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OUTLINE 
 
 OF 
 
 JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 From Abraham to Our Lord 
 
 I:Y THK 
 
 Rev. FRANCIS E. GIGOT, S.S. 
 
 Professor of Sacrbd Scripture, in St. J ■-■ 
 
 BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 NEW YORK, CINCINNATI, CHICAGO 
 
 BENZIGER BROTHERS 
 
 Printers to the Holy Apostolic See 
 1905 
 
J. B. HOGAN, S.S., D.D. 
 Censor 
 
 5m^rimatur : 
 
 ^ JOANNES JOSEPHUS 
 
 A rchiepiscopiis Bostonieitsis 
 
 LOAN STACK 
 
 V 
 
 \' 
 
 Copyright, 1897 
 By Francis E. Gigot 
 
1 106^ 
 
 /<^ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The present volume has been prepared for the special use of 
 theological students, who, being already acquainted with the lead- 
 ing facts of the Biblical narrative as found in most Bible Histories, 
 need to be introduced to the scientific study of Holy Writ upon 
 which they enter, by a more accurate and thorough knowledge of 
 the History of the Jews. Not, indeed, that the present work is 
 intended to supply students with a detailed and continuous narra- 
 tive of all the historical facts recorded in the Bible such as would 
 enable them to dispense with a careful perusal of the Sacred Books 
 themselves. The writer is fully persuaded, on the contrary, that 
 the Inspired Text should ever remain pre-eminently the text-book 
 of Biblical students, and that whatever else may be placed at their 
 disposal should be only helps calculated to promote their closer 
 acquaintance with the Sacred records. Whilst therefore describ- 
 ing the events of Jewish history in such a way as to recall them 
 sufficiently to the minds of the careful readers of the inspired 
 books of the Old Testament, whilst also constantly referring to 
 the Bible for further details, the writer has aimed at supplying 
 theological students with much of what is needed for a scientific 
 study of the History of the Jews. 
 
 It is with this distinct purpose in view that he has embodied 
 concisely in this work the best ascertained results of modern criti- 
 cism and recent exploration through Bible Lands, and has availed 
 
 180 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 himself of every source of information to make Jewish history at 
 once more intelUgible and more attractive. It is for the same pur- 
 pose that he has taken notice of the principal difficulties which 
 are daily being made on historical grounds to the facts narrated . 
 in the Bibhcal records, and has suggested briefly the best answers 
 which have been offered. It is believed that the Bibhcal student 
 will also be greatly benefited by the references to sources, which 
 he will constantly find in the text-book now placed at his disposal. 
 
 Whilst aiming principally at meeting the requirements of cleri- 
 cal students, the writer is not without hopes of doing service to a 
 much larger number of readers. For example, teachers of Sacred 
 History in Sunday-schools, colleges, academies, and the like, who 
 constantly feel the need of something more consecutive and 
 methodic than is supplied by the Sacred Text itself or by the 
 popular manuals, wuU rejoice to meet it in the present volume. 
 Perhaps even the deeper student of Biblical history will occasion- 
 ally find in its pages views and suggestions new and helpful. 
 
 Finally, if the writer of the present work has not dealt wdth the 
 great facts of the Creation of the World, or the Fall of Man, etc., 
 which are narrated in the opening chapters of Genesis, it is chiefly 
 because their study is not directly connected with the history of 
 the Jewish people as a nation, for this history begins strictly with 
 Abraham, the first distinct ancestor of the chosen people, and also 
 because this study may be more profitably postponed to a later 
 period in the Biblical training of theological students. 
 
 October 19, 1897. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Pagb 
 INTRODUCTION' i 
 
 FIRST PERIOD, 
 
 The PatriiDrJhil .1",- : /■^r,>/j/ tlw Call of Ahrahain to Afoses. 
 
 Abraham. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Section I. A Summary Accirnt of II .6 
 
 ( llAl'l IK II. 
 Section II. Social AND Rklicious Aspects of His Life, 17 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Jacob 27 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Joseph 37 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Israelites in Egypt 46 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 SECOND OR TRIBAL PERIOD. 
 Frojfi Moses to the Institution of the MonarcJiy. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Deliverance from Egypt • 5"^ 
 
 CHx\PTER VII. 
 Sinai and the Law 70 
 
 The Mosaic Law. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Section I. General Remarks. The Tabernacle and 
 
 ITS Ministers 7S 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Section II. Sacrificial and Festival Rites ... 89 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 From Sinai to the Southern Border of Palestine . . 100 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 Geography of Palestine 109 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 Conquest of Eastern Palestine 117 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 Conquest of Western Palestine 130 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 The Time of the Judges 14^ 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 History of the Judges , • 15'J 
 
CONTENTS. VU 
 
 THIRD OR ROYAL PERIOD. 
 
 Frojn the Institution of the Monarchy to the Babylotiian 
 
 Captivity. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Beginning of the Monarchy 171 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Reign of Saul and Youth of David . . . .183 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 '1'he Keu.n 01 I'.Avii' 196 
 
 The KiNt;i>oM of Solomon. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Section I. Its Beginning and Prosperous Period . 211 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 Section II. Its Decline and Disruption .... 228 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 The Kingdom of Israei 240 
 
 CHAPTKk XX 11. 
 Thk. Kingdom of Juda \ 255 
 
 The Prophetical Office in the Old Testament. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 Sec Hon I. Nature and History .... 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 Section II. PREDICTIONS AND Influence .... 284 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 FOURTH PERIOD. 
 The Restoratio7i : From the Babyloniaii Captivity to Our Lord, 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 The Babylonian Captivity. 296 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 Return from the Exile 310 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 Rule of the High PrIests 323 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 The National Independence Reconquered .... 335 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 The Last Jewish Dynasty 347 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 The Jews of the Dispersion • . . 360 
 
 General Index 373 
 
OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. Object of Jewish History. The history of the 
 Jews, like that of all nations, is the narrative of the past 
 events connected with a particular people. Its object is to 
 represent to the modern eye, in a vivid and accurate manner, 
 the several phases of the actual existence of the Jewish 
 nation. For this purpose, it narrates the facts supplied by 
 every available source of information, illustrates the manners 
 and customs of the Jews, describes the countries which they 
 have successively occupied, and taking notice of every devel- 
 opment in their literary, commercial, political and religious 
 life, it sets forth a faithful picture of the origin, growth and 
 decline of Jewish civilization. 
 
 Jewish history is not, however, simply the picture of tiie 
 civilization which the Jews attained in the various periods 
 of their national existence, it is also the history of the true 
 Religion from Abraham to the coming of our Lord. From 
 beginning to end, Israel's history is most intimately bound 
 up with Divine Revelation. A Divine covenant with Abra- 
 ham, " the Father " of the Jews, marks the very beginning of 
 the chosen people, and the various stages of this Divine 
 covenant are intimately connected with the social and politi- 
 cal changes of the Jewish nation. Israel is ever God's 
 ''peculiar people," and its judges and kings, its priests and 
 
2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 prophets, are but the visible representatives of Jehovah, the 
 Ahnighty King of the Jews. National prosperity or public 
 calamities are meted out to the theocratic nation according 
 to its faithfulness or unfaithfulness in keeping alive the pure 
 worship of the true God. In fine, under God's special 
 guidance, the principal personages and leading events of 
 Jevv^ish history foreshadow the corresponding personages and 
 events of the Christian dispensation. From all this it fol- 
 lows that Jewish histoiy is essentially identical with Sacred 
 history. 
 
 2. Importance of Jewish History. The religious 
 importance of the history of the Jews has ever been felt in 
 the Church of God. The Fathers of the early centuries, and 
 the ecclesiastical writers of all ages, ever considered the 
 facts which it records and the predictions which it contains 
 as the real preparation and the sure basis of Christianity. 
 They read the history of Israel with the religious respect 
 which man owes to the Word of God, and they delighted in 
 drawing from the inspired records of the Jews the instruc- 
 tions, encouragements, warnings, promises, etc., which they 
 needed for their own spiritual welfare or for the good of 
 those intrusted to their care. In point of fact, to the 
 Christian mind, the main importance of Jewish history will 
 ever consist in that religious character which makes of it the 
 authentic record of God's dealings with the children of 
 men. 
 
 Viewed from another, viz., from a historical, standpoint, 
 Jewish history has also a special importance. " It is the 
 most complete history of the Oriental world in our possession, 
 and is not confined to one people, but is full of references to 
 many and great Eastern nations. It is the beaten track 
 through Oriental times, to which and from which numerous 
 pathways lead. Taking it as a starting-point, and making it 
 our own, we shall have little difficulty in increasing our 
 
INTRODUCTION. j 
 
 knowledge of the contemporaneous history of the surround- 
 ing peoples" (Ira M. Price, Syllabus of Old Testament 
 History, third edition, p. 2). 
 
 A thorough acquaintance with Jewish history presents 
 another precious advantage : it enables us to grasp the exact 
 meaning of the Sacred Scriptures, particularly of the Old 
 Testament. It makes us conversant, for instance, with those 
 Eastern manners and customs which are so constantly referred 
 to, but so seldom explained in the Sacred Scriptures, and it 
 thereby furnishes us with a key for the right interpretation 
 of countless passages of the Inspired volume. For the 
 prophetical writings in particular, Jewish history has a special 
 exegetical importance. The exhortations, threats and pre- 
 dictions of the prophets are usually suggested by, and 
 natually connected with, the events and conditions of the 
 time when they were uttered, and, in consequence, only a 
 man really conversant with Jewish history has the true data 
 by which these important portions of Holy Writ can be 
 rightly interpreted. 
 
 Finally, the study of Jewish history has acquired during 
 this century a great apologetical importance. On the one 
 hand, there is hardly a book of Holy Writ whose authority 
 has not been assailed on historical grounds by some of the 
 ablest scholars of the Rationalistic school, and their objec- 
 tions naturally demand to be met with genuine historical 
 knowledge. On the other hand, as a careful study of Jewish 
 history shows that many of these objections, once apparently 
 so formidable, have lost their force, chiefly in face of the 
 recent discoveries in Bible lands, the apologist of the present 
 day may justly feel that the objections which have not yet 
 been fully disposed of, will sooner or later meet with a simi- 
 lar fate. 
 
 3. Sources of Jewish History. The Sacred Books 
 of the Old Testament are the first source of Jewish History. 
 
4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 They all, in their several degrees, supply materials for the 
 narrative of the events connected with the chosen people. 
 Those among them which are called Historical because 
 they detail directly and almost exclusively the events of one 
 or several periods of Israel's existence, stand naturally the 
 first as sacred sources of Jewish history. Next come the 
 Prophetical writings with their numerous references to 
 past or present events, and with their vivid descriptions of 
 the moral, social, political and religious condition of the 
 time. Lastly, the Didactic works of the Old Testament con- 
 tain also precious indications about the customs and civiliza- 
 tion of the Jews, and at times they furnish detailed infor- 
 mation about some great personages or leading events of the 
 Jewish nation. 
 
 Outside these authentic sources of Jewish history, useful 
 materials may be gathered from secondary sources of infor- 
 mation, such as ancient History and Geography, Archaeology 
 and Ethnography. By means of the ancient history of the 
 greatest countries of antiquity, such as Egypt, Assyria, Baby- 
 lonia, Phenicia, Syria, Medo-Persia, and especially of their 
 condition when Israel comes in contact with them, many 
 facts of Jewish history are better realized, because viewed in 
 the light of the actual circumstances which influenced their 
 production. In like manner a fair acquaintance with the 
 Geography and scenery of these great countries is very 
 desirable to render more living and more interesting the 
 events of Jewish history which occurred in these ancient 
 regions. Archaeology, or the science of the domestic, 
 social, political, and religious antiquities of the nations which 
 surrounded or conquered Israel, may furnish at times the 
 best illustrations of the antiquities of the Jews, either by way 
 of resemblance or by way of contrast. Finally, ancient and 
 modern Ethnography, or description of the customs and 
 manners of the various nations, especially in the form of 
 books of Eastern travel, can be of the greatest use, because 
 
INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 of the unchanging character of Oriental life, even in its 
 minutest details. 
 
 4. Division of Jewish History. Tlie history of the 
 Jews from Abraham to Our Lord may be divided into four 
 great periods of about equal duration, and corresponding to 
 the most important political changes undergone by the Jew- 
 ish nation : 
 
 (i) The Patriarchal age. from the call of Ahrahnni to 
 Moses. 
 
 (2) The Tribal period, from Moses to the institution of 
 the monarchy. 
 
 (3) The Royal period, from the institution of the mon- 
 archy to the Babylonian captivity. 
 
 (4)* The period of the Restoration, fmm the llahylonian 
 captivity toOurLord. 
 
^ 
 
 V 
 
 -7'^t.<l-^''«^ 
 
 'VC^<^4^2^ ^ 
 
 
 Y^^^ 
 
 ^y - yh^-u^^^j,.,.-,^^^^^^- ^^' 27-xxv, 10). 
 
 /7 — ^^<^ ^ ' J.SecUonI. A Summary Account of His Life. 
 
 I.. Birthplace. 
 
 History 
 
 OF 
 
 Abraham. 
 
 Ur of the Chaldees.-{ 
 
 ! Chaldaea. 
 
 I Site of Ur^ descrip 
 [ tion of its rjiins. 
 
 j I, Ur, Haran, Sichem, Bethel, Egypt. 
 >. Wanderings. \ 2. Bethel again, Mambre near Hebron. 
 ! 3. Gerara, Bersabee, Hebron finally. 
 
 3. Relations with-^ 
 
 I I. The Chanaanites. 
 2. Egypt. 
 
 Melchisedech. 
 
 4. Abimelech. 
 
 [ Agar and Tsmael. 
 Sara and Isaac. 
 4. Dotnestic Life.\ Eliezer and Rebecca. 
 
 Lot (separation, rescue). 
 Cetura. 
 
 5. Bnrial- Place. 
 
 xMachpelah (double cave) \ 
 
 ['purchase. 
 
 [description. 
 
 [61 
 
FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 THE PATRIARCHAL AGE: FROM THE CALL OF 
 ABRAHAM TO MOSES. 
 
 CHAPTKR L 
 
 Abraham (Gen. xi, 27-xxv, 10). 
 
 Section L A Summary Account of His Life. 
 
 I. Birthplace. The m^n selected by God to be the 
 ancestor of the chosen people was Abraham, or as he was 
 first called. Abram. He was the youngest son of Thare, 
 the ninth descendant from Sem, and was born in "the land 
 the Chaldeans " (Acts vii, 4), whereby is meant the southern 
 part of the country fertilized by the Tigris and the Euphrates. 
 As Chaldica is strictly an alluvial region, its aspect is that of 
 a level plain whose monotony is unrelieved by mountain or 
 hill. But its natural fertility is wonderful, and with its former 
 large and industrious population (Gen. x, 10), it must have 
 presented in Abraham's time a great contrast with its present 
 barren and depopulated condition. Among its many cities 
 was " Ur of the Chaldees" the birthplace of Abraham, and 
 whose long disputed site has been recently identified with 
 Mugheir, some six miles distant from the right bank of the 
 Euphrates, and about 125 miles northwest of the Persian 
 Gulf. In the time of Abraham, Ur was most likely a thriving 
 seaport, for recently discovered inscriptions, whilst proving 
 that Mugheir was formerly called Ur, *• constantly speak 
 
 [7] 
 
8 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of the ships of Ur and of the brisk commerce of its inhabi- 
 tants " (Blaikie, Heroes of Israel, p. 9). The ruins of Ur are 
 extensive, consisting mostly of low mounds, near the north- 
 ern end of which are the remains of a Chaldean temple built 
 in brick, partly sunburnt and partly baked, and dedicated to 
 Hurki, the moon-god, from whom the town derived its name. 
 As Urwas for long centuries used as a cemetery-city, because 
 of the notions entertained about its great sanctity, its ruins 
 present mainly the aspect of a city of tombs. 
 
 2. Wanderings. The wanderings of Abraham began 
 during the lifetime of his father. For some unknown reason 
 — perhaps simply because of the restlessness natural to 
 nomads — the family of Thare left their settlement at Ur, 
 and under his leadership started towards the land of 
 Chanaan (Gen. xi, 31). Proceeding northward, the emi- 
 grants naturally followed the road which is along or near the 
 banks of the Euphrates, because it presented no special 
 difficulty for the conveyance of either man or cattle. For 
 upwards of 170 miles .they moved along the rich plain of 
 Sennaar and passed by the great cities of Arach, Chalaiiiie 
 and Babylon ; next they entered a highland region, and 
 about 200 miles northwest of Babylon crossed the river 
 Khabur, whence they easily reached Haran, the frontier 
 town of Babylonia. There the family of Thare settled, cap- 
 tivated by the grent fertility of the plain in the centre of 
 which Mara!! is built. There, also, after his father's death, 
 Abraham received the Divine call recorded in Genesis (chap, 
 xii, I, sq.) bidding him leave his own country and the idola- 
 trous house of his father (Josue xxiv, 2, 3) and repair to 
 another land (cfr. Crelier, Genese, p. 153). 
 
 Accordingly, Abraham, now seventy-five years old, leaving 
 his brother Nachor in Haran (Gen. xxiv, 10), proceeded on 
 his journey with his wife Sarai, and his nephew Lot. Both 
 Abraham and Lot had prospered in Haran, and their large 
 
ABRAHAM. 
 
 possessions and retinue formed a long caravan which moved 
 slowly towards the Euphrates (Gen. xii, 4, 5). Having 
 crossed this river — probably at the ford still in use near 
 Zeugma — they naturally took the old track or road to 
 Damascus across the great Syrian desert. They stopped 
 but a little time in Damascus (Gen. xv, 2, 3) and then 
 resumed their southwesterly road by one of the ordinary 
 caravan routes which passed, as they still pass, through 
 Palestine to Egypt. Thus did Abraham reach the land of 
 Chanaan, but not knowing yet whether this was the land 
 of promise, " he passed through the country into the place 
 of Sichem " as far as the turpentine tree of Moreh (cfr. 
 Gen. xii, 6 ; xxxiv, 4). Here it was that Jehovah appeared 
 to Abraham and promised to his seed this very land ; here 
 it was also that the grateful patriarch erected his first altar 
 to Jehovah (Gen. xii, 7). 
 
 But the plain was small, and not without proprietors. 
 This led Abraham to pass southward to a mountain east of 
 Bethel, a fine district for pasturage, which, however, soon 
 proved insufficient for his numerous flocks. He therefore 
 went southward to "///<? Negeb^''' "'the dry" region which 
 forms the southern limit of the Holy Land, till the pressure 
 of famine compelled him to go down into Egypt, the fertile 
 granary to which the Bedouins of the present day repair will- 
 ingly under similar circumstances (Gen. xii, 8, sq.). 
 
 Compelled to withdraw from Egypt under Pharao's orders, 
 Abraham went back to his former camping-ground near 
 Bethel, where he soon separated from Lot, his nephew, 
 who hitherto had accompanied him in all his wanderings, 
 and where he was greatly encouraged by a more explicit 
 promise of Jehovah that his seed should possess the Holy 
 Land. Thence he removed and took up his abode under 
 the terebinths of Mambre, an Amorrhite prince (Gen. xiv, 
 13), near Hebron (Gen. xii, 20-xiii). 
 
 After a long residence at Mambre, Abraham resumed his 
 
lO OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 wanderings, and proceeding towards the south he "dwelt be- 
 tween Cades and Sur, and sojourned in Gerara," a place now 
 known as Umm el Jerar. Here, or not far from it, at Ber- 
 sabee — about 25 miles south of Hebron — he sojourned for a 
 long time, highly respected by the Philistine authorities, who 
 considered him as a powerful chieftain not to be interfered 
 with. But although Bersabee afforded plenty of roaming 
 space for his flocks and several wells for their watering, 
 Abraham finally removed to Hebron : the death of Sara could 
 not be very distant, and in preparation for her demise he 
 wished to secure for himself and his descendants a burial- 
 place in the locality whose possession had been several 
 times promised him for his posterity (Gen. xx, i ; xxi, 22- 
 
 34). 
 
 3. Outward Relations. The first class of people with 
 whom Abraham came in contact during his long wanderings 
 after reaching the holy land, are those tribes which, under 
 the general name of Chanaanites, were " at that time in the 
 land " (Gen. xii, 6). His general relations with them present 
 a twofold aspect: (i) he ever remains separated from the sur- 
 rounding tribes, professing to be a stranger among them 
 (Gen. xxiii, 4), not accepting any gift from their hands (Gen. 
 xiv, 23), not willing to have any intermarriage between his 
 race and theirs (Gen. xxiv, 3), etc. ; (2) there is no trace in his 
 actual dealings with them of the unrelenting enmity of later 
 ages. This, however, should not be accounted for by com- 
 munity of creed and identity of religious worship, but rather 
 by the fact that Palestine was then but thinly peopled and 
 offered many tracts of unappropriated grounds fit for pastur- 
 age. Dwelling in their towns and satisfied with their imme- 
 diate neighborhood, the Chanaanites did not interfere with 
 a chieftain no less really powerful than ostensibly peaceful 
 and disinterested. 
 
 Abraham's relations with the Egyptians were naturally 
 of shorter duration than with the Chanaanites, and their 
 
ABRAHAM. II 
 
 brief description in Genesis (chap, xii, 11-20) is quite in 
 harmony with recent Egyptian discoveries. Thus the fears 
 of Abraham for his own life, if Sarai was known to be his 
 wife, are illustrated in the Egyptian "Tale of Two Brothers," 
 where we are told that a King of Egypt sent two armies to 
 bring a beautiful woman to him and to murder her husband. 
 The notification to the king of Abraham's arrival with his 
 beautiful sister, is in perfect accordance with the extant re- 
 ports made under similar circumstances by officers posted 
 on the Egyptian frontier. In like manner, the well-known 
 customs of the country required that Sarai's supposed brother 
 should be offered presents calculated to secure his ready 
 consent to her future marriage with Pharao. Finally, it is 
 generally admitted that all the animals mentioned in the 
 Bible as presented to Abraham by Pharao, were then known 
 in Egypt (See Vigouroux, Bible et Decouveries Modernes ; 
 Gkikie, Hours with the Bible, vol. i, pp. 320-322). 
 
 P'ew things found in the Biblical records have appeared 
 more strange and incredible than Abraham's relations with 
 Melchisedech. In this connection, Genesis (chap, xiv, 
 18-20) tells us that on his return from a victorious battle 
 against eastern kings who had invaded Palestine, Abraham 
 was met by Melchisedech, the King of Salem and priest of 
 the most high God, received his blessing and gave him the 
 tithes of all the spoil. This sudden introduction of a Chan- 
 aanite personage bearing a Semitic name, at once king and 
 priest, without any mention of his parentage, place of birth, 
 successor in office, etc., has ever appeared most mysterious 
 and supplied matter for more or less improbable conjectures. 
 Quite lately, however, an unexpected light has been thrown 
 upon several points connected with Melchisedech, which en- 
 ables us to realize the historical character of this illustrious 
 type of our Lord (Heb. v, 6, 10). Among the cuneiform 
 tablets discovered in 1887 at Tell el-Amarna on the Nile, 
 were found despatches going back to a time long before the 
 
12 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Exodus and addressed to the kings of Egypt by the gov- 
 ernor of Jerusalem. From some of them we learn that Se- 
 mitic words were then current in Palestine, that the town over 
 which this official ruled as an ally to Egypt was Uru' Salim, 
 and that his office was not hereditary, nor dependent on the 
 appointment of the Egyptian monarch, but filled by the 
 direct oracle of a God whom he calls the Mighty King and 
 who had his shrine in iTru' Salim. As appointed by a direct 
 divine oracle, the ruler over Jerusalem was naturally at the 
 same time the priest of the God to whom he would offer a 
 sacrifice of thanksgiving for the glorious victory of Abraham, 
 and in whose name he would bless this illustrious patriarch. 
 Abraham, recognizing Jehovah in the God worshipped by 
 Melchisedech, willingly gave to this king and priest the 
 tithes of all the spoil.-^ 
 
 The last class of Abraham's outward relations which we 
 intend briefly to mention here are those which this patriarch 
 had for long years with the Philistines, who, apparently at 
 that time, were a pastoral tribe under the leadership of a 
 king bearing the official title of Abimelech. In reaching 
 their country, Abraham — according to his general agree- 
 ment with Sara — gave out that she was his sister, and in 
 consequence she was taken to become the wife of Abimelech. 
 The narrative of this second seizure, whilst bearing much 
 general resemblance with the preceding narrative of Sara's 
 capture in Egypt, differs from it in several important par- 
 ticulars, such as the explanation" now given of his conduct 
 by Abraham (Gen. xx, 11-13), and the kind manner with 
 which Abimelech deals with him (Gen. xx, 14-18). The 
 sojourn of Abraham in the land of the Philistines is also 
 marked by the first act of appropriation on the part of his 
 
 * As the God at whose altar Melchisedech ministered was the God of the territory of 
 Jerusalem which then extended to Carmel in the south, and to Geth and Ceila in the 
 west, it is not unlikely that He was identified by Abraham with Jehovah whom he knew 
 to be the God of the promised Land and who had appeared to him in that region. 
 (See Records of the Past, new series, vol. v, pp. 54-101.) 
 
ABRAHAM. 13 
 
 servants — the digging of the wells of Bersabee — which 
 was indeed resented by the pastoral population of the tribe, 
 but which simply led to a firmer alliance between him and 
 the Philistine authorities (Gen. xxi, 22-34). 
 
 4. Domestic Life. In connection with the members 
 of Abraham's household we notice first of all that Agar, one 
 of his female slaves — probably one of the gifts of Pharao 
 (cfr. Gen. xii, 16; xvi, i) — appears as a secondary wife of 
 the patriarch. She became such at the instigation of Sarai, 
 according to a custom still known in the East, and in virtue 
 of which children born in this manner are considered as 
 legitimate offspring and treated as the children of the mis- 
 tress of the establishment. Agar having conceived, forgot 
 her condition to the extent of despising her barren mistress, 
 but she had to " run away" from Sarai's resentment. The 
 angel of Jehovah found her in the wilderness of Sur — 
 which separated Palestine from Egypt her native land — 
 assured her that Jehovah had heard her affliction, and that 
 Ismael her son, would be a free, indomitable son of the 
 desert. Whereupon Agar returned to her mistress, and in 
 due time bore a son to Abraham (Gen. xvi). Evidently Is- 
 mael became dear to the old patriarch and was treated by 
 him as the heir of the Divine promise, up to the birth of 
 Isaac from Sarai. This explains how Abraham was so 
 reluctant to expel him as requested by Sarai, who could 
 not bear the idea that the son of a bond-woman should share 
 the paternal inheritance, but it makes it difficult to realize 
 how despite his paternal love he consented to dismiss Ismael 
 and his mother with a scanty supply of bread and a bottle of 
 water, unless we admit that under the name of bread other 
 provisions are included. However this may be, the picture 
 of the sufferings of the youth in the desert of Bersabee is 
 true to life (Geikie, p. 343), and had not the angel of Jehovah 
 intervened in his behalf, Ismael would have perished from 
 
14 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 thirst. Saved from a cruel death, the lad grew up in the 
 wilderness of Pharan which forms the northeastern division 
 of the peninsula of Sinai, was married to an Egyptian woman 
 and became the ancestor of numerous nomadic tribes spread 
 over the deserts of Northern Arabia between the Red Sea 
 and the Euphrates (Gen. xvi ; xxxvii, 25, 28). 
 
 But however dear to Abraham were Ismael and his mother, 
 two other members of his family lay closer to the heart of 
 the patriarch, viz., Sara his half-sister and wife (Gen. 
 XX, II, 12) and Isaac the son of promise and the heir of all 
 things (Gen. xxv, 5). Of course, the history of Sara is that 
 of Abraham, whom she accompanied in all his wanderings, 
 yet her independent action appears in connection with 
 family affairs, such as Abraham's connection with Agar and 
 the difficulties between her and Agar, between Isaac and 
 Ismael. Her ironical laughter at the promise of a child 
 (Gen. xviii, 10), her trembling denial of that laughter (Gen. 
 xviii, 15), her laughter of thankful joy for the birth of Isaac 
 (Gen. xxi, 6), are traits of her character to be noticed. It 
 was probably at Bersabee that she brought forth Isaac, and 
 on the eighth day the child was circumcised according to the 
 Divine command. When two or three years old Isaac was 
 weaned, and it was soon after the festival celebration which 
 marked this event, that God declared that through Isaac 
 alone Abraham would be the ancestor of the chosen people 
 (Gen. xxi). And yet the time came when Jehovah asked from 
 the patriarch the sacrifice of this beloved son, but was satis- 
 fied with Abraham's firm faith and ready obedience (Gen. 
 xxii, 1-19). 
 
 The time came also when a suitable partner was to be pro- 
 vided for Isaac, and in consequence, Abraham ever anxious 
 to keep his seed separate from the idolatrous Chanaanites, 
 sent his chief servant the Damascene, Eliezer, to Mesopota- 
 mia, where Naclior had remained. In this connection, the 
 sacred narrative pictures Eliezer's departure, meeting with 
 
ABRAHAM. I- 
 
 Rebecca, petition for her hand in behalf of his young mas- 
 ter, etc., wiih a faithfuhiess to Oriental life which has never 
 been surpassed (Gen. xxiv). 
 
 The mutual attachment of Abraham and his nephew Lot 
 deserves also a mention here. On the one hand, Lot folio 3 
 willingly his uncle whithersoever he goes (to Damascus, 
 Sichem, Egypt, etc.), and consents to depart from him only 
 when their common interest requires it manifestly (Gen. xiii, 
 5, sq.). On the other hand, Abraliam willingly gives Lot his 
 choice of the best land before him (Gen. xiii, 9, sq.), and 
 after the actual departure of his nephew, shows himself 
 ever ready to come to his help as is exemplified in the prompti- 
 tude with which Abraham "the Hebrew" (/. e., the one who 
 came from beyond the Euphrates) started to rescue him 
 when made captive by the eastern kings who had invaded 
 Chanaan (Gen. xiv, 1-16).^ 
 
 P'inally, it is in connection wi;h another wife of Abraham, 
 named Cetura, by whom he had several children, that we 
 learn the prudent measures to which he resorted to preclude 
 all discussion about his inheritance between his lawful heir 
 and his other children. To the latter "he gave gifts, and 
 separated them from Isaac his son, while he yet lived, to 
 the east Cvuintry " (Gen. xxv, 1-6). 
 
 5. Death and Barial-Place. Abraham was 175 years 
 old when " he was gathered to his people." Isaac and 
 Ismael, his sons, buried him by the side of his beloved wife, 
 Sara, in the cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxv, 7-10). 
 
 As we already noticed, this burial-place was bought by 
 the holy patriarch on the occasion of the death of Sara, and 
 
 ^ Later on Lot was miraculously saved from the destruction of Sodom, the details of 
 which are recorded in Genesis (chap. xix). Tlie statements of the Bible in connection 
 with this catastrophe are in perfect harmony with the accounts of such writers as Philo, 
 Tacitus and Strabo; they are also made by tlie sacred writer in such a manner as to 
 clearly imply the supernatural character of the destruction of the guilty cities (cfr. V, 
 GuKKiN, Torre Sainte, vol. ii, p. 287, sq. ; Deane, Abraham, p. no, sq. ; Blaikib, 
 Heroes of Israel, p. 132, sq). 
 
J 
 
 l6 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 its purchase is recorded in Genesis (chap, xxiii) with great 
 minuteness, and also with perfect faithfulness to Eastern 
 customs. Then, as now, the order of the transactions was 
 ceremony, compliment, and then business ; then, as now, the 
 sellers offered anything, everything, as a gift, but all are 
 politely declined ; then, as now, every article must be speci- 
 fied in the deed (the field, the cave, the trees), all rights 
 must be paid in current money, and then the deed "is made 
 sure" (Henry A. Harper, From Abraham to David ; see 
 also Deane, Abraham, p. 150, sq). 
 
 The mosque at Hebron is built over the cave of Machpelah, 
 and even the mosque is guarded with the most jealous care 
 by the Mussulmans, a few great personages being the only 
 ones who were allowed to visit it for several centuries. The 
 only visitor of the cave itself who has left a credible account 
 of his inspection is the rabbi Benjamin, of Tudela, who in 
 1 1 63 was allowed to examine it. He says: "The Gentiles 
 have erected six sepulchres in this place, which they pretend 
 to be those of Abraham and Sarah, of Isaac and Rebecca, 
 and of Jacob and Lia ... if any Jew come, who gives an 
 additional fee to the keeper of the caves, an iron door is 
 opened and with a burning candle in his hand, the visitor 
 descends into a first cave which is empty, traverses a second 
 in the same state, and at last reaches a third, which contains 
 the six sepulchres, one opposite the other. All these sepulchres 
 bear inscriptions. ... A lamp burns in the cave and upon 
 the sepulchres, continually both night and day." Whatever 
 may be thought of this description by one who visited the 
 cave during the occupation of Palestine by the Christians, it 
 may be said with great probability that the cave "resembles 
 the rock-cut sepulchres of Palestine, with a square ante- 
 chamber carefully quarried, and two interior sepulchral 
 chambers, to which access has been made at a later period 
 through the roofs " (C. R. Conder, Survey Memoirs, vol 
 iii, p. 346). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER II. 
 
 Abraham. 
 Section II. Social and Religious Aspects of His Life, 
 
 A. In general : 
 
 The Nomad 
 Life 
 
 r still exists is Western Asia. 
 ■I is now better known than ever before, 
 singularly illustrative of the Patriarchal life. 
 
 I. The Tent. 
 
 {Its motives. 
 Its principal features. 
 Some of its i 3- Dealings with others : hospitality, 
 particulars de- 
 
 B. In particu- 
 lar: 
 
 scribed : 
 
 4. Domestic Life : children, women, slaves. 
 
 5. Burial-place and funeral rites. 
 
 f A life little known 
 A.*' The Friend! before the Call, 
 of God." I h\x\. afterwards a 
 \ life of Faith 
 
 Shown 
 by 
 
 Reward- 
 ed by 
 
 a constant sense of 
 the Divine Pres- 
 ence. 
 
 a trustful love and 
 deep veneration 
 for Jehovah. 
 
 an unlimited devo- 
 tion to His ser- 
 vice. 
 
 earthly blessings. 
 
 familiar intercourse 
 with God. 
 
 B. "The Father 
 
 of the 
 
 Faithful." 
 
 Of the Je-.os: 
 
 (Repeated promises. 
 Covenant. 
 
 Of the Christians (spiritually) : universality of 
 the promises. 
 
 3. Claimed even by Mussulmans. 
 
 [■7] 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 i^ Abraham. 
 
 Section II. Social and Religious Aspects of His Life. 
 
 § /. Social Aspect : A Noj/iad Life. 
 
 I. The Nomad Life in General. The inhabitants 
 of Palestine and neighboring countries have, from the earli- 
 est ages, been divided into two great classes, according as 
 they dwell in permanent or in movable habitations (Gen. iv, 
 17, 20), and this division holds good down to the present 
 day. In all parts of Western Asia, beside the people settled 
 in villages and cities, tribes are now met with dwelling in 
 tents, and " moving about with their flocks according to the 
 demands of the season, the state of the herbage and the sup- 
 ply of water " (Kitto, art. Pasturage). They are nomad 
 tribes leading the same wandering life as their ancestors 
 long centuries before Christ, wearing the same garb, and 
 speaking almost the same language. Their roaming habits, 
 their apparent lack of all civilization, together with the diffi- 
 culty in past centuries to reach the East, and the great inse- 
 curity of travel through the vast deserts of Western Asia, 
 have long prevented Biblical scholars from acquiring a 
 close acquaintance with customs and manners so different 
 from those of Western Europe. But of late most of those 
 obstacles have disappeared : as the means of transportation 
 have become more rapid and less expensive, travels through 
 Eastern lands have been multiplied, the manners and customs 
 of nomad tribes hive been studied in their own country, and 
 interesting narratives have placed the result of patient and 
 
 [18] 
 
ABRAHAM. I9 
 
 careful investigation within the reach of Biblical students. 
 In point of fact the nomad life is better known now than 
 ever before, and our greater knowledge of it enables us to 
 realize with peculiar vividness the various features of the 
 patriarchal age, inasmuch as the life and habits of modern 
 nomads are almost in every particular identical with those of 
 the nomads of ancient times (J. L. Porter, Five Years in 
 Damascus, p. 178, sq. ; Gp:ikie, The Holy Land and the 
 Bible, chap. xiii). 
 
 Some Particulars of the Nomad Life described. 
 The first feature common to the nomads of to-day and to 
 the wandering patriarchs of old consists in the use of the 
 tent as a dwelling (Gen. xii, 8 ; xiii, 3 ; xviii, i, etc.). Tlie 
 tents of Arabs are usually oblong and higher in front than 
 behind. They are formed by setting poles — nine in all — 
 in the ground, and spreading over them a covering made 
 of goat's-hair cloth and along the border of which ropes 
 are fastened. To keep the whole structure in position, 
 the ropes are stretched to their utmost and fixed by 
 their loops to pegs driven fast into the ground. The inte- 
 rior is divided into two parts by a curtain hanging upon 
 the three central poles : the part on the left, in entering, is 
 reserved for the women and contains the provisions of the 
 household, the cooking utensils, the skin water-bottles, etc.; 
 the part on the right, forms the men's apartment and is the 
 place where passing guests and visitors are usually received 
 (cfr. Gen. xviii, 6, 9, sq. ; xxvii, 5, sq., etc.). 
 
 Dwellings of this description are easily transported, and as 
 such are very convenient for that wandering life which perse- 
 veres down to the present day for the same motives as in the 
 times of the patriarchs of old. Among these motives may be 
 reckoned (i) the amount of personal adventure and tribal 
 independence it allows ; (2) the means it affords for raising 
 flocks and cattle by moving according to seasons, conditions 
 of pastures, etc. ; (3) the harmony it presents with olden 
 
20 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 traditions and ancestral habits; (4) tlie natural charms it 
 oilers under a blue Eastern sky, etc. 
 
 Of course, now, as during the patriarchal age, it is rare to 
 meet solitary tents, for households united by kindred natu- 
 rally dwell in the same region or move together in their 
 migrations. " In the desert, the tents are often arranged in 
 a circle or quadrangle, so that the cattle can be gathered 
 together into the central space, and thus be more effectually 
 defended against marauders " (Van Lennep, Bible Lands, 
 p. 403). When migrating to new pastures the appearance of a 
 large tribe — not unlike the large caravans of Abraham (cfr. 
 Gen. xii, 4, sq. ; xiii, i, sq., etc.) ; and of Jacob (xxxii, 1-8, 13- 
 
 2 1 ; xxxiii, 4-14), — is most picturesque, and is thus graphically 
 described by Layard : "We soon found ourselves in the 
 midst of wide-spreading flocks of sheep and camels. As far 
 as the eye could reach, to the right, to the left, and in front, 
 still the same moving crowd. Long lines of asses and bul- 
 locks laden with black tents, huge caldrons and variegated 
 carpets; aged women and men, no longer able to walk, tied 
 on the heap of domestic furniture; infants crammed into 
 saddle-bags, their tiny heads thrust out through the narrow 
 opening, balanced on the animal's back by kids or lambs 
 tied on the opposite side ; young girls clothed only in the 
 close-fitting Arab shirt, which displayed rather than con- 
 cealed their graceful forms; mothers with their children on 
 their shoulders ; boys driving flocks of lambs ; horsemen 
 armed with their long, tufted spears, scouring the plain on 
 their fleet mares ; riders urging their dromedaries with their 
 short, hooked sticks, and leading their high-bred steeds by 
 the halter; colts galloping amongst the throng" (Nineveh 
 and its Remains, vol. i, p. 90). 
 
 On the arrival of a tribe at their camping-ground, the 
 pitching of tents occasions a great deal of confusion, every 
 one appearing desirous to outdo his neighbor in vehemence 
 of shouting and of action. This is, however, but a friendly 
 
ABRAHAM. 2 1 
 
 debate on the site of the respective tents, and after it has 
 been settled by no more violent measure than mere yelling, 
 each family begins to raise its temporary dwelling. The 
 camels are made to kneel down, the donkeys to stop in the 
 places fixed upon, and the loads are rolled off their backs. 
 The women next spread the black tent covering, the men 
 rush about with wooden mallets to drive in the stakes and 
 pegs, and in a few minutes the temporary abodes are com- 
 plete. The women and girls are then sent forth to fetch 
 water, or to collect brushwood and dry twigs for fire, whilst 
 the men, assembling in the tent of the sheikh and crouching 
 in a circle round the entire trunk of an old tree, which is 
 soon enveloped in flames, prepare to pass the rest of the 
 day in that desultory talk relating to stolen sheep, stray 
 donkeys, or successful robberies, which fills up the leisure of 
 an Arab (cfr. Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii, pp. 49, 50). 
 
 In all encampments the sheikh's tent can easily be 
 known by a long spear stuck upright in the ground in front 
 of it, and distinguished travellers naturally make for it. As 
 oftentimes, like the patriarchs of old, the sheikh sits under 
 the awning of his tent or the shade of a tree watching for 
 wayfarers, he soon notices that they are approaching, and 
 at once the scene described in Genesis (chap, xviii) is renewed 
 in their behalf. With the same formulas as those used by 
 Abraham, they are invited to remain until they have par- 
 taken of refreshments ; with the same speed, a lamb or a calf 
 is brought in, stretched upon the ground and slaughtered, and 
 with almost the same inconceivable expedition it is dressed 
 and served up with butter and milk, together with the bread 
 baked on the hearth. Finally, if his guests are persons of 
 high rank, the sheikh stands by them while they eat, as Abra- 
 ham did in the circumstance recorded in Genesis (cfr. L. J. 
 Porter, Five Years in Damascus, pp. 61, 178). 
 
 Of course, only sheikhs can afford to undergo such ex- 
 penses in welcoming their guests, but all modern nomads 
 
22 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 feel bound to do all in their power to exercise the duty 
 of hospitality, the sacredness of which is scarcely ever 
 broken in the East notwithstanding the well known dishon 
 esty, treachery and cruelty of the inhabitants of the desert. 
 
 In the family circle, the head of the household is absolute 
 lord and master of the lives and property of every member, 
 so that had Abraham sacrificed his son Isaac, he would not 
 have exceeded the authority granted to every father by the 
 nomad tribes (Gen. xxii, lo). Now, as during the patri- 
 archal age, the chief wife rules indeed over the other women, 
 dispenses the provisions of the household and enjoys the 
 privilege of preparing the meals destined for her husband 
 and his guests, but this does not prevent frequent jealousies 
 and intrigues, and in consequence one of the secondary 
 wives is sometimes dismissed in order to restore peace to 
 the disturbed household (See Layard, Babyhon and Nineveh, 
 p. 316). The sending of Eliezer to the country of Abraham's 
 kindred to seek a wife for Isaac is exactly what an Arab 
 chief would do to-day, " and it is very common among the 
 Arabs of Egypt and other countries for a man to marry his 
 first cousin ... a union of this kind being generally lasting 
 because of this tie of blood " (Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 
 215). The fondness of Orientals for children, and especially 
 for sons, is well known, and now, as in the time of the ancient 
 patriarchs, the birth of a son is considered by the father as 
 most welcome news (Gen. xxi, 7). 
 
 Of course, slavery has existed in the East from time imme- 
 morial, and the power of the master over his slaves is un- 
 bounded. It should be borne in mind, however, that the 
 husband has no power over his wife's slaves — whom she 
 may have received as a part of her dowry — unless there be 
 an express agreement on her part to that effect (Van Len- 
 NEP, Bible Lands, pp. 567, 568). 
 
 As a natural consequence of their wandering life, the 
 nomads do not collect the remains of their dead in a cemetery ; 
 
ABRAHAM. 23 
 
 if, however, some of their kindred have already been buried 
 in a particular spot, they regard it as a preferable burial- 
 place for themselves and for the members of their household. 
 Public demonstrations of intense grief over their dead are a 
 very ancient custom with Orientals (cfr. Gen. xxiii, 2, with 
 W. Thompson, The Land and the Book, vol. i, p. 243), and 
 the noise of their lamentations is naturally proportionate to 
 the dignity and power of the deceased It is not unlikely that 
 the funeral rites of a sheikh, witnessed by Wm. Thompson at 
 Hebron and so graphically described by him, bear a close 
 resemblance to the public marks of honor and mourning 
 which surrounded the burial of Abraham, one of the most 
 powerful chieftains of his time (cfr. The Land and the Book, 
 vol. i, p. 245, sq. ; and also Deane, Abraham, pp. 173, 174). 
 
 § 2. Religious Aspect : A Life of Faith. 
 
 The religious aspect of Abraham's life is distinctly set 
 forth by the sacred writers when they call him (i) "The 
 Friend of God " (ii Paralip. xx, 7 ; Isaias xli, 8 ; James ii, 
 23)» (2) "The Father of the Faithful" (Rom. iv, 11). 
 
 The first of these titles suggests a real, living, personal 
 intercourse of the great patriarch with the Almighty, and it 
 was well deserved by his strong, practical, persevering life 
 of faith as the chosen servant of Jehovah. Various reasons 
 have been alleged to account for the beginning of his belief 
 in the true God whilst surrounded on all sides, even in the 
 house of his father, by Assyrian idolatry, as, for instance, 
 that he was born before Thare became an idolater, that he 
 was himself converted from idolatry by a special revelation 
 from God, etc. ; these, however, are but suppositions more or 
 less in harmony with the Biblical data respecting the life of 
 Abraham, and it must be confessed that the origin of his 
 faith in Jehovah is still a matter of conjecture. No less 
 uncertainty prevails as regards the circumstances in the 
 
24 OUTLINE-S OF JEWISH. HISTORY. 
 
 midst of which Abraham's faith, once begun, acquired the 
 wonderful strength which characterizes it at the very first 
 moment we see it tried by a Divine command (Gen. xii, i, sq.), 
 for it is far from being proved that Abraham's faith grew 
 stronger and stronger in Ur of the Chaldees under the influ- 
 ence of religions persecutions started by the Assyrian King, 
 Sargon I, and of which we would still hear in legends and 
 traditions (cfr. Hanneberg, Histoire de la Revelation Bib- 
 lique, vol. i, p. 52, sq. ; Deane, Abraham, chaps. i,'ii). 
 
 Be all this as it may, there can be no doubt that, after the 
 Divine call, Abraham ever evinced the most implicit, practi- 
 cal and generous faith. Indeed his life is less admirable for 
 the moral virtues he practised, such .as unselfishness (Gen. 
 xiii, 8, 9; xiv, 23, etc.); nobility of disposition (xiv, 20) j 
 uprightness and courtesy in his dealings with others (Gen. 
 xxiii), etc, ; than for (i) a constant sense of the presence of 
 an unseen God, raising Him altars whithersoever he goes 
 (Gen. xii, 7, 8 ; xiii, 4, 18, etc.) ; (2) his trustful love and 
 deep veneration for Jehovah (Gen. xvii, 3 ; xviii, 27 ; xxiv, 7) ; 
 (3) an unlimited devotion to God's service, leaving at once 
 and repeatedly everything (Epistle to the Hebrews xi, 8, sq. ); 
 believing God's word notwithstanding all the suggestions of 
 reason to the contrary (Gen. xv, 5, 6; Rom. iv, 19) ; willing 
 to sacrifice his dearly beloved son (Gen. xxii) and teach- 
 ing his family and posterity to be faithful to Jehovah (Gen. 
 xviii, 19). 
 
 It is not therefore to be wondered at, if such a life was 
 rewarded by the most splendid blessings (Gen. xxi, 22 ^) ; 
 and first of all by earthly blessings, such as worldly posses- 
 sions (Gen. xiii, 6 ; xxiv, 35), the miraculous gift of an heir 
 (Gen. xxiv, 37) ; a large posterity (Gen. xxv, i, sq., etc.) ; high 
 consideration from men (Gen. xxi, 23) and, finally, a robust 
 and long life (Gen. xxv, 8) ; and next, by wonderful blessings 
 of the spiritual order, God guiding and protecting him on 
 every occasion (Gen. xiii, 17; xii, 17; xxi, 22), appearing to 
 
ABRAHAM. 25 
 
 him (Gen. xv, i, etc.), conversing familiarly with him and 
 revealing to him His secrets (Gen. xviii, 17), granting readily 
 his petitions (Gen. xvii, 18, 20; xviii, 23, sq. ; xx, 7, 17), 
 etc. 
 
 In virtue of the second title — that of " The Father of 
 THE Faithful" — given to Abraham in Holy Writ, the 
 great patriarch stands before us as the glorious ancestor of 
 the chosen people of God under the old and the new dispen- 
 sation. He is, first of all, the nafura/ SLucestor of the Jewish 
 nation, through Isaac his son and the heir of all his posses- 
 sions. Such was from the first the design of God, who in 
 bidding Abraham leave his country, his kindred and his 
 father's house promised *' to make of him a great nation " 
 (Gen. xii, 1,2), to which He would give the Land of Chanaan 
 (Gen. xii, 7 ; xiii, 15 ; xv, 13). As time went on, the Divine 
 promises multiplied and became more distinct. Abraham 
 was made sure that he would have a son from Sara, that 
 Isaac would be his only heir, and that from him a great and 
 powerful nation should arise (Gen. xviii, 10; xxi, 10; xxii, 
 17). These various promises were also confifmed, first, by a 
 solemn although transient covenant, as we read in Genesis, 
 XV, 18, and next by the permanent covenant, of the circum- 
 cision (Gen. xvii). There is, therefore, no doubt that Abra- 
 ham is the glorious ancestor ** according to the flesh " of that 
 people chosen of old by Jehovah to preserve here below the 
 true faith (Gen. xvii, 7, 8) together with the expectation of 
 the future redeemer of the world, but now long rejected to 
 give place to another nation as numerous as the stars of the 
 heavens and walking in the footsteps of the " faithful Abra- 
 ham " (Gal. iii, 9). ** According to the spirit," Abraham is 
 the father of all Christians, God's chosen people under the 
 new covenant, and in a special manner of those who earnestly 
 •strive to live up to their belief after his example (Gal. iii, 7, 
 29 ; Rom. iv, 12). In the Divine plan, Abraham was ever 
 destined to be the father of all those who would through 
 
26 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ages share in the blessing immediately granted through him 
 to the Jewish people, for it must be noticed that the prom- 
 ises made by God to Abraham are always ufiiversal (Gqi\. xii, 
 2 ; xviii, 17, 18 ; xxii, 18), and the covenant of the circumci- 
 sion has been transformed from the circumcision of the flesh 
 into that of the heart (Rom. ii, 29 ; Galat. vi, 15). 
 
 But God destined Abraham to become " the father of 
 many nations " even physically, and as a fact, he is not the 
 natural ancestor of the Jews alone, he is also the father of 
 a branch of the Arabs through Ismael (Gen. xvi, 15 ; xxv, 
 13), of the descendants of Cetura enumerated in Genesis 
 (xxv, I, sq.), and of the Edomites through his grandson Esau 
 (Gen. xxv, 23). In Arabia proper, Mussulmans do not hesi- 
 tate to claim him as their ancestor, the more so because 
 Mohammed, having recognized that all that the Arabs had 
 of good in hisx time was due to this great patriarch, be- 
 thought himself of restoring among them the religion of 
 Abraham (see Hanneberg, Histoire de la Revelation Bi- 
 blique, vol. i, pp. 60, 61). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER III. 
 Jacob. 
 
 History 
 
 r I. Importance of Jacob in Jewish History. 
 
 \ A. Birth of Esau and Jacob. 
 
 2. Birth and J 
 
 First Period \ B. Purchase of Birthright. 
 of Life: 
 
 I C. Acquisition of Paternal Blessing. 
 
 A. Reasons and Incidents of the Jour 
 
 3. Journey to nev. 
 
 and Sojourn "S B. Jacob and Laban's Household. 
 /;/ Ha ran : 
 
 (^ C. His Shepherd Life. 
 
 Jacoh. 
 
 4. Return from 
 Haran and 
 Subsequent 
 Life: 
 
 A. Motives of Departure. 
 
 B. Principal In- 
 cidents 
 
 f East of the Jordan 
 (Mt.Galaad. Maha- 
 nain, Phanuel, So- 
 coth). 
 
 JVest of the Jordan 
 (Sichem, Bethel, 
 Ephrata, Mambre). 
 
 C. Life in Hebron ; removal to and 
 Death in Egypt. 
 
 Abraham, 
 5. Character: Contrast with -{ Isaac, 
 
 ^ Esau. 
 
 [27] 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Jacob. 
 
 I. Importance of Jacob in Jewish History. As 
 
 might naturally be expected, Isaac was treated by God, after 
 his father's death, as the lawful and sole heir of the Divine 
 promises, and, in fact, his history resembles in many ways 
 that of Abraham. Like him, he moves under Jehovah's 
 guidance and protection (Gen. xxvi, 1-3, 11) and receives 
 glorious promises of a large posterity " in which shall all the 
 nations of the earth be blessed" (Gen. xxvi, 3, 4, 24); like 
 Abraham, he exhibits genuine devotion to Jehovah (Gen. 
 xxvi, 25), and God makes him very prosperous, victorious 
 over his enemies, grants him children and length of years 
 (Gen. xxvi, 12-14; 27-31 ; xxv, 21-26; xxxv, 29). And yet 
 the patriarch next to Abraham in importance in Jewish his- 
 tory is not his son Isaac, whose deeds are only summarized 
 in the Book of Genesis, but his grandson Jacob, whose his- 
 tory is recorded with so many details in the Sacred narra- 
 tive. If we possess so many particulars about Jacob's life, 
 it is not simply because his was a very eventful life. It is 
 also because (i) even before his birth, he was chosen by 
 God, in preference to his twin-brother Esau, to become the 
 actual father of the twelve heads of the tribes of Israel (Gen. 
 xxv, 22, 23); because (2) during the first period of his life 
 he succeeded in purchasing Esau's birthright (Gen. xxv, 28- 
 34) and in obtaining the last blessing of Isaac (Gen. xxvii) ; 
 and, finally, because (3) the tribes which eventually united 
 into a powerful (the Jewish) nation, trace back their respect- 
 ive origin to his immediate posterity. 
 
 [28] 
 
JACOB. 29 
 
 2. Birth and First Period of Life. Great, indeed, 
 must have been the love of Isaac for Rebecca and his faith 
 in the Divine promises, since he remained twenty long years 
 without the blessing of children, and yet neither thought of 
 taking another wife — as allowed by Oriental customs — nor 
 gave up all hope of obtaining children through her. At 
 length, his trustful and earnest entreaty with God in Re- 
 becca's behalf secured the long-desired offspring. Rebecca 
 conceived twins who seemed to struggle in her womb, and 
 filled with apprehension she appealed to Jehovah who re- 
 turned this prophetic answer : 
 
 Two nations are in thy womb, 
 
 And two peoples shall be separated from tiiy bowels ; 
 
 And a people shall overcome a people, 
 
 And the elder shall serve the younger. 
 
 In due time the twins were born, and were called respect- 
 ively Esau and Jacob, from the well-known circumstances 
 which accompanied their coming forth. 
 
 Esau was the elder, and as such was beloved by Isaac, 
 who naturally considered him as his lawful heir, and who, 
 later on, enjoyed — as Orientals do down to the present day 
 — the game which Esau's love of the chase often secured in 
 the surrounding country of Bersabee. On the other hand, 
 Jacob was the favorite of Rebecca who ever considered him 
 as the lawful heir of Jehovah's promises to Abraham, soon 
 acquainted him with the Divine oracle in his behalf, taught 
 him how invaluable was the birthright therein promised to 
 his exertions, and urged him to avail himself of every oppor- 
 tunity that might make sure the attainment of so desirable 
 an object. To this maternal influence of Rebecca over 
 Jacob's mind and feelings we may naturally ascribe the 
 eagerness with which Jacob proposed to Esau the selling of 
 his birthright for a savory dish, a transaction to which the 
 latter readily agreed, through a lack of proper appreciation 
 
30 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of the Divine blessings then connected with primogeniture 
 (Genesis xxv, 21-34). 
 
 The Sacred narrative does not tell us whether this trans- 
 fer of Esau's birthright to his brother was made known to 
 Isaac; but we can easily gather from it that Esau, relying 
 on his father's special affection, continued to feel sure of the 
 paternal inheritance, and that Isaac really intended to trans- 
 mit it to him with his last blessing. This would have indeed 
 occurred if Rebecca had not, in her part of the tent, over- 
 heard the words of Isaac, when, in his old age, he directed 
 Esau'to "go abroad," bring him of his hunting and " make 
 him savory meat thereof," and if, under her influence, Jacob 
 had not taken advantage of his father's dimness of sight to 
 obtain the last paternal blessing intended for Esau. Jacob's 
 blessing was irreversible and gave him henceforth the most 
 unquestionable outward claim to all the privileges of birth- 
 right, and this is why now, sadly frustrated in his expecta- 
 tions, Esau begins to cherish murderous designs against his 
 brother (Gen. xxvii, 1-41). 
 
 3. Journey to and Sojourn in Haran. Two reasons 
 demanded that leaving Bersabee, the actual residence of his 
 father, Jacob should start for Mesopotamia. He would 
 thereby (i) secure himself against the wrath of Esau, who 
 only waited for the decease of Isaac to recover the advan- 
 tages of birthright by the death of Jacob (Gen. xxvii, 41-45); 
 and (2) avoid all connection with the surrounding tribes by 
 obtaining a wife from among the descendants of his fore- 
 fathers (Gen. xxvii, 46; xxviii, 1-6). On his way northwards 
 Jacob soon reached the spot " where Abraham had already 
 erected an altar, and at which he may have determined to 
 make a halt on that account" (Rawlinson, Isaac and Jacob, 
 p. 91). This was then, as it is now, a stony district; and at 
 night, the fatigued traveller used for a pillow one of the 
 many smooth stones scattered around him. Comforted by a 
 
JACOB. 31 
 
 mysterious dream, wherein God renewed to him the glorious 
 promises already made to Abraham and Isaac, Jacob dedi- 
 cated this spot the next morning to God, and called it 
 Bethel (that is, the House of God) and vowed exclusive 
 worship to Jehovah should He accompany him during his 
 wanderings and bring him back safely home. Then he 
 went on his way, following probably the same road as 
 Eliezer, and reached Haran after a journey of upwards of 
 four hundred miles (Gen. xxviii, 10-22). 
 
 The relations of Jacob with Laban's household in Haran 
 form an interesting episode, the details of which are per- 
 fectly true to Eastern life. " The well (by which Jacob met 
 Rachel) is in the field, that is in the open pasture-land. 
 Water being scarce, all the flocks, for miles round, meet at 
 it to be watered. The heavy stone rolled over its mouth 
 may be seen by any traveller in many parts of Palestine. 
 The daughters of the flock-masters still go, in many places, 
 to tend and water the flocks. . . . That Laban kissed 
 Jacob effusively is only what one sees Orientals doing every 
 day, on meeting a neighbor or a friend. The wily Syrian, in 
 admitting that it is better to give Rachel to the son of Isaac 
 than to another man, acted simply on the Bedouin law that 
 a suitor has the exclusive right to the hand of his first 
 cousin. . . . To give a female slave to a daughter as a part 
 of her dowry is usual now, where means permit, so that 
 Zelpha's being given to Lia at her marriage is another 
 proof of the unchanging sameness of Eastern life in all ages. 
 Excuses for sending home an elder daughter, instead of a 
 younger, to the bridegroom, need still to be made in not a 
 few cases, and are exactly the same as those with which 
 Laban palliated the substitution of Lia for Rachel " (Geikie, 
 The Holy Land and the Bible, chap. xx). Even the agree- 
 ment of Jacob with Laban to serve long years to obtain 
 Rachel in marriage is not without parallel in modern Eastern 
 life (cfr. MiLMAN, History of the Jews). He indeed sue- 
 
32 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ceeded in marrying Rachel, to whom Laban gave Bala as 
 a part of her dowry, but this, instead of securing his domestic 
 happiness, brought only in its train the many evils naturally 
 entailed by the practice of polygamy, and to which allusion 
 has already been made in connection with Abraham (Gene- 
 sis xxix, 30-xxx, 26). 
 
 It was through Lia and her sister Rachel and their two 
 handmaids that Jacob obtained a large family, all destined 
 by God to share in the paternal inheritance, and to become 
 in their turn the fathers of numerous descendants who later 
 on developed into the twelve tribes of Israel. 
 
 Jacob's manner of life during his entire sojourn in Haran 
 was that of an Eastern shepherd. Soon after his arrival in 
 Mesopotamia, Laban had realized how valuable his services 
 could prove in this line and entrusted to him the care of his 
 flocks, and the book of Genesis tells us not only how these 
 prospered under Jacob's skilful management, but also how 
 Laban succeeded in keeping him twenty long years in his 
 service. It is easy to picture to ourselves the mode of life 
 followed by Jacob during this period, for the life of an East- 
 ern shepherd has varied little from what it was in the patri- 
 archal age ; even in its minutest details, it is the same hard 
 and responsible life. Now as then, the shepherd must de- 
 fend his flock against robbers and wild beasts and " make 
 good all the damage"; now as then, he has to suffer from 
 the heat of the day and from the frost of the night, espe- 
 cially in those places where the flocks are kept out of the 
 sheep-fold at night all the year round, and as of old, his 
 share in the flock for the reward of his hard labors is but 
 small, although years of persevering efforts may increase it 
 so that finally he may possess a flock of his own (Gen. xxxi, 
 39, sq.) ; etc. (For a full description of this arduous life, 
 see Geikie, The Holy Land and the Bible, chap, x; and 
 Van-Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 182, sq.) 
 
JACOB. 33 
 
 4. Return from Haran and Subsequent Life. It 
 was for two principal reasons that after his long sojourn in 
 Haran, Jacob started for his father's house. He justly feared 
 the ill-will of Laban if he remained longer in Mesopotamia 
 (Gen. xxxi, i, 2) and Jehovah had bidden him return to the 
 Promised Land (Gen. xxxi, 3). As he fled with all that he 
 had (Gen. xxxi, 18), with wives and children, maid-servants 
 and men-servants, flocks and herds, camels and asses (Gen. 
 xxxii, 5, 15) his retinue formed a large Oriental caravan 
 which moved but slowly in a south-western direction. The 
 Euphrates once passed (Gen. xxxi, 21), he hastened with all 
 speed to cross the mountainous region of Galaad, but was 
 overtaken in its northern part by Laban, who bitterly accused 
 him of a breach of courtesy and even of theft. Jacob vindi- 
 cated himself with truly Eastern vehemence, but finally 
 agreed to a covenant between him and his father-in-law. 
 Neither party was to trespass the limits now agreed upon to 
 injure the other, and by a common repast — as is customary 
 down to the present day — the covenant of peace was sol- 
 emnly ratified (Gen. xxxi, 22-55. See H. A. Harper, Bible 
 and Modern Discoveries, fifth edition, p. 31). 
 
 I>elivered from all anxiety on that side, Jacob continued 
 his journey, deeply concerned as to the best means of ap- 
 peasing his brother Esau whose rancor he still feared. 
 Whilst in this painful frame of mind, he was favored with 
 two visions calculated to encourage him greatly. The first 
 occurred before he crossed the Jaboc river, at a place which 
 he called Mahanain, the second after he had passed this 
 river, at a place which he surnamed Phanuel and where his 
 own name was changed into that of Israel (Gen. xxxii). It 
 was also at Phanuel that the much dreaded meeting of Jacob 
 and Esau took place. It was a friendly one, and Jacob could 
 have continued his journey homewards, had he not preferred 
 to interrupt it so as to give a much needed rest to his house- 
 hold ; in consequence, he sojourned in a place East of the 
 
34 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Jordan which he called Socoth from the more permanent 
 kind of dwellings (viz. : booths instead of tents) which he 
 erected there (Gen. xxxiii, 1-17). 
 
 Leaving Socoth, Jacob crossed the Jordan, passed on in 
 peace to Sichem and pitched his tents by the town. To be 
 independent of the Chanaanite inhabitants, he bought from 
 them a parcel of ground wherein he dug a well — which still 
 bears his name — and erected an altar to Jehovah, the God 
 of Israel, probably on the very spot where Abraham had set 
 up his first altar to God in the land of Chanaan. Soon fol- 
 lowed the sad story of Dina's outrage by Sichem and the per- 
 fidious and awful revenge of Jacob's children upon the Sichem- 
 ites, after which the prudent patriarch withdrew from the 
 neighborhood and according to Divine direction, repaired to 
 Bethel where he probably fulfilled the vow which he had 
 made when on his way to Haran. Resuming his journey 
 southward, he halted first at Ephrata (the ancient name of 
 Bethlehem) where Rachel died in giving birth to Benjamin, 
 and next a little beyond the Tower of Eder, and finally 
 reached Mambre beside Hebron, the actual residence of 
 his father (Gen. xxxiii, sq.). 
 
 It was probably but a short time after the return of Jacob, 
 that both he and his brother Esau joined in paying the last 
 tribute of respect to the mortal remains of Isaac (Gen. xxxv, 
 29). After their father's burial, Esau withdrew to his pos- 
 sessions in Mount Seir and Jacob dwelt in Chanaan, leading 
 probably the same manner of life as his father. Like him, 
 he had near Hebron a permanent abode, and was considered 
 by the neighboring Chanaanite tribes as a prosperous and 
 powerful head of a pastoral family. Like him also, he 
 evinced partiality towards one of his children, the young 
 Joseph, and this gave rise to family dissensions which pre- 
 pared the way for the most important changes in the history 
 of the children of Israel. We shall soon see how Jacob was 
 induced to repair to Egypt to rejoin the object of his special 
 
affection, and how he died there after a settlentient of his de- 
 scendants in tiie land of Gessen "which seemed to break 
 forever the connection between the sons of Abraham and the 
 Promised Land, but ended in establishing them as the sole 
 possessors of the whole territory " (Milman, History of the 
 Jews). 
 
 5. Character of Jacob. " Abraham was a hero, Jacob 
 was a ' plain man dwelling in tents.' Abraham we feel to 
 be above ourselves, Jacob to be like ourselves." Such is the 
 contrast drawn between the two patriarchs by Cardinal New- 
 man (Sermons, vol. v, p. 91) and amply justified by an exam- 
 ination of the main features of their character. In Abraham 
 we easily notice a nobility of soul, a firmness of faith, a per- 
 fect devotion to God's service seldom met with in men's 
 nature, and because of which he became "the Friend of 
 God " and " the Father of the Faithful," but which we would 
 look for in vain in the character of his grandson. Jacob is 
 above all a shrewd man of the world, not indeed deprived of 
 religion, yet relying much more on his exertions to attain the 
 object of his ambition ihan on God's power and providence, 
 and even at times using means whose lawfulness was at least 
 questionable. Again, whilst Abraham was ever kind and 
 considerate towards every member of his household, Jacob 
 formed passionate attachments to some, like Rachel and 
 Joseph, and was barely just to others, such as Lia and the 
 majority of his sons (Blaikie, Manual of Bible History, 
 
 P- 75)- 
 
 Jacob's character appears also inferior in many respects 
 to that of Isaac his father. Of course they were two very 
 different men, each one having both strong and weak points 
 of character. Jacob had more strength of will, and, all 
 things considered, seemed better fitted to push his way 
 through opposition and difficulty, and to govern a numerous 
 household, but Isaac had more gentleness of disposition, 
 
36 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 greater submission to God's holy will, and in the end suc- 
 ceeded as well as Jacob in getting the better of those who 
 thwarted him ; and one instinctively feels that although Isaac's 
 nature seems at times too passive and his life too retired, yet 
 his character is on the whole much nobler and better than 
 that of his son. 
 
 But it is beyond question that Jacob has the advantage in 
 a comparison with his brother Esau. The latter is the very 
 type of ardent and rough natures, frank but impulsive, re- 
 gardless of lawful social customs, and animated by such low 
 feelings as to make him sell his birthright for a passing 
 pleasure and contemplate with satisfaction both the near 
 death of his father and the possible murder of his brother. 
 The former is a living model of self-command combined with 
 shrewdness and perseverance, of faithful compliance with 
 social duties, and especially of that frame of mind which 
 whilst it pursues the increase of earthly possessions, never 
 loses altogether sight of higher blessings promised to its un- 
 tiring exertions. Esau is indeed "the likeness of the fickle, 
 uncertain Edomite, now allied, now hostile to the seed of prom- 
 ise," whilst Jacob is no less truly the likeness of the crafty 
 persecuted Jew, with ''his unbroken endurance and undying 
 resolution which keep the nation alive in its present outcast 
 condition, and which, in its brighter days, were the basis of 
 the heroic zeal, long-suffering and hope of Moses, of David, 
 of Jeremias and of the Maccabees " (Stanley, Lectures on 
 the History of the Jewish Church, vol. i, p. 61). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Joseph. 
 
 History 
 
 Joseph. 
 
 r. I. Hated of his broth- 7 
 ers. 
 
 A. /« Chanaan: , ^ j.^,^ ^ ^j^^^^ 
 (Gen. xxxvii). \ ^ 
 
 3. Abidmg grief of 
 y Jacob. 
 
 15. //; Eiry/'t : 
 
 Illustrations 
 
 from 
 
 Eastern and 
 
 Egyptian man 
 
 ners. 
 
 f I. Joseph in the House of Putiphar 
 (Cien. xxxix, 1-19). 
 
 2. Joseph in Prison 
 (Gen, xxxix, 20- 
 xli, 37) : 
 
 f The prison de- 
 scribed. 
 The dreams of 
 the two 
 j co-prisoners. 
 I The dreams of 
 { Pharao. 
 
 I Power and Mar- 
 3. Joseph in the 1 riage. 
 
 House of Pha- j Treatment of 
 rao (Gen. xli, ^ his brothers. 
 3S-XIV, 28) : Sending for his 
 
 I father. 
 
 ^ Character of Joseph : A Type of our Lord. 
 
 [37J 
 
^/ 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 JOSEPH. 
 
 § /. History of Joseph in Chanaan. 
 
 1. Joseph Hated by his Brethren. The sacred nar- 
 rative points out the reasons for which Joseph gradually be- 
 came an object of hatred to his brothers. First of all, he 
 had witnessed some very wicked deed of several among them, 
 and they knew that he had revealed it to his father. Their 
 next grievance consisted in the manifest partiaHty of Jacob 
 for this elder son of Rachel born to him in his old age. They 
 contemplated with a jealousy which soon grew into intense 
 hatred, the fine garment which the patriarch had given to 
 his beloved child. Whilst they had to be satisfied with the 
 shepherd's sleeveless tunic reaching only to the knees, Joseph 
 wore an ample garment covering nearly the whole frame, 
 and probably made of fine linen, in stripes of many colors, 
 such as it is usual still in the East to give to favorite children. 
 Finally, with the imprudence of youth, Joseph narrated to 
 them dreams which clearly portended his future elevation 
 above them all, but which, for the present, simply caused 
 them to envy and hate him all the more (Gen. xxxvii, i-ii. 
 See ViGOUROUX, Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, vol. ii, 
 P- 7)- 
 
 2. Joseph Sold by his Brethren. The cruel revenge 
 soon taken upon Joseph by his brothers as related in the 
 book of Genesis (xxxvii, 12-28) is perfectly true both to 
 Biblical topography and to Oriental customs. The wide ex- 
 panse of the valley of Sichem where Jacob's children had fed 
 
 [38] 
 
JOSEPH. 39 
 
 their flocks for some time and to which Joseph was sent by 
 his father, contrasts indeed favorably with the barren hills of 
 the country farther south, but it cannot compare with the 
 pasture-ground of Dothain, and this is why the children of 
 Jacob, who had first moved from Hebron to Sichem, had left 
 it for Dothain, now identified with a spot bearing this ancient 
 name and about 20 miles north of Sichem. In repairing to 
 Dothain to find out his brothers, Joseph, after climbing the 
 high hill north of Samaria, had to descend the steep northern 
 slope of the ridge, and at Dothain in the plain below, he would 
 easily be seen "afar off" and even recognized by his 
 brothers "sharp-sighted, as all Arab shepherds are to-day." 
 (Harper, p. 41). At first they intended to put him to death, 
 but they next agreed to cast him into one of the many dry 
 pits or underground cisterns still visible in the district. 
 Finally, they acceded to Juda's proposal to sell their brother 
 to Ismaelite merchants whom they noticed coming by the 
 great caravan road from Galaad to Egypt which still passes 
 by Dothain. "The brown-skinned children of Ismael, who 
 brought camels richly laden from the East to the Nile, 
 are drawn to the life on the Egyptian monuments "^; and of 
 the three kinds of spices they were carrying into Egypt — and 
 are even now the principal articles of commerce of their de- 
 scendants between the East and that country — two are named 
 in recently discovered papyri, whilst the odor of the third may 
 still be detected among those of other materials used in the 
 embalming of mummies. That they should willingly pur- 
 chase Joseph on their way down to Egypt is all the more 
 natural because Syrian slaves had a special value on. Egyp- 
 tian markets, and it seems beyond doubt that "their descend- 
 ants would not now hesitate to make such a purchase, and 
 actually do so in certain parts of the country " (Thompson, 
 quoted by Rawlinson, Isaac and Jacob, p. 142). 
 
 ' Ebers, /Egypten und die BUcher Moses, quoted in Vigouroux, vol. ii, p. 12, and 
 in Geikie, vol. i, p. 422, footnote 6. 
 
40 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 3. Abiding Grief of Jacob. Before casting Joseph 
 into the pit, his brothers had stripped him of his fine gar- 
 ment, and it is this garment which, dipped in the blood of a 
 kid, they sent to their father to make him believe that a wild 
 beast had devoured his beloved son. They succeeded but 
 too well in deceiving Jacob, who gave at once all the custom- 
 ary signs of intense grief, "tearing his garments and putting 
 on sackcloth, and mourning for his son a long time." In 
 vain did his children gather around him to comfort him, he 
 refused every proffered consolation, saying " I will go down 
 to my son into the grave, mourning " (Gen. xxxvii, 31-35). 
 For long years afterwards, Jacob centred indeed his affection 
 in Benjamin, the younger son of Rachel, yet all the while, 
 even this other child of his most tenderly loved wife filled 
 but partly the vacant place in the patriarch's heart (cfr. 
 Gen. xlii, 4, 36-38 ; xlv, 26-28). 
 
 § 2. History of Joseph in Egypt. 
 
 I. Joseph in the House of Putiphar (Gen. xxxix, 
 1-19). Whilst thus bewailed by his father, Joseph was car- 
 ried to Egypt and sold to Putiphar (a word which signifies 
 dedicated to Ra or the Sun," the chief divinity of On, or 
 Heliopolis), an officer of Pharao and apparently a captain 
 of the State police in charge "of prisoners and prisons, of 
 bodily punishments and executions" (Geikie, Hours with 
 the Bible, vol. i, p. 425). Egyptian monuments make us 
 acquainted with the various duties of the position of " over- 
 seer " soon held by Joseph in his master's house. He is a 
 slave placed over all the rest, "now directing the laborers in 
 the field, now taking account of the crops, writing down on 
 tablets the goodly store of goods ; introducing what strangers 
 might come to the master, or meting out punishment to 
 offenders " (Harper, p. 43) ; he has the special title of '^gov- 
 ernor of the house," as we read of Joseph in Genesis xxxix, 4, 
 
JOSEPH. 41 
 
 and to him is entrusted the care of all things "both at home 
 and in the fields." 
 
 Whilst Joseph was discharging with perfect success his 
 manifold duties in his master's house, he was often brought 
 in contact with the wife of Putiphar, for at that time, as im- 
 plied in the Bible and clearly shown on Egyptian monuments, 
 there was as much free intercourse between men and women 
 in Ej^ypt, as among us in the present day. Oftentimes she 
 noticed the youthful and handsome Hebrew overseer, and 
 with a passion too much in harmony with the profligacy for 
 which Egyptian women have ever been notorious, she re- 
 peatedly tempted him to commit adultery with her, till at 
 length, resenting his virtuous conduct, she charged him to 
 her husband with the very criminal solicitations wherewith 
 she had herself pursued him. The credulous Putiphar be- 
 lieved the report of his wife, and in consequence " cast Joseph 
 into the prison where the King's prisoners were kept." Sev- 
 eral details of the Biblical narrative of Joseph's temptation 
 are strikingly similar to those found on a papyrus which goes 
 back to the time before the Exodus, and is known as the 
 *' Tale of the Two Brothers." In it, the younger was tempted 
 to adultery by the wife of his elder brother, and as he refused 
 she " made herself like one who had suffered violence," 
 falsely accused the younger brother, and her husband in a 
 rage threatened his life, which was saved by the protection 
 of the Sun- God {civ. Budge, the Dwellers on the Nile, p. 115 
 sq. ; ViGOUROUX, tome ii, chap. iii). 
 
 2. Joseph in Prison. (Gen. xxxix, 20-xli, 37). The 
 fact that Putiphar in his anger did not at once put Joseph to 
 death is in harmony with the old Egyptian law which denied 
 to the master power over the life of his slave. The prison to 
 which Joseph was now confined was not a single building, 
 but something like a walled fortress including the barracks 
 of the garrison, some temples and the prisons, a special part 
 
42 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of which was reserved for prisoners of state, and where latei 
 on two great officers of Pharao (the chief butler and the chief 
 baker) rejoined Joseph because, for some reason unknown 
 to us, they had displeased the Egyptian monarch. 
 
 After a little while, Joseph's co-prisoners had each a dream 
 which caused them all the more sadness because in their 
 prison, they had no access to professional interpreters of 
 dreams. Their dreams were naturally in harmony with each 
 one's occupation, and the details with which they are de- 
 scribed in the Bible correspond most exactly to what Egyptian 
 pictures represent were the occupations of bakers and butlers 
 in that period, wine being freely served at Egyptian banquets, 
 and bread and other articles of food, when carried by men, 
 being carried in baskets on their heads^ not on their shoulders 
 as was wont for women. Joseph's interpretation of each 
 dream came indeed to pass, but, despite the promise of the 
 chief butler to remember him when restored to his office, he 
 had to remain in prison, till his interpretation of two dreams 
 of Pharao secured to him the royal favor. 
 
 It would indeed be difficult to imagine something more in 
 harmony with the Egyptian country and civilization than the 
 details connected with Pharao's dreams, such as the cows 
 feeding on the reeds and sedge of the marshy banks of the 
 Nile, the ears of corn for which Egypt was ever so famous 
 and in which at times, however, it was completely wanting, the 
 number seven common to both dreams and so sacred to Egyp- 
 tian minds, etc. So is it likewise with the recourse which 
 Pharao had at once to interpreters of dreams, for whilst 
 dreams were in Egypt the object of superstitious fear, several 
 kinds of interpreters — two of which are mentioned with their 
 official Egyptian title in the Hebrew Text — were ever in at- 
 tendance at Court. Finally, in the care with which Joseph, 
 when taken out of prison, must be shaved and change his 
 garments, it is easy to discover an allusion to that perfect 
 ceremonial cleanness required before any one could be 
 
JOSEPH. 43 
 
 brought in to Pharao (see Geikie, vol. i, p. 432 sq. ; Vig- 
 ouROUX, vol. ii, chap. iv). 
 
 3. Joseph in the House of Pharao (Gen. xli, 38-xlv, 
 25). The clear and plausible interpretation of Pharao's 
 dreams by Joseph struck the King with such admiration that, 
 in virtue of his supreme will, he raised him at once from the 
 lowest to the highest rank in the State. The raising of 
 Joseph to a dignity inferior to none but that of Pharao con- 
 sisted in three distinct things, (i) He received the insignia 
 of his office — the signet-ring to seal, in the royal name, all 
 public documents; robes of the finest linen, as befitting 
 Pharao's prime minister; and the golden neck chain, the 
 official badge of his authority. (2) He was carried through 
 the streets of the capital on the second royal chariot, that all 
 might do homage to him as the second ruler over Egypt. 
 (3) He assumed an Egyptian name, and became a member 
 of the highest class of Egypt through marriai;e with the 
 daughter of a priest of Heliopolis, named Putiphare. 
 
 Soon the seven years of plenty predicted by Joseph set in, 
 during which he stored up corn in each of the cities from the 
 lands of which it was gathered. They were followed by 
 seven years of dearth, during which by his skilful manage- 
 ment he saved Egypt from the worst features of want and 
 hunger,' and not only Egypt, but also the various countries 
 around, which had to suffer from the same protracted famine. 
 At an early period during the seven years of famine Jacob 
 sent his sons to Egypt to buy corn, keeping back, however, 
 Benjamin "lest perhaps he take any harm in the journey.'* 
 What occurred on the occasion of this their first journey, as 
 well as in connection with a second one they were compelled 
 to make a little later — this second time in company with 
 Benjamin — is too well known to require a detailed descrip- 
 tion here. The narrative of the manner in which Joseph 
 
 * For illustration of these facts, see Hari-ek, p. 49. 
 
< 
 
 44 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 discovered himself finally to them is peculiarly beautiful and 
 touching, and shows how little in all his dealings with them, 
 he intended to take revenge on them for their past unworthy 
 conduct. He even went so far as to excuse in some manner, 
 their greatest crime " Let it not seem to you a hard case that 
 you sold me into these countries. . . . Not by your counsel 
 was I sent hither, but by the will of God " (Gen. xlv, 5, 8). 
 
 The rumor of the arrival of the brothers of Joseph soon 
 spread and reached the ears of Pharao, who gladly entered 
 into the designs of his prime minister that he should send 
 for his aged father, and cause him to settle with all his fam- 
 ily in the land of Egypt. Accordingly, the sons of Jacob, 
 supplied with Egyptian chariots, large provisions for the 
 journey and magnificent gifts in money and raiment for their 
 father, went out of Egypt, and brought to the old Jacob the 
 almost incredible, and yet the most certain as well as most 
 welcome news that Joseph " was living, and was ruler in all 
 the land of Egypt." Convinced at length that this wonder- 
 ful news was but the expression of a glorious reality, Jacob 
 revived and said, "It is enough for me, if Joseph my son be 
 yet living, I will go and see him before I die." 
 
 4. Character of Joseph. Old Testament history pre- 
 sents few, if any characters more beautiful than that of Joseph. 
 As a boy he has the most vivid horror for the evil done by 
 his brothers, and as a youth he resists with heroic constancy 
 the repeated and pressing solicitations of his master's wife. 
 Cast into prison, he exhibits great power of endurance, and 
 when raised to the highest rank in the State, he shows him- 
 self worthy of that exalted dignity by his modesty no less 
 than by his energetic efforts to promote in the most effective 
 manner the welfare of his adoptive countrymen. His won- 
 derful flexibility enables him to adapt himself to each new 
 position in life and his great amiability endears him to almost 
 all who come in contact with him. His tenderness of heart 
 
JOSEPH. 45 
 
 is revealed in a variety of ways, such as the tears he sheds 
 at the first visit of his brothers after they had sold him, his 
 loving feelings towards Benjamin, his filial respect and devo- 
 tion for his aged father after years of separation and in the 
 midst of^the greatest honors of Pharao's court. 
 
 It would indeed be difficult to point out a character more 
 worthy than that of Joseph to be one of the types of our 
 Lord. In point of fact, there is a manifold resemblance be- 
 tween Jacob's beloved son and the dearly beloved Son of 
 God. Like Jesus, Joseph was hated and cast out by his 
 brethren, and yet wrought out their salvation through the 
 sufferings they had brought upon him ; like Jesus, Joseph ob- 
 tained his exaltation only after passing through the deepest 
 humiliations, and in the kingdom over which he ruled, he in- 
 vited his brethren to join those whom heretofore they had 
 looked upon as strangers, in order that they also might enjoy 
 the blessings he had stored up for them ; like the Saviour of 
 the world, Joseph had but words of forgiveness and blessing 
 for all who, recognizing their misery, had recourse to his 
 supreme power; finally, it was to Joseph of old, as to Jesus, 
 that all had to appeal for relief, offer homages of the deepest 
 respect and yield ready obedience in all things. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Israelites in Egypt. 
 
 I. 
 The Land 
 
 OF 
 
 Egypt : 
 
 II. 
 Sojourn 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Israelites 
 
 IN 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 r I. Physical Description : Situation; two great divisions; 
 the Nile. 
 
 >. History: 
 
 3. Civilization 
 
 A. The last years \ 
 of Jacob and 
 
 Little known up to a very recent 
 
 period. 
 Now opened by study of hieroglyphic 
 
 inscriptions. 
 Principal dynasties before the Israelites 
 
 went down into Egypt. 
 
 Social Organization. 
 
 Domestic Life and Manners. 
 
 Religion (Esoteric and Exoteric As- 
 pects). 
 
 f f In what manner ef- 
 
 I I. Entrance into \ fected .'' 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Joseph : 
 
 I Under what dynas- 
 l ty.? 
 The Land of Gessen : Situation and 
 
 description. 
 Death and Funeral honors of Jacob 
 and Joseph. 
 
 B. After the 
 Death of Jo 
 seph : 
 
 Period of Pros- 
 perity : 
 
 From a Nomad 
 Tribe, Israel be- 
 comes a settled 
 people. 
 
 Families remain 
 distinct; no com- 
 mon head. 
 
 f At what time began the 
 oppression ? 
 How exercised } 
 
 Period of 
 Oppres- - 
 sion : 
 
 How illus- 
 trated 
 
 r A. 
 
 by Egyp- 
 tian monu- 
 ments .'* 
 
 B. 
 in modern 
 
 Fellahin ? 
 
 [46] 
 
/L 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ISRAELITES IX EGYPT. 
 § I. The Land of Egypt. 
 
 I. Physical Description. Kgypt, the country in which 
 the descendants of Jacob dwelt for several centuries, occupies 
 the north-east angle of Africa. It lies on both sides of the 
 Nile and is bounded on the north by the Mediterranean Sea, 
 on the east by Arabia and the Red Sea, on the south by 
 Nubia (which country the Nile traverses before it enters 
 Egypt at the first cataract), and on the west by Lybia. In 
 ancient times, however, the territory of Egypt was much less 
 extensive, because its width included then little more than 
 the fertile strip of land on both sides of the Nile, the deserts 
 beyond on either side being considered as parts of Arabia 
 and Lybia respectively. 
 
 Ancient Egypt had two great natural divisions, (i) the 
 Delta, so called from its resemblance with the Greek let- 
 ter A ; (2) the Valley of the Nile. The Delta is a vast 
 triangular plain watered by the branches of the Nile and ex- 
 tending along the Mediterranean coast for about 200 miles, 
 and up the Nile for 100 miles. The Valley of the Nile ex- 
 tends from this point — about the site of the present city of 
 Cairo — to the First Cataract, a distance of about 500 miles, 
 and its width varies from 10 to 30 miles. The Delta and 
 the Valley of the Nile have together an area of about 9,600 
 square miles, or about equal to tlie two States of Massachu- 
 setts and Rhode Island together. 
 
 Nothing is more exact than the saying of the old Greek 
 
 [47] 
 
48 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 historian Herodotus (fifth century b. c), who affirms that 
 Egypt "is the gift of the Nile" (History, Book ii, chap, v), 
 for owing to the periodical rainy season which inundates 
 Upper Abyssinia, where the Nile takes its rise, this river is 
 periodically swollen and by its overflovvr secures to the coun- 
 try of Egypt its wonderful fertility. The rising of the Nile 
 usually begins towards the end of June, and as the waters 
 rise they turn from greenish to dark red, which latter color 
 does not interfere in the least with their wholesome and 
 palatable properties. During the following months, the low- 
 lands of Egypt are inundated and thereby supplied with the 
 moisture and alluvial deposit required for farming purposes. 
 If the annual inundation reaches a sufficient height — in 
 ancient times, the most favorable height was 16 cubits or 
 about 28 feet — all is well with Egypt and its inhabitants, 
 but if the reverse occurs — if it is only 12 cubits, for instance 
 — a famine is the result. As the fertility of Egypt has ever 
 depended on the water of the Nile, canals were dug from a 
 remote antiquity, to distribute it in various directions. 
 
 2. History. Up to a very recent period, little could be 
 known with certainty about the history of ancient Egypt, for 
 every writer on Egypt depended almost entirely on Greek 
 historians whose statements were too often at variance, and 
 whose comparative authority could not be defined. More- 
 over as these historians were unacquainted with the Egyptian 
 language, they did not utilize the original documents of the 
 banks of the Nile, but simply recorded obsolete traditions 
 with which they mingled their own views, and as a necessary 
 consequence, the history of ancient Egypt was for centuries 
 little more than a collection of groundless statements. 
 
 A more accurate and certain knowledge of Egyptian his- 
 tory began only with the deciphering of the Egyptian hiero- 
 glyphics by Francois Champollion in the first quarter of the 
 present century. By years of hard and persevering efforts 
 
THE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 
 
 49 
 
 he succeeded not only in making out the value of a large 
 number of Egyptian characters, but also in understanding 
 the meaning of the words through his acquaintance with the 
 Coptic language, a legitimate descendant from the old Egyp- 
 tian and bearing with it a very close resemblance. Since 
 that time, pyramid and obelisk, sarcophagus and coffin, stele 
 and papyrus have spoken and their inscriptions, ranging from 
 4000 B. c. to the time of our Lord, have yielded an outline of 
 Egypt's dynasties and political vicissitudes, and better still a 
 vivid picture of its beliefs, manners and customs (cfr. Budge, 
 Dwellers on the Nile, chaps, i, ii). 
 
 Despite all these discoveries, the earliest history of Egypt 
 is still very obscure; it cannot be doubted, however, that 
 about 4000 B. c, Egypt was already a well-organized State. 
 Its first dynasty is supposed to have had for its founder 
 Mena or Menes, about whose laws and institutions little is 
 known for certain. Of the following dynasties, twelve ruled 
 in succession before the children of Jacob went down into 
 Egypt; and the principal of these were two: (i) The 
 Fourth, to whose kings Egypt is indebted for much of its 
 ancient glory, and in particular for its greatest pyramids or 
 royal tombs, viz. : those of Cheops, Chephren and Mycerinus 
 at Gizeh, on the western bank of the Nile, near Cairo; (2) 
 the Twelfth, famous for its warlike undertakings, and also 
 for the formation of the enormous lake Moeris and the build- 
 ing of the wonderful palace of the Labyrinth. From the 
 twelfth to the eighteenth dynasty, there is a gap of about 500 
 years during which both the rule of the Hyksos or " Shepherd 
 Kings " and the settlement of the Israelites in Egypt are to 
 be placed. 
 
 3. Civilization. Egypt is one of the most ancient civil- 
 ized nations of the world, and in the present day we are 
 allowed a clear insight into the manifold features of its antique 
 civilization through the numberless paintings, sculptures, in- 
 
50 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 scriptions, etc., brought to light by recent explorations. 
 Among these features we may notice first of all, the political 
 and social organization of the ancient Egyptians, at the basis 
 of which lay their division into classes. Two of these classes, 
 those of \\\Q, priests and of the warriors^ were deemed most 
 honorable, and together with the King, owned the soil of 
 Egypt. The priests constituted the learned class; they were 
 exempt from taxation, received daily rations of the sacred 
 food together with contributions of oxen, sheep and wine, 
 were allowed to have only one wife, and were submitted to 
 minute ritual observances, such as frequent ablutions, the 
 exclusive use of linen robes, etc. Next to the priests in 
 honor, came the soldiers, whose profession, like that of the 
 priests, was hereditary. They possessed nearly a third of 
 the soil and were exempt from all taxes, and of course, when 
 on duty in the field or about the King's person, they were 
 given special pay and rations. The rest of the free popula- 
 tion of Egypt formed a sort of third order subdivided into 
 the classes of shepherds^ husbajidmen and artisans^ whose vari- 
 ous occupations are represented with the minutest detail 
 and accuracy in the pictures in the tombs and on the monu- 
 ments of the ancient Egyptians. 
 
 At the head of the State, was the King, bearing the title 
 of Pharao, at once priest and warrior, and the actual god 
 of all his subjects both during his lifetime and after his death. 
 For him the Egyptians were trembling slaves, compelled even 
 from religious motives to carry out his orders blindly, and to 
 set at the same time the highest value on his most trifling 
 favors. " The first object of the King was supposed to be the 
 welfare of his people both temporal and spiritual. Minor 
 matters of administration would be disposed of by his sub- 
 ordinates, but things of importance would come before him 
 and be discussed with his leading advisers and councillors " 
 (Budge, Dwellers on the Nile, page 183). 
 
 The domestic life of the ancient Egyptians is perhaps bet- 
 
THE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 51 
 
 ter known than their social organization, for their paintings 
 and inscriptions make us acquainted with the minute details 
 of their daily life. Their houses were generally only two 
 stories high, had small windows, lofty ceilings and terraced 
 roofs surrounded by a balustrade or battlement. The houses 
 of the wealthy often covered a very large extent of ground, 
 had an inner court planted with trees, and their walls were 
 beautifully sculptured and decorated, whilst the rooms were 
 supplied with the most elegant furniture. At an entertain- 
 ment, the dinner was served up at noon, men and women sat 
 side by side at tables covered with numerous dishes and sup- 
 plied with wine of various sorts, each guest being placed ac- 
 cording to his rank. " After dinner, games, music, dancing 
 and other amusements were provided for the guests " 
 (Blaikie, Manual of Bible History, p. 98). 
 
 Polygamy was certainly practised by some of the nobles 
 and Kings of Egypt, but even where several wives were taken 
 one of them enjoyed a real superiority over all the others. 
 Children were educated according to their future position in 
 life, those of the priests being carefully taught the various 
 kinds of Egyptian writing together with astronomy, mathe- 
 matics, etc., in a word, '' all the wisdom of the Egyptians." 
 (For fuller information see Wilkinson, The Ancient Egyp- 
 tians, vol. ii.) 
 
 The religion of Egypt deserves also a special notice here. 
 It presented, as in all pagan countries, a twofold aspect, the 
 one esoteric, exhibiting whatever was most elevated, most phil- 
 osophical, but kept hidden in the sanctuary for the honor and 
 profit of the priests and of a small number of initiated, — the 
 other exoteric, the sole known to the people at large, consist- 
 ing only of the outer form of the esoteric doctrine and made 
 up of the grossest superstitions. 
 
 The esoteric doctrine of the Egyptian priests had for its 
 basis the great idea of the unity of a God who is described 
 in the sacred texts of Ancient Egypt as eternal, infinite, lov- 
 
52 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ing and just (cfr. extract from an Egyptian hymn in Budge, p, 
 130 sq.) ; that the primitive Egyptian worship was thus mon- 
 otheistic is rendered the more probable from the fact that 
 religious edifices of the primitive ages were without sculpt- 
 ured images and without idols. Unfortunately, this sublime 
 idea was very early obscured and disfigured by the concep- 
 tions of the priests, as well as by the ignorance of the multi- 
 tude. The attributes and qualities of the one sole, absolute 
 and eternal God were by degrees invested with a concrete 
 and personal existence, and transformed in the eyes of the 
 people into absolutely distinct gods. For the purposes of 
 external and public worship these almost countless gods 
 were grouped into triads — after the image of a human fam- 
 ily having a father, mother and son — and each triad was 
 worshipped in the sanctuary of one of the capitals of the 
 Egyptian districts or nomes. Again, through a further abuse 
 of symbolic representations so entirely in harmony with 
 Egypt's genius, the attributes, qualities and nature of the 
 various gods were symbolized by means of animals, each god 
 being represented under the figure of a particular animal, or 
 as was more usually the case, by the conjunction of the head 
 of that animal with a human body, and this finally led the 
 Egyptian multitudes to the worship of the animals them- 
 selves, not simply as representations but as incarnations of 
 the deity (see FRAN901S Lenormant, Manual of the Ancient 
 History of the East, vol. i, p. 317-327)- 
 
 One of the principal religious beliefs common to both 
 people and priests was the doctrine of a future, life with its 
 eternal rewards for the just, and its punishments for the 
 wicked. 
 
 § 2. Sojoiirn of the Israelites in Egypt. 
 
 I. The Last Years of Jacob and Joseph (Gen. 
 xlvi-1). The first impulse of Jacob on learning of Joseph's 
 
THE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 53 
 
 preservation and exalted dignity in Egypt was to go down to 
 that country and spend his last years with his beloved son. 
 He soon, however, hesitated in carrying out a plan which 
 seemed to run counter to God's designs by settling down far 
 from the Promised Land, but a vision from Jehovah near 
 Bersabee, put an end to every hesitation on his part, and he 
 started without delay with all his family and possessions, 
 sending Juda ahead to apprise Joseph of his coming. The 
 meeting of the patriarch with his beloved son was most affec- 
 tionate, and was soon followed by the presentation, first of 
 five brothers of Joseph, and next of the old man himself to 
 the Egyptian monarch. The Pharao of the time belonged 
 most likely to a dynasty established by nomad hordes of 
 Arabia, Chanaan and Syria after their conquest of Northern 
 Egypt, and known under the name of the Hyksos or " Shepherd 
 Kings." Once settled in Egypt, the Hyksos soon adopted 
 Egyptian manners and customs, and their court resembled 
 in every respect that of the ancient Pharaos, and yet all the 
 time they had to fight against the native Kings who main- 
 tained themselves in Southern Egypt, and who ultimately suc- 
 ceeded in expelling those whom the Egyptian population 
 ever regarded as intruders. These historical data concern- 
 ing the Hyksos agree perfectly with the Biblical statements 
 regarding the dynasty which ruled in Egypt at the time when 
 the Israelites entered that country. On the one hand, although 
 this dynasty had a foreign origin, it had already adopted the 
 customs of Egypt, and in consequence it is justly described 
 in the Bible as holding a thoroughly Egyptian court; and 
 on the other hand, because of its foreign origin and also be- 
 cause of the hatred wherewith it was pursued by the native 
 princes and population, it would not only welcome, but even 
 readily grant a portion of territory to a pastoral tribe coming 
 also from Asia and in which they hoped to secure allies, when 
 necessary, against the conquered Egyptians. 
 
 The portion of Egyptian territory ascribed to Jacob and 
 
54 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 his family as their residence was the " Land of Gessen " 
 whose boundaries gradually "extended with the increase of 
 the people over the territory they inhabited " (Naville, quoted 
 by Harper, Bible and Modern Discoveries, p. 55). In the 
 time of Joseph it probably comprised little more than the 
 present Wady Et Tumilat, a district east of the Delta 
 and not far from Tanis or Zoan, the actual capital of the 
 Hyksos. The land of Gessen counted but few Egyptian in- 
 habitants, because its former settlers had fled before the in- 
 vading Asiatic hordes, and although it was capable of yield- 
 ing excellent crops, it was yet — as we learn from a recently 
 discovered Egyptian document — "not cultivated, but left as 
 a pasture for cattle." All this enables us to understand why 
 Joseph was desirous that this region should be assigned to 
 his brothers who had come with flocks and herds, were 
 "shepherds from their infancy," and as such would be an 
 object of hatred for the native population '-because the 
 Egyptians had all shepherds in abomination." 
 
 After his migration into Egypt, Jacob lived seventeen 
 years, towards the end of which he requested that his mortal 
 remains should be transported into the land of Chanaan and 
 deposited in " the burying-place of his ancestors." In his 
 last sickness, the dying patriarch blessed all his children, 
 uttering at the same time prophetic words concerning the 
 future of their respective descendants. His blessing of Juda 
 is particularly remarkable not only because it promised the 
 temporal supremacy to the tribe of Juda, but also because it 
 distinctly foretold that from Juda's posterity should arise 
 "He to whpm nations shall yield obedience," that is, the 
 Messias in whom " shall all the nations of the earth be 
 blessed " (Gen. xii, 3 ; xxvi, 4. For a careful study of 
 Jacob's blessing of Juda, see Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique; 
 CoRLUY, Spicilegium Dogmatico-biblicum, vol. i ; Pelt, His- 
 toire de I'Ancien Testament, vol. i, chap. xv). 
 
 Joseph honored his father (i) by a costly embalming, of 
 
THE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 55 
 
 which the Bible speaks in a manner which agrees perfectly 
 with the process as depicted on Egyptian monuments, (2) by 
 a long time of mourning in the Land of Egypt, (3) by a large 
 and distinguished funeral cortege which accompanied the 
 embalmed body to the Promised Land, finally (4) by "full 
 seven days of great and vehement lamentation " when ar- 
 rived at Maclipelah, where Jacob's remains were laid by the 
 side of his great ancestors (cfr. Geikie, vol. i, p. 471). 
 
 Very little is told us about Joseph in the Biblical narrative 
 after the burial of his father. We read simply fhat he ever 
 bore himself kindly to his brothers, saw the grandchildren of 
 his sons Ephraim and Manasses, and required from his 
 brothers a solemn oath that they should carry his remains 
 out of Egypt, when God would bring them back to Chanaan. 
 His body was carefully embalmed and 'Maid in a coffin in 
 Egypt." 
 
 2. After the Death of Joseph. The prosperity which 
 the Israelites enjoyed in Egypt during the lifetime of Joseph 
 long continued after his death. During this period of peace 
 and plenty, which the opening chapter of the book of Exodus 
 rather hints at than describes, they multiplied very rapidly 
 and soon covered much more territory than the district origi- 
 nally ascribed to them. Many of the new districts presented 
 much better opportunities for agricultural or industrial pur- 
 poses than for pastoral pursuits, and in consequence many 
 families gave up gradually their despised primitive shepherd 
 life, and learned to till the fertile soil of northeastern Egypt, 
 or became acquainted with the various arts of the Egyptians, 
 such as weaving, dyeing, etc. Their social importance natur- 
 ally grew apace with their wealth, and intermarriage gave 
 them access to the highest circles in the State (cfr. i Paralip. 
 iv, 18). Thus, from a nomad tribe, Israel was by degrees 
 transformed into a numerous and powerful settled people 
 conversant with the arts and civilization of Egypt, and also. 
 
56 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 it must be added, deeply influenced by the splendor of its 
 temples and worship. Finally, they were allowed a fair 
 amount of political independence, for they governed them- 
 selves in pretty much the same manner as the nations kin- 
 dred to them (the Edomites and the Ismaelites) having like 
 them elders who presided over the interests of distinct dis- 
 tricts, but no common head. 
 
 Had this wonderful prosperity of the Israelites lasted 
 much longer, it seems not improbable that they would have 
 gradually forgotten Chanaan, and even lost their faith 
 in the God of their ancestors ; but these two great evils were 
 averted by a providential course of events, which brought 
 about a long period of severe oppression followed by their 
 departure from Egypt. The precise time at which this op- 
 pression began cannot be determined ; but it is now univers- 
 ally granted that the ^^ new King who arose over Egypt and 
 did not know Joseph'^ (Exod. i, 8) belonged to the old native 
 dynasty which had finally succeeded in expelling the Hyksos 
 from the country. There is also little doubt that the particu- 
 lar King who persecuted so severely the Israelites was Ram- 
 esses II, whom Egyptian inscriptions concur with the Bible 
 in representing as having had a very long reign, as a pas- 
 sionate builder, and as the founder of Ramesses and Phithom. 
 His aim was so to weaken the Israelites as to render them 
 of no account in case of a foreign invasion from the east, 
 and for this purpose he had recourse to three devices : (i) he 
 imposed upon them an excessive amount of work of the most 
 exhausting kind ; (2) he gave order to the Egyptian midwives 
 to kill every Israelite man-child at its birth ; (3) he charged 
 all his people to cast into the Nile any male child who might 
 have escaped (Exod. i, 9-22). 
 
 Egyptian monuments make us acquainted with brickmak- 
 ing as it was then imposed upon the Israelites, when they 
 represent to us some men digging clay, others mixing it, 
 others laden with the prepared clay, others again carrying 
 
THE ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 57 
 
 bricks or stacking them, whilst just by is the task master, his 
 stick ever lifted up to enforce labor. By " all the other man- 
 ners of service" exacted from the Israelites (Exod. i, 14, cfr. 
 also verse 11) we are doubtless to understand the hewing out 
 of enormous blocks of granite and limestone, and the draw- 
 ing of them for the building of Ramesses's temples and cities, 
 the digging of canals, etc. (Cfr. inscriptions of Ramesses in 
 Geikie, Hours with the Bible, vol. ii, p. 98, sq.) 
 
 The frightful hardships and enormous expenditure of life 
 naturally entailed by such work carried on with no machin- 
 ery and with but little mechanical help, are most vividly 
 illustrated in the Fellahin or Egyptian husbandmen who, 
 during this very century, were taken by force from their vil- 
 lages and compelled to work for the Egyptian authorities. 
 Thus, for instance, out of 250,000 fellahin torn away from 
 their homes and employed at making the canal which con- 
 nects Alexandria with the Nile, 30,000 actually died, falling 
 worn out with the toil exacted from them by the blows of 
 their pitiless taskmasters. Similar barbarities with similar 
 results were also noticed in connection with the beginning of 
 the Suez canal, and all travellers relate like tales of woe con- 
 cerning the forced labor imposed upon the poor fellahin in 
 the sugar factories of the late Khedive (that is, the viceroy 
 of Egypt). (Cfr. Harper, Bible and Modern Discoveries, 
 p. 69 ; ViGOUROUX, vol. ii, p. 249, sq.) 
 
 j> 
 
I. 
 
 Moses 
 
 THE 
 
 Deliver- 
 er: 
 
 SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Deliverance from Egypt. 
 
 Birth and Education (Exodus ii, i-io; Acts vii, 20-22). 
 
 Flight and Sojourn in Madian (Exodus ii, 11-22; Acts, 
 
 vii, 23-29). 
 Return into Egypt (Exodus ii, 23-iv ; Acts vii, 30-35). 
 
 II. 
 Depart- 
 ure OF 
 THE 
 
 Israel- 
 ites: 
 
 A. Opposi- 
 tion to De- 
 parture : 
 
 B. The De- 
 parture : 
 
 Why and how raised by Pharao (Exodus 
 v-vii, 9) ? 
 
 Analogy with 
 
 natural 
 
 scourges. 
 
 Miraculous 
 character. 
 
 Opposition 
 
 to Egyptian 
 
 idolatry. 
 
 2. How met 
 
 by Moses ? 
 
 (Exodus vii, 
 
 lo-x). 
 
 The Nine 
 
 First 
 Plagues. 
 
 I. Prepara- 
 tory events. 
 
 r The First Pasch. 
 I 
 
 ■j The Tenth Plague 
 y Egyptian record). 
 
 (No 
 
 r The gathering and simulta- 
 I neous departure of the 
 2. Execution. \ Israelites. 
 
 Their number ; the spoils of 
 L Egypt. 
 
 C. The length of stay in Egypt (Exodus xii, 40, 41 ; Gala- 
 tians iii, 17). 
 
 III. 
 
 The 
 Passage 
 
 OF the 
 
 Red Sea. 
 
 ' I. The road followed from Ramesses to the Red Sea. 
 
 ' A. Northern limit of the western arm of the 
 Red Sea in the time of Moses. 
 B. The pursuit of the Israelites by Pharao* 
 
 2. The pas- 
 sage of the ^ C. The passage described: its miraculous 
 
 character. 
 D. Egyptian account of this escape, and 
 \ other traditions'. 
 
 3. The Canticle of Moses (Exodus xv, 1-21). 
 
 [58] 
 
 Seal 
 
SECOND OR TRIBAL PERIOD. 
 
 FROM MOSES TO THE INSTITUTION OF THE 
 MONARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. 
 
 § /. Moses the Deliverer. 
 
 2. Birth and Education (Exod. ii, i-io). CWhilst the 
 King of Egypt was bent on crushing Israel out of existence, 
 a child was born of the tribe of Levi destined to free forever 
 God's people from Egypt's bondage, and to introduce a 
 new era into the history of the Jewish religion and nation. 
 His parents Amram and Jochabed (Exod. vi, 20) who lived 
 apparently near the habitual residence of Ramesses II, had 
 had already two children, one daughter called Mary and a 
 son named Aaron. Struck with the infantine beauty of her 
 second son, Jochabed resolved to save him by concealing his 
 birth from the Egyptians who, according to Pharao's recent 
 order, cast into the Nile any newly-born Israelite male child 
 they could lay their hands on. The story of the manner in 
 which after three months of concealment the child was ex- 
 posed on the waters of the Nile, and then rescued, adopted 
 and trusted by the daughter of Pharao to the fostering care 
 of Jochabed herself, is known to all, and needs no further 
 mention here^ 
 
 [59] 
 
6o OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 During his youth and early manhood, Moses — for thus 
 was the child called henceforth because he had been " saved 
 from the waters " of the Nile — underwent a twofold influ- 
 ence. On the one hand, as the son of Jochabed, he learned 
 from his real mother who and what he was, and what great 
 designs God ever had respecting His chosen people ; on the 
 other hand, as the adopted son of Pharao's daughter " he 
 was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians" (Acts vii, 
 22), that is, in all the learning, literary, scientific and religious, 
 of the priests. 
 
 2. Flight and Sojourn in Madian (Exod. ii, 11-22). 
 The deep influence of Jochabed on the mind of Moses is evi- 
 denced by the fact that though brought up in the midst of the 
 refinement and luxury of Pharao's court, he did not hesitate, 
 when the time came, to cast his lot with the oppressed children 
 of Israel (cfr. Heb. xi, 24 sq.). One day, in his indignation 
 against an Egyptian taskmaster whom he saw striking an 
 Israelite, he slevv^ him, buried him hastily in the sand and 
 relied on the discretion of those whose defence he had thus 
 boldly taken. Moses, however, was deceived in his expecta- 
 tion, his bold deed was soon known, and he took to flight 
 from the vengeance of Pharao. 
 
 The place of his retreat was the "Land of Madjan," a pas- 
 toral district beyond the Egyptian possessions in the penin- 
 sula of Sinai, and somewhat to the north and to the east of 
 them. There he remained long years during which he led 
 the humble shepherd life of the patriarchs of old, and be- 
 came the son-in-law of Jethro the prince and priest of Madian. 
 
 3. Return into Egypt (Exod. ii, 23-iv). Meantime 
 Ramesses II died, and was succeeded by Meneptah I, to 
 whom the Israelites appealed in vain for relief. But Jehovah 
 "heard their groaning" and took actual steps to rescue them 
 from their misery. For this purpose He first appeared to 
 
THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. 6 1 
 
 Moses in the vicinity of Mount Horeb, in the southern part 
 of the peninsula of Sinai, revealed to him the name under 
 which He was to be made known to the Israelites and 
 directed him to return to Egypt. He also bade Moses 
 gather together the ancients of Israel, announce to them the 
 good news of Divine deliverance, and together with them de- 
 liver to Pharao God's message, that he should allow Israel 
 to go a three days' journey to offer a sacrifice to Jehovah, 
 their God. This mission appeared to Moses fraught with 
 difficulties, but he finally accepted it because God supplied 
 him with miraculous powers and promised that he would 
 find in his brother Aaron a faithful and eloquent spokesman. 
 With Jethro's consent, Moses left Madian and soon met 
 Aaron, whom he made acquainted both with the mission and 
 with the power of performing miracles Jehovah had entrusted 
 to him. 
 
 Upon their arrival at the Israelite settlements, the two 
 brothers gathered together the ancients of the people, and, 
 agreeably to the Divine promise, Aaron proved a most suc- 
 cessful spokesman near them ; finally, Aaron's words backed 
 up by miracles convinced the people at large that Jehovah 
 had indeed "visited the children of Israel and that He had 
 looked upon their affliction." 
 
 § 2. Departure of the Israelites. 
 
 I. Opposition to Departure (Exod. v-x). As might 
 naturally be expected, Pharao was not to be so easily per- 
 suaded of the Divine mission of Moses as the children of 
 Israel, and, in point of fact, when Moses and Aaron together 
 .with the ancients of the people requested him in the name of 
 Jehovah, '*the God of Israel," that he should let His people 
 go and offer Him a sacrifice in the desert, the King of Egypt 
 answered that Jehovah was a god unknown to him and that 
 he would not let Israel go. What was asked of him was in 
 
62 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 entire opposition with his twofold policy of using every 
 available man for his public works and of preventing the in- 
 crease of the Israelites by excessive labor, and in conse- 
 quence, the very same day he gave to the Egyptian task- 
 masters orders of an almost incredible severity against the 
 children of Israel. Henceforth these bondmen of Pharao 
 must find for themselves the chopped straw they needed to 
 make brick, and yet furnish each day exactly the same num- 
 ber of bricks as when straw was supplied to them. They 
 indeed appealed to the King against such oppression, but 
 Pharao maintained his orders that they must keep on supply- 
 ing bricks, sun-baked, and made with whatever straw, or even 
 sedges, rushes and water-plants, they could find, with such 
 binding materials, in a word, as we know were employed in 
 the construction of the brick walls of Phithom discovered 
 by M. de Naville in 1884. 
 
 It is not, therefore, to be wondered at, that, groaning under 
 their increased misery, the children of Israel complained 
 against Moses and Aaron, who had brought it upon them, 
 and positively refused to give credence to the message which 
 a little later Moses delivered to them in the name of Jehovah. 
 
 At this juncture, God bade Moses and Aaron appear again 
 before Pharao, requesting him that he should allow the de- 
 parture of the Israelites, and instructed the two brothers to 
 change into a serpent the rod Aaron was supplied with, as a 
 sign of their Divine mission. This they did, to the amaze- 
 ment of Pharao, who, however, having called upon his wise 
 men and magicians and having witnessed what seemed to be 
 the performance of a prodigy similar to that of Moses and 
 Aaron, refused to grant what was requested of him. After 
 this refusal of Pharao, God inflicted on the country, by the 
 ministry of Moses and Aaron, the various scourges so well 
 known under the name of the Plagues of Egypt. The 
 first of these plagues — the turning of the water of the Nile 
 into blood — is clearly analogous with the annual phenomenon 
 
THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. 63 
 
 of the Red Nile, already referred to in the preceding chap- 
 ter, and whereby this river appears in the eyes of all as a 
 river of blood. The same close resemblance of the next eight 
 plagues with corresponding natural scourges which occur 
 from time to time in Egypt, is also borne witness to by very 
 reliable recent travellers, and this has led many Rationalists 
 to look upon the first nine plagues described in the Bible as 
 mere natural phenomena. But if this analogy of the plagues 
 with natural scourges is undoubted and in so far proves the 
 historical character of the Biblical narrative, it is no less un- 
 questionable that several things connected with the produc- 
 tion of the plagues of Egypt prove their miraculous charac- 
 ter. Take for instance the first of these plagues : the turning 
 of the water of the Nile into blood cannot be identified ab- 
 solutely with the annual and natural phenomenon of the Red 
 Nile, since the ordinary redness at the time of the Nile's 
 overflow does not render the water unfit for use or injurious 
 to the fish in the river, whilst the reverse is positively affirmed 
 by the Bible in connection with the first plague (Exod. vii, 
 20, 21). Again, it should be noticed that the effect of the 
 stretching of Aaron's rod was immediate, that it had been 
 predicted, that it extended at once to all the canals, trenches 
 and pools connected with the Nile, and even to the water 
 which had previously been taken from the river (Exod. vii, 
 19-21), which circumstances, of course, are not realized in 
 connection with the annual phenomenon of the Red Nile. 
 It is plain therefore that several features of the first plague 
 clearly distinguish it from the natural phenomenon of the 
 Red Nile and mark it as a miraculous event, and a similar 
 conclusion is forced upon us about the eight following plagues 
 when we compare them with the corresponding natural 
 scourges which occur from time to time in the valley of the 
 Nile. (For details respecting the plagues of Egypt, see 
 ViGOUROUX, vol. ii ; Geikie, vol. ii.) 
 
 These various miracles had not however for their sole ob- 
 
64 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ject to wrest from Pharao his consent to the departure of the 
 Israelites (Exod. vi, i), they were also intended to teach the 
 children of Israel the utter powerlessness of the Egyptian 
 gods when confronted with Jehovah (Numb, xxxiii, 4; Exod. 
 X, 2 ; Wisdom xii, 27). Thus the beneficent power of the 
 Nile, worshipped as the representation of Osiris, felt the 
 stroke of Jehovah's power in the first plague; in the second 
 plague, that of the frogs, Heki, "the driver away of the 
 frogs," proved powerless in behalf of his worshippers ; in the 
 third plague, the soil of Egypt, adored as " the father of the 
 gods," under the name of Seb, was defiled, and its dust 
 seemed turned into sciniphs to torment its worshippers ; in 
 the next plagues, the several animal-deities of the land were 
 in like manner derided, whilst in the ninth, even the Sun, 
 the supreme Egyptian god, had to veil its face before Jehovah. 
 
 2. The Departure of the Israelites (Exod. xi-xii, 36). 
 It was to complete the Divine judgment upon the gods of 
 Egypt (Exod. xiii, 12), and also finally to compel Pharao 
 and his subjects to send away His chosen people, that 
 Jehovah, setting aside the agency of the elements of nature 
 He had heretofore used against the Egyptians, declared that 
 He would Himself smite "every first-born in the land of 
 Egypt, from the first-born of man to the first-born of beasts." 
 The time fixed for this tenth and last plague was the hour of 
 midnight on the fourteenth of the month which was already 
 begun, and which was henceforth to be considered by the 
 Israelites as the first month of their sacred year. Meantime, 
 each Israelite household was (i) to select, on the tenth of 
 the month, a lamb or kid, one year old and without blem- 
 ish ; (2) to slay it on the fourteenth, just before the evening 
 twilight, and to sprinkle some of its blood upon the door- 
 posts of each house, and (3) on the very same evening, be- 
 fore midnight, to eat it with unleavened bread and bitter 
 herbs, and in haste, with their loins girded, their shoes on 
 
THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. 65 
 
 their feet, and their staves in hand, like persons in a hurry 
 to depart. All the Divine orders relating, to this first Pasch, 
 were, of course, carried out with the utmost exactitude by the 
 children of Israel, and at midnight on the fourteenth of the 
 month of Abib, Jehovah passing over the houses which He 
 saw marked with blood, smote all the first-born in the land 
 of Egypt. 
 
 Such was the tenth plague, a most unquestionable exercise 
 of Divine power in behalf of Israel, and also of Divine judg- 
 ment upon Pharao and his subjects. No wonder therefore, 
 that whilst according to Jehovah's orders, the Israelites kept 
 most gladly year by year the remembrance of it in the cele- 
 bration of the Passover, the Egyptians, on the contrary, 
 did not preserve any record of such an awful and humbling 
 event. It must be said, however, that the inscription re- 
 cently discovered on the gigantic statue of Meneptah I, 
 which states that his eldest son had been associated with the 
 empire and died before him, although it is not an explicit 
 record of the death of the son of the Pharao spoken of in 
 Exodus, seems singularly illustrative of the Biblical state 
 ment, that Jehovah " smote the first-born of Pharao, who 
 sat on his throned 
 
 Struck with terror by the awful blow which the God of 
 Israel had dealt to every Egyptian family, Pharao and his 
 subjects pressed the Israelites to depart at once. As has 
 been well said by Rawlinson, " Moses had no need to give 
 any signal, or to send his orders by messengers, that all 
 the Israelites should set out at early dawn on the fifteenth 
 of the month. For by fixing the Passover feast for a 
 definite day, and requiring that after eating it none should 
 go forth "until the morning" (Exod. xii, 22), he had made 
 all acquainted with the day and hour of departure; he had 
 also caused all to be prepared for setting forth ; and, if any 
 had been inclined to linger, the Egyptians themselves would 
 not have allowed it (Exod. xii, 11). So that an almost 
 
66 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 simultaneous departure was actually secured " (Moses, p. 
 ii8). 
 
 The sacred text informs us that when they left Egypt, the 
 Israelites were "about 600,000 men besides children," which 
 makes it probable that they formed a body of emigrants 
 which exceeded t\Vo millions of souls. This great number 
 renders it indeed difficult for-ws to imagine how the whole 
 Hebrew nation could depart under the circumstances nar- 
 rated ; yet this;^^^! migration of an entire people is not 
 without parallelHiPrbfane history, for we read in the history 
 of Russia that, in the la%t cefitury, 400,000 Tartars, under the 
 cover of a single night, departed from Russia and made their 
 way over several#housand miles of steppes to the frontiers of 
 China. ^f 
 
 Together with their national freedom, the Israelites ob- 
 tained most valuable gifts from the panic-stricken Egyptians. 
 They had been instructed by Moses that on the night of the 
 exodus, they should ask jewels of silver and gold, and 
 raiment from their oppressors, and under the excitement 
 which the tenth plague caused in each Egyptian household, 
 they obtained at once whatever they asked for. These were, 
 of course, very valuable things, but however precious, they 
 were but a feeble compensation secured by Jehovah to His 
 chosen people for their long years of unpaid labor. 
 
 Thus ended the sojourn of the IsraeUtes in the land of 
 Egypt. The length of their stay is variously given in the 
 Hebrew text and in the Septuagint or oldest Greek transla- 
 tion of the Old Testament. According to the former it ex- 
 tended to 430 years, according to the latter (cfr. also Galat. 
 iii, 17) it was much shorter, about 125 years; the longer du- 
 ration is more probable (cfr. Crelier, Exode, p. 103). 
 
 3. The Passage of the Red Sea (Exod. xii, 37-xv, 
 21). Of the road which the Israelites followed from Ra- 
 messes to the Red Sea, nothing" is known except its general 
 
THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. 6/ 
 
 direction. As the goal of their journey was the Land of 
 Chanaan, they naturally made for the Arabian desert, and 
 having reached its borders, they turned south toward the 
 Red Sea, in order to avoid the armed opposition they would 
 have met with from the Philistines had they continued their 
 journey to the northeast. It is true that besides this general 
 direction, the sacred narrative mentions the encampments of 
 the children of Israel at Soccoth, Ethatn and Phihahiroth ; 
 but these stages of their road are now liitle-mor^e than names 
 of places which cannot be identified, becaus€f of the scanti- 
 ness of biblical and archaeological da^a concerning them. 
 
 Great uncertainty prevails also among scholars as to the 
 exact place where the Hebrews crossed the. Western arm of 
 the Red Sea, for it is still a debated question whether the 
 northern limit of this western arm is now practically the same 
 as in the time of Moses. Various writers maintain that at the 
 time of the exodus, this arm — now called the Gulf of Suez, 
 from the town built near its northern extremity — extended 
 some thirty or forty miles farther north, and they admit for 
 the actual place of crossing some point of this former exten- 
 sion of the Red Sea. Others, on the contrary, and appar- 
 ently with greater probability, think that in the lime of 
 Moses the nonhern limit of the Gulf of Suez did not vary 
 much, if at all, from what it is in the present day, and they 
 maintain that the crossing took place at some point of the 
 present head of the Gulf, either a little above or a little below 
 the town of Suez. (For an able discussion of this question, 
 see Barti.ett, From Egypt to Palestine, chap, vii; Vigour- 
 oux, vol. ii.) 
 
 Whilst. the Israelites moved slowly towards the nearest 
 desert," and next towards the Red Sea, Pharao and his sub- 
 jects recovering from their first terror, regretted that these 
 numerous slaves should have been allowed to depart, and 
 with a view to compel them to return, started hurriedly after 
 them. Great indeed was the distress of the Hebrews when 
 
68 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 they noticed the Egyptian hosts approaching, and in point 
 of fact the position of the chosen people was extremely peril- 
 ous; eastward was the sea, and whilst the mountains barred 
 their escape to the south and west, the well-trained and nu- 
 merous army of Pharao approached Israel from the north- 
 Thus hemmed in on all sides, the Israelites naturally ex- 
 pected their prompt and utter destruction ; but it was not so 
 with their leader, who, trustful in God's protection, foretold 
 both the timely help of Jehovah and the complete overthrow 
 of the Egyptians. 
 
 The sacred narrative makes known to us how perfectly 
 this prediction of Moses was fulfilled. It tells us how, on 
 the one hand, about nightfall and at the stretching forth of 
 Moses^ hand over the sea, there arose a violent wind which, 
 by dividing the waters, secured a safe passage to the children 
 of Israel and how, on the other hand, at break of day and 
 at the same stretching of Moses' hand after the Hebrews had 
 passed over, the waters returned to their former place and 
 drowned the Egyptian army. 
 
 This wonderfu. passage of the Red Sea by the Hebrews 
 was ever considered by them not only as a great event in 
 their national history, but also as one of the most stupend- 
 ous miracles wrought by the Almighty in behalf of His chosen 
 people In point of fact, no unprejudiced reader of the book 
 of the Exodus can help noticing that whilst the inspired 
 writer clearly admits the actual play of natural forces — such 
 as that of a violent northeastern wind — in the production of 
 this event, he speaks of several particulars which point no 
 less clearly to his conviction that the safe passage of Israel 
 was no mere result of these natural forces, but was brought 
 about by a timely intervention of Jehovah, who superadded 
 to their energy all the power necessary to secure the deliver- 
 ance He had so distinctively foretold by the mouth of Moses. 
 (See ViGOUROUX, vol. ii, livre iv, chap, viii.) 
 . But whilst the Jewish writers refer repeatedly to this mi- 
 
THE DELIVERANCE FROM EGYP ['. 69 
 
 raculous deliverance of their ancestors (Ps. Ixxvi, 17-21; 
 cxiii ; Wisdom x, 18, 19; etc.), tiie Egyptian monuments, as 
 might naturally be expected, keep the strictest silence about 
 the ignominious overthrow of Pharao's army on this occasion. 
 It must be said, however, that Josephus, in his "Treatise 
 against Apion," has quoted the accounts of this event as re- 
 corded by the three P^gyptian writers, Manetho, Chaeremon 
 and Lysimachus, but as these accounts present numerous 
 contradictions, they deserve but little credence. Perhaps 
 more value is to be set upon the local traditions which have 
 retained the remembrance of this great catastrophe. The 
 Arabs of the Sinaiiic peninsula still call fountains or wells 
 by the names of Moses and Pharao, and look upon the whole 
 coast with a superstitious awe. Nor should we reject at once 
 these traditions of the modern Arabs, for Diodorus Siculus 
 states that even in his time these tribes ascribed them to 
 their very remote ancestors ; yet, it will ever remain true that 
 these local traditions may have originated in the Biblical ac- 
 count of the passage of the Red Sea, and that consequently 
 they cannot be brought forth as an independent confirmation 
 of this memorable event (cfr. Ewald, History of Israel, vol. 
 ii, p. 76, sq.). 
 
 Immediately after their miraculous deliverance, the chil- 
 dren of Israel sang unto Jehovah that joyous canticle of 
 praise and thanksgiving which Moses, their great leader, 
 composed for the occasion and which we find recorded in the 
 book of Exodus (xv, 1-2 1). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Sinai and the Giving of the Law. 
 
 7 
 
 I. 
 
 I. The stations indicated (Exodus xv 
 bers xxxiii, 3-15). 
 
 22-xix, 2; Num- 
 
 The 
 
 
 K -r^-r^ 1.. . • ^ the country. 
 A. Difficulties arising J -^ 
 
 Journey 
 
 2. The chief inci- 
 dents on the 
 
 from 1 . 1 
 
 [ Amalec. 
 
 TO 
 
 Sinai: 
 
 way : 
 
 B. Helps from Heaven (quails, manna, 
 etc). 
 
 ^ C. Moses and Jethro. 
 
 
 f I. Physical description. 
 
 II. 
 Sinai : 
 
 2. The Giving of 
 
 the Law : 
 
 f A. The traditional 
 fitness for the 
 
 B. Accompanying 
 incidents. 
 
 Mount Sinai : its 
 giving of the Law. 
 
 ^ Various ways in 
 which God com- 
 municates with 
 his people. 
 
 
 
 
 The Golden Calf. 
 
 [70] 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SINAI AND THE LAW. 
 
 I. The Journey to Sinai (Exod. xv, 22-xix, 2 ; Numb, 
 xxxiii, 3-15). Of the various stations of the Israelites on 
 their way to Sinai, several have very probably been identified. 
 Thus there is hardly a doubt that their first camping-place 
 was at the modern 'Ayun Musa, or " Wells of Moses," about 
 half an hour distant from the eastern shore of the Gulf of 
 Suez. Their next stage is no less certainly identified with 
 the spring A"warah, because it corresponds exactly with the 
 Mara spoken of in the IJible, both as to position — a three 
 days' journey from 'Ayun Musa — and as to the l?iUer taste 
 of its waters which gave it its name. From 'Ain Awarah or 
 Mara a short march brought the Israelites to the oasis of 
 Elim, probably the Wady Gharandel, whose palatable 
 waters and delightful shade they so highly appreciated as to 
 remain " encamped by the waters " no less than a month (cfr. 
 Harper, Bible and Modern Discoveries, pp. 95, 96). 
 
 The book of Numbers mentions next an encampment of 
 Israel by the Red Sea. This statement, formerly a puzzle 
 to interpreters who could not understand how the Israelites 
 should come back upon the Red Sea on their way to Sinai, 
 which lay in the heart of the peninsula, is now justly quoted 
 by travellers as a proof of the wisdom of the Jewish leader. 
 In Conducting the chosen people by what was unquestion- 
 ably the less direct road to Sinai, Moses, who was well ac- 
 quainted with the country, simply caused them to avoid the 
 mines worked by Egyptians in the heart of the peninsula and 
 defended by strong garrisons, and prudently put between 
 
 [7-] 
 
72 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the Egyptian warriors and his own untrained hosts a barrier 
 of mountains. 
 
 From the Red Sea, the Israelites struck inland and entered 
 the Wilderness of Sin, probably identified with the great 
 plain El Markha. The next two stations mentioned in the 
 book of Numbers are those of Daphca and Alus, but of 
 these there is no satisfactory identification. Not so however 
 with the next encampment at Raphidim, which Biblical 
 scholars justly identify with the long and fertile plain called 
 Wady Feiran, overhung by the granite rocks of Mount 
 Serbal, probably the Horeb of Holy Writ. Finally, leav- 
 ing Raphidim, the Israelites came into " the Desert of Sinai 
 and there encamped over against the mountain," after a 
 journey of more than two months, during which they had to 
 overcome serious difBculties both from the country itself and 
 from its inhabitants. 
 
 For about 150 miles they had had to traverse a country 
 spoken of in Deuteronomy (viii, 15) as "the great and terri- 
 ble wilderness" and supplied withno better roads than the 
 pebbly ground of its wadies, or torrent-beds. Several times 
 they had to suffer from the bitter taste and even from^ the 
 want of water, and as the provisions they had brought 
 from Egypt were soon exhausted, they naturally feared for 
 the very preservation of their large multitude. 
 
 To these difficulties, arising from the character of the coun- 
 try, were also added the attacks of the Amalecites, a tribe of 
 the wilderness, less numerous indeed than the Israelites, but 
 better armed and thoroughly acquainted with the mountain- 
 passes. Hence it is likely enough that Israel would never 
 have succeeded in overcoming all the difficulties it had to 
 contend with in its way to Sinai, had not Jehovah repeatedly 
 intervened in behalf of His chosen people. 
 
 Bearing this in mind, it will be easy for us to recognize as 
 positive helps from heaven granted to the children of Israel, 
 rot only the spring of water which issued for them from the 
 
SINAI AND THE LAW. 
 
 73 
 
 rock of Horeb, and their victory over Amalec, but also other 
 facts which, notwithstanding their close analogy with mere 
 natural phenomena, are clearly described by the sacred 
 writer as actual miracles. Such is the case, for instance, with 
 the plentiful supply of quails spoken of in the sixteenth chap- 
 ter of Exodus, for, whilst the various details recorded in this 
 connection agree very well with what travellers tell us of the 
 usual migration of quails from Africa, it is plain that the 
 Biblical narrative implies a miraculous intervention, inasmuch 
 as the exact time for the sending of the quails had been most 
 distinctly foretold by Moses. Such is also the case with the 
 supply of manna granted to the Hebrews during the forty 
 long years of their wandering in the wilderness. It must be 
 granted indeed, that this wonderful food resembles closely 
 the resinous substance which the tamarisk-tree of the Sinaitic 
 peninsula yields under the prick of an insect, and which is 
 collected usually in June. But this mere natural product — 
 called also "manna" by modern writers — cannot be identi- 
 fied with the manna described in the Bible ; for, differently 
 from the latter, it cannot be gathered all the year round, and 
 its quantity is very far short of what would suffice to consti- 
 tute the principal article of food for so great a multitude of 
 men as the Hebrews of old. (For other no less striking dif- 
 ferences, see ViGOURoux, vol. ii ; cfr. also Geikie, vol. ii, p. 
 245, sq.) 
 
 A last incident well worthy of mention here in connection 
 with the journey of the Israelites to Sinai is the meet- 
 ing of Moses and Jethro, narrated in Exodus, after the defeat 
 of Amalec at Raphidim. This was a peaceful interview, in 
 which Israel and Madian entered into a close and lasting 
 alliance, and it was followed by an important change in the 
 manner in which Moses had heretofore administered justice 
 in Israel ; henceforth subordinate judges were to decide minor 
 matters, and only the more important cases were to be brought 
 before the Jewish leader. It seems also that on his return to 
 
74 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 his own estates Jethro left behind him his son Hobab, who 
 proved a most reliable guide for the chosen people from 
 Sinai to the border of Chanaan (Numb, x, 29, sq.). 
 
 2« Sinai. . The whole mountain-mass now designated 
 under the name of Mount Sinai comprises three parallel 
 mountains, separated by the valleys Wady el Leja and Wady 
 ed Deir. One of these mountains — that to the northeast — 
 is called Jebel ed Deir and looks upon the convent of St. 
 Catharine, erected at its base ; the mountain to the south of 
 the group bears the name of Jebel el Hamr, or Jebel Cath- 
 arine, whilst between these two mountains is Mount Sina 
 proper, now called Jebel Musa. This last mountain is ob- 
 long in form and about two miles in length by one mile in 
 width. Its summit presents many syenite peaks of consider- 
 able height and ends north and south in still higher peaks, 
 the one to the south being over 7,000 leet above the level of 
 the sea and bearing the name of Jebel Musa, like the moun- 
 tain itself, whilst the other, to the north, is almost 7,000 feet 
 in altitude and is known as Ras Sufsafeh. 
 
 The old tradition which connects Mount Sinai proper with 
 the giving of the Law has of late been powerfully confirmed 
 by the labors of the Ordinance Survey Expedition to the pen- 
 insula of Mount Sinai. From these long labors, it clearly 
 follows that neither Jebel Catharine, nor Mount Serbal, nor 
 any other mountain which has been spoken of as identical 
 with the Mount of the Law, " has a plain at its foot where a 
 multitude could encamp, and vegetation in its front on which 
 flocks and herds could feed, as the Bible tells us they did at 
 Sinai" (Harper, Bible and Modern Discoveries, p. 11 1). 
 From these same labors, it follows also that the various con- 
 ditions required by the Biblical narrative are fully realized 
 in Mount Sinai. Its wellnigh perfect isolation from the sur- 
 rounding mountains would easily allow Moses " to appoint 
 certain limits to the people round about " (Exod. xix, 12, 23), 
 
SINAI AND THE LAW. 
 
 75 
 
 and its abrupt rise from the plain agrees well with the state- 
 ment that the Israelites might " stand at the bottom of the 
 mount " (Exod. xix, 17). Directly in front of Ras Sufsilfeh 
 is the immense plain Er Rahah, which offers more than suffi- 
 cient standing ground for all the children of Israel, and from 
 the summit of the same peak it is easy to be heard by a very 
 large multitude. The southern summit of Mount Sinai (the 
 particular peak called Jebel Musa) was most likely the 
 secluded spot to which Moses went when Jehovah called 
 him up to the top of the Mount (Exod. xix, 20), for, besides 
 its being completely hidden from the plain Er Rahah, it was 
 formerly called the Mount of Moneijah or of the Confer- 
 ence. 
 
 Again, near the base of Ras Sufsafeh, an old tradition 
 points justly to a hill at the opening of the Wady ed Deir 
 and visible from every part of the valley Er Rahah as '* the 
 hill of the golden calf" (Exod. xxxii, 4, sq.), for, whilst the 
 Hebrews could with equal facility share in this idolatrous wor- 
 ship and witness the Divine manifestations taking place on 
 the summit of Ras Sufsafeh, " Moses and Josue when de- 
 scending from that mount through a ravine between two 
 peaks might have first heard the shouts of the people (Exod. 
 xxxii, 17) before they saw them dancing round the golden 
 calf " (ScHAFF, Bible Dictionary, p. 809). Finally, "in the 
 torrent which cometh down from the mountain " (Deuter. ix, 
 21), through the ravine into the plain Er Rahah, Moses could 
 cast the dust of the destroyed idol (Exod. xxxii, 19). 
 
 In these and other such striking coincidences of the tradi- 
 tional Mount Sinai with the sacred narrative we find plainly 
 a strong argument not only for its identity with the scene de- 
 scribed in the book of Exodus "but also that the scene itself 
 was described by an eye-witness " (Stanley, Sinai and Pales- 
 tine, p. 43). 
 
 It was then in the plain Er Rahah and at the foot of the 
 cliffs of Ras Sufsafeh that the children of Israel collected in 
 
76 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 a single encampment, prepared themselves carefully, accord- 
 ing to the directions of Moses, for the glorious manifestation 
 Jehovah was about to make of Himself to them, and which 
 actually took place on the morning of the third day (Exod. 
 xix, 3, sq.). Everything in this mysterious event was calcu- 
 lated to impress upon the people the greatest and most last- 
 ing idea of the power and majesty and holiness of Jehovah. 
 From amid the thunders and lightnings and the darkness 
 which had settled on the mount, they first heard the Almighty 
 speaking to Moses and treating him openly as His ambassa- 
 dor to them^ and next, with feelings of indescribable terror, 
 they heard this same voice of God addressing Himself to 
 them and giving forth the Law by which they were to live, 
 that is the Ten Commandments, on which all other laws 
 were to be founded (Exod. xx, 1-18 ; Deuter. v, 5-21). 
 
 With this revelation of the Ten Commandments ended the 
 direct outward communication of Jehovah with His people 
 (Deut. V, 22), for they were struck with such terror as to 
 pray their leader that he would henceforth speak to them in 
 the place of God, lest they should die, and Jehovah acceded 
 to their request. Moses was accordingly invested with the 
 office of mediator between God and His people, and dur- 
 ing the forty days and forty nights he remained with Jehovah 
 in the cloud he received from Him those various and detailed 
 precepts the perfect fulfilment of which would make of Israel 
 at once a holy and a happy nation. 
 
 In point of fact^ the Israelites had solemnly pledged them- 
 selves to do all that Jehovah would require of them (cfr. 
 Plxod. xix, 8; Deut. v, 27), but as Moses delayed long to 
 come down from the mount, they thought him lost, and their 
 idolatrous instincts revived. To please them, Aaron, who 
 governed them in the absence of his brother, made them a 
 molten calf, the symbol of the Egyptian Apis, or Mnevis, and 
 proclaimed for the morrow a festival, wjiich the people cele- 
 brated with sacrifices followed by those licentious orgies 
 
SINAI AND THE LAW. 77 
 
 which were so common among heathen nations (Exod. xxxii, 
 1-6 ; I Cor. x, 7, sq.). This awful breach of the Divine Cov- 
 enant drew forth vengeance from both Jehovah and Moses, 
 in a manner too well known to need more than a passing 
 mention here ; suffice it to say that, after Moses had repeatedly 
 and earnestly pleaded for Israel, God at length forgave en- 
 tirely His people, renewed His covenant with them, and in a 
 second period of forty days and forty nights of communion 
 with the Jewish leader on the holy mount, He imparted to 
 Moses fresh instructions respecting the various laws of the 
 Theocracy (Exod. xxxii, 7-xxxiv). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Mosaic Law. 
 
 Section I, General Remarks. — The Tabernacle and its 
 Ministers. 
 
 General 
 Remarks 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 THE 
 
 Mosaic 
 Law : 
 
 IL 
 
 The 
 
 Taberna- 
 cle 
 
 AND ITS 
 
 Minis- 
 ters. 
 
 Main piu-poses of the Mosaic Law. 
 
 f A. Constitutional (the Jewish Theoc- 
 racy). 
 B. Civil (no distinction of castes ; high 
 regard for individual rights). 
 2. Its principal , C. Criminal (human and disciplinary 
 character of punishments). 
 
 D. Judicial (judges the representatives 
 of God ; their principal qualities). 
 
 E. Religious (enforcement of Mon- 
 otheistic belief and worship). 
 
 features : 
 
 f General idea of this centre of Jewish 
 worship. 
 
 f The Court and its con- 
 tents. 
 The Sanctuary (size, 
 divisions and con- 
 \ I tents). 
 
 The Taberna 
 
 cle (Exod. ^ j^^ principal ] 
 xxxvi-xl): . ^ 
 
 parts : 
 
 The Tribe of Levi (why selected ? how 
 
 divided) .-* 
 The simple Levites (dedication and 
 
 functions). 
 xxix ; Levit. { The Jewish Priests (consecration ; sa- 
 
 2. Its Ministers 
 (Exod. xxviii, 
 
 viii, ix; Numb. 
 iii,iv): 
 
 cred vestments ; duties and main- 
 tenance). 
 The High Priest (sacred character; 
 special garments and functions). 
 
 [78J 
 
 C^ 
 

 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 the mosaic law. 
 
 Section i. General Remarks. The Tabernacle and 
 ITS Ministers. 
 
 § I. General Remarks about the Mosaic Law. 
 
 I. Main Purposes. If we except the Christian law, no 
 legislation was ever enacted for higher and better purposes 
 than the Mosaic law, the record of which occupies a large 
 portion of the books of Exodus and Numbers and almost 
 the whole of the books of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. 
 It aimed, first of all, at organizing into a civilized nation 
 hordes of slaves but recently delivered from the most abject 
 servitude, and, as such, very little fitted for the duties and 
 privileges of personal freedom and national independence. 
 It aimed, in the second place, at making Israel a monotheis- 
 tic nation, and indeed succeeded in making it the sole mono- 
 theistic nation of antiquity, that is, the sole nation of the 
 ancient world, which possessed the correct idea of the Divin- 
 ity. But more particularly was the Mosaic law intended to 
 fashion the Jewish people into " a priestly kingdom and a 
 holy nation ' (Exod. xix, 6), bound to be holy because Jeho- 
 vah theii God is holy, destined to offer to the true God the 
 only sacrifices acceptable to the Divine Majesty, and to pre- 
 serve and spr«-ad among all the nations of the earth, together 
 with the belief in Jehovah, the expectation of the promised 
 Redeemer of the world Of course some of these purposes 
 could be obtained but slowly and gradually, and this is why 
 the student of the Mosaic law should never consider it was 
 
 [79] 
 
So OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 its purpose to bring all things at once to perfection, but rather 
 to correct old abuses as far as allowed by the present reli- 
 gious and moral condition of the Jewish nation, and usually 
 to suggest, and even at times simply foreshadow, the perfec- 
 tion which was to be introduced into the world by Christianity. 
 
 2. General Features. At the basis of the Hebrew 
 commonwealth, the Mosaic law placed a theocratic consti- 
 tution in virtue of which Jehovah was to be not only the God 
 but also the Xing oi Israel, as He was indeed the founder of 
 the state and the proprietor of the land which He would be- 
 stow upon His people. In accepting freely this order of 
 things, the Jews acknowledged themselves as Jehovah's ten- 
 ants, holding their lands on well-defined terms of vassalage, 
 foremost among which was their faithfulness to the exclusive 
 worship of the one great and invisible Creator. The social 
 compact in Israel was not therefore primarily between the 
 people at large and one or several members of the commu- 
 nity, but between the entire nation and its God, and as long as 
 this fundamental relation of Jehovah to His people was fully 
 secured, it mattered but little in the eyes of Moses what 
 manner of political organization was in vigor among the 
 Hebrews. Hence while retaining the time-honored organiza- 
 tion of the people into tribes, families and houses, under 
 their respective heads (cfr. Josue vii, 14), he did not consider 
 as incompatible with the Jewish theocracy the monarchical 
 form of government which he foresaw would one day exist in 
 Israel (Deuter. xvii, 14, sq.). 
 
 As a natural consequence of this same theocratic character 
 of the Jewish polity, Moses looked upon all the members of 
 God's people as being equally His subjects, and, in conse- 
 quence, he granted to all equal civil rights. Differently from 
 the Egyptians, they were to constitute but one great caste, 
 that of husbandmen cultivating their own inalienable prop- 
 erty; and although the Levites formed in the Jewish state a 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 8 1 
 
 distinct class analogous in several ways to the priestly caste 
 of Egypt, yet, differently from the Egyptian priests, they were 
 forbidden to own lands and prevented from accumulating 
 riches and exercising any influence which might endanger 
 the liberties of the people. With the same high regard for 
 civil freedom, the Jewish lawgiver made but few changes in 
 all that concerned the organization and government of the 
 natural basis of society, — the family. He deprived, how- 
 ever, the father of the right of life and death upon his house- 
 hold, and restricted the practice of divorce. The regulations 
 of the Mosaic law respecting the poor, the slaves, the 
 strangers, the travellers, the working-classes, etc., bespeak 
 also the greatest regard for man's life, individual rights and 
 personal freedom. Its deep concern for the religious educa- 
 tion of children, and the strict practice not only of justice 
 but also of equity in business transactions, is no less remark- 
 able. 
 
 When we pass from the civil to the criminal code of the 
 Jews we find that it also is permeated with the theocratic 
 spirit. " Each breach of the law was an act of disobedience 
 to God's holy will, and not merely an offence against soci- 
 ety ; the rewards of obedience and the punishment of sin had 
 reference to the covenant under which the people lived " 
 (Smith, Old Testament History, p. 220). In virtue of this 
 same theocratic character of the Mosaic law, crimes directly 
 against God, such as idolatry, blasphemy, etc., were natur- 
 ally considered as most heinous, and many others, usually 
 beyond the cognizance of ordinary codes, were really amen- 
 able to the tribunal of Jehovah, the great King of Israel and 
 the all-knowing Judge of men's deeds. Many offences were 
 indeed punishable with death — which was inflicted by ston- 
 ing, by fire, or by the sword — but no torture could be re- 
 sorted to in order to force the confession of crimes, no cruelty 
 was allowed after the guilt of a man had been proven, and in 
 opposition to the political custom of Asia, the punishment 
 
82 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of a father did not entail that of his children. The other 
 forms of punishment were (i) scourging, which was not to 
 exceed forty stripes of the lash at a time ; (2) mutilation, and 
 (3) various fines. But whatever the punishments threatened 
 or the rewards promised, the chief object of the criminal code 
 in Israel was ^'disciplinary, and to this its retributive element 
 was subordinate" (Smith, ibid, p. 221). It should also be 
 noticed that some customs — such as that of retaliation ap- 
 plied to malicious or accidental wounding — which appear 
 to us extremely severe, not to say barbarous, were indeed 
 allowed to exist, but only as minor evils destined to be 
 mitigated as soon as the conditions of a more settled life 
 would permit. 
 
 As Jehovah was the real King of Israel, so was He also 
 its Supreme Judge, who intervened at times to mete out to 
 the transgressors of His Law the chastisements which they 
 deserved. But however numerous and striking these in- 
 stances of direct Divine judgment in Jewish history, it re- 
 mains true that the ordinary application of laws was among 
 the Hebrews, as among all other nations, intrusted to a judi- 
 ciary whose members acted as ministers of the Head of the 
 State. The Law required that they should be " able, godly, 
 truthful and incorrupt" (Smith, ibid, p. 275), and this is why 
 they were selected from among the elders of Israel, and also 
 later on, from among the Levites, that is, from the best in- 
 structed and most independent members of the community. 
 As the representatives of God's power and majesty they are 
 oftentimes called "gods" in Holy Writ, and their persons 
 and characters were held sacred by all the Jews. After the 
 settlement in Chanaan, they rendered justice in the gates of 
 the cities, so that trials were actually held in public. 
 
 The last general feature to be mentioned here in connec- 
 tion with the Mosaic law is its religious character. Viewed 
 from this standpoint, the Mosaic legislation will ever appear 
 the greatest effort of antiquity to promulgate and maintain 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 83 
 
 the belief in, and worship of, one only God, for such was un- 
 questionably the object of its dogmatic teaching, and of 
 many of its moral precepts and ceremonial enactments. The 
 chief dogma of Israel is absolute Monotheism, which — as 
 might naturally be expected — is inculcated in such a man- 
 ner as to imply a formal opposition to Egyptian idolatry (cfr. 
 Exod. xxii, 2, sq., the wording of which points back to the 
 custom long witnessed by the Hebrews in Egypt of worship- 
 ping countless images of the Divinity and of its various at- 
 tributes).' Many moral precepts of the Mosaic law — how- 
 ever closely this law may resemble Egyptian legislation in 
 other respects — tend no less manifestly to enforce among 
 the chosen people the exclusive worship of Jehovah (cfr. for 
 instance, Exod. xxiii, 13, 24; Deuter. vii, 2, sq. ; xvii, 2-7); 
 and it is not unlikely that the entire omission of the rewards 
 and punishments in the next life from the Pentateuch, as a 
 sanction of the moral law, must be explained by the desire 
 of the Jewish lawgiver not to recall, even indirectly, to the 
 Israelites the idolatrous practices with which the Egyptians 
 had surrounded the burials and tombs of their dead. But 
 it is more particularly in connection with the ceremonial 
 enactments of the Mosaic law that the desire of the great 
 lawgiver of Israel to guard his people against Egyptian idol- 
 atry appears evident, for, whilst he borrowed from Egypt 
 many of the externals of Jewish worship, he is very careful 
 to divest them of their polytheistic character (cfr. \V. 
 Smith, The Pentateuch, Authorship, etc., p. 289, sq.). As 
 this ceremonial law plays a very important part in the history 
 of the Jewish nation, and is described with many details in 
 the sacred narrative, we now proceed to give, though briefly, 
 its principal features. 
 
 1 Perhaps the familiarity of the Israelites with the worship of the Egyptian gods in 
 iriads, togelh&r with their tendency to retain the idolatrous beliefs and practices of Egj'pt 
 (Exod. xxxii, 4, sq.), may account for the fact that the mysterious existence of one God in 
 iAreg persons was not included in the revelation of Mount Sinai. 
 
84 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 § 2. The Tabe?'nacle and its Ministers. 
 
 I. The Tabernacle (Exod. xxxvi-xl). The centre of 
 public worship in Israel was the Tabernacle, or Tent, which 
 Jehovah, as God and King of His people, wished to have 
 among them. Erected by means of the free-will offerings of 
 the Israelites it ever reminded them that they were a theocratic 
 nation, since their God, like the chieftain of a tribe, resided in 
 their midst, and in a portable building, whose form exhibited 
 at the same time several features of the more solid and more 
 majestic temples of Egypt. This portable temple was sur- 
 rounded by an oblong court wherein were found the Altar of 
 Holocausts, and between it and the Sacred Tent itself the 
 laver of brass at which God's ministers washed their hands 
 and feet on entering the Tabernacle. The Tabernacle itself, 
 called also the Sanctuary, was placed toward the western end 
 of the court, and was an oblong rectangular tent, 52 feet long 
 by 17 feet in height and width. It was divided by a magnifi- 
 cently embroidered veil, into two parts: the Holy Place and 
 the Holy of Holies. The Holy Place contained, beside the 
 sacred utensils, (i) the table whereon the twelve loaves of 
 proposition were placed every Sabbath day, (2) the golden 
 candlestick with its seven branches, and (3) the small port- 
 able altar of wood covered with gold, called the Altar of 
 Incense.^ Whilst the simple priests were allowed to enter 
 the Holy Place for the exercise of their sacred functions, 
 only Moses and the high priest had the privilege of pene- 
 trating into the mysterious darkness of the Holy of Holies, 
 which contained nothing but the Ark of the Covenant. This 
 ark was a wooden chest three feet nine inches in length by two 
 feet three inches in width and height, and, as the symbol of the 
 covenant between Jehovah and His people, it contained the 
 two stone tables of the Law. Its lid, made of the purest gold, 
 was called the Mercy Seat, or propitiatory, because it was con- 
 sidered as the throne whence Jehovah exercised mercy and 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW 85 
 
 forgiveness towards His people ; it was also overshadowed 
 by the outstretched wings of two symbolical figures which 
 the Bible calls Cherubim. This Biblical description of the 
 Ark shows that it resembled in a striking manner the Naos, 
 or portable wooden chapel which was found in the sanctuary 
 of every Egyptian temple and which contained the image of 
 a deity over whom two symbolical figures extended their 
 wings. But however close this resemblance, it should never 
 make us forget that a most important difference existed be- 
 tween the Jewish ark and the Egyptian naos ; whilst the lat- 
 ter contained an image of the deity to whom it was dedi- 
 cated, the former offered to the eyes of the Hebrews no visi- 
 ble representation of Jehovah (Exod. xxv, sq.). 
 
 2. The Ministers of the Tabernacle (Exod. xxviii, 
 xxix ; Levit. viii, ix ; Numb, iii, iv). For the service of His 
 Tabernacle, God selected the whole tribe of Levi, apparently 
 as a reward for the zeal in favor of religious unity which they 
 had exhibited on the occasion of the idolatrous worship of 
 the golden calf (Exod. xxxii, 25, 29). Moreover, as Moses 
 belonged to this tribe, he might naturally depend more on 
 them than on any other tribe in Israel to establish and for- 
 ward His religious institutions among the chosen people. 
 
 Although the special mission of the whole tribe seems to 
 be described as that of mediating between Jehovah and His 
 people (Numb, xviii, 22, 23), it is probable that, from the be- 
 ginning, a distinction was established between the sons of 
 Aaron and the rest of the tribe ; the former and their de- 
 scendants alone were the priests of Jehovah, the latter and 
 their descendants were simply the assistants of the priests 
 and retained the distinctive name of Levites. 
 
 The simple Levites were dedicated to the service of 
 Jehovah in the person of His priests, by solemn ceremonies 
 which are detailed in the book of Numbers (viii, 5-22), and 
 which were not repeated at the induction of each Levite into 
 
86 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 his office. Besides their general function of assisting the 
 sons of Aaron in the discharge of their priestly duti-es, the 
 Levites were charged to carry the Tabernacle and its vessels, 
 to keep watch about the sanctuary, etc., and other like duties 
 which required a man's full strength, and hence they did not 
 enter upon their functions before the age of thirty. 
 
 The sons of Aaron, together with their male descendants^ 
 were the only lawful priests of Jehovah. If properly quali- 
 fied for the exercise of the priestly ministry, they had to be 
 individually consecrated by special ceremonies, which lasted 
 seven days and which consisted in sacrifices, purificationsr 
 the putting on of the holy garments, the sprinkling of blood, 
 and anointing with oil. During their ministrations, they 
 wore vestments in several respects similar to those of the 
 Egyptian priests, and the principal of which were : fine linen 
 drawers, a close-fitting tunic, also of white linen, and reach- 
 ing to the feet, a long linen girdle confining the tunic round 
 the waist; upon their heads they wore a kind of a tiara, 
 formed by the foldings of a linen cloth, and of a round tur- 
 ban-like shape. Their manifold duties were briefly as follows : 
 In the court of the Tabernacle they kept ever burning the 
 fire on the Altar of Holocausts and offered various sacri- 
 fices to God ; in the Holy Place they were charged to offer 
 the morning and evening sacrifice of the incense, to take care 
 of the golden candlestick and its lights, and to place, every 
 week, on the table the loaves of proposition ; independently 
 of these functions connected with the Tabernacle, they also 
 acted as judges, and as teachers and interpreters of the law. 
 Finally, for their maintenance, they had a considerable share 
 in the victims offered to Jehovah, and received dues of vari- 
 ous kinds, such as first-fruits, one-tenth of the tithes of the 
 produce of the country paid to the Levites, the redemption- 
 money for the first-born of man and beast, etc. 
 
 At the head of the whole Jewish priesthood was Aaron 
 with- the title and dignity of High Priest, which were to 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 87 
 
 pass to his son Eleazar and his male descendants. The high 
 priest was to be a person especially sacred, as was clearly set 
 forth by the gold plate which was attached to his tiara and 
 on which was engraved " Holy to the Lord,'' and hence any 
 bodily imperfection or blemish excluded him from the office. 
 He was consecrated in the same manner as the simple priests, 
 with this difference, however, that the sacred oil was poured 
 upon his head. His special garments were : ( i) the Robe of 
 the Ephod, which the high priest wore in place of the close- 
 fitting tunic of the simple priests. It was a robe of woven 
 work, without sleeves, drawn over the head through an open- 
 ing, and its skirt was set with a remarkable trimming of 
 pomegranates alternating with golden bells; (2) the Ephod, 
 a short cloak made of two parts, one covering the back and 
 the other the breast and upper part of the body ; they were 
 clasped together on the shoulder with two onyx stones, on 
 each of which were engraved the names of six of the tribes; 
 (3) just above the very fine girdle of the high priest which 
 gathered around the waist both the Robe of the Ephod and 
 the Ephod itself was the Breastplate. This was an orna- 
 ment of embroidered cloth, set with four rows of precious 
 stones, three in each row, and on each stone was engraved 
 the name of one of the tribes of Israel. It was about ten 
 inches square in size and had its two upper corners fastened 
 to the two onyx stones on the shoulders, whilst the two lower 
 ones were fixed to the ephod. Within the Breastplate, or 
 *' Breastplate of Judgment," were the Urim and Thum- 
 mim, whose meaning, now so mysterious to us, was so well 
 known to the Hebrews as not to require any explanation 
 from the sacred writer. They were most likely analogous 
 to the small figure of sapphire which the Egyptian supreme 
 judge (who was ordinarily the high priest) wore suspended 
 from his neck when delivering judgment, and which was 
 a representation of the goddess worshipped under the charac- 
 ter of Truth and Justice (VV. Smith, The Pentateuch, author- 
 
88 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ship, credibility, etc., p. 298, sq.). When using them, the 
 Jewish high priest appealed not to a pagan deity but to 
 Jehovah, who by their means was pleased to make known to 
 Israel His true and just judgment (cfr, I Kings, xxviii, 6; 
 xiv, 3, 18; etc.). 
 
 Besides the right of presiding over the court of judgment 
 (Deuter. xvii, 9) and of consulting the Divine Oracle (Numb, 
 xxvii, 21), the high priest enjoyed the exclusive privilege of 
 officiating on the great Day of Atonement, and of entering 
 on that same day into the Holy of Holies. He held his 
 office for life, and was naturally recognized as the supreme 
 administrator of sacred things and the final arbiter of all re» 
 ligious controversies. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Mosaic Law. 
 
 Section 11. Sacrificial and Festival Rites. 
 
 I. 
 
 Mosaic 
 
 Sacrifices : 
 
 (Exod. xxix, 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Levit. i-vii. 
 Numb. XV.) 
 
 I. Sacrifice, an Expression of Religious Worship. 
 
 f Principal kinds (Holocausts; Expia- 
 / I tory and Pacific sacrifices). 
 
 (J/2. Bloody Sacri- J Features common to them all. 
 
 fices 
 
 Animals s&lected: why offered to the 
 true God ? 
 
 yy Unbloody Sac- [ Principal kinds. 
 
 rifices 
 
 V Sac- ( 
 
 Chief objects of unbloody sacrifices. 
 4. Place where the Sacrifices were to be Offered. 
 
 5. Laws of Purity 
 
 II. 
 
 Mosaic 
 
 Holidays 
 
 A' 
 
 The Sabbath 
 and Holi- 
 days connec- 
 ted there- 
 with : 
 
 \y^. The Weekly .Sabbath (why and 
 
 ^ how sanctified }) 
 '''Br The P'east of the New Moon. 
 
 C. The F'east of Trumpets (why called 
 
 ^ so .'' how celebrated .'') 
 ^-TT The Sabbatical Year (meaning and 
 
 ^^ special regulations). 
 L'^CTThe Year of Jubilee (special enact- 
 ments; their importance). 
 
 The Three 
 Great Joyous 
 Festivals : 
 
 A. The Paschal Festival (Levit. xxiii, 
 
 5-8; Numb, xxviii, 16-25; Deut. 
 xvi, 1-8). 
 
 B. The Feast of Pentecost (Levit. 
 
 xxiii, 15-22; Numb, xxviii, 26-31; 
 Deut. xvi, 9-12). 
 
 C. The Feast of Tabernacles (Levit. 
 
 xxiii, 34-43; Numb, xxix, 12-39; 
 Deut. xvi, 13-15). 
 
 3. The Day of Atonement (Levit. xvi ; xxiii, 26-32) 
 [89] 
 
i 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE MOSAIC LAW. 
 
 Section II. Sacrificial and Festival- Rites. 
 § I. The .Mosaic Sacrifices. 
 
 I. Sacrifice, an Expression of Religious Worship. 
 
 THe rite of sacrifice, as a public expression of religious wor- 
 ship, goes back to the most remote antiquity, and will ever 
 remain not only the most fitting acknowledgment of God's 
 supreme Majesty, infinite holiness, justice and liberality, but 
 also the means best calculated to impress upon, and develop 
 in, the minds and hearts of men, the feelings which they 
 should bear towards their almighty Maker and Preserver. 
 In the time of the exodus, numerous sacrifices were offered 
 to their gods by the Egyptians, as well as by the other nations 
 of the ancient world, and it behooved Moses, who was so 
 anxious to preserve in its purity the religious belief in Israel, 
 to determine, in detail, which sacrificial rites the Hebrews 
 should retain from the Egyptian ceremonial, and which they 
 should discard. This, therefore, he did with a completeness 
 and precision all the more necessary, because he knew he 
 was legislating in a most important matter and for all future 
 ages. The numerous sacrifices which he prescribed to the 
 Jewish people can be divided into two great classes : (i) the 
 bloody sacrifices, in which the Israelites testified, by the 
 slaying of animals, the supreme power of God over the life 
 and death of His creatures ; (2) the unbloody sacrifices, by 
 which they acknowledged Jehovah as the bestower of the 
 land and of its produce. 
 
 [90] 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 91 
 
 2. The Bloody Sacrifices. Three principal kinds of 
 bloody sacrifices can be distinguished in the Mosaic cere- 
 monial, namely, the Holocausts, the Expiatory and the 
 Pacific sacrifices. The distinguishing feature of the holo- 
 causts consisted in the burning of all the parts of the vic- 
 tim upon the altar, whereby it was signified that the offerer 
 belonged wholly to Jehovah, dedicated himself entirely to 
 His honor and glory, and placed his life at His disposal. In 
 the Expiatory sacrifices, which were to be offered for sins of 
 ignorance or for sins committed knowingly, only the fat of 
 the victim was burned on the altar, and in some cases the 
 flesh of the animal was burned without the camp, whilst in 
 others it belonged to the priests. The leading characteris- 
 tic of the Pacific sacrifices was the sacrificial meal by which 
 they were followed. After the fat of the victim had been 
 burned on the altar, its right shoulder and breast were 
 "waved before Jehovah," and then became the portion of 
 the priest, whilst the remaining parts were restored to the 
 offerer, who, the same day, feasted thereon, in a meal which 
 was both the symbol and the pledge of God's friendship to 
 His worshippers. 
 
 But howev^er different in many particulars they might ap- 
 pear, these various kinds of bloody sacrifices exhibited im- 
 portant features common to them all. Thus in all cases the 
 offerer was required to bring the victim into the court of the 
 Tabernacle, there to lay his hand on its head and then to 
 slay it himself. In all cases also the priest received the 
 blood of the animal in a basin, and then sprinkled it in dif- 
 ferent ways upon the Altar of the Holocausts. In all these 
 sacrifices, finally, the selection of the victims was limited to 
 animals of the herd, of the flock and to all clean birds, and 
 the victim offered was required to be perfect of its kind and 
 without blemish. 
 
 Thus, then, the animals to be selected as victims were those 
 " most nearly connected with man, and of these again, such 
 
92 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 as were most meek, innocent, pure and valuable " (Maclear, 
 Old Testament History, p. 136,), such, in a word, as would en- 
 tail a real sacrifice upon the man who willingly parted with 
 them, and would suggest the purity and innocence with which 
 Jehovah was to be worshipped. Moreover, in prescribing 
 animal sacrifices, God not only affirmed His supreme domin- 
 nion over living things — even over animals which were 
 regarded as gods by the Egyptians — but He also helped to 
 prevent His people from falling back into idolatry, as might 
 indeed be apprehended had He not required from them 
 bloody sacrifices similar to those which were then offered 
 by all the nations of the earth and which the Israelites had 
 offered themselves in the land of Egypt. Finally, these 
 animal sacrifices — however imperfect — suggested to the 
 Hebrews inward sentiments of piety, such as thanksgiving 
 for benefits received, sorrow for sins committed, etc., and 
 foreshadowed the great and perfect sacrifice which Jesus, 
 the High Priest of the New Law and the true Lamb of God, 
 was to offer in fulfilment of all the bloody sacrifices of the 
 old Covenant. 
 
 3. Unbloody Sacrifices. The second class of Mosaic 
 sacrifices included all those which were to be offered to God, 
 either in conjunction with, or independently of, the bloody 
 sacrifices. These unbloody offerings were of three principal 
 kinds, namely : (i) First-fruits and Tithes of the produce 
 of the land, which were presented either in their natural state, 
 as grain, fruit, wool, etc., or prepared for man's use, such as 
 flour, oil, wine ; (2) Meat-offerings and Drink-offerings, 
 the latter consisting in wine poured out at the foot of the 
 altar, the former consisting in corn either in the form of fine 
 flour seasoned with salt and mingled with frankincense and 
 oil, but without leaven, or made into cakes offered with oil 
 and salt, but without leaven or honey; (3) offering of In- 
 cense, which, besides accompanying every meat-offering, 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 93 
 
 was also made separately every day on the golden altar in 
 the Holy Place, and in the Holy of Holies on the great Day 
 of Atonement. 
 
 As the Holocaust " signified the consecration oi life to God, 
 both that of the offerer himself and of his living property, so 
 in the meat-offering the produce of the land was presented 
 before Jehovah as being His gift" (Smith, Old Testament His- 
 tory, p. 247). Another object of the first-fruits, and espe- 
 cially of the tithes, was, as we already noticed, to provide 
 for the maintenance of the priests and Levites who were not 
 allowed territorial possessions in Israel. Finally, even ad- 
 mitting, as supposed by many, that the incense which was 
 burned with the various sacrifices was intended to make a 
 sweet odor in the court of the Tabernacle, it can hardly be 
 denied that the sacrifice of the incense when made separately 
 was meant, even perhaps from the first, to have the symboli- 
 cal signification of the prayer of the worshipper rising before 
 the throne of God (cfr. Psalm cxl, 2). 
 
 4. PIdce where the Sacrifices were to be Offered. 
 As might naturally be expected from a legislation framed for 
 a nation which was encamped around the tent of its God, 
 the court of the Tabernacle was the only place where the 
 Hebrews were allowed to offer sacrifices to Jehovah (Levit. 
 xvii, 3-9). The enactment of this rule was also in perfect 
 harmony with the great wish of the Mosaic lawgiver, namely : 
 to secure the monotheism of Israel, inasmuch as it pre- 
 scribed that all sacrifices should be offered under the very 
 eyes of priests whose plain duty it was to exclude all idolatry 
 from the sacrificial rites of the people. Notwithstanding 
 these and other such reasons in favor of the view that the 
 Unity of Sanctuary was prescribed to the Hebrews at tiie 
 time of the exodus, many scholars think that this point of 
 Jewish worship was defined only centuries after the death of 
 Moses, and that meanwhile the Israelites were at liberty to 
 
94 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 offer sacrifices in different places. To substantiate their 
 position these scholars appeal (i) to Exodus xx, 22-26, 
 which seems clearly to allow the use of several altars where- 
 on to offer sacrifices to Jehovah; (2) to the constant and 
 apparently lawful practice in Israel of offering sacrifices in 
 many places besides the court of the Tabernacle, such as 
 Mount Ebal (Josue viii, 30, 31), Bochim (Judges ii, 5), Beth- 
 sames, (I Kings vi, 15), Hebron, (II Kings xv, 7-9), etc. 
 
 5. Laws of Purity. Under the name of "Laws of 
 Purity " may be designated many Mosaic regulations which 
 are intimately connected with the offering of sacrifices, inas- 
 much as any one who was not legally clean was forbidden 
 the approach of God's sanctuary until he had first undergone 
 a purification which often entailed various kinds of offerings 
 according to the character of the legal impurity he had con- 
 tracted. It cannot be doubted that many of these regula- 
 tions were laws of hygiene regulating diet, enforcing cleanli- 
 ness, and preventing the spread of contagious diseases. Yet 
 it must be admitted that they had all a higher object, namely : 
 that of reminding the Jews of their separation from the other 
 nations and from all that is impure, because they had been 
 chosen as the special people of the thrice holy God (Levit. 
 XX, 24-26). 
 
 The principal laws of purity regarded (i) Things unclean 
 to touch, such as the dead body of any animal, the body, 
 bones or grave of a dead man ; (2) Things unclean to eat, 
 wherein were included all quadrupeds which did not both 
 divide the hoof and chew the cud, all birds of prey and nearly 
 all the water-fowl, all fishes that have not both fins and 
 scales, all the reptiles and insects except the locusts; (3) 
 Unclean conditions, such as those which resulted from 
 the use of marriage, from childbirth, and particularly the un- 
 cleanness entailed by leprosy (Levit. xi-xv). 
 
 It should also be noticed that partaking of the blood of all 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 
 
 95 
 
 animals, whether clean or unclean, was most strictly prohib- 
 ited by the Mosaic law (Levit. iii, 17 ; xvii, 10, 12), and that 
 the rites prescribed for purification varied very considerably 
 according to the character of the legal uncleanness which 
 had been contracted. 
 
 § 2. Mosaic Holidays. 
 
 I. The Sabbath and Holidays connected there- 
 with. Of all the holidays prescribed by the Mosaic law, 
 none was to be observed more strictly than the Sabbath or 
 seventh day of the week. Absolute rest from worldly toil 
 was enjoined on this weekly holiday in remembrance of God's 
 rest after the six days of Creation, and for this reason it was 
 called " Sabbath " or " Rest " (Exod. xx, 8-1 1 ; xxxi, 13-17). 
 Bodily labor was prohibited under penalty of death, and 
 work apparently most necessary, such as kindling the fire, 
 cooking food, etc., was to be done on the preceding day. 
 This strict prohibition of bodily labor extended also to slaves 
 and strangers, even to beasts of burden. Besides this pre- 
 scribed rest, a few religious services were enjoined on the 
 Sabbath day; they consisted in the doubling of the morning 
 and evening sacrifice which was offered on ordinary days 
 (Numb, xxviii, 3-10), the renewal of the loaves of proposi- 
 tion (Levit. xxiv, 8), and finally some kind of religious meet- 
 ing for the people. 
 
 Just as every week was marked by a day especially conse- 
 crated to Jehovah, so was also every month of the Jewish 
 year. The feast of the New Moon — a kind of monthly 
 Sabbath — was celebrated on the first day of the month by the 
 sounding of the two sacred silver trumpets and by the sacrifice 
 of eleven victims over and above the daily offerings (Numb. 
 X, 10 ; xxviii, 1 1-15). 
 
 The seventh month of the ecclesiastical year among the 
 Jews had a kind of Sabbatic character, and hence its new 
 
96 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 moon was observed with special solemnity. It was a holy 
 convocation and was called the Feast of Trumpets, be- 
 cause it was " a day for the sounding of trumpets " (Numb. 
 xxix, i), and in addition to the daily sacrifices and the eleven 
 victims offered on the first day of the other months, ten other 
 victims were offered to Jehovah, 
 
 During the seventh or Sabbatical Year, the land was to 
 enjoy its Sabbath. It was not to be sown, nor the vineyards 
 and olive-trees dressed, nor the spontaneous produce of the 
 year to be gathered, but left entirely for the poor, the slave, 
 the stranger and even the cattle. By this rest, the land did 
 homage to its Lord and Creator in the same way as man by 
 the rest of the seventh day. The seventh year was also called 
 the "year of remission," because in it creditors were bound 
 to release poor debtors from their obligations, and its reli- 
 gious character was emphasized by the solemn reading of 
 the Law to the people assembled at the feast of Tabernacles 
 (Levit. XXV, 3-7 ; Deuter. xv; xxxi, 10-13). 
 
 At the end of seven times seven years was the Year of 
 Jubilee. During this fiftieth year, the land was left uncul- 
 tivated, as in the Sabbatical year ; all the territorial posses- 
 sions, which poor owners had alienated, were to return to the 
 families to which they had been originally allotted, and all 
 slaves of Hebrew blood were set free. By this semi-centen- 
 nial restitution of land and liberation of Hebrew bondmen, it 
 was clearly asserted that both land and people belonged to 
 Jehovah alone, whilst the accumulation of riches and the 
 formation of castes were effectively prevented. 
 
 2. The Three Great Joyous Festivals. Besides the 
 Sabbath and Sabbatic holidays, the Mosaic law enjoined 
 the celebration of three annual festivals of a joyous char- 
 acter, because intended to return thanks to God for benefits 
 received. The first and greatest of them all was the Pasch, 
 whose original institution was noticed in connection with 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 97 
 
 Israel's departure from .Egypt. It commemorated this great 
 national event, and at the same time marked the beginning 
 of the harvest. It lasted seven days, from the evening of 
 the 14th to the end of the 21st of the first month of the 
 Jewish ecclesiastical year, and during its celebration no 
 leavened bread was to be eaten. Each paschal lamb was 
 slain on the evening of the 14th of the first month (Nisan), 
 in the court of the Tabernacle, its blood, received by priests 
 in basins, was sprinkled on the altar, and the fat was burned 
 upon the Altar of Holocausts. Thence the lamb was carried 
 into private houses, where it was roasted whole with fire, and 
 eaten with unleavened bread and a salad of bitter herbs. On 
 the 15th and the six following days an offering of eleven 
 animals was made, in addition to the daily sacrifices, and the 
 first and last days (the 15th and 21st) were holy convoca- 
 tions. Finally, on the i6th of Nisan, the first ripe sheaf of 
 barley was offered to Jehovah, and this marked the beginning 
 of the harvest, whose first-fruits had thus been dedicated to 
 the God of Israel (Levit. xxiii, 5-8; Numb, xxviii, 16-25; 
 Deuter. xvi, 1-8). 
 
 The second great joyous festival of the Jewish year was 
 the Feast of Pentecost, called the Feast of Weeks in 
 the Pentateuch, because celebrated seven weeks after the 
 Pasch. It lasted but one day, which was kept as a holy con- 
 vocation, and during which the whole people were especially 
 exhorted to rejoice before Jehovah with free-will offerings. 
 Eleven animals were also publicly offered in the court of the 
 Tabernacle, in addition to the daily sacrifices. But the chief 
 and distinguishing feature of this festival was the offering of 
 two leavened loaves, made from the new corn of the now com- 
 pleted harvest, together with two lambs, which were sacrificed 
 as peace-offerings. " The whole ceremony was the comple- 
 tion of that dedication of the harvest to God, as its Giver, 
 which was begun by the offering of the wave-sheaf at the 
 Passover " (Smith, p. 265). 
 
98 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 The last great, joyous, annual festival of the Jews was the 
 Feast of Tabernacles, which was celebrated in the autumn, 
 on the 15th of the seventh month, and was at once a thanks- 
 giving for the completion of the harvest and a commemora- 
 tion of the time when the Israelites dwelt in tents during 
 their sojourn in the wilderness. Its duration was strictly- 
 only of seven days, the first and last of which were holy 
 convocations ; as, however, it was followed by a day of 
 holy convocation, the festival is sometimes spoken of as 
 lasting eight days. During it the Israelites were commanded 
 to live in tents or booths of green boughs, and to make burnt- 
 offerings far more numerous than at any other festival. When 
 this feast fell on a Sabbatical year, portions of the Law were 
 read each day in public. The Feast of Tabernacles com- 
 pleted the cycle of the annual festivals, and was one of the 
 most joyous of them all, for it marked the crowning of 
 Divine mercy, which had just allowed the chosen people to 
 complete the ingathering of the vintage and of all the fruits 
 of the year. 
 
 For the celebration of these three great festivals, all male 
 Israelites were required to appear before Jehovah. 
 
 3. The Day of Atonement. To these great national 
 holidays was added another, of a very different character. 
 The tenth day of the seventh month — five days only before 
 the Feast of Tabernacles — was the Day of Atonement, 
 that is, the great day of expiation for the sins of both priests 
 and people. From the evening of the 9th to the evening of 
 the loth of the seventh month no bodily labor could be done, 
 no food taken under penalty of death. All the ritual of the 
 day was carried out by the high priest himself. Having 
 bathed himself and dressed in the white linen garments com- 
 mon to himself and the rest of the priesthood, he brought 
 forward a young bullock as sin-offering and a ram as burnt- 
 offering for himself and for the priests; and next, two he- 
 
THE MOSAIC LAW. 99 
 
 goats as a sin-offering and a ram as a burnt-offering for the 
 people. The t\yo goats were then led to the entrance of the 
 Tabernacle, and lots cast upon them, one lot being marked 
 '•'•for Jehovah ^^ the other '^for Azazael.^^ This done, the high 
 priest, making atonement for himself and for the priesthood, 
 offered the bullock, carried live coals in a censer with two 
 handfuls of incense into the Holy of Holies, where he threw 
 the incense upon the coals, and soon after sprinkled the 
 blood of the bullock seven times before the Mercy-Seat. 
 He then killed the goat that was " for Jehovah," and sprin- 
 kled its blood in the same manner. Over the goat that was 
 *'for Azazael " he solemnly confessed the sins of the people 
 and then sent it away into the desert. After this, the high 
 priest bathed again, put on his special gorgeous robes and 
 offered the two rams as a burnt-offering, one for himself 
 and the other for the people. 
 
 The typical meaning of these victims and ceremonies is 
 set forth in the Epistle to the Hebrews (chaps, viii-x). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER X. 
 
 From Sixai to the Southern I^order of Palestinp:. 
 
 J -H>^^i 
 
 From 
 
 Sinai to 
 
 Cades : 
 
 Departure: Time; Manner; Aim. 
 
 2. Route fol- (General direction. — Stations indi- 
 
 lowed: cated.) 
 
 3. Principal In- 
 cidents : 
 
 Israel's murmurings. 
 Seventy elders appointed. 
 The land espied. 
 
 II. 
 
 The 
 Wilder- 
 ness AND 
 
 I. The Wilder- { Its boundaries and divisions. 
 ■hA. Why imposed by God. 
 
 Forty 
 
 Years' 
 Wander- 
 ing: 
 
 f Almost un- 
 B. The road followed by J known. 
 
 Israel : 
 
 years wan- { 
 dering: 
 
 j Various 
 ( opinions. 
 
 (Facts unknown. 
 Conditions conjectured. 
 A few incidents related. 
 
 [100] 
 

 iy 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FROM SINAI TO THE SOUTHERN BORDER OF PALESTINE. 
 
 ^ ;» From Sinai to Cades. 
 
 I. Departure from Sinai. The great events which 
 occurred at Mount Sinai — the giving of the law, the conse- 
 cration of the priests, the construction and erection of the 
 Tabernacle — had detained Israel very nearly a year in that 
 region (Exod. xix, i ; Numb, i, i) ; after which time Jehovah 
 commanded Moses to take a census of all who were fit for 
 war. This first signal of their approaching departure from 
 Sinai was followed by a due celebration of the anniversary 
 of the Passover, soon after which the Israelites — numbering 
 altogether between two and three millions — received the 
 final signal for departure (Numb, x, ii). 
 
 Under the guidance of Hobab, the brother-in-law of Moses, 
 who intimately knew the usual resting-places, the water- 
 springs, etc., of the country which the Israelites were about 
 to traverse, the twelve tribes, divided into four great bodies 
 and preceded by the Ark, began their march. At this solemn 
 moment, the Jewish lawgiver and leader of Israel broke the 
 silence of the desert, and exclaimed : 
 
 " Arise, Jehovah, and let Thy enemies be scattered, 
 And let them that hate Thee, flee from before Thy face.'' 
 
 In these poetical words Moses clearly set forth the object 
 of Israel's present departure ; headed by Jehovah, the chosen 
 people was starting to conquer the idolatrous tribes of 
 Chanaan, which were the enemies of both God and His 
 people, and to enter at once upon the possession of the land 
 
 [lOl] 
 
I02 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISIORY. 
 
 promised to the patriarchs of old (Numb, x, 35 ; Denter. i, 
 6-8). 
 
 2. Route followed by Israel. The general direciio.i 
 of the road followed by the Israel 'tes lay northward, between 
 Sinai on the south and Cades on the north, the distance 
 between these two points being an "eleven days' journey/^ 
 or about one hundred and seventy miles, "by the way of 
 Mount Seir " (Numb, xxxii, 8 , Deuter. i, 2). They most 
 likely took the ordinary route, which passes first along the 
 eastern arm of the Red Sea — now called the Gulf of 
 Akabah — and next through the wide plain of the Arabah, 
 between Mount Seir on the east and the desert of Et-Tihy 
 that is, of the Wandering, on the west. 
 
 Of the twenty stations indicated in the book of Numbers 
 (xxxiii, 16-35), <^^^y the first two belong most likely to the 
 present journey of the Israelites; these are (i) Kibroth 
 Hattaavah (graves of lust), a three days' journey from 
 Sinai, and probably to be identified with Erweis el Ebeirig; 
 (2) Hazeroth, identical with the modern 'Ain Hudherah 
 both in name and in position (one day's journey from Ki- 
 broth Hattaavah). The next encampment spoken of in the 
 book of Numbers (xiii, i) was in the desert of Pharan^ that is 
 in that part of the northeastern division of the Peninsula of 
 Sinai in which Cades — called also Cadesbarne — was 
 situated. The position of the city of Cades, so important in 
 the topography of the exodus, has not yet been identified 
 with certainty; it may be said, however, with great proba- 
 bility, that Cades is identical with '-Ain Gadis, some fifty 
 miles south of Bersabee (cfr. art. Cades, in Vigouroux, Dic- 
 tionnaire de la Bible; see also Revue Biblique, J^^ly? 1896, p. 
 440, sq). 
 
 3. Principal Incidents. During their lengthened stay 
 in the wadies of Mount Sinai, the Israelites had lost a great 
 
FROM SINAI NORTHWARD. IO3 
 
 deal of their power of endurance, and this is why shortly 
 after setting out for Cades they openly "repined at their 
 fatigue." This first murmuring, however natural under the 
 circumstances, was not left unpunished ; a fire broke out in 
 the encampment, and ceased only at the prayer of Moses. 
 It is likely that this fire was not looked upon by the children 
 of Israel as a divine punishment, for we see them very soon 
 afterwards rising in an almost general rebellion against 
 Moses and against Jehovah Himself. Sitting and weeping, 
 they longed for their fill of flesh, and speaking scornfully of 
 the manna they were ever supplied with, regretted the fish 
 and the vegetables of Egypt. It was springtime, and a plen- 
 tiful supply of quails was granted to Israel — as it had been 
 granted a year before — not however, without entailing the 
 dreadful punishment uf a plague, which gave the place its 
 name, "the graves of lust." 
 
 Out of this second murmuring there also arose an im- 
 portant institution. In presence of such widespread discon- 
 tent, Moses had complained to God of the great burden he 
 had to bear alone in leading the Hebrew nation, and had 
 asked for relief. Jehovah granted the request of His faith- 
 ful servant, and appointed seventy elders, to whom He im- 
 parted something of Moses' spirit, and who were to help him 
 in the government of the chosen people, and it is to this ap- 
 pointment of seventy elders that the tradition of the Jews 
 traces back the origin of the Sanhedrim, the supreme 
 tribunal of their nation, and made up also of seventy mem- 
 bers (Numb. xi). 
 
 Another severe trial befell Moses, when, in Hazeroth, his 
 very brother and sister (Aaron and Mary) claimed an au- 
 thority equal to his own. The Jewish lawgiver bore this new 
 insult with his wonted patience, but Jehovah not only vindi- 
 cated in words His chosen servant, He also struck Mary with 
 a leprosy, which would have been permanent had not Moses 
 successfully intervened in her behalf (Numb, xii, 1-16). 
 
I04 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 The last incident to be mentioned here in connection with 
 this period is the spying of the Promised Land after the 
 Israelites had reached Cades. Before attacking the Cha- 
 naanites, the Hebrews wished to know what sort of country 
 lay before them, and whether its conquest was not too diffi- 
 cult, and, accordingly, one man from each tribe was sent 
 to make a thorough examination of the land of Chanaan, 
 After an absence of forty days, the spies came back, carry- 
 ing on a staff, borne by two men, one cluster of grapes, of 
 enormous size, as a proof of the fertility of the land, and re- 
 ported at the same time that giants of the race of Enac occu- 
 pied the country. Only two of the Jewish messengers, Caleb 
 and Josue, represented the conquest of Chanaan as possible 
 if an immediate attack was made, and, in consequence, the 
 multitude, giving themselves to despair, openly murmured 
 against Moses and Aaron, and proposed to select a leader 
 who would bring them back into E^ypt. As the mutiny in- 
 creased, Jehovah interfered, threatening to destroy utterly 
 the rebels with pestilence, but, touched again by the entreaty 
 of Moses, He announced that the chosen people, as a people, 
 would indeed be preserved, but that not one of the rebellious 
 generation — save Caleb and Josue — should enter the land 
 of Chanaan. They were condemned to die during a forty 
 years' wandering in the Wilderness, and after a mad effort 
 to evade this awful sentence by rushing against their ene- 
 mies ^ Amorites and Amalecites combined — routed and 
 discomfited, they had to resign themselves to their well- 
 deserved fate (Numb, xiii, xiv ; Deuter. i, i9b-45). 
 
 § 2. The Wilderness and the Forty Years'' IVanderin^. 
 
 I. The Wilderness of the Wanderings. The desert 
 through which the Israelites were now condemned to wan- 
 der — whence its modern name of Badiet et Tih, or 
 " Wilderness of the Wanderings " — occupies about one- 
 third of the Sinaitic Peninsula. Its precise limits cannot 
 
FROM SINAI NORTHWARD. I05 
 
 be determined ; it is commonly admitted, however, that it 
 was bounded on the north by the Land of Chanaan ; on the 
 west by the River of Egypt, which parted it from the wilder- 
 ness of Sur ; on the south by a great sand belt, extending 
 from the Gulf of Suez to the Gulf of Akabah, and forming 
 the line of demarcation between it and the Sinaitic range ; 
 on the east by the Gulf of Akabah and the deep valley of 
 the Arabah. 
 
 The principal divisions of this immense region are desig- 
 nated in Holy Writ under the respective names of the Negeb 
 or South Country of Chanaan, the desert of Pharan 
 (under which name the whole Wilderness of the Wanderings 
 is also known), and the desert of Sin, probably the south- 
 eastern part of the Badiet et Tih. The general aspect of 
 the Wilderness is that of a series of limestone plateaus as- 
 cending in successive steps from the Sinaitic range to the 
 hill country of Southern Palestine. " To European eyes it 
 is a blanched and dreary waste, intersected by water-courses, 
 almost always dry, except in the rainy season, and crossed by 
 low ranges of horizontal hills, which relieve but little the 
 general monotony of its appearance. It does not exhibit the 
 savage and frightful desolation of the Arabah ; but neither 
 is it enlivened by the fertile valleys to be found amid the 
 granite mountains of Sinai. 
 
 "Its soil is mostly strewn with pebbles, through which a 
 slight coating of vegetation struggles ; yet here and there 
 level plains may be found in it of rich, red earth fit for cult- 
 ure, or valleys abounding in shrubs and trees, and offering 
 coverts for hares. It has been remarked that vegetation is 
 readily produced wherever the winter rains do not at once 
 run to waste. But this vegetation has probably been long on 
 the decrease, and is still decreasing, principally from the 
 reckless destruction of trees for charcoal, and the aspect of 
 the Wilderness has been proportionately deteriorated " (The 
 Speaker's Bible, vol. i, part 2, p. 685). 
 
io6 
 
 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 2. The Forty Years' Wandering. It was not the 
 original purpose of God that the IsraeUtes should spend 
 long years in the Wilderness before conquering the land of 
 Chanaan (cfr. Deuter. i, 21, 26, sq.), but their conduct at 
 Cades had shown how little they were worthy of entering at 
 once upon their inheritance. Their very sending of spies to 
 explore the land of Chanaan implied a great distrust of God's 
 goodness and power, and their despair, together with the 
 acts of positive disobedience to Moses and to God, which fol- 
 lowed the report of the spies, clearly proved that, although 
 selected by Jehovah as His covenanted people, they were 
 yet but hordes of slaves, so utterly unable to appreciate their 
 dignity and privileges as to be ready to set at naught all the 
 past mercies of God and all His glorious promises regarding 
 the future, by entertaining the project of going back into the 
 land of Egypt. Their unworthy conduct well deserved the 
 awful punishment which awaited them in the Wilderness, and 
 which was to be a solemn warning to their immediate de- 
 scendants. Finally, whilst these descendants would thus 
 learn to fear Jehovah, to desire the fulfilment of His prom- 
 ises to their forefathers, their very life in the Wilderness 
 would fit them for undertaking, in due time, the conquest of 
 the Holy Land. 
 
 For these, and other such reasons, the children of Israel 
 were condemned to wander 40 years — this is, however, 
 simply a round figure for their actual 38 years of wandering 
 — in the Wilderness. The road they followed during this 
 long period is almost entirely unknown, for nearly all the 
 18 stations which are enumerated in the book of Numbers 
 (chap, xxxiii, 18-35) cannot be identified even with prob- 
 ability. Opinions vary also concerning the character, time 
 and general locality of these encampments, and only the fol- 
 lowing points can be regarded as probable in reference to 
 them. The stations named in the book of Numbers (xxxiii) 
 are likely enough, only those headquarters where the Taber- 
 
FROM SINAI NORTHWARD. lO/ 
 
 nacle was pitched, and where Moses and the priests en- 
 camped, while the main body of the Israelites was scattered 
 in various directions. Again, these stations belong most 
 likely, not to the journey of Israel from Sinai to Cades, 
 already described, but to the period of wandering whose 
 starting-point and terminus was Cades on the southern 
 border of Chanaan. Finally, most of these stations were 
 made by the children of Israel in the Badiet et Tih, rather 
 than in the tract between this desert and the eastern shore 
 of the gulf of Akabah. 
 
 The student of the Bible will easily notice that the sacred 
 writer deals with this considerable period of Jewish history 
 in pretty much the same reticent manner as he dealt with 
 the much longer period of Israel's sojourn in Egypt, appar- 
 ently because in both these periods nothing of great impor- 
 tance occurred either on the part of the Israelites or on the 
 part of God. Besides, of course, the present sojourn of the 
 Hebrews in the wilderness was an inglorious time spent in 
 expiating national unfaithfulness to Jehovah, and conse- 
 quently hardly deserving more than a passing mention, after 
 God's dealings with His chosen people had been amply 
 shown both just and merciful by the detailed account of 
 Israel's most unworthy conduct in Cades. 
 
 It is not difficult, however, conjecturally to picture to our- 
 selves the conditions in the midst of which the children of 
 Israel spent the 40 years of their wanderings. The people 
 naturally spread themselves widely in search of pasture for 
 their flocks and herds from which they drew — as do the 
 Arabs of the present day whom they undoubtedly resembled 
 in their mode of life — ample means for their sustenance. 
 They would also buy provisions from the neighboring tribes 
 (cfr. Deuter. ii, 26-29) ^^ from the caravans which crossed 
 the desert on their way to Egypt. Perhaps the soil of the 
 Et Tih was then in many places much more fertile than it is 
 now, and they could easily tarry long enough in one place 
 
I08 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 for sowing and reaping; finally, they certainly had during 
 this long period the miraculous help of the manna. But, 
 whilst they thus adapted themselves to what may be called 
 a Bedouin life, by a reversion to the patriarchal, that is to 
 the nomad, traditions of their race, it is most likely that 
 they lost much of that knowledge of the industrial arts which 
 they had acquired in the land of the Pharaohs. 
 
 Finally, from the few incidents which the sacred narrative 
 has preserved to us regarding this nomadic life of the 
 Hebrews, it may readily be inferred that they also persevered 
 in their murmuring frame of mind, and that, at times, they 
 were severely dealt with by Jehovah (cfr. Numb, xvi, xvii). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XI. 
 Geography of Palestine. 
 
 I. f 
 
 I 
 Various ■{ Palestt}ie : The most common ; origin. 
 
 Names : 
 II. 
 
 A. Site: Latitude and longitude. — Boundaries. 
 Site and \ Admirable situation. 
 
 I B. Size : Length. — Breadth. — Total area. 
 Size: [ 
 
 IIL General Aspect and Divisions. 
 
 ^ IV. 
 Physical 
 Descrip- 1 
 
 tion of ! 
 
 i 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 f The high table-land beyond Jordan. 
 Eastern Pal- J Rivers and mountains. 
 estiue : | Pastoral character of the Transjordanic 
 
 J^ region. 
 
 ^ Three long 
 I Parallel tracts; 
 
 Sea-coast. 
 
 The hilly country. 
 
 The Jordan valley 
 
 ^esttne- ^"^ 1 fountains : begin in the South and pro- 
 ^^ *^'^ ' ceed Northward. 
 
 Lowlands : (three principal). 
 
 Rivers : Only one ; streams or torrents. 
 
 Lakes. 
 
 [109] 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE. 
 
 1. Various Names, Palestine, whose conquest the 
 children of Israel were about to undertake, has in different 
 ages been designated by the following names : (i) the land 
 of Chanaan ; (2) the land of Promise ; (3) the land of 
 Israel ; (4) the land of Juda or Judsea ; (5) the Holy Land ; 
 (6) Palestine. This last, by far the most common name, 
 was originally applied by the Hebrews merely to the strip of 
 maritime plain inhabited by their encroaching neighbors ; 
 but ultimately it became the usual appellation for the whole 
 country of the Jews. 
 
 2. Site and Size. Although the extent of Palestine 
 varied considerably in the different periods of Jewish his- 
 tory, it may be said that the region where the children of 
 Israel settled was probably comprised between the 31° and 
 33° 20 of north latitude, and between the 34° 20' and 36° 
 20' of east longitude. The country within these limits was 
 bounded on the west by Phenicia and the Great or Mediter- 
 ranean Sea; on the south by the Brook of Egypt, the Negeb, 
 the south end of the Dead Sea and the Arnon River ; on the 
 east by Arabia ; on the north by Anti-Lebanon, Lebanon and 
 Phenicia. Its situation in the temperate zone, in the centre 
 of the ancient world, has often been admired ; it combined, 
 with a sufficient isolation from heathen influences, a position 
 well suited to the preservation and spread of the true religion 
 among mankind. 
 
 [no] 
 
GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE. m 
 
 As many countries which have played a great part in the 
 world's history, Palestine is a very small country. Its aver- 
 age length is about 150 miles, and its average breadth west 
 of the Jordan a little more than 40 miles, east of the Jordan 
 a little less than 40 miles. The total area between the Jor- 
 dan and the Great Sea is about 6,600 square miles ; the por- 
 tion east of the Jordan has an area of about 5,000 or perhaps 
 6,000 square miles, — making the whole area of Palestine 
 12,000 or 13,000 square miles, or about equal to the two 
 States of Massachusetts and Connecticut together. 
 
 3. General Aspects and Divisions. A single glance 
 at a physical map of the Holy Land is quite sufficient to 
 make us realize that its general aspect is that of a mountain- 
 ous country. It owes this hilly appearance to the great 
 Lebanon range, whose eastern branch (the Anti-Lebanon) is 
 prolonged through Palestine by two distinct chains of moun- 
 tains, the one to the west, with the exception of one broad 
 depression, extending as far as the Desert of Sinai, the other 
 to the east, reaching as far as the mountains of Arabia Petraea 
 (cfr. Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, chap. ii). To the west 
 of each one of its mountain-chains Palestine has one large 
 plain, namely, the valley of the Jordan and the sea-coast, so 
 that the Moly Land is naturally divided into four long paral- 
 lel tracts extending north and south. Three of these parallel 
 tracts are almost entirely situated to the west of the Jordan 
 and are usually designated under the name of Western 
 Palestine, whilst the tract altogether east of the Jordan, is 
 known as Eastern Palestine or the Transjordanic region. 
 
 4. Physical Description of Eastern and West- 
 ern Palestine. The region beyond Jordan consists in a 
 table-land whose length is about 150 miles from the Anti- 
 Lebanon on the north to the Arnon River on the south, and 
 whose breadth varies from 30 to 80 miles from the edge of 
 
112 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the Jordan valley to the edge of the Arabian desert. Its 
 surface, which is tolerably uniform, has an average elevation 
 of about 2,000 feet above the level of the sea, and whilst its 
 western edge is broken by deep ravines running into the 
 valley of the Jordan, its eastern edge melts away into the 
 desert. 
 
 Eastern Palestine has three natural divisions marked by 
 the three large rivers which cut it at right angles to the Jor- 
 dan — the Arnon, the Jaboc and the Yarmuk. Across 
 the norhernmost of these divisions, which extends from Anti- 
 Lebanon to the Yarmuk, "the limestone which forms the 
 basis of the country is covered by volcanic deposits. The 
 stone is basalt, the soil is rich, red loam, resting on beds of 
 ash, and there are vast " harras " or eruptions of lava, sud- 
 denly cooled and split open into the most tortuous shapes. 
 Down the edge of the Jordan valley and down the border of 
 the desert run rows of extinct volcanoes. The centre of this 
 northern province is a great plain, perhaps fifty miles long 
 by twenty broad, scarcely broken by a hill, and almost abso- 
 lutely without trees. This is Hauran proper. To the west 
 of this, above the Jordan, is the hilly and once well-wooded 
 district of Jaulan (Golan of Scripture); to the east the "har- 
 ras " and extinct volcanoes already noticed ; and in the south- 
 east, the high range of Jebel Hauran. All beyond is desert 
 draining to the Euphrates " (G. A. Smith, The Historical 
 Geography of the Holy Land, 1897, p. 534). 
 
 In the second division of Eastern Palestine, which extends 
 from the Yarmuk to the Jaboc rivers, the volcanic elements 
 almost entirely disappear and the limestone comes into view 
 again. The surface of the country is generally made up of 
 high ridges covered with forests and furnishing rich pastur- 
 age; eastward, however, there are plains covered with luxu- 
 riant herbage. 
 
 The third division of the Transjordanic region lies between 
 the Jaboc and the Arnon rivers. In it " the ridges and forests 
 
GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE. I 13 
 
 alike diminish, till by the north of the Dead Sea the country 
 assumes the form of an absolutely treeless plateau, in winter 
 bleak, in summer breezy and fragrant. This plateau is 
 broken only by deep, wide, warm valleys like the Arnon, 
 across which it rolls southward ; eastward it is separated from 
 the desert by low rolling hills" (Smith, Ibid, p. 535). 
 
 The principal ranges of mountains are those of Basan and 
 those of Galaad, the latter of which include the following 
 mountains named in Scripture : (i) the Abarim (Numb, 
 xxvii, 12 ; xxxiii, 47, 48), (2) Mount Phasga (Numb, xxi, 20; 
 xxiii, 14, etc.); (3) Mount Nebo (F)euter. xxxii, 4; xxxiv, i); 
 (4) Mount Phogor (Numb, xxiii, 28; xxv, 18, etc.). 
 
 Of the two great divisions of the Holy Land, Eastern 
 Palestine was unquestionably the better fitted for pastoral 
 pursuits, and this is why it became the share of the two main 
 pastoral tribes of Israel even before the conquest of the 
 country west of the Jordan was attempted ; this is why also 
 "so large a part of the annals of Eastern Palestine is taken 
 up with the multiplying of cattle, tribute in sheep and wool, 
 and the taking of spoil by tens of thousands of camels and 
 hundreds of thousands of sheep " (Smith, ibid, p. 524). 
 
 The region west of the Jordan, or Western Palestine, by 
 far the most important in Jewish history, is naturally divided 
 into three long parallel tracts extending north and south : 
 
 (i) Sea-Coast. This tract is a plain, the main portion of 
 which extends without a break from the desert below Gaza 
 to the ridge of Mount C.'armel. A great part of this plain is 
 flat and naturally fertile. It is intersected by deep gullies, 
 which have high earthen banks, and through some of which 
 flow perennial streams. The neighborhood of these streams 
 is marshy, especially towards the north. This main portion 
 of the maritime plain is some 80 miles long and from 100 to 
 200 feet above the sea, with low cliffs near the Mediter- 
 ranean ; towards the north it is 8 miles, and near Gaza 20 
 miles broad. North of the headland of the Carmel, which 
 
114 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 comes within 200 yards of the sea, is the second and narrower 
 portion of the maritime plain extending to Phenicia through 
 the territory of Acre ; very near this town the plain has an 
 average width of about five miles and is remarkably fertile. 
 
 (2) The Hilly Country. Next to the coast-plain east- 
 ward comes the high table-land, which gives to Western 
 Palestine the aspect of a hilly region. This tract is about 25 
 miles wide, and its eastern slopes are extremely steep and 
 rugged. The fertility of this highland region improves grad- 
 ually as one goes northward. 
 
 The southern district below Hebron is mostly made up of 
 barren uplands. Passing a little farther north into what was 
 called later Judsea, we find the central and northern parts 
 of the hilly country scarcely more fertile, for the soil is poor 
 and scanty, and springs are very rare ; its western and north- 
 western parts being reached by sea-breezes offer a better 
 vegetation, olives abound, and some thickets of pine and 
 laurel are to be noticed ; the eastern part is an unhabitable 
 tract known as the Wilderness of Judaea. 
 
 Passing northward from Judasa to the central section of 
 W^estern Palestine, the Samaria of later days, the country 
 gradually opens and is more inviting. Its rich plains become 
 gradually larger ; the valleys are tillable and possess springs; 
 there are orange-groves and orchards ; the mountains are still 
 bare of wood ; northwest of Nablous, however, the slopes are 
 dotted with fields of corn and tracts of wood. 
 
 Proceeding northward, we reach the northernmost division 
 of Western Palestine, so well known under the name of 
 Galilee, and where we find the plain of Esdraelon, 15 square 
 miles in extent. The vegetation is more luxuriant here than 
 elsewhere west of the Jordan, and springs are abundant. 
 The hills are richly wooded with oaks, maples, poplars; 
 covered with wild flowers, rich herbage, etc. East of these 
 hills is the rounded mass of Mount Tabor, covered with oaks 
 and contrasting with the bare slopes of the Little Hermon 
 
GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE. 115 
 
 about four miles distant to the southwest. North of Tabor 
 is the plain El Buttauf, of a similar nature to that of Esdraelon, 
 but much more elevated. 
 
 (3) The Jordan Valley. This valley extends from the 
 base of Mount Hermon to the southern shore of the Dead 
 Sea. Its width varies from one-half a mile to five miles; at 
 some points it is 12 miles broad. At the foot of Mount Her- 
 mon this valley is about 1,000 feet above the sea; 12 miles 
 below, it is upon the sea-level; 10 miles farther south it is still 
 lower by 692 feet ; and 65 miles farther, at the Dead Sea, it 
 is 1,292 feet below the level of the Mediterranean. The 
 mountains on either side reach a great altitude, some points 
 being 4,000 feet high. These heights combined with the 
 deep depression of the valley, afford a great variety of tem- 
 perature, and bring into close proximity productions usually 
 found widely apart. 
 
 Mountains, Lowlands, Rivers and Lakes, of West- 
 ern Palestine. Along the coast, the only mountain of im- 
 portance is the ridge of Carmel, the highest point of which 
 is about 1,750 feet. In the hilly region, the best-known points 
 of elevation are: Hebron, 3,000 feet; Mount Olivet, 2,600 
 feet ; Mounts Ebal and Garizim, 3,000 feet ; Little Hermon 
 and Tabor, 1,900 feet. 
 
 The three principal lowlands are: (i) the Maritime plain 
 subdivided into Philistia, the plain of Saron and the plain of 
 Acre ; (2) the plain of Esdraelon ; (3) the valley of the Jordan. 
 
 The most important river of Palestine is the Jordan. At 
 the junction of its three principal sources it is 45 feet wide 
 and flows in a channel from 10 to 20 feet below the level of 
 the plain. It traverses successively the lakes of Merom and 
 Genesareth, and empties itself into the Dead Sea after an 
 actual course of 260 miles, although the distance between its 
 source and the Dead Sea is not more than 136 miles in a 
 straight line. Its width varies from 45 to 180 feet, and its 
 depth from 3 to 12 feet. 
 
Il6 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Three things are chiefly noticeable in connection with this 
 river, namely : (i) its enormous fall of. nearly 3,000 feet ; (2) 
 its endless windings ; (3) the absence of towns on its banks. 
 The other streams of Western Palestine worthy of mention 
 are, the Leontes, the Belus, the Cison and the Zerka. 
 
 The three principal lakes are the lake of Merom, the lake 
 of Genesareth, and the Dead Sea. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XII. 
 Conquest of Eastkkx Palkstine. 
 
 I- ( 
 
 I. Manifold difficulties tn the tv ay of reaching Palestitie from 
 The I the South'. 
 
 '^. Circuitous Koute followed by the Israelites. 
 
 Advanck < 
 
 C hanaan: 
 
 3. Accompany 
 events 
 
 [Yhe death of Aaron. 
 
 ' * •< The victory over Arad. 
 
 4^The Hrazen Serpent. 
 
 II. 
 
 C(JNQUEST 
 OK THE 
 
 Kegion ' 
 Kast of 
 
 THE 
 
 Jordan : 
 
 1. Political divisions (The Kingdoms of Og and Sehon). 
 
 2. Rapid Con- [ Kingdoms north of the Arnon River 
 ^ qu/:st by the< conquered. 
 
 /sraelites : [ Moab and Madian (History of Balaam). 
 
 2- Settlement : \ Under what conditions.'* 
 
 [ With what subsequent results? 
 
 ~M- III. The Last Days of Moses.— His Character. 
 
 [•■7] 
 
 / ' 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 
 
 § /, The Advance to Chanaan. 
 
 I. Manifold Difficulties in the Way of Reaching 
 Palestine from the South. In the beginning of the 
 fortieth year of their wanderings, the hosts of Israel were 
 encamped again at Cades, on the southern border of Pales- 
 tine. At this place Mary, the sister of Moses, died ; here 
 also the great Jewish leader, when causing water to flow from 
 the rock, distrusted the Divine assistance, and because of this, 
 received the sentence that he should not bring the nation 
 into the land of Chanaan (Numb, xx, 1-13). But, although 
 thus deprived of the hope he had so long cherished, namely, 
 that of entering the Holy Land and that of leading into it 
 the chosen people,' Moses did not for a moment shrink from 
 doing all in his power to bring the Israelites nearer and 
 nearer their inheritance. He did not think it prudent, how- 
 ever, to attempt an invasion into Chanaan from the south, 
 because many formidable difficulties forbade such an attempt 
 at this time. Directly north of the Jewish camp lay the lofty 
 mountains of Southern Palestine, inhabited by warlike tribes 
 which could no longer be surprised by a sudden invasion, as 
 was certainly possible when Israel reached the southern 
 border of Chanaan for the first time. These various tribes 
 would have the further advantage of defending defiles, with 
 which they were perfectly acquainted, and of fighting on 
 their own territory, the hills of which were protected by strong 
 fortresses. To have attempted either of the narrow passes 
 
 [118] 
 
CON()UEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 
 
 119 
 
 which led into Southern Palestine, besides the difficulty of 
 transporting baggage and driving the flocks and herds, would 
 have exposed the Israelites to the danger of being cut off by 
 piecemeal, and, finally, the Philistines, who occupied the 
 coast, might have fallen on their rear (F. G. Hibbard, Pales- 
 tine, p. 230, sq.). 
 
 For these, and other such reasons, Moses gave up all 
 project of reaching Palestine from the south, and determined 
 to make a circuit, to pass round the Dead Sea and cross the 
 Jordan into the richest and least defended part of the Holy 
 Land. 
 
 2. Circuitous Route Followed by the Israelites. 
 The Jewish leader had all the more willingly adopted this 
 method of advancing tovaids Chanaan, because on their 
 way eastward the children of Israel would have to traverse 
 the territories of Edom, Moab and Ammon, who all three 
 were connected by descent with the chosen people, and who, 
 he had every reason to hope, would show themselves friendly 
 to him and his hosts, since he only wished to pass quietly 
 through their territory. But the permission he had asked 
 to cross the mountainous tracts of Edom was refused with 
 a great display of force, to be used if needed (Numb, xx, 
 14-21). 
 
 Thus denied the most direct route towards the country 
 east of the Jordan, the Israelites were forced to journey 
 southward down the Arabah towards the Gulf of Akabah, or 
 eastern arm of the Red Sea, and then make a long circuit 
 round the territory of Edom; the whole extra journey thus 
 imposed on them was probably not less than one hundred 
 and fifty miles. On their way they reached Mount Hor, where 
 they delayed thirty days, and after encamping at the eastern 
 end of the Red Sea, rounded the southern possessions of the 
 Edomites. Thence they marched northwards, skirting the 
 eastern frontier first of Edom and next of Moab, and, finally, 
 
I20 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 encamped over against the Arnon River, which then, as ever, 
 marked the southern limit of Eastern Palestine. 
 
 3. Accompanying Events. Of the many events which 
 must have accompanied this long circuitous advance of the 
 Hebrews towards Chanaan, only three, because of their es- 
 pecial importance in Jewish history, are recorded in the book 
 of Numbers (chaps, xx, xxi). The first was the death of 
 Aaron, the first Jewish high priest, at the age of one hundred 
 and twenty-three years. He was buried on Mount Hor, a 
 mountain which tradition identifies with the Jebel Nebi 
 Harun (the mountain of the Prophet Aaron), which rises 
 to the height of 4,350 feet above the level of the Mediterra- 
 nean, and on the top of which Aaron's place of burial is still 
 pointed out by the natives. As, however, the traditional 
 Jebel Harun is on the east side of Edom, it can hardly be the 
 place where Aaron died and was buried, since Holy Writ 
 clearly implies that the Israelites were still on the western 
 border of the possessions of the Edomites, when this melan- 
 choly event occurred. It is, therefore, much more probable 
 that the modern Jebel Madurah, on the western side of 
 the Arabah, and at a comparatively short distance of Cades, 
 is the actual Mount Hor, the more so because the actual 
 place of Aaron's death and burial is called Mosera in Deu- 
 teronomy (x, 6). Upon the death of Aaron, his son Eleazar 
 was solemnly invested with the insignia of the high priest- 
 hood, and regularly inducted into that most important office 
 in Israel. 
 
 The second incident noted in the sacred narrative is the 
 brilliant victory which the Israelites won over Arad, a Cha- 
 naanite king, who had attacked them on the borders of Edom. 
 The importance of this event should be measured far less by 
 the greatness of its actual consequences, than by the consid- 
 erable change it denotes in the temper of Israel after the 
 forty years' wandering. Differently from their conduct thirty. 
 
CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 12 i 
 
 eight years before, the Hebrews are now careful to call upon 
 Jehovah before going to battle, and their actual success 
 against Arad does not betray them either into a further ad- 
 vance into Chanaan, or into a conflict with Edom, when this 
 nation so rudely refused them passage through its own terri- 
 tory, because they wished faithfully to comply with the Divine 
 will, that they should pass by the borders of the Edomites 
 without fighting against them (Deuter. ii, 4, sq.). 
 
 This does not mean, however, that the children of Israel 
 had fully profited by their training in " The Wilderness of the 
 Wanderings," for as we learn from the third event, which is 
 recorded as accompanying their advance to Chanaan, their 
 inveterate murmuring frame of mind awaited only peculiarly 
 trying circumstances to show itself again. But their mur- 
 murs were severely punished; venomous serpents — which 
 still abound, as travellers tell us, in the very neighborhood 
 of the encampment of the Israelites — " bit them and killed 
 many of them " (cfr. Geikie, Hours with the Bible, vol. ii, p. 
 396). As a remedy, Moses caused a serpent of brass to be 
 made, " which when they that were bitten looked upon, they 
 were healed." This brazen serpent, which became later an 
 idolatrous object in Israel (IV Kings, xviii, 4), was the mys- 
 teuiors symbol of " the Son of Man lifted up like the serpent 
 in the desert, that whosoever believeth in Him may not 
 perish, but may have life everlasting" (John iii, 14, 15). 
 
 ^ J. Conquest of the Region East of the fordan. 
 
 I. Political Divisions of Eastern Palestine. At 
 the time of Israel's encampment on the Arnon, the territory 
 betv\'een this river and Mount Hermon was politically divided 
 into two powerful kingdoms, whose common boundary was 
 the Jaboc River. The kingdom to the north of that river 
 extended northward to the foot of Mount Hermon, and was 
 known as the Kingdom of Basan. This country, so famous 
 
122 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 by its pastures, cattle and forests, was then crowded with 
 cities and villages, and their ruins are not improbably those 
 which, in the present day, attest to recent travellers present 
 distress and former grandeur. The ruler over this vast and 
 prosperous country was an Amorrhite king named Og, a 
 man of gigantic stature, and whose huge iron bedstead was 
 long preserved as a curiosity (Deuter. iii, i-i i). The second 
 kingdom east of the Jordan included that territory between 
 the Jaboc and the Arnon rivers, which an Amorrhite colony, 
 come from across the Jordan, had recently wrested from the 
 Moabites (Numb, xxi, 26, 29). Its ruler was King Sehon, 
 and its capital the Fortress of Hesebon, whose ruins still 
 exist about fifteen miles east of the northern end of the Dead 
 Sea. • (For details concerning recent discoveries east of the 
 Jordan, see Selah Merrill ; Herr Schumacher, etc.) 
 
 The other political divisions east of the Jordan consisted 
 of the distinct territories of Moab, Madian and Ammon, but 
 as the Israelites were forbidden to conquer them, they lay 
 beyond the territory promised to the chosen people, and 
 consequently require here but a passing mention. The 
 possessions of the Ammonites at this time lay to the east of 
 the Kingdom of Sehon, being limited to the west by a branch 
 of the river Jaboc, on which indeed their capital, Rabbath, 
 or Rabbath Ammon, stood, whilst the territory of the Madian- 
 ites extended far to the east and south of the Moabites. 
 
 2. Rapid Conquest by the Israelites. Whilst still 
 camping outside the territory of King Sehon, the Israelites 
 sent him a message, asking a peaceful passage through his 
 territory, and promising the same regard for his possessions, 
 which they had already promised to the Edomites. Sehon 
 not only refused, but assembling his army, went forth to 
 give battle against Israel. The battle v\ras fought at Jasa 
 (Jahaz, in the Hebrew Text), probably " in the southeast 
 corner of Sehon's territory" (G. A. Smith, p. 559). The 
 
CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 1 23 
 
 result was the total defeat of the Amorrhite king, and as a 
 further consequence the capture of his capital and his walled 
 towns, of his numerous flocks and herds, and even the pos- 
 session of the entire country between the Arnon and the 
 Jaboc rivers (Numb, xxi, 27-30). 
 
 Crossing the Jaboc, the Israelites pursued their victorious 
 course into the Kingdom of Og. This prince having gath- 
 ered his forces, resolved to encounter his enemies in Edrei 
 (the modern Edhra), one of the most formidable strongholds 
 of his dominion. Like the King of Hesebon, the King of Basan 
 was utterly routed by Israel, and the result of this new victory 
 of the Hebrews, was such a subjugation of the northern 
 Amorrhite kingdom as to allow them to prepare freely for 
 an invasion into Western Palestine * (Numb, xxi, 32-35 ; xxxii, 
 39, 41, 42 ; Deuter. iii, i, sq.). For this purpose, they pitched 
 their tents " in the plains of Moab, over against Jericho," 
 that is in that part of Moabite territory which the Amorites 
 had formerly wrested from Moab, and which Israel had re- 
 cently conquered (Numb, xxii, i). But whilst they were pre- 
 paring to cross the Jordan at the fords nearly opposite Jeri- 
 cho, new and unexpected enemies arose on their rear. 
 
 These enemies were no other than Moab and Madian, 
 tribes kindred indeed to Israel, but which now regretting 
 that they allowed the Hebrews to pass unmolested on their 
 borders, and fearing for their own independence so near a 
 nation which had already conquered the mighty kings of the 
 north, entered into an alliance against the Israelites. Their 
 combined forces encamped on the heights of Abarim from 
 which Israel's camp could be seen. Meantime Balac, the 
 present King of Moab and a worshipper of Baal, wished to 
 place his enemies under a divine curse, before attacking 
 them. With this end in view, he sent elders both of Moab 
 
 * For a careful discussion of the difficulties concerning the historical character of the 
 wars against Sehon and Og, see G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 
 pp. 560, sq., and also Appendix iii ; see also R. Kittel, A History of the Hebrews, voL 
 i, p. 228, sq. (English translation). 
 
124 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 and Madian "wiih the price of divination in their hands" to 
 Balaam, the most famous soothsayer of the time. This strange 
 personage, whose real character has ever been a matter of dis- 
 cussion, and who, although living in Mesopotamia, had some 
 knowledge of the one true God, refused at first to come and 
 utter the curse required of him. Upon the reception of a 
 second and more select embassy and of more brilliant prom- 
 ises, he, however, agreed to repair to Moab, with the express 
 understanding that he should utter only what God would 
 inspire him wuth. The episode of his ass's speaking to him, 
 when on his way to Moab, is too well known to be detailed 
 here ; suffice it to say that the episode is clearly referred to as 
 a historical event, in the Second Epistle of St. Peter (chap, li, 
 16). After his arrival in Moabite territory, the famous sooth- 
 sayer strove indeed by every means in his power to secure 
 from Jehovah oracles against the chosen people, but, as it 
 were, in spite of himself, he uttered a fourfold blessing upon 
 Israel. (For the exact meaning and Messianic bearing of 
 Balaam's prophetic utterances, see Vigouroux, Manuel 
 Biblique, tome i; Meignan, Propheties Messianiques ; 
 Trochon, Manuel d'Introduction h I'Ecriture Sainte, tome 
 ii, p. 182, sq.) 
 
 After thus frustrating all the hopes of the King of Moab, 
 Balaam withdrew without the promised honors and rewards, 
 but not without giving to the enemies of the Israelites a 
 counsel which proved most hurtful to the chosen people. 
 Following his advice, the allied nations succeeded in seduc- 
 ing Israel to their impure and idolatrous riles, in punishment 
 of which a plague broke out among the Hebrews and carried 
 off upwards of 24.000 of them. Justice prompt and severe 
 was meted out to the guilty. Israelites, by Moses and the 
 princes of the tribes, and especially by Phinees, the son of 
 Eleazar, whose zeal was rewarded by the cessation of the 
 pestilence and the promise of a perpetual priesthood in his 
 family (Numb, xxii-xxv, 15; xxxi, 16). 
 
CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 125 
 
 And now a terrible vengeance was wreaked on the crafty 
 Madianites; pursued into their own territory by 24,000 Isra- 
 elites under the command of Phinees, they were utterly 
 routed, their chiefs and all the male population were put to 
 death ; their cities were burned ; their women and children 
 taken captive ; Balaam himself perished by the sword ; and 
 an immense booty divided between the combatants, the rest 
 of the people and the sacred treasury in charge of the priests 
 and Levites (Numb, xxv, 16-18 , xxxi). In seducing the Israel- 
 ites to idolatry, the Madianites had, in fact, instigated the 
 people of God to rebellion against their lawful sovereign, and 
 this is why they were so severely punished ; that Moab was 
 spared a like punishment, is probably due to the fact that 
 Jehovah had already forbidden Israel to war against that 
 nation, a prohibition not to be set aside so soon after it 
 had been enjoined. 
 
 4. Settlement in Eastern Palestine. After these 
 events, it was plain that no one could prevent the Israelites 
 from settling quietly in the conquered kingdoms of Sehon 
 and Og, if only Jehovah would permit them to do so. 
 Accordingly, the pastoral tribes of Ruben and Gad — and 
 afterwards the half-tribe of Manasses — asked of Moses,- 
 Eleazar and the elders that they might have for their pos- 
 session the conquered land east of the Jordan, whose upland 
 pastures were so desirable for their numerous flocks and cat- 
 tle. To this petition Moses first strongly objected ; but, on 
 their promise of helping effectually their brethren in con- 
 quering Western Palestine, whilst their own families and 
 docks would settle east of the Jordan, the Jewish leader 
 acceded to their request (Numb, xxxii ; Deuter. iii, 18-20). 
 
 As might naturally be expected, the tribes of Israel which 
 were allowed to occupy Eastern Palestine were destined to be 
 greatly injured socially and religiously, because of their 
 immediate contact with the pagan and wandering tribes of 
 
126 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the great desert, and because of their separation from their 
 brethren on the west of the Jordan. We see, for instance, 
 that the children of the half-tribe of Manasses gave them- 
 selves up to idolatry, and that, together with Ruben and Gad, 
 they were the first tribes transported into captivity (I Paralip. 
 V, 23-26) ; but yet, for long centuries after their settlement, 
 the Israelites who dwelt in the land of Galaad played an 
 important part in the history of the Jewish nation (cfr. G. A. 
 Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 578, sq.). 
 
 §j. TJie Last Days of Moses. His Character. 
 
 I. The Last Days of Moses. Whilst Israel encamped 
 opposite Jericho, and as the time approached when the chosen 
 people were to cross the Jordan to lake possession of the land 
 promised to the patriarchs of old, Moses was directed by God 
 to ascend the Abarim mounts and to view from thence the 
 Holy Land, into which he was never to penetrate. This 
 direction, he understood, was the signal of his approaching 
 death, and he accordingly prayed to God for a successor in 
 his arduous office of leader of Israel. Josue was designated 
 by Jehovah, and then presented by Moses himself to the 
 whole nation as the one they should henceforth obey (Numb, 
 xxvii, 12-23 5 Deuter. xxxi, 7, 8). 
 
 Another care of the Jewish lawgiver, conscious that his 
 end was approaching, was to bid Israel by every means in 
 his power to remain forever faithful to the worship of the 
 one true God, and to observe all the ordinances of the law 
 they had received through him, in order that they might 
 enjoy the Divine blessings promised to faithfulness and 
 avoid the terrible punishments wherewith disobedience was 
 sure to be visited. This Moses did in three long discourses 
 which are recorded in the first thirty chapters of Deuter- 
 onomy. In his first discourse he reminded the Israelites of 
 God's past mercies to them since their departure from Sinai, 
 
CONQUEST OK EASTERN PALESTINE. 127 
 
 and drew from this historical retrospect the practical conclu- 
 sion that they should not forget their obligations to Jehovah, 
 nor the great truths of His spirituality and perfect unity which 
 they had been taught in Sinai. In his second address, Moses 
 exposed the general Divine law which made of Israel a theo- 
 cratic nation, together with a code of special laws which it 
 was his particular object to expound and encourage Israel to 
 obey; then he emphatically set forth the blessings and curses 
 which Israel should expect according as it observed or vio- 
 lated these same Divine laws. The third discourse insists 
 again upon the fundamental duty of loyalty to Jehovah and 
 embraces (i) an appeal to Israel to accept the terms of the 
 Divine Covenant together with a renewed warning of the dis- 
 astrous consequences of a fall into idolatry ; (2) a promise 
 of restoration, even after the abandonment with which the 
 nation had been threatened in the preceding discourse, pro- 
 vided Israel should sincerely repent; (3) the choice now set 
 before the people between life and good on the one hand, 
 and death and evil on the other (Driver, Deuteronomy, 
 Introd., § i). 
 
 After these pathetic exhortations the great lawgiver deliv- 
 ered the Book of the Law into the hands of the priests and 
 elders of Israel, and next gave vent to his feelings in '* an ode 
 worthy of him who composed the hymn of triumph by the 
 Red Sea" (Milman). Then having received the final sum- 
 mons for his departure, Moses pronounced a last prophetical 
 blessing — similar in several ways to Jacob's parting bless- 
 ing — after which he ascended Mount Nebo, from the sum- 
 mit of which his undimmed sight contemplated for the last 
 time the vast territory so long promised by Jehovah as Israel's 
 inheritance. There also he breathed his last, at the age of 
 one hundred and twenty ; but the place of his burial ever 
 remained unknown, lest perhaps the Hebrews should be 
 tempted to surround with Divine honors the sepulchre of 
 their great liberator and lawgiver (Deuter. xxxi-xxxiv). 
 
128 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 2. Character of Moses. It is no easy task briefly to 
 point out even the salient features of the character of a man 
 who, like Moses, appears in history in so many different 
 capacities. Moses is at once the liberator, the lawgiver, 
 the leader, the prophet, the historian of the Jewish nation, 
 but above all he is the great " servant of Jehovah " (Deuter. 
 xxxiv, 5 ; Numb, xii, 7 ; Exod. xiv, 31 ; etc.), for it was his 
 unshaken fidelity to God which gave to his long and event- 
 ful life unity of purpose and firmness of action (cfr. Heb. 
 
 iii» 5)- 
 
 Because he is the obedient servant of God he undertakes 
 the liberation of Israel, a work which he justly deemed so 
 far above his natural abilities, and deals with Pharao pre- 
 cisely as bidden by Jehovah. As a faithful servant set over 
 the house of his Divine Master, he is ever attentive to look 
 up to Him for guidance and carries out constantly His least 
 directions. As his sole object in life is to fulfil the great 
 work intrusted to him — to train Israel to the pure belief in 
 and faithful worship of the one true God, — he never 
 courts popular favor, but represses every violation of the 
 theocratic constitution with all promptness and energy, " and 
 his leadership of the people is little less, than a constant plead- 
 ing to them of Jehovah's claims, of Jehovah's will to bless, 
 and of Jehovah's power to punish " (Rawlinson, Moses, p. 
 201). It is God's honor and glory that he has in view when 
 he subdues his own quick temper so as to become the meek- 
 est of men, and when he loves the chosen people with such 
 a fatherly affection as to offer himself a willing victim for 
 their sins, and to intercede with God in their behalf when 
 his own authority and devotion have been set at naught by 
 Israel. He is not jealous of the prophetical gifts Jehovah 
 may bestow upon others, and when the time has come he 
 willingly passes over his sons, and assigns to a stranger his 
 succession in the leadership of the Jewish nation. 
 
 In these, and other such respects, Moses was the beautiful 
 
CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. 1 29 
 
 type of "a future prophet like unto him'" (Deuter. xviii, 15, 
 18), of one who was to be the most faithful and meekest Ser- 
 vant of God, the Redeemer of the chosen people to whom He 
 would give a higher law, train them during their journey 
 through the wilderness of the present life for their future 
 inheritance, and intrust the care of the Church He had 
 founded to a visible shepherd. 
 
 As to the historical existence of Moses and his work, see 
 KiTTEL, History of the Hebrews, vol i, p. 238, sq., of English 
 translation. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XIII. 
 Conquest of Western Palestine. 
 
 J 
 
 The 
 Inhabi- 
 tants OF 
 Western 
 Pales- 
 tine : 
 
 1. Names and Origin. 
 
 2. Position in the Land (probable extent of each tribe). 
 
 r 
 
 Civilization 
 
 4. Religion : 
 
 A- 
 
 Arts of peace and war. — Social /and 
 moral life. 
 
 p-'The worship of natural phenonaena 
 personified. 
 
 -^"^hy so great a danger for the Israel- 
 ites ? 
 f€*rincipal cause of order to exterminate. 
 
 II. 
 The Con- 
 quest OF 
 
 the 
 West of 
 
 the 
 Jordan: 
 
 Invasion of \ 
 
 Western Pal- \ Crossing of the Jordan. 
 
 esttne : 
 
 2, Successive 
 
 Conquest of 
 the 
 
 V 
 
 III. 
 
 The 
 Settle- 
 ment : 
 
 ■ I . The Assign- 
 ment of 
 -t Land: 
 
 ( f Jericho and Hai taken and 
 
 A Centre J destroyed. 
 
 A. centre .^ g^^^^^ ^^ Sichem (Mounts 
 
 [ Ebal and Garizim). 
 
 f The Gabaonites deceive 
 Josue : their punish- 
 ment. 
 
 B. South : { Victory over five confeder- 
 ate kings: (the sun and 
 moon stand still). 
 
 . Various cities taken. 
 
 Gathering of the other 
 Chanaanaean kings. 
 
 Their defeat at Merom; 
 rapid conquest of their 
 territories. 
 
 Territories allotted to the twelve tribes. 
 
 ■ 2. Particular f Caleb and Josue. 
 
 grants made \ x 
 
 to J^ [ ^^^^ Levites (cities of Refuge). 
 
 ^3. The last days of Josue. '^ -^-u-* ^M.t,^r<^^'^ (*-^ -'^^M^ 
 
 -^ ^ u.: . 
 
 [130] 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 
 
 § /. TJie InJiabiiants of Western Palestine. 
 
 I. Names and Origin. The aboriginal inhabitants of 
 Western Palestine had long disappeared from that country 
 when the Israelites invaded the Promised Land. They had 
 given place to settlers, who, dwelling between the Jordan and 
 the Great Sea, that is in a low country as compared with the 
 high table-land beyond Jordan, were actually designated 
 under the generic name of Chanaanites or Lowlanders 
 (Exod. xiii, 1 1 ; Numb, xxi, 3). But besides this general name, 
 the inhabitants of Western Palestine receive in various pas- 
 sages of Holy Writ referring to this period distinct names, 
 which apparently correspond to the distinct tribes into which 
 they were divided (cfr. Exod. xiii, 5 ; xxiii, 23 ; Deuter. vii, i, 
 etc.). Thus we read of the Hethites, the Hevites, the Amor- 
 rhites, the Jebusites, the Pherezites, the Gergezites, and the 
 Chanaanites; whence it seems that this last name, besides 
 being used in a wider sense to designate all the inhabitants 
 of the country, was also applied, in a more limited sense, to 
 a particular tribe west of the Jordan before the conquest. 
 
 Scholars agree generally that these distinct tribes were de- 
 scendants of Cham, through Chanaan, as is apparently stated 
 in Gen. x, 15-20 (cfr. also Gen. ix, 18, sq. and article 
 Chanaan, in Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible). Some, 
 however, have affirmed that they must have belonged to the 
 Semitic stock, on the two following grounds : (i) they spoke 
 a language very closely related to, if not identical with, He- 
 brew, since in all their intercourse with the Israelites there 
 
 [131] 
 
132 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 is no sign of the necessity of an interpreter (cfr. also Isai. 
 xix, 18) ; (2) their chiefs, when overcome by Israel, found so 
 easy a refuge among the Philistines, themselves a branch of 
 the Semitic race, as to imply their common origin. It is 
 easy to realize that these arguments are not necessarily con- 
 clusive against the Chamitic origin of the Chanaanites, who 
 could acquire a knowledge of the Semitic language through 
 their intermingling with the Semitic aborigines they had con- 
 quered, and who, in their own misfortune when defeated by 
 Israel, could the more easily obtain a refuge among a nation 
 of a different race, such as the Philistines, because Philistines 
 and Chanaanites had lived long in amity and side by side in 
 Western Palestine. Furthermore, the Chamitic origin of the 
 Chanaanites seems well established by ancient traditions 
 which affirm that they had migrated from the Chamitic set- 
 tlements in the neighborhood of the Persian Gulf (cfr. Herod- 
 otus, History, book i, chap, i, § i), and more particularly 
 by the recently discovered "inscriptions which represent the 
 Hethites as the dominant Scythic (and consequently Cham- 
 itic) race which gave way slowly before the Aramean Jews 
 and the Phenician immigrants " (Fausset, Biblical Cyclo- 
 paedia, art. Chanaan). 
 
 2. Position in the Land. As might naturally be ex- 
 pected, the seven Chanaanaean tribes mentioned above fol- 
 lowed, to a large extent, the physical divisions of Western 
 Palestine. A tribe or group of tribes dwelling in the low- 
 lands of the country naturally received the name of Chanaan- 
 ites, whilst the tribes occupying the highland districts were 
 called Amorrhites, that is highlanders (cfr. Numb, xiii, 30). 
 
 Outside this general correspondence of the tribal divisions 
 with the physical divisions of the land, little can be said with 
 certainty about the exact position of the tribes of Chanaan 
 at the time of the conquest of Western Palestine by Israel. 
 One of the most important among those tribes were the Amor- 
 
CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 133 
 
 rhites, called Amaru on Egyptian monuments, and who, 
 at this time, possessed probably all the mountain region on 
 the southeast of Chanaan. They were a warlike tribe which 
 some time before had made the conquest of the east of the 
 Jordan, and which, a little later, were " to straiten the chil- 
 dren of Dan in the mountain " (Judges, i, 34, 35). In the 
 plains of Western Palestine, that is, in the valley of the Jor- 
 dan, in a large portion of the plain of Esdraelon and also in 
 the sea-coast, were the Chanaanites, whose name remains 
 yet connected with one place to the southwest of Hebron 
 (cfr. Numb, xiii, 30, and Josue xi, 3). Ofteti named along 
 with, yet as distinct from, the Chanaanites, are the Pherez- 
 ites, who lived also in the plains, probably in the high plains 
 under the range of Carmel (Josue xvii, 15, sq.). The Hev- 
 ites formed apparently a confederacy of towns in the vicin- 
 ity of Gabaon (Josue ix), and occupied the country under 
 Mount Hermon (Josue xi, 3; Judges iii, 3). The Jebusites 
 are best known in connection with the mountain fortress of 
 Jebus, whilst of the Gergesites so little is known that some 
 have assigned them a position in the west of Phenicia, and 
 others, to the. east of the Sea of Galilee. The last tribe of 
 which we have to speak here is that of the Hethites, upon 
 whom much light has been thrown by recent discoveries. In 
 the most remote antiquity, they formed an immense empire 
 whose chief towns were Cades on the Orontes and Charcamis 
 on the Euphrates (Josue i, 4), and which for long centuries 
 proved a most powerful rival of both Egypt and Assyria. It 
 is not unlikely that the Hethites to whom Holy Writ refers 
 were but a portion of this mighty people, which, after long 
 conflicts with Egypt, had remained in Chanaan (cfr. Savce, 
 Races of the Old Testament, chap. vii). 
 
 3. Civilization. We have only scanty data respecting 
 the civilization of Chanaan at this time, but they all point in 
 the same direction, that of a high development of material 
 
134 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 prosperity. The tribes on the sea-coast were devoted to 
 commerce, and became so well known in that line that in 
 later days the name of " Chanaanites " was regarded as sy 
 nonymous of " merchant." The report made by the twelve 
 spies sent by Moses during Israel's first encampment at 
 Cades (Numb, xiii, 18-34), together with the abundant crops 
 which fell into the hands of the Hebrews at the time of the 
 conquest (Josue xxiv, 13), gives us an insight into the fertil- 
 ity and culture of the soil at that time. On the other hand, 
 the fact that one of their cities was called Cariath-Sepher, 
 that is "the city of books" (Judges i, 11), joined to the 
 numerous hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Hethites which 
 have been recently discovered, proves that reading and writ- 
 ing were in use among them. They appear also as a warlike 
 people dwelling in cities with walls and gates (Josue x, 20; 
 etc.) ; they had fortresses upon the heights and their numer- 
 ous iron chariots were irresistible (Josue xi, 4; xvii, 16; 
 Judges i, 19 ; iv, 3). This view of their high civilization and 
 prosperity is confirmed i^i a striking manner by the varied 
 and lavished booty which the Egyptians took from the Heth- 
 ites and represented on their own monuments, and by the 
 triple list of the 118 towns of Chanaan lately found in an 
 Egyptian temple at Karnak (cfr. Geikie, Hours with the 
 Bible ii, p. 53, sq.). 
 
 Over the various Chanaanaean clans or tribes reigned many 
 "kings," or sheiks, as we would say (Judges i, 7), and whose 
 authority was probably limited by that of elders (Josue ix, 
 11). But whilst their material prosperity was so great and 
 their social life apparently well organized, their moral condi- 
 tion had reached a frightful degree of corruption because im- 
 morality of every description was encouraged, fostered and 
 even imposed by their idolatrous worship. 
 
 / 
 
 4. Religion. It was, in fact, the infamous worship of 
 Baal and Astarthe, in which the Israelites had already so 
 
CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 1 35 
 
 lamentably shared when on the confines of Moab, that the 
 chosen people were destined soon to witness in its lowest and 
 worst forms on the west of the Jordan. In the eyes of the 
 Chanaanites, Baal and Astarthe were the two divine personi- 
 fications of the quickening and producing power of nature. 
 The former represented this power in its active form, and 
 was, therefore, considered as a male god, probably identical 
 with the sun-god ; the latter represented this same power in 
 its passive character, and was accordingly considered as the 
 necessary female counterpart of Baal. Both were deemed 
 equally worthy of divine honors, and whilst Baal was wor- 
 shipped on the mountain tops, Astarthe was adored in the 
 sacred grove not far off. But, of course, as the worship of 
 the mighty power of nature considered simply as the origin 
 of the beneficent, or, on the contrary, of the crushing and 
 painful phenomena of the world, did not recognize or impose 
 morality, it had rapidly degenerated, and at the time of the 
 conquest by Israel, it a'.lowed, or even required, such cruel 
 and licentious rites as sacred prostitution, self-mutilation, 
 human sacrifices, and particularly the offering of children as 
 the most precious and propitiatory sacrifices. (For details 
 about the Chanaanix'an religion, see Vigouroux, Bible et 
 De'couvertes Modernes, tome iii.) 
 
 This was indeed a most revolting worship ; and yet, strange 
 to say, it proved, almost immediately after the conquest of 
 Chanaan, a very great danger for the Israelites, despite the 
 clear and awful denunciations of their law against all idolatry. 
 They had the greatest difficulty in remaining faithful to the 
 exclusive worship of the invisible Jehovah, surrounded, as 
 they were, on all sides by nations — even by peoples of their 
 own stock, such as the Moabites and Edomites — which 
 were addicted to the magnificent worship of Baal, the more 
 so, because it was the common persuasion of the nations of 
 antiquity that whilst invaders should, of course, retain their 
 own ancestral worship, they should also conciliate the favor 
 
136 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of the gods of the country they had conquered. It is cer- 
 tain also that the sensual rites of the worship of Baal and 
 Astarthe must have been for Israel powerful enticements to 
 idolatry after their long sufferings and privations in the 
 desert (cfr. Numb, xxv), and that, in many cases, intermar- 
 riages with members of idolatrous tribes naturally betrayed 
 them into sharing their religion (Judges iii, 6). 
 
 To prevent the Jews, as a nation, from sinking into such 
 gross idolatry, and thus forsaking their glorious mission of 
 keeping alive the belief in and worship of the one true God, 
 Jehovah wished ever to be represented as 2l jealous God, who 
 regarded the simultaneous practice of His religion and of 
 idolatrous worship not indeed as a divorce, but as an adul- 
 tery. He forbade not only intermarriages with the utterly 
 corrupted races of Chanaan, he also repeatedly gave orders 
 that the chosen people should do away with every temptation 
 to idolatry by exterminating the Chanaanaean tribes (Exod. 
 xxiii, 32, 33 ; xxxiv, 12-16; Numb, xxxiii, 51-56, etc.). 
 
 § 2. The Conquest of the West of the Jordan {Josiie i-xii). 
 
 I. Invasion of Western Palestine. Soon after the 
 death of Moses, Josue, an Ephraimite of tried valor and 
 the successor of Moses in command and his imitator in faith- 
 fulness to Divine guidance, received an order from Jehovah 
 which he at once communicated to Israel. They were to be 
 ready, after three days, to cross the Jordan and begin the 
 conquest of Western Palestine. This was indeed no easy 
 task, for the Jordan hid no bridge, no ford that could give 
 passage to nearly two and a half millions of people ; and then 
 beyond were the warlike tribes of Chanaan with their formid- 
 able chariots and well -disciplined armies. Trustful, however, 
 in God's assistance, Josue did not shrink from undertaking 
 this twofold task, and he at once sent spies across the river 
 to reconnoitre "the land and the city of Jericho." On their 
 
ly 
 
 CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 137 
 
 return, they brought back to the Jewish commander the com- 
 forting news of the extreme terror with which the glorious 
 victories of Israel east of the Jordan had struck th'e inhab- 
 itants of Western Palestine (Josue i, ii). 
 
 It was apparently on the fourth day (the tenth day of the 
 first month of the fortieth year after the departure from 
 Egypt) that the Israelites crossed the Jordan in a manner 
 which the Sacred Text plainly represents as miraculous (cfr., 
 for instance, Josue iii, 13, 16, 17; iv, 7, 18, 22-25). After 
 this wonderful event, Josue encamped at Galgal, about two 
 miles east of Jericho, and where, after undergoing the rite 
 of circumcision, the children of Israel celebrated the Pasch, 
 eating bread made of the corn of the land, and not of 
 the manna, whose supply ceased entirely on the next day 
 (Josue v). 
 
 2. The Conquest of Western Palestine. The news 
 of the miraculous crossing of the Jordan by the Hebrews 
 soon spread far and wide, and deprived the inhabitants of 
 Chanaan even of their lingering hope that the swollen waters 
 of the river would detain the invaders some time longer on 
 its eastern banks (Josue v, i). The city of Jericho, so near 
 the Israelite camp, although very strongly fortified, was par- 
 ticularly and justly affrighted, for it was supremely impor- 
 tant for Josue to secure the possession of this stronghold 
 before penetrating into Central Palestine. Nevertheless, its 
 king and valiant soldiers resolved to oppose the fiercest re- 
 sistance; and there is no doubt that they would have long 
 set at naught the efforts of the besieging Israelites had not 
 Jehovah once more intervened miraculously in behalf of His 
 people. Despite the various attempts made to account for 
 the fall of the walls of Jericho by mere natural causes, such 
 as the undermining of the walls, an earthquake, etc., it re- 
 mains beyond question that the sacred writer intends to 
 describe an event supernaturally revealed to Josue before its 
 
138 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 occurrence (Josue vi, 2, sq.), and regarded by ail at the time 
 as the result of positive Divine intervention. 
 
 The Capture of Jericho opened to the Jewish leader the 
 important passes into the central hills, and he at once deter- 
 mined to make the most of this advantage. He, therefore, 
 sent a select body of troops against the strong town of Hai, 
 about ten miles northwest of Jericho, but to his great dis- 
 may the Israelites were repulsed. This first defeat seemed 
 in fact to imply that Jehovah had already forsaken His peo- 
 ple, and was calculated to greatly encourage the Chanaanites 
 in their resistance against Israel, but fortunately it was 
 promptly made up for. By a clever stratagem, Hai was soon 
 taken and destroyed, and the road to a broad plateau in the 
 centre of the country fully secured (cfr. G. A. Smith, His- 
 torical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 263, sq.). From 
 Hai, Josue marched northward to Sichem, some twenty miles 
 distant, and there held the solemn ceremony of the Bless- 
 ing and the Curse on Mounts Garizim and Ebal, as prescribed 
 in Deuteronomy, chap, xxvii. On his return from this solemn 
 ratification of the Covenant, he doubtless left a force at Hai 
 to secure the passes, but his main encampment continued in 
 Galgal, in the valley of the Jordan (Josue vii, viii). 
 
 After this rapid conquest of the centre of Western Pales- 
 tine, there was a general uprising against Israel, and only 
 the Gabaonites obtained peace by their well-known strata- 
 gem ; but in punishment for their deception, they were con- 
 demned to perpetual bondage " in the service of all the people 
 and of the altar of Jehovah." The desertion of GabaoH, 
 which was then the chief city of the Hevite confederation, 
 from what seemed to be the common cause of the tribes of 
 Chanaan, aroused the indignation of five powerful kings of 
 the south, who resolved at once upon its destruction. But 
 whilst they were encamped before Gabaon Josue marched 
 by night from his camp at Galgal, and surprised and routed 
 them. This was the memorable victory of Gabaon, or Beth- 
 
CO^'QUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 1 39 
 
 Horon (about four miles distant from Gabaon), for the full 
 completion of which the Hebrew commander obtained from 
 God that the sun and moon should stand still in the midst 
 of heaven, a miracle differently explained by Biblical schol- 
 ars. Many, among whom are reckoned some Catholic 
 scholars, looking upon this passage of Holy Writ (Josue x, 
 12-15) ^s ^^ extract from the poetical book of Yashar, or 
 " the Just," have thought that it should be considered as a 
 poetical figure, which introduces Josue as commanding the 
 sun and moon to stop their course, and even asserts that 
 the sun and moon obeyed the mandate of a man, simply to 
 convey the idea that the Hebrew chief most earnestly wished 
 a prolongation of the day to complete the destruction of his 
 enemies, and that he actually destroyed as many of them as 
 if the day had been really lengthened. Much more common 
 than this bold construction of the passage in question is the 
 view which sees in the Biblical narrative the historical record 
 of an actual astronomical miracle, which, being of course very 
 easy to the Divine Power, was all the more opportune at that 
 time, because it proved convincingly to both Israelites and 
 Chanaanites the superiority of Jehovah over the sun and the 
 moon, the two great deiiies of Chanaan. Perhaps the best 
 way of meeting the various objections which are urged 
 against this second view of the sacred narrative is to con- 
 sider the lengthening of the day as the result of a miraculous 
 deviation of the rays of the sun and the moon, because this 
 would not entail either the stopping of the earth, or disturb- 
 ances in the heavenly bodies. (For further information see 
 ViGOUROUX, Manuel Biblique ; Deane, Joshua, his Life and 
 Times, pp. 82-87 5 ^^^') 
 
 Following up his victory, Josue took and destroyed the 
 seven cities and kings of Maceda, Lebna, Gazer, Lachis, 
 P^glon, Hebron, Dabir, and did not return to his camp in 
 Galgal before he had completed in one rapid campaign the 
 conquest of Southern Palestine dosue x\ 
 
140 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 There still remained to subdue the kings of the north, who, 
 hearing of the defeat of the south, had rallied round Jabin 
 ( " the Wise " ), king of Azor, a strong city probably to the 
 northwest of the lake of Merom. Their troops were very 
 numerous and plentifully supplied with horses and chariots, 
 but they proved unable to resist the sudden attack of Josue, 
 who routed them by the waters of Merom and pursued them 
 as far as Sidon to the northwest. After this victory Josue 
 took and burned Azor and subdued numerous northern 
 towns, so that at the end of his third campaign he found 
 himself practically master of the whole country between 
 Mount Halak, at the ascent of Mount Seir, on the south, 
 and Baalgaad, under Mount Hermon, on the north. A 
 much longer time, however, was required for the reduction 
 of the numerous kings who. still held each his own city, and 
 it is well known that even then the old inhabitants main- 
 tained themselves in some parts of the land despite all the 
 efforts of Israel (Josue xi). 
 
 § J. The Settlejiient (Josue xH-xxH). 
 
 I. The Assignment of Land. The main part of 
 Western Palestine being now subdued, Josue, with the 
 help of the high priest Eleazar and of the heads of the 
 tribes, divided it among the nine and one-half tribes which 
 had yet to receive their settlements (Josue xiii, 7). Before 
 detailing, however, their particular lots, the book of Josue 
 reminds us of two facts: (i) that the sacerdotal tribe of Levi 
 was not to share in the division of the land, because "Jeho- 
 vah, the God of Israel, Himself is their possession " j (2) 
 that Moses had already ascribed to Ruben, Gad and the 
 half tribe of Manasses their territories on the east of the Jor- 
 dan, and on the occasion of this second fact, the inspired 
 writer gives briefly the limits of the possessions of the two 
 and a half Transjordanic tribes. Ruben had the southern- 
 
CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 1 41 
 
 most territory extending from the Arnon River, on the south, 
 to a little beyond Wady Heshban, on the north, where it 
 reached the possessions of Gad ; and from the Jordan, on 
 the west, to the eastern desert. Gad was included between 
 Ruben, on the south, and about the middle of the land of 
 Galaad, on the north; whilst it stretched eastward from the 
 Jordan to Aroer. The half tribe of Manasses embraced 
 the territory between Gad, on the south, and Mount Her- 
 mon and Damascus, on the north ; and between the Jordan, 
 on the west, and the Arabian desert on the east. 
 
 The country west of the Jordan was now divided between 
 the nine and a half remaining tribes by casting lots before 
 the Tabernacle, and their territories may be better given 
 under the threefold divisioil of (a) the South, (J)) the Cen- 
 tre, {f) the North. 
 
 {a) The South. The four southern tribes were Simeon, 
 Juda, Benjamin and Dan. The most southerly district was 
 assigned first to the tribe of Juda, but afterwards the south- 
 western portion of this territory was given to Simeon, which 
 thus became the southernmost tribe. Next to Simeon, on the 
 north, was Juda, which extended across the whole Western 
 Palestine from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean, 
 and from the territory of Simeon and the River of Egypt, 
 on the south, to an irregular line starting from a little to the 
 southeast of Jericho, passing south of Jerusalem and reach- 
 ing the Mediterranean some four miles below Joppe. To the 
 northeast of Juda was the warlike little tribe of Benjamin, 
 with a territory of about 25 miles in length by 12 in breadth, 
 bounded on the north by Ephraim, on the east by the Jordan, 
 on the south by Juda, and on the west by the tribe of Dan. 
 The last tribe of the south was that of Dan, whose fertile 
 territory was so compressed between the northwestern hills 
 of Juda and the Mediterranean, that later on they had to 
 seek another home in the north of Palestine. 
 
 {b) The Centre. The central portion of Chanaan was 
 
142 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 allotted to the two brother tribes of the house of Joseph, 
 Ephraim and Manasses. The tribe of Ephraiixi; to whom 
 josue belonged, received the more southerly portion of this 
 large territory ; its possessions, about 55 miles in length and 
 about 30 in their greatest width, extended as far south as 
 within a few miles of Jerusalem. The rest of Central Pales- 
 tine was given to the half tribe of Manasses, which, differ- 
 ently from iheir fellow-tribesmen, had waited for sharing in 
 the division of the country west of the Jordan, ^nd now 
 obtained a territory stretching westward to the Mediterra- 
 nean and the slopes of Carmel, but not quite reaching the 
 Jordan River on the east. 
 
 (c) The North. The northern part of Chanaan, extend- 
 ing from Mount Carmel to the chains of Lebanon, was assigned 
 to the four tribes of Issachar, Zabulon, Aser and Neph- 
 tali. The tribe of Issachar possessed the great and most 
 fertile plain of Esdraelon, and extended from Mount Carmel 
 to the Jordan, and from Mount Thabor to Engannim. The 
 territory of Zabulon lay immediately north of Issachar, to the 
 south of Aser and Nephtali and between the Sea of Galilee and 
 the Mediterranean. The territory allotted to Aser extended 
 probably along the sea-shore from Carmel to Lebanon, about 
 60 miles long and 10 to 12 wide; it seems, however, that out 
 of this extent the Phenicians kept possession of the plain by 
 the sea, whilst Aser had to be satisfied with the mountains. 
 Finally, to the east of Aser was Nephtali, which reached north 
 to the Leontes River, and east to the Jordan, the lake of Merom 
 and the Sea of Galilee. 
 
 2. Particular Grants made at the Time. Indepen- 
 dently of this general division of the land, certain distin- 
 guished persons, as Caleb and Josue, received grant of the 
 particular territory they asked for. Caleb claimed for his 
 part that special portion of the land of Hebron which Moses 
 had promised him upwards of forty years before, and he as- 
 
CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE. 1 43 
 
 sured at the same time that he would make the conquest of it. 
 Josue assented to Caleb's request, and the courageous war- 
 rior secured for himself by force of arms the territory he had 
 wished for (Josue xiv). Josue himself received as his per- 
 sonal inheritance the place he had asked, namely : Tham- 
 nath-Saraa, in Mount Ephraim, a town probably identical 
 with the modern Tibnneh, some fifteen miles northeast of 
 Lydda (Josue xix, 49, 50). 
 \^ Another special grant was made to the Levitical tribe, 
 which, as we have seen, did not share in this allotment of 
 Chanaan. Besides the tithes of the produce ot land and cat- 
 tle, and other sacerdotal dues already granted by Moses for 
 its maintenance, this tribe especially devoted to the ministry 
 of Jehovah now received from each tribe four cities and 
 suburban pasture-lands, or forty-eight in all (Josue xxi). 
 Among these were included the Six Cities of Refuge^ three 
 on each side of the Jordan, which were so wisely set aside 
 to check the barbarous custom of blood revenge, which still 
 exists among the Arabic tribes, and in virtue of which the 
 kinsmen of a man put to death consider it a duty to avenge 
 him by the death of his intentional, or even unintentional, 
 murderer. Any one who had shed human blood could find 
 safety and protection in these cities of refuge, under condi- 
 tions carefully laid down in the Mosaic law (cfr. Numb. 
 XXXV ; Josue, xx). 
 
 ^/. 
 
 3. The Last Days of Josue. The great military 
 leader of the Jews was well advanced in years when he pro- 
 ceeded to complete the division of the conquered land, and 
 probably he did not survive long the dismissal of the Trans- 
 jordanic tribes in peace to their homes (Josue xii). During 
 the last days of his career Josue enjoyed in his own estate in 
 the Promised Land the peaceful rest he had so well deserved 
 by his military services to Israel and his constant faithful- 
 ness to Jehovah. Yet he could not forget that his conquests, 
 
144 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 however extensive, had not brought about the utter destruc- 
 tion of the Chanaanites, which had been ordered by the God 
 of Israel. Hence, gathering one day all those invested with 
 some authority in Israel, he reminded them of God's past 
 favors to His people, of God's willingness to do away entirely 
 with the remains of the conquered races, and pointed out to 
 them that the means to secure this all-desirable object was 
 a grateful and persevering faithfulness to Jehovah. 
 
 Apparently soon afterwards Josue convoked in Sichem an 
 assembly from all Israel, reviewed before them the history of 
 God's dealings with the Jewish race, solemnly bade them 
 choose between Jehovah and the idols of the land, and ob- 
 tained from them a public renewal of the covenant with their 
 God. Then, as a memorial of their sacred promise, he set 
 up a stone pillar "under the oak that was in the sanctuary of 
 Jehovah," that is, probably, under the sacred oak of Abraham 
 and Jacob, *' and wrote all these things in the volume of the 
 Law of Jehovah." The dismissal of this assembly was soon 
 followed by the death of Josue, at the age of no years, and 
 by his burial in the border of his possession in Thamnathsare 
 (Josue xxiii, xxiv). His death deprived Israel of one of its 
 most successful and most pious warriors; his influence upon 
 his countrymen did not, however, vanish altogether with him, 
 for we read that " Israel served Jehovah all the days of Josue, 
 and of the ancients that lived a long time after him, and that 
 had known all the works of Jehovah which He had done in 
 Israel " (Josue xxiv, 31 ; Judges ii, 10). 
 
 About the discovery of the tomb of Josue by V. Guerin^ 
 see ViGOUROUX, Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, tome iii. 
 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XIV. 
 The Time of the Judges. 
 
 I. Length and Obscurity of this Tkriod. 
 
 -r 
 
 II. 
 Social 
 Condi- 
 tion : 
 
 I. Within 
 
 Without. 
 
 ^. The Judges 
 
 A return in general 
 to the patriarchal 
 life: 
 
 [ Tribal indepen- 
 dence ; 
 
 Family life; 
 
 Justice; 
 
 War; 
 I Etc. 
 
 A. Further conquests. 
 
 Lyli. Cohabitation with the heathens ; in- ^ 
 I termarriages. 
 
 C. Successive periods of oppression and 
 freedom. 
 
 gleaning of the title. 
 JLHow recognized as military leaders t 
 ^^^'ature and extent of their power. 
 -If^^ength of their rule. 
 
 ■^<^ 
 
 r 
 
 III. r> 7- • /^ i Lack of powerful unitv. 
 
 I. RehgtousOr- \ p^^erty of Levites. ' 
 Religious \ ganization . U^jg^ priests without influence. 
 
 ^ 2. /f/<7?a/rj'^i^uccessive falls of the Israelites. 
 
 [145] • 
 
 Life 
 
V 
 
 ^Yv 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE TIME OF THE JUDGES. 
 § I. Length and Obscurity of this Pe7'iod. 
 
 I. Length of the Period of the Judges. It would be 
 a hopeless task to undertake the accurate reckoning of the 
 number of years between the death of Josue and the begin- 
 ning of the judgeship of Heli. Time and again the numbers 
 given for the duration of the different judgeships appear to be 
 only round figures ; and in fact, some scholars look upon the 
 whole chronology found in the book of Judges as a system- 
 atic chronology, in which a generation is regularly reckoned 
 at forty years. This hypothesis is rendered all the more 
 probable, because it removes the apparent discrepancy which 
 would arise if the figures supplied by the book of Judges 
 were taken strictly and their total of 410 years compared 
 with III Kings vi, i, where we are told that only 480 years 
 elapsed between the exodus and the fourth year of Solomon's 
 reign ; whereas at least 600 years should be admitted for this 
 same interval if the figures mentioned for the different judge- 
 ships are strictly accurate. There is another way, however, 
 of getting rid of this difficulty: it is to suppose that some 
 of the oppressions and deliverances were in part synchro- 
 nous ; and this view for which are adduced Judges iii, 31, com- 
 pared with ix, I, etc., has numerous supporters in the present 
 day, although it can hardly be denied that the chronology 
 of the period as presented in the book of Judges is on the 
 face of it continuous (Moore, Critical Commentary on Judges, 
 p. xl). 
 
 [.46] 
 
^ THE TIME OF THE JUDCxES. 1 47 
 
 But even though we should admit as probable the synchro- 
 nism of several oppressions, judgeships, etc., falling within this 
 period, it would still remain impossible to tell which oppres- 
 sions or judgeships were actually synchronous, hoiv far 
 "rest " enjoyed by some tribes coincided with the oppres- 
 sion undergone by the others, and to determine how many 
 years elapsed between the death of Josue and that of the 
 ancients of Israel who outlived him (Josue xxiv, 31 ; Judges 
 ii, 7, sq.). 
 
 These and other such difficulties ever made it impossible 
 to determine, with anything like certainty, the duration of 
 the period of the judges. The ancient Jews, followed in this 
 by Eusebius, simply added the years of oppression to those 
 of the different judgeships, and thereby obtained for this 
 period only 219 years. Some Catholic scholars of this cen- 
 tury have admitted a still shorter duration, chiefly because 
 of certain synchronisms with the annals of Egypt, and have 
 reduced this period to about 160 years, and it must be said 
 that the many notes of time found in the several narratives 
 of the book of Judges seem rather to favor this shorter du- 
 ration (cfr. Speaker's Bible, vol. ii, p. 119). The most com- 
 mon view, however, holds that the period of the judges lasted 
 upwards of 400 years (see Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique, 
 tome ii). 
 
 2. Obscurity of the Period of the Judges. The ob- 
 scurity just noticed about the length of the period of the 
 judges extends also to its events. These events were re- 
 corded at a time not far removed from their occurrence, and 
 hence numerous details which were then so well known both 
 to the writer and his readers as not to require a distinct men- 
 tion, are now altogether unknown to us. To this first cause 
 of obscurity we may add another, derived from the fact that 
 the writer of the book of Judges intended to compose much 
 less a history of the period than a thesis in which he would 
 
148 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 prove by some well-selected facts that Israel's apostasy from 
 Jehovah invariably resulted in national misery, whereas its 
 conversion was invariably followed by Divine rescue from 
 oppression and by national prosperity (cfr. Judges ii, 1 1, sq.). 
 Accordingly, the facts he sets forth are not presented m those 
 historical circumstances of time, place, etc., which, however 
 necessary for our good understanding of this period of Jew- 
 ish history, were really foreign to his purpose. But the main 
 cause of obscurity will ever be the very peculiar government 
 of the Hebrew commonwealth during this same period, for 
 whilst "kings, priests, heads of tribes, etc., offer points of 
 comparison with the same functionaries in other nations, the 
 judges stand alone in the history of the world ; and when we 
 think we found ofBcers resembling them in other nations, the 
 comparison soon breaks down in some point of importance," 
 and becomes almost useless (Kitto, Cyclopaedia of Biblical 
 Literature, art. Judges). 
 
 It must be added, however, that this obscurity is being 
 gradually removed by a careful study in the Eastern coun- 
 tries themselves of, the archaeology, topography, public and 
 private, social and domestic customs of the Arabic tribes 
 (cfr. ViGOUROUX, Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, tome iii). 
 
 § 2. Social Co7idition during the Time of the Judges. 
 
 I. Social Condition Within. The settlement of the 
 tribes in their respective territories and the death of Josue 
 without a previously appointed successor, brought to an end 
 even the appearance of that supreme power and central 
 authority which had prevailed in Israel under Moses and 
 Josue. The scattered tribes did not care to invest any mem- 
 ber of a special tribe with an authority superior to that of 
 their own local officers, and in preserving their independence 
 within their own territories they naturally came back to that 
 simple social condition of their ancestors, which we have 
 
THE TIME OF THE JUDGES. 1 49 
 
 already described under the name of the Patriarchal Life, 
 and which is substantially that of the Bedouin tribes of the 
 present day ; each tribe had probably its hereditary author- 
 ities whose power was very limited because there were no 
 new laws to frame, no functionaries to appoint and pay, no 
 taxes proper to fix or collect, etc. 
 
 Tliis simplicity of organization was also noticeable in 
 domestic life. The father of a family was ruler aver his house- 
 hold and the eldest son inherited his authority, whilst the 
 women attended to all the details of the household. All 
 lived on the produce of the fiehd and of the flock, which pro- 
 duce was also occasionally exchanged with the busy Pheni- 
 cians, orXvith passing caravans, for some rich cloth or jewels, 
 or for arms, etc. 
 
 The administration of justice was also of the simplest de- 
 scription, for there were neither judges to dispense justice, 
 nor police to guard the laws, nor court-houses for the trial of 
 offenders. Cases were decided at the gates of towns by the 
 elders of each community, and the sentence was carried out 
 by those interested in its execution. It was also at the 
 gates of towns and villages that private business transac- 
 tions were ratified in presence of the inhabitants who acted 
 as witnesses (Ruth iv, 1-12). In case, however, the elders 
 could not settle a dispute satisfactorily, the Mosaic law had 
 provided that recourse should be had to the priests. 
 
 Naturally, there was no standing army, no militia, so that 
 in the event of a war, each man armed himself as best he 
 could, and following the head of his village, repaired to the 
 common rendezvous of the tribe. There was likewise no 
 provision made for any protracted campaign, and military 
 tactics were practically limited to the art of swift marches 
 and sudden attacks (cfr. Vigoukoux, ibid. ; and Geikie, 
 vol. ii, chap, xiv, which is little more than a translation of 
 the chapter of Vigouroux on this question). 
 
 Finally, during the whole period of the judges, we would 
 
150 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 look in vain for the national commerce, the flourishing in- 
 dustry and the culture of arts which were to exist under the 
 monarchy, that is, when the Jewish people became again a 
 national unit, not only in belief, but also in public life. 
 
 2. Social Condition Without. The imperfect con- 
 quest of Chanaan by Josue had left powerful enemies of 
 Israel, even within the limits of the territories assigned to 
 the different tribes, and according to God's designs the 
 Hebrews were to conquer and destroy them. In point of 
 fact, the opening chapter of the book of Judges makes us 
 acquainted with the wars of conquest waged by Juda, Ben- 
 jamin, the House of Joseph (that is Ephraim and Western 
 Manasses) against the Chanaanites, the Jebusites, etc., and 
 with the remissness of which several tribes were guilty in 
 not destroying the old cities and inhabitants of Chanaan, 
 because they deemed it more advantageous simply to make 
 them tributary. It tells us also that Juda was not successful 
 when it attempted to expel the lowlanders from its own 
 territory "because they had many chariots armed with 
 scythes," and that the tribe of Dan was actually compelled 
 by the Amorites to forsake the plain of the sea-coast and to 
 take refuge into the mountains. 
 
 The immediate result of this lack of concerted action in 
 pursuing to the end the war of extermination, was the cohab- 
 itation of the Israelites with the remnants of the conquered 
 races, that is, the very social condition against which Moses 
 and Josue had repeatedly and strongly warned the chosen 
 people, becauie they foresaw that truce and leagues with the 
 heathen Chanaanites, would soon lead to intermarriages and 
 these again to their natural consequences : idolatry, moral 
 and social degeneracy (Judges iii, 5, 6). 
 
 It is the same lack of concerted action in Israel against 
 its enemies, which accounts, at least partially, for the many 
 periods of oppression and freedom which are mentioned in 
 
THE TIME OP^ THE JUDGES. 151 
 
 the book of Judges. If, as granted on all hands, the oppres- 
 sions befell only a part of the land at a time, it was because 
 that part of the land had been left by the other tribes to 
 fight alone against the enemies who had invaded its terri- 
 tory ; and again, if the oppression was done away with, it 
 was when all, or at least several, tribes, combined their 
 efforts under the guidance of a common leader to throw oft" 
 the yoke which had been gradually imposed upon them. It 
 was then, naturally speaking, the lack of a central authority 
 capable of keeping grouped together and of directing eft'ec- 
 tively all the forces of the nation, which made the Israelites 
 liable to be subjugated by their surrounding enemies, and 
 which ultimately led them to ask for a king (I Kings, viii, 
 19, 20). 
 
 3. The Judges. From the foregoing; remarks it is easy 
 to gather the probable meaning of the title of Judges in con- 
 nection with this period of Jewish history. It did not mean 
 primarily, as this title would naturally suggest to our minds, 
 one in charge of administering justice, except in so far as 
 supreme judicial authority in the East belongs invariably to 
 the one invested with the highest power in the land, and in 
 so far as it is the office of a judge to free those who appeal 
 to him from their oppressors, and to secure the punishment 
 of these same oppressors. Beyond this, it is impossible to 
 point out a connection between the Judges of Israel and the 
 peaceful magistrates to whom we ascribe this title ; and this 
 is important to bear in mind, in order to be able to realize 
 the sense in which such personages as Samson, Jephte, etc., 
 could be called Judges : they freed the Israelites from, and 
 avenged them of, their oppressors (cfr. Luke xviii, 3, 5). 
 
 " In nearly all the instances recorded, the appointment of 
 2, Judge seems to have been by the free unsolicited choice of 
 the people. The election of Jephte, who was nominated as 
 the fittest man for the existing emergency, probably re- 
 
152 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 sembled that which was usually followed on such occasions ; 
 and probably, as in his case, the judge in accepting the 
 office, took care to make such stipulations as he deemed 
 necessary. The only cases of direct Divine appointment are 
 those of Gedeon and Samson, and the last stood in the pe- 
 culiar position of having been from before his birth ordained 
 * to begin to deliver Israel ' " (Kitto, Cyclopaedia of Biblical 
 Literature, 2iXi. Judges). It was then most likely, when the 
 oppression had become unbearable, that popular choice or 
 direct Divine appointment led to the recognition of a man as 
 a military leader. 
 
 Of course only those who were willing gathered around 
 him, under the immediate leadership of their own chiefs of 
 villages, clans and tribes. His military power over such 
 volunteers, like that of an Arabic sheik of the present day, 
 depended mostly on their own will, or on his skill in the 
 management of men. " If victorious, he could speak as a 
 master, but before the battle he could do little more than 
 persuade. It must not be thought, moreover, that the 
 Judges ruled over all the tribes, at least up to the time of 
 Heli and Samuel. None of them, except Othoniel, seems to 
 have ruled over Juda and Simeon ; Debbora is the heroine 
 and prophetess only of the northern tribes ; Gedeon is the 
 liberator of the centre of Palestine ; Jephte, of the districts 
 beyond Jordan, and Samson does not appear to have had 
 authority over even his own tribe of Dan, and appears as 
 judge only because of his personal exploits against the op- 
 pressors of the Israelites " (Geikie, Hours with the Bible, 
 vol. ii, pp. 509, 511; EwALD, History of Israel, vol ii, p. 
 365, English translation). 
 
 Freed from their oppressors, the volunteers who had gath- 
 ered around the military leader, naturally returned to their 
 homes, and the judge usually ceased to rule, although his 
 fame continued to command respect and guarantee peace, 
 and his well-known skill and wisdom caused him to be con- 
 
THE TIME OF THE JUDGES. I53 
 
 suited in all important matters, a fact which explains how 
 in Debbora and Gedeon we see the indications of a rule for 
 life. In Gedeon we find, indeed, a successful attempt at a 
 regular monarchical rule which he even passed to his son 
 Abimelech ; but in the other judges, it is most likely that 
 little besides their reputation passed to their children. 
 
 § J». Religious T It'- (furing ilit' l\-rio(f of the Judges. 
 
 I. Religious Organization. One of the natural con- 
 sequences of the precarious and temporarily active rule of 
 each judge over a limited extent of territory was the utter 
 powerlessness of those Hebrew leaders to establish and 
 maintain the religious organization described in the law of 
 Moses. They were selected for the almost exclusive pur- 
 pose of freeing a section of the country from oppression ; for 
 this sole purpose they were followed by volunteers, and they 
 apparently never did much else in behalf of their country- 
 men. Had they tried to enforce upon all Israel the perfect 
 unity of belief and worship required by the Mosaic law, they 
 would have signally failed in their attempt, because, on the 
 one hand, not even their fellow-tribesmen would have helped 
 them in bringing about this religious condition throughout 
 the land ; and, on the other hand, it does not seem that, like 
 Moses and Josue, they could reckon, in the event of a gen- 
 eral desertion, on the direct intervention of Jehovah to vin- 
 dicate their authority. 
 
 It is true that the Tabernacle had been erected in Silo^ 
 and that this sanctuary should have been a great rallying- 
 point for all the tribes ; but this town " was remote from 
 many of them, and lay in the territory of Ephraim, a tribe 
 disliked for its pride and selfishness, so that, in the general 
 anarchy of tribal division and patriarchal rule, private altars 
 were erected by individuals" (Geikie, Hours with the Bible, 
 ii, p. 519). Nor was this lack of powerful religious unity 
 
154 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 made up for by the influence of the ministers of the sanctu- 
 ary, for during this long period of transition between the 
 wandering life of the desert and the fully organized civiliza- 
 tion of later days, the priests and Levites of Israel seem rather 
 to have had a precarious mode of existence. If we look upon 
 the story of Michas, in Judges xviii, 13 (^, sq., as illustrative 
 of the condition of the Levitical order during this period — 
 and this character of the episode referred to can hardly be 
 questioned — it is clear that the public teachers of religion 
 were then so inadequately provided for that they had to 
 wander in different places to secure a living. 
 
 Finally, the high priests of the period, those supreme heads 
 of the Jewish priesthood, whose chief duty was to watch over 
 the religious life of the theocratic nation and to exert the 
 strongest and widest influence upon the direction of the na- 
 tional worship, are not mentioned in that connection before 
 the time of Heli. It may, of course, be admitted that the 
 new line of high priests — the line of Ithamar, the youngest 
 son of Aaron — to which Heli belonged, had had the greatest 
 difficulty in being recognized by the people at large, and, in 
 point of fact, the high priesthood returned later to the line 
 of Eleazar (I Kings ii, 30-36 ; III Kings ii, 26, 27) ; but 
 whatever the cause, it is plain that the high priest possessed 
 but little public authority during the period of the judges. 
 
 2. Successive Falls of the Israelites into Idolatry. 
 
 The social and religious disconnection of the tribes, which 
 is so prominent a feature in this period of Jewish history, 
 afforded to the Israelites a good opportunity for indulging 
 the idolatrous tendencies they had inherited from their an- 
 cestors, by freely yielding to the influence of the heathen 
 nations with which they were surrounded, and hence we read 
 that time and again " they forsook Jehovah and served Baal 
 and Astaroth " (Judges ii, 11, sq.). At first they probably 
 combined the worship of Jehovah with that of the Cha- 
 
THE TIME OF THE JUDGES. 155 
 
 naanaean deities, but gradually ihey embraced fully an in- 
 famous worship, which, by its pompous and sensual rites, 
 appealed powerfully to the low and idolatrous instincts of 
 their nature. Divine Providence, however, watched over 
 them, and by alternations of freedom and servitude following 
 upon their faithfulness or unfaithfulness in the service of 
 the true God, not only prevented them, as a nation, from 
 settling down permanently in idolatry, but also led them to 
 consider Him as the only God of the land He had promised 
 to the patriarchs of old. 
 
 Of course, it is conceivable that both the punishment with 
 which Jehovah visited the idolatry of the Israelites and the 
 deliverance which He granted to their conversion might at 
 times appear to us simply the outcome of natural events; 
 but there is no doubt that in both sets of events the chosen 
 people recognized the immediate working of an angered, or, 
 on the contrary, of a forgiving God, and that they repeatedly 
 fell away from His pure worship only because they gradually 
 lost sight of their good resolves and of His merciful dealings 
 with them. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XV. 
 
 History of the Judges. 
 
 f Othoniel, 
 I. The First Three Judges : -| Aod, 
 
 [ Samgar. 
 
 II. 
 
 ly^KBBORA 
 
 (Judges 
 /-" iv, V.) 
 
 1. Oppression of Israel by the Northern Chanaanites. 
 
 2. Debbora ajid Barac [Vtrsonsigts,] Exploits; Canticle), 
 
 III. 
 /^'Gedeon 
 
 I. His Call and Mission (Judges vi). 
 
 I 2. Successive 
 Victories 
 
 j. He refuses to reign. 
 fYhe ei 
 
 phod an occasion of idolatry. 
 3. Abitnelech : his son (cruelty ; reign ; death.) (Judges ix.) 
 
 IV. 
 
 f I. JVhy atid Hozu made a Ruler by Galaad? 
 
 L^'jePHTE: I \/^is-^ow: \ ^"^^ 
 
 4- 
 
 (Judges X 
 
 • uestions connected with the immola- 
 ion of his daughter. 
 
 ''"■^ I 3- Qiiarrel with Ephraim (Sibboleth). 
 
 iAk 
 
 V. 
 
 AMSON ; 
 
 (Judges 
 -r xiii-xvi.) 
 
 f 
 
 j I. Peculiar Character of his Judgeship. 
 
 . Chief Facts of His Life: their historical character. 
 
 y ' { I. The Rise of ( The change of the priesthood. 
 
 1 /Heli : I -f ^^ii- -^Union of priest and judge. 
 
 (i Kings j^ Israel's Defeat at Aphec : its consequences. 
 
 VII. Episodes Connected with the Time of the Judges 
 (Judges xvii-xxi ; Ruth). 
 
 [156] 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 
 
 1. The First Three Judges (Judges iii). The Biblical 
 notices of Othoniel, Aod and Samgar, the first three 
 judges of Israel, however short, are not altogether devoid of 
 historical interest. What the sacred narrative tells us of 
 Othoniel, for instance, is in perfect harmony with the natural 
 desire of the rulers over Mesopotamia to subjugate the land 
 of Chanaan ; and, in particular, it makes us aware of the 
 fact that very soon after the death of Josue Israel began to 
 be unfaithful to God, since the.deliverer from foreign oppres- 
 sion was no other than the younger brother of Caleb. Again, 
 what we learn from Aod, the second judge in Israel, shows 
 us that the Moabites, cowed for a time by the rapid and 
 wonderful success of the Hebrews, were again anxious to 
 weaken those dangerous neighbors of the Moabite territory, 
 and that for this purpose they deemed it again necessary to 
 secure the help of other tribes, namely, the Ammonites and 
 Amalecites (cfr. Judges iii, 12, 13, with Numb, xxii, 2-4). 
 Again, in Aod, who treacherously murdered the king of Moab 
 during an audience he had obtained from that prince, we find 
 a striking sample of the barbarity of the age. Finally, in 
 the exploit of " Samgar, who slew of the Philistines six hun- 
 dred men with a ploughshare," we have probably an instance 
 of the manner in which the victory of a body of men is simply 
 ascribed to their leader (see an instance of the same kind in 
 I Kings, xviii, 7). 
 
 2. Debbora (Judges iv, v). Far more formidable than 
 either the Mesopotamian invader, or the Moabites and their 
 
 [157] 
 
158 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 allies, or the Philistines, was "Jabin, the northern king of 
 Chanaan." His general, named Sisara, had not only in- 
 vaded the territory of the Hebrews, but even for twenty long 
 years he had grievously oppressed them, and from his op- 
 pression no deliverance could be expected, except from the 
 mighty arm of Jehovah, for the Chanaanaean oppressor had 
 a large army and no less than ** nine hundred chariots set 
 with scythes." Then it was that the God of Israel came to 
 the rescue of His people by inspiring a woman, the celebrated 
 Debbora, to secure the deliverance of her fellow-countrymen. 
 As a prophetess, ghe spoke in the name of Jehovah, and di- 
 rected Barac — manifestly a leading captain of the time — 
 to assemble troops, promising him victory and the encour- 
 agement of her own presence. 
 
 The first battle between Israel and the Northern Cha- 
 naanites was fought in the pfein of Mageddo, a ground un- 
 favorable for the manoeuvring of the Chanaanaean chariots, 
 and it ended in a complete victory for the people of God. 
 Sisara, in his rapid flight, confidently took refuge in the tent 
 of Jahel — the wife of Haber the Cinite, then at peace with 
 the Northern Chanaanites — but, having soon fallen asleep, 
 he was treacherously put to death by her. This glorious 
 victory of Barac was followed by many others which are 
 not detailed in the Biblical narrative, but which resulted in 
 the utter destruction of the northern oppressors of Israel 
 (Judges iv). 
 
 This same glorious victory was celebrated by the trium- 
 phant Canticle of Debbora and Barac, one of the oldest and 
 V finest odes contained in the Bible (Judges v). Although this 
 poem presents many obscurities which are probably due to 
 the imperfect textual condition in which it has come down 
 to us, it is substantially a natural and straightforward de- 
 scription, first, of Israel's situation before the rising of the 
 Israelites at the voice of Debbora and Barac (verses 6-8) ; 
 next, of the actual rising of the tribes against their oppressors 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 11^9 
 
 (12-18) ; finally, of the victory won by Israel, and of its se- 
 quel, the death of Sisara (19-27) (cfr. Moore, Judges, p. 
 127, sq.). 
 
 3. Gedeon (Judges vi-ix). The next judge of Israel of 
 whom we read in the sacred text is Gedeon, who was miracu- 
 lously called by God to free His people from the repeated 
 and plundering invasions of the Madianites and other Eastern 
 nations. This was a hard task, even for a most valiant man 
 like Gedeon, and this is why he pleaded the poverty of his 
 family in the tribe of Manasses to which he belonged, and 
 his own lowly position in his father's house, in order to be 
 relieved from this responsible and dangerous mission. As, 
 however, he was promised Divine assistance, and received 
 what he considered to be miraculous signs of his mission, he 
 resisted no longer, overthrew by night the altar of Baal, which 
 had been erected in his own village of Ephra, probably near 
 Dothain, and gave bravely the signal of war against the op- 
 pressors of the land. 
 
 Thereupon, Madianites, Amalecites and other tribes crossed 
 the Jordan, and encamped in the plain of Jezrael, an offshoot 
 of the great plain of Esdroelon; and Gedeon, followed by 
 numerous warriors of the tribes of Manasses, Aser, Zabulon 
 and Nephtali, took position not far from the enemy. It was 
 not, however, by means of these numerous troops that Je- 
 hovah wished to secure victory to His people, and by Divine 
 command Gedeon put aside three hundred men only, whom 
 he armed with trumpets, and with torches enclosed in 
 pitchers which they broke, crying out, "The sword of Jehovah 
 and Gedeon ! " Surprised and panic-stricken, the enemies of 
 Israel attack each other, and make in all speed for the fords 
 of the Jordan, pursued by the rest of the troops of Gedeon. 
 But before all the Madianites and Amalecites could cross 
 the river, the inhabitants of Mount Ephraim took possession 
 of the fords, and in a hard-fought battle defeated them. 
 
l6o OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 They also made prisoners two leaders of Madian, called 
 Oreb and Zeb, whose heads they sent to the great Hebrew. 
 leader, rebuking him at the same time for not having called 
 upon the men of Ephraim to fight the common enemies of 
 the country. Gedeon appeased them "by one of those pro- 
 verbial phrases which in the East serve for conclusive argu- 
 ments" (Sx\iiTH, Old Testament History), and then pursued 
 beyond Jordan the rest of the invading army under the lead- 
 ership of Zebee and Salmana. Passing by Soccoth and 
 Phanuel, places celebrated by their connection with the old 
 patriarch Jacob, he met with a cruel refusal of supplies for 
 his fainting soldiers, and threatened both places with signal 
 vengeance at his return. A third victory crowned his arms, 
 and Zebee and Salmana, overtaken in their flight, were made 
 prisoners. Soccoth and Phanuel experienced the terrible 
 vengeance of Gedeon, and Zebee and Salmana were put to 
 death. 
 
 Grateful for this glorious deliverance, the Israelites offered 
 to Gedeon the dignity of a hereditary king, which he refused 
 with these noble words: "I will not rule over you, neither 
 shall my son rule over you, but Jehovah shall rule over you." 
 But whilst satisfied with the rank of judge, Gedeon asked of 
 his soldiers the rings and other ornaments they had taken 
 from the enemy, and he made with this spoil what seems to 
 have soon become an object of idolatrous worship in Israel. 
 
 After the death of Gedeon, his half-Chanaanite son, Abim- 
 elech, persuaded his fellow-townsmen of Sichem, that, in 
 place of the divided rule of his numerous brothers, he, their 
 bone and their fleshy should have the supreme authority. To 
 this the Sichemites agreed, and with the seventy pieces of 
 silver they lent him from the treasury of the temple of Baal- . 
 Berith he recruited a band of outlaws, by whose means he 
 did away with all his brothers — except the youngest, named 
 Joatham — and was then crowned king in Sichem. His rule 
 was marked by an attempt at a regular royal organization in 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. l6l 
 
 Sichem and the neighboring towns, and also by a crueltv 
 which rendered him odious to his subjects. After a reign of 
 three years, a rebellion, headed by Gaal, the son of Obed — 
 a man otherwise unknown — broke out, and threatened 
 Abimelech with a speedy death. The tyrant, however, was 
 victorious in a battle against the Sichemites, took and de- 
 stroyed their city and killed its inhabitants ; he also set on 
 fire the citadel of Sichem, suffocating and burning those who 
 had taken refuge therein. But his cruelty was soon to come 
 to an end, for if he was again 'successful in capturing Thebes, 
 one of the neighboring towns, he met with an ignominious 
 death when he attempted to set on fire its tower. 
 
 Thus perished the first man invested with the royal au- 
 thority over a part of Israel ; his cruel deeds were well cal- 
 culated to make the nation at large hesitate before granting 
 the same rank to any other man, and, in point of fact, Thola 
 and Jair, who are represented in the Bible as his immediate 
 successors, had only the title of judges, and they apparently 
 did nothing great for their country, which might have se- 
 cured for them an authority which Abimelech had reached 
 with such cleverness and exercised with such cruelty (Judges 
 X, 1-5)- 
 
 4. Jephte (Judges x, 6-xii). The history of few judges 
 is more generally kno\vn than that of Jephte, whose judge- 
 ship is next described in the sacred narrativ^e. If his illegiti- 
 mate birth and actual life of a freebooter commended him 
 but little for the important function of a ruler in Israel, his 
 well-known valor, joined to the awful straits to which his 
 fellow-tribesmen were then reduced, prompted the tribes east 
 of the Jordan to offer him the military leadership in the fight 
 they were about to wage against the Ammonites. Jephte 
 consented, but under the condition that, in the event of suc- 
 cess, he should retain the supreme command, a condition 
 which the inhabitants of Galaad joyfully accepted, for they 
 
l62 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 had already groaned eighteen long years 'under the most 
 grievous oppression. His first step in assuming the com- 
 mand was to send an embassy to the King of Ammon, urg- 
 ing the Divine right of Israel to the land of Galaad. Of 
 course these negotiations failed, and the only thing now to 
 be done was to prepare for war. With this end in view, 
 Jephte speedily gathered troops, and when on the point of 
 beginning the campaign made a solemn vow to Jehovah, 
 saying : " If Thou wilt deliver the children of Ammon into 
 my hands, whosoever shall first come forth out of the doors 
 of my house and shall meet me, when I return in peace from 
 the children of Ammon, the same shall be Jehovah's, and I 
 will offer him as a holocaust" (Judges xi, 30, 31). 
 
 Two principal questions have been agitated in connection 
 with this vow, which Jehovah apparently ratified by granting 
 to Jephte the greatest advantages over the Ammonites and 
 the actual freedom of his country. The first question con- 
 cerns the precise nature of Jephte's vow and of its fulfilment. 
 
 Since the Middle Ages, many Jewish rabbis and Catholic 
 and Protestant interpreters have thought that Jephte never 
 intended to offer a human sacrifice, but used, whilst making 
 his vow, the word " holocaust " in a kind of spiritual sense, 
 as denoting the completeness of consecration to God's 
 special and perpetual service to which he would devote the 
 first person of his household he should meet on his return. 
 It so happened that it was his only daughter who was first 
 to meet him, and, in virtue of his vow, he consigned her to a 
 life of perpetual celibacy. Many plausible arguments drawn 
 from the Mosaic law, which so expressly forbids human sac- 
 rifices, and of which Jephte must have been aware, from the 
 manner in which the vow and its fulfilment are recorded, 
 etc., have been set forth in favor of this opinion ; yet it must 
 be said that the plain meaning of the words used by this 
 judge of Israel whilst making his vow and the unquestion- 
 able fact that a vow of perpetual virginity was then unknown 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 163 
 
 to the Hebrews, prove that both the Jewish and Christian 
 traditions, which were unanimous in this regard down to the 
 twelfth century, admitted rightly that Jephte actually immo- 
 lated his daughter in fulfilment of his vow ; and this view 
 is supported in the present day by many able scholars 
 (cfr. for a good discussion, Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique, 
 tome ii). 
 
 The second question connected with the vow of Jephte 
 has been suggested by Rationalists, who have appealed to 
 the actual immolation of his daughter by a judge of Israel 
 as one of the many facts in Jewish history which would prove 
 that human sacrifices in honor of Jehovah were a part of 
 Hebrew worship from the time of Abraham (Gen. xxii) down 
 to the time of Josias, in the seventh century before Christ. 
 Whatever may be thought of the other Biblical passages 
 which Rationalists adduce as proving their position — and 
 which indeed are far from proving it — it is certain that a 
 conclusive argument in their favor cannot be drawn from the 
 present instance. We should far less consider Jephte as a 
 representative worshipper of Jehovah in his quality of judge 
 of Israel than as a freebooter who had suddenly become a 
 Hebrew general, and had accordingly lost nothing of his 
 barbarous and heathen ideas and feelings, so that it is only 
 natural that, under the excitement of immediate preparation 
 for battle, he should have imagined he would honor Jehovah 
 by promising Him what he was wont to consider as most 
 welcome to the gods, a human victim. It is only natural 
 also, that success having crowned his efforts, he should 
 feel in duty bound to immolate his daughter, a fact which 
 from the tenor of the narrative was plainly an extraordinary 
 event (cfr. Jas. Robertson, Early Religion of Israel, 3d edit., 
 p. 255), and should not consequently be regarded as a usual 
 practice commanded, or even tolerated, in Hebrew worship 
 (c.'r. Chas. Robert, Re'ponse h 'TEncyclique et les Catho- 
 liques Anglais et Americains," p. 41). 
 
164 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Like Gedeon, Jephte had to listen to the loud complaints 
 of the Ephraimites for not having called upon them to fight 
 against the Ammonites, but returned a very different an- 
 swer. A war ensued, in which the men of Ephraim were 
 entirely routed in a great battle east of the Jordan. All 
 those who rushed to cross the fords of the Jordan found 
 them guarded by the soldiers of Jephte, and were unmerci- 
 fully put to death whenever they failed in uttering the cor- 
 rect sound of sh in the word Shibboleth, and thus betrayed 
 their Ephraimite origin. 
 
 Jephte continued to "judge Israel" up to the end of 
 his life, and was succeeded by three judges, of whom the 
 Bible has preserved little besides their names (Judges xii, 
 7-15)- 
 
 5. Samson (Judges xiii-xvi). The most formidable op- 
 pressors of the Israelites towards the close of this period 
 were the Philistines, who, apparently, had been recently re- 
 inforced by immigrants from the island of Crete (cfr. Pelt, 
 vol. i, p. 326, footnote 2), and who, in their efforts to enlarge 
 their territory eastward, had gradually reduced a part of 
 Israel to servitude. Long years elapsed before the deliver- 
 ance of God's people from their powerful oppressors was even 
 begun by Samson, a man whose adventures, as recorded in 
 the B'ble, differ so much from the facts which are narrated 
 respecting the other judges of Israel, and bear, apparently, 
 so close a resemblance to the deeds of the mythological 
 heroes of Greece and Rome. Differently from all the judges 
 of Israel already mentioned, his birth and special mission 
 were distinctly foretold to his parents, and differently from 
 Aod, Deb'bora and Barac, Gedeon and Jephte, he never ap- 
 pears as a military leader who puts to flight the armies of 
 the oppressors of Israel, but is rather "a solitary hero en- 
 dowed with prodigious strength, who in his own quarrel, 
 single-handed, makes havoc among the Philistines," so that 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 165 
 
 it is not easy to see ** in what sense be can be called a judge 
 at all" (Moore, Judges, p. 313). 
 
 Samson belonged to the tribe of Dan, and was a Nazarite 
 from his birth, that is, he was bound by vow not to use either 
 wine or strong drink, and to refrain from cutting his hair; in 
 point of fact, the extraordinary strength with which he was 
 endowed — and which soon appeared in his tearing a lion 
 "as he would have torn a kid in pieces" (Judges xiv, 6) — 
 was dependent on his fulfilment of the conditions of this 
 vow, and particularly on his care that his hair should never 
 be cut. In his youth, he married a Philistine woman, a fact 
 which soon became the occasion of his intense hatred against 
 the oppressors of his people, as also of some of his famous 
 exploits, namely, the killing of thirty Philistines at Ascalon, 
 the catching of three hundred jackals, ordinarily called foxes, 
 and setting fire by their means to the splendid harvest of 
 his enemies, and finally the slaying of one thousand men 
 with the jaw-bone of an ass. His second marriage with 
 another Philistine woman named Dalila, who proved still 
 more treacherous to Samson than his first wife, was also 
 the occasion of deeds of prodigious strength — such as, for 
 instance, the carrying of the enormous gates of Gaza "up to 
 the top of the hill, which looketh towards Hebron " ; and 
 also ultimately of his deliverance into the power of his ene- 
 mies and of the destruction both of himself and of the temple 
 and princes of the Philistines, by pulling down the pillars of 
 the house whither he had been brought when taken from his 
 prison. 
 
 These leading facts of Samson's life are more than sufl[i- 
 cient to make us realize why the sacred narrative speaks of 
 Samson as a judge of Israel (Judges xv, 20; xvi, 31 b\ and 
 describes his mission as that of one who " shall begin to de- 
 liver Israel from the hands of the Philistines " (Judges xiii, 
 5). For since, on the one hand, he did all in his power to 
 avenge his people of their enemies he can justly be regarded 
 
l66 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 as one of the judges of God's people ; and since, on the other 
 hand, he did not succeed fully in shaking off the foreign 
 yoke which was still long to weigh on the Israelites after his 
 death, but simply humbled and weakened the Philistines, it 
 is plain that he only began the great work of Israel's de- 
 liverance. 
 
 It is true that the whole history of Samson is treated as 
 purely fabulous by thorough-going unbelievers, who see in 
 this part of the Biblical narrative nothing but legends de- 
 rived from solar myth^ (civ. H. Oort, The Bible for Learners, 
 vol. i, p. 41 1, sq.). To substantiate their position, they remind 
 us first of the many solar u^yihs which underlie the .mythology 
 of the old Pagan nations; next, of the fact that the Hebrews 
 were at that time perfectly acquainted with sun-worship; and, 
 finally, of the derivation of the name of Samson from a He- 
 brew word meaning " Sun." Of course, it cannot well be 
 doubted that in the time of the judges the Israelites were 
 acquainted with sun-worship, also that the history of Samson 
 has a close analogy with that of Hercules, and, finally, that 
 the word Samson 7nay be derived from the Hebrew for 
 '• Sun." But even granting all this, it does not follow all at 
 once that the principal deeds of Samson are pure fiction, 
 that even the substance of the Biblical narrative has no real 
 basis on real events. The history of Samson, as it is recorded 
 in the book of Judges, will ever appear to the unprejudiced 
 reader better accounted for by admitting as its basis the 
 actual existence of a hero of great physical strength and law- 
 less life, who distinguished himself in the defence of his 
 nation against the Philistines by such exploits as those of 
 which records have been preserved to us, than by going back 
 to a possible derivation of the word Samson, and to solar 
 myths of which there is not the least actual trace in the 
 Biblical narrative. The first explanation fits naturally in 
 the circumstances of time and place to which the life of 
 Samson is referred by the sacred writer ; the second is a mere 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 167 
 
 hypothesis, almost entirely unconnected with the actual con- 
 ditions of Israel during that period of Jewish history. (For 
 interesting and valuable details going to show the historical 
 character of the principal facts of Samson's life, see Vig- 
 OUROUX, Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, tome iii ; cfr. also 
 Geikie, Hours with the Bible, vol. iii, chap, i.) 
 
 6. Heli (I Kings called also I Samuel, i-iv). The time 
 of the judges was practically brought to a close by the judge- 
 ship of Heli, whose rise to the high priesthood is shrouded 
 in obscurity, for the sacred text tells us nowhere how this 
 dignity passed from the line of Eleazar into that of Ithamar, 
 to which Heli belonged. It is also unknown by what series 
 of events this head of the sacerdotal body succeeded in join- 
 ing in his person the twofold dignity of judge and high 
 priest; perhaps we should look upon this union of functions 
 heretofore separated as a temporary experiment of a form of 
 government, which, without being monarchical, would yet 
 place in the hands of one single individual a power sufficient 
 to effect the union of all the tribes against the long and cruel 
 oppression of the Philistines, and which, failing signally to 
 attain its object, prepared all minds for the near setting up 
 of the monarchy in Israel. 
 
 However this may be, when we read of Heli in the Bible 
 he appears to us a good but weak old man, equally incapable 
 of leading the Israelites to victory and of checking the per- 
 versity of his own children, who profaned the sacred place at 
 Silo and caused all the people to murmur by their sacri- 
 legious exactions. In vain did Jehovah warn repeatedly this 
 unworthy head of the civil and sacerdotal power ; the weak- 
 ness of Heli prevented him from stopping effectively abuses 
 which were soon to be punished in the most exemplary 
 manner. The Philistines, always ambitious, always ready to 
 enlarge their conquests, profited by this weakness of the 
 Hebrew Government to gather troops and march to Aphec, 
 
1 68 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 a place which cannot be identified at the present day, and 
 where the IsraeUtes were defeated with the loss of about four 
 thousand men. Alarmed at this reverse, the ancients of 
 Israel had the Ark of the Covenant brought into the camp, 
 borne by the two sons of Heli, Ophni and Phinees, and its 
 presence inspired the Hebrew warriors with the greatest con- 
 fidence in the future success of their arms, but their hopes 
 were severely disappointed. A battle was fought in which 
 they were utterly routed and sustained the loss of thirty 
 thousand men, of the two sons of the high priest, and even 
 of the Ark of the Covenant. This awful calamity was soon 
 followed by the death of Heli, who, hearing of the capture of 
 the Ark, fell from his seat, broke his neck and died ; and by 
 the practical fall of Silo as the ecclesiastical centre of the 
 nation, for this town, being now deprived of the Ark of 
 Jehovah, gradually sank into insignificance (cfr. Deane, 
 Samuel and Saul, p. 40, sq.). 
 
 7. Episodes of the Time of the Judges (Judges xvii- 
 xxi ; Ruth i-iv). Intimately connected with the history of 
 this period are two episodes, which are recorded at the end 
 of the book of Judges, and the charming idyl of the book of 
 Ruth. 
 
 The first episode, contained in Judges, chaps, xvii, xviii, 
 presents a sad illustration, chiefly of the religious decay of 
 Israel during the period of the judges. It relates how an 
 Ephraimite, named Michas, owning a shrine with an image 
 and oracle, and having a Levite as his priest, was robbed of 
 his image and priest by a considerable portion of the tribe 
 of Dan when on their way northward in search of new settle- 
 ments ; and how the Danites, af .er having ruthlessly mur- 
 dered the former inhabitants of the district at the sources of 
 the Jordan, set up Michas' image in a sanctuary at which 
 ministered a priesthood claiming actual descent from Moses. 
 The second episode, found in Judges, chaps, xix-xxi, and 
 
HISTORY OF THE JUDGES. 169 
 
 whose historical character has been very seriously questioned, 
 gives the story of the causes and consequences of a war be- 
 tween the tribe of Benjamin and the other tribes of Israel. 
 The episode is briefly as follows : The wife of a Levite hav- 
 ing been frightfully abused by the inhabitants of a Benja- 
 mite town, called Gabaa, the other tribes of Israel arose to 
 avenge the outrage, and asked of the tribe of Benjamin the 
 surrender of the men of Gabaa. The Benjamites refused, 
 and, after having been successful in two encounters, were so 
 utterly defeated that only six hundred men survived the 
 battle. In order, however, that the tribe of Benjamin should 
 not entirely disappear from Israel, force and deceit were suc- 
 cessfully resorted to in order to supply wives to the surviv- 
 ing Benjamites, after which the Israelites dispersed to their 
 homes. 
 
 In striking contrast with these wild scenes, alas, too much 
 in harmony with a period when "every one did as he 
 pleased" (Judges xvii, 6 ; xxi, 24), stands the charming idyl 
 known as the book of Ruth, and the substance of which is as 
 follows : To escape a famine which had happened in West- 
 ern Palestine, Elimelech, a man from Bethlehem-Juda, had 
 migrated with his family to Moab, where he died, leaving a 
 widow, Noemi, and two sons who married Moabite women, 
 called Orpha and Ruth. After a lapse of about ten years, 
 his two sons also died, and Noemi now prepared to return 
 to her native town. Ruth devotedly followed her, and, ar- 
 rived at Bethlehem, went out to glean in the fields of Booz, a 
 wealthy kinsman of Elimelech, and who ultimately married 
 Ruth, with whose filial devotion he had become acquainted. 
 It is from this union that sprang Obed, the grandfather of 
 David. 
 
 The history of Ruth furnishes a natural transition between 
 the tribal period and the period of the monarchy. It belongs 
 to the time of the judges, and shows how in the calmer in- 
 tervals of this disturbed period the practical working of the 
 
lyo OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Mosaic law can secure the peace and prosperity of the Jew- 
 ish home, and at the same time it prepares for the Royal 
 Period of Jewish history by tracing back the genealogy of 
 David, the real founder of the Hebrew monarchy, to one of 
 the purest characters with which the Bible makes us ac- 
 quainted. For the numerous illustrations of Orienlal life 
 calculated to give to the book of Ruth vividness and reality, 
 see the various commentaries, and also. Smith, Bible Dic- 
 tionary, article Ruth, vol. iv, p. 2756, sq. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Bp:c;i\\ing of tuk Monarchy. 
 
 (I Kings i-xii.) 
 
 t^SAMUKL, 
 
 THE 
 
 Last 
 
 I r I X ; K 
 
 A. //is Earlv 
 
 W. His Judge- 
 ship : 
 
 Birth ; Youth ; Early vision. 
 
 f I. Favor and influence i Cariathiarim. 
 with the people. ( Masphath. 
 
 2. Miraculous victory over the Philis- 
 
 tines ; Subsequent peace. 
 
 3. Residence at Ramatha ; Yearly cir- 
 
 cuits. 
 
 f Why 
 made } 
 
 4. Popular demand 
 for a King : 
 
 II. 
 
 t^SAU 
 
 THE FlR-ST 
 
 King : 
 
 IT TTj f \ By Ood (Anointment of Samuel). 
 
 2. //is first Victory over the Ammonites (I Kings xi, i-i i). 
 
 3. Second /nauguration of the Monarchy at Galgal (I Kings 
 
 xi, 12-15). 
 
 4. Samiiers last Appeal to the People ; he wtthdraws (I Kings 
 
 xii). 
 
 [171] 
 
THIRD OR ROYAL PERIOD. 
 
 FROM THE INSTITUTION OF THE MONARCHY TO 
 THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. 
 
 § I. Samuel, the Last Judge. 
 
 I. ■ Samuers Early Life (I Kings i-iii). It was dur- 
 ing the high priesthood and judgeship of Heli that Samuel, 
 the future introducer of the monarchy into Israel, was born 
 in_Ramathaim, a town which cannot be identified at the 
 present day. His fathe r, El cana , was an— Ephraimite of 
 Levitical descent, who, despairing of offspring from Anna, his 
 first wife, had — as allowed by Oriental customs — taken 
 Phenenna for his second wife, and had become by her the 
 father of numerous children. As usual in such cases, the 
 wife not blessed with children had to bear the taunts of her 
 more fortunate rival, and, despite the tender affection which 
 Elcana evinced on all occasions for his first wife, Anna, in 
 her ardent desire to obtain a son from Jehovah, vow ed sol- 
 emnly that her future child should be devoted to the Divine 
 service, as a Nazarite, all the days of his life. Her p ra^r 
 was heardf and her child, to whom she gave the name of 
 Samuel, was accepted, when still in tender years, by the old 
 high priest Heli for the service of the sanctuary. 
 
 [172] 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. 173 
 
 In the midst of the general corruption of the time, the ^'"'^ 
 child grew in simplicity and innocence under the loving care 
 of the pious women who had regular duties to perform in 
 connection with the Tabernacle (cfr. Exod. xxxviii, 8 ; I Kings 
 ii, 22), of his mother, who visited him at stated times, and 
 especially of Heli, who found in Samuel a devotion to his 
 well being, and a readiness to follow his advice which the 
 aged high priest had long looked for in vain in his own 
 wicked children. Samuel's work was naturally divided be- 
 tween such offices as his strength allowed him to discharge 
 in connection with the sanctuary at Silo and the services he 
 rendered to Heli, whom dimness of sight and increasing in- 
 firmities made largely dependent upon the help of others; 
 apparently, the high priest slept in a chamber near the Tab- 
 ernacle, and Samuel was ever within call during the night. 
 
 While Samuel was thus *' advancing, growing on and pleas- 
 ing both Jehovah and men " (I Kings ii, 26), it became more 
 and more necessary that the wickedness of the two sons of u^ 
 Heli and the weakness of their father should be visited by a -^ 
 signal punishment, and the young Samuel was selected by 
 God to announce to the old high priest the awful calamities 
 now near at hand. In a vision during the night Jehovah, 
 having called Samuel three times, revealed to him the terri- 
 ble fate that awaited Heli and his house. Early the next 
 morning Samuel complied with the positive injunction of 
 Heli, that he should tell him his vision, and the defeat of 
 Aphec together with its disastrous consequences soon proved 
 to all Israel that Samuel was t he chosen pro phet" <^f Jehnvah^ 
 that is, one to whom He was pleased to manifest His will 
 and to reveal Himself time and again (I Kings ii, iii). 
 
 2. Samuel's Judgeship (I Kings vii, viii). For twenty 
 years after the crushing defeat of the Israelites at Aphec the 
 Philistines severely oppressed the people of God, and during 
 this time Samuel passed from youth to manhood and acquired 
 
f^ 
 
 174 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 an ever-increasing favor with the people at large. At length, 
 the time came when the young prophet thought he could 
 speak with authority and point out to Israel that the reason 
 why its enemies, although they had long before been com- 
 pelled to restore the Ark of the Covenant (I Kings v-vii, 2), 
 had ever since been allowed to dominate, was because the 
 Hebrews had not served Jehovah only. He therefore bade 
 them put away the idols of Chanaan, which divided their 
 allegiance to the true God, and promised victory in the event 
 of an attack. These words of Samuel, which were probably 
 addressed to the people on the occasion of a religious meet- 
 ing at Cariathiax im, where the Ark had been deposited, 
 met with such success that Israel gave up openly all idola- 
 trous worship and "served Jehovah 07ily^' (I Kings vii, 3, 4). 
 Samuel profited by these generous dispositions to convene a 
 general assembly of the nation at Masphath. probably 
 about "five miles north by west of Jerusalem " (Henderson, 
 Palestine, its Historical Geography, p. 113). The people 
 solemnly pledged themselves to the exclusive worship of 
 Jehovah, and not unlikely proclaimed Samuel as their Judge, 
 that is, as the leader now in charge of securing the deliver- 
 ance he had promised to them (I Kings vii, 5, 6). 
 
 Naturally enough, the Philistines understood that the con- 
 vention of Israel at Masphath was a direct menace to the 
 continuance of their tyranny and accordingly they gathered 
 their whole force to crush the Israelite insurrection. Great 
 was the dismay of the Hebrews when contemplating the 
 formidable attack now impending ; yet they had confidence 
 in Samuel's power with God, and their trust in Jehovah and 
 His prophet was rewarded by a victory which the sacred 
 writer represents as miraculous. The results of this triumph 
 were very great, for besides the actual loss of men sustained 
 by the Philistines, these oppressors of the Israelites were so 
 "humbled that they did not come any more into the borders 
 of Israel," and were gradually compelled to restore to the 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. 1 75 
 
 Hebrews the cities which they had taken from them. It 
 sjems also that the Amorrhites who had taken part with the 
 Philistines hastened to make peace with Israel, and that this 
 auspicious beginning of Samuel's judgeship was followed by 
 long years of national freedom and prestige (I Kings vii, 
 
 7-15)- rvu 
 
 During these long years of public prosperity Samuel re- 
 sided at Ramatha, where he built an altar to Jehovah, and 
 continued to be considered as the judge of Israel. Unlike 
 those who had preceded him in the office of judge, he not 
 only gave the examp le of personal faithfulness to the service 
 of the true God, but also took it to heart to ensure a like 
 faithfulness in the Divine service on the part of all those who^^;vi>\ ^ 
 recognized his authority. With this end in view, he made it ^ 
 his business to visit every year some of the spots consecrated 
 by hallowed memories, there to offer sacrifice to Jehovah- 
 The names of three of these venerated spots are mentioned 
 ia the sacred text, namely. Bethel, Galgal and Masphath ; 
 but besides "he often betook himself to other places at un- 
 certain intervals to redress grievances, or to punish wrong 
 doing, or to offer Divine worship" (see I Kings xvi, 2, sq.; 
 Deane, Samuel and Saul, p. 69).^ It was also to secure 
 more effectively national faithfulness to Jehovah, that Samuel 
 established those '''' Schools of the Prophets^'' which have be- 
 come so famous, and in which young men were especially 
 trained for the prophetical mission, that is, for becoming 
 the direct representatives of the God of Israel and promot. '' 
 ing by every means in their power, purity of morals and of 
 Divine worship throughout the land. 
 
 ^ Although not a priest, but only a simple Levite, Samuel offers freely sacrifices to 
 Jehovah. To account for this apparent violation of the Mosaic law, two principal sup- 
 positions have been made : O) as z. prophet^ Samuel was allowed by a special permission 
 of God to perform priestly, acis; (2) at that lime a strict distinction between the duties of 
 the priests and those of the simple Levites had not yet been drawn. Perhaps it might 
 be admitted that in so doing Samuel simply exercised one of the functions which were 
 then connected with the suoreme power in Israel (cfr. for instance I Kings x, S ; xiii, 9, 
 
 12, 13)- 
 
176 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 It was in this peaceful, and at the same t>me most useful, 
 manner that the last judge of Israel spent the best years of 
 his life, respected alike by the Israelites whom he governed 
 with firmness and justice, and by the Philistines who remem- 
 bered their former defeats. But as time went on and as he 
 advanced in years, Samuel felt unable to support alone the 
 whole weight of the administration, and accordingly ap- 
 pointed his two sons 2iS Judges over a part of the territory 
 which recognized his authority. He placed them as his sub- 
 stitutes at Bersabee, on the extreme southern frontier of Pal- 
 estine, with the sincere hope that by their services in that 
 part of the land they would endear themselves to the people 
 at large, and thus deserve a continuance in office after his 
 death. Great indeed must have been his disappointment 
 when the ancients of Israel came to the old judge and com- 
 plained that, differently from him, his sons had proved greedy 
 J and rapacious men, had perverted justice and taken bribes; 
 ^^J^ keener still must have been his grief when these same elders 
 *" ., of Israel, voicing the actual feeling of the Jewish nation, asked 
 y^ \ for a king, saying, "Make us a king to judge us, as all 
 nations have." This popular demand for a king was no 
 mere passing desire of only a section of the country; it was 
 ^ rather the natural outcome of a long and steadily growing 
 ^^ tendency of the people at large towards a form of govern- 
 ' ment capable of imparting unity and strength to the long- 
 
 divided forces of the Jewish nation. It was also the natural 
 outcome of the circumstances of the time : the Philistines, 
 profiting by the weakness of the aged judge of Israel, had 
 gradually recovered confidence in their arms and had suc- 
 ceeded in establishing strong garrisons in the very heart of 
 the country (I Kings ix, 1 6 ; x, 5 ; xiii, 3) ; and the Ammonites, 
 formerly subdued by Jephte, threatened again the region east 
 of the Jordan (I Kings xii, 12). In presence of such enemies, 
 the Israelites saw only one means of securing victory : it was 
 to discard both Samuel, too old to be their general, and his 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. 1 77 
 
 two sons, plainly unworthy of the command, and to ask for 
 a king. A- 
 
 However natural this petition of the Hebrews may now h. 
 appear to us, it greatly displeased the old judge of Israel, 
 whose former victories and lifelong services seemed to him 
 undervalued by this bald request : *' Make us a king to judge 
 us." Yet he did not reject their request at once, but, as was 
 his wont, he prayed to Jehovah for guidance. In His answer 
 God bade Samuel to hearken to the voice of the people, 
 although by asking for a king to judge them, as all nations -4 . 
 had, the Israelites had plainly shown how little they under- 
 stood their glorious privilege to be different from other 
 nations, and to have no other king but Jehovah. Before, 
 however, granting the petition of his fellow-countrymen, the 
 aged prophet drew for them a picture which embraced the 
 principal features of the government of Eastern monarchs, 
 and which was indeed calculated to make them pause before 
 giving up the freedom and quiet and exemption from taxes, 
 etc., which they had hitherto enjoyed, but which were to be 
 sacrificed before the will of their future king. This remon- 
 strance was of course useless, and the people having renewed 
 their petition for a king, nothing else remained to be done 
 but to select the one who was to be the first monarch of 
 Israel ; as this choice, however, was of the greatest impor- 
 tance, Samuel sent the people away, and waited for some 
 further direction from Jehovah. 
 
 § 2. Saul the Jurst King. 
 
 I. The Election of Saul (I Kings ix, x). The Bibli- 
 cal narrative does not tell us how long after granting the 
 petition of the Jewish people for a king God made known to 
 Samuel that on a certain day he would meet the man of the 
 land of Benjamin, whom He destined to be the first King of 
 Israel (I Kings ix, 15, 16); but we are told in detail by what 
 
^ 
 
 178 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 succession of apparently trivial events this meeting was 
 actually brought about. It makes us acquainted with the 
 loss of the asses of Cis, a man of Benjamin j with the useless 
 efforts of his son, named Saul, a man of goodly stature, to 
 track them ; with the happy suggestion of Saul's companion 
 to consult the seer — that is the prophet — of the land of 
 Suph, a man famous for his correct predictions, and who had 
 just coma into the city to offer a public sacrifice in the high, 
 place ; and finally, with the actual meeting of Samuel and 
 Saul, when the latter, addressing the former, said, " Tell me, 
 I pray thee, where is the house of the seer ? " Samuel, in- 
 wardly made aware that his questioner was the future King 
 of Israel, answered that he himself was the seer and that the 
 asses vainly sought after by Saul had been found. Then he 
 announced to the son of Cis the exalted dignity to which 
 Jehovah had called him. In vain did Saul plead the small- 
 ness of his tribe in Israel and the insignificancy of his own 
 family, the prophet gave him the first place at the sacrificial 
 meal, welcomed him to his own house, and the next morning 
 accompanied him to the end of the town. There, the ser- 
 vant having been bidden to pass on, the last judge of Israel 
 taking a Utile vial of oil, poured it upon the head of Saul, 
 and thus anointed him the first king of the chosen peo- 
 ple. 
 
 These were, of course, wonderful events in the eyes of Saul, 
 and Samuel, to enable him gradually to feel that they were 
 glorious realities, gave to Saul three signs which soon met 
 with their perfect fulfilment. Nothing indeed was better 
 calculated than this fulfilment to confirm Saul in his actual 
 belief that he was the chosen of Jehovah for the Jewish 
 throne, nothing, also, should have convinced him more firmly 
 that the mysterious recommendation the old prophet made to 
 him just before parting, namely, that he should wait for 
 Samuel at Galgal seven days, and should not offer victims 
 to God before his actual arrival, must be complied with to 
 
/^^ 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. 1 79 
 
 its fullest extent ; and yet, we shall soon see that Saul dis- 
 carded this parting recommendation of the prophet. 
 
 After returning home, the Anointed of Jehovah — as the 
 Jewish kings are called in Holy Writ — preserved a prudent 
 silence concerning what had taken place between Samuel 
 and himself till his election should be ratified by the people. /^ ^^ 
 This ratification was effected in a general assembly which 
 Samuel had convened in Masphath, and in which the old 
 judge invited all to leave- the selection of the king in the 
 hands of Jehovah by the casting of lots. The lot fell upon 
 Saul, and accordingly the son of Cis was presented to the 
 people, who, struck with admiration for his kingly appearance, 
 cried and said: "God save the king!" Before dismissing^^ 
 the assembly, Samuel told the people the Law of the 
 Kingdom, whereby were probably meant some such limita- 
 tions to tiie royal power as those which we read in the 
 book of Deuteronomy (xvii, 14-20; cfr. Jahn, Hebrew Com- 
 monwealtli, p. C4, sq.). and having " written it in a book, laid 
 it up before Jehovah." 
 
 The ceremony ended, the people withdrew to their homes, 
 and Saul returned to his little town of Gabaa — a place which 
 has been identified with the modern Tell El Ful, about 
 three miles north of Jerusalem — where he resumed his ^ 
 former humble duties (I Kings xi, 5). In thus acting, the 
 new King of Israel evinced a consummate prudence, for under 
 the circumstances of the time, when numerous and powerful 
 opponents belonging probably to the great tribes of Juda 
 and Ephraim openly derided him as wanting in military 
 means for his office, he could do little more than to dissem- 
 ble his resentment, and retire to private life till events should 
 vindicate his election. 
 
 2. Saul's First Victory over the Ammonites (I 
 Kings xi, i-ii). A month had scarcely elapsed when a 
 favorable opportunity arose for proving how mistaken the 
 
l8o OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 opponents of the new king were in their estimation of his 
 warlike abilities. The children of Ammon, long recovered 
 from the severe defeat inflicted upon them by Jephte, had 
 invaded the territory of the Transjordanic tribes, and actually 
 besieged the capital of Galaad, Jabes, which occupied a 
 commanding position on the top of an isolated hill, and 
 which is now identified with the ruins of Ed Deir, about six 
 miles south of Pella, on the north of the Wady El Yabis. 
 Despairing of a victorious resistance, the inhabitants of Jabes 
 offered to surrender ; but Naas, the Ammonite king, in his 
 desire to avenge upon them the former defeat of his nation 
 by the Galaadite, Jephte, refused to accept the surrender, 
 unless the defenders of Jabes should consent to lose their 
 right eyes, and thus become unfit for further military service. 
 Naas agreed, however, to a respite of seven days, during 
 which the inhabitants of the besieged city could implore the 
 help of the other tribes of Israel. Their messengers, prob- 
 ably aware of the new royal office in Israel, went straight to 
 Gabaa, and all the people, who heard their tale of woe, 
 " lifted up their voices, and wept." When in the evening 
 Saul came back from the field, " behind the oxen with which 
 he had been working " (Edersheim, Bible History, iv, p. 52), 
 he found his own town lamenting over the future fate of 
 Jabes Galaad. At this news, "the spirit of God came upon 
 him," and cutting in pieces the oxen he was driving, Saul 
 sent them to the various districts of Israel by messengers, 
 saying, "Whosoever shall not come forth, and follow Saul 
 and Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen," The whole 
 people obeyed the summons, and thus surrounded by spirited 
 warriors whom he numbered in Bezec — the modern Ibzik 
 on the hills opposite Jabes Galaad — Saul promised to the 
 besieged town the most prompt relief. On the morrow, 
 at break of day, the forces of Israel skilfully divided into 
 three companies, attacked, routed the enemy, and rescued 
 Jabes. 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE MONARCHY. iSl 
 
 3. Second Inauguration of the Monarchy in Galgal 
 (I Kings xi, 12-15). Nothing could have better vindicated 
 in the eyes of the nation Saul's Divine appointment as king 
 over Israel than his short and glorious campaign against the 
 Ammonites. In point of fact, the popular feeling ran so high 
 tl.at, in their enthusiasm, the Hebrews would have put to 
 death, on the very evening of their victory, those who had at 
 first refused to recognize Saul, had not the Jewish monarch 
 intervened lest such excesses should stain that glorious day; 
 *'for to-day," said he, ascribing all the glory to the invisible 
 King of Israel, "Jehovah hath wrought salvation in Israel." 
 
 After this moderate answer, which must have won to Saul ' 
 the grateful admiration of his former opponents, Samuel 
 thought it most opportune to confirm, in a most solemn man- 
 ner, the sovereignty of the Jewish king. Obeying his sum- 
 mons, all the people met at Galgal, "the famous Benjamite 
 sanctuary in the Jordan valley " (Deane, Samuel and Saul, p. 
 108), "and there they made Saul king before Jehovah, . . . 
 and Saul and all the men of Israel rejoiced exceedingly."^ 
 
 4. Samuel's Last Appeal to the People : his With- 
 drawal (I Kings xii). And now the time had come for the 
 aged prophet to give up his official woxV^ as jut/ge of Israel. 
 He therefore profited by the general meeting at Galgal to 
 address a last appeal to the people at large. In a skilful dis- 
 course, he first challenged any charge against his own ad- 
 ministration, and next insisted on the great truth, that 
 national prosperity or adversity would depend in the future, 
 as in the past, on the faithfulness or unfaithfulness of the 
 people to the exclusive worship of Jehovah. Then, to give 
 more weight to his parting words, he asked a miracle from 
 the Almighty. It was then the time of the wheat-harvest 
 (May-June), when rain is almost unknown in Palestine ; yet, 
 
 ' For a different view of all that regards the eleciioii and coronation of Saul, see 
 I>kivi':k, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Sanuiel, p. 67, sq. 
 
 A^ 
 
 > f 
 
l82 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 at the prayer of His prophet, God " sent thunder and rain.*' 
 This wonderful event led the people to a sincere confession 
 of their distrust of Jehovah in asking for a king, and to an 
 earnest entreaty to Samuel that he should pray for the public 
 welfare. In his answer, the former judge of Israel promised 
 never to forget the interests of his fellow-countrymen in his 
 prayers to God, and again reminded the people that Jehovah 
 w'ould mete out to them recompense or punishment accord- 
 ing to their faithfulness or unfaithfulness in His service. 
 
 And so the assembly parted, Israel to their tents, Saul to 
 the work of the kingdom, and Samuel — no longer a judge, 
 but still a prophet — to the difficult task of acting as the in- 
 spired instructor and guide of both king and people. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Reign of Saul axd Youth of David. 
 (I Kings xiii-xxx; I Paralip. x; xii.) 
 
 f I . His Military Achievemetits and Rejection by God. 
 
 The 
 
 Reign of 
 
 Saul: 
 
 . ter^j Char- 
 acter : 
 
 \ A. Chief traits { throne 
 
 [ Before reaching the 
 
 1 Once on the throne. 
 
 ^n 
 
 \ B. Contrasted with that of Jonathan. 
 
 \^. His end at Gelboe. Condition of Israel at his death. 
 
 u^. 
 
 II. 
 
 The 
 
 Youth of 
 
 David : 
 
 I. Origin and Early Life: the chosen of God. 
 
 f A. The first introduction of David to 
 Saul. 
 
 B.Saul treats David J f*^°"^*^- . , 
 
 successively as a K^^"gf^"^ '■'^^'- 
 ^ y Deadly enemy. 
 
 C. David remains invariably and deeply 
 attached to Saul; his lamentation 
 over the death of .Saul and Jona- 
 than. 
 
 2. Relations with 
 Saul: 
 
 3. His Wan 
 ings 
 
 ''ander 1 
 
 Principal places of refuge and chief in- 
 cidents. 
 Effects of his wanderings. 
 
 [■83] 
 
y^. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SAUL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. 
 
 § /. The Reign of Saul. 
 
 I. Saul's Military Achievements and Rejection by 
 God. The history of the reign of Saul commences with the 
 second inauguration of the monarchy at Galgal, after which 
 Samuel ceased to be considered as a ruler together with the 
 Jewish king (I Kings xi, 7, 12, 14). It is now impossible to 
 determine the exact age of Saul at this time, for the figures 
 which formerly indicated it in the sacred text (cfr. I Kings 
 xiii, I, with II Kings ii, 10; v, 4, etc.) have been altered 
 ^ (cfr. HuMMELAUER, in Libros Samuel is, p. 132, sq.) ; but it is 
 probable that this monarch was between thirty-five and forty 
 years old at his accession, since immediately afterwards, 
 Jonathan, his son, had the command of a part of the army, 
 a position which the young prince would hardly have held 
 if much less than twenty years of age (I Kings xiii, 2). 
 
 Thus, then, the first King of Israel was in full possession 
 of his physical and mental powers when, taking the reins of 
 government, he assumed the hard task of liberating his sub- 
 jects from their enemies (I Kings ix, 16, etc.), and, in point 
 of fact, the sacred narrative tells us that he was victorious in 
 all the wars he waged against thenf (I Kings xiv, 46). Of 
 these wars, however, only two are detailed in the Bible, be- 
 cause they illustrate what absolute obedience to His orders 
 Jehovah expected of the Jewish kings, and because they 
 show with what justice Saul having repeatedly denied this 
 obedience, God selected another man, " a man according to 
 
 [184] 
 
THE REIGN OF SAUL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. 185 
 
 His own heart," that is, willing to rule over Israel in perfect 
 dependence on the guidance of the invisible yet supreme 
 King of the chosen people (cfr. I Kings xiii, 13, 14). 
 
 The first of these wars was conducted against the Philis- -<^,^ 
 tines, the old oppressors of the land (I Kings ix, 16), and it 
 began with a quick and successful attack against the gar 
 rison of Gabaa by Jonathan, to whom Saul had intrusted the 
 command of i,ooo men. To avenge this defeat, the Philis- 
 tines invaded the country with so large an army that its very 
 sight struck with terror the Israelites who had gathered 
 around Saul at Galgal. And now the time had come when- 
 the Jewish monarch should show himself perfectly obedient - 
 to Jehovah. It was his duty not to offer sacrifice before the 
 arrival of Samuel, the authorized messenger of God near 
 the King of Israel (I Kings x, 8). Impatient and distrust- 
 ful — he indeed saw the people gradually slipping from him — 
 Saul did not wait until the actual coining of the prophet, but 
 offered the holocaust to appease Jehovah before the battle. 
 Scarcely was the sacrifice over, when Samuel appeared, and 
 declared that in punishment of his disobedience Saul would 
 not be the head of a dynasty in Israel, a severe but neces- 
 sary sentence against the first Jewish king, who by his dis- 
 obedience had set openly the example of a violation of that 
 primary condition of Jewish national life and prosperity, . 
 which ever consisted in a perfect compliance with the direc- 
 tions of Jehovah (I Kings xiii). Despite this first disobe- .ar!^,^^^ 
 dience of their king, the Israelites obtained a signal victory ' 
 
 at Machmas, a place about eight miles north of Jerusalem ; 
 in fact, the loss of the Philistines would have been much 
 greater had it not been for a rash and foolish curse under 
 which Saul laid the people, and to which he would actually 
 have made Jonathan a victim if the army had not strongly 
 objected to the death of one "who had wrought this great 
 salvation in Israel " (I Kings xiv, 1-46). 
 
 The second war detailed in the Biblical narrative was di- 
 
l86 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 rected against the Amalecite s, that nomad race which form- 
 erly had " opposed the Israelites in their way when they came 
 up out of Egypt," and which but recently had made predatory 
 raids on the southern districts of the Hebrews, whilst the 
 latter were engaged in war against the Philistines (cfr. 
 I Kings XV, 2 ; xiv, 48). In the name of Jehovah, Samuel 
 had put the Amalecites under the ban, and Saul was now 
 commissioned by him to utterly d estroy everything they pos- 
 sessed, and "slay both man and woman, child and suckling, 
 ox and sheep, camel and ass." Accordingly, placing himself 
 at the head of a very large army, Saul undertook apparently 
 ^ to carry out strictly this frightful sentence ; but when victo- 
 \ rious, he reserved the best part of the spoil, and spared the 
 life of Agag, the Amalecite king. This sjecond violation of 
 God's command proved to evidence that Saul would never 
 '''be a theocratic king, punctual in his conformity to Jehovah's 
 orders; and in consequence Samuel was directed by the God 
 of Israel to proclaim Saul's disqualification for being king 
 over the chosen people. This the prophet did, despite his 
 own attachment to a man whom he had himself anointed ; 
 and, notwithstanding the excuses alleged by the monarch, he 
 announced to Saul the transfer of the royal dignity to one of 
 a neighboring tribe. This was to be the last meeting be- 
 tween Samuel and Saul, and the unfortunate King of Israel, 
 fearing the effects of this sentence of rejection upon his sub- 
 jects, begged the prophet not to break openly from him, but 
 to offer sacrifice together with him before parting. To this 
 Samuel finally consented, and then he withdrew to mourn 
 over the rejection of the first Jewish king by the Supreme 
 Ruler of Israel (I Kings xv). (For reasons tending to justify 
 the sentence of extermination against Amalec, see Deane, 
 Samuel and Saul, p. 148). 
 
 2-. The Character of Saul. The man whose posterity 
 and person had thus been, the one after the other, excluded 
 
THE REK;X of SAUL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. 187 
 
 from the Jewish throne, had formerly displayed qualities 
 which apparently rendered him worthy of being the first to 
 wear the crown in Israel. Before reaching the throne, he ^ 
 had shown himself a model of delicate feelings (I Kings ix, 
 5) ; tare modesty and humility (ix, 2 i ; x, 22) ; o^ennine dncil- 
 Jt^ (ix, 22, 25 ; X, I, etc.) ; great self-restrain^ a nd wise for- 
 bearance (x, 27 ; xi, 12-15) > great simp licity ajid _clisint£rest- 
 edngjaS-(xi, 5, sq.) ; in a word, of all the virtues best calcu- '^ 
 lated to make all hope that, once on the throne, he would 
 prove himself a king ever ready to carry out faithfully all the 
 directions which Jehovah would give him through Samuel, 
 His accredited ambassador. Unfortunately it was not to be ^^^'Kt. 
 so, for soon after reaching the crown Saul actually showed 
 himself a very different man. Wjorldly wisdom betrayed him 
 into his first disobedience (I Kings xiii, 7-13); preoccupa- 
 tion for his own satisfaction rather than for God's glory 
 caused him to utter oaths no less contrary to prudence than 
 to justice and humanity (xiv, 24, sq.); his self- will appeared 
 so manifestly in his second disobedience when fighting against 
 Amalec that Samuel himself could not help contrasting^ 
 Saul's inward dispositions before reaching the throne with 
 those he displayed later on (xv, 17) ; his own excuses, on this 
 same occasion, proved clearly that he had set popularity 
 above duty (xv, 20, sq.), and finally, if he confessed his sin 
 (xv, 24, 30) it was not so much because of his sorrow for his 
 offence against God, as because of its political consequences'' 
 present and future (xv, 25, 30). It is not even improbable 
 that his lack of disinterestedness was not foreign to his sav- 
 ing Agag, and the best of the spoil under pretence of offering 
 them to Jehovah, and it is well known that his disappointed 
 ambition and base jealousy gradually led him to madness 
 which bordered on demoniacal possession, and to a fierce 
 and relentless persecution ot David (I Kings xvi, 14; xviii, 
 8, sq. ; cfr. also Hummelauer, in Llbros Samuelis, p. 168). 
 The character of Saul after his accession, stands also in 
 
l88 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Striking contrast with that of his son, Jonathan. This young 
 prince, a type of military valor (I Kings xiii, 2, sq.; xiv, i, 
 sq.), was also a pattern of submission to the Almighty (xiv. 
 10) and of n oble self-sacrifice (xiv, 43). "Jealousy and 
 every mean or low feeling were strangers to the generous 
 heart of this eldest son of Saul. Valiant and accomplished 
 himself, none knew better how to acknowledge valor and ac- 
 complishments in others. In the intensity of his admiration 
 and love for David, he not only risked his life to preserve 
 him from harm, but even shrank not to think of him as his 
 destined king and master, and of himself as one with him in 
 friendship, but next to him in place and council" (Kitto, 
 Cyclopaedia of Biblical Knowledge, art. Jonathan). 
 
 3. The End of Saul at Gelboe. All his life Saul 
 waged war against the Philistines (I Kings xiv, 52), for 
 naturally enough these inveterate enemies of Israel profited 
 by the wretched condition of the Jewish king to invade 
 repeatedly a country whose defence from foreign foes lay 
 apparently much less close to the heart of Saul than the 
 extermination of his personal opponents within. Further- 
 more, the land of Israel had gradually been deserted by 
 some of its most valiant soldiers, who, despairing of the 
 fortunes of Saul, had joined themselves to David (I Paralip., 
 or Chronicles, xii, i, sq.) ; so that it was with great hope of 
 success that, some time after the death of Samuel, they 
 march-ed northwards along the sea-coast, entered the plain 
 of Esdraelon with numerous troops, and pitched their camp 
 on the slope of the Little Hermon — now called Jebel Duhy 
 — which bounds the Great Plain on the east, at a place called 
 Sunam — the present Sulem — three and one-half miles north 
 of Jezrahel. Saul, having gathered whatever troops'he could 
 collect, encamped on Mount Gelboe, which bounds the plain 
 of Esdraelon on the south, that is, in an extremely perilous 
 position, for he was in imminent danger of being surrounded 
 
THE REKiX OF SAUL AND VOUTH OF DAVID. 1 89 
 
 by the Philistines who had also marched a strong body of 
 troops to Aphec (I Kings xxix, i), in the rear of the Jewish 
 army (Deane, Samuel and Saul, p. 201). 
 
 Sorely afraid, and feeling forsaken by Jehovah, whom he 
 consulted in vain about the future, the unfortunate king fell 
 back upon one of those soothsayers he had formerly tried to 
 banish from the Holy Land. At night and in disguise he 
 made the seven miles which separate Gelboe from Endor, and 
 there wished that the witch of the place would evoke the 
 spirit of Samuel, the former guide of his life. It seems 
 plain, from the wording of his narrative, that the sacred 
 writer intends to describe a personal apparition of the old 
 prophet, and to record his prediction of the awful fate 
 which soon awaited Saul and his army (see on this question, 
 Clair, Livres des Rois, p. 75, sq.; and Hummelauer, in 
 Libros Samuelis, p. 248, sq.), and there is no doubt that this 
 distinct knowledge of his ruin, now so near at hand, de- 
 stroyed effectively every hope of escape which might still 
 linger in the mind of the king. Soon afterwards the battle '^^^•^-^ 
 was fought ; it ended with the rout of the Israelites, the *^««^ 
 death of Saul and of three of his sons (I Kings xxviii : xxxi ; ^^^ 
 cfr. also II Kings i). 
 
 "This victory of the Philistines gave them possession of C<^^ 
 a long tract of country ; the north submitted to them with- 
 out a blow, and many of the Israelite cities between the ^ 
 plain of Esdrailon and the Jordan were deserted by the 
 inhabitants and occupied by the enemy" (Deane, David, p. 
 81). This was indeed a very sad condition of affairs for 
 Israel, but God had long been preparing in David a truly 
 theocratic king fully able to repair the fallen fortunes of the 
 chosen people. 
 
 § 2. The Youth of David. 
 
 I. Origin and Early Life. David, the man chosen by 
 Jehovah to be the successor of Saul on the Jewish throne, 
 
J' 
 
 x^ *^ 190 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 belonged to the tribe_of Juda, and through some of his 
 immediate ancestresses he was allied to the foreign races 
 of Moab and Chanaan (cfr. Ruth iv, 18, sq. ; Matt, i, 5 ; 
 Luke iii, 32). He was the yaimg:est_sprL„Ql Isai, a small 
 jDroprietgr oL.Bethlehem, concerning whom very little else is 
 known. 
 p.u^ The early life of the future king, poet and prophet of 
 
 A • Israel was that of an humble shepherd in charge of the 
 flocks of his father which were pastured on the neighboring 
 hills. This was an arduous life in the unenclosed country 
 around Bethlehem, but it proved a valuable training for his 
 future destiny. "^ His bodily powers were exercised and 
 -^braced by a hardy life in the open air; courage and self- 
 reliance became habitual in the presence of constant danger 
 and responsibility ; dexterity in the use of rustic weapons, 
 the bow and the sling, were acquired. ... In his lonely 
 hours, as he watched his father's sheep, he attained that 
 skill in minstrelsy which early attracted the notice of his 
 contemporaries " (Deane, David, pp. 4, 5). 
 
 One day as he was tending his flock, he was hurriedly 
 summoned home before Samuel the great judge and prophet 
 of Israel. This venerable old man, after weeping long over 
 the rejection of Saul by God, had lately arrived in Bethle- 
 hem, there to anoint as king that one of the sons of Isai 
 
 jf^ whom Jehovah would point out to him. In vain had he 
 seen, one after the other, the seven brothers of David, who 
 had remained at home. Jehovah had chosen none among 
 them to be the successor of Saul, and now he was waiting 
 for the youngest of the sons of Isai, for, had said the aged 
 prophet, " We will not sit down [at the sacrificial meal] 
 till he come hither." When David appeared, " ruddy and 
 ^beautiful to behold, and of a comely face," Jehovah said to 
 Samuel: "Arise, and anoint him, for this is he." Then it 
 was that the introducer of the monarchy into Israel carried 
 out in favor of this new chosen of God the ceremony of the 
 
 v\ 
 
THE REIGN OF SAUL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. 191 
 
 anointment which he had formerly performed in behalf of 
 the first Jewish king (I Kings xvi, 1-13). 
 
 2. Relations of David with Saul, it is indeed dif-^^ 
 ficult at the prese it day tj say on what exact occasion 
 David was first introduced to Saul, for there seem to be two 
 diiTerent representations of this event in the present Hebrew 
 text (cfr. Kings xvi, 14-23, with I Kings xvii, xviiij, and sev- 
 eral theories are still held to do away with the apparent dis- 
 crepancies which are noticeable between the two representa- 
 tions. The core of the difficulty is briefly as follows : in_ 
 cha pter xv i. the first introduction of David to Saul is con- 
 nected with the sending of Saul to Isai for his youngest son> 
 in order that by his musical skill David may appease the fits 
 of madness to which the Jewish king is subject ; in Chapt er 
 jLidu on the contrary, David seems to be introduced to Saul c 
 for the first time, in connection with his successful fight 
 against Goliath. Of the many theories which have been 
 advanced to meet this difficulty, only two appear to account 
 fully for its presence in the Hebrew text. The first theory 
 takes notice that the Septuagint, or oldest Greek translatijn 
 of the Hebrew, does not contain in chapters xvii and xviii of 
 the first book of Kings those verses the presence of which 
 in the Hebrew text makes the whole difficulty, and then it 
 suggests that these verses did not exist in the primitive 
 Hebrew text of the first book of Kings, but are glosses of a 
 later date, so that the first introduction of David to Saul 
 would have really happened as it is recorded in I Kings, 
 xvi, 14-23 (cfr. Martin, Critique de I'Ancien Testament, 
 tome i, p. 62). The second theory holds that the first book 
 of Kings being made up of earlier documents (cfr. Hummel- 
 AUER, in Libros Samuelis, p. 184), the compiler of the book 
 adopted various documents, some connected with the life of 
 Saul, others with that of David, and containing already the 
 discrepancy in question, and simply embodied them in his 
 
192 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 . work without harmotiizing their contents, so that, at the 
 present day, it is impossible for us to tell which of the two 
 representations is the correct one (cfr. Loisy, La Questior 
 Biblique et I'lnspiration des Ecritures, p. 14; cfr. alsc 
 Lagrange, Revue Biblique, Octobre, 1896, p. 512; Driver, 
 f' Notes on Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, p. 116, 117). 
 
 j^ Be this as it may, it is unquestionable that either re pre" 
 
 sentation of this event pictures to us the early relations of 
 
 ^».*^ Saul with David as very friendly, for we are told that he 
 
 \^'^ loved David exceedingly (I Kings, xvi, 21; cfr. xviii, 9) ; 
 
 kept him constantly near his person (xvi, 22; xviii, 2); 
 made him his armor-bearer, and perhaps also captain of his 
 body-guard (xvi, 21 ; xviii, 5); in a word, it was plain to all 
 that David was the favorite of Saul, and this is why the cour- 
 tiers of the latter exhibited towards the former a special 
 respect and devotion (xviii, 5). But this period of favor did 
 not last long : the public rejoicings at the triumphant return 
 of the army from the campaign against the Philistines pro- 
 ^^^ voked the jealousy of Saul, for the chief praise in the songs 
 
 <^J^ of the women was given to David (I Kings xviii, 6-9) ; and 
 twice in his madness the unfortunate king attempted to kill 
 (xviii, 1 1) one whose presence he could bear no longer (xviii, 
 12) and whose conduct he watched as that of a dangerous 
 xijLal (xviii, 15). Not satisfied with removing David to a dis- 
 ^;/»>^ant post of command, Saul went so far as to endanger his 
 
 ^ life in a conflict with the Philistines by a perfidious promise of 
 the hand of his second daughter, named Michol (I Kings xviii, 
 20-25) ; but, discomfited by the success of the valiant David, 
 he henceforth considered him as a d eadly enemy (xviii, 29), 
 sent to arrest him in his house (xix), and began against him 
 a relentless persecution which caused the shedding of much 
 innocent blood (xxii). 
 
 While thus cruelly pursued with the hatred of Saul, David 
 
 <ji^ never exhibited in return any other feeling than that of iaith- 
 fulness and compassion "towards the unfortunate monarch. 
 
THE REIGN OF S\UL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. I93 
 
 who was his father-in-law, and in whom he ever contem- 
 plated the anointed of Jehovah (I Kings xxiv, 7, 11). He 
 knew, moreover, that however fierce and unjust was the per- 
 secution he had to suffer, only the invisible and supreme 
 Master of the chosen people could dispose of the throne 
 (xxiv, 13), and accordingly spared Saul's life in several oc- 
 currences (xxiv ; xxvi). It is impossible to read the long 
 chapters which detail this period of David's life as an out- 
 law without feeling that he rpmainpr) ipvarinhl y an d deeply 
 attached to S.aul, and that his touching lamentation over the '^ 
 death of the first king of Israel,_5LmLJjQnaihan the beloved 
 friend of David, was the natural outpouring of the sincerest 
 affection for both (II Kings i, 18-27). (^or a careful ren- 
 dering of this beautiful elegy, see in The New World, they- 
 article "The Historical David," by B. W. Bacon, vol. iv, p. 
 
 559)- 
 
 5. The Wanderings of David. Unwilling to start 
 a rebellion against Saul, although this would have been easy 
 to one who, like him, had enjoyed so much favor with the 
 army and people of Israel, David began that wandering life 
 with which the Biblical narrative makes us acquainted, and 
 for which his former shepherd life had well prepared him, 
 notably by a perfect familiarity with all the glens and numer- 
 ous caves of the limestone district around Bethlehem. /a^^w 
 
 Having escaped from his own house — whither Saul had „ '^ 
 sent to arrest him — by a stratagem of his wife, Michol, he B^ 
 fled_^rst^to^ Samuel, at Naioth in Ramatha (I Kings xix, 11, 
 sq.), who probably advised him to make sure by means of 
 Jonathan whether a reconciliation with the king would not 
 be possible. Convinced by a short interview with this 
 young prince that Saul's enmity was no mere transient pas- 
 sion (xx), he withdr ew to Nobe . a place which cannot be 
 identified at the present day and where his duplicity cost the 
 priest Achimelech his life (xxi, 1-9 ; xxii, 6-19), and thence 
 
194 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 to the court oF Achis. the King of Geth (some fifteen miles 
 south of Ramleh), where he escaped the revengeful feelings 
 of the Philistines by simulating madness (xxi, 10-15). 
 
 Returning into the territory of Juda, he became the leader 
 of a band of about 400 men with whom he maintamed him- 
 self in different places, spmetj^mes hiding iri_caves, as in that 
 of Odollam, some miles south of Bethlehem (xxii, i) ; some - 
 times occupj/ing^a town, as that of Ceila (xxiii), the modern 
 Khurbet Kila, south of Odollam ; ^o.i]istixnes ijjJiLe-wilder- 
 Il£sa(the deserts of Ziph (xxiii, 15), Qi„£ngaddi (xxiv), etc.). 
 It was probably during his stay in the cave of Odollam that 
 occurred the memorable exploit of Jj3r£fL_al. David's men 
 risking th eir lives to procure him some water from the well 
 of Bethlehem (II Kings xxiii, 13-17; I Paralip. xi, 15-19); 
 and whilst at Celia he was joined by Abiathar, who had be- 
 come high priest on the murder of Achimelech, his father 
 (xxii, 20; xxiii, 4), and by various warriors (I Paralip. xii, 
 8-18). To this same period of David's wanderings belong 
 the adventure with Nabal and David's marriage with Abigail, 
 his sparing the life of Saul on two occasions (xxiv; xxvi), 
 and also his second residence with Achis, who gave him 
 Siceleg, in the neighborhood of Bersabee. Many plausible 
 reasons have indeed been advanced to justify the conduct of 
 David at this time, when he laid wa<>te t ha_country of his 
 aUifis, the Philistines, and gave Achis to understand that he 
 simply fought against the tribes dependent on Juda (cfr. 
 Clair, Livres des Rois, p. 399, sq. ; and Deane, David, p. 
 70, sq.), but all these reasons are hardly sufficient to exoner- 
 ate him (xxvii, 6-1 2»). He also followed the army of Achis ^ 
 when marching to the battle of Gelboe against the Jewish 
 forces under the orders of Saul, but was dismissed from the 
 expedition because of the loud complaints of the princes of 
 the Philistines (xxviii, i, sq. ; xxix). 
 
 Returning to Siceleg, he found it burnt by the Amalecites, 
 but he soon recovered aU plunder they had taken, and even 
 
THE REIGN OF SAUL AND YOUTH OF DAVID. 195 
 
 obtained greater spoil, which he politicly sent to his friends 
 in Juda (xxx), and very soon after the death of Saul he re- 
 paired into Juda, by which event David's life as an outlaw . 
 was brought to a close (Ayre, Treasury of Bible Knowledge, 
 art. David). 
 
 There is no doubt that this checkered period of his life ^t^^*^ * 
 produced a deep and lasting impression upon the successor 
 of Saul. It was naturally calculated to increase his courage 
 and self-rel iance, to train him to public government and ad- 
 ministration, especially whilst acting as the petty king of 
 Siceleg, and to ins pire him with many of those feelings and 
 descriptions which we find in the canticles of " the excellent 
 Psalmist of Israel" (II Kings xxiii, i). This period of pro- 
 scription had the further result of endearing him to the 
 Jewish nation, who saw in him a skilful commander and 
 faithful patriot, and a man whom Jehovah manifestly pre- 
 served to restore to pristine grandeur Israel, now so low 
 under the rule of an impotent and maddened king (cfr. 
 Stanley, Jewish Church, lecture xxii ; Deane, David, p. 
 82). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Reign of David. 
 (II Kings-Ill Kings ii, ii ; I Paralip xi-xxix). 
 
 First i. Rapid Consolidation of his Power. 
 
 \ 
 Years at ' 2. Final Recognition by all Israel. 
 
 Hebron : t- 
 
 IT. 
 
 (iLORIOUS 
 
 ^ '^ // r ^ t'\ Comparison with Eastern princes. 
 
 2. Political Ad- { Military organization. 
 tninistra- \ 
 
 tion : Social institutions. 
 
 KuLE AT \ 3. Ecclesiastical \ The Ark on Mount Sion. _ 
 
 Arrange- \ Great religious functionaries. 
 tnents: [ Priestly and Levitical organization. 
 
 Jerusa- 
 lem ; 
 
 ^. Outward Re- j His wars : their character, 
 
 lations : \ Pacific relations : their happy results 
 
 \ 5. Extension and Prosperity of his Empire. 
 
 HI. 
 
 Fall and 
 
 Last 
 
 I . His Fall and its Punishment. 
 ^ 2. His Restoration, — subsequent faults, — death. 
 
 Years : [ 
 
 3. Character of David. 
 
 [196] 
 
CHAPTER XViri. 
 
 THE REIGN OF DAVID. 
 
 § I. First Years at Hebron, 
 
 I. Rapid Consolidation of the Power of David. It 
 
 was only at God's bidding that after the death of Saul 
 David removed with his band of men and his family from 
 Siceleg to Hebron (II Kings ii, 1-3). This ancient city, the 
 burial-place of the patriarchs, situated among the hills of Juda, 
 some twenty miles southwest of Jerusalem, was well fitted 
 for the capital of the kingdom soon to be started by David. 
 For, as long as his pretensions to the Jewish crown were 
 recognized only by the men of his tribe, Hebron was the 
 most central as well as the strongest city of his dominions. 
 Here the chiefs of Juda, who had probably opposed from 
 the first the accession of a Benjamite to the throne, gathered 
 around him, and at once elected him as their king, an election ' "' * 
 which David hastened to publish to the country not yet^'^-o^ 
 invaded by the Philistines (II Kings ii, 4-7). /»^*-tn 
 
 Meanwhile, Abner , the general, and uncle of Saul, had pro- 
 claimed Isboseth king, at Mahanain, on the east of the Jor- 
 dan — the modern Mukkumah, between Phanuel and Es 
 Salt — where, after the defeat of Gelboe, the broken rem- 
 nants of the Israelite army had probably gathered. From 
 this place, celebrated in the history of Jacob (Gen. xxxii, 
 2, lo), Abner crossed the Jordan, and gradually succeeded 
 in clearing the country from the Philistines and in subjecting 
 it, with the exception of the territory of Juda, to the rule of 
 
 [197] 
 
igS OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Isboseth (II Kings ii, 8, 9). He then endeavored to conquer 
 Juda ; hence a civil war, or rather a protracted series of skir- 
 mishes, the general result of which is described as " the 
 house of Saul decaying daily, but David prospering and 
 growing always stronger and stronger." In point of fact, 
 whilst David felt strong enough to secure to himself alliance 
 through marriage with powerful families in the land, Isboseih 
 became so weak and so entirely under the power of Abner 
 that this all-powerful general finally took a public step which, 
 in those days, was regarded as implying an open claim to the 
 throne (cfr. II Kings xii, 21; III Kings ii, 21); and when 
 rebuked for it by his master, swore that he would hence- 
 forth join David's party and insure its success (II Kings 
 ii, lo-iii, 11). 
 
 2. David Recognized by all Israel. After his irre- 
 trievable rupture with Isboseth, Abner opened negotiations 
 with David, who accepted with joy his first advances and 
 simply required, for a league between them, that Michol 
 should be given back to her first husband. This was, of 
 course, promptly done, and Abner and his companions were 
 soon welcomed into David's camp. Then rapidly followed, 
 though without the consent of the King of Juda, the successive 
 murders of Abner and Isboseth (II Kings iii, 12-30; iv). 
 
 The death of the latter made David's way to the throne 
 over all Israel absolutely clear, for the sole direct surviving 
 heir of Saul was Miphiboseth, the infirm and young son of 
 Jonathan, who could not be seriously thought of as a com- 
 petitor for the crown. All things pointed to David as the 
 only possible head of the nation. The Philistines were rest- 
 less and disunion at this moment might be fatal. A leader 
 was naturally found in David, a man of common descent, a 
 tried and well-approved commander, the chosen of Jehovah. 
 The ancients of Israel, who had long wished to make him 
 king (cfr. II Kings iii, 17), with their followers in very large 
 
THE REIGX OF DAVID. 199 
 
 numbers assembled at Hebron and "anointed David to be 
 king over all Israel" (II Kings, v, 1-3): he had reigned 
 seven and one-half years in Hebron (cfr. Deane, David, p. 
 94, sq.). 
 
 § 2. Glorious Rule of David in J ems ale tn. 
 
 I. His Capital and His Court. David's first care 
 upon coming to the possession of the entire kingdom was to 
 secure a capital which could not excite the jealousy of any 
 tribe in Israel and yet would be worthy of this glorious des- 
 tiny. This capital he found in Jerusalem, the strong city of 
 the Jebusites, which, as it lay on the confines of the tribes of 
 Juda and Benjamin, had never belonged to either (cfr. 
 Judges xix, 12), and of which he took possession through 
 the heroic exertions of his men and of Joab in particular 
 (II Kings V, 6-8 ; I Paralip. xi, 4-6). - '^ 
 
 At the time of its conquest by David, Jerusalem was but 
 a very small town, the exact site of which has been only 
 recently determined by a close examination of Scriptural pas- 
 sages (notably of Nehemias iii, i, sq.), and by careful excava- 
 tions conducted in the Holy City itself. These recent inves- 
 tigations seem to prove conclusively that the fortress-town 
 captured by David's troops and enlarged by him — hence it 
 was called " t he City of David " — occupied only the hill 
 between the Cedron and Tyropceon valleys, to the south of 
 Mount Moriah, from which it was separated by a ravine which 
 was filled up somewhat later on (cfr. Pelt, Histoire de I'An- 
 cien 'J'estament, tome ii, p. 28, sq). On this hill — which is 
 properly Mount Siop — David built himself a palace with 
 the aid of the Phenician artists whom Hiram, King of Tyre, 
 supplied to him. He then surrounded himself with a royal 
 estate hitherto unknown to Israel, but resembling in many 
 ways that of the great Eastern monarchs of the time. He 
 conformed to Oriental opinion, which regarded the multipli- 
 
 ^^*<^ 
 
200 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 cation of wives as a necessary proof of the magnificence of 
 the ruler, and hence to the several wives he had already 
 taken in Hebron he added others after his settling down in 
 Jerusalem. By thus acting, he indeed satisfied his own 
 pleasure or political interests and added to the magnificence 
 ' of his court (for each wife had a separate splendid establish- 
 ment), but he also prepared for himself much family sorrow 
 and trouble, and at the same time introduced into his palace 
 a luxury and worldliness tending to assimilate the habits of 
 his court and the sentiments of the courtiers to those of 
 other Oriental potentates. In point of fact, he had his own 
 ro^al_nuile especially known as such (III Kings i, 33), and 
 his royal seat or throne in a separate chamber or gateway in 
 the palace (III Kings i, 35). The highest ofBcexs of the 
 court, even the Prophets, did not venture into his presence 
 without previous announcement, and when they did enter it 
 was with the profoundest obeisance and prostration (II Kings 
 ix, 6 ; xiv, 4, 22, 23 ; III Kings i, 16, 23, etc). His followers 
 who, up to the time of his accession, had been called his 
 "young men," "his companions," henceforth became his 
 " servants," " his slaves " (II Kings x, 2, etc). Finally, all 
 used in addressing him magnificent titles which bear a strik- 
 ing resemblance to those we find applied to the Egyptian 
 monarchs in the Tell el-Amarna tablets ; compare for in- 
 stance III Kings, i, 24, 36, with Records of the Past, new 
 series, vol. v, p. 66, sq. (see Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish 
 Church, vol. ii). 
 
 2. Political Administration. Although David thus 
 introduced into Israel a royal estate absolutely unknown 
 under his predecessor, yet he did not change the predomi- 
 nant feature of the Jewish monarchy; his reign, as that of 
 '^Saul, was to be spent in defending the country against its 
 various enemies (III Kings v, 3), and this is why one of the 
 principal cares of his administration was to keep a standing 
 
THE REIGN OF DAVID. 20I 
 
 army^ on an excellent footing. For this purpose, he divided 
 the national forces into 12 divisions of 24,000 nren; each 
 division being liable to be called on to serve in their respec- 
 tive months (I Paralip, xxvii, 1-15), and placed the whole 
 army under the command of Juab, who had obtained this 
 most important dignity under the walls of Jerusalem. He 
 no doubt realized that for the defence of a hilly country like 
 Palestine, cavalry and numerous chariots would be of little 
 avail ; and hence, differently from the armies of the other 
 nations, that of Israel remained under him made up exclu- 
 sively of infantry and supplied with only a lew chariots (cfr. 
 II Kings viii,, 14). He, of course, maintained the body-guard , 
 which had been instituted by Saul, and gave its command to 
 the distinguished Levite, Baniiias, son of Joiada(II Kings 
 xxiii, 19, sq.). To this he added a kind of military order 
 composed of 600 select men with the special title of Gibborim, 
 heroes, or mighty men, under the command of Abisai, his 
 nephew (II Kings xxiii, 8-39; I Paralip. xi, 9-47). -rf*- 
 
 Side by side with this military organization^ David created 
 or developed several social institutions. While he himself 
 was the head of all government, civil and military, he did 
 not supersede the time-honored authority of the heads and 
 elders of tribes, but "he extended and improved it, espe- 
 cially by distributing a large portion of the Levites through 
 the country, of whom no fewer than 6,000 were made officers 
 and judges (I Paralip. xxiii, 4). For developing the m aterial 
 res ource s of the country, he had storehouses in the fields, 
 in the cities, in the villages and in the castles; there were 
 vineyards and wine-cellars, and cellars of oil, superintended 
 each by appointed officers; in different valleys herds and 
 flocks grazed under the care of royal herdsmen and shep- 
 herds; an officer, skilled in agriculture, presided over the 
 tillage of the fields; the sycamore and olive trees were under 
 the eye of skilful foresters," etc. (I Paralip. xxvii, 25-31. 
 Blaikie, Manual of Bible History, p. 254). 
 
^f 
 
 202 OUTLINES OF JFWISH HISTORY. 
 
 3. Ecclesiastical Arrangements. As David had made 
 Jerusaiem the centre of social and political life in Israel, so 
 he resolved to make it the centre of religious worship by re- 
 moving to Mount Sion the Ark of the Covenant, which was 
 then at Cariathiarim. For this purpose he held a consulta- 
 tion with the Jewish elders, who readily approved his design. 
 His first attempt met indeed with a mortifying defeat, when 
 the priest Oza was smitten with instantaneous death for hav- 
 ing even unwittingly touched the Ark (II Kings vi, i-ii ; I 
 Paralip. xiii) ; but three months afterwards he succeeded in 
 carrying this symbol of Jehovah's favor and presence, in 
 solemn procession and amidst hymns of triumph, into the 
 Jewish capital. Perhaps, even at this time, he cherished the 
 project of erecting a magnificent temple to the God of Israel, 
 and thereby completing the work of religious centralization; 
 it is only later on, however, when he had done with his vari- 
 ous wars, that he saw his way to submit this undertaking to 
 the approval of the prophet Nathan. At first the prophet 
 encouraged, but afterwards, in God's name, objected to 
 David's project, and told him that this glorious work was re- 
 served for his son and successor. It is in connection with 
 this announcement that Nathan revealed to David the great 
 future which awaited his race. His house, he was told, 
 should reign forever over Israel, and his seed would erect to 
 Jehovah a temple and would be raised to Divine sonship. 
 In this glorious announcement, Jewish and Christian tradi- 
 tions have ever seen a prediction of the Messias, the greatest 
 Son of David, and the eternal Ruler over the house of Jacob; 
 and St. Peter declares that David, being "a prophet," under- 
 stood it of Christ (Acts ii, 30, 31). No wonder then that the 
 Jewish monarch found in it an ample compensation for his 
 disappointment at not being allowed to build a temple to 
 Jehovah, and that his prayer before the Ark on this occasion 
 expresses so fervently his thanks for the promise, and his 
 desire for its fulfilment (II Kings vii ; xxiii, i, sq. ; I Paralip. 
 xvii). 
 
THE REIGN OF DAVID. 203 
 
 Having thus provided, as far as it lay in his power, for the 
 unity of government and worship, David surrounded himself 
 with four great religious dignitaries whose principal duty was 
 to guide him in all ecclesiastical matters of importance. 
 These were the prophe ts Gad and Nathan , his constant ad- 
 visers, and the two hig ;h pries ts Abiathar and Sadoc . who 
 represented the two rival houses descending from Aaron. 
 These latter were especially charged to superintend Divine 
 worship, the former in Jerusalem, where the Ark now rested, ^ 
 the latter in Gabaon, an ancient place of worship where the;^***^>j^ 
 Tabernacle was still preserved. Naturally enough, there /^^^ , 
 were in Israel at this time other religious functionaries in^ 
 ferior in rank to these four great dignitaries of David, and 
 working under their direction ; they probably formed two 
 great classes : (i) that of prophet s especially instructed in sing- 
 ing and music under Asaph, Heman the grandson of Samuel, 
 and Idithun ([ Paralip. xxv) ; (2) that of Lci'ites or attendants 
 on the sanctuary, who divided among themselves the func- 
 tions directly connected with Divine worship. As a matter 
 of fact, it is to this period of Jewish history that the first ^ 
 book of Chronicles refers the introduction of that system of ^Lj^ 
 coursei further elaborated later on, whereby the whole sacer- 7^; 
 (iotai body was divided into classes, named after their respec-^^^-ci 
 tive chiefs and presided over by them. They carried out*^^^,^ 
 their functions week by week, their particular duties being ^ 
 apportioned by lot. The rest of the Levites, to the number 
 of 38,000, ranging from twenty years of age and upwards, re- 
 ceived also a special organization (I Paralip. xxiv ; cfr. also 
 II Paralip. xxxi, 2). 
 
 4. Outward Relations. Whilst thus engaged at home -<^ 
 in introducing into every department of administration some- 
 thing like system and order, David did not lose sight of what 
 the circumstances of the time required of him in connection 
 with the various surrounding nations. It was his mission to 
 
X 
 
 M^ 
 
 204 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 pursue and bring to a successful issue the great work of 
 liberating his people from their enemies which had been be- 
 gun by Saul ; and, in point of fact, almost his entire life was 
 spent in wars along all the borders of IsraeTT On the south - 
 west, he fought against the Philistines, and took from these 
 inveterate enemies of the Jews the town of Geth and a great 
 part of their dominion. On the southeast , he conquered and 
 established garrisons in the territory of Edom. On the eas t 
 of the Jordan , he attacked and well-nigh exterminated the 
 Moabites, whilst on the northeast^ he ov^erthrew the Syrians 
 of Soba as well as those of Damascus who had marched to 
 the defence of their kindred. Finally, he waged a protracted 
 war ao^inst the Ammonites, who had entered into a defen- 
 sive alliance with several of the Syrian princes, and wreaked 
 upon them a frightful vengeance. Of course, of all these 
 wars the Biblical narrative gives us little more than a brief 
 mention ; yet it is sufficient to make us feel how severe was 
 the treatment which David inflicted upon the conquered. 
 Thus we read of the Moabite prisoners that he put two-thirds 
 to death, and granted life to only one-third (II Kings viii, 2), 
 and of the Ammonite cities compelled to surrender, that 
 "bringing forth the people thereof he sawed them, and drove 
 over them chariots armed with iron, and divided them with 
 knives and made them pass through brickkilns " (II Kings 
 xii, 31). Efforts have been made in various ways to account 
 for the peculiar ba rbarit y of such treatment; it has been 
 said, for instance, that David belonged to a barbarous age, 
 that cruelty has ever been a part of Oriental tactics to strike 
 enemies with terror, that in the case of Ammonites (and pos- 
 sibly also in the case of the Moabites), these cruelties were 
 a retaliation for a gross provocation (II Kings x, 2-4; I 
 Paralip. xix, i, sq.), etc. It seems, however, that these 
 excuses, either separately or collectively, do not cover 
 the whole ground, and leave David's character in regard 
 to his treatment of the conquered, stained with unjusti- 
 
THE REIGN OF DAVID. 20$ 
 
 fiable atrocities (II Kings viii, i, sq. ; I Paralip. xviii, 
 
 I, sq.). ^'^'^^ 
 
 It is only to the northwest of Palestine, that we find David*^ '^'^t^ 
 keeping up carefully pacific relations. It seems that the 
 Phenicians, having helped the Philistines in their first wars 
 against him, soon reversed their policy and showed them- 
 selves anxious to be on friendly terms with the young and 
 growing natioji of the Jews; and it is certain that the Jewish 
 monarch was no less anxious to cultivate the friendship of 
 a people whose aid as to materials and workmen he needed 
 so much for the various buildings the erection of which 
 he either carried out or contemplated. This contact with 
 the heathen outside Jewish territory, which David was not"*^*^ -K^ 
 so prone to seek as his son and successor, led to good ^*-*-<-m^ 
 results. The Israelites learned therefrom something of the^ 
 useful and ornamental arts, and this prepared the way for 
 the positive achievements of the age of Solomon (I Paralip. 
 xxii). £^ 
 
 5. Extension and Prosperity of the Empire. As ^ 
 
 the outcome of his successful wars, David had succeeded in ,, 
 extending the frontiers of Israel's dominions to the very /**-^ >*, 
 limits promised to Abraham long centuries be fore (Gen. xv/**"**^ ^g, 
 18). His empire included besides Eastern and Western ^ ^^j^ 
 Palestine several tributary kingdoms, and extended from the^^^ ^L^ 
 Great Sea to the Euphrates and from the mountains of Le- 
 banon to the eastern arm of the Red Sea. Its area was 
 about 60,000 square miles, and its population nearly 5,000,- 
 000. This was probably the largest empire in the Oriental 
 world at the time, and it had been obtained by faithfulness 
 to theocratic principles, as is suggested by what we read in 
 II Kings vii, 9, that Jehovah "made him (David) a great 
 name, like unto the name of the great men that are in the 
 earth." David' s own feelings of gratitude to God for so 
 much glory are expressed in that noble psalm of thanksgiv- 
 
20b OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ing, which is found in both the second book of Kings (chap, 
 xxii) and the book of Psahns (Ps. xvii). 
 
 As might naturally be expected, the nation at large felt 
 proud of the numerous conquests which had been achieved 
 by its leader, but more particularly did it feel grateful for the 
 unexampled prosperity which prevailed throughout the land 
 before the great crime of David with Bethsabee. Up to that 
 fatal moment, the public mind was united in promoting the 
 welfare of the country, and under the wise direction of a 
 strong, centralized government, agriculture and industry soon 
 reached a flourishing condition. 
 
 § J. Fall and Last Years of David, 
 
 1. His Fall and its Punishment. It was du ring the 
 war with the Ammonites that David fell into those most ag- 
 gravated sins of adultery and murde r, which -compromised 
 almost entirely the^ unity and prosperity of his empire be- 
 cause of the long series of family, personal and public calam- 
 ities with which God visited him (II Kings vi-xii, 14). 
 
 The first disgraceful transaction which followed in the line 
 of judgment upon David^s house, was fn ^ inces f of Amnnpj fol- 
 lowed two years later, by tlig d^^th "^ ^^at worthless prince, 
 through the agency of Absalom (II Kings xiii, 1-29). For 
 this offence, Absalom himself so tenderly loved by the king, 
 was obliged tr > take fn flip;ht, and actually spent three years 
 with the Syrian king of Gessur (II Kings xiii, 30-39). 
 
 The next punishmeut fell heavily upon the entire kingdom. 
 Absalom, having been recalled and restored to favor, started 
 ^ ^PibH^'^'^ and usurped the throne. Accordingly, David fly- 
 ing from his capital, passed east of the Jordan, where he 
 made a stand against his unnatural son, whilst the latter 
 entered Jerusalem in triumph (II Kings xiv, xv. Hibbard. 
 Palestine, p. 258, sq.). 
 
THE REIGN OF DAVID. 207 
 
 2. David's Restoration, Subsequent Faults and 
 Death. Jt can hardly be doubted that if Absalom had not 
 followea the insidioi^f^ qdvipe of a secret friend of David, — 
 thereby wasting precious time in striving to collect a large 
 army from the whole nation, — but had at once pursued his 
 "weary and weak-handed father" with a comparatively small 
 body of men, he would have secured the final success of his 
 revolt^" Abs alom 's delay saved David, around whom a power- 
 ful army soon assembled, east of the Jordan. A severe battle 
 was fought which resulted in Absalom's defeat and death, in 
 the break up of his insurrection and in the restoration of his 
 father (II Kings xvi-xviii). -m^Im*^ ^ 
 
 Scarcely was David restored when a new revolt broke out. ^ / 
 The northern tribes took it ill that the men of Juda should 
 have presumed to reinstate the king without their concur- 
 rence. In consequence there followed an insurrection headed 
 by Seba, a Benjamite, which for some time threatened more 
 evil to David than even the revolt of Absalom, but which 
 was ultimately quelled by the valiant, though most unscrupu- 
 lous Joab (II Kings xix, xx). 
 
 After a_long famine and a severe war wi th the P hilistines 
 which followed soon afterwards (II Kings xxi), David, moved 
 probably by some ambitious design contrary to the theocratic 
 character of a Jewish king, had a military censu s taken by 
 his officers. This was/a serious and public fault )kgainst the 
 essential character of the Constitution of Israel, and was 
 therefore punished by a fearful pestilence which carried 
 away no less than 70,000 Israelites. At length the prayer of 
 the humbled monarch arrested the destroyer (II Kings xxiv; 
 I Paralip. xxi). 
 
 The declining years of David were also marked by factions , 
 which on the question of the royal succession soon to be 
 opened, divided the army, the royal household and even the 
 priesthood. Adonias, the eldest surviving son of David, up- 
 held by Joab and Abiathar, took measures to procure for 
 
i^ 
 
 208 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 himself the right of succession, and caused a powerful diver- 
 sion in the public mind in his favor. This roused Bethsabee, 
 the mother of Solomon, and Nathan, the prophet, who im- 
 mediately induced David to have Solomon inaugurated king 
 and successor with due form and solemnity (III Kings i). 
 To him alone, the aged monarch intrusted the charge of 
 building a house to Jehovah (I Paralip. xxii), the materials 
 of which he had himself gathered in great quantity during 
 the last ten years (I Paralip. xxvii, xxix). After Solomon's 
 ^'J^ coronation David lived but a short time : his rule had lasted 
 forty years, thirty-three of which were spent in Jerusalem (III 
 Kings ii, 11). 
 
 3. Character of David. Few rulers have been more 
 sincerely admired and more universally praised than David 
 the great founder of the Jewish monarchy. It is, indeed, im 
 possible to justify all his acts or to regard him as a perfect 
 character, for even a brief study of his life as described in 
 the Biblical narrative discloses faults numerous and consid- 
 erable, in truth those very faults which one might naturally 
 expect to find in the chieftain of an Eastern and compara- 
 tively barbarous people. Thus, in his exile from the court 
 of Saul, ne appeared at times not much better than a free- 
 booter, who had recourse, when he deemed it expedient, to 
 craft or even falsehood. In Hebron and in Jerusalem he 
 ^had his harem, like other Eastern kings. He waged war and 
 revenged himself on his foreign enemies with merciless cruelty, 
 like other warriors of his age and country. Adultery and 
 • murder and the unlawful numbering of his people were three 
 4eep stains on his character and memory, and his parting 
 advice to his son not to spare Joab and Semei is not perhaps 
 absolutely excusable. 
 
 These are so many dark shadows which can be noticed in 
 the Biblical picture of David's reign, because Holy Writ pre- 
 sents to us not the panegyric, but the truthful record of the 
 
THE REIGN OF DAVID. 209 
 
 deeds of an Oriental monarch. But they should not make 
 us lose sight for a moment of the bright and lovely and holy "lJi 
 features of the character of David as drawn in the inspired v 
 narrative. Before he reaches the throne he stands before us 
 adorned with the perfect innocence of his lonely shepherd 
 life, with that bravery and trust in Jehovah which makes him 
 meet Goliath with his rustic weapons; with that deep respec t 
 imUh e anointed of the Lord which causes him to spare time 
 and again the life of Saul, his unjust and fierce persecutor. 
 Called to the throne by the will of God and the free choice 
 of his nation, he assumes the reins of government with a 
 vigo r which contrasts with the long years of weakness of the 
 preceding ruler, and which soon introduces system and order 
 into all the branches of public administration. Never any 
 complain t is heard against his manner of rendering justice ; 
 and l ie is r e markable by his valor in an age of warriors, no 
 less than by his piety and constant adherenc e to the excluv 
 sive worship of God in a time and nation whose bent was 
 towards sensual idolatry. His in<^pired canticle^ — for he 
 composed many psalms despite the negations of destructive 
 critics — whilst Reveal ing his poetical genius, make us ac- 
 quainted with the inward feelings of his soul, and have caused 
 Jewish and Christian traditions to consider him as the royal 
 prophet of Israel. His lamentable falls he more than fii- 
 piate d by the depth of his sorrow and the humility of his 
 resignation under God's punisljments. In a word, he was 
 the great man of his age, and in almost all respects, the 
 model of a theocratic ruler, " an example worthy of the imita- 
 tion of his successors, and according as these appear on com- 
 parison with him, the sacred writers estimate their charac- 
 ters" (.Jahn, Hebrew Commonwealth, p. 76; cfr. also HI 
 Kings XV, 3, II ; IV Kings xiv, 3 ; xvi, 2 ; xviii, 3, etc.). 
 
 Finally, through almost "all the circumstances of his life, 
 David has been regarded as typjfiP^ ^^ his great Son. vHis, 
 birth at Bethlehem, his private unction there, hisAictoJiy over 
 
 >> 
 
2IO OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the giant foe who had defied the army of the living God, his 
 sweetjpusic wliich put to flight the evil spirit, the p ersecu- 
 tion s that he endured, the cgmpAS^ion and forgiyjeiiess which 
 he exhibited, hi s ^eal for the House of" God, his wars a nd 
 triumphs over heathen nations, his je jecti on by his own 
 people, the treachery of his tried comrade, his finaLvictoxy 
 over all opposition — all these and such like details have a 
 prophetic and typical import and speak to the Christian of 
 the love and sufferings and triumphs of Jesus" (Deane, 
 David, p. 221). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Kingdom of Solomon. 
 Section I. Its Beginning and Prosperous Period. 
 
 I. 
 
 Its I. How Solomon xvas Prepared and Called to succeed David. 
 
 Begin- j 2. His Accession and First Acts. 
 
 ning: I 
 
 II. 
 Commer- 
 cial Re- 
 lations : 
 
 By Land with 
 
 By Sea : 
 
 Egypt. 
 Arabia. 
 . Tyre. 
 
 How brought about. 
 
 With what countries. (Ophir.) 
 
 III. r 
 
 Internal 
 Pros- 
 perity : 
 
 1. Intellectual Life of Solomon and his Times. 
 
 2. Military and Political Organizcttiqn of his Empire. 
 
 3. Extension and Peaceful Condition of his States. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Public 
 Works : 
 
 In fenisalem 
 
 A. The temple (building; description^ 
 
 dedication). 
 
 B. His own palace; wall of city. 
 
 /// the Provinces : cities built by him. 
 
 [211] 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 
 
 ^ Section I. Its Beginning anp Prosperous Period. 
 ^ ^ ^ § /. Beginmtig of Solojnon''s Kingdo7tt. 
 
 SLA 
 
 ^ 
 
 ow Solomon was Prepared and Called to 
 Succeed David. Unlike the first two kings of Israel, 
 Solomon, the second son of David by Bethsabee, wa s born 
 in the Jewish capital and_brouo^t_^ in the midst of such 
 state and luxury as belonged to his father's court. Three 
 persons especially had much to do with his early training : 
 his fathe r, his mother and the proph et Nathan. The influ- 
 ence of his father was no doubt of the happiest kind. Ma- 
 tured by years and chastened by sorrow and misfortune, David 
 must have watched over this child of his beloved wife with a 
 special care and set before him examples of personal love 
 and devotion to Jehovah, of strict and constant attention to 
 public affairs. Furthermore, as he knew that Solomon was 
 destined to rule over Israel, he no doubt initiated him grad- 
 ually into the many details of political government and into 
 his great project of erecting a temple to the Lord. 
 
 "But the boy would be also with Bethsabee, his mothe r — 
 in his childhood almost entirely so ; and that must have been 
 a very different influence. The mother's influence in an 
 Eastern court is almost always bad, for she is not trained to 
 think of anything higher for her child than the merest self- 
 indulgence " (Winterbotham, Life and Reign of Solomon, 
 p. 14), and in this particular case, a happy motherly influence 
 
 [212] 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 213 
 
 could hardly be expected on the part of one who had con- 
 sented to share in a royal adultery, and whose main concern 
 was apparently to secure the throne to her beloved child. 
 Fortunately, therefore, for Solomon, he found in jMathan . the 
 faithful prophet of Jehovah, and a man of great influence 
 with both David and Bethsabee, examj)les and precepts that 
 would counteract to some extent the softness of his early 
 training by his mother, add considerably to the power of the 
 good example and advice of his father, aod-prjepaie him 
 gradually for the great future before him. 
 
 Thus Solomon grew up destined to the throne not only by 
 the peculiar love of David and Bethsabee, but also and prin- 
 cipally by the solemn decree which Nathan had uttered in 
 his favor on the part of Jehovah (II Kings vii, 12, 15; III 
 Kings ii, 15, 24). It was most likely in consequence of this 
 Divine decree that David had secretly premised to Bethsa- 
 bee that her son Solomon would succeed to the kingdom 
 (III Kings i, 17), and that when Adonias, his eldest surviv- 
 ing son, put up a claim to the throne and was not thereupon 
 rebuked by him, Nathan int ervened and req^uested that ihe 
 royal dignity should belong to the one chosen by the Supreme 
 King of Israel. It is also probable that the prophet profiieii , 
 by this occasion to make David sensible of the great evils 
 which might arise for his family and nation should he die be- 
 fore the actual coronation of his successor, and this accounts 
 for the fact that the aged monarch lost no time in having 
 Solomon inaugurated King of Israel, and expressed his great 
 joy at seeing the ceremony over (III Kings i, 48 ; cfr. also 
 III Kings ii, 22). ^ 
 
 2. Accession and First Acts of Solomon. A few ' 
 
 months elapsed when, by the death of his father, Solomon 
 became the sole occupant of the Jewish throne. He was 
 still very youn g — pipbablj_^.tween_ sixteen and twenty — 
 and whilst he knew he possessed the affectionate loyalty of 
 
214 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the nation at large, he could not forget that very near his 
 throne he had several bold and designing enemies. "The 
 pretensions of his own elder brother Adonias still com- 
 manded a powerful party; Abiathar swayed the priesthood; 
 Juab the army. The singular connection in public opinion 
 between the title to the crown and the possession of the 
 deceased monarch's harem has been already noticed. Ado- 
 nias, in making request for Abisag, a youthful concubine 
 taken by David in his old age, was considered as insidiously 
 renewing his claims to the sovereignty. Solomon saw at 
 once the wisdom of his father's dying admonition (III 
 Kings ii, 5-9 ; he seized the opportunity of crushing all 
 future opposition, and all danger of a civil war. He caused 
 Adonias to be piilL_tQ_death, sus pende d Abiathar from his 
 office and banished him from Jerusalem, arid commanded 
 that Joab, though he had fled to the altar, be slain for two 
 murders of which he had been guilty, those of Abner and 
 Amasa. Seme i. another dangerous character, was com- 
 manded to reside in Jerusalem, on pain of death if he 
 should quit the city. Three years afterwards, he was 
 detected in a suspicious journey to Geth, on the Philistine 
 border, and having violated the compact, he suffered the 
 penalty" (Milman, History of the Jews). 
 
 Thus secured, according to the advice of his father, from 
 internal enemies, Solomon married Pharao's daughter. 
 This was clearly a political alliance, the chief aim of which 
 was probably to flatter the national pride of the Israelites 
 by making them more fully realize the high standing they 
 actually possessed among the greatest monarchies of the 
 world.. Although this alliance with a heathen woman must 
 have appeared contrary to the religious traditions of the peo- 
 ple of Jehovah, yet its irregularity was not objected to at 
 the time. Another thing contributed towards rendering this 
 alliance acceptable to the Jewish nation, namely, the splen- 
 did and costly sacrifi ce which the young monarch hastened 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 215 
 
 after his accession to offer on " the great high place " in 
 Gabaon, where the Tabernacle still remained, and which was 
 calculated to prove to all his sincere devotion to the worship 
 of the God of Israel. The sacred writer informs us that 
 this sacrifice was so pleasing to Jehovah that He appeared 
 to Solomon, offered him whatever gift he might choose, and^^^,,;^^^ 
 bestowed upon him "an understanding heart to judge his^ 
 people." An illustration is then given of the wonderful judi- 
 cial wisdom of the king in the memorable incident of the two 
 women who contested the right to a child (III Kings, iii). 
 
 § 2. Commercial Relations. ^$/ Cry^ 
 
 ^tJU:i^ 
 
 I. Commerce by Land. Solomon is the first Jewish a^ ^ 
 ruler who, having in his hands the great military and com- 
 mercial roads between the Euphrates and the Nile, felt free 
 enough from foreign foes to start and carry on an active 
 commerce with the nations which surrounded Israel. His 
 principal traffic by land was with Eg\t>t for the horses and 
 chariots for which this country had become famous. He 
 needed them to keep up his own large supply, for he himself 
 possessed horsemen and chariots in great numbers after the 
 manner of the Egyptian and Hittite kings, and more particu- 
 larly to satisfy the incessant demands for such warlike or 
 splendid equipages by the Hittite and Aramean warriors 
 (III Kings X, 28, 29). To transport them across his terri- 
 tory he naturally put in gop(j repa ir the old caravan roads 
 which long centuries of war and confusion had allowed to 
 fall into a miserable condition, and "after a system long 
 established in Egypt, he built towns at suitable points as 
 centres of commerce and depots of goods for sale " (Geikie, 
 Hours with the Bible, vol. iii, p. 422). That the Jewish 
 king kept the monopoly of this lucrative trade, as indeed of 
 all his commerce, is most likely from what we know of the 
 customs of Oriental monarchs. 
 
2l6 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. . 
 
 Solomon's commercial relations with Arabia are less 
 accurately known to us than those he had with Egypt. It 
 is from Arabia that he must have mainly derived the spices 
 which were extensively used during his reign (cfr. Ill 
 Kings X, 25 ; Prov. vii, 17 ; Cant, iii, 6 ; iv, 10, 14, 16, etc.); 
 for although they might have been brought to him by sea, 
 yet they have ever been transported by caravans throughout 
 the East. From the same country he may also have 
 imported many of his precious stones (cfr. Ill Kings x, 2, 
 10; II Paralip. ix, i, 9, 10). 
 
 The last country with which Solomon maintained direct 
 commercial relations by land was Phenicia. His traffic 
 with Hiram, King of Tyre, w^as chiefly required by his own 
 numerous architectural undertakings ; for without the friendly 
 transactions with this pagan prince, Solomon would never 
 have been able to carry out the building of the Tem- 
 ple of Jerusalem and of his various palaces. Phenicia was 
 ever famous in antiquity for its skilled wood-carvers and 
 metal-casters, and the Israelites, at least at this time, were 
 far from having acquired the knowledge in the useful and 
 fine arts which such public constructions required. It may 
 be added in passing that if the Jewish king vanquished many 
 a time his royal brother of Tyre in their contests of wit 
 (JosEPHUS, Against Apion, i, 17), the Phenician monarch cer- 
 tainly got the better of the son of David in their business 
 transactions (III Kings v; vii; 13, sq. ; ix, i,sq; II Para- 
 lip. ii ; viii, 2). 
 
 2. Commerce by Sea. It was his intercourse with 
 Phenicia which suggested to Solomon maritime enterprises 
 which departed entirely from the old traditions of the Jewish 
 people, never much acquainted with the sea. Whilst the 
 Tyrians covered the Mediterranean Sea with their ships, 
 founding numerous colonies, opening trading ports — the 
 chief of which was Tarsis, probably on the southern coast 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 217 
 
 of Spain, then abounding in gold and silver mines — David 
 secured the possession of Asiougaber at the northern end 
 of the eastern arm of the Red Sea and his son and suc- 
 cessor, Solomon, bethought himself of procuring a fleet 
 which would cross the Red Sea and trade with the eastern 
 ports of India. This was a bold conception, for to carry it 
 out Solomon could not reckon either on native ship-build- 
 ers or native sailors. Yet by means of his friendly alliance 
 with Hiram he was able to secure ships which he manned 
 partly with Phenician sailors, partly with his own subjects 
 from Dan and Zabulon, who were somewhat familiar with the 
 sea by their residence near the coast. 
 
 It is hardly probable that the ships of Solomon sailed in 
 company with those of Hiram and shared in their profits. 
 The Phenicians most likely kept the monopoly and the " Tar- 
 sis navy " spoken of in the Hebrew text of III Kings x, 22 ; 
 II Paralip. ix, 2[, was a generic term simply to designate 
 ships of a particular build, just as Englishmen might talk of 
 an "Indiaman " without necessarily implying that the ship 
 sailed only to India (Farrar, Solomon, his Life and Times, 
 
 p. 122). -••^ .*4/<U^ 
 
 Whatever may be thought of Solomon's maritime partner- ^-^''^t^S^ 
 ship with the King of Tyre in the commerce of the Mediter- 
 ranean, there is no doubt that he attempted the navigation 
 of the Red Sea, for which Hiram and his Tyrians could feel 
 no sort of jealousy. Sailing from Asiongaber, the Jewish 
 navy went to Ophir , a place the exact site of which has been 
 the subject matter of endless discussions. Some have iden- 
 tified it with the ancient gold mines and extensive ruins 
 recently discovered in Southern Africa ; others with a place 
 called El Ophir in the southern part of Arabia (Gen. x, 29) ; 
 others again with a place at the mouth of the Indus, etc., 
 etc. The last opinion just given seems, on the whole, very 
 probable on the following grounds: (i) all the imports 
 mentioned in the Bible are of Indian origin; (2) the names 
 
2l8 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 given them (except of course of gold, silver and precious 
 Stones for which there were already Hebrew words) are 
 Sanscrit words ; (3) the place at the mouth of the Indus, is 
 named by Ptolemy Abiria, and by Hindu geographers 
 Abhira, a name practically identical with that of Ophir ; 
 (4) finally, in the Septuagint, or oldest Greek translation of 
 the Old Testament, Ophir is translated Sophir, which in 
 Coptic means India, and this rendering is adopted by the 
 Arabic versions ; the Vulgate itself renders Ophir by India 
 in Job xxviii, 16 (cfr. Vigouroux, Bible et De'couvertes 
 Modernes, tome iii ; Farrar, Solomon, pp. 123-126). 
 
 The principal products brought from Ophir were, besides 
 gold and silver, ivory, precious stones, sandalwood, apes and 
 peacocks, the last of which caused the greatest wonder 
 among the Jewish population (III Kings ix, 28; x, ir, 22 ; 
 II Paralip. viii, 18; ix, 10). 
 
 y 
 
 ^ 
 
 § J. Internal Prosperity. 
 
 I. Intellectual Life of Solomon and his Times. 
 ^ The prosperous period of Solomon's reign was not <^"ly the 
 ^ 1 best epoch for the development of Jewish industry and 
 commerce, i t was also the most favorable time for the devel- 
 opment of national intellectual life. In this respect, as in 
 every other, the King of Israel took the lead, and he became 
 very widely known as ihe " wisest man of his time, "^ where by 
 it was probably meant that he was endowed with airextraor- 
 dinary "faculty of acute observation, shrewdness in discov- 
 ery or device, cleverness of invention (Driver, Introduc- 
 tion to Old Testament Literature, chapter viii ; cfr. also III 
 Kings iii, 2, 3). Solomon's wisdom thus understood allowed 
 him to cultivate with great success \\\7k\ (rjinwir poetry which 
 " consists of acute observations on human life and society, 
 or generalizations respecting conduct and character " 
 (Driver, chapter vii); and in fact no less than 3,000 prov 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 219 
 
 erbs are ascribed to him (III Kings iv, 32). Of all these 
 proverbs of the Jewish monarch, only a very small number 
 has come down to us embodied in a general collection 
 known as our canonical " Book of Prover bs." Many times 
 his proverbs assumed the form of " parables from nature," 
 that is, of shrewd sayings which men could verify for them- 
 selves by ordinary observ^ation of natural facts and which 
 contained important lessons. As these sayings were often 
 suggested by a close observation either of animals, such as 
 the lizard, the ant, the lion, the bear, etc. ; or of plants, such 
 as the cedar, the hyssop, etc., we find it stated that Solomon 
 " treated about trees from the cedar that is in the Lebanon, 
 unto the hyssop that cometh out of the wall, and discoursed 
 of beasts and of fowls, and of creeping things and of fishes" 
 (in Kings iv, 33). i^^'^f^^ 
 
 We are further told that he composed *'a thousand 
 and five poems" (III Kings iv, 32), whence it follows 
 that Solomon also cultivated /vnc poetrv assiduously ; but 
 of all the lyric compositions of the Bible, only a few 
 have been ascribed to him, namely : Ei»alm tfXxir in the 
 Hebrew (lxxi in the Vulgate), Psalm cxvii in the Hebrew 
 (cxvi in the Vulgate\ the Canticle of Canticle s, and Ecclesi - 
 astes . 
 
 Perhaps to this same period of the Golden Age of the 
 Hebrew literature must be ascribed the remarkable poem y ^^/ 
 known under tlie name of the ^c)Q\i of Joh ^ in which case, "^-<, 
 
 it would be necessary to admit that some of the deepest 
 problems offered to the human mind by our mortal exist- 
 ence greatly agitated already the wise men of Solomon's 
 time (cfr. Pelt, Histoire de I'Ancien Testament, tome ii, 
 p. 65-92). 
 
 Besides these various inspired poems, it can hardly be 
 doubted, that in Israel, as in any nation which has reached 
 a high literary development, other poetical compositions 
 were written bearing on topics which had no religious or 
 
^ 
 
 220 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 sacred character. Finally, as forming a part of the intellect- 
 ^ ual activity of the time, we must mention the public and 
 private diaries which were later utilized by the compilers of 
 our books of Kings and Chronicles (III Kings iv, 3 ; xi, 41 ; 
 II Paralip. ix, 29). 
 
 2. Military and Political Organization. As might 
 naturally be expected from a monarch who had set before 
 himself the ideal of peaceful wealth and literary culture 
 instead of that of military glory, Solomon 1 eft _pra_cdc ally 
 unto uched the military organization introduced by his father. 
 Like David, he had his standing army, now commanded by 
 Banaias, the son of Joiada ; his military order of 600 men, 
 and his body-guard under the command of a captain whose 
 power extended over the king's household. To these he 
 simply added a comparatively large number of cavalry and 
 charioteers 
 
 The political organization underwent more considerable 
 changes. Having surrounded himsel f with wise and 
 respected counsellors (III Kings iv, 2), the king did awa y 
 iyjlh the time-honored division of Israel into tribes, gnd put 
 taxation on a new basis. He preserved indeed the old num- 
 ber of twelve in his new division of the land, but his twelve 
 provinces were made according to population and resources, 
 and over each of these he himself appointed a governor. 
 His aim was clearly to deal a fatal blow at the old tribal 
 jealousies and divisions which he remembered had so terri- 
 bly shaken the kingdom during the last years of his father, 
 and at the same time to regulate taxation more easily. The 
 financial administration which was intrusted to the provin- 
 cial governors was in fact of the simplest kind ; apparently 
 no direct taxes were levied, but all that was requisite for 
 Solomon's court and government had to be provided, each 
 province supplying in turn what was required for a month 
 (III Kings iv). 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMOxV. 22 1 
 
 3. Extension and Peaceful Condition of his ^*^^-*'**{<, 
 States. With such excellent financial organization, it ^<^ 
 should have been easy for the Jewish king to meet the 
 yearly expenses of his reign, the more so because the vari- 
 ous tributary nations — Philistines, Edomites, Moabites, 
 Ammonites, Arabians of the desert and Syrians of Damas- 
 cus — showed themselves faithful in paying him whatever 
 dues had been imposed on them by David (III Kings iv, 
 21). Solomon's passion for building soon betrayed him, 
 however, into enormous expenses which he felt unable to 
 cover except by alienating a part of his dominions. So that 
 had the King of Tyre been pleased with the twenty cities on 
 the border of Phenicia, which his royal brother had given him, 
 the kingdom of Solomon would have been actually less exten- 
 sive than that of his father (III Kings ix, lo, sq.). T he only 
 city which was added to Solomon's dominions, during his long 
 reign, w as that ofjG azer, which the King of Egypt took 
 from the Philistines and bestowed upon his daughter as a 
 dowry at the time of her marriage with the Jewish mon- 
 arch. 
 
 But if the territory of Israel was not increased during the "^ XjC^ 
 rule of Solomon, there is hardly any doubt that the popula - >a^^ 
 tion incre ased rapidly owing to the actual cessation of war^ *--^I^ 
 and to the growing material prosperity which the nation 
 enjoyed for many years (III Kings iv, 20). This was indeed 
 a time of peace and plenty "when Juda and Israel dwelt 
 * without any fear, every one under his vine and under his 
 fig-tree " (III Kings iv, 25). It was the time of that lavish 
 expenditure of those great architectural and commercial 
 undertakings which at fir^t naturally tended to increase the 
 well-being of the country *' by making money more plentiful, 
 by providing employment, creating large demands and arou .- 
 ing ambitions hitherto unknown " (WINTERBOTHA^^, Solomon, 
 p. 34). National pride and interest were gratified not only 
 by the most precious and most abundant treasures which for- 
 
2 22 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 eign nations and chieftains offered to the Jewisli king and 
 which were then mostly spent among the people ; but also by 
 Solomon's care to bestow only upon Israelites the posts of 
 honor and profit. It is not therefore to be wondered at that 
 the sacred writers of the books of Kings and Paralipomenon 
 describe with a special delight the riches and glory of the 
 
 \ son of David, and the peace and prosperity which the whole 
 nation " from Dan to Bersabee " enjoyed under his rule. 
 Indeed this period of peace, of prosperity and of glory con- 
 trasted so strongly with the insecurity of the time of the 
 judges and even of the reigns of Saul and David, and with 
 the misfortunes of later ages, that this glorious period of 
 Solomon's reign gradually came to be considered as the type 
 
 j^of that kingdom of course more prosperous, more lasting 
 than that of Solomon, yet like unto it, which the Messias, 
 the greatest Son of David, would introduce into the world 
 for " the glory ei the Jews and the revelation of the Gentiles " 
 (in King iv; II Paralip. viii, ix ; Matt, vi, 29; Luke ii, 
 25- 32)- 
 
 § 4. Public [Vorks. 
 
 X' 
 
 I. Public Works in Jerusalem. Among the many 
 ^ wonders of Solomon's reign which struck the imagination 
 
 of the Jewish people and made them long remember the 
 y splendor of his rule, were thejiublic buildings wherewith he 
 ^ embellished the capital of his empire. The first, and by far 
 
 the most important of these great buildings, was t he Tem- 
 ple. Towards the construction of this sanctuary David had 
 ^ gathered great treasures, quantities of brass, iron, stone, lim- 
 ^l^f/ ber, etc. (I Paralip. xxii), and had matured a detailed plan 
 which he explained to his son with the solemn charge that 
 he should carry it out with ardor and perseverance (I Para- 
 lip. xxviii). On coming to the throne Solomon lost no time 
 in taking up a work so dear to his father and to the nation 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 223 
 
 at large. For this purpose he entered into a regular treaty 
 with Hiram, by which he bound himself to supply the Tyrians 
 with large quantities of corn, oil and wine, and received in 
 return their timber which was floated down to Joppe, and a 
 large number of artificers. Besides, Solomon ordered a levy 
 out of Israel, which furnished him with 30,000 workmen, 10,- 
 000 of whom were employed at a time to cut timber in Lib- 
 anus, and he compelled 150,000 strangers, chiefly of Cha- 
 naanite descent, to carry burdens and hew stones (III Kings 
 v; I Paralip. ii). 
 
 These preparations completed, the work was begun on the '^**<<^ 
 site bought by David from Oman the Jesubite, o n M ount 
 Moriah^ an eminence near Jerusalem, at once rendered sacred 
 as the spot where Abraham had offered up Isaac, and where 
 the plague had been stayed during the last reign. The 
 rugged top of Moriah was levelled with great labor; jts 
 sides, which to the east and south were precipitous, were 
 faced with walls of great stones, built up on the sloping 
 sides, the interval between being occupied by vaults or filled 
 up with earth. The lower, bevelled stones of the wall re- 
 main, the relics of the eastern wall alone being Solomon's. 
 They bear Phenician red marks on their bottom rows, at the 
 depth of 90 feet, where the foundations rest on the rock 
 itself. No sound of hammer or of axe, or of any tool 
 ^ of iron, was heard as the structure arose (III Kings vi, 7); 
 every beam already cut and squared before being floated 
 down to Joppe, every stone already hewn and bevelled 
 in the quarries recently discovered under the present city 
 of Jerusalem, near the Damascus gate, was laid silently in 
 its appointed place (Maclear, Old Testament History, 
 
 Like the Tabernacle, on the general model of which it was /^ 
 
 built, the Temple faced the eas t. It consisted o f the 
 *' House of Jehovah " or Temple proper, erected on the top of 
 the sacred mount, and of two concentrated enclosures or 
 
224 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ^''Courts of Jehovah's House'' surrounding the Temple proper 
 in such a manner that the inner court stood upon higher 
 ground than the outer one, and the House of Jehovah upon 
 a position highest of all. 
 
 The^Ternple proper was but a smaU building, a shrine 
 erected to the God of Israel that He might dwell in the 
 midst of His people, not in our sense a church freely open 
 to all. It had three distinct parts • \\) the Vestibule , about 
 30 feet wide and 15 feet deep, within which arose two pillars 
 of brass, their capitals prnamented with network, chainwork 
 and pomegranates; (2) the Holy Place , the dimensions of 
 which were exactly double those of the Tabernacle, was 60 
 feet long from east to west, by 30 wide, and 45 high. It was 
 entered from the Vestibule by folding-doors made of cypress 
 overlaid with gold and richly embossed. Every part of this 
 wonderful room was overlaid with gold, and the walls of 
 hewn stone pajjelled with cedar, were further adorned with 
 beautiful carvings representing cherubim, fruits and flowers. 
 It contained the golden Altar of Incense, on either side of 
 which were five golden tables for the " loaves of proposition " 
 and five golden candlesticks, each seven-branched. ^) the 
 Holy of Holies or Most Holy Place was a perfect cube of 
 30 feet. The entrance was from the Holy Place through 
 folding-doors which were probably always open, though the 
 opening was concealed by a rich veil of the brightest colors. 
 Like the Holy Place, the Holy of Holies was most richly 
 decorated, overlaid with gold in all its parts. It Qontaintd 
 but^^one jobject, the original Ark of the Covenant over- 
 shadowed by two gigantic cherubim likewise overlaid with 
 gold. On three sides of the Temple proper there were side 
 buildings three stories high and so arranged that the Temple 
 proper rose above them like a clerestory rising above aisles, 
 the window-openings being fitted with fixed lattices of boards ; 
 the Most Holy Place, however, was apparently without any 
 light or ventilation from the outside. (On the resemblance 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 225 
 
 of Solomon's Temple to those of Egypt, cfr. Vigouroux, 
 Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, tome iii.) 
 
 Descending from the Vestibule, one would come to the 
 t^' Inner'' (III Kings vi, 36) or i ^ourt of the Priests " (II 
 Paralip. iv, 9) w ithin whic h — as within the Court of the 
 Tabernacle — \vas the Altar of Holocausts, 30 feet long and 
 15 high, and standing on the exact site of the threshing floor 
 of Oman. In the same court, were also found a great tank 
 or "sea " of molten brass used for the ablutions of the priests, 
 ten lesser movable vessels of brass for the washing of entrails, 
 and all the otlieJLJltfillsiis necessary for the various Jewish 
 sacrifices. This court was paved with great stones, and en- 
 closed by a low wall of polished stones and a row of beams 
 of cedar. Only the priests and those who offered sacrifices 
 were allowed into the inner court, a part of which — the 
 nearest to the Temple — was actually reserved for the exclu- 
 sive use of the priests. • 
 
 From this Inner Court, steps led down to the " Outer 
 Court ''' where the people gathered to attend the various 
 sacrifices and ceremonies of the Mosaic Ritual (cfr. Jerem. 
 xxxvi, 10). Tins outer court was probably left unfinished 
 by Solomon, but when completed it was surrounded by a 
 strong wall, supplied with four massive gates of brass, and 
 contained within together with colonnades, chambers and 
 rooms used for various purposes. From this court, steps 
 led down to a wide esplanade destined to become later the 
 Court of thf: C^nitily^ (cfr. Pelt, Histoire de TAncien Tes- 
 tament, tome ii, p. 24, sq. ; Edersheim, Bible History, vol. v, 
 
 P- 7S» sq.)- aUJ^ 
 
 As soon as the Jewish monarch had finished the House of 
 Jehovah and the Inner Court (which was indeed necessary 
 for carrying on the Divine service), he dedicated his work to 
 the worship of God in a splendid festival the details of which 
 have been preserved to us by the sacred writers (III Kings 
 viii ; II Paralip. v-vii). 
 
/ 
 
 \ 
 
 226 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Before the Temple was thus completed and dedicated 
 Solomon had begun the erection of his own magnificent 
 palace, to which he devoted tl urteen yea rs of labor. It was 
 most likely made up of several different buildings after the 
 manner of the Assyrian palaces, and of these buildings little 
 more than the names has come down to us. The principal 
 building was probably the House of the Forest of Lib- 
 anus ; next in importance was the Porch of Judgment, 
 and finally the Porch of Pillars. He also made a house 
 for the daughter of Pharao, whom he had taken to wife 
 (III Kings vii, 1-12). Solomon's magnificent palace, for 
 the splendor of which nothing was spared, was below the 
 platform of the Temple, for " he constructed an ascent 
 from his own house to that of Jehovah, that is, a subterra- 
 nean passage 250 feet long by 42 feet wide, of which the 
 remains may still be traced " (Smith, Old Testament His- 
 tory, p. 491). * 
 
 About the same time Solomon supplied Jerusalem with 
 water by means of reservoirs and aqueducts, and completed 
 or simply repaired the fortification of his capital (III Kings 
 xi, 27). 
 
 ^jj*^ 2. Public Works in the Provinces. The public 
 y^^ works carried out by the son of David outside Jerusalem re- 
 garded chiefly fortresses which he either strengthened or re- 
 built with a view to prevent invasion or protect his own cara- 
 van roads. Thus he fortified Baalath, Gazer and the two 
 yj^ Bethorons to command the pass which led from the coast- 
 ^\ pLiin to the highlands of Benjamin ; the post of Hestr to 
 
 defend the northern entrance of Israel's territory from Syria 
 and Assyria; Mageddo to guard the plain of Esdraelon. 
 Lastly, at some 250 miles iionheast of Jerusalem^ half-way 
 between Damascus and the Euphrates, he built Tadmor, 
 afterwards called Palmyra, in an oasis of the Syrian wilder- 
 ness, wherefrom he could overawe the predatory tribes of 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 227 
 
 the desert, and secure his communication with the outlying 
 post of Thapsacus on the Euphrates (Winterbotham, Solo- 
 mon, p. 63, sq.). 
 
 Besides these fortresses, the names of which are given in 
 the Bible, the king strengthened many other towns, and in 
 particular he provided magazine cities for his chariots and 
 his cavalry (III Kings ix, 19). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Kingdom of Solomon. 
 Section II. Its Decline and Disruption. 
 
 I. 
 
 Its ^ 
 Decline 
 
 Causes . 
 
 2. Signs . 
 
 f f The adoption by Solomon 
 
 In general: ■{ of the ways of Eastern 
 1 monarchs 
 
 In particu-. 
 lar: 
 
 A Abroad: 
 
 f Despotism ; enormous ex- 
 penditure; enforcement 
 of compulsory labor. 
 
 Sensual life; multiplica- 
 tion of wives and concu- 
 bines, Aenre 
 
 Idolatry admitted, prac- 
 tised. 
 
 Rebellions of Edom and 
 Syria. 
 
 [■ Dissatisfaction of people 
 B. At J and prophets. 
 
 home : 1 Rapid fortune of Jero- 
 1 boam. 
 
 3. TAe End of Solomon. Judgments passed on him. 
 
 II. 
 Its Dis- 
 ruption 
 
 , r Old iealouses between the tribes of 
 ' ■ ^T/7/''^ \ J^da and Israel. 
 
 ^^^ ■ [ Conduct of Roboam at his coronation. 
 
 2. Its Conse- 
 quences , 
 
 3. The Two 
 Kingdoms 
 Compared: 
 
 { Mutual rivalry of Juda and Ephraim. 
 J Religious separation. 
 I Greater weakness against more formid- 
 (^ able invasions. 
 
 Their extent. 
 
 Political and religious life. 
 
 Duration. 
 
 [228] 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 
 
 Section II. Its Decline and Disruption 
 § /. Decline of Solomon's Kingdom. 
 
 I. Causes of Decline. The prosperous period of Solo- 
 mon's reign was unquestionably the golden age of the Jewish 
 nation. Under his wise and vigorous rule commerce and 
 literature made gigantic strides, peace and plenty prevailed 
 throughout the country. Nor was there any apparent reason 
 why this splendor and prosperity should not last till the death 
 of the monarch and be handed down intact to his successors, 
 for he was surrounded by the confidence, admiration and 
 love of his subjects, by a numerous family and powerful alli- 
 ances through marriage at home and abroad. And yet 
 "Solomon in his old age was about to bequeath to his heir 
 an insecure throne, a discontented people, formidable ene- 
 mies on the frontiers, and perhaps a contested succession " 
 (MiLMAN, History of the Jews). The general cause of this 
 sad and rapid decline of the Jewish king is to be found in 
 his complete adoption of the ways of Eastern monarchs, how- 
 ever at variance this might be with the spirit and actual re- 
 quirements of a theocratic government. His evident desire 
 had been even to outdo in their splendor and luxury all 
 neighboring courts ; and in consequence, he had gradually 
 made everything around him purely Asiatic, entirely foreign 
 to the ideal of a monarchy as sketched in Deuteronomy (xvii, 
 i6, 17), since in direct defiance of it he had multiplied horses 
 
 [22q1 
 
230 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 m the land, accumulated gold and silver, and contracted 
 marriage with foreign wives (III Kings x, 10, sq. ; xi, i, 2 ; II 
 Paralip. ix, 13, sq.). 
 
 From this general adoption by Solomon of the ways of 
 Eastern potentates and his efforts to surpass them all' in 
 magnificence, naturally followed the first particular cause of 
 h"s decline, namely, his despotism (III Kings xii, 4), To 
 gratify his worldly ostentation he demanded from his sub- 
 jects enormous sacrifices, which they supported willingly at 
 first, but soon regarded as unbearable burdens. The temples 
 and palaces, cities and fortresses with the construction of 
 which he gratified his passion for building "in Jerusalem and 
 in Libanus and in all the land of his dominion " (II Paralip. 
 viii) were rendered possible only by the exaction of forced 
 labor even on the part of his own subjects (III Kings xi, 27,. 
 28 ; xii, 14), and by the imposition of taxes the rate and bur- 
 den of which naturally increased as time went on. If we 
 add to this the enormous expenditure entailed by the main- 
 tenance of a large standing army, of a numerous and mag- 
 nificent court, both appa'ently out of proportion with the re- 
 sources at his disposal, it will be easy for us to understand 
 how on the one hand, Solomon's treasury gradually became 
 so exhausted that the vicegerent of Jehovah was driven to 
 cede a portion of God's own Holy Land to the pagan king 
 Hiram, in order to pay the debts he had contracted ; and how 
 on the other hand, the Jewish people were gradually led to 
 consider the rule of the son of David as a despotic yoke 
 from which they long and intensely yearned to be relieved 
 (III Kings xi, 28 ; xii, 1-6). 
 
 A second special cause of the decline of Solomon's king- 
 dom consists in his multiplication of wives and concubines. 
 Like other Eastern despots, he freely indulged his passions, 
 and in this — if the enormous figures of 700 wives and 300 
 concubines given in III Kings xi, 3, be admitted as correct 
 (with which compare Canticle vi, 7) — he even seems to 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 23 1 
 
 have gone much beyond them all, most likely with a view to 
 give evidence to his contemporaries of his superior wealth 
 and power. Of course, this sensual life of the king, besides 
 involving necessarily his own physical and spiritual decay, 
 remained a source of constant scandal for his subjects at 
 large, and for the grandees of his court in particular ; and as 
 we have already noticed, it betrayed him into connections by 
 marriage with foreign nations, that is, into alliances con- 
 trary at least to the spirit of the law (III Kings xi, 2). 
 
 The last particular cause of the decline of the kingdom of 
 Solomon, and one which resulted naturally from his love for 
 and marriage with foreign wives, was the i dolat ry which he 
 tolerated, encouraged and not unlikely practised himself (III 
 Kings xi, 1-34). To please them he not only allowed them 
 to practise their idolatrous and abominable rites within his 
 dominions, but actually built high places "for Chamos the 
 idol of Moab, and for Moloch the idol of the children of Am- 
 mon, on the hill that is over-against Jerusalem," that is prob- 
 ably that part of the Mount of Olives which faced directly 
 the august temple of Jehovah. He apparently went further 
 and actually " worshipped Astarthe, the goddess of the Sidon- 
 ians, and Moloch, the idol of the Ammonites" (III Kings xi, 
 5, 33). This was, of course, a most heinous crime on the part 
 of a king of Israel to whom "Jehovah had appeared twice,'* 
 and whose perverse example could not but exercise the most 
 disastrous influence upon the minds and hearts of the Jewish 
 people, hardly weaned, so to speak, from those idolatrous and 
 licentious rites in which their ancestors had freely and re- 
 peatedly indulged. In point of fact, people and courtiers 
 followed him in his worship of Astarthe, of Chamos and 
 Moloch (III Kings xi, ^;^), and although Asa, Josaphat, Joas 
 and Ezechias put an end to idolatry throughout all the rest 
 of their dominions, yet they did not feel powerful enough to 
 fight against the popular feeling in favor of the high places 
 which Solomon had built to the gods of his foreign wives 
 
232 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 in the vicinity of Jerusalem and which subsisted up to 
 the great religious reforms effected by Josias (III Kings 
 xxiii, 13). 
 
 2. Signs of Decline. It was chiefly during the "old 
 age " of Solomon "as the third book of Kings takes notice — 
 the parallel narrative of his reign in the second book of 
 Paralipomenon has no reference to the idolatry of this 
 prince — that the son of David " had his heart turned away 
 by women to follow strange gods." As he advanced in 
 years the weakness of his will betrayed itself more and 
 more, and his application to public affairs proportionately 
 relaxed. It is therefore during this period that the signs of 
 decline became more apparent. Among these, we may men- 
 tion with the sacred writer (III Kings xi, 14-26) the fact 
 that Hadad, one of the royal blood of the Edomite princes, 
 began to organize a revolt against Solomon's supremacy in 
 Edom, a province on which Jewish maritime commerce 
 depended so much; and that an adventurer, named Razon, 
 seized Damascus and set up what seems to have been 
 an independent sovereignty (Milman, History of the 
 Jews). 
 
 These rebellions of powerful tributary States against the 
 Jewish suzerainty over the east of Jordan were also calcu- 
 lated to increase the dissatisfaction experienced at home by 
 both people and prophets against the infamous and despotic 
 rule of their king. By this time, the people at large had 
 long ceased to be dazzled by the splendor of Solomon's 
 court, by the greatness of his fame for wisdom in all he said 
 and did, and as years went on and no relief from compul- 
 sory labor or enormous taxation was in view, they grew tired 
 of his unbearable yoke and contemplated his death in a near 
 future as an occasion of bettering their sad condition. Nor 
 is it improbable that the true patriotic spirit of the bulk of 
 the people resented more and more the ever-increasing moral 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 233 
 
 and religious corruption of the capital of Israel. " The old 
 men who had been Solomon's advisers in his days of great- 
 ness — the sons of Nathan and Sadoc and others — cannot 
 have regarded these proceedings without alarm. Some of 
 them, probably in concert with the prophets of the time, 
 Semeias, Addo and Ahias, must have remonstrated with the 
 king on his folly so contrary to the real interests of the 
 theocratic government. But their remonstrances were uttered 
 in vain " (Sime, The Kingdom of All-Israel, p. 571). Solomon 
 was therefore well aware of the growing and but too well- 
 founded dissatisfaction of his people, yet he blindly went on, 
 and despised even the Divine sentence of which the prophet 
 Ahias was most likely the bearer, and which announced to 
 Solomon the rending of the kingdom after his death (III 
 Kings xi, 9-13; 29, sq.). 
 
 This general dissatisfaction explains the rapid fortune of 
 Jeroboam, whom Solomon intrusted with one of the most impor- 
 tant posts of the kingdom. It was because of the increasing 
 difficulty in raising taxes in the district of Ephraim, a tribe 
 ever opposed to the influence of Juda, that the king, " seeing 
 him a young man ingenious and industrious, made him chief 
 over the tributes of all the house of Joseph." It was because 
 in this post of trust and power, Jeroboam could realize how 
 widespread and deep seated was the dissatisfaction of the 
 people with the existing order of things that he foresaw the 
 day when, according to the prediction of Ahias, the prophet 
 of Silo, he would successfully take possession of the throne 
 of at least the northern tribes. It was finally because of the 
 desire of the people to get rid of Solomon's hated yoke, that 
 on the occasion of the fresh compulsory labor entailed by the 
 repairing or strengthening of the walls of Jerusalem, Jero- 
 boam dared " lift up his hand (that is, start an open rebel- 
 lion) against the king," and that although unsuccessful in 
 his premature attempt against Solomon, he was not forgot- 
 ten by the people during his sojourn in Egypt, whither he 
 
234 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 withdrew till the death of the Jewish monarch (III Kings xi, 
 26-xii, 3). 
 
 3. The End of Solomon. Amid these unmiistakable 
 signs of the decline of his kingdom Solomon died, when about 
 sixty years of age. His rule of forty years had been divided 
 into two parts of nearly equal duration, but of a very differ- 
 ent character. The first period, marked by glory, power and 
 righteousness, had been succeeded by another of degrada- 
 tion, of weakness and of unfaithfulness to the God of 
 Israel. The very brief manner in which the sacred writers 
 record his demise (III Kings xi, 41, sq. ; II Paralip. ix, 29, 
 sq.; offers a striking contrast with the fulness of details 
 they supply concerning the last days of David. Differently 
 from his dying father, Solomon could not speak to his suc- 
 cessor of a prosperity near at hand, for he knew with full 
 certainty from Jehovah that the large States he had inherited 
 from David would be soon divided, and that only the much 
 smaller portion would belong to his son and successor ; nor 
 could he most likely address to this same son words of ear - 
 est, loving entreaty that he should serve faithfully the God of 
 Israel, seeing that he himself had not only been long unfaith- 
 ful to Jehovah's worship, but also died without those feelings 
 of repentance which had secured to David his pardon. 
 Hence we are simply told that " Solomon slept with his 
 father, and was buried in the city of David his father, and 
 Roboam reigned in his stead." 
 
 It IS true that ecclesiastical writers have ever been divided 
 on the question of the salvation of Solomon, and that great 
 names like those of St. Irenaeus, St. Hilary, St. Cyril of 
 Jerusalem, St. Ambrose and St. Jerome, who believe that the 
 son of David is among the saved, can be opposed to those 
 of Tertullian, St. Cyprian, St. Augustine and St. Gregory 
 the Great, who number him among the lost; nor can it be 
 denied that this is a question which no one will ever be able 
 
THK KIN(iDO.M UF S(JLUMUX. 
 
 235 
 
 to solve, since Holy Writ tells us nothing about it ; yet it 
 seems that this very silence of the sacred writers — if it 
 points to anything — points rather to the final impenitence 
 of Solomon, 
 
 jj 2. Disruption of Solomon s Kingdom. 
 
 I. Manner in which it was Brought About. The 
 disruption of the kingdom of Solomon, which occurred so 
 soon after his death, although apparently sudden, had been 
 gradually prepared by the old mutual jealousies of the pow- 
 erful tribes of Juda and Ephraim. For upwards of 400 
 years the leadership of the nation had been practically in 
 the hands of Ephraim, for whilst great Jewish leaders like 
 Josue, Samuel, and in some manner Saul — because of the 
 manifold connection of Benjamin with the house of Joseph — 
 belonged to it, it had within its boundaries Silo and Sichem, 
 the one the religious, and the other the civil capital of 
 Israel. Hence the readiness of the Ephraimiies to complain 
 whenever any important national event took place without 
 their concurrence (cfr. Judges viii, 1-3 ; xii, 1-7); hence also 
 their efforts during seven long years for supporting Isboseth, 
 the son of Saul, against David who had been proclaimed 
 king by the tribe of Juda. They indeed submitted to the 
 inevitable when David was recognized as king by all Israel, 
 but felt deeply the wound he inflicted on their pride when he 
 made Jerusalem the religious and civil capital of the country, 
 instead of the old centres of Silo and Sichem. In vain, 
 therefore, did the Jewish monarch strive to calm their resent 
 ment by bestowing high favors upon many Ephraimiies. 
 Mis restoration by Juda without the concurrence of Ephraim 
 so vexed the house of Joseph that the rebellion it occasioned 
 well-nigh precipitated a disruption (II Kings xx, i, the expres- 
 sions of which should be compared with III Kings xii, 16). 
 Again, the Ephraimites felt keenly what must have appeared 
 
236 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 on the part of Solomon an attempt to do away with the 
 glorious past of their tribe, when this prhice divided the 
 whole kingdom into twelve provinces simply in accordance 
 with the actual resources and population of the various dis- 
 tricts ; and they became gradually so exasperated by his 
 oppressive taxation that to keep them under subjection he 
 felt the need of appointing over them Jeroboam, a man of 
 great valor, and one on whose faithfulness he could appar- 
 ently depend, through gratitude for this rapid elevation. 
 Finally, feelings of insubordination to Solomon's rule were 
 such in Ephraim that Jeroboam, thinking the time had come 
 to seize the Jewish throne, raised the standard of revolt against 
 the king: he was indeed defeated, but not lost sight of dur- 
 ing his exile in Egypt. 
 
 Thus, then, at the death of Solomon everything had long 
 been tending towards a separation of Ephraim — and indeed 
 of the northern tribes which had ever been very much under 
 its influence — from Juda, its rival and oppressor; and only 
 a favorable occasion was required for securing a disruption. 
 
 This favorable occasion soon offered itself when stubborn 
 and haughty Roboam, the son of the deceased monarch, not 
 only refused to comply with the just requests of the repre- 
 sentatives of the tribes that he should lighten the heavy yoke 
 put upon them by Solomon, but even dared to say, " My 
 father made your yoke heavy, but I will add to your yoke ; 
 my father beat you with whips, but I will beat you with scor- 
 pions." This was the crowning insult; it was addressed to 
 both the Ephraimites and the other tribes of the north ; and 
 it at once met with the old revolutionary cry of Seba : "Go 
 home to your dwellings, O Israel ! " and with these words an- 
 nouncing that the disruption was an accomplished fact: 
 "Now, David, see to thy own house" (III Kings xii, 1-16). 
 
 2. Consequences of the Disruption. The disruption 
 so long prepared and so suddenly accomplished was a 
 
THE KINGDOxM OF SOLOMON. 237 
 
 momentous event in the history of the Jewish nation. As 
 might naturally be expected, its first consequence was the 
 perpetuation of the old rivalry between northern and south- 
 ern tribes. In point of fact, if we except the short period of 
 about thirty years, during which vain attempts were made to 
 establish friendly relations between them by the intermar- 
 riage of the royal families, the kingdoms of Juda and Israel, 
 which arose from the disruption, were ever at war. 
 
 A second natural consequence of the disruption was a re- 
 ligious separation between the southern kingdom, or king- 
 dom of Juda, and the northern kingdom, or kingdom of 
 Israel. The unity of the Jewish people was essentially 
 religious, and the first king of the ten separated tribes felt 
 that he must break it or see his kingdom soon wrested from 
 his hands (III Kings xii, 26, sq.). "Humanly speaking, 
 Jeroboam's fear was well-founded. If Jerusalem continued 
 to be the centre of religious unity, if the Levites from all 
 parts of Palestine went up in their turns to conduct the 
 Temple service, and if the people continued to flock to 
 the Holy Place three times a year, as the law commanded 
 them, there could not but have been great danger of a reac- 
 tion setting in and a desire for reunion manifesting itself. 
 It was natural, therefore, that the king should cast about for 
 some means of avoiding this consummation, which not only 
 threatened his royalty, but even his life. The later history 
 shows how effectual were his measures for counteracting the 
 tendency to reunion with Juda. They prevented all healing 
 of the breach between the two kingdoms, and made the sep- 
 aration final. They produced the result that not only no 
 reunion took place, but no symptoms of an inclination to 
 reunite ever manifested themselves during the whole period 
 of the double kingdom " (Speaker's Commentary, vol. ii, 
 
 P-559)- 
 
 The third natural consequence following the disruption 
 was the greater weakness of the chosen people at the very 
 
238 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORV. 
 
 time when even its existence would soon be threatened by 
 much more formidable invasions than in the past. Up to 
 this moment the Jewish monarchs had fought against com- 
 paratively weak enemies, namely, the small nations and 
 tribes which surrounded the Holy Land ; but, henceforth, 
 they will have to cope with much more powerful enemies. 
 At first, Egyptian forces will invade Southern Palestine, 
 capture the Holy City and plunder the House of Jehovah. 
 Next, the Assyrians — termed the Romans of Asia on ac- 
 count of their military power and skill — will invade the 
 country, and succeed ultimately in destroying utterly the 
 northern kingdom. Finally, the kingdom of Juda, after 
 having withstood longer the repeated invasions of Assyria, 
 will fall a prey to another Eastern power, the great Baby- 
 lonian Empire. 
 
 3. The Two Kingdoms Compared. Thus, then, 
 from a very powerful empire in Western Asia, the Jewish 
 nation had been reduced by the disruption to two compar- 
 atively small and defenceless kingdoms. Of these, the 
 northern kingdom, known as that of Samaria, Ephraim, or 
 Israel, greatly surpassed the southern or kingdom of Juda 
 in extent and population. The area of the former is esti- 
 mated at about 9,000 square miles (about that of New 
 Hampshire), with a population of about four or five millions. 
 It included eight tribes: namely, on the west of the Jordan, 
 Ephraim, one-half Manasses, Issachar, Zabulon, Aser, Neph- 
 tali, with the coast-line between Acre and Joppe ; on the 
 east of the Jordan, Ruben, Gad and one-half Manasses. Its 
 vassal States were Moab and so much of Syria as had re- 
 mained subject to Solomon (IV Kings iii, 4; III Kings xi, 
 24). The kingdom of Juda included that tribe itself together 
 with Benjamin, and at least eventually, a part, if not the 
 whole, of Simeon and Dan. Its area is estimated at 3,400 
 square miles, with a population of about one million and 
 
THE KINGDOM OF SOLOMON. 239 
 
 three-quarters. Besides this, Edom coniinued faithful to 
 Juda for a time, and the ports of the Red Sea furnished an 
 outlet for its commerce. 
 
 But whilst the northern kingdom greatly surpassed the 
 southern in population, extent and fertility, contained sev- 
 eral important cities and was superior to Juda in military 
 power, it was unquestionably inferior to the southern king- 
 dom when considered from a political and religious staiid- 
 point. " If Israel had ten tribes, it had the fatal heritage of 
 disunion. Juda as, virtually, a single tribe, had the priceless 
 blessing of national and religious unity. Its kings, to the 
 last, traced their descent in an unbroken line from David, 
 the national hero. Whereas Israel was to have its capital 
 successively in Sichem, Thersa and Samaria, that of Juda 
 was always Jerusalem ; while rival temples at Dan and 
 Bethel invited the subjects of the northern kingdom, there 
 was only one sanctuary for its southern rival" (Geikie, 
 Hours with the Bible, vol. iv, p. 8). 
 
 These and other such advantages of the smaller kingdom, 
 that of Juda, over the kingdom of Israel account for the fact 
 that it outlived its rival by more than one hundred and thirty 
 years, for whilst the northern kingdom was destroyed in 
 721 B. C, the southern subsisted till 588 B. C. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXI. 
 The Kingdom of Israel. 
 
 I. 
 
 Jeroboam I 
 
 AND HIS 
 
 Immediate 
 Successors: [ 
 
 1 . Their Characters and Aims. 
 
 2. Political and Religious Organization of the ICingdom. 
 
 II. 
 
 The 
 
 House of 
 
 Amri: 
 
 I. Amri (Accession; foundation of Samaria). 
 
 \^^chab : 
 
 3. After the 
 Death of 
 Achat : 
 
 Public works. 
 
 The Phenician worship of Baal ; per- 
 secution of the prophets. 
 3 Elias; the man; his mission and mir- 
 acles. 
 
 Syrian wars — alliance with Juda. 
 
 Revolt of Moab (the Moabite stone). 
 Translation of Elias. Eliseus succeeds 
 him in the prophetical office. 
 
 III. 
 
 Dynasty 
 OF Jehu: 
 
 1. The Accession of Jehu (IV Kings ix-x, 28). 
 
 2. Relations of Jehu with Syria and Assyria. 
 
 ^ r-j ■ . \ The Northern Empire of Solomon re- 
 
 R^^l^ f \ stored. 
 II e Of iJHProphets of the Time (Jonas, Amos, •', 
 Jeroboam 11:'^ Osee). U , , , 
 
 IV. 
 
 Closing 
 Reigns : 
 
 . The Kings : Murderers and profligates. 
 
 y(^ Final Over- f The Assyrian invasions. \ 
 throw of \ 
 Israel : [ The Ten Tribes led captive to Assyria. 
 
 [240] 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 
 
 § /. Jeroboam and His Immediate Sticcessors {Nadab, Baasa 
 
 and Eld). 
 
 I. Their Characters and Aims. Although the Biblical 
 narrative gives us only few details concerning the reign of 
 the founder of the northern kingdom and of his immediate 
 successors on the throne, yet it allows us a sufficient insight 
 into the character and aims of these princes. Now that he 
 is on the throne, Jeroboam shows himself what he ever was, 
 namely, an active, shrewd, ambitious, unscrupulous man. 
 His distinct object is to maintain his kingdom separate from 
 that of Juda (HI Kings xii, 26, 27), and he deems good every 
 means conducive to this great aim of his reign. For this pur- 
 pose, he strengthens his frontiers by building the fortresses 
 of Sichem (west of the Jordan) and Phanuel (east of the Jor- 
 dan), cultivates the devotion of Ephraim, the most powerful 
 tribe of his realm, by selecting Sichem, one of its cities, for 
 his capital, introduces into his States a religious worship and 
 organization entirely opposed to the pure worship of Jehovah, 
 and actually calls upon the King of Egypt to invade the Holy 
 Land and protect him against the rival kingdom of Juda. 
 Despite the protestations of the prophets of the time, he per- 
 severes to the end in his impious line of action, and sets 
 thereby an example of reckless ambition but too closely fol- 
 lowed by his successors on the throne of Israel (III Kings 
 xii, 20-xv). 
 
 [241] 
 
242 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Thus of Nadab, Jeroboam's son and successor, we read 
 that " he walked in the ways of his father and in his sins, 
 wherewith he made Israel to sin " (III Kings xv, 26) ; and of 
 Baasa we are told, that having reached the throne by the 
 murder of Nadab, he slew all the members of the house of 
 Jeroboam to secure his own throne against any competitor, 
 began the building of Rama, on the extreme southern frontier 
 of his States, "that no man might go out or come in of the 
 side of Asa, King of Juda," and persevered to the end in the 
 impious line of conduct of Jeroboam (III Kings xv, 17-21 ; 
 27-34 ;xvi, 1-6). Finally, Ela, the third successor of Jero- 
 boam, having imitated the unworthy examples of his prede- 
 cessors on the throne of Israel, was slain, together with all 
 the members of his family, by an ambitious officer named 
 Zambri who occupied the throne only seven days. 
 
 2. Political and Religious Organization of the 
 Kingdom. Whilst they were clearly anxious to prevent 
 Ibrael from reuniting with Juda, Jeroboam and his immediate 
 successors were no less careful to connect the new condition 
 of things with the past history of the Jewish nation. Natur- 
 ally enough, the division of tlie country by Solomon into twelve 
 provinces which had been swept away by the very fact of 
 the disruption, was not re-established ; but the older division 
 of the nation into tribes appeared again such as it had existed 
 under the first kings, Saul and David. The northern king- 
 dom assumed also the oid military character of the original 
 monarchy, and the captain of the army became a personage 
 who at times played no less important a part than either 
 Abner or Joab. Of course, the same general divisions of the 
 army continued, and if the chariots and horses were multi- 
 plied and are now so far organized that we read of two divi- 
 sions of cavalry, each with its distinct commander (III Kings 
 xvi, 9), this was but the continuation of what had been par- 
 tially established by Solomon. As formerly in the court of 
 
THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 
 
 243 
 
 David there were civil ofificers destined to increase the pres- 
 tige of the monarch, so now in the court of Jeroboam and of 
 his successors ; and the prophets of Jehovah continue to hold 
 intercourse with the northern kings. 
 
 Even in what concerns the religious organization into 
 which the greatest changes were introduced, Jeroboam was 
 anxious that these changes should be connected in the mind 
 of the people with the past history of the nation. The two 
 golden calves he set up at both extremities of the land, in 
 Dan and Bethel, although probably made after the pattern 
 of the calves worshipped in Egypt, were publicly given by 
 him as symbols of the Divine Presence watching over the 
 whole country, and artfully connected with the worship of the 
 golden calf by the nation assembled at the foot of Mount 
 Sinai. Deserted by the Levites who courageously forsook 
 his States, he established a priesthood which, as in olden 
 times, was not confined to any particular tribe, and which 
 would depend on the king as the chief priest, as the Levites 
 and priests had depended on Moses and Josue — and appar- 
 ently, also, at least to a large extent, on David. Of course, 
 all the rest of the Jewish ritual he preserved most carefully; 
 and if he introduced any change, it was, as in connection 
 with the Feast of Tabernacles (the celebration of which he 
 prescribed should take place one month later than in Juda), 
 because of some special reason acceptable to the people at 
 large. 
 
 This religious organization of the kingdom of Israel was 
 indeed a clever piece of work. Its innovations were not such 
 as to shock the bulk of the nation ever hankering after a 
 more sensuous form of worship than that offered by the pure 
 worship of Jehovah ; and they were calculated to render easier 
 to the subjects of the northern kingdom the satisfaction of 
 their religious instincts by reviving two ancient places of 
 worship within their own borders. Hence it is, that in what- 
 ever else his successors differed, they one and all agreed n 
 
244 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 upholding the new form of worship, which, once established, 
 appeared essential to their national unity. 
 
 § 2. The House of Amri, 
 
 I. Amri, his Accession, Foundation of Samaria. 
 After the death of Ela, Zambri his murderer was at once 
 recognized as his successor by the court and a part of the 
 people, whilst Amri, the captain of the host, was proclaimed 
 king by the army of Israel. A few days were sufficient for 
 Amri to get rid of this competitor, but it took him no less 
 than four years to subdue Thebri, the rival whom a large 
 party in Israel had elected as successor to Zambri. At 
 length he triumphed, and became the head of a powerful 
 dynasty. 
 
 One of his first cares seems to have been to give up Thersa, 
 the city which had for some time taken the place of Sichem 
 as the capital of the northern kingdom, and to select for his 
 own residence a city which would not be stained with so 
 much royal blood. This he found in the " hill of Semer," about 
 thirty-five miles in a straight line northwest of Jerusalem and 
 six miles northwest of Sichem, which he purchased and on 
 which he built a town called Samaria after the former owner 
 of the site. This was a fine location for a capital ; it com- 
 bined the advantages of " a strong position, rich environs, a 
 central situation and an elevation sufficient to catch untainted 
 the cool healthy breezes of the Mediterranean " (Murray's 
 Handbook), and this is why Samaria ever remained an im- 
 portant city through the various fortunes of the country and 
 its people. 
 
 It has also been inferred from passing statements in the 
 sacred narrative that this skilful monarch secured much 
 greater advantages to his people by making peace with the 
 Kings of Juda and Syria (cfr. Ill Kings xx, 34). Unfortu- 
 nately, he was wedded to the religious policy of Jeroboam, 
 
liic: UI\oDO.\I OF ISRAEL. 245 
 
 and in this direction he seems to have gone even much far- 
 ther than his predecessors (III Kings xvi, 15-27). 
 
 1/ 2. Achab. As a natural consequence of the peace 
 obtained by Amri, security and prosperity prevailed through- 
 out the northern kingdom during the greater part of the rejgn 
 of Achab, his son and successor. The new monarch, anxious 
 to signalize his rule by the culture of the arts of peace, built 
 new cities in various parts of his kingdom (III Kings xxii,.39), 
 one of which is especially named in the Biblical narrative. 
 This was Jericho, probably raised by Achab from its ruins, 
 in defiance of the curse of Josue (Josue vi, 26). To rival 
 Solomon in his outward display, the son of Amri looked 
 about for another royal residence, not to supersede by it 
 Samaria, but in order that no part of the embellishments he 
 contemplated should be ascribed to his father. The city 
 thus favored was Jezrael, which " was planted on a gentle 
 eminence, in the very centre of a rich plain, and commanded 
 the view of Carmel on the west, and the valley of the Jor- 
 dan on the east " (Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish Church). 
 There he erected a magnificent palace hard by the city wall 
 and built of ivory (III Kings xxii, 39), a style of architect- 
 ure which was soon imitated by the Israelite aristocracy 
 (Amos iii, 15 ; vi, 4). 
 
 Having thus followed the example of Solomon in his 
 outward display, Achab imitated him also in his practice of 
 polygamy (III Kings xx, 5), and more unfortunately still in 
 his alliance with the heathen. He was the first northern 
 king whose chief wife was one of the old accursed Chanaan- 
 ite race. He married Jezabel, the daughter of Ethbaal who 
 had gained the crown of Tyre and Sidon by the murder of 
 his brother, and who united to the royal dignity his former 
 office of high priest of Astarthe (cfr. Josephus, Antiquities 
 of the Jews, book viii, chapter xiii, § i). 
 
 "The immediate consequence of this ill-fated union wiS 
 
246 OUl'LINES OF JKWiSH HISTORY. 
 
 that the religion of Jezabel became the worship of the north- 
 ern kingdom, Achab built in Samaria a temple to '' Baal " — 
 the Sun-god (the producing principle in Nature) — in which 
 he erected not only an altar, but, as we gather from IV Kings 
 iii, 2 ; X, 27, also one of those pillars which were distinctive 
 of its vile services. As usual, where these rites were fully 
 carried out, he also " made the Ascherah " — Astarthe, the 
 Moon-goddess (the receptive principle in Nature) — so that 
 the Phenician worship was now established in its entirety. 
 As we infer from later notices, there was a " vestry" attached 
 to these temples, where special festive garments, worn on 
 great occasions, were kept (IV Kings x, 22). Achab — or 
 perhaps Jezabel — appointed not less than 450 priests of 
 Baal and 400 of Astarthe, who were supported by the bounty 
 of the queen (III Kings xviii, 19 ; xxii, 6). The forced intro- 
 duction of this new worship led to a systematic persecution 
 of the prophets and even of the openly professed worship- 
 pers of Jehovah which had their complete extermination for 
 its object (III Kings xviii, 13; xix, 10; IV Kings ix, 7). 
 These measures were wholly due to the absolute power 
 which Jezabel exercised over Achab, whose undeniable good 
 qualities were sadly marred by fatal weakness, selfishness, 
 uncontrolled self-indulgence, an utter want of religion, and 
 especially the influence of his wife " (III Kings xxi, 25) 
 (Edersheim, Bible History, vol. v, pp. 179, 180). 
 
 It was at this juncture so critical for the very existence of 
 Jehovah's worship in the kingdom of Israel, that Elias, one 
 of the most wonderful men of Jewish history, appeared on 
 the scene. Besides the fact that he was born in Thesbi, a 
 town spoken of in the book of Tobias (i, 2 in the Septuagint) 
 as belonging to the tribe of Nephtali, we know nothing of the 
 early years of this great prophet of Israel. When we meet 
 him first in the sacred narrative he stands before Achab 
 arrayed in a garment of black camel's hair and girt about 
 his loins with a leathern girdle. With that strong faith 
 
THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 247 
 
 and fearless courage which will accompany him everywhere, 
 he has come to begin his great mission of recalling to the 
 king and to his people that Jehovah is the only true God. 
 He announces that for several years ''there shall not be dew 
 nor rain, but according to the words of his mouth," and then 
 he wandered far from the face of the angered monarch, first 
 to the brook Carith, and next to the Phenician town of 
 Sarephta, experiencing in both places those unmistakable 
 marks of Divine providence in his favor which are recorded 
 in III Kings xvii (cfr. also III Kings xviii, 9, 10). 
 
 After a lapse of three years, when drought and famine 
 have become well-nigh unbearable, Elias reappears boldly 
 before Achab, and obtains from him that sacrifices should be 
 publicly offered on Mount Carmel for the purpose of deter- 
 mining whether Jehovah or Baal was the true God. The 
 test proved so clearly in favor of Jehovah that the assem- 
 bled multitude proclaimed with one voice "Jehovah is God, 
 Jehovah is God," a solemn act of faith which was rewarded 
 by the cessation of the drought, and the effect of which Elias 
 endeavored at once to render permanent by the extermina- 
 tion of the priests of Baal (III Kings xviii). Notwithstanding 
 his heavy blow at Baal-worstiip in Israel, idolatry soon flour- 
 ished again in the northern kingdom owing to the supreme 
 influence of Jezabel in religious affairs, and the faithful 
 prophet of Jehovah soon took to flight to escape her re- 
 vengeful feelings. He therefore went southward to Bersa- 
 bee, then to Mount Sinai, and his steps were ever accompa- 
 nied by miraculous proofs of Divine providence in his behalf 
 (III Kings xix). 
 
 Here it should be noticed that the miraculous powers 
 ascribed to Elias by the sacred writer were no less neces- 
 sary to this great champion of Jehovah in face of the State 
 idolatry of the northern kingdom, than they had been to 
 Moses in his fight against the idolatry of ancient Egypt. 
 Nor were the wonders of which Elias was himself the object 
 
248 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 less necessary to him than similar miracles had formerly been 
 to Moses, to preserve his life amidst the countless dangers 
 which surrounded him, and to keep up his courage in an 
 almost desperate struggle. Indeed, it seems that under the 
 influence of such Divine intervention in behalf of the person 
 and work of this prophet of Jehovah, Achab relaxed at times 
 the persecution he had started in Israel, and even allowed 
 himself to be guided by the advice of prophets faithful to 
 the true God, as this occurred in the two defensive wars the 
 king had to sustain against Ben-Adad, the King of Syria, and 
 out of which he came victorious. Not so, however, with 
 Jezabel, who ever considered Elias as her own personal 
 enemy, and who never stopped at a crime which might 
 secure the end she had in view, as is clearly evidenced in 
 the well-known story of Naboth and his vine. It was after 
 the murder of this God-fearing man under the false charge 
 of blasphemy, that Elias warned Achab of the violent death 
 which awaited him, and which soon occurred in the third war 
 which the King of Israel, then allied with Josaphat, King of 
 Tuda, waged against Syria (III Kings xx-xxii, 40). 
 
 3. After the Death of Achab. The inglorious death 
 of Achab produced an immediate rupture of peaceful rela- 
 tions with Moab, on the southeastern frontier of Israel (IV 
 Kings i, I ; iii, 4, sq.). The fact of this rupture is confirmed 
 by the independent testimony of an inscription discovered 
 east of the Jordan in 1868, and now known as the stele of 
 Mesa or the Moabite stone. This inscription is written in 
 the Phenician or old Hebrew character, and speaks not only 
 of Mesa as revolting against the King of Israel, but also of 
 his conquest of several towns east of the Jordan which 
 Ochozias, the son and successor of Achab, was then power- 
 less to defend (IV Kings i, 2, sq.). We learn, indeed, from 
 the Bible that the war against Moab was actively pursued 
 by Joram, the brother and successor of Ochozias, but neither 
 
THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 249 
 
 in the sacred narrative nor in the Moabite record are we told 
 the precise manner in which it ended (IV Kings iii, 6-27). 
 For a translation of the Moabite inscription, see Records of 
 the Fast, new series, vol ii.) 
 
 It was apparently but a short time before the death of 
 Ochozias that Elias, who had foretold the death of that 
 prince (IV Kings i, 2, sq.), left this world in the mysterious 
 manner which is described in IV Kings ii, for it was Eliseus, 
 his successor in the prophetical office, who guided Joram in 
 his expedition against the Moabites, and a little later in his 
 wars against Syria (IV Kings vi, vii). As the dearest dis- 
 ciple of his master, Eliseus inherited "a double portion of 
 his spirit " and also his wonderful power of working miracles, 
 many of which have found place in the inspired record (IV 
 Kings ii, 13-viii). 
 
 § J. Dynasty of Jehu. 
 
 I. Accession of Jehu. Whilst Joram lay critically ill 
 in Jezrael from the severe wounds he had received during 
 the siege of Ramoth Galaad, Eliseus, who knew that the time 
 had come for the long-predicted destruction of the family of 
 Achab, sent ''one of the sons of the prophets" to Jehu the 
 captain of the host of Israel still gathered before Ramoth 
 Galaad. The messenger thus despatched was to anoint 
 Jehu in the most secret recess of his house, to announce to 
 him that he was chosen to be Jehovah's instrument to destroy 
 the house of Achab, and then to fly with all speed. The 
 young prophet discharged perfectly his mission, and the 
 newly-anointed monarch made known without delay to his 
 fellow-ofhcers all that had taken place. These in turn, catch- 
 ing something of the enthusiasm which lighted up the coun- 
 tenance of Jehu, proclaimed him king at once, and leaving 
 strict orders that no one should go out of the camp who was 
 not fully devoted to him, they escorted him on his way to 
 Jezrael. 
 
250 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 As the cortege approached the city Joram, King of Israel, 
 and Ochozias, King of Juda (then also in Jezrael) drove out, 
 each in his chariot, to meet Jehu. A few brief words ex- 
 changed revealed to Joram the extent of his danger and that 
 of his royal companion, and he at once gave the signal of 
 flight. It was too late. The Israelite monarch, shot to the 
 heart by an arrow from Jehu's own hand, w^as flung into Na- 
 both's vineyard, and the King of Juda overtaken in his flight 
 towards Beth-gan (the modern Jenin) wounded in his chariot, 
 but escaped to Mageddo, some twenty miles distant, where he 
 expired. 
 
 These murders were but the prelude of horrible massacres. 
 "Jezabel was flung down from a window in Jezrael and was 
 devoured by dogs. Seventy sons of Achab were put to death 
 in Samaria. The brothers of Ochozias were put to death in 
 the same place. The priests and the worshippers of Baal 
 were enticed into his temple at Samaria, the doors were then 
 blockaded, and the inmates were killed to a man. Thus 
 finished the mighty house of Achab, and the fabric of Phe- 
 nician idolatry, reared with such care and at such cost, was 
 utterly overthrown " (Blaikie, Manual of Bible History, p. 
 290. IV Kings ix-x, 28). 
 
 2. Relations with Syria and Assyria. Of the com- 
 paratively long government of Israel by Jehu — he reigned 
 twenty-eight years — the sacred writer gives us but a short 
 record, which stands in striking contrast with his lengthy ac- 
 count of the incidents which accompanied the accession of 
 that prince. He simply tells us that at home, Jehu did not 
 forsake the worship of the golden calves started by Jero- 
 boam, and that abroad, he was unfortunate in his war against 
 the Syrian king, Hazael, who ravaged all the possessions of 
 Israel east of the Jordan (IV Kings x, 29-34). To this 
 scanty information of the Biblical narrative, recent discov- 
 eries have added an interesting detail : Jehu is the first 
 
THK KIN(,lJO.M (JF I.-^RAKL. 25 I 
 
 Israelite king Vvhose name is disiinctly mentioned in an As- 
 syrian inscription. From the obelisk of black marble which 
 Salmanasar II erected at Kouyounjik (near Mosoul), we 
 learn that Jehu paid to the Assyrian monarch a tribute of 
 "silver, gold, bowls of gold, chalices of gold," etc. (cfr. 
 Records of the Past, new series, vol. iv, p. 52). We are not 
 indeed told the reason for which the King of Israel had to 
 pay this heavy tribute, but it is not improbable that it was 
 because, not feeling able to withstand alone the forces of 
 Hazael, he had summoned to his help Salmanasar II, w^hose 
 victories against the King of Syria, Hazael, are expressly 
 mentioned on the same obelisk (cfr. Records of the Fas t^ ibid., 
 pp. 44, 45)- 
 
 3. Glorious Rule of Jeroboam II. Perhaps the most 
 prosperous of all the reigns which the northern kingdom ever 
 knew was that of Jeroboam II, the third successor of Jehu. 
 That prince was indeed the deliverer of Israel from the 
 Syrian yoke whom Jehovah had promised to His people (IV 
 Kings xiii, 5), for he not only fought bravely against Syrian 
 invaders, as his father Joas and his grandfather Joachaz had 
 done, but actually carried the war into their own country 
 and took Damascus their capital. He next turned his arms 
 against Moab and Ammon and conquered their territory, so 
 that a short time after his accession the dominions of Israel 
 extended again from the source of the Orontes on the north 
 to the Dead Sea on the south. 
 
 The whole northern empire of Solomon was thus practi- 
 cally restored, a wonderful result which had been foretold by 
 one of the prophets of the time, Jonas, whose we'll-known 
 mission to the great city of Ninive is described in the in- 
 spired book which bears his name. 
 
 Peace and security naturally followed on this territorial 
 extension of Israel (IV Kings viii, 5) and together with them 
 a rapid artistic and commercial development set in, as we 
 
252 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 readily infer from the passing allusions to it which we find 
 in the book of Amos^ another prophet of this period (cfr. for 
 instance Amos iii, 11, 12, 15 ; v, 11 ; vi, 4, 5, etc.). Unfor- 
 tunately, '^ the prosperity of the people passed, in the metrop- 
 olis of Samaria and in many other parts of the country, into 
 debauchery and excess and then again into pampered effem- 
 inacy of morals (Amos ii, 7 ; iv, 1-8 ; viii, 13). . . . Again, 
 the freer intercourse of the people with heathen nations, who 
 had either been conquered or were distinguished by com- 
 merce and art, together with the general spread of looseness 
 and intemperance of life, caused an extensive introduction of 
 heathen religions " (Ewald, History of Israel, vol. iv, pp. 125, 
 126, English translation). All this was, of course, sternly 
 rebuked by Amos, who foretold the destruction of the house 
 of Jeroboam by the sword (Amos vii, 9), together with severe 
 punishments upon Israel and, indeed, with the approaching 
 ruin of the northern kingdom (Amos vii, 11,17, etc.). ^ 
 this is more particularly described, more sternly rebuked by 
 Osee, who probably prophesied during the latter part of 
 Jeroboam's rule, that is, when the worst effects of a merely 
 material prosperity had become apparent in a generally prev- 
 alent drunkenness, debauchery and idolatry (cfr. Osee iv, i, 
 12, 13, etc.). No wonder that he also threatens the existing 
 dynasty with speedy extinction and the kingdom itself with 
 near destruction (Osee i, 4, sq., etc.). 
 
 § 4. Closing Reigns. 
 
 I. The Kings: Murderers and Profligates. After 
 the death of Jeroboam II, the kingdom of Israel hastened to 
 its ruin under the rule of murderers and profligates. His son 
 and successor, Zacharias, was murdered after a reign of only 
 six months. His murderer, Sellum, had occupied the throne 
 hardly one month, when he met with the same fate at the 
 hands of one Manahem, who came from Thersa, and who, 
 
THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 253 
 
 having committed the most revolting cruelties against his op- 
 ponents, reigned ten years in Samaria. His son and succes- 
 sor, Phaceia, reigned but two years, after which he was slain 
 by Phacee, one of his captains. Phacee occupied the throne 
 for the comparatively long period of twenty years, but was at 
 length put to death by Osee, the nineteenth and last King of 
 Israel (Blaikie, Manual of Bible History, p. 296). 
 
 2. Final Overthrow of the Northern Kingdom. 
 It was in the midst of these rapid and bloody changes of 
 rulers that the northern kingdom was repeatedly invaded by 
 such powerful warriors as the Assyrians. The first Israelite 
 king who had to suffer from these terrible enemies was 
 Manahem, whose kingdom was actually invaded by Phul, a 
 prince who is probably identical with Teglathphalasar, and 
 to whom Manahem hastened to proffer submission and 
 tribute to preserve his crown (IV Kings xv, 19, 20; I Para- 
 lip, v, 26 ; cfr. also ViGOUROUX, Bible et D^couvertes Mod- 
 ernes, vol. iv). The next Israelite king whose territory was 
 invaded by Teglathphalasar was Phacee, who had leagued 
 himself with Syria against the kingdom of Juda. In his 
 distress Achaz, King of Juda, had called upon the Assyrian 
 monarch, and in consequence, instead of the easy victory 
 the allied kings of Israel and Syria had hoped for, they were 
 utterly defeated : the northern part of the kingdom of 
 Israel west of the Jordan was laid waste by the conqueror, 
 and a large number of Israelites carried into captivity (IV 
 Kings XV, 29 ; xvi, 7, sq.; I Paralip. v, 26j. 
 
 Upon the death of Teglathphalasar, Osee, who had suc- 
 ceeded Phacee on the throne of I -real, thought it an oppor- 
 tune time for withholding the tribute he had hitherto paid to 
 Assyria. Then it was that Salmanasar IV invaded the terri- 
 tory of Israel and received from Osee the solemn promise of 
 an annual tribute. After a time, however, Salmanasar found 
 out that Osee was negotiating with Sua, the King of Egypt, 
 
2 54 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 to get rid of his tribute to Assyria, whereupon the Assyrian 
 monarch invaded and ravaged the kingdom of Israel, cast 
 Osee into prison, and laid siege to Samaria. It was during 
 this siege, which lasted upwards of two years, that Salma- 
 nasar died, so that it was only under his successor Sargon 
 II (although the Biblical narrative apparently suggests the 
 reverse (IV Kings xvii, 4-6) that Samaria was captured, and 
 the Israelites carried in large numbers into Assyria. The cap- 
 tives were chiefly placed " in the cities of the Medes," that is, 
 in one of the easternmost districts of Assyria, and strangers 
 from various parts of Babylonia were brought in to occupy 
 the deserted land of Israel. These new settlers soon joined 
 the worship of Jehovah, " the God of the land," to that of 
 their own idols, and gradually formed a mongrel race, which 
 was ever hated by the Jews, but more especially in the time 
 of Our Lord (IV Kings xvii ; John iv, 9, 27 ; viii, 48). 
 
 Thus ended the kingdom of Israel in 721 B. C. Its 
 destruction should have indeed been a warning to the 
 Jews of the south that they should serve Jehovah with per- 
 fect faithfulness and thereby escape a similar fate. But, as 
 we shall see in the next chapter, the people of Juda never 
 clearly realized that Jehovah could forsake Juda as He had 
 done Israel, and they therefore went on their evil ways pro- 
 voking God to anger, till the Babylonian Captivity came on 
 and made forever of the Jews a monotheistic nation. 
 
SYNOP:3iS OF CHAPTER XXII. 
 The Kixgdom of Juda. 
 
 I. 
 The F Ik. si- 
 Kings OK 
 Juda: 
 
 A. Animosity 
 against 
 Israel : 
 
 ]!. Alliance 
 i ivith 
 
 Israel : 
 
 f I. Vain aiteinpis to re csiablisli the 
 power of Juda over the ten 
 tribes. 
 
 "i 2. The foreign invasions during this 
 period. 
 
 [ 3. Religious life of Juda. 
 
 f i.Josaphat: His reforms; alliance 
 with Achab ; his wars. 
 
 r Her influence over Joram 
 ■ Athalia : } and Ochozias. 
 f Her personal rule. 
 I 3. Joas : His accession ; his reign be- 
 [ fore and after the death of Joiada. 
 
 II. 
 
 From 
 
 Amazias to 
 
 EZECHIAS: i 
 
 ( I. A'uigs Pre- 
 I vioHs to 
 
 Achaz : 
 
 Achi 
 
 Internal condiiion of juhi. 
 Outward relations. 
 
 Depths reached by his idolatry and 
 iniquity : Isaias. 
 
 Various Invasions; The aid of Assy- 
 ria secured. 
 
 2- Ezechias : His Reforms; Invasions of Sennacherib 
 (Nineveh monuments). 
 
 HI. 
 Man ASSES 
 
 AND 
 
 JosiAS : 
 
 The Fall 
 OK Juda: 
 
 -<^M 
 
 f Idolatry — fear- f 
 ( ful persecution. | 
 
 Manasses : •{ A captive in Haby- -j History of Judith. 
 I Ion — his resto- ' 
 I ration. I 
 
 Religious Reforms : Discovery of the 
 2. Josias : ^ Book of the Law — Jeremias. 
 
 The Invasion of Nechao. 
 
 ( I . Political Parties amon^ the Jews at the Beginning 0/ this 
 
 I Period. 
 
 \ 2. The Invasions of Nabiichodonosor and the Last Kings 
 
 of Juda. 
 I 3. Destruction of Jerusalem. Subsequent Condition of the 
 I Country. ^ 
 
 CUKi»NOLO(.V OF THE RuVAL PERIOD. 
 
 [^55] 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 
 
 § I. The First Kings of Juda. 
 
 I. Animosity against Israel. The sudden formation 
 of the northern kingdom upon the death of Solomon was natu- 
 rally considered by Roboam his son, and by the two follow- 
 ing kings of Juda, Abiam and Asa, as a revolt against lawful 
 authority. This explains how for sixty long years these 
 princes cherished a great animosity against Israel, and 
 attempted repeatedly to re-establish the power of Juda over 
 the ten tribes (III Kings xii, 19, 21 ; II Paralip. xiii, 5). It 
 was for this purpose that Roboam gathered a numerous army 
 from Juda and Benjamin, and that although these large forces 
 disbanded by order of Jehovah, the King of Juda kept up 
 an armed hostility against Jeroboam " all the time of his 
 life " (III Kings xii, 21-24 ? xiv, 30 ; xv, 6). For this same 
 purpose, Abiam, the son and successor of Roboam, collected 
 a large number of troops, with which he defeated Jeroboam 
 in a pitched battle and secured a temporary accession of ter- 
 ritory to Juda (II Paralip. xiii, 2-20). It was apparently for 
 the same purpose that Asa, the third successor of Roboam, not 
 only warred against Israel (IV Kings xv, 16), but also gave 
 so powerful an impetus to the migration of religious Israelites 
 to Jerusalem that King Baasa of Israel began the fortifica- 
 tions of Rama, on his southern frontier, with the view of 
 checking a movement which tended immediately towards 
 religious, and ultimately towards political reunion (II Paralip. 
 XV, 9 ; xvi, i). 
 
 [256] 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 257 
 
 What contributed most to foster the animosity of Juda 
 against Israel were the two foreign invasions, which the 
 intrigues of Jeroboam and his second successor, Baasa, most 
 likely brought about against the southern kingdom. The first 
 invasion was carried out by Sesac, King of Egypt, and it 
 proved most disastrous for Juda, whose capital was captured 
 and temple plundered. Of this memorable event we have an 
 independent confirmation in a bas-relief which was found in 
 1828, by Champollion, on the south side of the great temple of 
 Karnak, at Thebes. There we see Sesac (Sheshang, in Egyp- 
 tian) represented together with a large number of prisoners 
 of war, among whom one with Jewish features is designated as 
 " lutah Maleky^ which means either Kingdom of Juda or King 
 of Juda (ViGOUROUX, Bible et De'couvertes Modernes). The 
 second invasion, due most likely to the intrigues of Baasa, 
 was carried out by " Zara, the Ethiopian," who is identified 
 as Osarken I, son and successor of Sesac, and king of both 
 Egypt and Ethiopia. Differently from the first, this second 
 invasion ended with a very brilliant victory of Asa, King of 
 Juda (III Kings xiv, 25, Sq. ; II Paralip. xiv, 9, sq.). 
 
 It is then easy to understand that the kings of Juda were 
 greatly provoked against the Israelite monarchs whom they 
 knew to be the underhand cause of these formidable inva- 
 sions, and that when Asa found himself hard pressed by 
 Baasa he did not hesitate to call upon the foreign help of 
 Benadad, the ruler of Syria, against the King of Israel, as 
 we read in III Kings xv, 17, sq. 
 
 During this period of animosity of Juda against Israel, 
 the religious life of the southern kingdom rapidly developed 
 at first on the lines started by Solomon. Idolatry and its 
 sensual rites spread to a fearful extent, so that false gods 
 had soon '* altars and statues and groves upon every high 
 hill and under every green tree, and that the most infamous 
 rites of the Chanaanites were revived (III Kings xiv, 22-24). 
 Indeed, the king himself forsaking the law of Jehovah, 
 
258 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 gave the example, and all the people trod in his footsteps 
 (II Paralip. xii, i). 
 
 God, however, watched over this select portion of the Jew- 
 ish nation, and did not allow Juda to sink down quietly and 
 long into such depths of religious corruption. By means of 
 external punishments and still more effectively by the efforts 
 of His prophets, He gradually prepared a reaction against 
 idolatry. Things went on, it is true, pretty much the same 
 under Abiam as they had under Roboam. But Abiam ruled 
 only three years, and at the accession of Asa, the reaction 
 was already so strong that at the very outset of his reign, the 
 new king felt free to deprive Maacha, his grandmother and 
 the prime-mover of the idolatrous worship in Juda, of all 
 authority and influence at court (III Kings xv, 11, sq.; II 
 Paralip. xiv, 2, sq.). A little later he went further still, and 
 did almost entirely away with idolatrous rites, altars, statues, 
 etc. (II Paralip. xv, 1-16) ;-yet even then he allowed the high 
 places where Jehovah was worshipped to subsist, because the 
 nation at large was not yet prepared for a complete centraliza- 
 tion of Divine worship in Jerusalem (II Paralip. xv, 17 ; cfr. 
 also XX, 2>^). 
 
 2. Alliance with Israel. Asa was succeeded on the 
 throne by Josaphat, whose religious policy was not only 
 modelled on that of his father, but actually more thorough- 
 going against all idolatrous worship, for he did his best to 
 destroy whatever remains of it still existed in the kingdom 
 of Juda (II Paralip. xvii, 3 ; III Kings xxii, 42-47). Further- 
 more, be soon understood that to render these religious re- 
 forms permanent, it behooved him to remedy the extreme 
 religious ignorance which prevailed in many parts of the 
 land. He therefore appointed a sort of roving commission 
 especially charged to impart to the people a more precise 
 knowledge of the religion of Jehovah and of the law of Moses 
 (n Paralip. xvii, 7, sq.). 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 259 
 
 Other important reforms were carried out by this wise 
 prince, such as the reorganization of justice, the strengthen- 
 ing of his kingdom by the erection of walled cities and the 
 maintenance of a powerful army. The result of them all 
 was that under him, Juda was feared by all its neighbors, and 
 that in some cases, friendly overtures were made either to 
 accept a position of dependence on the Jewish king, or to 
 secure his favor by valuable presents (II Paralip. xvii, lo, sq.; 
 xix). 
 
 The great mistake of Josaphat was that he joined affinity 
 with Achab, King of Israel, who most willingly gave his 
 daughter, Athalia, in marriage to Joram, the eldest son of the 
 King of Juda. This political alliance had, in time, the most 
 disastrous consequences, although its immediate results do 
 not seem to have interfered considerably with the prosper- 
 ity of Josaphat's kingdom (II Paralip. xvii, 2, sq.). It is true 
 that this alliance betrayed him into an expedition against 
 Syria from which he narrowly escaped with his life (III 
 Kings xxiii ; II Paralip. xviii), and that this unsuccessful 
 campaign itself soon brought about a confederacy of Am- 
 monites, Moabites, and others, who invaded the territory of 
 Juda in countless numbers, but the final result was a great 
 victory, which more than made up for the loss of prestige 
 suffered in the war against Syria (II Paralip. xx). Later on, 
 he was also involved together with Joram, the second son of 
 Achab, in an expedition against Moab ; his arms were also 
 crowned with success, and if he withdrew from the siege of a 
 Moabite city into his own land, it was for a reason the pre- 
 cise nature of which does not appear from the Biblical nar- 
 rative (IV Kings ii). 
 
 The successor of Josaphat on the throne of Juda was his 
 son Jorafn, whose reign was marked by many disasters which 
 are recorded in IV Kings viii, 20, 22 ; II Paralip. xxi, 16, 17, 
 and are ascribed to Divine judgments upon the people for 
 their irreligion (IV Kings viii, 18, sq., II Paralip. xxi, 10). 
 
26o OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 This unfaithfulness of the nation to Jehovah so soon after 
 the vigorous reforms effected by Asa and Josaphat was the 
 result of the influence which Athalia, the daughter of Jeza- 
 bel, exercised in favor of Baal and Astarthe worship during 
 the reign of Joram her husband. Her influence was still 
 greater during the reign of her son Ochozias, and on the 
 murder of the latter by Jehu, she rose up, killed all the royal 
 family of the house of Joram (IV Kings xi, i ; II Paralip. 
 xxii, lo) with the exception, however, of Joas, concealed by his. 
 nurse, and established her personal rule over the land. 
 
 The main efforts of this first queen of God's people during 
 the six years of her tyrannical reign were centred in the 
 establishment and spread of the infamous worship which her 
 mother had implanted in the northern kingdom. She clev- 
 erly abstained from all violent measures, such as suppressing 
 altogether the ancient religion, shutting up the ancient temple 
 or hindering its rites, and persecuting the worshippers of 
 Jehovah. But short of these extreme methods, she left noth- 
 ing untried to make of her religion the religion of the State. 
 " In Jerusalem itself a rival fane rose up, dedicated to the 
 Phenician god, adorned with altars and images (IV Kings 
 xi, i8) and continually enriched with spoils from the neigh- 
 boring temple of Jehovah, nay, in part built of stones, trans- 
 ferred by the queen's orders, from the old sanctuary to the 
 new (II Paralip. xxiv, 7). The temple of Solomon was left 
 to decay and ruin ; that of Baal constantly increased in size 
 and magnificence. Its services were conducted by a high 
 priest of Baal, the counterpart of the Aaronic high priest, 
 who still maintained, albeit with shorn splendor, the rites of 
 the Levitical worship in the old edifice " (Rawlinson, Kings 
 of Israel and Juda, p. 115). 
 
 It was therefore high time that an effective reaction should 
 set in, as it actually did in the seventh year of Athalia's 
 reign. Under the auspices of Joiada, the high priest of 
 Jehovah, the young Joas^ who had escaped from the mas- 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 261 
 
 sacre of the royal family of Joram, was proclaimed king and 
 Athalia was put to death, together with Mathan the high 
 priest of Baal (IV Kings xi, 4-21; II Paralip. xxiii). Thus at 
 the tender age of seven, Joas began a reign of forty years, 
 the first part of which was marked by a strong revival of the 
 worship of Jehovah, and by a careful restoration of the tem- 
 ple of Solomon and its sacred furniture (IV Kings xi, 17-xii, 
 16; II Paralip. xxiv, 1-14). Unfortunately, the second part 
 of the reign of Joas, which began soon after the death of 
 Joiada, was very unlike to the first. To the good influence 
 of the priesthood in the person of Joiada which had hitherto 
 prevailed near Joas, succeeded the perverse influence of the 
 heads of the Jewish aristocracy who by means of flattery 
 secured the toleration of idolatrous worship in Juda. Once 
 under this accursed influence, Joas refused to listen to the 
 solemn warnings of priests and prophets, and even went so 
 far as to order the death of the son of his benefactor Joiada, 
 called Zacharias, who had predicted national calamities in 
 punishment of national apostasy. The blood of Zacharias 
 shed in the Temple court was soon avenged, first by the de- 
 feats which were inflicted on the King of Juda by the Syrians, 
 and next, by the murder of Joas by his own officers (IV 
 Kings xii, 17-21; II Paralip. xxiv, 17-27). 
 
 § 2. From Amasias to Ezec7iias. 
 
 I. Kings previous to Achaz. Between. Joas and 
 Achaz, three kings — Amasias, Azarias (called Ozias in Par- 
 alip.), and Joatham — occupied the throne of Juda, and dur- 
 ing their reigns, the internal condition of the kingdom was 
 generally prosperous. This is particularly true of the condi- 
 tion of Juda during the long reign of Azarias, a prince equally 
 remarkable as an administrator, an agriculturalist and an 
 engineer, and whose material improvements were, to a large 
 extent, continued by his son, Joatham. It seems also that 
 
262 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 on the whole, the worship of Jehovah fared pretty well under 
 these three monarchs. We see, however, that the first was 
 in his later days betrayed into idolatry, that the second, also 
 in his later days, dared to intrude into strictly priestly func- 
 tions, and that the third had not the courage of working at 
 the reformation of the sad prevailing condition of morals 
 and religion, which is described in the opening chapter of 
 Isaias, and which paved the way for the open idolatry of 
 Achaz. 
 
 In their outward relations, the immediate predecessors of 
 Achaz were always successful (with the sole exception of the 
 disgraceful defeat of Amazias by Joas, King of Israel) ; even 
 under Azarias, the greatest of these kings, the southern 
 kingdom arose to its former military renown, and had again 
 a name terrible to the surrounding nations (IV Kings xiv, 
 XV; II Paralip. xxv-xxvii). 
 
 2. Achaz (IV Kings xvi ; II Paralip. xxviii ; Isai. vii- 
 xii). The son and successor of Joatham was Achaz, who, dur- 
 ing his short rule of sixteen years, proved himself a prince 
 far worse than any of his predecessors. Early in his reign 
 he delighted in the abominable practices of Phenician and 
 Ammonite worship, and we read that he went even so far as 
 to " make his son pass through the fire " in honor of Moloch. 
 A little later, in Damascus, he apostatized publicly from the 
 national faith and, in consequence, on his return to Juda he 
 desecrated the Temple of Jehovah in various ways, shut up 
 its great doors and discontinued the offering of its sacrifices. 
 He, moreover, erected "in all the corners of Jerusalem and 
 in all the cities of Juda " altars whereon to burn incense to 
 other gods. Gold and silver statues glittered throughout 
 the country, and soothsayers come from the East, wizards, 
 etc., were freely consulted by its inhabitants (Isai, ii, 6, 8, 20 ; 
 viii, 19). 
 
 The great opponent for this frightful idolatry was Isaias, 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 263 
 
 whose prophetic voice was never willingly heard by Achaz, 
 although from a mere human standpoint, past history and 
 clear insight into the future should have convinced the king 
 and his heathen counsellors tiiat the policy of adherence to 
 the national faith he advocated was the only means to secure 
 the prosperity and independence of the Jewish State. 
 Achaz was bent on his idolatrous course, and all the warn- 
 ings, offering of signs, and threats of the prophet availed 
 nothing. No wonder then that Jehovah delivered the king 
 into the hands of his enemies, and that the wretched prince 
 was unable to withstand the combined efforts of Israel and 
 Syria, the invasions of the Edomites into the southern dis- 
 trict of Juda, and those of the Philistines on the west and 
 southwest. It is also at this critical juncture, that, hard 
 pressed in every direction and unwilling to have recourse to 
 Jehovah, Achaz called on the help of the powerful king of 
 Assyria. Teglathphalasar delivered, it is true, the Jewish 
 monarch from his various enemies, but it was at an enor- 
 mous cost. Juda became tributary to Assyria, as recorded 
 in the Bible and confirmed by the Nimrud inscri{3tion of 
 Teglathphalasar {Records of the Past^ new series, vol. vi, p. 
 126), and Achaz appeared in Damascus before the Assyrian 
 monarch as his vassal. (For the Messianic bearing of Isaias 
 vii-xii, see Corluy, Spicilegium Dogmatico-Biblicum, vol. 
 i ; ViGOUROUX, Manuel Biblique, vol ii, § 924, sq. ; Charles 
 Elliott, Old Testament Prophecy, etc.) 
 
 3. Ezechias [727-698 B. C] (IV Kings xviii-xx ; II 
 Paralip. xxix-xxxii ; Isai. xxxvi-xxxix). The very depths of 
 impiety reached by Achaz, together with the condition of 
 political degradation to which this worthless prince reduced 
 tiie kingdom of Juda, brought about a strong reaction 
 against both idolatrous worship and vassalage to Assyria. 
 The religious reforms of Ezechias, his son and successor, 
 were at once thorough and far-reaching. Not only he 
 
264 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 opened the doors of the Temple of Jehovah and restored to 
 its purity and order Divine worship, but he also did away 
 with all things contrary to the law, such as images, groves, 
 high places, even the brazen serpent formerly erected by 
 Moses and which had become an object of superstitious 
 reverence, and actually made an attempt at securing the 
 conversion of '• the remnant of Israel that had escaped the 
 hand of the King of the Assyrians " (II Paralip. xxx). 
 • To these religious changes, Ezechias added several mate- 
 rial improvements, and then, perhaps confident in the help 
 of Egypt, threw off the Assyrian yoke. Sennacherib reigned 
 at the time in Assyria, and as soon as his own condition of 
 affairs in Babylonia allowed it, he turned his arms towards 
 Western Asia. In his first invasion of Palestine, of which 
 we have his own account (cfr. Records of the Past, new 
 series, vol. vi, p. 90, sq.), he took the fenced cities of Juda, 
 blockaded Jerusalem and laid siege before Lachis, a town 
 of the maritime plain and now identified with Tel El Hesy. 
 Then it was that Ezechias sent to Lachis promising submis- 
 sion. Sennacherib accepted it under the condition of an 
 enormous tribute and withdrew to Nineveh (IV Kings xviii, 
 13-16). 
 
 Soon, however, he was made aware of proceedings between 
 Egypt and Juda against his authority and therefore invaded 
 Palestine for the second time, with an immense army (Raw- 
 LiNSON, Kings of Israel and Juda, p. 192). Whilst besieg- 
 ing Lachis, he sent three of his officers to frighten Jerusalem 
 into surrender. Neither their summons, nor the threatening 
 letter sent a little later to Ezechias by the Assyrian monarch, 
 who after having taken Lachis was now besieging the neigh- 
 boring town of Lobna, could shake the confidence of the 
 Jewish king in the help of Jehovah, for Isaias had promised 
 deliverance to him in the certain and precise following 
 terms : " the King of the Assyrians shall not come into this 
 city, nor shoot an arrow into it, nor come before it with 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 265 
 
 shield, nor cast a trench about it. By the way he came, he 
 shall return, and into this city he shall not come, saith 
 Jehovah." 
 
 The fulfilment of this prediction is well known. The 
 angel of Jehovah destroyed during the night the bulk of 
 the Assyrian army, and the rest fled with Sennacherib 
 towards Nineveh. Of this wonderful deliverance there is of 
 course no record in the Assyrian annals, but for a striking 
 confirmation of the Biblical narrative we may appeal to the 
 Egyptian account of this miracle preserved by Herodotus 
 (History, book ii, chapter 141), as he learned it from the 
 priests of Egypt, that is, disfigured in order that they might 
 ascribe it to the power of their own gods (IV Kings xviii, 
 17-xix). 
 
 After this glorious deliverance of Juda, only a few events_ 
 are recorded of the reign of Ezechias. These are (i) his 
 recovery from a severe illness together with the promise of 
 fifteen years more of life ; (2) the visit he received from the 
 Babylonian king Merodach Baladan, to whose envoys he 
 showed all his riches with great ostentation, whereupon 
 Isaias predicted the Captivity of Babylon ; (3) the birth of 
 a long-desired son, to whom he gave the name of Manasses. 
 
 § J*. Manasses and Josias. 
 
 I. Manasses [698-644 B. C] (IV Kings xxi ; II 
 Paralip. xxxiii). Soon after the death of Ezechias the 
 heathenizing party in Juda started a powerful reaction in 
 favor of idolatry, and when Manasses took the reins of gov- 
 ernment he set his heart on undoing the good his father had 
 done. For this purpose, he not only re-established all the 
 forms of idolatrous worship which Achaz had formerly 
 started in the kingdom, and like him made his sons pass 
 through fire, surrounded himself with soothsayers, etc. ; but 
 he went even so far as to set a pillar of Astarthe in the 
 
266 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 House of Jehovah. His impiety was only equalled by his 
 tyranny, and the blood of those who refused to join him in 
 his idolatry ran like water through the streets of Jerusalem. 
 A Jewish tradition — perhaps alluded to in Heb. xi, 37 — 
 reckons Isaias among the victims of the tyrant and repre- 
 sents him as sawn asunder. In vain did the prophets of the 
 time predict that the future fate of Jerusalem would be like 
 that of Samaria ; threats and remonstrances were useless, 
 and actual punishment could alone bring back the king to 
 his senses, and prevent Juda from becoming an altogether 
 heathen nation. Risings of the Philistines, Moabites and 
 Ammonites were speedily followed by an Assyrian invasion. 
 
 The captains of Asarhaddon, the son and successor of 
 Sennacherib and who had lately added Babylonia to the 
 Assyrian empire, invaded Juda, besieged Jerusalem, took 
 Manasses captive and carried him off to Babylon. There, 
 Manasses repented sincerely, and the King of Babylon 
 allowed him to return to Jerusalem as a tributary king. In 
 so acting, Asarhaddon wishe'd most likely that this city natu- 
 rally so strong and moreover situated so near the Egyptian 
 frontier should be held by one whom he could trust implic- 
 itly in the event of the struggle with Egypt which he was 
 contemplating. Thus restored, Manasses set himself to 
 work to undo the mischief he had wrought, but this was no 
 easy task and his son Amon [643-642 B. C], for two years, 
 imitated after him, his first and worst practices. 
 
 From a comparison between the text of the book of Judith, 
 as it has come down to us, with Assyrian inscriptions recently 
 discovered, it seems probable that the condition of things 
 described in this inspired book corresponds best with the 
 time of the captivity of Manasses, and that the expedition of 
 Holophernes it records took place under Assurbanipal, the 
 son of Asarhaddon. (As to the historical character of the 
 book of Judith, see Pelt, vol. ii, p. 283, sq.; Vigouroux, 
 Bible et Decouvertes Modernes.) 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 267 
 
 2. Josias [641-610 B. C] (IV Kings xxii-xxiii, 30; II 
 Paralip. xxxiv, xxxv). Fortunately for Juda, Josias, the son 
 and successor of Amon proved a king most sincerely and 
 constantly devoted to the worship of the true God. When 
 sixteen years old, the young prince started himself an ener- 
 getic reform not only in Jerusalem, but also through Juda 
 and indeed through the territory which had formed the king- 
 dom of Israel. Not satisfied with doing away with every 
 trace of idolatry, he also destroyed the high places where 
 Jehovah worship had been so far practised, and started on a 
 positive re-establishment of the pure national religion. A 
 special commission was empowered to restore the Temple 
 and to levy contributions for this purpose. In the course of 
 the repairs, Helcias, the high priest, found a roll which con- 
 tained the Book of the Lmv whereby is not meant most likely 
 the whole Pentateuch known as '''' the Law'^ in later times, but 
 only Deuteronomy or a part thereof (cfr. Charles Robert, 
 Re'ponse \ "The Encyclical and the English and American 
 Catholics," p. 52, sq.; Driver, International Critical Com- 
 mentary on Deuteronomy). The Book of the Law, newly dis- 
 covered, was read to the king and the threats it contained 
 against idolatry, and the national punishments it foretold 
 against national apostasy struck Josias with terror; hence 
 his care to have the whole nation renew the solemn covenant 
 with the God of Israel, and to celebrate the Pasch with a 
 ritual accuracy never surpassed since the establishment of 
 the monarchy. 
 
 It was early in the reign of Josias that tiie ever-celebrated 
 patriot and prophet Jeremias received his prophetical call 
 from Jehovah. From his writings we learn that unfortunately 
 the conversion of many in Juda was more apparent than 
 sincere (Jerem. iv, 14; vi, 19, 20; vii, 8-10, etc.). 
 
 The virtues of Josias could only delay the fate of a king- 
 dom naturally doomed to destruction between the two mighty 
 rival empires of Egypt and Chaldaea. As a faithful vassal of 
 
268 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the latter, Josias opposed Nechao, when this Egyptian king 
 attempted to profit by the stir and conflict then prevailing 
 on the banks of the Euphrates and in the adjacent countries. 
 The Jewish monarch was defeated at Mageddo and mortally 
 wounded, and Nechao succeeded in establishing his author- 
 ity over the territory west of the Euphrates. 
 
 § 4. The Fall of Jiuia. 
 
 1. Political Parties among the Jews at the Begin- 
 ning of this Period. No one lamented more sorrowfully 
 the demise of Josias than the prophet Jeremias (IV Kings 
 XXXV, 24, 25), and this indeed most justly. To him the death 
 of the king was the death of a personal friend ; it was also 
 the deathblow of the policy he was long still to advocate of 
 a faithful alliance with Chaldaea as the only means to pre- 
 serve the Jewish kingdom from utter destruction. Despite 
 the protestations of the prophet and of his friends who 
 formed still, it is true, a powerful Assyrian party in Juda, 
 the kings who succeeded to Josias, together with their noble- 
 men, the false prophets and the bulk of the nation ever re- 
 garded Egypt 'as their only chance of salvation, provoked 
 repeatedly the invasion of the Holy Land by the Chaldeans, 
 and thus hastened blindly the ruin of the Jewish polity so 
 plainly and so often foretold by Jk.vemias (cfr. art. Jeremiah, 
 in Smith, Bible Dictionary). 
 
 2. The Invasions of Nabuchodonosor and the Last 
 Kings of Juda (IV Kings xxiii, 31-xxiv; II Paralip. xxxvi). 
 For some unknown reason — probably because he did not 
 owe his elevation to the King of Egypt — Joachaz, the son 
 and successor of Josias, was dethroned by Nechao after three 
 months of rule, and replaced on the throne of Juda by the 
 eldest son of Josias, called Eliacim, but who, on his acces- 
 sion, took the name of Joakim [610-599 B. C.]. It was 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 269 
 
 under this wicked successor of Josias, that Nabuchodonosor, 
 then acting as lieutenant of his father Nabopolassar, King of 
 Babylon, on his victorious march to Egypt through the terri- 
 tory west of the Euphrates, invaded Juda for the first time, 
 and bound the Jewish king in fetters to carry him to Babylon 
 (cfr. II Paralip. xxxvi, 6, in the Hebrew). We learn how- 
 ever from IV Kings xxiv, i, that Joakim was allowed to stay 
 in Jerusalem as a tributary king, and that for three years he 
 showed himself a faithful vassal, after which he threw off the 
 yoke. The time chosen by Joakim to vindicate his freedom 
 was well chosen, for Nabuchodonosor was apparently long 
 unable to come in person to re-establish his authority; never- 
 theless, the Babylonian troops overran the territory of Juda 
 and reduced it to the lowest degree of misery. Joachim, the 
 son and successor of Joakim, reigned but about three months, 
 for the Babylonian king having at length invaded the country, 
 took the Holy City and carried the Jewish king to Babylon 
 together with a very large number of captives belonging to 
 the leading classes. Matthanias [599-588 B. C] (who ex- 
 changed his name for that of Sedecias), the uncle of the 
 captive king, was now set on the throne of Juda, but not- 
 withstanding the advice of Jereraias, he courted an alliance 
 with Egypt and, in consequence, soon saw his States over- 
 run by the Babylonian armies. Under him, perhaps, more 
 than even under his predecessors, the Jews were addicted to 
 the grossest idolatry, so that the measure of iniquity being at 
 length filled up, "the wrath of Jehovah arose against His 
 people and there was no remedy," for he delivered them into 
 the hands of Nabuchodonosor, who invaded the country for 
 the last time. 
 
 3. Destruction of Jerusalem. Subsequent Condi- 
 tion of the Country. Whilst the army of the Babylonian 
 king ravaged the Holy Land far and wide, he himself with 
 his best troops, laid siege to Jerusalem. The attack was 
 
270 , OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 skilfully and vigorously conducted, and resistance already 
 began to appear useless when suddenly the news spread of 
 the departure of the Babylonian king to meet an Egyptian 
 army which was advancing to the rescue of the Jewish capi- 
 tal. The news proved true, and many thought that the siege 
 was at an end. Not so, however, with Jeremias who pre- 
 dicted the speedy return of Nebuchodonosor. The predic- 
 tion was fulfilled, and after a siege of nearly eighteen 
 months, during which all the horrors of famine and pesti- 
 lence preyed on the unfortunate city (cfr. the description 
 of these horrors in the Lamentations of Jeremias), the 
 Babylonian army penetrated into Jerusalem by the north 
 side. 
 
 Whilst the victors pillaged the Holy City and spared 
 neither age nor sex, Sedecias with his family and a few of 
 his troops effected his escape towards Jericho, but he was 
 overtaken and led bound before the Babylonian monarch, 
 who had his eyes put out after they had seen the death of 
 his attendants and of his sons. 
 
 Then followed the destruction of Jerusalem : the Temple 
 of Jehovah, the palace of the king and the houses of the 
 wealthy were set on fire ; the walls of the city were thrown 
 down, the sacred vessels plundered; the chief priests put to 
 death, and most of the inhabitants carried into captivity 
 (588 B. C). 
 
 After this frightful disaster, Godolias, a friend of Jere- 
 mias, was appointed governor of the miserable Jewish rem- 
 nant which was allowed to stay in the land. Jerusalem 
 being now in ruins, Godolias fixed his residence at Mas- 
 phath, but he was soon treacherously murdered by Ismahel, 
 whereupon the little remnant of the Jews, fearing the ven- 
 geance of Nabuchodonosor, fled into Egypt whither Jere- 
 mias accompanied them (Jeremias xxxvii-xliv). 
 
THE KINGDOM OF JUDA. 27 1 
 
 Chronology of the Royal Period. 
 
 Perhaps the reader has been surprised to find that no 
 dates have been supplied in those parts of the preceding 
 chapters which relate the history of the monarchy before 
 the capture of Samaria. Of course, it would have been 
 easy to adopt the chronology commonly received for that 
 period of Jewish history. From this, however, we refrained 
 because recent investigations have proved that the chronolo- 
 gical data supplied by the books of Kings before the destruc- 
 tion of the kingdom of Israel, not only are at variance with 
 the dates furnished by Assyro-Babylonian chronology which 
 are held as fully ascertained, but also do not agree with the 
 chronological data which are met with in the parallel narra- 
 tives of the. books of Paralipomenon. The first event, the 
 date of which is perfectly established by synchronous facts, 
 is the capture of Samaria, in 721 B. C. The reign of Saul 
 extended approximately from 1050 to loio B.C.; that of 
 David, from loio B. C. to 970 B. C, and the disruption of 
 Solomon's kingdom occurred about 930 B. C. (cfr. Pelt, 
 Histoire de I'Ancien Testament, vol. ii, p. 126, sq.). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 The Prophetical Office in the Old Testament. 
 Section I, Nature and History. 
 
 U^<l. Meaning of the Words: Prophet; prophecy. 
 
 ^ 
 
 I. 
 
 Nature I' 
 
 U-t 
 
 ly" 2. Prophetical Mission: Its proper object essentially re- 
 ligious. 
 
 f Described in its main feat- 
 
 '"^. Propheticallnspiration: \^ll^^^^^^^ ^.^1^ ^^^^^^^ 
 
 y divination. 
 
 4. Prophetical Training (the schools of the prophets). 
 
 II. 
 
 History: 
 
 (Three Prin- 
 cipal 
 Periods.) 
 
 r -D u * A \. ^ { Before Moses; 
 
 I ^'9'^Y^f^ ^""^ P'°P ' f '-om Moses 
 
 Before Sam- I ical utterances | to Samuel. 
 
 ' ' The Mosaic law "a prophecy" (Matt, 
 
 xi, 13). 
 
 2. From Sam- 
 uel to the 
 Babylonia7t 
 Captivity : 
 
 3. Prophets 
 of the 
 Captivity 
 and the 
 
 Rise of the prophetical order. 
 Oral and literary work of the j Israel, 
 chief prophets in ( Juda. 
 
 f The Jewish law 
 and priest- 
 Attitude of the hood, 
 prophets towards 1 Idolatry and 
 " calf-wor- 
 ship." 
 
 Special mission of Ezechiel and Daniel 
 
 during the exile. 
 Old Testament prophecy closed with 
 
 the announcement of " the angel of 
 
 Restoration: { the covenant" (Mai. iii, i). 
 
 [272] 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 Section I. Nature and History. 
 § 7. Nature of the Prophetical Office. 
 
 1. Meaning of the Words: Prophet; Prophecy. 
 It is impossible to peruse the historical records of the Old 
 Testament without noticing that, chiefly during the Royal 
 Period, there existed in the Jewish State a powerful element 
 for the guidance of both rulers and people in the person of 
 the Prophets of Jehovah and in their Prophecies or 
 prophetical utterances. The Seer or Prophet of that period 
 — as indeed of any period in Jewish history — was neither 
 necessarily nor exclusively a man endowed with supernatu- 
 ral insight into the future, and hence able to foretell far dis- 
 tant events, although to be considered as a /rwd" prophet, pre- 
 dictions, if made by him, had to be verified by the event. 
 He was rather, according to the constant meaning of the 
 Hebrew word rendered by " Prophet," the man who had 
 been selected by Jehovah to receive and communicate to 
 others knowledge of the Divine will and purposes. The 
 prophet was thus the mouthpiece of the God of Israel, and 
 his prophecy a Divine message (cfr. Pelt, vol. ii, p. 136; 
 Charles Elliott, Old Testament Prophecy, p. 21, sq.). 
 
 2. Prophetical Mission. No one, of course, could 
 lawfully call himself a prophet of Jehovah and claim to 
 give utterance to a Divine message, who had not been 
 
274 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 selected and called by the Almighty for the exalted mission 
 of being his messenger and speaking in his name. This 
 prophetical mission, when actually intrusted to a man, was 
 ever in harmony with the essentially theocratic character of 
 the Jewish people, and its proper object was not so much 
 the political or material well-being of the nation, as its 
 moral and religious advantage. The true prophet had stood 
 in the secret counsel of Jehovah, the God and King of 
 Israel, and when he came forth he spoke the words he had 
 heard from his mouth. His was the mission of declaring 
 God's will, of denouncing God's judgments, of defending 
 truth and righteousness and innocence, of keeping alive the 
 constant intercourse b^^n God and his chosen people, of 
 making of Israel's religion a moral and spiritual religion, of 
 opposing sternly idolatry and promoting energetically pub- 
 lic compliance with the Divine law and ultimately of pre- 
 paring by all this the nation at large, for the coming of the 
 Messias who was "the end of the law " (Rom. x, 4). 
 
 3. Prophetical Inspiration. To fulfil this most im- 
 portant and most difficult mission, the true prophets of Israel 
 received a wonderful gift, known under the name of pro- 
 phetical inspiration. This inspiration did not find its 
 origin in the unassisted intelligence of man, in his natural 
 parts and powers however great, but was the result of a 
 special and higher supernatural working of the Spirit of God. 
 Thus Holy Writ teaches repeatedly that the prophets received 
 their communication by the agency of the Divine Spirit 
 (Numb, xi, 17, 25 ; I Kings x, 6, etc.), whilst it describes the 
 false prophets as men who "spoke out of their own heart, 
 and not out of the mouth of Jehovah " (Jerem. xxiii, 16). 
 
 The ordinary mode of communication between God and 
 His prophets was what may be called a direct manifestation 
 of His will by word. It usually consisted of ideas distinctly 
 suggested to the understanding of the prophets without any 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 275 
 
 articulate sound (for cases of articulate speech, see I Kings 
 iii, 4, 10, sq.; Exod. iii, 4, etc.). God revealed also His will 
 and purposes in visions^ and this is the very title of the proph- 
 esies of Isaias, for instance ; but the precise nature of 
 these visions cannot well be defined. It is probable, how- 
 ever, that ordinarily pictures familiar to the prophets were 
 presented to their imagination without any external corre- 
 sponding object, and that in some cases actual apparitions 
 are described, as, for instance, in Daniel viii, 16, sq. Finally, 
 God's communications were made, but more rarely in dreams 
 sent during the sleep of the prophets. 
 
 The principal difference between the two latter modes of 
 Divine revelation and the former seems to consist in this : 
 when God spoke to the prophets, they retained the use of 
 their external senses and the normal exercise of their intelli- 
 gence and freedom ; when, on the contrary. Divine communi- 
 cations were imparted in visions or dreams, the prophets 
 were in what has been q2\\^^ ecstasy. Their external senses 
 were at rest; their soul was inactive, passive, powerless to 
 react against what they perceived, whilst on the contrary, 
 their power of intuition was raised to its highest degree and 
 enabled the prophets to understand and behold everything 
 with the greatest distinctness (cfr. Daniel viii, 18, sq ; x, 9, 
 sq. See also Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. ii. Pelt, 
 vol. ii, p. 140, sq). 
 
 This state of ecstasy stands in very great contrast with 
 heathen divination. Whilst the higher faculties of the Jewish 
 prophet are the medium of communication with Jehovah, the 
 spiritual God of Israel, the lower powers of human nature in 
 the pagan diviner were ever conceived as the means whereby 
 he had access to his god (cfr. \V. R. Smith, Old Testament 
 in the Jewish Church, second edit, p. 285, sq.). Again, whilst 
 heathen diviners uttered their oracles when in paroxysms of 
 delirium and frenzy, the prophets of the Old Testament when 
 making their announcements were always in full possession 
 
276 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 of themselves, knowing that they had a Divine commission 
 and prefacing their prophetical utterances accordingly (cfr. 
 Hanneberg, Histoire de la Revelation Biblique, vol. i, p. 
 294, sq.). 
 
 4. Prophetical Training. It was only natural that 
 men, who felt some attraction for the exalted and difficult 
 functions of the prophetical office, should be gradually pre- 
 pared by a special training for those parts of their future 
 work which depended upon religious and literary culture. 
 In point of fact, schools in which promising young men were 
 gathered and trained in view of the prophetical mission 
 existed among the Jews during the whole Royal Period, and 
 their institution is generally referred to Samuel, the intro- 
 ducer of the monarchy into Israel. One of these existed in 
 his lifetime at Ramatha, where his house was (I Kings xix, 
 19, 20; vii, 17); others flourished in various places, such as 
 Bethel, Jericho, Galgal, etc. 
 
 These schools, now known as the Schools of the Prophets^ 
 appear to have consisted of students different in numbers ; 
 at the head of each there was an elderly or leading prophet, 
 who acted as president (I Kings xix, 20; IV Kings iv, 38) 
 and to whom the young men gave the name of " Father " or 
 "Master" (IV Kings ii, 3 ; I Kings x, 12). The Sons of the 
 Prophets, as these students were called, lived together in dis- 
 tinct communities (IV Kings iv, 38), and were, no doubt, in- 
 structed in the knowledge and interpretation of the Divine 
 law. Subsidiary subjects of instruction were music and sacred 
 poetry (I Kings x, 5 ; IV Kings iii, 15 ; I Paralip. xxv, 3, sq., 
 etc.). In this way, they prepared by recollection, study and 
 prayer to receive from God a call and inspiration, which He 
 often bestowed upon students so instructed, and which were 
 necessary in order that men however well trained might 
 undertake the prophetical ministry. 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 
 
 § 2. History of the Prophetical Office. 
 
 277 
 
 I. First Period: Before Samuel. Long centuries 
 before the institution of the monarchy, the sacred records 
 speak of prophets and prophetical utterances among the 
 chosen people. During the Patriarchal Age, however, Abra- 
 ham, the great ancestor of the Jews, is the only man called a 
 "prophet" in Holy Writ (Gen. xx, 7), and outside Divine 
 communications made to individuals by oracles and visions, 
 even the great patriarchs of Israel were inspired to prophesy 
 only upon the occasion of some great event, such for instance 
 as their parting blessing. In Moses, on the contrary, we find 
 the type of the prophet of Jehovah so perfectly realized in 
 his close intimacy with the God of Israel, and in his prophet- 
 ical utterances, that Jewish tradition has ever considered him 
 as the greatest prophet of the Old Covenant (Deuter. xxxiv, 
 10). Around him, we notice a few persons moved at times 
 by the spirit of prophecy, but as the prophetical gift had been 
 granted to Moses for the fulfilment of his mission as Liberator 
 and Lawgiver of the Jews, it passed to his successor only in 
 so far as Josue needed it to complete the work of Moses by 
 introducing the Hebrews into the Promised Land. At times 
 also, the judges were endowed with the spirit of prophecy 
 (Judges iv, 4) for a work similar to that of Moses and Josue, 
 and here and there we even catch a glimpse of a man sent 
 on a special prophetical mission by Jehovah (Judges vi, 8 ; I 
 Kings ii, 27, sq.) or favored with some Divine communica- 
 tion (Judges xiii, 2, sq.; I Kings iii, 1). It remains true, 
 however, that the prophetical order was simply foretold by 
 Moses, and that his prediction was not fulfilled before the 
 time of Samuel (Deuter. xviii, 15-22; for the interpretation 
 of this passage of Deuteronomy see Pelt, Histoire de 
 I'Ancien Testament, vol. ii, p. 137, footnote 6). 
 
 But if Moses did not leave after him an order of men 
 intended to carry on his prophetical work or discharge the 
 
278 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 prophetic mission such as it was intrusted to the prophets of 
 later days, he at least had supplied the chosen people with 
 a constant '^prophecy " in the law he had given to them 
 (Matt, xi, 13). The whole purpose of the Mosaic law was 
 clearly to ward off idolatry from the Jewish nation, to pro- 
 mote an ever-closer intercourse between Israel and Jehovah, 
 and prepare effectively the chosen race for the coming of 
 Him who is the "end of the law," and these various objects 
 were, as we have seen, the very objects of the prophetical 
 mission. In another sense, the Mosaic law was also a 
 prophecy^ to wit, inasmuch as its various elements (priest- 
 hood, sacrifices, etc.) were but the figure of those of the 
 Christian dispensation for which they were preordained (see 
 Epistle to the Hebrews, /^i'j/>«). 
 
 2. Second Period : From Samuel to the Babylon- 
 ian Captivity. The introduction of the monarchy into 
 Israel opened a new and particularly critical period in the 
 religious life of the Jews. The establishment of kings 
 among the Jews naturally tended to diminish the feeling of 
 the people that they were a theocratic nation, \}[\q. peculiar peo- 
 ple of Jehovah. In like manner, one may well conceive that 
 Jewish kings would aim at becoming gradually independent 
 of all religious supremacy, and that some of them could prove 
 so entirely unfaithful to the spiritual worship of Jehovah as to 
 use the whole weight of their power in the State in favor of 
 idolatrous religions. Add to these difficulties against the 
 survival of pure monotheism in Israel under the monarchy, 
 the constant proneness of the bulk of the nation to idolatry, 
 and it will be readily seen that the rise of the prophetical 
 order at the beginning of this period was a new means of 
 faithfulness provided by God in view of new dangers. He 
 wished to have henceforth direct and official representatives 
 to plead his cause with the people of His choice, to oppose 
 fearlessly all national tendencies towards idolatry, and to 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 279 
 
 remind at each step, both kings and subjects, of their essen- 
 tial dependence on Him tlie invisible and supreme Lord of 
 Israel. 
 
 This the first prophets of the Royal Period did only by 
 word of mouth, speaking to their own generation of the 
 blessings of various kinds promised by God to his chosen 
 people if faithful ; of the manifold punishments that awaited 
 its unfaithfulness ; and finally, of God's renewed favor to 
 those who repent (Andrews, God's Revelations of Himself to 
 Men, p. 86). Several of these prophets limited their action 
 to watching sedulously over the spiritual and religious inter- 
 ests of the nation ; others added to this the literary work 
 of theocratic writers of history (cfr. for instance, I Paralip. 
 xxix, 29). It may also be noticed that after the disruption 
 of Solomon's empire, the oral work seems to have been 
 more active and more etlective in the northern, than in the 
 southern, kingdom. This difference is perhaps sufficiently 
 accounted for by the fact, that in the former there were 
 numerous prophetic societies helping on the mission of tiie 
 prophets ; whilst in the latter, individual prophets had to 
 meet almost entirely unseconded, at least equal, if not 
 greater, obstacles (cfr. art. Prophetic Office in SchaffHerzog, 
 Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge, vol. iii). 
 
 However this may be, it is beyond doubt that the earliest 
 written prophecies, those of Jonas in the kingdom of Israel, 
 and of Joel, and perhaps Abdias, in the kingdom of Juda, 
 are to be placed about the middle of the ninth century B. C. 
 In thus writing down their prophecies, the Divine messengers 
 had naturally among other objects, that of proving to future 
 generations the truth of their predictions (cfr. Isai. xxx, 8 ; 
 Jerem. xxx, 2, 3). If we reckon Baruch with Jeremias as 
 one book, the Old Testament comprises the books of eleven 
 prophets who wrote before the Babylonian exile, three of 
 whom belong to the northern kingdom, namely, Amos, 
 Osee and Jonas ; and eight to the southern kingdom. 
 
28o OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 namely, Isaias, Jeremias, Joel, Abdias, Micheas, Nahunx, 
 Habacuc and Sophonias. Of course, it may readily be 
 admitted, that some literary productions of the Jewish 
 prophets are now lost, as may be inferred from references to 
 older sources, such for instance, as Isai. ii, 2-4 ; Mich, iv, 
 1-4, etc., and that some of those which are still ex- 
 tant present considerable deviations from their original 
 form, as we know is the case with the prophecies of 
 Jeremias. 
 
 It is particularly in connection with the prophets of the 
 Royal Period, that critics of our century have affirmed the 
 existence of an antagonism on the part of these messengers 
 of Jehovah to the Jewish law and priesthood. The proph- 
 ets, \we are told, are exclusively concerned with the moral 
 and spiritual duties of Jehovah's worship, and are in op- 
 position to the priests and the ritual enactments of the 
 written law. Hence it is inferred that the legislation of the 
 Pentateuch did not exist in the days of those prophets and 
 that the Jewish hierarchy did not attain to full power until 
 prophecy ceased. 
 
 All this, however, seems very much at variance with the 
 facts of the case. The prophets of the royal period pre- 
 suppose the existence of a law and of a covenant like that 
 described in the Pentateuch (cfr. Amos iii, 2 ; Joel i, 9, sq. ; 
 Osee ix, 3, 15, etc.); they know of a ritual complied with 
 by their contemporaries and they object to this compliance 
 only in so far as the people remain satisfied with a mere 
 observance of outward rites without regard for the fulfil- 
 ment of higher moral and spiritual duties (Isai. i, 11, sq., 
 etc.). In like manner,, the prophets know of the Jewish 
 priests of their time as the ministers of Jehovah, and as 
 intercessors in behalf of the people (Joel i, 9, 13, 14 ; ii, 15- 
 17). True it is, sometimes priests of Juda are rebuked for 
 their sins, but so are also the prophets unfaithful to their 
 calling (Isai. xxviii, 7), and if the priesthood of the northern 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 251 
 
 kingdom is upbraided by Osee, it is because of its non-Leviti- 
 cal origin and calf-worship. 
 
 Thus, then, the attitude of the prophets towards the Jew- 
 ish law and priesthood is perfectly in harmony with the ex- 
 alted character of their calling ; they must promote in Israel 
 that inward piety which seems to have ever been greatly 
 wanting in the Jewish nation, raise the standard of morality 
 as high as possible and spare no one, high or low, in their 
 censures of evil. Nor is their attitude less easily understood 
 with regard to idolatry and " calf-worship." Naturally enough 
 they were the deadly opponents of idolatrous worship, and 
 when we bear in mind the most severe enactments of the 
 Mosaic law against idolaters (cfr. Exod. xxii, 20; Deut. xviii, 
 20, etc.), it is not difficult to understand that extreme meas- 
 ures, like those of Elias against the false prophets for in- 
 stance, must have appeared to them as the fulfilment of a 
 duty. The conduct of some early prophets of the northern 
 kingdom regarding the *' calf-worship" introduced by Jero- 
 boam can be justified still more easily; we have no record 
 of opposition by these prophets to calf-worship in Israel ; if, 
 in reality, they raised none, it may be supposed that they 
 thought it better to make all their efforts bear on the destruc- 
 tion of Baal worship, which had already become the official 
 worship of the northern kingdom, and which, if not soon 
 overthrown, threatened with permanent extinction the re- 
 ligion of Jehovah in Israel (cfr. Charles Elliott, Old Tes- 
 tament Prophecy, p. 152, sq. ; p. 144, sq.). 
 
 3. The Prophets of the Captivity and the Res- 
 toration. With the Babylonian captivity opened for the 
 Jews a new era fraught with new and special dangers for 
 the religion of Jehovah among the chosen people. It is 
 only natural, therefore, to find that the mission intrusted to 
 Ezechiel and Daniel, the two great prophets of the exile, 
 exhibited special features worthy of notice. 
 
282 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Ezechiel had been carried to Babylon at the same tune as 
 King Jechonias, in 598 B. C, that is, ten years before tlie 
 destruction of Jerusalem. His mission during this short 
 period was to prepare his fellow-captives for the near coming 
 but unexpected ruin of the Holy City; and after this event 
 had taken place according to his prediction, he had to make 
 the most of his influence as a recognized prophet of Jehovah, 
 to comfort the Jews, to prevent them from considering the 
 victory of the Babylonians over God's chosen people as a 
 victory of heathenism over the true theocracy. Heathenism, 
 with all its actual might and glory, was doomed to destruc- 
 tion, and the people of Jehovah would be restored to the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 Daniel also had the mission of comforting the exiled Jews 
 and of strengthening them in their faith, but this he did not 
 so much by his exhortations as by the whole tenor of his life. 
 He was an exemplar of holy living, of perfect faithfulness to 
 Jehovah in the very midst of the seductions of a corrupt and 
 heathen court; his miracles and prophecies, and more par- 
 ticularly the wonders granted to him for his own preserva- 
 tion, were to all the Jews manifest proofs that Jehovah had 
 not forsaken His people, but rather watched lovingly over 
 them in the land of exile. But besides this indirect mission 
 to his own, Daniel had a direct one to the heathen. It was 
 given him to prove to them that Jehovah is the sole God 
 deserving worship, because He alone revealed the most 
 hidden secrets (Daniel ii), inflicted exemplary punishments 
 on those who opposed His designs (iv ; v), protected against 
 all harm His faithful worshippers (iii)and was the sole living 
 Gcd, all the others being lifeless idols utterly unable even to 
 defend themselves against assailants (xiv). 
 
 After the return from the exile, the main object of Aggeus, 
 Zacharias and Malachias, the prophets of the time of the 
 restoration, was " to remove the hindrances among the people 
 to the fulfilment of God's promises, and to direct their eyes 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 283 
 
 to the dawning of the Messianic salvaiion " (Chas. Elliott, 
 p. 185). The last of these prophets, who is also the last of 
 the prophets of the Old Testament, is especially remarkable 
 for the clearness of his predictions concerning the work, the 
 sacrifice and the person of the Messias, so that the Old Tes- 
 tament prophecy may be said to close with the announce- 
 ment of the Lord whom the Jews sought and of the Angel of the 
 Covenant whom they desired {M.2i\2ich, iii, i). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Prophetical Office in the Old Testament 
 Section II. Predictions and Influence. 
 
 I. 
 
 Predictions 
 
 OF the 
 Prophets: 
 
 I. Thei7- Super- 
 7iatnral 
 Character : 
 
 On what principal grounds questioned 
 in our century ? 
 
 f Utterly inadequate. 
 
 These ration- 
 alistic 
 grounds 
 
 i Clearly 
 
 Veracity 
 of ' 
 
 prophets. 
 
 State- 
 ments of 
 
 : opposed ^ ^^^ Lord 
 and New- 
 Testa- 
 ment 
 I writers. 
 
 - T/ieir Mam- \ ^^f Jewish people ; the heathen na- 
 ~' f Ifi Oh' / • ' tions. 
 ■^ I The Messias and His kingdom. 
 
 '7-7 • /-I ■ jr \ Moral and religious import. 
 ■\. Their Chief y , r u- •.. 
 
 ^ ^, . -' \ Lack of ambiguity. 
 
 Character- \ ^., .^ /•. -^ • i \ 
 
 .... I Obscurity (its principal causes). 
 
 y Conditional fulfilment. 
 
 I. 
 Influence 
 
 OF the 
 Prophets: 
 
 I. Obstactes to 
 be Over- 
 come : 
 
 2. Means of 
 Success : 
 
 r Popular religious degeneracy (sensual 
 idolatry; mere formalism). 
 Opposition of kings and princes. 
 Conditional character of prophetical 
 predictions. 
 
 f Certain features of the prophetical in- 
 j stitution. 
 
 \ Personal moral qualities of the 
 prophets. 
 Preternatural powers. 
 
 3. General Results (Moral —political —religious). 
 
 [284] 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 Section II. I'redictions and Influence. 
 ^ /. The Predictions of the Prophets. 
 
 I. Their Supernatural Character. Up to recent 
 times, it was universally held that the predictions of the 
 prophets of the Old Testament were proofs of their Divine 
 mission, and a real preparation to the Gospel. Contempo- 
 rary Rationalists, however, and even many outside this radi- 
 cal school, either reject entirely the supernatural character 
 of the predictive element in the Old Testament prophecies, 
 or regard it as something secondary in comparison with the 
 doctrinal teachings and the historical data which are con- 
 tained in the prophetical writings. They do not indeed deny 
 altogether that the Hebrew prophets foretold the future and 
 that many of their predictions had a striking fulfilment; but 
 according to them, the agreement between the prediction 
 and the event may be referred to merely natural causes. 
 We are told, for instance, that the power of foreseeing events 
 in the near future may be quite natural to the human soul in 
 some peculiar physical and mental states, when dormant and 
 otherwise unknown powers are suddenly aroused to activity. 
 Again, it is said that the prophets were wonderfully acute 
 discerners of the signs of the times, and that reasoning from 
 the analogy of history, from the well-known unchanging char- 
 
 [285] 
 
286 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 acter of God's moral government, they might make a predic- 
 tion regarding the distant future which would be fulfilled, the 
 more so because the prediction itself would exercise a con- 
 siderable influence on the dispositions and actions of those 
 who became acquainted with it (cfr. Kuenen, Prophets and 
 Prophecy in Israel, p. 277, English Translation; Stackpole, 
 Prophecy, chap. v). 
 
 These, and other such appeals to mere natural causes to 
 account for all the predictions of the prophets, will ever ap- 
 pear at best inadequate to the unprejudiced reader of Jewish 
 history and prophecy. A large number of the predictions of 
 the prophets related to remote events and were given out in 
 an age when the causes to which they owed their origin either 
 did not exist, or were so obscure and latent as to be con- 
 cealed from the observation of the most perspicacious men, 
 especially as these predictions were not merely general in 
 their character, but strongly marked by the addition of many 
 circumstances of the events which they foretold. Nor could 
 the analogy of history enable men to make conjectures like 
 the predictions which foretold not only the exile of the 
 Hebrews, but also their return to their country and their 
 subsequent prosperity, the burning and devastation of Jeru- 
 salem, the empire of the Chaldeans and the seventy years' 
 captivity in Babylonia, etc. (cfr. Amos ii, 5 ; ix, 4, 14; Osee 
 li, 15-23; viii, 14; xiv, 5-9; Mich, iii, 12, iv, i, sq.; vii, 8-17 : 
 Jerem. xxv, 11, sq.). Since such clear predictions could not 
 be made by men of thG greatest sagacity, and must necessa- 
 rily have proceeded from God Himself, we may conclude that 
 others agreeing with these in nature and design, and attrib- 
 uted to the same God. have Him also for their especial 
 author (Jahn, Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 299, 
 English Translation). 
 
 Again, all rationalistic attempts at explaining away the 
 supernatural character of the prophetical predictions must 
 fail before the well-known attitude of the prophets themselves 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 287 
 
 regarding their own predictions. They claimed openly the 
 gift of Divine illumination respecting the future (cfr. for in- 
 stance, IV Kings i, 3, sq.), clearly distinguished between 
 those predictions they could have made through their own 
 unassisted powers and those which they owed to special com- 
 munications from Jehovah (III Kings xxii, 14, sq.; Jerem. 
 xxviii, 9; Isai. xx, i, sq., etc.), and in a variety of ways suc- 
 ceeded in making their contemporaries believe that this was 
 the great difference between the predictions they uttered and 
 those which were made by the false prophets. Whence it 
 plainly follows that the veracity of the prophets requires that 
 we should admit that they received from God a distinct fore- 
 knowledge of the future near or distant ; and indeed, had they 
 not actually possessed this supernatural foresight, they would 
 have soon lost their great influence upon the various classes 
 of Jewish society. 
 
 It should also be noticeu m inis connection thai lu ucny 
 the supernatural character of the predictions of the prophets 
 of the Old Testament is to run directly counter to the state- 
 ments of Our Lord (cfr. for instance, Luke xxiv, 25, 26, 44, 
 46), and of the inspired writers of the New Testament (cfr. 
 in particular, II Peter i, 19-21). 
 
 2. Manifold Objects of the Predictions of the 
 Prophets. Amidst the great variety of topics about which 
 the Jewish prophets uttered predictions, some deserve special 
 attention because of their greater prominence in the propheti- 
 cal writings. 
 
 Naturally enough, the chosen people themselves are the 
 object of numerous predictions on the part of the prophets. 
 It was of the special benefit of the Jews that Jehovah called 
 men to the prophetical office, and that He made known the 
 future to His select messengers. Because the Jews were His 
 " peculiar people," that is, the theocratic nation of antiquity, 
 prosperity was to be foretold to them as a reward for faith- 
 
288 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 fulness, public calamities as chastisements for unfaithfulness, 
 restoration to favor as a return for sincere repentance, and 
 final rejection as the awful punishment of perseverance in 
 apostasy. Such were the general purposes for which the 
 prophets of Israel were allowed distinct insight into the 
 future of the Jewish nation, and were directed to utter pre- 
 dictions which, under a variety of forms, corresponded to the 
 special needs of the people of God in the various periods of 
 its national existence. 
 
 It was also because of the chosen people that we find in 
 many of the Jewish prophets predictions which regard the 
 heathen nations. There we find foretold the manner in 
 which Jehovah intended to use them as instruments of His 
 retributive justice to Israel, and next to punish them for their 
 own pride and cruelty whilst inflicting upon the Jews chastise- 
 ments which the chosen people had but too well deserved. 
 There, also, we find predicted the future call of the nations of 
 the world to become in their turn the chosen people of God, 
 in place of the ungrateful nation, which, despite promises and 
 favors, threats and punishments, was ultimately to lose that 
 glorious privilege. 
 
 Whilst contemplating the future restoration of the Jews to 
 the Land of Promise, and the future call of the nations to 
 the worship of the true God, the prophets of Israel are in- 
 duced to foretell another kingdom which will begin with the 
 theocratic people, perpetuate the glorious rule of David, the 
 faithful theocratic king of the Jews, and extend its sway over 
 all the nations of the world. This is the Messianic kingdom 
 which the prophets of Israel describe in its ideal perfection, 
 under the glorious images of an ideal earthly prosperity. 
 At the head of that kingdom — the. true continuation of the 
 Jewish theocracy — there will be a descendant of David, born 
 in Bethlehem, and who will prove the ideal King long-ex- 
 pected to Stan a universal and eternal rule of happiness in 
 the faithful service of Jehovah. It is for this glorious rule of 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 289 
 
 the Messias that the Jews are bidden to prepare by the prac- 
 tice not only of outward but also of inward righteousness. 
 Unfortunately, under the misleading guidance of the Scribes^ 
 who to a large extent succeeded the prophets in the office of 
 keeping alive the true religion in Israel, the ancient people of 
 God, as a nation, will lose sight of the inward righteousness 
 which alone could fit the Jews for entering the Mesr^ianic 
 kingdom at its coming. No less unfortunately for them, both 
 the leaders and the people of Israel will take to the letter the 
 glorious descriptions of worldly peace, plenty, victory, etc., 
 which they will notice in the prophetical writings, and miss 
 altogether the meaning of other traits of the Messianic pict- 
 ure drawn before their eyes, so that when the Messias comes 
 and sets up His kingdom they will not be able to recognize 
 in Him and in His work the many traits of the prophetical 
 predictions which pointed to a kingdom ** not of this world" 
 and to a suffering Messias, and in consequence they will be 
 excluded from the Kingdom of God. 
 
 3. Chief Characteristics of the Predictions of the 
 Prophets. From the foregoing remarks, it is clear that, 
 unlike the oracles of the heathens, the predictions of the 
 Jewish prophets were not uttered *' to support the tottering 
 interests of States or kings, to satisfy mere curiosity about 
 the future, or to incline the people to the wishes of their rul- 
 ers. They all tended to one object, worthy of a Divine inter- 
 vention, the proof of the Divine mission of the prophets, and, 
 by consequence, of the true doctrine concerning God, namely, 
 that the one only God who sent the prophets is the omniscient 
 Ruler of the universe (Isai. xli, 21, sq.) ; and particularly that 
 He was governing the Hebrews in such a manner that they 
 should preserve the knowledge of Him until the period 
 when it should be propagated to all nations by a great Mes- 
 senger who was to arise from the posterity of David " (Jahn, 
 Introduction, p. 2*97, English Translation). It may also be 
 
290 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 noticed that the predictions of the prophets are usually 
 bound up with further instructions, warnings, etc., which 
 had a religious or moral bearing for their direct purpose. 
 
 A second manner in which the predictions of the prophets 
 offer a striking contrast with the heathen oracles is their 
 lack of ambiguity. This is particularly true in connection 
 wich very near events, when oracles and soothsayers care- 
 fully selected ambiguous expressions in order that in any 
 result their credit might be preserved. Not so with the 
 Hebrew prophets who, whether they used external symbols, 
 elevated or even poetical style, parabolic or allegorical 
 descriptions, invariably made it clear what they foretold the 
 event would be, and spoke with great definiteness, although 
 they knew full well that, should their predictions remain 
 unfulfilled, a prompt death awaited them from the hands of 
 powerful enemies in the Jewish State. 
 
 Thi5 does not mean, of course, that all the predictions of 
 the Jewish prophets are perfectly clear, for, in point of fact, 
 whilst some of them present this perfect clearness, most are 
 surrounded with considerable obscurity. But they are not 
 ambiguous in the strict sense of the expression, and when 
 they have been transmitted to us complete they are clear 
 enough to enable us to discern the historical event to which 
 they refer. 
 
 The obscurity of the prophetical predictions is not simply 
 due to the poetical style in which they are written, or to the 
 fact that they refer to very ancient events, with which we are 
 but imperfectly acquainted, it is due also to the purpose of 
 the predictions themselves. It stands to reason that if the 
 prophecies had had from the beginning the same degree of 
 clearness as that which history requires, they would have 
 sometimes been a positive obstacle to their own fulfilment, 
 by suggesting to those on whose free agency this fulfilment 
 depended so to act as to prevent the occurrence of the event 
 foretold. In consequence, many of them- when uttered or 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 29 1 
 
 written down were so obscure as to leave the event, or 
 rather its main circumstances, unintelligible before its fulfil- 
 ment, and so clear as to be intelligible after it. Another 
 natural cause of obscurity in the prophetical predictions is 
 to be found in the unquestionable fact that the prophets 
 usually beheld things not as we are accustomed to see 
 objects near at hand, but as we see things at a distance, 
 that is, all at once, with different degrees of distinctness for 
 the various objects according to their nearness, and without 
 giving an accurate idea of the distance which may intervene 
 between them. The prophets had therefore at times but an 
 imperfect knowledge particularly of the intervals of time 
 which separated the events which they foretold, and in con- 
 sequence these same events are often predicted without that 
 chronological order which would be necessary for perfect 
 clearness. 
 
 The last characteristic of the predictions of the prophets 
 to be noticed here is their conditional fulfilment. Many 
 predictions were of the nature of a promise or a threat with 
 regard to persons or cities and countries, as we find it stated 
 in Jeremias xviii, 7-10 and Ezechiel xxxiii, 13-16. This is, 
 of course, in perfect harmony with the moral government of 
 a JList and holy God, and should be distinctly borne in mind 
 because it explains why many predictions have been unful- 
 filled, and from the nature of the case will never be fulfilled: 
 the actual retribution of the predicted evil or good things was 
 dependent on the continuance of the same moral attitude of 
 the people concerned, and as this moral attitude was actu- 
 ally changed, the promised reward or denounced punishment 
 were necessarily withheld. 
 
 § 2. Influence of the Prophets. 
 
 I. Obstrtcles to be Overcome. As might naturally 
 be expected, the influence of the prophets of the Old Testa- 
 
292 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ment varied considerably in the different periods of Jewish 
 history, according to the greater or lesser obstacles which 
 these various periods opposed to the successful discharge of 
 the prophetical mission. To prove faithful messengers of 
 the God of Israel, the prophets had, first of all, to resist 
 with all their energy the religious degeneracy of the nation 
 at large. Instead of feeling naturally attracted towards the 
 pure and ennobling worship of the one true God, the bulk 
 of the chosen people ever felt a wellnigh irresistible ten- 
 dency towards an impure and degrading polytheism. It 
 was therefore a hard task for the defenders of the exclusive 
 worship of Jehovah and preachers of inward righteousness, 
 such as the prophets were, to produce in the minds and feel- 
 ings of the people a reaction against sensual idolatry, a 
 harder task still to prevent its inherited and inveterate crav- 
 ing for impure rites from getting the upperhand and betray- 
 ing the nation into lower and worse forms of idolatry than 
 those they had but recently renounced. Further, even when 
 the Jewish race kept aloof for some time from the shameful 
 excesses of Baal or Moloch worship, there usually crept in 
 another form of religious decay, that of mere formalism in 
 the practice of the religion of Jehovah. Time and again, 
 we hear, therefore, the prophets, those men favored with 
 special intercourse with the living God, lifting up their voices 
 and protesting energetically against the soulless form of 
 worship which was ever compatible with moral corruption. 
 It must be said, however, that if the action of the prophets 
 of Jehovah had been seconded by the political leaders of the 
 Jews, by the kings and princes, the faithful messengers of 
 God would have found it far less difficult to purify and ele- 
 vate the religious tone of the nation ; but, unfortunately, 
 most of the kings of Juda and Israel, together with the 
 larger number of their courtiers, opposed the influence of 
 the prophets by every means in their power. Through per- 
 sonal inclination towards idolatry, those kings and princes 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 293 
 
 practised, encouraged idolatry, and when rebuked for it by 
 the prophets, they resented this interference, persecuted and 
 put to death those troublesome opponents of whom they 
 spoke as the enemies of the State. Thus was the whole 
 weight of political and social influence usually brought to 
 play right against the noble but limited efforts of the proph- 
 ets and their disciples. 
 
 As a last obstacle against which the true prophets of 
 Jehovah had to struggle in order to preserve their influence 
 upon their contemporaries, we may mention the conditional 
 character of their prophetical predictions. The non-fulfil- 
 ment of these conditional predictions, which, as stated above, 
 was ever possible, and which at times occurred actually, was 
 calculated to cause them to be considered as false prophets, 
 unworthy of credence, and, therefore, to turn against them 
 both friends and foes of Jehovah worship. 
 
 2. Means of Success. To face these general obstacles, 
 
 together probably with many others arising from tiie par- 
 ticular circumstances of their time, the prophets of Israel 
 had at their disposal powerful means of success. First of 
 all, certain features of the prophetic institution, such as tlie 
 special training which many of them had undergone in the 
 prophetical schools, the direct Divine call and sometimes 
 personal intercourse with Jehovah, tiie miracles oftentimes 
 performed for their preservation, the public and private ser- 
 vices which they rendered to their contemporaries, and even 
 the elevation of their moral and religious teachings, etc., 
 were so many things which procured for them the deep rev- 
 erence and grateful affection of many of their fellow country- 
 men, sometimes of the kings and leaders of the nation. 
 
 Another means of success for the prophets in the dis- 
 charge of their difficult mission was found in their personal 
 moral qualities. We have, it is true, details concerning the 
 ife and work of only a few prophets of Israel, but it can 
 
294 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 hardly be doubted that the other prophets trod in the foot- 
 steps of those who are best known to us, that they were men 
 of genuine singleness of purpose, ardent zeal, persevering 
 energy, men ever ready to make the most of every oppor- 
 tunity either to win back king and people to the pure wor- 
 ship of Jehovah, or to render closer the union of the Jews 
 with their invisible king. Their disinterestedness was be- 
 yond question, and stood in striking contrast with the greedy 
 selfishness of the soothsayers and false prophets in the land. 
 They were indeed " men of God," as they were called, and 
 their examples of holy living no less than their ardent exhor- 
 tations contributed powerfully to increase the influence they 
 exercised upon their contemporaries. 
 
 It remains true, however, that the wonders it was given to 
 the prophets to perform and the true predictions they ut- 
 tered were their greatest means of success. These preter- 
 natural powers were justly considered by the nation at large 
 as unquestionable proofs of a Divine mission; they con- 
 tributed much to secure to the prophets enthusiastic and 
 grateful followers, and caused them to be publicly consulted, 
 even by several of the worst kings, in cases of pressing na- 
 tional danger. 
 
 3. General Results. When after this rapid survey of 
 the work and history of the prophetical office in the Old 
 Testament, we try to sum up the general results produced by 
 this great institution among the Jewish people, we find first 
 of all that even when the severe rebukes of the prophets did 
 not succeed in effecting the moral reformation they were 
 urging upon king and people, they yet secured to Israel over 
 the other nations the advantage that the moral precepts 
 should not be violated without protest. By thus inveighing 
 fearlessly against public corruption, the prophets kept alive 
 among the chosen people a distinct knowledge of what was 
 right, and prevented the Jews from sinking dow!i quietly or 
 
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE. 295 
 
 permanently to the low moral level of the surrounding pagan 
 nations. Of course, their holy examples and fervent exhor- 
 tations had also the precious result of communicating to the 
 minds and hearts of many of their contemporaries something 
 of the generous piety which they themselves possessed. 
 
 In the second place, it is easy to realize that from a politi- 
 cal standpoint the Hebrew prophets were of great advantage 
 to their nation. In exercising fearlessly their mission of re- 
 buking the Jewish monarchs, they ever reminded the kings 
 that they were not, that they could not be, absolute rulers 
 over the Holy Land in the same manner as the kings of the 
 neighboring tribes. By their opposition to the unjust or 
 irreligious enactments of the royal power, they also taught 
 the people not to bow down too easily before the will of a 
 mortal monarch. 
 
 Finally, from a religious point of view, the mission of the 
 prophets of Israel had the best and most faithful results. 
 They prevented idolatry, even when imposed by despotic 
 kings, from taking such root in the people as to preclude all 
 return to Jehovah ; they kept alive the precious remembrance 
 among the Jews of their covenant with the one true Gpd, and 
 repeatedly promoted religious reforms. More particularlv 
 did they bring out the spiritual element of Judaism, and 
 direct the eyes of the nation towards the coming of the 
 Messias and the setting up of His kingdom. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Babylonian Captivity. 
 
 I. 
 
 The Baby- 
 lonian 
 Empire : 
 
 r I. Geography (Extent; principal provinces; splendid 
 capital). 
 
 2. History: 
 
 Beginning of the new Babylonian or 
 Chaldean Empire (606 B.C.). 
 
 Rapid consolidation and wonderful 
 prosperity under Nabuchodonosor. 
 
 Decline and fall (a comparatively easy 
 prey to Cyrus). 
 
 f Manners and customs. 
 3. Civilization: \ Arts of peace and war. 
 Religion. 
 
 II. 
 The Jews 
 IN Exile: 
 
 I. Number and Quality of the Captives. 
 
 r At first, cruel slavery inflicted. 
 
 2. Social Cotidi- 
 tion in Baby- 
 lonia : 
 
 3. Religious 
 Life: 
 
 Prompt organization as colonists. 
 
 Share in the commerce of the con- 
 querors. 
 
 Final attachment to Babylonia as to a 
 mother country. 
 
 General reaction against idolatry. 
 
 r practices faithfully kept 
 
 ^ ^ I beliefs confirmed and de- 
 
 y veloped. 
 Origin of synagogues as places for re- 
 ligious meetings. 
 
 The Book of Tobias. 
 [296J 
 
FOURTH PERIOD. 
 
 THE RESTORATION: FROM THE BABYLONIAN 
 CAPTIVITY TO OUR LORD. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. 
 
 § /. The Babylonian Empire, 
 
 I. Geography. Babylonia is the name which the Greeks 
 
 and the Romans gave to " the land of the Chaldeans " (Jerem. 
 xxiv, 5 ; Ezech. xii, 13) into which the Jews were carried cap- 
 tive by Nabuchodonosor. The Babylonian empire proper 
 comprised the region along the lower course of the Euphrates 
 and the Tigris, from the point where they approach each other 
 near the modern Baghdad, to their mouth in the Persian Gulf 
 and from Elam on the east to Arabia on the west. As a 
 worthy successor to the immense Assyrian empire, the new 
 Babylonian or Chaldean empire controlled all the southern 
 and western portions of the former Assyrian dominions, and 
 included such important provinces as Susiana, Elam, Meso- 
 potamia, Syria, Phenicia, Palestine, Idumaea, Northern Arabia 
 and probably Lower Egypt. 
 
 The great cities found in this vast extent of territory were 
 very numerous, and among them we may notice Borsippa, 
 Sippara, Erech, Susa, Carcamis, Haran, Emath, Damascus, 
 Jerusalem, Sidon, etc. Prominent among them all was Baby- 
 
 [297] 
 
298 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Ion, the capital of the empire, and commonly believed to 
 have occupied the site of the ancient Babel (Gen. xi, 4, 5. 9). 
 It was situated in a flat, fertile plain on both sides of the 
 Euphrates, some 200 miles above its junction with the Tigris. 
 Its extent, strength and beauty are detailed by Herodotus 
 (History, book i, chap. 178, sq.), according to whom Babylon 
 was 200 square miles in extent, cut into squares by straight 
 streets, and enclosed by a double line of walls. The Greek 
 historian speaks also (i) of the houses as being mostly three 
 and four stories high, (2) of the splendid temple of Bel, a 
 tower 600 feet square, having eight stories, 480 feet high, 
 with a winding ascent passing around it, and the chapel of a 
 god at the top, (3) of an immense palace of the kings, the 
 ruins of which are identified with the Kasr, an enormous pile 
 of bricks, tiles and fragments of stone, (4) of the fine quays 
 of Babylon. Berosus, a Babylonian priest and historian, 
 who lived a little later than Herodotus, has also left an ac- 
 count of the famous hanging gardens of the great Babylon 
 (cfr. JosEPHUS, Antiq. of the Jews, book x, chap, xi, § i). 
 
 It must be said, however, that whilst a few explorers of the 
 ruins of that splendid city accept the enormous figure given 
 for its extent by Herodotus, most, and apparently on very 
 good grounds, reject it and think that Babylon was about 
 eight miles in circuit. 
 
 2. History. The founder of the new Babylonian or 
 Chaldean empire, the position and extent of which have 
 been just described, was Nabopolassar (Nabu-pal-usur in 
 Assyrian), a general of great ability, who was made first 
 governor and next king of Babylonia when that country was 
 siill only a province of the Assyrian empire. Nabopolassar 
 proving disloyal to his suzerain, the last Assyrian king, Asa- 
 raddon II, attacked and destroyed Ninive in union with 
 Cyaxares, King of Media, and started a new empire with 
 Babylon for its capital (606 B. C). 
 
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVIIY. 299 
 
 The son and successor of Nabopolassar in C04 B. C, Was 
 Nabuchodonosor (Nabu-kudur-usur in the Assyrian inscrij> 
 lions), to whom the new Babylonian empire owed chiefly its 
 rapid consolidation and wonderful prosperity. During a long 
 reign of forty-three years, this great warrior recovered Syria 
 and Palestine, destroyed Jerusalem and carried away the 
 Jews to Babylon, reduced Phenicia, ravaged and probably 
 conquered Egypt. Then laden with spoils and glory, he 
 utilized to its utmost limit the physical strength of his numer- 
 ous captives — Jews, Phenicians, Syrians and Egyptians — to 
 cover his whole territory with gigantic works, the remains of 
 which excite admiration even to the present day. He forti- 
 fied his capital with the greatest care, not only repairing the 
 old wall around the city, but adding to it another less thick 
 but almost as strong. He raised the walls of a huge palace 
 in the incredibly short time of fifteen days, as we read in his 
 large inscription and in the history of Berosus, and dug a 
 canal the remains of which Rawlinson traced for a distance 
 of from 400 to 500 miles. " He built or rebuilt almost all 
 the cities of Upper Babylonia, Babylon itself, upon the bricks 
 of which scarcely any other name is found, Sippara, Borsippa, 
 Cutha, Teredon, Chilmad, etc.; he formed aqueducts and con- 
 structed the wonderful hanging gardens at Babylon ; he raised 
 the huge pyramidal temples at Borsippa and Akkerkuf, to- 
 gether with a vast number of other shrines," etc. (Rawlin- 
 son's edition oi Herodotus, History, vol. i, p. 413; cfr. also 
 Lenormant, Manual of the Ancient History of the East, vol, 
 i, pp. 476-486). 
 
 The wealth, power and general prosperity of the Babylonian 
 empire under Nabuchodonosor are nowhere better illustrated 
 than in the opening chapters of the book of Daniel (cfr. 
 especially, ii, 37, 38 ; iii, i, sq.; iv, 17-19). There we read also 
 of his excessive pride, which made him consider himself as 
 more than a mortal man (cfr. inscription quoted by Lenor- 
 mant, loc. cit.) and required divine honors from his subjects 
 
300 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 (Daniel iii ; iv, 27). After a long punishment in that strange 
 form of madness which the Greeks called Lycanthropy^ the 
 Babylonian monarch was restored to health and to his former 
 grandeur. Soon afterwards he died predicting, says Aby- 
 denus, the ruin of the Chaldean empire (Eusebius, Praepar. 
 Evang., book ix, chap. 41). 
 
 The prediction was soon to be fulfilled ; the Babylonians 
 owed their rapid success to their hordes of cavalry, rather 
 than to their energy of character or to their knowledge of 
 military tactics, and both were most desirable in view of con- 
 flicts with the Persians in a near future. Furthermore, the 
 immediate successors of Nabuchodonosor, Evil-Merodach 
 and Neriglissar, besides being men unworthy of the throne, 
 were no match, from a military standpoint, for the young 
 Cyrus who had already conquered Media. The only ruler 
 worthy of Nabuchodonosor's throne was the last King of 
 Babylon, named Nabonahid, who reigned seventeen years. 
 This prince was formerly, although wrongly, identified with 
 King Baltassar, who is spoken of in the book of Daniel (chap, 
 v) as the son of Nabuchodonosor and apparently as the last 
 King of Babylon, for, from the inscription which has a refer- 
 ence to Baltassar, it seems well established that he was really 
 the son of Nabonahid and had been associated by him to the 
 empire. After the defeat of Nabonahid by Cyrus, Babylon 
 was taken during a royal banquet given by Baltassar, and its 
 capture put an end to the Babylonian empire (cfr. Records of 
 the Fast, new series, vols, iii, p. 125, sq.; v, p. 160, sq.; Wallis 
 Budge, Babylonian Life and History, chap, vi ; Vigouroux, 
 Bible et Decouvertes Modernes, vol. iv ; Deane, Daniel, chap, 
 viii). 
 
 3. Civilization. The civilization of Babylon, in the 
 midst of which the Jews lived duririg the Exile, resembled 
 very closely that of Ninive, its former rival. In Babylonia 
 as in Assyria, the upper classes wore a long sleeveless robe 
 
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. 3OI 
 
 adorned with fringes and bound around the waist with a 
 belt, a mantle over their shoulders, a tiara or fillet on their 
 heads and sandals on their feet. The dress of the soldiers 
 and lower classes was much more simple : it consisted in a 
 linen tunic which did not quite reach the knees, and which 
 was fastened round the waist by a girdle or sword-belt; 
 sometimes even a simple kilt seems to have taken the place 
 of this tunic, more frequently the kilt was worn under it. 
 They all curled their hair and beard, used staves and a seal 
 usually in the form of a cylinder. 
 
 The diet of the poorer class was simple, consisting almost 
 exclusively of dates, which were perhaps pressed into cakes, 
 as usual in the country at the present day. To this were 
 probably added some vegetables, such as gourds, melons, 
 etc., and in the marshy regions of the south, fish. The diet 
 of the rich was more varied and pleasing to the taste. 
 Wheaten bread, meats of various kinds, luscious fruits, fish, 
 game appeared on their table, and wine imported from 
 abroad was the usual drink. A festival banquet was mag- 
 nificent and generally ended in drunkenness. Music, instru- 
 mental and vocal, entertained the guests, a rich odor of per- 
 fumes floated around, and there was great display of gold 
 and silver plate. The splendid dresses of the guests, the 
 exquisite carpets and hangings, the numerous attendants 
 gave an air of grandeur to the scene (Rawlinson, Ancient 
 Monarchies, vol. iii, p. 19). 
 
 Marriages were made once a year at a public festival, 
 when the maidens of age to marry were put up at public 
 auction. Polygamy was permitted, but probably practised 
 only by very wealthy men. The dress of the women con- 
 sisted of a long tunic and mantle, and a fillet for confining 
 the hair, and their seclusion seems scarcely to have been 
 practised in Babylonia with as much strictness as in most 
 Oriental countries. 
 
 All deeds and contracts stamped on tablets of clay were 
 
302 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 signed and sealed in presence of several witnesses, who 
 attached their seals, or at least their nail marks, to the docu- 
 ment. It was then enclosed in an outer coating of clay on 
 which an abstract of the contents was given. These tablets, 
 of varied shapes and colors, make us acquainted with all 
 kinds of topics. Papyrus was, of course, one of the writing 
 materials, but it had long been reserved for what we would 
 call "editions de luxe," and the usual material was the clay, 
 on which, whilst still wet, cuneiform or " wedge-shaped " 
 characters were impressed by means of a metal stylus with 
 a square head : then the clay was dried in the sun. In all 
 the great cities of the empire there were regular libraries 
 well supplied with books in papyrus and clay, and the 
 decipherment of such writings and inscriptions as have 
 been recently discovered in Assyria and Babylonia has 
 proved a source of invaluable information. (Many of those 
 old texts will be found correctly rendered into English in 
 the six volumes of the Records of the Past^ new series, pub- 
 lished under the editorship of Professor Sayce.) 
 
 In architecture, painting and sculpture, the Babylonians 
 were inferior to the Assyrians, but it was not so in com- 
 merce, both foreign and domestic. Great numbers engaged 
 in the manufacture of textile fabrics, particularly carpets 
 and muslins, and m.any more excelled as lapidaries. But it 
 is chiefly in agriculture that the bulk of the people was 
 ei>gaged, with such success that on many points modern 
 nations have, as it were, re-invented, but not improved on 
 Babylonian methods. It seems also that in the days of 
 Nabuchcdonosor there was a firm of bankers whose special 
 business it was to carry on the commerce of Babylon. 
 
 If we except the physical sciences, it can easily be proved 
 that the various branches of human learning were cultivated 
 with intelligence and success by the Babylonians. (For 
 details, see Wallis Budge, Babylonian Life and Histor}^, 
 chap, viii.) 
 
THE BABYLONIAX CAPTIVITY. 303 
 
 The Babylonians were armed with swords, bows and 
 arrows, and staves ; and in later days they used helmets and 
 shields. Their battles, in which horses and chariots besides 
 infantry were used, were little more than sudden surprises 
 and skirmishes. In besieging cities, they employed scaling 
 ladders, and men were set under cover to dig out the stones 
 from the foundations, that the city walls might fall. On the 
 taking of a city they ruthlessly destroyed everything, so that 
 only a few kings took captives as working bondmen. 
 
 However mpnotlieistic may have been the primitive re- 
 ligion of Babylonia, it is beyond doubt that in the time of 
 the Exile they had long worshipped gods without number. 
 From Ilu (El) the fountain-head of all divinity, a first triad of 
 gods known as Anu, Ea and Bel (with three female counter- 
 parts) was supposed to have emanated. These three gods 
 represented time, intelligence and creation, and from them 
 had originated a second triad, made up of Sin, Samas and 
 Rimmon (with, of course, three corresponding female deities) 
 and representing the moon, the sun and the evening star. 
 Next in order of succession came the five planets : Adar, 
 Merodach, Nergel, Istar and Nebo, whose names appear so 
 often in Assyrian proper names. 
 
 To these great gods, and to a countless host of minor 
 deities, the Babylonians addressed prayers, sung hymns and 
 litanies, some specimens of which have come down to us. 
 But what is far more important to notice, is the Chaldean 
 account of the creation of the world, and a legend respect- 
 ing the Tower of Babel and the Flood, which have been dis- 
 covered and which are in close agreement with the inspired 
 account in Genesis (cfr. Smith, Chaldean Account of 
 Genesis). 
 
 The splendid worship of Babylon was conducted by 
 priests, through whom the worshippers made offerings, 
 sometimes of the most costly kind, and sacrifices of oxen 
 and goats. The priests were married and lived with theil 
 
304 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 families, either within the sacred enclosures of the temples or 
 in their immediate neighborhood. They were supported 
 either by lands belonging to the temple to which they were 
 attached, or by the offerings of the Babylonian worshippers. 
 
 Notions of legal cleanness and uncleanness akin to those 
 prevalent among the Jews were found in the religious sys- 
 tem of the Babylonians, and hke the Jews also, the Chaldeans 
 kept the seventh day. Let us mention finally their belief in 
 demons, in a future life, and also the immoral character of 
 some of their religious practices. (In connection with this 
 idolatrous system of the Babylonians, chapter vi of Barucb 
 and chapter xiv of Daniel should be read.) <r^ ^ "• ^"^^9 
 
 § 2. The Jews in Exile. 
 
 1. Number and Quality of the Captives. It is 
 
 impossible in the present day to give even the approximate 
 number of the Jewish captives whom Nabuchodonosor car- 
 ried to Babylon in his various invasions. Even though we 
 should suppose that the figures supplied in the Bible (in the 
 books of Kings, of Jeremias, and Ezechiel) have not been 
 tampered with, it would remain ^ery probable that these 
 )/ official figures represent only the number of the men of rank 
 whose influence was feared, if left in Judoea, and of those 
 whose technical skill or physical strength made particularly 
 desirable for the numerous and gigantic works of the King 
 of Babylon (cfr. IV Kings xxiv, 14). But of course the mem- 
 bers of the families of those exiles followed them into cap- 
 tivity, and only a very small remnant of Jews, and these of 
 the poorest sort, remained in the land. 
 
 2. Social Organization in Babylonia. The bitter 
 sense of bereavement experienced by the Jews thus torn 
 away from their country can be more easily imagined than 
 described. It is this feeling which is suggested by the 
 
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. 305 
 
 Hebrew word " Guloth," by which they designated the Cap- 
 tivity; it is also this feeling which we find so touchingly 
 expressed in the well-known Psalm, Super flumina Baby- 
 lonis. Nor is this to be wondered at, when we bear in mind 
 the barbarous treatment which the bulk of them had most 
 likely to undergo at the beginning of the P^xile. They were 
 the bondmen of Nabuchodonosor, and despite all their 
 efforts to execute speedily and well the hard task daily ex- 
 acted from them, they could say in all truth, *' The plowers 
 (the overseers) plowed upon my back ; they made long their 
 furrows " (Psalm cxxviii, 3, in Vulgate). To the sufferings 
 inflicted by the lash were, no doubt, joined in many cases 
 those of the dungeon, of hunger and of nakedness; hence 
 we hear the captives complaining that they are " devoured " 
 and " broken in pieces," and repeating that wish inspired 
 by revengeful hatred: "O daughter of Babylon, miserable; 
 blessed shall he be who shall repay thee thy payment thou 
 hast paid us. Blessed he that shall take and dash thy littK 
 ones against the rock ! " 
 
 Soon, however, their condition became less unbearable, for, 
 owing to the high influence of Danjel at courts his three 
 Jewish companions, Sidrach, Misach and Abdenago were 
 "appointed over the works of the province of Babylon" 
 (Daniel ii, 48, 49). Henceforth fthey enjoyed the rights 
 which Babylonian civilization ever recognized in slaves of 
 whatever origin : they had, for instance, a right to compensa- 
 tion for their labor, and the faculty of redeeming themselves 
 from bondage. Nay, more, they seem to have been allowed 
 to settle in colonies here and there over the land, and to 
 organize themselves pretty much in the same way as in 
 Judaea (Ezechiel xx, i). 
 
 This they actually did, when, giving up their foolish hope 
 of an immediate restoration to the Holy Land, they complied 
 with the wise counsel of Jeremias, that they should build 
 houses, plant orchards, marry their sons and daughters, work 
 
3o6 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 and pray for the peace and prosperity of Babylon (Jeremias, 
 xxix, 4-7). In point of fact, the history of Suzanna and the 
 two elders narrated in the book of Daniel (chap, xiii) giv^es 
 us positive information about an extent of self-government 
 which we would have hardly supposed granted to the Jews 
 in their exile. It allows us also an insight into the material 
 prosperity which many among them were doubtless able to 
 secure to themselves by sharing in the industrial and com- 
 mercial life of their conquerors. Indeed, it has been sup- 
 posed, and with some probability, that the great banker of 
 Babylon, Egibi, was of Jewish origin. 
 
 Thus the Jews gradually became attached to this foreign 
 country, and in proportion as they enjoyed material pros- 
 perity, religious freedom, satisfaction of commercial instincts 
 and genuine consideration from the heathens, in the same 
 proportion, also, their enthusiasm for the desolate land of 
 Palestine abated, especially in the minds of the new genera- 
 tion born in Babylonia. A striking proof of this is found in 
 the fact that when permission to return to the Holy Land 
 was granted to the exiles only a small number availed them- 
 selves of it, and the rest preferred to continue to live in a 
 country in which they had a comfortable home. Henceforth, 
 and for long centuries to come, Babylon was to be a great 
 centre of Jewish population, a great seat of Jewish learning. 
 
 3. Religious Life. As might naturally be expected, 
 idolatry, to which the Jews had long been accustomed in 
 Palestine, flourished at first among them in Babylonia, the 
 more so because, by the destruction of Jerusalem and its 
 temple, Jehovah had proved inferior in the eyes of many to 
 the idols of the nations. Soon, however, it became a con- 
 viction with a large number that these great evils were, after 
 all, nothing but the just punishment of their wicked deeds, 
 and under the influence of the prophets, priests and Levites 
 of Jehovah this better frame of mind spread daily. Again, 
 
THE BABYLONIAN" CAPTIVITY. 307 
 
 the fulfilment of the predictions concerning the fall of Jeru- 
 salem and Ninive, the courage and patronage of Daniel, to- 
 gether with the miracles granted to him and the spectacle ' 
 of many heathens embracing Hebrew worship, brought about 
 a strong reaction against idolatry. In fact, Divine Provi- 
 dence intervened so repeatedly and powerfully during the 
 seventy years of the Exile, both in favor of the worshippers 
 of Jehovah and against their opponents, that this reaction 
 proved a lasting one, and that the descendants of the exiles 
 remained, as a body, invariably faithful to national mono- 
 theism. 
 
 Of course, in Babylon the Levitical worship could not be 
 carried out in its fulness. The sacrificial rites of the Temple, 
 for instance, were naturally stopped during the period of the 
 Exile, but this made it all the more desirable that the rest of 
 the religion of Jehovah, which could be observed outside 
 Palestine, should be faithfully adhered to by the Jews. Dur- 
 ing that time they no doubt read with great reverence what- 
 ever sacred books were in their possession, eager to find in 
 them prospects of a brighter condition for their religion and 
 commonwealth. It is also during this same period that the 
 practice of lifting up their hearts to God in prayer at the 
 regular time of the morning and evening incense-offering 
 spread among the exiles; to these sacred times for supplica- 
 tion they seem even to have added the hour of noon (Daniel 
 vi, 10). 
 
 Whilst the religious practices of the Jews were thus faith- 
 fully kept up in Babylon, and even improved upon, their 
 religious beliefs were also c onfirm ed a n d de velgp e d . The 
 unity of God and inanity of idols became daily more evident '^ 
 truths to their minds ; the power of prayer and of good 
 works was also emphasized in various ways, whilst the great 
 dognia of the resurrection of the dead was formulated with a 
 distinctness which could hardly be surpassed (Ezech. xxxvii ; 
 Dan. xii, 1-3). At the same time, the Messianic belief was 
 
x^. 
 
 308 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 developed into the idea of a Divine Messenger, of a great 
 King, who would found, not a transient and limited king- 
 dom like unto the great empires of the world, but a universal 
 and everlasting theocracy. Finally, Jewish theology re- 
 specting the holy angels was developed and completed; 
 henceforth they were clearly conceived as constituting a 
 hierarchy of spirits, who under God, have a great power over 
 men and demons, and are busied about the interests of in- 
 dividuals and empires. 
 
 A last, but very important feature of the religious life of 
 the Jews during their exile, is to be found in the institution 
 of the Synagogues as places for religious meetings. We have, 
 it is true, no definite statement in the inspired records to 
 the effect that this is the period of Jewish history to which 
 we must trace back the origin of those synagogues, which we 
 find so multiplied in the time of Our Lord and His apostles, 
 but the circumstances of time and place were such as would 
 naturally lead the Jews to start such an institution ; and they 
 were no sooner restored to their own land, than something 
 very much akin to the synagogal, worship in its most devel- 
 oped form is observable in the Biblical records (cfr. Nehemias 
 viii). 
 
 T/ie Book of Tobias. 
 
 Intimately connected with the period of the Exile, although 
 not with the captives of Babylon, is the inspired book of 
 lobias^ the text of which has reached us only in translations 
 which present many important variatipns. Naturally enough, 
 the historical character of this book had long remained un- 
 questioned among Catholics, for all the details it contains 
 are presented in the form of a narrative. A few Catholic 
 scholars, however, especially because of alleged historical in- 
 accuracies, and the peculiar cliaracter of the miracles it de- 
 scribes, have, of late, departed from this time-honored posi- 
 tion. They prefer to look upon it as an inspired story based 
 
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVHY. ^qQ 
 
 on facts and therefore, even from a historical standpoint 
 very useful to Biblical students. There is no doubt, that it 
 supplies many interesting data concerning the material, moral 
 and religious condition of those Jews of the northern king- 
 dom who were spread through the Assyrian empire (cfr. 
 Pelt, vol. ii, p. 296-300). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Return from the Exile. 
 
 I. 
 
 ZOROBABEL 
 AND THE 
 
 Second 
 Temple : 
 
 II. 
 
 Nehexhas 
 
 ESDRAS : 
 
 I. The New 
 X 
 
 ^The decree of Cyrus (its motives). 
 Exodtis • ' y The first departure under Zorobabel. 
 'i^ [ The route followed. 
 
 State of Palestine on the arrival of the 
 
 exiles. 
 Political organization. 
 
 r 
 
 The " Old 
 Country " ; 
 
 I. Nehemias : 
 
 K 
 
 2. Esdras. 
 X 
 
 i<eligious 
 concerns : 
 
 The sacrifices begun at 
 once. 
 
 f Beginning — 
 j^ interrup- 
 The second ; tion. 
 ^ temple : ^ Dedication 
 \>r — descrip- 
 l tion. 
 
 I 
 
 ]a he rebuilding of the city-walls forbid- 
 ws den by Assuerus (The Book of Es- 
 ^ ther). 
 
 First visit to Jerusalem 
 (445-433 B.C.) : 
 
 Second visit to Jerusa- 
 ■^ lem : 
 
 His mission. 
 
 Solemn pro- 
 mulgation 
 of the law. 
 
 \ His reforms. 
 ! The Samari- 
 \\ tan Temple 
 I on Mount 
 (. Garizim. 
 
 >rhe second departure under P^.sdras 
 ^ (398 B.C.). 
 His reforms in Jerusalem. 
 
 f The Great Syn- 
 agogue (can- 
 on of the Old 
 Testament). 
 
 Authorship of 
 several books 
 of Holy Writ. 
 
 Local sy n a- 
 gogues 
 (scribes and 
 [ I traditions). 
 
 Other works ascribed 
 to him : 
 
 General Condition of Palestine under Persian Rule. 
 
 [3T0] 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 RETURN FROM THE EXILE. 
 
 § /. Zorobabel and the Second Temple 
 
 I. The New Exodus. The Babylonian Captivity was 
 brought to a close in B. C. 536, by the decree of Cyrus which 
 has been preserved to us in Esdras i, 1-4 (cfr. also II Para- 
 lip, xxxvi, 22, 23). From the wording of this decree — which 
 speaks of Jehovah as the God of heaven, as the bestower of 
 kingdoms, as He who commanded Cyrus to build Him a 
 temple in Jerusalem — it was formerly inferred that being a 
 Persian, the conqueror of Babylon was a strict monotheist, . i ^ 
 
 ■r 
 
 J* 
 
 and was thereby led to grant to the Jews, because they also ^^1 . , -■ 
 were monotheists, theOong-desffed permission to return to^* 
 the Holy Land.) But the cylinder inscription of Cyrus dis- 
 covered in 1879 (cfr. Records of the Past, new series, vol. v) -^^ 
 makes it plain that *' he was no strict monotheist, and that '^'^j^^ 
 political, and not religious, motives prompted him to set the f^ 
 Jews free. It was a part of his general policy to allow per- 
 fect freedom to all religions, and it was with the same indif- 
 ference that he allowed the Jews to build their temple that 
 he rebuilt the temples of the Babylonian gods" (Deane, 
 Daniel, p. 161). Cyrus was also aware that the Jews of 
 Babylon looked upon him as the deliverer promised to their 
 race by their sacred books, and he realized how great a help 
 it would be for his new empire if this friendly people were 
 established under its protection, between its territories and 
 Egypt, the ancient rival for dominion over Western Asia. 
 Hence, he not only issued a decree which secured full free- 
 
312 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 dom to the Jews to return, but even added to this the grant 
 of the sacred vessels of Jehovah's temple, which Nabuchod- 
 onosor had carried into Babylon (Esdras i, 7, sq). 
 
 Although a comparatively small number of Babylonian 
 exiles availed themselves of the royal favor extended to 
 them, yet the decree of Cyrus was considered as an event of 
 national importance by the many, who feeling unable or dis- 
 inclined to return, contributed largely of their wealth towards 
 the well-being of their returning brethren and the prospective 
 erection of a second temple to Jehovah. (^The ''new Exodus " 
 y- was carried out under the leadership of Zorobabel (whose 
 Chaldean name of Sassabasdr is also given in the sacred 
 text), " the prince of Juda." This courageous descendant 
 of David and worthy ancestor of Our Lord, having received 
 from the Persian officers the sacred vessels, the restoration 
 of which had been enjoined by Cyrus, and having made 
 everything ready for the departure of the exiles who had 
 gathered around him, set out for the Holy Land (Esdras i, 
 4-ii, 67). 
 
 We are not told the route followed by his joyous caravan. 
 Not unlikely "it was the great trade-road along the Tigris 
 and past the ruins of Ninive ; then across Mesopotamia to 
 Haran, the home of their first father ; from there to Carcamis, 
 the ancient Hittite stronghold at the fords of the Euphrates, 
 and from thence south by Aleppo, Emath and Damascus to 
 Jerusalem " (A. B. Davidson, The Exile and the Restoration, 
 p. 76). It was a long and fatiguing journey of at least four 
 months, for we know that the much less numerous caravan 
 headed later on by Esdras took between three and four 
 months to reach Jerusalem, but their courage was kept up 
 by their ardent desire to contemplate the holy mountains of 
 Juda. 
 
 2. The "Old Country." At length they reached 
 Palestine, the actual state of which was indeed far from 
 
RETURN FROM THE EXILE. 
 
 3^3 
 
 cheering. It is true that the northern part of the Holy Land 
 had been already resettled by numerous exiles who had 
 gradually returned from the captivity of the ten tribes, but 
 the central part of the territory was occupied by the descend- 
 ants of the mixed races settled in it by the Assyrian kings 
 after the destruction of Samaria. The condition of southern 
 Palestine was still more lamentable. The Edomites had 
 seized Hebron and all Juda, together with the eastern part 
 of Benjamin, and of this most sacred territory they were 
 bound to give up to the returning Jews but a small part, by 
 the express command of the Persian monarch. 
 
 But however straitened on all sides by other races, the 
 returned exiles considered as sacred the territory which had 
 been surrendered to them and began at once to settle in it. 
 Part of them occupied Jerusalem and its surrounding vil- 
 lages, whilst others repaired to the towns in Juda and Ben- 
 jamin, from which they or their fathers had been torn away 
 (cfr. Nehemias xi, xii, 28, 29). They formed a small com- 
 munity, which, of course, did not require any complex 
 political organization. Its civil head was Zorobabel, with 
 the Persian titles of " Athersata " (Esdras ii, 6^), and 
 *' Pasha" (Aggeus i, i), which were equivalent to that of 
 "governor" of Juda, whilst Josue, the son of Josedech, 
 filled the position of high priest. Under them, and appar- 
 ently associated with them in the government of the colony, 
 were ten selected men known as " the chief of the fathers " 
 (Esdras iv, 2 ; viii, i). These twelve men formed a council 
 which represented the whole nation : hence their number of 
 twelve plainly fixed after the number of the tribes of 
 Israel. They attended to all the affairs, social, religious, 
 etc., of the returned exiles ; but yet recognized the suprem- 
 acy of the Persian monarch, whose superior power over all 
 Palestine was represented by an officer with the title of 
 "Chancellor." Under these councillors, and working har- 
 moniously with them, there were also secondary officers, 
 
314 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 whose duties and powers cannot be defined strictly at the 
 present day (cfr. Nehemias x, 29 ; Esdras iii, 12). 
 
 It may be noticed in this connection that no attempt was 
 made to re-establish the Jewish monarchy, although so promi- 
 nent a descendant of David as Zorobabel was already at 
 the head of the government. Perhaps this was owing to the 
 fact that the Jews were not anxious to see restored a form 
 of government v/hich had contributed so much to make the 
 nation unfaithful to Jehovah, and to bring about the ruin of 
 the Jewish commonwealth. Besides, of course, the governor 
 of the Jews had not received the title of King from the 
 Persian monarch, and, under the circumstances, an attempt 
 at restoring the monarchy would have been objected to by 
 this suzerain of Palestine. 
 
 Another restoration, that of Divine worship, lay infinitely 
 closer to the heart of the returned exiles than the restora- 
 tion of the monarchy. Their return had been clearly 
 prompted by a religious impulse, and this is why, soon after 
 they had effected their settlement, the religious and civil 
 authorities of the nation gathered the people to witness the 
 setting up of an altar to the God of Israel and the renewed 
 offering of the morning and evening sacrifices on the first 
 day of the seventh month. The great Festival of the Tab- 
 ernacles was also celebrated with due solemnit}^, and the 
 various legal holidays were henceforth observed with strict 
 faithfulness (Esdras iii, 1-6). A step towards the restora- 
 tion of the Temple had already been taken in the form of 
 generous contributions towards the rebuilding of the Hou?e 
 -''of Jehovah on its former site (Esdras i, 68-79). ^^ ^^'^^ "'^^ 
 however, before "the second month of the second year of 
 their coming " that the first stone of the " second " temple — 
 called ali^o the Temple of Zorobabel — was laid, amidst the 
 sound of the priestly trumpets, the sacred hymns of the 
 Levifes and the joyful acclamations of the pjople. Yet this 
 glorious day for Israel was also marked by the loud sobs of 
 
RETURN FROM THK EXILE. 315 
 
 *'many of the priests and Le\ites, and the chief of the fath- 
 ers and of the aiicienis of the people who had seen the for- 
 mer temple " and remembered its past glories (Ksdras iii,. 
 
 6^-13). 
 
 The work of reconstruction was not, however, to proceed, 
 without interruption. The mixed races which dwelt in 
 Samaria made overtures to the supreme council of the: 
 Jews, that they also might be allowed to share in the great, 
 work of rebuilding the Temple of Jehovah ; but they were 
 refused, lest friendly relations should lead to intermarringesv 
 between the Jews and the Samaritans and to familiarity wiih- 
 the'ir impure worship of the God of Israel (cfr. IV Kings 
 xvii, 24-4 [ ; Esdras iv, 1-3). Whereupon the Samaritans 
 resorted to every means to prevcint the progress of the. 
 national temple of their neighbors. Not satisfied with inter- 
 fering directly with the workmen of Juda, they exerted all 
 their influence with the King of Persia, and in consequence^ 
 " the work of the House of Jehovah, in Jerusalem, was 
 interrupted " until the reign of Darius I (Esdras iv, 4, 5, 24).. 
 The rule of this prince (521-485 B. C), much milder than< 
 his immediate predecessors, Cambyses (529-522 B. C.) and 
 Smerdis (522-521 B. C). was deemed by the heads of the 
 Jewish colony a favorable opportunity to resume the great 
 work so long suspended, and in compliance with the stirring 
 exhortations of the prophets Aggeus and Zacharias the 
 Jews actually resumed the building of the second temple^ 
 The report of the Pasha of Palestine to the court of Persia, 
 about this resumption of the work served only to prove: 
 that Cyrus had indeed allowed the rebuilding of the Temple 
 of Jehovah, as was affirmed by the Jewish authorities, and 
 to procure for them greater resources and full security to 
 complete their sacred undertaking. The Temple thus fin- 
 ished (B. C. 515) was dedicated with the greatest solem- 
 nity: numerous victims wer ; offered in thanksgiving, and 
 " twelve he-goats as a sin-ofTering for all Israel, according^ 
 
3l6 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 to the number of the tribes of Israel." For the service of 
 this second House of Jehovah, the priests and Levites were 
 distributed again into courses ; and we read that soon after- 
 wards the Passover was celebrated within its courts by all 
 the Jews who had undergone the purifications required by 
 the Mosaic law (Esdras v-vi). 
 
 " This second temple, though inferior in many respects to 
 the first, having no ark, no mercy-seat, no visible revelation 
 of the Divine glory, no Urim and Thummim, still was in 
 breadth and height, in almost every dimension, one-third 
 larger than that of Solomon. In three particulars the gen- 
 eral arrangements differed from those of the ancient sanctu- 
 ary : (i) there were no trees in the courts ; (2) at the north- 
 west corner was a fortress-tower, the residence of the Per- 
 sian, afterward of the Roman, governor ; (3) the court of 
 the worshippers was divided into two compartments, of 
 which the outer enclosure was known as the Couft of the 
 Gentiles or Heathens. This temple furnished a fixed place of 
 worship for the nation, and ultimately became the theatre 
 of far more glorious illustrations of the Divine attributes 
 than the first temple ever witnessed " (Stanley, Lectures on 
 the History of the Jewish Church, lecture xliii, and Schaff, 
 Bible Dictionary, art. Temple). 
 
 The Temple once finished, the Jewish leaders started on 
 the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, although appar- 
 ently they had never received any permission from the Per- 
 sian king to that effect ; this afforded the Samaritans a natu- 
 ral opportunity for denouncing the Jews again to the court of 
 Persia and they availed themselves of it. It does not seem, 
 however, that their complaints were favorably received by 
 the Persian king Xerxes I (485-465 B. C), whom the Bible 
 calls Assuerus. But they were most successful under 
 Artaxerxes I (465-424), who strictly forbade the Jews to 
 proceed with the rebuilding of the walls of the Holy City 
 (Esdras iv, 6-23). 
 
RETURN FROM THE EXILE. 
 
 3^7 
 
 It is most probably an episode of the reign of Xerxes I 
 that we find described in the Book of Esther^ the form of 
 which is more complete in the Greek translation which has 
 reached us than in the original text such as it is found in 
 the Hebrew Bible. The contents of this sacred book are 
 l)riefiy as follows: The Jews who had remained scattered , ' ^ 
 through the Persian empire were threatened with utter de- Ji '-^^ 
 struction by the hatred of Aman, the prime minister of KingT^ ^)J^ 
 Assuerus. The time and manner of this butchery had already \ 
 been fixed, when Esther a young Jewess, who had but re- 
 cently become the favorite wife of Assuerus, acting upon the 
 counsel of her uncle Mardochai, intervened successfully in 
 behalf of her own nation. The Jews thus rescued from 
 death instituted in memory of their deliverance the annual 
 festival of Purim. The book of Esther has generally been 
 considered as historical in the Church, and there is no doubt 
 that the events it narrates fit in very well with all the data 
 supplied by other sources of information concerning Persian 
 history (cfr. Trochon, Introduction k I'Ecriture Sainte, vol. 
 ^'j P- ZZ^') sqO- The recent discoveries made by Dieulafoy 
 in the Acropolis of Susa, where King Assuerus held his court, 
 have proved how accurate are the descriptions contained in 
 the book of Esther (cfr. Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. 
 ii, chap, viii; F. Lenormant et Ernest Babklon, Histoire 
 Ancienne de I'Orient, vol. vi. ninth edit.; Rawlinson, Ezra 
 and Nehemiah, p. 76, sq.). 
 
 § 2. Ne he mi as and Esdras?- 
 
 I. Nehemias. For some time already, the rebuilding 
 of the walls of the Holy City had been stopped by order of 
 
 ' Writers on Jewish history have admitted so far that the mission of Esdras preceded 
 that of Nehemias. For reasons which it would be too long to detail here, we consider it 
 as certain that in reality the mission of Nehemias preceded that of Esdras, and as thii 
 order of events allows a much more satisfactory arrangement of the facts recorded in the 
 Bible, we adopt it here, after such Catholic writers as Van Hoonacker, Meignan, Lagrange 
 and Pelt (cfr. Lagrange, Revue Biblique Internationale, 1894, p. 561, sq., and Pelt 
 vol. ii, p. 366, sq.). 
 
3l8 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Artaxerxes I (surnamed Longimanus), when some Jews come 
 from Palestine to Susa told Nehemias, a Jewish cup-bearer 
 to the Persian king, the wretched condition of the Holy Land, 
 of its inhabitants and in particular of Jerusalem '■ the ancient 
 wall of which," they said, "is broken down and the gates 
 thereof are burnt with fire." Whereupon Nehemias resolved 
 that he would avail himself of the affection and confidence 
 Artaxerxes had towards him to secure the permission of re- 
 building the wall of Jerusalem. Nehemias succeeded in his 
 'design ; he was appointed governor of Juda for twelve years, 
 ;and obtained from the king, together with an escort to accom- 
 pany him to Palestine, letters for '' the governors of the coun- 
 try beyond the Euphrates " and for the " keeper of the king's 
 forest " in the Holy Land (445 B. C). 
 
 After a rest of three days in Jerusalem, Nehemias inspected 
 the state of the wall for himself, by night, accompanied onlv 
 by a few, and revealing to no one his further designs. He 
 next assembled the Jews, and making known to them the 
 great work he had come to accomplish with them, he secured 
 their cooperation. Many difficulties he had to overcome on 
 the part of Sanaballat, the Horonite, and his friends; many 
 traps laid for him in the country and in Jerusalem he had to 
 escape ; but excited by his confidence in Jehovah, and guided 
 by his counsels, the Jews finished the walls, and hung up the 
 gates, fifty-two days after the work had been resumed (Ne- 
 hemias i-vi). 
 
 The next concern of Nehemias was that of repeopling 
 "Jerusalem, the Holy City," with Jews of the purest descent 
 (for these only could be fully depended upon for its defence), 
 .and for this purpose he made a census of the whole Jewish 
 •population with the help of a former census of Zorobabel and 
 other documents. He carefully excluded all foreign elements 
 .and ordered that every tenth man should dwell in the capital, 
 •whilst the rest were allowed to remain in the other cities 
 ^Nehemias vii, xi}. 
 
RETURN FROM THE EXILE. 319 
 
 Nor did Nehemias forget what was supremely important 
 for the reorganization of the Jewish State, namely, the public 
 renewal of the covenant with Jehovah. On the first day of 
 the seventh month (probably 444 B. C.) all the people as- 
 sembled in the broad place beside the Water Gate, and the 
 scribe Esdras, acting simply as the secretary of Nehemias 
 himself (for the name of Esdras is not found among the 
 signatories of the covenant), read to them out of the Book of 
 the Law. The portion he read the next day gave instruc- 
 tions for keeping the Feast of Tabernacles, and this festival 
 was accordingly celebrated on the fifteenth day with strict 
 compliance with all the requirements of the law. The 
 twenty-fourth was kept as a day of fasting and confession, 
 the people solemnly acknowledging that national forgetful- 
 ness of the law of Jehovah had been the cause of all their 
 national calamities. The new covenant was written down 
 and signed by the princes, priests and Levites of Israel, headed 
 by Nehemias, the " Athersatha" or governor of Juda. The 
 special legal ordinances to which the Jews pledged them- 
 selves on this occasion were of particular importance at the 
 time; they were, abstinence from marriage with the heathen, 
 keeping holy the Sabbath, the contribution of tlie third of a 
 side by each Israelite (the side or shekel was equivalent to 
 about fifty-five cents of our money) for the maintenance of 
 God's temple and altar, the tithes, first-fruits and other dues 
 to the priests and Levites (A. B. Davidson, The Exile and the 
 Restoration, p. 107, sq.). 
 
 We are not told how long after this promulgation of the 
 law the solemn dedication of the city-wall took place. It is 
 not improbable, however, that this solemn ceremony was car- 
 ried out as one of the last acts of the first govenorship of 
 Nehemias, after which he entrusted the care of the city to 
 the high priest Eliasib, and returned to Persia (Nehemias 
 viii, ix, X, xii, 26-xiii, 6). 
 
 Somewhat later on — how lone: after the end of his first 
 
320 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 , mission it is impossible to say — Nehemias came back to 
 
 the Holy City with full powers from Artaxerxes I. There he 
 
 found that grave abuses had crept in ; he did not hesitate, 
 
 therefore, to have recourse even to armed force to punish the 
 
 violators of the law, those in particular who had intermarried 
 
 with foreigners. He notably expelled from Jerusalem Joiada, 
 
 the son of the Jewish high priest Eliasib, who had so far set 
 
 the bad example to the people as to marry the daughter of 
 
 a certain Sanaballat, who was apparently the governor of 
 
 Samaria. This affront was so keenly resented by Sanaballat 
 
 that soon afterwards he erected for his son-in-law a temple 
 
 on Mount Garizim. Thus began the schismatic worship of 
 
 . , ^ / the Samaritans, which continued to be maintained on that 
 
 ^(t/\ mountain up to the time of Our Lord (Nehemias xiii, 6-31; 
 
 \ John iv, 20; JosEPHUs, Antiq. of the Jews, book xi, chap. viii). 
 
 ^-'\_, 2. Esdras. It was most probably in ^98 B. C. — the 
 vV^^year which corresponds with "the seventh year" of the 
 ^ \r Persian King Artaxerxes II (Mnemon) — that a second de- 
 ^' parture of the exiled Jews took place under the leadership 
 
 of Esdras. This man of priestly descent, of whom we spoke 
 ^ already as secretary to Nehemias, had apparently succeeded 
 
 him in the royal favor, and had just received from Artaxerxes, 
 together with the most valuable gifts for the Temple of 
 Jehovah, the greatest powers to secure the full compliance 
 of all the Jews with the law of God. A few thousand Jews 
 had gathered around him, " among whom were many of the 
 priesthood, both of the higher and lower orders " (Maclear, 
 p. 476). After a solemn fast by the river Ahava (whereby 
 is possibly meant the modern Hif, a famous ford of the 
 Euphrates) to obtain the blessing of Jehovah on their jour- 
 ney, they set out and arrived unmolested at Jerusalem, 
 After a three days' rest the gifts, with which the priests and 
 Levites who had accompanied Esdras were laden, were de- 
 posited in the Temple treasury, and numerous victims were 
 
RETURN FROM THE EXILE. 
 
 321 
 
 offered, '* all for a holocaust to Jehovah " (Esdras, vii, 
 
 viii). '^^.^ ^ 
 
 Having exhibited his credentials, Esdras was told the'full n 
 extent of an old abuse against the Mosaic law : " the people (/^''^ 
 of Israel and the priests and Levites had mingled their seed 
 with the people of the lands ; and the hand of the princes 
 and magistrates had been first in this transgression." Where- 
 upon, by public mourning and prayer, he impressed the 
 people with the enormity of their sin, and after a short time 
 obtained " of the chiefs of the priests and of the Levites, and 
 all Israel," a solemn oath " that they would do according to 
 his word." The extreme measure proposed by Sechenias, a 
 Jewish zealot, that the foreign wives and children born from 
 them should be dismissed, was accepted by the multitude in 
 solemn assembly, at the bidding of Esdras. As, however, 
 the rainy season had already set in, the putting away of the 
 foreign wives was carried out only gradually, under the di- 
 rection of Esdras and the magistrates whom he appointed to 
 assist him in his investigations through the land of Juda and 
 Benjamin (Esdras ix, x). 
 
 This is all that the sacred text tells us of the mission of 
 Esdras to the Jews of the Hofy Land, for the book which 
 bears his name and makes us acquainted with his mission 
 ends abruptly with the list of the names of those Israelites" 
 whom he compelled to put away their wives. But as he is 
 spoken of in this sacred book as " a scribe instructed in the -/- 
 words and commandments of Jehovah, and His ceremonies 
 
 in Israel," as the man " who had prepared his heart to teach 
 
 in Israel the commandments and judgment *' (Esdras vii, 10,^^^^*^ <^ 
 11), it is not surprising to find that Jewish traditions have'*^^='*'«^^ 
 ascribed to him numerous other works. Among these may "'^w^ 
 be mentioned here : (jj the institution of the Great Syna- 
 gogue, made up, we are told, of 120 men, who, under the 
 presidency of Esdras, completed the collection or canon of 
 Holy Scripture, revised and rewrote the sacred books of the 
 
322 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Old Testament in the Chaldee characier ; (V), the authorship 
 of several of those books : Paralipomenon, Esdras, Nehe- 
 mias, Ezechiel, Daniel, etc.; (3) the establishment of local 
 synagogues in which men called" " scribes " would, after the 
 example of Esdias, interpret in the' vernacular those por- 
 tions of the sacred text which were publicly read in Hebrew, 
 a language but imperfectly understood by the bulk of the 
 worshippers ; (4] the beginning of oral traditions claiming 
 to give the correct meaning of the text of the Holy Script- 
 ures, but which ultimately did away with its real spirit. 
 
 3. General Condition of Palestine under Persian 
 Rule. From what we know of Jewish history during the 
 Persian rule, it is plain that the giission of Zorobabel, Nehe- 
 mias and Esdras was that of I^estor ers of thg_J_ewi sh theoc - 
 racy . Their main efforts were centred in reorganizing the 
 commonwealth of the Jews on a religious basis, and in 
 checking every tendency which might betray the nation into 
 unfaithfulness to the God of Israel. Under their influence, 
 Juda and Benjamin renewed several times their covenant 
 wiih Jehovah, and the high priest of the Jews, that is, the 
 natural representative of God, obtained a prominent part in 
 the government. Especially during the intervals between 
 Zorobabel and Nehemias, between the governorships of 
 Nehemias, between Nehemias and Esdras, it is clear that 
 under the satraps of Coele-Syria, the action of the high priest- 
 hood had a very considerable influence upon religious and 
 civil matters alike. Thus then, during the Persian rule the 
 government of the high priests was gradually inaugurated in 
 Israel and, of course, it continued with about the same powers 
 during the short time which elapsed between the death of 
 Esdras (the exact date and place of which are unknown) and 
 the overthrow of the Persian domination in Syria (B. C. ZZ"^)- 
 During the same period the country seems to have enjoyed 
 a steadily increasing prosperity. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXVU. 
 Rule of the High Priests. 
 
 I. 
 
 From 
 
 Jaddus to 
 
 Illeazar: 
 
 f I. Visit of Alexander the Great : llW's, iz.\ox% k Jerusalem, 
 to the Jews of [ ( Alexandria. 
 
 ;. Rapid Changes of Foreign KuUrs. 
 \f\. Rise of Helieniitn. 
 
 T\iblic works 
 of Simon 
 , the Just. 
 I The Septu- 
 i agint. 
 
 II. 
 Onias II 
 
 AND 
 
 .Simon II : 
 
 I. Onias II 
 
 (.3<^..6B.C.,:]p,<=;|f« 
 
 His difficulties with Ptolemy III, Eu- 
 the " Son of Tobias." 
 
 2. Simon II 
 
 f His personal courage against Ptolemy 
 • IV, I'hilopator. 
 
 (226-198, B. C.) : ] Palestine finally subjected to Antiochus 
 y III, the Great. 
 
 -r 
 
 III. 
 
 Onias HI, 
 
 Jason 
 AND Men- 
 
 ELAUS : 
 
 f Prosperous beginning of his pontificate 
 I. Onias III ' (II Mach. iii, 1-3). 
 (19S-175 B. C): I Episode of * Heliodorus (II Mach. iii, 
 4-iv, 6) ; Onias in Antioch. 
 
 I 
 
 ^ fxRapid growth of Hellenism in Jerusa- 
 
 y lem under Jason. 
 Jason and \ Accession and tyranny of Menelaus. 
 Menelaus : ' Plunder of Jerusalem and profanation 
 IJ- of the temple by Antiochus IV, 
 I Epiphanes. 
 
 [323] 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. ' 
 
 RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 § I. From Jaddits to Eleazai'. 
 
 I. Visit and Favors of Alexander the Great. The 
 religious freedom and material prosperity which the Jews 
 had so long enjoyed under the Persian suzerainty explain 
 how, after the rapid overthrow of the Persian domination in 
 Syria by Alexander the Great, the Jewish high priest Jaddus 
 refused to transfer to the Greek conqueror the allegiance 
 which the nation had vowed to the Persian monarchs. The 
 capture of Tyre by Alexander and the report of his cruelties 
 to its inhabitants overawed, how^ever, the Jews, and to ap- 
 pease the victorious king, now on his march towards Jeru- 
 salem through the plain of Saron, they sent him ambassadors. 
 As he approached the Holy City, a long procession of priests 
 and elders, headed by Jaddus, clad in his pontifical robes, 
 went out to meet him on the plateau of Scopus, the high 
 ridge to the north of Jerusalem. 
 
 Following a wise policy of conciliation, the Greek monarch 
 accepted the proffered submission of the Jews and entering 
 their city, displayed the greatest reverence for the worship 
 of Jehovah. Having offered sacrifices in the Temple, he 
 was shown in the prophecies of Daniel the prediction that a 
 Greek would overthrow the Persian empire; whereupon, he 
 granted to the Jews the free enjoyment of their religious and 
 civil liberties for themselves and for their brethren in Media 
 and Babylonia, together with the exemption of tribute during 
 t' e Sabbatical years. 
 
 [324] 
 
RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 325 
 
 These great favors of Alexander to the Jews of Jerusalem 
 so attached the nation to his cause that many among them 
 enlisted in his army and followed him in his march to Egypt. 
 In return for the valuable services of this Jewish contingent, 
 the Macedonian conqueror of the land of the Pharaos granted 
 to the Jews who settled in the new Egyptian city he had 
 founded, and which — after his own name — he had called 
 Alexandria, equal civic rights with the Macedonians (331 
 B. C). 
 
 The visit of Alexander to Jerusalem, just recorded, is 
 known to us only by the testimony of Josephus, and as in 
 this testimony marvellous circumstances are mingled with 
 natural events, the whole story has been rejected by several 
 writers. Many things, however, stated by Josephus in this 
 connection, fit in so well with the general history of the time 
 that his narrative must be admitted as grounded on fact 
 (Antiquities of the Jews, book xi, chap. 8; cfr. also Smuh, 
 New Testament History, p. 16, sq.). 
 
 2. Rapid Changes of Foreign Rulers. Upon the 
 death of Alexander (323 B. C), his vast empire was divided 
 among his generals : Egypt was assigned to Ptolemy I, son 
 of Lagus (323-285 B. C), whilst Palestine, as a part of 
 Coele-Syria, passed into the possession of Laomedon. 
 Between these two rivals a war soon broke out, and for fif- 
 teen years the Holy Land was alternately a province of 
 Egypt, or a province of Syria, according to the varying for- 
 tunes of war. At the beginning of this conflict, Onias I, the 
 Jewish high priest, having refused to transfer the allegiance 
 of the nation to the ruler of Egypt, saw Jerusalem taken by 
 a large Egyptian army, which entered it under the pretence 
 of offering sacrifice, on a Sabbath-day, when religious scruples 
 prevented the Jews from offering any resistance (320 B. C). 
 A few years later, Palestine fell into the hands of Antigonus, 
 one of tlie most successful generals of Alexander (314 B. C), 
 
326 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 but two years later it became again a possession of Egypt. 
 Once more Palestine was reconquered by Antigonus, who 
 gave orders that all its fortresses should be dismantled, but 
 ultimately in 301 B. C, after the decisive battle of Ipsus, in 
 Phrygia, whilst Upper Syria was adjudged to Seleucus I, 
 Judaea and Samaria were annexed to Egypt, and remained s6 
 during a whole century (301-202 B. C). 
 
 3. Prosperous Rule of Simon the Just and 
 Eleazar. The successor of Onias I, in the high priest- 
 hood, was Simon, surnamed the Just (310-291 B. C), who 
 is the last of "the men of renown " praised in the book of 
 Ecclesiasticus, chapter 1. From this inspired book we learn 
 that Simon I repaired and fortified Jerusalem and its Temple 
 with strong and lofty walls, made a spacious reservoir of 
 water, and maintained the Divine service in the greatest 
 splendor (1, 1-23). Jewish tradition has ever regarded this 
 great pontiff as the last member of the Great Synagogue, 
 and its rule as "the best period of the restored theocracy" 
 (Smith, New Testament History, page 20). 
 
 Simon I was succeeded by his brother Eleazar 11, whose 
 rule from 291 to 276 B. C. seems to have been blessed with 
 profound peace under the mild government of the first two 
 Ptolemies, Soter (son of Lagus) and Philadelphus (B. C. 
 285-247). It is under the reign of this latter king that a 
 portion of the Hebrew sacred Scriptures was rendered into 
 Greek for the first time. This fact is made known to us by 
 a legend, the substance of which is briefly as follows : The 
 King of Egypt, Ptolemy Philadelphus, we are told, had 
 recently established a library in Alexandria, his capital, and 
 r.t the suggestion of his head librarian, Dem,eirius Phalereus, 
 he determined to enrich it with a copy in Greek of the 
 Sacred Writings of the Jews. Tiiercupon, he was advised 
 by one of his distinguished officers, Aristeas by name, to 
 set free the thousands of Jewish slaves who were in the 
 
RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS. 327 
 
 various parts of the kingdom, in order that he might 
 thereby secure the good-will and help of the Jewish authori- 
 ties at Jerusalem to carry out his design. This he did with 
 royal liberality; and a long procession of these freed men 
 started for the Holy City, bearing with them most costly 
 presents* for the Temple, together with a letter from the 
 king, requesting Eleazar, the high priest, to send a copy of 
 the Law, and Jewish scholars capable of translating it. 
 
 In compliance with the request, Eleazar sends down to 
 Egypt fine parchment manuscripts of the Pentateuch written 
 in golden letters, and six learned men out of each tribe, se-'- 
 enty-iwo in all (hence the version received the name of the 
 Septuagint, which is a round figure for seventy-two), to 
 carry out the great work of the translation. During seven 
 days the interpreters have audiences of the king and excite 
 the admiration of all by the wisdom with which they answer 
 seventy-two questions, after which lodgings are assigned to 
 them in the island of Pharos, away from the bustle of the 
 capital. There they complete their work in seventy-two days, 
 and it obtains the formal approval of the Jews of Alexan- 
 dria. Finally, King Ptolemy receives the translation of the 
 Law with great rev^erence, and sends the interpreters home 
 laden with rich gifts for themselves and for the high priest. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the marvellous details of this 
 legend, which was accepted by Josephus (Antiquities of the 
 Jews, book xii, chapter ii) and by many writers after him, it 
 seems beyond doubt (i) that it refers to a time when the 
 numerous Jews, who had settled in Egypt, had ceased to be 
 familiar with the Hebrew language, and therefore desired a 
 Greek translation of the Law for public reading in the syna- 
 gogues ; (2) that a translation of the Pentateuch was made 
 in Alexandria about the middle of the third century before 
 Christ; (3) that the King of Egypt, Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 probably showed some interest in the work, and obtained a 
 copy of the translation for his royal library of Alexandria; 
 
328 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 (4) that friendly relations existed between Ptolemy Philadel- 
 phus and the Jewish high priest Eleazar. (For fuller infor- 
 nnation, see article " The Septuagint '' in American Ecclesias- 
 tical Review, August, 1896, by the present writer.) 
 
 4. Rise of Hellenism. It is to the vast conquests of 
 Alexander the Great that we must refer the origin of those 
 influences which are designated under the general name of 
 Hellenism. " It had been his fond dream to found a univer- 
 sal empire which would be held together not merely by the 
 unity of government, but also by the unity of language, cus- 
 toms and civilization. All the Oriental nations were to 
 be saturated with Hellenic (that is Greek) culture, and to 
 be bound together with one great whole by means of this 
 intellectual force. He therefore took care that always 
 Greek colonists should directly follow in the steps of his 
 army. New cities were founded, inhabited only by Greeks, 
 and also in the old cities Greek colonists were settled. Thus 
 over one-half of Asia a network of Greek culture was 
 stretched, which had as its object the reducing under its 
 influence of the whole of the surrounding regions. The suc- 
 cessors of Alexander the Great continued his work ; and it 
 is a striking testimony, to the power of Greek culture that 
 it fulfilled in large measure the mission which Alexander 
 had assigned to it. All Western Asia, in fact, if not among 
 the wide masses of the population, yet certainly among the 
 hiigher ranks of society, became thoroughly Hellenized " 
 (ScHURER, The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, 
 first division, vol. i, page 194, sq., English Translation). 
 Of course, this steady advance of Greek civilization all 
 through Western Asia meant the spread of ideas and cus- 
 toms, moral, social and religious antagonistic to the religious 
 and national traditions and customs of the theocracy but 
 lately restored and enforced in Israel. It is therefore im- 
 portant to notice the rise and early developments of influ- 
 
RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS, 329 
 
 ences which from the very beginning were an abiding dan- 
 ger for the Jews who resided outside Palestine because of 
 their daily contact with Hellenic culture, and which very 
 soon constituted a real danger for the faith and morals of the 
 Jews of the Holy Land, because many cities in the neighbor- 
 hood of Juda and Benjamin offered to them, together with 
 advantages of a material and intellectual kind, numerous 
 and powerful allurements to foreign customs and pagan 
 rites. 
 
 § 2. Onias 11 and Simon 11. 
 
 I. Onias II (250-226 B. C). For some unknown reason, 
 Onias H, the son of Simoa the Just, entered on the high 
 priesthood only after the successive rules of his uncles 
 Eleazar and Manasses. He proved a ruler very much unlike 
 his father of glorious memory. Whilst Simon I was an active 
 and liberal prince, ever faithful to Egyptian suzerainl), Onias, 
 on the contrary, showed himself an indolent ruler who prob- 
 ably through avarice atid through compliance with Syrian in- 
 fluence withheld for several years from Ptolemy HI, Euergftes 
 (247-222 B. C), the annual tribute of twenty talents. Not- 
 withstanding his well-known good-will towards the Jews, the 
 King of Egypt threatened Palestine with invasion should 
 Onias refuse longer to obey the summons to answer for his 
 conduct. The threatened invasion was however averted ow- 
 ing to the singular cleverness of the high-priest's nephew, 
 Joseph, " the son of Tobias " as he is called, who paid the 
 arrears, and so ingratiated himself with the Egyptian monarch 
 that for twenty-two years he held the ofhce of collector of the 
 tribute of Phenicia, Palestine and Coele-Syria. Unfortu- 
 nately, the power which the son of Tobias had started in the 
 Holy Land was soon to prove " a source of evils as great as 
 the danger from which he had delivered it " (Smith, New 
 Testamei.t History, p. 22 ; cfr. Josephus, Antiq. of the Jews, 
 book xii, chap, iv, § 1-6). 
 
330 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 2. Simon II (226-198 B. C). The son and successor 
 of Onias II was Simon II, who became high priest four years 
 before Ptolemy IV, Philopator (222-204 B. C), ascended 
 the throne of Egypt, and five years before Antiochus III, 
 the Great^ ascended that of Syria. Between these two great 
 rivals, Judaea was indeed in a precarious condition ; yet, it 
 clung at first to its allegiance to Egypt, and after his gfeat 
 victory at Raphia, near Gaza (B. C. 217), Philopator paid a 
 friendly visit to Jerusalem, offered sacrifices and made rich 
 presents to the Temple. Impelled, however, by curiosity, the 
 Egyptian king wished to enter the sanctuary and penetrate 
 into the Most Holy Place, as indeed he would have been at 
 perfect liberty to do in any Egyptian temple. To this the 
 high priest objected with great courage and firmness, but ap- 
 parently in vain, until a preternatural terror seized the king 
 and prevented him from violating the innermost sanctuary of 
 the living God. 
 
 This mortifying event seems to have marked the end of 
 the kind disposition of the Egyptian ruler towards the Jews, 
 and we are told, that upon his return to Alexandria he started 
 a violent persecution against the Jewish element of that city. 
 At his death, his son and successor Ptolemy V, Epiphanes, 
 was but a child five years old, and Antiochus III availed 
 himself of this opportunity for attacking the Egyptian domin- 
 ions. In 203 B. C. the Syrian monarch seized Coele-Syria 
 and Judaea, but in 199 B. C. Scopas, the Egyptian general, 
 recovered Judaea, garrisoned Jerusalem and ruled over it 
 with an iron hand. Finally, in the following year, Antiochus 
 defeated the Egyptian forces in a decisive battle at the foot 
 of Mount Panium — thus named after a cave sacred to Pan 
 — near the sources of the Jordan, and obtained thereby full 
 mastery over the territory of Coele-Syria and Judaea. The 
 Syrian conqueror was welcomed as a deliverer into the Holy 
 City, and he, on his part, anxious to attach the Jews to his 
 cause, issued a decree whereby he granted them full freedom 
 
RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS. 33I 
 
 of worship, "forbade the intrusion of strangers into the Tem- 
 ple and contributed liberally towards the regular celebration 
 of its services. At the same time, imitating the examples of 
 Alexander and Seleucus, he gave orders to Zeuxis, the gen- 
 eral of his forces, to remove 2,000 Jewish families from Baby- 
 lon into Fhrygia and Lydia, where they were to be permitted 
 to qse their own laws, to have lands assigned to them, and 
 tj be exempted from all tribute for ten years" (Maclear, 
 New Testament History, p. 15; cfr. Josephus, Antiq. of the 
 Jews, book xii, chap, iii, §§ 3, 4). 
 
 55 J. 0/i/<is ///, Jason and Menelaits. 
 
 I. Onias III. The same year in which Antiochus III 
 'siiovved himself so favorable to the Jewish people and reli- 
 gion, the son of Simon II succeeded his father in the high 
 priesthood under the title of Onias III (198-175 B. C). Of 
 the beginning of this new pontificate, the second book of 
 Machabees (iii, 1-3) gives us a short but laudatory descrip- 
 t on : peace and order prevailed in the Holy City, and royal 
 gifts were bestowed in abundance upon the Temple of Jeho- 
 vah, and in particular, King Seleucus IV, Philopator (1S7- 
 175 B. C), the successor of Antiochus the Great, defrayed 
 liberally all the expenses entailed by the offering of the Jew- 
 ish sacrifices. 
 
 The peace and prosperity of Onias's godly rule were soon 
 disturbed, however, by the disgraceful contests among the 
 members of the family of Joseph, the successful collector of 
 revenue already spoken of under a preceding high priest. 
 However just, the intervention of Onias III simply resulted 
 in arousing against him the revengeful feelings of Simon, 
 apparently a member of that powerful family and now gov- 
 ernor of the Temple and collector of the royal revenue for 
 Seleucus IV. In consequence, Simon fled to ApoUonius, the 
 royal governor of Ccele-Syria, and told him of enormous 
 
332 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 treasures laid up in the Jewish temple. Upon this unex- 
 pected but most welcome news for the thoroughly exhausted 
 treasury of the Syrian king, Heliodorus the royal treas- 
 urer was immediately dispatched to Jerusalem to seize this 
 most alluring treasure. The inspired writer of the second 
 book of Machabees has left a most graphic account of the 
 interview between the Syrian envoy and the Jewish high 
 priest ; of the intense agony of both priest and people when 
 Heliodorus, on the very day he had fixed for the purpose, 
 advanced to pillage the Temple of Jehovah; of the terrible 
 manner in which the royal officer was prevented by heavenly 
 messengers from carrying out his work of profanation and 
 plunder, and finally of the manner in which he was restored 
 to health and vigor by the prayers of Onias in his behalf, and 
 then withdrew to Seleucus testifying openly to his master that 
 " He who hath His dwelling in the heavens, is the Visitor 
 ^ and Protector of that place" (H Mach. iii, 4-40). 
 
 Naturally enough, Simon was enraged at this ill-success of 
 Heliodorus's expedition, and he openly accused Onias of im- 
 posture, whilst his partisans in Jerusalem felt so sure of his 
 influence with the governor of Ccele-Syria that they did not 
 hesitate to defy the authority of the High priest by committing 
 several murders in the Holy City itself. Under such cir- 
 cumstances, Onias understood that the only means to set all 
 things right was to go up to Antioch, and to request the direct 
 interposition of the sovereign, and he therefore repaired to 
 the great capital of the Syrian empire (H Mach. iv, 1-6). 
 
 2. Jason and Menelaus. Not long after the arrival 
 of the Jewish high priest at Antioch, Seleucus was succeeded 
 on the throne of Syria by his brother Antiochus IV, sur- 
 named Epiphams " the Illustrious," or Epimanes " the Mad- 
 man," from whom, instead of the vindication he had come to 
 claim, Onias soon met with deposition from the high priest- 
 hoodo This deposition purchased at very great price by an 
 
RULE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS. 333 
 
 unworthy brother of Onias, who became high priest, was th©^^t^^.*^.,_^ 
 real triumph of Hellenism in Jerusalem. Long before this,"*"*"''*-**^'**^ 
 Greek customs and manners had gradually crept into the 
 Holy City from the surrounding Greek cities, and had been 
 favored by leading men among the Jews ; but the accession to 
 the high priesthood of a man wiiose very name — he had 
 changed his Hebrew name oi Jouie into the Greek name of 
 Jason — was a pledge to Hellenism, was an event of great sig- 
 nificance in Israel (I Mach. i, 12, sq. ; H Mach, iv, 13). In 
 point of fact, the new high priest had hardly entered on his 
 government when his true character became manifest to all. 
 Nothing was omitted by him to wean the Jewish population 
 from all the customs and religious views and practices of 
 their fathers ; and during the three years of his rule, he suc- 
 ceeded but too well in corrupting the faith and morals of the 
 youth of Jerusalem. (For details see H Mach. iv, 9-22 ; 
 cfr. also ScHURER, vol. i, p. 202, sq.) 
 
 His successor was another Hellenizing leader, who pur- 
 chased the deposition of the incumbent high priest by offer- 
 ing to the crown of Syria 300 talents of silver over and 
 above the amount already paid by Jason. Of this new high 
 priest — who also exchanged his Hebrew name of Onias^ 
 for a Greek name, namely, that of Menelaus — Holy Writ 
 speaks as "having the mind of a cruel tyrant, and the rage 
 of a wild beast " (II Mach. iv, 25). In fact, all that we know 
 of him, points to one of the worst tyrants that ever lived. 
 To pay the enormous sum of money he had promised to 
 Antiochus, he stole several sacred vessels of gold, and when 
 rebuked for this crime by the venerable Onias IH, " his gold 
 all powerful among the offi'xrs of the Syrian court " (Mil- 
 man) secured the murder of the old man. Nor was his gold 
 less powerful on another occasion, when the most serious 
 charges against his cruel rule were brought by Jewish 
 ambassadors before King Antiochus who was then in Tyre; 
 for as we are told by the sacred text '' Menelaus who was 
 
334 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 guilty of all the evil, was acquitted by the king of the accu- 
 sations, <md those poor men, who, if they had pleaded their 
 cause even before Scythians (the most barbarous nation in 
 the estimation of the time), should have been judged inno- 
 cent, were condemned to death" (II Mach. iv, 23-50). 
 
 Meantime, Jason had not given up all hope of recovering 
 the high priesthood, and when the following year the false 
 rumor that Antiochus IV had perished in his expedition 
 against Egypt, reached Palestine, he rebelled against Mene- 
 laus, his brother, took the Holy City and exercised the most 
 frightful revenge against his opponents. He did not, how- 
 ever, succeed in securing again the high dignity he so 
 ardently coveted, for his extreme cruelties caused a power- 
 ful reaction which compelled him to fly beyond the Jordan. 
 At the news of the insurrection, which was probably reported 
 to Antiochus as a deliberate revolt of the whole nation, the 
 Syrian monarch most successful against Egypt, " left that 
 country with a furious mind, and took Jerusalem by force of 
 arms." A three days' massacre followed, during which 
 40,000 inhabitants were slaughtered and as many more sold 
 as slaves. To complete the humiliation of the Jews, Antio- 
 chus next entered every part of the Temple under the guid- 
 ance of Menelaus "that traitor to the laws and to his coun- 
 try," took possession of all the sacred vessels and hidden 
 treasures which he found, after which he departed into His 
 own country leaving Menelaus in charge of the high priest- 
 hood, whilst two foreign officers, Phillip and Andronicus, 
 became governors of Jerusalem and Samaria respectively 
 (170 B. C. ; cfr. I Mach. i, 17-29 ; II Mach. v, 1-23). 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 The National Indepexdexce Recoxquered. 
 (168-135 B.C.) 
 
 -f' Revolt 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 Syria 
 
 VT. Dreadful I'ersecution of the Jews hy\ J^cidents 
 
 Ant toe hits 
 
 Motive. 
 
 Results. 
 
 \T /A /A • I ^*^ retreat at Modin ; His five sons. 
 Matnatntas 1 Revolt against Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 {167-166 B. C ): f j^j^ ^-.at,,^^ and death. 
 
 II. 
 Religious 
 
 AND 
 
 Political 
 Restora- 
 tion : 
 
 f His name of Machabee; Ills victo- 
 1^ I • ries. 
 
 X.Judas Mack- \ Rededication of the Temple. 
 abeus (166- \ The War of Independence pursued 
 161 B. C.) : with varying success. 
 
 Alliance with Rome secured ; defeat 
 [ and death of Judas. 
 
 His election as the successor of Judas 
 Machabeus. 
 
 Decline of the 
 
 2. Jonathan 
 (161-143B. C): ^ 
 
 Hellenistic 
 party. 
 Prestige of 
 [onathan at 
 
 XJradual restoration . j 
 
 of the Jewish State : ' home and 
 abroad. 
 
 Alliance with 
 Rome and 
 Sparta. 
 
 f Fhe captivity of Jonathan. 
 
 HI. 
 
 JUD/EA AN 
 
 Indepen- 
 dent 
 
 Kingdom : 
 
 ( I. Election and First Acts of Simon Machabeus. 
 
 2. National /nde/>endence Secured (Beginning of a new era). 
 
 3. Prosperous Administration of Simon: He becomes hered- 
 
 itary sovereign of the Jews. 
 
 4. Successful War against Antiochus VII : Tragic end of 
 
 Simon (135 B. C.). 
 
 [335] 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 
 § I. Revolt against Syria. 
 
 I. Dreadful Persecution of the Jews by Antio- 
 '^ chus Epiphanes. Two years after his victorious expe- 
 dition against Egypt spoken of in the preceding chapter, 
 Antiochus IV, bent on taking Alexandria the sole Egyptian 
 city which had withstood successfully the power of his arms, 
 reappeared before its walls with a large army. There, how- 
 ever, he was soon confronted with the Roman envoys who 
 commanded him to leave Egypt. This positive injunction, 
 with which Antiochus Epiphanes had to comply at once, 
 threw him into a paroxysm of rage which he vented upon the 
 Jews whilst returning to his States through Palestine. He 
 dispatched Apollonius, one of his generals, with a body of 
 22,000 men to inflict upon Jerusalem the treatment he had 
 intended for Alexandria, and his orders were but too faith- 
 fully complied with (cfr. I Mach. i, 30-42 ; II Mach. v, 24- 
 26). It seems, however, that in thus acting, Antiochus had 
 ;^ a further purpose. He wished " to Hellenize Jerusalem 
 ;."' thoroughly. The Jewish population which would not yield, 
 was treated with great barbarity ; the men were killed, and 
 the women and children sold into slavery. Whoever was 
 able escaped from the city. In place of the Jewish popula- 
 tion thus destroyed, strangers were brought in as colonists. 
 Jerusalem was henceforth to be a Greek city. In order that 
 such measures might have enduring effect, the walls of the 
 city were thrown down, but the old city of David was forti- 
 
 [336] 
 
THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 337 
 
 fied anew and made into a powerful stronghold, in which a 
 Syrian garrison was placed " and from which the pagan sol- 
 diers could effectively prevent any one from stealing into 
 Jerusalem and offering sacrifice in the Temple (Schurer, The 
 Jewish People in the Time of Christ, division i, vol. i, p. 
 206, English Translation). 
 
 It was this Ilellenizing policy which soon afterwards caused 
 Antiochus, the fervent worshipper of Zeus Olympius, to issue 
 from Antioch a decree enjoining upon all his subjects the 
 worship of his gods and of no other. This decree was readily 
 complied with by the nations around Palestine, but not so 
 with the bulk of the Jewish population (I Mach. i, 43, sq.) ; 
 whereupon, royal letters were sent by messengers to Jerusa- 
 lem and to all the cities of Juda ordering explicitly the utter 
 destruction of juciaism ^and the introduction ofufWKKloT^ 
 atry. This strict prohibition of whatever was peculiar to or 
 characteristic of Jewish civilization and religion, was extended 
 to all the cities of the Syrian dominions and special commis- 
 sioners were sent in every direction to enforce the will of the 
 persecutor (I Mach. i, 53). 
 
 The royal commissioner sent to Samaria and Judaea was 
 an old man named Atheiineus, who neglected nothing to root 
 out Jewish worship from Jerusalem and the country around. 
 The Temple of Jehovah became the Temple of Zeus Olympius. 
 An altar to that god was erected on the Jewish Altar of Holo- 
 causts, swine's flesh sacrificed on it, and the most impure 
 practices of heathen worship carried on in the sanctuary of 
 the living God. In like manner, in all the cities of Juda 
 pagan altars were set up and heathen sacrifices offered. The 
 observance of all Jewish rites, notably of circumcision and of 
 the Sabbath, was punishable with death. Once a month, a 
 rigorous search was made, and if a copy of the law was dis- 
 covered in the possession of any one, the copy was torn to 
 pieces or burnt and the owner put to death. Every month, 
 also, in honor of the king's birthday, the people all had to 
 
X 
 
 338 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 offer sacrifices and eat swine's flesh, and in the annual cele- 
 brations in honor of Bacchus they were compelled to crown 
 themselves with ivy and join in the procession (I Mach. i, 
 54-64 ; II Mach. vi, 1-9). 
 
 During this dreadful persecution many fled from the cities 
 and hid themselves in the numerous caves of the country, or 
 in the wilderness^ " where they lived amongst wild beasts." 
 Of those who remained in the towns of Juda, a large number 
 ^apostatized through fear or ambition, whilst many endured 
 martyrdom with heroic courage. Of this last category only 
 a few samples were put down on record, or at least have been 
 preserved to us.^ Two women who were accused of having cir- 
 cumcised their children were led about through the city with 
 the infants hanging to their breasts, and then thrown down 
 headlong from the walls. ^A gathering of worshippers were 
 burned alive in a cave, to which they had fled to keep the 
 \ Sabbath. -^ Eleazar, an old man ninety years of age, and " one 
 
 of the chief of the scribes," chose to be beaten to death rather 
 than to let it be believed that he had eaten swine's flesh, and 
 ft mother with her seven sons underwent for the same offence 
 a death preceded by the most revolting and most excruciating 
 torments (I Mach. i, 65-67 ; II Mach. vi, 10 ; vii). 
 
 ,This cruel and systematic persecution — like every subse- 
 uent persecution of the true religion — was a fearful ordeal 
 in which the chosen people were searched and their unworthy 
 elements cast away, whilst many waverers between Judaism 
 and Hellenism compelled to declare themselves selected death 
 with the faith of Jehovah rather than life with the pollutions 
 of heathenism. But under the circumstances of the time, 
 this persecution had a further result. It prevented the Jews, 
 as a nation, from passing quietly, and, as it were, impercep. 
 tibly from their national customs and religion to those of 
 their masters, for it put a stop to the insidious manner in 
 which Hellenism \\as being gradually introduced by unworthy 
 high priests into the Jewish State. ■ 
 
THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 339 
 
 2. Mat^athiaR (167-166 B. C). Whilst Antiochus and 
 his officers were thus doing their utmost to stamp all trace of 
 Judaism out of Palestine, Divine Providence was preparing 
 in Mathathias and his family the religious and political 
 restoration of Israel. In the beginning of the persecution, 
 this a_ged priest had removed with his live sons ^ John. Simon, 
 Judas, Eleazar and Jonathan, from Jerusalem to the moun- 
 tain town of Modin, some twenty miles distant. There he 
 had watched with religious and patriotic anxiety the fearful 
 inroads of persecution into his country, and every new out- 
 rage against Jehovah's religion and people was a cause of 
 renewed mourning for him and his sons. At length, the 
 royal envoy reached the out-of-the-way town of Modin, and, 
 having succeeded in winning over to idolatry several of its 
 Jewish inhabitants, urged on Mathathias as " the great man^^ 
 in that city " to set the example of compliance with the royal 
 decree, and promised to him and his sons the king's favor 
 together "with gold and silver and many presents." 
 
 Of course, the venerable priest rejected every offer for him 
 and his family, and when " a certain Jew came in the sight 
 of all to sacrifice to the idols upon the altar of Modin," in a 
 moment of holy zeal, he slew him upon the altar together 
 with the royal envoy, and pulled down the altar. Then with 
 religious and patriotic enthusiasm he invited all to shake off 
 the heathen yoke, saying, " Every one that hath zeal for the 
 law and maintainelh the Testament, let him follow me." He 
 then fled with his sons into the mountains south of Jerusalem, 
 whither he was soon followed by numerous Israelites zealous ^.j^^f^rtr^' 
 for the worship of Jehovah. The news of this growing revolt '"^ 
 soon reached the heathen authorities of Jerusalem, and they 
 at once resolved to crush it by attacking the rebels on the 
 Sabbath , when the Jews, through religious scruple, would not 
 offer any resistance. This plan at first succeeded but too well, 
 and on one single occasion i,ooo Jews were thus slaughtered 
 on a Sabbath day, but at the news of this butchery, Matha- 
 
J^ 
 
 340 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 thias and his friends wisely resolved that henceforth they 
 should defend themselves on the Sabbath, "lest they should 
 be quickly rooted out of the earth " (I Math, ii, 1-41). 
 
 Soon the Jewish patriots were joined by " the congregation 
 of \.\\^.Assideans'' (that is most likely that party which had 
 been long organized among the Jews to oppose and defeat 
 the efforts of the partisans of idolatry), and also by a number 
 of persecuted worshippers of Jehovah. Thus an army was 
 formed, and under the leadership of Mathathias it carried on 
 a guerilla warfar e with the greatest success (I Mach. ii, 42- 
 48). Soon, however, the fatigues of an active campaign 
 proved too severe a task for the physical strength of the ven- 
 erable Jewish priest, and he succumbed, exhorting his sons to 
 pursue the great work of liberation under Judas as their mili- 
 tary leader, and Simon as their prudent adviser (I Mach. ii, 
 
 49-70). 
 
 § 2. Religions and Political Res/oration. 
 
 I. Judas Mach a beus (167^1161 B. C). Judas, the new 
 Jewish commander, proved worthy of the leadership to which 
 he had been appointed by his dying father. Bo'.d and valiant 
 in action, yet prudent and discreet in counsel, he soon struck 
 with terror the enemies of Israel, and thereby deserved the 
 surname of Machabeus , the more probable meaning of 
 which is the Hg.jnme.r ^ like that of Charles Martel^ the hero 
 of the Francs. Confident in the help of Jehovah and the 
 valor of his followers, he first surprised by night many towns 
 which held out for the enemies of Israel, and set them on 
 fire ; and'^vhen next regular armies advanced to put a stop 
 to his ravages, he did not refuse to meet them in the field 
 (II Mach. viii, 1-7). The sacred writer details with manifest 
 delight the manner in which Judas imparted to his warriors 
 his own confidence in T diovah and his hope of victory, and 
 also the manner in which he proved himself a skilful tactician 
 in presence of outnumbering enemies. He tells us how 
 
THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 34I 
 
 Apollonius, the late plunderer of Jerusalem, having been de- 
 feated and slain by Judas, the deputy-governor of Syria, a 
 man named Seron, and extremely anxious to acquire military 
 renown, was ignominiously routed at Bethoron, a place 
 already famous by the victory of Josue over the southern 
 Chanaanites (I Mach. iii, 10-24 ; cfr. in the present work, pp. 
 138, 139). He record^ also how Judas was victorious in his 
 encounters with large armies headed by the best Syrian gen- 
 erals of the time : Gorgias and Nicanor, and Timotheus, and 
 Bacchides and Lysias (I Mach. iii, lo-iv, 35 ; II Mach. viii, 
 
 9-36). 
 
 After these glorious exploits, Judas and his fellow-warriors 
 profited by a moment of respite to enter the ruined city of 
 Jerusalem. The wretched condition of the Temple of 
 Jehovah especially claimed their attention : " the sanctuary 
 was desolate and the altar profaned, and the gates burned, 
 and shrubs growing up in the courts as in a forest or on the 
 mountains, and the chambers joining the Temple thrown 
 down." A f te c_ I.a me n t a t i o n a nd pr a}' e r , the military leader 
 appointed a body of armed men to keep in check the Syrian 
 garrison in the citadel, and then the work of cleansing^ began. 
 With the help of priests perfectly faithful to Jehovah, the 
 holy places were purified, the great altar of burnt-offering 
 which had been profaned was demolished and gave place to 
 another worthy of God's worship, new vessels and new 
 furniture were brought into the purified sanctuary, the lamps 
 lighted up, and finally the offering of sacrifice was resumed 
 on the 25th day of the nituh month (Casleu ; 165 B.C.). 
 The fpa^st nf thp rf-.flMHirafinn incfpri eight days, and it was 
 decreed that an annual festival, also of eight days, should 
 henceforth commemorate this great event (I Mach. iv, 36-59 ; 
 II Mach. X, 1-8 ; John x, 22). 
 
 To consolidate this work of restoration, there remained to 
 Judas a two foJd work. The first , which he carried through 
 with great vigor and success, \\.^ the submission of the 
 
342 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 neighboring tribes, which, alarmed at the progress of the Jews, 
 had taken arms against them (164 B. C). The second one. 
 of course much more difficult, was the bringing to a success- 
 ful issue of the war of independence against Syria. For 
 three years Judas pursued this patriotic work with rare 
 , energy and perseverance, though with varying success, as 
 V^'^ might naturally be expected on the part of a general who 
 had constantly to meet such outnumbering enemies. The 
 • '" st^first year (163 B. C.) was marked by a treaty which granted 
 \,^ / to the Jews the free use of their own laws and religion under 
 ^ ^ Syrian supremacy, and by the recognition of Judas " as 
 
 governor of Palestine ; and from this year, his accession to 
 the principality is usually dated " (Maclear, New Testament 
 History, p. 39). 
 
 The next year was less fortunate ; hostilities were resumed 
 by the Syrians, and the Assideans in large numbers, deceived 
 by a certain Alcimus, who had secured an appointment to 
 the high priesthood from the Syrian authorities, separated 
 from Judas Machabeus. The position of the latter was 
 therefore very precarious in presence of the large army which 
 had invaded the Jewish territory. Soon, however, after his 
 instalment as high priest, Alcimus revealed his true charac- 
 ter and showed himself the leader of the Hellenizing party; 
 whereupon the Assideans joined again the cause of Judas. 
 p!^ This re-enforcement allowed the Jewish commander to take 
 
 'yiA^*^' the field again against the Syrian general Nicanor, whom he 
 utterly defeated at_Bethoron, early in 161 B. C. 
 
 It is at this juncture that Judas, anxious to secure the pro- 
 
 xj^'^j-y tection of the Romans against the ill-will of the kings of 
 
 - >r Syria, sent messe nger s to Rome. The Jewish ambassadors 
 
 '^ were well received, ^iL_alIiailC(e offensive and defensive was 
 
 r nprlnded ^ and a letter sent by the Roman Senate to the 
 
 King of Syria, that he should desist from all attacks upon 
 
 the Jews. Before, however, these transactions could be 
 
 ^i^h^ known in the East, Judas had been defeated and slain on 
 
THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 343 
 
 the battlefield at Laisa, and his few faithful soldiers routed 
 (B. C. 161 ; cfr. I Mach. iv, 60-ix, 18; II Mach. x-xv). 
 
 2. Jonathan (161-14.^ B. C). The much lamented 
 death of Judas Machabeus left the Nationalist or Macha- 
 bean party in a very precarious condition. Throughout the 
 land " the wicked men," that is, the Hellenists, showed 
 themselves again, were appointed to posts of honor and 
 power, and betrayed the partisans of Judas into the hands 
 of the Syrian general Bacchides. At length, the partisans of 
 Judas understood that their salvation required absolutely 
 the choice of a skilful leader, and in consequence they 
 selected Jonathan as their " prince and cap*^ain." It is evi- 
 dence to the weakness of the Machabean party at that time, 
 that its valiant commander and his followers found it neces- 
 sary to withdraw at once east of the Jordan ; but fortunately, 
 upon the death of the unworthy high priest Alcimus, Bac- 
 chides returned to Syria and gave to the Jews a respite of 
 two years. 
 
 After this truce, the Syrian general reappeared in the field 
 upon the promise of the Hellenistic leaders of an easy vic- 
 tory; the reverse took place, however, to the confusion and 
 destruction of these wicked men, and the outcome of a short J*^*'^-*'^ 
 campaign skilfully conducted by Jonathan was a treaty of^ 
 peace which left Jonathan practically master of Judrea, "al- 
 though Jerusalem and many of the stronger towns occupied 
 by garrisons, either of Syrians or apostate Jews, defied his 
 authority" (Milman ; cfr. I Mach. ix, 19-73). ,^ . 
 
 This state of things lasted for six years, during which the 
 Hellenistic party became steadily less influential, whilst on '/^ 
 
 the contrary, the Machabeans grew so powerful that at t^e;^^ 
 end of this period their alliance was most carefully courted A*^ 
 by Alexander Bales and Demetrius, the two competitors for 
 the Syrian throne. Of the offers of Demetrius, Jonathan 
 accepted the power of entering, repairing and fortifying the 
 
/ 
 
 344 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Holy City ; of those of Alexander, in favor of whom he de- 
 ^ clared himself, he accepted the title of High Priest. Alex- 
 ander came victorious out of the conflict for the Syrian 
 throne, and granted to the Jewish high priest the title of 
 Strategus of his country and that of Ruler of apart of the 
 Syrian empire {\ Mach. x, 1-66). 
 v/'^y Jonathan in return "remained faithful to his patron even 
 
 Jf^_/ against a new claimant to the crown of Syria. And such 
 was his influence that the latter, on gaining possession of 
 the throne, not only forgave the resistance of Jonathan, but 
 confirmed him in the Pontificate and even remitted the taxa- 
 tion of Palestine on a tribute (probably annual) of 300 tal- 
 ents. But the faithlessness and ingratitude of the Syrian 
 king (Demetrius II) led Jonathan soon afterwards to take 
 the side of another Syrian pretender, an infant whose claims 
 were ostensibly defended by his general, Tryphon " (Eder- 
 SHEiM, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, vol. ii, pp 
 572, 573), and who was crowned in Antioch under the title 
 pf Antiochus VI (I Mach. x, 67-xi, 58). 
 , ^-*^ Soon after this event and several military exploits (I Mach. 
 "^^ "^fe^xi, 59-74) Jonathan sent ambassado rs to Rome , who renewed 
 ' ^ the former treaty between Judas and the Roman Senate; he 
 . ' • entered also into alliance with the ..Spartans (I Mach. xii, 
 i^ 1-23). New victories crowned his arms, and it seemed at 
 
 the time as if he was destined to restore his country to com- 
 — plete independence. Soon, however, Tryphon, who was 
 anxious to procure for himself the throne of Syria, considered 
 Jonathan as the chief obstacle to his ambition, secured 
 through treachery his person in Ptolemais and consigned 
 him to a dungeon (I Mach. xii, 24-54). 
 
 § J. Judcea^ an Independent Kingdom. 
 
 I. Election and First Acts of Simon Machabeus . 
 There was but one voice in the assembly which gathered in 
 

 THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE RECONQUERED. 345 
 
 Jerusalem al the invitation of Simon Machabeus, to nomi- 
 nate him as the military leader of the nation, and vow to 
 him perfect compliance with his orders. Simon, therefore, 
 lost no time in completing the fortifications of Jerusalem, 
 and in ta king possession of Jopp e, the principal harbor on 
 the coast of Palestine. Then he advanced in person with 
 a large army against Tryphon , who had invaded the Holy 
 Land. Thereupon, the crafty Tryphon opened negotiations : 
 "Jonathan was detained for a sum of money he owed to the 
 king; if one hundred talents of silver were sent and his two 
 sons as hostages for his peaceable conduct, he would be 
 released." Simon knew that Tryphon's words were not to ,/ , . _^ 
 be trusted ; yet to make it evident to all he sent the money^ (t^**^ 
 and the hostages, and Tryphon, as Simon had foreseen, did 
 not surrender Jonathan. He even soon put him to death, 
 and did the same with the young king Antiochus, after 
 which he seized the throne (I Mach. xiii, 1-32). 
 
 Whilst Tryphon made himself very unpopular by his cruelty, 
 Simon s trengthened his fortress es for fear of a further attack 
 and then sent to Demetrius H an offer to recognize him as 
 king, provided he exempted Judaea from all taxation. De, ^^ 
 
 metrius granted this with the greatest readiness, and from , ^^' 
 this moment a new era began in Israel, that of national in - ^ 
 dependence , so long unknown to the Jewish people. This 
 great work was soon afterwards completed by the capture of 
 the citadel of Jerusale m, that great symbol and stronghold 
 of foreign domination ; after which Simon organized fully 
 the Jewish army, placing at its head "John, his son, a valiant 
 man for war" (I Mach. xiii, 32-54). 
 
 Under the wise rule of t his great high pries t^ the Holy Land ^ 
 enjoyed all the advantages of peace and security. Heje25£-- 
 cuted t he law with great vigor and impartiality; he repaired 
 the Temple and multiplied its sacred vessels ; he kept the 
 fortresses of the land well supplied with provisions and am- 
 munitions, and under his prudent administration the wasted 
 
34^ OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 country soon recove red its ancient fertility. The writer of 
 the first book of Machabees speaks with enthusiasm of 
 this prosperous period , the fame of which reached Sparta 
 and Rome, and which secured to Simon such gratitude from 
 the nation at large, that "the Jews and their priests con- 
 V-sented that he should be their prince and high priest for- 
 ever," with this significant restriction, however, " till there 
 should arise a faithful prophet." Thus had Simon Macha- 
 beus become by popular choice the hereditary sovereign of 
 the Jews, and to all this power, Antiochus Sidetes, eager to 
 secure the favor of Simon in his attempt at recovering his 
 father's dominions, added the "leave to coin money of his 
 own," promising him at the same time further favors when 
 he would have reached the Syrian throne (I Mach. xiv-xv, 9). 
 
 Despite, however, the generous manner in which the Jew- 
 ish prince helped Antiochus to overcome Tryphon, the. Syrian 
 manar-ch proved jiritrue to his word, and this entailed a war 
 between Syria and Judasa which resulted in the defeat of the 
 Syrian troops (I Mach. xv, lo-xvi, 10). 
 
 Simon did not Jive long after this victory of his arms, for 
 during a tour of inspection through the country, Ptolemy, his 
 son-in-law, and governor of Jericho, caused him to be mur- 
 dered with his two younger sons towards the close of a splen- 
 did banquet to which he had treacherously invited them (I 
 Mach. xvi, 14-17)- 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Last Jewish Dynasty. 
 (135-37 i^-C.) 
 
 I. 
 
 JUD-EA 
 BEFORK 
 
 THF. Ah 
 
 NF.N I 
 
 I'OMrLiV : 
 
 I. Ouhvard Re- 
 la tio7ts : 
 
 timt 
 
 1. Friendly intercourse with Rome care- 
 
 fully kept up. 
 
 2. Samaritan hatred increaseil bv the 
 
 destruction of the Temple on Mount 
 Garizim. 
 
 3. Wars with Syria and surrounding 
 
 natic:; 
 
 I I. Literary activity ot the pcri()d(}'salms; 
 i historical writings; the Book of 
 
 1. Jewi> 
 
 sects 
 
 Pharisees. 
 
 Sadducees. 
 
 Essenes. 
 
 gin and 
 manifold 
 portance. 
 
 1 Origi 
 \ mar 
 J imp 
 
 3. Political and judicial organization 
 (the Sanhedrim). 
 
 Adve.nt 
 
 OF 
 
 POMPEY 
 
 I Lengthened striic Dttwccu iivnanus II 
 
 " dus II. 
 I 1 iitii appeals to Scaurus. 
 \ The policy of Pompey. 
 
 I i^cii^iiiciic^-i Slim. 
 
 A. How brought j and Aristobul 
 
 "'^'"'/' • , Their appeals to S 
 
 15. Action of r Conduct of Aristobulus at this juncture. 
 Pompey in \ Siege and profanation of the Temple. 
 Jerusalem : { Judaea tributary to Rome. 
 
 III. f I. Origin and Rapid Fortune of the Herod ian Family, 
 
 THE 
 
 Great : 
 
 3. Herod, King of Judcea : End of the Asmonean dynasty 
 (B. C. 37). 
 
 1.347] 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY. 
 
 For the interval between the death of Simon Machabeus 
 and the time of Herod the Great the authentic records of events 
 hitherto found in the Bible fail us altogether, for the last fact 
 mentioned in the books of Machabees is the accession of 
 John, surnamed Hyrcanus, the sole surviving son of Simon 
 Machabeus (I Mach. xvi, 18-24). Out main, not to say our 
 exclusive, source of information about this important period 
 of Jewish history consists in the extant writings of Josephus, 
 which betray too often a lack of discrimination between mere 
 legend and actual fact. From his writings, however, and 
 from traditions preserved elsewhere, it is possible to draw a 
 sufficiently reliable sketch of the principal events of the period 
 which preceded immediately the coming of Our Lord. 
 
 § /. Jiidcsa before the Advent of Po?npey. 
 
 I. Outward Relations. The successors of Simon Mac- 
 habeus who ruled over Judaea before the intervention of Pom- 
 pey in Jewish affairs were (i) his son John Hyrcanus, whose 
 rule lasted thirty years (135-105 B. C); (2) Aristobulus I 
 (whose Hebrew name was Judas), who was the first Macha- 
 bean ruler who assumed the royal title and who reigned but 
 one year; (3) Alexander Jannaeus (Hebrew name, Jonathan), 
 the brother of Aristobulus I (104-78 B. C.) ; and (4) Alexan- 
 dra (Hebrew name, Salome), the widow of the late king (78- 
 69 B. C). 
 
 [348] 
 
THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY. 349 
 
 These various princes, whatever their differences of char- 
 acter, seem to have followed the same line of policy in their 
 outward relations. In Rome, they saw a powerful ally whose 
 friendship was to be carefully kept up and skilfully made use 
 of. It appears, for instance, that after a very disadvantage- 
 ous treaty between John Hyrcanus and Antiochus VII, Si'defes^ 
 the Jewish high priest, " was desirous to renew that league 
 of friendship which the Jews had with the Romans " and 
 that through his ambassadors, he asked from the Senate a 
 declaration to the effect that the treaty was null and void, as 
 a violation of the freedom guaranteed by Rome to the Jewish 
 nation (Josephus, Antiq. of the Jews, book xiii, chaps, viii, ix). 
 It is under the same Machabean prince that Samaria was 
 invaded by Jewish forces, Sichem captured and the temple 
 on Mount Garizim levelled to the ground (128 B. C), an event 
 which was, of course, very gratifying to his nation, but which 
 intensified the long standing hatred of the Samaritans against 
 the Jews. Twenty years later, Samaria itself was taken and 
 entirely demolished (Josephus, book xiii, chap, x, §§ 2, 3). 
 
 The most powerful, if not the most hateful, enemy of Judaea 
 was Syria, which in the early part of the rule of Hyrcanus 
 succeeded in obtaining a tribute from him for the fortresses 
 he held outside Judcea, and in having the walls of Jerusalem 
 demolished. It is true that a little later the Syrian armies 
 which came to the rescue of Samaria were twice defeated by 
 the Jews, but it is most likely that if they had not feared the 
 armed intervention of Rome and had not been hampered by 
 the distracted state of their affairs at home, the Syrian mon- 
 archs would have easily recovered their supremacy over the 
 Jewish people. Be this as it may, it is certain that the princes 
 of Juda took advantage of the disordered condition of Syria 
 to turn tiieir arms against their neighboring enemies: Moab, 
 Galaad, Ammon, Arabia Petraea, etc. Prominent among these 
 expeditions was that of John Hyrcanus against the Idumeans» 
 who for more than four centuries had been masters of the 
 
350 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 southern part of Juda. He defeated them and ordered them 
 either to become Jews or to be driven out of their country. 
 They chose the former alternative, received circumcision and 
 submitted so thoroughly to the Jewish laws that they became 
 completely identified with their conquerors and never after 
 reappeared as an independent nation (Josephus, Antiq. of 
 the Jews, book xiii, chap, ix, § i). 
 
 2. Inner Condition. It has been aiBrined by several 
 contemporary writers that whilst the rule of the Machabees 
 gave back to the Holy Land peace and securit)-, industry and 
 fertility, new hymns were con>posed and added to the book 
 of Psalms, the date of which as a final collection of inspired 
 hymns should be brought down to the reign of John Hyr- 
 canus or Alexander Jannaeus (cfr. II Mach. ii, 14; I Mach. 
 xiii, 51). Whilst admitting the possibility of this view, it 
 seems better to appeal to less questionable arguments in 
 favor of Jewish literary activity during the rule of the first 
 Machabean princes. It is beyond doubt, for instance, that 
 public records were then kept of the deeds of the high priests 
 (cfr. I Mach. xiii, 42) and that our first book of Machabees 
 was compiled from them towards or soon after the close of 
 the Pontificate of John Hyrcanus (I Mach. xvi, 23, 24). 
 Again, as evidence in favor of the literary activity of that 
 same period, we may appeal to the large historical work 
 written by a certain Jason of Cyrene, and of which our 
 second book of Machabees professes to be an abridg- 
 ment (II Mach. ii, 24, 27), for both the work of Jason and 
 that of the inspired writer of the second book of Macha- 
 bees were most likely composed in the first half of the second 
 century before Christ. To the same conclusion points that 
 fragmentary survival of an entire literature which once circu- 
 lated under the name of the Book of Efioch^ and the various 
 parts of which date back to the period between 170 and 95 B.C. 
 
 Of much more importance than these literary compositions 
 
THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY 35 I 
 
 in the inner history of this period is the definite appearance 
 of two Jewish sects which henceforth played a great part in 
 the political and religious history of their nation. These were 
 the Pharisees and the Sadducees. These sects were the slow 
 outcome^ of the twofold movement noticed several times 
 already, the one against, the other in favor of, Hellenism, and 
 this is why it is impossible now to assign their origin to any 
 particular individual or date in Jewish history. The Pharisees 
 continued^ although of course in a modified form, after the 
 triumph of the Machabees, the traditions of the Assideans (I 
 Mach. ii, 42) or strenuous opponents of all leanings towards 
 Greek customs and modes of thought. As their name indi- 
 cates, the Pharisees were champions of the separateiiess of the 
 Jewish people from other nations; ^nd, in point of fact, under 
 their influence, as early as the beginning of John Hyrcanus's 
 rule, popular feeling ran high against *' associating with for- 
 eigners or conversing with tliem " (Josephus, Antiq. of the 
 Jews, book xiii, chap, viii, § 3). As the public inheritors and 
 defenders of traditions which they deemed necessary for the 
 perfect fulfilment of the Mosaic law, they had steadily urged 
 on the Jewish rulers and finally secured the passage and en- 
 forcement of several laws. They actually wielded such a 
 power in the State that John Hyrcanus felt it necessary to 
 set himself against them and join their opponents, the Sad- 
 ducees (Josephus, ibid, chap, x, § 6). The time soon came, 
 however, when the Macliabean princes Alexander and Alex- 
 andra realized how far the bulk of the nation was alienated 
 from them through tlie opposition of the Pharisaic party, and 
 in consequence found it necessary to give them ample share 
 in the government of the country (Josephus, ibid, chap, xv, 
 § 5 ; xvi, §1, sq.). After these concessions on the part of the 
 royal power, the Pharisees developed freely the tenets and 
 customs peculiar to their party, and impressed them power- 
 fully upon the nation at large. They contributed greatly to /^^^^.^ 
 keep alive among the Jews in the century which preceded 
 
352 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 the coming of Our Lord the distinctive beliefs of the Jewish 
 race, as, for instance, the hope of a great national deliverer 
 in the person of a Messias, the doctrine of the immortality 
 of the soul, of a Divine Providence, of an (?/'<^/ tradition at 
 least equal in authority with the written law. Nor were they 
 less successful in imparting to the Jewish multitudes their 
 zeal in carrying out the external observances of their ances- 
 tors, such as fasts, prayers, tithes, washings, sacrifices, etc. 
 Ardent patriots themselves, they made of their followers men 
 ever willing to lay down their lives for the national faith and 
 independence, and as the bulk of the nation adhered zeal- 
 ously to a party so intensely national in politics and orthodox 
 in religion, the Sadducees themselves in their public acts found 
 ,^ it necessary " to conform to the notions of the Pharisees" 
 v-^^/*^ (JosEPHUS, Antiq. of the Jews, book xviii, chap, i, § 4). 
 f^ \)^^ ^ The Sadducees were in reality opposed to the Pharisees 
 ^/^ almost in every thing. They were the inheritors of the 
 
 Hellenistic tendencies, for which, as we have seen, the high 
 priests were so largely responsible among the Jews. As a 
 party, the Sadducees seem ever to have possessed in the 
 Jewish commonwealth a fair amount of influence, but this 
 was much more because of their wealth or high station in 
 society than because of the number and enthusiasm of their 
 followers. Contact with pagan thought and culture did not 
 excite in them anything like the horror it produced in the 
 Pharisees and their partisans, and whilst they wished to main- 
 tain their priestly position on the basis of the Mosaic law, 
 they unhesitatingly rejected customs and traditions that 
 would have interfered materially with the worldly spirit 
 which animated them. Their tenets were chiefly of a nega- 
 tive kind : they denied, among other points of the Pharisaic 
 belief, the existence of angels and the immortality of the 
 soul. In politics, the Sadducees were ever in close alliance 
 with the ruling power. 
 
 Besides the two great sects of the Pharisees and the Sad- 
 
THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY. 353 
 
 ducees, Josephus mentioned a third one, namely, that of the 
 Essenes, whose origin has been connected on more or less 
 plausible grounds with the separatist tendencies of the 
 Pharisees. It is not unlikely that their later organization 
 into small coloraes or villages at long distances from the 
 towns was due to their desire of a greater separation from 
 whatever might have interfered with the perfect purity of 
 soul which was the main object of their lives, and it seems 
 well established that the "differences between them and 
 the Pharisees lay mainly in rigor of practice and not in arti- 
 cles of belief" (Westcott, in Smith, Bible Dictionary, 
 art. Essenes ; cfr. also the description of the life of the 
 Essenes by Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book xviii, 
 chap, i, § 5). 
 
 A last feature to be noticed in connection with the inner 
 condition of Judaea under the first Machabean (called the 
 Asfnoneafi, from one of the ancestors of Mathathias, named 
 Hasmon) rulers regards the political and judicial organiza- 
 tion of the country. It seems that the power of the Macha- 
 beans became stronger and more absolute only gradually 
 in the Jewish State, and that at first, whilst recognized as 
 high priests and even princes^ they had to reckon consider- 
 ably with the elders of the nation. In fact, the occasion of 
 the rupture between John Hyrcanus and the Pharisees 
 already mentioned was their well-known opposition to his 
 tendency to concentrate all public powers in his hands. It 
 was only the second successor of Simon Machabeus who 
 ventured to assume the royal title, because he felt strongly 
 upheld by the Sadducees ; and even then, it is not unlikely 
 that his conduct was disapproved of by a large part of the 
 nation which spoke of him as " a lover of the Greeks." 
 Ultimately, however, the royal power got the better of the 
 opposition, "and during the last period of Alexander Jan- 
 naeus's reign the eldership ceased as a ruling power, and be- 
 came transformed into a Sanhedrim, or ecclesiastical author- 
 
354 OUTLINES OF JKWISH HISTORY. 
 
 ity, although the latter endeavored, with more or less suc- 
 cess, to exercise civil jurisdiction, at least in ecclesiastical 
 matters " (Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, the Mes- 
 siah, vol. ii, p. 677). 
 
 Such is most likely the origin of the Sanhedrim or high- 
 est council of the Jews, made up of chief priests, elders and 
 scribes presided over by the high priest. It counted sev- 
 enty-one members, perhaps in remembrance of the seventy 
 elders who assisted Moses in the administration of justice 
 and to whom Jewish rabbis delight to trace back the origin 
 of the Sanhedrim. The members were to be of pure 
 Israelite descent and were governed by a president and two 
 vice-presidents ; besides, there were secretaries and other 
 oflficers. Of course, the powers possessed by the Sanhe- 
 drim at its origin cannot be defined in the present day ; but 
 there is no doubt that it took advantage of the rapid decline 
 of the Macbabean dynasty to increase its jurisdiction, and 
 that immediately before Our Lord's time it superintended 
 the ritual of public worship, regulated the Jewish calendar, 
 enforced the exact fulfilment of the law, punished false 
 prophets and even exercised judicial control over the high 
 priests (cfr. Schurer, division ii, vol. ii, pp. 165-195). 
 
 § 2. The Advent of Pompey. 
 
 I. How Brought About? At the death of Queen 
 Alexandra (B. C. 69), the party of the Pharisees, who had 
 been all powerful in the State under her name, immediately 
 placed Hyrcanus II, her elder son, on the Jewish throne, 
 although the late queen had destined the royal dignity for 
 Aristobulus, her younger son. Thereupon, Aristobulus, at 
 the head of the Sadducees and of the army, compelled his 
 brother to resign, and took the title of Aristobulus II. 
 
 Here would have ended the strife between the two broth- 
 ers, had it not been for the. ambition of a man who then 
 
THE LASr JEWISH DYNASTV. 355 
 
 appeared upon the scene. This man was Antipater (the 
 father of Herod the Great), an Idumean by birth, but a Jew 
 by religion. Antipater, brought up in the court, had con- 
 tracted a close friendship with Hyrcanus, the heir-apparent 
 to the throne. The withdrawal of the latter to private life 
 defeated his ambitious schemes ; he therefore persuaded 
 Hyrcanus that his life was in danger and ultimately pre- 
 vailed on him to fly to Aretas, King of Arabia Petrcea, who, 
 on condition of receiving large grants of territory, under- 
 took to reinstate Hyrcanus. Aristobulus II was first de- 
 feated by Aretas and the partisans of Hyrcanus, and next be- 
 sieged in the Temple-fortress of Jerusalem. 
 
 Meanwhile, the great Pompey had been pursuing his con- 
 quests in Asia, and had just detached his lieutenant Scaurus 
 with instructions to submit Syria. Soon after his arrival at 
 Damascus, Scaurus hastened to Judaea, on the borders of 
 which messengers from both Hyrcanus and Aristobulus 
 offered him sums of money in return for his assistance. 
 The offers of Aristobulus were accepted because he was in 
 possession of the Temple treasury, and Aretas received 
 orders to break up the siege of the Temple-fortress. 
 
 Before long, however, Pompey arrived in person at Damas- 
 cus, where he was met by three ambassies from Judaea, namely, 
 those of the two brothers, and one sent by the Jewish 
 nation. Hyrcanus appealed to his birthright ; Aristobulus 
 urged the incompetency of Hyrcanus, and the deputies of 
 the Jewish nation expressed the wish to get rid of the 
 monarcliical form of government altogether, and to have 
 their ancient priestly constitution restored. The request of 
 the Jewish deputies found no response, and the examination 
 of the rival cLiims of the Asmonean princes was postponed 
 bv the wary imperator till after he had submitted Aretas and 
 his country to Rome, although he had practically settled 
 the question in his mind in favor of the weak Hyrcanus, who 
 would present fewer obstacles to the prospective annexion of 
 
35^ OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Judaea to the Roman empire (Josephus, Antiquities of the 
 Jews, book xiv, chaps, i-iii, § 3). 
 
 2. Action of Pompey in Jerusalem. Apprehensive 
 of the fate that threatened him, Aristobulus did not wait 
 quietly for Pompey's decision ; whereupon the latter marched 
 at once against him, and laid siege to Jerusalem. Then it 
 was that Aristobulus's courage failed him altogether, and 
 that having gone to the Roman camp, he agreed to surren- 
 der the Jewish capital. The gates of the city were indeed 
 thrown open to the Roman legions, but the Temple-fortress 
 withstood three montlis the efforts of the troops of Pompey. 
 At length, on a Sabbath-day, the sacred precincts were taken 
 by storm, and a fearful carnage followed. The great con- 
 queror penetrated into every part of the Temple of Jehovah, 
 but through policy, he left untouched the treasures it con- 
 tained, and even gave orders for the resumption of the Tem- 
 ple services. 
 
 With this finished the short era of independence which the 
 Machabees had secured to their country (B. C. 63). Hyr- 
 canus II was appointed high priest and ethna7rh, that is ruler 
 of the country; he was not allowed to wear the royal dia- 
 dem, and his jurisdiction was limited to Judaea, which became 
 tributary to Rome, as a part of the government of Syria. 
 All the surrounding Hellenistic cities and Samaria were with- 
 drawn from Jewish allegiance and the walls of Jerusalem were 
 demolished ; after which Pompey proceeded homewards, tak- 
 ing with him to grace his triumphal entry Aristobulus, and 
 his two sons and two daughters, together with numerous 
 Jewish captives. The captives then brought to Rome in- 
 creased considerably, if indeed they did not begin, the 
 Jewish community in the capital of the Roman empire 
 (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book xiv, chap, iii, § 4 ; 
 chap, iv) 
 
THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY. 357 
 
 § j>. Herod the Great. 
 
 1. Origin and Rapid Fortune of the Herodian 
 Family. The Herodian family took its rise in Idumsea, a 
 district, the conquest and conversion of which by John 
 Ilyrcanus has already been noticed. The founder of this 
 family was Antipas, who was made governor of Idumaea by 
 Alexander Jannaeus, and who was succeeded in this office 
 by his son Antipater, the father of Herod the Great. The 
 ambitious Antipater successfully interfered in the unhappy 
 strife between Hyrcanus \\ and Aristobulus II, and on the 
 taking of Jerusalem by Pompey and the appointment of 
 Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch of Judcea proper^ he 
 became the virtual ruler of the land with Hyrcanus as a 
 mere puppet in his hands. 
 
 When Pompey was finally defeated by Julius Caesar at 
 Pharsalia (48 B. C), the prospects of Antipater and Hyr- 
 canus, who naturally enough had held out for the great con- 
 queror of Jerusalem, seemed rather dark. But they quickly 
 changed sides, and timely help in men and personal influence 
 given to Cassar in Egypt secured to Antipater the title of 
 Procurator of Judnea, which was then restored to its former 
 extent, and to Hyrcanus the permission of rebuilding the 
 walls of the Holy City (B. C. 47, cfr. Josephus, Antiquities 
 of the Jews, book xiv, chap. viii). 
 
 2. Early Relations of Herod with the Romans and 
 the Asmoneans. To be better able to control the whole 
 extent of territory now so immediately and openly intrusted 
 to him by Rome, Antipater appointed his two sons governors : 
 the elder, Phasaelus, of Jerusalem ; the younger, Herod, 
 only twenty-five years old, of Galilee. Herod was a man of 
 keen intellect, strong will and ruthless ambition. He was 
 noted as a fearless rider, and no one threw the spear so 
 straight to the mark or shot his arrow so constantly into the 
 
358 OUTLINES OF JKWISH HISTORY. 
 
 centre. It was most likely because of these strong features 
 of Herod's character, in striking contrast with those of Hyr- 
 canus, that the latter loved the new governor of Galilee " as 
 his own son " (R. W. Moss, From Malachi to Matthew, p. 
 193). 
 
 In Galilee Herod soon displayed the energy which ever 
 characterized him. He crushed a guerilla warfare, put to 
 death its leader and nearly all his associates. This aroused 
 the indignation of the patriots of Jerusalem, and Herod, as 
 professing the Jewish religion, was summoned to appear 
 before the great Sanhedrim, for having arrogated to himself 
 the power of life and death. He appeared, but escaped 
 condemnation through the interference of Hyrcanus, and 
 took refuge near Sextus Caesar, the president of Syria. 
 
 On the murder of Julius Caesar (B. C. 44), and the pos- 
 session of Syria by Cassius, Antipater and Herod again 
 changed sides, and in return for substantial services Herod 
 was recognized as governor of Coele-Syria. When the bat- 
 tle of Philippi (B. C. 41) placed the Roman world in the 
 hands of Antony and Octavius, the former obtained Asia. 
 Once more Herod knew how to gain the new ruler, and he 
 became Tetrarch of Judsea, with the promise of the crown, 
 if all went well (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book 
 xiv, chaps, ix-xiii, 2). 
 
 3. Herod becomes King of Judsea. Forced, the fol- 
 lowing year (B. C. 40), by an irruption of the Parthians, who 
 had espoused the cause of his rival, Antigonus (the son of 
 Aristobulus II), to abandon Jerusalem, Herod first betook 
 himself to Egypt, and then to Rome. There, owing chiefly 
 to the influence of Antony, he was declared King of Judaea 
 by the Roman Senate, and, preceded by the consuls and the 
 magistrates, he walked in procession between Antony and 
 Octavius to the Capitol, wfliere the usual sacriflces were 
 offered and the decree formally laid up in the archives. 
 
THE LAST JEWISH DYNASTY. 359 
 
 After an absence of barely three months, Herod was again 
 in Palestine, where at the head of an army he soon made him- 
 self master of Galilee. He next set himself at work to take 
 the Holy City. But before investing it — which he did in 
 the early spring of B. C. 37 — he repaired to Samaria to wed 
 the unfortunate Machabean princess, Marianne, betrothed 
 to him five years before. The uncle of that ill-fated queen 
 was Antigonus, whom Herod now besieged in Jerusalem. 
 After a siege of six months Jerusalem fell, and a fearful 
 scene of carnage ensued. At length Herod, by rich pres- 
 ents, induced the Romans to leave Jerusalem, carrying 
 Antigonus with Ihem (June, 37 B. C. (cfr. Josephus, ibid., 
 book xiv, chaps, xiv-xvi). Herod, the Idumean, now 
 ascended the throne of Judnea, and thereby put an end to 
 the last Jewish dynasty. As Our Lord vas born "in the 
 days of Herod, the King of Judaea" (Luke i, 5), the reign 
 of this prince forms a real part of Our Lord's time : we will 
 therefore reserve the narrative of its events for our study of 
 the Life of Christ. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 The Jews of the Dispersion. 
 
 V 
 
 I. Its Origin and Principal Settlements. 
 
 I. 
 
 Eastern 
 
 OR \ 2. Social Condition and Political Infliieuce. 
 
 Aramaic 
 
 Section : 
 
 3. Religions and Patriotic Relations with Palestine. 
 
 J, \ I. Its Origin and Rapid spread [ Northern Africa 
 
 ^^- through ^ ^ -^ Syria and Asia Minor. 
 
 I * [ Greece and Italy. 
 Western i 
 
 OR 
 
 Greek 
 Section 
 
 2. Principal Centre: f Situation and description. 
 Alexandria; \ Commerce and civilization. 
 [ Position of Jews. 
 
 3. Social Intercourse with Heathens : 
 
 Mutual aversion 
 Mutual influence. 
 
 r Faithfulness to Jehovah and His 
 
 ^. Religious Condition :\ ^,^^^^* . . , ^ , . .^ , 
 I Close union with Palestine (Books 
 [ of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus). 
 
 III. 
 
 Results 
 of the 
 Disper- 
 sion: 
 
 I. Establishmettt of Synagogues Everywheri 
 
 2. Change 0/ language. 
 
 ''3. Spread of Monotheistic Belief and Messiatiic Hopes. 
 [360] 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. 
 
 To complete our rapid survey of Jewish hi&tory, there re- 
 mains to speak of the countless Jews who, even before Our 
 Lord's time, were scattered through pagan lands, and who, 
 for this reason, were called the Jews of ** The Dispersion " 
 (cfr. II Mach. i, 27 ; Jas. i, i; I Peter i, i). They considered 
 themselves as a portion of God's chosen people, looked upon 
 Jerusalem as their metropolis, and carrying about with them 
 the monotheistic belief, and the sacred Scriptures of their 
 nation, they effectively concurred in preparing the world for 
 the coming of the Messias and for the spread of His doctrine. 
 They fall naturally under two great heads : (i) the Jews 
 speaking Aramaic, like those of the mother country, and 
 scattered through the East, formed the Eastern or Aramaic 
 section of the Dispersion ; (2) the Jews speaking Greek and 
 settled in the West were the IVestern or Greek section, or 
 *'the Dispersion of the Greeks," as they are called in St. John 
 vii, 35 (in the Greek). 
 
 § /. Eastern or Aramaic Section of the Dispersion. 
 
 I. Origin and Principal Settlements. The Ara- 
 maic Dispersion owes its origin to the two great captivities 
 which befell Israel and Juda in B. C. 721 and 588 respectively, 
 and from which only small detachments of the Jews ever re- 
 turned to the Holy Land. Its principal seats were the coun- 
 tries beyond the Euphrates, namely, Babylonia, Media, As- 
 syria and Mesopotamia, in which the Jews, as Josephus says, 
 
 [361] 
 
362 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 '"were an immense muliitude" (Antiq. of the Jews, book xi> 
 chap. V, § 2). Important settlements existed also about the 
 middle of the fourth century B. C. in H)rcania on the Cas- 
 pian Sea. On this side of the Euphrates tliere was a con- 
 siderable "Jewish population in many places, notably in Pal- 
 myra, and in the province of Yemen in Arabia Felix " (Seidel, 
 In the Time of Jesus, p. 164, cfr. also Schurer, The Jewish 
 People in the Time of Jesus Christ, division ii, vol. ii, p. 220, 
 sq., English Translation). 
 
 2. Social Condition and Political Influence. Only 
 scanty details concerning the history of the Eastern or Ara- 
 maic section of the Dispersion have come down to us, so that 
 it is very difficult in the present day to draw anything like a 
 faithful picture of the social condition and political influence 
 of the Jews settled in the great countries of southwestern 
 Asia. It may be said, however, that the insight allowed us 
 by the books of Tobias, Esther, Daniel and Nehemias, and 
 by the writings of Josephus, into the condition of the Aramaic- 
 speaking Jews leads us to believe that they were both pros- 
 perous and influential. In the large Eastern cities they were 
 very successful in the pursuit of trade and industry, whilst in 
 the low countries of the Euphrates they carried on with no 
 less success agriculture and cattle farming (cfr. Josephus, 
 Antiq. of the Jews, book xviii, chap. ix). " In some of these 
 countries they kept quite aloof from connection by marriage 
 with the other inhabitants, but in other cases they were not 
 so strict, and this gave rise to various epithets, intended to 
 mark the degree of purity of the Jewish blood" (Blaikie, 
 Manual of Bible History, p. 405). Under their political and 
 social influence, many heathens became proselytes to the 
 Jewish faith (Tobias i, 7), and there is hardly any doubt that 
 their financial and social prosperity go a great length towards 
 accounting for the fearful persecution which they underwent 
 about the time of Our Lord, and in which upwards of 50,000 
 
THE JKWS OF THE DISPERSION. 363 
 
 Jews were put to death in Mesopotamia, and for similar per- 
 secutions of which they often were the object in other dis- 
 tricts of Asia. 
 
 3. Religious and Patriotic Relations with Pales- 
 tine. Between the Jews dispersed in the East and those of 
 Palestine a close and heartfelt union was ever maintained. 
 This was due to a large extent to their community of lan- 
 guage and probably also to the influence ot the faithful 
 priests who had remained in foreign lands. They had only 
 synagogues as religious meeting-places, so that they naturally 
 looked up to Jerusalem and its Temple as the centre of their 
 national worship. It was to the Great Sanhedrim of Jeru- 
 salem, as to their supreme national and religious tribunal, 
 that they looked for legal decisions, and every year sacred 
 processions of Babylonian Jews, bearing their tribute and 
 first-fruits to the Temple, regularly travelled by thousands to 
 offer sacrifices in the Holy City and worship Jehovah in His 
 Holy Place (cfr. Tobias i, 6). 
 
 Sincere patriots they ever were towards the mother coun- 
 try, and their position on " the eastern borders of the Roman 
 Empire, till Trajan — as subjects of the Parthians and sub- 
 sequently of those eastern provinces which could never be 
 kept under subjection by the Romans — made their attitude 
 always of political importance to the Empire. P. Petronius, 
 legate of Syria, esteemed it dangerous in the year 40 B. C. to 
 excite in them a hostile disposition towards Rome, and a little 
 later, during the Vespasian war, the insurgents sought to in- 
 cite their co-religionists beyond the Euphrates to hostilities 
 against Rome" (Schurer, loc. cit., p. 224). 
 
 § 2. Western or Greek Section of the Dispersion. 
 
 I. Origin and Rapid Spread. It is not improbable 
 that long before the time of Alexander the Great there was 
 
364 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 a fair sprinkling of Hebrew settlers among the mixed popu- 
 lation of Lower Egypt. It is only, however, to this great 
 conqueror of Persia and Egypt that the Western or Greek 
 Dispersion may be said to owe its origin. He it was, as we 
 saw in a preceding chapter, who attracted to the new Egyp- 
 tian capital he had built to perpetuate his name a large num- 
 ber of Jews by granting to them equal civic rights with his 
 Macedonian colonists. Thus did he set an example which 
 his successors on the throne of the Pharaos, notably Ptolemy 
 I, son of Lagus, and Ptolemy U, Philadelphus, were not slow 
 to imitate. The Greek Dispersion thus powerfully started, 
 spread rapidly westward along the coast of Africa to Gyrene 
 and the towns of the Pentapolis, and inland southward to the 
 territory of Ethiopia (cfr. H Mach. ii, 24; i, i ; Acts ii, 10; 
 viii, 27 ; Matt, xxvii, 32, etc.). 
 
 Nor were the successors of Alexander in Western Asia 
 less desirous than the Ptolemies of Egypt to establish Jew- 
 ish colonies in their dominions. Seleucus I, who was fully 
 aware of the aptitude of the Jews as colonists, invited them 
 to come and dwell in the city of Antioch he had but recently 
 founded, and his invitation was gladly responded to by many 
 who on their settling there were governed by an ethnarch of 
 their own and admitted to the same advantages as the 
 Greeks. We also learn from Josephus that Antiochus the 
 Great settled 2,000 Jewish families from Mesopotamia and 
 Babylonia in Lydia and Phrygia, two important provinces of 
 Asia Minor, granting to them at the same time the use of 
 their own laws, extensive territorial possessions and exemp- 
 tion from all tribute for ten years (Antiquities of the Jews, 
 book xii, chap, iii, § 4). As Antiochus had foreseen, this 
 part of his dominions became very prosperous, and the Jews 
 soon multiplied in all the commercial centres of Asia Minor, 
 such as Ephesus, Pergamus, Miletus, Sardis, etc. From Asia 
 Minor they also found their way into Greece and other parts 
 of Europe, the Archipelago, where they settled in no small 
 
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. 365 
 
 numbers, supplying them with a natural bridge between the 
 Asiatic and P^uropean continents. The decree of the Roman 
 consul Lucius, recorded in I Mach. xv, gives us a vivid 
 impression of the extent to which they spread themselves in 
 every direction not long after the death of Antiochus the 
 Great, and the book of the Acts speaks of their important 
 and old settlements in Philippi, Berea, Thessalonica, Athens 
 and Corinth. The same book of the Acts makes also men- 
 tion of a Jewish community in the capital of the Roman 
 Empire. If the Jews appeared in Rome for the first time in 
 the train of the captives of Pompey, their captivity was not 
 of long duration, and under the protection of Julius Ccesar, 
 who granted to them the same privileges as the Ptolemies 
 and the Seleucidae in Egypt and Syria, they rapidly multi- 
 plied in the capital and thence spread into several towns of 
 Italy. 
 
 2. Principal Centre of the Greek Dispersion. Of 
 the Greek Dispersion, Alexandria was unquestionably the 
 metropolis because of the number, wealth and influence of 
 its Jewish population. Founded by Alexander the Great, 
 whence it derived its name, the city was situated on a nar- 
 row neck of land between the Mediterranean Sea and the 
 Lake Alareotis. It was built in the form of the outspread 
 cloak of a Macedonian warrior, and measured about four 
 miles from east to west, and about one mile from north to 
 south. Far different from the modern Egyptian Alexandria, 
 it was laid out in straight, parallel streets cutting each other 
 at right angles, and had four principal gates at the cardinal 
 points. Its two principal streets, about 200 feet wide, were 
 lined with magnificent houses, temples and public buildings, 
 and at their intersection there was a spacious square from 
 the centre of which vessels sailing either on the Mediter- 
 ranean to the north, or on the lake to the south, could be 
 seen coming: in under full sail. The fleets of Asia and 
 
366 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Europe could easily meet in the commodious and safe har- 
 bor of Alexandria, and a magnificent light-house had been 
 built for the guidance of sailors at the eastern point of the 
 Island of Pharos about one mile off at sea. The climate of 
 the city was healthy, and it was well supplied with fresh 
 water by a subterranean aqueduct. 
 
 Alexandria had excellent commercial connections with 
 Arabia and India, the tribes living in the deserts west and 
 south, and the nations or cities along the coasts of the 
 Mediterranean, and in consequence, it had become in the 
 time of Strabo "the greatest emporium in the world." 
 Apart from its architectural splendor and commercial pros- 
 perity, the Egyptian capital was celebrated for its stirring- 
 intellectual life. The famous Museum founded by Ptolemy 
 I contained a magnificent royal library together with dwellings 
 for scholars, poets and artists who came hither from all parts 
 of the world to live in this great centre of Greek and Eastern 
 literature and art, and to listen to the greatest masters of the 
 time. 
 
 The three sections into which Alexandria was divided cor- 
 responded to the three great classes of its inhabitants : 
 Greeks, Egyptians and Jews. From the very beginning of 
 the city the Jewish element was considerable for its number 
 and political privileges, and under the Ptolemies' it grew so 
 steadily tliat in the time of Philo it occupied more than two 
 out of the five districts of Alexandria. The Jews formed a 
 large independent municipal community within or co-ordinate 
 with the rest of the city, and governed themselves under the 
 presidency of an ethnarch. Their wealth was very consider- 
 able, and some among them occupied important positions in 
 the Egyptian army. They had a magnificent synagogue, and 
 their Sanhedrim was second only to that of Jerusalem. 
 
 3. Social Intercourse w^ith Heathen Nations. 
 
 Whilst the Jews of Palestine and especially those of Jeru- 
 
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. 367 
 
 salem could, under the powerful influence of the Pharisees, 
 succeed pretty well in avoiding contact and exchange of ideas 
 and customs with the pagans, those of the Greek Dispersion, 
 whether in Alexandria, in Antioch or in the other cities and 
 towns of the Greco-Roman world, could not help being 
 brought in daily contact with (ireek culture and civilization. 
 This unavoidable intercourse between Jews and Gentiles 
 soon presented a twofold aspect : the one of mutual aversion, 
 and the other of mutual influence, w^hich can easily be traced 
 to the striking peculiarities of either party. 
 
 Nothing, for instance, appeared more ridiculous to the 
 Gentiles than the practice of circujncision, the abstinence 
 from swine's flesh and a strict Sabbatarianism. A religion, 
 like that of the Jews, without images and pictures, was natu- 
 rally regarded as barbarous or even treated as atheistic, 
 whilst many of its rites were called absurd or contemptible. 
 Again, in the name of their religion, the Jews claimed so 
 many privileges in addition to those they already possessed 
 as citizens of a particular city or as citizens of the empire, 
 they sent so much money to their Temple in Palestine, and 
 showed themselve so exclusive of the pagans on many pub- 
 he occasions, that they naturally excited a deep aversion on 
 the part of the heathen statesmen and multitudes. Add to 
 this the great self-esteem of the Jews which, in the eyes of 
 Greeks and Romans, rested on nothing but glories which 
 belonged to bygone centuries, an unconcealed antipathy of 
 foreign races and religions, a commercial success not perhaps 
 always due to the exclusive use of lawful means, and finally 
 slanderous reports circulating freely about the Jewish race, 
 and it will be easy to understand the terms of contempt and 
 aversion constantly met with about the Jews in heathen 
 writers, and the occasional outbreaks of violence on the part 
 of pagan muliiuides against the dispersed children of Israel 
 (cfr. II Mach. i, 27 ; Schurer, The Jewish People in the Time 
 of Jesus Christ, division ii, vol. ii, p. 291, sq). 
 
368 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 Thus then, the Gentiles found in the peculiarities of the 
 Jewish race much which was calculated to foster their con- 
 tempt and aversion towards the Jews of the Western Disper- 
 sion, and naturally enough this very contempt and aversion 
 were keenly resented by the Jews, who considered themselves 
 as the chosen people of God and the inheritors of the Divine 
 blessings promised to their forefathers. The Gentiles ap- 
 peared also contemptible and hateful to the Greek-speaking 
 Jews because of their idols, of their superstitious and immoral 
 practices, especially, as it oftentimes happened, when the 
 pagan populations or authorities did everything in their power 
 to compel them to apostatize from the pure and ennobling 
 worship of the living God. 
 
 These and other such peculiarities of either Jew or Gentile 
 explain their mutual aversion, which of course varied in in- 
 tensity according to circumstances of time and place. But 
 there were other features of Jewish as well as of Greek life 
 which were calculated to counteract, to some extent, this 
 mutual antipathy. 
 
 It is beyond doubt, for instance, that under the efforts of 
 the Jews in apologetic works, in daily intercourse, etc., the 
 superiority of monotheistic belief and of public and private 
 morality as inculated in the sacred books of the Jewish na- 
 tion appeared manifest to many men and women of the Gen- 
 tile world, and effectively led many of them to embrace Juda- 
 ism. Women, in particular, felt especially attracted by the 
 mystery of the synagogue, by the superior condition assigned 
 to their sex in the Jewish religion ; hence they became pros- 
 elytes of Judaism in large numbers, and naturally drew the 
 attention of the domestic circle to the belief they had adopted. 
 Further, the Jews of the Greek Dispersion were careful not 
 to enforce too strictly upon those whom they saw inclined 
 towards the pure worship of Jehovah the ritualistic features 
 of their religion which were most objected to by pagans at 
 large, and this, together with the brotherly love exhibited by 
 
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. 369 
 
 the members of the Jewish communities towards one another, 
 contributed powerfully to dispel the prejudices and even to 
 win the admiration of the heathens. 
 
 Whilst the Jews exerted such deep and widespread influ- 
 ence upon the Greco-Roman world, they themselves under- 
 went, to a considerable extent, the influence of Greek thought 
 and culture. In the Dispersion, the cultured Jew was not 
 simply a Jew, he was also a Greek in respect of language, of 
 education and social manners and customs, by the sheer force 
 of his surroundings, and in many points, particularly of a 
 ritualistic nature, he gradually became more or less relaxed. 
 Again, the close study of pagan authors and notably of Greek 
 classics, even when pursued with a view to defend or propa- 
 gate the Jewish creed, was not without some influence upon 
 the manner in which this same Jewish creed was conceived 
 of by the Jews, or presented by them to the acceptance of 
 the pagans. Indeed, this Hellenistic influence, imperceptible 
 at first, led ultimately to that form of Alexandrine religious 
 thought which has been called syncretism (that is, the blend- 
 ing into one system of Jewish belief with Greek speculation), 
 which we find fully developed in the writings of Philo, and 
 which from Alexandria spread far and wide (cfr. Fouard, St 
 Peter, chap. iii). 
 
 4. Religious Condition of the Greek-speaking Jews. ~/— 
 
 Of course, the influence just described of Greek thought, 
 forms of expression and philosophical speculation upon the 
 Greek-speaking Jews never extended much beyond a com- 
 paratively narrow circle of Jewish thinkers and apologists. 
 The great bulk of the dispersed Jews in Egypt, as well as in f^M^u.^^ 
 the other countries of the Greco-Roman world, ever remained Z*^-*^"^^' 
 under the full power of the early training received at home 
 and completed in the synagogues erected almost everywhere 
 by the dispersed Jews, and this was distinctively Jewish in 
 tendency, belief and practice. We must picture them to us 
 
Syo OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 as perfectly regular in their attendance at the Divine worship 
 in the synagogues such as it was conducted there, that is 
 limited to prayer in common, public reading and exposition 
 of the Sacred Books; They were also faithful in carrying 
 out as much of the Mosaic observances as was compatible 
 with their condition far from Jerusalem and its Temple. 
 Like their brethren dispersed in the Eastern countries, they 
 sent rich offerings to the Holy City, appealed to the Great 
 Sanhedrim of Jerusalem for final legal decisions, and received 
 with joy mingled with reverence the exhortations and instruc- 
 tions of those scribes who from time to time came to them 
 from Jerusalem, the acknowledged metropolis of all the Jews. 
 Finally, to go up to offer sacrifices in the Temple of Jerusalem 
 annually on the great Paschal festival, or, if he lived too far 
 off for that purpose, to make a pilgrimage there once or more 
 in his lifetime, was held by every Jew to be an essential part 
 of his religion. 
 
 This close union between the Jews of the Western Disper- 
 sion and Palestine as the centre of their religion is particu- 
 
 ■ ' larly remarkable in connection with the Jews of Egypt, who 
 having a temple of their own at LeontopoHs^ a few miles 
 northeast of Cairo, conducted there the worship of Jehovah 
 on the same lines as in Jerusalem, since the middle of the 
 second century before our era. 
 
 Two facts more deserve special notice in connection with 
 the religious life of the Jews of Alexandria, (i) the composi- 
 
 uv' tion of the inspired book of Wisdo7n in their language and 
 'In their midst, about the middle of the second century before 
 s^ Christ, (2) the translation into Greek, made in Egypt about 
 130 B. C, of the inspired book of Ecdesiasticus^ which the 
 Egyptian Jews had probably received from those of Jerusa- 
 lem some time after its composition, and very large fragments 
 of which in the original Hebrew have been recently discov- 
 ered (cfr. Revue Biblique, October i, 1897, p. 573, footnote 2). 
 
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. 37 I 
 
 § J. Results of the Dispersion. 
 
 1. Establishment of Synagogues Everywhere. 
 When after this rapid survey of the Eastern and Western 
 Dispersion we try to sum up its principal results, we tind 
 that the first is the establishment o^ Jewish synagogues 
 through the various districts of the Ronian Empire. These 
 places of religious worship in which Moses and the Prophets 
 were read, tended, of course, to diffuse the expectation of the 
 Kingdom of Heaven, but more particularly they were places 
 into which the Apostles and early preachers of Christianity 
 were free to penetrate, and in which they were naturally 
 invited as strangers to address an exhortation to the assem- 
 bled brethren. This was a splendid opportunity for them to 
 preach the Gospel, and they naturally availed themselves of 
 it. Starting from the passages of Holy Writ which had just 
 been read, they announced boldly the fulfilment of the Law 
 and the. Prophets in the Person and Mission of Our Lord 
 and Savior Jesus Christ. 
 
 2. Change of Language. A second important result 
 of the Dispersion is the change which took place among the 
 Jews scattered in the Greco-Roman world. It can readily be 
 seen that their adoption of the Greek language as their ver- 
 nacular, and more particularly as the language of their litera- 
 ture and of their liturgy placed many religious truths within 
 the reach of the heathen. It introduced also into the Greek 
 language numerous words and modes of expression required 
 by Hebrew thought, and gradually moulded it into that Hel- 
 /em's/ic Greek, as it has been called, which the early preachers 
 of the Gospel and inspired New Testament writers were to 
 use as a language almost entirely fitted already to convey the 
 great truths they had to announce. 
 
K 
 
 372 OUTLINES OF JEWISH HISTORY. 
 
 3. Spread of Monotheistic Belief and Messianic 
 Hopes. The third and most important (result, of the Dis- 
 persion,^ was such a spread of the monotheistic belief and 
 Messianic hopes of Israel as to prepare effectively the Gen- 
 tiles for Christianity. Had all the Jews of the Captivities 
 returned to the Holy Land and re-established there Judaism 
 in its strictest form, the heads of the Jewish commonwealth 
 would never have realized the necessity of divesting their 
 religion of what were, after all, only its transient features. 
 They would never have felt compelled, for instance, to dis- 
 pense the pagans who wished' to become worshippers of the 
 true God, from the hateful rite of circumcision and other such 
 practices of the law however utterly incompatible with sur- 
 roundings different from those of Palestine. As a necessary 
 consequence, the belief and worship of the sole true God as 
 we see it spread by the Dispersion, namely, unfettered by 
 the complicated and burdensome system of legal enact- 
 ments, would never have existed as a transition from Judaism 
 to Christianity, as a preparation of the Gentile world for the 
 universal religion in which " the Father must be adored in 
 spirit and in truth" (John iv, 21-24), 
 
 In like manner, without the Dispersion, the expectation of 
 the Messias would have been practically confined to the lim- 
 its of the Holy Land ; whereas the dispersed Jews carrying 
 everywhere their prophetical books, spread far and wide the 
 hope of a great Deliverer, and thus directed the eyes of all 
 peoples towards the One who was soon to appear as the 
 Teacher and Redeemer of all nations. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Aaron, spokesman of Moses, 6i, 
 103; death of, 120. 
 
 Abdias, 280. 
 
 Abiathar, 194, 203, 207, 214. 
 
 Abimelech, 12, 153, 160. 
 
 Abner, 197. 
 
 Abraham, i ; ancestor of the Jews, 
 7; call of, 8; wanderings of, 8; 
 relations with (^Ihanaanites, 10; re- 
 lations with Egypt, 10, II ; domes- 
 tic life of, 13, sq. ; burial-place of, 
 15; life of faith of, 23-26; bless- 
 ings bestowed upon him, 24; char- 
 acter of, 24, 35 ; father of the faith- 
 ful, 25; ancestor of the Chris- 
 tians, 25, 26. 
 
 Absalom, 207. 
 
 Achab, 245, sq.; idolatry under, 246, 
 
 259- 
 
 Achaz, 194, 253, 262; frightful idol- 
 atry of, 262. 
 
 Achiniclech, 193. 
 
 Acre, 114; plain of, 115, 23S. 
 
 Adonias, 207, 213, 214. 
 
 Agar, 13, 14. 
 
 Aggeus, 2S2, 315. 
 
 Akabah, Gulf of, 102, 105, 119. 
 
 Alcimus, 342, sq. 
 
 Alexander, Bales, 343 ; Jannaeus, 
 34S, 350, sq., 353; the Great, 324. 
 
 33'. 364- 
 
 Alexandra, 34S, 351, 354. 
 
 Alexandria, 326, 330, 336; founda- 
 tion of, 325; description of, 365; 
 commerce of, 366; Jews in, 366. 
 
 Altar of Holocausts, 84, 86, 97 ; of 
 incense, 84. 
 
 Amalec, Amalecites, 104; their at- 
 tacks on Israel, 72, 157, 159; at- 
 tacks on Saul, 186, 194. 
 
 Ammon, Ammonites, 119, 12 
 
 131. 
 
 104. 
 
 132, sq., 157, 
 
 Amorrhites, 9, 104, 122, sq., 175, 204. 
 
 Amos, 252, 279. 
 
 Amri, 244, sq. 
 
 Angel of Jehovah, 13; belief in an- 
 gels developed, 308. 
 
 Animals, why offered to Jehovah, 
 92; clean and unclean, 94. 
 
 Anna, 172. 
 
 "Anointed of Jehovah," applied to 
 kings, 179. 
 
 Antigonus, General of Alexander, 
 325, sq. ; son of Aristobulus II, 
 
 358, 359- 
 Anti-Lebanon, 1 10. 
 Antioch, 332, 337. 
 Antiochus III, 330, 364; IV, 332, 
 
 sq.; persecutes Jews, 336, sq. ; VI, 
 
 345; VII, 349. 
 Antipater, 355, 357, sq. 
 Antony, 358. 
 Aod, 157. 
 Aphec, 173. 
 
 [y73] 
 
374 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Apis, bull, 76. 
 
 Apollonius, 331, 336, 341. 
 
 Arabah, the, 105, 119. 
 
 Arabia, 1 10, 216, 355. 
 
 Aretas, 355. 
 
 Aristobulus I, 348 ; 11, 354, 356, sq. 
 
 Ark of the Covenant, description of, 
 84, sq.; like to Egyptian Naos, 85; 
 preceding Israel, loi, 224; capture 
 of, 168; on Mount Sion, 202. 
 
 Arnon, River, no, 112, 120, sq. 
 
 Artaxerxes I, 316, 318, 320; II, 320. 
 
 Asa, 242, 256, 257. 
 
 Asaph, 203. 
 
 Asarhaddon, 266; II, 298. 
 
 Aser, 142. 
 
 Asiongaber, 217. 
 
 Asmonean, 353, 355. 
 
 Assideans, 340, 342, 351. 
 
 Assuerus, 316. 
 
 Assurbanipal, 266. 
 
 Assyria, 238, 250, 254, 263, 361. ' 
 
 Astarthe, 134, sq,, 245, 265. 
 
 Athalia, 259, 260, 261. 
 
 Atonement, the day of, 88, 98. 
 
 Azarias, King, 261. 
 
 Baal, 123, 134, sq., 159, 260. 
 
 Baasa, 256. 
 
 Babylon, 8, description of, 298 ; cap- 
 ture of, 300, 306. 
 
 Babylonia, 8, 238, 254, 297, 324; his- 
 tory of, 298, sq. 
 
 — civilization of, 300, sq. 
 
 religion of, 303, sq. 
 
 captivity in, 304, sq. 
 
 Balaam, 124, 125. 
 
 Baltassar, 300. 
 
 Banias, 201, 220, 
 
 Barac, 158. 
 
 Baruch, 279. 
 
 Basan, 121. 
 
 Bedouin, 9, 108, 149, 
 
 Bel or Belus, 298, 303. 
 
 Benadad, 248, 257. 
 
 Benjamin, 34, 38, 43; tribe of, 141, 
 
 169, 321. 
 Bersabee, 10, 53, 176. 
 Bethel, 9, 34, 175. 
 Bethlehem, 34, 169, 190, 194. 
 Bethoron, 138, 139, 341, 342. 
 Bethsabee, 206, 208, 212, 213. 
 Birthright, 28, 30. 
 Borsippa, 297, 299. 
 Breastplate of high priest, 87. 
 Brick-making in Egypt, 56, 57, 62. 
 Burnt-offerings, 99. 
 
 Cades, 10, 102, 103, 106, 118, 134. 
 Caesar, Julius, 357, 358, 365; Sextus, 
 
 358. 
 
 Caleb, 104, 142. 
 
 Calf, golden, at Sinai, 72; at Dan 
 and Bethel, 243. 
 
 Candlestick, golden, 84, 86. 
 
 Captivity of Israel, 254; of Juda, 
 269; of Babylon, 297, sq., 304, sq.; 
 end of, 311. 
 
 Cariathiarim, 174, 202. 
 
 Carmel, Mount, 113, 247. 
 
 Castes, how prevented in Israel, 99. 
 
 Cedron, 199. 
 
 Census, at Sinai, loi ; under David, 
 207 ; of Zorobabel and Nehemias, 
 .318. 
 
 Ceremonial law, 90, sq. 
 
 Chaldaea, 7, 267. 
 
 Chaldean, 8, 286, 297, 298; account 
 of Genesis, 303. 
 
 ChampoUion, 48, 257. 
 
 Chanaan, land of, 8, 9, 25, 34; ad- 
 vance to, 118, sq. 
 
 inhabitants of, 131, sq. ; parti- 
 tion of, 140, sq. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 375 
 
 Chanaanites, relations of, with Abra- 
 ham, 10; descendants of Cham, 
 131; civilization of, 133, sq.; re- 
 ligion of, 134, sq. ; remains of, in 
 Palestine, 1 50. 
 
 Character, of Abraham, 24, 35; of 
 Isaac, 35; of Jacob, 35, sq. ; of 
 Esau, 36; human character of Mo- 
 saic law, 81 ; of Moses, 128, sq. ; 
 of David, 208, sq. 
 
 Cherubim, 85, 224. 
 
 Chronology of royal period, 271. 
 
 Circumcision, 14, 25, 26. 
 
 Cison River, 116. 
 
 Cities of refuge, 143. 
 
 City, Holy (see Jerusalem). 
 
 Civilization, 1 ; of Egypt, 49, sq. ; of 
 Chanaan, 133, 134; of Babylonia, 
 300, sq. ; Greek, 328. 
 
 Clean and unclean, animals, things, 
 conditions, 94, sq. ; in Babylonia, 
 
 304- 
 
 Contract tablets, 301, sq. 
 
 Courses of priests, 203. 
 
 Courts of Tabernacle, 97 ; of Tem- 
 ple, 224, sq., 316. 
 
 Covenant, i, 25, 77 ; renewal of, 319; 
 angel of the, 283. 
 
 Cuneiform, 1 1, 302. 
 
 Cyrus, 300; liberator of Jews, 311; 
 decree of, 311, 315. 
 
 Damascus, 9, 141, 251, 312, 355. 
 
 Dan, tribe of, 141, 168. 
 
 Daniel, 281, sq., 324, 299, 305, 362. 
 
 Darius, 315. 
 
 David, 170, iSS; origin and early 
 life, 189, sq. ; first introduction to 
 Saul, 191 ; relations with Saul, 
 192, sq.; wanderings of, 193, sq. ; 
 king in Hebron, 197 ; king over 
 all Israel, 19S, sq. ; capital and 
 
 court of, 199; city uf, 199; politi- 
 cal administration of, 200, sq. ; ec- 
 clesiastical arrangements, 202 ; a 
 prophet,' 202 ; outward relations, 
 203; barbarity of his wars, 204, 
 sq. ; extension and prosperity of 
 his empire, 205 ; fall and punish- 
 ment, 206; death of, 208; Psalms 
 of, 209 ; a type of Christ, 209. 
 
 Dead Sea, 15, footnote i ; no. 
 
 Debbora, 152, sq., I57,sq. 
 
 Dedication of Solomon's Temple, 
 225; of Zorobabel's Temple, 315. 
 
 Delta, the, 47. 
 
 Demand for a king, 177. 
 
 Demetrius II, 343, sq. 
 
 Departure from Egypt, 64, sq. ; from 
 Sinai, 101 ; from Babylonia, first, 
 311, sq.; second, 320. 
 
 Deuteronomy, 126, sq., 267. 
 
 Dispersion, the, 361 ; Eastern, 361, 
 sq. ; Western, 363, sq.; intercourse 
 with pagans, 366, sq. 
 
 Disruption of Solomon's kingdom, 
 causes, consequences of, 235, sq. 
 
 Divination, heathen, contrasted with 
 prophetical inspiration, 275. 
 
 Dothain, 39, 159. 
 
 Dreams of Joseph, 38 ; of Joseph's 
 co-prisoners, 42 ; of Pharao, 42. 
 
 Drink-offerings, 92. 
 
 Dynasties, principal Egyptian, 49. 
 
 Ebal, Mount, 84, 115. 
 
 Ecclesiasticus, 326, 370. 
 
 Edom, 119, 121. 
 
 Edomites, 26, 313. 
 
 Egypt, 9, 270; physical description 
 of, 47 ; history of, 48, sq. ; civiliza- 
 tion of, 49, sq. ; length of star in, 
 66. 
 
 Elders, 61, 103, 198, 353. 
 
376 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Eleazar, 14; son of Aaron, 87, 
 
 154 
 Eleazar II, 326. 
 Elias, 246 ; slays priests of Baal, 247 ; 
 
 miracles of, 247, sq. 
 Eiiasib, 319,320. 
 Elim (Wady Gharandel), 71. 
 Eliseus, 249. 
 Endor, witch of, 189. 
 Enoch, book of, 350. 
 Ephod, Sj. 
 Ephraim, son of Joseph, 55 ; tribe of, 
 
 141, 142, 235; rivalry with tribe 
 
 of Juda, 235. 
 Esau, 28, sq. ; character of, 36. 
 Esdraelon, plain of, 114, 115, 142, 
 
 189. 
 
 Esdi 
 
 works ascribed to him, 
 
 312, 317, sq., 321, sq. 
 Essenes, 353. 
 Esther, book of, 317, 362. 
 Elhnarch, 356, sq. 
 Et Tih, 104, sq. 
 Euphrates, 8, 9, 2}, 297, 320. 
 E.xile of Babylon, 304, sq ; return 
 
 from, 311, sq. 
 Exodus from Egypt, 59, sq. ; the 
 
 new, 312. 
 Expiatory sacrifices, 91. 
 Ezechias, 263. 
 Ezechiel, 281, sq., 304. 
 
 Famine in Chanaan, 9 ; in Egypt, 
 
 43, 4'S. 
 
 F'eiiahin, 57. 
 
 Festivals, Mosaic, 95, sq. 
 
 First-born of Egyptians smitten, 64. 
 
 First-fruits, 92, 363; why offered to 
 Jehovah, 93. 
 
 Forty years' wandering, why im- 
 posed, 106. 
 
 Future life, E2yptian belief in, 52 ; 
 
 not mentioned in Pentateuch, 83 ; 
 Babylonian belief in, 304. 
 
 Gad, 141, 203. 
 
 Gabaa, 169, 203, 215. 
 
 Gabaon, 138, 215. 
 
 Galaad, 33, 113, 161. 
 
 Galgal, 138, 139, 175, 178, 181. 
 
 Galilee, 114, 358, 359. 
 
 Garizim, Mount, 138, 320, 349. 
 
 Garments of priests, 86; of high 
 priests, 87. 
 
 Gedeon, i 52, 159, sq. 
 
 Gelboe, 188, sq., 194, 197. 
 
 Genesareth, 115; Lake of, 116. 
 
 Gergesites, 133. 
 
 Gessen, land of, 54. 
 
 Geth, David in, 194, 
 
 Gifts obtained from Egyptians by 
 Israelites, 66. 
 
 Godolias, 270. 
 
 Golan, 112. 
 
 Goliath, 191. 
 
 Greek language adopted by West- 
 ern Dispersion, 369, sq. 
 
 Habacuc, 280. 
 
 Haran, 8, 30, sq., 297, 312. 
 
 Ilauran, 112. 
 
 Hazeroth, 103. 
 
 Hebrew, Abraham, the, 15. 
 
 Hebron, 9, 16, 34; a pjace of wor- 
 ship, 94, 114, I39,-I97» 313- 
 
 Heli, 152; of the line of Ithamar, 
 154 ; his judgeship, 167, sq. ; death 
 
 of, 173- 
 Heliodorus, 332. 
 Heliopaiis, 43. 
 Hellenism, meaning of, 328 ; rise of, 
 
 328; growth of, 333, 336, sq., 343. 
 Hermon, Mount, 121, 140; Little, 
 
 114, 188. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 377 
 
 Herod the Great, 34S, 355, 357. 
 Ilethites (Hittites), 131, 133, 215, 
 
 312. 
 Hieroglyphics deciphered, 48, 49, 
 
 134. 
 
 High Priest, sacred character of, 87; 
 special garments of, 87 ; privileges 
 of, 87, 88; rule of high priests, 
 324, sq. 
 
 Hiram, 199, sq., 216. 
 
 History, Jewish, introduction to, i- 
 5; of Egypt, 48, sq. ; of Baby- 
 lonia, 298, sq. 
 
 Hittites (see Hethites). 
 
 Holidays, Mosaic, 95, sq. 
 
 Holiness of Jewish people, 79; how 
 promoted by sacrifices, 90, sq. 
 
 Holocausts, 91 ; special meaning of, 
 
 93- 
 Holy Place, 84, 86; Holy of Holies, 
 84,88,99,224; Most Holy Place, 
 
 330- 
 Ilor, Mount, 119, sq. 
 Iloreb, Mount, 61 ; probably Mount 
 
 Serbal, 72. 
 Hospitality, Eastern, 21, 22. 
 Human sacrifices, were they offered 
 
 to Jehovah ? 163. 
 Hyksos, 53, 56. 
 Hyrcanus, John, 348, 349, sq., 351 ; 
 
 1.353; II. 354. sq., 357. 
 
 Idolatry, why punished by Mosaic 
 law, 81 ; why a great danger to 
 Israel, 135, sq. ; under Judges, 
 154, sq. ; under Solomon, 231, sq.; 
 in kingdom of Juda, 257, sq. ; of 
 Manasses, 265, sq. ; etc. 
 
 Idumaea, 357. 
 
 Idumean, 349, 359. 
 
 Incense, altar of, 84 ; why offered, 
 93- 
 
 Inspiration of prophets contrasted 
 with divination, 275. 
 
 Ipsus, battle of, 326. 
 
 Isaac, 14; of secondary importance 
 in Jewish history, 28; burial of, 
 34; character of, 35, 36. 
 
 Isaias, 262, 264, 280. 
 
 Isboseth, 197, 235. 
 
 Ismael, Ismaelites, 13, 39, etc. 
 
 Israel, Jacob, so named, ;^2f kingdom 
 of, 237 ; political and religious or- 
 ganization, 242, sq. ; Israel and 
 Juda, kingdoms of, compared, 238, 
 S([. ; destruction of kingdom of, 
 
 253. 
 Israelites, prosperity in Egypt, 55, 
 
 sq. ; persecution in Egypt, 56,60; 
 
 life of, in the Wilderness, 107, 
 
 108. 
 Issachar, tribe of, 142. 
 Ithamar, 154. 
 
 Jabes Galaad, 180. 
 
 Jabin, 140, 158. 
 
 Jaboc 33, 112, 121, sq. 
 
 Jacob, importance in Jewish history, 
 28; secures last blessing, 30; at 
 Bethel, 31 ; in Haran, 31, sq.; 
 vows exclusive worship to Je- 
 hovah, 31 ; character of, 35, sq.; 
 grief of, 40; in Egypt, 53, sq.; 
 blesses Juda, 54 ; burial of, 54, sq. 
 
 Jaddus, 324. 
 
 Jahel, 158. 
 
 Jasa (Jahaz), battle of, 122. 
 
 Jason, 232, sq. ; of Cyrene, 350. 
 
 Jebel Musa, 74, sq. 
 
 Jebusites, 131, 133, 199. 
 
 Jechonias, 282. 
 
 Jehu, 249, sq. 
 
 Jephte, 162 ; questions connected 
 with his vow, 162, sq. 
 
378 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Jeremias, 267, 268, 270, 280, 304. 
 
 Jericho, 123, 245, 346; captured by 
 Josue, 137, 138. 
 
 Jeroboam, 233, 236 ; aim, on the 
 throne, 241 ; connects religious in- 
 novations with history of the past, 
 242, sq. 
 
 Jeroboam II, 251, sq. 
 
 Jerusalem (Uru' Salim), 12; in time 
 of David, 199; destroyed by Na- 
 buchodonosor, 269, sq. 
 
 Jethro, 60, sq. 
 
 Jezabel, 245. 
 
 Jezrael, 159, 245, 250. 
 
 Joab, 199, 201, 207, 214. 
 
 Joachaz, 251, 268. 
 
 Joakim, 268. 
 
 Joas, 251, 260. 
 
 Joatham, 261. 
 
 Job, 219. 
 
 Joel, 280. 
 
 Joiada, 220, 260, 261, 320. 
 
 Jonas, 251, 279. 
 
 Jonathan, son of Saul, 185, 188, 198 ; 
 son of Mathathias, 339 ; Macha- 
 beus, 343, sq. ; renews treaty with 
 Rome, 344. 
 
 Joppe, 238, 345. 
 
 Joram, of Israel, 250; of Juda, 259. 
 
 Jordan, valley, 115; river, 115, 116; 
 fords of, 159; miraculous crossing 
 
 of, 137- 
 
 Josaphat, 248, 258. 
 
 Joseph, 34 ; life in Chanaan, illus- 
 trated, 38, 39 ; in Putiphar's house, 
 40, 41; in prison, 41, 42; inter- 
 prets dreams, 42; elevation of, 43; 
 kindness to his brothers, 44; char- 
 acter of, 44; type of Christ, 45; 
 death of, 55. 
 
 Josephus, 325, 327, 348, 361, 364. 
 
 Josias, 267. 
 
 Josue, successor of Moses, 136 ; con- 
 quers Palestine, 137, sq. ; stopping 
 of the sun by, 139; special terri- 
 tory of, 142; death and burial- 
 place of, 143, 144. 
 
 Jubilee, 96. 
 
 Juda, Jacob's son, 39, 53; blessed 
 by Jacob, 54; tribe of, 141, 235, 
 321 ; kingdom of, 237, 256, sq.; de- 
 struction of kingdom of, 269, sq. 
 
 Juda and Israel, kingdoms of, com- 
 pared, 238, sq. 
 
 Judaea, 114; tributary to Persia, 311, 
 sq. ; to Macedonia, 324 ; to Egypt, 
 326, 329; to Syria, 329, sq. ; a part 
 of Syria, 356; to Rome, 365. 
 
 Judas Machabeus, 339, 340 ; makes 
 alliance with Rome, 342. 
 
 Judges, I ; qualities required in, by 
 Mosaic law, 82 ; time of the, T46, 
 sq ; meaning of title of, 148, i ^i ; 
 social condition during time of, 
 148, sq. ; domestic life under, 14,9; 
 limited power of the, 152; how 
 appointed, 151, sq. ; religious or- 
 ganization under the, 153, sq. 
 
 Judith, book of, 266. 
 
 Karnak, 134, 257. 
 
 King, popular demand for a, lyC. 
 
 Laban, 31, sq. 
 
 Lachis, 139, 264. 
 
 Lamb, paschal, 97. 
 
 Land, Mosaic laws regarding, 96 ; 
 of Chanaan, of Promise (see Cha- 
 naan, Palestine). 
 
 Language, change of, in Western 
 Dispersion, 371. 
 
 Laomedon, 325. 
 
 Laver (or " sea ") of brass, 225- 
 
 Law, book of the, discovered, 267. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 379 
 
 Law Mosaic, main purposes of, 79 ; 
 general features of, 80 ; public 
 reading of, 98, 170, 258, 319; "a 
 prophecy," 278, 321, 352. 
 
 civil, 80,81 ; constitutional, 80; 
 
 criminal, 81. 
 
 Lebanon, no. 
 
 Length of stay in Egypt, 66; in 
 Babylon, 307, etc. 
 
 Leprosy, 94. 
 
 Levi, tribe of, 85, 143. 
 
 Levites, 85; cities of, 143; under 
 the Judges, 154, 201, 203. 
 
 Life of the Israelites in the Wilder- 
 ness, 107, sq. 
 
 Jews in Babylonia, 304, sq. 
 
 Loaves of proposition, 84, 86. 
 
 Lot, 9, 15. 
 
 Lysias, regent of Syria, 341. 
 
 Maacha, 258. 
 
 Machabee (Machabeus) name of, 
 340, 343; books of Machabees, 
 
 350- 
 
 Machabean, 359, etc. 
 
 Machpelah, cave of, 15, 55. 
 
 Madian, 60, 7^, 122, sq., 160. 
 
 Mageddo, 158, 226, 250, 268. 
 
 Mahanain, 33, 197. 
 
 Malachias, 282. 
 
 Mambre, 9, 34. 
 
 Manasses, son of Joseph, 55; half- 
 tribe, east of Jordan, 125, sq., 141 ; 
 west of Jordan, 142, 1 59 ; king, 265, 
 sq. ; the high priest, 329. 
 
 Manna, not a mere natural product, 
 73' loS. 
 
 Mara, 71. 
 
 Marriage, Eastern customs, 31, 301. 
 
 Mary, sister of Moses, 59, 103, 
 118. 
 
 Masphath, 174, 175, 179. 
 
 Mathan, 261. 
 
 Mathathias, 339, 353. 
 
 Medes (Media), 324. 
 
 Melchisedech, 11, 12. 
 
 Menelaus, 333, sq. 
 
 Meneptah I, 60, 65. 
 
 Menes, 49. 
 
 Mercy-seat, 84, 99. 
 
 Merom, lake of, 116, 140. 
 
 Merodach Baladan, 265. 
 
 Mesa, King, 248. 
 
 Mesopotamia, 33, 157, 312, etc. 
 
 Messias, 202, 283, 372; predicted by 
 prophets, 288 ; belief in, devel- 
 oped in Babylon, 307, sq. ; belief 
 in, kept up by Pharisees, 352. 
 
 Michas and the Danites, 154, 168. 
 
 Micheas, 280. 
 
 Mighty men of David, 201. 
 
 Miphiboseth, 198. 
 
 Miracles in Egypt, 61, sq. ; of Klias, 
 247, sq. 
 
 Moab, 119, 122, sq., 259. 
 
 Moabite stone, 248. 
 
 Mod in, 339. 
 
 Monarchy, beginning of the, 172, 
 sq.; first opponents of, 179, 181, 
 200; restoration of, after exile, 
 
 3'4. 
 Monotheism, absolute, in Mosaic 
 
 law, 82, 83. 
 Jewish monarchy, a danger to, 
 
 278. 
 
 not the religion of Cyrus, 31 1. 
 
 Moon (new), 95. 
 Moria, 199, 223. 
 Moses, birth, early life, 59, 60 ; flight 
 
 to Madian, 60; sent to Pharao, 61, 
 
 sq. ; last discourses of, 126, sq. ; 
 
 successor of, 126; death of, 127; 
 
 character of, 128, sq. 
 Mugheir (Ur), 7. 
 
38o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Nabonahid, 300. 
 
 Nabopolassar, 269, 298. 
 
 Naboth, 248. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor, invasions of, 268, 
 sq., 297, 304; gigantic works of, 
 299; Lycanthropy of, 300, 302, 
 312. 
 
 Nachor, 8. 
 
 Nahum, 280. 
 
 Nathan, 202, 208, 213. 
 
 Nazarite, 165, 172. 
 
 Nelio, Mount, 127. 
 
 Nechao, 268. 
 
 Negeb, 9, 105. 
 
 Nehemias, 317, 320, 322 ; first mission 
 of, 318, 362. 
 
 Nephtali, tribe of, 142, 246. 
 
 New moon, festival of, 95, 
 
 Nile, river, 47 ; its water, 48; plague 
 of, 62, sq. 
 
 Nineveh (Ninive), 251, 264, 298, 300, 
 307, 312. 
 
 Nisan, month, 97. 
 
 Nomad life, in general, iS ; particu- 
 lars of, 19-23. 
 
 Ob ED, 169. 
 
 Ochoziq^, 248, sq., 250. 
 
 Octavius, 35S. . 
 
 Odollam, cave of, 194. 
 
 Offerings, meat and drink, 92; for 
 
 sin, 99; burnt, 99. 
 Og, King, 122, 125. 
 Olives, Mount of, 231. 
 Onias I, 325; II, 329; III, 331. 
 Ophir, 217, 218. 
 Osee, 252; King of Israel, 253; 
 
 prophet, 279. 
 Othoniel, 157, 
 Oza, 202. 
 
 Pacific sacrifices, 91. 
 
 Palestine, names of, no; geography 
 of, no, sq. 
 
 Eastern, described, in, 113; 
 
 political divisions of, 121, sq. ; 
 conquest of, 122-125. 
 
 Western, described, in, sq. ; 
 
 conquered, 125, 130, sq., 136, 140; 
 inhabitants of, 131, sq. 
 
 Palmyra (Tadmor), 226. 
 
 Panium, Mount, battle of, 330. 
 
 Parthians, 358. 
 
 Paschal, festival, 96, sq. ; an agri- 
 cultural feast, 97, 
 
 lamb, 97. 
 
 Passage of Red Sea, 6y ; miraculous 
 character of, 68; traditions about, 
 69. 
 
 Passover, 64, sq., 97 ; at Sinai, loi, 
 316. 
 
 Patriarchal age, 5, 7, etc. 
 
 Pentecost, 97. 
 
 Phacee, ?53. 
 
 Phaceia, 253. 
 
 Phanuel, 33, 241. 
 
 Pharao, 9; power in Egypt, 50; op- 
 poses Moses, 60, sq. ; father-in-law 
 to Solomon, 214. 
 
 Pharan, 102, 105. 
 
 Pharisees, 351, sq. ; tenets of, 351, sq. 
 
 Phenicia, no, 114, etc. 
 
 Pherezites, 131, 133, etc. 
 
 Phihahiroth, 67. 
 
 Philistia, 115. 
 
 Philistines, 119, 174, 176, 185, etc. ; 
 and Samson, 165, sq. 
 
 Phinees, 124, sq. 
 
 Phi thorn, 56. 
 
 Phwl (Teglathphalasar), 253. 
 
 Plagues of Egypt, 62 ; analogous 
 with, yet different from natural 
 scourges, 63; derisive of Egyptian 
 gods, 64. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 38' 
 
 Plains in Palestine, 114, sq. 
 
 Polygamy, 22, 32, 51, 172, 199, sq., 
 230, 245, 301. 
 
 Tompey, 348, 355, sq., 365. 
 
 Predictions (see Prophets). 
 
 Priests, Egyptian, 50, sq. ; not a 
 caste in Israel, 80; high, 84, sq. ; 
 simple, 84, sq.; function of high, 
 on clay of atonement, 98, sq. 
 
 of Baal and Astarthe, 246. 
 
 in liabylonia, 303, sq. 
 
 Prophecy, meaning of word, 273; 
 the Ivaw " a Prophecy," 278. 
 
 Prophetical order, 273, sq. ; history 
 of, 277, sq. ; general results of, 294, 
 sq. 
 
 Prophets, schools of, 175, 276; 
 prophets, 200; meaning of name, 
 273; mission of, 273, sq.; inspira- 
 tion of, 274; sons of the prophets, 
 276; Moses a prophet, 277 ; before 
 captivity, 279, sq.-, writings of, 279L; 
 after the exile, 281, sq. ; opposi- 
 tion of, to calf worship, 281; to 
 Jewish law and priesthood, 281 ; to 
 idolatry, 281, 295; predictions of, 
 supernatural character of, 285, sq. ; 
 objects of predictions, 287, sq.; 
 characteristics of predictions, 289; 
 influence of prophets, 291, sq.; ob- 
 stacles to, 291, sq. ; means of suc- 
 cess of, 293, sq. 
 
 Proselytes, 362. 
 
 Proverbs, 219. 
 
 Psalms, 209, 350. 
 
 Ptolemais, 344. 
 
 Ptolemy I, 325, 364; Soter, 326; 
 II, Philadelphus, 326, 364; III, 
 329; IV, 330; V, 330. 
 
 Punishments in Mosaic law, 81, 82. 
 
 Purim, festival of, 317. 
 
 Purity, laws about legal, 94. 
 
 Putiphar, meaning of, 40. 
 Pyramids, 49. 
 
 Quails sent to Israel, ^2,^ 103. 
 
 Rachel, 31, sq., 38. 
 
 Kama, 242, 256. 
 
 Ramesses, city of, 56; Ramesses II, 
 
 56, 57. 
 Ramoth Galaad, 249. 
 Raphidim (Wady Feiran), 72. 
 Ras Sufsafeh, 74, 75. 
 Rebecca, 15, 29. 
 Red Sea, passage of, 67, 102. 
 Refuge, cities of, 143. 
 Religion, i; of Egypt, 51, 52; of 
 
 Chanaan, 134, sq.; of Babylonia, 
 
 303, sq. ; of Jews in Babylonia, 
 
 306, sq. 
 Resurrection of dead, 307. 
 Revolt of ten tribes, 236, sq. 
 River of Egypt, 104, no. 
 Roboam, 236, 256, sq. 
 Rome, 342, 349. 356, 365. 
 Romans, 342, 356, sq., 359. 
 Ruben, tribe of. t in, <n. 
 Ruth, 169, sq. 
 
 Sabbath, 95, etc.; festivals con- 
 nected with, 95; Sabbatic year, 96, 
 98. 
 
 Sacrifice, of Isaac, 14; expression of 
 religious worship, 90; bloody and 
 unbloody, 90, sq. ; chief objects of, 
 91, sq. ; common features to all 
 bloody, 91; place of, 93; human, in 
 honor of Jehovah 1 163. 
 
 Sadducees, 351, sq., 354. 
 
 Sadoc, 203. 
 
 Salem, 252. 
 
 Salmanasar II, black obelisk of, 251. 
 
 IV, 253. 
 
382 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Samaria, kingdom of, 238, sq., 349, 
 369 ; city of, 239, 250 ; foundation 
 of city of, 244; destruction of, 254, 
 
 313- 
 Samaritans, 320; hatred of Jews, 
 31 5, sq. ; temple of Mount Garizim, 
 320. 
 
 Samgar, 157. 
 
 Samson, 152; how a judge, 164; 
 strength of, 165; historical char- 
 acter of exploits, 166. 
 
 Samuel, 152, 278; early life and 
 judgeship of, 172, sq.; offers sacri- 
 fice to Jehovah, 175, footnote i ; 
 resents demand for a king, 177 ; 
 withdraws, 181 ; anoints David, 
 190; founder of schools of proph- 
 ets, 276. 
 
 Sanaballat, 318, 320. 
 
 Sanhedrim, 103; origin and powers 
 of> 353. sq., 358, 363. 
 
 Sarai (Sara), 11,12; character of, 14. 
 
 Saron, 115. 
 
 Sasabassar, 312. 
 
 Saul, election of, 177; meeting with 
 Samuel, 178; anointing of, as king, 
 178; victory over Ammonites, 179, 
 sq,; military achievements of, 
 184; rejected by God, 185, sq. ; 
 character of, 186, sq.; death of, 
 189. 
 
 Schools of the prophets, 175, 276. 
 
 vScribes, 289, 321, 338. 
 
 Scripture, Holy, and Esdras, 321, 
 sq. 
 
 Sea, Red, 14 ; Great or Mediterra- 
 nean, no, sq. ; coast, 113, sq. 
 
 Seba, 207. 
 
 Sects, Jewish, 351, sq. 
 
 Sedecias, 209. 
 
 Sehon, 122. 
 
 Seir, Mount, 34, 102. 
 
 Seleucus I, 326, 331, 364; IV, 331. 
 
 Sennacherib, 264; army of, de- 
 stroyed, 265. 
 
 Septuagint, translation of Old Testa- 
 ment, 66, 191. 
 
 origin of, 326, sq. 
 
 Serbal, Mount, 72. 
 
 Serpent, brazen, 121, 264. 
 
 Sesac, 257. 
 
 Shepherd, life of, 32, 190. 
 
 Shibboleth, 164. 
 
 Sichem, 9, 34, 160, 239, 241, 349. 
 
 Side (Shekel), 194, 319. 
 
 Sidon, 245. 
 
 Silo, 153, 168. 
 
 Simeon, tribe of, 141. 
 
 Simon I, the Just, 326, 329; II, 330; 
 Simon Machabeus, 339, 340, 344, 
 
 sq-, 348, 353- 
 
 Sinai, journey to, 71 ; description of, 
 74; fitness for giving of the law, 
 74; from Sinai to Cades, loi, sq. 
 
 Sion, 125, 199. 
 
 Sisara, 158, sq. 
 
 Slaves, 39; among nomads, 22; in 
 Mosaic law, 8r, etc. 
 
 Socoth, 34. 
 
 Sodom, destruction of, 15, footnote i. 
 
 Solomon, 208, 251 ; how brought up, 
 212, 213; inaugurated king, 213; 
 first acts of, 213, sq. ; commerce 
 by land, with Egypt, 215; with 
 Arabia, 216; with Phenicia, 216; 
 commerce by sea, 216, sq. ; temple 
 of, 216, 222, sq. ; intellectual life 
 of, 218, sq.; wisdom of, 218; 
 proverbs of, 219; military and 
 political organization, 220; exten- 
 sion and peace of his States, 221; 
 public works in Jerusalem and 
 provinces, 222-227 ; palace of, 226; 
 decline and disruption of kingdom 
 
INDEX. 
 
 383 
 
 of, 229, sq.; despotism, 230; po- 
 lygamy of, 230; idolatry of, 231, 
 232; end of, 234. 
 
 Sophonias, 280. 
 
 Spices, 39. 
 
 Spies, sending of the twelve, 104. 
 
 Stations in the wilderness, 106, sq. 
 
 Suez, 105 ; extent of gulf of in Moses' 
 time, 67. 
 
 Sur, wilderness of, 13. 
 
 Susa, 297, 317. 
 
 Suzanna, 306. 
 
 Synagogue, the Great, 321, 326. 
 
 Synagogues, local, origin of, 308, 322, 
 
 369- 
 Syria, 250, 299, 325. 
 Coele-Syria, 322, 325, 358. 
 
 Tabernacle, description of the, 84 ; 
 ministers of, 85, sq. ; how far sole 
 place of sacrifice, 93, 94, 97; con- 
 struction of, loi, 215. 
 
 Tabernacles, Feast of, 98, 243, 314, 
 
 319. 
 Tabor, Mount, 114, 142. 
 Tanis, 54. 
 
 Teglathphalasar, 253, 263. 
 Tel el-Amarna, tablets, 11. 
 Temple, construction of, projected 
 
 by David, 202; of Solomon, 216, 
 
 222, sq.; of Zorobabel, 314, 316. 
 Chaldean, 8; on Garizim, 320, 
 
 349; rededicated by Judas, 341, 
 
 356. 
 Tents, 19 ; arrangement of, 20. 
 Thare, 8. 
 Tharsis, 216. 
 
 Theocracy, 2, ']'j, 80, 308, 326, 328. 
 Thersa, 239, 244, 252. 
 Tigris, 7, 297, 312. 
 Tithes, assigned to priests and Le- 
 
 vites, 86, 319. 
 
 Tobias, book of, 246, 308, 362 ; son 
 
 of Tobias, 329. 
 Traditions, Jewish, 321. 
 Treasury, temple, 320, 355. 
 Triads in Egyptian religion, 52, 83, 
 
 footnote I. 
 
 in Babylonian religion, 303. 
 
 Tribes, jealousy amojig, 235. 
 
 Trumpets, Feast of, 96. 
 
 Tryphon, 344, sq. 
 
 Twelve, tribes, loi, 313; divisions of 
 
 land under Solomon, 220. 
 Two brothers, Egyptian tale of the, 
 
 11,41. 
 Tyre, 216, 245, 324, :i,:^y 
 Tyropoeon valley, 199. 
 
 Uncleanness, laws regarding, 94, 
 
 sq. 
 Unity of Sanctuary, 93, 94; under 
 
 the Judges, 153. 
 Unleavened bread, 97, 
 Ur of the Chaldees, 7. 
 Urim and Thummim,"87, 316. 
 
 Victims for sacrifice, 91, 92. 
 Visions of Abraham, 9, 24; of Jacob, 
 30, 33 ; of Samuel, 1 73 ; of prophets 
 
 275- 
 Volcanoes, extinct, east of Jordan, 
 
 112. 
 Vow of Jephte, 162, sq. 
 
 Wady, el Arabah, 119; Feiran (Ra- 
 phidim) 72; Gharandel (Elim), 
 
 71- 
 Wandering, life, 19, sq. ; forty years', 
 
 106, sq. 
 Wells in the East, 13. 
 W^ilderness, of Sin, 72, 105; of the 
 
 Wandering 104, 121; of Pharan, 
 
 14, 102, 105; of Judaea, 114. 
 
384 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wisdom, Book of, 370. 
 
 Women, condition of, in Egypt, 41 ; 
 
 in Babylonia, 301 ; among nomads, 
 
 22. 
 
 Xerxes I, 316, sq. 
 Yarmuk, river, 112. 
 
 Year, Sabbatical, 96, 98 ; of Jubilee, 
 96. 
 
 Zabulon, tribe of, 142. 
 
 Zacharias, King, 252 ; son of Joiada, 
 
 261 ; the prophet, 282, 315. 
 Zerka, river, 116. 
 Zorobabel, 312, 314, 322.