's government; not fa 
 much with an intention of correcting evils, according 
 to my judgment, as with a view of rinding fome 
 tranfaction to condemn. I have feen many of the 
 letters written at that period, in the Reports of the 
 Select Committee, and upon my word, the fact ap- 
 pears to be perfectly as I have ftated it. The ad- 
 vices received from India at this time were, that a 
 French armament had arrived, that the Carnatic was 
 in the utmoft danger, that every effort that pof- 
 fibly could be made for its relief from Bengal had 
 been made, and that prodigious fupplies were daily go- 
 ing round. Advices were alfo received at this time, 
 that the plan formed by Mr. Haftings for detaching 
 Madajee Sindia from Guzzerat, by invading his do- 
 minions, had effectually anfwered. That a feparate 
 peace with Sindia, and a total ceffation of hoftilities 
 with the Marattas had been the confequences of it. 
 A reafonable man would have fuppofed, that Mr. 
 Gregory and Sir Henry Fletcher, with thefe facts 
 before them, might have followed the example fet 
 them by Mr. Sulivan and Sir William James, that 
 they might have commended the zeal and exertions 
 of the Governor General andCouncilin thefe inftances 
 at leaft : but I have never been able to difcover a 
 finglelineof approbation conveyed toMr. Haftings 
 for any one act, from the day Mr. Gregory became 
 Chairman to theday of Sir Henry Fletcher'srefignation. 
 Intelligence of the change of Adminiltration in 
 R 2 - England
 
 [ '3* ] 
 
 England arrived at Bombay in Auguft, and af: 
 Madras and Bengal in September 1782. This was 
 accompanied with pofitive afiurances, that Mr. Haf- 
 tings would be immediately removed, and the effects 
 of fuch affurances were inftantly perceived. The 
 Maratta negociation remained fufpended, and the 
 government of India loft half its vigour. Fortunate- 
 ly, however, early in the month of December, Mr. 
 Haftings was informed of the cordial fupport which 
 he had received from his generous and independent 
 conftituents ; the Maratta peace was very foon after 
 fully and finally concluded, and the government of 
 Bengal again acquired a degree of vigour and ftabi- 
 lity. I hope I fhall not be thought to affirm too 
 much, when I declare it to be my opinion, that 
 Great Britain owes its prefervation of India to the 
 interference of the Court of Proprietors in favour of 
 Mr. Haftings; becaufe, though very worthy men 
 may differ as to the degree of merit to which he is 
 fairly entitled, it will hardly be faid by any 
 "man who is acquainted with the genius and temper 
 'of the natives of India, that a new Governor Ge- 
 'neral, arriving in Bengal when the Maratta treaty 
 was fo far advanced, could have concluded that 
 treaty at the time it was concluded, or have raifed 
 the fupplies for fupporting the war in the Carnatic. 
 
 The principal events of 1782, in India, were, con- 
 tinuing the meft liberal and effectual fupplies in 
 money and provifions from Bengal, to the Carnatic 
 and to Bombay, fecuring a very large inveftment at a 
 reduced price from Bengal for the Englifh market, 
 fupplying China with the means of loading the 
 
 Company's
 
 C '33 ] 
 
 Company's (hips, by configning opium to the fuper- 
 cargoes, relieving Fort Marlborough, increafing the 
 revenues of Bengal without oppreffion, and preferving 
 our own revenues in perfect tranquillity. 
 
 In the month of March, 1783, the Greyhound 
 packet arrived in Bengal from England. The Ge- 
 neral letter contained the fentiments of a majority of 
 the Court of Directors on Mr. Haftings's conduct at 
 Benares, with a declaration that fuch further reiblu- 
 tions as the Directors might come to, would be fent 
 by a future difpatch to Bengal. This letter naturally 
 tended to weaken the authority of the Supreme 
 Council. The fubject was fo violently agitated in 
 "this country, that the private letters fent by the 
 Greyhound, generally predicted the recall and the 
 difgracc of the Governor General and Mr. Wheler. 
 But 1 forbear to dwell upon this fubject, becaufe I 
 truft it is now perfectly underftood by all defcrip- 
 tions of men, that the Supreme Council ought to be 
 fupported from home, or the members who compofe 
 it immediately recalled. Lord North \vill do Air, 
 Haftings the juftice to declare, that he has invariably 
 Jield this language. 
 
 I have now given a fummary account of the 
 tranfactions in Bengal, to the period of our lateft dif- 
 patches from Calcutta. It has been aficrted by the 
 author of the Ninth Report of the Selcd Committee, 
 that the natives of Bengal are reduced to the lowed de- 
 gree of depreflion and mifery. A very long difierta- 
 tion upon the trade of Bengal is alfo contained in the 
 fame Report. However refpedtable that authority 
 may be detmed, I have not the leaft fcruple of com- 
 mitting
 
 [ '34 3 
 
 mining myfelfto prove, that fince Bengal was under 
 the Britifh government, it never enjoyed fo great a 
 degree of internal profperity as it dots at the prefent 
 moment. That Bengal has increafcd its population 
 very confiderably in every year fince Mr. Haftings 
 came to the government. That the manufactures 
 have been greatly increafed in point of quantity, and 
 are ftill more improved in quality, in the ten laft years, 
 and in particular, the inveftments for the laft three 
 years "are of a very fuperior quality to any fince the 
 Company acquired the Duannee. I have taken pains 
 to afcertain thefe facts from the firft authorities in 
 London ; and from thefe authorities I can alfo affirm, 
 that raw filk is now provided in fuch quantities in 
 Bengal, and fo excellent in its kind, and in the im- 
 proved mode of winding it, that the importation of 
 raw filk from Italy has decreafed very confiderably 
 in the two laft years ; and, in all probability, Bengal 
 will in future entirely fupply this valuable material 
 for our manufactures in Great Britain. The culture 
 of indigo is now carried to a confiderable extent in 
 Bengal, and will increafe every year as the demand 
 for it increafcs.* It has been aflerted in the Ninth 
 Report, that there is, in fact, no trade in Bengal, 
 except that of the Company's inveftment from re- 
 venue. No afiertion can be more untrue. The fact 
 is, that for the laft three years, a number of lhip$ 
 
 * This is anew article of commerce from Bengal, and the indigo 
 imported from thence, is of the very firft quality. Let Mr. Burke 
 examine fome of the firft merchants in London as to the increafe 
 and improvement of our Bengal trade. Rum and fine fugar were 
 formerly imported into Bengal ; ve now export both articles in great 
 quantities. 
 
 have
 
 [ '35 1 
 
 have arrived in Bengal from Denmark and Portugal. 
 Thefe mips have procured very rich cargoes, without 
 the fmalleit difficulty ; and their whole amount may 
 be eftimated at one million fterling in each year, at 
 the leaft. This fad is capable of proof. If the 
 inland trade, and the exports to the Gulphs have fallen 
 off of late years, nothing can be more unjuft than to 
 impute this decline to the opprefiions of theEnglifh. 
 Are we accountable for $e confufions which have 
 prevailed for many years in Perfia, for the depreda- 
 tions committed by Nadir Shaw in Indoflan, or the 
 total deftruction of the Mogul Empire ? All thefe 
 events happened before we were known in India, ex- 
 cept in the character of merchants. At what period of 
 the hiflory of Bengal has that country enjoyed fo 
 long a peace as fince we acquired pofTeffion of the 
 Duannee ? Under the dominion of the native princes, 
 fcarcely a year pafied without an invafion of fome 
 part of the province, or in which feveral were not 
 put to death, either for being engaged in actual re- 
 bellion, or from an apprehenfion of their diaffe&ion 
 to the defpot in office. I do not know a fingle in- 
 fiance of a native of India being put to death, except 
 by a regular and legal ienrence, fince we became the 
 fovereigns of Bengal. Let the mild conduit of the 
 Englifh be compared with the inhuman cruelties 
 perpetrated by the Dutch and the Portuguefe, in their 
 progrefs to empire in Afia, and we fhall be lefs in- 
 "clined to vilify thofe of our countrymen who have 
 diftinguimed themfelves in Indofton. When I heard 
 a celebrated and illuftrious officer declaim, in general 
 
 terms,
 
 C .36 ] 
 
 terms, without fpecifying the murders, mafiacres, 
 monopolies, and oppreffions which have been com- 
 mitted in India, I was inclined to believe that he 
 meant, as in his American manifefto, " to fpeak 
 daggers, but to ufe none.'* I declare again, mod Ib- 
 lemnly, that neither murders nor maflacres have 
 been committed by the Engliih in Bengal: oppref- 
 fions may have been cxerciicd in that country as in 
 every other, but thefe have been greatly exaggerated 
 indeed ; and the only monopolies exifting are thole 
 of fait and opium, which, without oppreffion, pro- 
 duce an immenfe revenue to the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany. A very ingenious member of the Houfe 
 of Commons, has fixed the number of people 
 who groan under every fpecies of mifery and op- 
 preffion in India, at thirty millions ; * and this 
 mifery he ftates to be brought upon them by the 
 Englifri. As to the number of inhabitants in Ben- 
 gal, Bahar, and our part of OriiTa, they may be 
 eftimated, I think, at twelve millions, becaufe thefe 
 countries may now be fairly fuppofed to have recover- 
 ed from the depopulation occafioned by the famine 
 of 1770. I have not a doubt myfelf, but that the 
 inhabitants of Bengal will be doubled in a very few 
 years, fo firmly convinced am . I that the people of 
 our provinces fuftcr neither deprefiion nor mifery. 
 
 * The late Attorney-General was unqueftionably right in dating 
 that a charter was wax and parchment, when compared to the happi- 
 nefs of thirty millions of people. But the Eaft-lndia Compaay 
 have a right to expect that Mr. Lee will not, without enquiry, adopt 
 the opinions of Mr. Burke, in order to violate property. Can he feri- 
 oufly think that we plunder and opprefs thirty millions of people ? 
 
 The
 
 C '37 ] 
 
 The inhabitants of Benares and Ghauzipore, un- 
 der the fovereignty of the Company, may be efti- 
 mated at two millions of people. They are neither 
 rack-rented, nor difturbed in their poflefiions. The 
 whole country has worn the face of tranquillity and 
 profperity from the time of Cheyt Sing's expul- 
 fion. The provinces of Oude, Corah, Allaha- 
 bad, and Rohilcund, contain, I imagine, about eight 
 millions of people. We have fofar interfered in the 
 government of thefe countries, fince the acceffion of 
 the prefent fovereign, that we mould undoubtedly 
 be refponfible for the happinefs of the natives , and I 
 have never yet heard that they were reduced to a ftate 
 of depreffion and mifery. The perfonal diftrefs of the 
 Vizier arofe, as Mr. Haftings foretold, from our exact- 
 ing very great concefiions in territory and money from 
 him in 1775. However it will hardly bedifputed, 
 that on the death of his father, the Vizier owed his 
 life to the prefence of our army j and that we have 
 preferved his dominions from falling into that ftate 
 of confufion, anarchy, and diftrefs to which the fine 
 countries about Lahore and Dehly have been fubject 
 for the laft thirty years. Admitting that our pro- 
 vinces, and thofe of our ally, contain twenty-two 
 millions of people, I am confident that by far the 
 greateft number would lament any revolution, by 
 which they would revert to the ftate they were in 
 before we acquired an influence in India. I am 
 equally confident too, that the bulk of the inhabi- 
 tants of no country upon earth, enjoy a greater de- 
 gree of eafe and happinefs, than the lower ranks of 
 S men
 
 men in Bengal. The Northern Circars, \vhich are 
 under the government of Fort St. George, have 
 been uninvaded during the late war ; nor have I 
 heard it afferted, that complaints of opprefiion have 
 been received from the Zemindars of thofe diftri&S; 
 The balances due to the Company are doubtlefs very 
 considerable , but we have not the leaft reafon to fup- 
 pole that inhuman means will be retorted to in order 
 to recover them. The Carnatic has been defolated 
 by a long and cruel war. Some parts of it, however, 
 were in fuch a flate as to afford a revenue to the Com- 
 pany ; and as there was not an enemy in the country 
 \vhen the laft accounts left India, we may reasonably 
 hope that the diftrefies of the natives have been con- 
 fiderably alleviated. The countries to the fouthward 
 of the Coleroon, were completely protected ; and, as 
 well as Tanjore, entirely exempted from the calami- 
 ties of war, is appears by Lord Macartney's letter of 
 March*; fo that the number of inhabitants in the 
 Circars, the Carnatic, and Tanjore, amount to feven 
 millions. I do not know what authority Mr. Burke 
 has to pronounce ,that the thirty millions I have enu- 
 merated, groan under every fpecies of oppreffion 
 and mifery. I have the utmoft refpect for the abili- 
 ties, the ingenuity, and the invention of that gentle- 
 man ; but I can now and then oppofe a fact to a 
 flourifh. 
 
 * We have received advices from Madras of the Sth of Septem- 
 ber, and from Bengal of the 6th of Auguft, fince this Narrative 
 went to the prefs. All was peace in India, except with Tippoo Saib, 
 and we were negotiating a treaty with him. In the mean time we 
 had three armies ready to zSt againft different parts of his dominions, 
 fliould he refufe to accede to reafonable terms j and all the French 
 troops had quitted his ftandard. 
 
 Having
 
 [ 139 3 
 
 Having concifely related the principal events which 
 have occurred in India during Mr. Haftings's admi- 
 niftration, I cannot conclude this narrative wi h-.-uc 
 taking notice of the late extraordinary proceedings 
 in this country relative to the Governor General and 
 the Eaft India Company* 
 
 Some time before the rife of the laft fcfiion of 
 Parliament, a Committee of Proprietors waited upon 
 Lord North and Mr. Fox, the Minifters of that 
 day, in order to explain their fendments of the con- 
 duct of Mr. Haftings, who had in the mod explicit 
 and manly terms, called upon the Court of Direc- 
 tors, and his Majefty's Minifters, either to fupport 
 or to remove him. The Minifters, though thus ear- 
 neftly called upon, fuffbred the fcilion to pafs over 
 without bringing any proportion before Pailiament. 
 Mr. Haftings had informed his conftituents, that the 
 revenues of Bengal were increafed a million fterling, 
 and that peace would be fhortly concluded with the 
 Marattas. Perhaps his Majefty's Minifters confiding 
 in this declaration, were lefs anxious to pufh forward 
 the violent meafures which they have fince produced ; 
 but they were willing, at the fame time, that the 
 actual government of India fhould be as much de- 
 graded as pofiible ; for on the laft day of the laft 
 fefiion, Mr. Burke moved, (and Lord North feconded 
 the motion,) for certain papers to be laid before the 
 Houfe at their meeting, relative to tranfadions of 
 the year 1775. What renders this matter the more 
 curious is, that the papers moved for had all been 
 perufed in 1776 by Lord North, who then wiftied 
 lo remove Mr. Haftings, becaule certain charges 
 S 2 were
 
 were exhibited againft him which were never attemp- 
 ted to be proved , and at that time too, Mr. Burke's 
 friends and patrons were his mod flrenuous defenders 
 In the courfe of the fummer, two packets arrived from 
 India ; they brought a confirmation of the Maratta 
 peace, and the moft fatisfaftory accounts of our af- 
 fairs in Bengal and its dependencies. It appeared 
 alfo that, that every effort had been made by the 
 Supreme Council for the fupport of the Britifh in- 
 tereft in every other quarter of India. A few days 
 previous to the meeting of Parliament, the Court of 
 Proprietors, aficmbled, and voted, with one diflenting 
 voice, the thanks of the Company to Mr. Haftings 
 and his Council, for their great exertions in the pub- 
 lic fervice, and a requefl that Mr. Haftings would 
 not quit his government until peace was fully re- 
 florecl. 
 
 Mr. Fox, on the firft day of the feflion, gave no- 
 tice, that in a week he would move for leave to bring 
 in a bill to regulate our Governments in India. His 
 fpeech on the day he opened his plan, was indeed a 
 moft extraordinary one. It will be fufficient to fay, 
 that every charge brought againft Mr. Haftings on 
 that day, has been often refuted. Lord North was 
 not then prefent, or he would have corrected feveral 
 of his honourable colleague's mifreprefentations. I 
 forbear to detail the progrefs of a bill which, I be- 
 lieve, is now univerfally reprobated without doors : 
 * Suffice it to fay, that in fo far as Mr. Haftings is 
 concerned, Mr. Fox adopted all the prejudices of his 
 moft inveterate enemies. Some miftakes perhaps he 
 led into by mifmformation. In particular, Sir 
 
 Henry
 
 [ HI ] 
 
 Henry Fletcher hazarded an afTertion, for which 
 there was not the fmalleft foundation in fact. The 
 honourable Baronet furely could not do it in order 
 to give Mr. Fox an opportunity of founding the 
 praifes of Lord Macartney, or of going out of his 
 way to gratify the friends of the late Lord Pigor, 
 by wantonly traducing the character of Mr. Haf- 
 tings. The fallacy of Mr. Fox's reafoning becomes 
 more and more apparent to the public every hour. 
 He pretends to adopt Mr. Burke's pretended idea, 
 that thirty millions of people are opprefied by the 
 Englifh in India. This cannot be his real opinion ; 
 if it was, would he have fuffered the laft feflion to 
 pafs over, though called upon by Mr. Haflings, 
 without doing or attempting any thing ? Mr. Fox 
 has never ventured to argue upon the actual ftate of 
 India, when the lateft advices came from thence : on 
 the contrary, he dwelt upon tranfactions which hap- 
 pened fourteen, twelve, and ten years ago. Mr. 
 Burke acted with lefs confiflency ; for he oppofed the 
 Regulating Act of 1773, and was then the aflerter 
 of the Company's rights, and the defender of the 
 characters of the Company's fervants. 
 
 Perhaps it will not be very becoming in me to 
 make any obfervations on the capacity of the Direc- 
 tor, nominated by Mr. Fox for the future Govern- 
 ment of India. The noble Lord at the head of the 
 Seven, is univerfally allowed to be a mod amiable 
 and virtuous character. But to be at the head of 
 fuch a commiffion, requires a thorough knowledge 
 of India, and the ftricteft impartiality. That the 
 noble Lord is totally deficient in thefe requifues, 
 
 muft
 
 [ '42 3 
 
 muft be clear to every one who heard his Lordfhip 
 read one letter, dated in Bengal in 1769, and ano- 
 ther in 1775, ftating abufes or opprtflions in the col- 
 lection of the revenues, and arguing from thoie do- 
 cuments in favour of Mr. Fox's bill. The mode of 
 collecting rhe revenues -has been totally altered fince 
 thofe perioJs. I fhould fcarcely fuppofe that the 
 four Directors, \vhofe names are infcrted after the 
 noble Earl's, have had either opportunity or inclina- 
 tion to ftudy the affairs of India, as they mult be ilu- 
 died by any man or body of met* who mean to govern 
 that country for the advantage of this. Mr. Gre- 
 gory and Sir Henry Fletcher have been concerned 
 undoubtedly for fome years in the affairs of India. 
 The former was many years a free merchant in 
 Calcutta ; the latter has been fcveral voyages as a 
 Mate or a Captain of an Indiaman ; yet, with all 
 due deference to the fplendid abilities of both thefe 
 gentlemen, I am yet to learn what particular fervice* 
 were performed by either of them, as Chairman of 
 the Court of Directions. India has, undoubtedly, 
 been faved by the exertions of Mr. Haftings, the 
 Supreme Council, Sir Eyre Coote, &c. abroad , and 
 by the afliftance afforded to them from home in 
 Lord North's adminiftration, at the requifition of 
 Mr. Sulivan and Sir William James, not merely in 
 the reinforcements fent to India, but in that cordial 
 and fieady fupport and confidence, which mould 
 fnbfift between the government of Great Britain and 
 its dependencies in India at all times, but more 
 particularly in the hour of difficulty and diftrefs. 
 It would lead me from the proper fufbject of this 
 
 review,
 
 [ 143 ] 
 
 review, was I to infert the remarks that muft natu- 
 rally occur to every man, who reflects upon the 
 mean and unworthy acts which have been practifed 
 for fomc time paft, to injure Mr. Hailing in the 
 public opinion. The Reports of a Committee have 
 been fold as pamphlets, unacccompanied by vouch- 
 ers or explanations. What is called the Eleventh 
 Report of the Select Committee, was fent under a 
 blank cover to feveral noble Lords, while the bill 
 was depending. This Report contained feveral 
 ftridtures on thefe letters which Mr. Haftings had 
 written to the Court of Directors. In one of them 
 he had indofe4 an account of fums received by him 
 as pref nts, amounting to two hundred thoufand 
 pounds, and carried to the Company's credit. The 
 Eleventh Report does not contain any copy of thef6 
 letters, or of this account, though wonderful inge- 
 nuity is difplayed by the compiler of it, in pointing 
 out certain inconfiftencies, which muft remain un- 
 explained for the prefent-, but I am fure no man 
 living, who reads the Eleventh Report, will con- 
 ceive that th*- following paragraph w^s contained in 
 Mr. Haftings's letter to the Directors of the i6th 
 of December, 1782: "If I appear in any unfa- 
 (t vourablc lisht by thefe tr^nfactions, I refign the 
 " common and legal iecurity of thofe who commit 
 " crimes or errors. I a:n ready to anfwer any par- 
 " ticular queftion that may be put againft myfelf 
 t( upon honour, or upon oath." I am fo confident 
 that Mr. Haftings will be able to explain fully and 
 fatisfactorily his "reafons for concealing for a time, 
 
 from
 
 C M4 ] 
 
 from whom the feveral Turns alluded to were receiv- 
 ed, that I earneftly wim he may be publicly called 
 upon to relate every minute circumftance attending 
 the receipt of each feparate article in the account; 
 fuch an order, I truft, has already been fenc to him. 
 It would have been candid, therefore, in the com- 
 piler of the pamphlet, entitled the Eleventh Re- 
 port, if he had waited for the arrival of the ex- 
 planation ; but if he really thought he had caught 
 the Governor General at a difad vantage, it would 
 have been jufl and honeft in him, when he was 
 commenting upon letter, to have inferted either the 
 letter entire, or at leaft the very material paragraph 
 which I have quoted. 
 
 A man of plain underftanding might be led to 
 fuppofe, from the ungenerous, paltry, and unfair 
 practices, which all men have noticed for thefe two 
 years pad, that to a party in this country, the re- 
 moval of Mr. Mailings from the government of 
 Bengal, was of infinitely more confequence than the 
 prefervation of our Indian empire. Whether to the 
 public meafures of one fet of men, or to the intem- 
 perate oppofition of another fet of men, we may at- 
 tribue the lofs of America, I cannot determine ; but 
 I believe upcn my confcience, that the violent bill, 
 propofed and iupported by parties formerly ib hoftile 
 to each other, would have deprived us of our poffef- 
 fions in Indoflan, had it pafToi into a law. 
 
 THE END, 
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