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 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN 
 
Daniel in the Critics' Den 
 
 A REPLY 
 
 TO 
 
 DEAN FARRAR'S 'BOOK OF DANIEL 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT ANDERSON, LL.D. 
 
 BARKISTER-AT-LA\V ; 
 ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER OF POLICE OF THE METROPOLIS 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS 
 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
 MDCCCXCV 
 
^6 
 
 /V4 
 
 
 r 
 
 (ftp' 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The Daniel controversy has hitherto been 
 regarded as the special preserve of the 
 philologist. Who but he is qualified to 
 decide to what epoch any portion of the 
 Hebrew Scriptures should be assigned ? 
 The claim, however, is based upon a fallacy. 
 The whole question turns upon a simple 
 issue of fact — '' Was the book in existence 
 before the days of Antiochus?" If this 
 be decided in the affirmative, its prophetic 
 character is unquestionable ; and this, again, 
 practically involves the admission that it is 
 the work of the Daniel of the Exile. 
 
 117529 
 
VI j PREFACE. 
 
 And an issue of this kind demands an 
 inquiry essentially judicial. An experienced 
 judge with an intelligent jury, accustomed 
 to sift and weigh conflicting testimony, 
 would here be a fitter tribunal than any 
 board of specialists, however eminent. The 
 philologist can supply but a part, and that 
 by no means the most important part, of the 
 necessary evidence. And if a single well- 
 ascertained fact be inconsistent with the 
 theory he advocates, the fact must prevail. 
 But this the specialist is proverbially slow to 
 recognise. Whatever the subject-matter of 
 the inquiry, he is apt to exaggerate the im- 
 portance of his own testimony, and to betray 
 impatience w^hen evidence of another kind 
 is allowed its legitimate weight. Nowhere, 
 moreover, is this tendency more marked 
 than among the critics. 
 
 Here, then, is the author's apology for 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 this volume. Accustomed to deal with evi- 
 dence in inquiries quite as difficult and 
 intricate, he has set himself to investigate 
 the question of the authenticity of the Book 
 of Daniel. And he ventures to think no 
 competent judge would arrive at any other 
 conclusion than that here recorded — that the 
 indictment which the Higher Criticism has 
 framed against this portion of the Scripture 
 cannot be sustained. So striking is the ap- 
 parent completeness of the hostile evidence 
 adduced in support of that indictment, that 
 persons unused to judicial inquiries are ready 
 at once to accept an adverse verdict. But 
 — to pursue the figure — that evidence fails 
 under cross-examination ; and when we come 
 to hear the other side, which Higher Criticism 
 Ignores, the weight of proof in Its favour 
 seems overwhelming. 
 
 A word as to the tone and manner of 
 
VIU PREFACE. 
 
 the reply here offered to the Dean of 
 Canterbury's recent work.^ The character 
 of the attack has naturally influenced the 
 spirit of the defence. A treatise of another 
 kind — such, for example, as Professor 
 Driver's or Professor Cheyne's, both so 
 conspicuously moderate and fair — would 
 invite discussion in a tone of philosophic 
 calmness. But to maintain such an attitude 
 of mind in dealing with the book here under 
 review would betray deficiency of moral 
 sense. 
 
 In respect of some of the defects w^hich 
 mark the present volume, the author can 
 only appeal to the indulgence of the reader. 
 In a life of peculiarly engrossing and anxious 
 work, hours which might fitly be devoted 
 to recreation or rest are scarcely the most 
 
 1 The Expositor's Bible: The Book of Daniel. By F. W. 
 Farrar, D.D., F.R.S. (Hodder & Stoughton, 1895.) 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 suitable for such a task. But the result 
 may perhaps be accepted for the moment, 
 until some worthier pen supplies a want 
 which Dr Farrar's book has brought into 
 prominence. 
 
 It only remains to add that these pages 
 are based upon the writer's article in Black- 
 zuood's Magazine for April 1895. 
 
 39 Linden Gardens, W., 
 14M Ocfober 1895. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN 
 
 By ''all people of discernment " the " Higher 
 Criticism" is now held in the greatest repute. 
 And discernment is a quality for which the 
 dullest of men are keen to claim credit. It 
 may safely be assumed that not one person 
 in a score of those who eagerly disclaim be- 
 lief in the visions of Daniel has ever serious- 
 ly considered the question. The literature 
 upon the subject is but dull reading at best, 
 and the inquiry demands a combination of 
 qualities which is comparatively rare. A 
 newspaper review of some ponderous treat- 
 
 A 
 
2 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 ise, or a frothy discourse by some popular 
 preacher, will satisfy most men. The Ger- 
 man literature upon the controversy they 
 know nothing of, and the writings of scholars 
 like Professor Driver of Oxford are by no 
 means to their taste, and probably beyond 
 their capacity. Dean Farrar's Book of 
 Daniel will therefore supply a much - felt 
 want. Ignored by scholars it certainly will 
 be, and the majority of serious theologians 
 will deplore it ; but it will supply *' the man 
 in the street" with a reason for the unfaith 
 that is in him. The narrowness with which 
 it emphasises everything that either erudi- 
 tion or ignorance can urge upon one side of 
 a great controversy, to the exclusion of the 
 rest, will relieve him from the irksome task 
 of thinking out the problem for himself; and 
 its pedantry is veiled by rhetoric of a type 
 which will admirably suit him. He cannot 
 fail to be deeply impressed by " the acerva- 
 tion of endless conjectures," and ''the un- 
 consciously disingenuous resourcefulness of 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 3 
 
 traditional harmonics." His acquaintance 
 with the unseen world will be enlarged by- 
 discovering that Gabriel, who appeared to 
 the prophet, is '*the archangel,"^ and by 
 learning that *'it is only after the Exile that 
 we find angels and demons playing a more 
 prominent part than before, divided into 
 classes, and even marked out by special 
 names." ^ It is not easy to decide whether 
 this statement is the more astonishing when 
 examined as a specimen of English, or when 
 regarded as a dictum to guide us in the 
 study of Scripture. But all this relates only 
 to the form of the book. When we come to 
 consider its substance, the spirit which per- 
 vades it, and the results to which it leads, a 
 sense of distress and shame will commingle 
 with our amazement. 
 
 What the dissecting-room is to the physician 
 
 the Higher Criticism is to the theologian. In 
 
 its proper sphere its value is immense, and 
 
 it has made large additions to our knowledge 
 
 1 p. 275. 2 p. 191. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 of the Bible. But it demands not only skill 
 and care, but reverence ; and if these be 
 wanting, it cannot fail to be mischievous. 
 A man of the baser sort may become so 
 degraded by the use of the surgeon's knife 
 that he loses all respect for the body of his 
 patient, and the sick-room is to him but the 
 antechamber to the mortuary. And can we 
 with impunity forget the reverence that is 
 due to "the living and eternally abiding 
 Word of God"? 
 
 It behoves us to distinguish between the 
 Higher Criticism as a means to clear away 
 from that Word corruptions and excrescences, 
 and to gain a more intelligent appreciation 
 of its mysteries, and the Higher Criticism 
 as a rationalistic and anti-christian crusade, 
 whose end and aim is to eliminate God from 
 the Bible. Regarded in this aspect, it was 
 the impure growth of the scepticism which 
 well-nigh swamped the religious life of Ger- 
 many in the eighteenth century. 
 
 Eichhorn set himself to account for the 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 
 
 miracles of Scripture. The poetic warmth 
 of oriental thought and language sufficed, in 
 his judgment, to explain them. The writers 
 wrote as they were accustomed to think, 
 leaving out of view all second causes, and at- 
 tributing results immediately to God. This 
 theory had its day. It obtained enthusiastic 
 acceptance for a time. But rival hypotheses 
 were put forward to dispute its sway, and 
 at last it was discarded in favour of the sys- 
 tem with which the name of De Wette is 
 prominently associated. The sacred writers 
 were honest and true, but their teaching 
 was based, not upon personal knowledge, 
 still less upon divine inspiration, but upon 
 ancient authorities by which they were 
 misled. Their errors were due to the ex- 
 cessive literalness with which they accepted 
 as facts the legends of earlier days. De 
 Wette, like Eichhorn, honestly desired to 
 rescue the Bible from the reproach which 
 had fallen upon it. Upon them at least the 
 halo of departed truth still rested. But 
 
6 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 Others were restrained by no such influence. 
 ''With the ignorance of Pagans and the 
 animus of apostates " they perverted the 
 Scriptures and tore them to pieces. 
 
 One of the old psalms/ in lamenting with 
 exquisite sadness the ruin brought by the 
 heathen upon the holy city and land, declares 
 that fame was. apportioned according to zeal 
 and success in the work of destruction. A 
 like spirit has animated the host of the 
 critics. It is a distressing and baneful 
 ordeal to find oneself in the company of 
 those who have no belief in the virtue of 
 women. The mind thus poisoned learns to 
 regard with suspicion the purest inmates of 
 a pure home. And a too close familiarity 
 with the vile literature of the sceptics leads 
 to a kindred distrust of all that is true and 
 holy in our most true and holy faith. Every 
 chapter of this book gives proof to what 
 an extent its author has suffered this moral 
 and spiritual deterioration ; and no one can 
 
 1 Ps. Ixxiv. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. / 
 
 accept its teaching without sinking, imper- 
 ceptibly it may be, but surely and inevitably, 
 to the same level. Kuenen, one of the 
 worst of the foreign sceptics, is Dean Far- 
 rar s master and guide in the interpretation 
 of Daniel. And the result Is that he revels 
 in puerilities and extravagances of exegesis 
 and criticism which the best of our British 
 contemporary scholars are careful to re- 
 pudiate. 
 
 The Book of Daniel is not "the work of 
 a prophet in the Exile" (if Indeed such a 
 personage as Daniel ever really existed), 
 " but of some faithful Chasid in the days 
 of the Seleucid tyrant." ^ Its pretended 
 miracles are but moral fables. Its history 
 Is but idle legend, abounding In '' violent 
 errors" of the o^rossest kind.^ Its so-called 
 predictions alone are accurate, because they 
 were but the record of recent or contem- 
 porary events. But Dr Farrar will not tol- 
 erate a word of blame upon " the holy and 
 
 ip. ii8. 'P. 45- 
 
8 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 gifted Jew"^ who wrote it. No thought 
 of deceiving any one ever crossed his mind.^ 
 The reproach which has been heaped upon 
 him has been wholly owing to Jewish arro- 
 gance and Christian stupidity in misreading 
 his charming and elevating romance. For 
 it is not only fiction, but '' avowed fiction," ^ 
 and was never meant to be regarded in any 
 other light. In a word, the book is nothing 
 more than a religious novel, differing from 
 other kindred works only in its venerable 
 antiquity and the multiplicity of its blunders. 
 Accepting these results, then, what action 
 shall we take upon them ? In proportion 
 surely to our appreciation of the precious- 
 ness of Holy Scripture, shall be our resolute- 
 ness in tearing the Book of Daniel from 
 its place in the sacred canon and relegating 
 it to the same shelf with Bel and the Dj^agon 
 and The Story of Susanna. By no means. 
 Dr Farrar will stay our hand by the assur- 
 ance that 
 
 ^P. 119. 2 Pp. 43^85. 3 p. 43. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 9 
 
 " Those results . . . are in no way derogatory 
 to the preciousness of this Old Testament Apoca- 
 lypse." "No words of mine," he declares, "can 
 exaggerate the value which I attach to this part of 
 our Canonical Scriptures. ... Its right to a place 
 in the Canon is undisputed and indisputable, and 
 there is scarcely a single book of the Old Testa- 
 ment which can be made more richly 'profitable 
 for teaching, for reproof, for correction, for instruc- 
 tion in righteousness : that the man of God may 
 be complete, completely furnished unto every good 
 work.' " ^ 
 
 Christian writers who find reason to reject 
 one portion of the sacred canon or another 
 are eager to insist that in doing so they 
 increase the authority and enhance the value 
 
 ^ P. 4. Again and again throughout this volume the 
 author uses like words in praise of the Book of Daniel. 
 Here are a few of them : "It is indeed a noble book, full 
 of glorious lessons" (p. 36). " Its high worth and canonical 
 authority " (p. 2)7)- " So far from undervaluing its teach- 
 ing, I have always been strongly drawn to this book of 
 Scripture" (p. 2)7)- "We acknowledge the canonicity of 
 the book, its high value when rightly apprehended, and 
 its rightful acceptance as a sacred book" (p. 90). And 
 most wonderful of all, at p. 118 the author declares that, 
 in exposing it as a work of fiction, "We add to its real 
 value " ! 
 
lO DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 of the rest. It has remained for the Dean 
 of Canterbury, in impugning the Book of 
 Daniel, to insult and degrade the Bible as 
 a whole. An expert examines for me the 
 contents of my purse. I spread out nine- 
 and-thirty sovereigns upon the table, and 
 after close inspection he marks out one as 
 a counterfeit. As I console myself for the 
 loss by the deepened confidence I feel that 
 all the rest are sterling coin, he checks me by 
 the assurance that there is scarcely a single 
 one of them which is any better. The Book 
 of Daniel is nothing more than a religious 
 novel, and it teems with errors on every 
 page, and yet we are gravely told that of 
 
 I all the thirty-nine books of the Old Testa- 
 ment there is scarcely a single book which is 
 
 iof any higher worth ! The expert's estimate 
 of the value of my coins is clear. No less 
 obvious is Dr Farrar's estimate of the value 
 of the books of the Bible. 
 
 It is precisely this element which renders 
 this volume so pernicious. The apostle 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. II 
 
 declares that *' Every Scripture mspired of 
 God is also profitable for teaching, for re- 
 proof, for correction, for instruction in right- 
 eousness : that the man of God may be 
 complete, furnished completely unto every 
 good work;" and in profanely applying these 
 words to a romance of doubtful repute, Dr 
 Farrar denies inspiration altogether. 
 
 But '' What is inspiration ? " some one 
 may demand. In another connection the 
 inquiry might be apt ; here it is the merest 
 quibble. Plain men brush aside all the in- 
 tricacies of the controversy which the answer 
 involves, and seize upon the fact that the 
 Bible is a divine revelation. But no one 
 can yield to the spirit which pervades this 
 book without coming to raise the question, 
 '* Have we a revelation at all ? " The 
 Higher Criticism, as a rationalistic crusade, 
 has set itself to account for the Bible on 
 natural principles ; and this is the spirit 
 which animates the Dean of Canterbury's 
 treatise. 
 
12 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 "The historical errors" of the Book of 
 Daniel are the first ground of the critic's 
 attack upon its authenticity. Of these he 
 enumerates the following : — 
 
 (r.) "There was no deportation in the 
 third year of Jehoiakim." 
 
 (2.) '' There was no King Belshazzar." 
 
 (3.) " There was no Darius the Mede." 
 
 (4.) ''It is not true that there were only 
 two Babylonian kings — there were five." 
 
 {5.) " Nor were there only four Persian 
 kings — there were twelve." 
 
 (6.) Xerxes seems to be confounded with 
 the last king of Persia. 
 
 (7.) And *' All correct accounts of the 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 13 
 
 reign of Antiochus Epiphanes seem to end 
 about B.C. 164." 
 
 Such is the indictment under this head. 
 Two other points are included, but these 
 have nothing to do with history ; first, that 
 the decrees of Nebuchadnezzar are extra- 
 ordinary — which may at once be conceded 
 — and secondly, that "the notion that a 
 faithful Jew could become president of the 
 Chaldean magi is impossible" — a statement 
 which only exemplifies the thoughtless dog- , 
 matism of the writer, for, according to his 
 own scheme, it was a ''holy and gifted 
 Jew^' brought up under the severe ritual 
 of post-exilic days, who assigned this posi- 
 tion to Daniel. A like remark applies to 
 his criticism upon Dan. ii. 46 — with this 
 addition, that that criticism betokens either 
 carelessness or malice on the part of the 
 critics, for the passage in no way justifies 
 the assertion that the prophet accepted 
 either the worship or the sacrifice offered 
 him. 
 
14 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 So far as the other points are concerned, 
 we may at once dismiss (4), (5), and (6), for 
 the errors here ascribed to Daniel will be 
 sought for in vain. They are '' read into " 
 the book by the perverseness or ignorance 
 of the rationalists.^ And as for (7), where 
 was the account of the reign of Antiochus 
 to end, if not in the year of his death ? 
 
 1 As regards (5) and (6), the way "kisses and kicks " alter- 
 nate in Dr Farrar's treatment of his mythical "Chasid" is 
 amusing. At one moment he is praised for his genius and 
 erudition ; the next he is denounced as an ignoramus or a 
 fool ! Considering how inseparably the history of Judah 
 had been connected with the history of Persia, the sugges- 
 tion that a cultured Jew of Maccabean days could have 
 made the gross blunder here attributed to him is quite 
 unworthy of notice. 
 
 And may I explain for the enlightenment of the critic 
 that Dan. xi. 2 is a prophecy relating to the prophecy which 
 precedes it ? It is a consecutive prediction of events wiihiji 
 the period of the seventy weeks. There were to be " yet " 
 (2.^., after the rebuilding of Jerusalem) "three kings in 
 Persia." These were Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, 
 and Ochus ; the brief and merely nominal reigns of Xerxes 
 II., Sogdianus, and Arogus being ignored — two of them, 
 indeed, being omitted from the canon of Ptolemy. "The 
 fourth " (and last) king was Darius Codomanus, whose fabu- 
 lous wealth attracted the cupidity of the Greeks. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 15 
 
 The Statement is one of numerous instances 
 of slipshod carelessness in this extraordin- 
 ary addition to our theological literature. 
 
 The Bible states that there was a depor- 
 tation in the reign of Jehoiakim : the critic 
 asserts there was none ; and the Christian 
 must decide between them. Nothing can 
 be clearer than the language of Chronicles,^ 
 and, even regarding the book as a purely 
 secular record, it is simply preposterous 
 to reject without a shadow of reason the 
 Chronicler's statement on a matter of such 
 immense interest and importance in the 
 national history. But, it is objected, Kings 
 and Jeremiah are silent upon the subject. 
 If this were true, which it is not, it 
 would be an additional reason for turning 
 to Chronicles to supply the omission. But 
 Kings gives clear corroboration of Chron- 
 icles. Speaking of Jehoiakim, it says : "In 
 his days Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, 
 came up, and Jehoiakim became his servant 
 
 ^ 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6. 
 
 ^ 
 
l6 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 three years ; then he turned and rebelled 
 against him." ^ Daniel^ tells us this was 
 in his third year, and that Jerusalem 
 was besieged upon the occasion. This 
 difficulty again springs from the habit of 
 " reading into " Scripture more than it says. 
 There is not a word about a taking by 
 storm. The king was a mere puppet, and 
 presumably he made his submission as soon as 
 the city was invested. Nebuchadnezzar took 
 him prisoner, but afterwards relented, and left 
 him in Jerusalem as his vassal, a position he 
 had till then held under the King of Egypt. 
 
 But Dr Farrar's statements here are 
 worthy of fuller notice, so thoroughly typ- 
 ical are they of his style and methods. 
 For three years Jehoiakim was Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's vassal. This is admitted, and Scrip- 
 ture accounts for it by recording a Baby- 
 lonian invasion in his third year. But says 
 the critic — 
 
 " It was not till the following year, when Ne- 
 ^ 2 Kings xxiv. i. ^ C. i. i. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 1/ 
 
 buchadrezzar, acting as his father's general, had 
 defeated Egypt at the battle of Carchemish, that 
 any siege of Jerusalem would have been possible. 
 Nor did Nebuchadrezzar advance against the Holy 
 City even after the battle of Carchemish, but dashed 
 home across the desert to secure the crown of Baby- 
 lon on hearing the news of his father's death." 
 
 The idea of dashing across the desert from 
 Carchemish to Babylon is worthy of a board- 
 school essay ! The critic is here adopting 
 the record of the Babylonian historian 
 Berosus, in complete unconsciousness of the 
 significance of his testimony. We learn 
 from Berosus that it was as Prince - royal 
 of Babylon, at the head of his father's army, 
 that Nebuchadnezzar invaded Palestine. And, 
 after recording how in the course of that 
 expedition Nebuchadnezzar heard of his 
 father's death, the historian goes on to 
 relate that he " committed the captives he 
 had taken fro7n the JewSy' &c., to the charge 
 of others, ''while he went in haste over the 
 desert to Babylon." ^ Could corroboration of 
 
 ^ Josephus, Contra Apton, i. 19. 
 B 
 
l8 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 Scripture be more complete and emphatic ? 
 The fact that he had Jewish captives is 
 evidence that he had invaded Judea. Proof 
 of it is afforded by the further fact that the 
 desert lay between him and Babylon. Car- 
 chemish was in the far north by the Eu- 
 phrates, and the road thence to the Chaldean 
 capital lay clear of the desert altogether. 
 Moreover, the battle of Carchemish was 
 fought in Jehoiakim's fourth year, and 
 therefore after Nebuchadnezzar's accession ; 
 whereas the invasion of Judea was during 
 Nabopolassar's lifetime, and therefore in Je- 
 hoiakim's third year, precisely as the Book 
 of Daniel avers. ^ 
 
 It only remains to add that Scripture no- 
 where speaks of a general " deportation " in 
 the third year of Jehoiakim. Here, as 
 
 ^ The question of course arises how this battle should have 
 been fought after the successful campaign of the preceding 
 year. There are plausible explanations of this, but I offer 
 none. Scripture has suffered grievously from the eagerness 
 of its defenders to put forward hypotheses to explain seeming 
 difficulties. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 19 
 
 elsewhere, the critic attributes his own errors 
 to the Bible, and then proceeds to refute 
 them. The narrative is explicit that on 
 this occasion Nebuchadnezzar returned with 
 no captives save a few cadets of the royal 
 house and of the noble families. But Dr 
 Farrar writes : " Among the captives were 
 certain of the king's seed and of the princes." 
 Nor is this all : he goes on to say, " They 
 are called 'children/ and the word, together 
 with the context, seems to imply that they 
 were boys of the age of from twelve to four- 
 teen." What Daniel says is that these, the 
 only captives, were " skilful in all wisdom, 
 and cunning in knowledge, and understand- 
 ing science." What prodigies those Jewish 
 boys must have been ! The word trans- 
 lated " children " in the A. V. is more cor- 
 rectly rendered "youths" in the R.V. Its 
 scope may be inferred from the use of it in 
 I Kings xii. 8, which tells us that Reho- 
 boam ''forsook the counsel of the old men, 
 and took counsel with the young men that 
 
20 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 were grown up with him." This last point 
 is material mainly as showing the animus 
 of the critic.^ 
 
 But the Scripture speaks of King Nebu- 
 chadnezzar in the third year of Jehoiakim, 
 whereas it was not till his fourth year that 
 Nabopolassar died. No doubt. And a 
 writer of Maccabean days, with the history 
 of Berosus before him, would probably have 
 noticed the point. But the so-called in- 
 accuracy is precisely one of the incidental 
 proofs that the Book of Daniel was the work 
 of a contemporary of Nebuchadnezzar. The 
 historian of the future will never assert that 
 Queen Victoria lived at one time in Ken- 
 sington Palace, though the statement will 
 be found in the newspapers which recorded 
 
 ^ The only reason for representing Daniel as a mere boy 
 of twelve or fourteen is that thereby discredit is cast upon 
 the statement that three years later he was placed at the 
 head of "the wise men" of Babylon. It is with a real sense 
 of distress and pain that I find myself compelled to use such 
 language. But it would need a volume to expose the errors, 
 misstatements, and perversions of which the above are typi- 
 cal instances. They occur in every chapter of Dr Farrar's 
 book. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 21 
 
 the unveiling of her statue in Kensington 
 Gardens. 
 
 The references to Jeremiah raise the ques- 
 tion whether the book records the utterances 
 of an inspired prophet, or whether, as Dr 
 Farrar's criticisms assume, the author of the 
 book wrote merely as a religious teacher.^ 
 This question, however, is too large to treat 
 of here, and the discussion of it is wholly un- 
 necessary, for the careful student will find in 
 Jeremiah the clearest proof that Scripture is 
 right and the critics wrong. The objection 
 depends on confounding the seventy years 
 of the " Servitude to Babylon " with the 
 seventy years of ''the Desolations of Jeru- 
 salem " — another of the numerous blunders 
 which discredit the work under review.^ 
 ''The Captivity," which is confounded with 
 both, was not an era of seventy years at all. 
 The prophecy of the twenty-fifth chapter of 
 Jeremiah was a warning addressed to the 
 
 1 The careful reader of Dr Farrar's book will not fail to 
 see that his references to the prophets generally imply a 
 denial of the truth of i Pet. i. 20, 21. 
 
 2 P. 289. 
 
22 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 people who remained in the land after the 
 servitude had begun, that if they continued 
 impenitent and rebellious, God would bring 
 upon them a further judgment — the terrible 
 scourge of *'the Desolations." The proph- 
 ecy of the twenty-ninth chapter was a mes- 
 sage of hope to the Jews of the Captivity. 
 And what was that message? That *' after 
 seventy years be accomplished for Babylon, I 
 will visit you, and perform my good word 
 toward you, in causing you to return to this 
 place." ^ And that promise was faithfully 
 fulfilled. The servitude began in the third 
 year of Jehoiakim (b.c. 606-605). It ended 
 in B.C. 536, when Cyrus issued his decree 
 for the return of the exiles. By the test 
 of chronology, therefore — the severest test 
 which can be applied to historical state- 
 ments — the absolute accuracy of these Scrip- 
 tures is established. 
 
 ^ Jer. xxix. lo, R.V. The word is "/<?r [not at] Babylon." 
 This seventy years dated not from their deportation to Baby- 
 lon as captives, but from their subjection to the suzerainty of 
 Babylon. 
 
23 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The careful student in search of what sober 
 and serious scholarship has to urge against 
 the authenticity of Daniel will turn to such a 
 work as Professor Driver's Introduction to 
 the Literature of the Old Testament. And 
 he will there learn that " it may be admitted 
 as probable that Belsharuzar held command 
 for his father in Babylon while the latter took 
 the field against Cyrus." And further, that 
 " there remains the possibility that Nabuna- 
 hid may have sought to strengthen his posi- 
 tion by marrying a daughter of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, in which case the latter might be 
 spoken of as Belshazzar's father ( = grand- 
 father, by Hebrew usage)." So also the 
 
24 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 author of the Ancient Monarchies, our best 
 historical authority here, tells us that Na- 
 bonidus (Nabunahid) '* had associated with 
 him in the government his son Belshazzar or 
 Bel - shar - uzur, the grandson of the great 
 Nebuchadnezzar," and *' in his father's ab- 
 sence Belshazzar took the direction of affairs 
 within the city."^ The only question, there- 
 fore, is whether Belshazzar being thus left 
 as regent at Babylon, when his father was 
 absent at Borsippa in command of the army, 
 he would be addressed as king. But Dr 
 Farrar settles the matter by asserting that 
 " there was no King Belshazzar," and that 
 Belshazzar was " conquered in Borsippa." ^ 
 This last statement is a mere blunder. 
 
 The accuracy of Daniel in this matter is 
 confirmed in a manner which is all the more 
 striking because it is wholly incidental. Why 
 did Belshazzar purpose to make Daniel the 
 third ruler in the kingdom ? The natural 
 explanation is, that he himself was \y\i\. second. 
 
 ^ Rawlinson's Ancient Mon.^ vol. iii. p. 70. ^ p^ ^^^ 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 25 
 
 '' Unhappily for their very precarious hypo- 
 thesis," Dr Farrar remarks, '' the translation 
 ' third ruler' appears to be entirely untenable. 
 It means 'one of a board of three.' "^ As 
 a test of the author's erudition and candour, 
 this deserves particular notice. Every scholar, 
 of course, is aware that there is not a word 
 about a '' board of three " in the text. This 
 is exegesis, not translation. But is it correct 
 exegesis ? 
 
 Under the Persian rule there was a cabinet 
 of three, as the sixth chapter tells us ; but 
 there is no authority whatever for supposing 
 such a body existed under the empire which 
 it supplanted. As regards chapter v., it will 
 satisfy most people to know that the render- 
 ing which Dr Farrar declares to be " entirely 
 untenable " has been adopted by the Old Tes- 
 tament company of revisers. And I have 
 been at the pains to ascertain that the pas- 
 sage was carefully considered, that they had 
 no difficulty in deciding in favour of the read- 
 
 ^ P. 57. 
 
26 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 
 
 ing of the A.V., and that it was not until 
 their final revision that the alternative ren- 
 dering **one of three" was admitted into 
 the margin. In the distinguished Professor 
 Kautzsch's recent work on the Old Testa- 
 ment, ^ representing the latest and best Ger- 
 man scholarship, he adheres to the rendering 
 "third ruler in the kingdom," and his note is, 
 " either as one of three over the whole king- 
 dom, or as third by the side of the king and 
 the king's mother." Behrmann, too, in his 
 recent commentary, adopts the same reading 
 — " as third he was to have authority in the 
 kingdom " — and adds a note referring to the 
 king and his mother as first and second.- 
 
 ^ Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments. r 
 
 2 In reply to an inquiry I have addressed to him, the Chief 
 Rabbi writes to me as follows : " I have carefully considered 
 the question you laid before me at our pleasant meeting on 
 Sunday relative to the correct interpretation of the passages 
 in Daniel, chapter v., verses 7 and 16. I cannot absolutely 
 find fault with Archdeacon Farrar for translating the words 
 ' the third part of the kingdom,' as he follows herein two of 
 our Hebrew commentators of great repute, Rashi and Ibn 
 Ezra. On the other hand, others of our commentators, such 
 as Saadia, Jachja, &c., translate this passage as ' he shall be 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 2/ 
 
 This surely will suffice to silence the 
 critic's objection, and to cast suspicion upon 
 his fairness as a controversialist. 
 
 But, we are told, the archaeological dis- 
 coveries of the last few years dispose of 
 the whole question, and compel us entirely 
 to reconstruct the traditional history of the 
 Persian conquest of Babylon. " We now 
 possess the actual records of Nabonldos and 
 Cyrus," Professor Sayce tells us ; and he 
 adds, " They are records the truth of which 
 cannot be doubted."^ What "simple child- / 
 like faith " these good men have in ancient 
 records, Holy Scripture only excepted ! The 
 principal record here In question is '* the 
 
 the third ruler in the kingdom.' This rendering seems to 
 be more strictly in accord with the literal meaning of the 
 words, as shown by Dr Winer in his Grammatik des Chal- 
 daisinus. It also receives confirmation from Sir Henry 
 Rawlinson's remarkable discovery, according to which Bel- 
 shazzar was the eldest son of King Nabonidus, and asso- 
 ciated with him in the government, so that the person next 
 in honour would be the third." 
 
 ^ The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments ^ 
 p. 498. 
 
28 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 Annalistic tablet of Cyrus," an inscription of 
 which the transparent design is to represent 
 his conquest of Babylon as the fulfilment of 
 a divine mission, and the realisation of the 
 wishes of the conquered. And any docu- 
 ment of the kind, whether dated in the sixth 
 century B.C. or the nineteenth century a.d., 
 is open to grave suspicion, and should be 
 received with caution. Even kings may 
 pervert the truth, and State papers may 
 falsify facts ! But even assuming its ac- 
 curacy, it in no way supports the conclusions 
 which are based upon it. No advance will 
 be made towards a solution of these ques- 
 tions until our Christian scholars shake 
 themselves free from the baneful influence 
 of the sceptics, whose blind hostility to Holy 
 Scripture unfits them for dealing with any 
 controversy of the kind. The following is 
 a typical instance of the efifect of the influ- 
 ence I deprecate : — 
 
 "But Belshazzar never became king in his 
 father's place. No mention of him is made at 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 29 
 
 the end of the Annah'stic tablet, and it would 
 therefore appear that he was no longer in com- 
 mand of the Babylonian army when the invasion 
 of Cyrus took place. Owing to the unfortunate 
 lacuna in the middle of the tablet we have no 
 account of what became of him, but since we are 
 told not only of the fate of Nabonidos, but also 
 of the death of his wife, it seems probable that 
 Belshazzar was dead. At any rate, when Cyrus 
 entered Babylonia he had already disappeared 
 from history. Here, then, the account given by 
 the Book of Daniel is at variance with the testi- 
 mony of the Inscriptions. But the contradictions 
 do not end here. The Biblical story implies that 
 Babylon was taken by storm ; at all events it ex- 
 pressly states that ' the king of the Chaldeans was 
 slain.' Nabonidos, the Babylonian king, however, 
 was not slain, and Cyrus entered Babylon ' in 
 peace.' Nor was Belshazzar the son of Nebuchad- 
 rezzar, as we are repeatedly told in the fifth 
 chapter of Daniel." ^ 
 
 ^ The Higher Crit. and the Mon.^ pp. 525, 526. This last 
 point is typical of the inaccuracy and pertinacity of the 
 critics. We are nowhere told in Daniel that Belshazzar was 
 the son of Nebuchadnezzar. We are told that he was so 
 addressed at the Court of Babylon, which is a wholly different 
 matter. He was probably a descendant of the great king, 
 but it is certain that if, rightly or wrongly, he claimed re- 
 
30 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 May I criticise the critic ? Daniel no- 
 where avers that Belshazzar became king in 
 his father's place. On the contrary, it clearly 
 implies that he reigned as his father's vice- 
 roy. Daniel nowhere suggests that he was 
 in command of the Babylonian army. The 
 Annalistic tablet, on the other hand, tells us 
 that Nabonidus was at the head of the army, 
 and that he was at Sippara when the Persian 
 invasion took place, and fled when that town 
 opened its gates to the invaders. To the 
 fact that more than half of the inscription is 
 lost Professor Sayce attributes the absence 
 of all mention of Belshazzar. And yet he 
 goes on to assume, without a shadow of evi- 
 
 lationship with him, no one at his Court would dispute the 
 claim. In a table of Babylonian kings I find mention of 
 a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar who married the father of 
 Nabonidus {Trans. Vict. Inst.., vol. xviii. p. 99). This of 
 course would dispose of the whole difficulty. She, perhaps, 
 was "the king's mother," whose death eight years before 
 was followed by national mourning {AjzriaL Tablet). To 
 trade on the word " son " is a mere quibble, ad captandum 
 vulgus, which has been exposed again and again. (See 
 Pusey's Daniel, p. 405, and Rawlinson's Egypt and Babylon, 
 p. 155.) 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 31 
 
 dence, that he had died before the date of 
 the expedition ; and upon this utterly base- 
 less conjecture he founds the equally baseless 
 assertion that '* Daniel is at variance with 
 the testimony of the Inscriptions"! As a 
 matter of fact, however, the tablet Is not 
 silent about Belshazzar. On the contrary, 
 it expressly refers to him, and records his 
 death. 
 
 But to resume. Daniel nowhere avers that 
 '' Babylon was taken by storm." Neither Is 
 it said, ''the king of the Chaldeans was 
 slain"; the words are explicit that ''Bel- 
 shazzar, the Chaldean king, was slain." 
 How his death was brought about we are 
 not told. He may have fallen in repelling 
 an assault upon the palace, or his death 
 may have been caused In furtherance of the 
 priestly conspiracy in favour of Cyrus, or 
 the ''wise men" may have compassed it In 
 revenge for the preferment of Daniel. 
 
 All this is mere conjecture. Scripture 
 merely tells us that he was slain, and that 
 
32 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 Darius the Mede, aged about sixty - two, 
 ** received the kingdom." The same word 
 occurs again in ii. 6 ("Ye shall receive of 
 me gifts," &c.), and in vii. i8 (''The saints 
 of the Most High shall receive the kingdom"). 
 No word could more fitly describe the en- 
 thronement of a vassal king or viceroy. No 
 language could be more apt to record a 
 peaceful change of dynasty, such as, accord- 
 ing to some of the students of the inscrip- 
 tions, took place when Nabonldus lost the 
 throne. 
 
 But this is not all ; and the sequel may 
 well excite the readers astonishment. Not 
 only are we asked to draw inferences from 
 the silence of this document, though we pos- 
 sess but mutilated fragments of it, and, for 
 aught we know, the lost portions may have 
 contained matter to refute these very infer- 
 ences. But further, accepting the contents 
 of the fragments which remain, the allegation 
 that they contradict the Book of Daniel has 
 no better foundation than Professor Sayce's 
 
■ DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 33 
 
 more than doubtful reading of them ; and 
 if we appeal to a more trustworthy guide, we 
 shall find that, so far from being inconsistent 
 with the sacred narrative, they afford striking 
 confirmation of its truth. 
 
 According to this tablet, '' Sippara was 
 taken without fighting, and Nabonidus fled." 
 This was on the 14th day of Tammuz (June 
 — July); and on the i6th, '' Gobryas and 
 the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon with- 
 out fighting." On the 3d day of Marchesvan 
 (October — November) Cyrus himself arrived. 
 Following this comes the significant state- 
 ment that '' ^Ae son of the king died!' Then 
 follows the mention of the national mourning 
 which lasted for a week, beginning the 27th 
 day of Adar (February — March), and of the 
 State burial conducted by Cambyses, the 
 son of Cyrus, in person. But instead of ''the 
 son of the king," Professor Sayce here reads 
 ''the wife of the king," and upon this gloss 
 rests the entire superstructure of his attack 
 upon the accuracy of Daniel. This reading, 
 
 c 
 
34 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 however, is declared upon high authority to 
 be wholly mistaken.^ 
 
 Nor is- this all. The main statements in 
 the tablet may reasonably be accepted. We 
 may assume that the Persian troops entered 
 Sippara on the 14th Tammuz, and reached 
 Babylon on the i6th. But the assertion that 
 in both cases the entry was peaceful will of 
 course be received with reserve. Professor 
 Sayce, however, would have us believe it all 
 implicitly ; and he goes on to assert that 
 Cyrus was King of Babylon from the 14th 
 Tammuz, and therefore that Daniel's men- 
 tion of the death of Belshazzar and the 
 accession of Darius the Mede is purely 
 mythical. He dismisses to a footnote the 
 awkward fact that we have commercial 
 tablets dated in the reign of Nabonidus 
 throughout the year, and even after the 
 arrival of Cyrus himself; and his gloss upon 
 this fact is that it gives further proof that 
 the change of dynasty was a peaceful one ! 
 
 1 See Appendix, Note III. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 35 
 
 It gives proof clear and conclusive that 
 during this period Nabonidus was still recog- 
 nised as king, and therefore that Cyrus was 
 not yet master of the city. As a matter of 
 fact we have not a single " Cyrus " tablet in 
 this year dated from Babylon. All, with one 
 exception, the source of which is not known, 
 were made in Sippara.^ 
 
 But who was this personage whose death 
 was the occasion of a great national mourn- 
 ing and a State funeral ? The context shows 
 clearly that "the king" referred to was not 
 Cyrus. It can have been no other than 
 Nabonidus ; and as " the king's son " so 
 frequently mentioned in the earlier frag- 
 ments of the inscription and in the con- 
 tract tablets is admittedly Belshazzar,^ there 
 is no reason whatever to doubt that he 
 it is whose death and obsequies are here 
 recorded. 
 
 What, then, does all this lead us to ? The 
 careful and impartial historian, repudiating 
 
 1 See Appendix, Note III. ^ Sayce, p. 525. 
 
36 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 the iconoclastic zeal of the controversialist, 
 will set himself to consider how these facts 
 can be harmonised with other records sacred 
 and profane, and the task will not prove a 
 difficult one. Accepting the fact that at the 
 time of the Persian invasion Nabonidus was 
 absent from Babylon, he will be prepared to 
 find that " the king's son " held command in 
 the capital as viceroy. Accepting the fact 
 that the Persian army entered Babylon in 
 the month Tammuz, and that Cyrus arrived 
 four months later, but yet that Nabonidus was 
 still recognised as king, he will explain the 
 seeming paradox by inferring that the in- 
 vaders were in possession only of a part of 
 the vast city of Nebuchadnezzar, and that 
 Belshazzar, surrounded by his Court and 
 the wealthy classes of the community, still 
 refused to yield. Accepting the fact that 
 Cyrus desired to represent his conquest as a 
 bloodless one, he will be prepared to assume 
 that force was resorted to only after a long 
 delay and when peaceful diplomacy was ex- 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. -i^J 
 
 hausted. And he will not be surprised to 
 find that when at last, either in an attack 
 upon the palace, or by some act of treachery 
 in furtherance of the cause of the invaders, 
 *' Belshazzar, the King of the Chaldeans, was 
 slain," the fact was veiled by the euphem- 
 istic announcement that ''the king's son 
 died." 1 
 
 But while the record is thus shown to be 
 entirely consistent with Daniel, so far as the 
 mention of Belshazzar is concerned, what 
 room does it leave for Darius the Mede ? 
 The answer is that the inscription fails us at 
 this precise point. " The rest of the text is 
 destroyed, but the fragments of it which re- 
 
 ^ When the fall of the Empire scattered the Secret Service 
 staff of the French Prefecture of Police many strange things 
 came to my knowledge. I then learned "that Count D'Orsay's 
 death was caused by a pistol-bullet aimed at the Emperor, 
 with whom he was walking arm-in-arm. But it was publicly 
 announced, and universally believed, that he died of a car- 
 buncle in the back. If even in these days of newspapers 
 facts can be thus disguised for reasons of State, who will 
 pretend that the circumstances of Belshazzar's death may not 
 have been thus concealed in Chaldea twenty-five centuries 
 ago? 
 
38 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 main Indicate that it described the various 
 attempts made by Cyrus and his son 
 Kambyses, after the overthrow of Nabonidos, 
 to settle the affairs of Babylonia and con- 
 ciliate the priesthood." Such is Professor 
 Sayce's own testimony.^ In a word, it is 
 doubtful whether the tablet mentions Darius 
 or not ; but it is certain that any such 
 mention would be purely incidental, and 
 wholly outside the purpose with which the 
 inscription was framed. While its men- 
 tion of him, therefore, would be conclusive, 
 its silence respecting him would prove 
 nothing. 
 
 Nor will the omission of his name from 
 the commercial tablets decide the matter 
 either way. If, as Daniel indicates, Darius 
 was but a viceroy or vassal king, his 
 suzerain's name would, in the ordinary 
 course, be used for this purpose, just as the 
 name of Nabonidus was used during the 
 regency of Belshazzar. 
 
 . ^ P- 503. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 39 
 
 But who was this Darius ? Various 
 hypotheses are maintained by scholars of 
 eminence. By some he is identified with 
 Gobryas, and this suggestion commends 
 itself on many grounds. Others, again, fol- 
 low the view adopted by Josephus, accord- 
 ing to which Darius was ** the son and 
 successor of Astyages " — namely, Cyaxares 
 II. Xenophon is the only authority for 
 the existence of such a king, but his testi- 
 mony has been rejected too lightly on the 
 plea that his Cyropcsdia is but a romance. 
 The writers of historical romances, how- 
 ever, do not invent kings. Yet another 
 suggestion remains, that Darius was the 
 personal name of " Astyages," the last king 
 of the Medes. '' This," says Bishop West- 
 cott, ''appears to satisfy all the conditions 
 of the problem." ^ 
 
 I refuse to commit myself to any one of 
 
 1 Smith's Bible Dictionary^ ist ed., art. "Darius." Dr 
 Westcott adds : " The name Astyages was national and not 
 personal, and Ahasuerus represents the name Cyaxares 
 borne by the father of Astyages." 
 
40 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 these rival hypotheses. My task is merely 
 to show that the question is still open, and 
 that the grounds on which it is now sought 
 to prove it closed are such as would satisfy 
 no one who is competent to form an opinion 
 upon the evidence. Though Professor Driver 
 here remarks that " there seems to be no 
 room for such a ruler," he is careful to add 
 that the circumstances are not inconsistent 
 with either his existence or his office, "and 
 a cautious criticism will not build too much 
 on the silence of the inscriptions, where 
 many certainly remain yet to be brought to 
 light." 1 
 
 The identity of Darius the Mede is one of 
 the most interesting problems in the Daniel 
 controversy, but it is a problem which still 
 awaits solution. The critics do not dispose 
 of it by declaring the Book of Daniel to 
 be a ''pseud-epigraph" of Maccabean days. 
 
 1 Tke Introduction, &c., p. 469. In the Addenda note to 
 the 3d ed., Professor Driver seeks to quahfy this, misled by 
 Professor Sayce's argument. But see pp. 32-38 aiite. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 41 
 
 Accepting that hypothesis for the sake of 
 argument, the mention of Darius remains 
 to be accounted for. Some writers reject it 
 as ''pure fiction"; others denounce it as a 
 "sheer blunder." Though these are wholly 
 inconsistent hypotheses, Dr Farrar, 7nore suo, 
 adopts both. Both, however, are alike un- 
 tenable ; and the *' avowed fiction " theory 
 may be dismissed as unworthy of notice. 
 The writer would have had no possible 
 motive for Inventing a '* Darius," for the 
 events of Daniel vl. might just as well 
 have been assigned to some other reign, 
 and a figment of the kind would have 
 marred his book. The suggestion Is pre- 
 posterous. 
 
 And ex hypothesi, the author must have 
 been a man of extraordinary genius and of 
 great erudition. He would have had before 
 him historical records now lost, such as the 
 history of Berosus. He would have had 
 access to the authorities upon which the 
 book of the Antiquities is based ; for the 
 
42 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 Student of Josephus cannot fail to see that 
 his history is partly derived from sources 
 other than the Book of Daniel. And be- 
 sides all this, he would have had the Book 
 of Ezra, which records how Darius the 
 Persian issued an edict to give effect to 
 the decree of Cyrus for the rebuilding of 
 the Temple, and also the prophecies of 
 Haggai and Zechariah, which bring this 
 fact into still greater prominence. It may 
 safely be averred, therefore, that no intel- 
 ligent schoolboy, no devout peasant, in all 
 Judah could have been guilty of a blunder 
 so gross and stupid as that which is attri- 
 buted to this "holy and gifted Jew," the 
 author of the most famous and successful 
 literary fraud the world has ever seen ! 
 The "sheer blunder" theory may be re- 
 jected as sheer nonsense. 
 
 Accepting, then, for the sake of argument, 
 the pseud -epigraph theory of Daniel, the 
 book gives proof of a definite and well- 
 established historical tradition that when 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 43 
 
 Cyrus conquered Babylon, *' Darius the 
 Mede received the kingdom." How, then, 
 IS that tradition to be accounted for ? The 
 question demands an answer, but the critics 
 have none to offer. 
 
44 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 '' The philological peculiarities of the book " 
 constitute the next ground of the critic's at- 
 tack on Daniel. ''The Hebrew" (he declares) 
 '* Is pronounced by the majority of experts to 
 be of a later character than the time assumed 
 for it." The Aramaic also is marked by 
 Idioms of a later period, familiar to the Pal- 
 estinian Jews.^ And not only are Persian 
 words employed in the book, but it con- 
 tains certain Greek words, which, It Is said, 
 could not have been in use in Babylon dur- 
 ing the exile. 
 
 ^ The opening passage of Daniel, from c. i. i to c. ii. 3, 
 is written in the sacred Hebrew, and this is resumed at c. 
 viii. I and continued to the end. The intervening portion, 
 from c. ii. 4 to the end of c. vii., is written in Chaldee or 
 Aramaic. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 45 
 
 Here is Professor Driver's summary of the 
 argument under this head : — 
 
 " The verdict of the language of Daniel is thus 
 clear. The Persian words presuppose a period after 
 the Persian Empire had been well established : the 
 Greek words demand^ the Hebrew supports^ and the 
 Aramaic/^r;/^2Vj-, adate after the conquest of Pales- 
 tine by Alexander the Great (B.C. 332). With our 
 present knowledge, this is as much as the language 
 authorises us definitely to affirm."^ 
 
 Now, the strength of this case depends on 
 the point last stated. Any number of argu- 
 mentative presumptions may be rebutted by- 
 opposing evidence ; but here, it is alleged, 
 we have proof which admits of no answer : 
 the Greek words in Daniel demand a date 
 which destroys the authenticity of the book. 
 Will the reader believe it, that the only foun- 
 dation for this is the presence of two words 
 which are alleo:ed to be Greek ! Dr Farrar 
 insists on three, but one of these (kitharos) is 
 practically given up. 
 
 The story was lately told that at a church 
 
 ^ The Introduction^ p. 476. 
 
46 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 bazaar in Lincoln, held under Episcopal 
 patronage, the alarm was given that a thief 
 was at work, and two of the visitors had 
 lost their purses. In the excitement which 
 followed, the stolen purses, emptied of 
 course of their contents, were found in the 
 bishop's pocket. The higher criticism would 
 have handed him over to the police ! Do 
 the critics understand the very rudiments of 
 the science of weighing evidence ? The 
 presence of the stolen purses did not 'de- 
 mand " the conviction of the bishop. Neither 
 should the presence of the Greek words de- 
 cide the fate of Daniel. There was no doubt, 
 moreover, as to the identity of the purses, 
 while Dr Pusey and others dispute the deri- 
 vation of the words. But in the one case as 
 in the other the question would remain, How 
 did they come to be where they were found ? 
 The Talmud declares that, in common 
 with some other parts of the canon, Daniel 
 was edited by the men of the Great Syna- 
 gogue — a college which is supposed to have 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 47 
 
 been founded by Nehemiah, and which con- 
 tinued until it gave place to the Great San- 
 hedrim. May not this be the explanation of 
 all these philological difficulties ? This is not 
 to have recourse to a baseless conjecture in 
 order to evade well-founded objections : it is 
 merely to give due weight to an authorita- 
 tive tradition, the very existence of which is 
 prima facie proof of its truth. The attempt 
 to explain in this way difficulties of another 
 kind is to force the hypothesis unduly. But 
 assuming — what there is no reason whatever 
 to doubt — that such a revision took place, 
 surely we should expect to find that familiar 
 idioms would be substituted for others that 
 were deemed archaic, that familiar words 
 would be substituted for terms which then 
 seemed strange or uncouth to the Jews of 
 Palestine, and that names like Nebuchad- 
 rezzar^ would be altered to suit the then 
 
 ^ As regards this name, it is hard to repress a feeling of 
 indignation against the dishonesty of the critics. They 
 plainly imply that the spelling " Nebuchad;zezzar" is pecu- 
 liar to Daniel. The fact is that the name occurs in nine of 
 
48 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 received orthography. And the " immense 
 anachronism," if such it were, of using the 
 word " Chaldeans " as synonymous with the 
 caste of wise men is thus simply and fully 
 explained. 
 
 It may be added that in view of recent 
 discoveries no competent scholar would 
 now reproduce without reserve the argu- 
 ment based on the presence of foreign 
 words in the book. The fact is, the evolu- 
 tion theory has thrown its shadow across 
 this controversy. The extraordinary conceit 
 which marks our much -vaunted age has 
 hitherto led us to assume that, in what has 
 been regarded as a prehistoric period, men 
 were slowly emerging from barbarism, that 
 written records were wanting, and that there 
 was no interchange among nations in the 
 
 the books of the Old Testament, and in all of them, with the 
 single exception of Ezekiel, it appears in this form. In Jere- 
 miah it is spelt in both ways, proving clearly that the now 
 received orthography was in use when the Book of Daniel 
 was written, or else that the spelling of the name throughout 
 the sacred books is entirely a matter of editing. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 49 
 
 sphere either of scholarship or of trade. It 
 is now known, however, that at even a far 
 earlier period the nations bordering upon the 
 Mediterranean possessed a literature and en- 
 joyed a civilisation of no mean excellence. 
 Merchants and philosophers travelled freely 
 from land to land,^ carrying with them their 
 wares and their learning ; and to appeal 
 to the Greek words in Daniel as proof 
 that the book was written after the date of 
 Alexanders conquests, no longer savours of ^ 
 ^scholarship. According to Professor Sayce, 
 " there were Greek colonies on the coast 
 of Palestine in the time of Hezekiah" — a 
 century before Daniel was born; *'and they 
 
 ^ May not all that is truest and best in Buddhism be thus 
 traced to the great prophet-prince of the exile ? Gautama 
 was a contemporary of Daniel. And when he set out upon 
 his long pilgrimage in search of truth and light, may he 
 not have found his way to Babylon, then the most famous 
 centre both of civilisation and of religion ? And visiting the 1 
 broad-walled city, he could not fail to come under the in- 
 fluence of Daniel. Daniel was born about B.C. 624 ; and, 
 according to Sir E. Arnold {Light o/Asia, Preface), Gautama \ 
 was bom about B.C. 620. ' 
 
50 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 already enjoyed so much power there that 
 a Greek usurper was made King of Ashdod. 
 The Tel el-Amarna tablets have enabled us 
 to carry back a contract between Greece and 
 Canaan to a still earlier period." ^ Indeed 
 he goes on to indicate the possibility '' that 
 there was intercourse and contact between 
 the Canaanites or Hebrews in Palestine and 
 the Greeks of the -^gean as far back as the 
 age of Moses." 
 
 The Persian words are of still less account. 
 That the Persian language was unknown 
 among the cultured classes in Babylon Is 
 incredible. That it was widely known is 
 suggested by the ease with which the Per- 
 sian rule was accepted. The position which 
 Daniel attained under that rule renders it 
 probable in the extreme that he himself was 
 a Persian scholar. And the date of his clos- 
 ing vision makes it certain that his book was 
 compiled after that rule was established. 
 
 But, it will be answered, the philological 
 
 1 The Higher Criticism a?td the Monu7Jients^ pp. 494, 495. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 51 
 
 argument does not rest upon points like 
 these ; its strength lies in the general char- 
 acter of the language in which the book 
 is written. The question here raised, as 
 Dr Farrar justly says, ''involves delicate 
 problems on which an independent and a 
 valuable opinion can only be offered" by 
 scholars of a certain class and very few in 
 number.^ 
 
 But the student will find that their deci- 
 sion is by no means unanimous or clear. 
 And of course their dicta must be considered 
 in connection with evidence of other kinds 
 which it is beyond their province to deal 
 with. Dr Pusey's magnificent work, in which 
 the whole subject is handled with the great- 
 est erudition and care, is not dismissed by 
 others with the contempt which Dr Farrar 
 evinces for a man who is fired by the enthu- 
 siasm of faith in the Bible. In his judgment 
 
 1 Dr Farrar's words are, " by the merest handful of living 
 scholars" (p. 17). How many scholars make a "handful" 
 he does not tell us, and of the two he proceeds to appeal to, 
 one is not living but dead ! 
 
52 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 the Hebrew of Daniel is ''just what one 
 should expect at the age at which he lived." ^ 
 And one of the highest living authorities, who 
 has been quoted in this controversy as favour- 
 ing a late date for the Book of Daniel, writes 
 in reply to an inquiry I have addressed to 
 him : "I am now of opinion that it is a very 
 difficult task to settle the age of any portion 
 of that book from its language. I do not 
 think, therefore, that my name should be 
 quoted any more in the contest." It is Pro- 
 fessor Cheyne's opinion, also, that '' from the 
 Hebrew of the Book of Daniel no important 
 inference as to its date can be safely drawn." ^ 
 And, lastly, appeal may be made to Dr 
 Farrar himself, who remarks with signal 
 fairness, but with strange inconsistency, that 
 ** Perhaps nothing certain can be inferred 
 from the philological examination either of 
 the Hebrew or of the Chaldee portions of 
 the book." ^ And again, still more definitely 
 
 1 Pusey, p. 578. 2 E7tcy. Brit, art. " Daniel," p. 804. 
 
 3 p, 17. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 53 
 
 he declares : " The character of the language 
 proves nothing." ^ This testimony, carrying 
 as it does the exceptional weight which 
 attaches to the admissions of a prejudiced 
 and hostile witness, might be accepted as 
 decisive of the whole question. And the 
 fact being what is here stated, the stress laid 
 on grounds thus admitted to be faulty and 
 inconclusive is proof only of a determina- 
 tion by fair means or foul to discredit the 
 Book of Daniel. 
 
 It may be well, however, to appeal to 
 evidence of a more general character upon 
 this subject. The witness shall be one 
 whose competency Dr Farrar acknowledges, 
 and none will question. And his words 
 have an interest and value far beyond the 
 present controversy, and deserve most care- 
 ful consideration by all who have been 
 stumbled or misled by the arrogant dog- 
 matism of the so-called Higher Critics. The 
 following quotation is from An Essay on the 
 1 P. 89. 
 
54 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 place of Ecclesiasticus in Semitic Literature y 
 by Professor Margoliouth of Oxford :^ — 
 
 " My lamented colleague, Dr Edersheim, and I, 
 naisled by the very late date assigned by eminent 
 scholars to the books of the Bible, had worked 
 under the tacit assumption that the language of 
 Ben - Sira was the language of the Prophets ; 
 whereas in reality he wrote the language of the 
 Rabbis " (p. 6). 
 
 It should be explained that the Proverbs 
 of Jesus the son of Sirach have come down 
 to us only in a Greek translation, but the 
 character of that translation Is such that the 
 reconstruction of the original Hebrew text Is 
 a task within the capacity of competent schol- 
 arship, and a preface to that translation fixes 
 the date of the book as not later than about 
 B.C. 200. But to resume : — 
 
 " If by 200 B.C. the whole Rabbinic farrago, 
 with its terms and phrases and idioms and par- 
 ticles, was developed, . . . then between Ben-Sira 
 and the books of the Old Testament there must lie 
 centuries, nay, there must lie, in most cases, the 
 
 ^ Clarendon Press , 1890. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 55 
 
 deep waters of the captivity, the grave of the old- 
 Hebrew and the old-Israel, and the womb of the 
 new-Hebrew and the new-Israel. If Hebrew, like 
 any other language, has a history, then Isaiah (first 
 or second) must be separated from Ecclesiastes by 
 a gulf; but a yet greater gulf must yawn between 
 Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus, for in the interval 
 a whole dictionary has been invented of philoso- 
 phical terms such as we traced above, of logical 
 phrases, . . . legal expressions, . . . nor have the 
 structure and grammar of the language experi- 
 enced less serious alteration. . . .It may be, if 
 ever Ben-Sira is properly restored, . . . that while 
 some students are engaged in bringing down the 
 date of every chapter in the Bible so late as to 
 leave no room for prophecy and revelation, others 
 will endeavour to find out how early the professedly 
 post-exilian books can be put back, so as to ac- 
 count for the divergence between their awkward 
 middle- Hebrew and the rich and eloquent new- 
 Hebrew of Ben-Sira. However this may be, hypo- 
 theses which place any portion of the classical or 
 old-Hebrew Scriptures between the middle-Hebrew 
 of Nehemiah and the new-Hebrew of Ben-Sira will 
 surely require some reconsideration, or at least 
 have to be harmonised in some way with the history 
 of the language, before they can be unconditionally 
 accepted" (p. 21, 22). 
 
56 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 " The existence of violent errors as to mat- 
 ters with which a contemporary must have 
 been familiar, at once refutes all pretence of 
 historic authenticity in a book professing to 
 have been written by an author in the days 
 and country which he describes."-^ *' By no 
 possibility could the book have been written 
 in the days of the Babylonian exile." ^ Thus 
 it is that Dean Farrar disposes of the Book 
 of Daniel. Such dogmatism, while it will 
 surprise and distress the thoughtful and the 
 well-informed, will no doubt overwhelm the 
 simple folk whom this volume of the Exposi- 
 tor s Bible is presumably intended to en- 
 
 1 Dr Farrar, p. 45. 2 ib.^ p. no. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 57 
 
 lighten. Indeed, the writer betrays through- 
 out his behef that, from Bacon to Pusey, all 
 who have accepted the Book of Daniel as 
 authentic have been wanting either in hon- 
 esty or intelligence. And it suggests that he 
 himself is one of a line of scholars who, as 
 the result of independent inquiry, are agreed 
 in rejecting it. The discovery of the hidden 
 records of the court of Babylon cannot be 
 much longer deferred, and when these shall 
 have been brought to light we shall learn, 
 perchance, on which side the folly lies — that 
 of the believers or of the critics. And while 
 an ignorant public is easily imposed upon by 
 a parade of seeming scholarship, no one who 
 is versed in the Daniel controversy can fail 
 to recognise that fair and independent inquiry 
 is absolutely wanting. Porphyry the Pagan 
 it was who set the ball rolling long ago. 
 After resting for centuries it was again put in 
 motion by the rationalists. And now that 
 the fashion has set towards scepticism, and 
 "Higher Criticism" is supposed to denote 
 
58 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 higher culture, critic follows critic, like sheep 
 through a gap. Here in this last contribution 
 to the controversy the writer falls into line, 
 wholly unconscious that the " violent errors " 
 he pillories have an existence only in the ig- 
 norance of those who denounce them. And 
 we seek In vain for a single page that gives 
 proof of fair and unbiassed inquiry. 
 
 But the critic will tell us that the time for 
 inquiry is past, for the question is no longer 
 open. ** There is no shadow of doubt on 
 the subject left in the minds of such scholars 
 as Driver, Cheyne, Sanday, Bevan, and 
 Robertson Smith." ^ This list of names Is in- 
 tended as a climax to the pretentious periods 
 which precede it, but this grouping together 
 of the living and the dead makes it savour 
 rather of anti-climax. Do these writers mon- 
 opolise the scholarship of England ? or does 
 the list represent only the authorities hos- 
 tile to the Book of Daniel ? Dean Farrar's 
 words, moreover, are a flagrant misrepre- 
 ip. ii8. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 59 
 
 sentation of their views. Those of them 
 who have treated of the subject generally, 
 and not of the philological controversy only, 
 have written with moderation and reserve. 
 And while they deal with what seems to 
 them the evidence now available, they make 
 ample provision for retreat if new discoveries 
 should hereafter establish the authenticity 
 of Daniel. It may seem ungenerous to add 
 that not one of these distinguished men 
 has ever given proof of special fitness for 
 an inquiry so difficult and complex. As 
 for the treatise here under review, every 
 part of it gives proof of absolute unfitness 
 for the task. It is easy to convict an accused 
 person if all ,his witnesses are put out of 
 court and refused a hearing, and his own 
 words and acts are misrepresented and dis- 
 torted. Yet such is the treatment here 
 accorded to the Book of Daniel. Not one 
 of the champions of faith is allowed a hear- 
 ing, and the exegesis offered of the prophetic 
 portions of the book would be denounced 
 
6o DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 as a mere travesty by every intelligent stu- 
 dent of prophecy. In not a few instances, 
 indeed, the transparent error and folly of the 
 critic's scheme will be clear even to the 
 ordinary reader. 
 
 Take the Seventy Weeks as an example. 
 In adopting what he terms " the Antiochian 
 hypothesis " of the sceptics, the critic is 
 confronted by the fact that '' it does not 
 accurately correspond with ascertainable 
 dates." '* It is true," he says, "that from 
 B.C. 588 to B.C. 164 only gives us 424 years, 
 instead of 490 years." But this difficulty 
 he disposes of by declaring that '' precise 
 computation is nowhere prevalent in the 
 sacred books." And he adds, " to such 
 purely mundane and secondary matters as 
 close reckoning of dates the Jewish writers 
 show themselves manifestly indifferent." No 
 statement could well be more unwarrantable. 
 A *' close reckoning of dates " is almost a 
 speciality of "Jewish writers." No other 
 writings can compare with theirs in this 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 6l 
 
 respect. But let us hear what the critic has 
 to urge. 
 
 '' That there were differences of compu- 
 tation," he remarks, *'as regards Jeremiah's 
 seventy years, even in the age of the exile, 
 is sufficiently shown by the different views as 
 to their termination taken by the Chronicler 
 (2 Chron. xxxvi. 22), who fixes It B.C. 536, 
 and by Zechariah (Zech. I. 12), who fixes 
 It about B.C. 519." This is his only appeal 
 to Scripture, and, as I have already shown,^ 
 it Is but an ignorant blunder, arising from 
 confounding the seventy years of the Servi- 
 tude with the seventy years of the Desola- 
 tions. 
 
 Dr Farrar next appeals to '* exactly 
 similar mistakes of reckoning" in Josephus, 
 and he enumerates the following : — 
 
 " I. In his Jewish War (VI. iv. 8) he says that 
 there were 639 years between the second year of 
 Cyrus and the destruction of the Temple by 
 Titus (a.d. 70). Here is an error of more than 
 30 years. 
 
 1 Pp. 21, 22 ante. 
 
62 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 "2. In his Antiquities, (XX. x.) he says that 
 there were 434 years between the return from the 
 captivity (B.C. 536) and the reign of Antiochus 
 Eupator (b.c. 164-162). Here is an error of more 
 than 60 years. 
 
 "3. In Autb.^ XIII. xi. i, he reckons 481 years 
 between the return from" the captivity and the 
 time of Aristobulus (B.C. 105 - 104). Here is an 
 error of some 50 years." 
 
 These ** mistakes" will repay a careful 
 scrutiny. In the passage first cited, Josephus 
 reckons the period between the foundation 
 of the first temple by Solomon and its de- 
 struction by Titus as 1 1 30 years 7 months 
 and 15 days. ''And from the second build- 
 ing of it, which was done by Haggai, in the 
 second year of Cyrus the king," the interval 
 was 639 years and 45 days. This, be it 
 remarked, is given as proof that " precise 
 computation " is now^iere to be looked for 
 in Jewish writers ! The enumeration of the 
 very days, however, renders it certain that 
 Josephus had before him chronological tables 
 of absolute precision. But in computing the 
 
- DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 63 
 
 second era above mentioned, he refers to the 
 prophet Haggai, who, with Zechariah, pro- 
 moted the building of the second temple in 
 the second year of Darius Hystaspis. As 
 this historian speaks elsewhere of Artaxerxes 
 as Cy7^tts} so here he calls Darius by that 
 title. The period, therefore, was (according 
 to our chronology) from B.C. 520 to a.d. 70 — 
 that is, 589 years — that is, about fifty years 
 less than Josephus reckons. In Dr Farrar's 
 third example, this same excess of about fifty 
 years again appears ; and if in his second 
 example we substitute 424 years for the 
 doubtful reading of 434 years, we reach a 
 precisely similar result. 
 
 What are we to conclude from these facts ? 
 Not that the ancient Jews were careless or 
 indifferent in regard to chronology, which 
 would be flagrantly untrue ; but that their 
 chronological tables, though framed with 
 absolute precision, were marked by errors 
 which amounted to an excess of some fifty 
 
 ^Ant, XI. vi. I. 
 
64 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 years in the very period to which the era of 
 the seventy weeks must be assigned. 
 
 Here, then, we have a solution which is 
 definite and adequate of the only serious 
 objection which the critic can urge against 
 the application of this prophecy to Messiah. 
 Of that application Dr Farrar writes : — 
 
 " It is finally discredited by the fact that neither 
 our Lord, nor His apostles, nor any of the earliest 
 Christian .writers, once appealed to the evidence of 
 this prophecy, which, on the principles of Hengsten- 
 berg and Dr Pusey, would have been so decisive ! 
 If such a proof lay ready to their hand — a proof 
 definite and chronological — why should they have 
 deliberately passed it over ? " ^ 
 
 The answer is full and clear, that any such 
 appeal would have been discredited, and any 
 such proof refuted, by reference to what (as 
 Josephus shows us) was the received chron- 
 ology of the age they lived in. But what 
 possible excuse can be made for those who, 
 with the full light that history now throws 
 upon the sacred page, not only reject its 
 1 p. 287. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 6$ 
 
 teaching, but use their utmost ingenuity to 
 darken and distort it ! " From the decree 
 to restore Jerusalem unto the Anointed One 
 (or 'the Messiah'), the Prince" — this, to 
 quote Dr Farrar's own words,^ describes 
 the era here in view. There is no question 
 that the Holy City was restored. There is 
 no question that its restoration was in pur- 
 suance of a decree of Artaxerxes I. The 
 date of that decree is known. From that 
 date unto '* the Messiah, the Prince," was ex- 
 actly the period specified in the prophecy. 
 But Dr Farrar will tell us that the real 
 epoch was not the decree to restore Jeru- 
 salem, but the catastrophe by which Jeru- 
 salem was laid in ruins. ** It is obvious," 
 he says, after enumerating " the views of the 
 Rabbis and Fathers," "that not one of them 
 accords with the allusions of the narrative 
 and prayer, except that which makes the de- 
 struction of the Temple the terminus a quo!' ^ 
 This sort of talk is bad enough with those 
 1 P. 275. 2 Pp. 288, 289. 
 
 E 
 
66 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 who seek to adapt divine prophecy to what 
 they suppose to be the facts it refers to. 
 But the suggestion here is that a holy and 
 gifted Chasid, writing in b.c. 164, with the 
 open page of history before him, described 
 the destruction of Jerusalem as "a decree to 
 restore Jerusalem," and then described a 
 period of 424 years as 490 years ! And at 
 the close of the nineteenth century of the 
 Christian era, these puerilities of the scep- 
 tics are solemnly reproduced by the Dean of 
 Canterbury for the enlightenment of Christian 
 England ! To escape from a difficulty by 
 taking refuge in an absurdity is like commit- 
 ting suicide in order to escape from danger. 
 
 Other writers tell us that the era of the 
 seventy weeks dated from the divine promise 
 recorded in Jeremiah xxix. 10.^ But though 
 
 ^ Mr Bevan says {Com., p. 155) "the ^ word^ [command- 
 ment] is of course " this prophecy. The force of this " of 
 course" is solely that this destroys the Messianic applica- 
 tion of the angel's message ! The term used is one which 
 occurs more than a thousand times in Scripture with many 
 shades of meaning, and in the Book of Esther it is repeatedly 
 used, as here of the decree of a Persian king. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 6/ 
 
 this view is free from the charge of absurdity 
 it will not bear scrutiny. That was not a 
 ** commandment " to build Jerusalem, but 
 merely a promise of future restoration. All 
 these theories, moreover, savour of perverse- 
 ness and casuistry in presence of the fact 
 that Scripture records so definitely the ** com- 
 mandment " in pursuance of which it was in 
 fact rebuilt.^ 
 
 Neither was it without significance that 
 the prophetic period dated from the resto- 
 ration under Nehemiah. The era of the 
 Servitude had ended with the accession of 
 Cyrus, and the seventy years of the Desola- 
 tions had already expired in the second year 
 of Darius. But the Jews were still without 
 
 1 Neh. ii. Nehemiah, on hearing from certain Jews who 
 had returned from Jerusalem that the walls and gates of the 
 city were still in ruins, was so overwhelmed with grief that 
 the king took notice of his distress, and demanded the 
 cause of it. And his appeal was, " That thou wouldst send 
 me to Judah, unto the city of my fathers' sepulchre, that I 
 may build it^ Then follows the record of the royal edict 
 to build Jerusalem, and of the building of it in pursuance of 
 that edict. 
 
68 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 a constitution or a polity. In a word, their 
 condition was then much what it is to-day. 
 It was the decree of the twentieth year of 
 Artaxerxes which restored the national au- 
 tonomy of Judah. The concession may 
 have been an act of policy on his part, the 
 Athenian victory at Cnidos having led to 
 a peace which crippled the power of Persia 
 in Palestine. But the fact, however it be 
 explained, is clear. 
 
 And a precedent which is startling in its 
 definiteness may be found to justify the 
 belief that such an era would not begin while 
 the existence of Judah as a nation was in 
 abeyance. I allude to the 480 years of 
 I Kings vi. i, computed from the Exodus 
 to the Temple. If a little of the time and 
 energy which the critics have expended in 
 denouncing that passage as a forgery or a 
 blunder had been devoted to searching for 
 its hidden meaning, their labours might 
 perchance have been rewarded. That the 
 chronology of the period was correctly 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 69 
 
 known is plain from the thirteenth chapter 
 of the Acts, which enables us to reckon the 
 very same era as 573 years. How then 
 can this seeming era of 93 years be ac- 
 counted for ? It is precisely the sum of the 
 several eras of the servitudes} The inference 
 therefore is clear that "the 480th year" 
 means the 480th year of national life and 
 national responsibilities. And if this prin- 
 ciple applied to an era apparently historical, 
 we may a fortiori be prepared to find that 
 it governs an era which is mystic and 
 prophetic. 
 
 ^ Acts xiii. 18-21 gives 40 years in the wilderness, 450 
 years under the Judges, and 40 years for the reign of Saul. 
 To which must be added the 40 years of David's reign, and 
 the first three years of Solomon, for it was in his fourth year 
 that he began to build the Temple. The servitudes were to 
 Mesopotamia for 8 years, to Moab for 18 years, to Canaan 
 for 20 years, to Media for 7 years, and to the Philistines for 
 40 years. See Judges iii. 8, 14 ; iv. 2, 3 ; vi. i ; xiii. i. The 
 servitude of ch. x. 7, 9, affected only the tribes beyond 
 Jordan, and did not suspend the national existence of Israel. 
 But 8+18 + 20 + 7 + 40 years are precisely equal to 93 
 years. To believe that this is a mere coincidence would / 
 involve an undue strain upon our faith. 1 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Book of Daniel Is rejected because, it is 
 alleged, its predictions end with Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, and proofs are abundant that it 
 was written in the Maccabean age. The 
 question arises, therefore, whether any part 
 of the prophecy relates to a later period, and 
 if so, whether it has received fulfilment with 
 a definiteness which ought to carry convic- 
 tion to the minds of fair and reasonable men. 
 The great central prophecy of the book 
 supplies the answer. This famous predic- 
 tion of 1 th,e_ Seventy Weeks, therefore, 
 demands a fuller notice than has been 
 accorded to it in the preceding chapter. 
 Here Dr Farrar's taunt is all too well 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. /i 
 
 founded respecting the divergence which 
 marks the rival schemes of expositors ; and 
 the effect which the study has had upon 
 his mind has been to lead him to adopt 
 Kuenen's exegesis, which Is perhaps the 
 most preposterous of them all. But let any 
 plain man, Ignoring everything which has 
 been written upon the subject, turn to the 
 passage with a determination to reject all 
 strained or mystical interpretations, and to 
 accept the words in their simple and obvious 
 meaning, and at what results will he arrive ? 
 Here is the text of Dan. ix. 24-27 :^ — 
 
 " Seventy weeks are decreed upon thy people 
 and upon thy holy city to finish transgression and 
 to make an end of sins and to make reconciliation 
 for iniquity and to bring in everlasting righteous- 
 ness and to seal up vision and prophecy and to 
 anoint the most holy Know therefore and discern 
 that from the going forth of the commandment to 
 restore and to build Jerusalem unto the anointed 
 one (or Messiah) the prince shall be seven weeks 
 and threescore and two weeks it shall be built 
 again with street and moat even in troublous times 
 ^ See Appendix, Note I. 
 
72 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 And after the threescore and two weeks shall the 
 anointed one (or Messiah) be cut off and shall 
 have nothing and the people of the prince that 
 shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary 
 and his end shall be with a flood and even unto 
 the end shall be war desolations are determined 
 And he shall make a firm covenant with many for 
 one week and for half the week he shall cause the 
 sacrifice and the oblation to cease^" 
 
 In the midst of much that is full of diffi- 
 culty, certain points here are absolutely 
 clear. The realisation of full Messianic 
 blessing for Daniel's people and city was 
 thus to be deferred till the close of a period 
 described as " seventy weeks." Lesser 
 periods are mentioned of " seven weeks," 
 "sixty-two weeks," and *'one week." But 
 as these together make up '' seventy weeks," 
 they are clearly subdivisions of the main 
 period. The epoch of the era, therefore, 
 was to be the issuing of a decree to rebuild 
 Jerusalem ; and after the close of the middle 
 period (the sixty-two weeks) the Messiah 
 should be cut off. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 73 
 
 Now, it is not questioned that these 
 ''weeks" are sevens of years. It is not 
 questioned that the Holy City was rebuilt 
 — not the Temple, for that is not men- 
 tioned here at all, but the street and moat 
 — i.e., the town and ramparts of Jerusalem. 
 It is not questioned that this restoration 
 was carried out by Nehemiah in pursuance 
 of a decree issued by Artaxerxes Longi- 
 manus in the twentieth year of his reign. 
 And it is not questioned that the reign of 
 Artaxerxes dated from b.c. 464^ Only two 
 possible questions therefore arise, and to 
 these a clear answer can be given : What 
 was the date of the Jewish month Nisan ? 
 and of what kind of year was the prophetic 
 era composed ? 
 
 Though the details of the Jewish calendar 
 in ancient times cannot now be ascertained, 
 the general principles on which it was ar- 
 ranged are definitely known. The New 
 Year was proclaimed at the first appear- 
 ance of the moon at the season of the 
 
74 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 vernal equinox. The date of the new moon 
 in question was (at Jerusalem) yh. 9m. a.m. 
 on the 13th March B.C. 445,^ and the phasis 
 may be reckoned as occurring on the fol- 
 lowing day. The 14th March B.C. 445, 
 therefore, is unmistakably the epoch of the 
 prophetic period. 
 
 That the prophetic year was not the or- 
 dinary year was noticed sixteen centuries 
 ago by Julius Africanus.^ The ancient year 
 of the world was the luni -solar year of 360 
 days, and it is reasonably certain that this 
 was the form of year in use both at Jerusa- 
 lem and Babylon at the time the prophecy 
 was given. It was the year in use in the 
 Noachian age, 150 days being specified as 
 the interval between the 17th day of the 
 second month and the 17th day of the 
 
 1 Owing to the cardinal importance of this date, I have 
 not relied here upon my own calculations. When writing 
 my book on this subject {T/ie Coming Prince)^ I referred the 
 question to the Astronomer-Royal, the late Sir George Airy, 
 and the date here given has his authority. 
 
 2 He fixed upon the lunar year. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 75 
 
 seventh month. Tradition testifies that it 
 was the year which Abraham knew in his 
 Chaldean home, and which was afterwards 
 preserved in his family. And Sir Isaac 
 Newton avers that 
 
 " All nations, before the just length of the solar 
 year was known, reckoned months by the course 
 of the moon, and years by the return of winter 
 and summer, spring and autumn ; and in making 
 calendars for their festivals, they reckoned thirty 
 days to a lunar month, and twelve lunar months 
 to a year, taking the nearest round numbers, 
 whence came the division of the ecliptic into 360 
 degrees." 
 
 And in quoting this statement, Sir G. C. 
 Lewis declares that *'all credible testimony 
 and all antecedent probability lead to the 
 result that a solar year containing twelve 
 lunar months, determined within certain 
 limits of error, has been generally recog- 
 nised by the nations adjoining the Mediter- 
 ranean from a remote antiquity." ^ But this 
 goes no further than to make out a prima 
 
 1 Ast. of the Ancients^ ch. i. § 7. 
 
ye DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 facie case in favour of the luni-solar year. 
 Decisive evidence may be appealed to in 
 support of it. 
 
 First, we have the testimony of the Book 
 of the Revelation, which, referring to the 
 visions of Daniel, twice describes the half 
 of the prophetic week as " forty-two months," 
 and twice as 1260 days. And of course 
 1260 days are equal exactly to three and a 
 half luni-solar years. And the last proof is 
 equally clear and striking. The occasion of 
 Daniel's prayer was the near approach of 
 the close of the era of the Desolations. He 
 "understood by the books the number of 
 the years, whereof the word of the Lord 
 came to Jeremiah the prophet, for the ac- 
 complishing of the Desolations of Jerusa- 
 lem, even seventy years." It is not certain 
 whether this referred to the scrolls of the 
 prophecies of Jeremiah, or to the books of 
 the Law. In neither case, it may be re- 
 marked in passing, is there the least force 
 in the objection of the critics upon this point. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 77 
 
 Here, as in many other instances, they 
 bUndly follow the German sceptics. We 
 are expressly told that the exiles had the 
 "books" of Jeremiah ; and it is simply in- 
 credible that Daniel had not the scrolls of 
 the Law. Professor Bevan indeed assumes 
 this ; and separating himself here from his 
 allies of the critics, suggests that the pas- 
 saofe which Daniel had before him was the 
 warning of Leviticus xxvi., that a sevenfold 
 punishment should be meted out to national 
 sins. But surely to apply this principle 
 chronologically is to strain the words unduly. 
 May I offer an alternative suggestion ? 
 
 It was not until their Holy Temple was 
 dedicated, and the Temple worship estab- 
 lished, that the people entered fully into their 
 national responsibilities. Now one of the 
 most characteristic of those responsibilities 
 was the observance of the Sabbatic years ; 
 and that ordinance — that every seventh year 
 the land was to lie fallow — had been system- 
 atically neglected. The Temple was dedi- 
 
78 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 cated at the Feast of Tabernacles in the 
 eleventh year of King Solomon, which year 
 was therefore the epoch of the cycle of Sab- 
 batic years. And the intervening period be- 
 tween that year and the end of the Deso- 
 lations (b.c. 1005 ^o 520), when reckoned 
 exclusively, was 483 years, or 70 x 7 luni- 
 solar years of 360 days. Here, then, is the 
 explanation why the era of the Desolations 
 was fixed at seventy years ; and it was pre- 
 sumably the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus 
 that Daniel had before him. In the lan- 
 guage of the Chronicler, the Desolations 
 were to continue ''until the land had enjoyed 
 her Sabbaths : for as long as she lay desolate 
 she kept Sabbath, to fulfil threescore and 
 ten years." ^ 
 
 One link only Is wanted to complete this 
 chain of proof. The connection between 
 the seventy weeks of the prophecy and the 
 seventy years of the Desolations is univer- 
 sally admitted: what, then, was the "year" 
 
 ^ 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 79 
 
 of the Desolations ? The era was computed 
 from the beginning of the siege, for from the 
 day on which the invading army invested 
 the city, the land was laid waste, and all 
 agricultural pursuits were suspended. This 
 was on the loth day of the loth month, in 
 the 9th year of Zedekiah ^ (b.c. 589). This, 
 then, was the epoch of the era : can its close 
 be ascertained with equal definiteness ? 
 
 Here a most striking fact claims notice. 
 For sixteen years the execution of the decree 
 of Cyrus for the rebuilding of the Temple 
 was thwarted by the local authorities in 
 Palestine, and it was not till the second year 
 of Darius Hystaspis (b.c. 520) that the work 
 proceeded. In this there was a divine pur- 
 pose, for the judgment of the Desolations 
 still rested upon the land. But in that year 
 the prophets Haggai and Zechariah were 
 inspired to declare that the '' set time " had 
 come. " Consider now," the prophet pro- 
 claimed, ''from this day and upward, from 
 
 1 2 Kings XXV. I ; cf. Ezek. xxiv. i. 
 
8o DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 the four and twentieth day of the ninth 
 month, even from the day that the founda- 
 tion of the Lord's Temple was laid, consider 
 it: . . . from this day zvill I bless you!'^ 
 Now, if I have calculated aright the moon's 
 place for these respective years, the ist 
 Nisan in B.C. 589 was the 15th March, and 
 in B.C. 520 it was the 2d April. ^ Therefore 
 the period from the loth Tebet in the one 
 year to the 24th Kislev in the other was 
 precisely 25,200 days. And 25,200 days 
 make up exactly 70 luni-solar years of 360 
 days. 
 
 To what, then, does all this lead us ? The 
 
 edict for the rebuilding of Jerusalem is to be 
 
 /assigned to the ist Nisan, B.C. 445. From 
 
 (that epoch "unto the Messiah, the Prince," 
 
 1 Hag. i. 1,2; ii. i8, 19 ; and cf. Ezra v. and vi. 
 
 2 I find by calculation that in B.C. 589 the Paschal new 
 moon was on the 14th March at about 5 o'clock p.m., and in 
 B.C. 520 it was on the ist April about noon. The ist Nisan, 
 therefore, was probably on the following day in both cases, 
 as the new year was not proclaimed until the moon had been 
 actually seen by credible witnesses. See Lindo's Jewish 
 Cat., and Clinton's Fasti Rojh., vol. ii. p. 240. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 8l 
 
 was to be sixty-nine sevens of prophetic 
 years. But 483 years of 360 days contain 
 173,880 days; and 173,880, computed from 
 the first day of Nisan in the 20th year of 
 Artaxerxes, ended on the loth day of Nisanj! 
 in the i8th year of Tiberius Caesar — the day 
 when, in fulfilment of this, and of Zechariah's 
 prophecy, our Lord made His first and only 
 public entry into Jerusalem. 
 
 The well-known words, so exquisite in 
 their solemn pathos, may fitly be repeated 
 here: "And when He was come near. He 
 beheld the city, and wept over it, saying. If 
 thou hadst known in this day, even thou, the 
 things which belong to thy peace ! but now 
 they are hid from thine eyes." ^ '* Despised 
 and rejected" He had been during all the 
 days of His sojourn among them, but that 
 
 1 Luke xix. 41, 42. See R.V. and Alford's Greek Testament, 
 in loco. Also cf. Zech. ix. 9. According to Luke iii. i, the 
 beginning of our Lord's ministry was in the fifteenth year of 
 Tiberius. No date in history is more definitely fixed, and 
 the date of the crucifixion is thus clearly marked as falling 
 in his eighteenth year. See Appendix, Note II. 
 
 F 
 
82 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 was the destined day on which their decision 
 was to be irrevocable and their doom was to 
 be sealed. 
 
 As the elucidation of this great prophecy 
 of the Seventy Weeks is my personal contri- 
 bution to the controversy about the Book of 
 Daniel, I may be pardoned if even at the 
 cost of repetition I emphasise still further 
 this conclusion. The ''seventy weeks" of 
 the twenty-fourth verse of the ninth chapter 
 of Daniel are seven times the seventy years 
 of ''the desolations of Jerusalem" mentioned 
 in the second verse. As this Is universally 
 admitted, it needs no proof That term of 
 seventy years was a divine judgment upon 
 the holy city and land. The epoch of it is 
 definitely recorded in Scripture, and I may 
 add that for five-and-twenty centuries, and 
 down to the present time, upon the anni- 
 versary of that day "the fast of Tebet" has 
 been observed by the Jews in every land. 
 And the terminus ad quern of the period is 
 specified with equal definiteness and em- 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 83 
 
 phasis, for the years were measured out with 
 all the precision of a judicial sentence. The 
 intelligent reader, therefore, can ascertain for 
 himself that, as the era of the neglected 
 ** Sabbaths " was measured in years of 360 
 days, so also the duration of the judgment 
 imposed for that neglect was exactly, and to 
 the very day, seventy luni-solar years of 360 
 days. And with the plain and simple clew 
 thus obtained he can solve for himself the 
 hitherto unsolved problem of the " seventy 
 weeks." Four hundred and eighty -three 
 (69 X 7) similar years measured from the 
 twentieth year of Artaxerxes, when the 
 *' commandment " to build Jerusalem was 
 given, ended, not vaguely and with a margin 
 of error, but precisely and to the very day, 
 upon that Sunday in Passion Week when, 
 for the first and only time in His ministry 
 on earth, our Lord caused His Messiahship 
 to be openly proclaimed.^ 
 
 ^ From the ist Nisan B.C. 445 to the 6th April A.D. 32 was 
 476 years + 24 days =173,880 days, and 69x7 years of 360 
 
84 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 The logic of this is inexorable. Either 
 the result is an accidental coincidence, or 
 else it is an overwhelming proof that the 
 visions of Daniel were a divine revelation. 
 A coincidence ! Suppose some one averred 
 that the distance between St Martin's -le- 
 Grand and the post-office at Leamington or 
 Gloucester was 173,880 yards, and this were 
 proved to be accurately correct : what would 
 be thought of a man who objected that the 
 result was '*an accidental coincidence"? 
 *' Credulity of the incredulous!" we might 
 well exclaim. 
 
 It is for the reader to judge whether this 
 is an instance of " the acervation of endless 
 conjectures," or a legitimate appeal to plain 
 facts and the positive statements of Scripture. 
 
 days = precisely 173,880 days. It would be quite impossible 
 within the limits of these pages to deal with the seventieth 
 week of the prophecy, or to discuss the many incidental 
 questions here involved. Elsewhere I have dealt exhaus- 
 tively with the whole subject, and have answered every diffi- 
 culty and objection which can be urged against the scheme. 
 See Appendix, Note II. 
 
85 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The critics claim a competency to judge 
 whether this portion or that of the canon 
 of Scripture be divinely inspired, and in the 
 exercise of this faculty they have decided 
 that certain passages of Daniel give proof 
 that the book could not have a divine sanc- 
 tion. Their dicta on this subject will have 
 weight with us just in proportion to our 
 ignorance of Scripture. The opening chap- 
 ters of the book which follows Daniel in the 
 canon present far greater difficulties in this 
 respect, and yet the prophetic character of 
 Hosea is unquestionable. Other Scriptures 
 also might be cited to point the same moral ; 
 but as these pretensions of the critics are 
 
86 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 not accepted by Christians generally, the 
 matter need not be further discussed. 
 
 Still more summarily we may dismiss 
 Dean Farrar's argument from the absence 
 of references to Daniel in the apocryphal 
 literature of the Jews. Indeed he himself 
 supplies the answer to it, for when he ap- 
 proaches the subject from another standpoint 
 he emphasises the influence which the book 
 exercised upon that very literature.^ And 
 as for the silence of Jesus the son of Sirach, 
 the argument only serves to indicate the 
 dearth of weightier proofs. The reader 
 can turn to the passage referred to ^ and 
 decide the matter for himself. If an omis- 
 sion from this panegyric of '' famous men " 
 proves anything, Ezra and the book which 
 bears his name must also be rejected. 
 
 ^ "The book is in all respects unique, a writing sui 
 generis J for the many imitations to which it led are but 
 imitations" (p. yj). This is but one of numerous instances 
 in which Dr Farrar affords on one page a refutation of ob- 
 jections stated upon another. 
 
 2 Ecclesiasticus xlviii. 20-xlix. 10. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 8/ 
 
 The next point claims fuller notice. 
 Daniel was admittedly received into the 
 canon ; but, we are told, " it is relegated 
 to the Kethuvim, side by side with such a 
 book as Esther." In the Jewish canon the 
 Old Testament Scriptures were reckoned 
 as twenty-four books. These were classi- 
 fied as the Tor ah, the Neveeim, and the 
 Kethuvim — the Law, the Prophets, and the 
 Other Writings. Now, the objection im- 
 plies that the Neveeim embraced all that 
 was regarded as prophecy, and nothing else ; 
 and that the contents of the Kethttvim were 
 deemed inferior to the rest of the canon. 
 Both these implications are false. In the 
 former class are placed the books of Joshua, 
 Judges, Samuel, and Kings. And the latter 
 included two books at least, than which no 
 part of the Scriptures was more highly 
 esteemed, — the Psalms, associated so insep- 
 arably with the name of King David ; and 
 Esther, which, pace the sneer of the critic, 
 was held in exceptional honour. Dr Driver 
 
88 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 avers that it came to be " ranked by the 
 Jews as superior both to the writings of 
 the prophets and to all other parts of the 
 Hagiographa." ^ The Psalms headed the 
 list. Then came Proverbs, connected with 
 the name of Solomon. Then Job, one of 
 the oldest of the books. Then followed 
 the five Megilloth (Song of Songs, Ruth, 
 Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther). 
 And finally Daniel, Ezra and Nehemiah, 
 and Chronicles. To have placed Daniel 
 before the Megilloth would have separ- 
 ated it from the books with which it 
 was so immediately associated. In a 
 word, its place in the list is normal and 
 natural. 
 
 The Book of Psalms, as already men- 
 tioned, stood first in the Kethuvim, and in 
 later times gave it its name, for when our 
 Lord spoke of " the Law of Moses, the 
 Prophets, and the Psalms," he thereby meant 
 **all the Scriptures." 2 Many of the Psalms 
 
 1 Introduction, p. 452. 2 Luke xxiv. 27, 44. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 89 
 
 were rightly deemed prophetic ; but though 
 David was a prophet In the highest sense, 
 it was not as prophet but as king that his 
 name was enshrined in the memory of the 
 people, and the book thus naturally found 
 its place in the third division of the canon. 
 For the books were grouped rather by 
 authorship than by the character of their 
 contents. Precisely the same reason existed 
 for placing Daniel where it stood ; for it 
 was not till the end of a long life spent in 
 statecraft that the visions were accorded to 
 the Exile. But this is not all. As Dr 
 Farrar urges, though he is obviously blind 
 to its significance, Daniel had no claim to 
 the prophet's mantle. The prophets " spake 
 as they were moved by the Holy Ghost": 
 he merely recorded the words addressed 
 to him by the angel, and described the 
 visions he witnessed. And the question 
 here, be it remembered, is not what 
 weight would be given to this distinction 
 by our modern critics, but how it would 
 
90 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS* DEN. 
 
 influence the minds of the men who settled 
 the canon. 
 
 And now it is high time to raise a ques- 
 tion which the critic systematically ignores, 
 a question which possibly he is incompetent 
 to deal with. For the Higher Criticism 
 claims an entirely false position in this con- 
 troversy. The critic is a specialist ; and 
 specialists, though often admirable witnesses, 
 are proverbially bad judges. To some men, 
 moreover, every year that passes brings 
 more experience in the art of weighing evi- 
 dence than the theologian or the pundit 
 would be likely to acquire in a lifetime. 
 And such men are familiar with cases where 
 a mass of seemingly invincible proof seems 
 to point one way, and yet fuller inquiry 
 establishes that the truth lies in a wholly 
 opposite direction. But the caution which 
 such experience begets is not to be looked 
 for in the critic. The Introduction to the 
 Literature of the Old Testament is clearly 
 the work of one who possesses, though he 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 91 
 
 does not always exercise, the judicial faculty. 
 If the same praise is due to Professor Bevan, 
 his Short Commentary on Daniel does him 
 serious injustice. And Dr Farrar's book 
 reminds us of a private prosecution con- 
 ducted by that type of lawyer whose remu- 
 neration is proportionate to the vehemence 
 with which he presses every point against 
 the defendant. It never seems to have 
 crossed his mind that there may possibly 
 be two sides to the question. Here, then, 
 we have everything which can possibly be 
 urged against the Book of Daniel : the 
 inquiry remains, What further can be said 
 in its defence ? Let us call a few of the 
 witnesses. 
 
 First comes the mention of Daniel three 
 times repeated in the prophecies of Ezekiel 
 (xiv. 14, 20, and xxviii. 3). The critics 
 urge that a man so famous as the Daniel 
 of the Exile is represented to have been in 
 the book which bears his name, would have 
 filled a large place in the literature of the 
 
92 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 nation, and they appeal to the silence of 
 that literature in proof that no such per- 
 sonage in fact existed. And yet when the 
 testimony of Ezekiel is cited, they declare 
 that there must have been another Daniel 
 of equal if not greater fame, who flourished 
 at some earlier epoch of their history, albeit 
 not even the vaguest tradition of his exist- 
 ence has survived ! Such casuistry is hard 
 to deal with. 
 
 But here Dr Farrar is rash enough to 
 leave the path so well worn by the feet of 
 those he follows, and to venture upon a piece 
 of independent criticism. He fixes b.c. 606 
 as the date of Daniel's captivity, and twelve 
 years as his age when carried to Babylon ; 
 and he adds — 
 
 "If Ezekiel's prophecy was uttered B.C. 584, 
 Daniel at that time could only have been twenty- 
 two : if it was uttered as late as B.C. 572, Daniel 
 would still have been only thirty-four, and there- 
 fore little more than a youth in Jewish eyes. It 
 is undoubtedly surprising that among Orientals, 
 who regard age as the chief passport to wisdom, 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 93 
 
 a living youth should be thus canonised between 
 the Patriarch of the Deluge and the Prince of 
 Uz."i 
 
 The author s words have been given ver- 
 batim, lest some one should charitably sup- 
 pose they have been misrepresented. For 
 the reader will perceive that this pretentious 
 argument has no better foundation than a 
 transparent blunder in simple arithmetic.^ 
 According to his own showing, Daniel was 
 upwards of thirty -four, and he may have 
 been forty-six, when Ezekiel's prophecy was 
 uttered. And setting aside the absurd fig- 
 ment that Daniel was but a child of twelve 
 when deported to Babylon,^ his age at the 
 date of the prophecy must, as a matter of 
 fact, have been forty at the least ; or " if it 
 
 1 p. 10. 
 
 2 Any schoolboy can see that from B.C. 606 to B.C. 584 was 
 twenty-two years, and if Daniel was twelve in B.C. 606, his 
 age in B.C. 584 was not twenty-two, but thirty-four. Or if 
 B.C. 572 was the date of the prophecy, his age when it was 
 uttered was forty-six. 
 
 2 P. 19 ante. If his age at the time was eighteen, he 
 died at eighty-eight. 
 
94 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 was Uttered as late as B.C. 572," he must 
 have already reached middle age. In either 
 case, he had already attained the prime of 
 his powers and the zenith of his fame. 
 
 What, then, are the facts ? We have 
 Daniel in a position of dazzling splendour 
 and influence at the Court of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, second only to that of the great 
 king himself. His power and fame, great 
 though they were, cannot fail to have 
 loomed greater still in the estimate of the 
 humbler exiles by the river Chebar, among 
 whom Ezekiel lived and prophesied. 
 Neither '*the Patriarch of the Deluge" 
 nor **the Prince of Uz" would have held 
 as large a place in the heart or in the 
 imagination of the people. The name of 
 their great patron must have been on every 
 lip. His power was their security against 
 oppression. His influence doubtless fired 
 their hopes of a return to the land of their 
 fathers. Nor was this all. The college of 
 the Chaldean Magi was famous the wide 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 95 
 
 world over, and for more than twenty years 
 Daniel had been ''chief of the wise men," 
 and thus, in wisdom as well as in statecraft, 
 the foremost figure at the Court of Babylon. 
 Among Orientals, and especially among his 
 own people, the record of the event which 
 gained him that position, and of his triumphs 
 of administration as Grand Vizier, would 
 have lost nothing in the telling. And 
 though his piety was intense and wholly 
 phenomenal, his reputation in this respect 
 also could not fail to be exaggerated. Such, 
 then, was the time and such the circum- 
 stances of the prophecy — words of scorn 
 addressed to one of the great enemies of 
 their race : " Behold thou art wiser than 
 Daniel, there is no secret that they can hide 
 from thee ; " or words of denunciation of the 
 wickedness which brought such judgments 
 upon Jerusalem : " Though these three men, 
 Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they 
 should deliver but their own souls by their 
 righteousness." 
 
96 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 The refusal to accept the testimony of 
 Ezekiel as evidence to accredit the Book 
 of Daniel is proof that neither honesty nor 
 fairness may be looked for from the sceptics. 
 In the judgment of all reasonable men, this 
 single testimony will go far to decide the Issue. 
 
 The First Book of Maccabees Is a work 
 of the highest excellence. It has an auth- 
 ority and value which no other part of the 
 Apocrypha possesses, and even Luther de- 
 clared it not unworthy to be reckoned among 
 the sacred books of Scripture. The author 
 was Indeed *'a holy and gifted Jew"; and 
 though the suggestion that he was no other 
 than John Hyrcanus Is now discredited. It 
 gives proof of his eminence both for piety 
 and learning. And one of the most striking 
 and solemn passages of this book — the record 
 of the dying words of the venerable Mat- 
 tathias — refers to the Daniel of the Exile 
 and the book which bears his name.^ 
 
 ^ I Mace. ii. 59, 60. The whole passage is important, but 
 the special reference is to the words : " Ananias Azarias and 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 97 
 
 Notwithstanding the extraordinary eru- 
 dition which has been brought to bear 
 upon this controversy, so far as I am 
 aware the full significance of this fact has 
 hitherto escaped notice. There is internal 
 evidence that i Maccabees was written be- 
 fore the death of John Hyrcanus (b.c. 106). 
 Allowing, then, for the sake of argument, 
 the wholly improbable hypothesis that the 
 canon was not closed till after the time of 
 Antiochus, the book affords conclusive proof 
 that among the learned of that day Daniel 
 was regarded as the work of the great 
 prophet-prince of the Captivity. It was as 
 such, therefore, that it must have been ad- 
 mitted to the canon. The theory is thus 
 exploded that it was as a ''pseud-epigraph" 
 that the Sanhedrim received it ; and the 
 fact of its reception becomes evidence of 
 its authenticity which would outweigh the 
 
 Misael by believing were saved out of the flame. Daniel for 
 his innocency was delivered from the mouth of the lions." 
 Nor is this all. The words jSSeAuy^a epTjjUcio-ews in i Mace. i. 
 54 are quoted from Dan. xii. 11. 
 
 G 
 
98 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 whole mass of the objections and difficulties 
 which have been heaped together upon the 
 other side. 
 
 If space were of no account, numerous 
 points might thus be turned against the 
 argument in support of which the critic 
 adduces them. But these may be safely 
 ignored in presence of other proofs of 
 principal importance. The testimony of 
 prophecy fulfilled has already been ap- 
 pealed to. Another witness of even greater 
 authority still remains to be heard. 
 
 It was Sir Isaac Newton's opinion that 
 *'to reject Daniel's prophecies would be to 
 undermine the Christian religion." Bishop 
 Westcott declares that no other book of 
 the Old Testament had so great a share 
 in the development of Christianity.^ To 
 cite a hostile witness, Professor Bevan ad- 
 mits that '' the influence of the book is 
 apparent almost everywhere." In this con- 
 nection he adds : " The more we realise 
 
 1 Smith's Bible Diet, art. " Daniel." 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 99 
 
 how vast and how profound was the in- 
 fluence of Daniel in post-Maccabean times, 
 the more difficult it is to believe that the 
 book existed previously for well-nigh four 
 centuries without exercising any perceptible 
 influence whatever."^ On this it may be 
 remarked, first, that it is far more difficult 
 to believe that a '' pseud-epigraph " could 
 possibly have had an influence so vast and 
 so profound on the development of Chris- 
 tianity. The suggestion indeed, if accepted, 
 might well discredit Christianity altogether. 
 And secondly, it is extraordinary how any 
 person can fail to see that the influence of 
 Daniel in post-Maccabean times was due 
 to the fulfilment of its predictions relating 
 to those times. 
 
 Dr Farrar quotes, though with special 
 reprobation, the dictum of Hengstenberg, 
 that " there are few books whose divine 
 authority is so fully established by the 
 testimony of the New Testament, and in 
 
 ^ Short Co?n., p. 15. 
 
100 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 particular by the Lord Himself." And yet 
 the truth of all this no thoughtful Chris- 
 tian can question. St Paul's predictions of 
 the Antichrist point back to the visions of 
 Daniel. And with those visions the visions 
 of St John — the Daniel of the New Testa- 
 ment — are so inseparably interwoven, that 
 if the former be attributed to imagination, 
 the latter must be attributed to lunacy. 
 The Book of Daniel and the Apocalypse 
 stand or fall together. 
 
 But the matter becomes far more serious 
 and solemn when we realise how definitely 
 the visions of Daniel have been adopted 
 in the teaching of Christ. Dr Farrar im- 
 agines that he has disposed of the matter 
 by the figment that in the twenty-fourth 
 chapter of Matthew the reference to 
 '* Daniel the prophet " was added by the 
 evangelist as an explanatory note. But 
 even If such a suggestion could be allowed, 
 every Intelligent reader of the passage can 
 see that any such interpolation must have 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. lOI 
 
 been based upon the obvious and unmis- 
 takable connection between the words of 
 our Lord and the visions of the prophet 
 of the Exile. Here is a dilemma from 
 which escape is impossible. If the Gos- 
 pels be authentic and true, our Lord has 
 adopted, and identified Himself with, the 
 visions of this now discredited book. If 
 the Gospels be unreliable and fictitious, 
 the foundations of our faith are destroyed, 
 and belief in Christianity is sheer super- 
 stition. " To the last degree dangerous, 
 irreverent, and unwise " this may seem in 
 the Dean of Canterbury's judgment, but 
 its truth is none the less obvious and clear. 
 It cannot be asserted too plainly that 
 Christianity is a divine revelation. Nor 
 need the admission be withheld that, apart 
 from revelation in the strictest sense, the 
 Christian's faith would be without adequate 
 foundation. It is easy, indeed, to formulate 
 a religious system based on the teaching of a 
 traditional "Jesus Christ." But this is no more 
 
102 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 than a Christianised Buddhism ; it is certainly 
 not Christianity. The main fact on which 
 Christianity as a system rests is the incarna- 
 tion ; and the man who, apart from revela- 
 tion, believes in the incarnation, is a credulous 
 weak creature who would believe anything. 
 
 " The Nazarene was admittedly the son 
 of Mary. The Jews declared that He was 
 the son of Joseph ; the Christian worships 
 Him as the Son of God. The founder of 
 Rome was said to be the divinely begotten 
 child of a vestal virgin. And in the old 
 Babylonian mysteries a similar parentage 
 was ascribed to the martyred son of Semi- 
 ramis, gazetted Queen of Heaven. What 
 grounds have we, then, for distinguishing 
 the miraculous birth at Bethlehem from 
 these and other kindred legends of the 
 ancient world .'^ To point to the resurrec- 
 tion is a transparent begging of the ques- 
 tion. To appeal to human testimony is 
 utter folly. At this point we are face to 
 face with that to which no consensus of 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 103 
 
 mere human testimony could lend even an 
 a priori probability."^ 
 
 The editor of Lux Mundi and his allies 
 would here seek to save their reputation for 
 intelligence by setting up the authority of 
 ''the Church" as an adequate ground for 
 faith. This theory, however, is a plant of 
 foreign growth, which, happily, has not taken 
 root in England. But while on this point 
 the Dean of Canterbury would probably re- 
 pudiate the teaching with which, in its de- ^ 
 generate days, Pusey House has identified 
 itself, he would doubtless endorse the words 
 which follow. Here is the passage : — 
 
 "The Christian creed asserts the reality of 
 certain historical facts. To these facts, in the 
 Church's name, we claim assent ; but we do so 
 on grounds which, so far, are quite independent of 
 the inspiration of the evangelic records. All that 
 we claim to show at this stage is that they are 
 historical : not historical so as to be absolutely 
 without error, but historical in the general sense, 
 so as to be trustworthy. All that is necessary for 
 
 ^ A Doubter's Doubts about Science atid Religio?i, p. 76. 
 
104 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 faith in Christ is to be found in the moral disposi- 
 tions which predispose to belief, and make intel- 
 ligible and credible the thing to be believed : 
 coupled with such acceptance of the generally 
 historical character of the Gospels, and of the 
 trustworthiness of the other Apostolic documents, 
 as justifies belief that our Lord was actually born 
 of the Virgin Mary," 8ic} 
 
 This language is plain enough. The 
 gospels are not even divinely accredited as 
 true. They are ** historical zn the general 
 sense'' indeed, and therefore as trustworthy 
 as history in general. They afford, there- 
 fore, ample ground for beHef in the public 
 facts of the life and death of Christ. But 
 who denies or doubts these facts ? They 
 have their place in the Koran and the 
 writings of the Rabbis, as well as in our 
 Christian literature. But on what ground 
 can we justify our faith in the transcendental 
 facts to which these public facts owe all their 
 spiritual significance ? '' To these facts, in 
 the Church's name, we claim assent," is the 
 
 1 Lmx Mundi^ p. 340. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 105 
 
 only reply vouchsafed to us. Let a man 
 but yield up his judgment and bow before 
 his priest, and he will soon acquire ** the 
 moral dispositions which predispose to belief, 
 and make intelligible and credible the thing 
 to be believed." And whether the object of 
 his worship be Buddha or Mahomet or Christ, 
 the result will be the same ! 
 
 *^ But," Dr Farrar here exclaims, 
 
 " Our belief in the Incarnation, and in the miracles 
 of Christ, rests on evidence which, after repeated 
 examination, is to us overwhelming. Apart from 
 all questions of personal verification, or the Inward 
 Witness of the Spirit, we can show that this evidence 
 is supported, not only by the existing records, but by 
 myriads of external and independent testimonies." ^ 
 
 Contempt is poured upon our belief that 
 an angel messenger appeared to Daniel, and 
 we are not even permitted to believe that 
 an angel ministered to our Divine Lord in 
 the Garden of Gethsemane.^ But if, as the 
 
 1 P. 40. 
 
 2 This, according to Dr Farrar, has no foundation 
 save in the superstitious imagination of the three disciples 
 
I06 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 natural outcome of this teaching, we should 
 be led to doubt the reality of the angelic 
 apparition at Bethlehem, the indignation of 
 the teacher will find vent in a scream of 
 hysterical and unmeaning rhetoric. 
 
 For the question at issue here is the truth 
 of the opening statement of the Gospel nar- 
 rative. I allude to Matthew i. 18-25, the 
 last verse especially. To the facts there 
 recorded only two persons in the world 
 could testify, and the witness of Mary and 
 Joseph reaches us only in the very records 
 which, we are told, are unreliable and marred 
 by error. But Dean Farrar will assure us 
 that, while words attributed to our Lord 
 Himself are not to be accepted as genuine 
 and true, the evidence here is ** overwhelm- 
 ing." Of the reality of Joseph's visions, 
 
 when half dazed with sleep ! — The Life of Christy ch. Ivii. 
 What authority have we, then, for the words alleged to have 
 been uttered by the Lord in His agony ? What confidence 
 can we feel in the narrative at all? The gospels become (to 
 use the critic's words about the Book of Daniel) a charming 
 and elevating romance ! 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 10/ 
 
 and of the fact of Mary's faithfulness and 
 purity, we are supposed to have satisfied 
 ourselves, first by ''personal verification," 
 secondly by ''the inward witness of the 
 Spirit," thirdly by "study of the existing 
 records" — the very records which he dis- 
 parages — and lastly by tens of thousands 
 of '' external testimonies " ! To discuss this 
 is impossible, for here the writer passes out 
 of the region in which reason holds sway, 
 and parts company even with common-sense. 
 The position of the Christian is an in- 
 telligible one. Though he believes in the 
 unseen and the unprovable, his faith is 
 strictly rational ; for, assuming a Divine 
 revelation, belief is the highest act of reason. 
 I cannot here discuss the grounds on which 
 he claims to possess such a revelation.^ I 
 merely note the fact that the Christian main- 
 tains such a claim, and that, if it be assented 
 
 ^ This, of course, would raise the whole question of In- 
 spiration, the discussion of which would be impossible here. 
 But see p. 1 1 ante. 
 
I08 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 to, his position is unassailable. But if once 
 the validity of that claim be destroyed, every 
 fearless thinker must fall back upon scep- 
 ticism as ''the rational attitude of a thinkinof 
 mind towards the supernatural."^ The story 
 of the Incarnation sinks at once to the level 
 of a Galilean legend, and our faith in Chris- 
 tianity is the merest superstition. 
 
 Not that the removal of spurious portions 
 of the canon need necessarily lessen faith in 
 p/(^o what remains. But, as already urged, if the 
 Book of Daniel be expunged, the Revelation 
 of St John must share its fate, and in view 
 of their exclusion numerous passages in the 
 Gospels and Epistles must be fearlessly re- 
 edited. Some may imagine that the process, 
 if intrusted to reverent hands, would not 
 undermine the fabric of the Bible as a whole, 
 but all will admit that it could not fail to 
 weaken it. Nor is this plea put forward as 
 an excuse for clinging to what is doubtful. 
 It is designed only as a protest and a warn- 
 
 1 MiWs Essays on Religion^ p. 242. 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 109 
 
 ing against the recklessness and levity of the 
 critic. 
 
 Some may perchance regard it as but a 
 cheap and barren victory to have answered 
 Dr Farrar's Book of Daniel. For, they will 
 urge, if the attack were intrusted to a more 
 competent leadership the Issue would be 
 different. But the suggestion Is untenable. 
 While each year that passes brings to light 
 some fresh evidence to confirm the authen- 
 ticity of Daniel, the treasury of the critics 
 is exhausted. We have no abler or more 
 trusted exponent of the Higher Criticism 
 than Professor Driver of Oxford, yet in his 
 Introduction there is not a single count in 
 his formidable Indictment of the book but 
 will be found in the pages of his apparatus 
 criticus. Dr Farrar has in his turn repro- 
 duced all these stock difficulties and objec- 
 tions. The rhetorical dress in which they 
 appear is his own, but, as has been seen, 
 
no DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 his attempt to make original additions to 
 the Hst is a mere fiasco. And these diffi- 
 culties and objections have here been dis- 
 cussed and answered. Some of them have 
 been shown to be unreal, all of them to be 
 inconclusive ; and positive evidence has been 
 adduced on the other side such as would 
 more than outweigh difficulties far more 
 numerous and weighty. 
 
 These pages are not addressed to that 
 class of persons who delight in everything 
 which disparages the Bible. They appeal 
 to the wider class of truth-lovers who, while 
 refusing to bow to tradition or authority, 
 and welcoming honest criticism and fair dis- 
 cussion, are always ready with open mind to 
 accept any reasonable vindication of Holy 
 Scripture. If the Bible were treated with 
 that fairness which is never denied to the 
 heathen classics, or indeed to any secular 
 records, how easily its difficulties might be 
 explained ! But when the object in view is 
 to discredit Daniel and prove it in error, 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. Ill 
 
 no ingenuity is deemed too subtle — I had 
 almost said, too perverse. The proofs here 
 offered that the book is not only genuine 
 but of Divine authority are overwhelming. 
 And if perchance further inquiry and fuller 
 knowledge should hereafter indicate that it 
 contains some "manifest errors," the task 
 of true criticism will be to deal with these 
 as corruptions of the text or apocryphal 
 interpolations.^ But it is a strange and not 
 altogether creditable fact that on this subject 
 so many " men of light and leading " appear 
 incapable even of keeping an open mind. 
 
 1 Ex. gr., Dan. vi. 28 was clearly not written by Daniel 
 himself, and the interpolation may possibly include the 
 preceding verses. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 (See p. 71 ante.) 
 
 As the punctuation of Daniel ix. 25 is doubtful, I 
 have given the passage without any punctuation 
 whatever. The Revisers decided by a majority 
 vote to follow the Massoretic punctuation ; and 
 this has been adopted by Dean Farrar, who fails 
 to see that it is fatal to his pseud-epigraph theory 
 of Daniel. The passage thus read appears to 
 limit to 62 "weeks" the period during which 
 Jerusalem was to remain as an inhabited city. 
 But it is quite certain that no Jew writing " in 
 the days of the Seleucid tyrant, anxious to inspire 
 the courage and console the sufferings of his 
 countrymen," could have framed words which 
 would have been construed to mean that the 
 
DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 1 13 
 
 destruction of their holy city was imminent. 
 Assuming the genuineness of the Book of Daniel, 
 the R.V. punctuation renders the meaning of the 
 passage more obscure, but it cannot alter it, for 
 as 7 + 62+1 make up 70, it is obvious that the 
 lesser periods mentioned are subdivisions of the 
 70 weeks of the prophecy. It is clear, therefore, 
 that the 62 weeks follow the 7 weeks, and that 
 the death of Messiah (according to verse 26) was 
 to be at the close of the 69th week. 
 
 As every one knows, there are no punctuation 
 marks in the old Hebrew Scriptures, and the 
 insertion of these is largely a matter of editing. 
 And further, " The Received, or, as it is commonly 
 called, the Massoretic Text of the Old Testament 
 Scriptures has come down to us in manuscripts 
 which are of no very great antiquity, and which 
 all belong to the same family or recension " (Pre- 
 face R.V.). In adopting the Massoretic punctua- 
 tion of Daniel ix. 25, the Revisers have followed 
 the accepted axiom of criticism, that of various 
 readings the more difficult is to be preferred. But 
 that rule is of course inapplicable when the dif- 
 ficult reading can be accounted for. And as in 
 this instance a very slight change in the punctua- 
 tion sufficed to obscure, though it could not destroy, 
 the Messianic reference of the passage, it is im- 
 possible not to suspect that the Jewish editors thus 
 
 H 
 
114 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 sought to lessen the overwhelming weight of proof 
 which Daniel affords of the truth of Christianity. 
 
 There need be no hesitation, therefore, in re- 
 verting to the punctuation which has the author- 
 ity of the A. v., the distinguished American Com- 
 pany of the Revisers, and the margin of our own 
 R.V. 
 
 I will only add, that whether the Book of Daniel 
 be regarded as a divine prophecy or a literary 
 fraud, the idea that such a prediction of blessing 
 to the Jews could have been framed without any 
 reference to their Messiah is so preposterous that 
 it would be mere waste of time to discuss it. The 
 force of this is wholly independent of the fact that 
 Messiah was manifested and "cut off" at the 
 identical time which the prophecy indicated — 
 namely, " after the threescore and two weeks " 
 — that is to say, at the close of the 69th week of 
 the era. In other words, the death of Messiah 
 was to take place 483 years after the issue of the 
 decree to rebuild Jerusalem. 
 
 NOTE 11. 
 
 (See pp. 81, 84 ajttc) 
 
 Just as in apostolic times a false tradition con- 
 cealed the meaning of the First-fruits as a type 
 
APPENDIX. 115 
 
 and prophecy of the resurrection, so (as ah'eady 
 shown, p. 64 ante) prevailing errors in Jewish 
 chronology destroyed the moral value of Daniel's 
 testimony to the truth of Christianity ; and if the 
 force of that testimony was thus lost even in 
 apostolic times, it is still more hopelessly dis- 
 paraged to - day. Common men are but little 
 influenced by what needs a treatise to enforce it. 
 And this is precisely the position in which the 
 well-meaning but mistaken zeal of Christian ex- 
 positors and " reconcilers " ha^ve- now placed the s/ 
 great prediction of the ninth chapter of Daniel. 
 Theologians are wanting in confidence in the 
 Bible, and thus, instead of being content to leave 
 a pressing difficulty unsolved, they are too apt to 
 have recourse to wild hypotheses to explain it. 
 
 It is by Christian exponents alone that any 
 doubts have been raised respecting a single date 
 involved in the problem of the seventy weeks. 
 But to them we owe it that such a cloud of con- 
 jecture now envelops the whole question that the 
 prophecy is almost lost both to Church and world. I 
 The epoch of the era was declared to be "the 
 going forth of the commandment to restore and 
 build Jerusalem." The words may imply a secret 
 and divine decree ; but the public fact referred 
 to was the edict of the 20th year of Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, in virtue of which the city was in 
 
Il6 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 fact rebuilt. But finding, as they supposed, that 
 the era, if computed from that date, would not 
 work out correctly, some maintained that the 
 decree of the king's 7th year was meant, though 
 this had no reference at all to the building of the 
 city ; and others, relying upon the errors of Ctesias, 
 set themselves to " cook " the whole chronology 
 of Artaxerxes' reign. But the date of the battle 
 of Actium is not more certain than the date of 
 this, the terminus a quo of the prophetic era. And 
 the terminus ad quern can be fixed with equal 
 certainty. 
 
 In the whole range of history, sacred or pro- 
 fane, there is not a chronological statement more 
 unequivocal and definite than that contained in 
 the opening verses of the third chapter of St 
 Luke's Gospel. The 15th year of Tiberius was a 
 date as well known in the days of the Evangelist 
 as is the 15th year of Victoria in our own. And 
 in that very year every one of the persons named 
 held the position there assigned to him. It is 
 thus made absolutely certain that our Lord's 
 ministry began in the latter part of A.D. 28, and 
 thus we are enabled to fix A.D. 32 as the year of 
 the crucifixion. But here, again, apologists and 
 reconcilers have raised difficulties innumerable ; 
 and though every one of these can be solved and 
 silenced, the discussion this involves would half 
 
APPENDIX. 117 
 
 fill a volume. I have not overlooked a single one 
 of them. But I must take the liberty of referring 
 the reader to my book, The Coining Prince, or The 
 Seventy Weeks of Daniel, where I have dealt 
 exhaustively with the whole subject. 
 
 While it is idle to expect the many to follow 
 such discussions, I claim from the student and the 
 scholar due recognition of the fact that, so far as 
 this prophecy related to Messiah, it was literally 
 fulfilled, and of the proof that fact affords of the 
 authenticity of the Book of Daniel. 
 
 NOTE III. 
 
 (See pp. 34, 35 ante.) 
 
 The following is Professor Sayce's rendering of 
 the concluding (decipherable) portion of the An- 
 nalistic tablet : — 
 
 " On the fourteenth day of the month Sippara was 
 taken without fighting; Nabonidos fled. On the six- 
 teenth day Gobryas (Ugbaru), the Governor of the 
 country of Kurdistan (Gutium), and the soldiers of 
 Cyrus, entered Babylon without fighting. Afterwards 
 Nabonidos was captured, after being bound in Baby- 
 lon. At the end of the month Tammuz the javelin- 
 throwers of the country of Kurdistan guarded the gates 
 of E-Saggil ; no cessation of services took place in 
 E-Saggil and the other temples, but no special festival 
 
Il8 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 was observed. The third day of the month March esvan 
 (October) Cyrus entered Babylon. Dissensions were 
 allayed before him. Peace to the city did Cyrus 
 establish, peace to all the province of Babylon did 
 Gobryas his governor proclaim. Governors in Babylon 
 he appointed. From the month Chisleu to the month 
 Adar (November to February) the gods of the country 
 of Accad, whom Nabonidos had transferred to Babylon, 
 returned to their own cities. The eleventh day of the 
 month Marchesvan, during the night, Gobryas was on 
 the bank of the river. . . . The wife of the king died. 
 From the twenty- seventh day of Adar to the third 
 day of Nisan there was lamentation in the country of 
 Accad ; all the people smote their heads. On the fourth 
 day Kambyses the son of Cyrus conducted the burial 
 at the temple of the Sceptre of the world. The priest 
 of the temple of the Sceptre of Nebo, who upbears the 
 sceptre [of Nebo in the temple of the god], in an Elamite 
 robe took the hands of Nebo, . . . the son of the king 
 (Kambyses) [offered] free-will offerings in full to ten 
 times [the usual amount]. He confined to E-Saggil the 
 [image] of Nebo. Victims before Bel to ten times [the 
 usual amount he sacrificed]." 
 
 If this were, what it purports to be, the trans- 
 lation of the undoubted words of the inscription, 
 Professor Sayce's name would be a reasonable 
 guarantee of its accuracy. But the reader's sur- 
 prise will naturally be excited on learning that 
 the tablet is so mutilated and defective that the 
 text has here and there to be reconstructed, and 
 
APPENDIX. 119 
 
 that on many points the correctness of Professor 
 Sayce's reconstruction of it is doubtful. I will 
 confine myself, however, to one point of principal 
 importance. Mr Pinches of the British Museum, 
 by whom this very tablet was first brought to 
 light, is perfectly clear that the reading " the 
 wife of the king died " cannot be sustained. In 
 a letter to the Rev. John Urquhart, whose recent 
 work, The Inspiration and Accuracy of the Holy 
 Scriptures, deals with the Daniel controversy, 
 he writes as follows ^ (I omit the cuneiform 
 characters) : — 
 
 ''Professor Sayce has adopted a suggestion of Pro- 
 fessor Schrader. The characters cannot be . . . 'and 
 the wife of,' but must be either . . . ' and ' (as I read it 
 at first) or . . . 'and the son of.' This last improved 
 reading I suggested about four years ago, and the Rev. 
 C. J. Ball and Dr Hagen, who examined the text with 
 me, adopted this view. Dr Hagen wrote upon the 
 subject in Delitzsch's Beitrdge, vol. i. Of course, whether 
 we read 'and the king died/ or 'and the son of the 
 king died,' it comes to the same thing, as either expres- 
 sion could refer to Belshazzar, who, after his father's 
 flight, would naturally be at the head of affairs." 
 
 The following extract is from the article " Bel- 
 shazzar" by this same writer in the new edition of 
 Smith's Bible Dictionary : — 
 
 ^ I wish to acknowledge my obligation to Mr Urquhart for 
 placing this letter at my disposal. 
 
120 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS DEN. 
 
 "As is well known, Belshazzar was, according to 
 Daniel v., killed in the night, and Xenophon (Cyrop.^ 
 vii. 5, 3) tells us that Babylon was taken by Cyrus 
 during the night, whilst the inhabitants were engaged in 
 feasting and revelry, and that the king was killed. So 
 in the Babylonian Chronicle, lines 22-24, we have the 
 statement that ' On the night of the nth of Marcheswan, 
 Ugbaru (Gobryas) [descended ?] against [Babylon ?] and 
 the king died. From the 27th of Adar until the 3d of 
 Nisan there was weeping in Akkad. All the people 
 bowed their head.' The most doubtful character in the 
 above extract is that which stands for the word 'and,' 
 the character in question having been regarded as the 
 large group which stands for that word. A close exam- 
 ination of the original, however, shows that it is possible 
 that there are two characters instead of one — namely, 
 the small character for ' and,' and the character tur, 
 which, in this connection, would stand for u tnar^ ' and 
 the son of,' in which case the line would read, 'and the 
 S071 <7/^the king died.' Weeping in Akkad for Belshazzar 
 is just what would be expected, when we take into con- 
 sideration that he was for many years with the army 
 there, and that he must have made himself a favourite 
 by his liberality to the Akkadian temples. Even sup- 
 posing, however, that the old reading is the right one, it 
 is nevertheless possible that the passage refers to Bel- 
 shazzar ; for Berosus relates that Nabonidus, on surrend- 
 ering to Cyrus, had his life spared, and that a principality 
 or estate was given to him in Carmania, where he died. 
 It is therefore at least probable that Belshazzar was 
 regarded, even by the Babylonians, as king, especially 
 after his father's surrender. With this improved reading 
 
APPENDIX. 121 
 
 of the Babylonian text, it is impossible to do otherwise 
 than identify Gobryas with Darius the Mede (if we sup- 
 pose that the last verse of the 5th chapter of Daniel 
 really belongs to that chapter, and does not form part, 
 as in the Hebrew text, of chap, vi.), he being mentioned, 
 in the Babylonian Chronicle, in direct connection with 
 the death of the king's son (or the king, as the case may 
 be). This identification, though not without its diffi- 
 culties, receives a certain amount of support from Daniel 
 vi. I, where it is stated that 'it pleased Darius to set 
 over the kingdom an hundred and twenty princes,' &c. — 
 an act which finds parallel in the Babylonian Chronicle, 
 which states that, after Cyrus promised peace to Baby- 
 lon, 'Gobryas, his governor, appointed governors in 
 Babylon.'" 
 
 On this same subject I am indebted to Mr^St ^^ 
 Chad Boscav^en for the following note : — 
 
 "Owing to the mutilated state of the latter part of the 
 tablet, it is extremely difficult to arrange the events, and 
 also in some cases to clearly understand the exact mean- • 
 ings of the sentences. As far as I can see, the course 
 of events seems to have been as follows. Sippara was 
 taken on the 14th of Tammuz, and two days later 
 Babylon. Nabonidus had fled, but he was still recog- 
 nised as king by the majority of the people, especially 
 by rich trading communities such as the Egibi firm, who 
 continued to date their contracts in his regnal years. 
 At Sippara the people seem to have recognised Cyrus 
 as king earlier than at Babylon, as the tablets of his 
 accession year are «//, with one exception, the source of 
 
122 DANIEL IN THE CRITICS' DEN. 
 
 which is not known, from Sippara. On the 3d of Mar- 
 chesvan Cyrus entered Babylon and appointed Gobryas 
 (the prefect of Gutium) " prefect of the prefects " {J>ikhat- 
 pikhate) of Babylon; and he (Gobryas) appointed the 
 other prefects. That reading of the sentence is perfectly 
 legitimate. Cyrus seems only to have occupied himself 
 with the restoration of religious order, and on restoring 
 the gods to their temples who had been transported to 
 Babylon. We have then a remarkable passage. Sayce 
 reads ' the wife of the king died ' ; but Hagen reads the 
 son of the king, and I have examined this tablet, and 
 find that although the tablet is here broken, the most 
 probable reading is . . . the so?i^ not the wife . . . 
 
 " In Dan. v. we read, and ' Darius the Median took 
 the kingdom, being about threescore and two years.' In 
 a second passage, however, this is modified. We read, 
 ' In the first year of Darius, the son of Ahasuerus, of 
 the seed of the Medes, which was made king over the 
 realm of the Chaldeans' (ix. i); and again, 'It pleased 
 Darius to set over the kingdom a hundred and twenty 
 princes' (vi. i). Here we have, I cannot help saying, 
 an exact parallel to the case of Gobryas. Gobryas, as 
 I shall show, was a Manda — among whom were embraced 
 the Medes, for Astyages, an undoubted Median king, 
 ruler of the Median capital of Ecbatana, is called ... a 
 soldier of the Manda, or barbarians. He is appointed 
 on the 3d Marchesvan B.C. 538 — after taking the kingdom 
 on 1 6th Tammuz — 'prefect of the prefects'; and he ap- 
 points other prefects over the kingdom. His reign did 
 not last more than one year, terminating in either Adar 
 538 or early in B.C. 537. The end is rendered obscure 
 by the fractures in the tablet. . . . 
 
APPENDIX. 123 
 
 " If, then, Gubaru or Gobryas was prefect of Gutium 
 before his conquest of Babylon in B.C. 538, there is noth- 
 ing whatever against his being a Mede ; and as Astyages 
 was deposed by a revolt, when ' he was taken by the 
 hands of the rebels and given to Cyrus' (Chronicle 
 Inscr.), it is very probable that Gobryas was the leader 
 of the conspiracy. Indeed he seems to me to fulfil in 
 every way the required conditions to be Darius the 
 Mede. . . . The appointment of the satraps does not 
 seem exorbitantly large, nor are these to be confounded 
 with the satrapies of the Persian empire." 
 
 I will only add that, in view of the testimony of 
 these witnesses, both thoroughly competent and 
 thoroughly impartial, it is not easy to restrain a 
 feeling of indignation and wonder at the dogmatism 
 of the critics. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Airy, Sir George, 74 n. 
 
 Angels, 3, 105. 
 
 Annalistic tablet, the, 28, 30, 32, 
 
 33, 117-123. 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 13, 14, 70. 
 Apocryphal literature of the Jews, 
 
 86. 
 Aramaic of Daniel, 44, 45. 
 Artaxerxes Longimanus, 63, 65, 
 
 68. 73, 81, 83, IIS, 116. 
 Astyages, 39, 122, 123. 
 
 Behrmann, 26. 
 
 Belshazzar, 12, 23, 24, 29-31, 35, 
 
 36. 
 II his death, 31, 33, 37, 
 
 120. 
 Berosus, 17, 20, 41, 120. 
 Bevan, Prof., 58, 66 n, jy, 91, 98. 
 Borsippa, 24. 
 
 Boscawen, Mr St Chad, 121. 
 Buddhism, 49 n, 102. 
 
 Calendar, the Jewish, 73, 80. 
 Captivity, era of the, 21, 61. 
 Carchemish, 17, 18. 
 ' ' Chaldeans " = wise men, 48. 
 Cheyne, Prof, 52, 58. 
 Chief Rabbi, the, 26 n. 
 Christianity, loi, 107. 
 Chronicles, Book of, 15, 61, 78. 
 
 Chronological difficulties, 60. 
 Chronology of the Captivity, 21, 
 
 22, 60, 61. 
 Church, the, 103. 
 Clinton, Fynes, 80 n. 
 Cnidos, battle of, 68. 
 "Commandment, " use of the word, 
 
 66 n. 
 Cyaxares, 39. 
 Cyropcedia, the, 39, 120. 
 Cyrus, 22, 23, 27, 29, 33, 34, 36, 
 
 Daniel, his age when exiled, 19, 
 
 20 71, 92, 93. 
 II his age when he received 
 
 the visions, 89. 
 II his position in Babylon, 
 
 94. 95- 
 It his scholarship, 50. 
 Darius Hystaspis, 42, 63, 6^, 79. 
 Darius the Mede, 12, 32, 37-43, 
 
 122. 
 Desolations, era of the, 21, 22, 61, 
 
 67. 76, 78, 79. 81, 82. 
 De Wette, 5. 
 D'Orsay, Count, 37 n. 
 Driver, Prof., 2, 23, 40, 45, 58, 87, 
 
 90, 109. 
 
 Ecclesiastes, Book of, 55, 88. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 125 
 
 Ecclesiasticus, Book of, 54, 86. 
 Eichhorn, 4, 5. 
 Esther, Book of, 66 n, 87, 88. 
 Ezekiel, Book of, 48 n, 91. 
 
 It testimony of, to Daniel, 
 91-96. 
 Ezra, Book of, 42, 80 n. 
 
 Faith of the Christian, the, 107. 
 Farrar, Dr, his blunders, 3, 13, 14, 
 
 17, 19, 21, 24, 25, 58, 60, 
 
 61, 66, 93. 
 II Dr, his estimate of the 
 
 Bible, 10, 21, 100, 105 n. 
 " Father," meaning of, in Hebrew, 
 
 23. 
 First-fruits, the, 114. 
 
 Gethsemane, 105. 
 
 Gobryas, 33, 39, 120, 122, 123. 
 
 Great Synagogue, the, 46. 
 
 Greek words in Daniel, 44, 45, 49. 
 
 Greeks in Palestine, 49, 50. 
 
 Haggai, Book of, 42, 63, 79. 
 Hebrew of Daniel, 44, 45, 52. 
 
 II Old Testament, 54, 55. 
 
 Hengstenberg, 99. 
 Higher Criticism, the, i, 3, 4, 11, 
 
 46, 57, 90, III. 
 Historical errors in Daniel, 12-43. 
 Hosea, Book of, 85. 
 
 Incarnation, the, 102, 105, 106, 
 
 108. 
 Inspiration, 11, 103, 107 n. 
 
 Jehoiakim, 12, 15, 16, 18, 22. 
 Jeremiah, 21, 22, 61, 66, 76. 
 Josephus, 17 n, 39, 42, 61, 62, 63. 
 Julius Africanus, 74. 
 
 Kautzsch, Prof., 26. 
 
 Kethuvim, the, 87, 88. 
 
 Kings, Book of, 15, 16 n, 19, 68, 
 
 87. 
 Kuenen, 7, 71. 
 
 Lewis, Sir G. C, 75. 
 Lindo's Jewish Calendar^ 80 n, 
 Luke, Gospel of, 81, 116. 
 Lux Mundi, 103. ^ 
 
 Maccabees, Books of the, 96, 97. 
 
 Margoliouth, Prof., 54. 
 
 Mary, the Virgin, 102, 106, 107. 
 
 Massoretic text, 113. 
 
 Matthew, Gospel of, 100, 106. 
 
 Megilloth, the, 88. 
 
 Mill's Essays on Religion, 108. 
 
 Nabonidus or Nabunahid, 23, 24, 
 
 27, 29, 30, 33-36, 121. 
 Nabopolassar, 18, 20. 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 13, 16-20, 23, 
 29. 
 II spelling of the 
 
 name of, 47. 
 Nehemiah, 67. 
 Neveeim, the, 87. 
 Newton, Sir Isaac, 75, 98. 
 
 Persia, Kings of, 14 n. 
 
 Persian words in Daniel, 44, 45, 
 
 50- 
 Philological difficulties, 44-55, 
 Pinches, Mr, 119. 
 Porphyry, 57. 
 
 Prophecy, Dr Farrar's view of, 
 21. 
 II character of, 89. 
 Psalms, the, 87, 88. 
 Pseud-epigraph theory of Da?tielj 
 
 7, 13, 40-42, 97. 112, 
 Punctuation of Daniel ix., 112- 
 
 114. 
 Pusey, Dr, 30 n, 46, 51. 
 
 Rawlinson, Prof., 24, 30 n. 
 Rehoboam, 19. 
 
 Revelation, Book of the, 76, 100, 
 108. 
 
 Sabbatic years, 77, 78, 83. 
 Sayce, Prof., 27, 29, 30, 33, 34, 
 
 38, 49, 117-119. 
 Sceptics, the, 6, 28, 77. 
 Semiramis, 102. 
 Servitude, era of the, 21, 22, 61, 
 
 67. 
 Servitudes of Israel, the, 69. 
 Seventy Weeks, the, 60-84, "2, 
 
 113, 115, 116. 
 Sippara, 30, 33-35, 121. 
 Specialists, 90. 
 
126 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tablets, the contract, 34, 38. See Westcott, Bishop, 39, 98. 
 
 "Annalistic tablet." 
 Talmud, the, 46. 
 Tebet, fast of, 82. 
 Tel el-Amarna tablets, 50. 
 Temple, chronology of the, 62, 68. 
 Tiberius Caesar, 81, 116. 
 Torah, the, 87. 
 
 Xenophon, 39, 120. 
 
 Year, the prophetic, 73, 74. 
 
 Zechariah, Book of, 42, 61, 63, 79, 
 81. 
 
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THIS BOOK IS DUEwTheTT!!^* 
 STAMPED L^^'-''"^"^™ 
 
 '- i^'7sL^4.f ^°- 25 CENTS 
 
 Q 7533 
 ^^'^ 14 1935 
 
 JUL 26 1939 
 
 MAR27J94tM 
 
 
 LD 2I-50m-l,'3i 
 
yC 40737 
 
 11 752-f}