L:ssf*!i'" IVl'^T' '■''•'/ ^' ^:■• :»r^,.,-;^' Neighborhood House, Santa Barbara^ Cal. '=HU r'u VICTOR EMMANUEL IL LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. FIRST KING OF ITALY BY G. S. GODKIN NEW EDITION MACMILLAN AND CO. iSSo The right of translation and reproduction is resenxd LONDON : PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET PREFACE. Many Memoirs have been written of Victor Emmanuel since his death, but none of them would answer for the purpose of translating into our language. The best work on the subject is one lately issued from the press, entitled ' La Vita ed il Regno di Vittorio Eviannele^ by Signor Massari, and to it I am much indebted in the composition of this work. It is full of reliable infor- mation, and ably written ; but too comprehensive and diffuse for English readers, who cannot be supposed to take the same interest in all the particulars of contem- porary events in Italy as the natives of the country. Ghiron's brief ^Memoir is charming as far as it goes, but it does not pretend to be a regular biography. And the author is a true hero-worshipper ; he is on his knees at the opening sentence, and never rises from that reverential attitude to the close of the book. But it is hardly reasonable to expect at the present moment an impartial work on the subject from an Italian, any more than it would be to look for an impar- tial biography from a son of a loved father whom he had just laid in the grave. While the heart of the nation was still vibrating with a sorrowful emotion, some writers felt impelled to vent their excited feelings in eulogistic Memoirs of the deceased ; and at the same time the Papal party let loose a flood of foul invective — not so much in the press, for fear of popular indignation, as by VI PREFACE. private means and verbal reports, sent floating through society— particularly foreign society — in Italy. I confess that I have been partly induced to under- take a Life of the Honest King, in whose career England has always taken a warm interest, by observing how English and American travellers, who do not read Italian books, and who see only the surface of things, receive as undoubted facts eveiy false report set on foot by the malignity of a party whose defeat naturally renders them bitter. Victor Emmanuel, from the day he succeeded his father on the field of Novara, distinguished himself by a rectitude of purpose, so strikingly at variance with the conduct of the other Italian princes, that his subjects dubbed him Re Galmitiiomo — a title soon endorsed by the rest of Europe. How did the Honest YJva^ par excellence, who would have resigned every foot of ground he possessed rather than break his word to his people, ever merit the title — equally widespread in the Catholic world — of Robber King ? There may be difference of opinion with regard to a man's appearance, manners, or abilities ; but surel)'' there ought to be but one with regard to his honesty. Can black ever be white, or white black .'' Can a man be an honest, a remarkably honest man, and a robber, a very great robber .'' He can, and is so, in the sincere opinion of tliose who so designate him. It all depends on the sort of spectacles through which he is regarded. I have tried to look through both spectacles with as fair an eye as possible. If I have seen unreal distorted visions through one, which vanish or change their character on investigation, I may be pardoned for preferring the glass Avhich in the main is true, though given overmuch to beautify the object under consideration. PREFACE. Vll I believe that a perfectly impartial biography is an extremely difficult, almost impossible, thing to find. The sympathy which a writer naturally feels, and ought to feel, for his subject, is apt to increase as he studies his life in all its bearings, and his motives of action. To be on his guard against this sympathy, and not let it bias his judg ment, is the duty of the conscientious biographer. I have tried, in this simple record of facts, to do justice to the memory of Victor Emmanuel, without doing injustice to the opposing party. G. S. GoDKIN. Siena : December 19, 1878. CONTENTS. Introduction I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. Parentage Birth, Education, Marriage, a.d. 1820-42 The Voung Soldier, a.d. 1848. The Honest King. a.d. 1849 .... Pio NoNO and the Papal Power. a.d. 1848-49 The King and Constitution. a.d. 1849-50 . The Beginning of the Quarrel with Rome, and Continuation of the Quarrel with Austria a.d. 1850-53 The Alliance with England .a.nd France. — Domestk Afflictions. a.d. 1854-55 Rattazzi's Law. — Crimean War. — Visit to Pari AND London, a.d. 1855 The Congress — The Peace, a.d. 1856 Continued Disagreements with Austria. — Machi nations of the Clericals and Sectaries A.D. 1857-58 'J'attends mon Astre.' a.d. 1858-9 . . . The First Soldier of Italian Independence a.d. 1859 ' Italy shall be free from the Alps to the Adri atic : ' A.D. 1859 The Peace of Villafranca. a.d. 1859 . The Vote of the Italian People, a.d. 1859 The Robber King. a.d. i860 .... King of Eleven Million Subjects, a.d. 1S60 I 28 58 68 81 lOI 110 118 130 142 152 166 177 1 86 20:? CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE XIX. The Revolution of Naples, a. v. i860 . . 210 XX. King of Italy, a.d. i860 217 XXI. By the Grace of God and the Will of the Nation, a.d. 1861 231 XXII. Death of Camillo Benso Cavour. a.d. 1861 . 238 XXIII. Italy without Cavour. a.d. 1862-3 • • • 243 XXIV. The Seat of Government transferred to Flo- rence, a.d. 1864-5 . . . . . . 256 XXV. The Final Expulsion of the Foreigner, a.d. 1866 265 XXVI. The King and Pope. — Financial Difficulties. — Marriage of Prince Amedeo. a.d. 1867 . 277 XXVII. Mentana. a.d. 1867 282 XXVIII. Marriage of the Crown Prince. — Anecdotes of Victor Emmanuel's Charity. — Spanish Revolu- tion. A.D. 1868 293 XXIX. Birth of Amedeo's Son. — Dangerous Illness of the King. — Birth of Umberto's Son. a.d. 1869 301 XXX. Franco-Prussian War. a.d. 1870 . . . 307 XXXI. M. Thiers' Appeal to the King. — Amedeo accepts the Crown of Spain. — Last Parlia- ment IN Florence, a.d. 1870 .... 317 XXXII. Italian Unity finally accomplished. a.d. 1871-76 322 XXXIII. Victor Emmanuel in Private Life. a.d. 1S77 . 334 XXXI V. Drawing to a Close, a.d. 1877 .... 344 XXXV. The Last Days of Victor Emmanuel, a.d. 1878 348 XXXVL The Funeral 351 INTRODUCTION, ' Italy is one sole nation : the unity of customs, of language, of literature — in some future, more or less distant — will unite all its inhabitants under one sole government. . . . Rome is undoubtedly the capital which one day the Italians will select. ... It is necessary to the happiness of Europe that Italy should form one sole State which will maintain the equilibrium on the Continent between France and Austria, and on the sea between France and England.' The man who on a desert rock thus meditated on the des- tinies of nations, says the historian La Farina, ' was not a poet guided by imagination and sentiment ; not a solitary philoso- pher, little practised in human affairs ; he was a man who had learned by experience how empires are made and unmade — who had studied peoples, observing them from the most hum- ble grades in society and from the loftiest throne that for ten centuries had ever been supported in Europe ; who had expe- rienced victories and defeats, who had overrun the world as master — from the arid deserts of Egypt, to the snowy plains of Russia.' While the idea of Italian unit}' was thus working in Napo- leon's brain, Italy was sunk in abject slavery under a host of petty tyrants, who, overawed and supported by Austria, dared not, if they would, institute any reforms in their respective governments. All the sovereigns without exception were des- pots pure and simple — their subjects at the mercy of their good or bad impulses, or the suggestions of their ghostly advisers. The rulers were divided into two classes : those conscienceless princes to whom the possession of a throne only means superior facilities of enjoyment ; and those whose consciences were in the keeping of the Jesuit Fathers, and who carried out their views in the administration of State affairs. It would be difficult to say under which of these regimes the community suffered most. \Mjen a people were permitted to live in peace without any Xll INTRODUCTION, intolerable exactions or injustices, as in Tuscany and Pied- mont, it was the effect of the sovereign's goodness, and he was much praised for abstaining from harassing his subjects by im- prisonments, confiscations, tortures. And where, as in the Romagna, Naples, Parma, Modena, and Lucca, the princes indulged in rapacity, cruelty, and caprice, their subjects had no remedy but hopeless rebellion ; for these petty tyrants were supported by the great military power of Austria, which not only ruled Lombardy and Venetia with a rod of iron, but pre- vented any change of government in the other States. In Piedmont there reigned Victor Emmanuel I. — good, honourable, and brave, but wedded to the past, and much under priestly influence ; consequently opposed to any reforms, even to a mitigation of the barbarous laws which his humanity rarely allowed to be carried out to the letter. His cousin, Charles Albert, Prince of Carignano-Savoy, heir presumptive to the throne, was known to have liberal sympathies, hated Austria, and was hated by the Austrians, who wished to break the Salic law, hitherto in force in Sardinia, and cut him oft from the in- heritance, in order to give the crown to the Duke of Modena, in virtue of his connection by marriage with the House of Savoy. Francis IV., Duke of Modena, was a Bourbon prince, with all the vices of his race, and perhaps an extra grain of savage cruelty. The prisons of Modena in his reign were worthy of the days of the Borgias. The loathsome dungeons in which the unhappy Liberals languished without a trial were not the worst infliction. They were drugged so as to produce delirium just before they were brought out to be examined, and every- thing they said in this state was noted down and used against them. An officer died of an over-dose of the poison ; and a barrister went violently mad, and had to be chained to prevent him killing himself ; while countless numbers of the most intel- ligent, high-minded, and well-disposed citizens perished on the scaffold, or endured the prolonged martyrdom of the galleys, without any positive evidence against them. This ferocious prince spared neither sex nor age ; and not even the sacred office of priesthood could protect the unhappy man, no matter what his virtues, who was once suspected of Liberalism. One instance will serve to show the sort of justice that was then administered in Modena. Two prisoners were sentenced to die on the same day — the one for the murder of his father ; the other, a priest, accused of Liberalism, a man of great talent, and such excellent character that he was universally beloved and respected. The parricide received the sovereign grace ; INTRODUCTION. xiii while the good priest was pitilessly sent to the block, though his bishop begged on his knees for his life to be spared, and refused to iiiiprkst the condemned, which was necessary before the sentence could be executed. Another less scrupulous bishop was found to perform the office, and the victim died with the calm resignation of a Christian. The clergy were almost always on the side of despotism, and were the chief supporters and instigators of every act of tyranny perpetrated throughout the peninsula. But there were not wanting noble exceptions ; every State in Italy counts some reverend names among its martyrs of liberty, and with them must be numbered this poor Andreoli di Correggio. In Parma the Austrian Duchess, Maria Luisa, acting in obedience to orders from Vienna and her Jesuit advisers, pursued the same course, persecuting with unrelenting animo- sity all enlightened thought, as tending towards disaffection. Passing over the Duchy of Tuscany,, which enjoyed a mild rule under the house of Lorraine — except when, occasionally bullied and threatened by Austria, the Grand Duke was forced into some act of severity, such as surrendering a political refugee to a neighbouring government — we come to the vast and fertile provinces stretching across Central Italy from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic. These were under the Pope's sway, and were in as miserable a condition as a government founded on corruption, and nurtured in abuses, could make them. Pius Vll. was personally a respectable character, with a reputation for learning ; and he was undoubtedly an encour- ager of art. But he was never capable of governing the Papal States with any efficiency, and his great age left him in a state of ineptitude for years before his death. It is anticipating the narrative somewhat to mention his successor Leo XII., who ascended the Papal throne 1823 ; but, as we are now taking a general glance at the state of the peninsula in our hero's infancy, we may as well here give a few brief words to describe the most remarkable and powerful enemy to progress that Italy had then to struggle against. Pope Lea appeared to be in a hopeless state of health at the time of his election, and it was confidently believed that he would not survive many months. But, like Richelieu, the possession of power had a revivifying effect on him, and the new Pontiff began to display extraordinary energy as soon as the tiara was on his brow. He was a ferocious fanatic, whose object was to destroy all the improvements of modern times, and force society back to the government, customs, and ideas XIV INTRODUCTION. of mediaeval days. In his insensate rage against progress he stopped vaccination ; consequently, small-pox devastated the Roman provinces during his reign, along with many other curses which his brutal ignorance and misgovernment brought upon the inhabitants of those beautiful and fertile regions. He curtailed the old privileges of the municipalities, granted new privileges to the religious communities, and enlarged the power of the clergy to the extent that bishops and cardinals had the power of life and death in their hands. He set the Inquisition to work with new vigour ; and though torture had been nomi- nally abolished in 1815, new kinds of torment were invented, quite as effectual as the cord, the thumbscrew, and the rack of old times. He renewed the persecutions of the Jews ; drove them back into the Ghetto from whence they had begun to emerge, rebuilt its walls, and had them locked in at night like wild beasts ; and issued an edict ordering all Israelites to sell their goods within a given time on pain of confiscation. On the first day of the Carnival they were obliged to come in a deputa- tion to the Capitol, kneel at the foot of the throne of the Sena- tor of Rome, and petition to be let live. The Senator made a motion of his foot as if to spurn them, with the words : ' Go ; for this year we will tolerate you.' The Christians fared little better ; to use a vulgar but ex- pressive phrase, they literally ' could not call their souls their own.' The Pope put all educational establishments into the hands of the Jesuits, and no other means of instruction were permitted to his holiness's subjects. He instituted a system of espionage by which he could be accurately informed of the private sins of the people, and punish them as crimes against the State. Whoever did not observe the fasts of the Church, or neglected to attend religious service on prescribed days, or failed to confess once a month — the confessors being appointed by government — or committed any offence against morality, was subject to whatever castigation the bishop or the Holy Office of the Inquisition chose to inflict. One instance Avill serve to show the severity of those sentences. One of the Noble Guards was accused of a misdemeanour with a woman of light fame ; without a trial he was deprived of his rank, and ordered to be imprisoned for seven years. At the same time the clergy, whose good example might have done more than these harsh laws to reform the morals of the laity, were leading scandalous lives ; but no one dared accuse them. And the real felons who preyed upon society escaped with impunity by briljing the officers of justice. Brigandage was rife throughout INTRODUCTION. XV the States of the Church, and it was in this reign that the famous chiefs De Cesaris and Gasparone Hourished. At the head of a numerous following of malefactors they fortified themselves in the wooded mountains, making raids on the neighbouring towns and villages, committing indescribable out- rages on the inhabitants, and sparing neither convents, schools, nor monasteries. The fear and horror that reigned in those neighbourhoods induced the unfortunate citizens to supplicate the Pope to put a stop to the infliction. But the Papal Govern- ment, strong to persecute, was powerless to protect. It had resort to such means as the princes of the Saxon Heptarchy tried in order to extirpate wolves from Britain ; that is, it oftered a reward for a certain number of brigands' heads. It is unne- cessary to point out the incentive given to crime and treachery by this irregular mode of executing justice. The system which answered very well for wild beasts could not be applied with equal success to men, inasmuch as a wolfs head could not be mistaken for anything but a wolf's head •. but who could tell whether a human head had belonged to a brigand or an honest man? The cardinal sent by the Pope to find a remedy for these ills became infected himself with the spirit of brigandage, and was discovered in such nefarious practices that Leo hastily recalled and sent him into retirement, despatching another in his stead. This prelate opened negotiations with the bandit chief, with the view of coming to terms. After long discussion, the preliminaries of a treaty of peace were agreed upon, and the brigands capitulated on honourable conditions ; that is, life, liberty, and a pension, ^^^lile these abandoned criminals were set free of all punishment, honest, brave men were dying on the gibbet, or languishing in the dungeons of the Inquisition. The papal legates who ruled the provinces were worthy repre- sentatives of their sovereign ; particularly Cardinal Rivarola in Ravenna, who decimated the surrounding country of its most intelligent and virtuous inhabitants. In one month, August 1825, the following condemnations — nearly all capital — were passed in Ravenna, all for the offence of Liberalism — Thirty nobles, one hundred and fifty farmers and shopkeepers, two priests, seventy-four employes, thirty-eight military men, seventy- two doctors, lawyers, and men of letters, and many artisans. As may be imagined, a brief experience of this rule emibittered the spirit of the Liberal party, who threw themselves without reserve into the ranks of the secret societies, and planned acts of desperate revenge. Many attempts were made on the life of Cardinal Rivarola, who at last had to fly Ravenna, and was XVI INTRODUCTION. succeeded by anotlier, as bad if not worse. The prisons could not hold all the accused ; and they had to be crammed into monasteries and such-like edifices, where they were secretly examined, condemned, and sent where their relatives might never know what had become of them. The famous Society, or, as the Italians call it. Sect, of the Carbonari, which had been introduced into Naples some time before, was now spreading northwards, and gaining importance and influence, as the tyranny of the governments hardened and embittered the populations. The Carbonari now counted amongst their numbers scions of the oldest families in Italy, and some of the noblest and most single-minded men that any country ever produced, who, under more favourable cir- cumstances, would have been useful and honoured members of society. It was, however, composed for the most part of the sons of the people. The word Carbonaro, coal-man, signifies that its founder was a man of humble rank ; and it continued to have the character of a very democratic institution, in spite of the admixture of noble blood which by degrees had been infused into it. The middle classes supplied large numbers to the society, and the professional men who belonged to it were not few. It is unnecessary to say that there were attached to this as to all such combinations a goodly number of worthless characters ; self-seeking adventurers who made a trade of poli- tics ; light-minded, erratic youths who wanted the excitement and importance attaching to the character of cojispirator ; vain and unprincipled ones, who loved to hear themselves holding forth on the subject of Liberty, and were ready for any deed that would bring them notoriety. This faction had ramifications in all parts of Italy, but it took deeper root in the Papal States than elsewhere — the natural result of persecution. For every member immolated by the Holy Office seven sprang into existence, more fierce and reckless than he, more determined on revenge. To assassinate a tyrant became an act of sublime public virtue in their eyes, and the perpetrator was regarded as a magnanimous hero, a modern Brutus. Many suffered, however, who were innocent of any offence against the law, and who died professing the Christian faith, but protesting against its unworthy ministers. One of these, going to the scaftbld, was exhorted by his confessor to reconcile himself to the Pope, ' Christ's minister on earth ; ' to which he replied, ' It is a long time since Christ has had any ministers on earth, and certainly he is none such who has transformed INTRODUCTION. xvii himself into an executioner.' He kissed the crucifix and ex- claimed, ' Lord, save me, and I shall be safe ! ' The Papal Government being unable to cope with the Carbonari, a counter-secret societ)' was instituted, in order to overcome them by espionage. The members called them- selves Sanfedisti, Holy Faithists. The following initiator}' oath will sufficiently explain the object of this combination : — Sanfedist Oath. ' In the presence of Omnipotent God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, of Mar}', Immaculate Virgin, of all the celestial host, and of thee, my honoured father, I swear to let my right hand be cut off, or my throat be cut, to die of hunger, or perish in the midst of terrible torture, and I pray the Lord God to condemn me to eternal pains, sooner than I should betray one of the honoured fathers or brothers of the Catholic Apostolic Society, to which in this moment I subscribe myself, and if I do not scrupulously obey its laws and assist my brothers in need. I swear tirmly to maintain and defend the holy cause I have embraced, and to spare no individual appertaining to the infamous sect of Liberals, whatever be his birth, parentage, or fortune ; to have no pity either on children or old men, and to shed the last drop of the Liberals' blood without regard to sex or rank. I swear, in short, implacable hatred to the enemies of our holy Roman . Catholic and only true religion.' The oath was taken, kneeling, upon the Eucharist, and a blessed dagger was put into the hand of the neophyte. ' Adjoining the States of the Church was the kingdom of Naples, under the Bourbon sway. Ferdinand I. had already been driven from his kingdom by the aid of French arms, when he was reseated on the throne by the English, who compelled him to restore the ancient privileges and liberties of which he had deprived Sicily, and institute some reforms in Naples ; but he soon returned to the old regime again. He was coarse, illiterate, heartless, and mindless, given up to the grossest pleasures. When his dying brother, who had shown him much kindness, sent repeated messages requesting his presence, he refused to sacrifice a hunting-party or feast ■ft'ith his favourites to gratify the fraternal wish. And while the funeral obsequies were going on, he was revelling with shameless indecency in his favourite amusements. The English minister, having received at this tmie a royal invitation, replied to the eftect that he had ' See La Farina, Storia d^ Italia, vol. I. a2 XVIU INTRODUCTION. to assist at the mournful ceremony of an august funeral, and therefore could not accept it. In 1820 an outbreak of Carbonarism shook the throne of the Two Sicilies to its foundations. Almost all the population of Naples except the old nobility attached to the Court were Carbonari ; a great part of the army fraternised with the revolutionists, and many priests and monks were seen marching in their ranks. The king and all his family made a virtue of ne- cessity, and pretended to be quite charmed with the novel idea of a Liberal Constitution. They made a great /^/^ to celebrate the event, the princes and princesses standing on a balcony, waving their handkerchiefs to the cries of Viva il Re e la Co7istituzione, and showering tricoloured cockades amongst the people. The hoary king walked at the head of a procession to church, and, taking his place at the altar with his hand on the Bible, swore to maintain the Constitution, invoking the Deity to strike him that moment with a thunderbolt if he spoke falsely. His sons also swore, and kept the oath in the same manner as their sire. Soon after this he fled to Laybach, at the invitation of the Emperor, and sent an Austrian army to reduce his subjects to submission. AVhen they were utterly crushed, and King Ferdinand absolute was proclaimed through the streets, he returned to his capital. We have already described how Carbonarism was punished in the States of the Church and the Duchies of Modena and Parma. We will now return to Piedmont, where all the hopes of Ae revolutionists began to centre, after the overthrow of the Neapolitan rebels. The King of Sardinia was absolute like all the other princes ; but he was Italian, descended from a long line of Italian fathers, while all the others were more or less foreign, and under the influence of Austria to a greater extent than he was. The heir presumptive was well known to be Liberal, and it was hoped that he would take the lead of the national party. The Carbonari were national in their aspirations, though they had but a vague plan for the future of their country when all the tyrants should be extinguished. They were not Red Repub- licans, being quite willing to follow the standard of any hereditary prince who would grant a free constitution, and engage in a war for the expulsion of the Austrians from the peninsula, as it was that Power only which held the petty tyrants on their respective thrones. The national party in Piedmont felt their hopes of a reform rise when the enlightened and highly cultivated Count Prospero Balbo came into power. But when he proposed some necessary INTRODUCTION. XIX reforms in the administration, he was overborne by the clerical party and the old nobility, who warned the king to beware of innovations, ' which always brought misfortunes in their train.' The Spanish revolution and the outbreak in Naples had pro- duced a profound impression in Piedmont : eveiy class was penetrated with the desire for a reform in tne government, though they were all loyal to the House of Savoy. In March. 182 1 a general rising of the people in Turin simultaneously with one in Alessandria led by the Carbonari, in which the military joined, forced Victor Emmanuel I. to look the question straight in the face. It is probable th.at he would have yielded to the just desires of his people, and granted the constitution they asked, but for his fatal promise to the Emperor of Austria not to make any change in the existing order of things. He abdicated in fa\our of his brother, Charles Felix, making Charles Albert regent in the absence of the new king. The regent, who was at the same time loyal and liberal, was much puzzled as to his duty in the trying circumstances in which he was placed. He yielded to the popular demand, proclaimed the Spanish Constitution, adding on his own account an oath of fealty to the new king. Carlo Felice Avas a strong upholder of absolute power, and devoted to Austria. He banished his young cousin from the kingdom in return for his fidelity, and visited the revolutionists with the severest punishments. The rebellion of Piedmont had been the result of a concerted plan with the nationalists of other States. The Lombards, particularly, were deeply involved in the conspiracy, and when it fell to the ground the tenible price of the daring attempt had to be paio in blood and tears. The trials, sentences, and executions were going on at the same time in Lombardy and Piedmont ; and there were few families in either State who were not torn with anxiety and grief, if not for relatives at least for friends who had come under the law, so widespread was the s}mpathy with the move- ment in Sardinia, and so deep-rooted in Lombardy the hatred of the Austrian rule. The Austrian Government was rather more civilised and enlightened than that of the other States in Italy — that is, as long as there was no suspicion of disaffection towards the Imperial power ; but any offence that came under the head of treason was punished with merciless severity. Everyone has read Sih'io Pellico's ' Le Alic F?-igioni ; ' but perhaps everyone does not know that it is entirely free from exaggeration, that the author was scrupulously truthful in all his statements. Orsini's ' Austrian Prisons,' published in England and in the XX INTRODUCTION. English language, shortly before his death, is intensely interest- ing, and gives a fair idea of the treatment which political prisoners received under the government of Austria. It would seem incredible, if such accounts were not corroborated by hundreds of trustworthy authorities. The acts of gratuitous brutality which Austrian soldiers perpetrated in the discharge of their duty was not the worst infliction which the poor prisoners had to complain of. Horrible calumnies were circulated about them, so as to destroy all sympathy for their fate in the hearts of the people. This, doubtless, was the work of the Jesuits, whose influence was all-powerful at Vienna ; and it was also to them tlie prisoners owed certain refined cruelties, such as depriving them of a valuable book, or precious souvenir, removing the spectacles of those whose sight was defective ; and telling ihem bad news of their companions in misfortune or of their families. They were deprived of light and air, almost starved, allowed no water to wash themselves, or any appliance of civilisation; their miserable sleep was interrupted by gaolers who came to conduct them to midnight examinations, presided over by judges who took pleasure in augmenting their unhappy condition. Of the many touching instances of Lombard courage and constancy then displayed we will cite one. The Count Confalonieri, a young enthusiast in the cause of liberty and nationality, was in the thick of the conspiracy, and, after a prolonged and cruel imprisonment, was condemned to death with many other noblemen and gentlemen, among whom was Silvio Pellico, October 1823. The count's young wife was broken-hearted; during her husband's trial and imprisonment she touched the hearts of the severest Austrian judges by her grief. When the sentence was at last pronounced, she set out for Vienna, accompanied by her husband's father and brother, to plead his cause at the feet of the emperor. They all threw themselves on their knees, and, with tears and sobs, the old count implored grace for his unhappy son. The emperor replied that mercy was impos- sible ; examples must be made ; the sentence of death was already signed and on its way to Milan. The father fell insensible to the ground on hearing this, and the wife with passionate entrea- ties tried to touch the heart of the emperor ; but to no purpose. She almost went mad with grief that night. The empress had her carried to her outi apartments, where she showed her the greatest attention, and, in compliance with her piteous appeals, went repeatedly to try to change the resolution of her husband. All night she stayed with the unhappy lady, going to and fro INTRODUCTION'. xxi behveen the emperor and her guest. At last she prevailed on him to commute the sentence. The countess and her father instantly set out for Milan, and never stopped day or night till they reached it, fearing that the sentence might be executed before the arrival of the pardon. The Count Confalonieri was separated from his companions, and conducted alone to Vienna, where he was put under a searching examination : but nothing could be extracted from him which could compromise anyone. He was proof against every temptation and ever}- falsehood told him in order to shake his faith in his companions. At last Prince Mettemich himself came to visit him in prison, and, expressing sympathy and regret to see the count in such a condition, said it depended on himself to make the chains fall from his hands and those of his friends. He had only to tell who it was who had conspired along with them (the Lombard rebels), who it was who had encouraged them to the attempt. What he would not tell the judges he could tell him in confidence. Confalonieri knew whose name it was that he was expected to reveal. E\'i- dence of treason in the Prince of Carignano would have been worth the lives of a score of Carbonari leaders ; for the Austrians desired above all things to cut him oft' from the succession, and give the throne of Sardinia to an obedient vassal who would cany out their policy — that is, the Duke of Modena. ' I see you have no confidence in me, count,' said Prince Metternich, on the prisoner's repeated declaration that he had nothing more to say. ' If you wish to confide your secrets to the most august person in the empire, that person will come to see you.' ' Tell that august person that I have nothing to reveal more than what I have told the judges,' was the firm reply. The Count Confalonieri was thrown mto prison, chained and subject to the worst treatment ; he was told he must consider himself dead to the world for evermore. All communication Avas cut oft" from his family, from whom he never heard. Twice a year they were informed that he was ' well ' or ' ill,' as the case might be. His devoted wife, who was a woman of superior mind and character, lived only to accomplish his freedom. For ten years she gave herself with untiring zeal to this work, and then died, when the hope of saving him died in her heart. One day the prisoner No. 14 was called out of his cell, and thus addressed : ' No. 14, the emperor has ordered me to announce to you that your wife is dead ; ' and without another word he was led back to his dungeon. ' The Austrian Government,' says La Farina, ' not content XXll INTRODUCTION. with punishing the conspirators in the provinces subject to her domination, stimulated to severity the other Itahan Govern- ments whose subjects had committed no acts of rebeUion ; and the most of them needed no stimulus.' This brief sketch will give an idea, though an imperfect one, of the general state of Italy when Victor Emmanuel II. was born in 1S20 — a state of things which continued for nearly forty years after, with very little mitigation. LIFE VICTOR EMMANUEL II. CHAPTER I. PARENTAGE. A MODERN Italian writer says : ' Few families in Eu- rope have flourished so long as the Sabaud, and among its members we do not count one tyrant' ^ It is a proud boast, that is, if it were absolutely true. But the word tyrant is a plastic term, and there are other Italian historians who would be inclined to dispute this state- ment of the Marquis Gualterio, who is an enthusiastic admirer of the Savoy family. But if it is saying too much to state that it does not count one tyrant, it might be safely said that few dynasties could count so many heroes, famous for their daring deeds, against whom no charge of cowardice could be brought ; false dealing and treachery were also alien to the blood of the Sabauds ; but they were men of fierce ungovernable passions and great ambition. Legendary records of the Sabaud family date back to the tenth century. Old chronicles relate that in 998 a foreign prince of Northern extraction, exiled from his own countr}-, settled in Burgundy, where, by his military prowess and administrative ability, he rose to power and ' Gualterio, Ulti?ni Rivolgiiiienti lialiani. B 2 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. influence. This prince, so the story ran, was of Saxon birth, the nephew of the Emperor Otho III., banished from his native soil for having slain the empress in a moment of uncontrollable anger, when he detected her infidelity to his uncle. But these early records are no more than tradition, and we are sure of nothing about this gallant prince, not even his name. He first appears to go under the designation of Berold, but in 1003 there is mention made of him as ' Humbert of the White Hand.' It is possible that the Saxon Berold may have changed his name to elude the pursuit of his enemies, or that it may have been changed by the people he lived amongst to a more familiar appellation ; but it would appear that Berold and Humbert were one and the same person, and the founder of the Sabaud family. Humbert of the White Hand is spoken of as the possessor of large territories, and as having erected his family seat or castle at the narrow pass called Morienne on the frontier of Savoy ; hence the title assumed later of Count Moriana. In the course of time these brave, gifted, ambitious counts became Dukes of Savoy (1238), intermarried with the most powerful royalties of Europe, and commanded extraordinary respect and considera- tion, the smallness of their state taken into account. The growing power and prosperity of the dukes, and the geographical position of their states, drew upon them the enmity of their powerful neighbours. In the reign of Charles III., 1536, Savoy and Piedmont were invaded by the Swiss, Spanish, and French ; and for several years the dukedom remained the battle- ground of foreign powers, while the legitimate prince, by degrees despoiled of all his possessions, died in absolute want, and with him the Sabaud monarchy seemed to have come to a termination. But the wonderful vitality of that dynasty enables it, as we have seen in our days, to survive misfortunes which would extinguish an or- dinary race. Charles III. had left one son, who was destined to restore and re-invigorate the family fortunes, and whose courage, genius, and force of character won from his contemporaries the surname of Testa di Ferro EMMANUEL PHILIBERT. 3 (head of iron). He had been early destined for the Church because of the weakness of his legs, and was usually called ' the little Cardinal,' the Pope having promised him such preferment when he came of age. But his elder brother dying, and the succession so devolving upon him, the boy threw off the monk's frock, buckled on the sword, and added to his classic and philosophic studies the arts of war and government. Emmanuel Philibert showed great aptitude and talent in the various branches of learning to which he gave his attention, but his genius was essentially militar}-. When still a mere boy he had attached himself to the Emperor Charles V., and followed his standard through all the wars that then desolated Europe, ser\'ing him faithfully, but never losing sight of the interests of his own unhappy and oppressed countr}^, for the relief of which he never ceased to implore the emperor, though with little or no result. Emmanuel Philibert won for himself, by the might of his sword, and by the genius of his statecraft, the restitution of his ancestral dominions, the people of which had always remained faithful to their legitimate prince. He was offered the hand of Elizabeth Tudor of England ; but hearing that the princess herself was not quite agreeable to the match, he declined. He then married the Duchess de Berry, sister of the King of France — this marriage being part of the treaty by which his dominions were restored — and had one son, who succeeded him. Emmanuel Philibert was great in peace as in war ; he brought his testa di fcrro to bear upon the management of his state ; and if this early part of his reign had not been darkened by the persecutions of the Waldensians, he might have been called a model prince. These persecutions, however, were far less cruel than those of the other Catholic princes, by whom Emmanuel Philibert was driven to take severe measures in order to prevent a foreign intervention for the purpose of eradicating the heresy. He was not a bigot by any means, and adopted these repressive measures more from reasons of state than fanaticism. He found that his subjects, Protestant and Catholic, when 4 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL left to themselves, were constantly making war upon one another, and he thought it best to compel the mino- rity to conform, and live ' Cattolicamente,' in order to maintain peace. When he found that did not answer, he became more tolerant, and granted certain privileges to the proscribed sect. The Testa di Ferro remains to this day a most popu- lar hero in Piedmont ; for the people, feeling that to his courage and genius they owe their national existence, overlook the loose morality of the gifted and patriotic chief, as incident to the times in which he lived. * All his good qualities were his own, the bad ones he drew from the age,' says Ricotti, the historian of the Pied- montese monarchy. Somewhat different from the description of this fa- mous prince given by Italian writers is the picture drawn by the masterly pen of the Anglo-Saxon republican, Motley, who seems to delight in stripping sixteenth century heroes of the virtues with which the popular voice of their respective countries had endowed them. The glorious Count Egmont, the flower of Flemish chivalry, the Bayard of the Netherlands, shrinks into a rude soldier, vain, ignorant, and arrogant. The good Coligny, who had ' more elevated views than many of his contemporaries,' is introduced in the act of surprising a sleeping city in time of truce. In fact, William the Silent is the only one of the popular heroes of the day whom this merciless iconoclast leaves standing on his pedestal. It is not to be expected, then, that a soldier of fortune like Emmanuel Philibert should be described as other than ' unscrupulous ; ' had he been scrupulous, he would have had no business to take part in the councils of European princes as they then stood. Here is his portrait at twenty-seven years of age, when he was appointed Governor of the Netherlands. The Duke of Savoy had become one of the most ex- perienced and successful commanders of the age, and an especial favourite of the emperor. He had served with Alva in the campaigns against the Protestants of MOTLEY ON TESTA DI FERRO. 5 Germany, and in other important fields. War being his element, he considered peace as undesirable, although he could recognise its existence. A truce, however, he held to be a senseless paradox, unworthy of the slightest regard. An armistice, such as was concluded on the February following the abdication, was in his opinion only to be turned to account by dealing insidious and unsuspected blows at the enemy, some portion of whose population might repose con- fidence in the plighted faith of monarchs and plenipo- tentiaries. He had a show of reason for his political and militar\- morality, for he only chose to execute the evil which had been practised on himself. His father had been beggared, his mother had died of spite and despair, he had himself been reduced from the rank of a sovereign to that of a mercenar}' soldier, by spoliations made /« time of truce. He was reputed a man of ver\- decided abilities, and was distinguished for headlong braver)-. His rashness and personal daring were thought the only drawbacks to his high character as a commander. He had many accomplishments ; he spoke Latin, French, Spanish, and Italian with equal fluency, was celebrated for his attachment to the fine arts, and wrote much and with great elegance. Such had been Philibert of Savoy, the pauper nephew of the powerful emperor, the adven- turous and vagrant cousin of the lofty Philip, a prince without a people, a duke without a dukedom, with no hope but in warfare, with no revenue but rapine ; the image in person of a bold and manly soldier, small, but graceful and athletic, martial in bearing, wearing his sword under his arm like a corporal, because an internal malady made a belt inconvenient, and ready to turn to a swift account ever}' chance which a new series of cam- paigns might open to him. With his new salary- as governor, his pensions, and the remains of his posses- sions in Nice and Piedmont, he had now the splendid annual income of one hundred thousand crowns, and was sure to spend it all.^ ' The Rise of the Dutch Republic . 6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Victor Amadeus, the second of that name, and fifteenth Duke of Savoy, was the first prince of the family who assumed the title of King, 1703. He was a sickly, inert youth, who allowed his mother to rule as regent, even after he had attained his majority. Suddenly, however, he seems to have awakened from his lethargy, and shaken off the tyranny of the duchess. With the sovereign power once in his hands, he developed a surprising energy of character, tact, and firmness. He married the niece of Louis XIV. of France ; but this alliance, instead of being an advantage to the young duke, proved a misfortune, since it gave the ' Grand Monarque ' a pretext for meddling in the affairs of Savoy and treating the prince as his vassal. At last the overbearing haughtiness of King Louis drove Victor Amadeus to declare war, with the hope of succours from Spain. ' But more than to my allies I trust to the valour and loyalty of my nobility and my people ; to these a Prince of Savoy has never yet appealed in vain,' he said, addressing the council. The war was long and disastrous for Savoy, but year after year the indomitable courage of the duke led him to renew it, rather than submit to humiliating con- ditions. No sooner was this over than other wars suc- ceeded, the Duke of Savoy being sometimes on the side of France, sometimes on the side of Germany, but almost always the sufferer. The last great contest, in which the enemy had carried his arms to the walls of Turin, ended favourably for Victor Amadeus, who displayed extra- ordinary skill and courage during the siege, and for the time overturned the Bourbon power in Italy. The treaty which followed made him King of Sicily, 1703, after- wards exchanged for Sardinia, and some other territories adjoining his frontier. This prince's reign marks a long step in the rising fortunes of the House of Savoy, and so deserves the brief notice which we cannot afford to give to his suc- cessors, though some of them were very distinguished. He was pious like all his family ; and in gratitude for the deliverance of his country from the French yoke, he VICTOR EMMANUEL I. 7 erected the church of Superga, used as a royal mauso- leum, on the spot where he defeated the enemy. The stain upon his fame is the painful fact that for a time he bowed to the dictates of the French king, and allowed a war of extermination to be waged against the un- happy Huguenots and Waldensians who had fortified themselves in the mountains of Savoy. At that time, how- ever, he had not made up his mind that he had the power to resist Louis' authority ; after he had once taken up arms against the French, these persecutions were not renewed. The princes of Savoy generally left a goodly number of sons to perpetuate their name and honours. In the beginning of the present century, however, this robust and long-lived family came very near extinction, when no less than six brothers died without leaving male issue. Three of these died unmarried ; the other three suc- ceeded each other to the throne, took wives and lived to be old, but left only female offspring. The eldest, Charles Emmanuel IV., was deceived by his French allies, and tricked into concessions, till at last he was compelled by the republican government to abdicate and seek refuge in Tuscany, where he became a Jesuit monk. Victor Emmanuel I. succeeded his brother, was per- secuted by the French emperor, and driven into the island of Sardinia, where he remained till Napoleon was himself confined to the narrower limits of Elba, when he returned to his capital, to the great joy of the Pied- montese people. Victor Emmanuel was a brave, honest, good-hearted man, but of limited intellect, with preju- dices which had their roots firmly fixed in mediaeval soil. He was a conscientious despot, and to change the ways of his house would have seemed to him sacrilege. He might, nevertheless, have listened to reason, and come to see what the present century required, if it had not been for Austrian influence. The emperor had ex- torted a promise from him that he never would grant a free constitution, and that promise held him so firmly as a man of honour that he chose to lay down his crown rather than break it. LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. He was succeeded by his last brother, Charles Felix, man in no way more enlightened, and with a less kindly nature. With Charles Felix the House of Savoy would have come to an ignominious termination had there not been a collateral branch, descended in seven genera- tions from Charles Emmanuel I., of which one young scion was in existence, the sole hope of the Savoy dynasty, his father having died when he was two years old, and left no other son. Thomas, fifth son of Charles Emmanuel I., born in 1596, was invested by his father with a rich inheritance of ' castles, territories, and jurisdictions, with the title of Prince of Carignano, for himself and his descendants.' The seventh Prince of Carignano-Savoy in direct line was Charles Albert, born 1798, and left an orphan two years later to the guardianship of his mother, a princess of Saxony, who kept him far from his cousins, and gave him a much more liberal education than he would have received at their hands. It was a grief to the royal brothers that their heir should not have been reared according to the traditions of the family. The Austrian rulers also were distressed about the education of the future King of Sardinia ; and Prince Metternich, having intercepted letters from the Princess of Carignano to her son, wrote to King Victor advising him to remove the boy from the influence of one whom he described as a lady of ' detestable political principles, fomenting liberal ideas in the mind of Charles Albert.' The young prince spent some time at a military school in Paris, and at the age of sixteen was made lieutenant of dragoons by Napoleon. His education was completed at Geneva under the direction of a very learned Protestant divine. For all his liberal education, Charles Albert was as devout a Catholic as any of his predecessors. He was by nature profoundly religious, and his faith was firmly, indissolubly fixed in the Catholic Church. His poli- tical principles were liberal, just, generous, his love of country sincere. The conflicting elements of love of liberty and love of the Church warring in his soul, CHARLES ALBERT. 9 made him melancholy, reserved, inconsistent, ' incom- prehensible ' ' — wore out his mortal frame, and before he was past the meridian of life brought him to a premature grave. The noble, chivalrous character of this prince, and the pathetic stor}- of his unhappy- reign, make him personally quite as interesting as his successful son, whose stronger and tougher fibre was able to bear the strain which broke the father's heart. Prince Charles Albert married the daughter of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and had a son, who was only a year old at the time of the rising in Piedmont in 1 82 1. The Prince of Carignano was then in his twenty- third year, very tall, and of noble, dignified aspect, with a face pale, grave, thoughtful, almost severe. His man- ners were reserved and cold, but gentle ; he had a sweet low voice, and when he spoke there was some subtle fascination in his bearing which excited interest and sympathy. Though not on good terms with his cousin, Charles Felix, who disliked and distrusted him because of his Liberalism, he had completely won the aftection of his distant cousin, King A'ictor, whom he called ' Uncle,' and to whom he was faithfully attached. For this reason the young prince was much beloved by the people ; the Liberals of Piedmont being loyal to the king, and ver\^ anxious to secure his heir as their leader, and so cut him off from Austrian influence. The Carbonari had gained a strong footing in the Sardinian States, and though all the Constitutionalists were not connected with the society, they were willing to work in concert with it to effect their object. The Piedmontese army was full of the idea of a grand military coup, by which they would liberate Lombardy, and annex it to the kingdom of Sardinia. But they all reckoned without their host ; the sovereign's consent was wanting to this agreeable arrangement. The Liberals presented a petition to him ; and a false report was spread that he had said, that if his people asked a constitution he would not deny it. The joy caused by this report was ' ' Is it not true that I am an incomprehensible man ? " he said once to a friend. 10 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. quickly quenched when the people saw military pre- parations going on to resist any movement that might be made. Just at this critical and exciting moment some fool- ish students appeared at the theatre with red caps, and were arrested by the police. Their companions at- tempted a rescue and were themselves dragged to prison. Next morning great excitement prevailed, and a cry was raised about university privileges. The students barricaded the college, and vowed they would not open it till the prisoners were released. A body of grena- diers assaulted the college, broke it open, and charged the helpless students, who were found wounded in all parts of the building. Great indignation was felt throughout the city, for alm^ost all the respectable in- habitants had som.e member of their family in the university. Among those who paid a consolatory visit to the wounded youths was the Prince of Carignano ; the news flew like lightning through Turin, and im- mensely increased his popularity. The conspirators of Lombardy and Piedmont felt that the moment for action had arrived, and Charles Albert must be secured to them. The famous Count Santorre Santa Rosa, the leader of the Piedmontese ' federates,' opened the matter to Prince Charles, explaining how entirely loyal their in- tentions were towards the king, and that all they wanted was that he should separate himself from Austria, and become nationalist. The prince did not utterly reject nor yet accept the proposition. The Marquis Gualterio and Count Cibrario, and all the admirers of Charles Albert who have written narratives of those events, de- clare that he declined to lead the movement ; he would never lend himself to anything like a rebellion against his sovereign. The Carbonari, on the other hand, branded him as a traitor, who deserted them in the last moment. He himself left a narrative in which he protested his in- nocence of treason, either towards his king or the revolu- tionists. La Farina, who is, on the whole, just and true, and not by any means blinded by affection for the OVERTURES OF THE CONSTITUTIONALISTS. II Sabaud family, says that after half consenting, he got frightened and withdrew his assent, and then hesitated so long that the revolutionists were induced to precipitate the movement in order to cut off his retreat. Santa Rosa, who was the leading spirit of the party, and the medium of negotiations, says in his account of the transaction, that ' he w^ould, and he would not' This is most likely true. Charles Albert was as brave as a lion when his duty was clear before him ; but he had an unhappy conscience, which was constantly giving him contradictory counsels, and dragging him in opposite directions. At one moment doubtless he was dominated by his love of liberty and justice, while at another he shrank from what would appear to stain his ancient name with a spot of disloyalty to his kinsman and sovereign. He was alike incapable of treason to the king who trusted him implicitly, or to the revolutionists who had confided in him, A less conscientious man would have stuck to the conservative party, cried ' Viva il Re assoluto ! ' and won honour by so doing ; or he would have silenced the claims of kindred, told himself that the interests of his country were paramount to all others, and sailed into power on the wave of popular enthusiasm. He did neither, and 'between the two stools he fell to the ground.' The Count Santa Rosa printed an address to the Piedmontese calling on them to rise, with the war-cry, * Viva Italia e la Costituzione ! Guerraall' Austria ! ' In Alessandria, a great military depot, the Carbonari proclaimed the Spanish constitution, and declared war against Austria ' in the name of the Kingdom of Italy.' The soldiers thought it no violation of their oath to take part in this movement ; for their king should still be their king ; they only wanted to make him great and powerful in spite of himself On the arrival of this news at Turin there was great disturbance and excite- ment. Victor Emmanuel hastened from his country seat to the capital, and called a council in which the queen and Prince Charles Albert took a part. He issued a proclamation to the effect that there was 12 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL nothing in the movement, and that it did not deserve any serious notice. ^ TranquilHty is not the least disturbed in our capital, where we are with our family and our beloved cousin the Prince of Savoy-Carignano, who has given us proofs of his constant fidelity.' That sentence must have hurt Prince Charles's delicate conscience, and per- haps helped to make him break utterly with the revolu- tionists. But the capital was not tranquil ; next day some of the military, uniting with the students and citizens, marched through the streets with the red, white and green banner, crying ' Viva la Costituzione ! Viva I'ltalia ! ' The guards flew to arms, and one officer was killed when trying to force his way through the people with drawn sword. Prince Charles was then sent, in the king's name, to ask the people what it was they desired. He came on horseback, unattended by mili- tary escort, and was received with warm applause. ' Our hearts are faithful to the king,' was the reply of the Turinese, ' but we wish to withdraw him from perfidious counsels. The Spanish constitution, war with Austria, these are our desires.' Victor Emmanuel did not think any reforms were likely to be beneficial ; but his mind would have gradually opened to the necessities of the times, and he would then and there have acceded to his people's wish, but for the fatal promise which the Emperor of Austria had extorted from him — His honour, rooted in dishonour, stood ; And faith, unfaithful, kept him falsely true. But he would not shed his subjects' blood. He abdi- cated in favour of his brother, Charles Felix, then in Modena, and appointed Charles Albert regent with full regal powers. The abdication of Victor Emmanuel was a great grief to the Constitutionalists. Santa Rosa wrote : ' The night of March 13, 1821, was fatal to my country. So many swords raised in defence of liberty dropped, so CHARLES ALBERT REGENT. I 3 many dear hopes vanished Hke a dream. The countr\', it is true, did not fall with the king ; but the country was for us iji the king ; V^ictor Emmanuel himself personified it ; and the young promoters of that military revolution often exclaimed, " Perhaps some day he will pardon us for having made him king of six millions of Italians." ' The new king, Charles Felix, was devoted to the House of Austria, a firm upholder of absolutism, an enemy to liberty, and inferior to his brother in point of feeling. Even the devoted adherents of the Savoy family find little to admire in this prince, except that he was a man of his word, and did not perjure himself, as the custom was among Italian sovereigns. If Charles Albert had been the self-seeking man that some writers have represented him, he had now a grand opportunity of seizing the reins of power, and establish- ing a popular government without a shadow of dishonour, his oath of allegiance to the abdicated king being dis- solved, and all the authority of the state vested in his hands. But instead, he made desperate efforts to recon- cile the monarchy with liberty ; he wanted to be faith- ful alike to king and people, and he displeased both. Great agitation reigned in Turin on the night of the abdication of Victor Emmanuel I., with intense impati- ence to hear the regent's programme. The ministers of the late king counselled him to declare the Spanish con- stitution, and so save the country from a bloody revolu- tion. The people stood all night round the regent's palace, and sent a deputation to him to explain their wishes. They disliked and distrusted Charles Felix, and they wished to have the revolution carried into effect before he had time to come from ]\Iodena, or send any express commands. ' How can I proclaim the consti- tution in the king's absence ^ ' said the regent ; and, when urged to it in order to avoid bloodshed, he replied proudly, ' I am ready to die for him I represent.' The liberal counsels prevailed, howev^er, and Charles Albert came on the balcony and proclaimed the constitution, in the midst of intense agitation, and at the same time 14 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. swore fidelity to the new king, Charles Felix. In his proclamation he said : — Our respect and submission to his majesty Carlo Felice, to whom the throne belongs, would have hindered us making any fundamental change in the laws of the realm till the sovereign's intentions were known ; but as the force of circumstances is manifest, and we desire to render to the new king his people safe, uninjured, and happy, and not in a civil war, — having maturely considered everything, and with the advice of our council, we have decided — in the hope that his majesty, moved by the same considerations, will give his approval, — that the constitution of Spain shall be promulgated. Charles Felix did not give his approval ; he showed his disapprobation very strongly, and ordered his young cousin to quit Turin and go to Novara. He immediately obeyed ; and the secrecy of his departure awakened the suspicion of treason in the minds of the revolutionists. On his arrival in Novara another letter met him, re- quiring him on his allegiance to betake himself instantly to Florence, where his family should speedily join him. Carlo Felice took possession of his capital shortly after, when the leaders of the revolution, and particularly the officers of the army, were visited with the heaviest punishments. Massimo Azeglio says he did not merit the name the Liberals gave him of ' Carlo Feroce,' but there is no doubt he was very severe. The Prince of Carignano, distrusted and hated by his cousin the king because of his liberalism, maligned and execrated by the revolutionary party because of his loyalty, took up his abode with his father-in-law, the Duke of Tuscany. Conscious rectitude of purpose may sustain an old man, who has learned by experience what the gratitude of princes and peoples is worth ; but it could not and did not sustain Charles Albert under this double trial. He was only twenty-three, a young soldier, full of generous, chivalrous sentiments ; and to be so wronged by his king and country, for both of whom he THE BITTERNESS OF EXILE. I 5 was ready to die, was more than he could bear. He desired to return to Turin, and be tried by court- martial. But his friends, particularly the French ambas- sador in Florence, strongly dissuaded him from putting himself into the hands of his enemies so entirely. Austria was using all her secret influence against him ; and Charles Felix contemplated cutting him oft' from the succession, and appointing a regent during the minority of the little Prince Victor. The bitterness of the exile's life at Florence became insupportable, and he begged permission to travel, which prayer was answered im- mediately by a commission to ser\-e in the Spanish war, where he distinguished himself by extraordinary braver)-. In accepting this commission, and engaging to fight in the French army against the liberties of Spain, Charles Albert committed the only inexcusable mistake of his life ; and we know not how to account for it, except that he was in a desperate frame of mind and wished to meet death, which would appear from the reckless manner in which he exposed himself to danger. He was a man of strange contradictions, and it is probable that the violence of the Carbonari, and their bitter vituperations of himself, had thrown him back into the arms of the retrograde party; and the clergy, to whose influence he had always been subject, had worked upon his mind so as to win him over to see things from their point of view. It was a fatal step, which divorced him from the national party, and made him disliked and distrusted, even in his own Piedmont, where he had once been held so dear. Charles Albert was recalled to Sardinia by Charles Felix in 1824, and a reconciliation took place later, shortly before the king's death, which occurred in 1831, when the Prince of Carignano ascended the throne peacefully, but with no demonstrations of joy. Charles Albert seems to have been born under an unlucky star, for he invariably took the wrong road in the turning points of life ; and with the best and most disinterested intentions he ruined the cause he most l6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL wished to serve. He was always destined to be mis- judged and misunderstood. Half his honesty and jus- tice, and a third of his morality, would have sufficed to carry an ordinary prince through life with a pretty fair reputation, while he was branded as a traitor, a tyrant, an executioner. When he ascended the throne, Mazzini had instituted a new secret society called Giovane Italia (Young Italy), which put the Good Cousins and all the rest quite out of fashion. The society did not begin as republican, at least did not so profess itself. The great conspirator who set the machine to work, and directed its movements with such consummate skill, made overtures to most of the crowned heads, or those nearest the thrones, in Italy, before he declared war against monarchies. To Charles Albert he wrote a long letter, offering his services to him if he would consent to lead the Liberal cause. And here again, if Charles Albert had not been conscientiously conservative, he would have been tempted by the dazzling prospects so ably depicted. ' Sire,' wrote the great revolutionist : — All Italy waits for one word — one only — to make herself yours. Proffer this word to her ! Place yourself at the head of the nation, and write on your banner : ' Union, Liberty, Independence.' Proclaim the liberty of thought. Declare yourself the vindicator, the in- terpreter of popular rights, the regenerator of all Italy. Liberate her from the barbarians. Build up the future ; give your name to a century ; begin a new era from your day. All humanity has declared that kings do not belong to it ; history bears out the sentence with facts. Contradict humanity and history. Compel it to write under the names of Washington and Kos- ciuszco, born citizens, another name greater than these : to say. There was a throne erected by twenty million free men, who wrote on its base : ' To Carlo Alberto, born king, Italy regenerated by him . . .' Select the way that accords with the desire of the nation ; main- tain it unalterably ; be firm, and await your time ; you MAZZINl'S APPEAL. 1 7 have the victory in your hands. Sire, on this condition we bind ourselves round you, we proffer you our hves, we will lead to your banner the little states of Italy. We will paint to our brothers the advantages that are born of union ; we will promote national subscriptions, patriotic gifts ; we will preach the word that creates armies. . . . Unite us, Sire, and we shall conquer. To this stirring appeal Charles Albert would not listen ; he seemed completely transformed into the legi- timist sovereign of the old school. Then Giovane Italia lost all confidence in kings, became republican, and made war on Charles Albert with the bitterness of a suitor scorned. Seditious publications were circulated through his realm, exciting his subjects against him — the officers of the army in particular Mazzini tried to seduce from their allegiance. A conspiracy was disco- vered, and the promoters put on their trial. The bad feeling between sovereign and people was fanned into a flame by the Jesuits, who were then, as always, the creatures of the Austrian government, though Charles Albert did not know it. They carried the most alarm- ing reports to the king's ears ; they gave him informa- tion of a frightful plot to overturn the monarchy and the altar by means of the most diabolical crimes. These stories were for the most part inventions, got up to frighten the king, and drive him into severe re- pressive measures, and thus sever him for ever from the Liberal party. It was afterwards discovered that the head of the police was in the pay of Austria ; but, unfor- tunately, too late to prevent' certain military executions which might with advantage have been commuted to a lighter punishment, and which filled the king with re- morseful sadness. In 1833 conspiracies broke out in the other states of Italy, simultaneously with that in Piedmont, and were punished much more severely. In Naples there reigned Ferdinand II. — quite a different character from his grand- father, Ferdinand I. He was neither immoral, intempe- rate, nor extravagant ; on the contrary, he began his reign C l8 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL by an edifying simplicity, economy, and piety, which led his subjects to hope that better days than they had been accustomed to were in store for them. But a few years of his reign made them cry out, * Better the rule of the Turks.' In fact, this prince's Christianity was no better than his grandfather's paganism. He was a morose bigot, given up to superstition ; a slave to the Jesuits, who made him model his government on that of Pope Leo XII. In character he resembled Louis XI. of France, but without his ability. There was no falsehood, cruelty, or treachery he was not capable of. Religious persecu- tions, such as we have described as existing in the papal states, were carried on with vigour. Accusations of heresy were frequent, and for every small offence against the Church's laws the sinner was subject to corporal punishment, more or less severe, according to the nature of his offence. It is recorded that ' many citizens died under the infliction of the lash, as much from shame as suffering,' the sentences being carried out in the open squares. When private sins were visited with such seve- rity, we can imagine how the great crime of rebellion would be treated in the Neapolitan states. The exe- cutions and proscriptions which took place there, and in the pontifical possessions, reduced the populations con- siderably ; and, as generally happens in such cases, the most promising young men were those who fell victims to the tyranny of the government. In Modena the duke, having trifled with the Liberal leader, Menotti, in order, it is thought, to draw him into a snare, had to fight for his life in a sudden outburst of rebellion. The same night in which he had overcome this treasonable attempt, he despatched the following characteristic note : — A terrible conspiracy against me has broken out to- night. The conspirators are in my hands. Send me the hangman. Francis. The Austrians, always at hand to crush any rising, swarmed all over Central Italy and Naples, assisting GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL SPIRIT. 1 9 energetically in the punishment of the rebels, and in the work of restoring order, or what they called order. The kingdom of Sardinia alone was not visited by this infliction, its sovereign reserving to himself the right of punishing his own subjects without foreign assistance. The secret hatred which King Charles nourished toward Austria he was obliged to smother, for he had no means to resist her power. Keeping therefore his plans and desires buried in his own breast, he devoted him- self to reforming the semi-barbarous laws still existing in his state — those relating to prison regulations, cruel punishments, disabilities of Jews and Protestants, etc. — and to improving the state of the army. But the sad, silent king, who lived like an anchorite, devoted to business, rigorous in the performance of religious duties, became more and more of a puzzle to everyone, and was not regarded either with confidence or affection by his subjects. What unhappy years those were to the friendless, lonely monarch, his subjects have since learned, and shed tears of remorse upon the tomb of him whom they justly call ' the martyr of their liberties.' The desire for national unity, as the only safeguard of liberty, began to be felt more and more by thinking men. Giusti, in his famous poem called ' The Boot ' (1836), makes Italy describe herself as made up of patches, and beg her next possessor to have her re- made all of ' one piece and one colour ; ' but this owner must not be a foreigner- — - Non Tedesca s'intende, ne Francese ; Ma una gamba vorrei del mio paese. The book which perhaps best describes the growth of the national spirit in Italy, during the seven years that preceded the great revolutionary era of 1 848, is D' Aze- glio's / Miei Ricordi. This distinguished man may be said to have presided at the birth of that spirit ; he cer- tainly watched over its diseased infancy with indefatigable care and patience, and was rewarded by seeing it grow up with a certain robustness of constitution, though it c 2 20 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL never quite realised his ideal. D'Azeglio travelled north, south, east, west, trying to sow in the different popu- lations the seeds of national life. It was grievous and discouraging to find the youth of the educated classes generally given up to pleasure, or burning with that patriotic fervour which consisted chiefly in shouting ' Priori il barharo ! Fuoj'i lo straniero ! ' while the more earnest ones were members of secret societies. There was, however, a considerable party of moderate men like D'Azeglio himself, who desired reform if it could be effected without war, and if it could not, were pre- pared to push matters to the last extremity when a favourable moment arrived. This party went on in- creasing and gathering new force every year, and at last it became evident that the nation was preparing itself for some grand movement. The premonitory symptoms were felt by the rulers of the land, like the rumbling thunder that precedes a volcanic outburst. D'Azeglio, who loved law and order, trembled for what might come. He had endeavoured to educate the youth of Italy in a higher political creed than the assassination of tyrants. He desired that the war should be solely for the expulsion of the foreigner, and his earnest wish was that the national forces should be united and led by a native sovereign. And where in Italy was there what might be called a native sovereign } They were all satraps of Austria, with the exception of the Pope and the King of Sardinia. The Pope was out of the question, and D'Azeglio naturally turned his thoughts to his own king, who, if a despot, was at least an Ita- lian, and maintained the independence of his little state against Austrian encroachments. The bad reputation which he had among the Liberal party made it difficult for D'Azeglio to persuade his friends to share his hopes. ' What is it you want .'' ' he said, trying to argue his Roman colleagues into a prac- tical view of the case. ' You wish to drive the Austrians out of Italy, and to check the power of the priests. If you tell them to go, it is probable they will refuse. You must force them, and what force have you "i None. D'AZEGLIO'S efforts. 21 Then you must unite with those who have, that is, with Piedmont. She at least has an independent Hfe, and money, and an army.' * What, Carlo Alberto ! would you have us hope in him ? ' asked his Roman friend. ' If you will not hope, don't hope. But you must then resign yourselves, and hope in nothing.' 'But '21 and 't,^ ?' persisted the Roman. ''21 and '33 are not pleasing memories to me any more than to you. Nevertheless there is something to be said in his defence. But, admitting the worst, I repeat that in him you must trust, or in no one. Were we in- viting Charles Albert to engage in a scheme contrary to his interests, for pure heroism and to serve Italy, then you might ask, "Shall we confide in the traitor of '21 and the executioner of '33 .'' " But we only ask him, when an opportunity offers, to let us aid him to become more great and powerful. If you invite a thief to become an honest man, you may doubt his promise to do so ; but if you invite a thief to rob, I see no reason to think he would fail in his promise.' D'Azeglio adds, ' Poor Charles Albert ! Time proved that you did not deserve so harsh a judgment. When I think of my comparison, I am bitten with remorse.' D'Azeglio did not make much head in Tuscany, so deep-rooted was the prejudice against the Sardinian king. One gentleman quoted the example of a Roman legion, the soldiers of which killed their general when they found him unfaithful to his duty. ' What sort,' he asked, ' are the Piedmontese soldiers, who suffer Charles Albert to live } ' D'Azeglio tried to excuse the poor Piedmontese soldiers for not having executed their king, urging in their defence that the times and ideas were so changed since the days of the pagan republic. But he felt the unlucky Roman legion had put him to the rout, and he could make no impression on the mind of the sanguinary Tuscan. Finally, having made the round of all Italy, D'Azeglio arrived in Turin (1845), and de- manded an audience of his sovereign. We have said that Charles Albert had a fascination 22 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. for those who approached him. D'AzegHo had armed himself against this influence, and while the king, who had not seen him for a long time, was courteously in- quiring after his welfare, he said to himself, ' Massimo, trust him not ! ' ' Whence do you come now ? ' asked the king. D'Azeglio then seized the moment to explain his mission. He said he had been travelling in all parts of Italy, and if his majesty permitted he would like to tell him the state of public affairs. Charles Albert said, ' Pray speak ; I shall be glad to hear you.' D'Azeglio spoke at some length. He began by allud- ing briefly to the rebellions, their causes and effects. Then he passed on to the present disturbed state of the nation ; dwelt on the danger of a revolution at the Pope's death ; but said that for the most part the people were convinced of the folly of such attempts. They desired a new and more moderate plan of action, and they looked to Pied- mont only for a leader. He then related all he had done in concert with the reform party, and assured the king that he had never been a member of a secret society. ' And now,' he concluded, ' your majesty will tell me whether you approve or disapprove of what I have done.' He paused for a reply ; and, according to his precon- ceived idea of Charles Albert's doubleness, expected an evasive one. Instead of that, the king, without a mo- ment's hesitation, fixed his eyes frankly on those of D'Azeglio, and said in a calm, resolute tone : — ' Let those gentlemen know that for the present they must remain quiet ; but when the time comes, let them be certain jhj' life, the lives of my sons, my arms, my treasures — all shall be freely spent in the Italian canse! D'Azeglio, whose loyalty till now had been of the coldest, was touched by the king's heroic sentiments, and thanked him with emotion for his confidence. When they both rose to their feet, Charles Albert laid his hands on D'Azeglio's shoulders, and touched first one cheek and then the other with his own. There was some- thing so solemn, almost funereal, in this embrace, that it CHARLES ALBERT'S PROMISE. 23 somewhat chilled D'Azeglio's enthusiasm. In after years he said he could never see without a thrill those green silk chairs in the bay-window where they sat while the king offered, through him, to his country, all he pos- sessed — even his life. D'Azeglio communicated the result of his interview with the king, in cypher, to his correspondents ; and, in obedience to a suggestion of his majesty, began to write a pamphlet for the furtherance of their scheme. It was to be a vast society extending over all Italy ; its proceedings carried on in open day, without arms, or oaths, or concealment; its object the gradual redemption of the whole peninsula from the hands of the foreigner. He felt painfully how difficult it was to rouse a popula- tion sunk in misery- and ignorance to a feeling of citizen- ship ; and part of the reform scheme was to improve the condition of the people, and educate them. ' Before forming Italy, we must first form the Italians,' he often said. Great secrecy was observed on the part of the Liberal party so as not to compromise the King of Sar- dinia ; but in spite of this it crept out that he was giving them his adhesion, and he began to be received with warm demonstrations when he appeared at the reviews, Austria's suspicions were aroused ; but Charles Albert's spirits were raised and sustained by the joyful news of the accession to the papal throne of the reform- ing liberal Pio Nono. DAzeglio, who had been banished from Rome for his attack on the late popes, wheedled himself into the good graces of the new pontiff, and used all his arts to bind him to the reform party. He writes thus to his wife : — I found Rome completely changed — joyous, full of hope and confidence in the future. The old party falls lower and lower every day ; it still works mischief, however. He evidently thought he could lead the good-natured pontiff by the nose ; and he conciliated him in every 24 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. possible way, while he worked hard by speeches and meetings to make the people loyal to their new sove- reign, trusting altogether to gentle persuasion to obtain the desired reforms. He writes again to his wife : — The Pope was much pleased, and in dismissing me said, ' Marchese d'Azeglio, I bless you. Continue always in the moderate course you have chosen.' I have now the approbation of Pio Nono, which is no little thing. We are forming a society called Concordia, which I hope will extend overall Italy ; objects : to improve the condition, moral, civil, and social, of the nation ; means : law, moderation, absolute publicity, absolute absence of secrets and mysteries. We shall combat the ex- cesses of both parties ; and in the people, gambling in the lotteries, and drink. We shall promote education and establish schools . We shall send into the pro- vinces agents to propagate our doctrines. Amongst its founders are monsignori and citizens of the highest class. The Duke Cesarini gives funds, and his palace, provisionally, for our meetings. D'Azeglio and his colleagues had their hands full, preaching patience and moderation to the Romans, promising that the Pope would institute all needful reforms — and at the same time urging Pio Nono for- ward, while the powerful retrograde party were pulling him back. The people believed the leaders of the moderate party ; they believed in the reforming Pope, who was at that moment the most popular sovereign in Europe. The ' Hymn of Pio Nono ' was sung at the theatre amidst rapturous applause, the audience standing and waving their handkerchiefs. In short, the enthusiastic Romans were wild with loyalty to their priest-king, under whose beneficent rule religion and liberty were to be at last reconciled. The Pope's charming manners, and benevolent, handsome face, did a great deal to win the faith of the people ; and they followed him in thousands to his palace to receive the papal bene- diction from the balcony. This ceremony of marching THE NEW pope's ASPIRATIONS. 2$ to the Quirinal, and calling out the Pope, became a regular institution at Rome. D'Azeglio describes it as a soul-stirring scene, the vast piazza filled with thousands and thousands of people, who, at the sight of the noble figure and beaming face of the Pontiff, dropped on their knees, while in a voice of thrilling sweetness he gave the Benediction. But there was another power at work besides the Moderates and the Retrogrades, who were tearing Pio Nono in opposite directions. There were the members of the Society of Giovane Italia, who, acting under the directions of IMazzini, were exciting the people to vio- lent demonstrations, in order to goad the Pope to sweep- ing reforms, and make him commit himself irretrievably to an advanced liberal policy. These agents of Mazzini gathered the people together on every possible pretext, and by degrees began to introduce national cries such as ' Viva r Italia ! Fuoj'i lo straniero I ' mixed up with ap- plause and loyal exclamations for the sovereign. Still, though one secret society thus worked upon the people, and played upon the vanity of the Pontiff, there is no just reason to believe that the great bulk of the Romans were insincere in the affection that they professed for Pio Nono, or that Pio Nono was insincere in his profes- sions of affection for his subjects, and his earnest desire to improve their condition. He had been an excellent bishop, and he would have made an excellent Pope, if circumstances had not rendered it next to impossible. The writings of Balbo, and the philosopher-priest Gio- berti, had made a deep impression on him, and he had come to the throne with the noblest aspirations of re- generating not the Roman states only, but all Italy. On the other hand, the subjects of Leo XII. and Gregory XVI. might well be fascinated by such a man as Pius IX., whose many virtues shone with all the more lustre from the contrast presented by the character of his predecessors. The fact that this mutual good-will did not last is not a reason to believe it feigned. There were causes enough in the great divergence of opinion which afterwards arose between the Pope and his sub- 26 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. jects to create the breach which ended so unhappily, without accusing either party of unusual fickleness. In the beginning of 1847 the Romans began to feel restive and impatient. For nearly a year they had been fed on smiles, benedictions, and a few trifling concessions. D'Azeglio writes to his brother : — You can tell the king, if a favourable opportunity occurs — I do not care to write it by post, but I want you to know it as soon as possible — I am convinced — it wrings my heart to .say it — but I am convinced the viagic of Pio Nono will not last. He is an angel, but is surrounded by demons ; he has a disordered state and corrupt elements, and he will not be able to com- bat the obstacles. Meantime Charles Albert was making preparations which could no longer be concealed. He had medals struck with his image, and the motto, which he had taken from the shield of a remote ancestor, J' attends inon astre, and secretly distributed them amongst the Liberals. D'Azeglio's pamphlets were also circulated by royal permission in the Sardinian states, though he did not dare to print them there for fear of compromising the king before the moment for action arrived. Although Pio Nono had done little more than smile, and bless the Liberals when they put themselves strik- ingly under his notice, yet he had offended the despotic power of Austria, and in the summer of 1847 she pro- ceeded to the hostile step of violating the papal territory and occupying Ferrara. All the Roman provinces were ready to rush to arms to resent the indignity. Money and arms poured in from all quarters to the holy father, with ardent protestations of devotion. Charles Albert despatched a letter to say he regarded the quarrel as his own, it being a violation of the independence of the Italian princes. But the Pope held back and vacillated, putting off taking any decided step beyond sending an in- dignant protest to the Austrian general, until the Romans rose and threatened to burn the cardinals' palaces if troops were not sent to defend the provinces. Then, THE CONSTITUTION GRANTED. 2/ unwillingly, he gave his consent, but faltered again, and wished to recall them when they arrived at their desti- nation, declaring he never meant to make war, only to protect his states against aggression. Charles Albert meanwhile was bracing his nerves for the death-struggle with Austria ; and as a preliminary step he decided on granting the constitution so long desired by the Piedmontese people. This important act would, he knew, give mortal offence to Austria, and cut him off from all kinship with the other Italian princes. But he had the Pope on his side ; and he said in the council, ' If Austria is against us, Italy will be with us.' Next day, February 7, 1848, a royal proclamation made public his consent to the much-desired Statnto. The citizens of Turin, wild with joy, but still doubting, ran to the palace, singing the ' Hymn of Pio Nono,' then a national song. The pale face and tall form of Charles Albert appeared on the balcon}', with his sons by his side, holding the tricolour in his hands. The people shouted, wept, embraced each other, and swore eternal fealty to the Plouse of Savoy. What the conscientious King of Piedmont granted voluntarily, the sovereigns of Tuscany and Naples were compelled to cede to the unanimous demand of their people. All Italy was on fire. Lombardy and Venice were already in arms, and the Milanese, after five days of ter- rible fighting, drove the Austrian troops out of the city. The declaration of the War of Independence could be no longer delayed. The last grand act of the drama in which Charles Albert played the part of hero began with that declaration of war ; the rest of his life is so bound up with that of his son, whose story we have undertaken to relate, that we will pursue it no further in this chapter. 28 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. CHAPTER II. BIRTH, EDUCATION, MARRIAGE. A.D. 182O-42. On March 14, 1820, in the Carignano Palace, Turin, the eldest son of Charles Albert of Savoy-Carignano first saw the light. The child was born a little after mid- night, and next day he was received into the bosom of the Catholic Church, — King Victor Emmanuel and his queen assisting at the ceremony, in which the august godfather bestowed on his little cousin his own name, and a liberal supply of other appellations. The child was baptised, Vittorio Emanuele Maria Alberto Eugenio Ferdinando Tommaso. Before a year passed the Carbonari revolution, and the consequent change of sovereigns, drove the Prince of Carignano into exile. The infant years of Victor Emmanuel were passed in a villa outside of Florence, called Poggio Imperiale, and there, when he was two years old, the life on which Italy's destinies hung was all but extinguished. His nurse, Teresa Bacca, a Turin woman, having accidentally set fire to his bed-curtains, only with difficulty saved him from the flames. He was slightly burned, and the unfortunate nurse died a few days after of the injuries she received. A tablet placed on the spot by the Provisional Government of Tuscany commemorates the accident. In this same year, 1822, was born Charles Albert's second son, the Duke of Genoa. This baby brother was the object of intense interest and affection to the little Victor, who used to run every minute to the nur- sery, which adjoined his own room, to look at him and kiss him. His mother writes of him : — My little Victor is very docile ; I have, however, some difficulty in teaching him, for he wants to be always victor's early education. 29 running or jumping, but when he once learns a thing he rarely forgets it. The future hero's chief delight in infant years was playing at war — constructing armies of little wooden soldiers, and putting them through militaiy evolu- tions. The child felt with his parents, that he was an exile from the paternal abode, and at four years old he said to his mother, ' I am impatient to see papa's house.' Very soon after this they returned to Piedmont, and lived in retirement in their castle of Racconigi, where Charles Albert devoted himself to the mental and physical training of his sons. He wished to give them a high intellectual education, but also to familiarise them with a soldier's duties, so that they should not be inferior to their ancestors in courage, strength, and daring. So, between learned bishops and professors in the class- room, and military tutors and drill-sergeants out of doors, the young princes had a pretty hard time of it, and not a minute to spare to get into mischief, from morning till night. They were up at five o'clock in the morning, when they began their studies, and con- tinued them till late in the day, only broken by the hours allotted for meals, and diversified by a fencing lesson, a long walk, or a six hours' ride on horseback. The Princess of Carignano did not like to see her little boys kept under such severe soldierly discipline, and often reproached her husband for his excessive rigour. But notwithstanding this severity, and the strict court etiquette which always accompanies an absolute monarchy, and which obliges the son of the prince to maintain towards his sire an attitude of distant respect, — Victor Emmanuel understood and appreciated his good father, whom he loved devotedly, and regarded as an ideal hero. When Prince Victor was fifteen his father succeeded to the throne ; and just about that time he wrote a life of one of his ancestors, Amadeus VI., surnamed Conte Verde. This juvenile production is dedicated * A Papa ' on one side of the page, and ' Au Roi ' on the other, and 30 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL signed ' P. V^ictor de Savoie,' in a bold clear hand. The letter, which is prettily composed in the French lan- guage, begins ' Sire,' and concludes with these words : — Deign, my very dear father, to throw a kind glance on this effort of your son Victor, full of the desire to please you, and to give you some proofs of his tender and respectful attachment, proofs which he would have wished to render more worthy of you. Almost all the compositions of the Duke of Savoy at this period treat of military subjects, such as the arrange- ment of an army in a plain, the siege of a fortress, the passage of a river, the defence of a wood, etc. One is entitled, 'The History of the Treaties between the dif- ferent Powers of Europe, in which reference is made to the Savoy Dynasty.' The subjects were suitable studies for the heir to the throne which must be held by the sword. Eveiy Wednesday morning in Turin, in spite of burn- ing sun, or pouring rain, or drifting snow, the drums beat and the trumpets blew for the military to repair to the Piazza d' Armi, where the King held a grand review, in which he was always assisted by his sons. An extra- ordinary sympathy and friendship had always united these brothers from infancy. They were inseparable as twins ; no boyish emulation, no ambitious rivalry in manhood, ever cooled the fraternal affection, which is a beautiful trait in the character of the Savoy family. The brothers were equally brave, generous, kind- hearted, but Victor's fiery, impetuous nature, and over- flowing animal spirits, were tempered by the prudent counsels of the graver, calmer Ferdinand, who resem- bled his father in character much more than did the elder son. Prince Victor's fine, manly qualities, and plea- sant, genial manners endeared him to all his teachers and masters ; in a special manner to two — Monsignor Charvaz, afterwards Archbishop of Genoa, and Colonel Dabormida, afterwards general and minister of state. The general's affection for his royal pupil surpassed the common devotion of a faithful subject, and was fully CHARACTERISTICS. 3 1 returned by the prince. Having received one day from the king, his father, an intimation of his friend's promo- tion, he writes thus : — Carissimo, — I experienced the greatest pleasure in receiv- ing this note that his majesty sends me, while I listen to the relations of the Minister of War, J'ai signe la patente de Daborinida, and I hasten to announce it to you. I do not know, dear friend, and dear lieutenant- colonel, how I can express to you the gratification this gives me, but you know how I love you, and that everything that gives you pleasure gives me a great deal. . . . We have here (at Genoa) the third son of Prince . He is a handsome youth, tall as my brother, but very cfflanqiie. We are always together ; he asks me ever>"thing he ought to do, and seems much embarrassed with his person, which ought not to be after ten years' travelling in all parts of the globe. He is about my age, and knows nothing of the usages of the world. One evening he was in company at the Lady 's, and sat opposite to her before a roasting fire, without knowing how to take himself away. Monday we must manoeuvre with seventeen battalions before the prince. I shall command the Savona re- giment and Royal Marines, forming a reserve. The Duke of Savoy had now reached his twenty-first birthday ; and on the whole Charles Albert was not dis- appointed in the heir on whom he had lavished such care and affection. His father's training had not suc- ceeded in making him a learned man, for his natural bent was towards action rather than study ; but he was a keen observer of men and things, had a large endow- ment of good sense, wide sympathies, and shared to the full his father's generous ambition to liberate Italy from the foreign yoke, and bring fresh lustre to the ancient race from which he sprang. This ancestry worship, with other chivalrous ideas of bygone times, is a striking characteristic of the House of Savoy. The children of that house have always been nourished and fed upon the traditions of ancestral 32 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. heroes, and taught that they ought to endeavour to resemble them to the utmost of their abihty. The rehgious reverence which every son of the Sabaud family entertains for the early founders of the house, as much as for his immediate progenitors, has always acted as a powerful incentive to their daring deeds. * A people,' says Macaulay, ' who take no pride in the noble achieve- ments of remote ancestors will never achieve anything worthy to be remembered by remote descendants.' Without a particle of personal vanity, this pride of race was a passion in Victor Emmanuel. An exiled Neapolitan general once said to him tliat there were two sovereigns in Europe who might serve as a warn- ing and example for a young prince — Ferdinand of Naples, and Leopold of Belgium ; to which Victor replied with a proud smile and flashing eye, ' Geperal, I need not go out of my own family for examples of loyalty and heroism. Enough for me to remember the deeds of my ancestors.' The prince was of middle stature, broad shouldered, powerfully built, with a brown complexion, snub nose, and a heavy underjaw ; his full brown beard, and fierce- looking moustache curling upon his cheek, were not then such striking characteristics as afterwards. Not- withstanding this homely exterior, the intelligence, good sense, and good feeling expressed in his broad open brow and kindly smile, won confidence and sympathy at a glance. His ardent, dauntless spirit might be read in the steady unflinching glance of his piercing dark eye, which was never seen to quail for an instant in the presence of any earthly peril. His manners were frank and simple, but not wanting in a certain soldierly dignity. Such was Victor Emmanuel of Savoy in his twenty- second year, when he began to pay court to his fair cousin, Maria Adelaide, daughter of the Archduke Ranieri, Viceroy of Lombardy- Venice. The mother of the princess was the only and beloved sister of Charles Albert, and the frequent intercourse of the families led to an intimacy between the young people. Victor's PRINCESS ADELAIDE. 33 cousin'y affection quickly grew into love, and he did not fai' to inspire in Adelaide a corresponding sentiment, which, if less ardent, proved more constant than his. The o ily possible objection to an alliance with the archduchess was her Austrian birth ; it was a strong one to Charles Albert at that moment, and would make the marriage very unpopular in Piedmont. But as she was Italian and Sabaud on her mother's side, the king overcame the difficulty, and yielded to the wishes of his son. The marriage took place in 1842, when the duke was twenty-two years old, and his bride nineteen. King Charles Albert celebrated the event with all sorts of fetes, and among other diversions was the novel one of a tournament, not so strange at the Savoy court as it would have been elsewhere, for in no other country have old chivalric customs and ideas lingered so long as in the Sardinian states. The people looked coldly on these festivities, disapproving of the marriage, as a new tie to bind their sovereign to Austrian interests. In a very short time, however, the charming qualities of the Prin- cess Adelaide completely gained the hearts of the Pied- montese, and the manly loyalty of this brave people won the affection of the princess, who had cast in her lot with them for weal or woe. She must have imbibed from her mother some of the sentiment of Italian nationality ; and even if it were not so, the gentle young wife could not have resisted the overwhelming influence of a husband to whom she was so deeply attached. His soul was so permeated with the idea of national inde- pendence that she could hardly love Victor without loving Italy. The Princess Adelaide was very pious ; but neither the Austrians nor the Jesuits were able to make use of her influence to the prejudice of Italian interests. When it came to a question of war between her husband and father it nearly broke her heart ; but she was still true to Victor and to Italy. A Neapolitan gentleman records that just before the battle of Novara he was seated beside the Duchess of Savoy, who asked him the news of his country. He replied that they would D 34 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. denounce the armistice and appeal once more to arms. ' We also denounce the armistice. Fatal necessity ! ' said the princess, and her eyes filled with tears. Maria Adelaide was a princess of boundless (;harity. She kept an exact register of the poor of the civy ; she knew their names, occupations, maladies, etc., and sacri- ficed her time, and many luxuries of dress and jewels, to supply their wants. When her husband brought her a magnificent present, she said it was too handsome for her, the money would have done so much for her poor pensioners. ' She was a most excellent wife and mother,' says Ghiron, ' giving constant care to the education of her children, being herself their teacher, ever present at their studies, their recreations, their meals ; and in educating them she followed the principles of the House of Savoy, which requires its sons to be robust and courageous. We have the results in those two brave princes who exposed their lives on the field of battle like common soldiers ; in Prince Amedeo, who sus- tained such a bitter struggle on the throne from which he retired only when it was necessary to use force ; in Queen Maria Pia of Portugal, who threw herself into the waves to save her son ; in the Princess Clotilde, who proclaimed the incontestable truth that " Fear and Savoy had never yet met." ' The friends of Victor Emmanuel assert that he was a loving husband, and deeply attached to his sweet young queen, whose noble qualities he fully appreciated. His enemies, on the other hand, pronounce him a brute, a monster, a demon, who broke the heart of his saintly wife and brought her to an early grave. Neither of these stories is strictly true, but the least false is that told by the Liberal party. It is true that he was very fond of and kind to his wife, and that he retained her affection to the latest hour of her existence. She died of an acute disease, not of a broken heart ; but that he was guilty of certain gallantries during her lifetime, which must have caused her deep pain, is equally true. We do not mean to chalk over the spots on our hero's fame. He had his faults, but they were redeemed by many noble qualities. 35 CHAPTER III. THE YOUNG SOLDIER. A.D. 1 848. The Duke of Savoy, as we have said, was liberal to the heart's core, and hailed with intense joy his father's adoption of the national cause. When the news arrived of the rising of Milan on March 18, 1848, and the famous Five Days that followed, ending in the expulsion of the Austrians, Turin was convulsed with joyful excitement, and the citizens crowded in the piazzas, demanding arms from the government to go to the aid of their Lombard brothers. The king and princes were deeply agi- tated ; though war was pending, they did not expect such a sudden explosion. A Cabinet council was held, and orders were given that the military were to be put in motion as soon as possible to cross the Ticino. Ano- ther council was held to make the necessary military appointments. The prince was not present at the council, and though he was burning to flesh his maiden sword in Austrian breasts, did not know but the go- vernment might forbid his going to the seat of war. Count Cesar Balbo, the historian, was then at the head of affairs ; and as he was returning home from the council he was conscious of some one following his steps. At last he turned round and faced a gentleman wrapped in a mantle so as to disguise his face. ' What do you want of me .'* ' he asked. ' Don't you recognise me .-* ' asked a well-known voice, and the prince threw back his mantle. ' I am come to pray you not to forget me when forming the divisions of the army that is to cross the Ticino.' Then he said in a voice of concentrated, intense anxiety, 'Am I to have a command .-' I entreat you, speak to my father immediately.' Count Balbo replied, ' It is the intention of his majesty to give you a command. Be tranquil; the D 2 36 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Duke of Savoy could not be, and has not been for- gotten.' Victor caught his hand and pressed it warmly ; then wrapped himself in his mantle, and bounded away joyously. ' During the campaign the young general comported himself valorously,' says Massari. ' Without using a profusion of words, it is enough to say that under the canvas or in the battle-field he showed himself worthy of his race. He who knows the story of the Savoy dynasty knows that there is no higher eulogium than this.' Apart from the sentiments of patriotism which he felt so strongly, the danger of war had as romantic a fascination for Victor Emmanuel as for any young knight of mediaeval days. In the hunting excursions amidst Alpine snows and glaciers he was famous for the reckless daring of his wild exploits, in which he seemed to court danger for its own sake. When he first heard the rattle of musketry and booming of can- non on the battle-field, and knew the enemy was in front of him, he cried out, ' Ah, tJiis is the music that pleases me ! ' His first taste of war was at Santa Lucia, May 6, where he gallantly led his brigade, and behaved so well that. he was awarded a silver medal for valour. Those who have seen Victor Emmanuel on his war-horse in moments of danger say that there was something soul- stirring in his aspect. He looked such a perfect soldier, and displayed such a reckless gallantry in his impetuous charges, that he inspired the wildest enthusiasm in the troops. He was a good general in every respect. He guarded against surprises, looked after the comforts of his men, particularly the sick and wounded, and bore any amount of fatigue and hardship uncomplainingly. At Goito, however, the experienced Austrians out- witted the Piedmontese, coming upon them at a mo- ment when they were weary after a long march, and had laid down their arms to prepare themselves some refreshments. The prince, who was just retiring to his BATTLE OF GOITO. -i^J tent when the firing began, sprang to the saddle and galloped to the spot. The Piedmontese, weary, hungry, and surprised unarmed, had not recovered their pre- sence of mind, and were making but a feeble re- sistance to the fresh and vigorous Austrian troops. One regiment was beginning to break up, and give way, when the Duke of Savoy threw himself before the soldiers, and addressing them with that generous indignation which makes men ashamed of weakness, forced them to turn and face the enemy. His own dauntless courage communicated itself to his followers, who contested the field most heroically. An eye-witness, the Duke of Dino, thus describes the crisis : — There was a moment when victory seemed to smile on the Austrians. Then I saw pass before me like a whirlwind a young general, his Arab horse covered with foam, his spurs stained with blood. The cavalier with eyes flashing fire, and moustache bristling on end, precipitated himself, sword in hand, towards a splendid regiment of the guards ; he pulled up opposite to it, and cried out, ' With me, guards, to save the honour of Savoy ! ' A general shout responded to the chival- rous invitation. The regiment put itself in motion instantly, and the fight was more desperate than ever. The Austrians paused, retreated ; received new rein- forcements, and then returned to the attack. They were on the point of overpowering the guards, whose officers gave the greatest proof of valour. In the midst of the smoke and fire the young general appeared and disappeared from my sight like light- ning. He galloped up and down the field, encourag- ing the soldiers with voice and gesture, and though wounded by a ball in the thigh, still stood firm in the fiercest struggle. At last General d'Arvillars ordered a light battery to advance. When this opened fire the Austrians paused, and became con- fused, and then the Cuneo Brigade rushing into the combat, they soon sounded a retreat. I asked an officer who passed me, wounded, ' Who is that general 38 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. who SO courageously exposed his h'fe ? ' ' The Duke of Savoy.' ' Viva Casa Savoya ! ' cried the Duke of Dino ; ' the descendants of Emanuele Filiberto have not degenerated.' While this desperate fight was going on, King Charles Albert, pale and immovable, sat on his horse like the statue of an ancient cavalier, giving his orders with a calm and stately dignity, as if he were on the parade. As the Duke of Savoy had just driven the Austrians from their last stand-point, and they were in full retreat, the king received a despatch, and turning to his officers, said : ' Gentlemen, Peschiera is ours. My son, the Duke of Genoa, gives me news of its surrender.' At that moment the crown prince rode up, with blood-stained garments and radiant face. ' Majesty,' he said, with a military salute, 'the battle of to-day shall be called the victory of Goito.' It was a proud and happy moment for the king and father, who had i'ew such in his life, and whose feelings were all the more intense because of the habitual restraint in which he held them ; a moment of delirious joy to the crown prince, and of true, deep-felt enthusiasm on the part of the army, who with acclamations long and loud saluted Charles Albert as the liberator of Italy. 'Viva ritalia! Viva Carlo Alberto! Viva Vitto- rio ! ' were the cries that rang from regiment to regi- ment, then taken up, and repeated again and again, throughout the camp. Victor Emmanuel was intoxi- cated with delight. The rare honour of a gold medal for valour was awarded to him ; but his wound was more precious still. It was, fortunately, not so serious as to disable him from active service, but enough to give him the delicious sensation of having shed his blood for Italy. He did not conceal his boyish delight in the fact, and said to his attendants, ' How the Duke of Genoa will envy me this ! ' Alas ! it was a short-lived triumph. The glory of Goito was doomed ere long to be extinguished in blood and tears. ' 'Twere long to tell, and sad to trace,' THE FALSE LEAGUE. 39 the causes of the disastrous issue of this campaign. It was meant to be a national war. Charles Albert be- lieved, as many others did, that he was to lead an Italian, not a Piedmontese army, for the expulsion of the foreigner from Italian soil. The Romagna, Tus- cany, Lombardy, Venice, and Naples had all declared their determination to unite in one great effort to libe- rate the whole country from Austrian oppression. The Pope had an army already in the field near Ferrara to combat Austrian aggression, the Lombards were actually in arms before the King of Sardinia had crossed the Ticino, He had said in his proclamation : ' I will do my best to further your just desires, aided by that Providence which has given to Italy a Pio Nono.' The Pope had proposed a league between the Italian princes for the protection of the peninsula, which he hoped would soon bring matters to a peaceful solution ; he meant to go to Lombardy himself, and throw the weight of his spiritual authority into the scale of Italian inde- pendence, which — added to the united arms of all the principalities — would bring Austria to see the matter from a just and Christian point of view. There can be little doubt that the Pope was honestly patriotic in his intentions, though the republican writers will not ac- knowledge it, and invariably class him with the other princes who acted so false a part on this occasion. All the sovereigns declared themselves disposed to follow the lead of the good Pope in everything. They granted constitutions all round with a great flourish of trumpets, and loudly declared they shared the sentiments of their ' beloved subjects,' in their hatred of the foreign yoke. P'erdinand II.'s patriotic fire burned stronger than that of any other. 'War with Austria,' he said, was his soul's desire. He had always ' detested Austria.' One can hardly take in the full depth of this man's treachery without reading his long proclamation to his ' most be- loved people,' on the occasion of the declaration of war, in which he says, ' Our brothers await us on the field of honour, and we shall not fail them,' and concludes with these words : — 40 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Union, abnegation, firmness — and the independence of our beautiful Italy shall be accomplished. Let this be our only thought ; so generous a passion silences all other less noble ones. Before long 24,000,000 Italians will have a country — a common and rich patrimony of glory, etc., etc. The Grand Duke of Tuscany was not behind his royal brothers ; and it must be owned that they had all learned the language of the Nationalists admirably. Leopold's address to his soldiers is so short that we are tempted to quote it. Soldiers! — The holy cause of the independence of Italy is to be decided now on the fields of Lombardy. Already the citizens of Milan have bought — with their blood, and by a heroism the like of which history offers few examples — their liberty. Already the Sardic army moves to the field, led by its magnani- mous king, under whose orders fight the royal princes. Sons of Italy, heirs of the glory of their ancestors, the Tuscans cannot, must not, remain in shameful ease at such a solemn moment. Fly then, unite yourselves to the valiant citizens who as volunteers are ranging themselves under our banner — fly to the succour of our Lombard brothers, etc., etc. The little Dukes of Modena and Parma were drawn along in the wake of their powerful neighbours. They expressed great repentance for having yielde.d so long to Austrian domination — because they could not help it ; henceforth they should put themselves under the direc- tion of his holiness the Pope, the King of Sardinia, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Tliey also made out a statiito, and swore to it ; and sent forth their little contingents to aid in the national war. The wildest enthusiasm prevailed in every part of Italy ; the great sacrifices that were made by the poor as well as the rich attested the sincerity of the sentiment which burned in the breasts of all Italians who deserved to be called such. The young women who had no ornaments to A HOLY WAR. 4 1 give sold their abundant tresses to contribute to the expenses of the volunteers. Led by their princes, blessed by the Pope, the peo- ple felt they were going to fight in the holiest of causes, 'And holy it was, because it was a war of indepen- dence,' says Farini. Imprudent or no, it was hol)\ Holy, because a war of independence is always holy. A war of defence only is always legitimate, because to repulse and expel a foreign invader from our country' is to defend our wel- fare, our honour, our sepulchres — all that a man holds dear and sacred, from the altar of God to the kiss of his beloved. And the foreigner is always a domi- neering tyrant. He cannot be other than a tyrant. Even his civilisation, his gentleness, his liberality are refinements of tyranny. • Holy, then, was the war of independence ; holy the enthusiasm that kindled the population in the Roman State, in the spring of 1848 ; holy the gifts and the sacrifices that they made.^ But the glorious hopes of the Italian nation were blasted by the weakness and treachery of the sovereigns. The army of the King of Naples took as long to reach Lombardy as they would have taken to go to the Holy Land. They never went farther than Bologna, where the commander, Pepe, received an order to return to Naples with the troops. This he could not bring him- self to do, so resigned his post to an inferior, who, in obedience to secret orders from the king, had under- mined and thwarted him all through the march. The officers and men were filled with shame and grief; some deserted and volunteered in the Sardinian army, but most of them submitted to the authority of their supe- riors. One ofificer is said to have died, literally of grief, * Lo Stato Romano dal 181 5 al 1850. The illustrious author, Luigi Carlo Farini, is a most trustworthy historian of the events in which he took an active and important part. He was a Moderate, high in favour with Pio Nono in the Pontiff's liberal days, and one of the few whose attachment to him seems to have survived his apostasy. His book has the additional interest to the English reader of being dedicated to William E. Gladstone, 42 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. and it is certain that another committed suicide. The grand duke's army was similarly rendered useless by secret orders to hoodwink and delude the Sardinians with the false hope of aid. The Lombards, who had begun the war with such heroism as was displayed in the Five Days' struggle, did not maintain the same noble bearing throughout ; they were divided among themselves and failed to support the Piedmontese as the king had been led to expect. They and the Venetians spent the precious time in dis- puting as to what form of government they would have, while the Austrians were still in possession of Italian soil. The Mazzinians were busy haranguing against monarchies, and circulating libellous stories about the Savoy family, while that family were doing more than any other in Italy to defend the rights and liberties of the nation. The Romans, on whom King Charles had been taught to rely much, were rendered almost useless by the extraordinary indecision of Pius IX., who, as soon as he had committed himself to a straightforward course of action, directly after stultified himself by some contra- diction. Though he protested against Austrian outrages on the frontier, and sent troops to defend it, he did away with the effect of these proceedings by saying that he did not mean to make war. Radetsky knew how to avail himself of this weakness, and issued a proclamation saying that as the holy father had said repeatedly that he would not make war, he regarded the Roman soldiers as outlaws, and would shoot every man he found bear- ing arms ; which he accordingly did. This naturally had a demoralising effect on the troops, and all the more because they were not allowed to cross the Po and meet the Austrians in honourable warfare. General Durando could not wring a consent from the Pontiff, and he found himself in the position of making war on his own account, till at last the fear of a popular rising in Rome obliged the Pope to put his troops under the command of Charles Albert. But the papal army was very much inferior in spirits and numbers then to what it had been when it REVERSES. 43 marched out of Rome, and did not render very effectual aid in the contest. Thus, in point of fact, if we except the volunteers, gallant little Piedmont was left alone to fight the battle of Italian independence. Marshal Radetsky, having made short work of the papal troops at Vicenza, collected his forces, and concentrated them on the point where he could most easily come upon the Sardinian army, small in numbers, exhausted by heat, fatigue, and fevers. The first reverse they had was at Sommacampagna, the royal family not being present at the engagement. They hastened forward and encountered the enemy at Staffala, and attacked them with such vigour that they drove ihetn from the field, taking 2,000 prisoners, arms, colours, etc. Victor Emmanuel was the leading spirit of this battle. For the past two months, during which the army had suffered much from fever and other causes, the prince, by his admirable discipline, the kindly interest he took in the men, and the soldier-like manner in which he shared their hardships, had endeared himself more and more to them. The victory of Staffala was v.-on under great diffi- culties ; a wasted army, encamped in a low, hot plain, under a burning July sun, was not equal to another such effort. But on the morrow the Piedmontese were called to defend themselves from a fresh attack, and they did it gallantly, desperately, but all in vain. The Austrian officers bore testimony to the valour of the Duke of Savoy and his brother, who led their men again and again to the assault, and were finally driven back only when all hope was over. This battle, fought at Custoza, near Villafranca, left the Italian army almost crushed, morally and physically. Charles Albert was advised to retreat across the Po. and fortify himself in Piacenza. But the evil genius which had presided overall his public acts did not forsake him now. His generous disposition led him to neglect this prudent counsel, and betake himself to the aid of Milan. D'Azeglio said : — Since Lombardv and Venice will not unite, I told the 44 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. king that his duty, the good of Italy, the welfare of the cause, required that he should retreat to Piedmont and defend it, where he could preserve an Italian army for a better occasion. Another defeat will render this occasion hopeless for centuries ; and with one sole army we should not risk it. But Charles Albert did risk it ; he threw himself into Milan. Badly provisioned and badly defended against a powerful victorious army, the struggle became hopeless, and he capitulated. It was then that the Milanese populace effaced the glory of the Five Days by their cruel ingratitude to the too-generous king, who had all but sacrificed his own state to protect them. Goaded by the Mazzinians, they cried out that he was a traitor, and might have taken his life if he had not escaped from the city before his sons had come to his rescue. The populace of Milan were saved from the infamy of. personal outrage towards the king by the daring feat of a young Piedmontese major, who with a few followers came under his balcony at midnight, and carried him off out of the city. This brave officer had already given evidence of the noblest gifts of heart and mind, and he was destined in the future to win im- mortal honour for the Italian arms, and cover with new glory the ancient name of La Marmora. The unhappy Charles Albert, whose destiny it was still to be misunderstood, recrossed the Ticino with the firm intention of resuming the war. The advice of England and France was strongly against a renewal of the contest, as was that of many brave, wise men in Italy. But the heedless people demanded it, and called everyone a traitor who opposed it ; and the poor king, feeling his honour and the honour of Piedmont to be at stake, went almost without hope to his doom. On March 20, 1849, the war was renewed, and was ended in three days by the utter overthrow of the Italian arms at Novara, a defeat which postponed the work of independence for ten years. The Piedmontese army as well as the king, expected defeat, for they were utterly BATTLES OF MORTARA AND NOVARA. 45 broken in spirits and health. Even the sanguine, high-spirited Victor Emmanuel went sadly with clouded brow to this last campaign. 'We were unfortunate,' said he to a friend, ' but we were also betrayed by many persons.' The prince probably meant the secret adherents of Austria ; but the republicans helped largely to ruin the national cause for the time. The one con- spicuous person who was openly false to his duty, and who suffered the just punishment of his treachery, was General Ramorino. He was ordered to hold the passage of the Po against the Austrian army, while the king was collecting his forces at Magenta. He left the passage open, the enemy passed into the country, and cut off the Piedmontese from their basis of operations. At Sforzesca the Italians met with a success, but at Mortara the great body of the Austrian army was con- centrated ; and there General Durando and the Duke of Savoy encountered them, and after a long-contested, bloody battle, were utterly defeated. The Italians and Austrians fought through the streets of Mortara after night fell, and committed fearful havoc not only on one another but the unfortunate citizens. General Durando fought his way inch by inch out of the town, and joined the Duke of Savoy and La Marmora, who were trying to collect together the miserable remains of the army. The divisions of Durando and the prince, which had been the flower of the army, were no longer in existence. With heart oppressed by grief, Victor set out for his father's quarters, where the fatal news had preceded him. Charles Albert had received his son with sedate composure when he rushed up to him with the cry of victory on his lips ; but now his paternal heart was moved by the young man's misfortune. He embraced him with emotion, and told him that he knew he had comported himself as became a son of the Savoy family. The king never raised his head after this ; he knew he must be defeated in the last great encounter, and was resolved to seek death. Throughout the march to Novara his aide-de-camp heard him murmur broken-hearted 46 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL words, unconscious that anyone was listening. ' Ccst tout fini pour inoi,' he said repeatedly. March 23 was the fatal day which extinguished for so many years all hope of Italian independence. The morning broke gloomily in a drizzling rain, and soon came to a heavy fall which lasted all day, mingling with the streams of blood, which, hopeless though they knew it was, the Italians did not shrink from pouring out like water. To die in vain, seemed to the king and his brave fol- lowers all that was left for them to do. We have heard innumerable touching stories of individual heroism dis- played on the field of Novara, and these were only in keeping with the general conduct of the whole army. Radetsky said the Piedmontese 'fought like devils,' and there were moments when he feared that he must give way before them. General Perron, heading a desperate assault, had his skull broken. He begged the men who supported him to lay him at the king's feet, and with his last con- vulsive breath he said, ' Sire, I offered to you and my country the last days of my life. My duty is accom- plished.' A captain of artillery having an arm shot off, never left his post, but rallied his men and rushed again to the assault. A young boy pointing a cannon had his hand taken away. His father seeing him look pale asked him was he wounded .'' He raised the bleed- ing stump, and cried, Viva il Re! This heroic boy, Carlo di Robilant by name, is now Italian ambassador at Vienna. Count Balbo had sent his five sons to the war, and all were engaged in this last combat ; one of them fell by too strict obedience to his commander's orders. These deeds of vain heroism only wrung the heart of the unhappy king, who, wherever he turned his haggard eyes, saw his brave people overwhelmed by fresh reinforcements, falling thick and fast upon the field. He was fighting for more than life, for that with- out which life would be insupportable ; and seeing it hope- less, he sought in the thickest fire to meet the death for which he longed. But the balls passed him by as if by a miracle. Indeed the Savoy family seemed on that ABDICATION OF CHARLES ALBERT. 47 day to have charmed lives. The Duke of Genoa had three horses killed under him. The Duke of Savoy, having performed deeds of valour greater far than at the famous victory of Goito, covered the slow retreat of the Italian forces when night put a stop to the vain combat. A flag of truce was sent to the Austrian camp to demand an armistice ; but the conditions offered by the Marshal were too dishonourable to accept, even then ; the first being the immediate expulsion of all Italian exiles from the state of Piedmont. It was only a few hours after the combat had ceased that the embassy returned with this reply. Charles Albert had previously notified to his generals that they were to meet him in council ; and when he had communicated to them the answer of Marshal Radetsky, he said, ' Gentlemen, we cannot accept these conditions. Is it possible that we can resume hostilities .'' ' All replied with one voice, ' No.' Then Charles Albert addressed his generals in the following pathetic words, his last speech as king : — From eighteen years till now I have always made every effort possible for the benefit of the people. I am deeply afflicted to see that my hopes have failed, not so much for my own sake, as for the country's. I have not been able to find death on the field of battle, as I had desired ; perhaps my existence is now the only obstacle to obtaining from the enemy reasonable terms. And since there remain no further means of continuing hostilities, I abdicate this moment, in favour of my son Vittorio, in the hope that, renew- ing negotiations with Radetsky, the new king may obtain better conditions, and procure for the country an advantageous peace. Behold your king ! The prince turned pale, and in an agitated voice tried to dissuade his father from the step he proposed, the Duke of Genoa and all present uniting with him. But in vain ; Charles Albert was resolute. He shook hands with his generals, and dismissed them, remaining 48 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. alone with his sons. The princes were receiving his last advice and counsel, when the officers deputed to carry the message of the change of sovereigns to the Austrian camp presented themselves, saying they wanted more minute instructions from the king. 'Certainly,' said Charles Albert. 'Victor, speak to those gentlemen, give them your instructions.' At midnight the uncrowned king set out in a small carriage with one sole attendant, under the title of Count Barge, to seek an obscure home in the friendly state of Portugal. Charles Albert had warm devoted friends who would have followed him, had he permitted it, in poverty and exile to the ends of the earth. But he chose to live in absolute privacy in Oporto, where he tried in vain to forget the dream of his life, the glorious dream of being the liberator and uniter of Italy. All that now remained to him for the few short months of his existence was to watch, from a distant shore, his Victor, all unaided, bravely buffeting the waves of adverse fortune, under which he himself had sunk exhausted. CHAPTER IV. THE HONEST KING. A.D. 1 849. * Per Dio, Italia sara ! ' cried Prince Victor, shaking his sword in the direction of the Austrians, as he followed in the rear of his shattered army at Novara. It seemed a mad boast at that moment, and doubtless would have made Marshal Radetsky smile, had he heard it ; yet, insuperable as the obstacles seemed to be, he lived to overcome them all, and fulfil his vow. His first taste of sovereign power was bitter ; a more miserable inheritance could hardly have been handed from father to son than that which he received on the evening of the fatal day which seemed to have FIRMNESS OF THE YOUNG KING. 49 extinguished the last hope of Italian liberty. ' I did not desire to be king,' he said a short time after to Sir Ralph Abercrombie, and there is every reason to believe that he spoke sincerely. ' I have no taste for the pro- fession, which seems to me a miserable one, and in the present day very difficult.' It was indeed a gloomy prospect. Surrounded by enemies in all the Italian princes, forsaken by the Pope, Lombardy and Venice crushed, the Jesuits and Ivlazzi- nians working to their utmost for the destruction of his dynasty, England and France looking on in strict neutrality, he stood alone in presence of a powerful and victorious army, which threatened his little state with annihilation. But he manfully took up the broken sceptre which had fallen from his father's grasp, and nerved himself to encounter the terrible difficulties that beset his way. The first thing to be done was to arrange an armistice, so as to give time to consider a treaty of peace. Marshal Radetsky requested a personal interview with the king, hoping to win him by threats and bribes to abandon the Liberal cause. He was young and inexperienced, had not yet sworn to the Constitution, and perhaps had suffisred enough to show him the folly of adhering to so hopeless a cause as popular government in Italy. If he could be brought to exchange his new-fangled ideas for the good old despotic rule of the House of Savoy, then Austria would be his friend and ally, and hold him on the throne in spite of a rebellious and discontented people. But the young king was faithful to his subjects and to his principles. He knew how to resist the cunning old general's threats and blandishments alike. ' ^Marshal,' said he with a fierce energy, ' sooner than subscribe to such conditions I would lose a hundred crowns. What my father has sworn I will maintain. If you wish a Avar to the death, be it so ! I will call my nation to arms once more, and you will see what Piedmont is capable of in a general rising. If I must fall, it shall be without shame. j\Iy house knows the road of exile, but not of dishonour.' E 50 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL The manly firmness of the loyal-hearted king in his misfortune stirred a little sympathy in the grizzled old soldier who was trying to stamp his principles and his nation out of existence. At least, he always professed an admiration and esteem for Victor Emmanuel, and spoke of him as a ' noble fellow.' On March 26, 1 849, the armistice was concluded. The King of Sardinia was to break up all the military corps composed of Lombards, Poles, Hungarians, etc., retain- ing only the few who chose to remain his subjects for ever ; a heavy war indemnity was to be paid to Austria ; and meantime the troops were to occupy Piedmontese territory between the Po, the Sesia, and the Ticino ; half the fortress of Alessandria was to be given up to the foreign army. These were the best terms that King Victor Em- manuel could wring from the conquerors ; and though something was ceded in compliment to him personally, they were hard conditions. A writer who saw him come away from this trying interview thus describes him : — Victor Emmanuel II. passed at a gallop, followed by his staff officers, in the midst of the serried battalions ; but in that rapid glance his appearance was impressed on the mind of everyone who saw him. His coun- tenance was grave, severe, firm, his gaze fixed before him as of one who reflects deeply ; in it we noted the resoluteness of a strong soul, that accepts events, but does not sink under them. In the expression of his face there was dignity mingled with a noble, proud grief — the grief of a son, citizen, and king.^ Marshal Radetsky wanted to make a great display of military homage to the king, and had ordered that all the Austrian troops on the road to Turin were to turn out to do him honour. Victor Emmanuel absolutely re- fused to permit it, as he wished to return to his capital in the most private manner. When a prince leads forth an army amidst the ac- ' Bersezio, / Contetnporanei Italiani. RETURN TO THE CAPITAL. 5 1 clamations of the citizens to expected victor}', and returns defeated, with a shattered remnant of that army, what welcome does he look for from his countrymen ? If he has read history to any purpose, he may know that a leader who comes back alive under these circumstances must be made a scapegoat. The ' many-headed mon- ster ' called the People, who at times have as little generosity as reason or gratitude, but an immense amount of vanity, cannot conceive how their army could be defeated by any just means. Nothing but treason or gross mismanagement on the part of the commander could account for the humiliating fact. So they make him a scapegoat. The republican element, which had ruined the national cause in Lombardy and Venice, had not been without effect in Piedmont. Slanderous insinuations had been set afloat about Victor Emmanuel as well as his father, so that the news of the overthrow of the Italian army set Turin in a flame of anger against the prince, who had a large share in the conduct of affairs. Of course it was for the most part the basso popolo who felt so. The sober-minded, well-informed citizens knew enough of the difficulties of the war question to under- stand how the Italian army, with all its courage and enthusiasm, could be defeated. Yet even the minds of the better classes were influenced by false reports. Victor Emmanuel on his way to the capital received a private letter from the queen consort, acquainting him with the state of public feeling, and begging him to enter Turin privately. He did so ; and the day after issued a proclamation, and received the oath of the troops. The queen assisted at the ceremony in a carriage, ac- companied by the two children Humbert and Amadeus, the one five and the other four years old. The royal party were received with the coldest courtesy by the citizens. Not a cheer welcomed the unfortunate prince to the throne of his ancestors, except what was given by his faithful soldiers who had followed him through the war. The king was deeply wounded by the injustice and ingratitude of his people, and, naturally, his wife felt 52 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. with him. They went home miserable and disconso- late. The royal proclamation was to the following efifect: — - Citizens, — Untoward events and the will of my most venerated parent have called me, long before my time, to the throne of my ancestors. The circum- stances under which I hold the reins of government are such that nothing but the most perfect concord in all will enable me, and then with difficulty, to fulfil my only desire, the salvation of our common country. The destinies of nations are matured in the designs of Pro- vidence, but man owes to his country all the service he is capable of, and in this debt we have not failed. Now all our efforts must be to maintain our honour untarnished, to heal the wounds (jf our country, to con- solidate our constitutional institutions. To this un- dertaking I conjure all my people, to it I will pledge myself by a solemn oath, and I await from the nation the exchange of help, affection, and confidence. Victor Emmanuel. The proclamation was not countersigned by any minister ; but his adviser was Cadorna, whom he had empowered to form a ministry on the resignation of the late one. On the evening of March 27 the new ministers pre- sented themselves to the Chamber of Deputies, to make known the terms of the armistice which had been agreed to on the 24th, that is, the day after the battle. At 8 o'clock the Chamber was opened, and the house was crowded to excess by an anxious, agitated assembly. The Minister of the Interior, Pinelli, rose to read the articles of the capitulation. His face was pale with sup- pressed emotion as he looked round at his hearers and began the humiliating recital. He was listened to in gloomy silence till he came to the third article, which provided that the Austrian troops, 18,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalr}^ were to occupy Piedmontese territory and part of the fort of Alessandria. Then there was a general burst of indignation, and a cry against the Austrians THE ARMISTICE. 53 and the traitors. ' It is an infamy,' was shouted from the benches of the deputies and the galleries simul- taneously. The tumult lasted for some minutes, and it was some time before the minister could resume his reading, which he was hardly able to do because of his own agitation and that of his hearers. He was inter- rupted by fierce exclamations at ever}^ article, which came to a climax when it was stipulated that the Sar- dinian fleet should be removed from the Adriatic, and brought into the Ligurian ports within fifteen days. The minister felt it his duty to add that these con- ditions would have been much heavier if the earnest insistance of the king had not obtained considerable modifications. When the ministers betook themselves to the palace, they found the king waiting in intense anxiety to hear how the armistice had been received, and they described the scene in the Chamber. He had borne up bravely throughout the miserable week, but when he knew the Parliament was hostile to him his spirits gave way. The suppressed grief of the past five days found vent in tears and sobs, as he repeated again and again that he had nothing to reproach himself with ; he had done his utmost for the country, and that was his only consolation. Next day a deputation from the Chamber of Deputies waited on the king, and addressed him in terms of respectful remonstrance, as though their sovereign held their liberty in the hollow of his hand, and had but to issue an order and they would immediately be rid of the incubus of Austrian occupation. The deputation, after bitterly lamenting the grievous state of things, hoped that their monarch would follow the example of his magnanimous predecessor, who was a firm upholder of the Italian cause. The king was put on his defence, and, though ver\- much agitated, he did defend himself boldly and ably. He began by saying that he wished to be, like his father, an upholder of Italian independence, and he had already gi\en some proofs of his fidelity to the cause. He then related the story of the disastrous 54 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. campaign from beginning to end. The deputation was impressed by the narration from the lips of the king, whose truth they could not doubt, and they reported the facts to the assembly. Next day, the 29th, the king took the oath to the constitution. As he was ascending the stairs of the palace, on his way to the Chamber, he narrowly escaped a sudden death. An enormous beam fell from the roof close to him, striking the epaulet of the gentleman beside him, Menabrea, who was horrified at the danger ; but the king did not give it the least attention. ' Come on, we have other things to think of,' he said to his minister, and moved forward without a moment's delay. The senators, deputies, and spectators were very numerous. Victor Emmanuel, dressed in military uni- form, took his seat upon the throne, while the Keeper of the Seals announced the Chambers opened. When the formula of the royal oath, which is the twenty-second article of the famous Statuto} for which his father had suffered so much, was presented, the king stood up, uncovered his head, and after casting a significant glance around the assembly, spoke in a loud, sonorous voice : — In the presence of God, I swear to observe loyally the Statuto : not to exercise the royal authority but in virtue of the laws and in conformity with them ; to see that full justice is rendered to everyone according to his rights ; to comport myself in all things with the sole view of the interest, the prosperity, and honour of the nation. He placed his signature to the document, reseated himself on the throne, and said : — In assuming the government of the state in the present circumstances, of which I more than any other feel the weight and bitterness, I have already expressed to the nation what my intentions are. The consolida- tion of our constitutional institutions, the welfare and ' For particulars of the Sardinian Constitution, now that of all Italy, see Monaixhia Rapprese7itativa in Ilalia, by Count Cesare Balbo. DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. 55 honour of our common countr)-, form the constant subject of my thoughts, and I trust I shall be able to accomplish them with the aid of Providence and your accordance. In taking this solemn oath, I am pro- foundly sensible of the gravity of my duties, which must shorten my life. In returning from the legislative assembly, Victor Emmanuel had recovered his usual composure. The agitation of his mind was calmed by the grandeur of the oath and the consciousness that he meant to maintain it at any cost. It was only a week since the battle of Xovara, yet he had lived through so many important scenes and events in that time, that the Duke of Savoy seemed quite a different person from the King Victor Emmanuel II. The new ministr\- was formed by General Delaunay, who chose for one of his colleagues Gioberti, who had been in the Cabinet of Charles Albert. Signor Nigra, a rich banker, much esteemed for his spotless probity, consented, from pure devotion to the king and country, to be ^Minister of Finance, at a moment when the treasury was empty and the nation reduced to a state of penurj^-. The first thing the king and his ministers agreed upon was to dissolve the Parliament and have a general election. It was an unpractical and scatter-brained assembly, elected on the war-cr>', when no candidate would have had a chance who was not ' sound ' on that question; when such men as Camillo Cavourwere rejected, and sometimes denounced as traitors, because they were opposed to it. It was, in fact, an impossible Parliament to do sober, sad work with, for it could not be persuaded to accept the inevitable consequences of defeat. The Chambers were dissolved on the 30th, and the day for the general election was not named, because the government thought it well to give time for turbulent passions to calm down, while the peace negotiations were going forward. These negotiations were prolonged into the summer, and seemed never likely to come to a peaceful solution. The King of Sardinia had recourse to the friendly powers $6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. of France and England to use their influence on his behalf. In a private conversation with the respective ambassadors of these states, V^ictor Emmanuel spoke to the following effect :— I have done my duty as a soldier, and now I will serve my country in another way, because I love her sin- cerely. I will tell you the truth always, and I wish my ministers to do the same. If we think it necessary to follow a line of conduct, once it is adopted, I will say so frankly. This shall always be my policy, internal and external. As to you, gentlemen, you can tell your governments that I desire peace, frankly, loyally, without any ambitious second ends. Say, also, to Marshal Radetsky that I am willing to follow the armistice, or even to modify it in the interest of peace. I do not pretend to elude the fulfilment of the conditions I have signed. I shall be very grateful to you for what you do for us ; be sure I shall never compromise you, for I never fail in my word. The city of Genoa had been the seat of republican intrigues in 1848, and after the overthrow of the royal army in 1849 ^^^ people, incited by some unprincipled demagogues, broke into open anarchy. General Alfonzo la Marmora was sent to restore order to the distracted city, and he fulfilled his mission with ability and discre- tion. He was, however, obliged to hold it in a state of siege for some time. An amnesty was granted to the insurgents, with a few exceptions ; and amongst those few was the Marchese Pareto, formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs in Charles Albert's reign. His case was a bad one ; but when the paper was presented to the king, he said, — ' I do not wish this exception made. I will not have it said that I have used rigour towards a man who was once my father's minister.' The ministry soon broke up, divided on the peace question, and Delaunay resigned ; on this the king thought of Massimo d'Azeglio, who, still suffering from the wound received at Vicenza, and deeply afflicted in spirit, MASSIMO DAZEGLIO AS MINISTER. 5/ was wandering up and down the Riviera. If Victor Emmanuel did not like the ' profession of king,' D'Azeglio liked that of minister quite as little. The king's message found him at Genoa, and it was earnestly backed up by his brother Roberto, Marchese d'Azeglio, and one of the ministers, who came to his room early in the morning, before he was out of bed, and entreated him to accept the difficult charge. He could not re- fuse, though the office was most distasteful to him. On May 10, he sent forth an address to his constituents confirming what the king had already said. ' The misfortunes, the errors of the past, render war impos- sible,' said he ; ' but for the nation, for the king, for us, we proclaim it in the face of the world, dishonour is quite as impossible.' The king was much pleased with his new minister ; their political opinions exactly coincided ; they both had a large fund of good sense and keen observation, as well as an uncompromising candour and honesty of character ; and though Victor Emmanuel was not a polished man of letters, he could appreciate D'Azeglio's varied talents and charming manners. He made him his friend and confidant ; and when D'Azeglio's wound obliged him to lie on a sofa all day, used to go to see him, and talk over affairs public and private. D'Azeglio, being so much older than the king, and having had such a large experience of life, beside being nothing of a courtier, gave his opinions and advice with unusual frankness. One day talking alone with his sovereign, he said, there have been so few honest kings in the world, it would be a grand thing to begin the series. And Victor, looking at him with a smile, asked, — ' Have I to play the part of honest king } ' ' Your majesty has sworn to the Statiito, and has thought of all Italy, and not of Piedmont only. Let us continue in this path, and hold always that a king, as well as an obscure individual, has one word only, and by that he must stand.' ' Well, in that case,' replied the monarch, ' the pro- fession seems easy to me.' 58 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. ' And the Re galantiiomo, we have him,' concluded the minister. His majesty was pleased with the title, and proud of it. When the register of the census of Turin was brought, and he was asked to sign his name, he wrote, under the head 'Profession,' ^ Re gala7itiiomo! ' CHAPTER V. PIO NONO AND THE PAPAL POWER. A.D. 1 848-49. There were no people in Italy in whom the feeling of nationality was stronger, or the desire for a change of government so intense, as the Romagnuoli. And indeed when one reads the history of modern Rome, the won- der is how a brave, high-spirited people could have submitted so long to the papal government. They did not submit very patiently, it is true, for they were much given to conspire and rebel ; but these conspiracies and rebellions were nipped in the bud by a system of espionage and terrorism quite unique — a system in which were united the temporal and spiritual powers. Anyone suspected of liberal thought in religion or poli- tics was hunted down, not so much by means of the police as by means of the priests. The confessional was a ready way of obtaining the secrets of every family ; and the aged or dying persons were refused absolution ' A critic in the Pall Mall Gazette, among some other misstatements, contradicted this story and substituted the following : — 'The title of Rt galantiiomo was not given him by any minister. The story runs that when some one was blaming the errors of the preceding reign he replied — But I am an honest ?>mn.^ All we have to say concerning this is that the critic should have some better proof than ' the story runs ' when he undertakes to correct ; and that no one who knows anything about Victor Emmanuel would believe that he could insinuate that his father was not an honest man. His father's honour was an article of faith with him. Our version is so well known in Italy that we did not think it necessary to cite any of the numerous authorities which we might on so trivial a matter. See D'Azeglio's Letters to Torelli, published at Milan ; Massari's Life of Victor Eiiivianiiel, etc., etc. CHARACTER OF PIUS IX. 59 unless they betrayed the haunts of their suspected friends and relations. The information thus obtained was grossly abused, and men were dragged before the Inquisition, tortured and imprisoned on the pretext of heresy, who were perfectly orthodox, and desired nothing but some reform in the administration of justice. The immediate predecessors of Pius IX. were so detestable, that they made him appear, by force of con- trast, an angel from heaven. His benevolent disposi- tion, the purity of his private life, and the reforms with which he began his reign — for he too granted a repre- sentative form of government — raised the wildest hopes in the hearts of the people ; they persuaded, caressed, and adored him to such an extent that he was carried along on the wave of popularity, and landed in Libe- ralism before he knew what he was about. But sud- denly he awoke as if from a delirium, and finding he had drifted unconsciously away from the fixed principles of the papacy, tried to get back as best he could. He had initiated the reform movement before Charles Albert had dared to unfurl the tricolour ; but before that unfortunate monarch had well entered into the desperate struggle, Pius IX. was beginning to re- cover from the liberal fever ; he was quarrelling with his ministers, contradicting his own utterances, sending orders to his generals not to fight, and trying every means to avoid a rupture with Austria — Austria who all the time hated him as a demon of revolution, and had the clergy preaching against him and threatening a schism. This was what he feared ; and though not de- void of courage and patriotism, the priest was stronger in him than the citizen. Still some reforms from time to time he granted, and he had fresh accesses of Liberalism when Austrian aggression made him feel for the moment like a man and an Italian. His subjects, who were truly attached to him, prostrated themselves at his feet, and implored permission to fight his enemies — to defend the sacred confines of the Church's States. They ofi"ered money, arms, jewels — all they possessed — if he would only give them the blessed privilege of 6o LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL dying in his cause, and let that cause and Italy's be one. He was touched by the pathetic appeal, and seemed to yield for the time. He would bless them and their banner, and write an indignant protest to the Austrian general against outrages in Ferrara, or brutali- ties in Bologna ; and then his patient subjects would thank him with an excess of gratitude, for having pro- tested against the violation of his own territories. The Romans were all the time burning to take their part in the national war into which they had helped to drive Charles Albert. He had said : — I will do my best to further your just desires, aided by that Providence which has given to Italy a Pio Nono — that Providence which is visibly with us, and has given Italy strength to stand alone. They thought it would be an everlasting disgrace if Piedmont and Lombardy were left to fight the battle of liberty all unaided, after having been misled by so many promises ; and there were those who felt such generous .shame at the idea, that they did not wait for any per- mission, but volunteered under the banner of the King of Sardinia. The wildest joy pervaded the city of Rome when the first Piedmontese successes were announced, but the defeat of Custoza threw her into mourning. The deputies of the Consulta — a sort of parliament which the Pope had instituted — framed an address to the sovereign in the most passionate language of entreaty, concluding thus : — We wish to save the state from the discord and horrid turmoil by which she is threatened, and we cannot do so unless we direct to a good end the extraordinary popular enthusiasm, and unless you uphold us with your authority. Listen, O blessed Father, to the sorrowful cry of your devoted children ! Oh, do not zvill that in the reign of Pio Nono a great disaster to the Italian arms should weigh down our consciences with remorse ! RETROGRESSION OF THE POPE. 6 1 The Pope still hesitated ; he wanted time to consi- der, he said. The citizens became desperate. Time ! they exclaimed, time ! while their Piedmontese and Lombard brothers were pouring out their best blood ! while Italy was being assassinated ! Even the priests — many of them, at least — shared the popular enthusiasm. They harangued the people, blessed the banners, and ofifered to march north with the army. Amongst these warlike priests was the Barnabite frate, Gavazzi, a very eloquent, but a turbu- lent and injudicious preacher, who subsequently left the Church of Rome. When General Durando, accompanied by Massimo d'Azeglio, at last marched to the seat of war, he was not permitted to cross the Po, and the discontent at this inactivity of the papal government was increased by various other incidents. Gioberti had just issued his book against the Jesuits, who were detested in Rome as the deadly enemies of liberty, and the Romans received the work with unmeasured praise. The Pope grew angry^, and accused everyone of in- gratitude ; the people insulted the Jesuits and forced them to leave Rome, threatened to burn cardinals' pa- laces, crying, ' Live Pio Nono alone ! Death to Lam- bruschini ! ' The Pope grew more angry ; he went about guarded, and showed a want of confidence in the citizens, even alluding to the national aspirations as ' insane hopes.' All this time a continual change of ministers went on, as Hberal or clerical counsels prevailed, or rather as the pressure of the popular will was brought to bear upon the sovereign. The people were becoming more vio- lent and unreasonable in their demands, and the Pope was gradually receding from the position of reformer, frightened of schism and anarchy. The breach was widening rapidly, and the people, under the pernicious influence of violent demagogues, had been worked into the worst frame of mind, when Pellegrino Rossi came into office. He was an excellent man, and an able statesman ; but he pleased nobody, because he courted neither clergy nor people, but set about his duty with a stern resolve to put down riotous disorder in the city, 62 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. and corrupt practices in high places. His brutal murder, which is an everlasting disgrace to the people of Rome, gave Pio Nono a great shock, and threw him back into the arms of the retrograde party. He was bitterly disappointed and grieved to find that the Utopia of his poetic imagination was but an impossible dream,- Disaffection daily increased, and the Romans began to regard their once adored Pontiff as a false, capricious, tyrannical ruler. D'Azeglio had said truly when he wrote, ' The magic of Pio Nono will not last.' The fact is, that he never had been the phcenix they took him for at first, nor was he. even at his worst, a heartless tyrant, though the acts of his government might well cover his name with odium. He was weak and vacillating, and lent an ear now to the words of one party, now of another. The clerical party was the most powerful, and by the most cunning and artful means managed to inspire in him such a fear of anarchy and schism that he shrank from the simplest and most necessary reforms as dangerous. His great fault was an extravagant idea of his own self- importance. He believed in himself as Pope as firmly as he did in the Madonna ; an offence against him was an offence against religion, and deserved the severest pun- ishment. This will account for what sometimes seemed evidence of a vindictive nature, but was not really so. He never meant to deceive his subjects. They de- ceived themselves by imagining that the Pope was a man of such transcendent genius, force of character, and sublime virtue, that he could overturn and remodel at his will such a powerful institution as the Church go- vernment, the abuses and corruptions of which had their roots deep fixed in far-back ages. When at last the mutinous citizens bombarded the Quirinal palace— the Pope being inside — he ceded, but with a protest. ' I cede to force alone,' he said ; and in a few days he left Rome secretly by night, disguised as a common priest. November 25, 1848, Pio Nono aban- doned his capital, a prey to contending parties, and took refuge with the King of Naples at Gaeta. It was a EFFORTS AT A RECONCILIATION. 63 most unhappy choice, and cut off all hope of a recon- ciliation with his people. The liberal ministers, lately called to office by compulsion, established a provisional government, and sent a deputation to Gaeta to entreat his holiness to return to Rome. The deputation was stopped on the frontier by order of the King of Naples, and not allowed to approach the Pope. Meanwhile, the Austrian Jesuits had come round him, and were doing their utmost to make the breach wider. In an evil hour he appealed to the Catholic powers for help against his subjects — an evil hour for him, Pio Nono, and the temporal power — not for Italy. He had left his capital without a leader, and one of his deadliest enemies, Garibaldi, had taken possession of it, and was disseminating his heretical views in a very fruitful soil, giving a republican bias to all the liberal movements. The reception the deputation met with broke the last tie between the Pope and his subjects. Carlo Alberto was cut to the heart by the defection of Pio Nono from the Liberal cause. He was really his only ally, and he valued him more than all the other princes put together, because of his spiritual authority. He tried repeatedly to reconcile the Romans and their sovereign, but in vain. On January i, 1849, Conte di San Martino, envoy of the Sardinian king, arrived at Gaeta. The Pope refused to see him, though the king had given him no offence whatever. At last, after much trouble, he consented to receive him as a private indivi- dual. They talked of his return to Rome, and the count hinted at the advisability of conciliatory measures ; but the Pope gave him to understand that he trusted entirely to foreign aid for his restoration. The count started and looked reproachfully at the Pope, who was himself a little disturbed. ' die vuole} they would have it,' said he. The Austrian and Bavarian ambassadors laboured incessantly to circumvent San Martino, but he re- mained for some time at Gaeta, and pleaded the cause of the Romans, which was the cause of Italy, with great 64 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. earnestness. There were moments when the Pope's better nature was in the ascendant ; and once he seem.ed moved by San Martino's arguments ; but he said again, ' What would you have .-' It is too late/ and sighed. It was doubtless a sigh from the depth of his soul, a sigh for his better self, the lost Pio Nono of 1846, beloved and reverenced as he never could be again. Perhaps at that moment a vision flashed across his mind of himself on the balcony of the Quirinal, with hands outstretched over thousands of upturned faces, all breathing love and trust, while he blessed the Italian cause, and they vowed fidelity to their pastor and king. And now he was about to let loose upon them a foreign soldiery ; hence- forth he must hold his throne by the sole force of arms. Well might Pio Nono sigh.' King Ferdinand and the Austrian ambassador per- suaded the Pope that nothing but Austrian interven- tion could reseat him on the throne. France and Spain, equally eager to get hold of him, were profuse in offers of services. Poor Count San Martino had no chance against such odds, but he spoke boldly nevertheless. Gioberti, once much admired by Pio Nono, was then Charles Albert's minister, and he addressed a letter to Gaeta on the subject of a reconciliation between the Pope and the Romans which concluded thus : — ' Early in 1848, the Pope had issued a proclamation blessing the Italian cause. Some misunderstandings had previously arisen between the Pontiff and citizens about the Civic Guard ; but these differences having been accommodated for the moment, the proclamation was issued, and the people surrounded the Pope's carriage, holding up a placard with the words : ^ Holy Father, confide in your people^ — and then followed him in great numbers to the Quirinal. He came on the balcony, and spoke, in the midst of a profound silence : — ' Before the benediction of God descends upon you, on the rest of my states, and — I repeat it once more — on all Italy, I pray you to be of one accord, and to maintain that faith which you have vowed to your Pontiff.' The silence was Lroken by a tumultuous, agitated crj' from the multitude : 'I swear.' The Pope raised his hand to consecrate this solemn compact by calling God's blessing upon it. Who broke faith — the Pope or the people? To be quite just, we should say neither party observed the compact, both feeling themselves justified in breaking it. THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 65 I hope the Court of Gaeta is about to return to senti- ments more evangelical, more worthy of Pio Nono. I am sorr>' to have to say that the Court of Gaeta, repudiatingr the doctrine of conciliation, and adopting that of vengeance and blood, does not seem to know that it is repudiating the maxims of Christ, and putting in their stead those of Mahomet. It is necessary to bear these events of Charles Albert's reign in mind, in order to judge fairly of the quarrel between his successor and the Holy See. The respectable portion of the city of Rome thought they had done their duty in trying to make peace, and now, under the influence of Garibaldi and Mazzini, just then arrived, they felt inclined to use their liberty, and establish a different form of government. In February 1849, a meeting of Parliament took place, in which it was resolved that Pope Pius IX. had fallen from the temporal power in fact and in right, but that his in- dependence as Pontiff should be strictly guaranteed. Galletti, the late minister of Pio Nono, accepted office. The Romans inaugurated their republic with religious observances, for they were anxious to show that they adhered to the Christian faith, and that liberty did not mean atheism. Among the first measures of the new government was the abolition of the Holy Office of the Inquisition. The populace would have levelled it with the ground, but the ministers decided to put the building to some charitable purpose ; before making any alteration in it, they thought it well to leave it open for a few days, to let the citizens see with their own eyes the secret mechanism of the papal system. They did not need any evidence to know that the only crime of serious moment in the States of the Church was liberal thought in religion and politics. That their friends and relations had been spirited away, and immured in prison, they also knew too well. And when the prison doors were open these emaciated heretics had a sad tale to tell of cruel suffering and ingenious torture, and that without F 66 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. any visible instruments, for these had been abolished by law in 1815. But worse than anything that had come to their knowledge was discovered in the dungeons, and in the archives where the criminal records were kept.^ The following account by one of the prisoners, a foreigner, will give an idea of the excitement of Rome at the opening of the Inquisition. It was the 27th of March, 1849, near sunset, when a great tumult and rushing of feet at a rapid pace, and a noise of many voices made themselves heard in the corridor. Ignorant of what had happened, I did not know the cause of the noise, and thought my last hour was come, and throwing myself on my knees, I commended my soul to God. Then the door of my prison opened, and there entered a man of short stature, who fell upon my neck and embraced me, while tears fell abundantly from under his green spectacles. It was the minister Sterbini, author of the abolition of the Holy Office. ' You are free,' he said. I was ex- cessively weak from long confinement in the narrow, damp prison, and had almost lost the power of walk- ing. But the men who accompanied him took me by the arms and carried me across a court, through a crowd who cried, ' Down with the Pope ! ' ' Live the Republic ! ' I was put in a room with other prisoners, where the good people, so different from their priests, took great pains to restore me with soups, wine and cordials. When Sterbini had visited all the prisoners, he asked each where he would like to be sent. I replied that, being a foreigner, I had no friends in Rome, and prayed him to conduct me to the consul of my nation. ' You shall go to your consul,' he said, ' but not in your present state ; wait till you are a little recovered.' Then one of the gentlemen present entreated me to accept his hospitality, which I did with gratitude. I ' See Fiorentino, La Vita di Pio Nono. THE SIEGE OF ROME. 6j was put in a carriage and carried to the house of this good Roman, where I now am. It was just three days after the battle of Novara, which plunged Rome and Italy in the deepest mourning. There were rejoicings at Gaeta when the news arrived, and Pio Nono showed his chameleon-like character in its worst aspect at this time. His old ally. Carlo Alberto, who was a devoted son of the Church, had been overpowered in a last desperate stand against his enemies. Lombardy was being trampled to death by Austrian dragoons, under a general at whose name humanity shudders. Venice was still making a gallant but utterly hopeless defence against the enemy, having addressed the most touching appeals for help to the holy father, before his flight. At the time that the war was raging in the north of Italy, Naples was a prey to the same misfortune. The Two Sicilies were in open rebellion ; having decided to depose for ever the Bourbon race, they invited to the throne Ferdinand of Savoy, Charles Albert's younger son. But Piedmont could not spare one gallant arm from her service, much less a prince of the blood. Garibaldi, with 5,000 volunteers, lent able assistance to the Neapolitan insurgents, and defeated the royal troops repeatedly. He hastened back to defend Rome from the French, who, in answer to the Pope's appeal, had landed at Civitavecchia, April 1849. Though they came in friendly guise, promising to respect the liberties of the people, the Romans thought it well to prepare for defence, and the bells of the Capitol rang out calling the citizens to arms. On April 29 there were within the walls 9,000 soldiers ready for battle, in two divisions, one commanded by Garibaldi, the other by Bartolucci. The gallant conduct of the Romans during the siege redeemed their character from the stain which their previous excesses and follies had left upon it. The best men came to the front in this moment of dire distress, while the citizens, aided by some northern volunteers, not only performed acts of great valour, but F 2 68 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. displayed a constancy and heroism worthy of ancient days. The siege lasted four months. Then, utterly worn out, the city capitulated, and General Oudinot entered on July 3. The Pope sent him a warm letter of thanks, and benedictions for himself and his soldiers. When he fled from Rome [says Guerrazzi], with the locket of Pius VI. in his bosom, and the woman Spaur by his side, he never ceased to supplicate the Divine Redeemer for the health of his enemies — whom later he sent openly to the gallows. The same author records the fact that at the time of the numerous trials for high treason which followed the Pope's restoration, he used to lay the death warrant at the foot of the cross, and when no heavenly inspira- tion or sign came from it, he ordered the sentence to be executed.' CHAPTER VI. THE KING AND CONSTITUTION. A.D. 1849-50. Early in May, a month after Victor Emmanuel had come to the throne, it was decided between him and his advisers to make one more effort to restore peace to the distracted peninsula by addressing an earnest appeal to the three exiled sovereigns at Gaeta, more particularly to the Pope, who would naturally have more influence than the others if he could be won over to a policy of conciliation. The ambassador chosen for this delicate mission was Cesare Balbo, a man of superior intellect, great personal worth, and much public spirit. He was one of those rare men whom it was Victor Emmanuel's good fortune to find round him in his hour of bitterest trial — men whose truth and loyalty could not be doubted, for ' L'Assedio di Roma. VICTOR EMMANUEL AS MEDIATOR. 69 nothing but disinterested patriotism could bind them to his service at that moment. Count Balbo was Azeglio's cousin and very dear friend, and Hke him he felt that all personal feeling must give way before the public in- terests, so he accepted the mission.' The king had charged Count Balbo with reverent messages for the Pope, and told him to exhort him to re-establish a constitutional government in his states, send away the French, and conciliate his people. As the two other dispossessed sovereigns, the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the King of Naples, were also at Gaeta, the count was instructed to drop a word of advice to them also. The mission failed utterly, no one of the three giving any ear to the Sardinian envoy. But it is right to record every effort made by Victor Emma- nuel's government to reconcile the Pope with the spirit of the nation. These attempts at establishing a good understanding are not usually mentioned by clerical writers, nor do they generally take much note of the proscriptions and executions which followed the Pope's restoration. Victor Emmanuel had not been yet two months on the throne, when his life, which had already had so many hair-breadth escapes, was threatened by a danger- ous illness, the same sort of fever which ultimately proved fatal. For nearly a month his family and friends were held in a state of suspense, hope and fear alternating as the fever abated or increased. It was a time of harrow- ing anxiety for those who understood the situation of affairs. His death at that moment would have been a calamity for the country which had no parallel. A letter from General Dabormida, the king's aide-de-camp, to General La IMarmora at Genoa, will explain the state of feeling at the time. ' Azeglio writes to his wife on March 28: — 'I have just heard that one of BaJbo's sons is killed ; I do not know which. Poor Balbo ! He had five sons in the field, and it seems that our people contested that battle like lions. . . . Poor Balbo ! Noble heart! While I write to you I am thinking of him, and that poor youth — I do not know which — but I loved them all, and I cannot restrain my tears.' 70 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. May 29, 1849. Dearest Friend, — I delayed some days replying to your letter, hoping to have some good news about the king, and it is with a sad heart I must tell you that the disease does not draw to a favourable conclusion, but on the contrary increases, so as to put us in fear of his life. Riberi at first seemed confident of a favour- able issue, but now he begins to be frightened, and the Prince Carignano, who sees the king often, yester- day was much afflicted. Grief perhaps makes us see the danger greater than it is, but the danger exists. Just think, my friend, of the dreadful consequences of such a loss. How could we in these times sustain a regency which would last over thirteen years ? ' I shrink from the thought ; and I fear more than ever that we are destined for some terrible crisis. Believe me, I do not grieve for the king as much as for the country. He would cease to suffer, and be spared the future miseries, which threaten to embitter his life, of party conflicts. You cannot imagine how much this poor young man suffers in seeing himself so villanously maligned in the journals, and threatened and insulted by anonymous letters. I have always believed his disposition good, but I never imagined him so excellent as since I have seen him groan under the weight of undeserved calumnies, but never heard issue from his lips a single threat, a desire for revenge, or a word of hate. He is, I repeat, excel- lent, and his death would be a great calamity to the country. I do not doubt that when the present trou- bles are passed his fine character will be appreciated, and he will be loved in the end. But before he arrives at that point, how much he has to suffer! If you were here I might relieve my heart to you, and I have much need to do so, because my friends who do not know the king well do not sympathise with my grief. The queen is an angel ; she never abandons her husband, and I fear that her health cannot hold out ' The crown prince, Humbert, was five years old. THE king's illness. /I much longer under the fatigues of nurse-tending. The Duke of Genoa comes from the camp every day to visit the king and take his orders. The duke, who filled the king's place with ability, was the most devoted of subjects. ' How good my brother is ! ' he said to General Dabormida, on coming out of the sick-room. ' Confess, General, that even you doubted Vittorio would have tumed out so good ? ' Happily for Italy Victor Emmanuel did not die ; and General Dabormida's words, that he had much to suffer, but would conquer in the end, were fulfilled. As soon as the king was recovered he issued a pro- clamation to the people. He thanked ever>-one for the trouble and anxiety they had had about him ; said he was grateful to Providence for such a brother and friend as the Duke of Genoa ; spoke with tender sadness of his father, who 'had so loved Italy and her people, who had laboured and suffered so much for them, and noAv found himself in a distant land in infirm health ; ' alluded to the peace still unsigned, saying it never should be, unless the terms were honourable and worthy of the nation. While the king was ill, General Ramorino, who had assisted as much as was in him to the overthrow of the Italian arms, was tried by court-martial, and being found guilty of disobedience to his commander's orders, which was plainly tantamount to treason, was sentenced to be shot. He appealed to the royal clemency ; but the king being too ill to attend to the afiair, his advisers felt that Ramorino was not a fit subject for grace, and the sentence was executed. Ever}-thing that the govern- ment did in those days was criticised and cavilled at. While the case was pending, D'Azeglio said to a friend with a bitter smile : — Certain journals have their articles already prepared for each of the two hypotheses : if it be the first, they will leave the one and print the other ; and if the second, they will do the opposite. In both cases their ^2 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. aim will be reached, which is to put the ' traitor ' king and his ministers in the wrong. The negotiations for peace dragged their weary length far into the summer, and seemed as if they never would come to a conclusion. The Sardinian govern- ment held out for an amnesty for Lombardy. ' We never will abandon the brothers who fought by our side — not to save Piedmont from annihilation,' said Azeglio. ' Peoples, like individuals, should prefer death to dis- honour.' These noble sentiments were fully shared by the king. But there was another point on which he was even more sensitive, and M^iere he felt the responsibility to be his alone : this was the Statiito, which the Austrians again attacked, threatening to break off the negotiations unless it were modified. But Victor was inexorable ; in public and private he vowed he would resign his kingdom sooner than touch it. ' I have promised,' said he, ' to maintain the constitution intact, and I never will violate my oath ; sooner than submit to foreign dictation on the subject, we will all go to America.' The general election took place on July 15, and the Parliament opened on the 50th. The countiy was in a miserably distracted, impoverished state, full of discontent, everyone blaming someone else for the public misfortunes. Many of the electors had abstained from voting, out of weariness and disgust with politics. Those who did vote were the ' Reds,' who sent many of the Radical agitators who had ^^composed the late Parliament back again. One person, even, who had been excluded from the amnesty for open rebellion in Genoa — the Marchese Pareto, who owed it to the king's special grace that he was not in prison — was duly elected deputy to the Chamber. Notwithstanding this the Turin people were coming to their senses, and beginning to see the king's conduct in a clearer and juster light. He was welcomed more warmly on his way to the Legislative Assembly than ever before, and the royal discourse was well received, Victor seemed happier than he had been TREATY OF PEACE. y^ since his accession ; and on his return to the palace he said to D'Azegho in a gay tone, ' Don't you think the Tyrant did his part well to-day ? ' He used to call him- self 'the Tyrant ' jestingly to his friend. But the hap- piness was short-lived. Even while he was delivering the speech from the throne, his beloved father was already dead. Victor, who had constantly corresponded with the late king, felt his loss deeply, and made arrangements for the transfer of his body to the family mausoleuni at Superga, near Turin. Over and above this private trouble, he found himself all at v^ariance with the new Parliament, which seemed as impracticable and difficult to get on with as the last. In fact it represented ' Giovane Italia,' which ' being young,' said Azeglio, ' cannot be expected to have much sense, and certainly has little.' The treaty of peace was signed August 6, 1849 — a treaty which Balbo pronounced an armistice which would last ten years. It was near coming to an end much sooner. In November a fierce debate, which lasted several days, took place in the Chambers on the subject of the treaty, particularly the provisions relating to the Lombard and Venetian refugees. The government had every intention of protecting them ; but the opposition party were not content with reasonable assurances, they wanted a revision of the treaty. The king and the ministry were oi one accord that it was necessary to dissolve the Assembly, and appeal once more to the country. In his proclamation the king strongly defends himself and his ministers, severely blames the Chamber for its unreasonable and ill-timed opposition to the Crown, and reproaches the electors for their neglect of duty in not going to the poll. Cavour thought the bold, firm action of the government at this crisis saved the country, but others thought that it was too arbitrary a measure. As the royal proclamation of Moncalieri has become an historical document, v/e will quote a para- graph or two from it. By the dissolution of the Chambers the liberties of the 74 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. country run no risk whatever. They are guarded by the venerated memory of King Charles Albert, my father ; they are confided to the honour of the House of Savoy ; they are protected by the religion of my oaths. Who dares fear for them ^ Before assembling the Parliament, I addressed to the nation, and particularly to the electors, some frank words. In my proclamation of July 3 I admonished them to bear themselves so as to render the Statuto possible. But only a third, or little more, went to the elections. The remainder neglected to exercise that right, which is a strict duty in every free country. I have fulfilled my duty ; why have they not fulfilled theirs } In the speech from the throne I made known the sad conditions of the State. I demonstrated the necessity of giving a truce to party passions, in order to resolve the vital questions of the day. My words were the result of profound love of my country, and fearless loyalty. What fruit did they obtain 1 The first acts of the Chamber were hostile to the Crown. ... I signed a peace with Austria, honour- able, and not ruinous. The public good required it. The honour of the country and the religion of my oath demanded that it should be faithfully followed out, without duplicity or equivocation. . . . I have sworn to maintain justice and liberty. I have promised to save the nation from the tyranny of factions, whatever be the name, objects, or rank of the men who compose them. These promises I fulfil by dissolving a Chamber whose existence had become impossible ; I fulfil them by calling another imme- diately. But if the country, if the electors, deny me their support, not on me will fall the responsibility of the future. If I have believed it my duty to give utterance to severe words, I confide in the sense and justice of the public to understand that they are dictated by a profound love of my people and of their true in- terests ; that they arise from my firm will to maintain THE STATUTO. 75 their liberty, and to defend them from foreign as well as internal enemies. The country responded to the king's earnest appeal, which aroused in the electors a sense of duty and citizen- ship. The new Parliament was composed of different elements from the last — moderate, sensible men, who had the true interests of the country at heart. The Chambers were opened on December 20. The ceremony was more cheerful than the last. The king began to win the confidence of the people ; his last frank pro- clamation had done much to bring about a better under- standing. He was received with warm applause, as was also Queen Adelaide, who appeared in one of the galleries leading the little Prince Humbert, dressed as a national guardsman. The king's speech was cheerful in tone. He warmly thanked the electors for having listened to his voice, and performed the duty of good citizens. The new Chamber approved of the treat}^ with Austria, and amicable relations were resumed between the two countries. ' Vot7'e roi est Ji?i bon enfatit' said Radetsky to the Piedmontese plenipotentiaries. ' Nojis raimons beaiicoiip ; nous sommes ses meilleia's amis : nous avons toiijoiirs a sa disposition quarantc inilie baionnettes! The Piedmontese ambassadors thanked the Marshal for his praises of their sovereign, but declined the proffered aid of bayonets, saying the King of Sardinia had no need of foreign soldiers to hold him on his throne; he confided in the affection of his subjects. The ambassador who was sent to represent Austria at the Court of Turin was very well selected for the position. Count Appony was a Hungarian of much ability, tact, and delicacy, and all these qualities Avere needed in the very sore state of Sardinian feelings at that time. The peace being finally settled, it was neces- sary to turn the attention of Parliament to the civil insti- tutions of the country. The famous Statnto, which had been the cause of so much quarrelling, was still a mass of undeveloped laws. It is true that some legal reforms had been under discussion in the late Assembly, but they ^^ LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. had not passed into acts, having excited the bitterest and most strenuous opoosition even in the royal house- hold. To put the new Constitution in working order was a task of incalculable difficulty. Piedmont had hitherto been not only an absolute monarchy, but in an extra- ordinary degree under clerical domination ; so that this order retained certain privileges which had been long abolished in other principalities of Italy. Everyone knows how much it goes against the natural inclination of man to resign a power or privilege inherited from ancestors or predecessors of any sort, however founded in injustice. Charles Albert, called by his subjects the Magnanimous, voluntarily resigned his absolutism : but his profound reverence for the Church, and his deep re- ligious feeling, would not let him touch the privileges of the clergy ; and these privileges were on the whole much more objectionable than the sovereign's power. There was a constant war going on in the king's mind between his religious convictions and his sense of political jus- tice ; and it is said that the Jesuits took advantage of his perturbed state to terrify his soul by awtul midnight visions, so that he was sometimes found insensible on his chamber floor in the morning. But the Statiito which he at last promulgated struck indirectly at those privileges, by providing that * all subjects should be equal in the eyes of the law ; ' and when Victor Emmanuel's government came to apply the articles of the Statuto, they had, amongst other abuses, to deal with the important question of the Foro Ecclesiastico. The Foro Ecclesiastico was a power- ful tribunal over which the clergy only presided. A council of three bishops had the right to pronounce sentence of death on any ecclesiastic. The pTain of death for offences against religion was part of the penal code ; to the Church was still permitted that relic of mediaeval lawlessness- — the right of asylum for criminals ; to the parish priest were left all civil registers ; to the Jesuits the right to penetrate everywhere — to rule the royal household, the private homes of citizens, the ABOLITION OF CLERICAL IMMUNITIES. JJ public institutions, the schools, etc. ; so that the country was absolutely subject to the priestly power. In the new Chamber the Minister of Grace and Jus- tice, Count Aveta, boldly asserted that by the 24th and 68th articles of the Statiito — the first of which de- clared all subjects equal before the laws, while the second provided that justice should be administered in the name of, and by judges chosen by, the king — the ecclesiastical tribunal should cease to exist. His suc- cessor, Sclopis, said that the existence of a privileged jurisdiction, independent of the royal authority — re- garding affairs entirely temporal — was quite irrecon- cilable with the provisions of the Statute Book. The clergy were naturally up in arms ; they protested against the sacrilege and impiety of touching their ancient privileges ; they denounced in the grossest language the promulgators of these wicked laws, par- ticularly Siccardi, a man of great probity and learning, who had given many years of his life to the study of jurisprudence, and was energetic in carrying out the reforms. Count Siccardi was sent on an embassy to the Pope to ask his consent to the abolition of the above-mentioned abuses, and to beg him to put a check on the insolence of the Piedmontese bishops, who were trying to excite civil dissensions in the realm. Antonelli replied that * the holy father was willing to please the King of Sardinia as far as going into the antechamber of the devil, but into his very chamber he would not go.' The Sardinian king and Parliament, indignant at the insult, set about abolishing the clerical privileges and im- munities without further ceremony. They were branded as infidels who wanted to overturn the altar, and destroy all religion. Victor Emmanuel did not like this reputa- tion ; he protested to the French ambassador that he was not * a bad Christian,' as he had been falsely repre- sented, and tried in every way possible to conciliate the irate priesthood. He had had a hard trial in the opposition of the queen dowager, who wearied him with entreaties and exhortations not to give his sanction to the anti- clerical acts. But however grieved he was at his yS LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL mother's distress, he never dreamed of letting any con- sideration interfere with his public duty. When he put his signature to the act, he looked at Siccardi with a smile, and said, ' Look to it. Count ; if this law leads those who have made it to the mfcvjio, you will have to go alone.' It was followed by a burst of rage from the clergy — protestations from Rome, and protestations from the Piedmontese bishops. Two of these violated the law of the realm and were consequently punished,, a delicate intimation that the Statuto had begun to work, and the clergy were to be treated like any other delinquents. Victor Emmanuel was consoled for the abuse which the clergy poured out upon him, and which caused him acute pain, by the ever-increasing affection of his subjects. The abolition of the Foro Ecclcsiastico made him im- mensely popular throughout Piedmont ; his triumph was shared by his minister Siccardi, to whom the nation decided on immediately building a monument. When the king went in the summer-time on a tour in the Alps he took Siccardi with him, that they might do some work from time to time in their resting-places. The fol- lowing characteristic letter is addressed to D'Azeglio : — Dear Friend, — 'In this Alpine retreat I never forget my friend. Thanks for your two letters. We arrived here on Saturday at eleven, after a week of terrible fatigues over the glaciers of Dondenaz and Cogne. I traversed the valleys of Bard, Champorcher, Fenils, .Saint Julien, and Cogne, and found everywhere proofs of true affection from these hardy sons of the Alps. On Sunday I received almost the whole town of Aosta, A^'hich came to compliment me in a truly cordial manner. Some of these discourses I wall send you, because they are really fine. In the replies I was aided by the sincerity of my sentiments and my small poetic vein. I had good fortune in the chase, too. I killed six chamois and two stags of the rare kind. I astonished the hunters of these mountains by the length of my shots, and we have left a good impression of ourselves THE KING IX THE ALPS. 79 also, because Barba Vittorio makes money circulate a little. To-day (Monday) is a very sad day for us, for me in particular. It is the anniversary of my poor father's death. I ordered a high mass to be said, and almost all the national guards of Aosta came in uniform to assist at it ^\^th great decorum. They have asked that my second son, who is duke of these regions, should be enrolled as one of them, and my consent gave them great pleasure. But, dear Massimo, I am very sad, and I do nothing all day but shed tears, thinking of him I loved so dearly, and of the mournful past. . . . Write to me, dear friend. Take care of your health ; and think sometimes of Barba Vittorio, who loves you from his heart, and who never deceives. Your affectionate July 29, 1850. Vittorio Emanuele. To the Noble Man, Chevalier Massimo d'Azeglio, President of the Council, &c. Barha Vittorio means ' uncle Victor ' in the Piedmon- tese dialect, and was probably a name given to the king by some of the little mountaineers, with whom he loved to converse familiarly, and play the part of ' special Providence.' There are many anecdotes told of his adventures in the Alps, which show his genial, sympa- thetic nature. One time he asked a little girl if she had ever seen the king .' The child replied that his majesty often came to her father's cottage to eat polenta with them. ' You little story-teller,' said Victor, giving her a piece of money. ' Here is his portrait, and don't tell fibs any more.' Another day he met a little barefooted boy in a wood, carr\-ing his shoes in his hand. The king asked him why he did not put on his shoes. ' They wear out,' was the reply. ' And the soles of the feet, don't they wear ? ' • Yes, but the skin grows again, and costs nothing.' ' What is your name .''' asked Victor. 'Albert.' The king took out a gold piece and put it in his hand. 80 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. ' You bear my father's name, my boy,' said he ; ' buy a pair of new shoes with this.' One evening descending from the mountain, after a hard day's sport, with one attendant, he met a peasant farmer who accosted him thus : — ' You seem brave hunters, gentlemen ; you would do me a great kindness if you would kill a fox which destroys all my property.' ' To-day our ammunition is exhausted,' replied the royal sportsman ; ' but we will pass this way to-morrow.' On the morrow he pursued and killed the animal, bring- ing its head in triumph to the peasant, who thanked the king, and gave him two francs for his trouble. Victor put the francs in his pocket, saying to his friend, ' These are the only moneys I ever really earned.' Soon after, the peasant was summoned to the royal villa, and, to his amazement, recognised in King Victor Emmanuel, the Alpine hunter, who returned him his two francs with enormous interest. In this year, 1850, the Duke of Genoa married Elizabeth of Saxony, and the king and queen made a tour through Savoy to meet the bride and bridegroom, and fete them on their return. While the royal family travelled by the easiest routes in carriages to Courmayeur, the king and his brother made an excursion across the mountains in hunting costume ; and after the usual fatigues, adventures, and enjoyments, joined the ladies in their rustic retreat. While sojourning in the moun- tains all court etiquette was laid aside, and the royal family lived in the utmost simplicity. The primitive inhabitants of those wild regions did not even know the king by sight. One day a woman came to the door of the royal villa with eggs, and met on the threshold a roughly dressed individual, who saluted her graciously, and asked her what she had in her basket. This man took the basket, brought it into the kitchen, and then returned it to her empty, with a piece of money. Seeing him so polite, the woman confided to him her desire to see the king, — the queen she had already seen. ' I am he,' said Victor, who with his thick boots, gaiters, conical hat, and rough sun-burnt features, was PUNISHMENT OF BISHOPS. 8 1 not the peasant's beau ideal of regal majesty. ' You ! ' she exclaimed with a derisive laugh. ' Oh, you won't get me to believe that ! A nice, pretty woman like the queen would never many such an ugly man.' The king related the story to the queen, laughing heartily, and often repeated it to his friends when telling of his first trip to Courmayeur. CHAPTER VIL THE BEGINNING OF THE QUARREL WITH ROME, AND CONTINUATION OF THE QUARREL WITH AUSTRIA. A.D. 1850-53. One of the king's ministers, who had assisted at the passing of the Siccardi bill for the abolition of clerical privileges, was the Cavaliere Santa Rosa, a gentleman of excellent private character, and a pious Catholic' He was dying of consumption, even while he sat in the council ; and soon after the prorogation of Parliament he succumbed to the fatal disease. His confessor had no power to administer the sacrament without the concur- rence of the parish priest, who refused it, at the command of his bishop. The dying man protested that he was a true Catholic, that he was conscious of no sin in taking part in the late acts of the government, and implored his confessor to procure for him the last consolations of re- ligion. The confessor, moved with pity, returned once more to the curate, and used all his persuasions to change his resolution. Instead of yielding to the prayer, the brutal priest entered the sick chamber and reviled the dying man so grossly, that his wife, weeping hys- terically, implored him to quit the house, and not torture her husband in his last agonies. The good Santa Rosa expired without receiving the sacrament ; and all Pied- ' Cousin of the revolutionist Santorre Santa Rosa. G 82 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL mont was stirred to its depths with indignation, and cried out that the law must be vindicated. The bishop by whose authority this outrage had been committed was imprisoned, and another also for some similar offence. Naturally the Court of Rome protested against this outrage to the sacred persons of the bishops. An envoy was sent to explain the case to his holiness, and further beg of him to put a restraint on the rebellious language of the clergy. The Pope refused to listen to the Pied- montese ambassador. Later, another was sent, with whom he seemed disposed to treat ; but as he demanded a restitution of the immunities the clergy enjoyed in the reign of Charles Albert, the negotiation ended in smoke. The next move was an autograph letter addressed by Victor Emmanuel to the holy father, couched in the most respectful terms, asking him again to restrain the insolence of the clergy, who did not hesitate to insult him and the laws of his realm. The Pope, not to be outdone in politeness, replied in an autograph letter, in which he said the priests had only done their duty, and begged his majesty to put a restraint on the ex- cessive liberty of the press, ' boiling over with blas- phemies and immoralities — to the end that the clergy should not be persecuted, calumniated, and derided.' The irate Pontiff adds, ' Because they defend pure religion and the principles of truth, is this a reason why they should come under your majesty's displeasure .'' ' And so these exchanges of royal compliments went on with ever-increasing acerbity. D'Azeglio could restrain himself no longer : he rushed to the front of the battle, and wrote a pamphlet in his own name, attacking the papal government under Pio Nono, as he had so often done under his predecessors, but in dignified and measured language. The death of Santa Rosa, which had given rise to these disputes, gave occasion also to the Premier to call to the vacant post of Minister of Agriculture and Com- merce another bold spirit, whose statesmanlike genius far surpassed his own in grand design and daring exe- THE KING OF NAPLES. 83 cution. ' Take care,' said the king, when D'Azeglio pro- posed the appointment. ' Cavour will rule you all ; he will send you away ; he must be Prime ^Minister.' In this year, i85i,a fourth son was born to King Victor, whom he called Charles Albert ; and in the same year was born also the Duke of Genoa's eldest child, Margherita, now Queen of Italy. Victor Emmanuel at this time had need of all the affection of his subjects, for he had little sympathy from the outer world. He was the only constitutional monarch in Italy. The position of the Lombardo-Vene- tian provinces was a perpetual thorn in his side, and a continual source of irritation between the governments of Vienna and Turin. The subjugated provinces would rebel from time to time ; and these rebellions being put down with great severity, the Piedmontese, having a free press, would express their feelings without reserve. Hence arose complaints and counter-complaints. All the other states of Europe were either coldly neutral or critical, with the sole exception of England, ' whose friendship for the House of Savoy and Piedmont was of ancient date, and her sympathy for Italy profound,' says ^Massari. The governments both of Berlin and Vienna sent to Victor Emmanuel dictatorial, menacing messages, thinly veiled under the form of friendly advice. In Italy the petty princes were one and all his enemies, his con- stitutional government being a standing reproach to them, who had violated their oaths. But the greatest enemy of liberal institutions was Ferdinand, King of Naples, who, in 1848, after having sworn upon the Bible to grant a constitution and to join the national war, pro- ceeded to slaughter, imprison, and banish innumerable citizens, for no other offence than taking part in the movement. This old tyrant hated Victor Emmanuel and Piedmont, and was most anxious to put an end to what he called ' the bad example of the King of Sar- dinia,' or ' the Sardo,' as he designated him in private. Massari, who is Neapolitan, says he was discontented with his ambassador at the Court of Turin, and recalled G 2 84 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. him for the following reason : A princess of the Bour- bon family asked the Count Grifeo to narrate to her the disorders which had taken place in Turin. He looked amazed at the question, and said no disorders had been known during his residence there. This was enough to excite the distrust of the suspicious sovereign, and Grifeo was recalled. His successor, Cavaliere Ramirez, better understood what was expected of him. On presenting his credentials to the Sardinian king he was received courteously ; and after the usual ex- change of compliments, he began to read an address written in French. The king, who was quite unprepared for an ' allocution ' from the Neapolitan ambassador, was not attended by any of his ministers on the occasion. 'The king, my august master,' said Ramirez, reading from the paper, ' has ordered me to explain to your majesty the wishes he has formed for the conserva- tion of your majesty's country, threatened by so many dangers.' ' What are the dangers, M. le Chevalier .'' ' asked the king, interrupting him. The ambassador was not pre- pared for the question ; he hesitated, stammered, and at last spoke of the wicked press, secret societies, and such like. Victor Emmanuel replied with dignity, — ' I have nothing to fear, M. le Chevalier. Behind my throne there is neither treason nor perjury.' When Massimo d'Azeglio heard of this cutting reply, he felt very proud of his young king, who knew how so well to maintain his own dignity. 'Everyone knows,' said he, with that charming frankness which was a striking characteristic of his, 'that I can always find appropriate phraseology to clothe my thoughts ; but indeed I should hardly have been able to give such a telling, pointed reply as that of the king. It is a fact that an honest man has the secret of true eloquence.' The Neapolitan complained to the Austrian ambassador of the king's rudeness, but Count Appony held that he had provoked the offence, and had better pass it by. At this time the philosopher Gioberti, tired of political life, was living in Paris, where he published MAGNANIMITY OF CHARACTER. 85 his famous book, ' Rinnovamento Civile d' Italia,' which excited much attention. In treating of Piedmont, he said : — Except the young sovereign who rules Piedmont, I see no one in Italy who could undertake our emancipation. Instead of imitating Pius, Ferdinand, and Leopold, who violated their sworn compacts, he maintains his with religious observance — vulgar praise m other times, but to-day not small, being contrary to example. The king was much pleased with Gioberti's book, and while reading it often said, ' I will do what Gioberti says.' He had enough of trouble and danger to contend with still, but he was more resigned since he knew he had the sympathy of his own people. * I am not sad,' he said in a letter. ' Dangers threaten me, but one must be a fatalist and say, " God is great," and nothing more.' Victor Emmanuel, whatever his faults may have been, had a very noble trait of character, which in a prince is particularly admirable — a magnanimity of soul which set him above petty considerations, and made him ignore all personal injuries and offences. He could not bear to have sentences for treason carried out, unless the peace of the country demanded it; and he made a regular habit of setting at liberty all the seditious priests condemned by the courts of law. ' You have done your duty in condemning them,' said he ; 'that is enough to vin- dicate the law ; I do mine in pardoning them.' He never knew what it was to harbour malice against any human being, even when groaning under the weight of un- deserved calumnies. ' I am not angry,' he writes to a friend in 185 1, ' neither was lever. I am accustomed to everything ; and I know we cannot shut people's mouths, and that malicious persons attack virtue, or those that they think better than themselves, for rage against good, or because they cannot attain their per- verse ends. I believe at this moment I know the world well, and nothing can astonish me more.' One of the calumnies which struck Victor most S6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. severely — and which his enemies, knowing this weak- ness, persisted in reiterating loudly — was that directed against his religious belief. He was said to be an im- pious scofifer at religion, who laughed to scorn everj' sacred thing in heaven and earth. The fact was that Victor, who had been brought up by most devout parents, had a profound reverence for religion. It is true he- was not, like Charles Albert, an anchorite ; on the contrary, he was a pleasure-loving man. But this does not, so far as we know, hinder a man being a pious Catholic — else the Bourbon princes and princesses would not have been such favourites with the holy father, or have enjoyed such a reputation for piety as they did. Mctor Emmanuel firmly believed the Italian cause was under the protection of Divine Providence ; and in the royal speech for the opening session of 1852, he insisted on inserting the words, ' Providence, which has plainly blessed our work.' His majesty delivered these words with emphasis as he looked round at the assembly, and was much disappointed to see they did not produce the liv^ely impression he expected. The king had had for preceptor, when a youth, a very learned divine to whom he was much attached. This Monsignor Charvaz had the courage to espouse the Liberal cause, and stand by his sovereign in the disputes between Church and State — which, it is well known, cost \"ictor Emmanuel, as well as his father, bitter mental struggles. ' Stick to the Constitution,' said Charvaz, ' and let the ignorant and the fanatical scold and shout.' He was a great comfort and support to the king, who used to say that he never saw Monsignor Charvaz without hearing a sermon from him ; but, so far from complaining of his severity, took it as a proof that his old governor's affection for him had not diminished. One day the king sent for Charvaz, wish- ing to convey to him personally the news of his elevation to the Archbishopric of Genoa. When the Monsignore presented himself, Victor sprang forward with boyish glee, and threw his arms round his neck. ' Monsignore, no sermon to-day, I entreat.'said he, holding him tightly CHANGES IN THE CABINET. 8/ in his strong embrace. ' I know I am a sinner, but I have a good heart, and I will not let you go till you promise not to preach to me to-day.' Meantime fresh offences were given to Rome by almost every act of the Sardinian Government. There were then going on very warm debates on the subject of civil marriages, which excited the bitterest feeling amongst the clergy. D'Azeglio and Cavour had been disagreeing for sometime ; finally there was a split in the Cabinet, and the ministry resigned. The king accepted the resignation ; but directed D'Azeglio to form a new ministry, excluding Cavour and other discordant ele- ments. ' Later we will want Cavour, but not yet,' said the king, who probably feared that he would push matters to extremes prematurely, and so prevent the possibility of a reconciliation with Rome. While the marriage law was in abeyance during the prorogation of Parliament, the king once more addressed a letter to the Pope, giving all his arguments in favour of it. He hesitated before bidding the clergy defiance on this point. When there was placed before him an elaborate statement on the question, he read it care- fully, and then said : ' It is well. Those are the learned arguments of lawyers ; but I must also think how it will be regarded above ' — pointing heavenward. Massimo d'Azeglio, weary and disgusted with state aftairs, and in poor health, resigned ofiice in a few months after he had formed his second ministr>% ad- vising the king to call to office his rival Cavour, whom he disliked but admired. Cavour hesitated, and said that in the face of the extravagant pretensions of Rome he could not accept the responsibility. The king said he would not take his refusal, and sent him to talk with Monsignor Charvaz, who had just come back from an embassy to the Pope. The result of the conversation confirmed the count in his opinion that he could not get on peaceably with the Holy See. He accordingly re- commended the king, in the present excited state of public feeling, to send for Count Balbo, who was more moderate and conservative. After further negotiations, 88 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. finding that concessions did not conciliate the Court of Rome, Victor Emmanuel thought it useless to deprive himself of Cavour's able counsel ; and this time the count yielded to the royal invitation, and took upon him the conduct of affairs. It was a fortunate day for the king, for Piedmont, for Italy, when this great, wise, far-seeing patriot seized the helm of the state, and guided her over the stormy waters which so often threatened to engulf her, to a safe anchorage. The bitterness of feeling between Austria and Pied- mont broke out from time to time in mutual accusa- tions and complaints- An abortive rebellion in Milan, February 6, 1853, gave occasion for a diplomatic con- flict, which threatened to end in actual warfare. The Austrian Government accused Piedmont of encouraging and hatching conspiracies in Lombardy. Piedmont re- plied that the Lombards were driven to rebellion by an oppressive and cruel government ; and indignantly denied having anything to do with conspiracies. Austria re- sponded in injurious terms, speaking of the Piedmontese as ' traitors.' The king, very indignant, addressed a memorandum to the Court of Vienna. ' We must show,' said he to Cavour, 'that the House of Savoy must not be vilified by any power.' The ambassadors of England and France, feeling the justice of the king's angry message, supported it. Austria was more enraged than ever ; and the quarrel arrived at the dangerous point of breaking off diplomatic relations. Count Appony, having vainly remonstrated with his own government, left Turin at the same time that the Sardinian ambassador started from Vienna. It began to be clear to everyone that the Peace of Milan was, what Count Balbo had said, an armistice that would last about ten years. This illustrious author and statesman died on June 3, 1853, and The world was poorer of a noble man. Cesare Balbo was one of that brilliant set to which the brothers D'Azeglio belonged, who united the polish and enlightenment of modern times with the knightly spirit CAVOUR. 89 of loyalty and patriotism of the antique Piedmontese gentlemen. The financial difficulties of Piedmont ever since the war — the indemnity- was eighty million francs — were not the least of her troubles. In this year much discussion on the question had been carried on in the Chambers, and great difference of opinion existed on the subject of taxation. Cavour then shared the common lot of all men in his difficult position. The country was poor, the treasury' empty, money was required to keep the machinery of the state in motion, and he had no magic treasure house to draw upon, so had to resort to taxes, and was consequently unpopular for a time. His liberalism had previously given offence to the aristocratic conser- vative party, to which he belonged by birth and ante- cedents, and this offence was increased by his seeking support from the Left when he found the Right would not advance at his pace. But Cavour knew how to balance himself between extremes of party, and make use of politicians of every shade of opinion. He was often attacked by the ex- treme Left, particularly by Brofferio, a clever journalist and dramatist of republican tendencies, whose bitterest satires were directed against the count, and who was never tired of sneering at him. Cavour's admiration of England had won for him the nickname of ' Lord Camillo ' amongst this party. Once when he quoted English institutions in terms of praise — as he often did — there was laughter from the opposition benches. The count said in parenthesis, without losing the thread of his discourse : ' That laughter can only proceed from someone whose name has never reached England.' It was impossible to put out or confuse Cavour, in spite of a certain defect in his speech which he had laboured hard to overcome. But he often put his adversaries to the rout by the ironical smile which he wore while they were speaking. Bonghi says of him : — His speech was not fluent nor elegant ; his voice was sharp and sometimes harsh ; the words stopped in his 90 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. mouth ; and although he hid the defect by a cough, which he invoked for the occasion, this would have tired his hearers if their spirit were not sustained by the hope, constantly satisfied, of a lucid idea which shone before them at the end of the period, inter- rupted always, never broken. The hesitation of his tongue never made him lose the thread of his dis- course — much less the interruption of his adversaries, whom he provoked rather than feared — feeling sure of his response. Once Brofiferio called him an ' Ultra-Moderate,' and in his reply he said : — In truth, I have found the words used by the Hon. Brofiferio rather too indulgent than severe ; and I feel due gratitude for the exquisite courtesy which distinguishes him in calling me only an ' Ultra-Mode- rate,' and not having employed the word ' Retrograde,' or the more vulgar, but more expressive ' Codino! Cavour was a man of imperious will, and loved power ; the consequence was that his will and that of his royal master sometimes clashed. But he was good-tempered, and both were large-minded, sensible men, who felt the necessity of mutual support in the great work of developing their liberal institutions, to which they were equally devoted ; and so they not only worked well together, but became personally attached to each other. Though Victor Emmanuel was scrupu- lously conscientious not to stretch his authority beyond constitutional limits, he did not, on that account, throw all the care and responsibility of affairs on his ministers. He took an active part in all the Cabinet discussions, and sometimes his simple straightforward policy was found more efifective than Cavour's diplomatic play. In tlje royal speech of December 1853, the words 'restored finances ' occurred. The king, reading it over, said : ' Stop ; it seems to me we promise too much. Let us put in an " almost." It will be more true, and not spoil the sense of the sentence.' victor's desire for war. 91 In this year the king and queen being at Spezia for sea-bathing, with the royal family, all went on an excur- sion in a man-of-war. The ship struck on a rock, sprung a leak, and was foundering rapidly, when another vessel came in time to rescue the precious freight from immi- nent death. When the news arrived in Turin of how near extinction had been the dynasty of Savoy, the people cried, ' God protects Italy ! ' CHAPTER Vni. THE ATJJAXCE WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE. DOMESTIC AFFLICTIONS. A.D. 1 854-55. Amongst other modern improvements set on foot by Victor Emmanuel's government was railway communi- cation. The line was just completed between Genoa and Turin,, and at Count Cavour's suggestion the king and queen went to Genoa to inaugurate it. That once rebellious city, now become intensely loyal, greeted them enthusiastically. Soon after this pleasant trip troubles came. The little prince Charles Albert died, to the great grief of his mother and father, who were both devotedly fond of their children. Cholera broke out with fearful virulence in the Riviera ; but the great populous city of Genoa suffered most in this visitation. The mortality was so great that it was almost impossible to give the most necessan.' attention to the sick, much less decent burial to the dead. The king felt it his duty to be with his afflicted subjects ; so he sent the Duke of Genoa to repre- sent him at the opening of the Novara line of railway, and hastened to the plague-stricken city, where he dis- tributed large sums of money for the relief of the sick, visiting the hospitals, and taking an active part in all the works of charity ; for he did not shrink from death in its most repulsive form. 92 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. In this year, 1854, the famous Silvio PelHco, author of the book describing Austrian prisons, died at Turin. In the month of April the treaty of alhance be- tween England and France to defend Turkey against Russian aggression was signed ; and Cavour conceived the bold idea of securing the friendship of those two powerful states by joining in the alliance. The king was more than willing, he was eager for war, if it could be reconciled to the good of Italy. He had said, in 1849, to the English and French ambassadors, that, having done his duty as a soldier, he meant to serve his country in other ways ; and he had honestly done so for the following five years. But his pride as a king and soldier had been too deeply wounded for him to content himself with peaceful occupations the rest of his life. The burning desire to retrieve his lost glory, and wipe out the defeat of Novara, though concealed, had never been extinguished in his breast. ' Our defeat was too ignominious ; we have need of a little glory to raise us up,' he said. In addition to this, Russia and Sardinia had been on very bad terms for a long time ; so he caught at the idea of the alliance, saying, ' If I cannot go to the war myself, I will send my brother.' The friendship between England and Piedmont had become warmer since 1851, from which time her Britannic Majesty had been represented by Sir James Hudson, a gentleman for whom Victor Emmanuel con- ceived the highest esteem and regard. He was in very friendly relations with France also ; and there seemed no impediment to the conclusion of the proposed alli- ance, except Cavour's natural love of diplomatic mys- tery. The stir of military preparations in Piedmont excited suspicions of hostile. intentions against Austria ; and to quiet these alarms the wily premier had to show his hand a little to the ambassadors, and say that if England or France called on Piedmont for help, she felt bound to send a contingent to the war. He had no immediate designs on Austria ; though the chief object of this Anglo-French alliance was to put Piedmont in a position to settle that old score. Cavour was probably INTERVIEW WITH THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 93 held back from committing himself definitely by the uncertainty of what part Austria was about to take in the quarrel. It was likely at that time that she might join in the alliance, but nothing was concluded. King Victor writes to the Minister for Foreign Affairs as follows : — Cher Dabormida. — Faites votre possible pour savoir les conditions secretes stipulees par I'Autriche dans I'adhesion a la triple alliance. Je ne voudrais pas qu'il y eut quelque article con- cernant la conservation de I'integrite du territoire Italien, guerre finie ; cela changerait bien notre affaire dans I'alliance, et il faut en etre bien sur avant. Ciao, cher ami. En avant, marche, et soyez gai. Votre tres-affectionne, Victor Emmanuel. The official announcement of the Anglo-French alliance, made to the Sardic government in the month of April, was replied to in a friendly spirit, but without committing Piedmont to any positive engagement. This was disappointing to the ambassadors, and not quite in accordance with the king's wishes, as he would have preferred a more straightforward course of action. He took occasion to ask the Duke of Gramont to pay him a private visit. ' Come, sans ccremonic, in an overcoat, about five o'clock,' said the king, and the ambassador did so.' The king was in his hunting-dress, standing by a table, writing, when the ambassador entered. He received him kindly, offered him a cigar, and immediately entered on the subject that was occu- pying his mind, asking him what he thought of the note which his minister had addressed to him on June 2, and telling him to speak frankly. The duke spoke frankly. He said they had expected something dif- ferent from a cold expression of sympathy, particularly after what the Conte di Cavour had said six weeks ' The Duke of Gramont communicated the particulars of this interview to Signor Massari. See La Vila ed il Regno, etc. 94 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. before. He confessed that he thought the note rather diplomatic. The king said that in his opinion the note was stupid, and he would have written it differently. The duke then asked if his majesty meant to say that he would stand by the overtures of M. de Cavour. ' What do you mean by Cavour's overtures .'' ' asked Victor. * It is better to call things by their names. II n'y a pas d'ouvertures de Cavour; c'est moi qui ai parle. Je lui ai dit de vous offrir 25 mille hommes. C'est tout ce que nous pouvons donner maintcnant, sans quoi j'aurais dit 30 mille.' ' Then, sire, if the proposition came from you, how is it that all has ended in smoke .-' ' asked the ambas- sador. The king explained how Cavour had been checked by the attitude of Austria, that he feared the war might not be popular, and that he was greatly influenced by his Lombard friends, and wound up by saying that he knew beyond all doubt that Austria would not enter into the alliance, and he was resolved that Piedmont should. ' Sire,' returned the Frenchman, ' I have only to say that I share your opinions, and I heartily wish you may do as you say.' ' Do you doubt it } ' said the king, fixing his piercing eyes upon him with an angry light in them. ' No, sire, no ; I do not doubt it, and I am only too happy to believe it.' The king shook hands with him at parting, and told him to keep his own counsel, but not to forget what he had said. As time wore on Cavour saw clearer what was best for the interests of his country, and earnestly desired as much as did Victor Emmanuel to conclude the treaty ; but he was strongly opposed by all his colleagues, particularly Dabormida and La Marmora, both military men, whose opinion on a question of war was not to be despised. There was at the same time a discussion going for- ward, as to whether Piedmont was bound in honour to THE TREATY OF ALLIANCE. 95 make it a condition of entering into the alliance, that the confiscated property of the Lombards who had made themselves Victor Emmanuel'ssubjects should be restored to them. England and France objected to the introduc- tion of the question, and some of the ministry were for breaking off the negotiations. But a Lombard refugee, called Achilles Mauri, wrote in his own name and those of his fellow exiles to the effect that they would not let their private interests stand for a moment in the way of any benefit that m ight accrue to their common country from the Anglo-French alliance ; and this disinterested declaration was a help to Cavour in his long and tedious struggle with his colleagues. The year 1854 drew to a close without any decision. The conferences were re- newed early in January, but the ministers were still divided. ' Well, uncle,' said Cavour's niece, the Countess Alfieri, one evening at a party, ' shall we go to the Crimea or not ? ' ' Who knows .-' ' was the reply. ' England solicits us to enter the alliance, and would permit our soldiers to join her army, and wash out the defeat of Novara. But all the Cabinet is hostile to the project. Even Rattazzi, and my best friend, La Marmora, say they will resign on it. But the king is with me, and we may prevail.' Hearing of the divisions in the Cabinet, the Duke of Gramont, remembering the words of the king six months before, asked for a private audience on January 9. He found him in low spirits ; for, over and above the worry of state affairs, his mother and wife were both very ill at the time. He said he was grieved at the result of the conference the evening before ; the ministers were all against him, save only Cavour. But he had pledged his word to the emperor, and he was resolved to keep it. ' If we are beaten in the Crimea, why, we must retire ; but if we conquer, it will serve the Lom- bards more than all the fine articles that have been written about them. I am weary of telling them this ; as yet they will not listen to me. But, pazienza, all will be well in a little while. You know I told you I have one word only ; and if these generals will not march, I g6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. must find others who will march. The Chambers and the country are with me.' The king urged the ministers to a decision, and next day another conference was held ; but the foreign ambassadors refusing to give a written compact, the meeting, which lasted till midnight, broke up without any result. Count Cavour, who for four hours had carried on the discussion, now with the foreign ministers, and now with his colleagues, was quite exhausted at the close, and his usual serene temper gave way. ' I hope you will tell the king what I have said,' re- marked the Duke of Gramont. ' I am the best judge of what I ought to tell the king,' replied Cavour brusquely. It was an hour past midnight when he arrived at the palace and demanded an immediate audience. His advice was to sign the treaty at once, or withdraw alto- gether from the position. The king did not hesitate a moment ; he had had his mind made up long ago, and so now when Cavour pronounced it safe, he took his own way. Dabormida resigned, and the other ministers yielded to the powerful united will of Victor and Cavour. It was all settled, and Cavour installed as Minister of Foreign Affairs, between twelve at night and four in the morning. At seven o'clock the English and French ambassadors received a note inviting them to an in- terview. They found Count Cavour serene and smil- ing. Dabormida, overcome with the fatigues of office, had resigned in the night, he said, and the king had confided to him (Cavour) the vacant post. They were all of one accord now, and the treaty should be signed that evening, if the gentlemen were agreeable. Then he begged the Duke of Gramont to forget his rudeness the evening before, saying they were like advocates, doing the best they could for their clients, and now that the cause was ended they would all dine together to- morrow. It was a solemn moment for the king (says Massari), and decided the fate of his country : that treaty was the DExVTH OF THE QUEENS. 97 fortune of Italy. To overcome so many difficulties the genius of Cavour was not enough ; there was needed also the firmness of purpose of Victor Em- manuel, for without him the treaty would not have been concluded. And it is quite true. Foreigners have not fully appre- ciated how much was due to Victor Emmanuel's indo- mitable courage, firmness, and sound judgment. With another sort of sovereign the great statesman might not have been able to carry out his designs ; while with a less able minister the patriot king could not have conquered all the difficulties, external and internal, that beset his path. Without taking from the merit of either, we may say that Victor Emmanuel was necessary to Cavour, Cavour to the king, and both to Italy. During the long and anxious negotiations about the Crimean war, Victor Emmanuel's soul was harrowed by an accumulation of domestic troubles. His mother was hopelessly ill ; Queen Adelaide had had an unfortunate confinement, from which she had not recovered, and the state of her health caused the doctors the gravest appre- hensions ; the Duke of Genoa, who was to have repre- sented his brother in the Crimea, was in a precarious state, though soldier-like he refused to give way to his weakness, saying always he should be well when once the order was given to march. ' The poor duke,' said his aide-de-camp, ' he will die if he goes to the Crimea, and he will die if he does not go.' Victor's affectionate heart was wrung with pity as he went from one sick chamber to another, trying to cheer and comfort his invalids, while he was himself oppressed with care and anxiety of all kinds. He was a devoted son ; he loved and reverenced his mother sincerely, and he would sooner have dared the wrath of the whole Catholic world than encounter the prayers and tears of this pious mother, who entreated him not to sanction the anti-clerical laws. Hers was the only remonstrant voice that had power to shake for a moment his strong will ; but he felt the truth of D'Azeglio's teaching : ' Your H 98 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. kingly duty overrides all others,' and he listened silently, uncomplainingly, to her reproaches, but never yielded. Even while he was watching over her last hours she im- plored him pathetically to be true to the traditions and faith of his fathers. The queen-mother breathed her last two days after the signing of the treaty, that is, January 12. Her broken-hearted son had to suppress his tears, and present a calm front to the poor young wife, whose sufferings now left her no hope of recovery. Her husband attended her continually, never leaving her except to visit his brother, and for the last five days and nights he never closed his eyes. Those who saw the haggard, grief- stricken face of the poor king in those sad days felt the deepest commiseration for him. All his Piedmontese subjects declare that he was deeply attached to his wife, and that her death was a terrible blow to him. This we may believe, because we have it on the evidence of men who were no courtiers, and whose testimony cannot be doubted. But it is also true that his connection with the Countess Mirafiore was the cause of bitter sorrow to Queen Adelaide. And who can tell what remorse was mingled with his grief, when the royal mourner thought of his motherless little ones, as he bent over the couch of his dying wife, and met the gaze of the sad loving eyes which sought his continually ? ' The queen consort expired on January 20, just eight days after tiie queen dowager. Her death was an irreparable loss, for such a wife and mother as Adelaide must have made her influence felt alike in the family and the court. One invalid was all that now remained to the unhappy king, — his gallant brother, sinking rapidly day by day, while he still hoped to lead his brave soldiers to the war, and obliterate the memories of 1849. 'I shall be better next week,' the poor consumptive would say ; but every ' ' Egli aveva assistito, del continuo, i suoi ammalati, che si consolavano nel trovarselo vicino ; ma piu di tutti la moglie, la quale, affranta dai patimenti, volgeva intorno lo sguardo a quando a quando, per fissare colui ch' ella chiamava "mio buon Vittorio."' — Ghiron, DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GENOA 99 week found him worse. On the day that the troops marched out of Turin they came by the palace, and the duke was carried to the window to look out at them. As they disappeared from his gaze, he sighed as if his heart would break ; it seemed as if his last hope was gone. He died on February 10, exactly a month after the signing of the treaty. Next day, the king issued a public announcement of his loss. Grief comes upon grief, misfortune upon misfortune. My loved brother, he who was my companion in the battle-field, a perpetual comfort and aid to me in deeds and in counsel ; he who, over and above the tie of blood, was bound to me by the most powerful affection of a warm reciprocal friendship, is no more ! He breathed his last sigh yesterday evening, a little after ten. With a lacerated heart I announce to you this my new grief, which will be pro- foundly felt, I am certain, by all the nation, who in the Duke of Genoa not only admired the prince of high aims and indomitable valour, but saw also the splendid example of every virtue. Ferdinand, Duke of Genoa, was born in 1822, and was just two years younger than Victor. He had a good intellect, a kind heart, and a chivalrous spirit. To say he was brave would be superfluous praise in treating of a Prince of Savoy ; but the duke was an able as well as a gallant soldier ; and if Victor merited the title, which his people proudly cede him, of ' First Soldier of Italy,' Ferdinand, they assert, ought to be called the second. In 1848 he w.is invited to the throne of Sicily, on condition that he should be called by his second name, Albert, his first, Ferdinand, being too hateful to the islanders by reason of the Bourbon kings who had borne it. The affection and esteem which Victor Emmanuel felt for the duke, and which made him thank Providence for having given him such a rare brother, were fully reciprocated by him, and if he had been spared he would have been a great consolation to the king in his hour of trial. But a cruel fate swept his house clean of all its lOO LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. grown members at one swoop, leaving him alone in his sorrow ; while the clergy, loudly proclaiming that the judgment of heaven had descended on the wicked king for his persecution of the Church, hissed at him that he was accursed, and tried every secret art to terrify his afflicted soul. These denunciations were quickly drowned in a roar of jDopular indignation, and execrations on the priests who dared to insult the sovereign's grief ; for now the hearts of king and people beat in unison, and his sorrow was theirs. The citizens beset the palace day and night with inquiries for the health of the royal family ; and inside, men of all shades of opinion met with tears in their eyes, drawn together by a common calamity. All Turin, all Piedmont, was in the greatest affliction, and by every evidence which it is possible at such a moment to show, made the royal mourner feel that he had his people's truest sympathy. The king had ordered that each of the soldiers who had escorted the queen's body to Superga should receive 200 francs. They took it, but only, to spend in pur- chasing two magnificent garlands to lay upon her tomb, and that of the queen-mother — saying that they were more than rewarded by the honour. Loyalty in Pied- mont must have been a sincere and high-wrought senti- ment when it could make common soldiers feel as delicately and act as gracefully as high-bred gentlemen. The good Archbishop of Genoa, Monsignor Charvaz, hastened to Turin to lend what consolation an old friend and pastor might, and his presence was much needed ; for to feel himself cut off from the Church at such a moment was agony to Victor Emmanuel. Cavour, so potent in mundane matters, had no spell to charm away his master's grief, or quiet his disturbed conscience. He wanted a minister of religion to speak gentle words of faith, and charity, and love, to soothe his wounded spirit. ' They tell me,' said he, in a voice broken by sobs, ' that God has struck me with a judgment, and has torn from me my mother, my wife, and my brother, because I consented to those laws, and they threaten me REDISTRIBUTION OF CHURCH PROPERTY. lOI with greater punishments. But do they not know,' he added, ' that a sovereign who wishes to secure his own happiness in the other world ought to labour for the happiness of his people on this earth ? ' D'Azeglio sa\ s : — I found him thinner by half than he had been. His waistcoat, which used to be tight, I could put my hand in, and still it hung loose on him. But, with the exception of a couple of days, he attended to affairs, and signed documents, saying to me these noble words, ' I am king ; it is my duty ! ' Certainly he appears fifteen years older. However, the stuff, physical and moral, is strong, and I have no fear. CHAPTER IX. RATTAZZl'S LAW. — CRIMEAN WAR. — VISIT TO PARIS AND LONDON. A.D. 1 85 5. During the illness of the two queens and the Duke of Genoa the king was not only harassed by the question of the Anglo-French alliance, but by the still more difficult one concerning the redistribution of Church property in Piedmont. The wealth of the bishops and monastic communities was enormously out of proportion with the resources of the countr}-", while the inferior clergy were sunk in poverty, and had to be partly supported by the state. There were 2,540 parishes with only an income of 20/. per annum, and the assistance rendered to them by the state, with other ecclesiastical expenses which it could not afford, amounted to 200,000/. The Church owned at this time more than a tenth part of the landed property of the country, and had amassed untold wealth by other means. The arrogance and intolerance displayed by the bishops in their bitter opposition to every attempt at reform, and the absolute refusal of the Pope to sanction 102 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. any readjustment of ecclesiastical property, roused the Sardinian Government to take decisive measures to strip the prelates of some of their power and privileges. The extreme Liberals were for confiscating all Church pro- perty and paying the clergy a salary, but Cavour chose a medium course. Whenever a see fell vacant he reduced the number of superfluous bishops by withholding pre- sentation, which was the right of the government. Mean- while his colleague Rattazzi, Minister of Grace and Justice, introduced the famous bill for the suppression of a certain number of religious houses, and other changes in ecclesiastical affairs, which struck the old-fashioned folk called Codini with horror, and roused the fiercest opposi- tion on the part of the clergy. It was impious ; it was sacrilegious, it was everything that was wicked ; nothing but destruction could come to the country which per- mitted such disastrous laws to pass. The bill was under discussion when the terrible calamities which befel the king interrupted the sittings, and gave occasion to the clergy to point out that Pro- vidence had manifestly blighted the House of Savoy for its sins against the Church. The government could not shut the mouths of the disaffected clergy without laying itself open to the charge of persecution ; and the clergy left nothing undone to stir up a religious fanaticism among the people. The king, stunned and prostrated mentally and physically by the cruel trials he had passed through, shrank from a conflict between Church and State, and was disposed to compromise matters when the bishops offered to make up the necessary sum to pay the parish clergy if the Rattazzi Bill were withdrawn. On April 14 the king and court went to Alessandria to pass in review the 25,000 troops, about to set out for the seat of war, and to give them new banners. All the soldier awoke within him at the sight of his brave army, always so loyal and devoted to their king, and he longed to be free to lay down the sceptre and resume the sword once more. * Ah, General,' he said to La Marmora, with a profound sigh, ' happy you ! You go to fight soldiers ; I remain to fight monks and nuns ! ' DEPARTURE OF THE ARMY. I03 The ministers of France and England had accom- panied the Sardinian court to Alessandria to assist at the presentation of banners, and they were much pleased with the aspect of the men. Order of the Day. Officers, Non-commissioned Officers, and Soldiers ! — A war founded on justice, on which the tranquillity of Europe and the fate of our country depends, calls you to the East. You shall see distant lands where the Cross of Savoy is not unknown ; you shall see brave people and armies whose fame fills the world. Let their example stimulate you to show to all that the valour of your fathers has not decreased. On former occasions I have conducted you to the field of honour ; and I remember with pride how I shared with you the dangers and fatigues of war. To-day I am grieved to separate from you for a time ; but I shall follow you in thought everywhere, and that will be a happy day on which I shall be permitted to join you once more. Soldiers ! here are your colours ! They were gene- rously unfurled by the magnanimous Charles Albert, and they will help to remind you in a distant country of eight centuries of noble traditions. Defend them ! Bring them back crowned with new glor}', and your sacrifices shall be blessed by present and future generations. From the soul-stirring prospect of militar}- glor}-, which was the only thing that could have roused him from his unhappy state at tliat moment, Victor Em- manuel turned to the hateful contest with monks and nuns. His soul sickened at the ignoble warfare, and when the Bishop of Casalmonferrato, in the name of the episcopacy of Piedmont, made the offer in the Senate of a large sum for payment of clerical dues, the king wished to accept it. This brought on a ministerial crisis. While it lasted the king consulted not only the most eminent and able of his own subjects, but the ministers 104 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. of France and England. All agreed that he ought to recall Cavour ; and so he turned again to the Bestia Neva, as the fanatics called the great reformer, and rein- stated him in power. The Senate resumed the discussion on the suppression of monasteries, etc., and after long debates agreed to the Rattazzi Bill with modifications, which the Chamber of Deputies accepted, and, the royal sanction being given, it became law. ' We shall always count it one of the proudest acts of our political career,' said Cavour, ' that we knew how to sacrifice every personal consideration for what we considered a sacred duty.' Many were the friendships lost and bitter enmities incurred by him and the king in their daring determina- tion to pass this measure. The relentless animosity of a numerous and influential class, finding themselves suddenly despoiled of their ancient privileges and a great portion of their wealth, Victor Emmanuel was made to feel to the utmost. They had tried to work upon his feelings and his conscience by reminding him of his dead mother's wishes, and when he was proof against all their subtle attempts to conquer his reason, they slandered and calumniated him without scruple on the points where he was most sensitive. Victor Emmanuel, besides having a great reverence for the Church, entertained such a personal regard and esteem for Pio Nono as made the struggle doubly painful to him. When the accident happened at St. Agnes' Church near Rome, from which the Pope escaped unhurt, the king wrote him a cordial letter of congra- tulation. This was in April, before the obnoxious bill was passed, and Pius replied courteously to the missive. The ministry was recomposed, General Durando being Minister of War, Signor Rattazzi of the Interior, Count Cibrario, an able and devoted servant of the Crown, particularly dear to Victor Emmanuel, Minister of Foreign Affairs, while Count Cavour, President of the Council, also took charge of the finances. This question settled — if it could be called settled while such a storm of clerical indignation was raging THE king's illness. 10$ throughout the country — Victor Emmanuel turned his longing eyes towards the Crimea, where the allied armies were suffering from the ravages of cholera. He desired to share their hardships and dangers, but his people would not consent ; so he had to content himself with the joyful news of the victory won by the allies at the Tchernaya, August i6, 1855, in which his Piedmontese comported themselves most valiantly, and La Marmora proved himself one of the ablest generals in Europe. Queen Victoria and the Emperor Napoleon sent warm congratulations to the King of Sardinia, and he thrilled with exultant pride, while all Italy rejoiced. He was just then doing the honours of Turin to a succession of royal guests — the Prince of Portugal, afterwards his son-in law, and the son and daughter of the good King Leopold of Belgium, for whom he had a great respect. Late in the autumn the king, returning from the chase tired and heated, and having to cross a river to arrive at his castcllo, with his usual impatience refused to wait for the boat which should have carried him over, and plunged with his horse into the icy water. Violent fever, accompanied by racking pains in his bones, was the natural consequence of this imprudence. Great alarm was felt for several days, and Cavour was in a state of intense anxiety, not on public grounds alone, but also because, like everyone who shared the counsels of the genial, warm-hearted Victor, he had become personally attached to him. He watched his conva- lescence with joy ; and, partly for the king's sake and partly for political motives, he begged him to accept the invitation to visit his august allies, Victoria and Napoleon. It was desirable to draw the bonds of friendship closer by personal intercourse ; and also to contradict the slanders which the clerical party were circulating in England and P'rance. At first Cavour thought it better not to accompany his master, as it might give too political a character to the visit. But afterwards he was persuaded that he might profit by the occasion to let his English friends know more particularly the state of affairs in Italy. I06 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. He made it a condition that Massimo d'Azeglio should accompany them, ' his presence being necessary to prove to the world that we are not infected by the revolu- tionary stain.' Cavour and Azeglio had quarrelled ; but they immolated all ill-will on the altar of patriotism. A reconciliation took place, and mutual esteem soon ripened into a firm friendship, which was only dissolved by death. Before setting out on the journey, the Legislative Assembly was opened, November 12. It was the first time the king had opened Parliament since his domestic afflictions, and though nearly a year had elapsed, the memories awakened by the ceremony had an agitating effect on him. The Prince of Carignano now stood beside the throne in the place of his brother, while the gallery where his wife and mother were wont to sit was vacant. His voice trembled a little when he first began to speak, but he conquered the weakness as he went on. The Kings Speech. Gentlemen Senators, Gentlemen Deputies, — The year that is almost finished has been for my heart a period of cruel trials. They were alleviated by seeing the tears of the whole nation associated with the mourning of my house, and in the midst of my sorrows God sustained me to fulfil my duty. I turn my glance to the great struggle which for two years has raged in the East. I did not hesitate to unite my arms to that party which combats for the cause of justice, civilisation, and the independence of nations. I was urged to it by the desire to share in the triumph of those principles which we are propa- gating, the generous instincts of the Subalpine people, and the traditions of my family. Our soldiers, unit- ing with the valiant armies of France, England, and Turkey, seconded by the zeal and activity of our fleet, have shared perils and glories with them, and increased the ancient fame of this warlike country. VISITS TO FRANCE AND ENGLAND, 10/ May God crown their united efforts with greater success, and render possible a lasting peace securing to each nation its legitimate rights. The expenses of the war will render necessary a fresh recourse to the public credit. The scarcity of the harvests, the renewed scourge of cholera, united with other unexpected contingencies, have diminished the public revenues. If, contrary to the desire of my heart, necessity compels us to ask fresh sacrifices of the nation, my government will seek by every means to render these imposts as light as possible. It will project a law for the more equal distribution of taxes, so that they will not press so heavily on the poorer classes. Other laws to improve the political administration and economy of the State, the courts of justice, and public instruction, shall be proposed for your consi- deration. Gentlemen Senators, Gentlemen Deputies, — The arduous mission which is confided to you, you will prosecute so as to give proofs of that prudence and laboriousness, of that constant affection for the inte- rests of the country, for which you have been distin- guished. We shall thus continue the noble example of a king and a nation bound by the indissoluble ties of love and confidence, in joy as in grief, being always in accord in maintaining the two great bases of public happiness — order and liberty.' The king was received on his first appearance with the warmest demonstrations of affection, and was loudly applauded at the conclusion of his speech. He was touched and gratified by these demonstrations ; for Victor, not pretending to be superior to popular praise, always acknowledged himself proud of the devotion of his subjects. ' How could my uncle,' he once said, speaking of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, ' by his own doing, sacrifice the affections of his people } If I reigned not over a little state like Piedmont, but an empire vast as America, and I was obliged to do what he has I08 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL done, to preserve the little throne of Tuscany, I would not hesitate a moment, I would renounce empire.' On November 30 the king started from Turin. At Lyons, Cavour and Azeglio awaited him. The latter humorously describes how they drove side by side in the same carriage for public edification, like rivals shaking hands on the stage. Victor Emmanuel was well received in Paris, and the emperor and empress vied with each other in the most delicate attentions. The arms of the Sabaud family were emblazoned on the Sevres china, and everything destined for his use. On the table of his salon was a portfolio of drawings, re- presenting all the glorious feats of arms of the Pied- montese in 1848. This delicate flattery was not confined to the monarch alone. D'Azeglio found in his room four of his own beautiful pictures, for which the galleries and royal palaces had been searched. Cavour may be sup- posed to have had his own peculiar vanity, though not so patent as that of the soldier-king and the noble artist ; and without doubt his French hosts knew how- to tickle it in some graceful, subtle way — at which he may have smiled, but must have been pleased. The sovereigns parted with the warmest expressions of personal regard on both sides ; and before saying adieu the emperor asked the momentous question, which must have set Victor's brain throbbing, ' Que peut- 071 faire pour t Italic ? ' The Honest King's welcome in England, if not so in- genious in complimentary devices, was beyond all doubt as hearty and sincere. He was just the sort of man the English nation delights to honour. The people love a hero, particularly a hero who has fought for some oppressed nationality, and when that hero who defended his nation's rights was himself a sovereign who rejected the despotic power which his neighbours wanted to thrust upon him, resting his authority on the devotion of his subjects — their enthusiasm knew no bounds. There was something, too, in the admiration and sym- pathy w^hich Victor Emmanuel and his minister always openly expressed for England, pointing to it as an SPEECH AT THE GUILDHALL. 109 example of the splendid effects of constitutional mon- archy. ' The Times ' spoke of the illustrious guest as 'a prince gallant in war, wise in council, constant in adversity, tried above the common lot in domestic as well as political life, and under every aspect worthy of the cordial sympathy of the English people.' The Queen and Prince Consort were not less warm than the nation in the welcome they gave him. D'Azeglio, in his charming letters, describes the interesting visit, and says they were entertained with feudal magnificence. Queen Victoria bestowed the Order of the Garter on her illustrious namesake, whom she treated as ' an old friend ; ' and the visitors were enchanted with everything English, except the climate, which in mid-winter did not make a favourable impression. The Italians made their entry into the metropolis in a bitter north wind. ' In full dress in an open carriage, with no mantle to protect me, I suffered the agonies of the hifenio with neuralgia in my face,' says Azeglio. King Victor was much too hardy a hunter to be ruffled by a north wind, and he enjoyed everything, particularly the reviews, for the Eng- lish troops filled him with admiration. The City of London gave a grand banquet at the Guildhall in honour of the royal guest, where he was received with the warm- est demonstrations ever accorded to a foreign prince. King Victor did not speak English, and he preferred to reply to the Lord Mayor's address in his own language rather than French. My Lord Mayor, — I warmly thank the Lord Mayor and the aldermen and the cojiiune of the City of London for the courteous felicitations that they have presented me with on the occasion of my visit to Queen Victoria and the English nation. The welcome I have met in this ancient home of constitutional liberty — of which this address is a con- firmation—is a proof of the sympathy inspired by the policy I have followed till now, and in which I intend to persevere. The close alliance between the two most powerful I 10 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. nations of the earth, which I am now visiting, is an honour to the wisdom of the sovereigns who rule them not less than to the character of the peoples. They have learned to substitute a profitable friendship for an ancient rivalry, and this alliance will contribute to the triumph of civilisation. In spite of the misfortunes that have weighed on the beginning of my reign, I also have entered into this alliance, because the House of Savoy believes it to be always its duty to unsheathe the sword in the cause of justice and independence; and if I bring to my allies the forces of a small kingdom, I bring at least the strength of a loyalty which no one has ever doubted, supported by the valour of an army which always follows faithfully the banner of their king. We cannot lay down our arms till we have obtained an honourable and lasting peace ; and with the aid of Providence this will be arrived at by seeking to reconcile the true rights and just desires of every nation. I thank you for the good wishes which you have offered me to-day for my future and that of my king- dom. But while you speak to me of the future, I am happy instead to speak to you of the present, and I congratulate you on the high position England occupies as due to the free and noble character of the nation, and to the virtues of your queen. On December ii, Turin welcomed the return of her beloved king with clamorous applause — all the warmer because he was so highly appreciated in other countries. CHAPTER X. THE CONGRESS.— THE PEACE. A.D. 1 856. The fall of Sebastopol early in the year 1856 ended the winter's campaign, and an armistice was concluded between the belligerents. In order to take part in a cavour's labours at the congress. I I I conference to consider the future plan of action for the allies, General Alfonso La Marmora was recalled from the Crimea. The king was delighted to see his old friend who had so well represented him at the war, and expressed the greatest regret for his brother, General Alessandro La Marmora — famous as the founder of the Bersaglieri — who had died of cholera in the Crimea. The Congress was to meet in February at Paris, and every state was to be represented by two plenipoten- tiaries. The King of Sardinia wished to send as first plenipotentiary Cavaliere ^Massimo d'Azeglio ; but he objected, saying that he disliked the office, hated courts, was no diplomatist, and in short would not go unless it were an absolute obligation. Count Cavour hated the office equally, because he heard that as Austria had proposed the peace, and was pressing it upon Russia, she would have a powerful voice in the Congress, and Piedmont would look small. ' What is the use of our going to the Congress to be treated like children .' ' said he. But the king overcame his reluctance, and he wrote to the ]\Iarquis \'illamarina, who was to be the second plenipotentiary : — I have not hesitated, in spite of the innumerable affairs that claim my attention in Turin, in spite of my ex- cessive repugnance to play the diplomat — I have not hesitated to announce to the king that I am ready to start for the Congress, and I pray you to join me in this ungrateful mission. To tell how bravely he struggled to maintain the dignity of his country against the Austrian schemes to humiliate her, belongs to Cavour's life ; but it reflects glor>' on the reign of Victor Emmanuel, and should not be altogether unnoticed. Cavour's large-hearted pa- triotism was not confined to the narrow limits of Pied- montese territory', but embraced all Italy. Piedmont was naturally his first care, for she was the centre and seat of independent thought and action. But all Italy was his country ; he had one great end in his life for which he laboured incessantly, indefatigably — and that was 112 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Italian unity. He now seized the opportunity of the Congress to make the wrongs of Italy fully known to all Europe. He had previously written a letter to the emperor in which he had fully answered his question, ' What can we do for Italy .-* ', concluding thus : — The emperor can render immense service to Italy — firstly, by inducing Austria to do justice to Piedmont and maintain her engagements ; secondly, by obtain- ing from her a mitigation of the regime that weighs upon Lombardy and Venetia ; in the third place, by forcing the King of Naples not to scandalise civilised Europe by a deportment contrary to all the principles of justice and equity ; in the fourth place, by re-establishing an equilibrium in Italy such as was settled at the Treaty of Vienna, that is to say, rendering possible the removal of the Aus- trians from the Legations and the Romagna, by placing those provinces under a secular prince, or procuring them the benefit of a laic and independent administration. Cavour had the warm sympathy of the English plenipotentiaries, Lords Clarendon and Cowley, and also that of the Buonaparte family. He put himself in friendly relations with the Russian envoys, though Russia and Piedmont had long been on bad terms and lately were open enemies ; in short, he left nothing undone to win .sympathy for his country, and gain a hearing for her woes ; but other questions had to be first decided. The Congress was drawing to a close, and Cavour had found no opportunity to introduce the state of Italy. Austria had been careful to circulate the idea that it was a land of lawless revolutionists ; and after the Congress was ended, she would resume her tyranny in the provinces under her rule, and her aggres- sions against Piedmont, if the question were allowed to sink into oblivion. Outside the Congress the represen- tatives of England and France, in answer to Count Cavour's importunities, invited him to make known his views on the state of Italy, and he drew up a memorial SCENE IN THE CONGRESS. II3 and laid it before these two powers. At last with much difficulty he obtained the emperor's consent to bring the Italian question before the Congress. The particulars of that conference were not made known, but a letter written by the Tuscan minister at Paris will give an idea of what a lively discussion it was. [Strictly private.] Paris : April 15, 1856. In the preceding despatch I had the honour to an- nounce to your Excellency that the Sardic pleni- potentiaries were finally allowed to discourse in the Congress on Italian affairs. To the particulars contained in that report I may now add the fol- lowing : — The motion of the Sardic plenipotentia- ries took place on the twentieth supplementary sitting, that is, on April 8. Signor Cavour, having drawn a very ugly picture of the general condition of our peninsula, touched upon the delicate theme of the presence of foreign troops in the pontifical States and in the ducal States ; and endeavoured to show that by means of proper reforms the discontent might be removed, and the country guaranteed against the immense danger of the increasing activity of the revolutionists. He took pains to show that in the Papal States, as in the ducal, there was no want of elements to constitute a force of their own suffi- cient to maintain order ; and in support of his argu- ment he cited with words of high praise the example of Tuscany, and on the management of our troops he dwelt with much eulogium. As to the state of the Two Sicilies, Count Cavour, without dissimulation, spoke in the hardest terms, picturing it in the most repulsive colours. He spoke in the same terms of the condition of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, and hinted at the necessity of some reforms more in accordance with the require- ments of the present age. . . . Lords Clarendon and Cowley supported strongly the motion of Count Cavour, and passed in review the leading points treated of by the Sardic plenipoten- I 114 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. tiaries. It was at this point that Lord Clarendon questioned Count Buol in a very warm manner on the intentions of the Cabinet of Vienna with regard to Italy ; and Count Buol replied more warmly in a manner to take away all hope that Austria was disposed to enter line upon that ground. The dis- cussion assumed a very grave aspect. Clarendon, piqued by the bare, peremptory reply of Buol, said, ' If your intention is really to make no promise, nor enter into any engagement towards Italy, it amounts to throwing down the gauntlet to Liberal Europe, which will not fail to take it up. The ques- tion will then be decided by means the most vigorous and energetic. It is a great mistake for you to believe that our forces are exhausted.' It was Clarendon who, talking of the Pontifical State.'?, was bold enough to say that the government of the Pope was 7ine Jionte potir r Europe. This, which the English plenipotentiary said in a moment of passion, excited the Count Buol, and he replied with great vivacity. I have reason to believe that the Premier of King Victor Emmanuel is satisfied to be able to say to the Piedmontese Parliament that he has thought of Italy, that his motion has been listened to with favour by the ministers of England and France : and has awakened the sympathy of Europe. I know that the Count Walewski is occupied in trying to reproduce this stormy discussion in the best aspect, and to eliminate from it all traces of the thorns and thistles, the invectives and resentments of the sitting. ' Milord,' said Cavour to Lord Clarendon, coming out of the Congress, * you see that diplomacy will do nothing for us ; it is therefore necessary to think of other means, at least as far as regards Naples.' He paid a visit to Lord Clarendon subsequently, and briefly stated the case thus : — That which has passed in the Congress proves two things : first, that Austria is decided to persist in her system of oppression and violence towards Italy ; cavour's efforts. 115 secondly, that the forces of diplomacy are impotent to modify that system. The consequences for Pied- mont will be dreadful. With the irritation on our side, and the arrogance of Austria on the other, there are but two alternatives to take : reconcile ourselves to Austria and the Pope, or prepare to declare war at the Court of Vienna in a future not far distant. If the first part is preferable, I must on my return to Turin advise my king to call to power the friends of Austria and the Pope. If the second hypothesis is best, my friends and I will not shrink from preparing for a terrible war — a war to the death. Lord Clarendon replied that he believed it was in- evitable, but for the present it was best not to speak of it. ' Milord,' urged Cavour, earnestly, ' I have given proofs of my moderation and prudence ; and I believe that in politics it is necessary to be excessively reserved in words and very decided in action. There are positions in which there is less peril in a bold course than a very prudent one. La Marmora thinks with me that before long we shall be able to make war, and you will have to aid us.' ' Certainly, if you are in serious embarrassment you may count on our aid,' replied the English plenipoten- tiary. Doubtless in speaking thus he meant to defend Piedmont from overt acts of aggression, and did not con- template taking part in a national war of redemption ; but this last was plainly what Cavour meant, as he had dwelt more on the general state of Italy, and Lombardy, and Venetia in particular, than the grievances of Pied- mont against Austria. In spite of the fact that the emperor still held back, and told the Sardic minister to go to London and talk to Lord Palmerston before he would give him a decided answer, while the English premier gave him to under- stand that they would be disposed to defend Pied- mont only, not Italy, against Austria — Cavour felt that he had advanced the national cause not a little I 2 Il6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. by openly declaring his country's wrongs before Europe. For the first time Europe was informed officially — not by a conspirator or revolutionist, but by the min- ister of a king of one of the most ancient dynasties of Europe — that there existed an Italian question, and that means ought to be adopted to remove the cause of the disturbance which constantly threatened the peace of the continent. The treaty of peace was signed on March 30, after which had followed the discussion on Italian affairs. On April 29 the Sardic minister returned to Turin, well pleased with himself as having done his country good service, and sure of a cordial reception from his king, whom he had kept informed of the minutest par- ticulars of the Congress. He hastened to the palace immediately on his arrival to salute the king and give him the latest nevv's. Victor Emmanuel embraced him, then caught both his hands and shook them repeatedly with a warmth of look and manner which spoke his thanks better than words. He immediately bestowed on him the Order of the Santissima Annunziata. By June all the Sardinian troops were returned from the Crimea, that is, all that survived — about 4,000 had perished from cholera or in the field — and were received in Turin with enthusiastic applause. On the i6th the king held a grand review in the Piazza d'Armi — a solemn ceremony initiated by thanksgiving for the safe return of the army in p atria. It was a very imposing spectacle in itself, and the emotions it excited made it more interesting. The king, accompanied by the English, French, and Turkish ambassadors and a brilliant staff", entered the Piazza, round which rose an amphitheatre of seats filled with spectators, and in the midst an altar where the bishop and clergy stood performing the ser- vice. The king listened to the prayers on horseback, looking, says his biographer, ' like the statue of his glorious ancestor, Emanuele Filiberto.' The service ended, Victor Emmanuel passed down the lines, amidst the ardent acclamations of the soldiers, who cried Viva il Re! while the spectators added, Viva Vesercito ! RETURN OF THE ARMY. II/ Viva La Marmora ! The gallant general, who rode side by side with the king, was overcome with emotion when he thought of his brave soldiers sleeping in the Crimea, and among them his own brother. When the king had made the round of the Piazza he addressed the troops : — Officers, Sub-officers and Soldiers ! — Hardly a year has passed since I saluted you in sorrow, because I could not be your companion in this memorable undertaking. I meet you again with joy, and tell you you have deserved well of your country. You have responded worthily to my expectations, to the hopes of the country, and to the confidence of our powerful allies, who to-day give you a solemn testimony of it. Firm in the calamity that afflicted a portion of you, dauntless in war, well-ordered always, you have increased the fame and influence of this elect part of Italy. I retake the .banners that I consigned to you, and which you have brought back to me victorious from the East. I shall preserve them as a record of your fatigues, and as a sure pledge that when the honour and the interests of the nation oblige me to return them, they will again be defended by you on the field of battle with equal courage, and covered with new glories. The king's address was received with immense en- thusiasm on the part of both citizens and soldiers. The proceedings terminated by the king distributing the medals for military valour, — his own and those sent by Queen Victoria and the Emperor for the men specially distinguished in the Piedmontese army. All Italy was full of admiration and congratulation for the gallant little army of Piedmont which had so well maintained the national honour ; and in spite of the jealous watchfulness of the governments, they subscribed — Lombards, Venetians, Tuscans, Romans, Neapolitans — a sum to provide lOO cannons for the fortress of Alessandria. The king promoted Alfonso La Marmora to the Il8 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. highest rank, and loaded him with honours ; but he did not wish the general to resume his place in the Cabinet, because on some points they differed strongly. Cavour, however, persuaded the king that the uncompromising soldier's services were necessary, and he yielded. ' The king loves and esteems you sincerely,' wrote the count to his friend. And La Marmora loved and esteemed Victor Emmanuel ; nevertheless, they often disagreed. * Now that you have resumed office,' said the king, ' I hope you will do as I wish.' ' Sire, I will do my duty, now as always,' was the proud reply. It was no idle boast. La Marmora's character commands even more admiration than his great talents — talents which are rarely found united with so much simplicity, modesty, and self-abnegation. CHAPTER XL CONTINUED DLSAGREEMENTS WITH AUSTRIA. — MACHI- NATIONS OF THE CLERICALS AND SECTARIES. A.D. 1857-58. Time had not mitigated the burning sense of wrong which Piedmont felt towards Austria as the implacable enemy of her liberties ; nor the fear and hatred which Austria felt towards Piedmont as the head-centre of revolutionary doctrine subversive of her power in the peninsula. These hostile sentiments had settled into a chronic irritation, which at times broke out in fierce diplomatic conflicts. Victor Emmanuel suffered from this suppressed rage against Austria more perhaps than any man in his kingdom. After the treaty of peace in 1849, he had tried hard to conquer it, and accept his fate with a good grace. For a few years a semblance of amicable relations was kept up, though they never ex- ceeded the coldest courtesy. When the Archduke Albert of Austria expressed a desire to see his sister, the Queen of Sardinia, he was not invited to Turin for the purpose. GOOD RESULTS OF THE CONGRESS. II9 Victor Emmanuel did not wish to entertain his obnoxious relative with false compliments ; all he would do was to permit his wife to meet her brother on Lombard territor}'. With the queen's death every tie was severed, and \'ictor felt free to pursue the policy his inclination dictated, that inclination being uncompromising enmity towards Austria, as long as an Austrian soldier remained on Italian soil. It is idle to deny that his soul was filled with this ambition of driving the foreigner out of Italy, from the day he ascended the throne. Of course his ministers did not avow it in diplomatic language, but Jie never concealed his wishes. ' They said Italy should have been my father's, and Italy shall be mine,' he said at the time of the Crimean War. We must remember this was after the Italian princes had all betrayed the national cause and united themselves with Austria. He kept alive and concentrated in himself the hopes of the national party ; Lombards, Romans, Neapolitans, all agreed that the young King of Sardinia was the only man in Italy who could ever work out the redemption of their common countr}'. This was reason enough to make him hated and feared by Austria, whose great aim was to prove Italy, what Prince Mettemich said she was, a mere * geographical expression.' ' The King of Sardinia,' wrote a Neapolitan minis- ter to the Court of Vienna. ' only waits a favourable moment to put himself at the head of a revolutionary movement throughout Italy.' So far they did him no wrong, for that was really his intention. But they did slander him and his govern- ment when they persisted in tr}-ing to convince Europe that the king and his ministers organised and fomented conspiracies against the governments of other States ; that political assassinations and all lawless deeds had their origin among the most well- ordered, well-conducted, loyal people in the peninsula, as the Piedmontese undoubtedly were. Nothing could be more contrar}- to Victor Emmanuel's policy and that of his great minister, than lawless violence, and 120 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL secret conspiracies. His object was to detach the cause of Italy from Mazzinianism, and unite it in his own person with constitutional monarchy. It was absurd to suppose that the representative of an old hereditary sovereignty, like Victor Emmanuel, could be a revolu- tionist in the sense they said he was, to imiagine that the head of the Savoy dynasty could think and act like a political adventurer who had no family name to sustain, a demagogue who had no position or character to lose. But the Austrian press, which once attacked Pio Nono as a demon of revolution, could not be ex- pected to make nice distinctions with regard to Victor Emmanuel's Liberalism. He was opposed to Austrian rule in Italy, and that was enough to make those writers represent the King of Sardinia as a sort of brigand chief, who, though he maintained a savage discipline in his own State, recognised no international obligations and kept no faith with neighbouring princes. These calumnies were partly believed till the Crimean war brought Pied- mont into notice, and made her people and king better known throughout Europe, Cavour's agitation of the Italian question at the Congress of Paris did much to enlighten the world, while it provoked the rulers of Austria beyond description. Renewed accusations and recrimin- ations followed. The king's government was not remiss in replying that the disorders complained of had their origin in the bad system of administration pursued in the Italian principalities. The King of Naples and the dukes followed in the wake of Austria, and laid at the door of Victor Emmanuel every political offence per- petrated in their dominions. The king [writes Cavour in one of his notes] repels every- insinuation tending to generate the belief that he disturbs abroad, by means direct or indirect, that peace, that tranquillity, which he knows how to maintain con- stantly in his own state. It is not by the reasonable and temperate exercise of moderate liberty that disor- ders and insurrections are born. The history of Pied- mont during these late years proves it clearly. The FALSE ACCUSATIONS. 121 grand-ducal government knows by experience in how many circumstances Sardinia has efficaciously co- operated to impede disturbances, internal and ex- ternal. . . . The king knows what international obli- gations mean, and fulfils them scrupulously. Again, he says, in reply to an opposition member, — We have always followed a frank, loyal policy without duplicity, and so long as we shall be at peace with other potentates we will not employ revolutionary means, nor ever seek to excite tumults or rebellions in their states. If we had proposed to ourselves such an aim as the honourable Brofterio hinted ; if we had intended to send ships to aid revolutionary movements, before doing it we would have declared war. As to Naples, it is with pain that I reply to the hon. Brofferio. He has spoken of a very melancholy fact, the blowing up of a magazine of a ship of war, involving the loss of many lives — a horrid deed. He has spoken in a manner to lead one to believe that this act was the work of the Italian party. I deny the assertion boldly in the interest of Italy. No, gentlemen, these acts cannot be placed to the account of the national Italian party. They are the isolated acts of some deluded wretch, who may merit compassion, but must be stigmatised by all wise men ; and above all, by those who have at heart the honour and interest of Italy. In the month of February, while Victor Emmanuel and Cavour were fighting these battles on Italian ground, a heavy misfortune from without came upon them, which both felt deeply. It was the defection of their best ally, in whom they trusted most, who had never misjudged them ; whose soldiers, only last year, had mingled their blood on the battle-field with that of the Piedmontese ; who had welcomed King Victor and his ministers with the warmest hospitality and most eager demonstrations of sympathy that could be imagined. Suspicions of the 122 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. French Emperor's fidelity had induced the British Go- vernment to form an aUiance with Austria, not without a protest from the more generous-minded portion of the nation. ' L'ltaHa era la vittima immolata suU' altare di tale riconciliazione,' says an Italian historian. In the month of February the Neapolitan ambassador at London wrote to his king — strictly private — as follows :— The English Government, firmly bound as it is at present to Austria, will not admit of a change of dynasty in the Two Sicilies. It has abandoned the protection of revolution in Italy, and renounced the idea of the independence of Sicily. Lord Clarendon assures me of this as a gentleman. The word gentleman, italicised, is in English.' This alliance was a heavy blow to the Italian cause. Even without the material aid which Lord Clarendon had led Count Cavour to expect at the termination of the Crimean War, the moral support of such a power as England was felt to be very important. It is true that the British Government undertook to make Austria behave better for the future ; and some amelioration of the condition of the Lombardo-Venetian provinces was due undoubtedly to English influence. An amnesty was granted to the banished Lombards, who had for the most part taken refuge in Piedmont, their confiscated property was restored, and the enlightened and benignant Archduke Maximilian sent as viceroy to conciliate the discontented inhabitants. With these liberal measures towards Lombardy- Venice, Austrian fury against Piedmont raged more vio- lently than ever ; and the most virulent attacks on the government appeared in the official gazette of Milan — attacks which Cavour never failed to answer with a proud defiance. To him the sudden clemency of the Vienna Government was only an artifice to win over the Lombards to the side of Austria in case of another war with Pied- mont. That such a war was imminent he could no ' Archives of Foreign Affairs in Naples. See Catnillo Cavojt?; Docu- ments Edited and Unedited. ROYAL VISITS. 1 23 longer doubt, as great military preparations were con- stantly going forward near the frontier. At last diplo- matic relations were broken off between the two countries. On March 22 the Austrian ambassador took his leave of the King of Sardinia, putting the affairs of his legation in the hands of the Prussian minister. The same day an order was sent to the Sardic ambassador to quit Vienna, and leave his affairs in the hands of the French legation. In order further to conciliate his Italian subjects, the Emperor Francis Joseph made a tour through the pro- vinces ; but his welcome was strictly official ; he was received with chilling coldness everywhere. On the very day he entered the Lombard capital the official gazette of Turin announced that Milan was about to present a testimonial of esteem and regard to the Pied- montese army. ' The decisive moment approaches,' said Victor Em- manuel solemnly to Cavour. But though they knew it to be inevitable, they did not wish to precipitate it too soon. The difficulties which the Piedmontese Government laboured under were aggravated by another insurrec- tionary attempt of Mazzini, who, as usual, rushed forward to complicate still more the already too complicated state of affairs. This conspiracy being hatched at Genoa furnished the friends of despotic power with an argument against the Sardinian Government, and involved it in a tedious dispute with Naples, which lasted nearly a year. The loss of the English alliance was somewhat com- pensated for in the increasing friendship of the Czar of Russia. Two of his brothers visited Victor Emmanuel at Turin, and brought him their sovereign's warmest assurances of regard. His mother, the widow of the late Emperor Nicholas, came to pass the winter at Nice, where the king visited her twice, and bestowed such delicate attentions upon her — she being in feeble health — that she declared him to be the most gal- lant prince in Europe ; and before returning home in spring she paid a visit to Turin to thank him for his hospitality. 124 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL The King of Saxony was another royal guest whom Victor Emmanuel received during that winter. He was pleased to have an opportunity of showing a German prince how well ordered and contented his subjects were, and what progress they were daily making in civilised arts. Wherever a I'ailway was to be opened or a foun- dation-stone laid, the king was sure to be there to applaud and encourage the workers in their under- taking. On August 30 Victor Emmanuel went to Chambery to inaugurate the opening of the Mont Cenis pass, and the following day he went to place the first stone of a bridge across the Rhone. He was received very warmly by the Savoyards ; and amongst other deputa- tions that waited on him was one composed of a number of noble ladies who had a petition to present. They were received with great courtesy, which gave them hope that their petition would not be rejected. It prayed his majesty to revoke the decree which had been issued a short time before, by the Minister of Public Instruction, to close the School of the Sacred Heart in Chambery, because the sisters refused to obey the law which required teachers to have a diploma. The king's gallantry did not carry him so far. He frankly replied : — ' I should be happy to do your ladyships any plea- sure possible. But you must know that as a constitu- tional sovereign I must be the first to set an example of respect for the laws, and I cannot interfere.' ' And where shall we have our daughters educated in future ^ ' asked one of the petitioners. ' I can tell you where they will find instructors far superior to the S!/07^e. Educate your girls your- selves,' said the king with a low bow to the deputa- tion. The ladies, baffled by the complimentary refusal, retired without further remonstrance. Towards the end of the year 1857, the Parliament, now four years old, was dissolved. The general election which took place in November was seized upon as a KINGLY RESPONSIBILITY. 1 25 grand occasion for the reactionary party to put their machiner}- in motion. In their efforts to overturn the Liberal government, the clerg}^ did not scruple to make common cause secretly with the Mazzinian faction ; and between the ' clericals ' and the ' sectaries ' the mode- rate government stood in a precarious position. Cavour writes despondingly at this time : — Public affairs hold me in very great suspense. Aban- doned by England, having in front of us Austria, malevolent and hostile, obliged to struggle against Rome and the other Italian princes — you can im- agine how difficult our position is. . . . In spite of all, I am not quite discouraged, because I believe that the countr\^ is with us. The elections, however, went against him, and it needed all his extraordinary ability to hold the ground he had gained so hardly, inch by inch, the last seven years. But the patience and perseverance of this great man were inexhaustible, and the king's courage and resolution indomitable. In the king's speech at the opening of Parliament, he alluded briefly to ' the interruption of friendly inter- course with a neighbouring state,' without offering any explanation on the subject, or expressing any hope of a better understanding in the future. The fact was he did not hope it, and feeling that war was inevitable, he did not choose to give utterance to any diplomatic regrets on the subject. Victor Emmanuel's speeches from the throne are stamped with the sincerity of his own cha- racter ; though they were of course the composition of his ministers, he was particular to read them with care, so that nothing should be put into his mouth, as coming personally from him, of which he did not approve ; and he often required an alteration or insertion of a phrase, and often added a paragraph. ' The ministerial responsibility covers me, I know,' he often said, ' but still I must think of my own con- science.' Yet he was rarely at variance with his ministers ; for 126 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. if his objection to any measure was not perfectly just and reasonable, he was open to conviction, and ready to acknowledge himself wrong. Once the Minister of Public Instruction, Lanza, had a difference with the king on the subject of two nominations, which he had made in the colleges, of foreign professors — the Committee of Public Instruction having preferred two Piedmontese. The king sided with the committee, and refused to sign when presented with the nomination. Lanza respect- fully argued the case, and put before the sovereign the bad policy and illiberality of not employing men of high ability, no matter whence they came ; but as these men were Italians they were their own countrymen, and entitled to be regarded as Victor Emmanuel's sub- jects, since they entertained the same aspirations after national independence. The king, convinced, took up his pen and signed, thanking his minister with a warm shake of the hand for the frankness with which he had spoken. At the end of this year, just a few days before the opening of Parliament, an illustrious senator, the Count Siccardi, died, leaving a grateful memory behind him of the services he had rendei'ed his country, in carry- ing the anti-clerical laws in the face of such terrible difficulties. The year 1858 opened inauspiciously by a criminal attempt, which threatened utter ruin to the Italian cause by estranging the power most disposed to befriend it. A young Italian, Felice Orsini, who had suffered much from Austrian oppression, and had been bred in the unwholesome air of secret societies, where he imbibed the pernicious doctrine of the justifiableness of tyran- nicide — tried to destroy the French emperor on his way to the theatre, by the explosion of a sort of bomb, popularly called an ' infernal machine.' Fortunately the plot failed. Orsini and his two confederates were ar- rested and tried. It turned out that they had been in England just before, where they had planned the mur- derous attempt. England was then open to precisely the same charge as Piedmont had been with regard to ORSINI'S ATTEMPT. 12/ the conspiracies conceived in Genoa by Mazzini. Free countries naturally become the refuge of political exiles ; they come without any encouragement on the part of the rulers, for they are not desirable subjects. But as long as they respect the laws of the state, they are permitted to live in peace, and go away when they like ; and it is impossible for the government to be responsible for what projects they may design in the coun- try, and perpetrate when they get out of it. Despotic rulers, however, always look with suspicion on neigh- bouring countries which enjoy more liberty than their subjects. And so the French emperor hurled the same reproaches at his late ally, as Austria had done at Pied- mont. He called England ' a den of assassins.' British journals replied by reminding him of the coup d'etat, and informing him that ' England loathed an assassin, whether killer of thousands or killer of one.' This was unkind, as the offence had been condoned when he was taken into the alliance, in consideration of his general good conduct after its perpetration, and the promise of future good faith and uprightness. But the fact was, that though he had won the queen's confidence and affection, the Enghsh nation never put perfect trust in him, and of late there had been a suspicion that the star of his destiny was moving in a northerly direction, and likely to stand still over the British Isles. So the indignation felt against him was general throughout the whole king- dom. Napoleon III. in his outcry against conspiracies seemed to have utterly forgotten the hospitality that England had once extended to him, a political exile, much addicted to conspiracy ; and that he had gained the throne by a conspiracy even more culpable than Orsini's, bad as it was. His appeal to all the powers, however, called attention to the subject, and it was found that the secret societies were gaining ground to an alarming extent. The English Government sent infor- mation to the King of Sardinia that Jus life was also threatened by the fanatical republicans, inspired by Orsini's example. Even in the city of Turin an article in one of the journals appeared apologising for the deed. 128 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL Victor Emmanuel and his advisers were deeply- distressed by the unfortunate event. It seemed as if some perverse fate were trying to circumvent every effort to regenerate Italy. In order to neutralise the effect of Orsini's attempt on the mind of the emperor, Victor Emmanuel wrote him a long private letter, putting the case clearly before him, and earnestly entreat- ing him not to condemn or abandon the nation for the misdeeds of a few fanatics. Cavour writes to a friend in profound melancholy at the prospect before him. The present time is full of difficulties and dangers ; they augment daily. There is no longer any restraint on the fury of the sectaries, and their perversity increases the strength of the reaction, which becomes every day more threatening. In the midst of these opposite perils, what are the Liberals to do .-' If they divide they are lost, and with them falls the cause of Italian liberty and independence. We shall stand in the breach imperturbable and resolute ; but fall we must, unless our friends group themselves round us to aid in our defence against the assaults that come from right and left. A bill was introduced into the Piedmontese Parlia- ment to define the offence of ' apologising for regicide,' and to punish more effectually the crime of conspiracy. Orsini's death redeemed his life, and proved him to be one of those disinterested enthusiasts, whose fine nature had been warped by bad example and teaching. Penitent for his crime, he wrote a touching letter to the emperor, not asking for grace for himself, which he did not desire, — but humbly entreating aid for his beloved Italy. This letter was forwarded to Cavour, who had it published, with a few words of introduction from him- self, pointing the moral. The king requested Cavour to address a letter to the Papal Government, begging them to cease inundating the country with discontented subjects of the Holy See, and pointing out that the system of banishing every suspected person was mosi; pernicious to the Roman REMONSTRANCE. 1 29 States, and to Italy at large. ' Keep them at home ; punish them if necessaiy, but keep them at home,' was, in brief, the burden of the missive. This system of expulsion from their own state (writes Cavour) — exercised on so large a scale by the Pontifical Government, that in our state alone there are one hundred subjects of the Holy See— cannot but have dreadful consequences. The man exiled on suspicion, or because his conduct is not so good as it ought to be, is not always corrupt, or affiliated indissolubly with re- volutionary factions. Kept in his own country under surveillance, orpunished if necessary, he might mend his ways, or at least not become dangerous. But irritated by illegal measures, sent into exile, constrained to live outside respectable society, often without the means of subsistence, he necessarily puts himself in relation with the fomenters of revolution. It is then easy for them to seduce him and bind him to their society. The exile, in short, becomes a sectary — often a very dangerous sectary.' Hence one can say, with reason, that the system followed by the Pontifical Government is cal- culated to swell the army of revolutionists. . . . To the measures adopted by the Holy See is to be attri- buted the extraordinary vitality of the Mazzinian party. On March 14, which was the king's birthday, and also that of his eldest son Humbert, now fourteen, he conferred upon the prince the rank of captain in an infantry regiment, because he wished ' to attach him to the army whose perils and glories he should one day share, when the honour of the country required it.' ' In Italian, settat'io means simply member of a secret society, or sect, . as they call it. K 130 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. CHAPTER XII. 'j'attends mon astre.' a.d. 1858-9. Victor Emmanuel and Camillo Cavour, by a happy union of diplomatic ability, courage, and prudence, — not only lived down the slanderous attacks of their enemies, but turned the tables on them, and showed clearly to all Europe that while Piedmont was peaceful, contented, and loyal, all the other States of Italy were a prey to violent disorders, the result of gross misgovernment, — more especially the Two Sicilies and the States of the Church. We have not space here to dwell on the suffer- ings of the inhabitants of the kingdom of Naples and the Roman States ; but their condition presented a picture to excite indignation and pity.' The Austrian provinces, hitherto much oppressed, now enjoyed a respite under the mild rule of the Arch- duke Maximilian. But this change of policy on the part of the conquerors did not mitigate one iota the sentiment of hostility which the natives felt towards them. No amount of conciliation could now win their hearts. They had suffered too much in the past ; the iron had entered into their soul. And though Maxi- milian was personally popular, the firm resolve to banish the House of Hapsburg from Italian soil was stronger than ever in the hearts of the Lombards and Venetians. There was something noble in the indif- ference they showed to the material advantages offered them by the ruling race, and in the proud cold bearing with which they received the conciliations of a most amiable and fascinating prince, whose winning qualities had power to disarm hostility in the breasts of the most inveterate enemies of his house. Maximilian admired and respected their pride, and when he became an in- ' See I Cast di Napoli (Massari) ; Gladstone's Prisons of Naples ; La Vita di Pio Nono ; Corresp07idenze di Panizzi ; Ricordanze delta Mia Vita, da Settembrini. NATIONAL ASPIRATIONS. 13I dependent sovereign, eagerly sought the friendship of the Itahan king, with whom he kept up the best rela- tions to the end of his brief unhappy reign. This gene- rous, just, and noble-minded prince deserved a better fate than that which his injudicious friend, Napoleon III., allotted to him as Emperor of Mexico. Many illustrious exiles, who by no means came under the denomination of the sectaries and conspirators condemned by Count Cavour, had fled from the op- pressed principalities, and received an hospitable welcome in the Sardinian states. These had seen the folly of partial and local revolutions, without proper guidance and discipline. They desired nothing more than a just amount of liberty under a constitutional monarchy, such as Piedmont enjoyed, but such as their sovereigns, they knew by experience, would never grant. They desired the next revolutionary movement to be an uprising of all Italy to expel the foreigner and his satraps, and this movement to be led by a native prince. So they had come to centre all their hopes of regeneration on the one honest king in the peninsula, whose example seemed all the brighter because of the darkness by which he was surrounded. These exiles had beset King Victor from the time he came to the throne with passionate appeals for help for their afflicted countries. Almost all the books written on the subject of Italian nationality, and narra- tives of the revolutions, were dedicated to him, or to the memory of his father. If he ventured to congratulate himself on the improving state of his kingdom and the contentment of his subjects, they did not fail to remind him that there were others of his Italian countrymen, who felt as loyally towards him. still groaning under an oppressive foreign yoke. All this made a deep impres- sion on his mind, stirred all his generous sympathies, and kept constantly alive in his soul the noble ambition which his father had bequeathed to him of accomplishing national emancipation. The decisive moment approached which Victor Emmanuel felt could no longer be post- poned. It was now three years since, at the close of the 132 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Crimean War, Napoleon III. had asked that momentous question which thrilled his listener's heart, Que peut-on faire pour Vltalie f And nothing had been done, nor attempted. Victor Emmanuel thought that it was time to re- present to his ally that if he desired to do something for Italy, and take away the cause of a continual disturbance of the peace of Europe, the time had arrived. In obedi- ence to a secret invitation. Count Cavour met the Em- peror Napoleon, on July 20, at Plombieres. The business was kept strictly private between the king and himself, so that no one knew the purport of the meeting till the end of the year. The result of that interview was cal- culated to raise Victor Emmanuel's hopes and fill his soul with glorious anticipations. In spite of the secrecy enjoined by his minister, he was heard to say in con- fidence, * Next year I shall be King of Italy, or plain M. de Savoie.' Reviewing the troops in the Piazza d' Armi, the king, in speaking to a colonel, gave expres- sion to some ' bellicose ' words, which, being repeated and exaggerated, caused great disturbance in the diplomatic world, and brought down severe rebukes upon him. A few careless words to one of his own officers at a review, were criticised in the journals as a ' speech.' Indignation articles, even in France, were written upon the subject ; and it was said that the unrestrained ambition of the Sar- dinian king, supported by his turbulent minister, threat- ened Europe with the calamities of war. Cavour, who had to act as a cork, bottling down the patriotic ardour of his king, entreated his majesty not to make such warlike speeches in public or private, since the eyes of Europe were jealously watching his every word and movement. But though he reproached his imprudence, no one ad- mired the fiery spirit, which he alone knew how to rein in, more than Cavour himself. Towards the end of the year 1858 another visit from the royal family of Russia showed increasing esteem and cordiality on their part. The Grand Duke Con- stantine and his wife were such enthusiastic admirers of Victor Emmanuel and his state, that a Russian noble AX IMPRUDENT DISCLOSURE. 1 33 said they had become quite Picdniontcsc. The princess said to Cavour, ' In Russia we are proud to have such a friend as your king.' The auspicious year 1859 opened with brighter pros- pects than the last. It was just ten years since Charles Albert had made up his mind to embark on that last fatal venture of his life which brought his country to the verge of destruction. J'attaids mon astre, was the motto he had chosen ; and unlucky as had been that star for him, his son still waited in the sure and certain hope that it would rise all glorious one day and reward his faith and patience. It had taken all those ten years for Victor Emmanuel, by constant strenuous effort, to recover the prestige lost in the campaign of 1 849. But he had done it ; and now that the ten years' armistice — which Count Balbo had called the Peace of iMilan — was about to expire, he stood on the threshold of the new year, impatient for the moment when he might unsheathe the sword and wash out the memory of Novara. The Parliament was to be opened January 10, and the king and his ministers were much exercised over the royal speech for a fortnight before it was to be delivered. Victor Emmanuel was disposed to throw down the gauntlet without further delay ; he could not give utter- ance to language calculated to mislead the public. Cavour said they were not yet prepared for war, and it would be giving the enemy an unfair advantage to announce their intentions so soon. ' Then, if I cannot speak clearly, better say nothing,' said the king ; and the minister had much trouble in convincing him that he must say so)netJiing. Piedmont — all Italy — expected to hear the voice of the king, and must not be disappointed. ' We will say all we can,' said Cavour. ' We must try and reconcile prudence with candour.' 'Well, then,' said Victor, at last yielding, as he generally did, to Cavour's convincing arguments, ' I will speak ; but I wish the speech to be brief.' This all- important composition, which was to unite brevity and clearness, prudence and boldness, frankness and reticence — which was to give comfort and hope to the Italians, 134 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. but not to give open ofifence to Austria — was found to be a ver}- difficult task, and was not completed till the day before the opening of Parliament. On New Year's day, the king, according to custom, received a number of deputations who came to wish him the compliments of the season. First there was the diplomatic body ; and in conversing with them Victor Emmanuel was reserved and cautious, as he had pro- mised Count Cavour he would be. It was some time since diplomatic relations with Austria had been broken, so he was not under the necessity of receiving a repre- sentative of that much-hated power. The new French ambassador was Prince La Tour d'Auvergne, who was struck with the king's good sense and dignity. ' J'ad- viire t elevation cV esprit avec laqiielle le roi Victor cause des affaires^ he said to Signor ^lassari coming out from the reception. With the senators and deputies he also behaved admirabl}-. But the magistrates unfortunately spoke of the important events of the past year, which drew from the king the remark that the year they were entering on might bear still more important ones. As soon as the deputation was gone he was seized with remorse ; and when Cavour entered the room, he came to meet him with a smile of compunction, saying, ' Fc rgive me, I have done it ! ' ' How, and with whom, your majesty "i ' asked the Count in some anxiety. ' In speaking to the magistrates.' ' The magistrates I ' said Cavour. with his good- humoured laugh. ' The most peaceable people in the world I How did you do it .' ' ' Forgive me,' said the king again. , ' I followed your advice as long as it was possible ; but I really could not keep in any longer.' Cavour's exquisite sense of humour was highly tickled at the incorrigibility of his royal pupil, and we can imagine him laughing till he had to take off his gold spectacles and wipe them, while the king joined heartily in the laugh against himself. The glimpses we get of the intercourse between Victor Emmanuel and his THE GRIDO DI DOLORE. 135 illustrious minister convey the idea of perfect confidence, friendship and sympathy ; though they sometimes had sharp disputes on public questions. Cabinet councils were held on January- 8th and 9th in preparation for the opening of Parliament on the loth, but still the speech of the Crown was unfinished, be- cause it was so difficult to be bold and frank as the king required, and at the same time cautious and am- biguous as prudence dictated. The speech was in point of fact written out in a manner to satisfy the king, but the ministers still hesitated as to the advisability of allowing him to deliver it exactly as it was worded. The last paragraph, dealing with the Austrian difficulty, held the pith of the discourse. It had been sent for approbation to the Emperor, but he, finding it too strong, suggested the famous passage, — ' While we re- spect treaties, we are not insensible to the cr}^ of anguish {grido di dolore) which comes up to us from many parts of Italy,' — which pleased the king and was adopted.^ The royal speech was brief, but it contained that which satisfied the king, ministers, Parliament, and na- tion. It became a memorable historic utterance, for the famous grido di dolore set all Italy on fire, and hastened the inevitable breach with Austria. The king was up at daybreak on the morning of the loth, reading over the speech, and making some trifling alterations. Then he read it aloud to Count Cavour, to see that his tones gave the proper signification to the words. He had, unfortunately, a sore throat, and he said, laughing with his usual jocularity, ' I am afraid that with this con- founded sore throat the first tenor will not sing his part well.' As he ascended the stairs of the Palazzo iMa- dama a deputation of senators came to meet him, according to custom ; and to one he was particularly fond of, he said with a happy smile, ' Dear Cibrario, ' The origin of the grido di dolore has been kept a secret by Signor Massari till his recent publication of La Marmora's life. 136 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. you shall hear nice things ! ' The Chamber presented an unusually festive appearance, and was crowded to excess. Nothing was known of the policy for the coming year, and everyone was impatient to hear the royal utterance, seeming to expect something more than an ordinary ' king's speech,' a mere rehearsal of facts already well known to the public. His majesty took his seat on the throne amid loud applause ; but when he opened the paper he was about to read, there was a sudden profound silence ; all awaited with eager impatience the words about to fall from his lips. He held his audience in suspense another minute, while he swept the assembly with a flashing eye which revealed the excitement of his mind. Gentlemen Senators, Gentlemen Deputies, — The new Legislature, inaugurated a year ago, has not disap- pointed the hopes of the country nor my expecta- tions. By means of an enlightened and loyal concord we have been enabled to surmount the difficulties that beset our policy external and internal, thus ren- dering more solid those broad principles of nationality and of progress on which our liberal institutions repose. Following on the same road this new year, you will be able to accomplish improvements in the various branches of the legislation and of the public adminis- tration. In the past session there were presented to you various projects for amending the administration of justice. Resuming the interrupted examination, I trust that in this you will be able to provide for the re-ordering of the magistracy, the courts of assizes, and the court of procedure. You shall be called again to deliberate on the reform of the administration of the communes and of the provinces. The lively interest that the subject awakes will be an incitement to dedicate to it your special care. There shall be proposed to you some modifications of the laws of the National Guard. In order to pre- serve the basis of this noble institution intact, and render it more efficacious at all times, it is necessary THE EFFECT OF THE SPEECH. 1 37 to introduce some improvements suggested by ex- perience. The commercial crisis from which our country has not been exempt, and the calamity which re- peatedly strikes our principal industry, diminishes the income of the State, and prevents us for the present realising the hope of equalising the expenses with the public revenues. That will not prevent you — in the examination of the future balance-sheet — from trying to reconcile the needs of the State with the principles of a severe economy. Gentlemen Senators, Gentlemen Deputies, — The hori- zon in which the new year rises is not quite serene. That notwithstanding, you will apply yourselves with your usual alacrity to your parliamentary labours. Strengthened by the experiences of the past, we will go resolutely forward to meet the future. This future will be happy, if we repose our policy on justice, on the love of liberty and of country. Our country, small in territory, has acquired credit in the councils of Europe, because she is great in the idea she represents, in the sympathy that she inspires. This situation is not exempt from perils, for, wJiile zve respect treaties, zve are not insejisible to the cry of an- guish that comes up to ns frojn many parts of Italy. Strong in concord, confident in our good right, we await with prudence and resolution the decrees of Divine Providence. To appreciate the thrilling effect produced by this discourse, we must remember that it was quite new to the audience. They had not been behind the scenes ' assisting ' at the composition of it, nor known how that grido di dolore, which went straight to their hearts, had been the suggestion of the Emperor. And though the king read the speech which everyone knew had been prepared for him, there was a fire and animation in his look and tone as he delivered it, which made it seem the spontaneous expression of feeling which rushed from the heart to the lips of the royal speaker. The scene in the 138 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. assembly must be described in the vivid language of an Italian eye-witness ' : — At every period the speech was interrupted by clamor- ous applause, and cries of ' Viva il R^ ! ' But when he came to the words, grido di dolore, there was an enthusiasm quite indescribable. Senators, deputies, spectators, all sprang to their feet with a bound, and broke into passionate acclamations. The ministers of France, Russia, Prussia, and England were utterly astonished and carried away by the marvellous spec- tacle. The face of the ambassador of Naples was covered with a gloomy pallor. We poor exiles did not even attempt to wipe away the tears that flowed copiously, unrestrainedly from our eyes, as we fran- tically clapped our hands in applause of that king who had remembered our sorrows, who had promised us a country. Before the victories, the plebiscites, and the annexations conferred on him the crown of Italy, he reigned in our hearts ; he was our king ! Before the day was done the speech was repeated by thousands of lips ; it passed like an electric shock from one end of the peninsula to the other. It was quoted by hundreds of writers and speakers, both friends and enemies, with the passionate comments which their re- spective feelings dictated. The comments of the Codini, condensed, read some- what in this style : ' Threatening language of the Sar- dinian king ; boundless ambition, unscrupulous as to means ; nothing sacred that blocks his way ; ready to plunge Europe into a bloody war to gratify insatiable desire for dynastic aggrandisement,' etc., etc. The Libcrali, on the other hand, with rapturous applause, spoke their gratitude to the honest king and daring soldier, who had lent an ear to their cry of anguish. He had spoken like a patriot prince, whose Italian heart was still the same as when he led the for- ' Massari, author of a Life nf Gioberti, a Life of Cavour, a Life of Vietor Emmanuel, a Life of La Marmora. THE FREN'CH ALLIANCE. 1 39 lorn hope of Piedmont against the Austrian guns at Novara, Ten years of patient endurance had not changed his sentiments ; he was still theirs — Italy's — the champion of their liberties, the first soldier of Italian independence. Under the banner of such a leader, who would not be proud to enrol himself ? P''h'a Vittorio, the gallant, the loyal, and the true ! Viva Casa Savoya ! — these and like expressions were heard on all sides. They prepared themselves for war ; the young men in the different States collected all the little wealth that they might without exciting the suspicion of their governments, and quietly took their way northwards to be ready at a moment's notice. Amongst these were nobles of the highest rank, some nephews of cardinals, and one nephew of the prime minister of Tuscany. Every town sent its contribution of a gallant little band to the national war, which was expected even sooner than it actually broke out. Victor Emmanuel had to pay a good price for the alliance of the French Emperor. Two sacrifices he had to make which wounded his heart deeply, and which nothing but the cause of Italy, which absolutely de- pended on those sacrifices, would have induced him to accomplish. The Bonaparte family desiring much to connect themselves with the ancient dynasties of Europe, a marriage was proposed between the emperor's cousin, Prince Napoleon Jerome, and Clotilde, the eldest child of Victor Emmanuel, then not much past fifteen }-ears. The princess was a bright girl, with a mind matured beyond her years, full of maternal care for her brothers and sister, and devotedly attached to her father, who loved her tenderly. The first mention of the marriage the king met with a repugnance which could not be overcome. To separate his child at so tender an age from all family ties, and give her to a man who had more than twice her years, was an idea which he could not entertain. But the statesmen returned again and again to the subject, and he was given to understand that this matrimony must be a condition of the French alliance. The king consulted the opinion of all the 140 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. men he most esteemed, and laid the whole matter be- fore them. They admired the strength of his paternal affection, but naturally thought more of the national welfare than the happiness of the princess ; and expected that a king should sacrifice personal feelings for the public good. At last Victor Emmanuel, with a heavy heart, said to his minister, ' You have convinced me of the political reasons which render this marriage useful and necessary to our cause. I yield to your argu- ments, but I make a great sacrifice in so doing. My consent is subject to the condition that my daughter gives hers freely.' It was not in the nature of things that a young girl should receive this proposal with a good grace. Her father would not urge her, but Cavour was there, who knew how to play upon the finest chords of the human heart with the most skilful and delicate touch. The princess was convinced that, to be worthy of the noble race from which she sprung, she must sacrifice herself for the honour of that house, the love of her father, the redemption of her country. She was Victor Emmanuel's daughter — with all his generous pride of race and love of country — and she consented. Cavour, wily diplomatist as he was, had a warm heart, and when he related the scene to a friend, and described the noble bearing of the young girl, his eyes were filled with tears. ' I have the hope that my good daughter will be happy,' said the king, trying to persuade himself that the marriage would turn out well. The ceremony took place on January 29, and the wedded couple set out for France at once. The bride was accompanied by ladies of the Sardinian court, and the king went as far as Genoa, to see them embark. It was a bitter moment to Victor Emmanuel ; the prin- cess could hardly tear herself from her father's arms, and he broke down utterly in saying the last farewell. Among the wedding presents which the king be- stowed on the day of the marriage, was a very handsome ring which he gave to Count Cavour. 'Your majesty knows I have no wife — nor will I ever take one,' observed the minister, apropos of rings. EXCITEMENT ABOUT WAR. I4I ' La sua sposa t la Patria. I know it,' replied the king gracefully. The other sacrifice which Victor Emmanuel was called upon to make was the cession of Nice and Savoy to France, in return for her aid in helping to liberate North Italy 'from the Alps to the Adriatic,' as the em- peror expressed it. It was a bitter trial to him to have to surrender the cradle of his race, from which his dynasty took its title ; but nothing should be allowed to stand in the way of national independence. The treaty of alliance was signed January 18, by Prince Napoleon and General Neil on the part of France, and Count Cavour and General La Marmora on the part of Sar- dinia. It was kept strictly secret, as the emperor bound himself to aid the king only in case of Austria being the aggressor. Victor Emmanuel's patience was at its last ebb ; Austria had the power of tormenting him in a thousand ways without absolutely invading his dominions. But still his allies preached patience to him. ' //yh';^/'«//'^;/^/r,i'/r^ ; for the enemy began to advance rapidly into the interior, and for several days Turin was threatened with an attack. The government was in the hands of the Prince of Carignano, who, aided by the energetic services of the citizens, and those old noble? who had not gone to the seat of war, made haste to put the city in a state of defence. The king was in great anxiety, and kept up a constant correspondence with the capital till the danger was passed. The courage and quiet resolu- tion displayed by the whole population of Turin was very gratifying to Victor Emmanuel, who expressed his feelings in a letter to the old General de Sonnaz, who was in command of all the forces that could be mustered together for the defence of the city. Your Excellency, — The noble, patriotic, and valiant con- duct that you have displayed in these past days when the capital was threatened by a raid from the enemy, during which time you collected together such forces as were available, and enrolled them with the division of cavalry, — I appreciated so highly that I experienced a lively desire to express to your excellency' my great satisfaction and earnest thanks. This bold act, spon- taneous as it was, is a new proof of that constant de- votion to the throne of which my father and I have had so many evidences in times past ; and another gem added to the brilliant services which entitle your excellency to my particular goodwill, and to the esteem and gratitude of the country and army. To-day, since the peril which menaced the capital is passed, your excellency can resume the command of the military division of Turin, and I will rest in the firm confidence that if there should arise any grave trouble, the country and the king may count on the arm and the heart of your excellency — a heart and an arm which never grow old. Victor Emmanuel. Occimiano, May i8, 1859. For some time before the war, the great body of 154 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. volunteers had been put under the command of General Garibaldi. They had taken the field before the royal troops, and in several encounters with the enemy on the Po, had come off victorious — a fact which greatly cheered the spirits of the Piedmontese. On May 20, at Montebello, took place the first en- counter of the allied armies with the Austrian, and so far as it went it was a brilliant success. On May 30th, that is, the eleventh anniversary of Goito, where Victor Emmanuel first distinguished himself, there was fought a more important battle. At Palestro the Austrians had collected strong forces to oppose the passage of the Piedmontese across the Sesia. General Cialdini attacked them with great energy at one point, and General Fanti at another, while the king, who directed the movements of all, seeing his men swept down rapidly by the terrible Austrian fire, led on a third division, passed the bridge with overwhelming impetus, and as- sailed Palestro with a fury before which the enemy had to give way. On receiving fresh succours the Austrians returned to the combat, and twice drove the Piedmontese back, but twice had to yield in their turn. In all the three dift"erent points the Austrians were ultimately forced to retreat, and the Italians remained in possession of the position. Royal Proclamation. Soldiers! — Our first battle signalises our first victory. Your heroic courage, the admirable order of your lines, the daring and sagacity of your leaders, have triumphed to-day at Palestro, Vinzaglio, and Casalino. The enemy, repeatedly attacked, after an obstinate defence, abandoned the strong positions into your hands. This campaign could not open under happier auspices. The triumph of to-day is a pledge that future victories are reserved for the glory of your king, and the fame of the valiant Piedmontese army. Soldiers, your exultant country expresses through me her gratitude, and, proud of your battles, she adds THE BATTLE OF PALESTRO. I55 to her story the names of her heroic sons, who for the second time on the memorable day of May 30 have successfully and valiantly combated for her. Victor Emmanuel. The Austrians, knowing the importance of the village of Palestro, returned at daybreak next morning with all the fresh forces they could collect to try to retake it. As Victor Emmanuel, armed for the afifray, was about to leap to the saddle, he paused one moment to send a line to his dear Cavour — ' You must be pleased with the news of yesterday evening. I am mounting my horse. This evening you shall receive other good news.' The Austrians, wishing to regain the positions lost the day before, tojk the offensive, and fought with a desperate resolve to gain the day ; the Italians, with an equally desperate tenacity, were resolved to cede those valuable posts only with their lives. It was an obstinate and bloody battle. The Italians, fighting furiously and falling in great numbers, were almost surrounded and overwhelmed, when the Zouaves came to the rescue and, with a dauntless bravery, threw themselves on the enemy and made themselves masters of the cannons. Inspirited by the help of their gallant allies, the Italians renewed the attack with great vigour, all the more courageously that just then Victor Em- manuel, ' plunged in the battery's smoke,' was seen galloping to the front, SAvord in hand, waving on Italians and French to the defence of a bridge. The sight of their king inspired the Piedmontese with fresh ardour ; and the Zouaves, with the cry of Vk'e V Empereiir, threw themselves precipitately along with them upon the enemy, and a furious contest ensued, in which the day for a long time remained doubtful. The Zouaves Avere lost in admiration of Victor Emmanuel's gallantry. He was the first of Zouaves, they said, for 'he would listen to no reason.' The French standard-bearer fell at his feet, struck by two balls ; and he rushed on into the thickest fire, deaf to 156 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. the remonstrances of the Zouaves, who entreated him to withdraw a little in the background. The idea of thinking of his own life at such a moment was out of the question for Victor Emmanuel ; but the ' First Soldier of Italian Independence ' ought to have remem- bered that he was necessary to the cause for which he fought, and ought not to have so recklessly thrown him- self into the jaws of death. At one dreadful moment he was almost cut off from his followers and surrounded by the enemy. ' In that instant,' says the narrator, • from thousands of breasts there rose a cry of terror ; the Zouaves, the staff officers, the Bersaglieri, all with horror in their faces, threw themselves like a thunder- bolt on the enemy ; like lightning they encircled the king, and saved his precious life and liberty.' ' Are you afraid I shall throw you into the shade .^ ' he said, in reply to their remonstrances. ' Do not fear ; there is glory enough for all.' The day was won, the king was safe, and the joy of the Sardinian army can be better imagined than de- scribed — a joy in which the Zouaves heartily shared, making the field ring with shouts of Vive Ic Rot ! Henceforth he was their peculiar hero ; that evening they elected him their corporal, and carried to his head- quarters the pieces of cannon taken from the enemy. The king sent back the cannon with the following letter to Colonel de Chabron : — From Headquarters, Torrione, June i, 1859. Monsieur le Colonel, — The emperor in placing at my orders the third regiment of Zouaves, has given me a precious proof of his friendship. I thought that I could not better welcome this choice troop than by furnisliing an occasion to aid in a new exploit those who in the fields of battle in Africa and the Crimea have rendered so redoubtable the name of Zouaves. The irresistible impetus with which your regiment, Monsieur le Colonel, rushed yesterday to the attack, excited all my admiration. To throw themselves PROCLAMATIONS. 1 57 upon the enemy at the bayonet's point, and possess themselves of a battery, while braving the fire of the initrai/lc, was the affair only of some moments. You ought to be proud to command such soldiers, and they ought to be happy to obey a chief like you. I appreciate highly the thought which induced the Zouaves to bring to my head-quarters the pieces of artillery taken from the Austrians, and I pray you to thank them for me. I hasten to send this fine trophy to his majesty the emperor, to whom I have already made known the incomparable bravery with which your regiment fought yesterday at Palestro, and sustained my extreme right. I shall always be very glad to see the third regiment of Zouaves fight beside my soldiers, and gather new laurels on the fields of battle which await us. Will you. Monsieur le Colonel, make known these sentiments to your Zouaves .-' Victor Emmanuel. The Zouaves having elected the King of Sardinia to be their corporal, the emperor said smiling, ' Now that you belong to my army I have a right to reprove you for your imprudence yesterday. If that happens again I will put you under arrest.' On the evening of the 31st Victor Emmanuel ad- dressed a proclamation to his own troops, and de- spatched ' the other good news ' which in the morning he had boldly promised Cavour. To the Sardinian Army. Soldiers ! — To-day a new and splendid feat of arms has been signalised by a new victory. The enemy assailed us vigorously in the positions of Palestro. They con- veyed heavy forces against our right, in order to impede the conjunction of ours with the troops of Marshal Canrobert. It was a supreme moment. Our ranks were far inferior to the adversary ; but there stood in front of 158 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. the attacking party the valorous troop of the fourth di- vision, led by General Cialdini, and the incomparable third regiment of Zouaves, who, working in conjunction with the Sardic army, contributed powerfully to the victory. It was a murderous fight, but at the end the allied troops repulsed the enemy, having inflicted upon him serious losses, including a general and many officers. We have about 1,000 Austrian prisoners. Eight cannon were taken at the bayonet's point — five by the Zouaves, three by our men. At the same time that the battle of Palestro was taking place, General Fanti, with equally happy success, repulsed with the troops of the second divi- sion another attack directed by the Austrians upon Confienza. His majesty the emperor, on visiting the battle- field, expressed his heartfelt congratulations, and ap- preciates the immense advantage of this day. Soldiers ! Persevere in these your sublime efforts, and I feel certain that heaven will crown the work so courageously initiated. Victor Emmanuel. From Headquarters at Torrione, May 31, 1859. This order of the day, in Victor Emmanuel's own style, gives briefly a fair idea of the day's doings, only his own exploits are necessarily omitted. While recording the triumph of the Piedmontese army, it would be unjust to withhold the tribute of praise from those exiles who, before Garibaldi's volun- teer army was organised, had abandoned home and country, and gone to aid their Sardinian brothers in their struggle for liberty. There were no braver nor more devoted men in the army than these poor ' foreigners,' as they were then called ; and many touching anecdotes are told of how willingly they died, praying for their country, and blessing ' the champion of their liberty,' as he walked over the field, taking cognisance of his losses, and giving orders for the care of the wounded. MAGENTA. 1 59 It must always be a melancholy moment to a general when, the excitement and exultation of vic- tory passed, he begins to count the costs, and sees so many of his brave followers laid low ; and Victor Emmanuel, whose emotional nature was quickly touched, felt depressed by the spectacle. In the course of his mournful walk he came to where a young Roman lay, with the life-blood slowly ebbing from his side. At the sight of the king his eye brightened, and he said to the companion who supported him, — ' Raise my head ; let me look at him again. My leader, my hero, my king ! ' Victor Emmanuel approached, and the volunteer exclaimed, * God preserve you, saviour of Italy. For the sake of this blood, for the glory of your throne, for the memory of your martyred father, I conjure you to make our country free ! ' The king, deeply moved, bent over the dying volun- teer, placed his hand on his, and with tears in his eyes gave once more the oft-repeated promise to liberate Italy if life were spared to him.' On June 3, the allied armies arrived at Novara, the painful memories of which were fast being obliterated by the exultation of the present successes. On the 4th the great and decisive battle of Magenta was fought and won by the allied armies, and placed Lonibardy at the feet of the Sardinian king.^ Two days after this victory Victor Emmanuel re- ceived the deputation which came in the name of the whole population of the state to offer their fealty to him, and beg to be united to Piedmont. As a confir- * Bersezio. ^ There was a little incident of this battle which we recollect being re- ported by some newspaper correspondents at the time, though we have never met with it anywhere since, which is interesting and significant. Among the Austrian dead there was found a youth, ' whose musket had never been loaded,' and on him were papers declaring that he, a Venetian, had been forced to serve, but he never would fire on his countrymen, and only desired to be killed by them. The Italians took oflf the hated white uniform and buried him with their own dead, ' that his spirit might have rest.' This is the origin of Mrs. Browning's poem The Forced Recruit. l6o LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL mation of the union, the khig immediately appointed some noble Lombards to offices of state. On June 8, four days after the battle of Magenta, the allies made a triumphal entry into Milan, and went straight to the magnificent cathedral, to return thanks in a solemn service. While they were thus engaged came the news of another success gained by the French troops at Melegnano, so that the campaign was one un- broken series of victories from beginning to end ; and as for the allied armies, so also it was for the volunteers under Garibaldi, who, being a perfect master of irregular warfare, harassed the enemy in such a way as to con- tribute not a little to the successful issue of the campaign. Royal Pjvclamatioji. People of Lombardy ! — The victory of the liberating army brings me among you. Your national rights restored, your votes will confirm your union with my kingdom, which is founded on the guarantees of a civilised life. The temporary form of government which I establish to-day is required by the necessity of war. When assured of independence, men's minds will acquire the coolness and strength necessary to prepare the foundation of a liberal and lasting regime. The Subalpines have made, and still make, great sacrifices for the common country. Our army, which welcomes in its ranks many valiant volunteers of other Italian provinces, has already given splendid proofs of its courage, combating victoriously for the national cause. The Emperor of the French, our generous ally, worthy of the name and genius of Napoleon, putting himself at the head of the heroic army of that great nation, wishes to liberate Italy frojn the Alps to the Adriatic. In a rivalry of sacrifices you will second these magnanimous proposals on the fields of battle, you will show yourselves worthy of the destinies to which Italy is now called after so many centuries of suffering. Victor Emmanuel. June 9, 1859. THE CAMICIA ROSSA. l6l The Lombards welcomed back their dear exiles with frantic joy, and passionate demonstrations of gratitude to the liberator so long prayed for, who was now in very truth their king, for the Austrians, everywhere beaten, •had retired beyond the Mincio into the Venetian pro- vinces. It was in the Lombard capital, after so many brilliant feats on the part of both leaders, that Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi first met. The king had always felt interested in the strange romantic career of the poor fisherman's son, who had been described by the Papal and Bourbon adherents — trembling in '48 at the sight of the Camicia rossa — as a bloodthirsty anarchist, a communist, an antichrist, in fact; and whose story, divested of this warm colouring, was not such as to recommend him particularly to the favour of an hereditary monarch. He was a republican Italian, and a cosmopolitan defender of peoples' rights in every land. With those in authority he had earned a repu- tation somewhat like that of the Irishman who on landing in America asked, ' Is there any government established in this country' ^ Because, if there is, I'm agin' it.' Garibaldi had hitherto found himself pretty well agaijist Q\&ry government where he happened to sojourn : that was the fault of the governments, of course ; but nevertheless it made him be dreaded by order-loving people, who thought a little tyranny preferable to con- tinual revolutions. The daring courage, the childlike simplicit)-, the originality of this strange man, whose soul seemed cast in the mould of ancient days, won the admiration of a kindred spirit, singularly free from the prejudices of his class — one who could value a man for his own worth apart from all accessories of rank or position. It was flattering to a king like Victor, the voluntary homage of this wild republican ; and it was flattering to the great volunteer, the tone of brotherly equality with which the head of an ancient dynasty received him. The meeting between the two heroes at Milan was most cordial, full of mutual congratulations and expressions of esteem. The king fastened the gold medal for military M l62 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. valour on the breast of the valiant general, who was proud to receive it from his hands, not because he was a king, but because he was a patriot and a hero. But Lombardy had not seen the last of that ob- noxious individual popularly known as lo Straniero. It was not to be expected that a great military power, with vast resources at her command, would relinquish those rich provinces to her old hereditary foe without a desperate struggle. Hastily collecting troops in those provinces still subject to her sway, she returned to the combat with renewed vigour. So secretly, speedily, and cleverly was the move executed, that the Austrian army was in front of the allies before they had dreamed of a renewal of the contest. But both French and Sards were equal to the occasion ; and on June 24 was fought the double battle of Solferino and San Martino, which was the crowning glory of this glorious campaign. The French call this day ' Solferino,' but the Italians like to speak of it as ' San Martino,' that being the name of the hill from which the Sardinian king and his soldiers dis- lodged the Austrians, after a prolonged and bloody combat, which lasted from early morning till seven o'clock in the evening. During all this time the king was in the saddle, directing the movements of the troops over the extensive battle ground, and with four divisions under his immediate command he opposed a greatly superior force, fighting his way from Lonato to San Martino to the aid of General MoUard, whom he knew to be hard pressed by the enemy in that position. ' By his able dispositions,' writes a Frenchman, ' by the magic effect of his presence, by the impetus with which he knows so well how to inspire his soldiers, his troops were able to accomplish prodigies, displaying an inex- haustible tenacity in resistance as well as in attack.' The Austrians under the command of General Benedek encountered General Mollard at San Martino early in the morning. The Italian general, knowing the importance of this position, was resolved to hold it at any cost. San Martino is a high hill, the precipitous sides of which were protected by little forts, and it com- SOLFERINO— SAN MARTINO. 1 63 manded all the roads between Solferino and the Lago di Garda. After a hard struggle, the Austrians, being superior in numbers, forced the Piedniontese from the height and pursued them into the plain. The king having in the meantime sent them succours, they re- turned to the combat, climbed the hill of San Martino once more, under a furious fire, and drove the enemy from the position at the point of the bayonet. But in that attack the Piedmontese ranks had been terribly thinned, and again the enemy, with an overwhelming effort, forced them from the height. Meantime an officer from the king arrived to say he was hastening to their assistance. ' Our allies are winning a great battle at Solferino ; it is the wish of the king that his soldiers should win one at San Martino,' said the aide-de-camp. ' Say to the king that his orders shall be executed,' was the proud reply of General MoUard. Before noon Victor Emmanuel had sent a message to the French commander. Marshal Hilliers, ' who was winning a great victory at Solferino.' The mountain sides were so bestrewed with wounded that the king's messenger had to lead his horse to avoid trampling on them. He found the French commander in pos- session of the field and the enemy retreating. The marshal spoke slightingly of the Piedmontese slowness in advancing, and said, — ' Vous liavcs pas encore appris a niarcJicr coinvie nous! The Sardinian replied that some of their troops had been called to support the emperor in the plain, and that those that remained under the king's command had a vastly superior force to combat. The marshal looked at his watch and said, ' It is one o'clock. I hops that by evening your army will have arrived at Pozzo- lengo.' Pozzolengo was two miles from Lonato ; and before reaching it, it was necessary for Victor Emmanuel to overpower the forces that opposed him there, and then go to the defence of San Martino, which was the all-important post that must be conquered finally before proceeding to Pozzolengo. When his aide-de-camp re- 164 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL turned and told him what the French general had said, he was somewhat piqued. It was not quite just to reproach him with ' slowness ' under the circumstances. He despatched a messenger to La Marmora — about three-quarters of an hour's ride — saying, * Go immedi- ately to La Marmora, tell him that I order him to take the command of Durando's division, with half of Fanti's, and to hasten to San Martino ; say at the same time that I am sending orders to Mollard and Cucchiari to attack it in front at half-past four, while La Marmora at the same time will attack it at the side. San Martino shall be ours — we will go to Pozzolengo this evening ! ' The orders of the king were punctually obeyed ; against the appointed hour he himself was there with his own followers ready to lead the attack at the other side. ' My sons,' said he, ' we must take San Martino, or the enemy will make us do San Martino.' San Martino was the day on which the people of that country always removed from one house to another ; hence removing came to be called doing San Martino. The king's bad pun was received with loud cheers. They took San Martino after a desperate resistance, and Victor Em- manuel, according to his promise, arrived at Pozzolengo late in the evening. When Marshal Hilliers was com- plimenting the king on his day's work, he took care to let him know that he had heard his remark about the slowness of his ' march.' Victor Emmanuel did not wait to repose himself before expressing his warm thanks to the army which had so nobly sustained him throughout the day. R oyal Prod a nia tion . Soldiers ! — In two months of war from the invasion of the banks of the Sesia and of the Po, you have advanced from victory to victory to the banks of the Garda and the Mincio. In the glorious path you have traversed in company with our generous and powerful ally, you have given the most splendid proofs of discipline and heroism. TERMINATION OF THE WAR. 1 65 The nation is proud of you. Italy counts among your ranks her best sons, applauds your merit, and from your actions draws happy auguries for her future destinies. To-day you have won another great victory ; you have poured out your blood unsparingly, conquering an enemy great in numbers and protected by the strongest positions. In the day, now famous, of Solferino and San Martino, you fought from the break of day till the close of night, led on by your intrepid officers, and repulsed the repeated assaults of the enemy, forcing him to re-cross the Mincio ; leaving in your hands, on the field of battle, men, arms, and cannon. On their part, the French army obtained equally great results, equal glory, giving new proof of that incomparable valour that for centuries has called the admiration of the world on their heroic ranks. Victory has cost us heavy sacrifices ; but by that noble blood so freely shed for the holiest of causes Europe will learn that Italy is worthy of a seat amongst the nations. Soldiers ! — In the preceding battles I had often occasion to signalise the names of many of you in the order of the day. Now I bring to the order of the day the whole army. Victor Emmanuel. From Headquarters, Rivoltella, June 25, 1859. This was the last battle of the campaign, which was strangely and unaccountably cut short by the emperor's resolution to advance no further than the Mincio. For- getful of his promise to liberate Italy ' from the Alps to the Adriatic,' he left poor Venice still in the clutches of the Austrian eagle, and led his army homewards. l66 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL CHAPTER XV. THE PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA, A.D. 1 859. It was not to be expected that the inhabitants of the states of Central Italy could sit still while the Sardinians and Lombards were carrying on a successful war for the expulsion of the foreigner. Tuscany rose against the grand-duke, demanding a Constitution. He ordered the troops to fire on the people from the battlements of the Forte di Belvedere. The officers replied that they dare not give such an order, as the men would refuse to shoot down their fellow-citizens. ' And what will become of us .-• ' asked the crown prince, indignantly. ' Grant the Constitution,' was the ready answer of the ministers. The grand-duke asked time to de- liberate, retired to a villa, and from thence took his departure, escorted to the frontier by the carabinieri, to protect him from insult — an unnecessary precau- tion ; the courteous Tuscans saluted him respectfully as he passed, too glad to be rid of him without bloodshed. He hoped to return, as in 1849, with an Austrian army at his back — but this time he miscalculated. The Duke of Modena and the Duchess of Parma fled precipitately ; with the duchies rose also the Pontifical States — the provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, Umbria, the Marches — all joined in the national cry of Viva r Italia ! Viva Vittorio Enianuele ! In fact, all the inhabitants of Central Italy loudly proclaimed their determination to be free — and none more resolutely than the subjects of Pio Nono. After the battle of Magenta deputations from the provinces arrived in Turin, entreating a union with North Italy. Cavour, not being able to give any answer that would satisfy the deputations, sent them to the camp to speak to the king himself They arrived the day before Solferino, and were immediately admitted to the royal presence. The Piedmontese headquarters were at Calcinate, where the king had taken up his REVOLUTIONS IX CENTRAL ITALY. 1 6/ abode in a poor little country house. They found him standing by the window, with one hand on his sword- hilt, and the other resting on a writing table, where he had just laid a letter from the holy father, more dis- agreeable than usual, as was natural under the circum- stances. The Marquis Pepoli read the address from the provinces, and then added some words of his own earnestly urging the king not to leave them without a government, and begging him to accept provisionally a military dictatorship. Victor listened in thoughtful silence, and then told the gentlemen to thank the popu- lations they represented ; begged them still to put con- fidence in him, even though he could not now accept their ofter ; protested that he was ready to surrender himself utterly for the accomplishment of the great end they had in view ; Italy should be ' made ' beyond all doubt, but it was necessary to wait. He was afraid ' diplomacy ' would throw serious obstacles in the way of a dictatorship. 'The Pope gives me much annoyance, and I cannot do as I should like,' he added, showing the letter he had lately received. He then directed them to lay the case before the French Emperor ; and they received from him the advice to arm themselves ' to the teeth,' and wait what might turn up. Finally, Cavour was sum- moned to the camp. Something must be done imme- diately ; the papal troops had entered the town of Perugia, overcome the citizens with great slaughter, and committed disgraceful atrocities. The other insurgent cities wanted the protection of some sort of governing body, while putting themselves in a state of defence. Cavour's advice was not to assume the title of Dictator nor Protector, but simply to send royal commissioners to Bologna with the sole object of maintaining order, and organising military forces in the surrounding pro- V'inces. Governors in the king's name had been sent to the principalities of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena ; but dealing with the papal territories was a more delicate matter. Victor Emmanuel was already under the cen- 1 68 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. sures of the church, and he was now threatened with ex- communication in its extremest rigour. The governor chosen for the Bolognese province was Pio Nono's old favourite, Massimo Azeglio. ' Am I to go to Bologna to do the anti-Pope ? ' said he, smiling, when he received the king's command. On the very day that it was officially announced that the commissioner was about to take temporary charge of the Romagnian provinces, the Pope's allocution arrived, breathing the fiercest anathe- mas against the king and his government if they carried out their impious intentions. 'Atrocious deeds like those of Perugia, and threats like those of the allocution,' wrote Sir James Hudson, 'ought to persuade the sincerest Catholics of the approaching fall of the temporal power of the Popes.' Ferdinand II. of Naples had died on May 22, a few minutes after receiving the news of the battle of Monte- bello. The old tyrant's last moments were embittered by the victory of * the Sardo,' whom he had always hated, as representing the principles of religious and civil free- dom, which his soul abhorred. At the beginning of the struggle with Austria the Savoy family had no designs on the other kingdoms of Italy. Both Charles Albert and Victor Emmanuel had again and again offered to form a federation with the other Italian princes for the expulsion of the foreigner, — in which case they would have contented themselves with the annexation of Lombardy and Venetia to the kingdom of Sardinia. But the other princes steadfastly refusing this alliance, breaking their promises of granting reforms, and above all maintaining their position altogether by the aid of Austria, and acting under her control,— they had gradu- ally come to see no way for the redemption of Italy but a complete overthrow of the principalities. Personal and dynastic ambition was doubtless blended with patriotic fervour in the soul of Victor Emmanuel ; but it was an ambition which the Italians themselves excited and commended to the last degree. The crown of Sicily had been offered in 1848 to the younger son of Charles Albert and refused, after which many conciliatory em- THE ARMISTICE. 169 bassies from Sardinia had been sent to Ferdinand, as also to Leopold and Pius, entreating them to reform their respective governments, — but all in vain. Now that the old king was dead, \'ictor Emmanuel, with that generosity which was his most striking charac- teristic, resolved to bur}' all the offences and insults of the past ten years in his grave, and offer his frank and cordial alliance to the son of his old enemy. He did not do this without the concurrence of Poerio, and the other noble Neapolitan exiles, who, like him, thought it a duty, for the sake of peace, to smother personal ani- mosity. But the Bourbon pride and obstinacy, like that of the Stuarts, blinded them to their danger. Francis II. declined the honour of an alliance with the liberator of Italy, — unfortunately for himself, but happily for his countn,-. The Emperor Napoleon having promised and pro- claimed that Italy should be free from the Alps to the Adriatic, and having had one unbroken series of victories from the Sesia to the Mincio, it was natural to expect that he would carry his conquering arms into Venetia, and finish the work he had undertaken. But all of a sudden this unaccountable man was taken with a panic — some say it was the spectacle of Solferino the day after the battle which struck him with horror ; others that the empress had informed him of the growing jealousy of Prussia after every victory which threatened to have serious consequences, and of the displeasure of the Russian government at the expulsion of the dukes, who had taken refuge in the dominions of the Czar and asked his protection. Be this as it may, he was resolved to turn back from the enterprise. And he demanded an armistice from the Austrians, as if he had been the beaten party. Victor Emmanuel, it may be imagined, did all that man could do to dissuade him from throwing away the fruits of their united victories. It was all in vain ; the man of fate would move no further, and Victor, with a heavy heart, resigned himself ' Povera Italia!' he exclaimed mournfully, then added, 'What- ever shall be your majesty's decision, I shall always feel I/O LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. grateful for what you have done for Itah'an independence, and you may count on me as a friend.' The Marshal Vaillant ventured to remonstrate with the emperor. ' Sire,' said he, ' an armistice means peace.' ' That is nothing to you,' was the polite rejoinder. ' Sire,' said the undaunted marshal, ' you have pro- mised to make Italy free from the Alps to the Adriatic. ' Je vous repute, niarechal, cela ne vous regarde pas' The armistice was concluded, and the preliminaries of peace arranged, July 8. The Emperors of Austria and France had settled that the banished princes were to be restored without violence, that Piedmont was to be left in possession of Lombardy, and that the Pope was to be persuaded to make some reforms in his government. The grief of the disputed provinces, when they heard of the proposed peace, was indescribable. No calamity that war had brought could cause such bitter anguish as the Italians, especially the Romagnuoli, then felt. They had borne oppression so long, they had suffered so much for their sympathy with their no.-thern countrymen, they had contributed their money and their blood to the na- tional cause, and now, in the moment of victory, they were abandoned to the tender mercies of their ecclesias- tical rulers,— after having laid their homage at the foot of the throne of Sardinia. It was a cruel case, and Victor Emmanuel would have sacrificed some years of his life to be able to fulfil their wishes. But he had no choice ; to make war alone and unaided would have been madness. The news of the armistice struck Cavour like a thunderbolt. He did not see things from the emperor's point of view, and peace under such circumstances seemed like insanity or treachery. It would be difficult to imagine how he felt without knowing how entirely he had made every other consideration in life subservient to the cause which now seemed wantonly ruined. The world [says his biographer] will ever remain ignorant of the immense labour and fatigue of mind that Count cavour's disappointment. 171 Cavour passed through in those days [preceding the war]. But history in its justice will relate how in the midst of such a boiling over of violent passions, of mortal hatreds, of generous excitement, of storms and worries indescribable, he remained imperturbably serene, calculating the current events, knowing how with extraordinary acuteness of mind to master men and things, to hit the best opportunity for action ; and though he held in the hollow of his hand the fomenting revolution, never did he once depart from the course of patient moderation, which alone could save the Italian question from becoming lacerated by the claws of the Austrian eagle, in that last and most difficult period of the negotiations. But once the note was sounded for bold and strong measures, the patriotic spirit of Camillo Cavour shared largely the .enthusiasm, the just resentment, of his nation. Let us look at his work. At one and the same time he was President of the Council, Min- ister of Foreign Aftairs, ^Minister of War, ^Minister of the Interior. He had a bed placed in the apartments of the War ^Ministry, and during the nights he walked in his dressing-gown from one department to another, giving directions as to police regulations, diplomatic correspondence and preparations for war, inflaming everyone by his example of laboriousness and pa- triotism.^ His herculean labours did not affect his health, for he had great courage, hope, and patience to support him ; and as the news of each successive victory reached Turin, hope became certainty. What his sen- sations were when the news of the armistice reached him may be imagined. The heavy responsibility of having urged the king and nation into a fruitless war weighed upon him, mingled with the fierce indignation which he felt towards his false ally, for such he consi- dered Napoleon. He set out for the camp, hoping, as the preliminaries were not yet signed, he might still stop ' Bianchi. 172 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. the proceedings. He had an interview with the em- peror which proved ineffectual in changing his reso- lution. His destiny had carried him to the Mincio, but it refused to move further in an easterly or southerly direction. Cavour's passions, though habitually concealed under an imperturbable serenity and sang froid, were pro- found and strong, and they were now stirred to their depths. For the first and only time in his public career he allowed them to master him, completely obscuring his usually clear, unerring judgment. He had gener- ally acted as a check on the fiery impulsiveness of the king, but now they seemed to have changed characters. Victor Emmanuel, calm and resigned, was listening to a French officer reading the preliminaries of the treaty in the presence of La Marmora and three other witnesses, when the count entered. White with anger, which he made no effort to suppress, he stormed against the emperor, and upbraided the king with his complaisance. He said he ought to refuse to accept Lombardy, and withdraw the Piedmontese army into his own proper territory. The king argued against this extreme mea- sure, saying he was pledged to the Lombards, and it would be unjust and unfaithful to abandon them. But Cavour would not admit of any compromise. The interview was long and painful ; and though the king maintained a dignified calm throughout, he was deeply offended. The vehemence of Count Cavour's language attested the excitement of his soul [says Massari]. All the more painful and keenly felt was the struggle between the king and minister, because both desired intensely to arrive at the same end, to secure the destinies of Italy. General La Marmora, always ready for every good work, conquered his own grief, and tried to calm the generous ire of Count Cavour, and put an end to the king's distress. The count returned to Turin almost broken-hearted. ' In the space of three days he had grown older by many RESIGNATION OF CAVOUR. 1/3 years.' The day the peace was signed at \"illafranca Cavour sent in his resignation, and all his colleagues with him. Paleocapa, the blind Venetian minister, wept. * My blindness is no longer a grief to me, since I can no longer hope to revisit my beloved Venice,' he said. It must not be supposed that the king did not feel as much as his ministers the sudden termination of the war ; but for once he seemed to see a little farther into the future than the astute Cavour, and did not utterly despair. His trouble was aggravated by his quarrel with the count, which threw on him the whole responsi- bility of accepting a very unpopular peace. The treaty was signed July 12, Victor Emmanuel, by the advice of the emperor, putting in these words : ^ J' accepte poiir ce qui vie concerne', meaning that he accepted Lombardy, but had nothing to say to the question of the duchies or the Romagna, which left him free for future action. He issued a farewell address to the Lombards, couched in the affectionate terms of a sovereign to his own subjects, renewing his pledge to protect them, and telling them to confide in their king. Victor Emmanuel entered the Subalpine capital in company with the Emperor Napoleon. The joy of see- ing their beloved king safely returned was damped by the depression of spirits consequent on the peace. Yet a certain warmth of greeting to the foreign sovereign gratitude demanded. He had done much for them, and doubtless had his reasons for not doing more. The king had accepted the peace, and he would not have done it if it could have been avoided. The Turin people, reasoning thus, behaved ver\^ well and decor- ously on the occasion of the emperor's visit. The day after his return the king received Sir James Hudson in a private audience. He had always regarded him as a peisonal friend, and it was a relief to open his mind, and confide all his troubles to such an intelligent sympathiser as the English minister, who had shown that he had the interests of Italy at heart. The Cavour ministry only held office till their successors were appointed. Their chief was nursing his 174 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. wrath to keep it warm ; and the king was full of indig- nation against him for the disrespectful manner in which he had deported himself in their last interview, when in wanting to force his rash counsels upon him he had forgotten what was due to his personal dignity. But without Cavour, Victor Emmanuel felt deprived of his right arm. He had some difficulty in forming a new ministry, but finally Signor Rattazzi undertook the conduct of affairs, with the aid of Generals La Marmora and Dabormida, all honourable men and true, but the three of them could not make one Cavour. The new ministry began by a timid retrograde movement. Orders were issued to all the royal commissioners governing the insurgent provinces of Central Italy to leave their posts and return to Turin. ' But these patriots understood,' says Signor Ghiron, ' that it would be grateful to the king to disobey these orders, and that it would expose the country to the gravest perils to abandon them,' so they remained. Cavour never would have put his government in such a position as to issue orders which ought to be disobeyed. Massimo d'Azeglio, who was at Bologna with ii,ooo men under his command, to keep the peace of the sur- rounding provinces, positively refused to stir. ' I thought,' he wrote to his wife, ' that the king would not wish to dishonour himself and me by leaving those provinces in a state of anarchy, and I disobeyed. In- stead of moving the troops to Turin, I sent 9000 to the frontier of Romagna to defend the people who had been confided to me from the Swiss of Perugia. I invested my powers in Colonel Fallicon, my head staff officer, and I left all at their posts, the government in full authority ; so there has been no disorder, and I came on the fifth day to Turin to tell the king to put me under a council of war. The king said I had done rightly, and that there must have been some mistake in the order.' The Roman legations and the duchies, when they heard of the peace, sent deputations to Turin ; the king received them kindly, and tried to soothe their excited feelings by renewed promises of future help. GRIEF OF THE PROVINCES. I75 ' What do they think of me in Tuscany ? ' he asked of the secretary of the provisional government in Florence. ' We confide always in the loyal protection of your majesty.' ' I am glad of it,' he replied. ' I could not have any peace if I thought you could doubt me for a moment, or imagine that I, for my own interests, had abandoned the brave people who had put their trust in me.' The Marquis Pepoli, who had been the head of the deputation from the Emilian provinces, to pray for annexation with North Italy, immediately on hearing of the peace hastened to Turin and asked an audience of the king. The particulars of that inter\-iew the marquis himself related to a mournful assembly in Bologna, Januar>^ 23, 1S78. The Peace of Villafranca struck us all with horror. We lost every hope, for we feared a fresh intervention, and we had neither soldiers nor money to offer any effica- cious opposition to the violence of the foreigner. It was then that the provisional government sent me to Turin to speak directly to the king. In fact, as soon as I arrived in that city, Victor Emmanuel granted me an audience. I explained frankly, without reticence, our doubts, our fears, our urgent needs. The king replied benignly, ' You have not the faith that saves. Why do you doubt me J Do you believe that I Avould have put my signature to the Peace of Villafranca without a formal promise that any fresh inter\-ention would not be allowed ? ' Seeing that I was not yet quite easy, he added, — ' If after my words the Bolognese still doubt, tell them, in my name, that if the Austrians should again invade the sacred soil of /a P atria, I will abdicate like my father, and come to fight in the ranks of the Romagnuoli volunteers.' ' I believe your majesty's words,' I broke forth ; ' but how shall we be able to provide for our wants, without money and without credit ? ' 1/6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. 'My government cannot come to your aid, for the diplomatic reasons which you know too well,' said the king. ' The House of Savoy is poor, therefore I cannot offer you the material aid you require. One thing only can I give — my signature. With that, try to provide necessaries, and arm yourselves for the day of battle.' So saying, he wrote on a sheet of paper and handed it to me, with a kind look. I bathed the august hand with tears ; and if I lived for a hundred years, never can I forget, as an Italian, as a citizen, that most noble act. The Lombards at this time, to show their devotion to their new sovereign, celebrated the tenth anniversary of the death of the late King Charles Albert by a religious service in his honour held in the cathedral of Milan. His grateful son wrote to the podesta as follows : — My dear Count Belgiojoso. — The testimony of pious mourning offered by the people of Milan, July 28, to the memory of my father's great soul, moved my heart deeply. The Milanese associating themselves thus spontaneously with the domestic mourning of their king, shows that the bond that unites them to me is a bond of love, and gives me deep satisfaction. Their honouring in this unusual way the memory of Charles Albert, signifies that years and changing circumstances have not diminished their reverence and gratitude to the initiator of their independence, and in the name of Italy I thank them. Although I had no need of any fresh proof of the affection and loyalty of my Milanese, it was at the same time so consoling to me, that I feel the need of showing them how I have understood them. The honourable podesta, by making himself interpreter of my sentiments with his fellow-citizens, will fulfil one of my dearest wishes. Victor Emmanuel. Turin, July 31, 1859. MANZONI ON VICTOR EMMANUEL. I// CHAPTER XVI. THE VOTE OF THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. A.D. 1859. Cavour's wrath calmed down after a time, and he began to see things in a clearer light ; but he was still resolved to remain in retirement. In the autumn he wrote to a friend as follows : — I am full of faith in the future triumph of the cause for which I have struggled so long, and to it I am always ready to consecrate what life and strength I still possess ; but I am fully persuaded that my participa- tion in politics at this moment would be damaging to my country. Her destinies have been put back again into the hands of diplomacy. Now I am in bad odour with the diplomatists ; my resignation is very grateful to them, and its effect will be such as to render them more favourable to the unhappy populations of Central Italy. In August the king visited Lombardy privately ; the final treaty of peace not being yet signed, it would not have been good taste to do so officially. During this visit to Milan he expressed a desire to see Manzoni, and was told that he was ailing. Then Victor declared he would go to see him in his own home, but Manzoni would not permit this, and hastened to pay his respects to the king as soon as he was able. Victor Emmanuel received the author of / Pronicssi Sposi with such marks of regard and profound respect as quite over- whelmed the modest poet. He was agreeably surprised to find the king, who thought and spoke either in Pied- montese or French, express himself so well in Tuscan ; and found him more cultivated and appreciative than he had expected. Here is the judgment of the gifted and pious Lombard on his new sovereign : — I see in the character of the king the intervention of N 1 78 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Providence. He is exactly the sovereign that circum- stances require to accompHsh the resurrection of Italy. He has rectitude, courage, incorruptible honesty, and disinterestedness : he seeks not glory or fortune for himself, but for his country. He is so simple, never caring to appear great, that he does not meet the admiration of those who seek to find in princes and heroes theatrical actions and grandiloquent words. He is natural because he is true, and this makes his enemies say that he is wanting in regal majesty. To found Italian unity he has risked his throne and his life. We have heard some English persons criticise Victor Emmanuel's manners just in the way Manzoni describes ; but ' to found Italian unity,' they should remember, something more was needed than a drawing-room ex-' quisite ; and there are a great many elegant gentlemen who would * look ' the character of king as far as state ceremonies were concerned much better than he, but who would have cut a poor figure under circumstances in which he made a brilliant one. The Italians might well overlook the defects of their unconventional sove- reign, who knew how so well to defend their rights and his own dignity when occasion required. The Peace of Villafranca was referred to a conference held at Zurich for formal settlement. It began its sittings early in August and lasted till November. Great difficulties arose on the question as to what was to be done with the dispossessed princes. The Emperor of France had promised the King of Sardinia that no foreign intervention should take place. How then were they to . be restored ? The provinces were in arms, protesting vehemently against the return of their former rulers, declaring their right to decide their own destinies, and persisting in offering the sovereignty to Victor Emmanuel. It was not to be expected that /le would take any part in the restoration of the banished dukes. ' The negotiators of the Peace of Villafranca,' says Massari , ' seemed to think that they had only to declare DEPUTATIONS FROM THE PROViN'CES. 179 that Leopold of Lorraine should go to Florence, Francis D'Este to Modena, the Duchess de Bourbon to Parma, and the Pope's legates ' to Bologna, Ferrara, Forli, and Ravenna. But the inhabitants had quite different views on the subject' Baron Ricasoli in P'lorence, and the famous Farini (whose Stato Romaiw vv^e have several times referred to) in Modena, took the lead in maintaining the liberty they had won. An Assembly was convoked of representa- tives of all the provinces ; and in this general Parliament, which was conducted with the utmost order and modera- tion, it was resolved that they should be citizens of the kingdom of Italy, subjects of Victor EmmanueL Meantime, while the inhabitants of Central Italy were sending deputations to Turin, and declaring loudly m their assemblies that they would have no other sovereign than the hero of San ]\Iartino, the Austrian rulers and the dispossessed princes were making a fearful outcry about the usurpations of the Sardic king, and trying every art to detach the PVench emperor from his alliance. In fact. Napoleon was worked upon so strongly that he .<«nt envoys to the provisional governments of the duchies to stop any further demonstrations in favour of Victor Emmanuel, and to himself he sent a special ambassador, the Count de ReLset, for whom he knew the king had a great esteem, to persuade him not to receive the offer of the dominions in question- Victor explained frankly to the count that he did not regard the matter merely as a question of enlarging his dominions. It was the spontaneous desire of the popula- tions of those provinces that they should be united to his kingdom, and though he felt for the em.barrassment of his ally, he could not bring himself to disappoint the confidence that those peoples had reposed in him after the warm sympathy they had shown for him and his government, and the piteous tenacity with which they now clung to him for protection- In fact, the king gave the Florence deputation, which arrived, on September 3, a very cordial reception. The Comit Ugolino della Gherardesca read the address l8o LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. offering the throne of Tuscany to Victor Emmanuel in the name of all its inhabitants. Victor Emmanuers reply to the Tuscans. I am profoundly grateful for the vote of the Tuscan Assembly of wWch you are the interpreters to me. I thank you for it, and with me my people thank you _ I receive this vote as a solemn manifestation of the will of the Tuscan people that in putting an end, n that land which is the mother of modern civilisation, o the last vestiges of foreign domination, they desire to contribute to the construction of a strong realm, ^^d place Italy in a position to be able to provide for ,er own "^dep^end^nc^^^^ ^^^ ^^ that all Italy is involved in her fate and that the ulfilment of this vote cannot be effected but by means of the negotiations which are taking place foi the re- arrano-ement of Italian affairs. strengthened by the right your vote confers on me, I wiU second your desire, and f-" he can^e of Tuscany before those powers in which the Assem- by with much good sense places -ts hopes- and above all with the generous Emperor of the French who has done so much for the Itahan nat on Europe will not refuse, I hope, to exercise towards Tuscany fl t work of r;paratron which ""/er less favor^able circumstances she has exercised for Greece, Belgium, and the pHncipahties of Moldavia and Wallach.a. Wonderful example of tcmperateness and concord o-entlemen, your noble country has given n these Tim A^d^o those virtues which the schoo of mis- fortune has already taught to I'^ly- y°" „^' " J,^''J feel sure that which overcomes the most arduous trials and assures the triumph of just enterprises- perseverance. There was a court dinner in the evening_ The king was most aflfable to all the representatives of the Tuscan victor's replies to the deputations. iSi cities, particularly to Count Ugolino della Gherardesca, who sat at his right, and with whom he jested about his classic name, saying he thought all the family of Ugolino had perished in the tower of Pisa. Close upon the Tuscan deputation came those of Modena and Parma together, with equally warm protes- tations of devotion, and were received with the same honours. The king replied in similar terms to those he had used to the Tuscans, but in the last two paragraphs he expressed himself somewhat more decidedly as to the rigJit of the Italian people to choose their own government. Confide, gentlemen, in the sense of Europe ; con- fide in the efiicacious protection of the Emperor Napoleon, who led the legions of France to fight victoriously for the redemption of Italy. Europe has already recognised the right of other peoples to pro- vide for their own safety by the choice of a govern- ment Vvhich will guard their liberty and independence. She will not be, I hope, less just nor less generous to these Italian provinces, who ask nothing more than to be governed by a moderate national monarchy ; and which are already united by geographical position, common race and interests. I do not say to you, persevere and unite in this undertaking. The vote which your Assemblies have renewed, and the valiant soldiers whom in the day of battle you sent in such numbers to my standard, render testimony that the peoples of Alodena and Parma have a strength of purpose and virtue which they have proved and sealed with their blood. I may well congratulate you on the order and moderation of which you have given such a splendid example. You also have demonstrated to Europe that the Italians know how to govern themselves, and that they are worthy to be citizens of a free nation. Among the Parma deputation was the musical com- 1 82 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. poser Verdi, Avho has always been distinguished for his patriotic sentiments. The last deputation, and the most difficult to deal with, was that from the provinces of Romagna. The king felt no less kindly and gratefully to those brave people, who had suffered as much if not more than the others for his sake, or the sake of the principle he repre- sented. But unhappily they were the subjects of the Pontiff; and there was great risk at such a critical moment of rousing religious susceptibilities and bring- ing down upon him the pious indignation of the Catholic powers. He was already under the censures of the Church because he had taken upon himself to direct the provisional governments of the insurgent cities. The king received the deputation from the Pontifical States at the royal villa of Monza, near Milan. Victor EinmamieVs reply to the RomagnuoU. I am grateful for the votes of the people of the Romagna, of which you, gentlemen, are the interpre- ters to me. As a Catholic prince I shall preserve in every event a profound and unalterable reverence to- wards the Supreme Head of the Church. As an Italian prince I must remember that, Europe having recognised and proclaimed that the conditions of your country require prompt and efficacious remedies, I have contracted towards it solemn obligations. Meantime I receive your votes, and strong in the right they confer upon me, I will maintain your cause before the great powers. Confide in their sense and justice, confide in the generous sentiments of the emperor, who will try to complete the great work of reparation to which he has already placed his hand so powerfully, and which has assured him the gratitude of all Italy. The moderation which has guided your move- ments in the most painful moments of uncertainty, shows undoubtedly that the mere hope of national rule in the Romagna is enough to quiet civil discords. MODERATION OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS. 1 83 Accept my thanks, gentlemen. When in the days of the national struggle you sent me numerous volun- teers, who displayed so much valour under my banner, you understood that Piedmont did not fight for her- self alone, but for our common countr>^ Now pre- serving unanimity of will and maintaining public order, you will fulfil that duty which is most grateful to my heart, and that which will best assure your future. Europe will understand that it is a common duty, as it is a common interest, to close the era of Italian insurrections by procuring the accomplish- ment of your legitimate desires. In spite of what Victor Emmanuel considered his prudent and temperate bearing, great indignation was felt by the Catholic powers, and the Emperor of the French was attacked for encouraging this ambitious usurper in his iniquitous and sacrilegious designs. And those whose sympathies were not Catholic preferred the conservation of the established order of things, even when the regime was acknowledged to be bad, lest a worse might be the result of any change. One nation there was which understood and appreciated the grand design of the Sardinian king, and befriended him as far as moral support went in the councils of Europe. And though the British Government never allowed its sympathy for liberty to carry it into a war, a great num- ber of Englishmen felt strongly for Italy in her struggle for freedom and civilisation, and subscribed largely for the aid of the volunteers. Baron Ricasoli of Florence, and Signor Farini of Modena, as heads of the provisional governments, sent envoys to all the courts of Europe to enlighten public opinion on the Italian question, and contradict the false reports set afloat by the dispossessed princes and the papal party. The most perfect order reigned in the duchies and in the legations ; the inhabitants felt that they were on their trial before Europe, and they wished to show that they were fit to be citizens of a free nation. Ricasoli was made Dictator of Tuscany, and l84 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. Farini of the Emilian Provinces, and under the govern- ment of these able and patriotic men matters went on so as to leave nothing to be desired. The world stood in admiration and amaze at the spectacle of such perfect self-control, order, and tranquillity as Central Italy presented under circumstances calculated to excite all the fiercest passions of an ill-educated, hot-blooded, impulsive race, with one exception. No act of revenge, no insults nor outrages towards priests or agents of the late governments stained the record of that bloodless revolution during the six months of suspense in which their destiny hung in the balance. It is one of the brightest pages in the reign of Victor Emmanuel, and reflects more honour on the Italian nation than the glorious victories of which they are so justly proud. The suspense was too much for Garibaldi : patient waiting was not the forte of the gallant volunteer. He had been actively organising troops all this time, and now he prepared to make a descent upon the provinces on the Adriatic coast called the Marches. It was one of those critical moments when one false move would ruin the whole cause. The Sardinian (jovernment was much alarmed, and counselled the king to summon Garibaldi to his presence and lay his commands upon him not to proceed with his design. The general obeyed the royal summons, and in a private interview Victor explained his policy and the strong reasons he had for wishing the papal frontier to be respected while awaiting the judgment of Europe. Garibaldi was no respecter of kings, as such, but he loved and admired the man who had made himself champion of Italian independence. At this time Victor Emmanuel's influence over the gallant volunteer was greater than that of the republican party, and he laid down his arms at his request. Pity he was not always so amenable ! Time passed on, and the Treaty of Villafranca was put into effect by the king's government — that part of it at least 'which concerned him;' but the fate of Central Italy still hung in a state of painful suspense. proposp:d congress. 185 It was a difficult position for the provisional govern- ments, having for many months to hold in check the passions of a people excited to the last degree between hope and despair. But Victor Emmanuel had said, ' Be patient, be moderate ; confide in the justice of Europe and my devotion to your cause ; ' and so they waited. Meantime they desired as an additional tie to the House of Savoy, that they might have the king's cousin, the Prince of Carignano, as viceroy. Victor Emmanuel could not bring himself to refuse the request, though it was thought imprudent to grant it. In the month of November the idea of a European Congress, which had been for some time ventilated, became a decided thing, and all the powers began to nominate their plenipotentiaries. When the question came up as to who was to represent Sardinia, there was but one opinion on the subject. Camillo Cavour was the name that rose to every tongue, not only in Italy but in every country that had a regard for the interests of that unfortunate peninsula. Lord John Russell de- clared that a Congress to consider the Italian question would be impossible without Cavour. The count was beginning to get tired of his inactive life, and he was quite willing to take up the burden which in a moment of inconsiderate passion he had cast off; but the king was not so willing to recall him to office. He was deeply offended by the way in which he had deported himself in their last interview, and he could not at once get over it. But after a brief struggle, his nobler self conquered ; he put aside personal resentment so far as to allow Count Cavour to be nominated first Sardinian plenipotentiary for the Congress ; and with him was associated Cavaliere Luigi Desambrois, then minister at Paris. 1 86 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. CHAPTER XVII. THE ROBBER KING. A.D. 1860. The evening of New Year's day i860, the king was at the theatre, and being in conversation with some gentle- man of the court on pubHc affairs, the subject of the Congress came up. ' Our cause is in good hands,' said the king, who knew that Cavour was near and overheard his words. ' It is confided to a very gifted advocate.' He glanced at the count with a smile, who bowed pro- foundly as he returned the smile. But notwithstanding this exchange of courtesies they were not reconciled. Cavour had consented to attend the Congress, but he was at variance with the ministers then in power, though both Rattazzi and La Marmora had been his personal friends ; he was in favour of a more vigorous action in the national questions, and he thought they were timid and hesitating at a moment which called for a bold and resolute policy. The king's plenipotentiary had to put himself in accord with the king's ministers before he was called to attend the Congress ; but notwithstanding pro- longed discussions no conclusion was arrived at, to Victor Emmanuel's great vexation. Fresh complica- tions arose every day, fresh disagreements in the cabinet, and a ministerial crisis was expected. The king, more and more annoyed, begged his ministers to try to come to some sort of understanding. He felt he was drifting, in spite of himself, towards the painful necessity of call- ing Cavour to the head of affairs. He had consented to his representing Sardinia at the Congress, but he felt a great repugnance to replacing him in his old position as President of the Council. There was a struggle going on in Victor Emmanuel's soul which kept him in a state of painful perplexity. An accidental circum- stance brought matters to a crisis. Cavour, weary of disputing with the cabinet, resolved to retire for a while to his country seat of Leri. Before RECONCILIATION OF THE KING AND CAVOUR. 1 8/ starting he paid a visit to his friend Sir James Hudson, and while in the house of the Enghsh minister, a gentle- man sought him in haste with a message from the ministr>^, begging that he would send in writing his last conditions, to see if they could come to an understand- ing. Time was short, and to hasten matters Sir James Hudson seated himself at a table and said he would write from the count's dictation. The condition on which Cavour expressed himself willing to attend the Congress was that Parliament should be dissolved in the month of March. (It was then Januar}" i6.) The ministers were not disposed towards a general election, and one of them in reading the letter recognised the English hand of Sir James Hudson. General La Marmora, offended at what he considered the interference of a foreign diplomatist in the internal affairs of the state, thereupon sent in his resignation. The king was ill in bed, but he did not allow a moment's time to be lost. When he had made up his mind on the right course to pursue he acted with promptitude and decision. An officer was sent in hot haste to Palazzo Cavour with orders to bring the count back with him immediately. He was just stepping into his carriage to go to the station when the ro)-al messenger caught him. The king received him coldly, as if the memor}- of the Villafranca interview had come to his mind. Cavour's anger was passed ; perhaps he felt he had been wrong, if not in his advice, in his manner of giving it, and that some concession was due to the king who had sacrificed his pride in sending for him ; he remembered the close tie which had bound them together for seven years, labouring heart and soul for one common object ; and he made the anioidc, which at once restored him to the old confidential footing he occupied before the war. ' Do what you think best in everything,' said the king ; ' the responsibility of whatever happens will be yours.' In five days Cavour had composed a new cabinet to his own taste. The Minister of \Var was General Fanti, who had commanded the army of the league in Central Italy ; which meant that it was the policy of the govern- 1 88 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL ment to annex those provinces. The gifted Count Ma- miani, who had taken a prominent part in pubHc affairs in 1 84S, and was a subject of the Pope, was made Minister of Public Instruction ; this too was not without a certain signification. There was joy in the disputed provinces when Cavour returned to power, and there was bitter vexation in the ranks of the Codini. The Chambers were dissolved ; and Massimo d'Azeglio was called once more from his retirement on Lago Maggiore and sent as governor to Milan. In the month of February the king visited Lombardy in royal pomp, accompanied by Count Cavour and all the diplomatic body. The re- ception he met with was enthusiastic in the extreme. It is said that many Austrian officers were there incogriito to judge with their own eyes how the population felt on the subject of the change. The longer the central states remained under a provisional government, openly directed by the cabinet of Turin, the m.ore difficult was the task of restoring the exiled princes. It was now seven months since the dukes had fled, and no power seemed to think it a duty to reseat them on the thrones they had justly forfeited. The idea of the Congress had been abandoned ; and as nothing seemed likely to be done by P^urope with regard to Italian affairs, the government of Victor Emmanuel thought it was time to put an end to the state of uncer- tainty, which, if further prolonged, might be dangerous. The greatest difficulty was not about the duchies, but the Legations. The late subjects of the Pope were more resolute in maintaining the liberty they had just acquired, and more devoted to the dynasty of Savoy than the Tuscans, and naturally so, for the government from which they had violently wrenched themselves was much worse in every respect than that of the Lorraine family. Macaulay says it is not possible to be ' a good man and a bad king,' but if ever that paradox existed it was in the person of Pius IX., whose private character was so excellent, so lovable, and whose government was beyond all question atrocious. The state of affairs was much aggravated by the presence in the Pontifical victor's appeal to the pope. 1 89 States of bands of foreign mercenaries collected from all Catholic countries, who acted like a blister on the irritated and excited state of the public mind. Victor Emmanuel and his government thought it was time to take the initiative in settling the affairs of Central Italy, before some disturbance should give excuse for a fresh foreign intervention. It was evident that the Pope could not govern by himself without some foreign support, and the Sardic Government was of opinion that this foreign support should be superseded by Italian arms, Victor Emmanuel to Pins IX. Most Blessed Father, — With your venerated autograph of December 3 last year, your holiness enjoins me to sustain before the Congress the rights of the Holy See. I must thank your holiness for the sentiments which counselled you to address yourself to me in these circumstances, and I should not have dela}-ed doing what you requested had the Congress met. I had expected that the meeting of the plenipotentiaries, then definitely decided, would respond in a more adequate manner than I could on the grave subject treated of in the letter which you did me the honour to address to me. Your holiness, invoking my aid in recovering the Legations, appears to lay to my charge what has taken place in that part of Itah'. Before con- firming so severe a censure, I respectfully entreat your holiness to weigh the following facts and considera- tions. A devoted son of the Church, descended, as you know, from a most religious race, I have always nourished a sense of sincere attachment, of veneration and respect, towards Holy Church and its august head. It never was, and it is not my intention to fail in my duties as a Catholic prince, or to curtail as far as in me lies, those rights and that au- thority which the Holy See exercises on earth by Divine commission from heaven. But / also have sacred duties to fulfil, before God and man, towards my country and towards the people whom Divine IQO LIFE OP^ VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Providence has confided to my government. I have always sought to reconcile the duties of a Catholic prince with those of an independent sovereign of a free and civilised nation, both in the internal rule of my states and in my foreign policy. Italy has been for many years torn by movements which all aim at the same object, the recovery of her independence. In those events my magnanimous father took an important part, ?i\\d, following the im- pulse given from the F^//rc?«, attempted to redeem our country from the domination of the foreigner. In ac- cepting this policy, I do not believe I am putting myself in opposition to the divine will, which cannot certainly be that nations should be divided between oppressors and oppressed. As an Italian prince I wished to liberate Italy, and for that purpose I thought it my duty to welcome for the national war the concourse of all the popula- tions of the peninsula. The Legations, for long years oppressed by foreign soldiers, rose in arms as soon as these were withdrawn. They proffered m.e at once the dictatorship and their assistance in the war. I who had done nothing to raise the insurrection, refused the dictatorship from respect for the Holy See ; but I accepted their assistance in the war of independence, because that was the sacred duty of all Italians. And when the presence of a daring leader was near putting in peril the peace of the provinces occupied by your holiness's troops, I used my influence to withdraw him from those provinces. Those people remained per- fectly free from any outside influence, contrary to the advice of the most powerful and generous friend Italy ever had.' They asked with extraordinary sponta- neousness and unanimity to be annexed to my king- dom. Their desire was not acceded to. Nevertheless these people, who had formerly given such signs of discontent and caused continual apprehension to the court of Rome, have governed themselves for many ' Napoleon III. COMPROMISE. 191 months in the most praiseworthy manner. They Iiavc provided for pubHc affairs, for personal securit}^ for the maintenance of order, for the guardianship of rehgion. It is a fact well known, and I have taken care to verify it, that in the Legations now the ministers of religion are protected and treated with respect, and the temples of God more frequented than formerly. Be these things as they may, there is a general conviction that your holiness cannot recover these pro- vinces unless by the force of arms, and foreign arms. This your holiness cannot desire. Your generous soul, your evangelical charity, would shrink from shedding Christian blood to recover a province which, whatever be the issue of war, would remain morally lost to the government of the Church. The interests of religion do not require it. These are dangerous times. It is not for me, a devoted son of the Church, to indicate the safest way to restore quiet to our country, and to re-establish on a solid basis the prestige and authority of the Holy See in Italy. At the same time I believe it my duty to lay before your holiness an idea of which I am fully convinced. It is this : that taking into con- sideration the necessity of the times : the increasing force of the principle of nationality : the irresistible impulse which impels the peoples of Italy to unite and order themselves in conformity with the model adopted by all civilised nations — an impulse which I believe demands my frank and loyal concurrence — such a state of things might be established not only in the Romagna but also in the Marches and Umbria, as would reserve to the Church its high dominion and assure to the Supreme Pontiff a glorious post at the head of the Italian nation ; while giving the people of those provinces a share in the benefits that a kingdom, strong and highly national, secures to the greater part of Central Italy. I hope that your holiness will take into benign con- sideration these reflections, dictated by a soul sincerely 192 LIFE or VICTOR EMMANUEL II. devoted to you : and that with your usual goodness you will accord me your holy benediction. Victor Emmanuel. Turin, February 6, i860. This letter speaks for itself, and gives an admirable compendium of the story of the revolution from a Liberal standpoint. It expresses, only in more measured lan- guage, what all the Liberal party were saying, preaching, and writing, just as the Pope's reply in his encyclical letter, which we have not space for here, expresses what the Clerical party were saying, preaching, and writing. The utterances of the rival sovereigns, both honourable men, may be taken as an example of what human evi- dence is worth. But in reading these contradictory epistles, it is right to remember that Victor Emmanuel never lent his authority to any sort of false dealing or duplicity, that he was a man to inform himself accu- rately on such questions, and was, in fact, in a position to learn the truth easily ; while the Pope was very old, and growing feeble in mind as well as body, shut up in his palace, and surrounded only by one class, whose interest it was to blind him as to facts, and incite him against the Nationalists ; and that this party, who alone had the ear of the Pope, defend the practice of ' pious frauds,' and do not hesitate to make false statements, if the end to be gained is a meritorious one. Would they be likely to consider it a sin to blacken the character of an impious people or government who wanted to rob the patrimony of St. Peter .? The good Pope probably believed what he wrote, when he stated that in the provinces revolted from his rule all sorts of immorality had increased, and the most violent disorders prevailed. But nothing could be further from the truth. The fact was that those people never were so well-behaved and well-ordered as during the period when their fate was hanging in uncertainty. The reason is easy to understand ; their souls were filled with the ennobling enthusiasm for national existence, which while it lasted absorbed all baser passions ; they THE POPES REPLY. 1 93 felt that ' the eyes of Europe were upon them,' and it behoved them, as Victor Emmanuel had said, to show themselves worthy to be citizens of a free nation. The Pope had answered the king's proposition in his encyclical, which was a long indictment against him and his government ; but he was too courteous a gentleman not to reply by an autograph letter to that of his majesty. There was a grace and refinement — a something that the Italians call pocsia — about Pio Nono, which gave him a great charm. In the moment of his deep distress, for such it undoubtedly was, when a cardinal announced the fact of the annexation, saying, * The provinces of the Romagna no longer belong to your holiness, but to the King of Sardinia,' he replied with a playful irony, ' When did those provinces ever belong to me ? ' Phis IX. to Victor Einmamiel. Your Majesty, — The idea which your majesty has thought well to lay before me is not wise, and certainly not worthy of a Catholic king, and a prince of the House of Savoy. My reply is already given to the press in the encyclical to the Catholic episcopacy, which you can easily read. All else I have to say is that I am deeply afflicted, not for myself, but for the unhappy state of your majesty's soul, finding you unmoved by past censures, or by the fear of those still greater ones that must fall upon you when you have consummated the sacri- legious act which you and yours intend to put into execution. With all my heart I pray the Lord to enlighten you with His grace, that you may recognise and weep for the scandals given, and the serious evils brought by your co-operation upon this poor Italy. Pius PP. IX. From the Vatican, February 14, i860. This letter called for no answer in words, inasmuch as it put all compromise out of the question. It was then that Victor Emmanuel consummated what the 194 I-I^^K UP^ VICTOR EMMy\NUEL II. Ultramontanes call the great crime of his life, and what the Italian nation calls the most glorious achievement in modern history. Undaunted by the ' heavier censures ' than those already promulgated, with which he was threatened, within a month from the receipt of the Pope's reply, he and his unholy minister had carried into effect their sacrilegious intentions. Once more the question v/as put to the vote in the popular assemblies, and once more the populations of Central Italy declared unani- mously for annexation with free North Italy. So, after the prolonged trial of their faith and loyalty, they were at last received into ' the Italian family,' to their inde- scribable joy. Having accomplished the work of spoli- ation, the robber king once more addressed himself to the Pontiff, thinking perhaps that the march of events, which he could not control, would convince him of the necessity of going along with the age to a certain extent. Victor EinvianiLcl to Pins IX. Most Blessed Father, — The events that have been ac- complished in the provinces of the Romagna impose upon me the duty of explaining to your holiness with respectful frankness the reasons for my conduct. Ten continuous years of foreign occupation in the Romagna, while it brought grave offence and injury to the independence of Italy, have not been able to give order to society, repose to the population, or au- thority to the government. The moment the foreign occupation ceased, the government fell, without one arm to support or re-establish it. When left a prey to themselves, the people of the Romagna, hitherto held to be ungovernable, showed by a conduct which won the applause of Europe how easy it would be to introduce among them the order and discipline, civil and military, by which other civilised peoples are ruled. But the uncertainty of their precarious state — already too prolonged — was a danger to Italy and to Europe. The hope of a European Congress before which THE KING EXPLAINS HIMSELF. 1 95 the question of Central Italy was to have been brought being abandoned, no other solution seemed possible than that of putting once more to the populations the question of their future destinies. The universal vote for annexation to the consti- tutional monarchy of Piedmont was reconfirmed with such solemnity that I had to accept it definitely for the sake of the peace and the welfare of Italy. And for the same end of peace I am always disposed to render homage to the high sovereignty of the Apos- tolic See. As a Catholic prince I do not feel that I offend against the immutable principles of that religion which with filial and unalterable devotion I glory to profess. But the changes now made regard the political interests of the nation, the order, moral and civil, of society, — regard the independence of Italy, for which my father lost his crown, and for which I should be ready to lose my life. The difificulties of the present day overturn terri- torial dominions around us in a manner which the force of events has rendered necessary. To the ne- cessity cf the time all principalities have been obliged to yield, and the Holy See itself had to recognise it in ancient and modern days. In such modifications of the sovereignty, justice and the civil reasons of state prescribe that every care should be taken to reconcile ancient rights with the new order of things ; and it is for this that, confiding in the benevolence and good sense of your holiness, I pray you to facilitate the work for my government, which on its side will neglect no precaution, no effort, to arrive at the desired end. If your holiness re- ceives with benignity the present opening of nego- tiations, my government, ready to render homage to the high sovereignty of the Holy See, will also be disposed to supply in equal measure the diminution of its revenues, and to provide for the security and inde- pendence of the Pontiff. 196 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. Such are my sincere intentions, and such I believ^e the wishes of Europe. And now that I have candidly opened my mind to your hoHness, I await your de- hberations with the hope that, by means of the good- will of governments, a satisfactory understanding may be arrived at, reposing on the agreement of the princes and on the contentment of the peoples, which will give a stable foundation to the relations of the two states. From the gentleness of the Father of the faithful I promise myself a benevolent reception which will give hope of extinguishing civil discord, pacify ex- asperated spirits, and relieve all of the grave responsi- bility of the evils that might arise from contrary counsels. In this expectant confidence, I ask with reverence the Apostolic benediction. Victor Emmanuel. Turin, March 20, i860. Six days after this letter was written the bull of ex- communication was issued. Pio Nono cursed Victor Emmanuel, and with him his councillors, soldiers, and subjects, old and new, were all thrown out of the Catho- lic Church without further ceremony, as abandoned and incorrigible sinners. This was Pio's answer as Pope to the king's appeal for a reconciliation ; but even when breathing anathemas he did not seem to be actuated by a personal animus, and he never withheld the courtesy of an autographic reply to Victor's letters. It is curious to obser\^e in their correspondence how persistently the ex- communicated monarch, after laying bare with the utmost unreserve his plans of spoliation, asks the Apos- tolic benediction ; and it is also curious and noteworthy .to see that the irate Pontiff indirectly responds at the end of each letter to the demand by promising to pi'ay for hivi. The Pope's letters have the merit of being briefer than those of the king, but we must remember that Victor Emmanuel said all he wanted to say to the Pope himself, while Pio Nono made Christendom ring THE POPE REPLIES AGAIN. 1 97 with encyclicals, allocutions, and addresses of appalling length and wordiness. Pius IX. to Victor Ennnnnuel. Your Majesty, — The events that have taken place \\\ some of the States of the Church impose on your majesty the duty, as you write me, of giving me an ac- count of your conduct in relation to them. I might stop to combat certain assertions contained in your letter, and tell you, for example, that the foreign occupation in the Legations was for some time confined to Bologna, which never formed part of the Romagna. I might tell you that the supposed universal suffrage was im- posed, not spontaneous (I abstain from asking your majesty's opinion of universal suffrage, and also from giving mine). I might tell you that the Pontifical troops were impeded from re-establishing the legi- timate government in the insurgent provinces, for reasons well known to your majesty. These and other things I might tell you a propos. But that which above all imposes on me the duty of not ac- cepting your majesty's plans, is the steady increase of immorality in those provinces, and the insults offered to religion and to her ministers, for which reason, even if I were not bound to hold intact the patrimony of the Church, by a solemn oath which hinders me from opening negotiations to diminish its extent, I should still find m}'self obliged to reject every project, in order not to stain my conscience by an ac- quiescence that would lead me indirectly to sanction and participate in those disorders, and help to justify an unjust and violent spoliation. For the rest I not only cannot give a benevolent reception to the projects of your majesty, but instead I protest against the usurpation that you have carried out, to the harm of the State and the Church ; and I leave on your majesty's conscience, and that of every other co- operator in the spoliation, the fatal consequences that may follow. I am persuaded that your 198 LIFK OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IE majesty, on reading again, with a mind calmer, less prejudiced, and better informed as to facts, the letter you hav^e addressed me, will find there many things to repent. I pray the Lord to give you those blessings of which, in your present difficult circumstances, you have most need. Pius PP. IX. From the \''atican, April 2, 18G0. This dignified and gentlemanly letter must command the sympathy and respect of everyone who looks only at the present trying position of the venerable Pontiff, forgetful of his antecedents. However narrow his views and his sympathies, he was acting according to the dictates of his conscience, and contrary to his worldly interests, for he knew well he had no power to withstand the overwhelming impetus of the national will. But the Romans could not forgive his apostasy in 1848. Had he never been a liberal reformer, and not broken his faith, solemnly plighted to the Italian cause, on which he had repeatedly called God's blessing ; had he not abandoned his country in the extreme hour of her ago- nising struggle with the invader of her liberties ; had he not been borne back to his capital by foreign arms, and held on the throne by grinding oppression ; then, indeed, his subjects could not but have admired the firmness, courage, and fidelity to principle, however mistaken, which dictated this reply. But was the oath, they asked, not to diminish the patrimony of St. Peter, already diminished without his consent, more sacred than the pledge given to the national leaders and the Roman people } Undoubtedly the Pope considered it so, and thought moreover that the general deportment of the Roman people in 1848 — which was far from blameless — justified his abandonment of the Liberal cause. Pio Nono was convinced that he was doing his duty, and sacrificing himself to a most sacred obligation, by holding to the Church. Victor Emmanuel was as strongly and firmly convinced that he had a grand mission on EXCOMMUNICATION. I99 this earth, which was to hberate and unite Italy in one state ; and he was fully persuaded that it was a sacred and bounden duty for him to accomplish that work. Each felt that on the triumph of his principles depended the happiness and well-being of his country, and nothing but evil could follow on the success of his adversary. So the Italian question became a duel between the head of the Church and the head of the State. The excommunication, once such a terrible punish- ment, did not hurt V^ictor Emmanuel in the least, unless in a sentimental way. There were patriotic priests, and bishops too, in Piedmont, who stood by their king, and administered the rites of the Church to him and his family. Nevertheless, his feelings were deeply hurt by the Pope's hostility, and he desired intensely to be re- conciled to him. With an extraordinary perseverance he continued to write private and confidential letters, laying his views before him, and trying by every argu- ment to convince him that political freedom did not mean any offence or injury to religion ; protesting that he was ready to make any compromise or sacrifice his holiness might demand, short of giving up his darling scheme of uniting Ital\-. The Pontiff's sovereignty should be guaranteed, his revenues secured ; in fact there should be no difference in his position, except that Italian instead of foreign arms should surround and protect the Holy See, and the tricolour united with the Pontifical colours, as in 1S48, should float on the Capitol. ' The Pope will never abdicate,' said a friend to Cavour, as he was propounding his theory of 'a free Church in a free State.' 'We do not ask so much; a tacit renunciation would be enough. And do you believe there is really anything to abdicate ? Do you think that temporal power still exists .-' ' asked the count, who maintained that the Pope would be more free and have more authority under Italian than French protection. Victor Emmanuel's efforts to win upon the native gentleness of Pius IX., and rekindle in him a little 200 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. spark of the old patriotic fire, proved fruitless ; to every proposition he replied with the unvarying Non possumus which has become famous. In the month of March the two dictators of Central Italy betook themselves to Turin to present the docu- ments of the plebiscite, and lay down their authority at the feet of the constitutional monarch. To the ad- dresses delivered by these gentlemen the king replied in equally complimentary terms. Carlo Luigi Farini, Dictator of Emilia, to Victor Emniamiel. Sire, — I have the honour to place in your hands the legal documents of the universal suffrage of the popu- lations of the Emilia. Your majesty, who pitifully heard their cry of anguish, will welcome benignantly this pledge of faith and gratitude. Their legitimate wishes fulfilled, these populations, O sire, will have no other desire than that of deserving well of your majesty and of Italy, emulating in civil and military virtues the other peoples of your monarchy. Baron Ricasoli, in the name of Tuscany, spoke to the same effect, but at more length. Victor Einnianuers Reply to Farini. The manifestation of the national will, of which you bring me authentic testimony, is so universal and spontaneous that it re-confirms before Europe, in a different state of things and at a different time, the vote formerly expressed by the Assemblies of Emilia. Such signal manifestations put a seal to the proofs of order, of perseverance, of love of country, of political wisdom, which in a few months have won for those people the sympathy and esteem of all the civilised world. I accept their solemn vote, and henceforth I will glory to call them my people. In uniting to the constitutional monarchy of Pied- mont, and making equal to her, other provinces — not only the states of Parma and Modena, but also the THE PROVINXES UNITED. 201 Romagna — which already, of their own accord, had separated themselves from the Pontifical rule, I do not mean to lessen my devotion to the venerable head of the Church — a devotion which has been, and always wall be, warm in my heart. As a Catholic and Italian prince I am always ready to defend that independence necessary to his supreme ministry, to contribute to the splendour of his court, and to render homage to his high sovereignty. The Parliament is about to unite. It will receive in its bosom the re- presentatives of Central Italy with those of Piedmont and Lombardy, thus consolidating the new kingdom, and giving a larger prospect of assured liberty and independence. To Baro)i Bcttino Ricasoli, Dictator of Tuscany. The homage that you bring me in fulfilment of the solemn vote already manifested by the Assembly in which was collected the flower of the Tuscan population, crowns that series of invincible proposi- tions, of generous \vorks, which make Tuscany deserve the affection of every Italian and the applause of all civilised peoples. I accept this vote, which after many months of trial is now strengthened by the unanimity of popular suffrage, and I glory to be able to call the Tuscans also my people. Associating her lot with that of my kingdom, Tuscany does not renounce her glorious traditions, but continues and increases them, making them common with other noble provinces of Italy. The Parliament in which the representatives of Tuscany shall sit beside those of Piedmont, Lombardy, and the Emilia, will, I am certain, inform all its laws with the fruitful principle of liberty, which will assure to Tuscany the benefits of self-government without weakening, but rather strengthening, that intimate communion of efforts and of will that is the most efficacious guarantee of the prosperity and independ- ence of our country. 202 LIFK OF VICTOR EMMANUEI^ IT. The ex-dictators received the order of the SS. Annunziata ; Baron RicasoH was made Governor of Tuscany, and Farini, Minister of the Interior. Victor Eniinanucl to the People of Central Italy. Your desire is satisfied : you are united witli my other peoples in one sole monarchy ; your concord and perseverance have deserved this reward. Great benefit is this for our country and for civilisation : but in order that it may bear good fruit it is necessary to persevere in the virtue of which you have given such a wonderful example ; and above all must be cultivated the firm readiness to make sacrifices, without which great enterprises are ill-accomplished and badly secured. I place in you that faith which, not in vain, you have placed in me. The condition which binds us indissolubly is, honour towards our common country, and universal civilisation. I have not in the past had any other ambition than to hazard my life for the inde- pendence of Italy, and to give the people an example of loyalty which, restoring the public morale, united with liberty, should give a solid foundation to the state. I have now the ambition to procure to myself and to my family, from the people just united, that devoted aft'ection for which the Subalpines are cele- brated ; I am ambitious to fortify the Italians in those noble sentiments by which is formed the strong tem- perament of peoples who know how to bear adversity and prepare for good fortune. Victor Emmanuel. Turin, March 25, 1S60. The elections took place on the same day, amidst great excitement, and ovations for those who had been most active in the work of uniting the provinces. Count Cavour was elected in no less than eight con- stituencies, Farini and Ricasoli in several. All the most gifted and distinguished men in Italy were sent to that Parliament in Turin, and were received by the Subal- CESSION OF NICE AND SAVOY. 203 pines with an enthusiastic and brotherly welcome ; and the robber king congratulated himself and his ac- complices on the great work of spoliation successfully- accomplished. CHAPTER XVIII. KING OF ELEVEN MILLION SUBJECTS. A.D. 1860. Victor Emmanuel Avas now at the head of a kingdom containing about eleven million inhabitants, as the emperor had calculated in a conversation with the Sardic ambassador before the annexations, to which he was a consenting party, had been effected. It was a glorious triumph to be made ruler of those provinces which had forced themselves, so to speak, into his king- dom — to gain the jurisdiction of which not a drop of blood had been shed ; and no man could enjoy more thoroughly such a triumph than King Victor. But there is no rose without a thorn. The price had to be paid for French aid in the recoveiy of Lombardy and the tacit consent of the emperor to the annexation of the Central Provinces. Victor Emmanuel had al- ready sacrificed his daughter on the altar of Italian independence ; she, filled with the enthusiasm of her family, like Jephtha's daughter, surrendered herself will- ingly ; nevertheless the sacrifice wrung the paternal heart. And now the second instalment of the debt to his ' august and generous ally ' had to be rendered in the cession of Nice and Savoy — the latter the dearest pro- vince of all his kingdom — the cradle of his race. Besides his personal feelings, which were ver}' strong on the subject, England — who had openly approved of the annexation of the duchies, and had been ver>' kind and encouraging with regard to the encroachments on the patrimony of the Church — did not like this propo- 204 I^I^'E OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. sition of taking a slice off Italy and putting it on to France ; and Victor always liked to be on good terms with England. On the other hand, France had given active and efficient aid to the national cause, when England had withheld hers. He undoubtedly owed a great debt to the emperor, who represented to him that the enlargement of the frontier was necessary to persuade Frenchmen that there was nothing to be feared from the increasing power of the Sardinian king. This was true enough, for there was a great dread in France of a powerful rival kingdom growing up at her door. M. Thiers and others spoke strongly against Italian unity, and warned the country to beware of the insatiable ambition of ' the Wolf of Savoy.' Distinguished Italians sojourning in France, who had an opportunity of judging of the state of feeling, urged Cavour to assent, saying that if the treaty were not signed they would lose all French sympathy and friend- ship. Cavour wanted to save the provinces by putting the case to arbitration and paying a large sum, but he found it was impossible ; and all he and the king could do was to stipulate for the people the right of giving their opinion. The emperor could not object to a ple- biscite ; so Victor Emmanuel was able to say to the deputations who waited on him with affectionate re- proaches, that the question should be decided by their votes. It was hard to tell his faithful subjects, who had been so devoted to him and his dynasty, that they must transfer their allegiance to another sovereign, and that he ivisJicd them to do so. He did it, however, saying that, though he felt the separation to be a terrible sacri- fice, he knew they would be equally prosperous when united to France ; he hoped they would be good subjects to the emperor, but he begged them not to forget the old country, as he never could forget the proofs they had given of devotion to him and to the national cause. On March 24 the treaty was signed, and at the same time the king issued an address to the inhabitants of Nice and Savoy, trying to reconcile them to the change by reminding them of the affinity of race, language, and OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. 205 customs between them and the French. Unvvilh'ngly the Savoyards ga\-e their consent to be disunited from the mother country ; but the transfer was effected with- out any serious disturbance, in spite of the passionate protests of a few fiery spirits like Garibaldi. Nice was the birthplace of the great volunteer, and his grief and indignation knew no bounds when he learned that it had been transferred to a foreign rule. The Parliament was opened on April 2 with un- usual pomp. The representatives of the new states, the most distinguished men of Southern and Central Italy, mingled with the Sardinian and Lombard senators and deputies in taking the oath of allegiance. It was a roll call of illustrious names, among which were Man- zoni, Capponi, Ricasoli, Farini, Mamiani, Poerio. Great enthusiasm prevailed, and loud acclamations followed the swearing-in of the new members. Then a profound silence followed, and the king delivered his speech, every paragraph of which was received with applause. Avith one e^ Italian men to render that aid to the Sicilians which brothers in distress have a right to expect from brothers. And if Giuseppe Gari- baldi had raised the standard of popular war, and the flower of Italian youth were enlisted in his troop, the monarchy could not without destroying the founda- tion of its strength, wrest the arms from the hands of those gallant volunteers. It would be to throw Italy into complete anarchy. In short, Victor Emmanuel and his government were pledged to the national cause, and they did not mean to stultify themselves by taking part with the enemies of that cause. It needed all Cavour's bold spirit and subtle Italian intellect to carr\- his sovereign and countr\- through the breakers that stormed round them at this period. So well had he concealed the secret encouragement he had given to the volunteers, that he had to bear the bitterest 214 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. reproaches and upbraidings for his supine indifference to the sufferings of his fellow-countrymen in the south. He was even accused by the Mazzinians of opposing and thwarting the leader of the expedition. While he was being vilified by the republicans, reproached by the royalists, and stormed at by the diplomatists, he listened with that sublime serenity of soul which carried him through one of the most trying of political careers to a glorious finale, and said nothing but what was abso- lutely necessary in reply to the great powers. Victor Emmanuel went hand in hand with him in his daring- policy : and the news of Garibaldi's unbroken series of victories in Sicily filled them both with hope and joy. To Signor La Farina at Palermo. Turin, June 19, i860. I have received your letters of the 12th and 14th, and I will preserve them as historic documents. . . Persano will give you all the aid he can without compromising our banner. It would be a great matter if Garibaldi could pass into Calabria. Here things do not go badly. The diplomatists do not molest us too much. Russia made a fearful hubbub — Prussia less. The Parliament has much sense. I await your letters with impatience. CAVOUR. The diplomatists did not allow him much respite however. Garibaldi's increasing successes in Sicily alarmed the Bourbon government for Naples ; and special envoys were despatched to London and Paris to invoke the aid of those powers to protect the Nea- politan coast against the ' filibusters.' France pro- posed a truce with Garibaldi for six months ; Victor Emmanuel's government would only consent to interfere with the volunteer movement on condition of the ab- solute approval of England — wdiich they knew would not be given. Not only did England positively refuse to intervene, but she protested against France doing so. IX EXILE. 215 Count Cavour then wrote a statement of facts to Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell, to further strengthen the national cause ; and also exhorted the Marquis d'Azeglio to use all his influence in England on behalf of the Sicilians. The infamous government of Naples, and the hor- rible sufferings of political prisoners, had become gener- ally known after the escape of Poerio and his com- panions, and had excited sentiments of indignation and pit}^ in the British Isles, where so many miserable exiles had found refuge in former times, before liberal Piedmont opened an asylum for them. These banished ones were the flower of the population. In 1853, Charles Dickens, visiting Naples after many years, records the following dialogue in his correspondence : — ' I knew a very remarkable gentleman when I was last here,' I said to a Neapolitan marchese who came to see me the night I arrived : ' a very remarkable gentleman, who had never been out of his own country, but was perfectly acquainted with English literature, and had taught himself to speak English in that wonderful manner that no one would have known that he was a foreigner. I am very anxious to see him, but I forget his name.' He named him, and his face fell directly. ' Dead ^ ' said I. ' In exile.' 'Ah, dear me ! ' I said, ' I have looked forward to seeing him more than anyone in this country.' ' What would you have ? ' said the marquis in a low voice. ' He was a remarkable man — full of knowledge, full of spirit, full of generosity. Where should he be but in e>:ile ? Where could he be .-• ' That word exi/c is a mournful sound in all countries and all languages ; but in Italian it is pregnant with a bitter anguish which northerns, however well they love their countr}-, cannot fully understand. An Italian prefers to live at home in poverty rather than enjoy wealth and luxury abroad — and to banish him from his native place is like tearing his heartstrings out b}' the roots. 2l6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. In historical questions the evidence of a romancist is not admissible ; but a good novel will be read by thousands who do not care to examine historical evi- dence ; and so the romancist wields a mighty power over the sympathies of his fellow-men. Uncle Toms Cabin excited the indignation of the whole world against Negro slavery ; and Giovanni Ruffini's exquisite story, Doctor Antonio, in which he depicted so feel- ingly and truthfully the wrongs of his country, did no small service to the Italian cause. The sympathies of the English nation were now entirely with the revolu- tion ; subscriptions were collected in aid of the Sicilian rebels and the volunteer army ; and the great pirate himself became the idol of young English enthusiasm to an extraordinar}-' degree, considering that he was a total stranger. When Englishmen felt so strongly on the subject, what must have been the feelings of young Italians when this last great struggle for nationality was going on ! A frenzied enthusiasm took possession of the popu- lation ; young men of all classes left their employments and their studies, and hastened to take part in the great work of Italian redemption. The camicia rossa was the most glorious of uniforms ; Garibaldi was a match- less hero, to whom the history of ancient or modern times presented no equal ; he was a Cincinnatus, a Belisarius, a Washington, a Kosciusko, all in one. In fact the gallant chief, all unconsciously on his part, began to rival the soldier-king in the affections of the nation. Victor Emmanuel, so far from being jealous, felt nothing but intense pleasure in all this feverish en- thusiasm, in which he shared as warmly as any one of the volunteers. His only trouble was that he could not show his sympathy more openly ; but Cavour as usual restrained him. The count could bear, for the sake of the cause he had at heart, to be misunderstood by the public, and blamed for checking the king's generous impulses ; but he wished to set himself right with Garibaldi, for whom he had a great admiration, and many kind messages he sent him through Admiral Persano. CAVOUR AND GARIBALDI. 21/ 'Assure General Garibaldi,' he writes, 'that not less than he do I desire to complete the great enterprise ; in order to succeed it is indispensable that we work in concert, at the same time adopting different means.' Again : — Turin, July 13. Signor Ammiraglio, — This moment I received your letter, for which I thank you. Declare formally in my name to General Garibaldi that it is a solemn falsehood that there exist other secret treaties ; and that the rumours of the cession of Genoa or Sardinia are set on foot by the arts of our common enemies. Cavour. Turin, July 28. Most esteemed Admiral, — I received your letters on the 23rd and 24th. I am rejoiced by the victory of Milazo, which honours the Italian arms, and must help to persuade Europe that the Italians are now determined to sacrifice life itself to recover liberty and country. I pray you to give my sincere and warm congratulations to General Garibaldi, etc. Cavour. CHAPTER XX, KING OF ITALY. Meantime the Papal Government had been collecting mercenaries from all parts of the world, and the Pope invited General Lamoriciere to take the command of his heterogeneous army. This general had been one of the French commanders at the siege of Rome in 1848, when he had uttered the never-to-be-forgiven, never-to-be- forgotten words: Les Italiens ne se battciit pas. That was before he had measured swords with the Italians in Rome, after which he had reason to change his opinion, though it is not recorded that he retracted it. No 2l8 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IT. injury that his arms had inflicted on the suffering city was remembered half so bitterly as this insult. He now set out on his second crusade, declaring that he was ready to unsheathe his sword against this modern Islamisvi — an expression which excited great indigna- tion in Piedmont. ' This brave General Lamoriciere,' said Victor Emmanuel, with a scornful laugh, ' baptises us for Turks, and transforms the Sabaud cross into a crescent. He may learn yet that we are the true crusaders.' Just at this time the Count of Syracuse, finding all remonstrances with his nephew hopeless, took refuge with the King of Sardinia. The adhesion of this middle- aged Bourbon, so closely allied to the throne of Naples, was a significant fact, and Victor Emmanuel gave him a cordial welcome. Erancis H., after some months' fighting, and vain appeals for help to other powers, finding it impossible to stem the tide of war, began slowly to take in the idea that the spirit of nationality was something too powerful for him to combat, and that, to save his throne from wreck, the only chance was an appeal to Victor Emmanuel. It was too late. The idea of Italian unity liad progressed with giant strides since the Sardic envoy had been dismissed from the court of Naples with a rejection of the proffered alliance. Even if Victor 1^2mmanuel had willed to restore the Bourbon power, he could not have done it now with the victorious Sicilians and volunteers ready to cross the Strait of Messina. The Neapolitan plenipotentiaries were received with due courtesy, and a dinner given in their honour ; but they were made to understand that the day of compromise Avas passed ; Italian unity must be accomplished. Nevertheless, Victor Emmanuel wrote privately to Garibaldi, asking him to content himself with Sicily for the present, and not cross to the mainland. But Garibaldi had independent ideas of serving his king and country. He entered Calabria as soon as circumstances permitted, swept across the country like an avalanche, driving the Bourbon troops before him everywhere, and took posses- sion of the capital, from whence the king had fled. ' FAITES VITE.' 219 Some sort of governing head was necessary for the order of the kingdom thus set at Hberty, and Garibaldi was elected Dictator. Very soon serious differences arose between the Government of Turin and the dictator. Garibaldi thought it better for the national interests to hold Naples unannexed till Rome was also liberated, and the volunteers might then present all Italy, united, to Victor Emmanuel. He asked the king's consent to a two years' dictatorship, and demanded at the same time the dismissal of Cavour from office. The minister became seriously alarmed ; not for himself — his position was too well-assured for any fear of that : — but the growing power and popularity of the general threatened to take the national cause out of the legitimate hands of the monarchy, and put it into those of the republican party, with whom Garibaldi had old and strong ties. Cavour resolved to appeal to Parliament, and let the representatives of the nation decide the question. They voted for immediate annexation. The question was, would the erratic chief who had conquered the kingdom of Naples with a band of volunteers, submit to the decision of Parliament .-' It is true that his war- cr}' had been Vittorio Emanuele e /' Italia ! but there were many Mazzinians at Naples, and Cavour feared that he might be strongly influenced by them. He never for a moment accused him of personal ambition, for he knew how to read the human heart much better than the hero of Milazo. ' I count largely,' writes Cavour, ' on Garibaldi's lo}-al spirit, generous instincts, and the great affection he nourishes for the king.' That he nourished an antipathy for him, Camillo Cavour, he also knew well, and deeply regretted it ; but Garibaldi's attacks could not move his generous rival to the smallest resentment. The critical moment had now arrived when the royal army must take the lead in the national struggle, or remain in a secondary position to the volunteers. The inhabitants of Umbria and the Marches did not cease to implore King Victor to give them that liberty which he 220 LIFK OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II, had bestowed on the other provinces subject to the Pope's rule ; and now the presence of the foreign army under General Lamoriciere excited them to the last degree, — while Garibaldi was preparing to march to their aid. Nothing but prompt action on the part of the government could save Italy from anarchy. The emperor was ac- quainted with the intention of the court of Turin, and re- plied with the simple words — Faitesvite} In truth they did not waste time, the Sardinian army being already on its way to the Marches when the powers were informed of the fact. The memorandum to the ambassadors con- tained these significant words, which were a sufficient apology for the hasty and unexpected irruption into the Pontifical States : — ' If we do not arrive on the Volturno before Garibaldi arrives at Cattolica, the monarchy is lost, — Italy remains a prey to revolution.' It was the solemn duty of the king to lead the national movement. The people were resolved to be free, and if Victor P2mmanuel would not be their head, they would find one more dangerous to the peace of Europe ; therefore it behoved him and his government to take the guidance of the revolution into their own hands, so that they might conduct it the more speedily to a peaceful termination, and establish an order of things that would prevent a recurrence of these troubles. Order of the Day. Soldiers ! — You enter the Marches and Umbria to re- store civil order in the desolated cities, and to give liberty to the people to express their own wishes. You will not have to combat powerful armies, but to liberate unhappy Italian provinces from companies of foreign adventurers. You do not go to avenge the insults offered to me and to Italy, but to prevent popular hatreds from breaking out into vengeance on bad rulers. You will teach them the pardon of offences, and show an example of Christian tolerance ' Though the faites vite has been contradicted and denied, there is good reason to believe it true. DEFEAT OF THE PAPAL ARMY. 221 to those who stupidly compared to Isiaviisfn the love of the Italian country. In peace with all the great powers, and far from giving any provocation, I wish to remove from Central Italy a continual cause of turbulence and discord. I will respect the seat of the Head of the Church, to whom I am always ready to give, in accord with the allied and friendly powers, all those guarantees of independence and security, which his blind councillors have in vain promised him from the fanaticism of a malignant faction, conspiring against my authority and the liberties of the nation. Soldiers !— They accuse me of ambition. Yes, I have one ambition ; it is to restore the principles of moral order in Italy, to preserve Europe from the continual perils of revolution and war. Victor Emmanuel. Cavo?ii: September ii, iS6o. Farini. General Cialdini met the papal troops at Casteln- dardo, where he won a complete victory. Ancona soon fell into his hands, and some thousands of prisoners surrendered themselves, with the general. The foreign mercenaries being utterly overcome, the citizens received the conquering arnn- with joy and gratitude. All this time the Pope never lost heart ; he was full of faith in the ultimate triumph of his arms, and said to General Lamoriciere before he went to battle that he was absolutely certain that God would ' convert his enemies or destroy them.' The necessity of destroying them was painful to the kind-hearted Pope, who would have much preferred their conversion. But since they were not moved by all the censures and anathemas of the Church, it was plain they were incorrigible. The robber king's proclamation to the army, in which he spoke of the Papalini as ' a malignant faction, conspir- ing against his authority and the liberties of the nation,' showed that his majesty's soul was in a very bad state ; he had never before expressed himself so strongly, 222 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL so bitterly, against the ecclesiastical government. But irritated and indignant as he was, he was careful to prevent his soldiers avenging the insults that had been heaped upon him and the national cause. He gave the strictest orders to the commanding officers — and, after the fall of the papal power, to his representatives in Ihose provinces — to be moderate and patient with the Clcricali, and to treat the prisoners with the same con- sideration as the royal troops. The governors of the newly-acquired states were men of distinguished ability and high character. The Mar- quis Pepoli was sent to Umbria, Signor Valerio to the Marches, and the Marquis Gualterio to the province of Perugia. The present Pope, Leo XIII., was then Bishop of Perugia, and his good sense and moderation formed a contrast to the conduct of the other bishops. He not only did not embarrass the government by useless opposition, but he assisted in maintaining order in his diocese, though he had not, nor has he now, any sym- pathy with liberalism. Cavour had tried in vain to persuade the great powers that the sudden descent on the Papal States was a necessity to save society from anarchy ; all except England, who gave her open approval, expressed them- selves greatly shocked by the audacious proceeding ; Prussia, Russia, Austria, and even France, recalled their ambassadors. The Eldest Son of the Church could not openly approve of the spoliation of the holy father, though he had said ' strike quickly ' when consulted on the subject, and his representative, M. Talleyrand, took a cordial leave of the great * spoliator,' heartily wishing him success in all his undertakings. It was easier to disapprove of what was done than to find a remedy for the ills of the distracted Peninsula. No foreign intervention nor European congress had ever yet hit upon a means of establishing order, peace, or anything approaching contentment in the population. Now all Victor Emmanuel asked, all the Italians asked of Europe, was to let thcni alone — leave them to work out their own redemption as best they might. THE KING ENTERS ANCONA. 223 The king had tried all peaceful means to reconcile ecclesiastical pretensions with the liberties and rights of his subjects and the spirit of nationality. His moderate counsels had been rejected, his propositions of compromise treated with scorn. While he had been trj'ing to come to terms with the papal government, they had been secretly conspiring against him and flooding the countrv' with foreign soldiery. It was time to put an end to this dangerous state of things, even in the interest of the Pope, who would have fared much worse at the hands of the threatened republic than under the gentle and tolerant rule of the Savoy prince, Cavour and the king were ag.-eed to strike boldly, and they conquered. 'We are misunderstood b}-- the other nations,' said the minister, 'but the time will come when they will judge us with more equity.' ' Courage I ' replied the king, who assumed the part of comforter when Cavour was depressed, ' let us do our duty and go fonvard.' Towards the end of September the king paid a visit to the newly-acquired provinces, and was received at Ancona amidst a perfect ovation on the part of the soldiers, the citizens, and the peasantrv', who hailed him as Liberator of Italy. Order of the Day. Soldiers ! — I am pleased with you because you have proved yourselves worthy of Italy. By your arms you have conquered the enemy, and by your conduct the calumniators of the Italian name. The vanquished ones whom we shall set free will speak of you and of Italy to foreign peoples. They will have learned that God rewards those who serve him with justice and charity ; not those who oppress the peoples and trample on the rights of nations. A strong Italian monarchy must be founded on liberty ; by order and concord the people will aid us ; and the national army will add fresh lustre to the 224 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. glory that for eight centuries has shone on the cross of Savoy. Soldiers, I take the command. It costs me too much not to be first in moments of danger. Victor Emmanuel. Ancona, October 4, i860. To the Marines. Soldiers of the Navy !— You have deserved well of me and of your country. Your exploits under the walls of Ancona are worthy of the heirs of the glories of Pisa, of Venice, and of Genoa. Soldiers, the nation beholds you with pride — your king thanks you. Great is the destiny of the Italian navy. Victor Emmanuel. Victor Emmanuel was proud of the behaviour of his soldiers, and he had every right to be. The valour of the Sardinian troops and their enthusiastic devotion to their king was already well known ; but the disci- pline, order, gentleness, and moderation with which they deported themselves in the hour of victory towards the enemies who had come from all parts of Europe to try to crush their independence at the moment when it seemed within their grasp, was beyond all praise. The Sardinian army, now mixed with so many other national elements, we must henceforth call the Italian army. The king had been particular to impress on his re- presentatives in the provinces the duty of being strictly just and moderate, so as not to give the Clericals any reason to complain. Nevertheless they did complain : and in sermons and journals sent forth loud cries of persecution. Signor Valerio, royal commissioner in the Marches, was much disturbed by the unjust attacks upon him, and he complained to the king of the tone of the Clerical press. ' Dear Valerio,' said his royal master, ' if I am con- tent with you, is it not enough .-* And are you quite THE KING IX THE HOSPITAL. 225 sure you do not push forward too rapidly ? We must be patient and moderate.' But all the clerg>- were not opposed to Victor Emmanuel. When at Ancona he paid a visit to the Holy House of Loreto, and greatly edified the community by his reverential bearing. The canons invited the royal visitor to lunch, and he accepted. Subsequently he went to visit the Jesuits' college, converted into a temporary- hospital after the battle of Castelfidardo. Victor Emmanuel's tenderness for the sick soldiers had done much to endear him to the army. He was a constant visitor to the hospitals, cheering the invalids by his kind encouraging words, by presents of cigars, and various little favours — the value of which chiefly con- sisted in the fact that they came directly from the royal hand. Many anecdotes the volunteers tell of his bon- Jioinie, his gentleness, his sympathy for suffering. His genial presence brought light and animation to the pale faces of the sick and wounded soldiers. ' Your wound is slight t ' asked the king of a youth whose bright smiling face attracted him. ' Not ver\', your majesty,' was the reply, as he lifted from under the covering a bandaged stump. He was promised promotion. Those whose families were in bad circum- stances had money given them. When the king came to a poor fellow whose head was all bandaged up he asked, ' Are you wounded severely .' ' ' Your majesty, I have lost my eyes,' replied the patient. The king bent his head sadly. No money nor promotion could heal such a wound as this ; but he made the young man feel his sym.pathy. Inquiring about his family, he learned that he had a mother who was very dear to him : and Mctor Emmanuel took a medal off his own breast and put it into the hand of the blind soldier with a kindly pressure, telling him to send it to his mother as a proof of how well he had ser\ed his countr}'. After the battle of Castelfidardo the wounded pri- soners of the Pope's army were housed with the royal troops, so that the king, in visiting his own soldiers, was Q 226 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. obliged to pass by the beds of his enemies. Some of them saluted him courteously, and spoke to him in French ; all looked at him with much curiosity, with the exception of a Belgian, who covered his face with the .sheet to .shut out the hateful sight of the sacrilegious monster. The king returned the salutations, and replied affably to any question or remark addressed to him by the prisoners. ' What handsome people ! ' he said on coming out of the hospital. ' What a pity that they will fight against us when we are at peace with their countries.' The officers of Lamoriciere's army were almost all French, and most of the men Irish. As soon as their wounds permitted, they, with their general, were put on board the ship Conte di Cavoiir, and conveyed to Marseilles. Meantime Garibaldi, after some hesitation, and a hard contest with his evil advisers, allowed his nobler nature to conquer, and submitted to the decision of what we may now call the National Parliament, since it embraced representatives of all the states of Italy ex- cept Naples. The king marched southwards to take possession of that kingdom, and before starting he issued a proclamation To the People of South Italy, which was a resume of the history of his reign from the day of Novara to the present time, with an explanation of his policy and the motives which had guided him. As it is a lengthy address, and deals with facts already recorded here, it is not necessary to transcribe it. We give the concluding paragraph : — People of South Italy, — My troops advance among you to maintain order ; I do not come to impose my will upon you, but to see that yours is respected. You will be able to manifest it freely. That Providence which protects just causes will guide the vote which you will place upon the urn. Whatever be the gravity of the events which may arise, I await tran- quilly the judgment of civilised Europe and of history, because I have the consciousness of having fulfilled my duty as king and as an Italian. In Europe my VICTOR'S JOURNEY TO NAPLES. 22/ policy perhaps will not be without effect in helping to reconcile the progress of the people with the stability of the monarchy. In Italy I know that I close the era of revolutions. Victor Emmanuel. Given in Ancona, October 9, 1S60. As a proof that some of the priests were national in their sympathies, it is recorded that on October 15, be- fore the plebiscite, in a church in Abruzzo, there was a solemn service held for the salvation of ' our king Victor Emmanuel,' in which many ecclesiastics took part. The people of the Abruzzi were passionately desirous of annexation, and petitions with thousands of signatures were sent to Ancona, begging an immediate plebiscite. The king was pleased with this, for he said it would show the powers that he had good reason for passing the Tronto. ' Italy must be made by us, or it runs the risk of being unmade for ever,' he said to Dr. Tom- masi, a Neapolitan who took an active part in the re- volution. ' Garibaldi is a hero, but he does not know hOiV to combat the difficulties of the situation. We alone can meet them.' ' The king journeyed southward with two Neapolitan gentlemen attached to his staff, Dr. Tommasi and Signor Devincenzi, that they might supply him with useful information about the state of the countr)^ A deputation of distinguished Neapolitans met him as soon as he crossed the frontier, begging of him to hasten to the capital, as his presence was much needed to calm the agitation and uneasiness of the inhabitants. He made the whole tour of the country on horseback, starting at daybreak ever}' morning after partaking of a cup of coffee and a roll, and never halting till late in the evening when he dined at some country house or inn. After dinner he occupied himself in reading and replying to the numerous letters and telegrams which ' Garibaldi, as soon as Victor Emmanuel arrived in Ancona, wrote to him to say his presence in Naples was desirable. Q 2 228 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IE followed him — mostly from Count Cavour — and rarely retired to rest before two o'clock ; but he was always ready again at dawn for the day's journey. At the close of one such day, when the king and his followers had ridden through a heavy rain for many hours, Dr. Tommasi, not being acquainted with his new sovereign's habits, remarked that his majesty must be fatigued. ' I,' said Victor with a frown, ' I am never tired.' During this journey the king talked freely to his new subjects, and showed much intelligent curiosity about the king- dom of Naples. He was astonished at the want of proper roads through the country, and he could hardly believe some things that he was told about the scarcity of schools and teachers. 'I cannot understand,' said the citizen-king, 'how even a despotic sovereign should wish to abase the civil condition of his own state. But where the light of liberty does not illuminate a government it is blind.' He talked a great deal about the political prisoners, par- ticularly Poerio, and asked Devincenzi to tell him all about him. Ferdinand had offered him (Poerio) liberty, if he would ask pardon, and the prisoner replied, ' Not I, but the king, ought to ask pardon. He has destroyed the constitution he had sworn to defend, he has oppressed his fellow-citizens. I will never bow to what I think wrong.' ' Bravo, bravo ! ' cried Victor, enthusiastically, ' those are the sort of men that I like.' Then after discussing the Neapolitan character, he said, ' It seems to me that among you there is no medium ; you are either very good or very bad, either a Poerio or ' He did not finish the sentence, but it is easy to supply the ellipsis by the next question : — ' Have you ever known Ferdinand H. ? ' ' Yes, sire.' ' And was he the monster that so many say ? ' Devincenzi replied by narrating some facts about the late king. ' Perhaps,' suggested Victor Emmanuel, ' he was under the influence of the Jesuits, and that want of spirit was MEETING WITH GARIBALDI. 229 the cause of some of his errors. You must know that it took all my strength to resist them, and without a cha- racter of iron I could not have succeeded. But what a struggle I had.' The conversation one day turned upon England, where Signor Devincenzi had lived ; and Victor showed himself very anxious to know how he was regarded in that countr}'. Sir James Hudson often assured him of the good-will of his compatriots. ' But,' said the king, ' he is attached to our cause, and his opinion may be biassed by friend- ship.' When Signor Devincenzi told him that it was true that he was really much esteemed by the English people, he replied, — ' I am very glad. I have a great respect for the English nation, and I desire that my Italians may deserve the reputation the English enjoy.' It came quite natural to Victor to call them ' m.y Italians ; ' he had long regarded them as his ; for, as Signor IMassari had said, ' Before the victories and the plebiscites had given him the crown of Italy, he was our king, he reigned in our hearts ; ' and now he felt he was in truth no longer the Sardic, but the Italian king. One bright morning as the king, at the head of his troops, and surrounded by his generals, set out for the day's ride, he saw another body of horsemen approach- ing, which proved to be the Red Shirts, with their gallant chief in the midst, come to lay down the dic- tatorship at the feet of his constitutional sovereign. Garibaldi's picturesque figure, with the grey mantle flung over the red shirt, his auburn locks blowing in the Vvintry breeze, was easily distinguishable by the keen eyes of Victor Emmanuel. The two leaders rode quickly forward, and when near enough to salute. Garibaldi reined up his horse, and said in an agitated voice, ' King of Italy ! ' ' I thank you,' was the simple response of il Re galautiiomo. They clasped hands and stood looking 230 LIFE OF \'ICT()R EMMANUEL IL at each other in eloquent silence, the black eyes and the blue flashing; forth mutual congratulations, while the royal troops and Garibaldians, mingling together frater- nally, rent the air with joyous acclamations. Viva Vittorio, Rk d' Italia! Viva Garibaldi! Viva V Italia I were the cries echoed again and again over the country. Alas for the instability of human friendship ! Who that had seen Victor and Garibaldi riding -hand in hand, 'Neath the blue sky of their regenerate land on that happy day, could have guessed that the future held in store for them such dark ones as Aspromonte and Mentana t On November 7 Victor Emmanuel made a triumphal entry into Naples, amidst the wildest demonstrations of popular enthusiasm. Deputations of citizens of all classes struggled with each other to have the first word from the king, to give him the first welcome, and express their gratitude and affection. ' I have hastened my coming,' said he to a friend, ' to save the country from a civil war.' ' Your majesty's name exercises a perfect fascination on General Garibaldi,' said Pisanelli. ' I know it,' replied the king. ' I never for a moment doubted Garibaldi's great soul ; but I have good reason to suspect many who are about him, and who might exercise a fascination upon him even more potent than mine, because nearer.' The king and the dictator drove through Naples in the same carriage, amid the frantic plaudits of the populace, who almost went mad with the excitement of having two such heroes to fete at the same time. Then Garibaldi, refusing all the honours and emolu- ments which his grateful sovereign wished to bestow, went his way, still a poor soldier of fortune, to his lonely Isle of Caprera. RETURN TO TURIN. 231 CHAPTER XXI. BY THE GRACE OF GOD AND THE WILL OF THE NATION. A.D. 1 861. During the last days of December, Victor Emmanuel was on his homeward journey from the southern pro- vinces and he arrived in Turin just two da3"s before the expiration of the eventful year of i860. As in the central provinces and in Naples, so in Sicily, he had travelled through the country on horseback, and made himself acquainted with that land of brigands as far as it was possible in a hasty tour. It would but weary the reader with vain repetitions to recite all the ovations that greeted him in every town, all the graceful demonstra tions of loyalt}' and gratitude which his presence called forth. Enough to say that his journey was like the triumphal march of a hero who had saved his country from destruction and covered her with glory. Dearly as he loved popularity, his soul must have been satiated with plaudits before he found repose and quiet in his palace at Turin, with his own faithful but less demon- strative Subalpines round him. On the first day of the new year Farini, Viceroy of Naples, resigned office because of a domestic affliction, and the Prince of Carignano was appointed in his stead. A royal proclamation to the Neapolitans said : — I do not know how to give you a better proof of my affection than in sending you my beloved cousin Prince Eugenio, to whom I am accustomed in my absence to confide the administration of the monarchy. 232 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMxVNUEL II. Naples, however, was not quite free from the Bour- bons. Gaeta still held out, though besieged by Cialdini and Menabrea ; and the fortresses of Messina and Civi- tella were still in possession of the adherents of the fallen dynasty. The French fleet hovered about under the pretence of protecting the coast. Negotiations on the subject were carried on briskly between Paris and Turin, and finally the fleet sailed off. Gaeta fell into the hands of the Italians ; the other fortresses soon followed, and the conquest of the Two Sicilies was complete. Then France, still pretending, withdrew her ambassador from the court of Turin, while England loudly proclaimed her approbation of Victor Emma- nuel's proceedings, and was warm in admiration of the good sense and moderation with which the Italians had carried out so great a revolution. This moral support, at a moment when diplomacy was looking askance at him from every other side, was a source of much gratifica- tion to Victor Emmanuel, and he felt sincerely grateful for it. The great events of the past year, in which the kingdom of Sardinia had swelled into the kingdom of Italy, rendered another general election necessary. The new Parliament was opened on February i8 with uunsual pomp. The representatives of the lately an- nexed provinces, mostly men of distinction, who had taken an active part in the recent events, were loudly cheered when taking the oath of allegiance. The king's speech was received with uproarious applause, particu- larly by the southern members. TJic King's Speech. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — Almost entirely free and united, by the wonderful aid of Divine Providence, the willing agreement of the peo- ples, and by the splendid valour of the army, Italy now confides in your virtue and your wisdom. To you it belongs to give her common and stable institu- tions. While assigning the largest amount of admi- THE KINGDOM OF ITALY PROCLAIMED. 233 nistrative liberty to those peoples who have had dif- ferent customs and laws, you will take care that the political unity sighed after for so many ages shall not be curtailed. The opinion of civilised people is propitious to us ; the just and liberal princes who pre- side in the councils of Europe are propitious to us ; Italy will become for Europe an efficacious instru- ment of universal civilisation. The Emperor of the French, while holding firm the maxim of non-inter- vention — to us a great gain— has thought proper to recall his ambassador. If this is a matter of regret, it cannot alter our gratitude to him. nor our faith in his attachment to the Italian cause. France and Italy, who have a common origin, traditions, and cus- toms, were united on the fields of Magenta and Solferino by a bond which is indissoluble. The government and people of England — that ancient land of freedom — strongly afiirm our right to be the arbiters of our own destinies ; and they have been lavish of kind offices, the grateful mem.ory of which shall never perish. To the loyal and illustrious prince who has lately ascended the throne of Prussia, I sent an envoy, as a mark of honour to him and sympathy for the noble German nation, which I hope will be more and more persuaded that Italy, constituted in its natural unity, does not ofiend either the rights or the interests of other nations. Gentlemen Senators — Gentlemen Deputies, — I feel certain that you will hasten to present to my govern- ment the means of completing the armaments by land and sea, so that the kingdom of Italy, placed in a condition not to fear attack, shall repose more easily in the consciousness of her strength on a reasonable prudence. On other occasions my words sounded bold ; but there is a time to dare and a time to wait. Devoted to Italy, I have never hesitated to place in jeopardy my life and my crown when her interests required it ; but no one has a right to risk the life and the destinies of a nation. 234 I^IFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. After many signal victories the Italian army, always increasing in fame, obtained a new title to glory, by taking one of the most formidable fortresses in the country. The thought consoles me that there was for ever closed the lamentable series of our civil conflicts. The navy has shown in the waters of Ancona and Gaeta that there still survive in Italy the mariners of Pisa, of Genoa, and of Venice. A band of gallant youths, led by a captain whose name resounds through the most distant lands, have proved that neither servitude nor prolonged mis- fortunes, have been able to unnerve the Italian people. These facts have inspired the nation with great confidence in its destinies. I am glad to make known to the first Parliament of Italy the joy which, as a soldier and a king, I feel in my heart. The first thing the Parliament had to do was to proclaim the kingdom of Italy. In a cabinet council the king declared his desire to be called Victor Emmanuel II., not wishing to put the slight upon his worthy predecessor and godfather, of seeming to ignore his existence in assuming the title of First. The council made no objection. Indeed there was no fear of a confusion of names in the history of the Savoy dynasty; Victor Emmanuel II. of Sardinia would be always known as first King of Italy. Secondly, the king said, that as he had done everything that he had accomplished by and with the Italians, and, as he firmly believed, with the approval and help of Providence, he wished to be proclaimed in these terms : — VlTTORIO EMANUELE II., PER GRAZIA DI DiO E PER VOLONTA BELLA NAZIONE, Rfe dTtALIA. Parliament approving, the proclamation was made in accordance with the king's wishes. After the great changes which had taken place in the state, Cavour thought well to send in his resigna- tion. There was probably, along with other motives for the step, some difference between the king and the ROME UNDER DISCUSSION.. 235 minister at this juncture. Victor's fiery temper and Cavour's love of power — what Brofferio called his pre- potaite character — led to an occasional collision, which, however, was never allowed to bear serious conse- quences. While the crisis lasted the king consulted the most eminent of his new subjects, Farini, Ricasoli, Poerio, and all were of one opinion that Cavour was the right man in the right place. Brofferio says that he also was consulted, and advised the recall of his great adversary. One day Poerio presented himself to the king, who exclaimed laughing, ' I know Avhat you are going to say ; you are come to again advise me to send for Cavour.' Cav-our was recalled, of course, and soon formed the ministry- of the kingdom of Italy, in which he introduced some natives of the newly annexed provinces. In all this jo}', excitement, and triumph in the attainment of Italian unity, the painful fact remained that it was not quite accomplished. In the reunion of ' the Italian family ' the most illustrious member was still left out in the cold, though earnestly begging for admittance. Everyone felt that without Rome as capital the work of redemption, of unity, was incomplete. The question was taken up and hotly discussed by the new Parliament while in the first flush of national pride. Cavour made one of his most masterly and telling speeches on the subject, which produced a powerful effect, and enchanted the king. He said, ' I consider myself bound to proclaim in the most solemn manner before the nation the necessity of having Rome for the capital of Italy, for without Rome for the capital Italy cannot be constituted.' The Parliament and the nation felt with him, but they were not willing, like him, to temporise and wait. The very name of Rome had a magic sound in it which fired the souls of the Italians into a frenzied enthusiasm. One must be Italian [says the Spaniard Castelar, in his Old and New Italy\ one must feel southern blood in one's veins, must have been educated in this glorious history, under the painted wings of classic poetry, to 236 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL comprehend all the influences that Rome exercises over the Italian mind. Those who wished to make Italy a monarchy, and afterwards denied her the capital which is hers by nature, did but construct a headless body. Cavour was resolved to have Rome for the capital, and that at no distant day. He w^as even then opening negotiations with the Emperor Napoleon on the subject, for without the concurrence of France he would not take any action in the matter, and there is little doubt that the question would have been brought to a speedy solution if he had been spared another year to put the finishing stroke to his great work. But Garibaldi, and the extreme party whom he represented, did not want to work in accord with France ; the Roman difficulty, they thought, should be solved not by diplomacy, but by the sword. The cession of Nice and Savoy was still fresh in the memory of the general, and in a debate on the condition of the army in Naples, he bitterly attacked the premier, winding up by saying, ' Never will I extend my hand to those who have made me a foreigner in Italy.' Count Cavour was deeply wounded. He rose to reply with a visible emotion, which by a great effort he conquered, defending himself with splendid eloquence and powerful reasoning, but with calmness and dignity, an absence of all personal resentment, that won the sympa- thy of all. It was one of his finest speeches ; alas ! that it should have been one of his last. I know [said he] that between me and the honourable General Garibaldi there exists a fact which divides us two like an abyss. I believed that I fulfilled a painful duty — the most painful that I ever accomplished in my life — in counselling the king, and proposing to Parlia- ment, to approve the cession of Nice and Savoy to France. By the grief that I then experienced I can understand that which the honourable General Gari- baldi must have felt, and if he cannot forgive me this act I will not bear him any grudge for it. FETE OF THE STATUTO. 237 Remembering how soon that eloquent voice was to be hushed in the silence of the tomb, it is pleasant to be able to record that the general, at the earnest request of the king, sought a friendly explanation with Cavour, and offered that stainless palm of his, Horny with grasp of the familiar hilt, to the great statesman whom he so imperfectl}' under- stood and so often wronged. Meantime the new kingdom was threatened with an interdict, the last and most extreme punishment with which an offending prince and people can be visited by the Pontiff. The Pope had exhausted himself in protests, censures, and anathemas ; his ammunition was almost spent ; there only remained this great gun to let oft"; it might miss fire and fall harmless like the others, still the fear of it might have some effect. But no, Victor Emmanuel was only becoming more hardened by familiarity with cursings. One of his ministers warned him that an interdict could not take effect in his state unless the document were put into the hands of the sovereign. ' If that is the case,' replied the king, ' you may be content. Whenever I see a priest who looks as if he wanted to speak to me, I will put my hands in my pockets, and never take them out till he is gone.' The Piedmontese were wont to celebrate as a great festival the anniversary of the Statnto granted by Carlo Alberto in 1848, and now this fete, coming round just after the proclamation of the kingdom of Italy, was made the occasion of universal rejoicing. The king de- sired new banners to be presented to the army, and General Fanti read in his name this address. Officers, Sub-officers, and Soldiers ! — Thirteen years ha\-e passed away since my august father, crossing the Ticino to carry on the war of national independence, consigned to you the tricolour banner with the cross of Savoy, with the words The destinies of Italy are iimtiiring. Under that banner you won brilliant vic- tories, arresting for a time our adverse fortune. But 238 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL force of virtue and constancy of purpose made it wave freshly, gloriously, in distant regions by the side of the insignia of the most powerful armies in Europe. Afterwards re-treading the fields of Lombardy, re- calling the memory of Goito and Pastrengo, you ga- thered splendid laurels in company with the illus- trious French eagle. A new and glorious light shone then on the entire peninsula. The people of Italy, uniting themselves round the flag of national inde- pendence, accomplished deeds that their remote de- scendants wall remember with gratitude and love. To-day the destinies of Italy are mature. Soldiers, to you I consign the new banners in the name of redeemed Italy. On their borders are em- blazoned the names of the battles fought. To your courage I confide these emblems of loyalty and honour, on which the shield of my family, glorious for eight centuries of valour, is engrafted with the .symbol of national redemption. VICTOR Emmanuel. Turin, June 2, 1861. CHAPTER XXII. DEATH OF CAMILLO BENSO CAVOUR. A.D. 1 86 1. Count Cavour laboured continually to convince the Catholic states that the temporal power of the papacy was incompatible with national unity and liberty, that it was an anachronism which must give way before modern progress, and that the holy father would enjoy a more exalted position, more real authority, if he were rid of the embarrassment of it. The Italian Government, he said, was slandered by those who represented that they wanted to overturn Catholicism ; on the contrary, they v.-ished to make it more respected, more respectable, cavour's last efforts. 239 than it had been for long ages. In taking possession of Rome they would contract a lasting peace between the Church and civilisation. All histor}- proved, he said in one of his speeches, that nothing but a miserable and corrupt despotism could result from the union of the spiritual and civil authority in the same hands. That the State and the Church should be separated was desirable as much in the interest of the one as the other. The authority of the Pope, the independence of the Church, would be much better assured by the free consent of twenty-six million of Italians than by the presence of a body of mercenaries gathered round the Vatican, or even by a valorous and friendly, but still a foreign army. It remains [said he] to convince the Pontiff that the Church can be independent, while losing the temporal power. But we will present ourselves to him, and say, ' Holy Father, the temporal power is no longer for you a guarantee of independence. Renounce it, and we will give you that liberty which you have in vain for three centuries demanded from all the great Catholic powers — that liberty which you have sought to drag from them in small portions by means of concordats, for which, O Holy Father, you were constrained in return to concede privileges — and worse than privileges — to concede the use of spiritual arms to temporal powers, in order that they might grant you a little liberty. Well, that which you have never been able to obtain from those powers who boast themselves to be your allies and your devoted sons, we come to offer you in all its fulness ; we are ready to proclaim in Italy this great principle, Free Church in Free State.' These were Cavour's sincere convictions. He was a Catholic as Victor Emmanuel was ; that is, he believ-ed in the Church itself, apart from the priesthood. In the heat of the combat with Rome, remembering the fate of Santa Rosa, he had made a compact with a liberal priest that in case of sudden illness he should come to him, no matter where he was, to administer the sacraments. 240 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. In these last two months of his life, Cavour worked more assiduously, more devotedly than ever, pressing on the emperor and on the papal government a solution of the Roman question as though he felt his time was short and the great labour of his life would be still unfinished if Rome were left outside the kingdom of Italy. The king shared his anxiety, and they spent hours together every day, conducting diplomatic correspondence on the one all-absorbing theme. They felt that there could be no union, concord, or peace till that question was finally settled. Rome was the head-centre of the machinations of the retrograde party [Codini), and Francis de Bour- bon had taken up his abode there, and was pursuing his favourite amusement of conspiracy. It transpired at this time that in some of the Neapolitan provinces brigand- age, which was on the increase, and threatened to over- turn all law and order, w^as, in a measure, due to his influence. King Victor then wrote angrily to Paris, ' Tell the Emperor to put an end to this torment of Francis II. at Rome ! ' Giovane Italia was growing daily more rampant, and making its cry of Rovie the capital of Italy ! more loudly heard : while the Romans, intensely excited by the great events around them, threatened to rise con- tinually. Amongst their most ardent sympathisers was Garibaldi, who kept his king and government in constant trepidation because of his utter contempt for diplomacy. Cavour so ably urged upon the emperor the pressing necessity of a speedy arrangement, that Napoleon had all but given the order for the evacuation of the Roman territory by the French troops, on condition that the Italians should undertake to protect the papal frontier in their stead. Nor was the great statesman's reasoning quite without effect on Pius IX. and his advisers, who at this time seemed disposed to consider the subject more calmly than they had hitherto done. In short, there were then great hopes of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion to the question which, if prolonged, threatened the peace of Italy and of Europe. ' When once I see the king enthroned in the Capitol,' DEATH. 241 said the count, ' I will retire to Leri to plant cabbages, tend my vines, and repose myself for the rest of my life.' But meantime he allowed himself no repose ; and it w^as noted by his friends that during the debates of those last days of ^Nlay, Cavour had become irritable and excitable, and did not display his usual tolerance of contradiction. On the 29th he returned from the Chamber after speaking, verj- much agitated, and in the night was taken ill with violent pains, and fits of fever. The physicians held out little hope from the first, the disease being of a virulent nature, and the nation awaited the catastrophe in grief-stricken silence. The evening before the death, the king, restless and unhappy, went himself to the Palazzo Cavour, and ascending by a private stair (as he often did), entered the sick chamber unannounced. The patient was Ij'ing in a drowsy state with his eyes closed, and those in attendance maintained a respectful silence while the king stood for some minutes looking down at him with an emotion too deep for words. At last Farini leaned over him and whis- pered, ' The king is here.' Cavour opened his eyes ; the light of his glorious intellect was almost spent, but he recognised the king and put out his feeble hand. ' Ah, JMaesta ! ' he said, and murmured some faint words of farewell. Victor Emmanuel, with tears in his eyes, bent down and kissed him, and departed v/ith a heavy heart. Next morning, June 6, he received the news of the death : and though he expected it, it was still a shock to learn that the heart and brain that beat and thought only for Italy and for him, .were cold and senseless. * Better for Italy if it were I who had died ! ' sobbed the poor king in the privacy of his own apartments, where he gave way unrestrainedly to his grief for his own and his country's loss. But in public he held the calm and dignified language which became his position. Wliile gratefully acknowledging all Cavour had been to him, and mourning for him with undisguised sorrow, he let the world know that he could stand alone, and that he meant not to deviate one iota from the bold policy on which he had entered. 242 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. The grief of all Italy was equal to that of the king. Every patriotic Italian felt that he had lost a personal friend in the great statesman, and feared for the conse- quences of his sudden demise at such a critical moment. Massimo Azeglio wrote from his retirement on Lago Maggiore to Farini : — Thanks, dear friend, for your letter, though it made me weep afresh like a child. Poor Cavour! It is only now I know how much I loved him. The last two days have seemed like a frightful dream to me. I am no longer good for anything, but I have prayed to heaven for our country, and a gleam of comfort has come to me. If God ivill He can save Italy even without Cavour. But it was the opinion of many that without Cavour nothing short of a miraculous interposition of Providence could save Italy. The king, who felt he never could bestow enough honour on the memory of his illustrious minister, wanted to bury him with the royal family in Superga, but was prevented by the count's will, which provided that he should be laid in the vault of the Cavour family. Count Cavour's reputation had spread to foreign lands, and all the friendly nations sent special envoys to Italy with condolences and testimonies of sympathy for the misfortune which had befallen the country. The Emperor Napoleon wrote an affectionate letter to Victor Emmanuel, and sent an ambassador, which was his first recognition of the kingdom of Italy. There was a grace in choosing the time, when the king was in trouble ' for the loss of the man who had most power- fully contributed to the regeneration of his country.' Camillo Cavour had cherished the dream that, Rome won and his king crowned in the Campidoglio, he would retire to repose himself under his olives at Leri and give up political life. But such a peaceful old age was not for him. He was cut down with his armour on, in the heat of the combat, almost in the moment of victory, and like a true soldier breathed his last sigh with the THE KING'S INCREAoED RESPONSIBILITY. 243 battle cry of his party on his h'ps. ' Fraic^ he said, press- ing the hand of his confessor, a few minutes before he expired, 'Fratc, libera Chiesa in libcro Stato! ' CHAPTER XXIII. ITALY AVITHOUT CAVOUR. A.D. 1S62-3. The new ministr)^ was formed by Baron Ricasoh'. Victor Emmanuel turned to his state duties with a feeling of loneliness and a sense of increased responsibility. Henceforth he gave more personal attention to foreign affairs, dictated correspondence, and wrote much. From a number of notes written in his own hand, for the use of an envoy at Paris, we quote one or two. I desire that the person that the emperor sends here to represent him, be one who knows how to reconcile in an amicable manner the interests of two countries so closely allied. I desire that the emperor should be reassured as to the state of the army, which every day is increasing in strength on the basis of the ancient Piedmontese army ; and that he should not believe the erroneous reports which have been communicated to him. My wish is to Italiaiiise Piedmont, and Picdniontise the army. I have in no respect changed my way of thinking on the Roman question. It is a matter of time. I am not ambitious to go there now, nor for some time. I am aware that at present France cannot do otherwi.se than she is doing ; and I am firm in my idea that the question of Venice should precede that of Rome. 244 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Victor Ein7nan7iel to Count Ponza di San Martino. Dear Count, — I thank you for the various letters you have written me, and still more for your work. The affairs of the government of the Neapolitan provinces go well, and I am sure, with your activity and capacity, they will continue to improve. The death of Count Cavour is a grievous fact, and I feel it deeply ; but that mournful event shall not arrest for one moment the onward march of our political life. I see the future before me clear as a mirror, and nothing can daunt me. I wish strength and courage to the present ministry, for grave trials are still in store for us ; but if God gives me life we shall pass through them fearless and uninjured. The recognition of France will be an accomplished fact within this month. It is not well to push the Roman question ; I delay it as much as possible, feeling sure that that of Venice ought to precede it, and I am firm on this point. Dear Count, remember me sometimes, and remain always firm in the faith, as I am : the future is ours. I press your hand. Your affectionate, Victor Emmanuel. Turin, June 15, 1861. In the month of July, Russia and Prussia followed the example of England and France, and acknowledged Italian unity. At the same time the young King of Portugal sent an ambassador extraordinary to ask the hand of Victor Emmanuel's youngest daughter, Maria Pia, and to present his portrait to the king. The offer was received favourably ; in fact, Victor Emmanuel, who knew Don Louis personally and liked the Braganza family, desired the alliance very much. In the course of three months the marriage was officially announced, and there were great rejoicings on the occasion, and congratulatory addresses innumerable. The senators and deputies who came in the name of the legislative bodies to present an address, Victor Emmanuel invited MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS PIA. 245 to enter his daughter's reception-room, and speak their farewell compliments personally, — that she might carry away a livelier impression of the affections she left behind her. The young princess was moved to tears, and in thanking the deputation said she would never forget the land of her fathers. The king accompanied her to Genoa, where he consigned her to the charge of the Portuguese ambassadors. The last hour before parting the father and daughter spent alone with each other, and when they reappeared the eyes of both were red with weeping. Maria Pia was Victor Emmanuel's youngest child, and god-daughter of Pio Nono. The most striking want — at least, the one that travellers suffered most from — in the Pontifical States, was the absence of railway communication, all the Popes before Pio Nono's time having had a strong pre- judice against steam-engines ; while even he gave only a tardy and reluctant sanction to the dangerous innovation. Long after other civilised states enjoyed the advantages of locomotives, the Pope's subjects still jogged over mountain and moor in carriages, — the tedium of the journey being frequently enlivened by encounters with brigands ; and it was the custom for a gentleman when starting on a trip of thirty or forty miles, to make his will and confession, like a soldier preparing for battle. Under the new regime this want of railway commu- nication was being gradually supplied ; and in the November of 1861, the line between Bologna and Ancona being complete, Victor Emmanuel went to open it with an imposing ceremony. The king was greeted with great warmth all along the line. When the train ran parallel to the road great crowds were assembled who waved their hats and cheered vociferously, crying Viva Vittorio Enianucle in Canipidoglio ! The king said to his ministers — ' Yet there are people in Europe who think when I speak of the necessity of settling the Roman question, that it is my caprice or ambition. If they heard those cries they would be persuaded of the just desires of the people, and that it is a necessity for the tranquillity of Italy and the peace of Europe.' 246 LIKE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. At the end of this year the Crown Prince of Sweden, now the reit^ning sovereign, visited the King of Italy, and they became fast friends. Baron Ricasoli only held office about nine months ; not feeling equal to the difficulties he had to encounter, he resigned in March 1862, and Signor Rattazzi was empowered to form a new ministry. Naples was still tormented by brigands, and consequently in a disturbed state. The ministers thought the king's presence there would have a good effect : and in fact it had a very powerful one on the excitable Neapolitans, who all united in the warmest demonstrations of affection for him. While there, his son-in-law, the Prince Napoleon, came in state to visit him in the emperor's name, and there was a great nautical fete in the Bay of Naples on the occasion. TELEGRAM. TJie King of Italy to the Emperor of the FrencJi. I have just now visited the fleet which you have sent to meet me in this port. This act on your part of kind- ness for me personally, and sympathy for the Italian cause, has touched me deeply, and I thank you for it. It is a long time, sire, since I have felt such happy emotion as this day. The order that reigns in these southern provinces, and the warm testimonies of affection I receive on all sides, reply triumphantly to the calumnies of our enemies ; and will convince Europe, I hope, that the idea of Italian unity rests upon a solid basis, and is profoundly engraven on the hearts of all Italians. Accept the assurance of my sincere and unalter- able friendship. Naples, May 3. All things were going smoothly in foreign affairs, but the Rattazzi ministry were getting into difficulties at home. The volunteer troops had become a source of serious embarrassment to the government; their posi- DIFFICULTIES. 247 tion having in fact been the immediate cause of the quarrel between Garibaldi and Cavour. Cavour knew Garibaldi was a great power, and might become a dangerous one ; so he met the general's explanations and demands in a conciliatory spirit, promising to do what he could for the volunteers, — Garibaldi in his turn promising not to thwart or contradict the ministerial policy. The count's sudden death had left things still in an unsettled state, and the difficulties went on in- creasing. It was found disagreeable and dangerous to have two standing armies under separate heads and a separate discipline, and it was proposed to amalgamate the Garibaldians with the royal troops. Endless dis- agreements arose out of this question, and the king, who was excessively worried about it, begged his councillors to arrange matters delicately, so as not to wound the susceptibilities of the gallant volunteers, nor offend their illustrious chief. As soon as this question was in a manner accommo- dated, a more serious one arose. The central provinces lost all patience in waiting so long for a peaceful solution of the Roman question. The leaders of the Young Italy party became more warlike in their language, and excited the peasantry to riotous proceedings, which the government had to put down forcibly, and this disa- greeable fact helped to make the Rattazzi ministry unpopular. Garibaldi's name had been used as an incentive to those disturbances, and now the hot-headed general embarked for Sicily, to take the command of a troop who were bound for the Eternal City, resolv^ed to cut with the sword the gordian knot of the Roman question. The government used energetic measures to maintain its dignity, and not allow an irregular warfare to be carried on without its sanction. The times were difficult, no doubt, and the ministry had a hard road to tread, but Cavour had gone through m.ore critical times and had known how to make use of Garibaldi's enthusiasm, to hold the seething revolution in check, without appearing to do so, and to avert civil discords 248 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. when they seemed inevitable. ' If Cavour had lived, we should have been in Rome within six months/ said the king a short time after the death. It is not improbable that he would have brought the Roman question to a conclusion before the year was out, and so ' taken the wind out of the sails ' of the republicans, prevented all the troubles that the unsettled state of affairs occasioned, and thus have spared Victor Emmanuel the inexpres- sible pain of opposing his soldiers to the volunteers. Acknowledging the impossibility of guessing what con- tingencies might have arisen, as far as one can judge by probabilities, it is safe to say that if the great minister had survived another year or so the history of Victor Emmanuel's reign would not have been blotted by the name of Aspromonte. Royal Proclamation. Italians, — In the moment in which Europe has rendered homage to the sense of the nation, and recognised its rights, it grieves my heart to see inexperienced and deluded youths forget their duty, their gratitude to our best allies, making the name of Rome a signal of war — that name to which are turned all our united efforts and thoughts. Faithful to the Statnto to which I have sworn, I have held high the banner of Italy, made sacred by the blood and glorious by the valour of my people. No one follows this banner who violates the laws, and who injures the liberties and safety of the country, making himself judge of her destinies. Italians ! be on your guard against a blamable im- patience and imprudent agitations. When the hour comes for the accomplishment of the great work, the voice of your king will make itself heard among you. Every appeal that is not his, is an appeal to rebellion, to civil war. The responsibility of it, and the rigour of the laws, will fall upon those who do not hearken to my words. King by the choice of the nation, I know my duties. I must preserve the integrity and ASPROMONTE. 249 the dignity of the crown and of Parliament, if I am to have the right to ask of all Europe justice for Italy. Victor Emmaxcel. Turin, August 3, 1S62. It was in vain. The Garibaldians were already in the rield, and having crossed from Sicily, were marching through Calabria with ever-increasing forces and the cry of ' Rome or death ' on their lips. Victor Emmanuel had now no choice left him but, to put down rebellion by force of arms. General Cialdini's painful duty it was to lead the royal troops on this occasion. He encoun- tered the Garibaldians at Aspromonte, in Calabria, and a fight ensued in which the volunteers were of course defeated, and their officers arrested. Garibaldi, with a ball in his foot, from the effects of which he has never recovered, was carried a state prisoner to Piedmont, where the best surgeons in the kingdom were sent to his aid ; but all their efforts to relieve him only in- flicted more intense agony on the sufferer, and it was a year before the lead was extracted from the wound. This unhappy episode was a bitter grief to Victor Emmanuel. It was his pride that he was the free choice of the Italian people, that he had never drawn his sword but against the enemies of his country, and though the Garibaldians were all in the wrong, still they were his subjects, and the thought that Italian blood should have been shed by his soldiers afflicted him deeply. Above all he felt the misfortune of the gallant chief, who had done so much for the Italian cause, and for whom he had such a warm regard. But there was no help for it. The national existence was at stake if he allowed his autho- rity to be defied by this ill-advised volunteer movement.^ Aspromonte gave a final blow to the Rattazzi ministry. Never very popular, it was utterly shaken by the reaction in favour of Garibaldi. Now that the danger was passed, and the untamable old lion liors de ' It is only just to remember in Garibaldi's excuse that he was misled by the vacillating policy of the Rattazzi ministr}-, which, it is now clear, played fast and loose with him. 250 LIFE CF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. combat, his rash inconsiderateness, his violation of the laws, were overlooked, and only his past glorious services remembered. There were fierce debates on the subject, and the ministry found it expedient to send in their resignation, suggesting a dissolution of Parliament. The king did not approve of the dissolution, and preferred to accept the resignation of the Rattazzi cabinet. After a good deal of worry and consultation, the king decided to call Luigi Carlo Farini to office. The name of this enlightened and liberal statesman, who had ruled the Emilian provinces as dictator so ably during the inter- regnum, was a guarantee for a good administration. Unhappily his health obliged him to retire very soon from public life, and he was succeeded by Minghetti. On the whole this first year without Cavour had been a very trying one to Victor Emmanuel. In the beginning of 1863 the Minghetti ministry turned their attention to the financial affairs of the state. Several bills relative to taxation were laid before the Parliament, and permission asked to contract a loan. When authority had been granted by both Houses, the king thus expressed his gratification. Victor Evnnmniel to Signor Minghetti. Dear Minghetti, — I thank you again for your work with regard to the loan, in my own name and that of the nation. May the accomplishment of this act be the forerunner of great events, and conduct us to the com- pletion of Italian glory. You know how this glory has been the dream of my whole life — how it comprises all my aspirations. Firm in the faith, with a fearless and tranquil heart, I await it — and we shall attain it. As soon as I return to Turin I shall send for you. Meantime I press your hand with all my heart. Your most affectionate Victor Emmanuel. The Parliament met on May 23. The speech from the throne did not contain any remarkable statement. We transcribe the opening paragraphs : — DISAGREEMENTS THROUGH THE ROMAN QUESTION. 25 I Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — In open ing this new session as King of Italy, I am glad to thank you for so much work done during the past two years. You confirmed the right of the nation to its complete unity. This right I shall maintain in- violable. The parliamentary labours were hardly begun when Providence snatched from us the illus- trious man who was my able coadjutor in the arduous enterprise of our regeneration. This grief was mine, and equal to mine was the grief of all Italy for our loss. The marriage of my daughter with the young King of Portugal, while strengthening a beneficial alliance between two free states, has shown me, now as always, that the joys of my house are shared by the nation. These two paragraphs were composed by Victor Emmanuel and written in his own hand. Signor Min- ghetti has preserved the speech as a precious relic of his Gt'aii Re. ^Meantime the Roman question remained in abey- ance — to the great detriment of the nation, for it kept Central and Southern Italy in a state of fermentation which the government could not long hold in check. The Bourbon intrigues at Rome, encouraging brigand- age in the Two Sicilies, destroyed all security of life and property, and impeded foreigners from visiting the country. The Emperor of the French, occupying the false position of champion of Italian independence and protector of the temporal power of the Pope, would not do anything, nor let the Italian Government do anything, towards settling the momentous question. Just at this time an incident occurred which came near exhausting Victor Emmanuel's patience and caus- ing a rupture with France. Four ruffians having com- mitted ' deeds of violence, blood, and rapine,' in Naples, escaped to Rome, where they found a safe asylum, and from thence went on board a French vessel at Civita- vecchia, bound for Marseilles. The Prefect of Genoa, 252 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL Marquis Gualterio, being aware of this, conceived the bold idea of seizing these felons on his own responsi- bility. In so doing he knew he was violating a treaty, and he expected to be disowned by his own government and dismissed. There was a great outcry made about the insult to the French flag, and the emperor's govern- ment demanded the restitution of the ' passengers.' A long diplomatic controversy ensued, and had to be settled finally by a personal correspondence between the sovereigns. The criminals were surrendered to the Italian Government, the king promising to deal merci- fully with them. In this year a bill for the suppression of more religious houses was brought in by Signor Pisanelli. When the minister carried it to the king for his approval he said with a sigh — ' This law will entangle the skein still more, and will bring upon me a fresh e]uarrel with all the monks and nuns of the kingdom. Well, I will reply to their complaints that I am sorry to give them pain, but I am, above all considerations, a con- stitutional sovereign.' He was never tired of reminding himself that he was a constitutional sovereign, and must set an example of obedience to the laws, as if he felt it necessary thus to check his naturally imperious will. If for a moment he seemed to have forgotten the fact, and felt like one of his despotic ancestors — but this happened rarely — he quickly called himself up, and with a frank, dignified humility, acknowledged that he was wrong. Once when the king was on a tour in the provinces, an eminent citizen asked grace for a servant sentenced to hard labour for defaming her mistress. The king, with- out thinking, immediately promised that the sentence should be remitted ; but on referring the matter to the Minister of Grace and Justice he found that he refused to admit that the case was a proper one for the exercise of the royal clemency. The king was deeply mortified, but he replied without resentment, — ' Very well, Signor Ministro, you are doing your duty, and I cannot complain. But if you could have ANECDOTES. 253 found a way to save " goat and cabbage," I should have been glad. As it is, I will not try to escape the pain that I have merited for having once only since I have practised this profession (he always spoke of his kingship as a profession) forgotten that I am, that I ought to be, and wish to be, a constitutional king.' One day Pisanelli complained of the republican writers who accused the king of ambition. * Very well,' replied Victor with a merry twinkle in his eye, ' I will punish those gentlemen.' ' How ? ' asked the minister. ' When we have got to Rome and I have ascended into the Campidoglio, I will take off my hat and say, " Gentlemen, you have believ^ed me to be an ambitious man ; I am not such. Vi^'a la Repubblica ! " ' Years after, when Victor Emmanuel was in possession of Rome, this Signor Pisanelli appeared at a court dinner without his decorations, having forgotten them at Naples. It did not escape the king's notice, who after dinner asked him if he had become republican .'' The minister wittily reminded him of what he had said in Turin — that when once in Rome he would proclaim a republic — and said that naturally he would follovr the example of his king. ' But you ought to remember,' said Victor laugh- ing, ' that I said that by proclaiming the republic I would punish the republicans. You will not deny me the right of grace ; and this time it is a grace much more just than many you have made me sign, as the penalty would strike the few guilty and the many innocent.' This year Victor Emmanuel travelled a good deal through the central provinces, to the great delight of his new subjects, to whom he was still a curiosity — a liberal king who mixed freely and fearlessly among the people being a thing hitherto unknown in that part of the peninsula. When in Tuscany he paid a visit to the ex- dictator, Ricasoli, at his Castle of Brolio, near Siena ; and to commemorate the event, the baron ordered a large painting representing his majesty's entrance. In November he went, accompanied by his ministers and a large following, to open the railway line between 2 54 I'lJ"^ ^^ VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Pcscara and Fogt^ia. The crowds that followed him blocked up all the thoroughfares and rendered the passage from the palace to the church impassable ; the horses had to stop again and again, while the enthu- siastic populace surrounded the royal carriage with uproarious cvvivas. At last the king got out and walked to the church in the midst of the people, followed by his train. The foreign ambassadors who were present thought this was rather an imprudent act, considering that the country was still infested by Bourbon outlaws and brigands ; but Victor Emmanuel knew no fear. For more than eight centuries the princes of Savoy had con- fronted every conceivable danger that man may meet, but the dagger of an assassin had never been raised against them in their own country. Emmanuel Philibert was once near being shot, but it was during the war in Flanders, and the author of the attempt was a lawless German count. Not even in times of revolution, when regicide was considered by the Italian sectaries a most heroic deed, did any of them turn their hands against the life of the Savoy princes. So the first liberal king, the emancipator and uniter of Italy, who realised all that they had been dreaming of for ages — felt he had no reason to fear assassination. And surely his son, who in his brief reign of tv.elve months has given so many proofs of his fitness and capacity to perpetuate his father's work, who has in no way fallen short of his duty, but in all things shown himself a worthy successor of il Re galantuomo, ought to have as little reason to fear it. Yet they have tried to murder him, the assassin pro- testing, Brutus-like, that he had the greatest respect and veneration for Huvibcrt, but that he conceived it to be his duty to kill the king. Alas for the fate of kings ! Even were Humbert not the brave, honest, patriotic man he is, one would have thought that gratitude to his father's memory would suffice to protect him from insult and injury. And if the son of Victor Emmanuel is not safe from murderous attempts, what crowned head may repose in peace .'' But though this atrocious crime has revealed the painful fact that young Italy has not yet EFFECTS OF MAZZINIANISM. 255 shaken off her old curse of lawless societies, it has also given occasion for the nation at large to show her loyalty and devotion to the House of Savoy by demonstrations of affection the strength and passion of which could not be believed by those who did not witness it. The most vivid descriptions would seem cold when compared to the reality of the feeling which shook society from one end of the peninsula to the other, when the news of the attempt was made known. It called forth some of the noblest instincts of human nature and the finest traits in the Italian character, and on this account we hardly think the king himself can regret the circumstance which has shown him how deeply rooted in the heart of the nation is her affection for him and his family. The republicans or internationalists, after all, are but a few thousand at most, while twenty-five million Italians loudly proclaim their devotion to the monarchy. The seeds which for forty years Mazzini had sown broadcast over Italy, and which Garibaldi has done much to foster, are still bearing fruit, but let us hope the noxious plants may soon be uprooted from the soil. If young Italians would study Azeglio's writings, and shut their ears to the wild utterances of the hero of Caprera, it would be well for them individually, and for the state of which they form a part. We owe an apology to our readers for this digression ; but it is impossible to remain an indifferent spectator of the enthusiasm the event alluded to has called forth, impossible not to sympathize with the indignation and the joy of the nation at such a moment, and almost in- voluntarily our pen has run into the all-absorbing theme of the hour. 256 LIFE OK VICTOR EMMANUEL II. CHAPTER XXIV. THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT TRANSFERRED TO FLORENCE. A.D. 1S64-5. The Roman question, daily increasing the embarrass- ments and dangers of the state, still dragged on ; and Victor Emmanuel, who had his eye on Venice all the time, having a fixed impression that if it could be re- covered he would find less difficulty in getting rid of the foreign occupation in Rome, now adopted energetic measures to bring about a settlement of this Venetian question, urging the English Government to use its in- fluence with Austria to induce her to accept some com- promise and surrender the Italian province peaceably. The Archduke Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, fa- voured the idea of Italian unity, and wished the matter to be arranged amicably between his relations and the King of Italy. Meantime the Italian Government continued to invite the French to withdraw their forces from the Roman States, and leave the Pope face to face with his own subjects without the aid of foreign bayonets. This the emperor, fearing to offend the papal party, could not make up his mind to do. But to make the road to Rome easier for the Italians, he proposed a transfer of the capital from Turin to some more southern town, Florence or Naples — he did not care which. The French minister, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, said : — Of course in the end you will go to Rome. But it is important that between our evacuation and your going there, such an interval of time and such a series of events should elapse as to prevent people establishing any connection between the two facts ; France must not have any responsibility. The suggestion was adopted by the Italian ministry. PROPOSED REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL. 257 When Signer Minghetti first broke to the king the sub- ject of changing the seat of government, and making Florence or Naples a stepping-stone to Rome, he was quite overwhelmed, and pleaded, even with tears, for his native city to be spared such a cruel sacrifice as long as the Roman question remained unsettled. You know I am a true Turinese [he said], and no one can understand what a wrench it is to my heart to think I must one day abandon this cit}-, where I hav^e so many affections, where there is such a feeling of fidelity to my family, where the bones of my fathers and all my dear ones repose. However (he added), if we cannot do otherwise, I will make even this sacri- fice for Italy. This idea preyed on Victor Emmanuel's mind and made him very melancholy. A few days after, he met at a raihvay station a Neapolitan gentleman who was a favourite with him. ' Dear Tommasi, I am glad to see you,' he said, 'In a short time you will hear news of a great event.' •What event, sire.?' asked the doctor. The king did not answer, but continued with emotion, ' I have decided ; when the interest of Italy is involved, I do not wish to have any remorse. It grieves me to the depth of my soul, but I will consent' ' Your majesty, I do not understand.' But Victor Emmanuel, with a wave of his hand, stepped into the carriage without answering. La Marmora was called into the cabinet, and after much discussion by letter and a visit to Paris de- clined to approve of the proposal of the French government — for the reason that he did not like the Italians, after the evacuation of the French, to be bound to protect the papal frontier from all aggression. The Marquis Pepoli, who was intimate with the emperor, had just returned from Paris, and the king asked him if he thought it possible to remain in Turin without renouncing the advantages of the convention with France. When he replied in the negative Victor Emmanuel burst into tears. ' Since the cession of S 258 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Savoy and Nice,' he said, ' no public event has cost me such bitter regret. If I were not persuaded that this sacrifice is necessary to the unity of Italy I would refuse.' The king accepted the conditions, which provided that the French were to evacuate Rome in two years, and fixed on Florence as the residence of the court. The convention was then agreed to and signed. The ministers were touched by the king's sorrow ; and Visconti Venosta said to a friend : — It is a most ungrateful office that I have to perform in bringing a great sorrow upon the city of Turin^ — had it not been for which, instead of being minister of the King of Italy, I should still be suffering under a foreign rule. The minister had not exaggerated the effect of this change upon Turin. The wildest consternation, the most passionate grief, reigned in the city. The more ignorant part of the populace, who could not under- stand the state reasons for the sacrifice of Turin after all she had done for the Italian cause, made riotous demonstrations against the government ; while the better class of citizens broke into bitter lamentations and complaints of the cruel ingratitude with which they were treated. The ministry had to resign on Sep- tember 24 ; and the king sent for La Marmora. The general, who was travelling in Switzerland when he re- ceived the royal summons, hastened home, and though he had disapproved of the convention, he generously consented to assume the difficult and ungrateful office of premier. The new ministry set themselves to examine the unpopular convention which had driven their prede- cessors out of office, but it being already signed there seemed no remedy. The king said, ' I have signed the convention ; I must maintain it ; / will maintain it. I believe it is for the good of Italy.' The single-minded, chivalrous La Marmora stood loyally by the king in his trouble. ' The king's signa- TURIN RIOTS. 259 ture is there — that is enough,' he said, in the Chamber. After long and painful discussions the convention was approved by a large majority in both houses. On New Year's day 1865, the city deputations who waited on the king were received by him with unusual warmth, and he hoped the inhabitants of his beloved native city would continue worthy of their old reputa- tion for devotion to their common country. The fury against the government had calmed down during the three months since the change of ministry ; but great depression and melancholy prevailed, and there were not wanting demagogues to take advantage of it, to stir up the Mazzinian element to make a demonstration against the king. On the occasion of a court ball, January 31, the populace crowded round the palace, shouting, and hissing, and even throwing stones to im- pede the entrance of the guests. The king in deep indignation set out immediately for Florence, accom- panied by La Marmora. All Italy cried shame on the populace of Turin, and tried to atone for the outrage by extraordinary marks of devotion. Crowds waited at every station along the line, cheering and applauding vociferously ; but it was nothing to the reception the king met in Florence, which welcomed him with redoubled warmth because he had chosen that city for his capital. All the most distinguished men hastened to offer their homage, and among them Gino Capponi, for whom the king had a great admiration, and on whom he bestowed the order of the SS. Annunziata. But all this applause could not heal the wound inflicted by the Turinese. A storm of fierce emotions was raging in his heart, and he could not long keep up the farce of smiling, bowing, and looking happy when he was miserable. He hastily left Florence and retired to the Villa San Rossore, near Pisa. The day after the seditious demonstration above mentioned, Turin awoke to a sense of shame for the dis- graceful performance. It is true that it was only the mob, and for the most part boys, who had taken part in the outrage ; but the respectable portion of the com- 260 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. munity were conscious of having encouraged a spirit of discontent, and expressed themselves bitterly on the subject of the removal of the capital — so that they now felt the whole city was involved in the disgrace. All the other towns raised a cry of indignation at the disloyal demonstration, and Turin felt crushed under the displeasure of the king and the nation. The nobility and the municipality, wishing to set matters right, conceived the idea of presenting an address to the king, deploring the insult and expressing their devotion to his person and throne. When this address was signed by many thousand names, they humbly solicited an audience, which the irate monarch, still sulking in his little hermitage by the sea, disdainfully refused to grant. The minister, Signor Lanza, and the Prince of Carignano, earnestly pleaded the cause of the offending city, and Victor Emmanuel's fierce but short-lived anger gave way before the evidences of repentance which it dis- played. The Marquis Rora, Syndic of Turin, read the ad- dress, which completely melted Victor's soft heart. His full pardon was given in a few frank and generous words, which he could hardly pronounce for the emo- tion that choked his utterance. It was noticed that after this day Victor Emmanuel was no longer gloomy and taciturn. He recovered his usual cheerful gaiety of manners. But his heart was in Turin ; he longed to be back to see the old familiar streets, palaces, and gardens, where his life had been spent, and to re- ceive the affectionate greeting of the citizens. On February 23 he returned to the Subalpine capital, and was welcomed with transports of joy by all classes, with- out a dissentient voice. To meet the expenses of the change of capital and other requirements of the state, the Minister of Finance, Sella, found it necessary to resort to fres-h taxation. Pre- vious to laying the matter before Parliament, and asking the nation for new sacrifices, he said to the king, that it would be well that an example of disinterestedness should be given by the highest person in the state. CONTRADICTORY PICTURES. 26 1 Whereupon the king, without a word, surrendered a fifth part (three milHon francs) of his civil list. Such acts as this, carefully recorded by the Liberals, are as carefully suppressed by the Clericals. Not even in conversation do they ever let slip a single kind or generous action, of all the many that Victor Emmanuel did in public and private ; but they dwell with gusto on his faults, and exaggerate them. These faults the Liberals on the other hand regard as spots on the sun, not worthy of notice, and accordingly as a general rule do not notice them. The whitest swan and the blackest crow could not be more diverse than the two pictures we are called upon to contemplate under the heading, ' Victor Emmanuel.' Let us take, for example, a few sentences at random from the first publications at our hand. Clerical : — He left behind him a bad name, an im- poverished nation, and an example which the world must condemn. In public affairs he was an utterly unscrupulous man ; in private he was bold, haughty, full of passion, and wholly given over to licentious- ness, etc. Liberal : — What a great monarch was Victor Emma- nuel ! What a fine noble life was his ! How full of sublime teaching for kings and for peoples ! All agree, in death as in life, to honour the name of the first King of Italy- — the greatest, best, and most glorious king she may ever see — the model patriot, etc., etc. When the stor}- of Victor Emmanuel has grown dim through time, the future historian will be puzzled to choose between the conflicting records of the ex- treme parties. But we have no hesitation in saying even the most extravagant partisans of the king are more honest and truthful than his detractors ; and there are always some just-minded, moderate men who do not allow their feelings to bias their judgment, and who frankly acknowledge that their hero was not perfect, 262 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. though he had a hundred claims on their affection and gratitude. Just at this time Victor Emmanuel was pleased to receive a courteous letter from the holy father asking him to send some confidential person to Rome to con- sult about the nomination to certain vacant bishoprics ; but the king's envoy and the Pope did not come to an understanding, and the negotiations were broken off. In this year Spain, the only European power which had not yet acknowledged the kingdom of Italy, sent an ambassador to the court of Victor Emmanuel. Queen Isabella was always the implacable foe of liberty, and had hitherto given great encouragement to the Ultra- montane party, so that it was a triumph to see this last enemy succumb under the pressure of popular opinion. Before opening the new Parliament in Florence the king paid a visit to Naples, then suffering terribly from the ravages of cholera, to give relief to the afflicted people, and comfort and encourage them by his pre- sence, as his custom was on such occasions. On November i8, 1865, the first Parliament was opened in Florence. The Kings Speech. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — When in that generous city which has guarded the destinies of Italy in her new-born fortunes, I inaugurated these parliamentary sittings, my words were ever full of encouragement and hope, constantly justified by the feats that followed. With a soul full of the same confidence to-day I see you united round me in this noble seat of illustrious memories. Here also, intent on the full vindication of our right to self-government, ve shall conquer every obstacle. On closing the last legislature, in deference to the Head of the Church, and with the desire of satisfying the religious scruples of the majority, the government welcomed a proposal for negotiations with the Pon- FIRST PARLIAMENT IN FLORENCE. 26} tifical See ; but they were obliged to break them off when they thought the conditions would be derogatory to the rights of the crown and the nation. The ful- ness of time and the inevitable force of events will solve the question between the kingdom of Italy and the papacy. On us meantime it is incumbent to observe faithfully the convention of September 15, which France will in the established time carry into complete eftect. The virtue of waiting is to-day rendered more easy to Italy than it was in the past, for since I last addressed Parliament its condition has been improving. In the progress of our work we are comforted by the sympathy of all civilised peoples. By com- munity of interests and by the tie of gratitude we are bound in a close accord with France. We are in good relations with most of the other states of Europe, and with the governments of the two Americas. A vast field was opened to commerce b\' the advantageous treaties concluded with England, Holland, Denmark, Switzerland ; as already with France. Sweden, Bel- gium, Turkey, and Persia. Spain a short time ago recognised the kingdom of Italy, Bavaria and Saxony have manifested the same desire which Germany and Prussia have alread}' put into effect. The ties between the Latin race and the noble Germanic peoples thus strengthened will enable the Italians to entwine with theirs their interests and aspirations, and help to extinguish obsolete prejudices and rancours. In this manner Italy, taking her place among the great states of Europe, will contribute to the triumph of justice and liberty. At home our policy has already produced wonder- ful effects. In the course of a few years — in the ad- ministration, in the laws, in codes, in public works, in the army — results have been obtained for which in other countries they have laboured for generations or have gone through deplorable intestine struggles. That so many difficulties are overcome, augurs well for the future. 264 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. My ministers will present drafts of laws to com- pletely systematise the legislative unification of the kingdom of Italy, to redeem from ignorance the poorer classes, to improve the condition of credit, and to push forward more energetically the public works. Other laws you will amend as experience and oppor- tunity counsel. The great difficulty is to repair the unbalanced state of the finances without taking from the nation its strength of arms by land and sea. I am grieved beyond measure that an unavoidable necessity obliges us to ask from my people new sacrifices. But I am certain their public spirit will not fail you, gentlemen ; I have had too many guarantees of it in the privations they have already sustained with such w^onderful constancy. But I desire you to divide the taxes in the most equitable and least burdensome manner possible, reducing the public expenses to the narrowest limits. The Italian people ought to divest themselves of all the remains of the past which stand in the way of the full development of their new life. You will have to deliberate upon the separation of the Church and State, and the suppression of religious corporations. Proceeding in this manner the insidious practices of enemies, or the spite of fortune, will not destroy our work. A great change is going forward among the peoples of Europe. The future is in the hands of God. If in the accomplishment of the destinies of Italy, fresh trials should arise, I feel certain that her valiant sons would press around me once more. Where the moral force of civilisation prevails, the ma- ture judgment of the nation will not fail to profit by it. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — In order that the rights and the honour of Italy may re- main inviolate, it is necessary to advance frankl)i on the road of our national policy. Certain of your concur- rence, confident in the affection of the people and the valour of the army. I will not shrink from this most noble undertaking which we must transmit complete to future generations. DEATH OF D'AZEGLIO, 265 CHAPTER XXV. THE FINAL EXPULSION OF THE FOREIGNER. A.D. 1866. Early in the new year Victor Emmanuel lost his third son, Odone or Otto, Duke of Monferrat, and his dear old friend Cavaliero Massimo d'Azeglio. The death of the poor deformed prince could hardl}- be called a misfortune for himself, as he was a constant sufferer. But his bright intelligence and gentle disposition had endeared him to his family, and his robust and soldierly brothers treated him with affectionate consideration. The com- passionate tenderness the afflicted boy inspired in his father may be imagined from the following anecdote. When in Rome King Victor drove almost every after- noon on the Pincian Hill. At the entrance there stood a hunchbacked boy, for whom he always had a pile of coppers wrapped in a paper. One of the gentlemen in waiting made inquiries about the youth, and told the king that he was quite undeserving of his bounty. ' Oie viiole ? ' was the reply. ' He reminds me of Odone, and I cannot pass him by.' Though ^Massimo d'Azeglio had long retired from public life, he was still dear to Victor Emmanuel as the brave, disinterested, and noble-hearted man who had sacrificed every personal regard when he consented to take office in the first miserable year of his reign, sharing his grief, his humiliation, his unpopularity, supporting and sustaining him in the noble part he chose to act of Re galantiiouio. Victor Emmanuel felt strongly the fascination of his versatile genius ; and in the inscription on the monument which he helped to erect to his me- mor}^, he calls him his ' friend.' The readiness with which the great artist and author would assume an office of state when required, and then step down into comparative poverty, li\ing by his brush, is a charming trait in his attractive character. No pecuniary reward 266 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. would he take on his retirement. Victor Emmanuel wanted to bestow on him the Order of the SS. Annun- ziata, but he declined with the smiling remark that it was not meet for the king's cousin to sell pictures. The readers of his correspondence will remember that at the time of the Peace of Milan the Emperor of Austria offered him the Order of St. Etienne, and he replied that if the emperor really wished to show to him some mark of benevolence, let him give him the pardon of the Lombards who had been excluded from the amnesty. The king was not in Turin when D'Azeglio's hopeless state was made known, but the Prince of Carignano visited him the day he died, and his last words to him were, ' Remember me, and that I have always been a devoted and affectionate servant of the House of Savoy.' All through the past year Victor Emmanuel had been trying to wring Venetia out of the grasp of Austria, in a peaceable manner, if possible, but if that were not possible he was resolved to resort to arms once more. His speech in November plainly pointed to war as more than a probability ; and, Austria firmly refusing to surrender her possessions, both parties prepared for ano- ther struggle. Foreign domination once established in a country is an incubus difficult to shake off. In Italy the monster called lo Straniero died hard, clinging con- vulsively to his victim and sapping the life-blood from her veins with his expiring breath. Lombardy had been won and lost, and won again, with a generous prodigality of the noblest blood in the country ; and now the Italian soil must drink once more the warm libation from Italian hearts before la P atria could be completely redeemed and united. The quarrel between Austria and Prussia was grow- ing all this time, and Italy proposed an alliance defensive and offensive with the latter power. The ministry had become unpopular because of the corn-grinding tax, which to the present day has never ceased to be a source of discontent, and Sella, the Minister of Finance, author of the obnoxious bill, sent in his resignation, and all his colleagues with him. The king was greatly annoyed by WAR WITH AUSTRIA. 26/ the defeat of the government at this critical juncture. La Marmora, who had his entire confidence, was em- powered to form a new ministry'. The general had some difficulty in getting a Minister of Finance, but a politician was at last found bold enough to undertake the unenviable duty of directing the monetary affairs of the new kingdom. La Marmora remained President of the Council and ^Minister for Foreign Affairs ; General Pettinengo was called to the War Department, and he accepted office simply to please the king. The distin- guished and patriotic young general, Giuseppe Govone, was sent to Berlin to treat of the alliance. He fulfilled the office with tact and ability, and the treaty was con- cluded April 8, 1866. When this fact became known, Austria, on the brink of war with Prussia, began to think that she must rid herself in some way of the worr}- of the Italians on her southern frontier, in order to be free to combat her powerful northern enemy. The cabinet of Vienna did not apply directly to the cabinet of Florence, but to that arbiter of the destinies of nations. Napoleon IIL, proposing to cede Venetia on condition that the Italian government should detach itself from the Prussian alliance. It was a strong temptation ; to recover the long- disputed provinces without the risks and expenses of war would have restored the minister to the popularity he had lost in the matter of the convention with France. But La Marmora was proof against all such temptations. He would brave popular rage, but he would not fail in the smallest particular in any of his engagements. In order to leave his sovereign free to exercise the royal prerogative, he sent in his resignation, which Victor Emmanuel, being entirely of his mind, refused to accept. After an ineffectual attempt to accommodate matters by a congress, war was declared against Austria, on June 20, 1866, and La Marmora, having appointed Ricasoli as his deputy at the head of the council, led the army northwards. The Italians, though grumbling against the ministry because of the recently imposed tax, received 268 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL the announcement of war with unmeasured applause. The day before the battle is always one of pleasing ex- citement and enthusiasm ; the day after, when the costs come to be counted, one of mourning. Victor Em- manuel appointed his cousin regent, and carried his sons along with him to the seat of war. At sunrise the king passed through the streets of Florence, amidst loud acclamations, good wishes, and blessings, to the railway station, where he embraced Baron Ricasoli, saying, ' I commend our country to you.' The ardent applause which greeted the king was in answer to one of his fiery proclamations issued the day before, explaining the reasons of the war, which were — the inveterate hostility of Austria to Italian liberty, her refusal of a pacific settlement of the quarrel by means of a congress, and her threatening attitude on the Italian frontier, which was a continual source of disturbance and inquietude to his state. He thanked his people and army for the ready response they had given to his call ; ex- pressed a strong conviction that the justice of their cause would be recognised by public opinion, and concluded thus : — Italians, — I commit the government of the state to my most beloved cousin Prince Eugenio, and I take up again the sword of Goito, Pastrengo, Palestro, and San Martino. I feel in my heart a conviction that this time I shall completely fulfil the vow I made on the tomb of my magnanimous parent. I will be once more the first soldier of Italian independence. Vh'a r Italia ! Given from Florence, June 20, 1866. Victor Emmanuel. Ricasoli. To the National Guards. Officers, Sub-officers, and Militia of the National Guards, — -I commit the sovereign authority to my beloved cousin Prince Eugenio, and I turn again to fight the last supreme battles for the liberty and inde- LETTER TO NAPOLEON. 269 pendence of Italy. While the forces of land and sea will vindicate the nation's rights against the threats and provocations of Austria, you will maintain her well ordered and tranquil, because in obeying the laws she will strengthen her liberties and prepare her- self for the glorious future that awaits her. You have constituted this kingdom by your votes : preserve it intact by your discipline and your citizen arms. To you I commit, in full confidence, the guardianship of public order, and calmly I go where the voice of Italy calls me. Victor Emmanuel. Victor Emmaimcl to Napolcoii III. Sire and Brother, — I announce to your majesty that, faithful to the convention made with Prussia, I have this morning sent a declaration of war to Austria. My army, which confronts the enemy, counts over 250,000 active men. I have a reserve of 50,000, and very soon I may have another as good. I start to- morrow to assume the command of the army. My heart is joyous and full of confidence in the future. I thank your majesty for all that you have done for us, and I pray you not to forget us, and me in particular, who am your majesty's good brother, Victor Emmanuel. The emperor replied that in the interests of his country he had resolved on maintaining a strict neutra- lity ; but he would never cease to pray for the happiness of his ' good brother ' and the independence of Italy. Order of the Day. Officers, Sub-officers, and Soldiers, — Austria armino- on the frontier challenges you to new battles. In my own name, in the name of the nation, I call you to arms. This cry of war shall be as heretofore a cr\' of joy to you. Whatever be your duty I will not tell it you, because I am satisfied that you know it. Con- 270 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL fiding in the justice of our cause, strong in the right, by our arms we must accomplish our unity. I assume to-day the command of the army, to fulfil the duty which awaits me and you, to liberate the people of Venetia who have long groaned under an iron yoke. You shall conquer, and your name shall be blessed by present and future generations. Victor Emmanuel. Victor Emmanuel's happy prognostications were not this time destined to be fulfilled. The forces of Austria were led by the able and experienced commander the Archduke Albert, who had distinguished himself at Novara. On the ill-omened field of Custoza, where the Italians had been defeated in 1849, the opposing armies met ; and both being in good condition, well disciplined and brave, there was fought a prolonged and bloody battle, in which the Italians were worsted, but not routed. They valiantly maintained their positions, and though their losses were heavy, those they inflicted on the enemy were also severe. On July 20 the Italian navy suffered an overwhelm- ing defeat at Lissa in the Adriatic, and these two great misfortunes plunged Victor Emmanuel into the deepest grief. He felt disabled from continuing the war : all the sacrifice of life had been in vain : national unity was as far off as ever. He had deported himself with his usual gallantry at Custoza ; and the young princes, for the first time in action, had shown a spirit worthy of their father. Amedeo was slightly wounded ; and this gave an opportunity for the generals to protest against the reckless exposure of lives so precious to the state. General Cialdini said the thought that at any moment they might be deprived of all the royal family, had weighed heavily upon his mind. The king combated the idea for his sons as well as himself. He said he did not expose himself from mere recklessness, but from a sense of duty, to inspire his men with more courage and show them that he considered the cause worth fighting for, worth dying for, if need be. ' I appreciate VENICE LIBERATED. 27 I this anxiety about the Hves of the princes,' he said, ' but my sens are soldiers and must fight. If we princes of Savoy remained at home at ease while our soldiers fought for us, we should end like the Bourbons of Naples.' Meantime the Prussian arms were everywhere victorious over Austria, and about ten days after the battle of Custoza it was announced in the Moniteur that Austria had asked the Emperor Napoleon's mediation, offering to cede him Venice, and that he was making over that province to the King of Italy. Italy could not accept it without the consent of her ally Prussia ; and while negotiations were going forward on the subject, the brief seven weeks' campaign was brought to a con- clusion by the great victory^ of Sadowa, and on July 26 the preliminaries of peace were signed by the Austrian and Prussian plenipotentiaries. Though defeated by the Prussians, the Austrians had been victorious in two encounters with the Italians, and these reverses, coming after such sanguine expectations, having sunk the country in gloom and misery, the national misfortune had to be accounted for by imputing mismanagement to the government. The king, finding his army very much diminished, and hemmed in between the Austrian forces, the Po and the Adige, began to see the necessity of an immediate armistice. But to take upon himself the responsibility of concluding an armis- tice, so sure to be unpopular, would be rash. Pie despatched General Menabrea to Florence to explain the desperate state of things at the seat of war, and ask the approval of the government to what was an un- avoidable step. To wait for a reply might be dangerous ; and the king and General La Marmora opened nego- tiations with the Austrians at once, resolved to disregard every consideration but what was best for the country. It was then that La Marmora, with that high- souled loyalty which always distinguished him, resolved to throw himself between the king and the nation. A constitutional sovereign must not be permitted by his minister to do anything that would bring upon him the 272 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL odium of his people. ' I take the whole responsibility, whatever may happen,' said he. ' This is too much, dear La Marmora,' replied Victor Emmanuel, pressing both his hands with emotion ; ' I must have my share.' The king and the general sustained each other in their patriotic resolution to conclude an armistice. ' They will accuse us of having betrayed the country,' said Victor, ' but we will sacrifice even our reputation to preserve the army, and with it the nation.' The government approved of the armistice. Venice was restored to Italy by the Emperor of France, with the approval of Prussia. There was a sting in the thought that it was not wrung from the talons of the Austrian eagle by the valour of Italian arms, but by the force of diplomacy ; still it was a delightful fact that Venice was free, with the tricolour waving on St. Mark's. The Italian soil was delivered from foreign occupation ; the never-to-be-forgotten cry, Fuori lo St^-aiiiero ! which had resounded so long throughout the peninsula, was to be heard no more. During the period of the armistice, before the treaty of peace was signed, there was an interlude which di- verted the public interest from the late disasters in the form of an insurrection in Sicily, which was quickly suppressed by General Cadorna, who had with him the sympathy of the respectable portion of the community. It was conducted by those lawless adventurers who had been hitherto accustomed to live as they pleased, and prey upon their neighbours, and consequently disliked the new order of things, as tending to do away with their privileges. This movement was the last expiring effort of the Bourbons to restore their dynasty in Italy. As soon as the treaty was signed at Vienna, October 2, the Venetian Assemblies unanimously elected Victor Emmanuel with acclamations, and begged for immediate annexation to the kingdom of Italy. On November 4, in the city of Turin, Victor Emmanuel received the deputation which came to proffer him the homage of the inhabitants of Venetia; and not only did the citizens ITALY MADE. 2/3 greet them with demonstrations of joy, but visitors from all parts of the Peninsula were assembled to welcome them, as brothers long separated by a cruel fate, at last reunited to the Italian family. The exiled Venetians wept for joy to think they should see again their dear native city. The king, in bestowing the Order of the SS. Annunziata upon Generals Cialdini and Menabrea, also decorated the breast of the blind Vene- tian, Paleocapa, who had resigned with the Cavour cabinet, disgusted with the peace of V^illafranca, but who was now full of joy at the thought of breathing his native air once more. Victor Emmanuel was radiant with happiness. Who will blame him if in that moment he forgot Custoza and Lissa, and thought only that the labour of his life was accomplished, that the vow he made on his father's tomb, so often renewed, was at last fulfilled ; that the foreigner was finally expelled from Italian soil, and he was no longer required to hate anybody .? With him, the hack- neyed phrase, 'This is the happiest moment of my life,' was no mere figure of speech, for he had never used it before in any public address. Victor EmmanueV s Reply to the Venetians. Gentlemen, — This is the most beautiful day of my life. It is now nineteen years since my father proclaimed from this city the war of national independence. To- day, his birthday, you, gentlemen, bring me the mani- festation of the popular will of the Venetian provinces, which we now unite to the great Italian country {patria Italiana), declaring as an accomplished fact the desire of my august parent. You confirm by this solemn act that which Venetia did in 1848, and which she maintained with such admirable constancy and self-abnegation. Let me here pay a tribute to those brave men who with their blood, and with sacrifices of ever>' sort, kept undiminished faith to their country and to her destinies. With this day shall disappear from the Peninsula every vestige of foreign domi- T 274 I'l^'E OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IT. nation.^ Italy is made, if not completed ; it now rests with the Italians to make her great and pros- perous. Gentlemen, the Iron Crown is also restored in this solemn day to Italy. But above this crown I place that which to me is dearer — the crown of my people's love. On November 7 Victor Emmanuel made a solemn entry into the most beautiful, and, after Rome, the most interesting city of the Italian peninsula. To tell how he was received would only be to repeat what already has been said about similar entries into the other capitals. Enough to say that 'the Bride of the Sea' gave him a welcome in no way inferior to that of the sister cities. While here he had the pleasure of meeting and entertaining the firm friend of Italian independence, Lord Russell, At the same dinner, which was com- posed of a curious conglomeration of guests, was the Austrian General Moring, and the Cardinal Trevisanato, Patriarch of Venice. After visiting several towns of Venetia the king returned to Florence on November 21, Hot upon the settlement of the Venetian question, came the discussion of that of Rome, which after the evacuation of the French troops seemed more com - plicated than ever. The Catholic powers were now anxious to accommodate the quarrel between Italy and the Pope, and they offered to guarantee him his income and his independence if he would reconcile himself to the national will. But Pius IX. was immovable in his determination to oppose it to the last. It was proposed that the Eternal City, and the little Pontifical State around it, should be guaranteed to the Pope and protected by the Italian Government. But to this arrangement the Italians never would consent, for without Rome the unification of Italy was incom- plete. As for the Romans they had a thousand reasons ' The French, in fulfilment of the convention of Septembei" 1864, were evac ating Rome. EVACUATION OF ROME KV THE FRENCH. ^/D for opposing such an arrangement. The bare considera- tion of the idea b\- their more fortunate countr\-men outside the sacred Hmits of the Church's State, would seem cruel ingratitude after all the}- had suffered for the national cause. In the midst of this agitation and diplomatic discussions on the Roman question, Parlia- ment was opened, to receive for the first time the \'enetian deputies, who took their oaths and seats in the midst of that pleasing excitement which always followed the annexation of a new province; and. King Victor spoke in that tone of congratulation which was natural to a man who, if he did not ' swallow a province a day,' as a Milanese soldier once said, had within the last seven years absorbed seven principalities.^ The speech from the throne is so long that we will only give the opening paragraph and that one which refers to Rome. Tiu King's Speech, Deeeviber 15, 1866. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — The coun- try is free at last from ev^er\- foreign domination. My soul exults in telling it to the representatives of 25,000,000 Italians. The nation had faith in me, I had faith in the nation. This great event crowning our common efforts, gives new vigour to the work of civili- sation and renders more secure the political equilibrium of Europe. The French Government, faithful to the obligations it assumed in the convention of September 1864, has withdrawn her military forces from Rome. On its part the Italian Government, maintaining its engagements, ' King Victor related the following anecdote to his ministers one day : 'In 1861 I was holding a review on the Piazza d'Armi in Milan. Opposite me was a regiment, the soldiers of which held their eyes fixed on mine, as discipline prescribes. Two of them, without moving their heads, held the following dialogue, which, though spoken in a low voice, I overheard, for, as you may have perceived, gentlemen, I have excellent hearing. "Look at our king, is he not fine and fat ? " "That he is, but considering that he eats a province a day, what wonder that he should be fine and fat ? " ' T 2 2/6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. has respected, and will respect, the Pontifical terri- tory. The good understanding with the Emperor of the French, to whom we are bound by the ties of friendship and gratitude, the moderation of the Romans, the wisdom of the Pontiff, the religious sentiment and right judgment of the Italian people, will all contri- bute to reconcile Catholic interests and national aspira- tions, which are being mixed up confusedly in the agitations at Rome. Reverential towards the religion of our fathers, which is also the religion of the greater part of the Italians, I render homage at the same time to the principles of liberty that inform our institutions, which, applied with sincerity and breadth of judgment, will help to remove the old causes of difference between the Church and State. These our provisions, reassuring Catholic consciences, will, I hope, assist in the fulfilment of my desire, that the Supreme Pontiff should remain independent at Rome. General Pettinengo having resigned his post as Minister of War, in the belief that the king was dis- satisfied with him, Victor wrote as follows : — Victor Eininaiiucl to General Pettinengo. I am vexed to see in a letter from you, directed to the Count Verasis, that you imagine that I am ill-disposed towards you. If such were the case, I must very soon have forgotten the many services rendered by you to the State, the special merit of having accepted, solely to oblige me, the portfolio of War in difficult times, and finally the zeal which you showed for the army when it was put on a war footing. If some things have not gone as I desired, I certainly did not mean to blame you, dear general ; I attributed it rather to an old system, which has need of modifications. Ingratitude is, for the most part, the reward of those who labour for the public good. I also have ROME AGAIN. 277 had hard experience of this for a long time ; and, less fortunate than you, I cannot yet ask my dismissal. These lines I hope will be sufficient to prove to you, dearest general, that you preserve always the esteem and the friendship of Your most affectionate VlTTORIO EMAXUELE. CHAPTER XXVI. THE KING AND POPE. — FIXAXCIAL DIFFICULTIES;. — MARRIAGE OF PRINCE AMEDEO. A.D. 1 867. The French army being withdrawn from Rome, the Pope had no other defenders than his foreign mercenaries ; his little state was hemmed round on all the land sides by the possessions of the robber king, who had undertaken to defend him against foreign aggression and protect him in the exercise of his spiritual authorit}'. As temporal sovereign he was tottering on his throne ; his subjects were thoroughly disaffected, and in that ancient seat of priestly power which once ruled Christendom, the Pope could not now command the willing obedience of other than his Swiss guards and ecclesiastics. Not daring to trust himself without the protection of a large military force, he again raised a foreign legion, to take the place of the French troops. This proceeding irritated the Romans more than ever ; and instead of practising that patience which the king recommended, they lost all hope in diplomacy, and took to their old expedient of conspiracy. ' The internal tempest which rages in Rome,' writes Castelar, ' is at once perceptible to the stranger. There are 400 persons now in prison for political offences. A priest of high position, and an intimate friend of the Pope, assures me that there are in Rome now 70,000 Garibaldians. A state which scarcely contains 278 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. 600,000 souls keeps a standing army of 20,000. These 20,000 are men of different nations, languages, and customs.' Meantime it was necessary for the court of Florence and that of Rome to hold some communication with reference to ecclesiastical preferments. A dispute arose about the Archbishopric of Milan, the Pope not approv- ing of the king's nomination, and vice versa. At last the matter was amicably settled to the satisfaction of all parties. Several letters were exchanged between the heads of the Church and State on these ecclesiastical matters. The Pope's missives, when not treating of the political questions of the day, were courteous and not unfriendly ; and he was heard to say at this time that he preferred dealing with Victor Emmanuel than with the Bourbons of Naples or Leopold of Tuscany. Victor Emmanuel's communications, it is needless to say, always breathed a profound reverence for the Head of the Church, as such ; and as it was in this character he now approached him, the correspondence between the two illustrious rivals merged into a kind- lier tone than one would have believed possible between the excommunicated monarch and the offended Pontiff, The correspondence was of a private nature ; but Victor Emmanuel communicated the general contents to his confidential advisers. Pio Nono in one of his letters explained why he could not recognise nor bless Victor as ' King of Italy,' though in his own person, and in his quality of King of Sardinia, he did so willingly. The king, in speaking of this letter, said : — I replied to the following effect:— I have often read in books approved of by the Roman Church, that the Almighty sometimes avails himself of a king to casti • gate a pope, or a pope to castigate a king. If your holiness cannot recognise nor bless the King of Ital^^ as such, you can at least bless in him the instrument of which Divine Providence avails himself for ends beyond our penetration. FIXANXIAL DIFFICULTIES. 2/9 Meantime the question of the separation of the Church and State, and the readjustment of ecclesiastical property, was before Parliament, and the government being defeated with a motion of censure, resolved to appeal to the country in a general election. The king's speech on opening the new Parliament, March 22, will give a general idea of the state of affairs. The nation was now on the verge of bankruptcy, and nothing but the secularisation of Church property could save its credit. TJie Kings SpctxJi. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — For the good of Italy, which has confided her destinies to me, I esteemed it well that the representation of the country should calm itself at the sources of national suffrage. I hope that it has there derived a consciousness of the grave necessities of the country, and the strength to provide for them. We have had the time for bold propositions and daring enterprises. I met them confident in the sanc- tity of the cause which God had called me to defend. The nation replied eagerly to my voice. With har- mony and persevering labour we acquired indepen- dence and we maintain liberty. But now that her existence is assured, Italy requires that we do not, in intemperate rivalries, lose the vigour of mind and soul which is necessary to give her wise and stable laws ; so that, in peace and tranquillity, those elements of prosperity which Providence bestows so largely, may have time to fructify. The nation expects that Parliament and government will under- take resolutely this work of reparation. The people love and prize institutions in proportion to the benefits they bring them. It is necessary to show that our institutions satisfy the noblest aspirations of efficiency and national dignity, while at the same time afford- ing a guarantee for the good order of the state and the well-being of the population, that in them 28o IJFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. their faith in the liberty which is the honour and the strength of our constitution may not be diminished. For the attainment of this object my government will present for your deliberation a complete scheme for the improvement of the administration, which will strengthen at the same time both liberty and authority. The necessities and engagements of the state hinder me for the present from lightening as I could wish the heavy imposts which weigh upon my people. But a legitimate liquidation of the ecclesiastical assets, a severe economy in the expenses, a diligent applica- tion of the new laws, an austere morality maintained in all parts of the public administration, will operate so that the taxes may become less burdensome. Only the prompt discussion and efficacious execution of the proposed reforms can restore our credit and remove the necessity of new taxes. To-day the question of the finances is for Italy not only a question of supreme interest, but also a question of honour and of national dignity. I doubt not the Parliament will turn all its attention to solve it. On solemn occasions we have promised to Europe that when once we were complete in our entity as a nation, she would find in us a power given to civili- sation, to order, and to peace. It now rests with us to maintain that promise, and to respond to the hopes that we have taught her to conceive of us. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — The honour, the welfare, and the future of Italy are in your hands. If it was a glory to have, with so many sacrifices, conducted to fulfilment the work of our independence, and impressed on the nation the move- ment and vigour of life, it will be no less glory to set her in order within, to make her sure of herself, respected, prosperous and strong. Another ministerial crisis followed on the opening AMEDEO'S MARRIAGE. 28 1 of Parliament. Baron RIcasoli resigned, and Signor Rattazzi was called to form a new ministry. In the April of this year died, comparatively young, Baron Carlo Poerio, to the great grief of the king and the nation. Poerio was the Silvio Pellico of Naples ; he had suffered indescribable martyrdom in the prisons, in the galleys, in exile ; but so far from making a merit of this, he shrank with a painful modesty from any mention of his trials. His simple, beautiful character had won the admiration of Victor Emmanuel, who had conceived for him an immense regard, and felt his death as a national misfortune. On May 30, Victor Emmanuel's second son, Ame- deo, Duke of Aosta, married Maria Vittoria, daughter of Prince Pozzo della Cisterna, — the head of a rich and very ancient Piedmontese famih\ devoted to the national cause. The prince was not much past twenty-one, but his youth was full of promise which his manhood has since fulfilled. As ruler of the most disordered country in Europe, his firmness, courage, and rectitude of purpose were acknowledged even by those who rejected his authority. The bitterest enemies of monarchy find it difficult to pick a hole in the character of Amedeo of Savoy — save only that he has a slight dash of the superstition of his fathers. The bride was in every way worthy of the noble prince who had chosen her, and the marriage was — for a royal marriage — a wonderfully happy one. The princess being Italian made this matrimony particularly acceptable to the nation, and there were great rejoicings and demonstrations of loyalty on the occasion. 2S3 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL CHAPTER XXVII. MENTANA. A.D. 1 86/. Meantime things were going from bad to worse in Rome. The hatred between the governing and the governed was becoming fiercer and more uncontrollable. The Inquisition was at work to discover treason as well as heresy, seditious acts and words were punished with extreme rigour, the sentences passed being in many cases unjust ; the soldiers of the foreign legion were insolent and overbearing, and the patience of the Romans was quite exhausted. The immense number of ecclesiastics congregated in the capital and filling every office of the state, and the close connection which many of them had with the old nobility, made the clerical party still for- midable, supported as it was by a strong military force. Nevertheless, the citizens resolved to appeal to arms once more, though many of their most daring spirits were in prison, in the galleys, or in exile. The liberator, who had listened to the ' cry of anguish ' from the provinces, seemed deaf to all their entreaties, and preached patience to them while the rest of Italy was congratulating herself on being * made.' So they turned their hopes to the rash but generous chief who had made so many hopeless efforts to aid them in the past. During the five years that had elapsed since Aspromonte, Garibaldi had lived in retirement in Caprera, nursing his wound and brooding over the disjointed state of the world, which he was firmly convinced would never be set right till all the priests were exterminated. This hostility to the clergy endeared him to the Romans ; and almost all the popular songs of this time had the Caviicia Rossa for a hero. They asked him where did he hide himself when the voice of Italy called him : why did he not take his flight to the Capitol, where the bones of Brutus and Cassius summoned him .' Was he afflicted, suffering, depressed } Then he was all the more dear to ROME OR DEATH I 283 them for those very reasons ; the scorn of the Moderates onl}- made him the greater — Ed Aspromonte farti non possa Meno magnanimo, Camicia Rossa ! He responded to the call, and took the field once more, with the old cry of ' Rome or death ! ' — magic words, which drew hundreds of ardent young enthusiasts into the ranks of his veteran band of volunteers, ready at the bidding of their chief to undertake any desperate enterprise. The clerical part}- in Rome, knowing the disaffection that reigned in the city, and dreading the approach of the Garibaldians, made an outcry which was echoed by the Ultramontanes in France — all declaring that the Italian Government was false to the convention of 1864. The cr}- of the papal party frightened the vacillating emperor into ordering a large body of troops to embark for Civitavecchia to protect the Pontifical States. Victor Emmanuel found himself in a most embar- rassing position. Saving only the first year of his reign he never had passed through such a difficult and trying one — with regard to public affairs —as this year of 1867. All the complications of the Roman question were becoming more intricate. He was pledged to protect the papal frontier, but not to occupy the territory' with his troops. And now that it was about to be invaded b}- Italian volunteers, in defiapce of the king's government, how was he to fulfil his compact without sending troops across the frontier ? Fearful agitation reigned, not only in the capital, but throughout Italy, the sympathy of the whole nation being with the Romans and the Garibaldians. The king's sympathies there is no doubt were with them also. It was hard for him, feeling as he did, to act the unpopular part which diplomacy dictated and the interest of the country demanded. To make matters worse, the ministry was in a critical position ; in fact no ministry had had any stabilit}' since 284 I^IFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. the convention of 1864, and consequently great care and responsibility fell upon the king. Orders were given to use severe repressive measures with the volun- teers ; Garibaldi was arrested, and, at his own request, carried to Caprera, where he was kept in honourable confinement. Victor Emmanuel could not bear to sub- ject the general to harsh treatment, for he was still suffering from the effects of his wound at Aspromonte ; and the memory of that day was bitter to the king. Garibaldi's body might be imprisoned at Caprera, but, like old John Brown, His soul went marching on. The fire which he had fanned into a flame could not be quenched. It increased in fury when the news arrived that a French army was embarking at Toulon to re-occupy the Roman State ; and a civil war, or war with France, seemed imminent. At this unhappy moment the Rattazzi ministry, unable to cope with such overwhelming difficulties, resigned. The king called in General Cialdini ; but to compose a ministry at such a crisis of public affairs was no easy matter. Many days passed before anything was decided with regard to the constitution of the new cabinet. The volunteers gather- ing strength and determination, approached the Roman frontier. The king and the country had often felt Cavour's loss, but never more than at this terrible juncture, when Victor Emmanuel stood alone, trying to guide the tempest-tossed ship of state from foundering on the rocks which threatened her with destruction. His Neapolitan biographer, in speaking of this period, says : — I have already had occasion to note, but the repetition is not superfluous, the rare acumen with which Victor Emmanuel solved the most delicate constitutional questions, and in the most difficult moments knew how to draw himself out of an imbroglio by wise, and in every way unexceptionable resolutions. That would be a title to merited praise even in a king of THE king's appeal TO THE ITALIANS, 285 England, descended in a long line from constitutional princes, because they have drunk in and been pene- trated with the teaching which is derived from con- stant observance of the traditions of Parliament. But it excites marvel in a king like Victor Emmanuel, the first of his race to exercise the prerogative, lofty but at the same time most delicate, of a constitutional sovereign. It is an example unique in history. General Cialdini failing to construct a ministrj', General Menabrea hastily collected together a few devoted • adherents of the throne, who, like the king, were ready to sacrifice their popularity to save the country from imminent danger. Strong measures were taken to maintain public order. The royal troops were ordered to guard the papal frontier, hoping to check the Garibaldian movement and induce the volunteers to unite themselves with the regular army. Royal Proclaniatio?t. Italians! — Bands of volunteers, excited and seduced by the work of a faction, without authority from me or my government, have violated the frontier of the state. The respect due equally by all citizens to the laws and international conditions sanctioned by the Parliament and by me, establishes in these grave circumstances an inexorable obligation of honour. Europe knows that the banner raised in the neighbouring lands, on which was written the destruc- tion of the supreme spiritual authority of the Head of the Catholic religion, is not mine. This attempt places the common country in grave peril, and imposes on me the imperious duty of saving the honour of the nation, by not allowing to be confounded in one two causes absolutely distinct — two objects totally diverse. Italy must be secured against the dangers that may come. Europe must be convinced that Ital}-, faithful to her engagements, does not wish to be, and 286 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IT. will not be, a disturber of the public order. War with our allies would be a fratricidal war between two armies which have fought for the same cause. I am the depository of the right of declaring peace or war for the nation, and I cannot tolerate the usurpation of it. I trust therefore that the voice of reason will be listened to, and that the Italian citizens who are violating that right will quickly place them- selves in the ranks of our troops. The perils and the disorders w^iich this ill-advised project may create among us ought to be forsworn by them, who should maintain firmly the authority of the government and the inviolability of the laws. The honour of the country is in my hands, and the confidence that the nation had in me in her days of mourning shall not be disappointed. When the excitement has calmed down and public order is fully re-established, then my government, in agreement with that of France, and according to the vote of Par- liament, will try sincerely by every loyal effort to find a solution which will put a termination to the grave and important question of the Romans. Italians ! — I have and always will put con- fidence in your sense, as you have done in the affection of your king for this great country, which, thanks to our common sacrifices, we have at last placed upon the roll of nations, and which we ought to transmit to our sons honoured and entire. Victor Emmanuel. Florence, October 27, 1867. Meantime negotiations were being carried on with the French Government to impede the disembarkation of the troops at Civitavecchia. General La Marmora was despatched in hot haste to remonstrate with the emperor, and tell him, if he did not want to see the young nation sunk in a bloody revolution, to refrain from interference. The Marquis Pepoli being then in the French capital, also had an interview with Napoleon III., and communicated the result to the king, who tele- graphed a reply to the following effect : — THE KING'S TRYING POSITION. 287 To tJic Marquis Pepoli, Paris. Received your report. I thank you. The government, desiring to make known to the Emperor of the French the new condition of the country, which is alarming, sends La Marmora. You will go to the emperor to-day or to-morrow. Tell him on my word, that, in case of the French disembarkation, we should occupy part of the Pontifical territory, this occupation shall not be political; and I pledge my- self that no complication or misadv^enture .^hall happen between the French and us in pursuance of the orders that I have given ; tell him that I find it impossible to act otherwise because of the great excitement of the country. Turin is already rising, and Naples threatens to do so ; I am to call troops to arms, because Parliament, which had taken them from us, is not now able to repress the disturbances. Entreat the emperor to believe in my good faith and friendship for him, but ask him to consider my position. Tell him if the Garibaldian bands are repulsed (by the papal troops) we will disarm them. Let the emperor tell me immediately where we can hold a congress. I think Savona a convenient place ; and the sooner it is done the better for both of us. Write me something by telegraph, and then start at once and come to me with the latest news. I have need of you here ; your presence is necessary in these difficult moments. Victor Emmanuel. Oct. 30 ; hour 3.45. This telegram, the composition of which shows that it was written in great haste and agitation, will give a faint idea of the distress and anxiety which the king suffered at this period. * Do not think of me,' he said to his ministers; 'think only of saving Italy by any measures possible. Do what you esteem best ; I will bear the consequences.' In spite of the ill-regulated zeal of the volunteers and their disobedience to his authority, Victor Em- 288 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. inanuel had a great tenderness for those misguided youths ; and he had earnestly hoped that his proclama- tion would have recalled them to a sense of their duty as citizens and subjects. In the hope of winning them over to join the ranks of the royal army, the Italian troops were ordered to cross the papal frontier. This precaution was interpreted in a hostile sense by the Pontifical authorities, who loudly proclaimed that the King of Italy had violated the convention. It was well for them, however, that Victor Emmanuel stood between them and the seething fury of the nation at that moment ; if he had slackened the reins of govern- ment and let the storm take its course, guided by the republican leaders, history would have had a different story to tell than the defeat of the volunteers at Men- tana. Whoever has read Garibaldi's book, The Ride of the Monk, will be able to form an idea of how the clergy were regarded by the Republican party, and the fate that would have been allotted to the dignitaries of the Church had they come into power. Happily for hu- manity and civilisation, a wise, firm, and tolerant prince was at the head of the state, who, in order to maintain his treaty in the spirit, sacrificed the letter. But matters had gone too far with the Romans and their sympathisers outside to admit of a peaceable termination. Menotti Garibaldi, at the head of the volunteers, had entered the State of the Church, and the inhabitants rose as one man to welcome them and join their ranks. In each town their forces were aug- mented ; they passed through the country defeating the papal troops everywhere, and marched on the Eternal City. It had been pre-arranged that the con- spirators in the city were to admit the invading forces by the gate of St. Paul ; but the government having discovered a great quantity of firearms concealed near this gate, the plot miscarried. The rebels, surprised, made a desperate resistance, but were overcome and cut down with great havoc ; those outside, attempting an entrance, also fell victims to the well-armed and well- disciplined Swiss Guards. The leader of the rebel DEFEAT OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 289 band was the brother of the late prime minister of Italy, Cairoli, who won so much renown, in November last, by sa\ang his king's life almost with the sacrifice of his own. Young Cairoli fell mortally wounded, and ex- pired crying, Vtfa Roma ! Deeds of great brutality were afterwards committed by the papal soldiers, but were disowned by the government when they came to be publicly known. The Roman Consulta, or senate, presented a petition to the Pope, signed by 12,000 citizens, entreating him to call Victor Emmanuel's army to Rome, as the only means of restoring order and peace. But that was the last course which Pius would have thought of adopting. Meantime Garibaldi, having escaped from Caprera, took the field once more, and met with a decided success at ]\lonterotundo, a few miles from Rome, 8co prisoners remaining in his hands. At the head of 3,000 men he reached Mentana, where he encountered the French army, which the emperor had sent to defend the temporal power. Superior in numbers, in discipline, and in arms, the French made fearful havoc in the ranks of the volunteers, who fell under the deadly fire of the cJiassepots like grass before the scythe. At this moment Pepoli arrived from Paris, and found the king almost broken-hearted, brooding over the thought of all the generous young blood which ensan- guined the field of Alentana. He agreed to recall his troops from the papal territory, so as to give no one an excuse for saying he violated the convention. Who will blame him if at that moment his heart was full of bitter- ness towards his ' august ally,' who Jiad all but ruined at the last moment the work of his lifetime .-* He directed the marquis to write a letter to the emperor. When Pepoli had written it he gave it to the king to read, who exclaimed, * How is this } you have said nothing about the chasscpots. Ah, those cJiasscpots have mortally wounded my heart as father and as king. I feel as if the balls had torn my flesh here,' and he put his hand to his breast. * It is one of the greatest griefs that I have ever known in all my life.' U 290 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL The marquis having supplied the omission, handed the letter again to the king, and observed the tears rolling down his cheeks as he murmured ' Povcri giovani ' (poor youths). The Marquis Pcpoli to the Emperor of the French. Sire, — The king's government, in recalling the Italian troops from Roman territory, has rendered a service, in my opinion, not only to Italy, but to the cause of liberty in Europe, avoiding fatal complications and a civil war. It finds itself, however, in a dubious and grievous position with regard to the country. It finds itself accused of having ceded to foreign pressure, which is the worst and most cruel accusation which can be brought against a government. It is necessary that it should be reinforced, if it is to govern the country with a firm hand, if it is to vindicate the principle of offended authority, if it is, without going beyond the laws, to find in the laws themselves the remedy for the evils that torment Italy. Your majesty will effectively contribute to this by removing even the appearance of an alliance with the Clerical party, which would be, I will not say fatal to Italy, but most fatal to France, and the Napoleonic dynasty. I dare to hope that your majesty will not hesitate to do this, because if the need of satisfying the national susceptibilities, and the obligation of respecting your own word, counselled you to refuse every demand to suspend the expedition to Rome, the same reasons do not exist to-day to make you refuse to recall your army. No ; the permanence of the French banner at Rome would not be a pledge to the national honour, but to the ireful vengeance of the reactionary party. I dare affirm that the return of the French expedition would be saluted by all liberal Europe with joy, and that an immense majority of the French people would applaud it. Believe me, your majesty, it is best to break with a UNHAPPY CONSEQUENCES OF MENTANA, 29 1 party which dreams of commencing the restoration at Rome and finishing it at Paris. Do not league yourself with the Legitimist clericals. Your majesty can, if you will, be the head of the Liberal party in Europe, of that party which has the future in its hands, which will regenerate the world, in spite of the efforts of the feudal party. It is your majesty's mission to finish once for all with the old world ; you ought to hav^e the glory of uniting religion and liberty. You have made the word of France respected ; you can, if you will, re- conquer lost ground, complete the work initiated, and be the Charlemagne of liberty in Europe. Pardon, sire, if I have spoken with my customary frankness. But Italy to-day, after the withdrawal of her own troops, has a right to ask justice from Europe. If your majesty follows a liberal policy in Rome, the benefits of it will react on the internal policy of France. The late events have suffocated every remem- brance of gratitude in the heart of Italy. It is no longer in the power of the government to maintain the alliance with France. The cJiassepot gun at Mentana has given it a mortal blow. But this alliance is not contemptible, sire ; it is an alliance more safe and effective than that of the Clerical party. Your majesty can, if you will, without offend- ing the dignity of your nation, revi\-ify it and make it fruitful. GiOACHixo Pepoli. Florence, Nov. 6, 1S67. But while Victor Emmanuel wept the fate of the brave youths who fell at Mentana, he had to vindicate his outraged authority by punishing those who survived. The leaders of the movement were arrested, and the arch-offender, Garibaldi, was conducted to the fortress of Varignano a close prisoner. He was cheered en- thusiastically at Spezia, and at every place where he was seen. He was once more the hero of the day, and Victor Emmanuel was under a cloud. After order had 292 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. been restored somewhat, Garibaldi, whose health was much broken, asked and obtained the royal pardon, and was once more conducted to Caprera. Certainly, between the Garibaldians, and the reac- tionists, and the French emperor, Victor Emmanuel did not lie on a bed of roses. He had been forced to act a part most repugnant to his feelings, which placed him in a false position towards his subjects and involved him in unmerited unpopularity. Between two evils he had chosen the least, resolved to do his duty at any personal cost ; but the trial was great. ' I have the honour of bearing the title of king, and sometimes I find it very heavy/ Victor Emmanuel once wrote in a private letter ; and we can well believe it. To constitute a vast kingdom out of a number of small states long divided, to ' make ' a nation, as he expressed it, out of such ele- ments as went to compose the ' geographical expression ' known as Italy, involved a herculean labour which few men would have had the strength and perseverance to conduct to a finale, and which could not possibly be accomplished without many difficulties and trials. We can imagine him sometimes, weary of the fitful fever of his existence, looking with envy at a sovereign like Queen Victoria, calmly reposing on the broad and solid foundations of an old hereditary and constitutional monarchy. The ministry, as the Marquis Pepoli had said, was in a dubious and painful position. The Chambers were reopened on December i, when the Roman question was put under discussion and gave occasion to passionate debates. One deputy proposed a resolution to approve the conduct of the government, expressing regrets that the friendly relations with France had suffered, and declaring in explicit terms that Italy had a moral right to Rome. The resolution was rejected by a majority of two. ' In the majority there were deputies of the extreme right who would not agree to the affirmation of Italy's right to Rome ; deputies of the left, who would not express regrets for the altered relations with France ; deputies of the centre, who were irritated by the THE pope's faith IN MIRACLES. 293 offensive words pronounced with regard to Italy in the French rostrum ; and those deputies who habitually oppose any ministry whatever.' The ministry re- signed, and the king accepted their resignation, but immediately empowered General IMenabrea to form a new cabinet. At the time of the ministerial crisis there arrived in Florence a distinguished traveller on his way to Rome — an English statesman for whom Victor Emmanuel had a profound respect. Lord Clarendon was an old ac- quaintance ; and the king talked freely to him of his difficulties and perplexities, and asked him to be the bearer of a message to the Pontiff. He begged him to assure his holiness of his affection, which no political dissension had power to change ; to lay before him the true state of affairs, and to say that the longer the policy of resistance lasted, seeking support from foreign inter- ventions, the more painful would be the inevitable end. Lord Clarendon delivered the message. ' They are strange people, these Italians, pretending to unite Italy without my aid,' said the Pope. Lord Clarendon sug- gested that his holiness might aid in the process by sending his blessing to the King of Italy. But Pius was still obdurate. He said he did not trust in foreign in- ter\^entions, but in some miracle of Providence. ' Pro- vidence has worked miracles, your holiness, during the last ten years, but all in favour of Italy,' was the prompt reply of the Englishman. CHAPTER XXVIII. MARRIAGE OF THE CROWN PRINCE. — ANECDOTES OF VICTOR EMMANUEL'S CHARITY. — SPANISH REVOLU- TION. A.D. 1 868. Humbert, Prince of Piedmont, was now in his twenty- fourth year, an unusually long time for a crown prince to be permitted to live in single blessedness. His 294 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. younger brother was already provided with a wife, and that he had escaped matrimony so long was owing to a fatal accident which had carried off the young archduchess who had been fixed upon as a suitable match to strengthen the growing friendship between the Houses of Savoy and Hapsburg. When a decent time had elapsed after this misfortune, the king ordered his prime minister to find him a bride for the prince. ' Voglio assohitanicntc ch' Ella mi trovi ima sposa per Umberto' General Menabrea promptly replied that she was already found ; there was only wanting the will of his majesty and the consent of the prince. It was the daughter of the Duke of Genoa, the Princess Margherita, whom he had fixed upon as the future Queen of Italy. The king had not thought of his niece in this light ; so he asked the general to tell him about the qualities of the princess, and what had suggested the idea to him. Menabrea related anecdotes illustrative of her noble disposition, strength of character, delicacy of feeling, and dilated on the advantage of securing this flower of wo- manhood to the House of Savoy and the Italian nation, before she was snatched up by the Prince of Roumania, who was about to offer her his hand. The king listened with increasing satisfaction, and then, striking the table with his fist, as he often did when he was excited, exclaimed — ' Bravo ! from all that you have related I recognise in her the Savoy blood. Now that you have told me so many nice things about my niece, I will go and assure myself of it personally.' He set out for Turin immediately, and arrived unex- pectedly at the palace of the Duchess of Genoa. In private conversation with the princess he fully satisfied himself that all he had heard of her goodness was true, and henceforth he took her to his heart as a daughter. , The Duke of Genoa died young, leaving his two children, Margherita and Tommaso to the guardianship of their mother, and their uncle the king, with injunc- tions that they should be educated in patria ; he had great faith in early impressions, and he wished his MARGHERITA AND UMBERTO. 295 children to love their country as he and his brother did. Margherita was now a lovely girl of eighteen, delicately fair, with eyes of a deeper hue than usually accompany a blonde complexion, and a smile of be- witching sweetness. That smile is always ready in answer to the loyal and affectionate greetings of the people ; whether it be gay or sad, and we hav-e seen it both, it goes straight to the hearts of the Italians, and stirs a sentiment of respectful admiration in the foreign spectator. IMargherita's excellent qualities, winning sweetness of character, and personal grace, have endeared her to the nation in an extraordinary degree, particularly since her husband came to the throne. As princess she was beloved, as queen she is absolutely adored. It is probable that the proposition of marriage with Umberto was agreeable to the princess ; the Savoy family entertain a high .opinion of one another, and no doubt she liked her kinsman better than the Prince of Roumania, a foreigner whom she had never seen. Umberto readily gave his consent. Princes must marry whether they like it or not, and this being the case, where could he find so desirable a bride as his fair cousin ? So the marriage was quickly arranged. Prince Umberto had, like his father, early earned for himself the reputation of a gay character. But Victor Emmanuel's kingly virtues and genial pleasant ways made people overlook and excuse the faults from which princes are so rarely exempt, while Umberto, being as yet untried in public life, had no title to the gratitude or forbearance of the nation. His manners moreover were not conciliator}-; being of a reserved and undemonstrative nature, he had no aptitude for exchanging the small at- tentions which the Italians call nioine, and which go a long way in winning their affections. Consequently he was popular only so far as that he was his father's son and a Savoy prince, and that he had proved himself a true soldier in the campaign of 1S66. But this was enough to call forth great rejoicings on the occasion of his marriage, and to sustain the hope that when the time came to act, he would prove himself a worthy successor 296 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL of the great founder of Italian independence. That hope has been justified. Umberto has shown himself a man of excellent sense, tact, and good feeling ; and he has gradually and quietly grown into the heart of the nation, where he now reigns supreme. Victor Emmanuel was very fond of his heir. ' I know Umberto,' he said once ; ' he is an excellent youth ; he has good sense and a good heart ; he will do well.' One of his ministers relates the following anecdote. Returning from Milan, where he had had an interview with the prince, he repeated the conversation to the king in all its particulars, even to some expressions of affec- tion which the young man had used in speaking of his father. The king listened with pleased attention. Just then a letter was handed to him which proved to be from his son. When he had read it he turned to the minister with visible emotion, and said — 'You are right. I wish you to read this letter ; you will see how Umberto writes to me. In my family no one knows how to feign, much less when they are but twenty years old. You are right in what you tell me.' Subsequent events have proved how unfeigned, how profound, was Umberto's affection for his father, and it is satisfactory to know that they understood one another. The marriage was celebrated at Turin with great pomp, in presence of all the royal family. There came from Paris the Prince Napoleon and Princess Clotilde, as well as Queen Pia of Portugal, and Prince Frederic of Prussia ; between the latter of whom and the Savoy family a great intimacy sprang up. The civil marriage was gone through on April 28, and the religious ceremony the following day in the cathedral, the Bishop of Savona officiating. On this occasion the king instituted a new order of knighthood, called La Corona d' Italia. The bride and bridegroom made a tour of all the principal cities in Italy, Rome of course excepted. But the Roman ladies, notwith- standing their mourning for the sad events of the prece- ding autumn, presented an address and a magnificent garland to the princess. THE king's clemency AND CHARITY, 297 The Roman question kept up a constant atmosphere of political agitation, but the king and the government tried to calm the excited state of men's minds by turn- ing the attention of Parliament to more prosaic subjects, such as public instruction, assimilating the laws of the different states of the kingdom, and other like questions. The king was not opposed to capital punishments in theory, but he was always disposed to seize upon any extenuating circumstance to commute a capital sentence. In this year there was in the ministry a Signor Filippo, keeper of the seals, whom Victor Emmanuel liked very much, and christened ' the mild minister.' He had, however, repeatedly opposed the royal desire to extend a pardon to different criminals. ' How is it,' asked the king one day, ' that you who are so gentle to the appeals of others always exercise towards me the greatest severity .'' ' ' Your majesty must be aware that they turn to the king as a last extreme, that is, when they have failed in every attempt with the ministers.' ' Yes, I understand,' replied the king. ' I fear I am in the position of a physician of the first order, who is generally called in when the case is desperate, the patient at the end of life, and it is next to impossible to save him. I do not complain of you ; on the contrary', I commend you for doing your duty. I wish justice to be done, and grace extended only to those who merit it.' The king's character, ho\vever, was so well known that he was beset by such petitions continually, and it often cost him an effort to reject them. He made no effort, however, to resist the appeals for pecuniary help from those in distress. To such his heart and purse were ever open ; and his charities were done in such an unosten- tatious, unsystematic way that the world can never form any just estimate of all he did. Of the many anecdotes we have heard illustrative of his kindliness and liberality during his six years' residence in Florence, we take two or three. One day the king came home from a walk very much disturbed, and sent for the President of the Council. 298 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL XL ' I have met a poor mutilated soldier who was wounded at San Martino,' he said ; ' he is not able to work, and he is starving, because they have never given him a pension. Speak to the Minister of War immediately about it. I wish the wrong done to this poor fellow to be remedied without delay.' But he did not wait for the War Office to set matters right. He sent the crippled soldier a considerable sum from his private purse. One day, as the king was driving out of the palace court, a poor old woman trying to offer him a petition, fell, and the carriage was near passing over her. In answer to his inquiries if she were injured, his attendants assured him that she was not. * But the carriage almost ran over her,' said the king ; ' she must have been dread- fully frightened, and she ought to have some compensa- tion.' Next day a royal messenger arrived at the poor habitation of the old woman with the sum of one hun- dred francs. ' Oh, what a lucky fall ! ' she exclaimed when the notes were handed out to her ; ' what a blessed fall ! ' A short time ago a lady who resides in Florence related to us the following little incident. A woman who was employed in the pension where she was staying had a son called out for military service, which she thought a great hardship. One day she came home in good spirits, and entering the apartment of the lady showed her some pieces of gold. The lady asked her where she had got it. ' From the king's own hand. I have come from the Palazzo Pitti,' was the reply. ' Impossible ! You never would have been admitted to his presence.' ' No ; but I waited at the gate till he was coming out, and I told him they had taken my son for a soldier, and asked him to release him. " My good woman," says he, " I can do nothing for you ; they have taken my two sons to be soldiers, and I cannot release them." Then he put the gold in my hand, saying, " Mind ; do not come back any more." ' The royal carriage was just driving up to the door of the theatre one evening, when two shabbily dressed AN UNWELCOME GIFT. 299 women, who had been lying in wait, hastily approached. One of them drew something from under her cloak, and a large heavy object came into the carriage, striking the king in the face and knocking off his hat. It proved to be a hard square cushion, embroidered with beads and gold braid. Victor was very angry. He entered the theatre carr}-ing the offending cushion in his hand. The first person he met was Signor Fausto — who tells the story — just at the door of the royal box. He was crimson in the face, partly from a sense of outraged majesty and partly, perhaps, from the hard and crushing properties of the gorgeous cushion. ' Go,' said he, ' and see who is that madwoman who has permitted herself the liberty of throwing this in my face.' The gentleman hastened to obey, and found the unfortunate delinquent trembling outside the door, ex- pecting some terrible sentence. She was a poor actress, employed in the humblest position in the theatre. She had no treasonable nor offensive intention towards his majesty ; the sofa-pillow was meant as a present. Mean- time the story had spread, and the head of the police had come to examine the mysterious cushion, to see if it contained an Orsini bomb, or anything dangerous and explosive. When Fausto returned to the royal box he explained that the cushion was simply meant as a gift. ' Well, then,' said Victor, holding it disdainfully by the tassel, 'take it to her and say I have no need or use for such an article.' As he was handing it to a servant, a note fastened to one of the tassels caught his eye ; he opened and looked at it, and then read it to the gentlemen present. The petitioner prayed his majesty to deign to accept this humble offering from ' the poor mother of a family over- come by financial difficulties.' 'Ah, the usual moral,' said the king, nodding his head with a smile. His good humour was restored. Next evening, his majesty being again at the theatre, he called Signor Fausto to his box. ' What has become of the famous lady of the cushion ? ' he asked. 300 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. ' The poor creature has been dismissed by the man- ager,' was the reply. 'Ah, I am sorry for that. Go to him in my name, and ask him to pardon her,' said the king. Then turning to one of his gentlemen he said — ' Take her 250 francs, and tell her never to throw anything in my face again — at least not without warning me first; In this year took place the Spanish revolution, and Queen Isabella, the implacable enemy of civil and reli- gious liberty, was chased from the throne and country. She was the last of European sovereigns to recognise the kingdom of Italy, and when pressed to do so had sent as her representative one who had been a courtier of the King of Naples and a professed enemy ^f Italian unity. The downfall of another Bourbon could not be otherwise than pleasing to Victor Emmanuel, who very soon opened friendly relations with the provisional government established by the leaders of the revolu- tion. Marshal Prim's admiration of Victor Emmanuel suggested the idea of offering the throne of Spain to a prince of the House of Savoy. The subject w^as ven- tilated in Spain and Italy some time before the proposi- tion was actually made. The king w^as not averse to it. To restore order to Spain was a dangerous and difficult enterprise, but if one of his family succeeded in the task, it would open up immense advantages to Italy and the Liberal cause ; and for the prince who accom- plished the regeneration of that unfortunate country it would win immortal honour. THE DUKE OF PUGLIA. ^OI CHAPTER XXIX. 3IRTH OF AMEDEO'S SON. — DANGEROUS ILLNESS OF THE KING. — BIRTH OF UMBERTO'S SON. A.D. 1 869. Meantime the young prince against whose peace the statesmen of Spain and Italy were plotting, still happy in his liberty, was just rejoicing over the birth of a little son, which took place on January 15. It was Victor Emmanuel's first Italian-born grandson, and he was delighted beyond measure. He hastened to Genoa, where the Duke and Duchess of Aosta were staying when the happy event took place, baptized him by the name of his most illustrious ancestor, Emanuele Filiberto, and bestowed upon him the title of Duke of Puglia. Congratulator)' addresses poured in on the king and the prince from all parts of the country, and the Genoese made great demonstrations of loyalty on the occasion. The king's thanks were conveyed in a letter the stilted style of which plainly shows that it was not written by himself. Victor Eviviamiel to the Syndic of Genoa. Illustrissimo Signor Sindaco della citta di Genova, — The new testimony of attachment which we have received from our good city of Genoa, on the occasion of the birth of our grandson, the Duke of Puglia — of which your lordship was the interpreter to our beloved son, the Duke of Aosta — has been ver>^ 'pleasing to us. It is not new to us, however, the affection of our Genoese for our person and for our house, the most solemn testimony of which we considered to be your valid co-operation, which never failed us, in the grand undertaking of the reconstruction of the nation, to which we dedicated our life. You were examples of pa- triotism in the hard struggles and sacrifices of the days of battle, and now you are examples to the Italians in the laboriousness of your industries and 302 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL your commerce. If Italy will follow this impulse and this example, which speaks encouragingly in the multiplicity of your dockyards and your workshops, she may pursue her path in safety to reach those destinies to which the records of your fathers point. As they carried gloriously and puissantly the banner of St. George, so you and your sons shall bear, we are certain, gloriously and puissantly the banner of Italy. Victor Emmanuel. On his return from Genoa the king made a tour in the south of Italy. In the spring he received visits from several members of the royal family of Russia, and some distinguished Austrians, among whom was General Moring, who had arranged the treaty of peace. Victor Emmanuel won golden opinions among his old enemies when they came to know him personally. ' Your sovereign is a true king,' said one of the Austrian visitors on this occasion to General Menabrea. The Empress of the French, on her way to the East, touched at Venice, and the King of Italy with four of his ministers hastened to the City of the Lagunes to give her a hospitable reception. Later there came from the opening of the Suez Canal the Austrian minister, Count de Beust, to visit the king, at the request of the em- peror. Victor made him a knight of the SS. Annun- ziata. The moment the Austrians were well ' over the border,' within the natural confines of their own state, and the treaty signed that was to keep them there, Victor Emmanuel's heart began to expand towards the Hapsburg family, with which he had been closely allied by marriage, though national and dynastic hatreds had held them divided so many years. Now that his vow was fulfilled, it was easy for him to bury every bitter remembrance of the past and offer a cordial friendship to his old hereditary foe, who could not doubt the sincerity of that friendship, seeing that he had been so sincere an enemy. The emperor responded warmly to his advances, and the kindly feeling grew DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 3O3 rapidly, so that there was a project of a matrimonial alliance between the two houses, which, however, was blasted by death. No one would have suspected that there was any lurking tenderness in Victor Emmanuel's heart towards the House of Austria from the year 1848 to 1866, during which period he seemed to be in a chronic state of fiery indignation against it. Yet according to his own confession after peace was made, he had suffered much from this state of things, and it ^\as an immense joy to him to be reconciled to those enemies whom he had never been able to forget were still his relations. In the November of this year the king was in his Villa San Rossore, near Pisa, when he was seized by a malignant fever — the same which had twice before threatened his life. It was confidently believed that his constitution must succumb to this third attack ; and he was reduced to such a low state that he gave himself up, and made all arrangements in expectation of a speedy dissolution. It was on this occasion that Victor Emmanuel, doubtless under clerical pressure, went through the religious ceremony of marriage with Rosina, Countess Mirafiore, by whom he had two children, then grown up. The popular version of the transaction which is generally recounted to foreigners is as follows. The king feeling death approaching called a priest, who having heard the confession of the royal penitent, refused him absolution till he would promise to re- store the property robbed from the Church. Where- upon the king replied that he had not sent for his reverence to discuss political questions, which were the work of the Parliament and nation, but to ad- minister ghostly advice to a d)-ing man. Then the baffled priest attacked the monarch in his vulnerable point. ' You have here with you a woman vrho is not your wife.' ' Peccavi' said the king ; ' in that }-ou have a right to dictate to me ; what ought I to do .' ' ' Marry her,' said the priest. ' Bring her here,' was the penitent's prompt reply. 304 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. And the matrimony was accordingly solemnised at the bedside of the dying king by the priest, whose mali- cious object it was to create dissensions in the royal family. Like most popular stories, this dramatic version of the transaction is not strictly correct ; nor is it to be supposed probable that the public could be exactly informed as to the words that passed between a priest and penitent on a matter so entirely personal as the one in question. We will now quote the account of the scene given by Massari, whom we consider the most trustworthy writer on all matters relating to Victor Emmanuel's private life. He was intimate with the king, his ministers, and the officers of his court, and would naturally have informed himself of all that had passed — or, at least, all that concerned the public to know : — Conscious of his great danger, he with perfect calmness manifested his last wishes, and made all the arrange- ments which he considered suitable. He celebrated in religious form his marriage with the Countess Mira- fiore ; and wishing to receive the comforts of religion, desired expressly that a priest should be called. He, having received the confession of the dying king, said : — ' I cannot give your majesty absolution if you do not first make a solemn retractation of all the acts effected during your reign against the rights of Holy Church.' And he presented a paper with the formula made out, ready for the king's signature. In that supreme and terrible moment, Victor Emmanuel's fortitude and sense of dignity did not fail him. He replied serenely and resolutely : — ' I am a Christian and Catholic, and I die such. If I have done wrong to anyone I repent of it sincerely, and I ask pardon of God. But the signature you ask of me is a political act, and in my quality of constitutional sovereign I cannot execute such an act without the consent of my responsible advisers. Go then into the next room ; there you will find the president of the council of ministers ; talk to him, — he will answer you.' The priest went out, and found in the next room CLERICAL IXSULTS. 305 General ^lenabrea, to wliom he related what had passed, — excusing himself for his conduct by saying that he was acting in accordance with orders received from Cardinal Corsi, of Pisa. The general did not hesitate a moment about his reply. The absolution must be given immediately ; any further insistance to obtain a retractation would be an act of violence to the conscience of the dying ; and he reminded the priest that violence of that sort — especially when exercised towards the sovereign — was punishable by law. The priest had already committed a crime, w^hich if he did not repair, he, the minister, would immediately give orders to the carabiniet'i to arrest him, to the end that justice should be done for the patent offence to the majesty of the sovereign and the laws of the state. The priest submitted to the just and severe rebuke, re-entered the king's room and gave him absolution. Victor Emmanuel had preserv^ed throughout the utmost calmness and sang froid ; but now he experienced such a lively emotion that it brought on a salutary crisis. The king himself, however, told General Menabrea that he owed his recovery^ to a glass of port wine which his valet gave him when all hope was over, — and that immediately on swallowing it he felt life coming back to him. It is not improbable that the sudden revulsion of feeling aided the salutary effect of the wine. This Cardinal Corsi, by whose command the priest had refused the king absolution, was a most violent and uncompromising papalino. When the king went to hear service in the cathedral of Pisa one day, with all his court and a following of citizens which numbered some thousands, he found the great entrance closed against him. Some one proposed forcing the door, and the indignant people only wanted the .slightest assent to give expression to their feelings by some overt act against the priestly authority. But the king, seeing a side door open, said smiling, ' Let us pass in here, my friends ; it is the narrow way that leads to paradise.' X 306 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL Very soon after the same thing happened at Bologna. The king, on visiting the Duomo, was received by one or two inferior clergy at a side entrance. Great indignation was expressed by the citizens, so much so that the bishop was somewhat alarmed, and came to apologise to the king, excusing his absence on the plea of illness. The king replied : — 'You were quite right not to incon- venience yourself, my lord. I do not go to church to visit priests, but to worship God.' The year 1869 had opened with the birth of a prince, and towards the close of it another little Sabaud made his debut. This last, being heir to the throne of Italy, would have made a great noise on his entrance into the world, if his grandfather had not been at that moment hanging between life and death. On November 1 1 the Princess Margherita gave birth to a son who was chris- tened Vittorio Emanuele, Avith the title of Prince of Naples, where he was born. This event prevented Prince Umberto from being with his father at the time of his illness, and the crisis was passed before he learned how great the danger had been. At the end of this year negotiations were opened for a triple alliance between France, Austria, and Italy, but without any result, because the French emperor would not consent to the withdrawal of the troops from Rome, and Victor made that condition a sine qua non for the Italian alliance. This prolonged occupation, in defiance of the wishes of the Romans and the nation at large, as well as those of the king, kept up the bitter memories of the cJiassepots of Mentana, and well-nigh obliterated all feeling of gratitude for the aid Napoleon had given in the liberation of Lombardy. A new Parliament was convoked in November, and the king, for the first time in his reign, refused to open it in person, making his recent illness the excuse ; but the real reason was a deep chagrin at not being able to announce anything definite about the Roman question. Another ministerial crisis followed the opening of the Chambers, and Signor Lanza was called to the head of affairs. BARSAXTI. 307 CHAPTER XXX. FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. A.D. 1870. 'A Roma ci siamo e ci resteremo.' Towards the end of the year 1869 Pius IX. called the famous Ecumenical Council which was to promulgate the doctrine of his infallibility ; and in the beginning of the new year the fathers of the Church came from all parts of the Christian world to the Eternal City. The government resolved to abstain from any interference in ecclesiastical matters and to afford every facility to the bishops to pass through Italian territory on their way to Rome, so long as no offence was given to the civil power. On this occasion Victor Emmanuel appealed to the Liberal bishops who stopped to visit him in Florence, to use their influence for the sake of the country's peace and in the interests of religion, to end the strife between Church and State. They did make an effort to bring about an amicable arrange- ment, but to no purpose, being in a minority ; while the Pope's party, and the Pope himself, were resolute in holding out to the last. On March 24, 1870, there occurred an incident at Pavia which, so far as we know, has not been related by any Italian writer ; and yet, though none of Victor Emmanuel's biographers have thought it of sufficient importance to mention, ' read by the light of sub- sequent events,' it has a certain significance. Since the attempted assassination of the reigning sovereign, and the consequent agitation for the suppression of disloyal societies, the public has heard a good deal about the Circoli Barsanii. What was the origin of the associations, and who was Barsanti .'' the inquiring foreigner asks ; and in reply he hears all sorts of romantic stories — none of them true and most of them absolutely false. It is curious that a public event which happened only eight years ago should be so shrouded in mystery that hardly 3oS lifp: of victor emmaxuel ii. any Italian can tell the facts of the case. Even Signer Lanza, who was then Minister of the Interior, in lately contradicting a false version in the ' Italic,' himself gave an inaccurate account of the affair. The journals have had every variety of story but the true one. Some said Barsanti was a sergeant, who in a republican riot turned treacherously upon his commanding officer and killed him ; others that he was a corporal, and had only drawn upon or slightly wounded his superior, under extenuating circumstances. Others again excited the sympathies of the sentimental by describing Barsanti as a most attrac- tive young hero, who, having somehow mistaken his duty, was cruelly sacrificed by the government of the day, who would not permit the petitioners for royal clemency to approach the king. That Barsanti was twenty years of age, golden-haired, and had a mother, seemed convincing arguments in his favour ; and last December one deputy in his place in the Chamber pro- nounced the execution of this renegade soldier ' an infamy.' It is true he was called to order by the president for the expression ; but the fact of a member of Parliament being so ignorant of the merits of the case as such an opinion implies, seems strange to us. It can only be accounted for in this w^ay. The Italians not being yet habituated to the use of a free press, have not brought theirs quite up to the mark ; journalists have not a sufficient sense of their responsibilities, and private individuals shrink from telling what they know, because they object to be quoted as authorities. It is the cautious, secretive habit engendered by oppressive governments, now happily passed away. A writer in the * Nazione ' of Florence, a respectable and trustworthy daily paper, at last undertook to clear up the disputed question ; and on December i6 there appeared an article in that journal, entitled ' Who was Pietro Barsanti ? ' in which the accusation and sentence were reproduced in their entirety, and the testimony cited of the officers and men of Barsanti's regiment. All goes to prove the baselessness of the theory that he was an ill-used hero. According; to the ' Nazione ' 'A MARTYR OF THE IDEA.' 309 the story of the riot in which he took part is briefly this : — There was much discontent because of the corn- grinding tax, and the repubhcans thought it a good opportunity to stir up a rebeUion ; so they organised an attempt on the two barracks of Pavia, on the night of March 24. Inside of both these barracks there were several accomphces of the conspirators, and one of these perjured soldiers was Corporal Barsanti, a )'oung man who in no way corresponded to the ideal picture drawn by his adherents. He was not blonde, but dark- complexioned, coarse and ordinary in appearance, and so dull of intellect that he was incapable of passing the examination to become a sergeant. On the night of the attack he kept two sergeants locked in a room to prevent them lending assistance in repulsing the attempt, menacing with a revolver a soldier who wished to release them, and endeavouring in every way to seduce his companions from their duty. He did not, however, kill or wound anyone. The young officer Vegezzi was in command of a detachment in the other barrack when he was wounded by a shot from a traitor soldier. They were all tried by court-martial, and Barsanti was shot like the rest ; a petition, got up chiefly by ladies, on the ground of his youth, being firmly re- pulsed by the ministry. The republicans immediately elected him as a ' martyr of the idea,' and endowed him with all the requisite qualities for a hero — the golden hair included. We confess it is not quite clear to us why a blonde traitor should be dealt with more leniently than a brown one. But as the bdla testa bionda has been insisted on by Barsanti's admirers, so the iconoclastic writer above quoted sweeps away this myth with the other fictitious attractions of the re- publican martyr. This was the origin of the Circoli Bar- santi to which belonged the assassin Passanante. The Emperor Napoleon had sacrificed the Italian alliance by persisting in holding his army in the Roman State. He declared war against Prussia without con- 3IO LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. suiting or acquainting Victor Emmanuel with his inten- tions ; the news reached the king when he was chamois- hunting in the Alps, and hot upon it came the tidings of French disasters. It then becoming a matter of necessity to France to call all her available forces into the field, the army was withdrawn from Rome and the Pope left to his own devices. At the same time an appeal was made to the Italian Government for help. It was Victor Emmanuel's generous impulse to aid France, in spite of the coldness that had arisen on the Roman question. France had once befriended Italy, and now she was in distress ; that was enough to establish a claim upon his sympathy. But he found his government utterly averse to any interference in the quarrel. Italy had suffered enough from war ; her financial affairs were not in a satisfactory condition, nor was she in any way bound to aid France, seeing that France had not thought it necessary to take counsel with her on the subject. The king argued the matter vigorously in the council, listened to the objec- tions and combated them with perseverance but good temper, trying hard to win over his advisers to his opinion. But they stood firm, and of course he had to yield. He is reported to have said to the French ambassador — ' I am ready to go to the aid of the emperor, but I do not expect to return here as King of Italy.' His ministers, however, convinced him that such quixotic friendship, though permissible in private life, did not become a sovereign who had the destinies of a natioji depending on him, and he remembered that his first duty was to his country ; being pledged to Italy, he had no right to throw himself away. The surrender of Sedan was a great shock to him'. When the news of the revolution in Paris arrived, Victor Emmanuel naturally thought of his daughter, and sent in haste an escort to conduct her home. But the Princess Clotilde refused to leave her adopted country in its hour of trial. She wrote a letter to her father to thank him for his anxiety about her, and saying that it was impossible for her to abandon Paris at such LAST APPEAL TO THE POPE. 3II a moment. She owed it to her husband, her children, her adopted country, her native countrj', to remain at her post, no matter what might happen. Her brothers or her sister would do the same in the same position, and she knew her father would approve of her resolution, Victor Emmanuel read this letter to his councillors with a proud and flashing eye. He let Clotilde have her way, thinking she was the best judge of what was right under the circumstances. The Romans had been very much excited from the time the war broke out ; and when it became known that the emperor had surrendered himself and his army, and that there was a likelihood of a speedy settlement of the quarrel, they believed they would be abandoned once more to their fate, and got into a state of con- vulsive agitation. They sent one more thrilling appeal to Victor Emmanuel to come and take them before the favourable moment should have passed. Had he been deaf to this last petition it is probable that the despair of the Romans would have led to consequences still more serious than Mentana. But he was at last per- mitted to listen to the grido di dolorc that came from the Eternal City. The decisive moment had arrived. As soon as the resolution was taken, an envoy was despatched to Paris to acquaint the provisional government with the intensions of the king. They replied in effect, ' You may do it because we have no longer the power to hinder you.' The truth is that republican France, strange and inconsistent as it seems, was more opposed to Italian unity than the emperor. Just at the moment when preparations were being made to go to Rome, the Minister of War, General Govone, retired from office, being attacked by a fatal illness which soon after carried him ofT. He left be- hind him a grateful memory of the most devoted and single-minded patriotism, united with the charming qualities which are comprised in the Italian word sim- patico. While General Cadorna was preparing to conduct the Italian troops over the papal frontier, Victor Emmanuel, 312 LIPE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IT. whose heart still yearned for a reconciliation with Pio Nono, addressed a private and confidential letter to him, in which he explained his sentiments, ^and entreated the holy father, for the sake of that Italy which he once loved, to make peace before it was too late. Nothing could be further from his desire than to embitter his old age ; he was ready to abdicate if that would spare him pain, but his successor would be constrained to act as he was doing ; the national asjoirations must be satisfied. It is said that the Pope was moved by this letter ; but if so the impression was transitory — as was that which the words of the Conte di San Martino had pro- duced on him at Gaeta. The same Conte di San Martino was now the bearer of an official letter from the King of Italy to the holy father. Victor Evnnanuel to Pius IX. Most Blessed Father, — With the affection of a son, with the faith of a Catholic, with the soul of an Italian, I address myself now, as on former occasions, to the heart of your holiness. A flood of dangers threatens Europe. Profiting by the war which desolates the centre of the Conti- nent, the cosmopolitan revolutionary party increases in boldness and audacity, and is planning, especially in that part of Italy ruled by your holiness, the direst offences against the monarchy and the papacy. I know that the greatness of your soul will not be less than the greatness of events ; but I, being a Ca- tholic king and Italian, and, as such, guardian by the disposition of Providence and the national will of the destinies of all the Italians, I feel it my duty to take, in the face of Europe and Catholicity, the responsi- bility of maintaining order in the peninsula and the safety of the Holy See. At the present moment, Holy Father, the state of mind of the Roman populations, and the presence among them of foreign troops come from different countries with divers intentions, foments the agitation DANGERS OF DELAY. 313 and the danger. A boiling over of the passions may- lead to the effusion of blood, and this blood is mine. Your duty is to avoid and prevent this ; and I see the immediate necessity for the safety of Italy and the Hoi}' See that my troops, now placed near the frontier, shall occupy certain positions for the secu- rity of your holiness and the maintenance of order. Your holiness will not see in this precaution an act of hostility. My government and my forces will restrain themselves absolutely within the conservative limits of maintaining and guarding the rights of the Roman people, easily reconciled with the inviolability of the Supreme Pontiff, his spiritual authority, and the independence of the Holy See. If your holiness, which I do not doubt — as your sacred character and the benignity of your soul gives me the right to hope — feels the same desire as I do to avoid a conflict and fly the dangers of violence, you can with the Count San Martino, who bears this letter, take counsel concerning the matter now under the consideration of government. Permit me, your holiness, again to say that the present moment is a solemn one for Italy and the Church. Let the popehood add efficacy to the spirit of inextinguishable benevolence in your soul towards this land, which is also your country, and the senti- ments of conciliation which I have always studied to translate into acts, that, satisfying the national aspira- tions, the Head of Catholicity, surrounded by the devotion of the Italian people, should preserve on the banks of the Tiber a glorious seat, independent of every human sovereignty. Your holiness, by liberating Rome from foreign troops, will take from her the constant danger of being the battle-ground of sub\^ersive parties. You will accomplish a marvellous work, restore peace to the Church, and show P^uropc, aghast at the horrors of war, how one can win great battles and obtain immortal victories by an act of justice — by one sole word of affection. 314 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. I pray your holiness to impart to me your Apos- tolic benediction, and to accept my sentiments of profound respect. Your holiness's most humble, most obedient, and devoted Victor Emmanuel. Florence, Sept. S, 1870. Pio Nono received San Martino courteously, and discussed the situation calmly with him. He listened to his assurances that his supreme spiritual authority, his income, his palaces and villas, should be all guaran- teed to him by stringent laws. There was nothing his majesty's government would not do to please his holi- ness — short of abstaining from entering Rome, which could no longer be delayed without risking the exist- ence of the nation. ' Signer contc,' said the Pope, ' I am not a prophet nor the son of a prophet ; but I dare to foretell that the Italian troops shall not enter Rome.' The count lowered his eyes that the Pope should not see him smile at this extraordinary faith, and replied that neither was he a prophet, nor did he pretend to have any relationship with prophets, but he boldly ven- tured to assert that the Italian army should enter Rome before long. He then consigned the king's letter to him. When he had read it, he turned wrathfully on the envoy. ' What is the use of this hypocrisy .'' ' he ex- claimed. ' Cannot he say at once that he wishes to despoil me of my kingdom ? ' San Martino replied that if he had had the compo- sition of that letter he would have used less circumlocu- tion, and said plainly and shortly that Italy, recognising the state of Rome as indispensable to her national being, claimed it as a right. This frankness made Pio Nono smile, for his humour was variable as a woman's. He said, ' You talk of the aspirations of the Romans : you see with your own eyes that the city is quite tranquil' ' Your holiness,' replied the outspoken count, ' I may 'OVER THE BORDER.' 315 claim some credit for this tranquillity. The citizens wished to make me a demonstration on my arrival, but I prevented it.' Pins IX. to Victor Emuiannel. Your Majesty, — The Count Ponza di San Martino has consigned to me a letter which your majesty has been pleased to address to me ; but it is not worthy of an affectionate son who boasts himself a professor of the Catholic faith, and who g'lories in a kingly loyalty. I will not enter into the particulars of that letter, not to renew the pain the first reading occasioned me. But I bless God, who has suffered your majesty to fill with bitterness the last period of life. For the rest, I cannot admit the demands of your letter, nor accept the principles contained therein. I address myself to God, and place my cause in His hands, for it is entirely His. I pray Him to concede abundant grace to your majesty, deliver you from every peril, and render you a participator in all the mercies of which you may have need. Pius PP. IX. From the \'atican, Sept. 11, 1870. The day this letter was written General Cadorna had orders to march. He was received with ovations in all the small towns of the Roman State, and took up his quarters outside the capital in the Villa Spada. Here the Prussian ambassador. Count Arnim, visited him to beg that he would suspend hostilities till the diplo- matic body should try mediation with the Pope. Next day he informed the general by letter that the attempt had been fruitless. The Pope was resolved to make a feint of defending the city, to show the world that it had been taken by violence. Early in the morning the attack was begun at the Leonine Gate, and at ten o'clock the Pia Gate gave way before the artiller>^ A breach was opened in the wall, and the infantry threw them- selves into it, while the defenders poured grapeshot from 3l6 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL the bastions. It was not much of a fight, but some killed and wounded there were, and, seeing how utterly- futile the resistance was, the foreign ambassadors thought it a pity that one life should be lost, and entreated the Pope to send out a flag of truce. He did not yield at first ; not till he heard the invaders were inside the Avails. When the white flag was hoisted on St. Peter's the diplomatic body drove in haste to ask General Ca- dorna to put a stop to the conflict. All the male inha- bitants of the city were in the streets ; they now rushed to the Capitol, where the royal troops were disarming the last papal Zouaves. The great bell rang out while the tricolour was hoisted on the palace, and the multi- tude broke into rapturous applause. They could hardly yet believe that the temporal power was fallen. No more foreign legions, no more spies, no more Holy Offices ! Castel Sant' Angelo and San Michele opened to let out the political prisoners ! All this effected in five hours, after so many years of heartburning and bit- terness, and fruitless conspiracies ! It seemed a dream, so easily was Rome lost and won at the last. But Sep- tember 20, 1870, marks a great epoch in the history of the world. The Pope bore this last blow, as all the preceding ones, with wonderful fortitude. He was a brave old man, and, strong in the faith that his cause was just, he never yielded an inch. ' I cede only to force,' he had said in 1848 ; and now, at eighty years of age, he presented the same resolute front to all persuasions and remonstrances. The vote of the Romans was taken as follows : — For the King . . . 40,785 For the Pope .... 46 This vote w-as enough to satisfy Victor Emmanuel's highest expectations. The dream of his life was accom- plished, and in a manner most flattering to a monarch's pride. Yet this rose was not without its thorn either. To be all sweetness he should have had Pio Nono's blessing, and be crowned, like Charlemagne, by the M. THIERS' VISIT. 317 hands of the venerable Pontiff in that city of glorious raemories where he was henceforth to reign. But he grasped the rose, thorn and all, with the memorable ex- clamation, ' A Roma ci siamo e ci resteremo ! ' CHAPTER XXXI. M. THIERS' APPEAL TO THE KING. — AMEL»EO ACCEPTS THE CROWN OF SPAIX. — LAST PARLIAMENT IN FLORENCE. A.D. 1870. The provisional government of Paris had sent an ambassador to Florence, M. Senard, to whom the king had shown such deep feeling for the misfortunes of France that M. Thiers was encouraged to make a journey to Italy to appeal to the king for help for his unhappy country. He had never been friendly to the House of Savoy, and had always opposed Italian unity ; so he felt the mission a tr>nng and painful one. It is needless to say that Victor Emmanuel was not influenced by what the Frenchman had said about him when he met his appeal by a negative. He received him kindly, and ex- plained that the reasons of state which prevented him aiding the emperor m.ust prevent him aiding the Republic. ' You have been a constitutional minister,' said the king, ' and you know what are the duties of a constitutional monarch.' And he defined those duties with such precision and discernment that Thiers was much struck by his cleverness. He related to a friend what passed in the interview. The king [he said] avoided disagreeable allusions, but he let me know delicately, that he had not forgotten what I had said of him in the tribune. He discussed politics with the most elevated views, and as a man who understands the profession. I thought I should have to do with a soldier, but I found an accomplished statesman. 3l8 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Spain, still in an unsettled state, with a provisional government, once more thought of applying to Italy for a king. Victor Emmanuel considered the task of rescuing Spain from anarchy, and putting her on the road of civilisation and progress, would be one worthy of a prince of Savoy. He had thought of his nephew, the Duke of Genoa, but his extreme youth was an objection, and he finally decided on sending Amedeo. Some Italian statesmen opposed the idea, urging that the prince would be uselessly sacrificed, that Spain was so hopelessly divided and torn by factions, there were so many pretenders to the throne, that the dangers and difficulties would be insurmountable. But the king replied that he knew one of his family would only yield to impossibilities, and he would like to make the trial. Amedeo shrank from the undertaking with a repug- nance which seemed prophetic of disaster, and it took all Victor Emmanuel's influence to persuade his son to accept the proffered crown. As soon as it was known in Spain that he had con- sented, a deputation from the Cortes, headed by the president, Senor Zorilla, came to Florence to make a formal offer of the throne of Spain, in the name of the nation. The deputation was received in state, in the presence of all the court, the ministers, and foreign ambassadors. In a v-ery complimentary address the king's consent was asked to his son's acceptance of the office. Victor EimnamicTs Reply to the Cortes. By this your request, gentlemen, you do honour to my dynasty and to Italy, and you ask a sacrifice of my heart. I accord to my beloved son my consent to accept the glorious throne to which the wish of the Spanish nation calls him. I trust that, with the aid of Divine Providence and the confidence of }^our noble nation, he shall be able to accomplish his mission for the prosperity and the greatness of Spain. The president then turned to the prince, who in a LAST PARLIAMENT IN FLORENCE. 319 voice tremulous with emotion signified his acceptance of the honour. He had not yet learned the truth of the poet's words — Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown, but his good sense must have told him that a king with a conscience has a hard road to travel, particularly in a country degraded by ages of misrule and distracted by recent revolutions. He was not dazzled by the pros- pect ; but in obedience to his father's wishes he resolved to make the trial of restoring order to Spain and esta- blishing a settled government. Though Victor Emmanuel's ambition was gratified by this arrangement, he felt that he was in a manner sacrificing his son. In a private interview with Zorilla he revealed his paternal feelings, and talked in such a way about Amedeo that the Spaniard came out from the audience in tears, and said to the Italian minister, whom he met at the door — ' The king has confided his son to me ; I will be a faithful subject' In the last days of the }'ear 1870 the }'oung King of Spain sailed from Spezia, amidst the mingled joy and grief, smiles and tears, of his countrymen. The last Parliament held in Florence was opened December 5. The King's Speech. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — The year that now closes has astonished the world by the greatness of the events which have come to pass and which no human judgment could have fore- told. Our opinion about Rome we have always loudly proclaimed. And in face of the late reso- lution to which my love of country has conducted me, I have thought it my duty to convoke the national assembly. With Rome the capital of Italy I have fulfilled my promise, and crowned the undertaking which twenty-three years ago was initiated b}' my magna- nimous parent. As a king and as a son, I feel in my 320 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. heart a solemn joy in saluting here assembled the representatives of our beloved country, and in pro- nouncing these words — Italy is free and one. Now it depends on us to make her great and happy. Whilst we celebrate this solemn inauguration of Italy complete, two great peoples of this Continent, glorious representatives of modern civilisation, are torn by a terrible struggle. Bound both to France and to Prussia by memories of recent and beneficial alliances, we are obliged to observe a rigorous neutrality, which is also imposed upon us by the duty of not increasing the strife, and that we may be able to interpose an impartial word between the belligerents. This duty, dictated by humanity and friendship, we will not fail to fulfil, adding our efforts to those of the other neutral powers to put an end to a war Avhich ought never to have broken out between two nations whose greatness is equally necessary to the civilised world. Public opinion, approving by its support this policy, has shown once more that Italy free and united is for Europe an element of order, of liberty, and of peace. This attitude facilitated our task, when, for the defence of the national territory, and to restore to the Romans the arbitrament of their own destinies, my soldiers, expected as brothers, welcomed as liberators, entered Rome. Rome, reclaimed by the love and by the veneration of the Italians, was thus restored to herself, to Italy, and to the modern world. We entered Rome in the name of the national right, in the name of the compact which binds all Italians to national unity. We shall hold to this, maintaining the promises that we have solemnly made to our- selves. Liberty of the Church, of the Pontifical See in the exercise of its religious ministry, in its relations with the Catholic world — on these bases, and within the limit of its powers, my government has initiated the necessary provisions ; but to conduct the great work to» LOYALTY OF FLORENXE. 32 1 an end there is required all the authority, all the sense of Parliament. A few days after the opening of Parliament a fearful inundation of the Tiber immersed a considerable part of Rome, reducing hundreds of families to the direst distress. Victor Emmanuel went to the aid of the sufferers, and the first sight the Romans had of their new king was in the character of a private philan- thropist, assisting at relief committees, and alleviating the distress of the poor by ever)'' means in his power. With regard to the Pope, it was the least offensive mode of entering the capital that he could have chosen. As soon as he arrived he sent an aide-de-camp with a letter to Pius IX., acquainting him of his presence and repeating his expressions of reverence and affection. Cardinal Antonelli receiv^ed the messenger, and would not admit him to the Pope's presence. Meantime the Guarantee Laws were discussed and passed, and arrangements were made for the transfer of the capital to the Eternal City. The king, during a residence of six years, had grown very fond of the beautiful city of Florence, and he left it with regret, but nothing like what he suffered when tearing himself away from Turin, Florence behaved admirably on the occa- sion. The great expense the city had been at to worthily maintain the position of capital of United Italy made the loss of the court very much felt, and this added to other causes has reduced her to great poverty these late years. Nevertheless she rejoiced at the taking of Rome, and applauded enthusiastically the melancholy king as he said farewell to the city representatives at the railway station. ' You rejoice to send me away,' he said with a sad smile. It excites the more sympathy for the present suffering of that most interesting city, that her patriotism and loyalty have undergone no change, as recent events have shown. In the beautiful and touching address which her citizens presented to king Umberto on December 8, 1878, in that exquisite lingua Toscaiia that it is a pity to tran slate, they say — ' Florence was crowned Y 322 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. with )oy when the great Father of his Country installed his palace in this fostering mother, Rome. Florence experienced a loss then, but she rejoiced always, because her misfortunes were a glory for Italy.' And they conclude with the declaration that 'as long as there is an arm able to carry a sword, or a drop of blood in the veins of her people, Florence will be always faithful to her plebiscite.' CHAPTER XXXII. ITALIAN UNITY FINALLY ACCOMPLISHED. A.D. 187I-76. Victor Emmanuel delayed his entry into Rome for nearly nine months after his troops had taken possession of it. When he left Florence he went to Naples for a time, and did not seem in any hurry to install himself in the city he had desired so intensely to unite to his kingdom. But he had got to make a public entry ; he could not sneak into his capital like a thief who had no right to come there ; so on June 2 he made his ingress in state, with immense demonstrations of enthusiasm. Soon after he went to the opening of the Mont Cenis Railway, and then had the happiness of being feted by his own Turin with more than ordinary warmth. This summer the Pope was celebrating the twenty- fifth year of his reign, the longest recorded in the history of the Papacy, and all the sovereigns sent their congra- tulations. Victor would not be behind the rest, and sent a general in state to the Vatican. He was received as before by Cardinal Antonelli, who said the holy father was exhausted and could not receive any more that day, but he desired him to thank his majesty. On November 27 the first Parliament which repre- sented Italy in her entirety was opened in the Palazzo Monte Citorio in Rome, more than a year after the entrance of the national army. The senators and IN ROME AT LAST. 323 deputies assembled in the midst of a joyous agitation, and Victor Emmanuel took his seat on the throne with a feeling of proud satisfaction. The first words that fell from the royal lips, ' The work to which we have conse- crated our life is accomplished,' awoke such a response from the hearers as shook the house. The cheers in Parliament were heard and re-echoed in the piazza and along the streets. On the same day a deputation of the clerical party prostrated themselves at the feet of the Pope with expressions of adoration which might have become a deity to accept, and in equally unmeasured language reprobated the Spoliator, who was just then congratula- ting himself and his hearers that the great crime of his life was consummated. The Kifigs Speech. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — The work to which we consecrated our lives is accomplished. After long expiatory trials, Italy is restored to herself and to Rome. Here, where our people, scattered for so many centuries, find themselves for the first time reassembled in the majesty of their representatives, here, where we recognise the home of our thoughts, everything speaks to us of grandeur, but at the same time everything reminds us of our duties. The joy of these days will not make us forget them. We have reconquered our position in the world, defending the rights of the nation. Now that the national unity is accomplished and a new era is opened in the history of Italy, we will not fall away from our principles. We have arisen in the name of liberty, and in liberty and order we ought to seek the secret of strength and conciliation. We have proclaimed the separation of Church and State, and recognising the full independence of the Spiritual Authority, we ought to believe that Rome, capital of Italy, can continue to be the peaceful and respected seat of the pontificate. Thus shall we sue- 324 I^IFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. cccd in tranquilHsing the consciences of our people, as with a firmness of purpose equalled by the modera- tion of our measures, we have known how to accom- plish the unity of the nation while maintaining unaltered our friendly relations with foreign powers. The legislative measures that will be presented to you for regulating the condition of ecclesiastical affairs, forming themselves on that same principle of liberty, will only relate to the legal representation, and the nature of possessions, leaving intact those religious institutions that form a part of the government of the Universal Church. Besides this grave question, econo- mical and financial matters principally require your attention. Now that Italy is constructed, we ought to think of making her prosperous by the settlement of her finances, and this we cannot fail to do unless the virtue and perseverance which have given life to the nation should become less. Prosperous finances will give us the means of reinforcing the military ranks. My most earnest prayers are for peace, and there is no reason to fear its being disturbed ; but to reinforce the army and navy,, and to renew the arms and defensive works of the national territory, requires long and mature study, and the future may call us to a severe account for any imprudent delay. You will examine the provisions for that object which will be presented to you by my government. There will not fail to be other questions of grave moment, such as that relating to the government of the municipali- ties and of the provinces, the decentralising of the administration in such measure as not to diminish the strength of the state ; those for making a single penal code, for the reformation of juries,, and for increasing uniformity and efficacy in the administration of justice. In this way we will provide for public security, without which even the benefits of liberty are dangerous. Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — A vast field of labour lies before you. The national unity accomplished, the struggle of parties will be, I TROUBLES IN SPAIN. 325 hope, less violent, or they will rival each other only in exciting the development of the productiv^e forces of the nation, and my heart rejoices to perceive already many indications of the increasing industr>^ of our popula- tions. On the political revival follows closely the revival of economy ; savings-banks, commercial associations, industry, and art exhibitions, public literary meetings, all multiply. The government and parliament should second this fruitful movement by enlarging and strengthening professional and scientific instruction, and by opening up new roads of communication and new outlets for commerce. The marvellous work of the Monte Cenis tunnel is accomplished, and that of St. Gothard is about to be undertaken : the world's road that traverses Italy to Brindisi, and thus unites Eu- rope with India, will have three openings in the Alps for railroad tra\elling. Celerity of travelling and facility of intercourse will increase the friendly rela- tions that already bind us to tlie transalpine peoples, and will revive a noble rivalry in industry and civilisation. The future opens before us rich in happy promise ; it is for us to respond to the favours of Providence, by showing ourselves worthy to represent amongst the great nations of the earth the glorious part of Italy and of Rome. On New Year's day, 1872, Victor Emmanuel sent an envoy with the compliments of the season to the Pope. He was treated in the same manner as be- fore ; the holy father did not receive him, but returned the compliments through his minister. The chief source of anxiety the king had at this time was the unsatisfactory state in which Spain con- tinued. The young king had set himself energetically to his arduous task in a straightforward and soldierlike manner. Like his father, he disliked court pomp and pageantry, and lived almost as plainly as a private gentleman. When he was conducted over the magnifi- cent apartments of the palace, and heard that he, the 326 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. queen, and the little prince were all expected to have separate households, he said simply, ' I live with my family ; ' Avhich must have shocked the nerves of the Spanish courtiers not a little. The young king and queen went their own way— he given up to state affairs, she to charitable works, and improving the condition of the poor of Madrid — examples of devotion to duty and domestic virtues to which their subjects were unaccustomed, and which they did not know how to appreciate. The war of parties went on raging throughout the country. There were the moderate Liberals who had put Amedeo on the throne ; the Reactionists or friends of the fallen dynasty, to which belonged the clergy and many of the old nobility ; the Carlists, the Republicans, and still another important section of society which the existence of all these generated — the brigands. General Prim had already fallen a victim to the vengeance of some of these malcontents, and now an attempt was made upon the life of the sovereign while he was driving through the streets of Madrid with his wife. It was midsummer, and Victor Emmanuel was in the irvountains of Savoy when he received the announce- ment. To the King of Italy. I advise your majesty that this evening we have been the object of an attempt. Thank God, we are quite safe. Amedeo. Madrid, July 18. When the king had recovered from the agitation into which the first shock threw him, he experienced a feeling of intense anger against the perpetrator of the crime. He hastened to the nearest telegraph office to let off the steam in a communication to his son. After three inquiet and unhappy years of sovereign power, Amedeo resolved to abdicate, February 1873, AMEDEOS RETURN. 32/ because he would not betray the constitution to which he had sworn, nor shed blood for the establishment of his dynasty. It was pleasant to see the welcome the fallen king got on his return to Italy. The Turin people re- ceived him with rapture. He went to Florence to meet his father, and arranged to arrive in the dead of the night, so as to avoid a demonstration. But the Florentines were too clever for him. They waited all night in bitter winter weather at the station, and escorted him with a torch- light procession and bands of music to the Pitti Palace with the warmest display of affection. From a house opposite the palace we were witness of this hearty and spontaneous demonstration of the generous Florentines, which, under the circumstances, had something touching in it. Victor Emmanuel was grieved and disappointed, but he did not estimate his son's merit by his success ; Amedeo had failed because, like himself, he would not be other than a Re galantnoino, and he received him with open arms. The Emperor Xapoleon died on Januarj- 9 of this- year, and Victor Emmanuel was really grieved at the event, for he had never forgotten the campaign of 1859, and the kindly feeling it had engendered sur\-ived all subsequent trials. In May ^lanzoni died at an advanced age. Milan decreed him a public funeral, and the king sent his sons and cousin to assist at the ceremony. In June another public loss followed in the death of Rat- tazzi ; though not a brilliant statesman, the king mourned for him as a zealous ser\'ant of the crown and an attached personal friend. Hosts of distinguished visitors came to Rome these first years of Victor Emmanuel's residence there ; there was hardly a country in Europe which had not sent a royal prince to salute the King of Italy in his new capital. Amongst these were three English princes, a prince of Prussia, and an Austrian archduke. Nothing could be kinder than the feeling that now existed between the Houses of Hapsburg and Savoy, and the King of Italy accepted a very pressing invitation to visit Vienna on the occasion of the Exhibition. Accompanied by 328 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL his ministers, Minghetti and Visconti Venosta, and a large following, he arrived in Vienna on September 17, 1873- Victor Emmanuel had so completely sunk all per- sonal considerations in the patriot king, that no one suspected, during the years of division with Austria, that this hostility cost him any sacrifice of feeling — at least after the death of his wife. But the intense pleasure he showed at the recovered friendship revealed the fact that the relationship of his adversaries had added to the bitterness of the struggle. As the train approached the station a flood of pain- ful memories rushed across his mind ; it seemed almost a dream that he was the honoured guest of Francis Joseph, against whom he had been waging war ever since he came to the throne. In a few minutes he would be face to face with this strange brother whom he had never met ; and an extraordinary agitation seized him, which sent the blood from his face to his heart. The Emperor and the King embraced with an emotion which attested the sincerity of their feelings. When Francis Joseph presented his brothers, even in that moment of confusion a gentlemanly instinct made Victor Emmanuel single out for special notice the Archduke Albert, who had distinguished himself on the two fields of Novara and Custoza — pregnant with painful memories to every Italian, but especially to the king. He walked up to him, and taking both his hands, shook them re- peatedly. The emotion which Victor Emmanuel ex- perienced in this reconciliation was brought to a climax when, in the salon of the Archduke Ranieri, he saw the portrait of his late queen, taken when she was a girl. Thinking how happy she would have been in this reunion with her long-divided relations, he could not restrain his tears. Victor Emmanuel was painfully anxious to avoid any unpleasant allusion to past differences. He had removed from his travelling hat a representation of the Iron Crown of Lombardy ; and when he was told that in proposing the Emperor's health he should also call VISITS TO VIENNA AND BERLIN. 329 him Ki)ig of Hungary, he objected, saying that it re- called disagreeable memories, and he would not remind the emperor of them. But he was finally convinced that Francis Joseph was proud of the double title, and he gave the toast as etiquette demanded. In bestowing decorations he did not offer tlie Corona d' Italia to any Austrian unless he had some secret intimation that it was specially desired. After four days of the most profuse and graceful hospitality on the part of the emperor, Victor Emmanuel set out for Berlin, where his reception by sovereign and people was cordial in the extreme. Nothing could exceed the Emperor Francis Joseph's kindness, but the welcome the Prussians gave il R^ Galantiiovio was even more thorough and hearty than that of the Austrians. The Emperor William said he had never seen his sub- jects so excited by the presence of a foreign sovereign. Victor also won the hearts of all the royal princes and princesses by his frank simplicity of manners, his humour and bonhomie ; and the crown prince and he became greater friends than ever. While he was at Berlin a characteristic incident occurred. At a court dinner Victor Emmanuel was seated at the emperor's right hand, and many distinguished guests, Italians and Prussians, were present, when he suddenly said, ' You know I would have made war on you only for these gentlemen,' pointing to his ministers, who listened in confused silence to this declaration. He then explained frankly that such had been his personal regard for Napoleon, and his grateful remembrance of past services, that he would certainly have gone to his aid had not his duty as constitutional sovereign compelled him to bow to the will of the government and nation. But now that the quarrel was ended he was proud to be the sincere friend of united Germany and her glorious emperor. The old emperor was charmed with this candour. He took Victor's hand and pressed it, saying, * I thank your majesty for your frankness.' On Victor Emmanuel's return to his own countr\' he stopped in Turin to inaugurate a monument to Cavour 330 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL on November 8, and on the 13th of the same month he opened the Parliament, in a long speech, chiefly on the relations of Church and State, which continued to occupy the attention of the government. I rejoice to tell you (he said), that our relations with the foreign powers are friendly. These good relations received a solemn confirmation on the occasion of the visit that I have just made to the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Germany. The demonstrations of cordial sympathy that I have received from those two sovereigns and from their peoples were meant for regenerated Italy, which has known how to take her place among civilised nations. Austria and Italy have been old adversaries on the field of battle. The cause of their long contest removed, there remains only confidence in their common interests and in the ad- vantages of sincere friendship. This friendship is all the more grateful to me because it is associated with those family affections which a higher and more im- perious duty has been able to dominate, but could not extinguish in my heart. These words had been put in at the king's express desire. France, as usual, pretending a devotion to the Church, took umbrage at the proceedings of the Italian government, and recalled her representative. Victor Emmanuel, who liked the ambassador, spoke very frankly to him when he came to take his leave. ' It is a great pity,' he said, ' to use religious scruples as a pretext for political objects. Religion is a grand, a sublime thing ; w^e all feel the need of it, and it is the duty of us all not to compromise it — not to use it as a cloak.' A just rebuke. The year 1874 was the twenty-fifth of Victor Emmanuel's reign, and it was celebrated as a great national fete. On the morning of March 23, an immense assemblage thronged to the Quirinal, consisting of deputations representing all cla.sses and bodies of the state, who wished to present loyal addresses to the king. Tlie foreign ambassadors also came in the name of ROYAL VISITORS. 331 their sovereigns to offer their congratulations. It was a ver}- warm demonstration, and Mctor Emmanuel was much gratified b}' it. He exhausted himself in suitable replies to the addresses, but they are too numerous to quote. About this time the French Government removed the old ship of war Orenogjic, which had remained at Civitavecchia as a protectioji to the holy father, or a means of escape in case of danger. In this year several eminent Italians died ; amongst them the ]\Iarchese Gualterio, one of the most devoted friends of the House of Savoy, and the Cavaliere Des- ambrois, v/ho had presided in the councils of Charles Albert at the promulgation of the Statute. The ' makers ' of Itah* were fast disappearing, and \'ictor Em- manuel was left almost the only one of the noble band who had rallied round his throne in the time of trial and danger. He felt it deeply. ' I am not yet old, and all the friends of my youth are passing away,' he said sadly. La Marmora and the king had become estranged in the days of prosperity and peace, having clung to each other faithfully in the time of misfortune. We do not pretend to say whose fault it was, but it must have saddened the last few years of these two gallant warm-hearted soldiers, who had made the campaign of life together, to be divided at the end. In 1876 the two emperors returned the visit the King of Italy had made them three years before. In consideration for the Pope's feelings Victor Emmanuel could not receive his visitors in Rome, so they were asked to select whatever other city in the kingdom they liked. The Emperor of Austria, with ' exquisite courtesy,' chose Venice as the spot of Italian soil on which to renew his pledge of friendship to Victor Emmanuel. If he went to Rome the Pope would be offended, if to Florence or Naples he would hurt the feelings of his dispossessed relations. Choosing \'enice he hurt nobody but him- self. Victor Emmanuel was quite touched by this mag- nanimity, because he knew Francis Joseph had selected Venice of a set purpose. There was Turin in which the 332 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL 11. kinij could have received his guest without awakening an)' unpleasant recollections. ' It is an act of self-abne- gation,' he said, ' of which I do not believe I should be capable.' All the more warm was the welcome he wished to give him in the city of the Lagunes. He felt a little uneasy lest the reception of the emperor by the Venetians should not be all he wished, but there was no need of anxiety on this point. The king walked up and down the platform with feverish impatience, looking up the line every few minutes. When the train stopped, and the emperor sprang out, the first face that presented itself was that of his ' dear friend, ally, and brother.' The sovereigns kissed each other on the lips, and walked arm in arm out of the station. Wherever they appeared they seemed anxious to show the people what sincere con- fiding friends old enemies can become when once recon- ciled. And the Venetians left nothing undone on their part that might please and honour the guest of their king. The city authorities spared no expense, and the people received the emperor, who had been to them the personification of the Strcmlero so long hated, with loud and hearty applause. Did the Kaiser remember all the hard names he was called in those days when the king and he exchanged messages of fierce defiance .'* If so, the memory was quickly drowned in the up- roarious rejoicings with which he was now welcomed as a guest in that city over which he once ruled. The Italian tricolour which floated from the towers and windows was intertwined with the yellow and black of Austria ; the bands played the national tunes of both countries, and various emblematical devices expressed a complete wiping out of the old feud, and cordial reconciliation. In the October of the same year the Emperor William came to visit Italy, and stopped in Milan. With him there were no awkward reminiscences to be thrust in the background. Milan was devoted to King Victor, and was proud of the opportunity of displaying her loyalty by doing honour to his illustrious guest ; and the DEATH OF THE DUCHESS OF AOSTA. 333 king was proud of * his Milanese, who always did things with spirit' When driving from the station he ordered the soldiers not to impede the crowd from approaching the royal carriage, that the emperor and the people might see each other ; and at a review where they were on horseback, the military gave way and allowed the multitude to surround the sovereigns, whom they greeted with enthusiastic cheers, which were very cordially re- sponded to by both. On November 8, 1876, after a lingering illness of three years, died, at San Remo, Vittoria, Duchess of Aosta, to the inexpressible grief of her husband and the deep regret of all the royal family. There had been a general election, and the new Parliament opened on the 20th, the court being in deep mourning on the occasion, and the king delivered his last speech from the throne, from which we take the opening paragraph : — Gentlemen Senators, — Gentlemen Deputies, — Afflicted by a domestic sorrow, in which I see with gratitude my people warmly share, I come to-day to seek the best consolation in the fulfilment of my duty. And in truth I never have to inaugurate this solemnity with- out feeling increase in my heart faith in the destinies of lta.\y, and in the future of the free institutions to which we are sworn. The speech, which is very long, concludes with these words ; — For six years we have celebrated in Rome the fete of national unity. Our complete unity has borne fruits of glory and proofs of Avisdom. Much has been done, but much remains to do. There remains the work which requires the greatest patience in labour and the greatest harmony of will, that of consolidating, and, where necessary, correcting, the whole edifice of government. In this we can onl}' succeed by emulating one another in laboriousness and steadiness of purpose. I indicate the way to you, and I feel sure that also in 334 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II, these battles for our civil regeneration, my voice will find a response in noble sacrifices and glorious victories. This was the last time that the voice of // Re GalantHovw was heard to resound in the Legislative Assembly. CHAPTER XXXIII. VICTOR EMMANUEL IN PRIVATE LIFE. A.D. 1 877. Victor Emmanuel had always been a man of the simplest tastes and habits, and his residence in Rome had in no way changed his mode of life. He rose at a little past four o'clock summer and winter, and took a small cup of coffee before going out for his morning walk. In the shooting season he never went without his gun and dogs ; his favourite of the canine species being an English terrier called ' Milord,' a creature of extraor- dinary sagacity and devotion, and as a protection to his master as good as a regiment of soldiers. When the king died the poor dog, tied up in his house, sent forth the most pitiful cries, and refusing his food almost perished of hunger. On returning from the country the king transacted business of various kinds until his simple breakfast between eleven and twelve o'clock, which was also his dinner, for he tasted nothing more till he took a light supper at a late hour. He then rested for an hour or two, reading and smoking,and afterwards resumed his multifarious duties, of answering correspondence public and private, and giving audiences to all sorts and con- ditions of men, from foreign princes and statesmen down to the meanest artisan in the city. In the afternoon he generally drove through the town and appeared at the fashionable promenade on the Pincian Hill ; after which more business was gone through, and late in the evening he drove to the Villa Mirafiore, a beautiful house a short CARELESSNESS OF DRESS. 335 distance from Rome, which he had built for his countess, on whom he bestowed every hixury. It is said that Victor Emmanuel repented of his union with this lady when he recovered from the fever. Be this as it may, after the ceremony of marriage had taken place, though it was in no way legally binding, he always spoke of her and regarded her as his wife. Unless the king were detained at the theatre or a reception or family reunion at the Quirinal, he generally passed the evening with one or two intimate friends at his country home. He supped about ten or eleven o'clock, retired at midnight, was up at the dawn, had two or three hours hard exercise, and was installed in his city palace, ready for work, before many of his subjects had opened their eyes. A small plainly furnished suite of apartments on the ground floor was all Victor Emmanuel occupied of the magnificent palace of the Quirinal, except on state occasions. With the exception of his military uniforms, which were of necessity handsome, his wardrobe was the scantiest which a gentleman could be supposed to manage with by rigid economy. He w^ore the same cloth, colour, and texture all the year round — grey for morning and black for evening. He seldom had more than one suit of each, and wore them till they were shabby, which caused a Neapolitan boy to remark, * The ministry load us with taxes, and yet they have not the heart to buy Vittorio a new pair of pantaloons ! ' The king laughed heartily when he heard the observa- tion. The only thing he was particular about was his linen, and of that he liked a great quantity and fine quality. When he was going to Berlin and Vienna, his gentlemen-in-waiting told him that his wardrobe re- quired replenishing. The king replied, ' Very well ; order what is necessary.' ' But your majesty must have your measure taken this time, for they are very elegant at Berlin and Vienna.' 'What a nuisance! Ask Baron to be kind enough to have his measure taken for me ; he is about my size,' was the response. He never wore gloves but when he was en graiide toilette. 336 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. Going to the theatre one night in a grey coat, the king observed that the daughter of the Emperor of Russia and the Princess Margherita were in the house. He must pay a visit to the foreign princess, and it was too late to return to the Quirinal to change his dress. ' I am all black but the coat,' he said to his attendants ; ' if some one would lend me a coat ! ' He espied a young marquis, one of his aides-de-camp, near, and sent for him. The coat was quickly exchanged, but a white tie was still wanting. The marquis offered his, but Victor Emmanuel, seeing one of his sei"vants at the door of the box with a fresher one, walked up to him, and silently took off his tie and fastened it on himself; then brushing his hair at the glass he said, ' Do I look King of Italy > ' This familiarity, in which he occasionally indulged, did not involve a loss of dignity, for he knew how to check any undue presumption. Once a Roman noble, whose sympathies were rather with the old rt^gime than the new, said, ' I wonder your majesty drives in the Corso ; we Roman princes do not go.' ' And we, King of Italy, go ; ' replied Victor Em- manuel, with a stately dignity which he could assume when occasion required. He was excessively punctual in all his engagements, having his time portioned out for every separate duty, and he could not tolerate the want of punctuality in others. One evening an engineer kept him waiting ten minutes, during which period his impatient temper got the better of him. He was just despatching a mes- senger to know if anything had happened, when the engineer made his appearance. The king walked up to him, watch in hand, saying, ' Bravo ! you are ten minutes late ! ' The delinquent was so crushed that he could not find a word of apology. The good-natured king, seeing this, thought his rebuke had been too sharp, and hastened to add, * Well, I am sure it was not your fault, and I will take care that it does not occur again.' He went into the adjoining room and brought out a hand- some watch, saying, ' This goes exactly with mine, so in IRREGULARITY OF CONDUCT. 337 future there shall be no difference in our time.' ' Pardon/ murmured the engineer, ' your majesty, I am so con- fused ' ' Enough, the incident is forgotten ; let us talk of more important things,' said the king. King Victor was wont to quote the words of Henry of Navarre, ' A court without a queen is like spring-time without flowers ; ' and certainly his court suffered a heavy loss in the early death of his queen, who is described by everyone who knew her as quite an ideal character. The deep attachment and respect which her husband felt for her could not have failed to have a powerful influence on his life had she been spared to him. Unhappily the removal of his guardian angel — for as such he regarded Adelaide — released Victor Emmanuel, already too much disposed to disregard the convoiances, from the wholesome restraints of family and court life ; for a court without a queen, presided over by a king who hated ceremony and etiquette, must have been wanting in some important elements. The result of this excessive liberty on a temperament such as his may be imagined. But when all has been said in just condemnation of Victor Emmanuel's irregularities, the undoubted fact remains that public duty was never neglected nor postponed for private interest or pleasure, and that no back-door influence was permitted to bear upon state affairs ; for no ideal prince, not even the British Arthur, could have a loftier sense of his kingly responsibility, or a more conscientious regard for the honour and welfare of his country. Everyone has heard of King Victor's inordinate love of horses, of which he had a rare supply, and spent on them much more than he could afford. We have heard that his successor, who would not sell anything that had belonged to his father, had given some hundreds of these animals as presents to cavalry officers. He also refused to allow the nation to pay the late king's debts — which in the moment of sorrowful enthusiasm she would gladly have done — reserving that duty to himself The king's debts, says an enthusiastic admirer, 'so far from being a blot, are much to his credit, inasmuch as the head of z 338 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. every state has an opportunity of amassing a large fortune if he will ; and Victor Emmanuel not only did not do this, but spent much of his private patrimony, his civil list being insufficient even for a miserly sove- reign, while it could not possibly be enough for a very generous one,' The worry that all sovereigns have to support of incessant applications for help in various ways, Victor Emmanuel suffered from in an extraordinary degree. Petitioners lay in wait for him at his palace door, on his promenades, at the church door, at the door of the theatre — every place where they could catch sight of him and throw a paper into his carriage. Every post brought bushels of letters, some of them registered, con- taining the most pitiful tales of want, and misery, and despair, and everything that could touch a man's heart and excite his interest and curiosity. Many of these were genuine cases of distress, but many were also in- geniously devised plots to extort money from the soft- hearted king, or trap him into an intrigue. The eclat attaching to his public career, his well-known generosity, and — it must be owned — his reputation for gallantry, which his enemies had spread and exaggerated beyond his deserts, made him a target for this sort of persecu- tion to a degree above the common lot of princes. It was in vain that his faithful servants unmasked impos- tors, and cautioned and warned him against lending too ready an ear to every applicant ; he could not turn a petitioner away unheard, and if undeserving persons sometimes got what they had no right to, on the other hand hundreds of miserable beings were relieved and sustained through some difficult crisis. Here is one of the many authentic anecdotes of Victor Emmanuel's charity : — One evening, at the door of the theatre, a man rushed at the royal carriage with a paper in his hand crying, ' Maestd, grazia! The king stopped the carriage, and put out his hand to take the petition. ' Permit me one word, your majesty,' said the man. * Even two; let us hear them,' was the gracious reply. CHARITY. 339 'Your majesty does not know me ? ' ' Really I have not that pleasure,' said the king. ' Sire, I am a professor in the orchestra of the Poli- teama, where I play the horn close to your majesty's box.' 'This gives me much pleasure, but let us come to the moral.' ' Here it is, sire. My landlord intimates that I must pay my arrears of rent, or be turned out. Imagine it, with a wife and five children. To-morrow I am to appear before the Tribunal to hear myself condemned. Your majesty, I say no more ; here is the citation.' 'Well, well, I understand ; and do you want me to go to the prefettura instead of you .'* ' asked Victor smiling. ' Oh no, your majesty, I will go ; but going, I should like to be able to say, " here is the money, and I owe it to the generosity of my king." ' 'Very well ; we will provide it.' The grateful musician kissed the liberal hand which saved him from ruin, and the king entered his box and related the incident to his friends. ' Ah,' said Count Castellengo, the Minister of the Household, whose life was a constant struggle to check his master's extravagance, ' if he makes this public to- morrow, everyone who has rent to pay will come to the Quirinal for it.' The king shrugged his shoulders, and next day the player of the horn received 300 francs. It was not on the battle-field alone that Victor Emmanuel was always ready to expose his life for the sake of his people. Whenever a town was visited by any violent epidemic, the king, besides contributing largely to the relief of the sufferers, hastened thither to assist personally in the work. In 1865 the cholera was raging in Naples, and the inhabitants, seized with a panic, were migrating in hun- dreds from the city. So much depends in this disease on the state of mind, that the terror caused by the panic increased the pestilence tenfold. It was then that the 340 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. king, wishing to give courage to his afiflicted subjects by an example of utter fearlessness, arrived in Naples, and hastened, in company with the syndic and the prefect, to visit all the poor districts, which were most infected because of the dirt and squalor in which the inhabitants lived, ' where in the memory of man the least shadow of a king had never been seen,' says the narrator. A great number of the lower classes held the person of a sove- reign in a sort of superstitious awe, as endowed with more than human power for good or ill ; and so the presence of the benevolent king had a very efificacious effect. In visiting the hospitals he stood beside the sick beds, and spoke encouragingly to the patients. Before one of these, already marked for death, the king stopped, and taking his frozen, damp hand, he pressed it, saying, ' Take courage, poor man, and try to recover soon.' The warm grasp of the hand, the strong cheerful voice, the recognition of the king's face, had an agitating effect on the dying man. That evening the syndic visited the king and said : ' Your majesty's coming is a joyful omen. I am happy to tell you that the doctors report a diminu- tion of the disease in the course of the day, and your majesty has unawares worked a miracle. The man you saw this morning stretched for death, is out of danger this evening. The doctors say that the excitement ot your presence caused a salutary crisis.' * I am so glad. But what fun ! If they spread the report that I work miracles I am afraid the Neapolitans will divide me in pieces in order to reduce me to relics,' said the king. Victor Emmanuel had a droll humorous way of re- lating little anecdotes, which amused his friends more from the manner of telling them than the matter. One day when he was on a journey the train stopped for a few minutes at a little country station in a very remote district, where probably the shadow of a king had never been seen. On the platform the syndic appeared, ele- gantly * got up ' for the occasion. The king, seeing the good man ' exhausting himself in bows,' beckoned him to approach the carriage-window. PASSION FOR HUNTING. 34I ' I presume, signore, that you are the syndic. I con- gratulate you,' said his majesty; and after some further remarks he opened his huge cigar-case, which he had ahvays at hand, and offered him one of his havannahs. ' No, sire, I never could have the boldness to put my hand in your majesty's cigar-case.' ' I pray you accept ; do me the pleasure,' said the king persuasively, taking out a cigar and putting it into the hand of the modest syndic. ' Sire,' said he, kissing the royal hand, ' this cigar shall be the chief glory of my comiine. I shall smoke this cigar the rest of my life.' Victor was a great smoker. In the Summer Theatre at Naples there was put up once a prohibition against smoking, which displeased the king, and he ordered it to be taken down. Then he lit a cigar, and offered some to his suite ; whereupon all the men in the theatre began to smoke. ' Behold, sire,' obser\-ed one of the courtiers, ' how quickly the example of royalty is followed.' ' When it is a bad example, yes,' was the keen rejoinder. Victor Emmanuel had a passion for hunting ; he never seemed in such good spirits as when he was in- haling the keen mountain air, and clambering over Alpine snows, where he outdid everyone in daring feats of agility. He never could be persuaded to wear flan- nel, or put on an overcoat or mantle. In these moun- tain excursions he slept under canvas in the severest weather, regardless of all discomforts. On Sundays a priest was brought from the nearest village, and a little temporary altar erected in the king's tent for religious service, in which he expected all his following to assist ; for Victor Emmanuel was not, as he once said to the French ambassador, a uimivais cJircticn. He reverenced everything sacred, he never used profane language, and we are told by one who knew him intimately, that ' it hurt his nerves to hear anyone swear.' The king used to send the produce of the chase as 342 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. presents to strangers in the neighbourhood ; and once there was assembled not far off from the mountain in which the royal hunting-party were stationed, a number of young artists and authors, who on receiving a gift from the king thanked him in comic verse and sketches, which pleased him much. He invited them all to spend a day or two with him, and received them with such a hearty hospitality, such bonhomie, such fun and wit, that the guests will never forget the pleasure of that mountain excursion. When thus set free from the cares of state and the irksome conventionalities of court life, Victor Emmanuel was like a schoolboy in vaca- tion ; no danger could daunt him, no fatigue could de- press his spirits. He has often gone the whole day without food, having taken nothing but a cup of coffee early in the morning, and not returned to supper till a late hour in the evening. Senator Plezza relates an amusing little anecdote which is characteristic of Victor Emmanuel. Just at the beginning of the war of 1859 Signor Plezza was appointed governor of Alessandria ; but, on hearing that the Emperor of the French was expected to call there, begged to be excused, on the plea that he was unfit to receive a foreign sovereign. Count Cavour said he had need of him in that post, and refused to cancel the appointment. Plezza then appealed to the king, saying that he understood nothing of etiquette, and could not represent his sovereign. ' Is it possible .'' ' said Victor Emmanuel. * It is true, your majesty ; I never come to court but on public business, and I am quite ignorant of the eti- quette necessary for such an occasion.' ' You understand absolutely nothing of etiquette 1 ' asked the king again. ' Nothing, sire.' ' Then since it is so, give me your hand. You are entirely fitted to represent me, for neither did I ever understand etiquette.' One day one of his ministers spoke of an appoint- ment he had just made to some public office. The king LIBERALITY. 343 took up a publication in which the newly-appointed gentleman, writing in the Republican interest, had for- merly attacked the king in a satirical poem. ' Did you know that he was the author of this ? ' he asked, show- ing the production. ' No, your majesty ; of course not. I will cancel the appointment.' But it was not in Victor Emmanuel's leonine nature to take such a paltry revenge on the ex-republican. ' No, we will cancel the poem rather,' he said with a smile ; ' let the poor devil stand.' There was a patrician family reduced to poverty by the gambling propensities of the father, and some friend of the house introduced one of the children into the king's presence. He patted her head, kissed her, and put a small gift in her hand. Then looking round to see that no one was observing him, he took notes for a large sum and fastened them in the child's plaits, say- ing, ' Let no one unpin your hair but mamma ; you understand, dear ? ' A young French officer, maimed so as to render him unfit for service, had been nursed in the house of a gentleman at Ferrara, and during his convalescence he and the daughter of the house had fallen desperately in love : but as neither the lady nor the gentleman had any provision for the future, the case seemed hopeless. The romantic story being told to the king, he gave the officer a pension and the girl a small dote, to enable them to marry. But our space is running short and we must stop, though we could relate many more anecdotes illustra- tive of Victor Emmanuel's character in its strong and weak points. The more one studies it, the more one appreciates the just and well-balanced mind, the simple sincerity, the large-hearted humanity, of the man Victor Emmanuel, apart from his qualities as king, in which the world has acknowledged his merit. 344 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. CHAPTER XXXIV. DRAWING TO A CLOSE. A.D. 1 877. Victor Emmanuel had been now seven years reign- ing in Rome, and notwithstanding the difificult relations between Church and State, and other trials which the young nation had to struggle against, public affairs had gone on with wonderful order and tranquillity. The heads of the Church and State reigned in their respective palaces of the Vatican and the Quirinal, each living in his world apart, as if they had been in different hemispheres, Pius IX., after an unusually stirring, eventful career, for a churchman, had sunk into political insignificance, and the world heard little of him, if we except the small commotion caused by an occasional flock of pilgrims in the Eternal City, or the reception of a number of foreign visitors desirous of seeing with their own eyes that most interesting personage called the Prisoner of the Vatican. The holy father received these visitors benignly, talked pleasantly with them, gave them his benediction, and his small white hand to kiss. Hundreds of anecdotes were afloat as to how serenely — nay gaily — the good old man bore his imprisonment ; and many of his witticisms relate to his own peculiar position, as when he remarked on Garibaldi's arrival in Rome, ' We were tzvo ; now we are tJiree' These bon mots, and an occasional allocution, were all that was heard of the Pope after the Italians took possession of the ancient capital. The bitterness of the pastorals and his private gaiety — the contrast between the ideal mart}"r-pope lying on a bed of straw, and the charming courtly gentleman whose green old age reposed in a home which the proudest monarch in Europe might envy, had a rather irritating effect on the Italian public mind. ?io Nono, however, was not wilfully false or de- ceptive, but he had a dual character : as Pope he felt it his duty to cry out about the persecutions of the Church, I RELATIONS WITH THE POPE. 345 while as a man he was gentle and amiable, and did not feel towards Victor Emmanuel the animosity with which he was accredited. He sometimes, to the king's friends, spoke kindly of him as a buon figliiiolo, and wrote, when occasion required, in a not unfriendly spirit One in- stance will serve to show that it was as much from the influence of those around him as from principle, that Pius IX. refused all intercourse with the King of Itah-. In 1S72 the Pope, wishing to suppress some scandal of which he had become cc^^isant, wrote in his own hand, without consulting Antonelli, a letter to the kii^, asking him to use his authority" for the remov^al of the said abuse. One of the Noble Guards arrived at the Ouirinal, saying he had orders from the Pope to consign the letter into his majesty's hands. The king was pleased to recognise the Pope's own characters, and pleased also with the contents ; for in that letter he acknowledged him as a constitutional sovereign, telling him to use his power as far as it went, and ' consult his ministers.' It concluded -with these words, * Full of paternal affection, I pray God for your majesty, I pray Him for Italy, and I pray Him for the Church.' Thus in private Pio Nono's kind heart sometimes spoke, in spite of the constant guard he kept upon it. His public denunciations were for the edification of the Catholic world, which must also have been edified by the Christian humility with which Victor Emmanuel bore these public denunciations and private snubbings from the Vatican, never failing in deferential respect towards the holy father. And from a heretic point of view there seems something noble in the meekness with Avhich the proud conqueror bowed before his aged and impotent io^, pleading for his friendship, and saying he was read\- to abdicate if tliat could spare him pain. Pius IX. would have been more (or less) than man if he had not been touched by the attitude of Victor Emmanuel towards him j>ersonally ; and there is no doubt that he was, though his court was at great pains to conceal the fact. The liberation of Rome by the monarchy had silenced those restless spirits who had so long made it their war- 34^ LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL cry ; and Garibaldi, after sulking for years, and making common cause with the republicans, was elected deputy to the national Parliament, took a solemn oath of alle- giance to the King of Italy, and in a long private audience all differences were explained away and the heroes reconciled. In presence of the great national triumph there was a general truce to the hostilities of party, all uniting in testimonies of admiration and gra- titude to the sovereign whose brave, firm hand had guided the ship of state into port. It is sometimes said of constitutional sovereigns that they reign but do not govern. Victor Emmanuel never was a royal puppet of this sort. As head of the state, he exercised his authority judiciously, and assisted his ministers with his wise, mo- derate counsels, balancing the extremes of opinion. Not long ago he was asked by a distinguished foreigner if his ministers were not Radical. To which he replied with a smile, ' And if they were, what matter } Am I not here } If, instead of Radicals, as you say, I had a ministry of Cardinals, things should go on in the same way.' And when some one hoped that on the occasion of the expected conclave, public matters w^ould be con- ducted with tolerance and moderation, he said, ' Be tran- quil ; all will go well. Remember that the leader of the choir is always the same.' Victor Emmanuel was now at the zenith of his glory ; his utmost ambition was attained. He had found Italy oppressed by a host of petty tyrants, domi- nated by Austria, torn by lawless combinations, mis- judged and condemned by the other countries of Europe. She was now a free united nation, tranquil and law- abiding, respected everywhere. At peace with all the world, beloved and honoured by his people, what was left for him to desire.^ He might say with the poet — I have touched the highest point of all my greatness. But he was not happy ; and during the last few months he had been subject to unaccountable fits of me- lancholy. That this gloom had its origin in a feeling of THE STAR OF ITALY. 347 dissatisfaction with himself is ver}^ probable. Notwith- standing- his long and resolute struggle against clerical pretensions, Victor Emmanuel had preserved a simple child-like faith in the religion he had been taught at his mother's knee : and through all the stormy passions of his fitful career he had presei-ved sacred the image of his pure young wife, whose memory he revered as that of a saint. In Turin, where he passed the autumn of this year, having gone there to inaugurate a monument to his brother, the Duke of Genoa, he was heard to say more than once, ' I am not a good man, but I can- not die a bad death ; she who is in heaven would not permit it.' In the middle of November the king returned to the capital for the reopening of Parliament. Then in De- cember he made a hasty journe}' to Turin to see the Countess Mirafiore. who was ill, and returned for the festivities of Christmas and New Year's day, with the intention of going back as soon as they were over. On the last day of the year 1877 Victor Emmanuel received all the foreign ministers who waited on him to exchange the compliments of the season in the name of their respective sovereigns. The following day he gave audience to deputations from both Houses of Parliament and others who presented congratulatory addresses. The king spoke cheerfully and hopefulh- of the future, and bade his ministers trust always in the star of Italy. ' The star of Italy is your majesty," replied Signor Depretis, at which the king smiled sadly. They did not dream that it was his last New Year's day ; but he was even then feeling indisposed, and in nine days after he was dead. 348 LIFE OP^ VICTOR EMMANUEL IL CHAPTER XXXV. THE LAST DAYS OF VICTOR EMMANUEL. A.D. 1 8/8. On New Year's day the king had not felt well ; on the 4th he was decidedly ill. On the 5th the news of General La Marmora's death arriving, gave him a great shock, and he wrote a telegram of condolence to the family, the last words he ever penned. Violent fever set in, accompanied by inflammation of the lungs, which was aggravated by his own imprudence in having got out of bed at night and gone on the balcony to cool himself Eveiy day the disease took more alarming pro- portions. Prince Umberto and the Princess Margherita were the only members of the royal family then at the Ouirinal. Telegrams were sent in every direction to summon the absent ones, but too late. On the morning of the 9th the king was decidedly worse ; the utmost consternation reigned throughout the palace. The grief of the prince and princess was indescribable ; the latter had earnestly entreated to be allowed to sit all night with the patient, but her husband would not permit it. At an early hour a cardinal had come from the Vatican with kind inquiries from the Pope about the health of the royal patient. After being bled there was a slight amelioration in the king's state, and Prince Umberto had a long interview with him, in which he talked so clearly and calmly that his son was inspired with a hope that the case was not so bad as the doctors believed. But very soon after the miliary eruption breaking out, the physicians judged recovery impossible, and Dr. Bruno was deputed to break the fatal intelligence to the patient. With much hesitation he made the an- nouncement, saying that the symptoms were such that he felt it his duty to warn his majesty not to lose time in fulfilling his religious obligations. The king was propped in a half-sitting posture, with his hands folded, twirling his thumbs. He looked a little surprised, but PREPARATIONS FOR DEATH. 349 nowise disconcerted ; he did not even cease to twirl his thumbs, and never took his unflinching e\-e off" the doctor, as he said in Piedmontese, ' Are we come to that ? ' {Sianio li ?) 'Very well, I will do as you say. Call the chaplain at once.' The court chaplain having received the king's con- fession, was obliged to apply to the parish priest for the Sacrament, and he would not dare to give it without permission from the Vatican, which was immediately granted ; later a cardinal came Avith the special bene- diction of the holy father, whose good feeling at last triumphed over ecclesiastical prejudices. As the day advanced the patient grew worse, and the time spent in obtaining the sacrament brought him very near death. He spent the inter\'al in taking leave of his ministers and household, and then asked to be alone with his children, Umberto and jMargherita. After a private interview the attendants were recalled, and all remained present at the administration of the communion. When the priest entered with the Host, the king, who was suffering terribly, his right lung being quite destroyed, raised himself with a violent effort to a sitting posture, and inclined his head reverently. After this his strength sank rapidly, and his chest was so oppressed that he had no voice for further conversation. There was no hope of the Queen of Portugal or the Princess Clotilde coniing in time to receive their father's last farewell, but Prince Amedeo and the king's cousin. Prince Carignano, of whom he was very fond, were on their way from Turin, and expected to arrive in the evening ; death, however, travelled faster than they counted for, and they came all too late. The king asked again to see Umberto, and when he approached the bedside weeping, he gazed long and fondly at him, put out his hand and murmured the one word ' Addio ! ' The prince kissed the hand, kneeling, and covered it with tears. During the day the sick man had muttered broken sentences about his beloved Turin, where he had wished to die. His last words were, ' I figli, i figli ! ' At the final moment, Prince Umberto was kneeling 350 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II, at one side of the bed, and Count Mirafiore at the other, while the friends and attendants knelt round the chamber, and also in the anteroom, weeping silently. Dr. Bruno, who was supporting the patient's head, bent down and put his ear to his heart ; it had ceased to beat. In a voice broken with emotion he made the announce- ment — ' The first King of Italy is no more ! ' Convulsive sobs broke from all present ; and Umberto remained kneeling in an agony of grief for nearly half-an-hour, till one of the doctors drew his arm in his and led him out of the room. The fatal news fell like a thunderbolt on the city, and for a moment it was not credited. Groups of people gathered in the streets with pale, frightened faces, and hundreds of others wee seen rushing from all parts to ^he Quirinal Palace, where a dense, agitated crowd filled the piazza from four o'clock in the afternoon till a late hour at night. Soon, however, all doubt was at an end, and before the winter sun had set every shop was closed, and the grand old city bore an aspect of deepest mourn- ing as for some great public calamity. While the poor prince was still stnnned by the unex- pected blow, he had to attend to public business. The diplomatic body came to offer their condolences, the ministry came to tender their resignations, and being reappointed, hastened to issue a proclamation officially announcing the death of Vittorio Emanuele II., and the accession of Umberto I. to the throne of Italy. Late in the evening a proclamation from the new king appeared. Italians, — An immense calamity has befallen us. Vittorio Emanuele, the founder and uniter of the king-- dom of Italy, has been taken from us. I received his last sigh, which was for the nation, and his last wishes, which were for the happiness of his people. His voice, which will always resound in my heart, im- poses on me the task of vanquishing my sorrow, and points out to me my duty. At this moment there is PADRE DELLA PATRIA. 35 1 but one consolation possible for us, that is, to show ourselves worthy of him : I, by following in his foot- steps ; you, by remaining devoted to those civic virtues by the aid of which he succeeded in accomplishing the difficult task of rendering Italy great and united. I shall be mindful of the grand example he gave me of devotion to our country, love of progress, and faith in Liberal institutions, which are the pride of my house. My sole ambition will be to deserve the love of my people. Italians, — Your first king is dead. His successor will prove to you that constitutions do not die. Let us unite in this hour of great sorrow, and let us strengthen that concord which has heretofore been the salvation of Italy. Umber TO. Victor Emmanuel's failings are as well known as his virtues ; he was a man who scorned hypocrisy, and That fierce light which beats upon a throne struck with a more sinister glare on the throne of Italy than that of older monarchies, laying bare remorselessly to the eyes of the world the faults of the sovereign, faults which his clerical detractors loved to dwell on and magnify, but which his people forgave, remembering all they owed him. Nor is it to be wondered at that nothing but hymns of praise should be raised over the lately closed tomb upon which a nation still mourns with heart- felt sorrow the liberator and father of his country. CHAPTER XXXVL THE FUNERAL. The Pope is reported to have said that Victor Emmanuel died like a cristiano, re, c galantnovw ; and certain it is that the clerical organs generally supposed to express the sentiments of the Vatican breathed nothing but 352 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL Christian charity in the notices of the king's death, while the popular journals poured forth the most pas- sionate laments. One clerical paper in Venice ventured on some offensive comment, which caused the populace to break into the office and destroy the printing-press. The grief of the other cities and provinces was not less than that felt in the capital. In Piedmont it was deeper ; for Victor Emmanuel, liberator and regenerator of all Italy, and as such beloved and revered, never could be to all the Italians what he was to his faithful Subalpines, who had knowm him from infancy, and shared all the struggles of his early manhood. Telegrams expressing the most ardent sympathy with the royal family poured in from eveiy town in Italy, and everywhere the demonstrations of national grief were solemn and touching. On the i6th Parliament met, and the aged minister, Signor Depretis, announced to a crowded and agitated House the public misfortune. Again and a-.^ain the old man's speech was interrupted by tears ; and in those painful pauses in which the words seemed to choke him, the deputies were also overpowered with emotion. If in history there exists a sovereign who has merited the title of Padre dclla Patria, that sovereign is without doubt Victor Emm.anuel. Member of his Parliament since he ascended the throne, thrice member of his council, I had rather that my life had not been pro- longed to see the dreadful day when the great author of Italian independence disappears in the darkness of the tomb. ... I cannot now speak of the great, the inimitable qualities of the deceased ; but I will say that a death more serene, more confident and manly, it is impossible to imagine. The body succumbed, but the soul remained, the soul of patriot and soldier ; the last look he rested on our faces was so calm ! Here the speaker broke down ; and many of the deputies and many occupants of the crowded galleries, were seen to wipe away their tears. In the Senate Chamber a similar scene took place. When the pre- PLACE OF BURIAL. 353 sident began to speak all the senators rose to their feet and remained standing, while he delivered a brief but often interrupted eulogium on the dead, in the midst of a profound emotion. * The lips are mute,' he said, ' but the heart bleeds. On the remains of the father of his country I can but weep as Italy weeps.' Senators, deputies, and soldiers, who only knew Victor Emmanuel as king, wept his loss : but the grief felt by his household and intimate friends was still deeper. It was touching to see the heart-broken faces of the officers who guarded the remains of their dead sovereign when he lay in state in the chapel of the Ouirinal ; and General Medici, the king's aide-de-camp, was so overpowered with grief on the morning of the funeral, that he had to be assisted to his horse, to take his place in the procession. What Victor" Emmanuel's own children experienced may be better imagined than described — and none felt the blow so heavily as the heir to the throne. We never saw a man so broken down by gnef as he was when he went to receive the allegiance of the troops and to take the oath to the Constitution, the only occasions on which he appeared in public for a month after the death of his father. Great diversity of opinion existed as to the place of interment, the royal family and ministers being much divided on the subject. Most of them, however, were of opinion that the first King of Italy ought to be buried in the capital, and the Romans were clamorous to have him sepulchred in the Pantheon. On the other hand King Victor loved Turin, and was loved by his Pied- montese subjects with the romantic loyalty of bygone days ; it was hard to slight them for the Romans, Rome conquered however ; and the citizens of the favoured capital sent an address to the citizens of Turin, asking them, for the sake of united Italy, for which they had already made so many sacrifices, to make this sacrifice also, and waive their claims. The Turin people were not softened ; they had been de- prived of their king in life, and in death they thought he ought to have been theirs ; he was their fellow- A A 354 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. citizen, reared amongst them ; he was the descendant of their ancient Hne of princes, who were all buried at Superga, and no city had a prior claim to Turin. They rose in a wild demonstration of grief and anger, and compelled the authorities to send a deputation to Rome to demand the body of their late sovereign. The young king was gratified, but at the same time embarrassed by these passionate demonstrations of affection for his father. He was deeply moved by the address of the deputation, and explained in broken accents, that the Romans had asked, and must have, the king's body : it was a heavy sacrifice to him and all his family, to give up the idea of carrying their father's remains to the tomb of their ancestors ; but private feelings must yield to national interests. He would bestow on the city of Turin the king's sword, helmet, and medals. Immediately after the funeral, Prince Amedeo carried these precious relics to Turin ; they were received by the syndic and municipality with tears of gratitude, and the following day seventeen thousand persons went to look at them. During the eight days that elapsed before the funeral, all business was suspended in Rome ; the shops and offices were closed, and from almost every house the tricolour bound with crape was hung out. In the streets were vast crowds of people dressed in mourning ; some eagerly reading the black-bordered journals and proclamations, and others gathered in knots conversing in low sad tones. The one all-absorbing theme was Victor Emmanuel ; nothing else could be spoken of or thought of during that week of intense excitement and agitation. On January 17, at ten o'clock, the funeral cortege left the Ouirinal, its departure being announced by the firing of cannon. As early as seven o'clock the streets were lined with military, and the crowds were gathering so densely that it was with difficulty one could push through them to the Corso. All along the line of march every window, door, and balcony was draped in mourning, the tricolour with its crape pendant drooping sadly from the different storeys of the houses and public buildings. The crowds of ladies and gentlemen who filled the windows THE PROCESSION IN THE CORSO. 355 and balconies were dressed in black, and provided with wreaths and bouquets of rarest flowers to throw upon the hearse. At the cross streets where carriages had to break up the crowds, the Bersaglieri stood three deep with drawn swords ; but the behaviour of the multitude was admirable. After two hours' waiting the procession came in view at the far end of the Corso, moving slowly to the sound of a funeral march, composed especially for the occasion. A battalion of infantr\- with its band passed, then a body of cavalry, and after that there was a break of fifteen minutes or so, when the procession reappeared in a never-ending flood of military. Regiment after regiment poured into the street, and moved slowly past, in all their different varieties of uniform, making a bril- liant spectacle : dark blue slashed with red, light blue with silver cord, gold and silver epaulettes, shining helmets, plumes of white ostrich feathers, of cock's feathers, of white horse-hair, of black horse-hair — plumes of ever}^ colour and variety. The men did not walk abreast, but in a loose broken mass, which rather heightened the brilliant effect. They were from all parts of Italy, of ever\' age and rank : grizzled veterans^ who had fought with King Charles Albert and the Duke of Savoy in 1848-9, whose medals, doubtless, covered honourable scars; men in the prime of life also adorned with military decorations, and beard- less cadets who had their honours yet to win. After the military came the syndics of Rome and Turin, with the civil functionaries ; then followed the representatives of the schools of arts and sciences, all in plain black ; four hundred deputies and two hundred senators next made their appearance; and then an imposing group of commanding officers of land and sea, the uniforms and decorations, which are strikingly pic- turesque, contrasting with the mass of black-coated gentlemen in front. Very fine also were the judges in ' Amongst the old officers we saw General Durando, the brave com- mander who led the papal army in '48. 356 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. their crimson velvet togas. The clergy, eighteen in number, preceded by a white cross on a black field, then appeared ; and were followed by the gorgeous dis- play of the foreign ambassadors, and the not less striking habiliments of the knights of the Santissima Annunziata — crimson velvet mantles trimmed with ermine. When this blaze of gorgeous colouring had passed, a solitary horseman appeared, holding aloft a drawn sword, on which was inscribed, ' Viva Carlo Alberto ! 1848.' There was a look of settled sorrow in the old officer's face, but he sat his splendid charger with grace and dignity. It was General Medici, bearing the dead hero's battle-blade, the same which he had wielded in many a hard-fought field in the cause of Italian independence — and the sight went home to the hearts of the people. The interest of the spectators heightened, and tears rose to many eyes when the line of princes passed, with Amedeo in the midst — Amedeo who had never recovered the brightness of youth since his ill-starred sovereignty in Spain, who had lately lost a dear wife, and who, in this last affliction, had not the consolation of receiving his father's final farewell. ' Povero Amedeo!' was the exclamation that went round as the crowd caught sight of the pale sad face of the young general. Beside him walked the Archduke Ranieri of Austria ; there was also the Prince Imperial of Prussia, whose friendship for the royal family of Italy was shown by his warm sympathy in their sorrow ; there was the Prince Napoleon, the Prince of Baden, and the Crown Prince of Portugal, King Victor's little grandson, a boy of fourteen. Two outriders in black, mounted on black horses, rode forward ; and the funeral car approached and stopped for a short space, while a thrill of deep emotion shot through every heart. The multitude uncovered their heads, and the ladies and gentlemen on the bal- conies and in the windows bent forward to throw with trembling hands the garlands they had prepared. The hearse was an imposing sight — of enormous dimensions, with gold ornamentation on the black field, and the arms of Savoy painted on the panels; it was open at the sides. LMPOSING EFFECT. 357 showing the coffin, on which were laid the crown and sceptre of the defunct monarch, and the garlands sent by the Queen of England and the Emperor of Germany. Fastened on to the back of the car were wreaths of rarest flowers, tied with crape and tricoloured ribbons, while the roof was an enormous mass of verdure and, flowers, contributed from the balconies on the line of march. The hearse was drawn by eight black horses covered with crape, with white and black plumes from their heads, each led by a groom. This great car moved on slowly, followed by wistful eyes ; and im- mediately after came a groom leading an aged war- horse covered with crape. It was thirty years old, and had seen many an eventful day, for it was that horse that the young Duke of Savoy mounted on the joyful occasion when his father gave Piedmont a constitution, and it was consequently called il cavallo dcllo Statiito. A cavalier with the Iron Crown of Lombardy on a cushion came next, and was followed by the municipality of Monza, where this precious relic is kept ; then a body of ensigns bearing the colours of the different regiments. At this moment it was a splendid spectacle ; in front the funeral car with its following of officers of the royal household, and behind, as far as the eye could reach along the Corso, one sea of waving banners, the brilliant tricolour all draped with crape. Next came the scientific bodies ; they were followed by 450 Turinese students, then Roman students, then municipal bodies from the provinces. These last would have made a respectable funeral procession in themselves, and it was a strong testimony to the sentiments of the nation that every remote mountain village, in spite of the poverty of the times, subscribed funds and sent its representatives with handsome banners and wreaths to the funeral of the great king. There were not less than 200 civic flags from the provinces. Many magnificent garlands were borne on the tops of the flagstaffs, but the masterpiece of beauty was one carried by the Roman shopkeepers, of enormous dimensions, composed of the rarest white flowers, bor- 358 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL II. dered with green, and tied with gold cord and tassels mingled with crape ; it was attached to a broad banner on which was embroidered in huge letters — ALLA SACRA M E.MORI A DEL RE GALANTUOMO. The piazza in front of the church presented a grand coup (Voeil, with all the houses hung in black and white, the national colours waving from the balconies, great flagstaffs planted as thick as forest trees all round the square, which was lined with a picked body of military, among which were the king's Life Guards in their pic- turesque white uniform with mail breastplates and helmets. These formed a hollow square round the processionists as the principal bodies filed into the church, and the rest who could not enter filled the great piazza to overflowing. A fabulous sum had been spent on the decorations of the Pantheon for the occasion, and the result was beyond all doubt impressive in a high degree, notwith- standing that the severe simplicity of the architecture of this vast temple rendered a tasteful ornamentation diffi- cult. On the top of the facade was a huge spread eagle flanked by two winged figures of Fame blowing trumpets ; the front was all covered with paintings in imitation of bas-reliefs in bronze ; the roof of the portico, from which hung great bronze lamps, was covered with black cloth starred with silver, and the sides adorned with arms of all sorts. Over the great door in large gold letters was the inscription : — A VITTORIO EMANUELE II. PADRE DELLA PATRIA. Underneath — ITALIA CON ORGOGLIO DI MADRE, CON DOLORE PI FIGLIA, PREGA AL GRAN RE, CHE FU CITTADINO FEDELE, E SOLDATO VITTORIOSO, L'IMMORTALITA DEI GIUSTI E DEGLI EROI. In the middle of the great circular temple rose the enormous catafalque, square in form, divided into three storeys, each one a degree smaller as they went up, the IN THE PANTHEON. 359 top one being covered with a crimson cloth and sur- rounded by six grand figures, which the Italian authorities wished to represent the chief cities of Italy, but which the clerg\' insisted on being called cardinal virtues. After some discussion they were named as follows : Magnanimity^ Fortitude, Justice, Liberty, Prudence, Loyalty ; qualities to which, in the abstract, no one could take exception. At the corners of the basement were lions couchant, and on each division of the structure were placed immense caiiddabri lit up with wax-tapers. The catafalque reached almost to the lofty dome, and all the sides of it were covered with exquisitely wrought garlands of every description, presented by the different cities and provinces of Italy. The walls of the church were draped in black with gold ornamentation. At each side of the altars, over a base on which were em- blazoned the arms of Savoy, were large candelabri. The great circular window in the centre of the vault was veiled over with a transparency in the midst of which shone the star of Savoy, the surrounding roof being black, spangled with transparent stars. The effect of the whole was indescribably grand and impressive. At the door of the church the priests received the coffin and accompanied it up the steps of the catafalque till it was deposited on the summit, the crown, sword, and sceptre, which had been carried with the defunct monarch, being laid upon it ; and beside these emblems of sovereignty was placed the garland sent by Queen Victoria to be laid on the bier of her old ally. When the funeral cortege departed the great surging multitude were permitted to enter and look their last at the remains of the man who had given them national life and liberty. In the evening the church was closed, and at lo o'clock the ministers and officers of state assembled privately to lay their king in his last resting-place. There was a profound stillness in the church. The priests stood at the high altar beside the open tomb, in front of which was a silent group of mourners. The officers and men who guarded Victor Emmanuel in this last watch stood round the catafalque, motionless as 360 LIFE OF VICTOR EMMANUEL IL Statues, till the order was given to ' ground arms,' when the clash of the weapons on the pavement broke the awful silence which reigned in the church. When the coffin was placed in the grave all knelt while the priests clianted the burial service. A silence followed, broken only by the click of the mason's trowel walling in the tomb. Then the benediction was said and the mourners departed, leaving il Re Galantiiomo to sleep in peace. King Humbert said in a proclamation, ' Romans, I commit to your charge what I hold most sacred on earth ; prove yourselves worthy of the trust' And the Romans replied with one voice, ' It is as sacred to us as to you ; we will be worthy.' We believe [said the Popolo Romano\ that we are in- , terpreting a sentiment which will remain indelible in the souls of the Romans, that is, gratitude. Rome, even though she was the last to enter in the great family, after having witnessed the immense affection that the Italians bear to the king and to his dynasty, knows Avhat a sacred deposit is confided to her, and she has the conscience to preserve it scrupulously. Though the last in time, she shall be first from this day henceforth in the love that binds all Italy to her king, and of this love she has yesterday given ample proofs before Europe. In the loyal demonstrations which the attempted as- sassination of Humbert last November called forth, there was one little incident expressive of popular sentiment in Rome worthy of remark. The city had been suffering from a severe inundation, the Tiber had left its deposit of yellow mud in the streets, and the Pantheon was still more or less surrounded by water, the weather was bitterly cold, when about fifty or sixty thousand Romans who had assembled to make a loyal demonstration expressive of their horror and indignation at the at- tempted crime, marched through the streets nearly all night, with bands playing the royal march, etc. ; and when they had gone from the Ouirinal to the Capitol, where the syndic brought out the king's bust to please the excited GRIEF OF THE NATION. 36I crowd and made a speech to them, they all turned with one accord, and without any preconcerted arrangement, to the Pantheon to do honour to the memory of the dead king, and walked round the church in solemn silence. We do not believe there ever was a monarch w^hose death called forth such spontaneous demonstrations of loyal affection, or who was followed to the grave by such profound sorrow. With the exception of Garibaldi, he was the last of that noble band of patriots who initiated in North Italy the work of Italian independence. And with the death of her chivalrous king the nation feels the romance of her youth is passed. She now enters on a new and m.ore prosaic era — let us hope a happier and more peaceful one — under a sovereign w^ho has already proved himself a worthy successor of il Re Galantuovio. And though the heart of the Italian nation is still ' in the coffir there with Czesar,' it is the just inheritance of Caesar's son. May he live to deserve it, and enjoy it ! INDEX. ABE A BERCROMBIE, Sir Ralph, in- ■^"^ terview with King Victor Emmanuel IE, 49 Abruzzi, people of, petition for annexation, 227 Adelaide Princess, see Maria Adelaide Alessandria, Italian subscription for cannons for, 117 Alfieri, Countess, niece of Cavour, 95 Alpine peasants and Victor Em- manuel II., 79 Amedeo, Prince, wounded, 270 ; marries Maria Mttoria, 281 ; birth of his son Emanuele Filiberto, Duke of Puglia. 301 ; made king of Spain, 318 ; depu- tation from the Cortes, to Victor Emmanuel II. thereon, 318; attempt on his life, 326 ; abdi- cates, February 1873, 326; re- turns to Italy, 327 Ancona, visit of Victor Emmanuel II. to the Holy House of Loreto, 225 ; to the Jesuits' College, 225 Anglo- Austrian alliance, 122 Anglo-French alliance, 1854, 92 ; Sardinia proposes to join in, 92 ; joined by Sardinia, 96 Antonelli, Cardinal, and the Naples revolution, 210 Aosta, Vittoria, Duchess of, death, Appony, Count, the Austrian ambassador at the court of Turin, 75 ; and the Neapolitan AUS ambassador, 84 ; leaves Turin, 88 Aspromonte, the battle of, 249 Austria, and the Jesuits, 17; and the Liberal party in Italy, 23 ; occupies Ferrara, 26 ; the Sar- dinian war of 1848 with Austria, 35 ; battle of Goito, 36 ; Pio Nono's part in the war, 39 ; Ferdinand's proclamation on, 39 ; the Duke of Tuscany's pro- clamation on, 40 ; collapse of the Neapolitan army, 41 ; disputes among the Lombards, 42 ; Pio Nono's indecision, 42 ; the battle of Sommacampagna, 43 ; victory of Staffala, 43 ; the defeat at Custoza, 43 ; Charles Albert occupies Milan, 44; renewal of the war, IMarch 20, 1849, 44 ; treachery of General Ramorino, 45 ; defeat at Sforzesca, 45 ; victory at Mortara, 45 ; victory at Novara, 44 ; an annistice demanded by the Italians, 47, 49 ; concluded, 50 ; negotiations for peace, 56, 72 ; treaty of peace signed August 6, 1849, 73 ; amic- able relations established between Austria and Sardinia, 75 ; bitter- ness between, and Piedmont, 88 ; continued disagreements with Piedmont, 118; severance of diplomatic relations with Pied- mont, 123 ; tour of the emperor through his Italian provinces, 123 ; the war of 1859, 138 ; militar}' preparations, 141 ; Count ;64 INDEX. AUS Buol's despatch to the English ambassador, 142 ; endeavours to make Sardinia disarm, 143 ; the proposed European Congress, 143 ; endeavours to exclude Pied- mont from the Congress, 144 ; Count Cavour's reply thereto, 144 ; ultimatum to Piedmont, 146; declaration of war, 146; the Austrians cross the Ticino, 152 ; attempt to retake Palestro, 155 ; collects more troops and returns to the combat, 162 ; quarrels with Prussia, 266 ; pro- poses to cede Venice, 267 ; Arch- duke Albert commands the forces, 270; battle of Custoza, 270 ; vic- tory of Prussia over, 271 ; asks mediation of Napoleon III., and offers to cede him Venice, 271 ; the defeat of Sadowa, 271 ; treaty of peace signed at Vienna, October 2, 1866, 272 ; visit of Victor Emmanuel II., 328 ; Em- peror of, returns vi.sit of Victor Emmanuel II., 331 Austrian prisons, death of Silvio Pellico, author of book on, 92 Avete, Count, on the Statuto, 77 Azeglio, Massimo A\I 3Ii£i Ricordi, 19 ; his scheme for the unification of Italy, 20, 23 ; his interview with the King, Charles Albert, 21 ; his interview with Pio Nono, 23 ; advice to King Charles Albert, after the defeat at Cus- toza, 43 ; made chief minister, 57; on Pio Nono, 62; on the trial of General Ramorino, 71 ; letter to, from Victor Emmanuel II., 78 ; his pamphlet on the papal government, 82 ; his re- marks on the interview between Victor Emmanuel and the Ca- valiere Ramirez, 84 ; disagree- ment with Cavour, 87; resigns office, 87 ; accompanies Victor Emmanuel II. to Paris, 108 ; his reception by the emperor and empress, 108 ; arrives in England, 108 ; sent as governor to Bologna, 167 ; made governor of Milan, CAP 188 ; letter to Farini on death of Cavour, 242 ; his death, 265 ; anecdotes of, his character, 265 "D ALBO, Count Cesare, sent on a "^ mission to Pio Nono by Victor Emmanuel II., 68 ; utter failure of the mission, 69 ; death of, June 3, 1853, 88 Barsanti, the true story of, 307 Bartolucci, General, and the siege of Rome, 67 Belgiojoso, Count, 176 Benedek, General, 162 Berold (Humbert of the White Hand), founder of the .Sabaud family, i ; Count Moriana, title borne by, 2 Berr}', Duchess de, marries Em- manuel Philibert, 3 Bersezio's / Coittemporcuici Italiani, 50 ; on Victor Emmanuel II., 150 Bologna, governor sent to, 168 Bonghi's opinion of Cavour, 89 Bourbon power in Italy, overthrow of, 6 Bourbon race, the, in the Two Sicilies, 67 Brigands in Naples, 246, 251 ; seizure of, from a French vessel at Civitavecchia, 251 ; controversy with the French thereon, 252 Brofferio, his attacks on Cavour, 89, 90, 121, 235 r" ADORN A, General, Victor ^-^ Emmanuel's minister, 52 ; suppresses the insurrection in Sicily, 272 ; marches on Rome, 315. Cairoli commands the Roman rebels, 289 ; his death, 289 Capital punishment in Italy, 297 Capponi, Gino, member of the new Italian Parliament, 205 ; first to welcome Victor Emmanuel II. to Florence, 208 ; receives order of SS. Annunziata, 259 INDEX. 365 CAR CAV Carbonari, the, 9 Carignano, Charles Albert, prince of (afterwards King of Sardinia), 8 ; his education, 8 ; his religion and character, 9 ; marries daugh- ter of the Grand Duke of Tus- cany, 9 ; proposal of the federates that he should sever himself from Austria, 10; proclaims the con- stitution, 14 ; ordered by the king to quit Turin, 14 ; receives a com- mission to serve in the Spanish War, 15 ; recalled to Sardinia by the king, 15 ; ascends the throne, 15 ; is asked by Mazzini to lead the Liberal cause, 16 ; interview with D'Azeglio, 21 ; proclaims a constitution, 27 ; the Mazzinians and, 42, 44 ; defeated at Somma- campagna, 43 ; victorious at Staf- fala, 43 ; defeated at Custoza, 43 ; occupies Milan, 44 ; escapes from Milan, 44 ; renews the war, March 20, 1849, 44 ; treachery of General Ramorino, 45 ; victorious at Sfor- zesca, 45 ; defeated at Mortara, 45 ; utterly defeated at battle of Novara, 44 ; broken-hearted, 45 ; demands an armistice, 47 ; abdi- cates, 47 ; appoints his son Victor Emmanuel king, 47 ; retires to Oporto, 48 ; death of, 73 ; cele- bration of the tenth anniversary of his death by the Lombards, 176 Carignano, Prince of (cousin of Victor Emmanuel IL), becomes prince regent, 147 ; appointed Viceroy of Central Italy, 185 ; made Viceroy of Naples, 231 ; proclamation of Victor Emmanuel IL thereon, 231 ; appointed re- gent in 1866, 268 Casalmonferrato, Bishop of, offers to pay certain clerical dues, 103 Castelar on the influence of Rome over the Italian mind, 235 Cavour, Camillo, 55 ; appointed Minister of Agriculture, 82 ; dis- agreement with D'Azeglio, 87 ; resigns office, 87 ; resumes office, 88 ; feeling against, 89 ; attacked by Brofferio, 89 ; his nickname of ' Lord Camillo,' 89 ; his admi- ration of England, 89 ; Bonghi's opinion of him, 89 ; his oratorj-, 90 ; called an ultra- JModerate by Brofferio, 90 ; his reply thereto, 90; has an interview with Victor Emmanuel II. on the treaty, 96; appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, 96 ; resignation of, 96 ; recalled to ofhce, 104 ; maligned by the clerg}', 103 ; President of the Council, April 1855, 104; accompanies Victor Emmanuel II. to Paris, 108; his reception by the emperor and empress, 108 ; plenipotentiary at the Congress, III; makes the wrongs of Italy known at the Congress, 1 1 1 ; the discussion in the Congress there- on, 112; visits Lord Clarendon, 114; returns to Turin, 115; re- ceives the Order of the Santissima Annunziata, 116 ; defends Victor Emmanuel and his policy, 120 ; his reply to Brofferio, 12 1 ; on public affairs in 1857, 125 ; on the crisis, 128 ; on exiling political offenders, 128; interview with Napoleon III., 132; and the marriage of Princess Clotilde to Prince Napoleon Jerome, 139 ; is presented with a ring by Victor Emmanuel II., 142 ; letter to Earl Derby on the Italian-Austrian question, 143 ; his reply respect- ing the endeavour of Austria to exclude Piedmont from the Con- gress, 144 ; visits Napoleon III., 145 ; returns to Turin and receives an ovation, 145 ; is summoned to the camp, 167; his view of the armistice of July 1859, 170 ; his immense labours, 171 ; his inter- view with Napoleon III., 172 ; his interview with Victor Em- manuel, 172; returns to Turin, 172; resigns ofifice with his col- leagues, 173 ; on the situation of Italy, 177; appointed plenipoten- tiary to the European Congress, November 1859, 185 ; discussion ;66 INDEX. CHA CIA with the ministry on the Con- gress, 1 86 ; resolves to retire to Leri, 1 86 ; visits Sir James Hud- son, 187 ; sends his last condi- tions to the ministiy, 187 ; Sir James Hudson writes them from his dictation, 187 ; consequent resignation of General La Mar- mora, 187 ; sent for by Victor Emmanuel H., 187 ; composes a new cabinet, January 21, i860, 187 ; annoyance of the Ccdini at his return to office, 188; accom- panies Victor Emmanuel H. to Lombard y, February i860, 188; letter to La Farina. 214; mes- sages from, to Garibaldi, 216 ; jealousy between, and Garibaldi, 219; resigns office, 234; is re- called, 235 ; resolves to have Rome for the capital, 235 ; attack of Garibaldi on, concerning the cession of Nice and Savoy, 236 ; his reply thereto, 236 ; reconcilia- tion with Garibaldi, 237 ; on the severance of the temporal power from the Papacy, 238; on Free Church and Free State in Italy, 239 ; illness of, 241 ; visit of Victor Emmanuel H. to, 241 ; death, 242; letter of D'Azeglio to Farini on death of, 242; his burial, 243 ; his last words, 243 ; monu- ment to, 329 Chabron, Colonel de, letter from Victor Emmanuel II. to, 156 Chamber of Deputies, dissolution of, in 1849, 55 ; general election of, July 15, 1849, 72; opening of, July 30, 1849, 72 ; represen- tation of Giovane Italia in, 73 ; dissolution of, 73 ; royal procla- mation thereon, 74 ; opening of, December 20, 1849, 75 ; new ministry formed, 104; opened by Victor Emmanuel II., 106; the king's speech, 106 ; dissolution of Parliament, 1857, 124 ; gene- ral election, 124 ; speech of Vic- tor Emmanuel at opening of Par- liament, 125 ; Parliament opens . January 10, 1859, 133; comments of the Codini and the LiberaH on speech of Victor Pilmmanuel II., 138 ; election of members for the new provinces, 202 ; opening of, on April 2, i860, 205 ; general elections, 232 ; new Parliament (February 1861) opens, 232 ; speech of Victor Emmanuel II., 232 ; kingdom of Italy proclaimed, 234 ; new ministry appointed, 243; opening of, May 1863, 250 ; speech of Victor Emmanuel II. at, 251 ; new Parliament, 279; Victor Emmanuel II. 's address to, 279 ; opening of, December 15, 1866, 275; dissolves, 279; discussion of the Roman ques- tion, December 1867, 262 ; resig- nation of the ministry-, 293 ; the last Florence Parliament, 319; first Parliament in Rome, 322 ; speech of Victor Emmanuel II. thereat, 323 ; general election, 333 ; last speech of Victor Em- manuel II. 333; Parliament meets on Januai-y 16, 1878, 352 ; death of Victor Emmanuel II. an- nounced, 352 ; speech of Signor Depretis on, 352 Chambery, the school of the Sacred Heart in, 124 Charles Albert, sec Carignano Charles Albert (son of Victor Emmanuel II.), death of, 91 Charles Emmanuel IV., 7 ; abdi- cates, 7 ; turns monk, 7 Charles Felix succeeds Victor Em- manuel as King of Sardinia, 8, 13 ; takes possession of the capital, 14 ; death of, 15 Charvaz, Monsignor, the king's pre- ceptor, 86; made Archbishop of Genoa, 86 ; visits Victor Em- manuel II. on the death of the queen, 100 Chassepots at Mentana, 289 Cholera epidemic in the Riviera and Genoa, 91 Cialdini, General, 154 ; takes An- cona, 221 ; besieges Gaeta, 232 ; commands the royal troops at Aspromonte, 249 ; receives the INDEX. ;67 CIB EXG order of the SS. Annunziata, 273 Cibrario, Count, Minister of Fo- reign Affairs, April 1855, 104 ; conversation with Victor Em- manuel II., 135 Circoli Barsanti, 307 Civil marriages, S7 Civitavecchia, landing of the French at, 67 Ci^'itella, fortress of, taken by the Italians, 232 Clarendon, Lord, defies Count Buol at the Congress, 114; visited by- Count Cavour, 114; conveys a message from Victor Emmanuel II. to Pio Xono, 293 Clergy, wealth of, in Sardinia, loi ; proposed confiscation of part of, 102 ; Rattazzis Clerical Bill, 102 ; complaints of, 224 ; on Victor Emmanuel II. 260 Clotilde, Princess, proposed mar- riage with Prince Xapoleon Jerome, 139 ; married, January 29, 1859, 140 ; refuses to leave Paris during the Franco-Prussian war, 310 Codini, the comments of the, on Victor Emmanuers speech at the opening of Parliament, January 10, 1S59, 138 ; annoyance of the, at the return of Cavour to oflSce. 1 88 ; Rome the headquarters of the, 240 Concordia, 24 Congress at Paris on the Crimean War, III , Count Cavour raises a discussion on Italy, 112 Congress, European, proposed, on the Italian question, 185 Consulta, address to the Pope fi-om the, 60 Corsi, Cardinal, and the marriage of Victor Emmanuel II. with Countess Mirafiore, 305 ; anec- dote of, 305 Courmayeur, Victor Emmanuel's first visit to, 80 Crimean War : Shall Sardinia go to the Crimea? 95; starting of the troops, 102 ; the victory of Tcher- naya, 105 ; fall of Sebastopol, no; the Congress, no; return and review of the troops, 116 Cushion, the lady of the, and Victor Emmanuel II., 298 Custoza, battles of, 43, 270 "rjABORMIDA, Genera], his letter on the dangerous illness of Victor Emmanuel II., 69; letter from Victor Emmanuel II. on Anglo-French alliance, 1S54, 93 ; his opposition to Sar- dinia joining the alliance, 94 ; resigns otSce, 96 ; takes office, 174 Delaunay, General, forms a new ministry for Victor Emmanuel II., 55 ; its dissolution, 56 Depretis, Signor, speech in Parlia- ment on death of Victor Em- manuel II., 352 Desambrois, Caval'ere Luigi, ap- pointed plenipotentiary to the proposed European Congress of November 1859, 185 ; death of, 331 Devincenzi, Signor, accompanies Victor Emmanuel II. on his southward journey, 227 Dickens, Charles, on exiled politi- cians, 215 Dino, Duke of, 37 Durando, General, appointed min- ister of war, April 1S55, 104 pCUMENICAL Council, 307 Elizabeth of Saxony, her mar- riage to Duke of Genoa, 80 Elizabeth Tudor, offered in mar- riage to Emmanuel Philibert, 3 Emilia, see Italy, Central. Emilian provinces, Signor Farini made dictator of, 183 England and the House of Savoy, ^3 . . o England, Cavour's opinion of, 89 ; visited by Victor Emmanuel II., 108 368 INDEX. FAN GAR "PANTI, General, 154, 158 ; ■*• takes office as Minister of War, January 21, i860, 187 ; presents banner from Victor Emmanuel II. to the army, 382 Farini, ' Lo Stato Romano dal 1 8 1 5 al 1850,' 41 ; made dictator of the Emilian provinces, 183; let- ter to Victor Emmanuel II., giving up his dictatorship of Emilia, 200 ; Victor Emmanuel II. replies to him, 200 ; receives the order of the SS. Annunziata, 202 ; made Minister of the Inte- rio"", 202, 205 ; resigns office as Viceroy of Naples, 231 ; letter to, from D'Azeglio, on the death of Cavour, 241 ; takes office, 250 ; resigns, 250 Ferdinand of Savoy, 67 Ferdinand II. (of Naples), character of, 17 ; his proclamation on the war of independence, 39 ; Pio Nono takes refuge with, at Gaeta, 62 ; opinion of, by Victor Em- manuel II., 228 Fiorentino's ' La Vita di Pio Nono, ' 66 Five days' struggle, the, 42 Florence, proposed removal of capi- tal to, 256 ; remark thereon by De Lhuys, 256 ; La Marmora's opinion thereof, 257 ; Marquis Pepoli's opinion thereon, 257 ; Visconti Venosta thereon, 258 ; consternation in Turin thereat, 258 ; the last Parliament of, 258 ; address of the citizens to Um- berto, December 1878, 321 'Forced Recruit,' the origin of the poem, 343 Foro Ecclesiastico, 76 ; the Jesuits and the, 77 ; abolition of, 77, 78 France, the French besiege and take Rome, 68 ; letter of thanks from Pio Nono to their General, Oudinot, 69 ; cession of Savoy and Nice to, 141, 203 ; signing of the treaty, March 24, i860, 204 ; French fleet withdrawn from the coast of Naples, 232 Francis II., alliance offered to by \'ictor Emmanuel II., 169, 210; and Count of Syracuse, 210 ; appeals to Victor Emmanuel II., 212 ; takes up his abode at Rome, 240 Franco-Prussian War, 309 ; Prin- cess Clotilde refuses to leave Paris, 310 ; excitement in Rome on, 311 ; France appeals to Vic- tor Emmanuel II. for aid, 317 C^ AETA, King Ferdinand's court ^•^ at, 62, 64; besieged by Cial- dini and Menabrea, 232 ; is taken, 232 Galletti accepts office under the Roman Republic, 65 Garibaldi, in Rome, 63; his influ- ence in, 65 ; and the Neapolitan insurgents, 67; defends Rome from the French, 67 ; joins the Italian army against Austria, 141 ; successes of, and his volunteers, 154 ; receives the military medal from Victor Emmanuel II., 161 ; proposes to make war on the Marches, 184 ; refrains on the advice of Victor Emmanuel II., 185 ; prepares to take command of the rebel army in Sicily, 211 ; indignation of Prussia, Austria, and Germany thereat, 212 ; his successes in Sicily, 214 ; enthusi- asm for, 216 ; message of Victor Emmanuel II. to, 217 ; Cavour's message to, 217 ; enters Calabria, 218 ; takes possession of the capital, 218; is elected dictator, 219 ; jealousy between, and Ca- vour. 219 ; submits to the Cham- ber of Deputies, 226 ; meeting of Victor Emmanuel II. in Naples, 229 ; resigns his dictatorship, 229 ; retires to Caprera, 230 ; on the cession of Nice and Savoy, 236 ; his attack on Cavour, 236 ; his reconciliation with Cavour, 237 ; proposed amalgamation of his troops with the Italian aimy, 247 ; and his troops march for Rome, 248 ; fight at Aspromonte INDEX. ;69 GAV IT.A between the royal troops and the Garibaldians, 249 ; and his troops threaten to invade Rome, 283 ; is arrested, 284 ; Italian troops cross the frontier, 288 ; his 'RuU off he Monk,' 288 ; es- capes from Caprera, 289 ; Me- notti Garibaldi at the head of his troops enters the Papal State, 289 ; arrive at Rome, 288 ; des- perate encounter at the Gate of iit. Paul, 288; victor}- at Monte- rotundo, 289 ; reaches Mentana, 289 ; defeated by the French army, 2S9 ; sent prisoners to the fortress of Varignano, 291 ; is sent to Caprera, 292 ; elected a deputy, 346 ; is reconciled to Victor Emmanuel IL, 346 Gavazzi, the Bamabitey>-d/\ ^T5it of Cavour to, 187 ; the consequences thereof, 187 Huguenots, war of extermination against the, by Victor Amadeus, 6 Humbert of the White Hand (Berold), 2 Humbert, Prince, made captain, 129; marries Princess Margherita, 294 ; anecdote of, 296 ; birth of a son, Vittorio Emanuele, Prince of Naples, 306 ; succeeds to the throne of Italy, 350 ; his procla- mation, 350 ; proclamation at the funeral of Victor Emmanuel II., 360 INQUISITION, the, 58 ; abolition of, 65; thrown open to the public, 65 ; account of, by a prisoner, 66 ; in Rome, 282 Italian subscription for cannons, for fortress of Alessandria, 1 1 7 Italy, the war of 1848, 26; battle of Goito, 36 ; Pio Nono's part in it, 39; Ferdinand's proclamation on, 40 ; the Duke of Tuscany's B B 370 INDEX. ITA LAM proclamation on, 40 ; collapse of the Neapolitan army, 41 ; dis- putes among the Lombards, 42 ; Pio Nono's indecision, 42 ; the battle of Sommacampagna, 43 ; victory at Staffala, 43 ; the defeat at Custoza, 43 ; Charles Albert occupies Milan, 44 ; renewal of the war, March 20, 1849, 44 ; treachery of General Ramorino, 45 ; Victory at Sforzesca, 45 ; defeat at Mortara, 45 ; battle of Novara, utter defeat, 45 ; an armistice demanded by the Ita- lians, 47 ; negotiations for the armistice, 49 ; conclusion, 50 ; negotiations for peace, 55' 72 ; treaty of peace signed, August 6, 1849, 73 ; a mere 'geographical expression,' 1 19; the Anglo- Austrian alliance, 122 ; the war of 1859, 139; preparations for, 139, 141 ; proposal for a European Congress, 143; Austria's ultima- tum to Piedmont, 146 ; declara- tion of war, 147 ; proclamation to the people by Victor Emmanuel II. 147 ; the king's address to the soldiers, 149 ; the Sardinian army at San Salvador, 151 ; Napoleon III. lands at Genoa, 151 ; the Austrians cross the Ticino, 152 ; Turin armed for defence, 153 ; successes of Gari- baldi and his volunteers, 154; victories of Montebello and Pales- tro, . 154 ; royal proclamation thereon, 154 ; the victory of Ma- genta, 159 ; triumphal entry into Milan, 160 ; proclamation of Victor Emmanuel II. to the Lombards, 160 ; the double vic- tories of Solferino and San Mar- tino, 162 ; the central provinces eager for union, 167 ; governors sent to Tuscany, Parma, Modena, Bolog;na, 167 ; an armistice pro- posed and concluded, 169 ; dis- satisfaction of the disputed pro- vinces thereat, 1 70 ; peace signed at Villafranca, 173 ; presenta- tion of banners to Italian army, by Victor Emmanuel II., throxigh General Fanti, 237 ; Russia and Prussia acknowledge Italian uni- ty, 244 ; war declared with Aus- tria, June 20, 1866, 267 ; La Marmora leads the army north- wards, 267 ; Victor Emmanuel II. and his sons start for the seat of war, 268 ; battle of Cus- toza, 270 ; defeat at Lissa, 270 ; Venice restored to Italy by Napo- leon III., 272; treaty of peace signed at Vienna, 272 ; financial state of, 1867. 280 ; Italian troops cross the papal frontier, 288 Italy, Central, offers itself to Victor Emmanuel II., 179 ; his reply to the Tuscans, 180; Prince of Carignano made Viceroy of, 185 ; annexed with North Italy, 189 ; address from Victor Emmanuel II. to the people of, 202 JESUITS, and political feeling in *' Italy, 17 ; popular feeling in Rome against the, 61 ; Gio- berti's book against, 61 ; Aus- trian, and Pio Nono, 63 ; and the Foro Ecclesiastico, 76 Journalism in Italy in 1849, 71 T A MARMORA, General -'-^ Alfonzo, rescues King Charles Albert from the Milanese, 44 ; sent to quell the insurrection in Genoa, 56 ; his opposition to join- ing the Anglo-French alliance, 94 ; his able generalship, 105 ; promotion of, 117; resumes his seat in the cabinet, 118 ; remon- strates on the king's rashness, 151 ; takes office, 174 ; resigns, 187 ; his opinion on the removal of the capital to Florence, 257 ; forms a ministry in 1864, 258 ; forms a new ministry in 1866, 267 ; leads the army northward, 267 ; and the armistice with Austria, 272 ; estrangement of, 331 INDEX. Z1^ LAM popular feelinc Lambruscbini, against, 6 1 Lamoriciere, General, takes com- mand of the army of Pio Nono, 217 Lanza, Minister of Public Instruc- tion, discussion with the king, 126; forms a ministry, Novem- ber 1869, 306 Lhuys, de, opinion on removal of capital to Florence, 256 Liberals, on Victor Emmanuel II., 261 ; on Victor Emmanuel's speech at the opening of Parlia- ment, Jan. 10, 1859, 1 38 Lissa, Italians defeated at, 270 Lo Siranu7V, 266, 272 Lombardo-Venetian provinces, 83 Lombards propose to join the Anglo-French alliance, 95 ; am- nesty to the banished, 122 Lombardy, begs to be joined to Piedmont, 159 ; proclamation of Victor F.mmanuel II. to, 160 ; visited by Mctor Emmanuel II. and Cavour, iSS 'Lord Camillo,' nickname of Ca- vour, 89 A/TAGENTA, the battle of, 159 Mamiani, Count, made Minis- ter of Public Instruction, Januarj' 21, 1S60, 187, 205 ; description of tour with Victor Emmanuel II. through his new dominions, 207 Manzoni. interview of Victor Em- manuel II. with, 177 ; his re- marks on Victor Emmanuel II., 177 ; member of Chamber of Deputies, 205 ; death of, 327 Marches, Signor Valerio made governor of, 222 Margheriia, Princess (of Genoa), marries Prince Humbert, 294 ; her character, 294 Maria Adelaide, Princess, 32 ; marries Victor Emmanuel II., 33 ; her boundless charity, 34 ; education of her children, 34 ; cause of her death, 34 ; her ap- pearance in the Chamber of B B MES 75 ; illness of, 95; funeral at Deputies, death of, 98 ; her Superga, 100 Maria Pia (daughter of Victor Em- manuel II.), marries King of Portugal, 244 ; receives a depu- tation from the senators and deputies on her departure, 244 Maria Vittoria marries Prince Amedeo, 281 Marriage laws cf Sardinia, 87 Maitino, de, and the Neapolitan Go- vernment, 211 Massari, on the friendship between England and the House of Savoy, S3 ; on King Ferdinand of Naples, 83 ; his ' La Vita ed il Rcpio, ' 93 ; on the treaty with England and France, 96 ; his remarks on Victor Emmanuel's speech at the opening of Parlia- ment, Januarv' 10, 1859. 138 ; remarks on the armistice of July 8, 1859, 172 ; his account of marriage of Victor Emmanuel II. with Countess Mirafiore, 304 Mauri, Achilles, on the proposal to join the Anglo-French alliance of 1854, 95 Maximilian, Archduke, made Viceroy of Lombardy, 122, 130 Mazzini, founder of the society Gioz'ane Italia, 16 ; writes to the king, Charles Albert, asking him to lead the Liberal cause, 16 ; his followers and the king, Charles Albert, 42, 44 ; his in- fluence in Rome, 65 ; insurrec- tion at Genoa headed by, 123 Medici, General, bears sword of Victor Emmanuel II. at his funeral, 356 Menabrea, General, narrow- escape from death of, 54 ; besieges Gaeta, 232 ; receives the order of SS. Annunziata, 273 ; forms a new ministrj', 285 ; fomis a new- ministry, December 1867, 293 Mentana, battle of, 289 ; chasse- pots at, 289 Messina, fortress of, taken by the Italians, 232 ^72 INDEX. MET Metternich, Prince, his definition of Italy, 119 Milan, rebellion in, 1853, 88 ; the peace, 133 ; triumphant entry of the troops into, 160 ; Massimo d'Azeglio appointed governor of, 188 Minghetti, ministiy, 250 ; and taxa- tion, 250 ; letter from Victor Emmanuel II. on the same, 250 ; resigns office, 258 Mirafiore, Countess, Victor Em- manuel's connection with, 98 ; marries Vict>^r Emmanuel II., 304 ; her villa, 334 Modena, Duke of, conspiracy against, 18 ; leaves Modena, 106; governor sent to, 167 ; in- habitants resolve to become sub- jects of Victor Emmanuel II., 179 ; reply of Victor Emmanuel II. thereto, 181 Mollard, General, 162, 163 Monferrat, Duke of, death of, 265 Mont Cenis pass, opening of, 124 Montebello, battle of, 154 Moriana, Berold's castle, 2 ; title borne by Berold, 2 Mortara, battle of, 45 Motley, the historian, on Emmanuel Philibert, 4, 5 ■JSTAPLES, revolution of, i860, 2IO ; the treatment of poli- tical prisoners in, 215 ; visit of Victor Emmanuel II. to, 230 ; brigandage in, 246, 251 ; seizure of brigands from a French vessel at Civitavecchia, 251 ; the cholera in, 262 ; Prince of (son of Prince Humbert), 306 Napoleon III., his reception of Victor P^mmanuel II., 108 ; Orsmi's attempt on his life, 126 ; English feeling against him, 127 ; is appealed to by Victor Em- manuel II., 128 ; has an inter- vie%v with Count Cavour, 132 ; lands at Genoa, 151 ; his interview with Count Cavour, 172 ; and PAP Rome as the capital, 240 ; his friendship with Victor Emmanuel II., 152; demands an armistice from the Austrians, 169 ; Marshal Vaillanl's remonstrance thereon, 170 ; attacked for aiding Victor Emmanuel II., 183; a congress proposed to, at Savona, by Victor Emmanuel II., 287 ; Pepoli's letter to, 289, 290 ; declares war against Prussia, 309 ; death of, 327 Napoleon Jerome, proposed mar- riage with Princess Clotilde, 139; married, January 29, 1859, 142 ; visits Victor Emmanuel II. in state, 246 Neapolitan Government and De Marcino, 211 Niccoiini, the poet, his address to Victor Emmanuel II., 209 Nice and Savoy, cession to France, 141, 203 Nigra, Count, takes charge of the children and household of Victor Emmanuel II., 149 ; the king's instructions thereon, 149 Novara, battle of, 44 Novara railway, opening of the, 91 QDONE (Duke of Monferrat), ^^ death of, 265 Orsini, Felice, attempts to assassi- nate the French Emperor, 126 ; letter to Napoleon III., 128 Otho III., 2 Oudinot, General, enters Rome, 68 pALEOCAPA, the blind Vene- tian minister, 173 ; receives the order of S.S. Annunziata, 273 Palermo, insurrection in. 212 Palestro, battle of, 154 Pantheon, decorations of, at funeral of Victor Emmanuel II., 358 Papal government, D' Azeglio's pam- phlet attacking the, 82 Papal .States, absence of railways in, 245 INDEX. Z7?> PAR PIO Pareto, Marchese, insurgent al Genoa, 56 ; pardon of, 56 ; elected deputy, 72 Paris, visited by Victor Emmanuel II., 108 Parliament, sec Chamber of Depu- ties Parma, Duchess of, leaves Parma, 166 ; governor sent to, 167 ; the people of, become sul)jects of Victor Emmanuel II., 181 Peace, Treaty of, of August 6, 1 849, Pellico, Silvio, author of book on Austrian prisons, dies, 1854, 92 Pepoli, Marquis, 167 ; on the Peace of Villafranca, 175 ; made Governor of Umbria, 222 ; his opinion on proposed removal of capital to Florence, 257 ; arrives from Paris, 2S9 ; writes to Napo- leon III., 289, 290 Perugia, Marquis Gualterio made governor of, 222 ; Bishop of, 222 Pettinengo, General, Minister of War, 267 ; resigns ministry of war, 276 ; letter of Victor Em- manuel 11. thereon, 276 Piedmont, financial difficulties, 89 ; increased taxation, 89 ; military preparations in, 92 ; starting of the troops, 102; return and re- view of troops, 116; continued disagreement with Austria, 162; severance of diplomatic relations with Austria, 123 ; preparations for M'ar with Austria, 141 ; Lom- bardy begs to be joined to, 159. See also Sardinia Piedmont and Savoy, invasion of, 2 Pinelli, Minister of the Interior, in 1849,52 Pio Nono, accession of, to the Papal throne, 23 ; popularity of, 24 ; and Austria, 26 ; and the war with Austria, 39 ; his indecision therein, 42 ; and the papal power, 58 ; his relations with Austria, 59 ; receives an address from the Consulta, 60 ; his hesitation in sending the papal army to the war, 60 ; disaffection created thereby, 61 ; bombardment of Quirinal Palace, 62 ; leaves Rome secretly and takes refuge at Gaeta, 62 ; the Austrian Jesuits and, 63 ; is visited by Conte di San Mar- tino, envoy of Victor Emmanuel II., 63 ; resolution of Patliament, that he has fallen from temporal power, 65 ; Fiorentino's ' La Vita di Pio Nono,'' 66 ; thanks the French General Oudinot for the taking of Rome, 68 ; and the death warrants of the traitors, 68 ; receives Count Cesare Balbo on a mission from Victor Emmanuel II., 69 ; receives Count Siccardi as an embassy from Victor Em- manuel II. on the revision of The Statitto, 78 ; letter from Victor Emmanuel II. on the insolence of the clergy, 82 ; letter to Victor Emmanuel II. on the licence of the press, 82 ; sends a letter to Victor Emmanuel II., 167 ; letter from Victor Emmanuel II., 189; public character of, 189; letter to Victor Emmanuel II., 193 ; letter from Victor Em- manuel II. on annexation of Cen- tral Italy, 194 ; excommunicates Victor Emmanuel II. and all his subjects, 196 ; letter to Victor Emmanuel II., 197 ; threatens to place an interdict on the kingdom of Italy, 237 ; letter to Victor Emmanuel concerning certain bishoprics, 262 ; raises a foreign legion, 277 ; relations between Victor Emmanuel II. and, 278 ; Lord Clarendon conveys a mes- sage to, from Victor Emmanuel II., 293 ; his reply thereto, 293 ; calls an Ecumenical Council, 307 ; letter to, from Victor Emmanuel II. on his decision to annex Rome, 312 ; his conversation with Count .San Martino thereon, 314 ; his reply to Victor Emmanuel II., 315 ; yields to Victor Emmanuel II., 316 ; celebrates the twenty- fifth year of his reign, 322 ; depu- tation of the clericals to, 323 ; 374 INDEX. PIS ROM receives greetings, January i, 1872, from Victor Emmanuel II., 325 ; his relations with \'ictor Emmanuel II., 345 Pisanelli, Signer, bill for the sup- pression of religious houses, 252 ; remarks of Victor Emmanuel II. thereon, 252 Philibert, Emmanuel, surnamed Testa di Ferro, 2 ; offered the hand of Elizabeth Tudor of Eng- land, 3 ; marriage with Duchess de Berry, 3 ; Ricotti, the histo- rian, on, 4 ; Motley, the histo- rian, on, 4 Plezza, Senator, anecdote of, 342 Poerio, Baron Carlo, 169 ; elected a deputy, 205 ; his sufferings in prison, 215 ; Victor Emmanuel II. 's opinion of, 228 ; advises Victor Emmanuel II. to recall Cavour, 235 ; death of, 281 Popolo Romano, on the death of Victor Emmanuel II., 360 Portugal, King of, marries Princess Maria Pia, of Italy, 244 Prim, General, assassination of, 326 Prussia, quarrels with Austria, 266 ; alliance with Italy, 267 ; victo- rious over Austria, 271 ; the vic- tory of Sadowa. 271 Puglia, Duke of (son of Prince Amedeo), 301 Q UIRINAL Palace bombarded, 62 "D ADETSKY, Marshal, head of the Austrian army, 42 ; inter- view with Victor Emmanuel II., 49 ; his offer of soldiers to, 75 Railway communication, in Sar- dinia, 91 ; opening of the Novara line, 91 ; objection of the Popes to, 245 ; opening of the Bologna and Ancona railway, 245 ; the Pescara and Foggia railway opened, 254 Ramirez, Cavaliere, appointed by Ferdinand II. ambassador to the court of Turin, 84 ; his in- terview withV'ictor Emmanuel II., 84 Ramorino, General, is tried by court-martial, 71 ; sentenced to death and shot, 71 ; D'Azeglio's comments thereon, 71 Rattazzi, his opposition to joining the Anglo-French alliance, 95; Minister of the Interior, April 1855, 104 ; his Clerical Bill, 102 ; passing of the same, 104 ; forms a new ministry, 174 ; forms a new ministry, 246 ; unpopularity of his ministry, 247 ; resigns office, 250; forms a new ministry, 281 ; he resigns, 284; death of, 327 'Red Shirts,' the. Garibaldi's sol- diers, 229 Ricasoli, Baron, made Dictator of Tuscany, 183 ; gives up his Dic- tatorship of Tuscany, 200 ; reply of Victor Emmanuel II. there- to, 201; receives the order of the SS. Annunziata, 202 ; made Go- vernor of Tuscany, 202, 205 ; forms a new ministry on death of Cavour, 243 ; resigns office, 246 ; visited by Victor Emmanuel II., 253 ; appointed La Marmora's deputy in the Council, 267 ; re- signs office, 280 Ricotti, the historian, on Emmanuel Philibert, 4 Riviera, cholera epidemic in, 91 Romagnuoli, reply of Victor Em- manuel II. to the, 182 Rome, 58 ; nationalist feeling in, 59 ; sympathy with the Pied- montese troops, 60 ; the address of the Consulta to the Pope, 60 ; disaffection in, 61 ; bombard- ment of the Quirinal Palace, 62 ; Pio Nono leaves secretly, 62 ; Garibaldi in, 63 ; inauguration of a republic, 65 ; Galletti accepts office, 65 ; abolition of the In- quisition, 65 ; Garibaldi and Bar- tolucci defend Rome, 67 ; capitu- lation of, 68 ; to be capital of Italy, 235, 238, 240 ; Francis II. INDEX. J/D ROS STA takes up his aboJe in, 240 ; the French to evacuate in 1866, 257 ; evacuation of the French troops, 275 ; conspiracy against the Pope, 278 ; Inquisition in, 282 ; Gari- baldi threatens to invade, 283 ; French troops sent to Civita- vecchia, 283 ; occupation of, by French soldiers, 306 ; Victor Emmanuel II. decides to annex, 312 ; General Cadoma marches on, 315 ; attack on, 315 ; Pio Nono yields to Victor Emmanuel II., 316; visit of Victor Em- manuel II., on the inundation of the Tiber, 321 ; the first Parlia- ment in, November 27, 1871, 322 ; public entry of Victor Emmanuel II. into, 322 ; royal visitors to, 327 ; in mourning for Victor Emmanuel II., 354 Rossi, Pellegrini, comes into office, 61 ; brutal murder of, 62 Ruffini's '^ Doctor Antonio,^ 216 "■ Kuk of tJu Monk,' the, by Gari- baldi, 288 Russia, increasing friendship of, for Piedmont, 123 Russia and Sardinia, ill feeling between, 92 ; reconciliation of, 116 CABAUD family, introductory •^ notice of the, i ; end of the Sabaud monarchy, 2 Sadowa, battle of, 271 San Martino, battle of. 162 ; Conte di, visits the Pope at Gaeta, 63 ; the Austrian and Bavarian am- bassadors and, 63 ; bears a letter to Pio Nono from Victor Em- manuel II., 312 ; his conversa- tion with Pio Nono, 314 San Salvador, the Sardinian army at, 151 Santa Rosa, death of, Si ; brutal outrage upon, 81 Santa Rosa, Count Santorre, leader of the Carbonari, 10, 1 1 ; on the abdication of Victor Emmanuel I., 12 Sardinia and Austria, amicable re- lations established between, 75 Sardinia, the marriage laws of, 87 ; proposes to join Anglo-French alliance, 92 ; ill-feeling with Rus- sia, 92 ; joins the alliance, 96 ; reconciliation with Russia, 1 16; Sardinian army ordered to the Marches and Umbria, 220 ; en- gagement with the Papal troops at Castelfidardo, 221 ; takes Ancona, 221. See Italy. See also Piedmont Savona, a congress at, proposed to Napoleon III. by Victor Em- manuel II., 287 Savoy, the Dukes of, 2 Savoy and Nice, cession to France, 141, 203 Savoy and Piedmont, invasion of, 2 Saxony, visit of the King of, to Victor Emmanuel II., 124 Sclopis on the Statiito, 77 Seven Weeks* War, 267, 268, 271 Sforzesca, battle of, 45 Siccardi, Count, and the revision of the Statiito, 77 ; sent on an em- bassy to Pio Nono concerning the re\-ision of the Statiito, TJ ; Cardinal Antonelli's reply thereto, 77 ; accompanies Victor Em- manuel II. on a tour in the Alps, 78 ; death of, 126 Sicilies, the Two, rebellion in, 67 Sicily, rebellion in, 210, 272 Solferino. battle of, 162 Sommacampagna, battle of, 43 Sonnaz, General de, letter from Victor Emmanuel to, 153 Spain, revolution of 1S68, 300 ; Amedeo made king, 318 ; depu- tation of the Cortes to Victor Emmanuel II. thereon, 318 ; unsettled state of, 325 ; sends an ambassador to Florence, 262 Spezia, narrow escape of Victor Emmanuel II. and his family from drowning at, 91 Staffala, battle of, 43 Statiito, the, 54, 72, 74, 75 ; pro- test by the clergy against the revision of, 77 > Count Siccardi 176 INDEX. STE VIC and tlie revision of, 77 ; Count Siccardi sent on an embassy to Pio None concerning the revision of, 77 ; the anniversary of, 237 Sterbini abolishes the Inquisition, 66 Stranicro, lo, 162 Superga, the church, 7 Sweden, Crown Prince of, visits Victor Emmanuel II., 246 Syracuse, Count of. and Francis II., 210 ; takes refuge with Victor Emmanuel II., 218 HTHIERS, M., appeals to Victor Emmanuel II. for aid in Franco-Prussian War, 317 Thomas, fifth son of Charles Em- manuel I., made Prince of Carig- nano, 8 Tiber, inundation of the, 321 ' Tiines,^ The, on Victor Em- manuePs visit to England, 109 Tommasi, Dr., accompanies Victor Emmanuel II. on his southward iourney, 227 ; conversation of Victor Emmanuel II. with, 257 Treaty of peace of August 6, 1849, Turin, outbreak amongst the uni- versity students of, 10 ; outbreak of students, the military and citizens, 15 ; rebellion in, on the abdication of Victor Emmanuel I., 13 ; punishment of the rebels, 14 ; the court of, Count Appony the Austrian ambassador at. 75 ; put in a state of defence, 153 ; consternation in, on proposed removal of capital to Florence, 258 ; demonstrations in, 259 ; inhabitants of, send an address to Victor Emmanuel II., 260; deputation from, askintr that Victor Emmanuel II. may be buried there, 354; relics of Victor Emmanuel II. deposited at Turin, 354 ; visit of Victor Emmanuel II. to, 230 Tuscany, Duke of, his proclama- tion on the War of Independence, 40 Tuscany, the people demand a constitution, 166 ; the grand duke leaves the country, 166; governor sent to, 167 ; the people of, re- solve to become subjects of Victor Emmanuel II., 179; Baron Rica- soli made dictator of, 183. See also Italy, Central U MBERTO, King, see Humbert Umbria, Marquis Pepoli made Governor of, 222 VAILLANT, Marshal, his re- monstrance on Napoleon III. demanding an armistice with Austria, 170 Valerio, Signor, made Governor of the Marches, 222 ; on the un- just attacks of the clergy and clerical press, 224 ; answer of Victor Emmanuel II. thereon, 224 Venice, the impending struggle for, 266 ; restored to Italy by Napo- leon III., 272 ; deputation from, to Victor Emmanuel II., 272 ; his reply thereto, 273 ; Victor Em- manuel II. enters, 274 Venosta, Visconti, on removal of capital to Florence, 258 Verdi, the composer, 181 Victor Amadeus, first King of Savoy, 6 ; marries niece of Louis XIV., 6 ; declares war with France, 6 ; made king of Sicily, 6 ; erects the church of .Superga, 7 ; his war of extermination with the Huguenots and Waldensians, 7 Victor Emmanuel I. succeeds Charles Emmanuel IV., 7 ; per- secuted by Napoleon, 7 ; exiled to Sardinia, 7 ; returns to his capital, 7 ; abdicates, 12 ; agita- tion in Turin, 13 Victor Emmanuel II., birth and eaily days, 28 ; fatality to his nurse, 28 ; education, 29 ; mili- tary studies of, 34 ; marries Maria Adelaide, daughter of the Archduke Ranieri, 32 ; anecdote INDEX. zn VIC VIC '^f) 35 ; is given a command, 36 ; his first taste of war, 36 ; at the victory of Goito, 43 ; made King of Sardinia on the abdication of his father, 47 ; his negotiations for an armistice, 49 ; interview with Marshal Radetsky, 49 ; con- clusion of the armistice, 50 ; popular indignation thereon, 5^ > i reception by the citizens at Turin, ' 51 ; his proclamation to the people, 52 ; reception of the armistice by the Chamber of Deputies, 52 ; deputation to, from the Chamber, 53 ; narrow escape from death, 53 ; takes the oath to . the constitution, 54 ; his speech l thereon, 54 ; dissolves Chamber [ of Deputies in 1849, 55 ; inter- . view with the ambassadors of France and England, 56 ; inter- view with D'Azeglio, 57 ; his title of ^ Re Galantziomo,^ 58; his envoy Conte di San Martino \'isits Pio Xono at Gaeta, 63 ; sends Count Cesare Balbo on a mission to Pio Nono at Gaeta, 68 ; utter failure of the mission, 69 ; dan- gerous illness of, 69 ; General Dabomiida's letter thereon, 69 ; the Duke of Genoa fills his place, 71 ; his recovery, 71 ; issues a ; proclamation to the people, 71 ; his welcome at the Chamber of Deputies, 72 ; death of Charles Albert, his father, 73 ; his pro- clamation on the dissolution of the Chambers, 73 ; visits the Alps, 78 ; writes to D".\zegho, 78 ; his success in the chase, 78 ; Barba Vittorio (Uncle Victor), 79 ; anecdotes of, and the peasantry, 79 ; tour through Savoy to meet the Duke and Duchess of Genoa, 80 ; letter to Pio Nono, on the insolence of the clerg5% 82 ; Pio Nono's letter to, on the licence of the press, 82 ; and the Lombardo- Venetian pro\-inces, 83 ; enmity of King Ferdinand to, 83 ; his opinion of Gioberti's ^ Rhiiiozu- mento Civile d'' Italia,'' 85 ; his magnanimity, 85 ; his religious belief, 85 ; memorandum to Aus- tria, 88 ; his active part in the cabinet, 90; narrow escape with his family from drowning, 91 ; death of his son Charles Albert, 91 ; visits Genoa during the cholera epidemic, 91 ; letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs concerning the Anglo-French alliance, 93 ; his interview with the French ambassador on the Anglo-French alliance 1854, 93 ; illness of his mother and his wife, 95) 97 j inter%aew on the treaty with Cavour, 96 ; death of his mother, January 12, 1S55, 98 ; his connection with Countess Mirafiore, 98 ; death of his wife, January 20, 1855, 98 ; public announcement on the loss of his mother, wife, and brother, 99 ; reviews troops about to leave for the seat of war, 102 ; speech to the troops starting for the war, 103 ; maligned by the clergy, 104 ; illness of, 105 ; proposes to visit England and France, 105 ; opens the Legislative Assembly, 1855, 106 ; his speech, 106 ; starts for Paris with Cavour and D'Azeglio, 108 ; his reception by the emperor and empress, 108 ; arrives in England, 108 ; the ' Times ' on his visit, 109 ; re- ceives the order of the Garter, 109 ; attends a banquet at the Guildhall, 109 ; returns to Turin, no; addresses the troops on their return from the war, 117; inter- view of La Mannora, 117 ; his plan for the unification of Italy, 119; visited by brothers of the Czar of Russia, 123 ; visited by the King of Saxony, 124 ; receives a deputation on female education, 124; his speech on the opening of Parliament, 125 ; conversa- tion with Lanza, 126 ; his appeal to Napoleon III., 128 ; is again visited by the royal family of Russia, 132 ; receives deputa- C C 2>7^ INDEX. VIC VIC tions on January i, 1859, 134 ; his remark to the magistrates, 134 ; his sj^eech at the opening of Parliament, January 10, 1859, 135, 136 ; ' Grido di dolor c,^ 135 > his remark to Ciprario thereon, 135; Massari's remarks on his speech, 138 ; proposed marriage between Princess Clotilde and Prince Napoleon Jerome, 139 ; his repugnance thereto, 139 ; his present of a ring to Count Cavour, 140 ; his walks incog- nito, 145 ; anecdote of, and his wife, 146 ; appointed supreme commander of the Italian lorces, 147 ; Prince Eugenio appointed regent, 147 ; his proclamation to the people, 147 ; his address to the people, 148 ; confides his children to Count Nigra, 149 ; his instructions to him, 149 ; de- scription of, by a French officer, 150 ; his friendship with Napo- leon III., 152 ; letter to General de Sonnaz, 153 ; Royal procla- mation on the battle of Rlonte- bello, 154 ; h'S gallantry at Palestro, 155 ; made captain of the Zouaves, 156 ; his letter to Colonel de Chabron, 156 ; issues another proclamation, 157 ; meet- ing of, and Garibaldi, 161 ; at the battles of Solferino and San Martino, 162 ; his message to Marshal Hilliers, 163, 164 ; issues another proclamation on the late victories, 164 ; receives a letter from the Pope, 167 ; offers his alliance to Francis II., 169 ; his interview with Count Cavour, 172 ; returns to Turin, 173 ; his interview with Sir James Hudson, 173; interview with the Marquis Pepoli, 175; his letter to Count Belgiojoso on the sei-vice at Milan in memoiy of his father, 176; visits Lombardy privately, 177; visits Manzoni, 177; Man- zoni's remarks on, 177 ; the in- habitants of Modena resolve to become subjects of, 179 ; Central Italy offers itself to him, 179;. his reply to the Tuscans, 180 ; to Modena, 181 ; to the Ro- magnuoli, 182 ; sends for Count Cavour, 187 ; visits Lombardy, Februaiy i860, 188 ; letter to Pio Nono, 189 ; letter from Pio Nono, 193 ; letter to Pio Nono on annexation of Central Italy, 194 ; is excommunicated by Pio Nono, 196 ; letter from Pio Nono, 197 ; efforts for recon- ciliation with Pio Nono, 199 ; address to Signor P'arini on giving up the dictatorship of Emilia, 200 ; address to Baron Ricasoli on giving up the dictatorship of Tuscany, 201 ; address to the people of Central Italy, 202 ; cddress to inhabitants of Nice and Savoy on their cession to France, 204 ; speech at the opening of Parliament, April 2, i860, 205 ; makes a tour through his new dominions accompanied by Count Mamiani, 207 ; is wel- comed to Florence by Capponi, 208 ; address of Niccolini the poet to, 209 ; message from, to Garibaldi, 217 ; Count of Syra- cuse takes refuge with, 218 ; is appealed to by P'rancis II., 218 ; his address to the soldiers on leaving for the Marches, 220 ; commands his soldiers to be con- siderate with the Clerical! and the prisoners, 222 ; and the foreign powers, 223 ; visits new pro- vinces, 223 ; enthusiastic recep- tion at Ancona, 223 ; address to the soldiers, 223 ; address to the marines, 224 ; answer to .Signor Valerio on clerical complaints, 224 ; visits the Holy House of Loreto, 225 ; visits the Jesuits' College, 225 ; his tenderness for the wounded, 225 ; anecdotes thereon, 225 ; his address to the people of South Italy, 226 ; his journey through the Southern States, 227 ; is called to Naples, 227 ; his daily routine of work, INDEX. 379 VIC VIC 227 ; his opinion of Poerio, 228 ; his opinion of Ferdinand II., 228 ; meeting with Garibaldi in Naples, 229 ; his reception in Naples, 230 ; arrives in Turin, December 29, i860, 231 ; his proclamation on Prince of Carig- nano as Viceroy of Naples, 231 ; his speech at opening of Parlia- ment, February 1S61, 232; pro- claimed King of Italy, 234 ; pre- sents new banners to the army through General Fanti, 237 ; his address thereon, 237 ; his notes for the use of the Paris envoy, 243 ; his letter to Count San Martino, 244 ; visited by Crown Prince of Sweden, 246 ; visits Naples, 246 ; receives a visit from Prince Napoleon, 246 ; tele- gram to Napoleon III. thereon, 246 ; proclamation on the crisis in Rome, 248 ; his grief on the battle of Aspromonte, 249 ; letter to Minghetti on finance, 250 ; his remarks on the bill for sup- pression of religious houses, 252 ; and the Republican writers, 253 ; anecdote thereon, 253 ; travels through the central provinces, 253 ; visits Ricasoli at Broglio, 253 ; opens a railway between Pescara and Foggia, 253 ; his remarks on proposed removal of capital to Florence, 257 ; his conversation with Dr. Tommasi, 257 ; sets out for Florence, Januar}' 31, 1865, 259 ; his re- ception, 259 ; retires to Villa San Rossore, near Pisa, 259 ; receives an address from Turin, 260 ; surrenders a fifth of his civil list to avoid taxing the country, 261 ; the Clericals and the Liberals on, 261 ; receives letter from Pio Nono concerning certain bishoprics, 262 ; visits Naples, 262 ; opens the first Florence Parliament, 262 ; his speech thereat, 262 ; death of his third son Odone, the Duke of Monferrat, 265 ; anecdote thereon, 265 ; goes to seat of war of 1866 with his sons, 268 ; his addresses to the people, national guards, and soldiers, 268, 269 ; his letter to Napoleon III. on the war, 269 ; the em- peror's reply thereto, 269 ; his son Amedeo wounded, 270 ; re- solves on an armistice with Austria, 271 ; deputation to, from Venice, 272 ; his reply to the Venetians, 273 ; entry into Venice, 274 ; returns to Florence, November 21, 1866, 274 ; his speech to the Chamber, Decem- ber 15, 1866, 275 ; letter to General Pettinengo on his resig- nation as Minister of War, 276 ; relations between, and Pio Nono, 278 ; address to new Parliament, March 22, 1867, 279 ; procla- mation on the insurrection in Rome, 285 ; telegram to Marquis Pepoli on the crisis, 286 ; pro- poses to Napoleon III. a con- gress at Savona, 287 ; on the chassepots at Mentana, 289 ; a message conveyed from, to Pio Nono, by Lord Clarendon, 293 ; institutes a new order of knight- hood, la Corona d^ Italia, 296 ; anecdotes of his deeds of charity, 297 ; presented with a cushion, 299 ; address to, on birth of Amedeo's son, 301 ; his reply thereto, 301 ; receives visits from Russians and Austrian s, 302 ; receives Empress of French at Venice, 302 ; growing friendship between, and Emperor of Austria, 302 ; severe illness of, 303 ; marries Countess Mirafiore, 304 ; his recovery, 304 ; and the Clericals, 305 ; decides to annex Rome, 311 ; his letter to Pio Nono thereon, 312 ; Thiers ap- peals for aid in Franco-Prussian war, 317 ; deputation from the Cortes on Amedeo becoming King of Spain, 31S ; his reply thereto, 318 ; hi.-, speech at the last Florence Parliament, 319; 3So INDEX. VIC ■ ^ -Rome on inundation of entry into ^ '^ . . yigit SriST^ech in Pa^^-nt, 333,, ^ private hfe^^34, an- dotes about ^^^^ d^^^^' f^^,.^ of horses, o37, n^ t^ ^^^ y,om ^^1? h?s love of hunting, 34X 5 ^tiastiUness, 3485 tnsdymg ZOR words, 349;'thefctlsa.rgof Italy is no more 35° ; ^f ^^l^. nnnounced in Parhamcnt 352. sneechofSigi^orDepretis thereon, 3^5? hisfSreral, 354; de-r- •■' „f thp Pantheon at nis z:j! 3*8 ■. ' '*»« " "^ memory 361 „,,„,„,,„dum ^"?r %"c""r Emmanuel .o S^, Sardmian ambassado. lea«s, ~73fSerS;f^^r^ for^tmai settlement of the Peac. ViSamlrina, Marquis, appointed ^''^Svoienil^rjioi^e Congress, Vittoria, Duchess of Aosta, death of, 333 . ' •? ' x...\T\ntr>r Amadeus, ons - » ot 3 ; wa. ^. extermination againsUhe, by Victor Amadeus, 7 yORILLA, Senor, 318 5S THE END. T.OVD0N-: PRiN-rr-D nv ,T -^t• cTRP'^T SQUARE SPOTTISNVOOD-.: AND CO., N^^^-TRC■T AND PAKLIAMENT STREET SS7 n ■' University of Caiifornia SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 Return this material to the library from which It was borrowed. ■ 0CT06 ^ 10m-12,'67(H688688)9482 3 1205 02645 7414 AA 000 862 400 9 m '.'■ 3 ii '^ '}:':\f\^C. Wr-^:'-4 MM mi 3-S:«i ^Kv t Va