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 <
 
 THE 
 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 VOLUME ONE
 
 IjtHfonj of 
 
 
 By 
 JAMES BROWNE, LL. D. 
 
 IN EIGHT VOLUMES 
 VOLUME I 
 
 Jranria A. Sfarnlte & (En. 
 
 EDINBURGH LONDON BOSTON 
 
 1909 
 
 98330
 
 Mtum 
 
 which One Thailand numbered and 
 registered copies have been printed. 
 
 Anbrnna
 
 880 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PACK 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Of the aboriginal tribes of North Britain at the period of 
 Agricola's invasion Their names and topographical 
 positions State of civilization Religion Modes of 
 sepulture Barrows, Cairns, Cistvaens, and Urns War 
 weapons Canoes and Currachs Invasion and Cam- 
 paigns of Agricola Battle of the Grampians Recall 
 and death of Agricola Succeeded by Lollius Urbicus 
 Wall of Antoninus Roman Iter through the North 
 Roman highways, and stations or forts Campaign of 
 Severus The Picts, Scots, and Attacots Roman abdi- 
 cation of North Britain 1 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 Poetry of the Celts Antiquity and Authenticity of the 
 Poems of Ossian 59 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 Picts and Caledonians Chronological Table of the Pictish 
 Kings The Scoto-Irish or Dalriads Settlement of the 
 Dalriads in Argyle, in 503, under Lorn, Fergus, and 
 Angus Conversion of the Caledonians, of Picts, to Chris- 
 tianity by St. Columba Inauguration of Aidan, King of 
 Scots, in lona Death of St. Columba Summary of 
 Pictish History Wars with the Scots Arrival of the 
 Vikingr or Pirate Kings Summary of the history of 
 the Scoto-Irish Kings Accession of Kenneth to the Pic- 
 tish Throne Government of the Scoto-Irish Their 
 Judges and Laws Courts of Justice Mode of Living 
 Practice of Fosterage Genealogy and Chronology of 
 the Scoto-Irish Kings 96
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 Pictavian Kingdom Attacks of the Danish Vikingr 
 Death of Kenneth Macalpin Defeat of the Danes by 
 Constantino III Battles cf Brunanburg, of the Bands, 
 and of Luncarty New Inroada of the Danes Their 
 defeat Usurpation of Macbeth Malcolm Ceanmore 
 
 Accession of Donal-bane Music and Musical Instru- 
 ments of the Highlanders Learning and Civilization 
 Chronological Table of the Scottish Kings, Anno 843-1097 125 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Philological demarcation between the Highlands and Low- 
 lands Anglo-Saxon colonization of the Highlands 
 Characteristics of the Highlanders Care shown by them 
 in educating their Children Highland Garb Dress of 
 the women Antiquity of Tartan Superstitions of the 
 Highlanders Kelpies, Urisks, Daoine Shi, etc. Second 
 Sight Weddings Matrimonial fidelity Punishment 
 of the breach thereof Reciprocal attachment of Parents 
 and Children Disgrace and Punishment of Bankruptcy 
 
 Fidelity in performing engagements Courage Love 
 
 of Country Contempt of Death Hospitality . . . 152 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 Consequences of the removal of the seat of Government 
 Institution of Chiefs Their great power System of 
 Clanship Military ranks of the Clans Fiery-cross 
 War cry Omens Hunting provision Numerical 
 strength of the Clans Remarkaole succession of the 
 Chiefs Consequences of Clanship Disputes of the Clans 
 
 Treaties Spirit of hostility and revenge Modes of 
 warfare Creachs Cearnachs Blackmail Absence 
 of theft and highway robbery Voluntary tribunals 
 Compensation for injuries MUd but arbitrary sway of the 
 Chiefs Legal authority conferred on the great Barons and 
 Chiefs Its extent Attendance at their courts Dona- 
 tions to Chiefs and younger sons and daughters on marriage 
 
 Attachment and fidelity of the Clans to their Chiefs 
 Instances thereof jgg 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 Accession of Alexander I Defeat of the Earl of Moray at 
 Stracathrow Insurrection in Moray Rising of Somerled,
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Lord of the Isles Defeat of Earl Gilchrist New revolt of 
 Somerled Tumults in Ross Rebellion of Donal Bane 
 His death Attempts of Harold, Earl of Orkney and Caith- 
 ness Insurrections in Ross, Moray, and Argyle Revolt 
 of Gillespoc M'Scolane Inauguration of Alexander III 
 Revolt in Ross against the Earl Battle of Bealligh-ne- 
 Broig Robert Bruce defeats the Lord of Lorn His ex- 
 pedition against the Western Isles Their submission 
 New revolt of the Islanders Feud between the Monroes 
 and Mackintoshes, and between the Clan Chattan and the 
 Camerons Combat on the North Inch of Perth between 
 the Clan Chattan and Clan Kay Devastations of the 
 Wolf of Badenoch and his son Battle of Gasklune 
 Feud between the Earl of Sutherland and the Mackays 
 Battle of Tuttim-Turwigh Formidable insurrection of 
 Doimld of the Isles Battle of Harlaw 220
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 GARTH CASTLE Frontispiece 
 
 MAP OP SCOTLAND vii 
 
 TARTAN OF THE FARQUHARSON xlvi 
 
 TARTAN OF THE MENZIES Ixxxvi 
 
 TARTAN OF THE MACFARLANE 32 
 
 ARMORIAL BEARINGS 80 
 
 LOGIERAIT 112 
 
 TARTAN OF THE BUCHANAN 161 
 
 ARMORIAL BEARINGS 192 
 
 TARTAN OF THE MACALPINE ... . 240
 
 PUBLISHERS' NOTE 
 
 The familiar name of Scotland holds many 
 significations as varied in their character as 
 are the personalities of those who hear or utter 
 it. To certain ones it means vaguely the 
 
 " Land of brown heath and shaggy wood; " 
 
 for others it summons up a mental picture of the 
 Highlands peopled with spirited wearers of the 
 tartan, speaking the language of the Gael, swayed 
 by strange superstitions, intensely loyal to their 
 separate clans, and differing in a hundred ways not 
 only from their fellows in general, but from their 
 Lowland neighbours in particular. Then there 
 are those to whom the antiquarian interests of 
 both Highlands and Lowlands make strongest 
 appeal as contrasted with those to whom the 
 word chiefly implies the Lowland country or 
 the Highland, but never both. To some, Scotland 
 signifies the Land of Burns or the Land of 
 Scott. Still others there are to whom it is dear 
 as the Land of John Knox, of Dr. Chalmers 
 and of many and many another Presbyterian 
 
 ill
 
 PUBLISHERS' NOTE 
 
 theologian. It is the land of romance to the lover 
 of Sir Walter; it is the land of prosaic fact to the 
 merchant of Glasgow. To the reader of history 
 it is the country of William Wallace and of 
 Robert Bruce; of Flodden Field, of Culloden, 
 and of Bannockburn, while very many, indeed, 
 when the name is mentioned, recall with tender- 
 ness the strains of some old Scottish air like 
 Bonnie Dundee and Auld Lang Syne. 
 
 It is the history of this small country whose 
 name means so much and so many things, that 
 furnishes the theme of the present work. Its 
 author in great part, James Browne, LL.D., 
 was himself a Scotsman, born in Coupar-Angus 
 in 1793. In 1830 he was appointed sub-editor of 
 the seventh edition of the Encyclopedia Bri- 
 tannica, apposition which he held at the time of 
 his death in 1841. His critical examination of 
 McCulloch's work relating to the Scottish High- 
 lands and Islands appeared in 1826 and his own 
 great work, on the Highlands and their Clans, 
 in 1838. In the preparation of this undertaking 
 a wide field of research was levied upon as the 
 wealth of quotation discoverable here and there 
 will amply serve to show. Among other sources 
 of information drawn from by the author may 
 be mentioned. the famous " Stuart Papers," in 
 which are included nearly two hundred letters 
 
 iv
 
 PUBLISHERS' NOTE 
 
 written by Charles Edward, the Young Pretender, 
 and his father, the Chevalier de St. George, 
 with many more by influential personages of 
 the time, and memoirs and other historical 
 papers of great interest and value. From these 
 papers very full selections have been made for 
 this history and not a few entire documents 
 contained in them have been incorporated in 
 the text or given in an appendix. The extent 
 and scope of these famous Papers may be 
 guessed at when it is stated they contain about 
 15,000 separate pieces and constitute in themy 
 selves a comprehensive history of the epoch 
 embraced between the years 1688 and 1755. 
 
 Of lesser but still great importance in their 
 bearing upon the annals of Scotland and conse- 
 quently frequently consulted in the preparation 
 of this history are the " Culloden Papers," cover- 
 ing the years 1625-1748, discovered at Culloden 
 House in 1812 and first printed in 1815; the 
 " Jacobite Memories " by Chambers, issued in 
 1824; the " Lockhart Papers," and the writings 
 of Lord Kames (Henry Home), Sir James Mack- 
 intosh and Doctor Chalmers, to name no more. 
 
 The illustrations are reproduced from the 
 most authentic sources and consist not only of 
 the Tartans, but the steel plates which were 
 in the first edition published in Scotland.
 
 PUBLISHERS' NOTE 
 
 It is a singular fact that there has never been 
 in the last fifty years a comprehensive History 
 of Scotland issued either in England or America. 
 Browne's History for a period of many years 
 has been a standard, but eventually it became 
 so rare that it was almost unobtainable. 
 
 In placing this edition before the public the 
 publishers have been encouraged and supported 
 by many prominent Scotchmen who have long 
 desired a history of their native land. 
 
 If we have in part accomplished our purpose 
 and fulfilled the desires of our friends we shall 
 have accomplished much. 
 
 FRANCIS A. NICCOLLS & Co.
 
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 FOREWORD 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the researches of the learned to 
 trace the origin of nations and the descent and progress 
 of the different branches of the great human family, 
 as found at the dawn of history, it must be confessed 
 that the result has been far from satisfactory, and that 
 many of the systems which have been proposed are built 
 upon the most gratuitous and chimerical hypotheses. 
 By a comparison of languages, however, considerable 
 light has been thrown upon the affinities of nations; 
 but beyond these philological investigations, everything 
 becomes vague and uncertain. 
 
 Some modern writers, particularly amongst the 
 Germans, with that unfortunate latitudinarianism of 
 interpretation which distinguishes the disciples of the 
 neologian school, consider the deluge as having been 
 confined to a small portion of the globe; and upon this 
 gratuitous hypothesis they have raised the most in- 
 congruous systems. Klaproth, although he very prop- 
 erly disclaims the intention of deriving all languages 
 from one primitive tongue, nevertheless makes the 
 following extraordinary observations: " The wide dis- 
 persion of the Indo-Germanic race took place probably 
 before the flood of Noah; besides, it is the only Asiatic 
 one which appears to have descended, after that event, 
 from two high mountains, namely, from the Himalaya 
 into India and Middle Asia, and on the west from the 
 Kaukasus into Asia Minor and Europe. In India this 
 
 vii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 race mixed itself much with the dark-coloured aborigines, 
 and, though its speech predominated, its physical char- 
 acteristics were deteriorated, as has ever been the case 
 when a mixture has taken place between a white and 
 black, or brown race; when the physical qualities of 
 the latter, and the moral qualities of each, undergo 
 an inevitable change. The brown or negro-like aborig- 
 ines of India probably saved themselves during the flood 
 of Noah on the high mountains of Malabar and the 
 Ghauts. In the dialects of the southern parts of India, 
 there appears to be a number of roots and words re- 
 ceived from the aborigines, and some remains of such 
 words may perhaps be found among the wild mountain- 
 people in the northern parts. From the Kaukasus, 
 another branch of this stem seems to have descended 
 upon the banks of the Caspian Sea, and proceeded into 
 Media; and thence peopled Persia. Afterward they 
 probably migrated into Asia Minor, and first into 
 southern, and then into northern Europe." 
 
 In this way does Klaproth, founding upon a series of 
 the merest assumptions, coolly set aside the whole 
 Mosaic account of the deluge; and we need not there- 
 fore wonder the same fate has befallen him with other 
 writers who have departed from the short but distinct 
 narrative of the sacred historian, namely, being obliged 
 to wander in Cimmerian darkness, . without even an 
 occasional glimmering of light to direct his steps. For 
 if the Mosaic history be rejected, it is perfectly evident 
 that all speculations respecting the original peopling 
 of the world can rest upon no foundation whatever, 
 as the first dawning of profane tradition and history 
 is. scarcely discernible earlier than 1,200 or 1,300 years 
 before the Christian era. In proportion, therefore, 
 as the Mosaic account is departed from, the more con- 
 fused and perplexed do all such speculations become; 
 
 viii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 an evident proof indeed of the vanity of human pre- 
 tensions when opposed to the authority of divine rev- 
 elation. 
 
 From the account given by Moses, we must consider 
 the great plain in the land of Shinar, or Mesopotamia, 
 as the cradle of the human race, whence, as from a 
 common centre, the different streams of population 
 diverged upon the miraculous destruction of the uni- 
 formity of speech, and the creation of a variety of lan- 
 guages altogether distinct from one another. Of the 
 number and description of the languages thus miracu- 
 lously brought into existence, the sacred historian is 
 silent, and, consequently, any inquiries to ascertain, 
 with some degree of certainty, either the one or the 
 other, must, amidst the immense variety of languages 
 and dialects which now exist, be in a great measure 
 indefinite and conjectural. By the aid of philology, 
 however, some approximation has been made towards 
 a solution of these recondite questions, but from the 
 absence of historical detail, they must ever be regarded 
 rather as curious speculations than as points conclu- 
 sively settled. 
 
 At that era when the dawn of history begins to dispel 
 the dark cloud which had overshadowed the early ages 
 of the world, the western countries of Europe were 
 occupied by tribes differing from each other in manners, 
 customs, and language, and distinguished by varieties 
 in their physical constitution. When the Greek and 
 Roman writers first began to turn their eyes westward, 
 they found Europe, from the banks of the Danube to 
 the remotest shores of Ireland, peopled by a race called 
 Gauls or Celts, or rather Kelts, who, before they had 
 attached themselves to the soil by tillage, had over- 
 spread a considerable part of Spain in the course of their 
 armed migrations, and had even poured their predatory 
 
 ix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 bands through the Alpine passes into the great plain 
 of northern Italy. They extended along the Danube 
 as far as the Euxine, and spread themselves till they 
 were met on different sides by the Sarmatians, Thracians, 
 and Illyrians. As their expeditions were in general 
 prior to the period of history, we have but slender means 
 of probable conjecture as to the antiquity, extent, and 
 direction of the great migratory movements of this 
 remarkable race. Their later incursions or establish- 
 ments in Italy are, however, better known; and even 
 in the oldest memorials we can scarcely discern a trace 
 of those wanderings or migrations of tribes which must, 
 nevertheless, have originally filled this region of the 
 earth with inhabitants. 
 
 From a remote antiquity, the whole of the country 
 between the Euxine and the German ocean appears to 
 have been possessed by the Cimmerii or Cimbri, one 
 of the grand divisions of the Celts; whilst Gaul was 
 occupied by the other division, to which the name of 
 Celtae was more properly and commonly applied. Herod- 
 otus mentions the Celts and Cynetse as inhabiting the 
 remotest parts of Europe towards the setting of the sun, 
 near the sources of the Ister or Danube; but it is un- 
 known during how many ages they had occupied this 
 region before the father of history obtained this, which 
 is the earliest, notice of them. Aristotle and other an- 
 cient writers give us nearly the same information with 
 Herodotus, whom they probably followed. With regard 
 to Britain, it must have been inhabited at a period 
 anterior to the Trojan war, since, from the statement of 
 Herodotus, it appears that tin exported from Britain 
 by Phoenician traders was at that time in general use, 
 a circumstance which evidently implies that our island 
 was then peopled by a race who had already explored 
 its metallic treasures; whilst, from other considerations, 
 
 I
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 it has, with much probability, been inferred that the 
 earliest settlers or inhabitants of Britain were of Celtic 
 origin. But at what precise period of time the Celts 
 found their way into Britain is a question involved 
 in impenetrable obscurity, nor can it be ascertained 
 in a satisfactory manner whether the original Celtic 
 population of Scotland sprung from the Cimmerii or 
 Cimbri, one of the great divisions of the Celtae, whose 
 possessions extended from the Bosphorus Cimmerius 
 on the Euxine, to the Cimbric Chersonesus of Denmark, 
 and to the Rhine; or from the Celtse, properly and pe- 
 culiarly so called, who inhabited ancient Gaul. 
 
 Mr. Pinkerton, following the authority of Tacitus 
 and the common tradition, is of opinion that as the 
 southern part of Britain was first peopled from Gaul 
 by Gael, who were afterward expelled by Cumri from 
 Germany, so there is reason to infer, that the northern 
 part of Britain was first peopled by Cumri from Jut- 
 land, the passage from the Cimbric Chersonesus to 
 North Britain through open sea being more easy than 
 that from the south of Britain to the north through 
 vast forests. The sea, so far from hindering, promotes 
 even savage colonization; and late navigators have 
 found islands in the Pacific Ocean, five or six hundred 
 miles distant from each other, all peopled by one race 
 of men. Where men and sea exist, canoes are always 
 found, even in the earliest state of society, and the 
 savage Finns and Greenlanders perform far longer 
 navigations than that from Jutland to Scotland. The 
 length of Britain is so great from south to north, that 
 to people the latter from the former must have been a 
 work of many ages; whereas, the passage from Ger- 
 many was open and easy. The Picts, he continues, 
 came from Norway to Scotland, and we may infer from 
 analogy, that the first Celtic inhabitants of the latter
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 country proceeded from the north of Germany; fo* 
 the Cimbri or Cumri possessed the coast of Germany 
 opposite to North Britain, or the Cimbric Chersonesus, 
 even down to a late period. As it is improbable that 
 the north of Britain remained without Celtic inhabitants, 
 whilst all the opposite country of Germany was held 
 by them, it is reasonable to infer that the Cimbri 
 were the first inhabitants of Scotland. But when we 
 find Cimbric names of mountains and rivers remaining 
 in the most remote parts of Scotland, the inference 
 acquires as much certainty as the case will admit of. 
 These Cimbri, the supposed first inhabitants of Scotland, 
 were of one and the same great stock with the Cumri 
 or Welsh ; the Welsh, however, are not their descendants, 
 but only remains of the Cimbri of South Britain, who 
 passed from the opposite coast of Germany, and drove 
 the Gael or Gauls, the first inhabitants, into Ireland. 
 In the opinion of Tacitus, the aboriginal population of 
 Scotland came out of Germany, and, according to a 
 tradition in the time of the Venerable Bede, the Picts 
 or Caledonians, who were probably the first inhabitants 
 of North Britain, were said to have originally proceeded 
 from Scythia, a generic term used by Strabo, Diodorus, 
 and Pliny, to denote the northern division of the Euro- 
 pean continent, in which sense it is adopted by Bede. 
 Father Innes, a more sound and dispassionate in- 
 quirer than Pinkerton, supposes, however, that as the 
 Caledonian Britons or Picts were of the same origin as 
 the Britons of the south, and that as the latter unques- 
 tionably came into Britain from the nearest coasts of 
 the Gauls, they advanced by degrees, as they multiplied 
 in the island, and peopled the southern parts of it, 
 towards the more northern parts and seated themselves 
 there, carrying along with them the same customs as 
 the Britons of the south, and the same language de- 
 
 xii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 rived originally from the Celts or Gauls. He observes 
 that Tacitus himself seems at last to have come into this 
 opinion; for after his conjecture about the origin of the 
 Caledonians and of the Silures, he adds, without excep- 
 tion as to all the Britons, that it was more likely that the 
 Gauls from the neighbouring coast had at first peopled 
 the island. This was certainly the more natural way, 
 for so the earth was at first peopled. Men, as their num- 
 bers increased in their first habitations, were obliged to 
 advance to new ones in their neighbourhood, to trans- 
 port themselves not only over rivers, but across the nar- 
 rowest arms of the sea, at first only to the nearest lands 
 or islands, which they could easily discern from their 
 own coasts, before they durst adventure on sea voyages 
 out of sight of land, especially in those early times when 
 men were ignorant of the compass and art of navigation. 
 Hence, it is much more probable, that the first inhabi- 
 tants of the northern parts of Britain came rather from 
 the southern parts of the island than from Scandinavia, 
 or from other parts of the northern continent, at the dis- 
 tance of several days' sail from any part of Britain. 
 
 In support of the hypothesis that the aboriginal in- 
 habitants of North Britain came from Gaul, Mr. Innes 
 refers to Herodian, Dio Cassius, and even to Tacitus 
 himself, all of whom ordinarily call the Caledonians 
 Britons, without any other distinction than that of their 
 living in the most northerly part of the island, and of 
 their having maintained their liberty with greater 
 courage and unanimity than the Britons of the south 
 against the Roman power, to which last characteristic 
 allusion is made in the celebrated speech of Galgacus 
 to his army when about to engage with the legions 
 of Agricola. According to Tacitus, this intrepid chief 
 told his countrymen that they were the most noble 
 among the Britons (nobilissimi totius Britannia?), who 
 
 xiii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 had never beheld slavery, far less felt it; the only 
 difference which, from the harangue of Galgacus, seems 
 to have then existed between the Caledonians and the 
 Britons of the south. 
 
 The defiles of the Caucasus, with the Bosphorus and 
 Hellespont, are evidently the channels through which 
 the streams of population flowed into Europe; and 
 Thrace, which received its original population from Asia 
 Minor, was probably the first land in our division of 
 the globe which was trodden by human footsteps, for 
 although the intervening countries of Lesser Asia, 
 by presenting inducements for colonization, might 
 have retarded the progress of emigration, yet, as there 
 was no formidable mountain barrier like the Caucasian 
 chain to stem the current of population, it may fairly 
 be presumed that Thrace was the first European country 
 which received its portion of the human race. But be 
 this as it may, it is quite clear, from a variety of cir- 
 cumstances, that Thrace, and indeed all the countries 
 to the south of the Danube, were originally peopled 
 from Asia Minor. Adelung, indeed, supposes that the 
 latter country was originally inhabited by people of 
 the Semitic branch, who were afterward supplanted in 
 the principal and western division of the country by 
 emigrating colonies of Thracians; but although several 
 tribes of the Semitic family, such as the Cicilians, 
 Cappadocians, and Lydians, who are supposed to have 
 been of Semitic origin, lived in Asia Minor, there seems 
 no sufficient grounds for an opinion, which, besides its 
 inherent improbability, is contrary to history. 
 
 In process of time the descendants of the races which 
 had penetrated into Europe through the Caucasus, 
 and by the Bosphorus and Hellespont, converged upon 
 the Danube, whence they spread themselves over the 
 neighbouring countries. Pressed by the influx of popu- 
 
 xiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 lation from the north, or desirous of conquest, several 
 tribes of the Thracian race abandoned their possessions 
 in Europe at an early period, and crossed over into Lesser 
 Asia in quest of new settlements. These tribes took 
 possession of the northern and western tracts of that 
 country under the denomination of Phrygians, Bithy- 
 nians, and Mysians. But notwithstanding this reflux 
 of population, the Thracians in Europe still continued 
 a great and powerful nation, and according to Herodotus 
 they were the most numerous of all nations, next to the 
 Indians, and would have been invincible had they been 
 united under one chief or head. Of the Thracian race, 
 the people known by the primary or generic denomina- 
 tion of Getse, formed a considerable branch. In Europe 
 the dominions of the Thracians lay between the Euxine 
 and the Adriatic, and were bordered on the south 
 by the territories of the Pelasgi, the first inhabitants 
 of Greece. The Illyrians also were another branch 
 of the same stem. 
 
 From Thrace Greece was first peopled by the Pelasgi, 
 a tribe of Thracian origin, who gave the name of Pe- 
 lasgia to all Greece. To the Pelasgians, so called from 
 Pelasgus, a fabulous king of Arcadia, and a mixture of 
 other early settlers, the Greek nation is probably in- 
 debted for its origin; for the isolated passage from He- 
 rodotus, respecting an alleged difference between the 
 languages of the Pelasgi of Kreston, and of Placia and 
 Scylace on the Hellespont, and that of the Hellenes, 
 does not, in the opinion of the learned, warrant the 
 -conclusion that the Hellenic people were a different 
 race, a conclusion which would not only be contrary 
 to what the father of history elsewhere states, but also 
 opposed to the authority of other ancient writers. 
 The Greek nation was chiefly distinguished into three 
 -races, namely, the ^Eolians, the lonians, and the Dorians, 
 
 IV
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 each of which spoke a different dialect, of which the 
 jEolic has been considered as the most ancient. The 
 last mentioned branch, having acquired an ascendency 
 in Pelasgia, gave the name of Hellas to ancient Greece, 
 from Hellen, the son of Deucalion, who reigned in Thes- 
 saly, whom fable reports as the father of this race, 
 and from whose name they took the appellation of 
 Hellenes, which they gradually imposed upon the other 
 inhabitants of Pelasgia. According to Thucydides, 
 the Dorians or Hellenes were a clan celebrated for their 
 exploits in the neighbourhood of Phthiotis, and the term 
 Hellenes, by which they were particularly distinguished, 
 was gradually extended to other Grecian tribes, who 
 obtained their military aid, and between whom and 
 their chiefs a sort of feudal association was maintained; 
 but he observes that the name did not prevail generally 
 in Greece till a long period afterward. " Of this," 
 says Thucydides, " Homer is my chief testimony. For 
 although he lived much later than the Trojan war, he 
 has not by any means given to all the people of Greece 
 the name of Hellenes, nor indeed to any others than 
 those who came with Achilles from Phthiotis, and who 
 were the first Hellenes." He afterward observes that 
 Homer distinguishes the other Greeks by the names of 
 Danai, Argivi, and Achaei. 
 
 From the great variety and mixture of races of which 
 the ancient population of Italy was composed, the gen- 
 ealogy of its tribes cannot be traced with the same 
 accuracy as that of the races which at an early period 
 peopled the other regions of Europe. Whilst from its 
 peninsular situation it was of easy access to colonists 
 by sea either from Greece or Asia, it was always liable 
 to the inroads of the migratory hordes which entered 
 western Europe by the route indicated by the course 
 of the Danube; and thus the stream of population 
 
 xvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 poured in from opposite directions, and nations origi- 
 nally distinct became so amalgamated, that their dis- 
 tinctive characteristics were almost either obliterated 
 or were rendered so confused and perplexed, as to require 
 the utmost stretch of critical acumen to unravel them. 
 It was long before the historical divisions of mankind 
 were restricted to the natural boundaries of nations, 
 and it was not until those boundaries had been often 
 changed, and the great divisions of the human race 
 had been split into numerous subdivisions, and inter- 
 mingled, by changes in the course of emigration, that 
 these boundaries became fixed in the way that we now 
 behold them. 
 
 Long before the dawn of authentic history, the greater 
 part of the Italian peninsula appears to have been 
 occupied and settled by different races of men, as every 
 account which has reached us of the arrival of a new 
 colony, mentions that the advence, or newcomers, found 
 certain tribes which they termed Aborigines, already 
 in possession of the soil. But whence did these prirni 
 cultores Italia proceed? That they were of eastern 
 origin seems to be admitted on all hands, but the course 
 of their migrations has been a subject of dispute among 
 the learned. The Abbate Lanzi mentions (and he is 
 supported in his opinion by the greater part of the 
 Italian antiquaries and philologists) that the Pelasgi 
 or Hellenes originally peopled Italy, and after having 
 landed on its southern extremity, gradually spread 
 themselves over the country to the northward. But the 
 learned of other countries, particularly Fre>et, Heyne", 
 and Adelung, maintain in opposition to Lanzi and his 
 followers, that a portion of the tribes which first peopled 
 Italy must, in their progress to that peninsula, have 
 traversed the northern regions of Asia and Europe 
 and have penetrated by the defiles of the Alps into the 
 
 xvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 valley of the Po, and the great plain of Continental 
 Italy, or Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 Of the route followed by the Nomadic tribes, which 
 originally peopled the southern and western countries 
 of Europe, in their migrations from the east, no certain 
 account can be given; but it is well known that these 
 movements were generally to the westward; and it is 
 highly probable that the great route of these migrations 
 was between the chain of the Alps, which forms the 
 northern boundary of the Italian peninsula, and the 
 Danube. On reaching the Alpine barrier, several of the 
 more enterprising tribes would turn to the left and 
 enter the plains of Italy by the passes of the Tyrol, 
 or by those in the Maritime or Julian Alps. These 
 aborigines would, in process of time, and from various- 
 causes, gradually advance to the southward, and as the 
 descendants of these original settlers were never expelled 
 from Italy, the inhabitants of southern Italy may 
 partly be regarded as the offspring of those who first 
 descended into the plains of Lombardy. 
 
 As the precise route of the successive hordes of bar- 
 barians who invaded and peopled Italy cannot now be 
 determined, neither can the different periods of their 
 emigrations be ascertained. All that we know for cer- 
 tain, is, that at the dawn of history, Italy was occupied 
 by a variety of tribes speaking different languages or 
 dialects, who had arrived at different degrees of civili- 
 zation. Some writers have divided these tribes into 
 five classes, according to their presumed antiquity, 
 viz., Illyrians, Iberians, Celts, Pelasgians, and Etrus- 
 cans, whilst others classify them under the denomina- 
 tions of Umbrians, Etruscans, (Enotrians, and Auso- 
 nians or Opici. 
 
 There are no data by which to ascertain the epochs 
 of the different emigrations of these tribes. The four 
 
 xviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 classes first mentioned were in possession of Italy be- 
 fore the arrival of the Hellenic colonies in Magna Grsecia; 
 but with the exception of the Etruscans, who immedi- 
 ately preceded them, it appears doubtful whether the 
 Illyrians, Iberians, or Celts have the best title to priority 
 of occupancy. If the Umbrians were of Celtic origin, 
 as there is reason to believe, the north of Italy was 
 probably first peopled by the Celts, as all the ancient 
 writers who allude to the Umbri represent them as 
 the most ancient people known to have inhabited that 
 region. The Illyrians, who were of Thracian origin, 
 had from the most remote ages established themselves 
 on the coasts of the Adriatic, between Pannonia, Nori- 
 cum, and Epirus, and are supposed to have entered 
 Italy about sixteen centuries before the Christian era. 
 They consisted, it is believed, of three tribes, viz., the 
 Liburni, the Siculi, and the Heneti or Veneti. The 
 first settlement of the Liburni, who are supposed by 
 some writers to have been the most ancient inhabitants 
 of Italy, was between the Alps and the Adige. They 
 afterward crossed the Po, and spread themselves along 
 the western coasts of the Adriatic, but the pressure of 
 new colonies from the north forced them to move further 
 southward to the provinces of Terra di Bari, and Terra di 
 Otranto, where they were subdivided into three branches, 
 the lapyges, the Peucetii, and the Calabri. The tribe 
 which next followed the Liburni was the Siculi, origi- 
 nally from the frontiers of Dalmatia. They took posses- 
 sion of middle Italy as far as the Tiber, with the excep- 
 tion of the districts on the Adriatic which the Liburni 
 had previously occupied; but forced from their new pos- 
 sessions, and from the extremity of the peninsula, to 
 which they were driven by new settlers, they crossed 
 the Strait of Messina, and colonized the eastern part 
 of Sicily, to which they gave their name. This event, 
 
 xix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 according to Hellanicus, who is cited by Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus, took place eighty years before the taking 
 of Troy; but Thucydides fixes it at a later period. The 
 Heneti or Veneti, the last of the Illyrian tribes who 
 entered Italy, settled to the northward of the Po, where 
 they long maintained their independence against the 
 inroads of the Gauls, when the latter overran northern 
 Italy, about the close of the sixth century before our 
 era. 
 
 The Iberians penetrated into Italy after the Illyrians. 
 They are supposed to have proceeded from Aquitania, 
 and to have entered Italy through the country of Nice. 
 The Iberi are reputed by some writers as the oldest 
 inhabitants of the west of Europe. They were certainly 
 the original inhabitants of Spain, a circumstance which 
 gave rise to a tradition mentioned by Strabo, that Pontus 
 was peopled from Spain; but this is contrary to analogy, 
 the course of migration having invariably been from 
 east to west. On entering Italy the Iberians possessed 
 themselves of the district, subsequently termed the 
 Riviera di Genoa, and thereafter gradually spread them- 
 selves over the coasts of Tuscany, Latium, and the 
 Campagna, as it is now called. In process of time 
 they were driven by the Ligurians, probably a Celtic 
 tribe, to the extremity of the peninsula, and following 
 the example of the Siculi, they crossed the Strait of 
 Messina, and established themselves on the western 
 coast of Sicily, under the denomination of Sicani, 
 which they took from the River Sicanus. 
 
 The Etruscans, as forming a powerful and important 
 nation of ancient Italy, come next to be considered. 
 According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, they called 
 themselves by the national appellation of Rasenna; 
 but they were generally called Tyrseni or Tyrrheni, 
 by the Greeks, and Tusci or Thusci by the Romans. 
 
 xx
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 At the dawn of history, and long before the building of 
 Rome, this remarkable race appears to have possessed 
 a great part of the country originally belonging to the 
 Umbri, whom they drove from the maritime parts 
 of the ancient Umbria into the defiles of the Apennines. 
 
 No subject has puzzled ancient and modern writers 
 more than the origin of the Etruscans. According 
 to Herodotus, they were a colony of Lydians, a Pelas- 
 gian tribe, who were compelled by famine to leave 
 their abodes in Asia under the conduct of Tyrrhenus, 
 the son of Atys, their king, and who, after visiting many 
 shores, fixed themselves in Umbria under the appella- 
 tion of Tyrrhenians, from the name of their leader. 
 This tradition, which the father of history obtained 
 from the people of Lydia, has been adopted by almost all 
 the ancient writers, whether poets, historians, or geog- 
 raphers. Though embellished with circumstances of 
 a fabulous nature, the outline of the story is not im- 
 probable, and the descent of the Etruscans from the 
 Lydians might have been credited but for the silence 
 of Xanthus, the Lydian historian, who lived a short 
 time before Herodotus, and who, in a work of great 
 credit which he compiled on the antiquities of his 
 country, is silent respecting the Etruscans or their 
 origin. 
 
 From the Etruscan language having been spoken 
 in the mountainous tracts bordering on the northern 
 Etruria, a conjecture has been hazarded that the 
 Etruscans were descendants of the people who, at the 
 time of their emigration into Etruria, lived among the 
 Rhsetian Alps; but in the absence of any data on which 
 to found such an hypothesis, it is more reasonable 
 to suppose that as the Etruscans inhabited the adja- 
 cent plains of the Po for many centuries, they gradually 
 propagated their dialect in the adjoining districts as 
 
 xxi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 they extended their possessions, than that such a power- 
 ful and populous nation should have sprung from the 
 comparatively insignificant stock which inhabited the 
 neighbouring Alps. The opinion maintained by the 
 Senator Buonarotti, by Gorius, Guarnacci, Mazzochi, 
 Maffei, and Lord Monboddo, that the Etruscans were 
 of Egyptian descent, scarcely deserves serious considera- 
 tion when opposed to the judgment of Bardelli, Pellou- 
 tier, Fre"ret, Funccius, Adelung, Heyn6, Niebuhr, and 
 other distinguished Italian, French, and German anti- 
 quarians. These writers, though differing from one; 
 another in other points, agree in maintaining that the 
 Etruscans were of northern and Celtic origin. But 
 although Etruria may have received a new accession 
 of population by the Rhsetian valleys when the Gauls 
 overran the Circumpadane Etruria, as mentioned by 
 several historians, the character and manners of the 
 Etruscan people seem to support the opinion of the 
 ancient writers, that they were originally a maritime 
 colony from the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea. Their 
 high degree of social improvement, their great advance- 
 ment hi the arts, their commercial industry, and, in. 
 short, every circumstance in their history, distinguish 
 them from the native inhabitants of Europe, and par- 
 ticularly from those who, in these early ages, inhabited 
 mountainous countries. Besides practising the art of 
 writing, which was unknown in their time to the northern 
 and western nations of Europe, their religious doctrines 
 and customs were evidently so connected with the 
 superstitions of the East, as almost to demonstrate 
 their Oriental origin. 
 
 When the Rasenna entered Umbria, part of that 
 country was already in possession of some Pelasgian 
 tribes from Thessaly and Epirus, who are supposed to 
 have imported into Etruria the first elements of civil- 
 
 xxii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 ization. These tribes having, as is reported, crossed the 
 Adriatic at a period long before the Trojan war, seized 
 part of Umbria, where they settled and built towns, 
 all which, with the exception of Cortona, were after- 
 ward taken by the Etruscans. The latter established 
 themselves at first in the plains on both banks of the 
 Po, even to its embouchure, when cethey gradually 
 extended themselves over the greater part of the low 
 country intervening between the Alps and the Apen- 
 nines. They afterward pushed their conquests to the 
 mouth of the Tiber, and entered into an alliance with the 
 Latins, but were baffled in their efforts to obtain pos- 
 session of that corner on the Adriatic, which was oc- 
 cupied by the Veneti. The last settlement of the Etrus- 
 cans was in Campania, in the plains round Capua 
 and Nola, whence they expelled the former inhabitants, 
 the Osci, who were of the Ausonian or Opic race. The 
 first inhabitants of the south of Italy are supposed to 
 have been the CEnotrii and the Opici or Ausones; at 
 least when the Greek colonies arrived on the coast 
 of Magna Grsecia, they found these two races already in 
 possession of southern Italy. The CEnotrii, who were 
 of Arcadian origin, possessed the country between the 
 Scyllacean and Lametine gulfs. From the Arcadian 
 Italus they are said by Aristotle and Thucydides to have 
 given the name of Italy to that district. Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus, on the authority of Antiochus of Syra- 
 cuse, says that the (Enotrii were afterward divided 
 into three branches, and respectively called Siceli, 
 Morgetes, and Italietes or Italians, after the names of 
 different leaders. From the (Enotrii were descended 
 the Latins, the Peucetii, Chaones, and lapygians on the 
 eastern coast of Italy. 
 
 The primitive inhabitants of the central parts of Italy 
 were the Ausones or Opici, a barbaric people, whose
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 origin is lost in the mists of antiquity. They spoke a 
 language called by the Roman writers Opic or Oscan, 
 and appear to have been an extensive nation. They ex- 
 pelled the greater part of the Siceli from the south of 
 Italy. The latter passed over into Sicily, and the Au- 
 sones in their turn were driven from some of their 
 possession by the Etruscans. The Sabines, Samnites, 
 Lucanians, and Bruttians, who afterward overran Cam- 
 pania and Magna Graecia, were descended from the Au- 
 sonian or Opic race. Fron the identity of some Oscan 
 words, which have been preserved, with the Celtic, the 
 Oscan is supposed to have been originally a Celtic dia- 
 lect, a conjecture by no means improbable. Indeed, 
 as the original population of Rome consisted of a mix- 
 ture of Latins and Sabines, and as its language was 
 formed from the dialects of both these nations, there 
 appears to be no other way of accounting for the mix- 
 ture of Celtic words which is found hi the language 
 of ancient Rome, than by supposing the Ausonians or 
 Opici, as well as the Umbrians, to have been of Celtic 
 origin. 
 
 With regard to Spain it appears to have been first 
 peopled by the Iberi. The Sicani, a branch of the 
 Iberian race, are supposed to have possessed the whole 
 southern coast of Gaul, from which they were driven 
 by the Ligurians, who, it is believed, were of Celtic 
 origin. The possession of the Ligurians, or Ligyes 
 as they are named by the Greek writers, extended from 
 the Rhone to the confines of Spain, at the period when 
 the Greeks became acquainted with the western coun- 
 tries of Europe; but in the time of Polybius they had 
 acquired territories on both sides of the Apennines. 
 
 At a period not long subsequent to the age of Herodo- 
 tus, the Teutonic nations inhabited the north of Europe. 
 Pytheas of Massalia or Massilia, now known by the name 
 
 xxiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of Marseilles, who was contemporary with Aristotle, 
 mentions the Guttones, who inhabited the shores of an 
 estuary, which must have been the mouth of the Vistula, 
 and earned on a traffic in amber with their neighbours the 
 Teutones, then well known under that appellation; and as 
 the Guttones were probably Goths, we thus already dis- 
 cern in the north of Europe two of the most celebrated 
 nations belonging to the Germanic family, in an age 
 when the name of Rome had scarcely become known 
 to the Greeks. The Finns and Sclavonians are supposed 
 to have been the latest of the great nations who formed 
 the population of Europe. Finningia and the Fenni 
 are mentioned both by Tacitus and by Pliny. In the 
 age of these writers, the Finns were situated near the 
 the eastern shores of the Baltic, and had probably ex- 
 tended themselves as far as those districts where their 
 descendants were afterward known under the name 
 of Beormahs or Biarmiers. The Sclavonians are not 
 early distinguished in Europe under that name; but the 
 appellation of Wends, given to the Sclavonic race by 
 the Germans, seems to identify them with the Venedi, 
 mentioned in the geographical descriptions of Pliny 
 and Tacitus, as also with the OvcveSai or Winidae of 
 Ptolemy and Jornandes, these being terms appropriate 
 to the Sclavonic nations. Besides, it is probable that 
 the Russians were known to Herodotus, and that they are 
 mentioned by him under an appellation differing but 
 little from that which is now applied to them by their 
 Finnish neighbours. The Rhoxolani, first described by 
 Herodotus, are stated by Strabo to have inhabited 
 the plains near the sources of the Tanais and the 
 Borysthenes; and the Finns still distinguish the Mus- 
 covites by the name of Rosso-lainen, or Russian 
 people, a term which, if heard by a Greek, would natur- 
 ally be written Rhoxolani." 
 
 xxv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 The German or Teutonic race, though allied in their 
 origin to other races of men, may be considered as 
 one particular division of mankind. Their connection, 
 however, with other races, is too distant to come within 
 the utmost reach of history, and the limits which dis- 
 tinguish the Germans as a peculiar people are very 
 clearly defined. Ancient Germany was bounded by the 
 Danube and the Rhine on the south; by the Vistula, 
 and the uncertain limits of the Sarmatian tribes and 
 other nations confounded with them, on the east; 
 and by the Rhine and the German Ocean on the west; 
 but towards the north it had no precise limitation, all 
 the countries beyond the Baltic being included in it. 
 
 According to Tacitus, the Germans considered their 
 nation as consisting of three principal tribes, descended, 
 as they represented, from the three sons of Mannus, the 
 first man. To these tribes they gave the names of 
 Ingaevones, Hermiones, and Istsevones; but some, 
 as he informs us, added four other tribes, which they 
 termed Marsi, Gambrivii, Suevi, and Vandali. Pliny 
 divides the whole nation into five departments or 
 branches. The first class, which he terms Vindili (prob- 
 ably the Vandali of Tacitus), comprehended the Bur- 
 gundiones, Varini, Carini, and Guttones. According to 
 Jornandes, they inhabited the southern shores of the 
 Baltic, and the northeastern parts of Germany. The 
 second tribe were the Ingaevones, including the Cimbri, 
 Teutones, and the nations or tribes of Cauchi. Their 
 abode was in the northwestern countries, where Tacitus 
 also places them in the vicinity of the ocean. The 
 Istaevones, who inhabited the countries adjoining the 
 Rhine, were the third tribe. The Hermiones, or fourth 
 class, comprehended the Suevi, Hermonduri, Catti, 
 and Cherusci, and, according to Tacitus and Pliny, 
 were bland nations. The Suevi, who, in the opinion 
 
 xxvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of Tacitus, were a distinct tribe, included several tribes 
 in the eastern part of Germany, as the Marcomanni, 
 Quadi, Semnones, Marsingi, Lugii, Burii. The fifth 
 department of nations were the Peucini and Bastarnae, 
 the most easterly of ancient Germany, who were neigh- 
 bours of the Daci or Getae. Doctor Prichard considers 
 it as doubtful whether these divisions of Pliny were 
 founded on the history and genealogy of the people, 
 or were simply geographical arrangements. 
 
 In the opinion of the author of the " Mithridates," the 
 whole Germanic nation has, from the earliest times, 
 been divided into two great races, whose descendants 
 may be easily distinguished from each other by the 
 difference of language, or rather of dialect, which 
 distinguishes the Teutonic idioms. The Upper German 
 dialect is that harsh and deeply-toned language abound- 
 ing in gutterals and imperfectly articulated consonants, 
 and in deep diphthongal sounds which stand in the 
 place of the softer dentals and palatines, and of the 
 open vowels of the Lower German languages. The- clas- 
 sical German or High Dutch, though a softened and 
 refined idiom, so far partakes of the character of the 
 Upper German, as to be still one of the harshest lan- 
 guages of Europe. This difference of dialect, it has been 
 observed, is so general and so strongly marked, that 
 it cannot be supposed to have originated in Germany, 
 but argues a very ancient separation of the two races 
 before they quitted their abodes in Upper Asia. 
 
 The Suevi, and the tribes allied to them, who inhabited 
 the northeastern region of ancient Germany, Bohemia, 
 Prussia, and part of Poland (which countries they have 
 dnce abandoned to nations of the Slavonic race), 
 r poke the Upper German dialect, as did the tribes com- 
 prehended among the Vandali by Tacitus and Pliny, 
 and a part of the Ingaevones. The relative positions of 
 
 xxvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 the different branches of the Teutonic race underwent 
 a considerable change, however, by a great movement 
 at an early period. Long before the Christian era they, 
 along with the Cimbri, began to migrate towards Gaul 
 and Italy. Another movement took place during the 
 second century, and they made many distant conquests. 
 The Allemanni fixed themselves in the south of Ger- 
 many, where they have preserved in Swabia the ancient 
 name of the Suevic race, and from whom are descended 
 the present inhabitants of Switzerland, Alsace, Swabia, 
 the Upper and Middle Rhine. From the Longobardi, 
 who obtained possession of the eastern parts of Ger- 
 many, came the Bavarians, all the Teutonic people 
 of the Austrian States, and the remains of the Old 
 Lombards in the Vicentine and Veronese. All the 
 tribes in the western parts of ancient Germany belong to 
 the Lower or western German race, of which stock the 
 old Franks, the Saxons, and the Frisians were the three 
 most celebrated. The old Franks have lost their Ger- 
 man speech, and have acquired that of the conquered 
 Neustrian Gauls. The descendants of the Saxons, 
 mixed with Angles and Jutes, speak English in the 
 British Isles, and in Germany the Lower Saxon, or 
 Platt-Deutsch. The Low Countries and the Seven 
 United Provinces were peopled by the Frisian stock. 
 The first inhabitants of Scandinavia were probably 
 descended from the Lower German stock, though the 
 Heruli who penetrated into Norway, and the Gutae or 
 Goths of Sweden belong undoubtedly to the Teutonic 
 race. 
 
 The first habitation of the Finns appears to have been 
 on the sides of the Table Mountains. Certain it is, 
 that as far back as history can trace, the countries to a 
 considerable distance on both sides of the great Uralian 
 chain, were possessed, in the earliest times of which 
 
 xxviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 we have any trace, by a variety of nations connected 
 by marks of a common origin, who regarded their 
 Slavonian neighbours, their earliest invaders and con- 
 querors, as branches of one race. Klaproth has proposed 
 to distinguish this stock of men by the term Uralian: 
 " All," he says, " that we know of them by history and 
 philological researches, indicates their origin from the 
 Uralian chain, whence they descended toward the 
 west and the east." He adds, that before the move- 
 ments among the northern nations they appear to have 
 been spread, at least in Europe, much farther toward 
 the south than in modern times; and probably reached 
 as far as the Euxine, where they were comprehended 
 with other nations under the vague appellation of 
 Scythians. Though it appears certain that some tribes 
 of this stock have crossed the Ural into Europe, yet, 
 as remarked by Doctor Prichard, there is no historical 
 ground for supposing that the western branch of the 
 Tschudic race, namely, the Finnish nations, ever in- 
 habited this range of hills. 
 
 According to Gatterer, the Finnish nations, whom 
 he looks upon as the remains of the old Scythians, and 
 who all speak only one principal language, though di- 
 vided into various dialects, include the following tribes: 
 1. The Finns themselves, properly so called, both of 
 Swedish and Russian Finland, who give themselves the 
 name of Suoma-lainen, but are termed by the Russians 
 Tschuchonetz, or Tschuchna; 2. The Laplanders, in 
 the northernmost region of Norway, Sweden, and Russia; 
 by the Russians they are termed Lopari, but they call 
 themselves Sabme and Almag; 3. The Ishores, in Inger- 
 mannland, or Ingria, so named from the Ishora, or 
 River Inger; 4. The Esthonians, in Eastland, who are 
 termed Tschud hi the Russian annals, and by the Finns 
 are called Viro-lainen; 5. The Livonians, near Salis, 
 
 xxix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 in the circle of Riga, and in Courland, on the shore of 
 Angern; 6. The Votes or Votiaks on the River Viatka, 
 in the territory of Kasan and Oremburg, who name 
 themselves Ud, or Mordi, and are termed by the Tartars 
 AT; they speak a less mixed dialect, approaching very 
 nearly to that of the Tscheremisses, and more closely 
 to that of the Permians; 7. The Tscheremisses, or, as 
 they term themselves, Mari, on the left side of the Volga, 
 in the Kasan and Oremburg territory, whose language 
 is much intermixed with that of the Tartars; 8. The 
 Morduines, called by the Russians Mordwa, who term 
 themselves Moksha, dwell in the Oremburg territory; 
 their language varies greatly from that before mentioned, 
 and a particular tribe of them, termed Erzja, have a 
 dialect somewhat peculiar; 9. The Permians, called in 
 the Icelandic Sagas, Beormahs; and the Syr janes; 
 both of these nations live upon the Rivers Vitchegda 
 and Vim, call themselves Komi, and speak a pure Fin- 
 nish dialect; 10. The Vogouls, called by the Permians, 
 Vagol, and in the Russian annals Vogulitsch and 
 Ugritsch, are the first people in Siberia, living partly 
 in the mountains of Yugori, and partly along the flat 
 countries on both sides of them; their language corre- 
 sponds with the Hungarian and proper Finnish, but 
 most nearly with that of the Khondish Ostiaks; 11. The 
 Khondish Ostiaks, or as they name themselves, Chon- 
 dichui, that is, people of the Khonda, live on the lower 
 Irtish, and lower Obi, near Surgut, Tobolsk, and Beresof ; 
 their language is most nearly allied to that of the 
 Permians and Vogouls; 12. The Hungarians, who 
 name themselves Mad jar, and speak a Finnish dialect. 
 According to Prichard, the Tschudish race may be 
 most conveniently divided into three branches. The 
 first, or Finnish branch, may be considered as compre- 
 hending all the tribes of Finnish extraction, whose 
 
 xxx
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 abodes are to the westward of the White Sea and the 
 great Russian lakes; as the Laplanders, the Finn- 
 landers, Esthonians, Karelians, the Lievi, or Lifi, 
 in Courland, the Finns of Olonetz, and the remains of 
 the same race on the River Inger above mentioned. 
 The second, or Permian branch, may include the people 
 of Permia, the Syroenians and Votiaks, comprehending 
 the old Beormahs, as well as the nations termed by 
 Klaproth Volgian Finns, namely, the Mordouins, 
 Mokshas, Tscheremisses, and other tribes in the adjoin- 
 ing parts of the Russian empire. The third, or Uralian 
 branch, includes the Vogouls, in the countries near the 
 Uralian chain, the Ostiaks of the Obi, and lastly, the 
 Hungarians, who, notwithstanding their remote separa- 
 tion, are proved, by the affinity of their language, to 
 belong to the Siberian, or Eastern department of the 
 Tschudish race. 
 
 Distinct from the Teutonic and Tschudish or Finnish 
 races were the Scythae, who inhabited the country be- 
 tween the Danube and the Tanais or Don. Some foreign 
 writers of great learning and research, among whom 
 Professor Gatterer stands conspicuous, have attempted 
 to show, but apparently without success, that the 
 remains of the Tschudish race are descended from this 
 celebrated people. Pinkerton and others have en- 
 deavoured to derive the Goths and Germans, and even 
 the Greeks, from the Scythians; but although the re- 
 .sult of their labours affords abundant proofs of deep 
 reading and patient investigation, they do not seem to 
 have sufficiently established their hypothesis. We are 
 rather disposed to concur in the opinion of a third class 
 of writers who look upon the Russians, Poles, Bohemians, 
 and the other Slavonian nations as the representatives of 
 the ancient Scythians. Doctor Prichard, who ranks in 
 the last mentioned class, thinks notwithstanding, that the 
 
 xxxi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 Tartars in the countries bordering on the Black Sea> 
 have the best right to be considered as the true descend- 
 ants of the Scythians, since they inhabit the same limits, 
 and have preserved, from the earliest period of their 
 history, a national character and manners remarkably 
 similar to those of the old Scythians. 
 
 Before the Scythians entered Europe, they appear, 
 according to all the ancient accounts, to have inhabited 
 the country eastward of the Araxes and the Caspian Sea, 
 and probably also the north of Media. From their 
 settlements in the east they were forced, at an early 
 period, into Europe by the Massagetae, a powerful na- 
 tion, whose queen, Tomyris, is said to have cut off the 
 head of Cyrus the Great, whom she had vanquished in 
 battle and made prisoner. " The nomadic Scythians," 
 says Herodotus, " living in Asia, being overmatched 
 in war by the Massagetae, passing the River Araxes, 
 emigrated into the Cimmerian territory; for that 
 country which the ScythsB now inhabit is said to have 
 belonged of old to the Cimmerii." As Homer never 
 mentions the Scythians, and speaks of the Cimmerians 
 as a nation existing in his time, it is supposed that 
 this emigration of the Scythians must have taken place 
 subsequently to the Trojan war. But although the 
 Scythians may not have been known under that name 
 to the Greeks in the time of Homer, the descriptive 
 epithets applied in the Iliad to the inhabitants of 
 the countries possessed by the Scythians, seem to in- 
 dicate that the Scythae had fixed their abode in Europe 
 before the age of Homer. 
 
 Having crossed the great Caucasian chain, between 
 the Euxine and Caspian Seas, the Scythians gradually 
 extended themselves over the country described by He- 
 rodotus and others, as ancient Scythia, from which they 
 expelled the Cimmerii or ancient Celtic inhabitants. 
 
 xxxii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 A part, however, of the Cimmerii, protected by the 
 strength of their position, or overlooked by the invaders, 
 long maintained themselves in a corner of the Tauric 
 Chersonesus. They were, however, expelled from this 
 ancient abode by the Scythians about 640 years before 
 the Christian era, and, crossing the Cimmerian Bos- 
 phorus, entered Asia over the mountains of Cau- 
 casus. 
 
 Originally the term Scythae was confined to the people 
 who possessed the country between the Danube and the 
 Don; but in process of time, the name was applied by 
 the Greeks to all the nations which, like the Scythians, 
 properly so called, lived in the nomadic state. But it 
 is of the Scythae, as a distinct European nation, that 
 we are now speaking. Major Rennell, who has thrown 
 great light upon the statements of Herodotus, thus ex- 
 plains the opinion of the historian. " The country of 
 Scythia he (Herodotus) places next in order to Thrace, 
 going northeastward along the shores of the Euxine 
 and Mseotis. Where Thrace ends Scythia begins, says 
 he, Melp. 99. It will appear, however, that the Scyth- 
 ians of Herodotus were the Sarmatse and Getae of the 
 Romans; and his Massagetse the Scythians of the same 
 people, as well as of the Greeks in general, from the 
 date of Alexander's expedition. . . . The ancients 
 distinguished two countries by the name of Scythia, 
 the one extending along the north of the Euxine, the 
 other beyond the Caspian and Jaxartes. . . . The west- 
 ern, or Euxine Scythia, was the one invaded by Darius 
 Hystaspes; on which occasion the lonians, by pre- 
 serving his bridge of boats on the Danube, secured his 
 retreat; and the eastern Scythia, called also the country 
 of the Massagetse, was the one invaded by Cyrus, in 
 which, according to our author, he lost his life. . . . 
 So that the proper Scythians of Herodotus were those 
 
 xxxiii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 at the Euxine, and those of succeeding writers at the 
 Caspian (or rather Aral) and Jaxartes." 
 
 From the description of ancient Scythia, as given by 
 Herodotus, it appears that it was bounded on the east 
 by the Tanais or Don, and consequently was confined 
 within the limits of Europe. Scythia proper, as in- 
 cluded between the Danube and the Don, compre- 
 hended almost the whole of the Ukraine, including the 
 country of the Nogay Tartars and the Don Cossacks; 
 but the course of its northern boundary cannot be traced. 
 Rennell supposes it to have passed from the southern 
 confines of Polish Prussia eastward, and along the 
 direction of the River Sem, from the Borysthenes to the 
 Tanais. 
 
 The neighbours of the Scythians were, on the east, 
 the Sauromatse or Sarmatae, who are supposed to have 
 been a branch of the same race, as Herodotus says 
 they spoke a dialect of the Scythian language. On the 
 northwest were the Neuri; on the west the Agathyrsi; 
 on the side of Poland northward the Androphagi; and 
 on that of Russia the Melanchloeni. These last men- 
 tioned nations were probably distinct from the Scythian 
 stock. 
 
 The Scythian nation is divided by Herodotus into three 
 parts: the Scythae Georgi, or agricultural Scythians; 
 the Scythae Nomades, or wandering pastoral Scyth- 
 ians; and the Scythae Basileii, or Royal Scythians. 
 The first portion, from their inhabiting the country 
 near the Borysthenes, were called Borysthenitse by the 
 Greeks; but they denominated themselves Olbiopc- 
 litae. These possessed the western division of ancient 
 Scythia, and their territory extended about eleven 
 or twelve days' journey up the river. The Scythae 
 Nomades, whose manners corresponded with those of 
 the modern Tartars of the same region, were to the east- 
 
 xxxiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 ward of the Borysthenitae, and still further eastward 
 were the Scythae Basileii, who considered themselves 
 of a nobler extraction than the rest of the Scythian 
 nation. 
 
 To the term Scythes, as denoting the people who pos- 
 sessed the Seithia of Herodotus, succeeded that of 
 Sarmatae from Sarmatia, a name given by the Romans, 
 and the later Greek writers, to an extensive region, 
 comprehending not only Scythia proper, but also the 
 Trans- Vistular countries, and reaching northward to 
 an undefined extent. The population of Sarmatia, as 
 thus geographically defined, consisted, it appears, of 
 four distinct families or races: first, the Sarmatae, who 
 may be considered as the descendants of the more ancient 
 Scythians; secondly, the Peucini or Basternae, a tribe 
 of Teutonic extraction; thirdly, the Fenni, who possessed 
 the extensive country to the north named Finningia 
 by Pliny; and, lastly, the Venedi, or Venedae, or Wends, 
 as they were named by the Germans. 
 
 In the time of Tacitus, the three last mentioned races 
 had become so intermixed with the Sarmatae, that 
 it appeared doubtful to that discriminating writer, 
 whether they were to be classed among the Germans 
 or the Sarmatae. His words are : " I am in doubt whether 
 to reckon the Peucini, Venedi, and Fenni, among the 
 Germans or the Sarmatae, although the Peucini, who 
 are by some called Basternse, agree with the Germans 
 in language, apparel, and habitations. All of them live 
 in filth and laziness. The intermarriages of their chiefs 
 with the Sarmatians have debased them by a mixture 
 of the manners of that people. The Venedi have drawn 
 much from this source, for they overrun, in their preda- 
 tory excursions, all the woody and mountainous tracts 
 between the Peucini and Fenni. Yet, even these are 
 rather to be referred to the Germans, since they build 
 
 xxxv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 houses, carry shields, and travel with speed on foot; 
 in all which particulars they totally differ from the 
 Sarmatians, who pass their time in wagons and on 
 horseback. The Fenni live in a state of amazing savage- 
 ness and squalid poverty. They are destitute o.f arms, 
 horses, and settled abodes; their food is herbs; their 
 clothing skins; their bed the ground. Then- only 
 dependence is on their arrows, which, for want of iron, 
 are headed with bone; and the chase is the support 
 of the women as well as the men, who wander with 
 them hi the pursuit, and claim a share of the prey. Nor 
 do they provide any other shelter for their infants from 
 wild beasts and storms than a covering of branches 
 twisted together. This is the resort of youth; this is the 
 receptacle of old age." . 
 
 But after the Gothic conquests in the east, it was as- 
 certained, that the Venedi or Wends, were neither of 
 German nor Sarmatian extraction, but of Slavonic 
 origin. Jornandes, the bishop of Ravenna, who flour- 
 ished in the reign of the Emperor Justinian, divides 
 the Slavonian race, which collectively he calls the 
 Winidae, into three nations, namely, the Veneti, Antes, 
 and Sclavi; but he afterward distinguishes them into 
 the Sclavini and Antes. " To the left side of the Alps," 
 says the bishop, " surrounding Dacia, through an im- 
 mense space lying northward of the source of the 
 Vistula, the populous nation of the Winidae are settled, 
 who, though they have different names in particular 
 tribes and families, are principally distinguished by those 
 of Sclavini and Antes." To the westward, between 
 the Danube and the Dniester, he places the Sclavini, 
 according to Cluverius; and, to the eastward of these, 
 between the Dniester and the Dnieper, or Borysthenes, 
 he fixes the Antes. The same distinction is adopted 
 by Procopius, the contemporary of Jornandes. 
 xxxvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 The accuracy of this division is fully confirmed by 
 the philological researches of the ex-jesuit, Dobrowsky, 
 in his " Geschichte der Bohmischen Sprache und Lit- 
 eratur," or History of the Bohemian Language and 
 Literature, published in the " Transactions of the Royal 
 Bohemian Society," and of which the substance is 
 given in the second volume of Adelung's " Mithridates." 
 From a critical examination and comparison of the 
 dialects of the Slavonian language, Dobrowsky was in- 
 duced to divide the Slavonic nation into two principal 
 branches, namely, the Antes or eastern branch, com- 
 prehending the Russians and the nations in Illyrium 
 of Slavonic origin; and the Slavi or western branch, 
 comprehending the Poles, Bohemians, and the Serbes 
 or Wends in the north. Though the nations belonging to 
 each branch differ but little in speech from each other, 
 yet the people of one branch are scarcely understood by 
 those of the other. 
 
 From specimens of their languages and other histor- 
 ical data, Doctor Prichard states, as the results of his 
 inquiries, that of the Antes, the Russians are the first 
 and chief nation; that the great Russian nation is 
 intermixed with Scandinavians from the Teutonic 
 clan of Rurik, who first gave the name of Russians to 
 the Slaves of Novogorod; and that the Little, or South- 
 ern, or Kiewite Russians, differ very little in language 
 from the Slaves of Illyrium, from whom the ecclesiastical 
 and old literary language of the Russians were derived. 
 About two hundred years before the Slaves of Illyrium, 
 consisting of three tribes, the Servian, Croatian, and the 
 southern or Illyrian Wends, were converted by St. 
 Cyril, they made their transit from the countries adjoin- 
 ing Southern or Red Russia, and the Carpathian Moun- 
 tains, into the districts on the Adriatic, which they now 
 occupy. The first tribe amongst these is the Servian, 
 
 xxxvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 whose dialect is between the Russian and that of the 
 second tribe. To the Servian tribe are referred, 1. The 
 people of Servia; 2. The Bosnians; 3. The Bulgarians, 
 intermixed with Tartars from Bolgari in Kasan; 4. The 
 Morlachians, and the people of Wallachia of Slavonian 
 descent. The Croatian, or second tribe of the Illyrian 
 Slavi, comprehends the Croats, Slavonians proper, 
 and the western Dalmatians. The third tribe is to be 
 found in Carinthia, Carniola, and Steyermark. These 
 three tribes belong to the Antes, or eastern branch. 
 
 Until a recent period, the Sclavini, or western branch, 
 were the most renowned. After the Goths and other 
 Teutonic tribes migrated to the southward, their terri- 
 tories were invaded by the Sclavini from the eastern 
 countries, who took possession of all the northeast 
 of Germany. On the fall of the Thuringian power in the 
 sixth century, they gained all the east of Germany to 
 the Saale, and all the northern parts from the Vistula 
 to Holstein. The descendants of the Sclavini are, 1. 
 The Poles; 2. The Tschechi or Bohemians, including 
 the Moravians and other neighbouring tribes; 3. The 
 Serbes, formerly a numerous people between the Saale 
 and the Oder, of which the Lusatians are the remains, 
 still speaking a Slavonian dialect; 4. The Northern 
 Wends, who formerly inhabited all the northern parts 
 of Germany between Holstein and Kassubon, and were 
 divided into two chief nations, the Obotrites and the 
 Wiltzes. The Wendish language is now retained by 
 only a few scattered tribes of the last mentioned nations. 
 The Cossacks are also of Slavonian origin, it being well 
 known that the Russian Cossacks are the descendants 
 of emigrants from Russia. Of these the Cossacks of 
 Little Russia, who are descendants of emigrants from 
 Red Russia, driven out by the Poles, are generally un- 
 derstood to be the most ancient. 
 
 xxxviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 It thus appears that the European races, in the earliest 
 periods of which we have any information respecting 
 them, occupied nearly the same relative situation as 
 the tribes chiefly descended from them still continue to 
 possess. The few scattered facts or intimations which 
 history furnishes, therefore, afford no evidence against 
 the hypothesis that different parts of the world were 
 originally filled with autochthones or indigenous in- 
 habitants, nor indeed against any other hypothesis or 
 theory whatsoever. Great reliance has been placed by 
 many upon traits of resemblance hi customs and super- 
 stitions; and from the coincidences of the doctrines of 
 Druidism and the mythology of the Sagas, some have 
 ascribed a common origin to the nations of Europe and 
 those of the East. But opposed as we are upon the au- 
 thority of sacred history to the opposite theory, we must, 
 nevertheless, observe, that this principle is exceedingly 
 unsafe; for by a similar mode of reasoning we might 
 conclude that the Turks and Tartars came from Arabia, 
 and derive the Buddhists of Northern Asia from India, 
 or perhaps from Ceylon. Nor can historical traditions, 
 however plausible and striking they may, in some 
 instances, appear, fill up the void; because, besides 
 involving every element of error, such traditions are 
 found, when examined and compared, to lead to contra- 
 dictory and incompatible results. It is, therefore, only 
 by an analysis of languages, which, after all, are hi reality 
 the most durable of human monuments, and by de- 
 tecting in their composition common elements and 
 forms of speech, that we can ever hope to obtain satis- 
 factory evidence of the identity or connection in point 
 of origin of those races by which they are spoken with 
 ancient nations, whose languages have either in whole 
 or in part been preserved. 
 
 The diversity of opinion which has hitherto prevailed 
 xxxix
 
 on this subject proves the uncertainty and insufficiency 
 of the data from which inquirers have hitherto de- 
 duced their conclusions. Amongst the ancients, the 
 notion that any particular region of the earth was, from 
 the beginning, supplied by a separate and distinct crea- 
 tion with its peculiar stock of indigenous or native in- 
 habitants, seems to have universally prevailed, and the 
 frequent occurrence of such terms as autochthones, 
 indigenae, or aborigines, affords undoubted evidence 
 of the fact. The creation of man had indeed been handed 
 down in the pagan world through an obscure tradition, 
 which assigned the origin of the human race to a prim- 
 itive pair fashioned out of clay by the hand of Prome- 
 theus or Jupiter; but this tradition was considered by 
 the better informed amongst the pagans as belonging 
 to mythology; which, in its literal sense at least, was 
 with them of little authority. Unacquainted with the 
 affinity of languages, and puzzled by the varieties of 
 the human species, the ancients adopted an opinion 
 which was quite natural, but which no believer in 
 sacred history can embrace, without repudiating the 
 authority of revelation itself. 
 
 Amongst Jews and Christians the prevailing belief, 
 founded upon the authority of Scripture, has ever been, 
 that all the natives of the earth originated from a 
 common parentage, a belief which it is impossible to 
 reconcile with a different hypothesis. Many learned men 
 of late, chiefly on the continent, particularly among 
 the French naturalists and physiologists, and the 
 writers on history and antiquities in Germany, have, 
 however, ventured to espouse the opinion of the ancient 
 pagans on this subject. Amongst the former there are 
 some who speak of the Adamic race as of one amongst 
 many distinct tribes, and others who broadly controvert 
 its claims to be considered as the primary stock of the 
 
 xl
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 human race. On the other hand some of the most 
 learned of the Germans have, almost without reservation, 
 adopted this opinion. Von Humboldt, notwithstanding 
 the indubitable proofs he has collected of intercourse 
 between the inhabitants of the eastern and western 
 continents, appears to regard the primitive population 
 of America as a distinct and peculiar race, and Malte- 
 Brun has plainly taken it for granted, that from the 
 earliest times each part of the earth had indigenous 
 inhabitants, into whose origin it is vain to make in- 
 quiries. Even the celebrated Niebuhr, perplexed by 
 his researches into the early history and population 
 of Italy, is glad to escape from the difficulty of his 
 subject, by adopting a similar opinion. Such an hypothe- 
 sis is, however, not only at variance with the proofs 
 drawn from the analogy of languages, by the most 
 eminent philologists, amongst whom Sir William Jones 
 stands conspicuous, but also with sacred history, which 
 is too clear on this point to admit of a different construc- 
 tion. No doubt the comparison of languages will not, 
 by itself, demonstrate the unity of the human race, or 
 an original sameness of idiom in the whole species, but 
 if properly applied, it will furnish vast assistance in 
 tracing the history and affinity of nations. Perhaps 
 the best illustrations of the utility and security of this 
 mode of investigation are to be found in the history of 
 the Goths who conquered the Roman empire, and in 
 that of the Polynesian races. The Goths were supposed 
 by most of the writers who lived shortly after the era of 
 the Gothic invasion, to be Getse or Thracians; an opin- 
 ion which has been adopted by some modern historians, 
 but from an ample specimen of their language in the 
 version of Ulphilas, it has been ascertained, that in con- 
 formity with their own traditions, they were not Getai 
 nor Thracians, but nearly allied in kindred to the north- 
 
 xli
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 era tribes of the German family. In the same way, 
 by a comparison of the languages of some of the tribes 
 of the Polynesian races, living in the most remote 
 islands of the Great Ocean at an immense distance 
 from all other inhabited regions, with those of the tribes 
 inhabiting part of the Indian continent, and the isles 
 of the Indian Archipelago, it has been clearly ascer- 
 tained that they derived their origin from the same 
 quarter, although the great remoteness of these island- 
 ers would appear to furnish an argument to the Ration- 
 alist, that they commenced their existence in their 
 present abodes. 
 
 With those who fearlessly reject the evidence of sacred 
 history, the subject is not one which can be decided 
 either way by authority; and it is only by examining the 
 evidence which seems to bear more immediately upon 
 the subject, that they can ever hope to arrive at a satis- 
 factory conclusion. This viewed generally, is of two 
 kinds, and comprehends, first, considerations resulting 
 from a survey of the natural history of the globe, and 
 facts connected with physical geography, and with the 
 multiplication and dispersion of species of both plants 
 and animals; and, secondly, analytical investigations 
 into the structure, affinities, and diversities of languages, 
 in reference to the general question as to the history 
 of our species. 
 
 With regard to the arguments deduced from the for- 
 mer source, however, although they may, at first view, 
 appear to bear with the greatest weight upon this ques- 
 tion, yet, from our inability duly to appreciate the effects 
 of physical causes operating during a long course of 
 ages, it is impossible with any degree of certainty to 
 infer original distinction from the actual differences 
 observable amongst mankind. But in the case of 
 languages, especially those which, though they have 
 
 xlii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 ceased to be spoken, are still preserved, there is no such 
 element of uncertainty; and hence we are inclined to 
 hold, that the only conclusions upon which we can 
 safely rely respecting the aboriginal history of our species, 
 are those deducible from an analysis of languages, con- 
 ducted upon strictly philosophical principles. 
 
 In tracing, however, the affinities of languages, many 
 writers, in the eagerness of etymological research, have 
 endeavoured to derive all languages from one common 
 origin; but they have signally failed in the attempt, 
 and for this reason, that the language of Noah, the primi- 
 tive speech of mankind, was abolished before the dis- 
 persion of the human race, and this " one language and 
 one speech " was miraculously supplanted by various 
 distinct languages. Of this fact, the sacred text seems 
 to be decisive, and yet many commentators on the Bible, 
 and other writers, maintain, that the language of our 
 first parents was preserved in the family of Shem. But 
 independently of this irrefragable inference from sacred 
 history, the non-existence of a primitive language 
 from which all others are alleged to have been derived 
 seems sufficiently established from the fact stated by 
 Sir William Jones, in his ninth " Anniversary Discourse," 
 that no affinity exists between Arabic, Sanscrit, and 
 Tartaric, and that almost all existing languages bear 
 more or less relation to the one or the other of these 
 tongues. Supposing, however, that there are languages 
 which have no such affinity, a conjecture far from being 
 improbable, their distinct existence does not affect the 
 argument, but only adds to the number of original 
 languages. 
 
 From the earliest periods of history, there have co- 
 existed three distinct families of language, and of which 
 all other languages appear to be dialects. Some phil- 
 ologists have proposed to distinguish the different classes 
 
 xliii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of idioms by the generic terms of Semitic, Hamite, and 
 Japetic, a division which seems to be not only conform- 
 able to the structure of the languages included under 
 these different denominations, but also to the apparently 
 settled plan of separation and dispersion of Noah's 
 posterity as recorded by Moses. Eichhorn observes, 
 that the class of idioms, termed by German philological 
 writers Semitic languages, divide themselves into the 
 three following branches: The Hebrew, or the dialect 
 of Palestine and Phoenice, the Arabic, and the Aramean 
 or northern Semitic, spread over Syria and Mesopo- 
 tamia; and he maintains that these are as nearly re- 
 lated to each other as the Ionic, ^Eolic, and Doric dialects 
 of the Greek. The term Semitic, however, has been 
 thought objectionable by some, on the ground that several 
 of the nations who spoke the languages so denominated 
 in common with the descendants of Shem, were of 
 Hamite origin, as the Phoenicians or Canaanites. Under 
 the class of Hamite idioms may be comprehended prin- 
 cipally the dialects of the old Egyptian speech, the 
 Coptic, Sahidic, and Bashmuric, including conjecturally, 
 until the mutual relations of these languages shall have 
 been more fully investigated, several idioms spoken by 
 races of Africa, in whose history marks are to be found 
 of connection with the ancient subjects of the Pharaohs. 
 The Japetic languages, so named by Schlozer, the learned 
 editor of " Nestor's Annals," from most of the nations 
 by whom they are spoken having descended, as is gen- 
 erally believed, from Japhet, are the same as those now 
 classed by philologists under the title of Indo-European, 
 as being more or less nearly related to the ancient lan- 
 guage of India. 
 
 Such an analysis of various languages as that here 
 spoken of will in every instance display one or other of 
 four different relations subsisting between them. 1. 
 
 xliv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 In comparing some languages, little or no analogy can 
 be discovered in their grammatical construction, but a 
 resemblance more or less extensive may be traced in 
 their vocabularies, or in the terms of particular objects, 
 actions, and relations; and if this correspondence is the 
 result of commercial intercourse, conquest, or the intro- 
 duction of a new system of religion, literature, and 
 manners, it will extend only to such words as belong to 
 the new stock of ideas thus introduced, and will leave 
 unaffected the great proportion of terms which are 
 expressive of mere simple ideas and of universal objects; 
 but if the correspondence traced in the vocabularies 
 of any two languages is so extensive as to involve words 
 of a simple and apparently primitive class, it indicates 
 a much more ancient and intimate connection. 2. 
 Certain languages which have but few words in common 
 nevertheless display, when carefully examined, a re- 
 markable analogy in their principles and forms of 
 grammatical construction; as in the polysynthetic 
 idioms of the American tribes, and the monosyllabic 
 languages of the Chinese and Indo-Chinese nations. 3. 
 A third relation discoverable between languages, con- 
 nected by both the circumstances already pointed out, 
 consists in what may be properly called cognation; an 
 epithet which is applied to all those dialects which are 
 connected by analogy in grammatical forms, and by a 
 considerable number of primitive words or roots common 
 to all, or which at least possess such a resemblance as 
 confessedly indicates a common origin. 4. The fourth 
 and last relation, which is almost purely negative, exists 
 between languages in which none of the connecting 
 characters above described can be discerned, and there 
 is discoverable neither analogy of grammatical structure, 
 nor any correspondence in words, sufficient to indicate 
 a particular affinity, circumstances which are held as 
 
 xlv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 conclusive that such languages are not of the same 
 family, and that they belong to nations remote from each 
 other in descent as well as differing in physical char- 
 acteristics. 
 
 Upon these principles, which are now universally 
 received as almost the only guides, apart from sacred 
 history, in investigating the origin and descent of 
 nations, the languages of the Finnish tribes, the Lap- 
 landers, the Hungarians, the Ostiaks, and the Siberian 
 Tschudes have been compared and analyzed by Gigard- 
 mathi, Adelung, Gatterer, Klaproth, and others; and the 
 result, which appears to have been sufficiently established, 
 is, that all these nations have sprung from one common 
 original stock, the primitive seat of which was the 
 country situated between the chain of Caucasus and the 
 southern extremities of the Uralian mountains. But 
 our chief object at present is with those tribes which 
 have been latterly denominated Indo-European, a 
 term which includes all that class of nations, many of 
 them inhabitants of Europe, whose dialects are more or 
 less nearly related to the ancient language of India. 
 The idea of this classification, which is by far the most 
 scientific that has yet been adopted, was suggested by 
 comparing the Sanscrit with the Greek and Latin lan- 
 guages, and observing the interesting and remarkable 
 results evolved by that comparison. These were, first, 
 the detection of a very considerable number of primitive 
 words, which were found to be common to all these 
 languages; and, secondly, the discovery of a still more 
 striking affinity which was proved to exist between their 
 respective grammatical forms. In the case of the Greek 
 and Sanscrit, this affinity amounts almost to complete 
 identity; in that of the Latin and Sanscrit, it is also, 
 as might be supposed, exceedingly striking; and these 
 languages are all evidently branches of one common or 
 
 xlvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 parent stem. But the same process of analysis had led 
 to other and not less curious or interesting results. It 
 has been proved that the Teutonic, as well as the 
 Sclavonic, including the Lettish or Lithuanian, stand 
 in nearly the same relation to the ancient language of 
 India, as the Greek and the Latin; and several in- 
 termediate languages, as the Zend and other Persian 
 dialects, the Armenian and the Ossete, which is one of 
 the various idioms spoken by the nations of the Caucasus, 
 have been found by those who have examined their 
 structure and etymology to belong to the same stock. 
 
 In this way a close and intimate relation was proved 
 by unquestionable evidence to subsist between a con- 
 siderable number of languages and dialects used or 
 spoken by nations who are spread over a great part of 
 Europe and of Asia, and to whom the term Indo-Euro- 
 pean has in consequence been applied. In fact, the more 
 accurately these languages have been examined, the 
 more extensive and deep-rooted have their affinities 
 appeared; and it is only necessary to refer to Professor 
 Jacob Grimm's masterly analysis of the Teutonic idioms, 
 to enable the reader to verify the truth of this remark. 
 The historical inference deducible from these investiga- 
 tions, therefore, is, that the European nations who speak 
 dialects referable, on analysis, to this class or family of 
 languages, are of the same race with the Indians and 
 Asiatics, to whom a similar observation may be applied; 
 and that all are the descendants of some original nation 
 or people, who spoke the primitive language, to which 
 all the Indo-European forms of speech may be referred 
 as a common source. 
 
 In the application of the principles above stated 
 to the languages of Africa and America, as com- 
 pared with those of Asia and Europe, philologists have 
 been sadly puzzled. In the old continent, they have 
 
 xlvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 sought in vain for a nation from whose speech the 
 diversified idioms of America may with any degree of 
 probability be derived; but an examination of the 
 American languages themselves has led to some interest- 
 ing results. The native races of North America, by a 
 classification of their dialects, which are very numerous, 
 may be reduced to a few great divisions, several of which 
 extend as radii issuing from a common centre in the 
 northwestern part of the continent which is divided 
 from Asia by Behring's Straits. A chain of nations 
 whose languages, particularly those of the Ugalyach- 
 matzi, and Koluschians, bear a curious analogy to that 
 of the Aztecs, and Tlaxcallans, has been discovered 
 extending from New Mexico to Mount St. Elias, in the 
 neighbourhood of the Esquimaux Tschugazzi. The 
 Karalit or Esquimaux, another series of nations con- 
 nected by affinities of dialect, has been traced from the 
 settlements of the Tschuktzschi in Asia, along the 
 polar zone to Acadia and Greenland. In a similar 
 manner, light has been thrown on the history of the 
 Lenni, Lenape, and the great kindred family of Algon- 
 quin nations, on that of the Iroquois, and likewise of 
 the Florida and other races of North America, by com- 
 paring their national traditions with the indications 
 discovered in their dialects. It is a remarkable circum- 
 stance, that although there are, according to Lopez - 
 a missionary well versed in the languages of South and 
 North America about fifteen hundred idioms in 
 America, there is a singular congruity in the structure 
 between all the American languages, from the northern 
 to the southern extremity of that vast continent. These 
 facts have been fully developed by the researches of 
 Barlow, Hewas, Humboldt, Heckewelder, Duponceau, 
 and others. 
 
 But a more immediate subject of inquiry is, whether 
 xlviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 the Celtic dialects belong to the class or family of 
 languages spoken by the Indo-European nations; and 
 the question is the more interesting as it bears directly 
 on the origin of the nations of western Europe, including 
 the British Islands, as well as on the more extensive 
 one relating to the physical history of mankind. Many 
 persons have supposed the Celts to be of Oriental origin, 
 but, for the most part, upon grounds which are either 
 altogether fanciful, or at least insufficient to warrant 
 such a conclusion. The compilers of the " Universal 
 History," for instance, gravely tell us, that the Celts 
 were descended from Gomer, the eldest son of Japhet, 
 the son of Noah; that Gomer settled in the province of 
 Phrygia in Asia Minor, whilst his sons, Ashkenaz and 
 Togarmah, occupied Armenia, and Rephath took pos- 
 session of Cappadocia; that when they found it neces- 
 sary to spread themselves wider, they moved regularly 
 in columns, without disturbing or interfering with their 
 neighbours; that the descendants of Gomer, or the 
 Celtse, took the left hand, and gradually spread them- 
 selves westward to Poland, Hungary, Germany, France, 
 and Spain; and that the descendants of Magog, the 
 brother of Gomer, moved to the eastward, peopling 
 Tartary, and spreading themselves as far as India and 
 China. Speculative fancies like these, however, are too 
 absurd and extravagant to be even amusing. The real 
 question is, whether the same arguments which prove 
 most of the other nations of the world to be of eastern 
 origin and descent, may not also be applied to that great 
 stock, the branches of which, anterior to the commence- 
 ment of history, had overspread Gaul and Britain, and 
 occupied a considerable part of Spain. 
 
 But here it is proper to observe, that writers on the 
 history of languages and the antiquity of nations are 
 divided in opinion with respect to this question. Adelung 
 
 xlix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 and Murray have considered the Celts as a branch of the 
 Indo-European stock; but the latter has left that part 
 of his work which relates to the Celtic dialects in a most 
 incomplete state; and Adelung has committed the error 
 of supposing the Welsh or Cymbric to be derived from 
 the language of the Belgae, and not from that of the 
 Celts, who inhabited the central parts of Gaul and 
 Britain. From want of information respecting the Celtic 
 dialects, many of the continental writers, amongst 
 whom may be mentioned Frederick Schlegel and 
 Malte-Brun, have been led to believe the Celtic to be a 
 language of a class wholly unconnected with the other 
 idioms of Europe; and in Britain the same opinion has, 
 from the same cause, been expressed by several well- 
 known authors. Mr. Pinkerton, for instance, has de- 
 clared, in his usual dogmatical manner, that the Celtse 
 were a people entirely distinct from the rest of mankind; 
 and that then* language, the real Celtic, is as remote from 
 the Greek as the Hottentot is from the Lapponic. And 
 Colonel Kennedy, at the conclusion of the chapter in 
 which he successfully refutes some of the opinions of 
 Pelloutier and Bullet, respecting the Celtse and their 
 language, concludes, that " the Celtic, when divested 
 of all words which have been introduced into it by 
 conquest and religion, is a perfectly original language; " 
 and that " this originality incontrovertibly proves that 
 neither Greek, Latin, or the Teutonic dialects, nor 
 Arabic, Persian, or Sanskrit, were derived from the 
 Celtic, since these languages have not any affinity what- 
 ever with that tongue." Davis, however, in the preface 
 to his dictionary, has said, " Ausim affirmare linguam 
 Britannicam (Celticam), turn vocibus, turn phrasibus et 
 orationis contextu, turn literarum pronunciatione, mani- 
 festium cum orientialibus habere congruentiam et 
 affinitatem," and a result of a more accurate and 
 
 1
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 minute analysis has been to confirm this opinion in the 
 most complete manner possible. 
 
 The connection of the Sclavonian, German, and 
 Pelasgian races with the ancient Asiatic nations may 
 be established by historical proof. But the language of 
 these races and the Celtic, although differing from each 
 other, and constituting the four principal classes of 
 dialects which prevail in Europe, are nevertheless so far 
 allied in their radical elements, that they may with 
 certainty be considered as branches of the same original 
 stock. Remarkable, indeed, is the resemblance observ- 
 able in the general structure of speech, and in those parts 
 of the vocabulary which must be supposed to be the most 
 ; ancient, as, for instance, in words descriptive of common 
 objects and feelings, for which expressive terms existed 
 in the primitive ages of society. In fact, the relation 
 between the languages above mentioned and the Celtic 
 is such as not merely to establish the affinity of the 
 respective nations, but likewise to throw light upon the 
 structure of the Indo-European languages in general; 
 and particularly to illustrate some points which had 
 been previously involved in obscurity. This is clearly 
 demonstrated by Doctor Prichard's ample and satis- 
 factory analysis, which embraces almost everything 
 that can possibly enter into an inquiry of this nature. 
 
 In examining that permutation of letters in composi- 
 tion and construction which is common to many of the 
 Indo-European languages, according to rules founded 
 originally on euphony or on the facility of utterance, a 
 circumstance from which has arisen the great capability 
 which these languages possess, of forming compound 
 words, Doctor Prichard adduces the substitution of con- 
 sonants of particular orders for their cognates in the 
 composition or formation of Greek compound words as 
 an example of the peculiarity noticed. But the mutation 
 
 U
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of consonants in Greek, in Latin, and in the German 
 dialects is not general; it is confined to words brought 
 together under very peculiar circumstances, as chiefly 
 when they enter into the formation of compound terms, 
 and it is scarcely observed in words which still remain 
 distinct, and are merely constituent parts of sentences. 
 To account for the immutability of simple terms, the 
 learned author supposes that either the attention to 
 euphony and the facility of utterance has not extended 
 so far, or that the purpose was attained by a choice of 
 collocation, the words themselves remaining unaltered. 
 In the Sanscrit language, however, words merely in 
 sequence influence each other in the change of termina- 
 tions, and sometimes of initial letters, on the principle 
 before alluded to. Thus, as Doctor Prichard notices, 
 instead of atishtat manujah, stabat homo, the man stood, 
 the words are written atishtun manujah, the final t of 
 the verb atishtat, stabat, being altered into n, on account 
 of the liquid consonant with which the next word 
 begins. The Sanscrit grammarians term this change in 
 distinct words Sandhi, conjunction; and the rules, 
 according to which compound words are found, are 
 called Sdmasa, signifying coalition. The same prin- 
 ciples which govern the permutation of letters in the 
 Sanscrit are clearly discoverable in the Celtic dialects, 
 particularly in the Welsh and in the Gaelic. 
 
 Proofs of the common origin, in the vocabulary of the 
 Celtic and other Indo-European nations, are exhibited 
 by this eminent philologist, first, in the names of persons 
 and relations; secondly, in the principal elements of 
 nature, and of the visible objects of the universe; 
 thirdly, in names of animals; fourthly, in verbal roots 
 found in the Celtic and other Indo-European languages, 
 and fifthly, in adjectives, pronouns, and particles. He 
 then proceeds to investigate the proofs of a common 
 
 lii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 origin derived from the grammatical structure of the 
 Celtic, as compared with that of other Indo-European 
 languages, particularly the Sanscrit, the Greek, the 
 Latin, the Teutonic, and Sclavonian dialects, and the 
 Persian language; and in all of these he shows that a 
 striking resemblance is discoverable in the personal 
 inflections of verbs, as well as in the personal pronouns, 
 and in the inflections of verbs through the different 
 moods and tenses; and he concludes with a further illus- 
 tration of the principles which he had previously estab- 
 lished by an analysis of the verb substantive, and the 
 attributive verbs hi the Celtic dialects, and in other 
 Indo-European forms of speech, the result of which is to 
 evolve coincidences precisely analogous to those already 
 exemplified with the utmost accuracy of detail. 
 
 What, then, is the -legitimate inference to be deduced 
 from the obvious, striking, and, we may add, radical 
 analogies, proved to exist between the Celtic dialects and 
 the idioms which are generally allowed to be of cognate 
 origin with the Sanscrit, the Greek, and the Latin lan- 
 guages? The marks of connection are manifestly too 
 decided and extensive, and enter too deeply into the 
 structure and principles of these languages, to be the 
 result of accident or casual intercourse; and, being thus 
 interwoven with the intimate texture of the language 
 compared, seem incapable of explanation upon any 
 principle, except that which has been admitted with 
 respect to the other great families of languages belonging 
 to the ancient population of Europe, namely, that the 
 whole Celtic race is of Oriental origin, and a kindred 
 tribe with the nations who settled on the banks of the 
 Indus, and on the shores of the Mediterranean and 
 the Baltic. It is probable, indeed, that several tribes 
 emigrated from their original seat at different periods, 
 and at different stages of advancement, in respect to 
 
 liii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 civilization; and hence, we find their idioms in different 
 stages and degrees of refinement; but the proofs of a 
 common origin, derived from an accurate examination 
 and analysis of the intimate structure and component 
 materials of these languages, are nevertheless such as, 
 in our judgment, must command general assent; more 
 especially, considering that the general inference thus 
 deduced receives strong confirmation from those purely 
 physical investigations, to which we have already 
 alluded. If, indeed, there be any truth in those principles 
 of classification which naturalists have adopted, the 
 Mongol and the Chinese, the Hindu and the Tartar, are 
 not more certainly Oriental than the native Celt, whose 
 physical conformation indeed exhibits only a slight 
 modification of that which is peculiar to the great race 
 whence he is descended; whilst his superstitions, man- 
 ners, customs, and observances, as well as language, are 
 all decidedly marked with traces and indications of an 
 eastern origin. 
 
 The early history of the Celts, like that of the other 
 nations of antiquity, is involved in obscurity. They 
 were known to the ancient Greeks only by name, and 
 these Greeks were so uncritical as to include amongst 
 the Celts, all the people who lived between the Oder and 
 the Tagus, and consequently to consider them all as be- 
 longing to one race. Even the Romans, who did not 
 fail to avail themselves of the better opportunity which 
 they had of distinguishing these people from one another, 
 according to their customs, origin, and language, too 
 often, either through ignorance or indifference, pre- 
 served erroneous general names, and thus included the 
 Iberians, Germans, Scythians, and Thracians, among 
 the Celts. These erroneous opinions have been adopted 
 by some modern philologists and historians, who have 
 gone so far as to assert that the people and languages 
 
 liv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of Europe have been derived from the Celts. By con- 
 founding together in a most ingenious manner the 
 histoiy of every ancient people, the misjudging support- 
 ers of the Celtic hypothesis have given an air of plausi- 
 bility to their conjectures; but there is no evidence that 
 either the Germans or Thracians were Celts. It must be 
 admitted, however, that the hypothesis respecting the 
 Iberians appears not to be altogether without foundation. 
 It is observed by Colonel Kennedy in his valuable 
 " Researches," that in the absence of the authority of 
 any ancient writer in support of the assertion, that the 
 Scythians, and even the Persians, Thracians, Phrygians, 
 and others were Celts, it may seem that the question of 
 the origin of these people might be at once decided by 
 the irrefutable testimony of language; but unfortunately, 
 as he observes, it is admitted by both the supporters 
 of the Celtic hypothesis and its opponents, " that the 
 remains of the Celtic tongue, which are still preserved, 
 abound in Greek, Latin, and Teutonic words; and it, 
 therefore, becomes indispensable to determine, in the 
 first place, whether these words are original or exotic. 
 For it must be obvious, that if the Celts never inhabited 
 the countries which were originally or subsequently 
 occupied by the Greek, Latin, and Teutonic people, their 
 languages could not possibly have become affected by 
 the Celtic, unless they had either maintained a frequent 
 friendly intercourse with the Celts, or had been con- 
 quered by them; but it appears fully from the whole 
 course of ancient tradition and history, that no such 
 intercourse or conquest ever took place; and, conse- 
 quently, if the Greek, Latin, Teutonic, and Celtic people 
 were not originally one and the same race of men, it 
 must necessarily follow that the Celts have been sub- 
 dued by the Romans and Germans, as history attests 
 it was from them that the Celts have received the foreign 
 
 Iv 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 words with which their language abounds, and not the 
 Romans and Germans who received these words from 
 the Celts." This, however, is a very doubtful theory, as 
 Cisalpine Gaul, or the great plain of northern Italy, was 
 inhabited at the remotest period of history by Celts, 
 who are known to have been partly incorporated with 
 the other early inhabitants of Italy. 
 
 The local situations in which the Celts are found at 
 the dawn of history prove that they were the aborigines 
 of the northern and western parts of Europe. Of their 
 migrations from the east, no memorials nor traditions 
 have been preserved; but as they were distinct from the 
 Thracians, who entered Europe by the Bosphorus and 
 Hellespont, it is probable they penetrated through the 
 defiles of the Caucasus, and turning to the left, advanced 
 to the westward by the great valley of the Danube. In 
 the time of Herodotus their possessions extended from 
 the Upper Danube to the pillars of Hercules; but he 
 adds that the Cynesii or Cynetae, on whom they bor- 
 dered, were the most remote nation in Europe toward 
 the west, that is, of Spain. These Cynetse or Cynesii 
 are probably the same as the Iberi, the ancient inhabit- 
 ants of Spain, who were perhaps of Celtic origin. 
 
 The chief seat of the Celts was in Transalpine Gaul, 
 where, although divided into a number of tribes, they 
 maintained their independence against their powerful 
 neighbours the Teu tones or Germans; but they were at 
 last obliged to submit to the well-disciplined legions of 
 Caesar. From the account given by that great warrior 
 of the population of Gaul, an inference has been drawn 
 that it was occupied in his time by three distinct races, 
 and that the Celts were then limited to that part of 
 Gaul lying between the Garonne, the Marne, and the 
 Seine. But admitting that the Aquitani of Caesar were 
 distinct from the Celtae, and either a separate race by 
 
 Ivi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 themselves or a branch of the Iberi of Spain, there is 
 nothing to be found in Caesar to warrant the conclusion 
 that the Belgse were not Celts, unless the vain boast of 
 the Rhemi that the greater part of the Belgae were 
 descended from the Germans, is to be held as paramount 
 to the authority of Tacitus and Strabo. The latter 
 informs us that scarcely any difference existed between 
 the Belgae and the Celtae, properly so called. He says, 
 indeed, that a kind of diversity of language existed 
 amongst them; but this difference is easily accounted 
 for by the proximity of the Belgse to the Germans, and 
 the intermixture of the two races on the left bank of the 
 Rhine. The only difference, then, between the Belgic 
 and Celtic Gauls was, that they spoke different dialects 
 of the same language. 
 
 With regard to the original inhabitants of South 
 Britain, although every circumstance which has reached 
 us respecting them denotes their Celtic origin, their 
 connection with or descent from the Celtic inhabitants 
 of Gaul rests upon probabilities which, however, amount 
 almost to a certainty. The conclusion, that the aborig- 
 inal Britons, who possessed the interior and western 
 parts of the island in the time of Caesar, were nearly 
 allied to the Celtic inhabitants of Gaul, seems, as Doctor 
 Prichard observes, to result, 1. From a comparison of 
 the languages of these nations. He considers the Welsh 
 and Cornish dialects, chiefly the former, as a relic and 
 specimen of the idiom spoken by the ancient Britons; and 
 that the speech of Gallia Celtica was a cognate dialect of 
 that idiom is rendered extremely probable from the cir- 
 cumstance, that the language spoken by the inhabitants 
 of Bretagne or Armorica is very nearly allied to the 
 Welsh. 2. From the Druidical institutions being com- 
 mon to the Celtic Gauls and the aboriginal Britons. 3. 
 From the abundance of those rude erections commonly 
 
 Ivii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 termed Druidical circles, cromlechs, and dolmins, both 
 in Armorica and in Wales, as well as in other countries 
 belonging to the early Britons. 
 
 In the time of Julius Caesar, to whom we are indebted 
 for our first acquaintance with the history of Britain, 
 it was possessed by upwards of forty tribes, while the 
 population of Gaul comprised about sixty, each of which 
 endeavoured to maintain its own independence, and a 
 state of isolated existence incompatible with the general 
 security. In their domestic wars many of them had lost 
 their independence, but others had raised themselves to 
 great power and influence. Of ten nations, by which 
 Briton, to the south of the Severn and the Thames, was 
 possessed, the most considerable were the Cantii, the 
 Belgae, and the Dumnonii. The Trinobantes, whose 
 capital was London, lay between the Thames and the 
 Stour, and from the Severn to the territories of the 
 Trinobantes, along the left bank of the Thames, were two 
 confederate tribes, the Dobuni and Cassii, above whom 
 were the Carnabii and some minor tribes. Beyond the 
 Trinobantes, and between the Stour and the Humber, 
 lay the Iceni; and between the Humber and the Tyne 
 stretched the Brigantes, the most powerful of all the 
 British nations, to whom the Voluntii and Sistuntii, two 
 nations on the western coast, were tributary. The 
 Silures, almost equally powerful, who had extended 
 themselves from the banks of the Wye to the Dee and 
 the ocean, possessed Cornwall and South Wales. The 
 five tribes, known by the general name of Mseatae, 
 occupied the country between the Tyne and the Friths of 
 Forth and Clyde, which formed the Roman province of 
 Valentia; and beyond them were the sixteen tribes 
 which make so conspicuous a figure in the Roman 
 annals. 
 
 As to the Belgic Britons, alluded to by Caesar, who 
 Iviii
 
 possessed the southern parts of Britain, they must have 
 emigrated from Belgic Gaul at a time posterior to the 
 arrival of the other Celtic colonies, whom they appear 
 to have compelled to retire from the maritime districts 
 into the interior and western parts of the island. Such 
 is the account given by Csesar, whose knowledge of the 
 inhabitants of Britain appears to have been limited to 
 those of Belgic descent. 
 
 It seems to be unquestionably established, that the 
 Belgic Britons were not a German people of Teutonic 
 extraction, as some writers have supposed, but a Celtic 
 tribe from Belgic Gaul, which, for the sake of war or 
 plunder, passed over from Belgium into Britain at a 
 very early period and fixed themselves in the maritime 
 districts. Their houses are described by Caesar as almost 
 similar to those of the Gauls, and the inhabitants of 
 antium (Kent) are stated by Csesar as the most civilized, 
 and differing very little from the Gauls in manners. 
 About 150 years thereafter, Tacitus, who had better 
 opportunities of observing and comparing the Gauls 
 and Belgic Britons, noticed a resemblance between them. 
 " Those (of the Britons) nearest Gaul resemble the Gauls; 
 either from the remaining strength of the original stock, 
 or because similarity of climate induces similar habits 
 of body. But from a general conclusion it is probable 
 that the Gauls occupied the adjacent country. Their 
 sacred rites and superstitious persuasions are apparent, 
 and the language is not much different." Had these 
 Belgic Britons resembled the Germans, such a close 
 observer as Tacitus would not have overlooked the 
 circumstance. But if any doubt could otherwise exist 
 respecting the Celtic origin of the British Belgae, that 
 doubt would be removed by the prevalence of Celtic 
 terms in then- idiom, as far as known, to the entire 
 exclusion of Teutonic words. 
 
 lix 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 Although there were several tribes of Belgic origin in 
 Britain, such as the Atrebatii, supposed to be a branch 
 of the Atrebates of Belgic Gaul, the Durotriges or 
 Morini of Richard of Cirencester, the Regni supposed to 
 be synonymous with the Rhemi of Richard, and the 
 Cantii, there was a tribe denominated Belgae, as we have 
 observed, in Hampshire and Wiltshire, whose capital 
 was Venta Belgarum, or Winchester. Mr. Pinkerton 
 maintains, but without the shadow of proof, that the 
 ancestors of these Belgic colonists were Goths who 
 migrated into Britain about three hundred years before 
 Christ. " To the Celtic population of England succeeded 
 the Gothic. The Scythians or Goths, advancing from 
 Asia, drove the Cimbri or Northern Celts before them; 
 and at a period, long preceding the Christian era, had 
 seized on that part of Gaul which is nearest to Great 
 Britain, where they acquired the provincial denomina- 
 tion of Belgae. (Dissertation on the Goths.) Their 
 passage to England followed of course; and when Caesar 
 first explored this island, he informs us that the primitive 
 inhabitants were driven into the interior parts, whilst 
 the regions on the southeast were peopled with Belgic 
 colonies. (Lib. V. c. 10.) Those Belgae may be justly 
 regarded as the chief ancestors of the English nation, 
 for the Saxons, Angles, and other northern invaders, 
 though of distinguished courage, were inconsiderable 
 in numbers. Till a recent period, antiquaries had 
 imagined that the Belgae used the Celtic language, and 
 had execrated the cruelties of the Saxons for an extirpa- 
 tion which never happened. But, as it appears that two- 
 thirds of England were possessed by the Belgic Goths 
 for six or seven centuries before the arrival of the 
 Saxons, it is no wonder that no Celtic words are to be 
 found in the English language, which bears more affinity 
 to the Frisic and Dutch than to the Jutlandic or Danish." 
 
 Iz
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 He computes the Belgic population of Britain at three or 
 four millions, and affirms, that at the time of the Saxon 
 invasion these Belgae spoke the German language! 
 Yet Nennius, who wrote his chronicle in the year 832, 
 says expressly, that at " the feast given by Hengist to 
 Vortigern, the latter brought his interpreter with him, 
 for no Briton understood the Saxon tongue except that 
 interpreter." 
 
 If it could be shown that the Belgse of Gaul were Ger- 
 mans of Gothic origin, the position maintained by Mr. 
 Pinkerton and other writers, that the British Belgse 
 were of the same descent, might be allowed, as it is 
 an unquestionable fact that the Belgae whom Caesar 
 found in Britain, were from the opposite coast of Belgic 
 Gaul; but with the exception of two passages in Caesar 
 of doubtful import, there are no historical data on which 
 to found such an hypothesis. Bishop Percy, however, 
 observes, " Caesar, whose judgment and penetration will 
 be disputed by none but a person blinded by hypothesis, 
 and whose long residence in Gaul gave him better means 
 of being informed than almost any of his countrymen 
 Caesar expressly assures us, that the Celts, or common 
 inhabitants of Gaul, differed in language, customs, and 
 laws, from the Belgae on the one hand, who were chiefly 
 a Teutonic people, and from the inhabitants of Aquitaine 
 on the other, who, from their vicinity to Spain, were 
 probably of Iberian race. Caesar positively affirms, that 
 the nations of Gaul differed from those of Germany in 
 their manners, and in many particulars, which he has 
 enumerated at length; and this assertion is not thrown 
 out at random, like the passages brought by Cluverius 
 against it, but is coolly and cautiously made when he 
 is going to draw the characters of both nations in an 
 exact and well-finished portrait, which shows him to 
 have studied the genius and manners of both people 
 
 Ixi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 with great attention, and to have been completely master 
 of his subject." 
 
 But unfortunately for the bishop's own hypothesis, 
 Ceesar has, in the highly finished sketches which he has 
 drawn in his sixth book, of the customs and manners of 
 the Gauls and Germans, shown that the people of all 
 Gaul, though some slight shades of difference existed 
 among themselves, were, nevertheless, in language, 
 customs, religion, and laws, toto ccelo different from the 
 Germans. Mr. Pinkerton admits, that " in describing 
 the customs of Gaul, he (Caesar) puts all as the same; " 
 and with reference to the opening sentence in his first 
 book, in which Caesar alludes to a difference in language, 
 customs, and laws, which existed among the three great 
 branches of the Gallic population, he asks, " Has he 
 (Caesar) not herein palpably contradicted himself? Or 
 is the fact this, that his omnis Gollia of the sixth book is 
 quite different from his omnis Gattia of the first, the 
 former applying solely to the Celtse, who were peculiarly 
 called Galli, in his time, as Caesar says? " Mr. Pin- 
 kerton immediately solves this apparent inconsistency 
 by telling us that the omnis Gallia of the sixth book is 
 Gallia Proper or Celtic Gaul, because, as he supposes, 
 the Belgae, like the Germans, had, " of course," no 
 Druids either in Gaul or Britain. 
 
 Had the Germano-Belgic hypothesis rested simply on 
 the single sentence alluded to, it would scarcely have 
 required refutation; but those who maintain it further 
 support then- opinion by a passage in the fourth book of 
 the " Commentaries," where it is stated that most^of the 
 Belgae were of German origin. The statement, however, 
 is not Caesar's, but that of the ambassadors of the 
 Rhemi, a Belgic tribe bordering on Celtic Gaul, who, when 
 Caesar was preparing to attack the confederated Belgae, 
 offered to submit themselves to the Romans. The fol- 
 
 kii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 lowing is a close translation of the passage on which so 
 much stress has been laid: " Caesar having inquired the 
 number and power of their (the Belgic) states, and how 
 many troops they could bring into the field, was thus 
 answered: The greater part of the Belgse are descended 
 from the Germans, who, having in former times crossed 
 the Rhine, expelled the Gauls, settled in these parts on 
 account of the fertility of the soil, and were the only 
 people in the memory of our forefathers who expelled 
 the Teutones and the Cimbri from their territories after 
 they had harassed all Gaul. Hence they had gained 
 great authority, and assumed great courage in military 
 affairs. In consequence, they said, of our connection 
 and affinity, we are well acquainted with the numbers 
 each state has engaged to bring into the field, in the 
 general assembly of the Belgae. The Bellovaci are the 
 most conspicuous among them for rank, authority, 
 and number, and they alone can muster one hundred 
 thousand combatants, but have promised on the present 
 occasion sixty thousand choice warriors, and claim the 
 direction of the war. The Suessones are their neighbours, 
 and possess a large and fertile territory. They had a 
 king in our country called Divitiacus, who was the most 
 powerful prince in Gaul, and governed a great part of 
 these regions, as well as of Britain. Their present king 
 is Galba, to whom, on account of his prudence and justice, 
 the conduct of the war is assigned by general consent. 
 They have twelve cities, and promised forty thousand 
 combatants; the Attrebates fifteen thousand, the Am- 
 biani ten thousand, the Morini twenty-five thousand, 
 the Velocassi and Veromandici the same number, the 
 Adualici ten thousand; the Condrusi, Eburones, Crersesi, 
 Paemani, who are all called Germans, are estimated at 
 forty thousand." 
 
 The division of the tribes above enumerated into Bel- 
 Ixiii 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 gse and Germans indicates such a marked distinction 
 between the Belgse, properly so called, and the Belgic 
 Germans, as can only be accounted for on the supposition 
 that the Belgse considered themselves as a distinct people 
 from those German tribes which had recently crossed 
 the Rhine and settled in their territories. The certain 
 and well-known tradition in the time of Caesar, that their 
 ancestors originally came from the country called Ger- 
 many, may have induced the remoter Belgic tribes 
 bordering upon the Rhine, to claim an affinity with the 
 Teutonic race; but there may have been other reasons 
 which might cause them to prefer a German to a Celtic 
 extraction. A warlike nation like the Belgse, who had 
 expelled the Teutones and the Cimbri, and resisted the 
 encroachments of the Roman power, could not, it is 
 obvious, brook the idea of being considered as of the 
 same race with the effeminate people of Celtic Gaul, who 
 had submitted themselves to the Roman yoke; and 
 hence we may infer that many of the Belgic tribes 
 that affected a German origin, were influenced, by some 
 such feeling, to disown to strangers their Celtic extrac- 
 tion. But we are not left here to conjecture, for Tacitus 
 informs us that the Treviri and Nervii, the first of whom 
 were confessedly Celtse, were ambitious of being thought 
 of German origin. Besides the four German tribes 
 enumerated by Caesar, there were, according to Tacitus, 
 other four of German origin, namely, the Vangiones, 
 Triboci, Nemetes, and ITbii; but all these formed but a, 
 small part of the Belgic population. 
 
 From the way in which Tacitus alludes to the language 
 of the Gauls, he evidently did not consider the differences, 
 which he must have observed, as partaking of any other 
 distinction than a mere difference in dialect. It is very 
 probable that his observations are limited to the speech 
 of the people of Belgic and Celtic Gaul, for a radical 
 
 Ixiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 difference appears to have existed between their lan- 
 guage and that of the Aquitani. " Some," says Strabo, 
 " divide the inhabitants of Gaul into three parts, terming 
 them Aquitani, Belgse, and Celtse ... the Aquitani 
 are altogether different from the others, not only in 
 language, but also in their persons, and bear a greater 
 resemblance to the Iberi than to the Gauls; but the 
 remainder, the Belgse and Celtse, have the per- 
 sonal characters peculiar to the Gauls, though they are 
 not all of one speech, some of them differing a little from 
 the others in their language, and there are some slight 
 diversities in their modes of government and manners." 
 The same writer, after giving a long account of the 
 Belgae, at the end of his description of the divisions of 
 Gaul made by Augustus, thus closes his observations: 
 " Among almost all these people (the Belgae) there are 
 three ranks of men, called Bards, Ovates, and Druids, 
 who are held in high veneration. The Bards are singers 
 of hymns, and poets; the Ovates are performers of the 
 sacred rites, and professors of natural philosophy; but 
 the Druids, besides a knowledge in natural philosophy, 
 investigate the nature of disorders." Next to language 
 no better criterion could have been fixed upon for 
 establishing the Celtic origin of the people of 
 Belgic Gaul, than this reference to their religious 
 orders, of which not a trace existed even among 
 those Germans who had settled hi the Belgic terri- 
 tories. 
 
 It seems now to be fully established that the Fir- 
 bholg of Ireland were of Belgic origin, but whether this 
 race found its way into Ireland directly from the shores 
 of Belgium, or through Britain, is a question which 
 cannot be determined. The period of their emigration 
 is lost in the mists of antiquity, but all accounts concur 
 that they must have arrived in Ireland at an era long 
 
 Ixv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 posterior to the settlement of the original population of 
 that island. 
 
 The little difference noticed by Caesar between the 
 language of the Belgae and Celtae of Gaul naturally 
 suggests the inquiry, to which of the two principal Celtic 
 dialects the idiom of Belgic Gaul is to be referred? Was 
 it a branch of the Cambro-Celtic, as the Armoric, the 
 Welsh, and the Cornish, have been termed? Or of the 
 other branch termed the Erse, including the language 
 of the Irish and Scottish Gael, and the Manks? This is 
 a question which can never be satisfactorily solved; but 
 it is not improbable, that as several names of persons and 
 places in parts of South Britain, which were possessed 
 by the Belgae, are Erse, according to their orthography, 
 the language spoken by them was a dialect of the Gaelic. 
 In support of this opinion, reference has been made to 
 the name of the British pendragon or generalissimo, who 
 invited Hengist and his Saxons into England, which is 
 written Gwrtheym by the Welsh historians, but which in 
 Irish is Feartigearn, and pronounced nearly as Vorti- 
 gern. Vortimer and Catigern, the names of his sons, it 
 is observed, are also Erse. Another fact brought for- 
 ward in support of this conjecture is, that Ennis Vliocht, 
 an Irish name, is given to the isle of Shepey in some 
 Welsh manuscripts. It must be confessed, however, 
 that the Gwydhil may have given this name to that 
 island before then* expulsion by the Cumri, though it is 
 difficult to account for the Irish mode of orthography 
 appearing in a Welsh manuscript for any other reason 
 than that here supposed. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact in the history of the aborigines 
 of Britain and Ireland, that the original names of these 
 islands are still retained by the Gael of Scotland and 
 Ireland. The words Albin and Jerna were used by 
 Aristotle, upwards of two thousand years ago, as the 
 
 Ixvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 respective appellations of both islands. These terms 
 bear as close an approximation as the peculiar structure 
 of the Greek language would admit of to the Albinn of 
 the Scottish Gael, a name now confined by them to 
 Scotland, and to the Erin of the Irish Celts. Hence, 
 in distinguishing themselves from the Gael of Ireland, 
 the Scottish Celts denominate themselves Gael Albinn 
 or Albinnich, while they call those of Ireland Gael 
 Eirinnich. The latter is the term which the Irish Gael 
 also apply to themselves. It was not until the time of 
 Csosar that the term Britannia superseded the original 
 appellation of Albion or Albinn. 
 
 The above mentioned fact, and the corollaries result- 
 ing from it, are considered by a modem writer as faithful 
 guides " to direct us in marking the progress of the orig- 
 inal population of the Britannic islands. It being ascer- 
 tained that the ancient name of the island of Great 
 Britain was Albinn, if Gaelic was the language of the 
 first inhabitants, it is unquestionable that they would 
 call themselves, in reference to their country, Albinnich ; 
 and this appellation they would carry along with them 
 as they directed their course in all parts of the island of 
 of Great Britain. There is reason to believe, that for a 
 long succession of ages, emigrations from Gaul into 
 Britain were frequent. And it appears, that in Caesar's 
 days one of the Gallic princes bore sway in some of the 
 southern parts of Britain. Whether the descendants 
 of the first emigrants from Gaul extended their progress 
 over the island in consequence of an increased population, 
 or were propelled northward by the warlike aggression 
 of their more southern neighbours, still, while the 
 country of their residence was the island of Albinn, they 
 would continue to denominate themselves Albinnich, 
 a denomination which the unmixed descendants of the 
 most ancient Gallic stock have ever retained as marking 
 
 Lxvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 their country; and they know no other name for Scots- 
 men than Albinnich, nor any other name for the kingdom 
 of Scotland than Albinn at this day." 
 
 With respect to the etymology of the name Albinn or 
 Albion, it is to be observed, in the first place, that it is 
 compounded of two syllables, the last of which, inn, signi- 
 fies in Celtic a large island. Thus far the etymology is 
 clear, but the meaning of the adjective part, Alb, is not so 
 apparent. Dr. John Macpherson thinks it folly to search 
 for a Hebrew or Phoenician etymon of Albion, and he 
 considers the prefix alb as denoting a high country, the 
 word being, in his opinion, synonymous with the Celtic 
 vocable alp or alba, which signifies high. " Of the Alpes 
 Grajae, Alpes Paeninae or Penninse, and the Alpes Bas- 
 tarnicse, every man of letters has read. In the ancient 
 language of Scotland, alp signifies invariably an eminence. 
 The Albani, near the Caspian Sea, the Albani of Macedon, 
 the Albani of Italy, and the Albanich of Britain had all 
 the same right to a name founded on the same char- 
 acteristical reason, the height or roughness of their 
 respective countries. The same thing may be said of the 
 Gaulish Albici, near Massilia." 
 
 Deriving alb from the Latin word aJbus, the appella- 
 tion of Albinn would denote an island distinguished by 
 some peculiarity either in the whiteness of its appearance 
 or in the production of its soil, and hence Pliny derives 
 the etymon of Albion from its white rocks washed by the 
 sea, or from the abundance of white roses which the 
 Island produced. His words are, " Albion insula sic 
 d^cta ab albis rupibus, quas mare alluit, vel ob rosas 
 albas quibus abundat." But although the whitish 
 appearance of the English cliffs, as seen from the channel 
 and the opposite coast of Gaul, certainly appears to 
 support the supposition of Pliny, yet it is evidently 
 contrary to philological analogy to seek for the etymon 
 
 Ixviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of Albion in the Latin. Amongst the various opinions 
 given on this subject, that of Doctor Macpherson seems 
 to be the most rational. 
 
 Though the Scottish Gael still call the kingdom of 
 Scotland by the generic term Albinn, they nevertheless 
 make a distinction between that part of Scotland in 
 which English is spoken, and that possessed by them- 
 selves. From the Gaelic word Gaoll, which means a 
 stranger, the Gael denominate the Lowlands, or that 
 part of Scotland where their language is not spoken, 
 Gaolldoch, whilst they term their own country Gaeldoch. 
 After the Danes had subdued the Hebrides, these islands 
 were called by the Highlanders Innsegaoll, or the islands 
 possessed by strangers, a name also by which they dis- 
 tinguish the islands of Orkney and Shetland, and for 
 the same reason they call Caithness Gaollthao,the quarter 
 of strangers, on account of its having been colonized by 
 the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 Wales was peopled originally by the ancestors of the 
 Irish Gael, at least the Welsh retain a tradition among 
 them that their Cumric or Cymric forefathers drove the 
 Gwydhil, a term by which they have always distin- 
 guished the Irish, into Ireland. This tradition appears 
 to be fully confirmed by the fact, that many names of 
 mountains and rivers in Wales are Gaelic. Though allied 
 in language, and evidently of the race with the Gael, 
 the Welsh never adopted that term, but have always 
 retained the distinctive appellation of Cumri or Cim- 
 merich, to denote their origin from that division of that 
 Celtic race which, under the different names of Cim- 
 merli or Cimbri, peopled ancient Germany. The author 
 of the " Vindication of the Celts," thinks that Kim- 
 merii or Cimmerii was the original name by which the 
 Celtse were designated by themselves and other nations, 
 because Homer uses the word Kippepiot, and not Keltai; 
 
 Lux
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 and the Welsh still distinguish themselves by the name 
 of Cumri or Cymry (which they interpret " the first 
 people "), and many of the early Greek writers more 
 generally designate them by the appellation of Kim- 
 meroi than Keltai. Waels, was the appellation given by 
 the Saxons to the Cumri, a term which was afterward 
 modernized into the present name of Welsh. The 
 similarity of Wael and Gael can only be accounted for by 
 supposing that the Saxons intended to denominate the 
 people of Wales by the generic term Gael, which the other 
 Celtic inhabitants of the island applied to themselves. 
 Indeed, in the " Saxon Chronicle," the former inhabitants 
 are termed indifferently Brit-walas, or Brittas, or Wealas. 
 The Celtic origin of the aborigines of North Britain is 
 admitted even by Pinkerton ; but he contends that the 
 Caledonians of Tacitus were not descendants of this race, 
 but Goths from Scandinavia, who settled in Scotland 
 about two hundred years before the incarnation. He 
 allows the identity of the Caledonians and Picts, though 
 he had before he completely examined the subject 
 held the opinion that the Picts were a new race who had 
 come in upon the Caledonians in the third century and 
 expelled them, and that the Caledonians were Cumric 
 Britons; but finding Tacitus, Eumenius, Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, and Bede opposed, as he imagines, to this 
 idea, he was induced to alter his opinion, and to adopt 
 the theory that the Picts or Caledonians were of Gothic 
 origin. This hypothesis, however, will not bear the test 
 of examination. It is true that Tacitus alludes to the 
 large limbs and the red hair of the Caledonians as indi- 
 cations of their German origin; but such marks of resem- 
 blance are not sufficient of themselves to establish the 
 point. The decisive evidence of speech, by which the 
 affinity of nations can alone be clearly ascertained, is 
 here wanting; and as Tacitus, who often refers to the 
 
 Ixx
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 difference of language when treating of the Germans, is 
 silent respecting any similarity between the language of 
 the Caledonians and Germans, it must be presumed, 
 that no such resemblance existed, and consequently 
 that the Caledonians were not of German or Gothic 
 origin. 
 
 The following account of the Caledonians, and of their 
 southern neighbours the Mseatae, from a fragment of 
 Dio, preserved by Xiphilin, certainly coincides better 
 with the descriptions of the Britons of the south, found 
 in the pages of Caesar and Tacitus, than with those given 
 by the same writers of the Germans. " Of the (northern) 
 Britons there are two great nations called Caledonii and 
 Mseatse; for the rest are generally referred to these. The 
 Mseatae dwell near that wall which divides the island into 
 two parts. The Caledonians inhabit beyond them. They 
 both possess rugged and dry mountains, and desert 
 plains full of marshes. They have neither castles nor 
 towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on 
 their flocks, and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; 
 not eating fish, though extremely plenteous. They 
 live in tents, naked, and without buskins. Wives they 
 have in common, and breed up their children in common. 
 The general form of government is democratic. They are 
 addicted to robbery, fight in cars, have small and swift 
 horses. Their infantiy are remarkable for speed in 
 running, arid for firmness in standing. Their armour 
 consists of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end 
 of which is a brazen apple, whose sound, when struck, 
 may terrify the enemy. They have also daggers. 
 Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour they can bear, for 
 they will even stand in their marshes, for many days, to 
 the neck in water, and in the woods will live on the bark 
 and roots of trees. They prepare a certain kind of 
 food on all occasions, of which taking only a bit the size 
 
 Ixxi 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor thirst. Such is 
 Britain " (he had, in a previous part of his work, given 
 a description of the island), " and such are the inhabit- 
 ants of that part which wars against the Romans." 
 
 With regard to the tradition referred to Bede, as cur- 
 rent in his time, that the Caledonians or Picts came from 
 the north of Germany, it cannot, even if well founded, 
 prove their Gothic origin; for as Father Innes observes, 
 " though we should suppose that the Caledonians or 
 Picts had their origin from the northern parts of the 
 European continent, as Tacitus seems to conjecture, 
 and as it was reported to Bede, that would not hinder the 
 Caledonians from having originally had the same lan- 
 guage as the Britons; since it appears that the Celtic 
 language, whereof the British is a dialect, was in use in 
 ancient times in the furthest extremities of the north; 
 at least the Celts or Celto-Scyths were extended to these 
 parts; for Strabo tells us that the ancient Greek writers 
 called all the northern nations Celto-Scyths, or Scyths; 
 and Tacitus assures us that in his time the Gallic tongue 
 was in use among some of these northern people, such 
 as the Gothini; and the British tongue among others, 
 as the jEstii." Mr. Pinkerton himself admits that the 
 Celts were the ancient inhabitants of Europe, of which 
 they appear, he says, to have held the most before their 
 expulsion by the other nations of Asia, and in proof of 
 the great extent of their possessions in the north, he 
 refers to the Promontorium Celticse of Pliny, which, 
 from the situation he gives it, and the names around, he 
 conjectures must have been near Moscow. 
 
 The appellation of Picti, by which the Caledonians 
 to the north of the Clyde and the Forth came to be dis- 
 tinguished by the Romans in the third century, made 
 Stillingfleet and other writers suppose, that the Picts 
 were a distinct people who had then recently arrived in 
 
 Ixxii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 Scotland; but this mistake has been so fully exposed by 
 Innes, Chalmers, Pinkerton, and others, that it is quite 
 unnecessary to do more than barely to allude to it. 
 The names of Caledonians and Picts, as well as the appel- 
 lation of Scots, by which another portion of the inhab- 
 itants of the north of Scotland came also to be distin- 
 guished, were at all times, as Mr. Grant observes, 
 unknown to the original inhabitants as national appella- 
 tions, and their descendants remain ignorant of them to 
 this day. He thinks that the term Caledonii, the name 
 by which the people living northward of the Friths of 
 Clyde and Forth were called by the Romans, was not 
 invented by Agricola, the first Roman general who 
 penetrated into North Britain, but was an appellation 
 taken from the words na caoillaoin, signifying the men 
 of the woods, a name which he probably found given by 
 the inhabitants of the country upon the southern sides 
 of the Glotta and Bodotria, to the people living beyond 
 these arms of the sea, on account of the woody nature of 
 the country which they possessed. 
 
 The Latinized term Caledonii was first used by Tacitus, 
 and, with the exception of Herodian, who, in his account 
 of the expedition of Severus, calls these Caledonii of 
 Tacitus, Britons, is the appellation by which the in- 
 habitants northward of the Friths are distinguished by 
 all the Roman writers down to the orator Eumenius, 
 who, for the first time, in an oration which he delivered 
 before the Emperor Constantine, in the year 297, calls 
 the Caledonians Picti. Eumenius appears, however, to 
 have used this term in a limited sense, as from another 
 oration which he delivered in presence of the same 
 emperor, eleven years thereafter, he alludes to the 
 " Caledones alique Picti," but although it is clear from 
 this expression, that the terms Caledonii and Picti were 
 used to denote the same people, the cause of this nominal 
 
 Ixxiii 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 distinction between the extra-provincial Britons is not 
 so apparent. 
 
 The next allusion to the Picts is by Ausonius, a poet 
 of the fourth century, and preceptor of Gratian. 
 
 " Viridem distinguit glarea museum 
 Tota Caledoniis tails pictura Britannis." 
 
 Claudian, who lived about the beginning of the fifth 
 century, also mentions the Picts. 
 
 " Ferroque notatas, 
 Perlegin exanimes Picto moriente figuras." 
 
 And in another place, where he gives an account of the 
 victories of Theodosius, he says, 
 
 " Hie leves Maurous, nee falso nomine Pictos 
 Edomuit." 
 
 About the end of the fourth, or beginning of the fifth 
 century, the Caledonians, or Picts, were divided by 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, the historian, into the Deu- 
 caledones and Vecturiones, a division which seems to 
 account for the distinction of Eumenius before observed. 
 The etyma of these two terms have been attempted 
 by different writers, but without success, as Mr. Grant 
 thinks. The term Deucaledones, he however thinks, is 
 attended with no difficulty. " Duchaoilldoin signifies 
 in the Gaelic language, the real or genuine inhabitants 
 of the woods. Du, pronounced short, signifies black; 
 but pronounced long, signifies real, genuine, and in this 
 acceptation the word is in common use: Du Erinnach, 
 a genuine Irishman; Du Albinnach, a genuine Scotch- 
 man. The appellation of Deucaledones served to dis- 
 tinguish the inhabitants of the woody valleys of Albinn, 
 
 Ixxiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 or Scotland, from those of the cleared country on the 
 east coast of Albinn, along its whole extent, to certain 
 distances westward toward the mountains in the 
 interior parts of the country. These last were denomi- 
 nated, according to Latin pronunciation, Vecturiones; 
 but in the mouths of the Gael, or native inhabitants, 
 the appellation was pronounced Uachtarich. It may be 
 observed, that the western division of Albinn, from the 
 Friths northward along the range of mountains, which 
 was anciently called Drumalbinn, consists of deep narrow 
 valleys, which were in former times completely covered 
 with closely growing woods, and which exhibited a 
 different aspect of country from a great portion of that 
 which falls from Drumalbinn in all directions toward 
 the east coast of the country, which spreads out in 
 larger tracts of level surface, and is generally of higher 
 elevation than the bottoms of the deep valleys which 
 chiefly form what is called the Highlands of Scotland 
 at this day. The Vecturiones appeared to possess the 
 more level surface of the country, while the Deucaledones 
 inhabited the narrow deep valleys which were univer- 
 sally completely covered with thickly growing woods. 
 That a portion of the country was known in ancient times 
 by Uachtar is evinced by the well-known range of 
 hills called Druim-Uachtar, from which the country 
 descends in every direction toward the inhabited regions 
 on all sides of that mountainous range." 
 
 With respect to the term Picti, it is unnecessary to 
 search for its etymon anywhere but in the well-known 
 practice which existed among the ancient Britons of 
 painting their bodies with a blue juice extracted from 
 woad, called glastum, in Gaul, according to Pliny, who 
 says that it resembled plantain. This custom was uni- 
 versal among the Britons in the time of Caesar, who 
 informs us that they thereby intended to make them- 
 
 Ixxv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 selves look more terrible to their enemies in battle. 
 As the Roman arms prevailed, and civilization was 
 diffused, this barbarous practice was gradually given up, 
 and it is supposed that about the end of the second, or 
 beginning of the third century, it had been wholly 
 disused by the provincial Britons, including, of course, 
 the midland Britons, or Mseatse of the Romans, living 
 between the northern walls. To distinguish, therefore, 
 these provincials who had submitted themselves to the 
 Roman laws, and had laid aside many of their barbarous 
 customs, from the unconquered Caledonians of the north, 
 the Roman writers gave them the Latinized appellation 
 of Picti, in reference to the practice of painting their 
 bodies, which, after the expedition of Severus into the 
 north of Scotland, was observed to be in general use 
 among the barbarous tribes of that country by those 
 who accompanied him. The same distinction was after- 
 ward Gaelicized by the Irish and ancient Scots into 
 cruinith, or cruineacht, from the Gaelic verb cruinicam, 
 to paint. The Picts were called by the southern Britons 
 Phychthead, a term which resembles Pichatach, a Gaelic 
 word signifying pie-coloured, variegated, or painted. 
 From the practice alluded to, Innes thinks that the name 
 Britannia was derived, brith in the Celtic signifying, 
 according to Camden, paint, and tannia in the same 
 language, according to Pezron, country; so that Bri- 
 tannia originally signified the country of the painted, 
 or figured people. 
 
 Although the national distinctions of Scots and Picts 
 appear to have been unknown to the ancient inhabit- 
 ants of North Britain till the sixth century, when a 
 Scoto-Irish colony established themselves on the shores 
 of Argyle, there is reason to believe that, from a very 
 remote period, these aborigines were accustomed to dis- 
 tinguish themselves by distinctive appellations, having 
 
 Ixxvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 reference to the nature of their occupations. They were 
 divided into two classes, the cultivators of the soil, 
 who attached themselves to spots favourable to agricul- 
 ture in the valleys of the highlands and in the lowland 
 districts; and the feeders of flocks, who led a wan- 
 dering pastoral life among the mountainous regions. 
 The former were termed by the pastoral Gael, Draonaich, 
 a generic term, which, although chiefly applicable to 
 persons employed in the labours of the field, was meant 
 as descriptive of all who practised any art by which a 
 livelihood was procured. The Draonaich, on the other 
 hand, called the pastoral portion of the people, Scuit, 
 or Scceoit, meaning the moving or nomadic bodies of 
 people, such as the pastoral Gael were, who kept moving 
 from time to time in small bodies between the mountains 
 and valleys with their herds and flocks at various 
 periods during the course of the year. This practice 
 existed even down to a very recent period among the 
 Highlanders of Scotland. Mr. Grant conjectures, but 
 we think erroneously, that it is to this pastoral class 
 Ammianus Marcellinus alludes in the following sentence 
 in the last of his works, written in the year 368: " Picti 
 in duas gentes divisi, Dicaledones et Vecturiones, 
 itidemque Attacotti, bellicosa hominum natio; et 
 Scoti per diversa vagantes multa populabantur." This 
 is the first time the Scots are mentioned in history ; for 
 Father Innes has shown that the passage respecting the 
 Scoticce gentes cited by Usher from St. Jerome as taken 
 from Porphyry, is not Porphyry's, but an expression of 
 St. Jerome's, in his letter to Ctesiphon, written after the 
 year 412. 
 
 The etymon of the word Scoti has long puzzled anti- 
 quaries and philologists. From the promiscuous way 
 in which the Anglo-Saxon writers used the terms Scythae 
 and Scoti, and from the verbal resemblance between these 
 
 Ixxvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 words, some writers, among whom is Innes, conjecture that 
 the latter is derived from the former, the difference in pro- 
 nunciation arising merely from the different accent of 
 the people, who wrote or spoke of the ancient nations. 
 From analogy, Walsingham supposes, that as Gethi is 
 the same as Gothi, and Gethicus as Gothicus, so Scoti 
 may have come from Scythse, and Scoticus from Scythi- 
 cus. The reason why the Anglo-Saxon writers used the 
 terms Scythae and Scoti indiscriminately is obvious from 
 the fact, that in the German the Scythians and Scots are 
 called Scutten. According to Camden, Y-Scot is the term 
 by which the Scythians and Scots are termed in the 
 ancient British tongue, a term which approaches very 
 closely to the Scutt or Scaott of the Gael. Pelloutier 
 observes that the Celts were anciently known by the 
 general name of Scythians, but Herodotus, the father of 
 profane history, and who is the first author that alludes 
 to them, considers them as a distinct people. As the 
 word Scythae, however, seems at last to have been used 
 as a generic term for all nomadic tribes, it is not im- 
 probable that certain portions of the Celts who led a 
 wandering pastoral life were included under the general 
 denomination of Scythians by the ancient writers. 
 Hence the origin of the British appellation Y-Scot may 
 be easily accounted for; and it is from that term, and 
 not from the kindred word Scythae, that the Latinized 
 term Scoti is, as we think, derived. 
 
 From the appellation Scoti not occurring in history 
 till the fourth century, an opinion has been formed that 
 the Scots were a new people, who had, a few centuries 
 before, settled in Ireland, and that they were of a 
 different race from either the Gwydhil of Ireland, or the 
 Caledonii of Tacitus. The grounds, however, on which 
 this opinion rests, are insufficient to support such a 
 hypothesis, and as far as these are adduced in proof of 
 
 Lsxviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 an alleged distinctness of origin between the Irish Gael 
 and the Scots are negatived by the analogy of speech. 
 Pinkerton is at great pains to show, that the Scots were 
 Scythians or Goths (terms which with him are synony- 
 mous) who passed into Ireland from the coast of Belgic 
 Gaul about three centuries before the birth of Christ, 
 and vanquished the original Celtic population; but his 
 reasoning is inconclusive, and being fully aware of the 
 insurmountable objection which would be brought for- 
 ward against his system from the absence of any remains 
 of the Gothic tongue in Ireland, he is obliged to arrive 
 at the extraordinary conclusion, that the Scythae, who 
 he supposes, conquered Ireland, lost their speech, and 
 adopted that of the vanquished! Conjectures like these 
 are even more absurd than the fables of the Irish bards 
 and seanachies. 
 
 The origin and history of the ancient Scots of Ireland 
 and North Britain, to which a slight allusion has been 
 made in the body of this work, are subjects which have 
 been discussed with great learning and ingenuity. By 
 some writers they are considered as a nation wholly 
 distinct from the Celtic tribes which originally peopled 
 the British Islands, and as having arrived at a com- 
 paratively recent period from the shores of the Continent ; 
 while others, with better reason, regard them as a power- 
 ful branch of the Celtic family, and a part of the abori- 
 ginal population which came to acquire such a predomi- 
 nance over the other branches of the Celtic race, first in 
 Ireland, and afterward in Scotland, as to excite the 
 special notice of the Roman and Saxon writers. 
 
 From the term Scoti having been first used in the third 
 or fourth century, Father Innes supposes that they may 
 have emigrated to Ireland in the interval between the 
 reigns of Augustus of Tiberius and the third or fourth 
 century, and from the name, which he considers synony- 
 
 Ixxix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 mous with Scythae, he conjectures that the Scots came 
 either from Scandinavia or the Cimbrian Chersonesus. 
 In support of this opinion he thinks that the migration 
 of the Scots from the north may be inferred, 1. From 
 an extraordinary increase of population which some 
 writers believe to have been peculiar to the northern 
 nations. 2. From the fact that the northern nations, 
 whose territories were bounded by the sea, were often 
 compelled to abandon their habitations to more powerful 
 neighbours, and forced to embark in quest of new dwell- 
 ings. 3. That as these northern maritime nations, 
 during the period in question, were so closely hemmed in 
 by the Romans, and as they had no means of discharging 
 their superfluous population among the nations behind 
 them, already overburdened with their own yearly 
 increasing population, it was very natural that the most 
 warlike and resolute among them, impatient of being 
 thus confined and enclosed, should resolve to put to 
 sea in pursuit of new habitations, nor had they a more 
 natural course to choose than to the opposite coasts of 
 North Britain, or, if repulsed by the warlike Caledonians, 
 to sail from thence to Ireland, where they were more 
 likely to succeed among a people unaccustomed to 
 foreigners. Nor could their coming to Ireland be more 
 seasonably placed than during these first ages of Chris- 
 tianity, when the Roman empire was at the height of its 
 power and extent. Besides, the placing this invasion of 
 Ireland in these first ages agrees perfectly with the first 
 appearance of these people in Britain in the third or 
 fourth age by the name of Scots, some time being 
 required for making themselves masters of Ireland before 
 they could be in a condition to send out bodies of men in 
 conjunction with the Caledonians, or Picts, to attack 
 the Roman empire in Britain towards the middle of the 
 fourth century, as mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus. 
 
 Ixxx
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 But this theory of the northern origin of the Scots 
 being in opposition to the Irish tradition, that Ireland 
 was peopled from Spain, Innes supposes that this 
 tradition may have relation to other colonies, some of 
 which may probably have come from Spain to Ireland 
 before the arrival of the Scots. Yet even on the supposi- 
 tion that the Scots came originally from Spain, he main- 
 tains that such a hypothesis is not incompatible with 
 the period of their supposed invasion, or with their 
 alleged Scythian origin. For, as stated by Florus and 
 Orosius, the Romans, in the reign of Augustus, met 
 with the greatest difficulties in reducing the Canta- 
 brians and Asturians, and other unconquered nations in 
 Galicia, hi the northern parts of Spain opposite to Ire- 
 land, and the greater part of the inhabitants of those 
 parts chose rather to retire to the hills and rocks, and 
 to the most remote places, than lose then* liberty and 
 submit to the Roman yoke. Now, although neither of 
 the authors above named, who give an account of the 
 Cantabrian war, make mention of any emigrations from 
 Spain, it is by no means improbable that many of the 
 Galicians who had abandoned their habitations would 
 seek new abodes, and as the passage from the northern 
 extremities of Spain to Ireland, with which country 
 they could not be unacquainted, was very easy, and as 
 shipping was then in general use, they would naturally 
 direct their course to it, which would fall an easy con- 
 quest to such warlike invaders. 
 
 Aware, however, that such a recent settlement of the 
 Scots as here contended for could not be supported by 
 the testimony of contemporary or ancient writers, and 
 was at variance with the traditions in Irish and Scottish 
 history, which, though differing in some respects, agree 
 in assigning a very remote period to the Scottish colo- 
 nization, this ingenious antiquary has recourse to a 
 
 Ixxxi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 negative kind of proof in support of his system, from the 
 usual effects with which such a revolution as the coming 
 in of a new and foreign people upon the ancient inhabit- 
 ants would be naturally followed. In applying this 
 proof to the Irish Scots, he compares the marks and 
 characters given them by the earliest writers at their 
 first appearance in history, and in the times immediately 
 following their first being mentioned in Ireland and 
 Britain, with the first appearances and beginnings of the 
 Franks when they settled among the Gauls. 
 
 1. Though history had been silent respecting the 
 settlement of the Franks in Gaul in the fourth or fifth 
 century, yet as no ancient writer mentions the existence 
 of such a people in Gaul before these periods, and as 
 all writers on Gaul since the fifth and sixth centuries 
 allude to the Franks as inhabitants of Gaul, it is evident 
 that their settlement in Gaul could not be earlier than 
 the centuries first mentioned. In the same manner, 
 though we have no distinct account of the arrival of the 
 Scots in Ireland in the first ages of Christianity, and as 
 the name of Scots was never heard of till the third or 
 fourth century, after which they are mentioned as 
 inhabitants of Ireland or of North Britain, the settlement 
 of the Scots cannot be placed earlier than the era of the 
 incarnation, or after it. The inhabitants of Ireland are 
 called Hyberni, Hyberione, etc., by all the ancient 
 writers before the third or fourth century, and Ptolemy, 
 the geographer, who enumerates about twenty different 
 tribes in Ireland, is entirely silent as to the existence of 
 the Scots. 
 
 2. Before the Franks settled in Gaul they appear in 
 history as a wandering people, the characteristic of the 
 Scots as given by Ammianus Marcellinus; Scoti per 
 diversa vagantes. 
 
 3. As after the Franks settled in Gaul, two people- 
 
 Ixxxii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 thenceforth appear in history as the inhabitants of that 
 country, under the denominations of the Galli, the 
 original inhabitants, and the Franci, the new settlers, 
 so in Ireland two kinds of people appear in the fourth or 
 fifth centuries, the one distinguished as Hyberni, the 
 term by which the ancient inhabitants of that island were 
 distinguished, the other as Scoti, who then appear as a 
 new people never before heard of in Ireland. 
 
 4. As the Franci were distinguished from the Galli, 
 not only by their name but by their qualities, the Franci 
 appearing, by being masters or conquerors, as the nobility 
 and gentry, and the Galli, the ancient inhabitants, as 
 the Coloni, or commons, so the Scots appear after their 
 settlement in Ireland distinguished in like manner from 
 the Hyberni. The Scoti, as being the conquerors, appear 
 as the nobility or gentry, as appears from the confession 
 or apology of St. Patrick, written by him in the fifth 
 century, and from his letter to Coroticus, in both of which 
 he calls the Scots the Reguli, or nobles, and the native 
 Irish, or ancient inhabitants, Hyberionce, or Hyber- 
 nigenoB, as the common and ordinary people. 
 
 5. Another remarkable resemblance between the 
 Franks and Scots consisted in their warlike disposition ; 
 for no sooner did they obtain settlements in Gaul and 
 Ireland, than unlike the more peaceful people whom 
 they subdued they kept themselves in a warlike 
 attitude, ready to invade the neighbouring provinces 
 and enlarge their conditions. Thus it does not appear 
 that the ancient inhabitants of Ireland ever invaded 
 Britain, and so little did they resemble the Caledonians 
 in military prowess, that, according to the information 
 given by Agricola to Tacitus, one legion and a few 
 auxiliary troops would have been sufficient for the con- 
 quest of Ireland. But no sooner do the Scots appear 
 in history than we find them in arms, making warlike 
 
 Ixxxiii 

 
 FOREWORD 
 
 expeditions into Britain, joining the Picts and attacking 
 the Roman legions. 
 
 6. As Gaul still retained its old name long after the 
 Franks had conquered it, and was, before these settlers 
 finally communicated their name to that country, indiffer- 
 ently called Gaul or France, so, in like manner, long after 
 the Scots had settled in Ireland, it still retained the namo 
 of Hybernia or lerne, and it was only by degrees that it 
 got the new name of Scotia. St. Gregory the Great, who 
 flourished in the beginning of the sixth century, is sup- 
 posed to be the first writer who gave the name of Francia 
 to Gaul; and St. Laurence, Archbishop of Canterbury 
 in the beginning of the seventh century, is believed to 
 have first given the name of Scotia to Ireland, in a 
 letter to the bishops and clergy of that kingdom, alluded 
 to by Bede. After this period, Hybernia and Scotia 
 are used synonymously, till by the prevalence of the 
 Scottish power in North Britain, the name was trans- 
 ferred and came to be exclusively confined to that 
 country. Whence then could Ireland derive the name 
 of Scotia, but from a new people having settled in it 
 bearing a similar appellation? Analogy fully supports 
 this hypothesis, for thus it was that the Gauls acquired 
 the name of Francia; a part of southern Gaul that of 
 Gothia; other parts those of Burgimdia, Normannia, 
 etc.; a part of Italy, Longobardia; and South Britain, 
 those of Saxonia and Anglia. 
 
 Such are the arguments by which the erudite Innes 
 endeavours to evolve the intricate question respecting 
 the era of the Scottish settlement, and from which he 
 infers that the Scots, properly so called, were not 
 originally the same race of people with the first and 
 ancient inhabitants of Ireland, but a distinct nation 
 that arrived in Ireland only after the time of the 
 Incarnation, having all those characteristics of new 
 
 Ixxxiv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 settlers, which distinguished the Franks and the other 
 nations, which, like them about the third, fourth, and 
 subsequent centuries, established themselves in the 
 countries which they conquered. But plausible as these 
 reasons are, they cannot supply the want of historical 
 evidence, of which not a vestige can be shown in support 
 of the theory for which they are adduced. Besides, the 
 analogy from the history of the Franks is radically in- 
 complete, as their conquests in Gaul were followed by a 
 revolution in the language of the ancient inhabitants, 
 which, on the supposition that the Scots were a new 
 people, did not take place either in Ireland or in Scot- 
 land when they ob tamed the ascendency, nor at any 
 subsequent period of their history. No point connected 
 with Irish and Scottish antiquities has been more clearly 
 established than this, that the language of the native 
 Irish, including of course the Scots of that island, and 
 that of the Highlanders of Scotland, has always been, 
 from the most remote period, radically the same. 
 Though separated perhaps for upwards of twenty 
 centuries, the Gael of Connaught, and those of Scotland, 
 can mutually understand each other, and even con- 
 verse together. 
 
 The only plausible answer that can be made against 
 what appears to us an insurmountable objection to 
 Innes's theory, is by assuming that the language of the 
 Scots and the ancient inhabitants of Ireland was the 
 same, or at least that if any difference did exist, it was 
 merely a difference in dialect; but neither Innes nor any 
 of the writers who have adopted his system have ven- 
 tured upon the assertion. Pinkerton, aware of the force 
 of the objection we have stated, was so unphilosophical 
 as to maintain that the Scots of Ireland, who he admits 
 as soon as known in history spoke the Celtic tongue, 
 had lost their original language in that of the van- 
 
 Ixxxv
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 quished. " Long before Christianity," he observes, 
 " was settled in Ireland, perhaps, indeed, before the birth 
 of Christ, the Scots or Scythae, who conquered Ireland, 
 had lost their speech in that of the greater numbers of 
 the Celts, the common people, as usually happens. 
 From England and Scotland the Celts had crowded 
 to the west, and vast numbers had passed to Ireland. 
 The mountainous north and west of England, the friths 
 of Scotland, had formed barriers between the Goths and 
 Celts. But in Ireland, the grand and last receptacle 
 of the Celts, and whither almost their whole remains 
 finally flowed, it is no wonder that the Gothic con- 
 querors, the Scots, lost their speech in that of the popu- 
 lation." Conquerors, indeed, have never been able to 
 efface the aboriginal language of a country; and though 
 they have succeeded in altering its form to suit their own 
 idiom, the original language still remained the ground- 
 work of the new superstructure; but it is believed that 
 no instance can be adduced of the language of the 
 conquerors having entirely effaced that of the conquered 
 as here supposed. 
 
 If any reliance could be placed upon the traditions of 
 the Irish bards and seannachies, some approximation 
 might be made to fixing the epoch of the arrival of the 
 Scots; but the mass of fiction which, under the name of 
 history, disfigures the annals of Ireland, does not afford 
 
 ^jmy data on which to found even a probable conjecture. 
 
 [The era of the settlement of the Irish-Scots in North 
 Britain, however, is matter of real history. This settle- 
 ment took place about the year 258, when a colony of 
 Scots, under the conduct of a leader named Reuda, 
 crossed over from Ireland and established themselves on 
 the north of the Clyde. Alluding to this emigration, 
 Venerable Bede observes: " In process of time Britain, 
 after the Britons and Picts, received a third nation , 
 
 Ixxxvi
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 that of the Scots, in that part belonging to the Picts; 
 who, emigrating from Ireland under their leader Reuda, 
 either by friendship or arms, vindicated to themselves 
 those seats among them which they to this time hold. 
 From which leader they are called Dalreudini to this 
 day; for in their language, dal signifies a part." 
 
 Among the modern Irish writers, Kennedy is the first 
 who mentions this emigration, his predecessors, either 
 from ignorance of the fact, or from a desire to fix the 
 settlement of the Scoto-Irish at a later period, making no 
 allusion to it. ( " Our books of antiquity," says Kennedy, 
 " giving an account at large of the children and race of 
 Conar MacMogalama, King of Ireland, mention that he 
 had three sons, Carbre Muse, Carbre Baskin, and Carbre 
 Riada; and that the first was by another name, jEngus; 
 the second, Olfile; and the third, 'Eocha. . . . Our 
 writers unanimously tell us that Carbre Riada was the 
 founder of the Scottish sovereignty in Britain; but 
 they make him only a captain, as Venerable Bede does, 
 or conductor, who ingratiated himself so far with the 
 Picts, by his and his children's assistance, and good 
 service against the Britons, that they consented that 
 they and their followers should continue among them." 
 
 This account, as far as the arrival of the Scots is con- 
 cerned, is corroborated by Ammianus Marcellinus, who, 
 about a century after the period assigned, mentions for 
 the first time the existence of this people in North 
 Britain, who, in conjunction with the Picts, had begun 
 to make themselves formidable to the Romans. That 
 the Scoti of Ammianus were distinct from the Picts is 
 evident, and as the Scots were unknown to Agricola and 
 Severus, they must have arrived in Scotland posterior 
 to the celebrated expedition of the latter. 
 
 Besides the Scottish auxiliaries, the Picts were aided 
 by a warlike people called Attacotti; but although 
 
 Ixxxvii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 Ammianus seems to distinguish them from the Scoti, 
 Pinkerton thinks that the term Attacotti was neither 
 more nor less than the name given by the provincial 
 Britons to the Dalreudini. This conjecture appears to 
 be well founded, as Richard of Cirencester places in 
 Ptolemy's map, the Attacotti on the north of the Frith 
 of Clyde, and the Damni Albani just above them, being 
 in the very position in which the Dalreudini are placed 
 by Bede on their arrival. " The Attacotti make a dis- 
 tinguished figure in the " Notitia Imperil," a work of 
 the fifth century, where numerous bodies of them appear 
 in the list of the Roman army. One body was in Illyri- 
 cum, their ensign a kind of mullet; another at Rome, 
 their badge a circle; the Attacotti Honoriani were in 
 Italy. In the same work are named bodies of Parthians, 
 Sarmatae, Arabs, Franks, Saxons, etc. These foreign 
 soldiers had, hi all likelihood, belonged to vanquished 
 armies; and been spared from carnage on condition of 
 bearing arms in those of Rome. Some, it is likely, were 
 foreign levies and auxiliaries. To which class those 
 Attacotti belonged is difficult to say. Certain it is, that 
 Theodosius, in 368, repelled the Piks, Scots, and Atta- 
 cotti, from the Roman provinces in Britain; rebuilt 
 the wall of Antoninus between Forth and Clyde; and 
 founded the province of Valentia. The Attacotti, find- 
 ing no employment for their arms, might be tempted to 
 enter into the Roman armies, for it was the Roman 
 policy in latter ages to levy as many foreign troops as 
 possible, and to oppose barbarians to barbarians. 
 Perhaps the Attacotti were subdued, and forced to 
 furnish levies. Perhaps these bodies were prisoners of 
 war." 
 
 Of the Celtic language there were at no very distant 
 period seven dialects, viz., the Waldensian, the Armo- 
 rican, or Bas Breton, the Cornish, the Welsh, the Manks, 
 Ixxxviii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 the Irish, and the Scottish Gaelic. The Basque, or Can- 
 tabrian, is considered by some philologists as a dialect 
 of the Celtic, but although it contains many words from 
 that language, these bear too small a proportion to the 
 other words of a different origin, of which the Basque 
 is chiefly composed, to entitle it to be classed among the 
 Celtic idioms. With the exception of the Waldensian 
 and Cornish, the other dialects are still spoken; but 
 remains of the former exist in certain manuscripts 
 collected by Sir Samuel Morland, and preserved in the 
 public library of the University of Cambridge, where they 
 were lodged in the year 1658, and the latter has been pre- 
 served in books. Of these different dialects, the Walden- 
 sian, the Armorican, the Cornish, and the Welsh form one 
 family, the parent of which was probably the idiom of 
 Celtic Gaul, which it is conjectured was the same with 
 the language of the ancient Britons; while the close 
 affinity between the Manks, the Irish, and the Gaelic 
 shows that they are relics of the idiom spoken by the 
 early inhabitants of Ireland. All these dialects are more 
 or less allied, but those of Wales and Armorica are the 
 most closely connected, and differ so little from each 
 other, that the natives of Brittany and Wales mutually 
 understand each other. According to Lhuyd, a consider- 
 able dissimilarity exists between the Welsh and Irish dia- 
 lects; but he is mistaken in this idea, as out of twenty-five 
 thousand words in the Irish dictionary, eight thousand 
 are common words in Welsh. Besides most of the general 
 prefixes and terminations of the different classes of words 
 used by the Irish are also in the Welsh, and the two 
 dialects also agree in various affinities of idioms and 
 construction. 
 
 The similarity between the dialects of Wales and 
 Armorica has been ascribed to two causes: 1. To the 
 intercourse which it is well known existed for a long 
 
 bcxxix
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 time, and at an early period, between the ancient 
 inhabitants dwelling on the opposite coasts of the 
 channel; and 2. To the fact of a British colony having 
 emigrated to the Armorican coast after the invasion of 
 Britain by the Saxons. History, however, affords so 
 little information respecting the date of this settlement 
 and the circumstances attending it, that it cannot be 
 ascertained whether those British Celts remained a 
 distinct people, or were incorporated with the original 
 inhabitants. From the close connection which had 
 previously subsisted between these new settlers and the 
 natives, and their similarity in language and customs, 
 the probability is that they gradually intermingled. A 
 conjecture has been hazarded, that from these British 
 settlers the Britons of Gaul derived their name, but 
 this term was in use in Gaul before the era of the Saxon 
 invasion; for Sidonius Appollinaris alludes to the Britons 
 living upon the banks of the Loire; and as early as the 
 council of Tours, which was held in 461, Mansuetus, 
 bishop of the " Britones," is mentioned among the 
 bishops who attended the council from " Lugudensis 
 Tertia," or Brittany. Perhaps an earlier colony from the 
 British shores were the ancestors of those early Gaulish 
 Britons. 
 
 Whoever examines the Manks, Irish, and Gaelic dia- 
 lects critically must be convinced that originally the 
 language of the ancestors of the people who now speak 
 these different idioms must have been the same. Cor- 
 rupted as the Manks is by a greater admixture of exotic 
 words, it is still understood by the Highlanders of Scot- 
 land; and the natives of Connaught, where the Irish is 
 the purest, and the Scottish Gael can, without much 
 difficulty, make themselves mutually understood. Pri- 
 ority in point of antiquity has been claimed, for the Irish 
 over the other Celtic dialects; but the advocates of this 
 
 xc
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 claim appear to carry it too far when they infer that the 
 Gaelic is derived, from the Irish. A comparison of the 
 primitive words which exist in each shows their original 
 identity, and many of the differences which now exist 
 between these dialects are to be ascribed to their col- 
 lision with other languages. It has, however, been 
 observed that the Scottish Gaelic resembles more closely 
 the parent Celtic, and has fewer inflections than the 
 Welsh, Manks, or Irish dialects. In common with the 
 Hebrew and other oriental languages, it is distinguished 
 by this peculiarity, that it wants the simple present 
 tense, a circumstance which is urged in support of the 
 opinion that the Gaelic of Scotland is the more ancient 
 dialect. The remarks of Lhuyd in his " Archaeologia 
 Britannica " on the Irish, may, with some modification, 
 be applied to its cognate idiom, the Gaelic. " To the 
 antiquary this language is of the utmost importance; 
 it is rich in pure and simple primitives, which are 
 proved such by the sense and structure of the largest 
 written compounds; by the supply of many roots 
 which have been long obsolete in the Welsh and Armori- 
 <jan, but still occur in the compounds of these languages, 
 and by their use hi connecting the Celtic dialects with 
 Latin, Greek, and Gothic, and perhaps with some of the 
 Asiatic languages." 
 
 The invention of printing, which brought about such 
 a speedy revolution in the history of mind, and accel- 
 erated the progress of literature, was long inoperative 
 upon the Celtic population of Europe. The reason is 
 obvious. For a considerable period the Latin tongue, 
 which was the language of the western church, and had 
 long been that of the learned, continued to be used in 
 the various publications which issued from the early 
 press, in preference to the vulgar tongues; and even when 
 the latter came to be partially adopted, there were 
 
 xci
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 comparatively few persons who could read. Unac- 
 quainted as the great bulk of the European population 
 was with letters, those scattered and insulated parts 
 thereof, which comprised the Celtic race, participated 
 in a more especial manner in the general ignorance; 
 and the few persons among them who were desirous 
 of acquiring literary knowledge, were obliged to seek 
 for it in languages which were foreign to them. The 
 paucity of printed works in the different dialects of the 
 Celtic, and particularly among the Scottish Gael, is, 
 therefore, not surprising. The Gaelic had, for many 
 centuries before the invention of printing, ceased to be 
 the language of the court; and when that important 
 discovery was made, it was limited to a small and isolated 
 portion of Scotland. In Ireland, however, the Irish, 
 as the Gaelic is termed in Ireland, continued to be spoken 
 by all classes of the population for six hundred years 
 after the Gaelic had ceased to be spoken at the court of 
 Scotland, and it was not till the reign of Elizabeth and 
 James I, that the Irish nobility and gentry generally 
 began to exchange their mother tongue for the English 
 language. For this reason the Irish have more printed 
 Gaelic works than the Scots. 
 
 The first work printed for the use of the Highlanders 
 was a translation into Gaelic of John Knox's Liturgy, 
 known better by the name of Bishop Carswell's Prayer 
 Book. This, which is the first Gaelic book ever printed, 
 issued from the press of Robert Lepreuck, an Edinburgh 
 printer, and bears date, 24th April, 1567. One, or at 
 most two entire copies only are now known to exist. One 
 of these was in the Duke of Argyll's library at Inverary 
 castle, but is now amissing. Adelung has given a very 
 accurate account of it in his " Mithridates." The fol- 
 lowing is a copy of the table of the contents of this very 
 scarce work : 
 
 xcii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 "Dontriath Chomhachtach cheirtbhreatach chiuinbhria- 
 
 thrach, do ghiollaesbuig. 
 Ebistil Thioghlaicthe. 
 Admhail an Chreidimh. 
 Doifige na Ministreadh and so sios. 
 Do Mhinisdribh Eagluise D6 and da dtogha labhrus so seasda, 
 
 agus dona coingheallaibh dhligheassiad do bheith iondta. 
 Dona Foirfidheachaibh agas da noisige agas da dtogha and BO 
 
 sios. 
 Dona Deochanaibh, agas da noisige agas da dtoghe, and so 
 
 sios. 
 
 Vrrnaidhthe. 
 
 Foirm an Bhaisdidh and so sios. 
 Foirm Tsacramvinte Chuirp Chriosd re" raitear Suiper an 
 
 Tighearna, and so sios. 
 Teagasg do chum an Posaidh. 
 Comhfhvrtacht na Neaslan. 
 Do Smachtvghadh Na Heaglvise. 
 Vrrnaidhthe. 
 Foirceadal an Chreidimh. 
 Altachadh." 
 
 Lemoine says that an Irish Liturgy was printed at 
 Dublin in 1566, for the use of the Highlanders of Scot- 
 land, but it is supposed that he alludes to the above- 
 mentioned work, as no book is known to have been 
 printed in Ireland till 1571, when the " Alphabetum 
 et ratio loquendi linguam Hibernicam, et Catechismus 
 in eadem lingua," printed by John Kearney and Nicholas 
 Walsh, made its appearance. 
 
 An interval of sixty-four years took place till the next 
 Gaelic publication, which was a translation of Calvin's 
 Catechism, printed at Edinburgh in the year 1631, during 
 which time there were published in Ireland a translation 
 of the New Testament in 1603, being the first edition of 
 any part of the Scriptures in Celtic, and a translation of 
 the Book of Common Prayer, with the exception of the 
 Psalms, in 1608. Besides these there were published 
 
 xciii
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 abroad in the Irish, first at Louvain in 1608, and after- 
 terward at Antwerp in 1611 and 1618, a Catechism, under 
 the title of " Teagasg Criosdaidhe," and several other 
 
 works. 
 
 It was not until the year 1767, being 164 after the New 
 Testament first appeared in Irish, that that portion 
 of the Scriptures appeared in Gaelic. The translation 
 was made by the Rev. James Stewart, minister of 
 Killin; and of this first edition, which was published 
 both in octavo and duodecimo, ten thousand copies 
 were printed. Since that time there have been seventeen 
 editions of the New Testament printed, probably 
 averaging ten thousand copies each, thus making a 
 total of about 180,000 copies. 
 
 A translation of the Old Testament was published in 
 four parts, the first of which did not appear till 1783, 
 upwards of a century after the first Irish Bible was pub- 
 lished. The remaining parts appeared successively in 
 1786, 1787, and 1801. The Rev. Dr. John Stuart, 
 minister of Luss, was the translator of the first, second, 
 and third parts; and the Rev. Dr. John Smith, minister 
 of Campbelton, translated the fourth. Of this edition 
 five thousand copies were printed, besides an extra 
 quantity of the Pentateuch. A second edition of twenty 
 thousand copies, with some alterations, chiefly in Isaiah, 
 was printed in 1807. None other editions have since 
 appeared. A complete enumeration of all the works 
 which have been printed in Gaelic may be seen in the 
 " Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica." These consist chiefly of 
 translations, a circumstance not to be wondered at, when 
 we reflect on the many obstacles which, from local and 
 other causes, checked the progress of science among the 
 Highlanders, and the little inducements which literary 
 men had to exhibit the treasures of knowledge in a 
 language read by few, and which, from the prevalence 
 
 xciv.
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 of the English language, and the rapid changes which 
 are taking place in the Highlands, seems destined at no 
 distant period, to exist only in those works which were 
 intended to ensure its perpetuity as one of the living 
 dialects of a language spoken at one time by the aborigi- 
 nal population of Europe. 
 
 xcv
 
 THE STUART PAPERS 
 
 THE STUART PAPERS in the possession of the Crown, 
 to which his late Majesty was graciously pleased to allow 
 access for the use of the present work, and which reach 
 as far back as the Revolution of 1688, consist of a large 
 mass of important documents illustrative of the efforts 
 of James the Second, and of his son and grandson, to 
 recover the crown which the first had lost by his own 
 obstinacy, or the treachery of his advisers; but as the 
 events of the Rebellion of 1745 formed the only subject 
 of inquiry, the commencement of the investigation 
 was limited to the year 1740, and was carried down 
 to the close of the year 1755, in which period the prin- 
 cipal events preceding the Rebellion, those of the Re- 
 bellion itself, and the occurrences which followed 
 are embraced. It is believed that the documents ex- 
 amined, amounting to about 15,000 unedited pieces, 
 convey all the information required to complete the 
 history of one of the most remarkable epochs in the 
 British annals. Copious selections have been made 
 from these papers for the present work, and many 
 entire documents have been copied, all of which have 
 been either partly incorporated with the work itself, or 
 given in an appendix. From the information which 
 these papers afford, the publishers have no hesitation 
 in stating that this work contains the most complete 
 and authentic history yet published of the events of 
 1745. To give some idea of the historical importance 
 
 xcvii
 
 THE STUART PAPERS 
 
 of these documents, which, for the first time, meet 
 the public eye, or are referred to in the present work, 
 the following general enumeration may suffice: 
 
 1. Eighty-one letters and memorandums written by 
 
 Charles Edward. 
 
 2. Seventy letters of his father, the Chevalier de St. 
 
 George. 
 
 3. Two of Cardinal York. 
 
 4. Six of Lochiel. 
 
 5. Eleven of old and young Glengary. 
 
 6. Three of Lochgary. 
 
 7. Eight of Lord Marischal. 
 
 8. Three of Robertson of Strowan. 
 
 9. Eight of Drummond of Bochaldy. 
 
 10. Six of Lord George Murray. 
 
 11. Two of Lord John Drummond. 
 
 12. Three of Lord Strathallan. 
 
 13. Three of Doctor Cameron, Lochiel's brother. 
 
 14. Three of Mr. John Graham. 
 
 In the selection which has been made are also letters of 
 Lord and Lady Balmerino; the Duchess of Perth ; Lords 
 Clancarty, Qgilvy, Nairne, and Elcho; Macdonald of 
 Clan Ranald; Gordon of Glenbucket; Sir Hector Maclean; 
 Sir John Wedderburn; Oliphant of Gask; and James 
 Drummond, or Macgregor, the son of Rob Roy, etc. 
 The correspondence throws considerable light on several 
 matters hitherto little understood or imperfectly known. 
 The embezzlement of the money left by the prince 
 under the charge of Macpherson of Cluny is referred 
 to, and the conduct of the persons who appear to have 
 appropriated it to their own use is freely animadverted 
 on. The correspondence likewise embraces two most 
 
 xcviii
 
 THE STUART PAPERS 
 
 interesting letters from the Chevalier to the prince 
 on the subject of his marriage, and on the promotion of 
 Prince Henry to the dignity of cardinal. 
 
 Besides the correspondence, the selection compre- 
 hends a report of Gordon the Jesuit, on the state of 
 affairs in Scotland in 1745; a treaty entered into at 
 Fontainebleau between the King of France and the 
 Chevalier after the battle of Preston pans; instructions 
 from the King of France to Lord John Drummond on 
 the conduct of the expedition entrusted to him; note 
 from Lord George Murray to the prince, resigning 
 his command after the battle of Culloden, with his 
 reasons for that step; notice from the prince to the 
 chiefs of the clans after said battle; list of charges 
 drawn up by the prince against Macdonald of Baris- 
 dale; state of allowances granted by the French gov- 
 ernment to the Highland officers; memoir presented 
 by the prince to the King of France on his return from 
 Scotland; commission by Charles to treat for a mar- 
 riage with the Princess of Hesse Darmstadt; Charles's 
 accounts with Waters, his banker at Paris; account 
 of the Moidart family, presented to the Chevalier de St. 
 George; a curious and interesting memoir presented to 
 the prince in 1755 by a deputation of gentlemen, in 
 relation to his conduct during the extraordinary in- 
 cognito he preserved for several years, with the prince's 
 answer; address by the Chevalier de St. George to the 
 universities of Oxford and Cambridge; memorandum 
 by the prince, in which he refers to his visit to Eng- 
 land in 1750, etc. 
 
 This partial enumeration will serve to convey some 
 idea of the extent of the researches which have been 
 made into this great repository of materials for history, 
 and also of the value of the acquisitions which have been 
 made for the present work; but it is only from the 
 
 xcix
 
 THE STUART PAPERS 
 
 documents themselves, and the new light which they 
 shed on one of the most interesting and memorable 
 episodes in British history, that their real importance 
 can be fully estimated.
 
 THE 
 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 WHEN Agricola invaded North Britain in the year 
 eighty-one of the Christian era, it appears to have 
 been possessed by twenty-one tribes of aboriginal 
 Britons, having little or no political connection with 
 one another, although evidently the same people in 
 origin, speaking the same language, and following 
 the same customs. The topographical position of these 
 Caledonian tribes or clans, at the epoch in question, 
 may be thus stated: 
 
 First, The Ottadini, or Otadeni, occupied the south- 
 east boundary of North Britain, extending along the 
 whole line of coast from the southern Tyne to the 
 Frith of Forth, and including the half of Northumber- 
 land, the eastern part of Roxburghshire, the whole of 
 Berwickshire and of East Lothian. They had two towns, 
 both south of the Tweed, called Curia, supposed to 
 have been situated in Roxburghshire, and Bremenium, 
 understood to be Rochester on Reedwater in North- 
 umberland. The latter was the chief town. Anti- 
 quaries conclude that this tribe derives its name from 
 the river Tyne, which formed their boundary on the 
 south, because the name in British denotes the people 
 living beyond or out from the Tyne. 
 
 1
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Second, The Gadeni inhabited the interior country 
 on the west of the Ottadini, including the western part 
 of Northumberland; a small part of Cumberland, lying 
 to the north of Irthing River; the western part of Rox- 
 burghshire, the whole of Selkirk, Tweeddale; a consid- 
 erable part of Mid-Lothian, and nearly all West Lothian. 
 Their possessions thus extended from the Tyne on the 
 south, to the Frith of Forth on the north; and Curia 
 on the Gore water was their capital. Conjecture de- 
 rives the name of this tribe from the groves with which 
 their country abounded. 
 
 Third, The Selgovae inhabited Annandale, Nithsdale, 
 and Eskdale in Dumfries-shire, and the eastern part 
 of Galloway to the river Deva, or Dee, their western 
 boundary. To the south they were bounded by the 
 Solway Frith, or Ituna jEstuarium. Ptolemy mentions 
 their having four towns in their territories, namely, 
 Carbantorigum, supposed to be Kircudbright; Uxellum, 
 believed to be Castle Over; Corda, the site of which 
 cannot be fixed; and Trimontium, said to have lain 
 near the Eildon Hills. The name Selgovae is supposed 
 to be descriptive of the country inhabited by this tribe, 
 which was much divided by water. 
 
 Fourth, The Novantse possessed the middle and 
 western parts of Galloway from the Dee on the east, 
 to the Irish Sea on the west; on the south they were 
 bounded by the Solway Frith and the Irish Sea, and 
 on the north by the chain of hills which separates 
 Galloway from Carrick. They had two towns, the 
 principal, Leucopibia or Candida Casa, on the site of 
 the present Whithorn, and Rerigonium, now Stranraer, 
 on the bank of the Rerigonius Sinus, now Loch Ryan. 
 The name of this tribe is said to have arisen from the 
 nature of their country, which abounded with streams. 
 
 Fifth, The Damnii, the most important of the south- 
 
 2
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 ern tribes, inhabited the whole extent of country from 
 the ridge of hills between Galloway and Ayrshire on 
 the south, to the river Era on the north. They pos- 
 sessed all Strathclyde, the shires of Ayr, Renfrew, and 
 Stirling, and a small part of the shires of Dumbarton 
 and Perth. According to Ptolemy, the Damnii had six 
 towns, namely, Vanduaria, at Paisley ; Colania, supposed 
 to be Lanark; Coria, at Carstairs in Eastern Clydes- 
 dale; Alauna, on the river Allan, believed to be Kier 
 near Stirling; Lindum, near Ardoch; and Victoria, at 
 Dealginross on the Ruchil water. 
 
 Sixth, The Horestii inhabited the country between 
 the Bodotria or Forth, on the south, and the Tarvus 
 or Tay, on the north, comprehending the shires of Clack- 
 mannan, Kinross, and Fife, with the eastern part of 
 Strathern, and the country westward of the Tay as 
 far as the river Brann. 
 
 Seventh, The Venricones possessed the territory 
 between the Tay on the south, and the Carron on the 
 north, comprehending Gowrie, Strathmore, Stormont, 
 and Strathardle in Perthshire; with the whole of Angus, 
 and the larger part of Kincardineshire. Their chief 
 town was Orrea on the Tay. This and the last men- 
 tioned tribe were afterward named Vecturiones by the 
 Romans. 
 
 Eighth, The Taixali inhabited the northern part 
 of the Mearns and the whole of Aberdeenshire, as far 
 as the Doveran. The promontory of Kinnaird's head, 
 the Taixalorum promontorium of the Romans, was 
 included in this district. Devana, on the northern side 
 of the Dee, six miles above its influx into the sea, was 
 their principal town, which stood on the site of Nor- 
 mandykes of the present day. 
 
 Ninth, The Vacomagi inhabited the country on the 
 southern side of the Moray Frith, from the Doveran 
 
 3
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 on the east, to the Ness on the west, comprehending 
 the shires of Banff, Elgin, Nairn, the eastern part 
 of Inverness, and Braemar in Aberdeenshire. Their 
 towns were the Ptoroton of Richard; the Alata Castra 
 of Ptolemy; at the mouth of the Varar, where the pres- 
 ent Burghead runs into the Moray Frith; Tuessis on 
 the eastern bank of the Spey; and Tamea and Banatia 
 in the interior country. 
 
 Tenth, The Albani, afterward called Damnii-Albani, 
 on their subjection to the Damnii, possessed the in- 
 terior districts between the lower ridge of the Grampians 
 which skirts the southern side of the loch and river 
 Tay, on the south, and the chain of mountains which 
 forms the southern limit of Inverness-shire, on the 
 north. These districts comprehended Braidalbane, 
 Athole, a small part of Lochaber, with Appin and Glen- 
 orchy in Upper Lorn. The Albani were so called be- 
 cause they possessed a high and mountainous country. 
 
 Eleventh, The Attacotti inhabited the whole country 
 from Loch Fyne on the west to the eastward of the 
 river Leven and Loch Lomond, comprehending the 
 whole of Cowal in Argyleshire, and the greater part 
 of Dumbartonshire. The British word eithacoeti, which 
 signifies men dwelling along the extremity of the wood, 
 appears to indicate the derivation of the name of this 
 tribe. 
 
 Twelfth, The Caledonii proper inhabited the whole 
 of the interior country from the ridge of mountains 
 which separates Inverness and Perth, on the south, 
 to the range of hills which forms the forest of Balna- 
 gowan in Ross, on the north; comprehending all the 
 middle parts of Inverness and of Ross. This territory 
 formed a considerable part of the extensive forest which, 
 in early ages, spread over the interior and western parts 
 of the country, on the northern side of the Forth and 
 
 4
 
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Clyde, and to which the British colonists, according 
 to Chalmers, gave the descriptive appellation of Celyd- 
 don, signifying literally the coverts, and generally 
 denoting a woody region. It was on this account that 
 the large tribe in question was called Celyddoni, a 
 name afterward Latinized into the more classical appel- 
 lation of Caledonii. The descriptive name, Celyddon, 
 restricted originally to the territory described, was 
 afterward extended to the whole country on the north- 
 ern side of the Forth and Clyde, under the Latinized 
 appellation of Caledonia. 
 
 Thirteenth, The Cantae possessed the east of Ross- 
 shire from the estuary of Varar or the Moray Frith, 
 on the south, to the Abona, or Dornoch Frith, on the 
 north; having Loxa or Cromarty Frith, which indented 
 their country in the centre, and a ridge of hills, Uxellum 
 montes, on the west. This ridge, of which Ben-Wyvis, 
 one of the highest mountains in Great Britain, is the 
 prominent summit, gradually declines towards the 
 northeast, and terminates in a promontory, called 
 Pen Uxellum, the Tarbetness of modern times. The 
 term Cantae, the name of this tribe, is derived from 
 caint, a British word meaning an open country, which 
 the district in question certainly was, when compared 
 with the mountainous interior and the western districts. 
 
 Fourteenth, The Logi possessed the southeastern 
 coast of Sutherland, extending from the Abona, or 
 Dornoch Frith, on the southwest, to the river Ila on 
 the east. This river is supposed to be the Helmsdale 
 River of the Scandinavian intruders, called by the 
 Celtic inhabitants Avon-Uile, or Avon-High, the floody 
 water. It is conjectured that this tribe derived its 
 name from the British word lygi, which is applicable 
 to a people living on the shore. 
 
 Fifteenth, The Carnabii inhabited the south, the
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 east, and northeast of Caithness from the Ila River; 
 comprehending the three great promontories of Viru- 
 bium or Noss Head, Virvedrum or Duncansby Head, 
 and Tarvedrum, or the Orcas promontorium, the 
 Dunnet Head of the present time. The Carnabii of 
 Caithness, like those of Cornwall, derived their appel- 
 lation from their residence on remarkable promontories. 
 
 Sixteenth, The Catini, a small tribe, inhabited the 
 northwestern corner of Caithness and the eastern half 
 of Strathnaver in Sutherlandshire, having the river 
 Naver, the Navari fluvius of Ptolemy, for their western 
 boundary. Various conjectures are hazarded as to the 
 derivation of the name of this tribe. Chalmers thinks 
 that it is taken from the name of the British weapon 
 called the cat or catai, with which they fought; but Sir 
 Robert Gordon supposes it to be derived from the 
 Catti of Germany, who are said to have settled in Caith- 
 ness at an early period. Others again say that the 
 tribe derived its name from Cattey, an appellation given 
 to the country which they possessed on account of its 
 being infested with a prodigious number of cats. But 
 be that as it may, the Gaelic people of Caithness and 
 Sunderland are, according to Chalmers, ambitious, 
 even at this day, of deriving their distant origin from 
 those Catini or Catai of British times. 
 
 Seventeenth, The Mertoe occupied the interior of 
 Sutherland, and this is all that we know of them. 
 
 Eighteenth, The Carnonacoe inhabited the northern 
 and western shores of Sutherland and a small part of 
 the western shore of Ross, from the Naver on the east, 
 round to the Volsas Bay, on the southwest. A river 
 called Straba falls into the sea in this district on the 
 west of the Naver, and the headland at the turn is 
 named Ebudium promontorium. 
 
 Nineteenth, The Creones inhabited the western coast 
 
 6
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 of Ross from Volsas-sinus on the north to the Itys or 
 Lochduich on the south. They are said to have derived 
 their name from their fierceness, Crewon or Creuonwys 
 signifying, in British, " men of blood." 
 
 Twentieth, The Cerones inhabited the whole western 
 coast of Inverness and the countries of Ardnamurchan, 
 Morven, Sunart, and Ardgowar in Argyleshire, having 
 the Itys or Lochduich on the north, and the Longus 
 or Linne Loch on the south. 
 
 Twenty-first, The Epidii inhabited the southwest 
 of Argyleshire from Linne Loch on the north, to the 
 Frith of Clyde and the Irish Sea on the south, including 
 Cantyre, the point of which was called the Epidian 
 promontory, now named the Mull of Cantyre; and they 
 were bounded on the east by the country of the Albani 
 and the Lelanonius Sinus or the Lochfine of the present 
 day. The name of this tribe is derived from the British 
 ebyd, a peninsula, as they chiefly inhabited the promon- 
 tory of Cantyre. 
 
 Such, according to the most authentic accounts that 
 can be obtained, were the names and topographical 
 positions of the twenty-one tribes which at the time 
 of the Roman invasion occupied the whole of North 
 Britain, a country at that time without agriculture, 
 studded with bogs and covered with woods almost in 
 the state in which it had been formed by nature. 
 
 We have enumerated the whole of the North British 
 tribes in order to make our narrative the more intelligible; 
 but our researches and details, except where the sub- 
 ject shall render reference to all of them necessary, 
 shall be confined to the thirteen last mentioned, in- 
 habiting the tract of country known by the name of 
 the Highlands of Scotland. This celebrated territory 
 is separated from the Lowlands of Scotland by the 
 Grampians, a lofty chain of mountains running diago-
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 nally across the kingdom, from the north of the river 
 Don in Aberdeenshire, and terminating beyond Ard- 
 more in Dumbartonshire. The range in question, which 
 consists of rocks of primitive formation, appears at a 
 distance to be uninterrupted; but it is broken by 
 straths and glens. The principal straths are on the 
 rivers Leven, Ern, Tay, and Dee; but besides these 
 there are many glens and valleys called passes, which, 
 till a very late period, were almost impassable. The 
 chief of these passes are Bealmacha upon Loch Lomond; 
 Aberfoyle and Leny in Monteith; the Pass of Glenal- 
 mond above Crieff; the entrance into Athole at Dun- 
 keld; and those formed by the rivers Ardle, Islay, and 
 South and North Esk. Immediately within the ex- 
 ternal boundary of the chain there are also many strong 
 and defensible passes, as Killikrankie, the entrances 
 into Glenlyon, Glenlochy, Glenogle, etc. The prin- 
 cipal mountains of the range are Benlomond, Ben- 
 lawers, and Shichallain. This line of demarcation 
 between the Highlands and Lowlands has kept the 
 inhabitants of these two divisions of Scotland so dis- 
 tinct " that for seven centuries," as General Stewart 
 observes, " Birnam Hill, at the entrance into Athole, 
 has formed the boundary between the Lowlands and 
 Highlands, and between the Saxon and Gaelic languages. 
 On the southern and eastern sides of the hill, breeches 
 are worn, and the Scotch Lowland dialect spoken with 
 as broad an accent as in Mid-Lothian. On the northern 
 and western sides are found the Gaelic, the kilt and the 
 plaid, with all the peculiarities of the Highland char- 
 acter. The Gaelic is universal, as the common dialect 
 in use among the people on the Highland side of the 
 boundary. This applies to the whole range of the 
 Grampians; as, for example, at General Campbell of 
 Monzie's gate, nothing but Scotch is spoken, while 
 
 8
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 at less than a mile distant on the hill to the northward, 
 we meet with Gaelic." 
 
 The space which the thirteen last mentioned tribes 
 occupied within the mountains comprehended, as we 
 have seen, part of the counties of Dumbarton, Stirling, 
 Perth, Angus, Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray, and the 
 whole counties of Argyle, Bute, Inverness, Nairn, Ross, 
 Cromarty, Sutherland, and Caithness, and the Hebrides. 
 This boundary may be defined by a line commencing 
 at Ardmore in Dumbartonshire, running along the 
 southern verge of the Grampians to Aberdeenshire, 
 and from thence through Banff and Elgin to the sea- 
 shore, cutting off the Lowland portions in these three 
 districts. This line then skirts the shores of the Moray 
 Frith till it reaches the northeastern point of Caithness 
 at the eastern opening of the Pentland Frith; then 
 proceeds along the southern side of that Frith, sweeping 
 round St. Kilda so as to include the whole cluster of 
 islands to the east and south as far as Arran; and then 
 stretching to the Mull of Cantyre it reenters the main- 
 land and ends at Ardmore in Dumbartonshire. 
 
 The maritime outline of this boundary, particularly 
 on the north and west, is remarkably bold and rocky, 
 and the mainland is deeply indented by bays and arms 
 of the sea. The interior of the country within the 
 Grampian range is grand and picturesque. Lofty 
 mountains, whose summits are seldom to be distin- 
 guished from the mists or clouds which envelop them, 
 steep and tremendous precipices, and glens watered 
 by mountain streams or diversified by winding lakes, 
 and occasional sprinklings of beautiful woods, impress 
 the mind of the traveller with just ideas of the sublime 
 and beautiful as displayed by the hand of nature in 
 that romantic and poetical region. But nowhere is 
 the wild and magnificent scenery of the Highlands seen 
 
 9
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 to greater advantage than from the summits of Ben- 
 lomond, Benlawers, and the other elevated points of 
 the Grampians. These mountains, like the rest, are 
 often either covered with clouds or skirted with mists. 
 Of a bleak and barren aspect, and furrowed by channels 
 deep and rocky, their summits present scarcely any 
 appearances of vegetation, but a thin covering of 
 stunted heath, the residence only of birds of prey or of 
 the white hare or ptarmigan, is to be found a little lower 
 down. Below this inhospitable region the mountain 
 deer and moor-fowl have fixed their abode among more 
 luxuriant heath, interspersed with nourishing pasture 
 on which feed numerous flocks of sheep. The romantic 
 glens at the base of these mountains are well peopled, 
 and contain a vast number of flocks and herds which 
 form the staple wealth of the country. 
 
 Although the people of Caledonia were certainly in a 
 higher state of civilization than that described by Dio 
 and afterward by Herodian, it must be admitted that 
 they knew little of the arts of social life and had ad- 
 vanced but few stages beyond the savage state. Their 
 division into tribes or clans engendered a spirit of 
 reciprocal hostility which prevented any political union 
 or amalgamation of their common interests; and it was 
 only when a foreign foe threatened their existence that 
 a sense of danger forced them to unite for a time under 
 the military authority of a pendragon or chief elected 
 by common consent. Their subjugation, therefore, by 
 the Romans under Agricola, as far as that victorious 
 commander pushed his conquests, is not to be wondered 
 at. The disunion of the British tribes as favouring the 
 Roman arms is indeed acknowledged by Tacitus. 
 ' There was one thing," says that historian, " which 
 gave us an advantage over these powerful nations, that 
 they never consulted together for the advantage of the 
 
 10
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 whole. It was rare that even two or three of them united 
 against the common enemy." A people so unhappily 
 circumstanced could neither appreciate the blessings 
 of peace nor have any desire to enjoy them. Hence they 
 carried on a predatory system of warfare, congenial to 
 their rude state of existence, which retarded their ad- 
 vancement in civilization. Their whole means of sub- 
 sistence consisted in the milk and flesh of their flocks 
 and the produce of the chase. The piscatory treasures 
 with which the rivers and waters of Caledonia abound 
 appear to have been but little known to them, a 
 thing not to be wondered at when it is considered that 
 the druidical superstition proscribed the use of fish. 
 Their dislike to this species of food continued long after 
 the system of the Druids had disappeared, and they 
 did not abandon this prejudice till the light of Chris- 
 tianity was diffused among them. They lived in a state 
 almost approaching to nudity, but whether from ne- 
 cessity or from choice cannot be satisfactorily deter- 
 mined. Dio indeed represents the Caledonians as being 
 naked, but Herodian speaks of them as wearing a partial 
 covering. Their towns, which were very few, consisted 
 of huts covered with turf or skins, and built without 
 order or regularity or any distinction of streets. For 
 better security they were erected in the centre of some 
 wood or morass, the avenues leading to which were 
 defended with ramparts of earth and felled trees. The 
 following is the description of a British town as given 
 by Ssesar: " What the Britons call a town is a tract of 
 woody country, surrounded by a vallum and ditch, 
 for the security of themselves and cattle against the 
 incursions of an enemy; for, when they have enclosed 
 a very large circuit with felled trees, they build within 
 it houses for themselves, and hovels for their cattle." 
 Notwithstanding the scantiness of their covering, 
 
 11
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which left their bodies exposed to the rigours of a cold 
 and variable climate, the Caledonians were a remark- 
 ably hardy race, capable of enduring fatigue, cold, and 
 hunger to an extent which their descendants of the 
 present day could not encounter without the risk 
 of life. They were decidedly a warlike people, and are 
 said to have been addicted, like the heroes of more 
 ancient times, to robbery. The weapons of their war- 
 fare consisted of small spears, long broadswords, and 
 hand daggers; and they defended their bodies in com- 
 bat by a small target or shield, all much of the same 
 form and construction as those afterward used by their 
 posterity in more modern times. The use of cavalry 
 appears not to have been so well understood among 
 the Caledonians as among the more southern tribes; 
 but in battle they often made use of cars, or chariots, 
 which were drawn by horses of a small, swift, and spirited 
 description, and it is conjectured that, like those used 
 by the Southern Britons, they had iron scythes pro- 
 jecting from the axle. It is impossible to say what form 
 of government obtained among these warlike tribes. 
 When history is silent historians should either maintain 
 a cautious reserve or be sparing in their conjectures; 
 but analogy may supply materials for well-grounded 
 speculations, and it may therefore be asserted, without 
 any great stretch of imagination, that, like most 
 of the other uncivilized tribes we read of in history, 
 the Northern Britons or Caledonians were under the 
 government of a leader or chief to whom they yielded 
 a certain degree of obedience. Dio indeed insinuates 
 that the governments of these tribes were democratic; 
 but he should have been aware that it is only when 
 bodies of men assume, in an advanced stage of civili- 
 zation, a compact and united form, that democracy 
 can prevail; and the state of barbarism in which he 
 
 12
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 says the inhabitants of North Britain existed at the 
 period in question seems to exclude such a supposition. 
 The conjecture of Chalmers that, like the American 
 tribes, they were governed under the aristocratic sway 
 of the old men rather than the coercion of legal authority, 
 is more probable than that of Dio and approximates 
 more to the opinion we have ventured to express. 
 
 It is remarked by Plutarch that in his time it would 
 have been easier to have found cities without walls, 
 houses, kings, laws, coins, schools, and theatres than 
 without temples and sacrifices. The observation is 
 just; for all the migratory tribes which spread themselves 
 over the globe after the dispersion of the human race 
 carried along with them some recollections of religion. 
 Accordingly the aboriginal inhabitants of Northern 
 Britain brought from the east a system of religion, 
 modified and altered no doubt by circumstances in 
 its course through different countries. The prevailing 
 opinion is that Druidism was the religion followed by 
 all the Celtic colonies; and, in proof of this, reference 
 has been made to a variety of druidical monuments 
 abounding in all parts of Britain and particularly in 
 the north. An author, Mr. Pinkerton, whose asperity, 
 to use the words of Doctor Jamieson, " has greatly 
 enfeebled his argument," has attacked this position 
 under the shields of Caesar and Tacitus; but although 
 his reasoning is powerful and ingenious, he appears to 
 have failed in establishing that these monuments are 
 of Gothic origin. As Druidism then may be considered 
 as the first religious profession of the ancient Cale- 
 donians, some account of it, as forming a part of their 
 antiquities, may naturally be expected in this place. 
 
 That Druidism may have been corrupted by innova- 
 tion, and may have appeared in different shapes at 
 various periods and in different countries, is a supposi- 
 
 13
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 tion that admits of no doubt; but there are not suffi- 
 cient data in history to enable the antiquary to trace 
 the various shades of dissimilarity which characterized 
 the system in its gradual advancement from the east 
 through Europe. The obscurity in which this system 
 is enveloped is owing to a principle of the Druids which 
 forbade them to commit any part of their theology to 
 writing. As they had to trust entirely for everything 
 to memory, the science of mnemonics was cultivated 
 by the youth bred to the druidical profession, in an 
 extraordinary degree, and many of them spent twenty 
 years in storing their minds with the knowledge 
 necessary for one of their order. Diogenes Laertius 
 divides the tenets of the Druids into four heads. The 
 first was, to worship God; the second, to abstain from 
 evil; the third, to exert courage, and the fourth, to 
 believe in the immortality of the soul, for enforcing 
 these virtues. If such were the early tenets of the 
 Druids, they must have sadly degenerated in the course 
 of time; for they are quite incompatible with the 
 gross and revolting practices related of them by more 
 modern writers. 
 
 Among the objects of druidical veneration the oak 
 was particularly distinguished; for the Druids imagined 
 that there was a supernatural virtue in the wood, in 
 the leaves, in the fruit, and, above all, in the mistletoe. 
 Hence the oak woods were the first places of their de- 
 votion, and the offices of their religion were there per- 
 formed without any covering but the broad canopy 
 of heaven; for it was a peculiar principle of the Druids 
 that no temple or covered building should be erected 
 for public worship. The part appropriated for worship 
 was enclosed in a circle, within which was placed a pillar 
 of stone set up under an oak, and sacrifices were offered 
 thereon. The groves, within which the mysteries of 
 
 14
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 the druidical superstition were celebrated, were also 
 appropriated for the instruction of the people and the 
 education of youth, which was under the sole super- 
 intendence of the priests. The pillars which mark the 
 sites of these places of worship are still to be seen, 
 and so great is the superstitious veneration paid by 
 the country people to those sacred stones, as they are 
 considered, that few persons have ventured to remove 
 them, even in cases where their removal would be 
 advantageous to the cultivator of the soil. 1 
 
 Some writers pretend to have discovered in the 
 system of Druidism three distinct orders of priests: 
 the Druids or chief priests, the Vates, and the Bards, 
 who severally performed different functions. The 
 Bards of course sung in heroic verse the brave actions 
 of those of their tribe who had made themselves famous 
 by their warlike exploits; the Vates continually studied 
 and explained the laws and the productions of nature; 
 and the Druids directed the education of youth, offi- 
 ciated in the affairs of religion, and presided in the 
 administration of justice. The latter were exempted 
 from serving in war and from the payment of taxes. 
 The duties above enumerated would seem to imply 
 that the Druids were the only order of priests; and 
 although the Bards and Vates might eventually rise 
 to the high and honourable dignity of Druids, the pro- 
 priety of writing them down as priests of the second and 
 third order seems very questionable. Besides the 
 immunities before mentioned, enjoyed by the Druids, 
 they also possessed both civil and criminal jurisdiction. 
 They decided all controversies among states as well as 
 among private persons; and whoever refused to sub- 
 mit to their awards was exposed to the most severe 
 penalties. The sentence of excommunication was 
 pronounced against him; he was forbidden access to 
 
 15
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the sacrifices or public worship; he was debarred all 
 intercourse with his fellow citizens, even in the common 
 affairs of life; his company was universally shunned 
 as profane and dangerous; he was refused the protec- 
 tion of law; and death itself became an acceptable 
 relief from the misery and infamy to which he was 
 exposed. 2 " Thus," according to Hume, " the bands 
 of government, which were naturally loose among 
 that rude and turbulent people, were happily corrob- 
 orated by the terrors of their superstition." 
 
 As connected in some degree with religion the modes of 
 sepulture among the pagan people of North Britain 
 come next to be noticed. These have been various in 
 different ages. The original practice of interring the 
 bodies of the dead gradually gave way among the 
 pagan nations to that of burning the bodies, but the 
 older practice was resumed wherever Christianity 
 obtained a footing. The practice of burning the dead 
 at the time we are treating of was common among 
 the inhabitants of North Britain; but the process of 
 inhumation was not always the same, being attended 
 with more or less ceremony according to the rank of 
 the deceased. Many of the sepulchral remains of our 
 pagan ancestors are still to be seen, and have been 
 distinguished by antiquaries under the appellations of 
 barrows, cairns, cistvaens, and urns. 
 
 Among the learned the barrows and cairns, when they 
 are of a round shape and covered with green sward, 
 are called tumuli, and hillocks by the vulgar. These 
 tumuli are circular heaps resembling a flat cone, and 
 many of them are oblong ridges resembling the hull 
 of a ship with its keel upwards. The most of them are 
 composed of stones, some of them of earth, many of 
 them of a mixture of earth and stones, and a few of them 
 of sand. There is a great distinction, however, between 
 
 16
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 the barrow and the cairn, the first being composed 
 solely of earth, and the last of stones. The cairns are 
 more numerous than the barrows. Some of these cairns 
 are very large, being upwards of three hundred feet 
 in circumference and from thirty to forty feet in height, 
 and the quantity of stones that has been dug from their 
 bowels is almost incredible. 
 
 Many of these tumuli have been subjected from time 
 to time to the prying eyes of antiquaries; and, as their 
 researches are curious, a short notice of them may be 
 interesting to the general reader. Within several tumuli 
 which were opened in the isle of Skye there were dis- 
 covered stone coffins with urns containing ashes and 
 weapons. In a barrow which was opened in the isle 
 of Egg, there was found a large urn, containing human 
 bones, and consisting of a large round stone, which 
 had been hollowed, while its top was covered with a 
 thin flagstone. In a large oblong cairn, about a mile 
 west from Ardoch, in Perthshire, there was found a 
 stone coffin, containing a human skeleton seven feet 
 long. On a moor between the parishes of Kintore and 
 Kinellar in Aberdeenshire, there are several sepulchral 
 cairns, wherein were found a stone chest, containing 
 a ring of a substance like veined marble, and large 
 enough to take in three fingers-; and near this stone 
 chest was discovered an urn, containing human hair. 
 A sepulchral cairn, in Bendochy Parish, jn. Perthshire, 
 being opened, there were found in it some ashes and 
 human bones, which had undergone the action of fire; 
 and lower down, in the same cairn, there were dis- 
 covered two inverted urns, which were large enough to 
 contain thigh and leg bones ; and these urns were adorned 
 with rude sculpture, but without inscriptions. In the 
 Beauly Frith, which is on both sides very shallow, there 
 are at a considerable distance within the flood mark, 
 
 17
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 on the coast of Ross-shire, several cairns, in one of which 
 urns have been found. From these facts it is evident 
 that the sea has made great encroachments upon the 
 flat shores of this Frith since the epoch of the cairns 
 which are now so far within its dominion. One of 
 these cairns on the southeast of Redcastle stands four 
 hundred yards within the flood mark and is of consider- 
 able size. On the south side of the same Frith, at some 
 distance from the mouth of the river Ness, a considerable 
 space within the flood mark, there is a large cairn which 
 is called Carn-aire, that is, the Cairn in the sea, and 
 to the westward of this, in the same Frith, there are 
 three other cairns at considerable distances from each 
 other, the largest of which is a huge heap of stones, in 
 the middle of the Frith, and is accessible at low water, 
 and appears to have been a sepulchral cairn from the 
 urns which are found in it. 
 
 The cistvaen, which, in the British language, signifies 
 literally a stone chest, from cist, a chest, and maen 
 changing in composition to vaen, a stone, was another 
 mode of interment among the ancient inhabitants of 
 our island. Sometimes the cistvaen contained the urn 
 within which were deposited the ashes of the deceased, 
 yet it often contained the ashes and bones without an 
 urn. But urns of different sizes and shapes have been 
 found without cistvaens, a circumstance which may be 
 owing to the fashion of different ages and to the rank 
 of the deceased. 
 
 The same observation may be made with respect to 
 urns which have been .found generally in tumuli, but 
 often below the surface where there had been no hil- 
 lock. They were usually composed of pottery, and 
 sometimes of stone, and were of different shapes, and 
 variously ornamented according to the taste of the times 
 and the ability of the parties. Besides the varieties 
 
 18
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 already noticed in the modes of sepulture in South 
 and North Britain there were others not yet noticed. 
 In both ends of the island sepulchral tumuli have been 
 found in close connection with the druidical circles. 
 At Achencorthie, the field of the circles, there are the 
 remains of a druidical temple which was composed 
 of three concentric circles; and there has been dug 
 up between the two outer circles, a cistvaen about three 
 feet long and one foot and a half wide, wherein there 
 was found an urn containing some ashes. At Barrach in 
 the parish of New Deer, Aberdeenshire, a peasant digging 
 for stones, in a druidical temple, found, about eighteen 
 inches below the surface, a flat stone lying horizontally; 
 and, on raising it, he discovered an urn, full of human 
 bones, some of which were quite fresh; but on being 
 touched they crumbled into dust. This urn had no 
 bottom, but was placed on a flat stone, like that which 
 covered its top; and about a yard from this excavation 
 another urn was found, containing similar remains. 
 These facts demonstrate an intimate connection be- 
 tween druidical remains and tumuli, and show that they 
 must have been the handiwork of the same people. 
 
 As stone chests and clay urns containing ashes and 
 bones have been frequently dug up about the ancient 
 fortresses, a very close connection is supposed to have 
 existed between these strengths and the sepulchral 
 tumuli. On the eastern side of the British fort at 
 Inchtuthel, there are two sepulchral tumuli; and 
 several have also been found on a moor in the parish 
 of Monzie, contiguous to a British fortress; in one of 
 these called Carn-Comb-hall, a stone coffin was dis- 
 covered. It is conjectured that these were the burial 
 places of the chiefs who commanded the Caledonian 
 hill-forts in early times. 
 
 When such pains were taken to keep alive the recol- 
 
 19
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 lection of the inglorious dead, it is not to be imagined 
 that the memories of those who fell in battle would be 
 forgotten. Accordingly the fields of ancient conflict are 
 still denoted by sepulchral cairns, and it is even con- 
 jectured that the battle at the Grampians has been 
 perpetuated by sepulchral tumuli raised to the memory 
 of the Caledonians who fell in defence of their country. 
 " On the hill, above the moor of Ardoch (says Gordon 
 Itin. Septen. p. 42) are two great heaps of stones, the 
 one called Carn-wochel, the other Carnlee. The former 
 is the greatest curiosity of this kind that I ever met 
 with; the quantity of great rough stones, lying above 
 one another, almost surpasses belief, which made me 
 have the curiosity to measure it; and I found the 
 whole heap to be about one hundred and eighty-two 
 feet in length, thirty in sloping height, and forty-five 
 in breadth at the bottom." Some of these cairns, which 
 are still to be found in the parish of Libberton near 
 Edinburgh, are known by the name of cat-stanes or 
 battle-stanes. There are single stones also in many 
 parts of North Britain still known by the appropriate 
 name of cat-stanes. The British cad or the Scoto- 
 Irish cath, both of which words signify a battle, is the 
 original derivation of this name. 
 
 The next objects of antiquarian notice are the stand- 
 ing-stones, so traditionally denominated from their 
 upright position. They are all to be found in their 
 natural shape without any mark from the tool or chisel. 
 Sometimes they appear single and as often in groups 
 of two, three, four or more. These standing-stones 
 are supposed to have no connection with the druidical 
 remains, but are thought by some to have been erected 
 in successive ages as memorials to perpetuate certain 
 events which, as the stones are without inscriptions, 
 they have not transmitted to posterity, although such 
 
 20
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 events may be otherwise known in history. In Arran 
 there are two large stone edifices which are quite rude, 
 and several smaller ones; and there are also similar 
 stones in Harris. These standing-stones are numerous 
 in Mull, some of which are very large, and are commonly 
 called by the Scoto-Irish inhabitants Carra, a word 
 signifying in their language a stone pillar. These stones 
 in short are to be seen in every part of North Britain 
 as well as in England, Wales, Cornwall, and Ireland; 
 but being without inscriptions they " do not," as Chal- 
 mers observes, " answer the end either of personal 
 vanity or of national gratitude." 
 
 After the aboriginal inhabitants of North Britain 
 had become indigenous to the soil, which the bounds 
 set to their farther emigration to the north by the 
 waters of the Atlantic would hasten sooner than in 
 any other country over which the Celtic population 
 spread, it became necessary for them to select strong- 
 holds for defending themselves from the attacks of 
 foreign or domestic foes. Hence the origin of the hill- 
 forts and other safeguards of the original people which 
 existed in North Britain at the epoch of the Roman 
 invasion. There were many of these in the south, the 
 description of which does not fall within the design 
 of this work; but the notice to be given of those in the 
 north of Scotland will suffice for a general idea of the 
 whole. 
 
 In the parish of Menmuir, in Forfarshire, are two 
 well-known hill-forts called White Caterthun, standing 
 to the south, and Brown Caterthun, to the northward. 
 The name is derived from the British words, coder, 
 a fortress, a stronghold, and dun, a hill. These are 
 said to be decidedly reckoned amongst the most ancient 
 Caledonian strongholds and to be coeval with what are 
 called British forts. White Caterthun is of uncommon 
 
 21
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 strength: it is of an oval form constructed of a stu- 
 pendous dike of loose stones, the convexity of which, 
 from the base within to that without, is a hundred and 
 twenty-two feet, and on the outside, a hollow, which 
 is made by the disposition of the stones, surrounds the 
 whole. Round the base is a deep ditch; and below, 
 about a hundred yards, are vestiges of another trench 
 that swept round the hill. The area within the stonyhill 
 is flat; the length of the oval is 436 feet, and the 
 transverse diameter two hundred; near the east side is 
 the foundation of a rectangular building; and there 
 are also the foundations of other erections, which are 
 circular, and smaller, all which foundations had once 
 their superstructures, the shelters of the possessors of 
 the fort; while there is a hollow, now nearly rilled with 
 stones, which it is supposed was once the well of the 
 fort. The other fortress, which is called Brown Cater- 
 thun, from the colour of the earth that composes the 
 ramparts, is of a circular form, and consists of various 
 concentric dikes. 
 
 A British fortress on Barra-hill in Aberdeenshire, 
 similar to those described, deserves notice. It is built 
 in an elliptical form, and the ramparts were partly 
 composed of stones, having a large ditch that occupies 
 the summit of the hill, which, as it is about two hundred 
 feet above the vale, overlooks the low ground between 
 it and the mountain of Benachie. It was surrounded 
 by three lines of circumvallation. Facing the west 
 the hill rises very steeply, and the middle line is inter- 
 rupted by rocks; while the only access to the fort is 
 on the eastern side where the ascent is easy; and at 
 this part the entry to the fort is perfectly obvious. This 
 Caledonian hill-fort is now called by the tradition of the 
 country, Cummin's Camp, from the defeat which the 
 Earl of Buchan there sustained, when attacked by the 
 
 22
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 gallant Bruce. The name Barra is derived from bar, 
 which, in the British language as well as in the Scoto- 
 Irish, signifies a summit, and from ra, which in the latter 
 denotes a fort, a strength. 
 
 On the top of Barry-hill near Alyth in Perthshire, 
 which derives its name it is believed from the same 
 etymology, there was a fort of very great strength. 
 The summit of this hill has been levelled into an area 
 of about 168 yards hi circumference within the ram- 
 part. A vast ditch surrounded this fort. The approach 
 to the fort was from the northeast, along the verge of a 
 precipice, and the entrance was secured by a bulwark 
 of stones, the remains of which still exist. Over the 
 ditch, which was ten feet broad and fourteen feet below 
 the foundation of the wall, a narrow bridge was raised, 
 about eighteen feet long and two feet broad; and this 
 bridge was composed of stones, which had been laid 
 together without much art, and vitrified on all sides, 
 so that the whole mass was firmly cemented. This is 
 the only part of the fortifications which appears to have 
 been intentionally vitrified; for although among the 
 ruins there are several pieces of vitrified stone, it must 
 have been accidental, as these stones are inconsiderable. 
 There seems to be no vestige of a well, but westward 
 beyond the base of the mound and the precipice, there 
 was a deep pond, which has been recently filled up. 
 The tradition of the country, which is probably derived 
 from the fiction of Boyce, relates that this vast strength 
 of Barry-hill was the appropriate prison of Arthur's 
 queen, the well known Guenever, who had been taken 
 prisoner by the Picts. About a quarter of a mile east- 
 ward, on the declivity of the hill, there are some remains 
 of another oval fort, which was defended by a strong 
 wall and a deep ditch. The same tradition relates, with 
 similar appearance of fiction, that there existed a sub- 
 
 23 

 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 terraneous communication between these two British 
 forts on Barry-hill. Within the walls of both fortresses 
 there appear to be the remains of some superstructure, 
 probably the dwellings of those who defended them. 
 
 Many forts exist in every district of North Britain 
 of a similar nature and of equal magnitude, several 
 of which exhibit also the remains of the same kind of 
 structures, within the area of each, for the shelter of 
 their inhabitants. There is a fortress of this kind, which 
 commands an extensive view of the lower parts of 
 Braidalbane. On the summit of Dun-Evan in Nairnshire, 
 there is also a similar fortress, consisting of two ram- 
 parts, which surround a level space of the same oblong 
 form, with that of Craig-Phadric, though not quite so 
 large. Within the area of Dun-Evan there are the 
 traces of a well and the remains of a large mass of 
 building, which once furnished shelter to the defenders 
 of the fort. A similar fort exists in Glenelg in Inverness- 
 shire: a stone rampart surrounds the top of the hill, 
 and in the area there is the vestige of a circular building 
 for the use of the ancient inhabitants. 
 
 On the east side of Lochness stands the fortress of 
 Dunhar-duil upon a very high hill of a circular or rather 
 conical shape, the summit of which is only accessible 
 on the southeast by a narrow ridge, which connects 
 the mount with a hilly chain that runs up to Strath- 
 erric. On every other quarter the ascent is almost per- 
 pendicular, and a rapid river winds round the circum- 
 ference of the base. The summit is surrounded by a 
 very strong wall of dry stones, which was once of great 
 height and thickness. The enclosed area is an oblong 
 square of twenty-five yards long and fifteen yards 
 broad; it is level and clear of stones, and has on it 
 the remains of a well. Upon a shoulder of this hill, 
 about fifty feet below the summit, there is a druidical 
 
 24
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 temple, consisting of a circle of large stones, firmly 
 fixed in the ground, with a double row of stones ex- 
 tending from one side as an avenue or entry to the circle. 
 
 From the situation of these hill-forts, as they are 
 called, their relative positions to one another, and the 
 accommodations attached to them, it has been inferred 
 with great plausibility that they were rather constructed 
 for the purpose of protecting the tribes from the attacks 
 of one another, than with the design of defending them- 
 selves from an invading enemy. As a corroboration 
 of this view it is observed that these fortresses are placed 
 upon eminences in those parts of the country which 
 in the early ages must have been the most habitable 
 and furnished the greatest quantity of subsistence. 
 They frequently appear in groups of three, four, or more 
 in the vicinity of each other, and they are so disposed, 
 upon the tops of heights, that sometimes a considerable 
 number may be seen at the same time, one of them 
 being always much larger and stronger than the others, 
 placed in the most commanding situation, and no doubt 
 intended as the distinguished post of the chief. 
 
 Subterraneous retreats or caves were common to 
 most early nations for the purpose of concealment in 
 war. The Britons and their Caledonian descendants 
 had also their hiding-places. The excavations or retreats 
 were of two sorts: first, artificial structures formed 
 under ground of rude stones without cement; and, 
 secondly, natural caves in rocks which have been ren- 
 dered more commodious by art. 
 
 Of the first sort are the subterraneous apartments 
 which have been discovered in Forfarshire, within the 
 parish of Tealing. This building was composed of large 
 flat stones without cement, consisting of two or three 
 apartments not more than five feet wide, and covered 
 with stones of the same kind; and there were found in 
 
 25
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 this subterraneous building, some wood ashes, several 
 fragments of large earthen vessels, and one of the ancient 
 hand-mills called querns. In the same parish, there 
 has been discovered a similar building, which the 
 country people call in the Irish language a weem or 
 cave. It is about four feet high and four feet wide, 
 and it is composed of large loose stones. There was 
 found in it a broad earthen vessel and an instrument 
 resembling an adze. Several hiding-holes of a smaller 
 size and of a somewhat different construction are to 
 be seen in the Western Hebrides. Subterraneous 
 structures have been also found on Kildrummie moor, 
 in Aberdeenshire; in the district of Applecross in Ross- 
 shire; and in Kildonan parish in Sutherland. A sub- 
 terraneous building sixty feet long has been discovered 
 on the estate of Raits in the parish of Alvie in Inverness- 
 shire. 
 
 Of the second kind there are several in the parish of 
 Applecross. On the coast of Skye, in the parish of 
 Portree, there are some caves of very large extent, one 
 of which is capacious enough to contain five hundred 
 persons. In the isle of Arran there are also several large 
 caves, which appear to have been places of retreat 
 in ancient times. One of these at Drumaduin is noted, 
 in the fond tradition of the country, as the lodging of 
 Fin MacCoul the Fingal of Ossian, during his residence 
 in Arran. This is called the King's Cave, and is said 
 to have been honoured with the presence of the illus- 
 trious Bruce, who, along with his patriot companions, 
 was obliged to resort to it as a place of temporary 
 safety. There are other caves of great dimensions in this 
 island, of which as well as of those in Skye many strange 
 and fabulous stories are told. 
 
 Some of the warlike weapons of the ancient Cale- 
 donians have been already mentioned. Besides their 
 
 26
 
 spears, swords, and daggers, they also used axes or 
 hatchets and arrow-heads. The hatchets which have 
 been usually found are generally of flint, and are com- 
 monly called celts, a term which antiquaries have been 
 unable to explain. An etymologist would derive the 
 name from the British word celt, literally signifying 
 a flint stone. Some of these hatchets were formed of 
 brass or other materials of a similar kind, as well as of 
 flint. Arrow-heads made of sharp-pointed flint have 
 been found in various graves in North Britain, on the 
 side of a hill in the parish of Benholm, Kincardineshire, 
 where tradition says a battle was fought in ancient 
 times, and also in the isle of Skye. These arrow-heads 
 of flint are known among the common people by the 
 name of elf-shots, from a superstitious notion that they 
 were shot by elves or fairies at cattle. Hence the 
 vulgar impute many of the disorders of their cattle to 
 these elf-shots. When superstition finds out its own 
 cause, of course it has always its remedy at hand; and 
 accordingly the cure of the distressed animal may be 
 effected either by the touch of the elf-shot or by making 
 the animal drink of water in which the elf-shot had been 
 dipped. 
 
 It thus appears that the ancient Caledonians were 
 not deficient in the implements of war, their armouries 
 being supplied with helmets, shields, and chariots, and 
 with spears, daggers, swords, battle-axes, and bows. 
 The chiefs alone, however, used the helmet and chariot. 
 These accoutrements have been mostly all found in the 
 graves of the warriors, or have been seen, during recent 
 times, on the Gaelic soldiers in fight. 
 
 Among such rude tribes as have been described, 
 marine science must have been little attended to and 
 but imperfectly understood. As the ancient Caledoni- 
 ans had no commerce of any kind and never attempted 
 
 27 

 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 piratical excursions, the art of shipbuilding was un- 
 known to them; at least no memorials have been left 
 to show that they were acquainted with it. They, 
 however, constructed canoes consisting of a single tree, 
 which they hollowed with fire in the manner of the 
 American Indians; and they put these canoes in motion 
 by means of a small paddle or oar hi the same manner 
 as the Indian savages do at this day. With these they 
 crossed rivers and arms of the sea and traversed lakes. 
 Many of these canoes have been discovered both in 
 South and North Britain embedded in lakes and marshes. 
 
 The most remarkable and the largest discovered in 
 North Britain was that found in the year 1726 near the 
 influx of the Carron into the Forth, buried fifteen feet 
 in the south bank of the Forth. It was thirty-six feet 
 long, four feet broad in the middle, four feet, four inches 
 deep, four inches thick in the sides, and it was all of 
 one piece of solid oak, sharp at the stem and broad at 
 the stern. This canoe was finely polished, being quite 
 smooth within and without. Not a single knot was 
 observed in the whole block, and the wood was of an 
 extraordinary hardness. 
 
 The canoes were afterward superseded, at an early 
 period, by another marine vehicle called a currach. Caesar 
 describes the currachs of South Britain as being accom- 
 modated with keels and masts of the lightest wood, while 
 their hulls consisted of wicker covered over with leather. 
 Lucan calls them little ships hi which he says the Britons 
 were wont to navigate the ocean. Solinus says that it 
 was common to pass between Britain and Ireland in these 
 little ships. It is stated by Adomnan in his life of St. 
 Columba that St. Cormac sailed into the north sea in 
 one of these currachs, and that he remained there four- 
 teen days in perfect safety; but this vessel must have 
 been very different from the currachs of Caesar, as 
 
 28
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 according to our author it had all the parts of a ship 
 with sails and oars, and was capacious enough to con- 
 tain passengers. Probably the currachs in which the 
 Scoto-Irish made incursions into Britain during the age 
 of Claudian were of the latter description. 
 
 The reader will now be able to form a general idea of 
 the Caledonian Britons, and their most important 
 antiquities and topographical positions, at the mem- 
 orable era of Agricola's invasion of North Britain, the 
 inhabitants of which opposed him with a prowess and 
 bravery which astonished the conquerors of the world 
 and excited their wonder and admiration; but no bravery, 
 however great, circumstanced as the Caledonians then 
 were, disunited by principle and habit, could withstand 
 the military skill and experience of the Roman legions. 
 
 The interval between the first invasion of Britain 
 by Julius Caesar and the time when Agricola assumed 
 the command of the Roman army in that country 
 embraces a period of 135 years, during all which time 
 the legions of imperial Rome had not been able to pene- 
 trate into North Britain. The complete conquest of 
 the whole island had often occupied the thoughts of 
 the emperors and the able commanders to whom the 
 government of South Britain was entrusted, but the 
 bravery of the people, and a variety of obstacles hith- 
 erto insurmountable, thwarted their designs. It was 
 reserved for Agricola to effect what the most skilful 
 of his predecessors could not accomplish; and although 
 he failed in bringing the whole of Caledonia under sub- 
 jection to the Roman yoke, his victories and conquests 
 have covered his name with glory as a warrior and a 
 statesman. We are not to regard him as the ruthless 
 invader carrying fire and sword into the bosom of a peace- 
 able country, but rather as the mild and merciful con- 
 queror bringing in his train the blessings of civilization 
 
 29
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 and refinement to a rude and ungovernable people; 
 nor should we forget that it is to him chiefly that we 
 are indebted for the information which we now possess 
 of the earliest period of our history. 
 
 It was in the year seventy-eight of the Christian era 
 that Agricola took the command in Britain, but he did 
 not enter North Britain till the year eighty-one, at 
 which time he was forty-one years of age. The years 
 seventy-nine and eighty were spent in subduing the 
 tribes to the south of the Solway Frith hitherto uncon- 
 quered, and in the year eighty-one Agricola entered 
 on his fourth campaign by marching into North Britain 
 along the shores of the Solway Frith and overrunning 
 the mountainous region which extends from that estu- 
 ary to the Friths of Clyde and Forth, the Glotta and 
 Bodotria of Tacitus. He finished this campaign by rais- 
 ing a line of forts on the narrow isthmus between these 
 Friths, so that, as Tacitus observes, " the enemies being 
 removed as into another island," the country to the south 
 might be regarded as a quiet province. But Agricola 
 still having enemies in his rear in the persons of the Sel- 
 govae and Novantes, who inhabited the southwestern 
 parts of North Britain, he resolved, before pushing his 
 conquests farther to the north, to subdue these hostile 
 tribes. The fifth campaign in eighty-two was under- 
 taken with this view. " He therefore invaded," says 
 his historian, " that part of Britain which is opposite 
 to Ireland," being the whole extent of Galloway both 
 by sea and land. A landing from the fleet, which had 
 been brought from the Isle of Wight, was effected within 
 the loch near Brow at the Lochermouth which here forms 
 a natural harbour; but the Locher moss, which was then 
 a vast marsh and a wood impenetrable to everything 
 but Roman labour and skill, obstructed his march. 
 Difficulties which would have been almost insuperable 
 
 30
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 to any other commander vanished before the genius 
 and perseverance of Agricola, who opened a passage 
 through the whole of this wood and marsh by felling 
 the trees which obstructed the progress of his army, 
 and making a causeway of the trunks so cut down 
 across the morass. He marched along the shore with 
 part of his army, leaving the estuary of Locher and 
 Caerlaverock on his left, and encamped against Uxellum, 
 the chief town of the Selgovse. From this position he 
 continued his march, and arrived at length at the Caer- 
 bantorigum of Ptolemy, the Drummore Castle of modern 
 maps, one of the largest and strongest fortresses of the 
 Selgovse. The traces of Agricola's route through the 
 country of the Novantes, which was not so well fortified 
 as that of the Selgovse, cannot be so easily defined. 
 
 Having accomplished the subjugation of these two 
 tribes, Agricola made preparations for his next campaign 
 which he was to open beyond the Forth in the summer 
 of eighty-three. He began by surveying the coasts 
 and sounding the harbours on the north side of the 
 Forth by means of his fleet. As, according to Tacitus, 
 the country beyond the Forth was the great object 
 of Agricola, and as the latter appears to have been aware 
 of the formidable resistance which had been prepared 
 for him by the Caledonians, if he should attempt to 
 cross the estuary, it is supposed, with every appearance 
 of probability, that he employed his fleet in transporting 
 his army across the Forth from as convenient a station 
 as he could select without being perceived by the 
 enemy; and it is certain that the seamen were frequently 
 mixed with the cavalry and infantry in the same camp 
 after Agricola arrived among the Horestii. The offen- 
 sive operations of the sixth campaign were commenced 
 by the Caledonian Britons who, from the higher country, 
 made a furious attack on the Transforthan fortifications, 
 
 31
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which so alarmed some of Agricola's officers, who were 
 afraid of being cut off from a retreat, that they advised 
 their general to recross the Forth without delay; but 
 Agricola resisted this advice and made preparations 
 for the attack which he expected would soon be made 
 upon his army. In pursuance of a plan which he had 
 formed he disposed his army in three divisions. The 
 position which his army occupied appears to have been 
 near Carnock on the site of two farms, appropriately 
 known by the names of East Camp and West Camp, 
 where are still to be traced the remains of two military 
 stations. From this position the Roman general pushed 
 forward the ninth legion to Loch Ore about two miles 
 southward to Loch Leven, with two ranges of hills in 
 front, the Cleish range on their left and Binnarty hill 
 on their right. The camp here formed was situated 
 on the north side of Loch Ore, less than half a mile 
 southwest from Loch Ore house in the parish of Bal- 
 lingry in Fife. Its form was nearly square and its 
 total circumference was about 2,020 feet, and it was 
 surrounded by three rows of ditches and as many ram- 
 parts of earth and stone. Another division of the army 
 encamped it is said near Dunearn-hill, about a mile 
 distant from Burntisland, near which hill are still to 
 be seen the remains of a strength called Agricola's 
 Camp. 
 
 The Horestii, having watched the proceedings of the 
 Roman army, made the necessary preparations for at- 
 tack, and during the night delivered a furious assault 
 on the Roman entrenchments at Loch Ore. They had 
 acted with such caution that they were actually at the 
 very camp before Agricola was aware of their movements; 
 but with great presence of mind he despatched a body 
 of his lightest troops to turn their flank and attack 
 the assailants in the rear. After an obstinate engage- 
 
 32
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 ment, maintained with varied success in the very gates 
 of the camp, the Britons were at length repulsed by 
 the superior skill of the Roman veterans. This battle 
 was so far decisive, that Agricola did not find much 
 difficulty afterward hi subduing the country of the 
 Horestii, and having finished his campaign he passed 
 the winter of eighty-three in Fife, being supplied with 
 provisions from his fleet in the Forth, and keeping up 
 a constant correspondence with his garrisons on his 
 southern side. 
 
 After the defeat of the Horestii, the Caledonians 
 begin to perceive the danger of their situation from 
 the near proximity of such a powerful enemy, and a 
 sense of this danger impelled them to lay aside the feuds 
 and jealousies which had divided and distracted their 
 tribes, to consult together for their mutual safety and 
 protection, and to combine their scattered strength into 
 a united and energetic mass. The proud spirit of in- 
 dependence which had hitherto kept the Caledonian 
 tribes apart, now made them coalesce in support of 
 their liberties, which were threatened with utter anni- 
 hilation. In this eventful crisis, they looked around 
 them for a leader or chief under whom they might fight 
 the battles of freedom and save their country from the 
 dangers which threatened it. A chief, named Galgacus 
 by Tacitus, was pitched upon to act as generalissimo of 
 the Caledonian army; and, from the praises bestowed 
 upon him by that historian, this warrior appears to 
 have well merited the distinction thus bestowed. Pre- 
 paratory to the struggle they were about to engage in, 
 they sent their wives and children into places of ^safety, 
 and they ratified the confederacy, which they had en- 
 tered into against their common enemy, in solemn as- 
 semblies in which public sacrifices were offered up. 
 
 Having strengthened his army with some British 
 
 33
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 auxiliaries from the south, Agricola marched through 
 Fife in the summer of eighty-four, sending at the same 
 time his fleet round the eastern coast, to support him 
 in his operations, and to distract the attention of the 
 Caledonians. The line of Agricola' s march, it is con- 
 jectured, was regulated by the course of the Devon, 
 and he is supposed to have turned to the right from 
 Glen-devon through the opening of the Ochil hills, 
 along the course of the rivulet which forms Glen-eagles, 
 leaving the braes of Ogilvie on his left and passing be- 
 tween Blackford and Auchterarder towards the Gram- 
 pian hills, which he saw at a distance before him as 
 he debouched from the Ochils. By an easy march he 
 reached the moor of Ardoch, from which he descried the 
 Caledonian army, to the number of thirty thousand men, 
 encamped on the declivity of the hill which begins to 
 rise from the northwestern border of the moor of Ar- 
 doch. Agricola took his station at the great camp 
 which adjoins the fort of Ardoch on the northward. 
 From this camp Tacitus informs us that Agricola drew 
 out his army on the neighbouring moor, having a large 
 ditch of considerable length in front. The Caledonians, 
 after making the necessary preparations for battle, 
 descended from the position which they occupied on 
 the declivity of the hill, and attacked the Roman army 
 with the most determined bravery. The battle was long 
 and bloody, but night put an end to the combat, and 
 the Caledonians, seeing no hopes of driving the enemy 
 from his entrenchments, resolved to retreat. Here again 
 superior skill and science triumphed over rude valour. 
 The short swords and large shields of the Romans, with 
 the use of which they were so familiar, gave them a 
 decided advantage over the longer and more inefficient 
 weapons of the Caledonians, while the plan of keeping 
 troops in reserve to relieve those who were fatigued or 
 
 34
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 sorely pressed upon, always adopted in the Roman army, 
 enabled the soldiers of Agricola to maintain the contest 
 with undiminished vigour, tended greatly to weary out 
 the breathless impetuosity of their less skilful assailants. 
 Yet the Romans paid dearly for the advantage they 
 obtained, their loss being more considerable than might 
 have been expected in a conflict really so unequal. The 
 number that fell on the side of the Caledonians is rated 
 at ten thousand. It may be necessary to acquaint the 
 reader that the site of this famous battle is a subject of 
 much controversy among antiquaries, and that the place 
 above indicated has been selected as the one which, from 
 various circumstances, has most historical probabilities 
 in its favour. 
 
 As Agricola, from the check he had experienced, 
 found it impossible either to advance or retain his 
 position during the ensuing winter, he retraced his 
 steps, and after taking hostages from the Horestii, he 
 recrossed the Forth and took up his winter quarters on 
 the south of the Tyne and Solway. During his progress 
 southward, he sent his fleet on a voyage of discovery 
 to the north which, after exploring the whole coast 
 from the Forth to the Hebrides and descrying the 
 Ultima Thule, supposed to be either the Shetland Islands 
 or Foula, the most westerly of the group, or Iceland, 
 returned ad portum Trutulensem, or Richborough, or 
 Rickborough, before the approach of winter. 
 
 The Emperor Domitian now resolved to supersede 
 Agricola in his command in North Britain, and he was 
 accordingly recalled in the year eighty-five, under the 
 pretence of promoting him to the government of Syria, 
 but in reality out of envy on account of the glory which 
 he had obtained by the success of his arms. He died 
 on the 23d of August, ninety-three, some say, from 
 poison, while others attribute his death to the effects of 
 
 35
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 chagrin at the unfeeling treatment of Domitian. His 
 countrymen lamented his death, and Tacitus, his son- 
 in-law, preserved the memory of his actions and his 
 worth in the history of his life. 
 
 During the remainder of Domitian's reign and that 
 of Adrian his successor, North Britain appears to have 
 enjoyed tranquillity, an inference which may be 
 fairly drawn from the silence of the Roman historians. 
 Yet as Adrian in the year 121 built a wall between the 
 Solway and the Tyne, some writers have supposed that 
 the Romans had been driven by the Caledonians out 
 of North Britain, in the reign of that emperor. But if 
 such was the case, how did Lollius Urbicus, the Roman 
 general, about nineteen years after Adrian's wall was 
 erected, penetrate without opposition to Agricola's 
 forts between the Clyde and the Forth? May we not 
 rather suppose that the wall of Adrian was built for 
 the purpose of preventing incursions into the south by 
 the tribes which inhabited the country between that 
 wall and the Friths? But, be this as it may, little is 
 known of the history of North Britain from the time of 
 Agricola's recall till the year 138, when Antoninus Pius 
 assumed the imperial purple. That good and sagacious 
 emperor was distinguished by the care which he took 
 in selecting the fittest officers for the government of 
 the Roman provinces, and his choice for that of Britain 
 fell on Lollius Urbicus, a man who united talents for 
 peace with a genius in war. 
 
 After putting down a revolt of the Brigantes in South 
 Britain in the year 139, this able general marched north- 
 ward the following year to the Friths, between which he 
 built a wall of earth on the line of Agricola's forts. 
 He proceeded northward and is supposed to have car- 
 ried his arms as far north as the Varar or Moray Frith, 
 throwing the whole of the extensive country between 
 
 36
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Forth and Clyde and the Varar into the regular form of 
 a Roman province. The numerous Roman stations 
 found throughout the wide tract just mentioned seem 
 to corroborate this very probable conjecture. At this 
 period the Emperor Antoninus, with that spirit of benev- 
 olence which formed a prominent trait in his character, 
 extended the right of citizenship over the whole Roman 
 empire, and thus all the inhabitants of North Britain 
 who had resided along the east coast, from the Tweed 
 to the Moray Frith, might, like St. Paul, have claimed 
 the privileges of Roman citizens. But it is not likely 
 that the Caledonians availed themselves of those rights. 
 Their native pride and independence, which could not 
 brook the idea of acknowledging any subjection to a 
 foreign power, induced them to pay little regard to 
 privileges which, though granted with the most praise- 
 worthy motives, always reminded them of the causes 
 which led to them. 
 
 It may not be out of place here to give some account 
 of the wall of Antoninus erected by Lollius Urbicus. 
 Capitulinus, who flourished during the third century, 
 is the first writer who notices this wall, and states that 
 it was built in the reign of Antoninus Pius, but he gives 
 no exact description of it. The wall or rampart extended 
 from Caeridden on the Forth to Dunglas and perhaps 
 to Alcluid on the Clyde. Taking the length of this wall 
 from Old Kilpatrick, on the Clyde, to Caeridden on the 
 Forth, its extent would be 39,726 Roman paces, which 
 agree exactly with the modern measurement of thirty- 
 six English miles and 620 yards. This rampart which 
 was of earth, and rested on a stone foundation, was up- 
 wards of twenty feet high and four and twenty feet 
 thick. Along the whole extent of the wall there was 
 a vast ditch or prcptentura on the outward or north side, 
 which was generally twenty feet deep and forty feet 
 
 37 
 
 88330
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 wide, and which, there is reason to believe, might be 
 filled with water when occasion required. This ditch 
 and rampart were strengthened at both ends, and 
 throughout its whole extent, by one and twenty forts, 
 three being at each extremity, and the remainder placed 
 between at the distance of 3,554J yards, or something 
 more than two English miles from one another; and it 
 has been clearly ascertained that these stations were 
 designedly placed on the previous fortifications of 
 Agricola. Its necessary appendage, a military road, ran 
 behind the rampart from end to end, for the use of the 
 troops and for keeping up the usual communication 
 between the stations or forts. From inscriptions on 
 some of the foundation stones, which have been dug up, 
 it appears that the second legion, with detachments 
 from the sixth and twentieth legions and some auxilia- 
 ries, executed these vast military works, equally credit- 
 able to their skill and perseverance. Dunglas, near the 
 western extremity, and Blackness, near the eastern 
 extremity of the rampart, afforded the Romans com- 
 modious harbours for their shipping, such as they en- 
 joyed, while they remained in North Britain, at Cra- 
 mond. This wall is called in the popular language of 
 the country Grime's Dyke, the etymology of which 
 has confounded antiquarians and puzzled philologists. 
 In British speech and in the Welsh language of the 
 present day the word grym signifies strength, but 
 whether the appellation which the wall now receives 
 is derived from such a root seems doubtful. Certain 
 it is, that the absurd fiction of Fordun, Boyce, and 
 Buchanan, who derive the name from a supposititious 
 person of the name of Grime and his Scots having 
 broken through this wall, has long been exploded with 
 many other fictions of the same authors. 
 At this epoch we may date the height of the Roman 
 38
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 power in Britain. The Romans had now enlarged their 
 territories to their greatest extent; they had conducted 
 Iters almost to the extremities of North Britain, from 
 the Solway and Tyne to the Forth and Clyde, and from 
 thence to the Burgh-head qf Moray; they had formed 
 roads throughout that extent of country, and they had 
 established stations in the most commanding places 
 within the districts of Valentia and Vespasiana. As a 
 notice of these works of art cannot fail to be interesting, 
 they shall be here shortly described as they existed, in 
 the province of Vespasiana, extending from the wall of 
 Antoninus to the Varar or the Moray Frith. 
 
 According to Richard of Cirencester, an Iter with its 
 accompanying stations traversed the whole extent of 
 Vespasiana from the wall of Antoninus to the Varar 
 or Moray Frith. The first stage extended twelve miles 
 from the wall to Alauna, or the Allan water near its 
 junction with the Forth. From thence it went forward 
 along Strathallan, nine miles to the Lindum of Richard's 
 Itinerary, the well-known station at Ardoch. From 
 Lindum the Iter passed throughout a course of nine 
 miles to the Victoria of the Itinerary, the proud monu- 
 ment of Agricola's victory of the Grampians, the Deal- 
 ginross of the Tourists, at the western extremity of 
 Strathern. The Iter then took an easterly direction 
 nine miles to Hierna the station on the Ern at Strageth, 
 and from thence to Orrea on the Tay, at the distance of 
 fourteen itinerary miles. From Orrea the Iter went 
 ad Tavum nineteen miles, and from thence ad Esicam 
 twenty-three miles. Setting off from Orrea in an easterly 
 direction, through the passage of the Seidlaw hills and 
 along the Carse of Gowrie, the Iter reached ad Tavum on 
 the northern side of the estuary of the Tay, near Dundee. 
 From this last station, proceeding in a northeast di- 
 rection through the natural opening of the country, the 
 
 39
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Iter, at the distance of eleven miles, fell in with the 
 well-known Roman camp at Harefauld's, and at the 
 end of these twenty-three miles nearly, it reached the 
 South Esk at Brechin, the ad Esicam of Richard. In the 
 course of this route, at the distance of two miles west 
 from Dundee and half a mile north from Invergowrie, 
 on the estuary of the Tay, there are the remains of a 
 Roman camp, about two hundred yards square, fortified 
 with a high rampart and a spacious ditch. 
 
 From the last mentioned station, the course of the 
 itinerary proceeded in a northeast direction, and would 
 have arrived at the end of five miles and three quarters, 
 on the North Esk, the Tina of Richard. Passing the 
 North Esk at the King's ford, the Roman troops, it is 
 supposed, marched straight forward through the valley 
 of Luther water, about eight and a half miles, to the 
 station at Fordun, where the remains of two Roman 
 camps are to be seen ; and thence by Urie hill, where there 
 is the well-known camp of Raedikes, from which, in a 
 northerly direction, about six English miles, these 
 troops would reach the river Dee at Peter-Culter, the 
 Devana of Ptolemy and Richard. This last position 
 is thirty-one miles from the South Esk, at Brechin; 
 and the route corresponds with the devious track de- 
 lineated on Richard's useful map. Remains of extensive 
 entrenchments of a rectangular form, at the termination 
 of the itinerary distance on the north side of the Dee, 
 west from the church of Mary-Culter, and southwest 
 from the church of Peter-Culter, indicate the site of a 
 Roman camp. These remains are popularly denomin- 
 ated, " the Norman Dikes." This camp extended from 
 the northeast to the west-southwest. The rampart 
 and ditch, on the northern side, are about three-quarters 
 of a mile long, and remain tolerably entire. From each 
 end of this work, a rampart and ditch ran off at right 
 
 40
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 angles, and formed the ends of a camp, a few hundred 
 yards of which only remain, the whole of the southern 
 side is destroyed. This camp is 938 yards long, and 
 543 yards broad, comprehending an area of eighty 
 Scotch acres, being nearly of the same size as the camp 
 of Raedikes, on the Ithan, the next stage in the Iter. 
 It has two gates in each side, like the camps of Battle- 
 dikes and Harefaulds, and at Urie, and one gate in each 
 of the ends, which appears to have been covered by a 
 traverse in the Roman manner. 
 
 From the Dee at Peter-Culter, the Iter proceeded 
 on the right of Achlea, Fiddy, and Kinmundy, and from 
 thence in a north-northwest direction it went through 
 a plain district, till it reached the site of Kintore on the 
 Don, and thence it followed, according to the Roman 
 practice, the strath of the river to the head of the Don, 
 where there is a ford, at the same place where the high- 
 road has always passed the same river to Inver-urie. 
 The Romans then passed the Urie and pushed on in a 
 north-northwest course, through a moorish district to 
 the sources of the Ithan, the Ituna of Richard, where 
 the camp of Glen-mailen was placed, an extended course 
 of twenty-six statute miles between these itinerary 
 stations. The camp at Glen-rnailen, as well as the camp 
 at Urie, is called the Rae-Dikes, from the Gaelic Ra,' 
 signifying a cleared spot or fortress. 
 
 In proceeding from Glen-mailen, the Romans directed 
 their course northward, and crossing the Doveran, at 
 Achengoul, where there are still considerable remains 
 of military works, they arrived, at the distance of thir- 
 teen statute miles, at the high ground on the north of 
 Foggy-lone at the eastern base of the Knock-hill, the 
 real Mons Grampius of Richard, being the first land- 
 mark seen by mariners as they approach the most 
 easterly point of North Britain. The heights near 
 
 41
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Glen-mailen afford a distinct view of the whole course of 
 the Moray Frith, and the intermediate country through 
 which the Romans had to pass forward to their ulti- 
 mate object, Ptoroton, or Kinnaird's head, and the whole 
 of the northeast of Buchan may be seen from the high 
 grounds on the north of Foggy-lone. 
 
 From the station at Knock-hill the itinerary proceeds 
 ad Selinam of Richard, or to the rivulet Cullen, near the 
 old tower of Deskford, at the distance of ten statute 
 miles. This is evident from the circumstance of Roman 
 coins having been found some years ago near the old 
 bridge, a little below the tower of Deskford. Following 
 the course of the rivulet to Inver-Cullen, and passing 
 along the coast of the Moray Frith, the Roman armies 
 arrived at the Roman post which is still to be seen on 
 the high bank of the Spey, the Tuessis of Ptolemy and 
 Richard, below the church of Bellie, a distance of nine- 
 teen statute miles. About half a mile northeast of the 
 ruins of Bellie, on a bank overlooking the low fluviated 
 ground of the river, are the remains of a Roman en- 
 campment. It is situated upon a flat surface, 
 and forms nearly a rectangular parallelogram of 888 
 feet by 333; but the west side and the greater part of the 
 north end of the parallelogram are now wanting. It is 
 singular that the ford on the Spey, by which the Romans 
 were enabled to connect their stations in the north, 
 during the second century, should have facilitated the 
 passage of the Duke of Cumberland in April, 1746, when 
 he pressed forward " in order to decide," says Chalmers, 
 " the fate of the Gaelic descendants of the ancient race." 
 
 From their station on the eastern bank of the Spey, 
 with the Moray Frith close to their right, they were 
 only one day's march from the Alatta-Castra of Ptolemy, 
 the Ptoroton of Richard, the Burgh-head of modern 
 geographers, at the mouth of the Estuary of Varar, 
 
 42
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 The north and west sides of the promontory called 
 Burgh-head are steep rocks washed by the sea, and 
 which rises sixty feet above the level of the low water- 
 mark; the area on the top of the head is 300 feet long on 
 the east side, and 520 feet long on the west side; it is 260 
 feet broad, and contains rather more than two English 
 acres. A strong rampart, twenty feet high, built with old 
 planks, cased with stone and lime, appears to have sur- 
 rounded it. The south and east sides are pretty entire, 
 but the north and west sides are much demolished. 
 On the east side of this height, and about forty-five 
 feet below the summit, there is an area 650 feet long, 
 and 150 feet wide, containing upwards of three English 
 acres. The space occupied by the ruins of the ramparts 
 which have fallen down is not included in this measure- 
 ment. It appears to have been surrounded with a very 
 strong rampart of stone which is now much demolished. 
 On the south and land side of these fortified areas, 
 two deep ditches are carried across the neck of this 
 promontory. These ditches were, in 1792, when sur- 
 veyed by Chapman, from sixteen to twenty feet deep, 
 from twelve to sixteen feet wide at the bottom, and 
 from forty to fifty feet wide at the top. The bottoms 
 of the ditches were then twenty-five feet above the level 
 of the sea at high water, and are considerably higher 
 than the extensive tract of the flat ground on the land 
 side. The ditches, ramparts, rocks, and waste ground, 
 which surround the areas above described, contain 
 upwards of five English acres. 
 
 As the Romans had other stations in the north be- 
 sides those noticed, they did not always in returning to 
 the south follow the course of the Iter just described. 
 They had another Iter, the first station of which from 
 the Burgh-head was the Varis of Richard, now Torres, 
 a distance of eight statute miles. It is singular that 
 
 43
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the Gaelic name of Forres is Faris, which corresponds so< 
 exactly with Varis as to make it certain that Forres and 
 the Varis of Richard are the same. Besides, when the 
 streets of Forres were dug up in order to repair the pave- 
 ment, there were discovered several Roman coins, 
 and a Roman medallion in soft metal, which resembled 
 a mixture of lead and tin. From Forres the Iter pro- 
 ceeds to the Spey at Cromdale, a distance of nineteen 
 statute miles. Proceeding southward, along Stratha- 
 ven to Loch-Bulg, to the junction of the Dee and Cluny, 
 the Roman troops arrived at the commodious ford in 
 that vicinity, a distance of twenty-eight statute miles 
 from the Spey. Richard does not mention the names 
 of the two next stations, the first of which is supposed 
 to have been at the height which separates the waters 
 that flow in opposite directions to the Dee and the 
 Tay, and which consequently divides Aberdeenshire 
 from Perthshire; and the next, it is conjectured, was at 
 the confluence of the Shee with the Lornty water, the 
 Iter taking its course along Glen-beg and Glen-shee. The 
 whole extent of this route amounts to nearly forty 
 statute miles. A variety of circumstances indicate the 
 middle station to have been at Inchtuthel, which still 
 exhibits a remarkable camp of Roman construction, 
 on a height that forms the northern bank of the Tay. 
 From the last mentioned station to Orrea the distance 
 is nine itinerary miles, and the real and corresponding 
 distance from Inchtuthel along the banks of the Tay 
 to ancient Bertha is about ten miles. At this central 
 station, which has always been a military position of 
 great importance, the Iter joined the one already de- 
 scribed, and proceeded southward by the former route 
 to the wall of Antoninus. 
 
 The Romans have left many remarkable monuments 
 of their power and greatness, of which the most promi- 
 
 44
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 nent are their highways, which, commencing at the 
 gates of Rome itself, traversed the whole extent of their 
 mighty empire. These highways, by facilitating the 
 communication between the capital and the most dis- 
 tant provinces, were of the utmost importance, in many 
 respects, to the maintenance of the Roman authority 
 in places remote from the seat of government. The 
 whole of Britain was intersected by these roads, and 
 one of them may be traced into the very interior of 
 Vespasiana, where it afforded a passage to the Roman 
 armies, kept up the communication between the sta- 
 tions, and thereby checked the Caledonian Clans. This 
 road issued from the wall of Antoninus and passed 
 through Camelon, the Roman port on the Carron, and 
 pushing straight forward, according to the Roman cus- 
 tom, across the Carron, it pursued its course by Torwood 
 house, Pleanmuir, Bannockburn, St. Ninians, and by the 
 west side of the Castlehill of Stirling, to the Forth, on 
 the south side of which, near Kildean, there are traces 
 of its remains. It here passed the Forth and stretched 
 forward to Alauna, which was situated on the river 
 Allan, about a mile above its confluence with the Forth, 
 and which, as it is twelve miles from the opening in 
 the Roman wall, agrees with the distance in the Iter. 
 
 From thence the road went along Strathallan, and 
 at the end of ten miles came to the Lindum of Richard's 
 Itinerary, the well-known station at Ardoch. The road 
 after passing on the east side of Ardoch ascends the 
 moor of Orchil to the post at Kemp's Castle, which it 
 passes within a few yards on the east. The road from 
 Kemp's hill descends the moor to the station of Hierna 
 at Strageth, from which it immediately crosses the river 
 Ern. After the passage of the Ern the road turns to 
 the right, and passes on the north side of Inverpeffery, 
 in an easterly direction, and proceeds nearly in a straight 
 
 45
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 line across the moor of Cask, and, continuing its course 
 through the plantations of Gask, it passes the Roman 
 camp on the right. At the distance of two miles farther 
 on, where the plantations of Gask terminate, this great 
 road passes another small post on the left. From this 
 position the road proceeded forward in a northeast direc- 
 tion to the station at Orrea, which is situated on the 
 west bank of the Tay at the present confluence of the- 
 Almond with that noble river. 
 
 Having crossed the Tay, by means of the wooden 
 bridge, the Roman road proceeded up the east side of 
 the river, and passed through the centre of the camp 
 at Grassy-walls. From this position the remains of 
 the road are distinctly visible for a mile up to Gellyhead, 
 on the west of which it passed and went on by Inner- 
 buist, to Nether-Collin, where it again becomes appar- 
 ent, and continues distinct to the eye for two miles and a 
 half, passing on to Drichmuir and Byres. From thence, 
 the road stretched forward in a northeast direction, 
 passing between Blairhead and Gilwell to Woodhead;. 
 and thence pushing on by Newbigging and Gallowhill 
 on the right, it descends Leyston-moor; and passing 
 that village it proceeds forward to the Roman camp at 
 Cupar Angus, about eleven and a half miles from Orrea. 
 The camp at Cupar appears to have been an equilateral 
 quadrangle of four hundred yards, fortified by two strong 
 ramparts and large ditches, which still remain on the 
 east and south sides, and a part on the north side, but. 
 the west side has been obliterated by the plough. From 
 Cupar the road took a northeast direction towards Reedie, 
 in the parish of Airly. On the south of this hamlet 
 the vestiges of the road again appear, and for more 
 than half a mile the ancient road forms the modern way. 
 The Roman road now points towards Kirriemuir, by 
 which it appears to have passed in its course to the- 
 
 46
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Roman camp at Battledikes. After traversing this 
 camp, the road continued its course in an east-northeast 
 direction for several miles along the valley on the south 
 side of the river South-Esk, which it probably passed 
 near the site of Black-mill, below Esk-mount. From 
 this passage it went across the moor of Brechin, where 
 vestiges of it appear pointing to Keithock, and at this 
 place there are the remains of a Roman camp which 
 are now known by the name of Wardikes. Beyond this 
 camp on the north, the Roman road has been seldom or 
 never seen. In the popular tradition this road is called 
 the Lang Causeway, and is supposed to have extended 
 northward through Perthshire and Forfarshire, and 
 even through Kincardineshire to Stonehaven. About 
 two miles northeast from the Roman station at Fordun, 
 and between it and the well-known camp at Urie, there 
 are the traces, as it crosses a small hill, of an artificial 
 road, which is popularly called the Picts' Road. 
 
 It would appear that there are traces of Roman roads 
 even farther north. Between the rivers Don and 
 Urie in Aberdeenshire, on the eastern side of Bennachee, 
 there exists an ancient road known in the country by 
 the name of the Maiden Causeway, a name by which 
 some of the Roman roads in the north of England are 
 distinguished. This proceeds from Bennachee whereon 
 there was a hill-fort, more than the distance of a mile 
 into the woods of Pitodrie, when it disappears; it is 
 paved with stones and is about fourteen feet wide. Still 
 farther north, in the track of the Iter, as it crosses be- 
 tween the two stations of Varis and Tuessis, from Forres 
 to the ford of Cromdale on the Spey, there has been long 
 known a road of very ancient construction, leading along 
 the course of the Iter for several miles through the hills, 
 and pointing to Cromdale, where the Romans must 
 have forded the Spey. Various traces of very ancient 
 
 47
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 roads are still to be seen along the track of the Iter, 
 between the distant station of Tuessis and Tamea, by 
 Corgarf and through Braemar. The tradition of the 
 people in Strathdee and Braemar supports the idea that 
 there are remains of Roman roads which traverse the 
 country between the Don and the Dee. Certain it is, 
 that there are obvious traces of ancient roads which 
 cross the wild districts between Strathdon and Strath- 
 dee, though it is impossible to ascertain where or by 
 whom such ancient roads were constructed, in such 
 directions, throughout such a country. 
 
 After the Iters and the roads, the Roman stations 
 to the north of Antoninus' wall come next to be noticed. 
 The stations or forts along the course of the wall have 
 been already described. The first we meet with is on 
 the eastern base of Dunearn hill, about a mile from 
 Burntisland, which was very distinctly marked in the 
 days of Sibbald, who mentions it, and speaks of the prce- 
 torium as a square of a hundred yards diameter, called 
 by the country people the Tournament, where many 
 Roman medals have been found. This area was sur- 
 rounded by a rampart of stones, and lower down in the 
 face of the hill another wall encompassed the whole. 
 On the north there was another fort on the summit of 
 Bonie hill. There was also a Roman camp at Loch Ore, 
 supposed to be that in which the ninth legion of Agricola 
 was attacked by the Horestii. Several Roman an- 
 tiquities have been found in drains cut under this camp. 
 Near Ardargie on the May water, at the defile of the 
 Ochil hills, was a small Roman post which served as a 
 central communication between the stations on the 
 Forth and in Strathern, the great scene of the Roman 
 operations. The Romans had also a station at Hallyards, 
 in the parish of Tulliebole. 
 
 Ardoch, on the east side of Knaigwater, the scene of 
 
 48
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 many Roman operations, from the great battle between 
 Galgacus and Agricola, till the final abdication of the 
 Roman power, was a very important post. As this 
 station was the principal inlet into the interior of Cale- 
 donia, the Romans were particularly anxious in fortify- 
 ing so advantageous a position. The remains of camps 
 of various sizes are still to be seen. The first and largest 
 was erected by Agricola, in his campaign of eighty-four. 
 The next in size is on the west of Agricola's camp, and 
 includes within its intrenchments part of the former. 
 The third and last was constructed on the south side 
 of the largest, and comprehends a part of it. These two 
 last mentioned camps must have been successively 
 formed after Agricola's recall. A strong fort surrounded 
 by five or six fosses and ramparts was erected on the 
 south side of the last of these camps, opposite to the 
 bridge over Knaigwater; its area was about 500 feet 
 long and 450 broad, being nearly of a square form. 
 
 The next station was the Hierna of Richard, about 
 six miles northeast from Ardoch, on the south side of 
 the river Ern. This station was placed on an eminence 
 and commanded the middle part of Strathern, lying 
 between the Ochil hills on the south, and the river 
 Almond on the north. On the moor of Cask, between 
 the stations of Hierna and Orrea, there were two Roman 
 posts designed probably to protect the Roman road 
 from the incursions of the tribes on either side of that 
 communication. But being situated at the confluence 
 of the Almond with the Tay, Orrea was the most im- 
 portant station, as it commanded the eastern part of 
 Strathern, the banks of the Tay, and the country be- 
 tween this river and the Siedlaw hills. 
 
 So much with regard to the principal stations which 
 commanded the central country between the Forth and 
 Tay; and so much for the posts south of the Grampian 
 
 49
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 range, which seem to have served the double purpose 
 of commanding the Low countries, between that range 
 and the eastern sea, and of protecting the Lowlands from 
 the incursions of the Northern Caledonians. But as 
 these might be insufficient for the latter purpose, every 
 pass of the Grampian hills had its fortress. We shall 
 now point out the fortresses by which the passes of the 
 Grampians were guarded throughout the extent of 
 Perthshire. 
 
 The first of these on the southeast was placed on a 
 tongue of land formed by the junction of the rivers 
 Strath-gartney and Strath-ire, the two sources of the 
 Teith. This station was near Bochastle, about fifteen 
 miles west-southwest from Ardoch, where the remains 
 of a camp may still be seen, and it guarded two important 
 passes into the west country, the one leading up the 
 valley of Strath-ire, near Braidalbane, and thence into 
 Argyle; the other leading along the north side of Loch 
 Venachor, Loch Achray, and Loch Katrine, through 
 Strath-gartney, into Dumbartonshire. The next pas- 
 sage to the north from the western Highlands, through 
 the Grampian range into Perthshire, is along the north 
 side of Loch Ern into Strathern. This defile was guarded 
 by a double camp at Dalgenross, near the confluence 
 of the Ruchel with the Ern. These camps commanded 
 western districts of Strathern and also guarded the pas- 
 sage along the Loch. This station is about eight miles 
 northwest from Ardoch. Another important station 
 was at East Findoch, at the south side of the Almond. 
 It guarded the only practicable passage through the 
 mountains northward, to an extent of thirty miles from 
 east to west. The Roman camp here was placed on a 
 high ground, defended by water on two sides, and by 
 a morass with a steep bank on the other two sides. It 
 was about 180 paces long, and eighty broad, and was 
 
 50
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 surrounded by a strong earthen wall, part of which still 
 remains, and was near twelve feet thick. The trenches 
 are still entire, and in some places six feet deep. 
 
 On the eastern side of Strathern, and between it and 
 the Forth, are the remains of Roman posts; and at 
 Ardargie a Roman camp was established with the design, 
 it is supposed, of guarding the passage through the 
 Ochil hills, by the valley of May water. Another camp 
 at Gleneagles secured the passage of the same hills 
 through Glendevon. With the design of guarding the 
 narrow, but useful passage from the middle Highlands, 
 westward through Glenlyon to Argyle, the Romans 
 fixed a post at Fortingal, about sixteen miles northwest 
 from the station at East Findoch. Another station 
 was placed at Inchtuthel, upon an eminence on the north 
 bank of the Tay, about fifteen miles from the camp 
 at Findoch. In conjunction with another station, about 
 four miles eastward upon the Haugh of Hallhole on the 
 western side of the river Isla, the post of Inchtuthel 
 commanded the whole of Stormont and every road which 
 could lead the Caledonians down from Athole and Glen- 
 Shee into the countries below. Such are the posts which 
 commanded the passes of the Grampians, throughout 
 the whole extent of Perthshire. 
 
 A different line of posts became necessary to secure 
 Angus and the Mearns. At Cupar Angus on the east 
 side of the Isla about seven miles east from Inchtuthel 
 stood a Roman camp, of a square form, of twenty acres 
 within the ramparts. It appears to have been an 
 equilateral quadrangle of four hundred yards, fortified 
 with two strong ramparts and large ditches, which are 
 still to be seen on the eastern and southern sides. This 
 camp commanded the passage down Strathmore be- 
 tween the Siedlaw hills, on the southeast, and the Isla on 
 the northwest. On Campmoor, little more than a mile 
 
 51
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 south from Cupar Angus, appear the remains of another 
 Roman fort. The great camp of Battledikes stood about 
 eighteen miles northeast from Cupar Angus, being obvi- 
 ously placed there to guard the passage from the High- 
 lands through Glen-esk,and Glen-Prosen. From the camp 
 at Battledikes, about eleven and a half miles northeast 
 was a Roman camp, the remains of which may still be 
 traced near the mansion house of Keithock. This camp 
 is known by the name of Wardikes. In the interior of 
 Forfarshire about eight miles south-southeast frem 
 the camp of Battledikes and fourteen miles south-south- 
 west from that of Wardikes stood a Roman camp now 
 called Harefaulds. This camp commanded a large ex- 
 tent of Angus. 
 
 The country below the Siedlaw hills on the north 
 side of the estuary of Tay was guarded by a Roman 
 camp near Invergourie, which had a communication 
 on the northeast with the camp at Harefaulds. This 
 camp, which was about two hundred yards square, and 
 fortified with a high rampart and a spacious ditch, stood 
 about two miles west from Dundee. At Fordun, about 
 twelve miles northeast from Wardikes, stood another 
 Roman station. The site of this camp was near the 
 mansion house of Fordun, and about a mile south- 
 southeast of the church of Fordun. The Luther water, 
 which is here only a rivulet, ran formerly through the 
 west side of this camp, and on the east side of it there 
 are several springs. This camp is called by the country 
 people the West Camp. From Fordun, northeast, 
 eleven miles, and from the passage of the Dee at Mary- 
 Culter, south, six miles, stood the great camp called 
 Raedikes, upon the estate of Urie. This station com- 
 manded the narrow country, between the northeast 
 of the Grampian hills and the sea, as well as the 
 angle of land lying between the Dee and the sea. From 
 
 52
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Fordun, about four and a half miles west-northwest, 
 there was a Roman post at Clattering bridge, now known 
 by the name of the Green castle, which guarded the 
 passage through the Grampian mountains, by the 
 Cairn-o-mount into the valley of the Mearns. This 
 post stood on a precipitous bank, on the northeast of 
 the Clatteringburn. The area of the part within the 
 ramparts measures 137 feet, nine inches, at the north- 
 east end, and at the southwest, eighty-two feet, six 
 inches; the length is 262 feet, six inches. The ditch 
 is thirty-seven feet, six inches broad at the bottom, and 
 the rampart which is wholly of earth is in height, from 
 the bottom of the ditch, fifty-one feet, nine inches. The 
 commanding station at Glenmailen, with its subsidiary 
 posts, protected and secured the country from the Dee 
 to the Moray Frith, comprehending the territories of 
 the Taixali and the Vacomagi. 
 
 From the details which have been given of the Roman 
 roads, and the different stations selected by the Ro- 
 mans for securing and defending their conquests in the 
 north, some idea may be formed of the skill with 
 which the conquerors of the world carried on their 
 warlike operations in the most distant countries, and 
 of that prudent foresight by which they guarded 
 against the many contingencies inseparable from a 
 state of war or insecure and dubious repose. It will 
 be evident to those who are well acquainted with 
 the different lines and stations of the Roman posts 
 before enumerated, that at the time we are treating of 
 it was not possible to select situations better fitted to 
 answer the ends which the Romans had in view, than 
 those we have pointed out. It seems quite unnecessary 
 and unprofitable to enter into any discussion of the 
 historical controversy, as to whether these roads and 
 stations were constructed in the same age, or in other 
 
 53
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 words, whether the Roman remains in North Britain 
 are to be attributed altogether to Agricola. The fact 
 is, there do not appear sufficient data in history to arrive 
 at any certain conclusions. Yet it seems scarcely pos- 
 sible, as some antiquarians have maintained, that all 
 these roads and important stations could have been 
 finished during the period of Agricola's government in 
 Britain. It seems probable that many roads were 
 made and stations erected during the able administra- 
 tions of Lollius Urbicus. 
 
 Whether the Romans had grown weary of keeping 
 up such an extended line of posts in North Britain, or 
 found it impracticable any longer to retain them, or 
 that they required to concentrate their strength in the 
 south, they resolved to abandon their conquests to the 
 north of Antoninus' wall, and, accordingly in the year 
 170, they evacuated the whole of the country beyond 
 that wall without molestation. 
 
 The Caledonians being thus relieved from the pres- 
 ence of their formidable foes, now prepared for offensive 
 operations, but it was not until the year 185, during the 
 misgovernment of Commodus, that their hostility began 
 to alarm the Romans. Some of their tribes passed the 
 wall that year and pillaged the country, but they were 
 driven back by Ulpius Marcellus. A few years after- 
 ward the Caledonians renewed the attack, but were kept 
 in check by Virius Lupus, with whom they entered into 
 a treaty in the year 200. But this treaty was not of 
 long continuance, for the Caledonians again took the 
 field in 207. These proceedings made Severus liasten 
 from Rome to Britain in the following year, on hearing 
 of whose arrival the tribes sent deputies to him to 
 negotiate for peace, but the emperor, who was of a war- 
 like disposition and fond of military glory, declined to 
 entertain any proposals. 
 
 54
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 After making the necessary preparations, Severus 
 began his march in the year 209 to the north. He 
 traversed the whole of North Britain from the wall of 
 Antoninus to the very extremity of the island with an 
 immense army. The Caledonians avoided coming to 
 a general engagement with him, but kept up an inces- 
 sant and harassing warfare on all sides. He, however, 
 brought them to sue for peace; but the honours of this 
 campaign were dearly earned, for fifty thousand of the 
 Romans fell a prey to the attacks of the Caledonians, 
 to fatigue, and the severity of the climate. The Cale- 
 donians soon disregarded the treaty which they had 
 entered into with Severus, which conduct so irritated 
 him that he gave orders to renew the war, and to spare 
 neither age nor sex; but his son, Caracalla, to whom 
 the execution of these orders was entrusted, was more 
 intent on plotting against his father and brother than 
 in executing the revengeful mandate of the dying em- 
 peror, whose demise took place at York on the 4th 
 February, 211, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and in 
 the third year of his administration in Britain. 
 
 It was not consistent with the policy by which Cara- 
 calla was actuated, to continue a war with the Cale- 
 donians, for the scene of his ambition lay in Rome, 
 to which he made hasty preparations to depart on the 
 death of his father. He therefore entered into a treaty 
 with the Caledonians by which he gave up the terri- 
 tories surrendered by them to his father, and abandoned 
 the forts erected by him hi their fastnesses. The whole 
 country north of the wall of Antoninus appears in fact 
 to have been given up to the undisputed possession 
 of the Caledonians, and we hear of no more incursions 
 by them till the reign of the Emperor Constans, who 
 came to Britain in the year 306 to repel the Caledonians 
 and other Picts. 3 Their incursions were repelled by 
 
 55
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the Roman legions under Constantius, and they re- 
 mained quiet till about the year 343, when they again 
 entered the territories of the provincial Britons, but 
 they were compelled, it is said, again to retreat by 
 Constans. 
 
 Although these successive inroads had been always 
 repelled by the superior power and discipline of the Ro- 
 mans, the Caledonians of the fourth century no longer 
 considered them in the formidable light they had been 
 viewed by their ancestors, and their genius for war 
 improving every time they came in hostile contact with 
 their enemies, they meditated the design of expelling 
 the intruders altogether from the soil of North Britain. 
 The wars which the Romans had to sustain against the 
 Persians in the east, and against the Germans on the 
 frontiers of Gaul, favoured their plan, and having formed 
 a treaty with the Scots they, in conjunction with their 
 new allies, invaded the Roman territories and com- 
 mitted many depredations. Julian, who commanded 
 the Roman army on the Rhine, despatched Lupi- 
 cinus, an able military commander, to defend the 
 province against the Scots and Picts, but he does not 
 appear to have been very successful in opposing 
 them. 
 
 As the Scots appear for the first time upon the stage, 
 it will be necessary to give some account of them. The 
 question which has been so keenly discussed between 
 the antiquaries of Scotland and Ireland whether the 
 Scots were indigenous Britons, or merely emigrants 
 from Ireland, has long been set at rest, as it has been 
 demonstrated beyond the possibility of doubt that they 
 came originally from that island. But, on the other 
 hand, it has been equally demonstrated that the Scots 
 of Ireland, or the Scoticce gentes of Porphyry, as a 
 branch of the great Celtic family, passed over at a very 
 
 56
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 early period from the shores of Britain into Ireland, 
 and before the beginning of the fifth century had given 
 their name to the whole of that country. Their name, 
 however, does not occur in the Roman annals till the 
 year 360. All the authors of this age agree that Ireland 
 was the proper country of the Scots, and that they in- 
 vaded the Roman territories in North Britain about the 
 last mentioned epoch. Ammianus, in the year 367, 
 mentions the Scots as an erratic or wandering people, 
 who carried on a predatory system of warfare, and other 
 contemporary authors speak of them as a transmarine 
 people who came from Ireland, their native island. Of 
 this fact there can be no doubt, and it is equally certain 
 that Ireland was the ancient Scotica of the Romans. 
 It was not till the year 1020 that the name of Scotia 
 was given to North Britain. 
 
 The Picts or Caledonians and Scots being joined by 
 another ally the Attacots, a warlike clan which had 
 settled on the shores of Dumbarton and Cowal, from the 
 opposite coast of Ireland made another attack on 
 the Roman possessions in Britain in the year 364, on 
 the accession of Valentinian. It required all the valour 
 and skill of the celebrated Theodosius, who was sent 
 to Britain in the year 367, to repel this aggression and 
 to repair the great ravages committed by the invaders. 
 Having been successful in clearing the whole country 
 between the walls, he made it the fifth province in 
 Britain, to which Valentinian gave the name of Valentia 
 in honour of Valens, whom he had associated with him 
 in the empire. The successes of Theodosius ensured a 
 peaceful pause of nearly thirty years, but in 398 the 
 Caledonians or Picts and Scots again renewed their 
 attacks, which they continued from time to time. At 
 length, in the year 446, during the consulate of .<Estius, 
 the Romans, unable any longer to keep their possessions 
 
 57
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 in North Britain, intimated to the Provincials that they 
 could give them no further assistance in resisting the 
 Scots and Picts, abdicated the government, and left 
 them to protect themselves. 
 
 58
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 No question of literary controversy has been discussed 
 with greater acrimony and pertinacity than that regard- 
 ing the authenticity of the poems of Ossian, and never 
 did Saxon and Gael exhibit more bitter enmity in mortal 
 strife than has been shown by the knights of the pen 
 in their different rencontres in the field of antiquarian 
 research. We have no wish to revive a controversy, 
 in regard to which it is scarcely possible to add anything 
 new, but holding as we do the authenticity of these 
 poems, we shall adduce briefly the arguments in their 
 favour as well as those which have been urged against 
 them, leaving to the reader, whose mind has not yet 
 been made up upon the subject, to draw his own con- 
 clusions. But it seems really to be a matter of little 
 importance whether the poems from which Macpherson 
 translated or any part of them were actually composed 
 by Ossian or not, or at what period the poet flourished, 
 whether in the third, or fourth, or fifth centuries. It 
 is, we apprehend, quite sufficient to show that these 
 poems are of high antiquity, and that they belong to 
 a very remote era. 
 
 One of the most remarkable traits in the character 
 of the Celtic tribes was their strong attachment to 
 poetry, by means of which they not only animated 
 themselves to battle, but braved death with joy in the 
 hope of meeting again their brave ancestors who had 
 fallen in battle. Either unacquainted with letters, or 
 
 59
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 despising them as unworthy of a warlike race, the 
 ancient Celts set apart the Bards, whose business it 
 was to compose and recite in verse the military actions 
 of their heroes or chiefs, and by the same means they 
 sought to preserve the memory of their laws, religion, 
 and historical annals, which would otherwise have been 
 buried in oblivion. " When the Celts," says Poso- 
 donius, "go to war, they take with them associates 
 whom they call parasites who sing their praises, either 
 in public assemblies, or to those who wish to hear them 
 privately. These poets are called bards." It is well 
 known that the Druids to whom the education of the 
 Celtic youth was committed spent many years in com- 
 mitting to memory the compositions of the bards. This 
 peculiarity was not confined to any one of the Celtic 
 nations, but prevailed universally among them. The 
 bards, according to Buchanan, were held in great honour 
 both among the Gauls and Britons, and he observes 
 that their function and name remained in his time 
 amongst all those nations which used the old British 
 tongue. " They," he adds, " compose poems, and those 
 not inelegant, which the rhapsodists recite, either to 
 the better sort, or to the vulgar, who are very desirous 
 to hear them, and sometimes they sing them to musical 
 instruments." And in speaking of the inhabitants of 
 the Hebrides or Western islands, he says that they sing 
 poems " not inelegant, containing commonly the eu- 
 logies of valiant men; and their bards usually treat 
 of no other subject." 
 
 Thus the existence of bards from the most remote 
 period among the Celtic population of Scotland is un- 
 doubted, and some idea of their importance may be 
 formed from the following observations from the elegant 
 and classical pen of a distinguished scholar. " Although 
 it is well known that the Scots had always more strength 
 
 60
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 and industry to perform great deeds, than care to have 
 them published to the world; yet, in ancient times, they 
 had, and held in great esteem, their own Homers and 
 Maros whom they named bards. These recited the 
 achievements of their brave warriors in heroic measures, 
 adapted to the musical notes of the harp; with these 
 they roused the minds of those present to the glory of 
 virtue, and transmitted patterns of fortitude to posterity. 
 This order of men still exists among the Welsh and 
 ancient Scots (the Highlanders), and they still retain 
 that name (bards) in their native language." 4 So 
 formidable were they considered in rousing the passions 
 against the tyranny of a foreign yoke, by their strains, 
 that Edward I. adopted the cruel policy of extirpating 
 the order of the Welsh bards about the end of the thir- 
 teenth century. They continued, however, to exist 
 in England down to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
 " till which period," as Doctor Graham observes, " there 
 was a regular public competition of harpers maintained; 
 and there is, at this day, as Mr. Pennant informs us, in 
 his tour through Wales, a silver harp, awarded dur- 
 ing that period, in the possession of the Mostyn 
 family." 
 
 The bardic order was preserved longer in Scotland 
 than in any other country, for it was not till the year 
 1726, when Niel Macvuirich, the last of the bards, died, 
 that the race became extinct. He and his ancestors 
 had for several generations exercised the office of bard 
 in the family of Clan Ranald. Every great Highland 
 family had their bard, whose principal business was to 
 amuse the chieftain and his friends by reciting at enter- 
 tainments the immense stores of poetry which he had 
 hoarded up in his memory, besides which he also 
 preserved the genealogy, and recorded the achieve- 
 ments of the family which were thus traditionally and 
 
 61
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 successively handed down from generation to genera- 
 tion. 
 
 At what particular period of time the Caledonian 
 bards began to reduce their compositions to writing, 
 cannot now be ascertained, but it seems to be pretty 
 evident that no such practice existed in the Ossianic 
 age, nor, indeed, for several centuries afterward. To 
 oral tradition, therefore, as conveyed through the race 
 of bards, are we indebted for the precious remains of 
 Gaelic song which have reached us. But although the 
 bards were the depositories of the muses, there were 
 not wanting many who deljghted to store their mem- 
 ories with the political effusions of the bards, and to re- 
 cite them to their friends. The late Captain John 
 Macdonald of Breakish, a native of the island of Skye, 
 declared upon oath, at the age of seventy-eight, that 
 he could repeat, when a boy between twelve and fifteen 
 years of age (about the year 1740), from one to two 
 hundred Gaelic poems differing in length and in number 
 of verses, and that he had learned them from an old 
 man about eighty years of age, who sung them for years 
 to his father, when he went to bed at night, and in the 
 spring and winter before he rose in the morning. The 
 late Reverend Doctor Stuart, minister of Luss, knew an 
 old Highlander in the isle of Skye, who repeated to him 
 for three successive days, and during several hours each 
 day, without hesitation, and with the utmost rapidity 
 many thousand lines of ancient poetry, and would have 
 continued his repetitions much longer, if the doctor 
 had required him to do so. 
 
 A curious illustration of the attachment of the High- 
 landers to their ancient poetry and the preference given 
 to it above all other literary pursuits, is given by Bishop 
 Carsewell, in his preface to the translation into Gaelic 
 of the forms of prayer and administration of the sac- 
 
 62
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 raments and catechism of the Christian religion, as 
 used in the reformed church of Scotland, printed at 
 Edinburgh in the year 1567, a work little known and 
 extremely scarce. " But there is," says Bishop Carse- 
 well, " one great disadvantage, which we the Gael of 
 Scotland and Ireland labour under, beyond the rest 
 of the world, that our Gaelic language has never yet 
 been printed, as the language of every other race of 
 men has been. And we labour under a disadvantage 
 which is still greater than every other disadvantage, 
 that we have not the Holy Bible printed in Gaelic, as 
 it has been printed in Latin and in English, and in every 
 other language; and also, that we have never yet had 
 any account printed of the antiquities of our country, 
 or of our ancestors, for though we have some accounts 
 of the Gael of Scotland and Ireland, contained in manu- 
 scripts and in the genealogies of bards and historiog- 
 raphers, yet there is great labour in writing them over 
 with the hand, whereas the work which is printed, 
 be it ever so great, is speedily finished. And great is 
 the blindness and sinful darkness and ignorance and 
 evil design of such as teach, and write, and cultivate 
 the Gaelic language that, with the view of obtaining 
 for themselves the vain rewards of this world, they are 
 more desirous and more accustomed to compose vain, 
 tempting, lying, worldly histories, concerning the 
 Tuatha de dannan, and concerning warriors and cham- 
 pions, and Fingal the son of Cumhall with his heroes, 
 and concerning many others which I will not at present 
 enumerate or mention, in order to maintain or reprove, 
 than to write and teach, and maintain the faithful 
 words of God, and of the perfect way of truth." This 
 attachment continued unabated till about the middle 
 of the last century, when the measures of government 
 produced a change in many of the ancient habits. " Be- 
 
 63
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 fore this period, the recitation of that poetry (the ancient 
 poetry of the Highlands) was the universal amusement 
 of every winter fireside." 
 
 That such a vast collection of Gaelic poetry, as that 
 which has reached us, should have been handed down by 
 oral tradition may appear extraordinary to those who 
 have not sufficiently reflected on the power of the human 
 memory, when applied and confined to the acquisition 
 of those sublime and lofty effusions of poetic fancy hi 
 which the Highlanders took such delight, as to super- 
 sede all other mental pursuits. The mere force of habit 
 in persons who, from their childhood, have been ac- 
 customed to hear recitals often repeated, which de- 
 lighted them, will make an indelible impression, not 
 confined to the ideas suggested, or to the images which 
 float in the imagination, as reflected from the mirror 
 of the mind, but extending to the very words themselves. 
 It was not, therefore, without good reason that the 
 Highland Society observe in their Report, already 
 quoted, " that the power of memory in persons accus- 
 tomed from their infancy to such repetitions, and who 
 are unable to assist or to injure it by writing, must not 
 be judged of by any ideas or any experience possessed 
 by those who have only seen its exercise in ordinary 
 life. Instances of such miraculous powers of memory, 
 as they may be styled by us, are known hi most coun- 
 tries where the want of writing, like the want of a sense, 
 gives an almost supernatural force to those by which 
 that privation is supplied." Mr. Wood, in his essay on 
 the original writings and genius of Homer, remarks, 
 with great justice, that we cannot, in this age of dic- 
 tionaries and other technical aids to memory, judge 
 what her use and powers were at a time when all a man 
 could know was all he could remember, and when the 
 memory was loaded with nothing either useless or un- 
 
 64
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 intelligible. The Arabs, who are in the habit of amusing 
 their hours of leisure by telling and listening to tales, 
 will remember them though very long, and rehearse 
 them with great fidelity after one hearing. 
 
 Besides these and other reasons in favour of the oral 
 transmission of the Gaelic poetry, to which we shall 
 afterward allude, one more important consideration, 
 as far as we can ascertain, has been entirely overlooked, 
 namely, that to ensure a correct transmission of the 
 poems in question, through the medium of oral tradition, 
 it was by no means necessary that one or more individ- 
 uals should be able to recite all of them. To secure their 
 existence it was only necessary that particular persons 
 should be able to recite with accuracy such parts as they 
 might have committed to memory so as to communicate 
 them to others. Doubtless there would be great differ- 
 ences in the powers of acquisition and retention in differ- 
 ent persons, but we have no idea that one person could 
 carry in his memory the whole poetry of Ossian. We 
 know, indeed, a gentleman who says that if the works 
 of Homer were lost, he could almost supply the Iliad 
 and Odyssey from memory; but, although we are dis- 
 posed to be rather sceptical on this subject, we have 
 no doubt that if the poems of Burns ceased to exist 
 on paper, every word could be supplied by thousands 
 from mere memory. 
 
 Besides these arguments in support of oral tradition, 
 the following reasons are given by the Right Honourable 
 Sir John Sinclair, Baronet, in support of the preserva- 
 tion of the poems of Ossian through that medium: 1, 
 The beauty of the poetry, of which it is impossible to 
 form an adequate idea from any translation hitherto 
 given; 2, The partiality which the Highlanders naturally 
 entertained for songs, which contained the traditional 
 history of the greatest heroes, in the ancient annals 
 
 65
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 of their country; 3, It is to be observed that the bards 
 were for a long time a distinct class or caste, whose 
 whole business it was, either to compose verses them- 
 selves, or to recite the poetry of others; 4, Though the 
 poems were not composed in rhyme, yet there was an 
 emphasis laid upon particular syllables of a particular 
 sound in every line, which greatly assisted the memory; 
 
 5, The verses were set to particular music, by which the 
 remembrance of the words was greatly facilitated; and, 
 
 6, The Highlanders, at their festivals and other public 
 meetings, acted the poems of Ossian, and on such oc- 
 casions, those who could repeat the greatest number of 
 verses were liberally rewarded. What also tended 
 greatly to preserve the recollection of the Gaelic poetry, 
 was a practice followed by the Highlanders of going 
 by turns to each others' houses in every village during 
 the winter season, and reciting or hearing recited or 
 sung the poems of Ossian, and also poems and songs as- 
 cribed to other bards. 
 
 The first person who made a collection of Gaelic poetry 
 was the Reverend John Farquharson, a Jesuit mission- 
 ary in Strathglass, about the year 1745, of which collec- 
 tion some interesting information will be afterward given. 
 
 Alexander Macdonald, a schoolmaster at Ardna- 
 murchan, was the next who made a collection of Gaelic 
 poetry, which was published in Gaelic at Edinburgh, 
 in the year 1751. In an English preface Macdonald 
 assigns two reasons for the publication: 1, That it may 
 raise a desire to learn something of the Gaelic language, 
 which he states may be found to contain in its bosom 
 the charms of poetry and rhetoric; and, 2, To bespeak 
 the favour of the public to a great collection of poems, 
 in all kinds of poetry that have been in use among the 
 most cultivated nations, with a translation into English 
 verse, and critical observations on the nature of such 
 
 66
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 writings to render the work useful to those who do not 
 understand the Gaelic language. 
 
 Jerome Stone, a native of the county of Fife, and who 
 had acquired a knowledge of the Gaelic language during 
 some years' residence in Dunkeld, where he kept a 
 school, was the third person who collected several of the 
 ancient poems of the Highlands, and was the first person 
 who especially called public attention to the beauty of 
 these poems in a letter which he addressed " To the 
 Author of the Scots Magazine," accompanied with a 
 translation in rhyme of one of them, both of which ap- 
 peared in that periodical in January, 1756. As Stone 
 was only twenty or twenty-one years of age when he 
 made this translation, and being besides in an obscure 
 situation, and with few opportunities of cultivating his 
 native genius or talents, he could not be supposed 
 capable of giving a very happy or impressive translation 
 of Gaelic poetry, especially when fettered with rhyme, 
 which, even in the ablest hands, and those most accus- 
 tomed to the construction of English verse, affords 
 always an unfaithful, and generally an imperfect tran- 
 script of ancient poetry. His place of residence, too, 
 was unfavourable either to the acquirement of pure 
 Gaelic, or the collection of the best copies of the ancient 
 poetry of the Highlands. 
 
 The next and most noted collector of Gaelic poetry 
 was the celebrated James Macpherson, whose spirited 
 translations, or forgeries, as some writers maintain, 
 have consigned his name to immortality in the literary 
 world. The circumstances which gave rise to this col- 
 lection were as follows: In the summer of 1759, John 
 Home, the author of " Douglas," having met Mr. Mac- 
 pherson at Moffat, learned from him in conversation 
 that he was possessed of some pieces of ancient Gaelic 
 poetry in the original, one or two of which Mr. Home 
 
 67
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 expressed a desire to see an English translation of as a 
 specimen. Accordingly Mr. Macpherson furnished Mr. 
 Home with two fragments which the latter very much 
 admired, and which he sometime thereafter showed 
 to the celebrated Dr. Hugh Blair and other literary 
 friends, as valuable curiosities. The doctor, as well as 
 Mr. Home, was so struck with the high spirit of poetry 
 which breathed in them, that he immediately requested 
 an interview with Macpherson, and having learned from 
 him that, besides the few pieces of Gaelic poetry which 
 he had hi his possession, greater and more considerable 
 poems of the same strain were to be found in the High- 
 lands, and were well known to the natives there, Doctor 
 Blair urged him to translate the other pieces which he 
 had, and bring them to him, promising that he, Doctor 
 Blair, would take care to circulate and bring them out 
 to the public, to whom they well deserved to be made 
 known. Doctor Blair informs us that Macpherson was 
 extremely reluctant and averse to comply with his 
 request, saying, that no translation of his could do jus- 
 tice to the spirit and force of the original, and that be- 
 sides injuring them by translation, he apprehended that 
 they would be very ill relished by the public as being 
 so different from the strain of modern ideas and of 
 modern, correct, and polished poetry. It was not till 
 after much and repeated importunity on the part of 
 Doctor Blair, and after he had represented to Macpherson 
 the injustice he would do to his native country by keep- 
 ing concealed those hidden treasures, which, he was 
 assured, if brought forth, would serve to enrich the 
 whole learned world, that he was at length prevailed 
 upon to translate and bring to the reverend doctor the 
 several poetical pieces which he had in his possession. 
 These were published in a small volume at Edinburgh 
 in the year 1760, under the title of " Fragments of 
 
 68
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 Ancient Poetry collected in the Highlands of Scotland," 
 to which Doctor Blair prefixed an introduction. " These 
 ' Fragments/ " says Doctor Blair, " drew much atten- 
 tion and excited, among all persons of taste and letters, 
 an earnest desire to recover, if possible, all those con- 
 siderable remains of Gaelic poetry which were said 
 still to exist in the Highlands." 
 
 Several eminent literary men of the day were ex- 
 tremely desirous to have these literary treasures im- 
 mediately collected, and Mr. Macpherson was spoken 
 to on the subject and urged by several persons to under- 
 take the search, but he showed extreme unwillingness to 
 engage in it, representing to them his diffidence of success 
 and of public approbation, and the difficulty and ex- 
 pensiveness of such a search as was requisite throughout 
 the remote Highlands. At length, to encourage him 
 to undertake it, a meeting was brought together at 
 a dinner, to which Mr. Macpherson was invited, and 
 Doctor Blair, from whom this account is taken, says 
 he had a chief hand in convoking there many of the 
 first persons of rank and taste in Edinburgh. Patrick, 
 Lord Elibank, took a great lead at that meeting, to- 
 gether with Principal Robertson the historian, Mr. 
 John Home, Dr. Adam Ferguson, and many others, 
 who were all very zealous for forwarding the proposed 
 discovery, and after ^much conversation with Mr. Mac- 
 pherson, it was agreed that he should disengage him- 
 self from all other employment, and set out without 
 delay on this poetical mission through the Highlands; 
 but, as his circumstances did not admit of his engaging 
 in this at his own expense, that the whole expense he 
 might incur was to be defrayed by a collection raised 
 from the meeting with the aid of such other friends as 
 they might choose to apply to for that purpose. When 
 this meeting was about breaking up, Mr. Macpherson 
 
 69 

 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 followed Doctor Blair to the door and told him, that 
 from the spirit of the meeting, he now, for the first 
 time, entertained the hope that the undertaking to 
 which he had so often prompted him would be attended 
 with success; that hitherto he had imagined they were 
 merely romantic ideas which the doctor had held out 
 to him, but now he saw them likely to be realized, and 
 should endeavour to exert himself so as to give satis- 
 faction to all his friends. 
 
 Under this patronage Mr. Macpherson set out on his 
 literary journey to the Highlands in the year 1760, and 
 during his tour he transmitted from time to time to 
 Doctor Blair and his other literary friends, accounts of 
 his progress in collecting, from many different and re- 
 mote parts, all the remains he could find of ancient 
 Gaelic poetry, either in writing or by oral tradition. 
 In the course of his journey he wrote two letters to 
 the Rev. James M'Lagan, formerly minister of Amalrie, 
 afterward of Blair in Athole, which, as they throw much 
 light on the subject of these poems, and particularly on 
 the much contested question, whether Macpherson ever 
 collected any manuscripts, are given entire. The first 
 of these letters is dated from Ruthven, 27th October, 
 1760, and is as follows : 
 
 "REV. Sm: You perhaps have heard, that I am 
 employed to make a collection of the ancient poetry in 
 the Gaelic. I have already traversed most of the Isles, 
 and gathered all worth notice in that quarter. I intend 
 a journey to Mull and the coast of Argyle, to enlarge my 
 collection. 
 
 " By letters from Edinburgh, as well as gentlemen 
 of your acquaintance, I am informed that you have a 
 good collection of poems of the kind I want. It would be, 
 therefore, very obliging should you transmit me them 
 
 70
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 as soon as convenient, that my book might be rendered 
 more complete, and more for the honour of our old 
 poetry. Traditions are uncertain ; poetry delivered down 
 from memory must lose considerably; and it is a matter 
 of surprise to me, how we have now any of the beauties 
 of our ancient Gaelic poetry remaining. 
 
 " Your collection, I am informed, is pure, as you 
 have taken pains to restore the style. I shall not make 
 any apology for this trouble, as it will be for the honour 
 of our ancestors, how many of their pieces of genius 
 will be brought to light. I have met with a number 
 of old manuscripts in my travels; the poetical part of 
 them I have endeavoured to secure. 
 
 " If any of that kind falls within your hearing, I beg 
 it of you, to have them in sight. 
 
 " I shall probably do myself the pleasure of waiting 
 on you before I return to Edinburgh. Your correspond- 
 ence in the meantime will be very agreeable. You will 
 excuse this trouble from an entire stranger, and believe 
 me, etc. 
 
 (Signed) "JAMES M'PHERSON. 
 
 " Inform me of what you can of the tradition of the 
 poems: direct to me by Edinburgh and Ruthven, en- 
 closed to Mr. Mcpherson, postmaster here." 
 
 The second letter is dated from Edinburgh, 16th 
 January, 1761, and runs thus: 
 
 
 
 "REV. SIR: I was favoured with your letter 
 enclosing the Gaelic poems, for which I hold myself 
 extremely obliged to you. Duan a Ghairibh is less poet- 
 ical and more obscure than Teantach mor na Feine. The 
 last is far from being a bad poem, were it complete, 
 and is particularly valuable for the ancient manners 
 
 71
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 it contains. I shall reckon myself much obliged to you 
 for any other pieces you can send me. It is true I have 
 the most of them from other hands, but the misfortune 
 is, that I find none expert in the Irish orthography, so 
 that an obscure poem is rendered doubly so, by their 
 uncouth way of spelling. It would have given me real 
 pleasure to have got your letter before I left the High- 
 lands, as in that case I would have done myself the 
 pleasure of waiting on you; but I do not despair but 
 something may soon cast up that may bring about an 
 interview, as I have some thoughts of making a jaunt 
 to Perthshire. Be that, however, as it will, I shall be 
 always glad of your correspondence; and hope that you 
 will give me all convenient assistance in my present 
 undertaking. 
 
 " I have been lucky enough to lay my hands on a 
 pretty complete poem, and truly epic, concerning Fingal. 
 The antiquity of it is easily ascertained, and it is not 
 only superior to anything in that language, but reck- 
 oned not inferior to the more polite performances of 
 other nations in that way. I have some thoughts of 
 publishing the original, if it will not clog the work too 
 much. 
 
 " I shall always be ready to acknowledge the obliga- 
 tion you have laid upon me, and promise I will not be 
 ungrateful for further favours. It would give me 
 pleasure to know how I can serve you, as I am, etc. 
 (Signed) " JAMES M'PHERSON." 
 
 The districts through which Mr. Macpherson travelled 
 were chiefly in the northwestern parts of Inverness- 
 shire, the Isle of Skye, and some of the adjoining islands; 
 " places, from their remoteness and state of manners 
 at that period, most likely to afford, in a pure and genu- 
 ine state, the ancient traditionary tales and poems, of 
 
 72
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 which the recital then formed, as the Committee has 
 before stated, the favourite amusement of the long and 
 idle winter evenings of the Highlanders." Before re- 
 turning to Edinburgh Mr. Macpherson paid a visit to 
 an early acquaintance, the Rev. Andrew Gallie, then 
 missionary at Badenoch, who was a proficient in the 
 Gaelic language, to whom, and to Mr. Macpherson of 
 Strathmashie in Badenoch, he exhibited the poems 
 and manuscripts which he had collected during his tour. 
 " They consisted," says Mr. Gallie, " of several volumes, 
 small octavo, or rather large duodecimo, in the Gaelic 
 language and characters, being the poems of Ossian, 
 and other ancient bards. I remember perfectly," con- 
 tinues the reverend gentleman, " that many of those 
 volumes were, at the close, said to have been collected 
 by Paul Macmhuirich, Bard Clanraonuil, and about the 
 beginning of the fourteenth century. Mr. Macpherson 
 and I were of opinion, that though the bard collected 
 them, yet that they must have been writ by an ecclesi- 
 astic, for the characters and spelling were most beauti- 
 ful and correct. Every poem had its first letter of 
 its first word most elegantly flourished and gilded, some 
 red, some yellow, some blue, and some green: the 
 material writ on seemed to be a limber yet coarse and 
 dark vellum: the volumes were bound in strong parch- 
 ment; Mr. Macpherson had them from Clan Ronald." 
 Mr. Macpherson, on the occasion of his visit to Mr. 
 Gallie, availed himself of the able assistance of that 
 gentleman, and of his namesake Mr. Macpherson of 
 Strathmashie, in collating the different editions or 
 copies of the poems he had collected, and in translating 
 difficult passages and obsolete words. 
 
 On his return to Edinburgh from his poetical tour, 
 Mr. Macpherson took lodgings in a house at the head of 
 Blackfriars' Wynd, immediately below that possessed 
 
 73
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 by his chief patron, Doctor Blair, and immediately set 
 about translating from the Gaelic into English. He 
 soon afterward, viz., in 1761, published one volume in 
 quarto, containing " Fingal," an epic poem, in six 
 books, and some other detached pieces of a similar kind. 
 He published, in the year 1762, another epic poem called 
 " Temora," of one of the books or divisions of which he 
 annexed the original Gaelic, being the only specimen he 
 ever published, though at his death he left 1000 to de- 
 fray the expense of publication of the originals of the 
 whole of his translations, with directions to his executors 
 for carrying that purpose into effect. Various causes con- 
 tributed to delay their appearance till the year 1807, 
 when they were published under the sanction of the 
 Highland Society of London. 
 
 Such is the brief history of Macpherson's connection 
 with those remarkable poems, which have excited the 
 admiration of the literary world, and given occasion 
 to a controversy which, for nearly half a century, agitated 
 the breasts of philologists and antiquaries, and which 
 even now does not seem to be set at rest, for we find 
 that, in a modern publication, a writer of great pene- 
 tration and extensive erudition thus speaks of these 
 poems: "Some fragments of the songs of the Scottish 
 Highlanders, of very uncertain antiquity, appear to have 
 fallen into the hands of Macpherson, a young man of no 
 mean genius, unacquainted with the higher criticism ap- 
 plied to the genuineness of ancient writings, and who was 
 too much a stranger to the studious world to have learnt 
 those refinements which extend probity to literature 
 as well as to property. Elated by the praise not unjustly 
 bestowed on some of these fragments, instead of ensuring 
 a general assent to them by a publication in their natural 
 state, he unhappily applied his talents for skilful imita- 
 tion to complete poetical works in a style similar to the 
 
 74
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 fragments, and to work them into the unsuitable shape 
 of epic and dramatic poems. 
 
 " He was not aware of the impossibility of poems, 
 preserved only by tradition, being intelligible after 
 thirteen centuries to readers who knew only the language 
 of their own times; and he did not perceive the extrava- 
 gance of peopling the Caledonian mountains, in the 
 fourth century, with a race of men so generous and 
 merciful, so gallant, so mild, and so magnanimous, that 
 the most ingenious romances of the age of chivalry 
 could not have ventured to represent a single hero as 
 on a level with their common virtues. He did not con- 
 sider the prodigious absurdity of inserting as it were 
 a people thus advanced in moral civilization between 
 the Britons, ignorant and savage as they are painted 
 by Caesar, and the Highlanders, fierce and rude as they 
 are presented by the first accounts of the chroniclers of 
 the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. Even the better 
 part of the Scots were, in the latter period, thus spo- 
 ken of: 'In Scotland ye shall find no man lightly of 
 honour or gentleness: they be like wylde and savage 
 people.' The great historian who made the annals of 
 Scotland a part of European literature, had sufficiently 
 warned his countrymen against such faults, by the 
 decisive observation that their forefathers were un- 
 acquainted with the art of writing, which alone preserves 
 language from total change, and great events from ob- 
 livion. Macpherson was encouraged to overleap these 
 and many other improbabilities by youth, talent, and 
 applause: perhaps he did not at first distinctly present 
 to his mind the permanence of the deception. It is 
 more probable, and it is a supposition countenanced 
 by many circumstances, that after enjoying the pleasure 
 of duping so many critics, he intended one day to claim 
 the poems as his own; but if he had such a design, con- 
 
 75
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 siderable obstacles to its execution arose around him. 
 He was loaded with so much praise that he seemed 
 bound in honour to his admirers not to desert them. 
 The support of his own country appeared to render 
 adherence to those poems, which Scotland inconsider- 
 ately sanctioned, a sort of national obligation. Ex- 
 asperated, on the other hand, by the, perhaps, unduly 
 vehement and sometimes very coarse attacks made on 
 him, he was unwilling to surrender to such opponents. He 
 involved himself at last so deeply as to leave him no 
 decent retreat. Since the keen and searching publica- 
 tion of Mr. Laing, these poems have fallen in reputation, 
 as they lost the character of genuineness. They had 
 been admired by all the nations, and by all the men of 
 genius in Europe. The last incident in their story is 
 perhaps the most remarkable. In an Italian version, 
 which softened their defects, and rendered their charac- 
 teristic qualities faint, they formed almost the whole 
 poetical library of Napoleon, a man who, whatever may 
 be finally thought of him in other respects, must be 
 owned to be, by the transcendent vigour of his powers, 
 entitled to a place in the first class of human minds. 
 No other imposture in literary history approaches them 
 in the splendour of their course." 
 
 A sentence so severe and condemnatory, proceeding 
 from an author of such acknowledged ability as Sir 
 James Mackintosh, and who we presume had fully 
 considered the question, must have considerable effect, 
 but we apprehend it is quite possible that minds of the 
 first order may, even in a purely literary question, be 
 led astray by prepossessions. That Macpherson en- 
 deavoured to complete some of the poetical fragments 
 he collected, in his translation, may, we think, be fairly 
 admitted; and, indeed, the Committee of the Highland 
 Society, with that candour which distinguished their 
 
 76
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 investigation in answering the second question to which 
 their inquiries were directed, namely, how far the col- 
 lection of poetry published by Mr. Macpherson was 
 genuine, considered that point as rather difficult to 
 answer decisively. The Committee reported, that they 
 were inclined to believe that Mr. Macpherson " was in 
 use to supply chasms, and to give connection, by in- 
 serting passages which he did not find, and to add what 
 he conceived to be dignity and delicacy to the original 
 composition, by striking out passages, by softening 
 incidents, by refining the language, in short, by changing 
 what he considered as too simple or too rude for a modern 
 ear, and elevating what in his opinion was below the 
 standard of good poetry. To what degree, however, he 
 exercised these liberties it is impossible for the Com- 
 mittee to determine. The advantages he possessed, 
 which the Committee began its inquiries too late to 
 enjoy, of collecting from the oral recitation of a number 
 of persons, now no more, a very great number of the 
 same poems, on the same subjects, and then collating 
 those different copies or editions, if they may be so 
 called, rejecting what was spurious or corrupted in one 
 copy, and adopting from another something more genu- 
 ine and excellent in its place, afforded him an oppor- 
 tunity of putting together what might fairly enough be 
 called an original whole, of much more beauty, and 
 with much fewer blemishes, than the Committee be- 
 lieves it now possible for any person, or combination 
 of persons, to obtain." But this admission, when all 
 the other circumstances which are urged in favour of 
 the authenticity of these poems are considered, assuredly 
 does not detract in any material degree from their gen- 
 uineness; more particularly when the history of Mr. 
 Farquharson's collection of Gaelic poetry, shortly to 
 be noticed, is taken into account, a collection with 
 
 77
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which the Committee were totally unacquainted, till 
 it was brought to light by the patriotic exertions of 
 Sir John Sinclair, seconded by those of the late highly 
 respected Bishop Cameron. 
 
 While we readily subscribe to the position as to the 
 impossibility of poems, preserved only by tradition, 
 being intelligible after thirteen centuries to readers 
 who knew only the language of their own times, we 
 cannot agree to the assumption that the Gaelic of the 
 Highlands, as it was spoken in the Ossianic era, has been 
 so materially altered or corrupted as to be unintelligible 
 to the Gaelic population of the present age. That some 
 alterations in the language may have taken place there 
 can be no doubt; but, in an original and purely idio- 
 matic language, these must have been necessarily few 
 and unimportant. No fair analogy can be drawn be- 
 tween an original language, as the Gaelic unquestionably 
 is, and the modern tongues of Europe, all, or most of 
 which, can be deduced from their origin and traced 
 through their various changes and modifications; but 
 who can detect any such in the Gaelic? " A life of St. 
 Patrick," says the Rev. Dr. John Smith, " written in 
 the sixth century, in Irish verse, is still intelligible to 
 an Irishman, and a poem of near one hundred verses, 
 of which I have a copy, and which was composed about 
 the same time by St. Columba, though for ages past 
 little known or repeated, will be understood, except a 
 few words, by an ordinary Highlander." And if such be 
 the case as to poetical compositions, which had lain 
 dormant for an indefinite length of time, can we sup- 
 pose that those handed down uninterruptedly from 
 father to son through a long succession of generations 
 could by any possibility have become unintelligible? 
 ' The preservation of any language from total change " 
 does not, we apprehend, depend upon the art of writing, 
 
 78
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 alone, but rather upon its construction and character, 
 and on its being kept quite apart from foreign admixture. 
 Owing to the latter circumstance all the European lan- 
 guages, the Gaelic alone excepted, have undergone 
 a total change, notwithstanding the art of writing. 
 In connection with this fact it may be observed that the 
 purest Gaelic is spoken by the unlettered natives of Mull 
 and Skye, and the remote parts of Argyleshire and 
 Inverness-shire, and it has been truly observed that " an 
 unlettered Highlander will feel and detect a violation 
 of the idiom of his language more readily than his 
 countryman who has read Homer and Virgil." 
 
 The high state of refinement and moral civilization 
 depicted in the poems of Ossian affords no solid objection 
 against their authenticity. The same mode of reasoning 
 might with great plausibility be urged against the gen- 
 uineness of the Iliad and Odyssey. Fiction is essential 
 to the character of a true poet, and we need not be 
 surprised that one so imaginative and sublime as Ossian 
 should people his native glens with beings of a superior 
 order. 
 
 We have already alluded to a collection of Gaelic 
 poems made by Mr. Farquharson, which unfortu- 
 nately does not now exist. The history of this col- 
 lection being very interesting, as throwing a flood of 
 light on the Ossianic question, and supporting, in an 
 essential manner, the views of the defenders of the au- 
 thenticity of Ossian's poems, we hope we shall be excused 
 for drawing the attention of the reader to the documents 
 which detail the circumstances relating to that collec- 
 tion. Sir John Sinclair, Baronet, having accidentally 
 heard that Doctor Cameron, the Catholic Bishop of 
 Edinburgh, could furnish some interesting information 
 regarding the authenticity of Ossian, with that praise- 
 worthy zeal which has ever distinguished the honourable 
 
 79
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 baronet, addressed the following card to the bishop, 
 dated Charlotte Square, Edinburgh, 7th February, 1806. 
 
 " Sir John Sinclair presents his compliments to Bishop 
 Cameron. Has accidentally heard that the bishop can 
 throw some new light upon the controversy regard- 
 ing the authenticity of the poems of Ossian, and takes 
 the liberty, therefore, of requesting his attention to the 
 subjoined queries. 
 
 " 1. Does the bishop ever recollect to have seen or 
 heard of any ancient Gaelic manuscripts in France? 
 
 " 2. Did they contain any of the poems of Ossian, 
 and what were they? 
 
 " 3. Did the bishop compare them with Macpherson's 
 translation, and did it seem to be a just one? 
 
 "4. Can the bishop recollect any other person or 
 persons, now living, who saw those manuscripts? 
 
 " 5. Where did he see them; and is there any chance 
 of those being yet recovered, or copies of them ob- 
 tained? " 
 
 To which application, Bishop Cameron returned for 
 answer, that he had taken the necessary steps for ac- 
 quiring and laying before Sir John the most satisfactory 
 account he could of a manuscript Gaelic collection, 
 which contained a very considerable part of what was 
 afterward translated and published by Macpherson - 
 that the collector had died in Scotland some years before 
 that the manuscript had been lost in France ; but 
 there was at least one alive, who, being much pleased 
 with the translation, although he did not understand 
 the original, saw them frequently compared, and had the 
 manuscript in his hands and that Sir John's queries, 
 and whatever could throw any light on the subject, 
 would be attended to. 
 
 In answer to a second application from Sir John, the 
 bishop regretted that the information he had hitherto 
 
 80
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 received, concerning the manuscript of Ossian's poems, 
 was not so complete as he expected and that the 
 MS. was irreparably lost that the Rev. James Mac- 
 gillivray declared, that he remembered the manuscript 
 perfectly well; that it was in folio, large paper, about 
 three inches thick, written close, and in a small letter 
 
 - the whole in Mr. John Farquharson's handwriting 
 that Mr. Macgillivray went to Douay College, in 1763, 
 where Mr. Farquharson was at the time Prefect of 
 Studies that Gaelic poetry and the contents of the 
 MS. were frequently brought upon the carpet that 
 about 1766, Mr. Glendonning of Parton sent Macpher- 
 son's translation of the poems of Ossian to Mr. Farquhar- 
 son that the attention of every one was then drawn 
 to the MS. in proportion to the impression made upon 
 their minds by the translation. Mr. Macgillivray saw 
 them collated hundreds of times that the common 
 complaint was, that the translation fell very far short 
 of the energy and beauty of the original and Mr. 
 Macgillivray was convinced that the MS. contained all 
 the poems translated by Macpherson. 1. Because he 
 recollected very distinctly having heard Mr. Farquhar- 
 son say, after having read the translation, that he had 
 all these poems in his collection. 2. Because he never 
 saw him at a loss to find the original in the MS. when any 
 observation occurred upon any passage in the translation 
 
 - that he knew the poems of Fingal and Temora were 
 of the number, for he saw the greater part of both 
 collated with the translation, and he heard Mr. Far- 
 quharson often regret that Macpherson had not found 
 or published several poems contained in his MS., and 
 of no less merit than any of those laid before the public 
 
 - that Mr. Farquharson came to Scotland in 1773, 
 leaving his MS. in the Scots' College of Douay, where 
 Mr. Macgillivray had occasion to see it frequently during 
 
 81
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 his stay there till 1775; but, he said, it had got into the 
 hands of young men who did not understand the Gaelic, 
 and was much tattered, and that several leaves had 
 been torn out that the late principal of that college, 
 who was then only a student there, remembered very 
 well having seen the leaves of the mutilated manuscript 
 torn out to kindle the fire in their stove. 
 
 Bishop Cameron believed the collection was made be- 
 fore the middle of last century. He was personally 
 acquainted with Mr. Farquharson from 1773 to 1780, 
 and the poems were often the subject of their conversa- 
 tion, that whatever opinion the literary world might 
 form of them, it was not easy to foresee that Macpherson 
 should be seriously believed to be the author of them, 
 and it was hoped he would publish the originals. In 
 that persuasion perhaps few Highlanders would have 
 copied them, for the value of any trifling variation. 
 
 Bishop Cameron afterward acquainted Sir John, that 
 he considered the testimony of Mr. Macgillivray, on the 
 subject of Mr. Farquharson's collection of Gaelic poems, 
 as of the greatest weight with him, for many reasons. 
 The impression made upon Mr. Macgillivray by the 
 translation enhanced his veneration for the original. 
 The manuscript appeared to him in a very different 
 light from that in which it was seen by those who had 
 from their infancy been accustomed to hear the con- 
 tents of it recited or sung by illiterate men, for the 
 entertainment of the lower classes of society that 
 the account then given by Mr. Macgillivray was the 
 same which he gave him thirty years ago, for he, 
 Bishop Cameron, took notes of it then, and had fre- 
 quently repeated it since on his authority. 
 
 On receipt of the communication alluded to, Sir John 
 drew up the following queries which he transmitted 
 to Bishop Cameron to be communicated to his friends. 
 
 82
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 " Queries for the Rev. Dr. John Chisholm, and for 
 the Rev. James Macgillivray, to be answered separately. 
 
 " 1. Did you recollect a manuscript of Gaelic poetry, 
 at the College of Douay in Flanders? 
 
 "2. At what time do you recollect receiving that 
 manuscript? 
 
 " 3. Was it an ancient or modern manuscript? 
 
 " 4. By whom was it supposed to be written, and at 
 what period? 
 
 " 5. Did it contain other poems, and of equal or 
 inferior merit? 
 
 "6. To whom were the poems ascribed? 
 
 " 7. Did you compare the Celtic manuscript with 
 Macpherson's translation, and what similarity existed 
 between them? 
 
 "8. To what extent did you make the comparison, or 
 was it made in your presence? 
 
 " 9. Were the Gaelic scholars at Douay perfectly sat- 
 isfied with the result of the comparison? 
 
 " 10. Was there any communication of the circum- 
 stance made to any in Great Britain, so far as your 
 knowledge goes? 
 
 "11. How long did the manuscript remain at the 
 College of Douay? 
 
 " 12. What was the cause of the loss thereof? 
 
 " 13. Is there any chance of recovering a copy, or 
 any part of it? 
 
 "14. Are there any other persons in Scotland who saw 
 the manuscript, and can certify the comparison above- 
 mentioned? 
 
 "15. Did you ever hear of any other manuscript 
 of Ossian, either in France, or in Rome? 
 
 " 16. Do you entertain any doubt respecting the 
 authenticity of the poems of Ossian, and that Mr. Mac- 
 pherson was merely the translator thereof? 
 
 83
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 " 17. Do you think that his translation did justice 
 to the original?" 
 
 To these queries Bishop Chisholm replied as follows: - 
 1. That he recollected the manuscript in question. 2. 
 That he remembered having seen it in the hands of the 
 Rev. Mr. John Farquharson, a Jesuit, in the years 1766- 
 67, etc., but could not then read it. 3. Mr. Farquharson 
 wrote it all when (4) missionary in Strathglass, before 
 and after the year 1745. 5. It contained, as Mr. Far- 
 quharson said, Gaelic poems not inferior to either Virgil 
 or Homer's poems, according to his judgment, called 
 (6) by him Ossian's poems. 7. The Bishop did not, 
 but Mr. Farquharson did, compare the Celtic manuscripts 
 with Macpherson's translation, and he affirmed the trans- 
 lation was inferior to the original, and (8) he said so 
 of the whole of Mr. James Macpherson's translation. 
 9. There was not one scholar at Douay, that could read 
 the Gaelic in his, Bishop Chisholm's, time. 10. Mrs. 
 Frazer of Culbokie spoke of the manuscript to him on 
 his return to Scotland, and told him she had taught 
 Mr. Farquharson to read the Gaelic on his arrival in 
 Scotland, in which his progress in a short time exceeded 
 her own. She likewise had a large collection, of which 
 she read some passages to him, when he could scarcely 
 understand the Gaelic, and which escaped his memory 
 since; the manuscript was in fine large Irish characters, 
 written by Mr. Peter Macdonel, chaplain to Lord Mac- 
 donel of Glengary, after the Restoration, who had taught 
 Mrs. Frazer, and made such a good Gaelic scholar of 
 her: she called this collection a Bolg Solair, that Mr. 
 Frazer of Culbokie, her grandson, could give no account 
 of it. 11. The manuscript was at Douay, 1777, when the 
 bishop left that place. 12. That he could not say what 
 might have been done with it since; it was then much 
 damaged; that Mr. John Farquharson, in Elgin, formerly 
 
 84
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 prefect of studies, and at the time of the French Revolu- 
 tion, Principal of the Scotch College, was the only one 
 that could give any account of it, if he remembered it. 
 13. The bishop feared that neither it nor any part of 
 it could be recovered. 14. Mr. Farquharson, Mr. James 
 Macgillivray, Mr. Ronald Macdonald, and the bishop 
 had seen it. The 15th query was answered in the 
 negative. 16. The bishop never doubted the authen- 
 ticity of Ossian's poems, and never thought Macpherson 
 anything but a translator. 17. By what he had seen 
 of the original he believed it was impossible for Mac- 
 pherson to do justice to it; that it was likewise his 
 opinion, he had it in his power to do more justice to it 
 than he had done, and was convinced he had not taken 
 up the meaning of the original in some passages. The 
 bishop added that Mr. Macgillivray was a great pro- 
 ficient in poetry, and was much admired for his taste, 
 that he never saw one more stubborn and stiff in denying 
 the merit of Highland poets, till Macpherson's transla- 
 tion appeared, which, when compared with Mr. Far- 
 quharson's collection, made a convert of him ; and none 
 then admired Ossian's more than he. 
 
 Mr. Macgillivray in answering Sir John's communica- 
 tion stated, that Mr. Farquharson was a man of an 
 excellent taste in polite literature, and a great admirer 
 of the ancient poets. When he went to Strathglass, 
 where he lived upwards of thirty years, he knew very 
 little of the Erse language, and was obliged to begin a 
 serious study of it; that he was greatly assisted in this 
 study by that Mrs. Frazer of Culbokie, who passed for 
 the best Erse scholar in that part of the country. From 
 this lady he learnt the language grammatically, and 
 to read and write it; she likewise gave him a high opin- 
 ion of Erse poetry, by the many excellent compositions 
 in that language, with which she made him acquainted; 
 
 85
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 that in consequence of this, when he became master 
 of the language he collected every thing of the kind he 
 could meet with, and of such collections was formed the 
 MS. in question. 
 
 He first saw the MS. in the possession of Mr. Far- 
 quharson, when he was a student in the Scotch College 
 of Douay, and afterward at Dinant in the county of 
 Liege, Mr. Farquharson being then prefect of studies. 
 That it remained in Mr. Farquharson's possession from 
 the year 1763, when Mr. M'G. went first to the college, 
 until 1773, when he and Mr. Farquharson left Dinant, 
 the latter to return to Scotland, and the former to 
 prosecute his studies at Douay. That Mr. Farquharson, 
 on his return to Scotland, passed by Douay where he 
 left his MS. That Mr. M'G. saw it there till the summer 
 of 1775 when he left Douay, and was at that time in 
 a much worse condition than he had ever seen it before: 
 that it had got into the hands of the students, none of 
 whom, he believed, could read it: that it was much tat- 
 tered in many places, and many leaves had been torn 
 out. That from the manner in which it was then treated, 
 very little care had been taken of it afterward; but 
 allowing that what remained of it had been carefully 
 kept, it must have perished with everything else in 
 that house, during the French Revolution. That the 
 MS. was a large folio about three inches thick, and 
 entirely in Mr. Farquharson's own handwriting. As 
 it consisted wholly of poems collected by himself, it 
 was written pretty close, so that it must have contained 
 a great deal. Mr. M'G. could not say positively how Mr. 
 Farquharson had collected the poems; that many of 
 them certainly must have been obtained from hearing 
 them recited, and he had a sort of remembrance that 
 Mr. F. frequently mentioned his having got a great 
 many of them from Mrs. Frazer, and indeed it must have 
 
 86
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 been so, as she first gave him a relish for Gaelic poetry, 
 by the fine pieces with which she made him acquainted. 
 That Mr. M'G. could say nothing at all of the particular 
 pieces which Mr. F. got from her, or from any other 
 person, as he did not remember to have heard him specify 
 anything of the kind. Mr. Macgillivray farther ob- 
 serves, that in the year 1766 or 1767, Mr. Farquharson 
 first saw Mr. Macpherson's translation of Ossian. It 
 was sent to him by Mr. Glendonning of Parton. That 
 he remembered perfectly well his receiving it, although 
 he did not recollect the exact time, but Mr. Farquharson 
 said, when he had read it, that he had all the translated 
 poems in his collection. That Mr. M'G. had an hundred 
 times seen him turning over his folio, when he read the 
 translation, and comparing it with the Erse; and he 
 could positively say, that he saw him in this manner 
 go through the whole poems of Fingal and Temora. 
 Although he could not speak so precisely of his com- 
 paring the other poems in the translation with his 
 manuscript, Mr. M'G. was convinced he had them, as 
 he spoke in general of his having all the translated 
 poems; and he never heard him mention that any 
 poem in the translation was wanting in his collection; 
 whereas he has often heard him say that there were 
 many pieces in it, as good as any that had been published, 
 and regret that the translator had not found them, or had 
 not translated them. Mr. M'G. does not remember to 
 have ever heard Mr. F. tax Mr. Macpherson's translation 
 with deviating essentially from the sense of the original, 
 which he would not have failed to have done, had he 
 found grounds for it; for he very frequently complained 
 that it did not come up to the strength of the original, 
 and to convince his friends of this, he used to repeat the 
 Erse expressions, and to translate them literally, com- 
 paring them \vith Macpherson's. This difference, how- 
 
 87
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 ever, he seemed to ascribe rather to the nature of the 
 two languages, than to any inaccuracy or infidelity 
 in the translator. 
 
 With regard to the time at which Mr. Farquharson 
 collected the poems he had, it was evident that it must 
 have been during his residence in Strathglass, as he 
 brought them from Scotland to Douay with him. Mr. 
 M'G. did not know the very year he came to Douay, but 
 he was sure it was before 1760, and he always understood 
 that Mr. F. had collected them long before that time. 
 When Mr. Farquharson first received Macpherson's 
 translation, Mr. M'G. was studying poetry and rhetoric, 
 and he thought that nothing could equal the beauties 
 of the ancient poets, whom he was then reading. He 
 says that he used with a sort of indignation to hear Mr. 
 Farquharson say that there were Erse poems equal 
 in merit to the pieces of the ancients, whom he so much 
 admired ; but when he saw the translation, he began to 
 think his indignation unjust, and consequently paid 
 more attention to the comparison which Mr. F. made 
 of it with his own collection than he would otherwise 
 have done. 
 
 " This is all the information," says Mr. Macgillivray, 
 " I can give relative to Mr. Farquharson's manuscript; 
 I have often regretted, since disputes began to run so 
 high about the authority of Ossian's poems, that I 
 did not ask Mr. Farquharson a thousand questions 
 about them, which I did not think of then, and to 
 which, I am sure, he could have given me the most 
 satisfactory answers; at any rate, what I have so often 
 heard from him has left on my mind so full a conviction 
 of the authenticity of the poems, or at least that they 
 are no forgery of Macpherson's, that I could never 
 since hear the thing called in question, without the 
 greatest indignation. It is certain that Mr. Farquharson 
 
 88
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 made his collection before Macpherson's time, and I am 
 sure that he never heard of Macpherson till he saw his 
 book. I sincerely wish that persons of more judgment, 
 and more reflection than I had at the time, had had the 
 same opportunities of seeing and hearing what I did, 
 and of receiving from Mr. Farquharson, whose known 
 character was sincerity, the information he could have 
 given them; in that case, I believe, they would have 
 been convinced themselves, and I make no doubt but 
 they would have been the means of convincing the most 
 incredulous." 
 
 Bishop Cameron, after sending the communications 
 alluded to, to Sir John Sinclair, informed him that 
 besides Doctor Chisholm and Mr. Macgillivray, two 
 other persons had been named, who were students in 
 the Scots College of Douay, in the year 1773, when Mr. 
 Farquharson, returning to Scotland, from Dinant, 
 spent some days amongst his countrymen, and left his 
 manuscript with them that the first of these two, 
 afterward president of the college, and then residing 
 in Elgin, had declared to the bishop, that he remembered 
 the MS., that no one in the college could read it, and 
 that he had seen the leaves torn out of it, as long as it 
 lasted, to light the fire. 
 
 That the second, the Rev. Ronald Macdonald, residing 
 in Uist, declared, that he had a clear remembrance of 
 having seen the manuscript. But it was after his return 
 to Scotland in 1780, after he had acquired a more perfect 
 knowledge of the Gaelic, when he discovered that the 
 poems of Ossian were not so common, or so fresh in the 
 memory of his countrymen, when the public began to de- 
 spair of Mr. Macpherson's publishing his original text, 
 and when some people doubted, or affected to doubt, 
 the existence of an original, it was then Mr. Macdonald 
 formed some idea of the value of the manuscript, and 
 
 89
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 often expressed his regret that he had not brought it 
 to Scotland, for he was confident no objection would 
 have been made to his taking it. 
 
 The following extracts from the bishop's last letter 
 to Sir John are curious and interesting : 
 
 " From the year 1775, when he came to Scotland, 
 to 1780, when I went to Spain, where I resided more than 
 twenty years, Mr. Macgillivray and I lived in a habit 
 of intimacy and friendship. Our interviews were fre- 
 quent, and we were not strangers to Macpherson's 
 translation of the poems of Ossian. It was then Mr. 
 Macgillivray gave me the first account of the manu- 
 script. The Rev. John Farquharson, to whom it be- 
 longed, lived at that time with his nephew, Mr. Far- 
 quharson of Inverey, at Balmorral. Amongst many 
 others who visited in that respectable family, it is 
 probable Lord Fife may still recollect the venerable 
 old man, and bear testimony of the amiable candour 
 and simplicity of his manners. I knew him, and he 
 confirmed to me all that my friend, Mr. Macgillivray, 
 had told me. He added, that when he was called to 
 Douay, I believe about the year 1753, he had left an- 
 other collection of Gaelic poems in Braemar. He told 
 me by whom and in what manner it had been destroyed ; 
 and made many humourous and just observations, 
 on the different points of view, in which different people 
 may place the same object. He seemed to think that 
 similar and even fuller collections might still be formed 
 with little trouble. He was not sensible of the rapid, 
 the incredible, the total change, which had taken place 
 in the Highlands of Scotland, in the course of a few years. 
 
 ' The poems of Ossian were sometimes the subject 
 of my conversation with my friends in Spain. I wished 
 to see them in a Spanish dress. The experiment was 
 made; but the public reception of the specimen did 
 
 90
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 not encourage the translator to continue his labour. 
 The author of a very popular work on the origin, prog- 
 ress, and present state of literature, had confidently 
 adopted the opinion of those, who thought, or called 
 Mr. Macpherson, the author, not the translator, of the 
 poems; and the opinion became common amongst our 
 literati. This gave me occasion to communicate to my 
 friends the grounds of my opinion. To that circum- 
 stance, I ascribe my having retained a distinct memory 
 of what I have now related; and upon that account 
 alone, I have taken the liberty of troubling you with 
 this perhaps no less unimportant than tedious relation. 
 
 " The Right Rev. Dr. Eneas Chisholm informs me, 
 that the late Mr. Archibald Frazer, major in the Glen- 
 gary Fencibles, son of Mrs. Frazer, Culbokie, so re- 
 nowned for her Gaelic learning, assured him that his 
 mother's manuscripts had been carried to America. 
 Her son, Simon, emigrated thither with his family, in 
 1773. He had received a classical education, and cul- 
 tivated the taste which he had inherited for Gaelic 
 poetry. When the American war broke out, Simon 
 declared himself for the mother country. He became 
 an officer in the British service, was taken prisoner, and 
 thrown into a dungeon, where he was said to have been 
 very cruelly used, and where he died ; I understood two 
 of his sons, William and Angus, are now in Canada, 
 but I can learn nothing of the fate of his manuscripts." 
 
 In consequence of the allusion by Bishop Chisholm 
 to the Rev. John Farquharson, who had been president 
 of the Scotch College at Douay, as knowing something 
 of his namesake's collection, Sir John Sinclair requested 
 that he would send him all the particulars he could 
 possibly recollect as to the MS. alluded to, and his opinion 
 regarding the authenticity of Ossian. He also wished 
 to be informed if there was a chance of recovering the 
 
 91
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 whole, or any part of the Douay MS., or if any copy of 
 any part of it was extant. To which request Mr. Far- 
 quharson replied, that he perfectly recollected to have 
 seen in 1775 and 1776 the MS. mentioned, but being 
 no Gaelic scholar, all that he could attest was his having 
 repeatedly heard the compiler assert it contained va- 
 rious Gaelic songs, a few fragments of modern com- 
 position, but chiefly extracts of Ossian's poems, collected 
 during his long residence in Strathglass, previous to the 
 rebellion of Forty-five; and to have seen him compare 
 the same with Macpherson's translation, and exclaiming 
 frequently at its inaccuracy; that the MS. might be 
 about three inches thick, large paper, scarce stitched, 
 some leaves torn, others lost, and of course little heeded r 
 as the Highland Society's and Sir John Sinclair's pa- 
 triotic exertions were not then thought of. What its 
 subsequent fate had been, he could not positively say, 
 for, thrown carelessly amongst other papers into a corner 
 of the college archives, no care whatever had been taken 
 of it, being in a manner en feuilles detachees, in a hand- 
 writing scarcely legible, and of a nature wholly unin- 
 telligible. 
 
 The documents referred to establish beyond the 
 possibility of doubt that long before the name of Mac- 
 pherson was known to the literary world, a collection 
 of manuscript poems in Gaelic did exist which passed 
 as the poems of Ossian, and that they were considered 
 by competent judges as not inferior to the poems of 
 Virgil or Homer; they demonstrate the absurdity of 
 the charge that Macpherson was the author of the poems 
 he published, and annihilate the rash and unfounded 
 assertion of the colossus of English literature, Dr. 
 Samuel Johnson, that " the poems of Ossian never ex- 
 isted in any other form than that which we have seen," 
 in Macpherson's translation, and " that the editor or 
 
 92
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 author never could show the original, nor can it be 
 shown by any other." Whether the celebrated lexi- 
 cographer, had he lived to witness the publication of 
 the Gaelic manuscripts under the sanction of the High- 
 land Society of London, would have changed his opin- 
 ion is a question which cannot be solved, nor is it neces- 
 sary to speculate on the subject. Every unprejudiced 
 mind must now be satisfied of the authenticity of these 
 poems, and may adopt " the pleasing supposition 
 that Fingal lived and that Ossian sung." 
 
 The most formidable objection against the genuine- 
 ness of the poems of Ossian, and which has been urged 
 with great plausibility, is the absence of all allusions 
 to religion. " Religion," says Mr. Laing, " was avoided 
 as a dangerous topic that might lead to detection. The 
 gods and rites of the Caledonians were unknown. From 
 the danger, however, or the difficulty of inventing 
 a religious mythology, the author has created a savage 
 society of refined atheists who believe in ghosts, but not 
 in deities, and are either ignorant of, or indifferent to, the 
 existence of superior powers. In adopting Rousseau's 
 visions concerning the perfection of the savage state, 
 which was then so popular, Macpherson, solicitous only 
 for proper machinery, has rendered the Highlanders a 
 race of unheard-of infidels, who believed in no gods 
 but the ghosts of their fathers." 
 
 It is certainly not easy to account for this total want 
 of religious allusions, for to suppose that at the era 
 in question the Caledonians were entirely destitute 
 of religious impressions, or in other words, a nation 
 of atheists, is contraiy to the whole history of the human 
 race. That the druidical superstition was the religion 
 of all the Celtic tribes is placed beyond all doubt, and 
 that the influence and power of imperial Rome gradu- 
 ally weakened and finally extinguished that system ia 
 
 93
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 equally certain. The extinction of that superstition 
 took place long before the supposed era of Ossian, but 
 to imagine that all recollection of the ancient belief 
 had also been obliterated, is to suppose what is far 
 from probable. Indeed, the well-known traditions- 
 respecting the disputes between the Druids, and Trathal 
 and Cormac, ancestors to Fingal, in consequence of the 
 attempts of the former to deprive Trenmor, grandfather 
 to Fingal, of the office of vergobretus or chief magis- 
 trate, which was hereditary in his family, show plainly 
 that Ossian could not be ignorant of the tenets of the 
 Druids; and as the Fingalian race from the circumstance 
 noticed were the enemies of the Druids, the silence of 
 Ossian respecting them and their tenets is not much to 
 be wondered at. 
 
 It cannot, however, be denied that this silence has 
 puzzled the defenders of the poems very much, and 
 many reasons have been given to account for it. The 
 reason assigned by Doctor Graham of Aberfoil in his 
 valuable essay appears to be the most plausible. " We 
 are informed," says he, " by the most respectable writers 
 of antiquity, that the Celtic hierarchy was divided 
 into several classes, to each of which its own particular 
 department was assigned. The Druids, by the consent 
 of all, constitute the highest class; the Bards seem to 
 have been the next in rank; and the Eubages the lowest. 
 The higher mysteries of religion, and probably, also, 
 the science of the occult powers of nature, which they 
 had discovered, constituted the department of the 
 Druids. To the Bards, again, it is allowed by all, were 
 committed the celebration of the heroic achievements of 
 their warriors, and the public record of the history of 
 the nation. But we know, that in every polity which 
 depends upon mystery, as that of the Druids 
 undoubtedly did, the inferior orders are sedulously 
 
 94
 
 GAELIC POETRY 
 
 prevented from encroaching on the pale of those im- 
 mediately above them, by the mysteries which con- 
 stitute their peculiar badge. Is it not probable, then, 
 that the Bards were expressly prohibited from encroach- 
 ing upon the province of their superiors by intermingling 
 religion, if they had any knowledge of its mysteries, 
 which it is likely they had not, with the secular objects 
 of their song? Thus, then, we seem warranted to con- 
 clude upon this subject, by the time that Ossian flour- 
 ished, the higher order of this hierarchy had been de- 
 stroyed; and in all probability the peculiar mysteries 
 which they taught had perished along with them; and 
 even if any traces of them remained, such is the force 
 of habit, and the veneration which men entertain for 
 the institutions in which they have been educated, 
 that it is no wonder the Bards religiously forbore to 
 tread on ground from which they had at all times by 
 the most awful sanctions been excluded. In this view 
 of the subject, it would seem that the silence which 
 prevails in these poems, with regard to the higher 
 mysteries of religion, instead of furnishing an argument 
 against their authenticity, affords a strong presumption 
 of their having been composed at the very time, in the 
 very circumstances, and by the very persons to whom 
 they have been attributed." 
 
 But it is unnecessary to enlarge further on this sub- 
 ject. The publication of the original poems, so long 
 withheld from the world by the unaccountable conduct 
 of Macpherson, has settled the question of their authen- 
 ticity, and there are few persons now so sceptical as 
 not to be convinced that these poems are of very high 
 antiquity. 
 
 95
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 WE now enter upon what is called the Pictish period 
 of Caledonian history, which embraces a course of 
 397 years, viz., from the date of the Roman abdication 
 of the government of North Britain, in the year 446, 
 to the subversion of the Pictish government in the year 
 843. This interval of time is distinguished by two 
 important events in the history of North Britain - 
 the arrival and settlements of the Dalriads, or Scoto- 
 Irish, on the shores of Argyle, in the year 503, and the 
 introduction of Christianity by St. Columba into the 
 Highlands, in 563, both of which events will be fully 
 noticed in the sequel. 
 
 Many conjectures have been hazarded as to the deri- 
 vation of the term Pict, to which there seems no neces- 
 sity to revert here; but of this there can be no doubt, 
 that the Picts were Celts, and that they were no other 
 than a part of the race of the ancient Caledonians under 
 another name. Of the twenty-one distinct tribes which 
 inhabited North Britain, at the time of the Roman 
 invasion, as we have observed, the most powerful was 
 that of the Caledonii, or Caledonians, who inhabited the 
 whole of the interior country, from the ridge of moun- 
 tains which separates Inverness and Perth on the south 
 to the range of hills that forms the forest of Balnagowan 
 in Ross, on the north, comprehending all the middle 
 parts of Inverness and of Ross; but in process of time 
 the whole population of North Britain were designated 
 
 96
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 by the generic appellation of Caledonians, though occa- 
 sionally distinguished by some classic writers, proceed- 
 ing on fanciful notions, by the various names of Maeatae, 
 Dicaledones, Vecturiones, and Picti. 
 
 At the time of the Roman abdication, the Caledonians, 
 or Picts, were under the sway of a chieftain, named 
 Drust, the son of Erp, who, for his prowess in his various 
 expeditions against the Roman provincials, has been 
 honoured by the Irish annalists, with the name of " Drust 
 of the hundred battles." History, however, has not 
 done him justice, for it has left little concerning him 
 on record. In fact, little is known of the Pictish history 
 for upwards of one hundred years, immediately after 
 the Roman abdication, although some ancient chroni- 
 cles afford us lists of the Pictish kings, or princes, a 
 chronological table of whom, according to the best 
 authorities, is here subjoined: 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PICTISH KINGS 
 
 Series 
 
 THE1E NAMES AND FILIATIONS 
 
 Date of 
 Acces- 
 sion 
 
 Duration of 
 Reigns 
 
 Period 
 of their 
 Deaths 
 
 1 
 
 DRUST, the son of Erp 
 
 
 
 451 
 
 2 
 
 TALORC, the son of Aniel 
 
 451 
 
 4 years 
 
 455 
 
 3 
 
 NACTON MORBET, the sou of Erp 
 
 455 
 
 25 
 
 480 
 
 4 
 
 DREST Gurthiumoch . 
 
 480 
 
 30 
 
 610 
 
 5 
 
 GALANAU ETELICH 
 
 510 
 
 12 
 
 622 
 
 6 
 
 DADRE8T ... . 
 
 522 
 
 1 
 
 623 
 
 7 
 
 BREST, the son of Girom 
 
 523 
 
 1 
 
 524 
 
 
 DREST, the son of Wdrest, with 
 
 
 
 
 
 the former .... 
 
 524 
 
 6 
 
 629 
 
 
 DREST, the son of Girom, alone . 
 
 629 
 
 6 
 
 634 
 
 8 
 
 GARTNACH, the son of Girom 
 
 634 
 
 7 
 
 641 
 
 9 
 
 GEALTRAIM, the son of Girom . 
 
 641 
 
 1 
 
 542 
 
 10 
 
 TALORG, the son of Muircholaich 
 
 642 
 
 11 
 
 663 
 
 11 
 
 DREST, the son of Munait . 
 
 653 
 
 1 
 
 654 
 
 12 
 
 GALAM, with Aleph . 
 
 654 
 
 1 
 
 655 
 
 
 GALAM, with Bridei 
 
 565 
 
 1 
 
 556 
 
 13 
 
 BRIDEI, the son of Mailcon 
 
 556 
 
 30 
 
 686 
 
 14 
 
 GARTNAICH, the son of Domelch 
 
 586 
 
 11 
 
 697 
 
 15 
 
 NECTU, the nephew of Verb 
 
 697 
 
 20 
 
 617 
 
 16 
 
 CINEOCU, the son of Luthrin 
 
 617 
 
 19 
 
 636 
 
 97
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Series 
 
 THEIB NAMES AND FILIATIONS 
 
 Date of 
 Acces- 
 sion 
 
 Duration of 
 Reigns 
 
 Period 
 of their 
 Deaths 
 
 17 
 
 GARNARD, the son of Wid . 
 
 636 
 
 4 
 
 640 
 
 18 
 
 BRIDEI, the son of Wid 
 
 640 
 
 5 
 
 645 
 
 19 
 
 TAI/OHC, their brother 
 
 645 
 
 12 
 
 657 
 
 20 
 
 TALLORCAN, the son of Enfret . 
 
 657 
 
 4 
 
 661 
 
 21 
 
 GARTNAIT, the son of Donnel 
 
 661 
 
 6* 
 
 667 
 
 22 
 
 BREST, his brother 
 
 667 
 
 7 
 
 674 
 
 23 
 
 BRIDEI, the son of Bill 
 
 674 
 
 21 
 
 695 
 
 24 
 
 TARAN, the son of Entifidich 
 
 695 
 
 4 
 
 699 
 
 25 
 
 BRIDEI, the son of Dereli . 
 
 699 
 
 11 
 
 710 
 
 26 
 
 NECHTON, the son of Dereli 
 
 710 
 
 15 
 
 725 
 
 27 
 
 BREST, and Elpin 
 
 725 
 
 5 
 
 730 
 
 28 
 
 UNGUS, the son of Urguis . 
 
 730 
 
 31 
 
 761 
 
 29 
 
 BRIDEI, the son of Urguis . 
 
 761 
 
 2 
 
 763 
 
 30 
 
 CINIOD, the son of Wredech 
 
 763 
 
 12 
 
 775 
 
 31 
 
 ELPIN, the son of Bridei 
 
 775 
 
 3* 
 
 779 
 
 32 
 
 BREST, the son of Talorgan 
 
 779 
 
 5 
 
 784 
 
 33 
 
 TALORGAN, the son of Ungus 
 
 784 
 
 2* 
 
 786 
 
 34 
 
 CANAUL, the son of Tarla . ^ . 
 
 786 
 
 5 
 
 791 
 
 35 
 
 CONSTANTIN, the son of Urguis . 
 
 791 
 
 30 
 
 821 
 
 36 
 
 UNGUS (Hungus), the son of Ur- 
 
 
 
 
 
 guis 
 
 821 
 
 12 ' 
 
 833 
 
 37 
 
 BREST, the son of Constantine , 
 
 
 
 
 
 and Talorgan, the son of 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wthoil 
 
 833 
 
 3 
 
 836 
 
 38 
 
 UUEN, the son of Ungus 
 
 836 
 
 3 
 
 839 
 
 39 
 
 WRAD, the son of Bargoit . 
 
 839 
 
 3 4 
 
 842 
 
 40 
 
 BRED 
 
 842 
 
 1 ' 
 
 843 
 
 But before proceeding further with the Pictish history, 
 it is proper, in the order of time, to give some details 
 concerning the settlement of the Dalriads, and the 
 introduction of Christianity among the Highland Clans. 
 And with regard to the first of these events we beg 
 to refer the reader to the short notice given of the Scots 
 in the first chapter, which will serve as a preliminary to 
 what follows. 
 
 The Scoto-Irish, a branch of the great Celtic family, 
 are generally supposed to have found their way into 
 Ireland from the western shores of North Britain, and 
 to have established themselves at a very early period 
 in the Irish Ulladh, the Ulster of modern times. They 
 appear to have been divided into two tribes or clans, 
 
 98
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 the most powerful of which was called Cruithne or 
 Cruithnich, a term said to mean eaters of corn or wheat, 
 from the tribe being addicted to agricultural pursuits. 
 The quarrels between these two rival tribes were fre- 
 quent, and grew to such a height of violence, about the 
 middle of the third century, as to call for the interference 
 of Cormac, who then ruled as king of Ireland; and it 
 is said that Cairbre-Riada, the general and cousin of 
 King Cormac, conquered a territory in the northeast 
 corner of Ireland, of about thirty miles in extent, pos- 
 sessed by the Cruithne. This tract was granted by the 
 king to his general, and was denominated Dal-Riada, 
 or the portion of Riada, over which Cairbre and his 
 posterity reigned for several ages, under the protection 
 of their relations, the sovereigns of Ireland. The 
 Cruithne of Ireland and the Picts of North Britain being 
 of the same lineage and language, kept up, according to 
 O'Connor, a constant communication with each other, 
 and it seems to be satisfactorily established that a colony 
 of the Dalriads or Cruithne of Ireland had settled at a 
 very early period in Argyle, from which they were ulti- 
 mately expelled and driven back to Ireland about the 
 period of the abdication, by the Romans, of the govern- 
 ment of North Britain, in the year 446. 
 
 In the year 503, a new colony of the Dalriads or Dal- 
 riadini, under the direction of three brothers, named 
 Lorn, Fergus, and Angus, the sons of Ere, the descend- 
 ant of Cairbre-Riada, settled in the country of the British 
 Epidii, near the Epidian promontory of Richard and 
 Ptolemy, named afterward by the colonists Ceantir 
 or head-land, now known by the name of Cantyre. His- 
 tory has thrown but little light on the causes which lead 
 to this settlement, afterward so important in the annals 
 of Scotland, and a question has even been raised whether 
 it was obtained by force or favour. In proof of the 
 
 99
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 first supposition it has been observed, that the head- 
 land of Cantyre, which forms a very narrow peninsula 
 and runs far into the Deucaledonian sea, toward the 
 nearest coast of Ireland, being separated by lofty moun- 
 tains from the Caledonian continent, was in that age 
 very thinly peopled by the Cambro-Britons ; that these 
 descendants of the Epidii were little connected with the 
 central clans and still less considered by the Pictish 
 government, which, perhaps, was not yet sufficiently 
 refined to be very jealous of its rights, or to be promptly 
 resentful of its wrongs; and that Drest-Gurthinmoch 
 then reigned over the Picts, and certainly resided at a 
 great distance, beyond Drum-Albin. It is also to be 
 observed, in further corroboration of this view, that 
 Lorn, Fergus, and Angus brought few followers with 
 them, and though they were doubtless joined by sub- 
 sequent colonists, they were, for some time, occupied 
 with the necessary, but uninteresting labours of settle- 
 ment within their appropriate districts. Ceantir was 
 the portion of Fergus, Lorn possessed Lorn to which he 
 gave his name, and Angus is supposed to have colonized 
 Ila, for it was enjoyed by Muredach, the son of Angus, 
 after his decease. Thus these three princes or chiefs 
 had each his own tribe and territory, according to the 
 accustomed usage of the Celts, a system which in- 
 volved them frequently in the miseries of civil war, and 
 in questions of disputed succession. 
 
 There is no portion of history so obscure or so per- 
 plexed as that of the Scoto-Irish kings and their tribes, 
 from their first settlement, in the year 503, to their 
 accession to the Pictish throne in 843. Unfortunately 
 no contemporaneous written records appear ever to 
 have existed of that dark period of our annals, and 
 the efforts which the Scotch and Irish antiquaries have 
 made to extricate the truth from the mass of con- 
 
 100
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 tradictions in which it lies buried have rather been 
 displays of national prejudice than calm researches 
 by reasonable inquirers. The annals, however, of Tiger- 
 nach and of Ulster, and the useful observations of 
 O'Flaherty and O'Connor, along with the brief chronicles 
 and historical documents, first brought to light by the 
 industrious Innes, in his " Critical Essay " (a work 
 praised even by Pinkerton), have thrown some glimpses 
 of light on a subject which had long remained in almost 
 total darkness, and been rendered still more obscure 
 by the fables of our older historians. Some of the causes 
 which have rendered this part of our history so perplexed 
 are thus stated by Chalmers in his Caledonia. " The 
 errors and confusion, which have been introduced into 
 the series, and the history, of the Scottish kings, have 
 chiefly originated from the following causes: 1st. 
 The sovereignty was not transmitted by the strict line 
 of hereditary descent. There were, as we shall see, 
 three great families, who, as they sprung from the 
 royal stock, occasionally grew up into the royal stem; 
 two of these were descended from Fergus I by his 
 grandsons, Comgal and Gauran ; the third was descended 
 from Lorn, the brother of Fergus. This circumstance 
 naturally produced frequent contests, and civil wars, 
 for the sovereignty, which, from those causes, was 
 sometimes split; and the representatives of Fergus and 
 Lorn reigned independently over their separate terri- 
 tories, at the same time. The confusion, which all this 
 had produced, can only be cleared up by tracing, as far 
 as possible, the history of these different families, and 
 developing the civil contests which existed among them. 
 2d. Much perplexity has been produced by the mistakes 
 and omissions of the Gaelic bard, who composed the 
 Albanic Duan, particularly, in the latter part of the 
 series, where he has, erroneously, introduced several 
 
 101 

 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 supposititious kings, from the Pictish catalogue. These 
 mistakes having been adopted by those writers, whose 
 subject was rather to support a system, than to unravel 
 the history of the Scottish monarchs, have increased, 
 rather than diminished the confusion." 
 
 Although the Dalriads had embraced Christianity 
 before their arrival in Argyle, they do not appear to 
 have been anxious to introduce it among the Caledoni- 
 ans or Picts. Their patron saint was Ciaran, the son 
 of a carpenter. He was a prelate of great fame, and 
 several churches in Argyle and Ayrshire were dedicated 
 to him. The ruins of Kil-keran, a church dedicated to 
 Ciaran, may still be seen in Campbelton in Cantyre. 
 At Kil-kiaran in Ilay, Kil-kiaran in Lismore, and Kil- 
 keran in Carrick, there were chapels dedicated, as the 
 names indicate, to Ciaran. Whatever were the causes 
 which prevented the Dalriads from attempting the con- 
 version of their neighbours, they were destined at no 
 distant period, from the era of the Dalriadic settlement, 
 to receive the blessings of the true religion, from the 
 teaching of St. Columba, a monk of high family descent, 
 and cousin of Scoto-Irish kings. It was in the year 
 563, when he was forty-two years of age, that he took 
 his departure from his native land, to labour in the pious 
 duty of converting the Caledonians to the faith of the 
 gospel. On arriving among his kindred on the shores 
 of Argyle, he cast his eyes about that he might fix on a 
 suitable site for a monastery, which he meant to 
 erect, from which were to issue forth the apostolic 
 missionaries destined to assist him in the work of con- 
 version, and in which also the youth set apart for the 
 office of the holy ministry were to be instructed. St. 
 Columba, with eyes brimful of joy, espied a solitary isle 
 lying in the Scottish sea, near the southwest angle of 
 Mull, then known by the simple name I, signifying hi 
 
 102
 
 Irish an island, afterward changed by the Venerable 
 Bede into Hy, Latinized by the monks into lona, and 
 again honoured with the name of I-columb-cil, the isle 
 of St. Columba's retreat or cell. No better station or 
 one more fitted for its purpose could have been selected 
 than this islet during such barbarous times; but events, 
 which no human prudence could foresee, rendered the 
 situation afterward most unsuitable, for during the 
 ravages of the Danes, in the eighth and ninth centuries, 
 lona was particularly exposed to their depredations, 
 and suffered accordingly. 
 
 In pursuance of his plan, St. Columba settled with 
 twelve disciples in Hy. " They now," says Bede, 
 " neither sought, nor loved, anything of this world," 
 true traits in the missionary character. For two years 
 did they labour with their own hands erecting huts and 
 building a church. These monks lived under a very 
 strict discipline which St. Columba had established, 
 and they recreated themselves, after their manual and 
 devotional labours closed, by reading and transcribing 
 the Holy Scriptures from the Latin or Vulgate trans- 
 lation. Having formed his infant establishment, the 
 pious missionary set out on his apostolic tour among 
 the Picts. Judging well that if he could succeed in 
 converting Bridei, the son of Mailcon, who then governed 
 the Picts and had great influence among them, the ardu- 
 ous task he had undertaken of bringing over the whole 
 nation to the worship of the true God would be more 
 easily accomplished, he first began with the king, and by 
 great patience and perseverance succeeded in converting 
 him. Whether the saint was gifted with miraculous 
 powers as many excellent writers maintain is a question 
 on which we do not wish to enter, but we cannot sub- 
 scribe to the remark of Chalmers, that " the power of 
 prophecy, the gift of miracles, which were arrogated by 
 
 103
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Columba, and are related by his biographers, are proofs 
 of the ignorance and simplicity of the age." Doubt- 
 less the Picts at the time we are treating of were ex- 
 tremely ignorant, but if a belief in miracles is to be held 
 as a proof of ignorance and simplicity, how are we to 
 account for it amongst a highly refined and civilized 
 people? The question whether miracles ceased after 
 the Apostolic age is a question not of opinion but of 
 fact; for, assuredly, there is no limitation to be found in 
 Scripture of the duration of miraculous gifts, which God 
 in his good providence may grant whenever he may deem 
 proper. The learned Grotius in his Commentary on 
 Mark xvi. 17 and 18, says, " As the latter ages, also, 
 are full of testimonies of the same thing, I do not know 
 by what reason some are moved to restrain that gift 
 (of miracles) to the first ages only. Wherefore, if any 
 one would even now preach Christ, in a manner agree- 
 able to him, to nations that know him not, I make no 
 doubt but the force of the promise will still remain." 
 As it is not OUT intention to defend the alleged miracles 
 of St. Columba, we shall merely quote the testimony of 
 the celebrated Dr. Conyers Middleton, on the historical 
 proofs in support of miracles, which we do the more 
 readily as he stoutly maintained the cessation of mirac- 
 ulous powers after the Apostolic age: " As far as church 
 historians can illustrate or throw light upon anything, 
 there is not a single point in all history, so constantly, 
 explicitly, and unanimously affirmed by them all, as 
 the continual succession of those (miraculous) powers 
 through all ages, from the earliest father that first 
 mentions them, down to the time of the Reformation; 
 which same succession is still farther deduced by persons 
 of the most eminent character, for their probity, learn- 
 ing, and dignity in the Roman church to this very day; 
 so that the only doubt that can remain with us is,. 
 
 104
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 whether the church historians are to be trusted or not? 
 For if any credit be due to them in the present case, 
 it must reach either to all or to none, because the reason 
 of believing them in any one age will be found to be 
 of equal force in all." 
 
 The conversion of Bridei was immediately followed 
 by that of his people, and St. Columba soon had the 
 happiness of seeing the blessings of Christianity diffused 
 among a people who had not before tasted its sweets. 
 Attended by his disciples he traversed the whole of the 
 Pictish territories, and even penetrated into the islands 
 of Orkney, spreading everywhere the light of faith by 
 instructing the people in the truths of the gospel. To 
 keep up a succession of the teachers of religion, he es- 
 tablished monasteries in every district, and from these 
 issued, for many ages, Apostolic men to labour in that 
 part of the vineyard of Christ. These monasteries or 
 cells were long subject to the abbey of lona. 
 
 Conal, the fifth king of the Scots in Argyle, the kins- 
 man of St. Columba, and under whose auspices he en- 
 tered on the work of conversion, and to whom it is said 
 he was indebted for Hy, died in 571. His successor 
 Aidan went over to Hyona in 574, and was there or- 
 dained and inaugurated by the abbot according to 
 the ceremonial of the liber vitreus, the cover of which is 
 supposed to have been encrusted with crystal. F. Mar- 
 tene, a learned benedictine, says hi his work, " De 
 Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus," that this inauguration of 
 Aidan is the most ancient account that, after all his 
 researches, he had found as to the benediction or in- 
 auguration of kings. There can be no doubt, however, 
 that the ceremony was practised long before the time 
 of Aidan. 
 
 St. Columba died on the 9th of June, 597, after a 
 glorious and well-spent life, thirty-four years of which 
 
 105
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 he had devoted to the instruction of the nation he had 
 converted. His influence was very great with the 
 neighbouring princes, and they often applied to him for 
 advice, and submitted to him their differences which he 
 frequently settled by his authority. His memory was 
 long held hi reverence by the Scots and Caledonians. 
 To return to the history of the Picts, we have already 
 observed that little is known of Pictish history for more 
 than a hundred years after the Roman abdication, 
 but at the time of the accession of Bridei in 556 to the 
 Pictish throne, some light is let in upon that dark period 
 of the Pictish annals. The reign of that prince was 
 distinguished by many warlike exploits, but above all 
 by his conversion and that of his people to Christianity, 
 which indeed formed his greatest glory. His chief 
 contests were with the Scoto-Irish or Dalriads, whom 
 he defeated hi 557, and slew Gauran their king. Bridei 
 died in the year 586, and for several ages his successors 
 carried on a petty system of warfare, partly foreign and 
 partly domestic. Passing over a domestic conflict, 
 at Lindores in 621, under Cineoch the son of Luthrin, 
 and the trifling battle of Ludo-Feirn in 663 among the 
 Picts themselves, we must nevertheless notice the im- 
 portant battle of Dun-Nechtan, fought in the year 685, 
 between the Picts under Bridei, the son of Bili, and the 
 Saxons, under the Northumbrian Egfrid. The Saxon 
 king, it is said, attacked the Picts without provocation, 
 and against the advice of his court. Crossing the Forth 
 from Lothian, the Bernicia of that age, he entered 
 Strathera and penetrated through the denies of the 
 Pictish kingdom, leaving fire and desolation in his tram. 
 His career was stopped at Dun-Nechtan, the hill-fort 
 of Nechtan, the Dunnichen of the present times, and 
 by a neighbouring lake long known by the name of 
 Nechtan's mere did Egfrid and his Saxons fall before 
 
 106
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 Bridei and his exasperated Picts. This was a sad blow 
 to the Northumbrian power, yet the Northumbrians, 
 in 696, under Berht, an able leader, again ventured to 
 try their strength with the Picts, when they were once 
 more defeated by Bridei, the son of Dereli, who had 
 recently mounted the Pictish throne. The Picts were, 
 however, finally defeated by the Saxons, hi 710, under 
 Beorthfryth, in Mananfield, when Bridei, the Pictish 
 king, was killed. 
 
 The wars between the Picts and Northumbrians were 
 succeeded by various contests for power among the 
 Pictish princes which gave rise to a civil war. Ungus, 
 honoured by the Irish annalists with the title of great, 
 and Elpin, at the head of their respective partisans, 
 tried their strength at Moncrib, in Strathern, in the 
 year 727, when the latter was defeated, and the conflict 
 was again renewed at Duncrei, when victory declared 
 a second time against Elpin, who was obliged to flee 
 from the hostility of Ungus. Nechtan next tried his 
 strength with Ungus, in 728, at Moncur, in the Carse of 
 Cowrie, but he was defeated, and many of his followers 
 perished. Drust, the associate of Elpin in the Pictish 
 government, also took the field the same year against 
 the victorious Ungus, but he was slain in a battle fought 
 at Drumberg, an extensive ridge on the western side 
 of the river Ila. Talorgan, the son of Congus, was 
 defeated by Brude, the son of Ungus, in 720, and Elpin, 
 who, from the time of his last defeat till that year, had 
 remained a fugitive and an outlaw, now lost his life 
 at Pit Elpie, within the parish of Liff, near the scene 
 of his flight in 727. This Elpin is not to be confounded, 
 as some fabulous writers have done, with the Scottish 
 Alpin who fell at Laicht Alpin in the year 836. 
 
 Having now put down rebellion at home, the victorious 
 Ungus commenced hostilities against the Dalriads, or 
 
 107
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Scoto-Irish, in the year 736. Muredach, the Scottish 
 king, was not disposed to act on the defensive but 
 carried the war into the Pictish territories. Talorgan, 
 the brother of Ungus, however, defeated him in a bloody 
 engagement in which many principal persons fell. The 
 Scots were again worsted in another battle in 740 by 
 Ungus, who in the same year repulsed an attack of the 
 Northumbrians under Eadbert. In the year 750, he 
 defeated the Britons of the Cumbrian kingdom, in the 
 well-fought battle of Cath-0, in which his brother 
 Talorgan was killed. Ungus, who was certainly by far 
 the most powerful and ablest of the Pictish monarchs, 
 died in 761. A doubtful victory was gained by Ciniod, 
 the Pictish king over Aodh-fin, the Scottish king, in 767. 
 Constantin, having overcome Canaul, the son of Tarla 
 in 791, succeeded him in the throne. 6 
 
 Up to this period, the pirate kings of the northern seas, 
 or the Vikingr, as they were termed, had confined their 
 ravages to the Baltic; but in the year 787 they for the 
 first time appeared on the east coast of England. Some 
 years afterward they found their way to the Caledonian 
 shores, and during the ninth century they ravaged the 
 Hebrides. In 839, the Vikingr entered the Pictish ter- 
 ritories. A murderous conflict ensued between them 
 and the Picts under Uen their king, in which both he 
 and his only brother Bran, as well as many of the Pict- 
 ish chiefs, fell. This event hastened the downfall of the 
 Pictish monarchy, and as the Picts were unable to 
 resist the arms of Kenneth, the Scottish king, he carried 
 into execution, in the year 843, a project he had long 
 entertained, of uniting the Scots and Picts, and placing 
 both crowns on his head. The ridiculous story about 
 the total extermination of the Picts by the Scots has 
 long since been exploded. They were recognized as a 
 distinct people even in the tenth century, but before 
 
 108 

 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 the twelfth they lost their characteristic nominal dis- 
 tinction by being amalgamated with the Scots, their 
 conquerors. 
 
 The Scoto-Irish after their arrival in Argyle did not 
 long continue under the separate authority of the three 
 brothers, Lorn, Fergus, and Angus. They were said 
 to have been very far advanced in life before leaving 
 Ireland, and the Irish chroniclers assert that St. Patrick 
 gave them his benediction before his death, in the year 
 493. The statement as to their advanced age derives 
 some support from their speedy demise after they had 
 laid the foundations of their settlements, and of a new 
 dynasty of kings destined to rule over the kingdom of 
 Scotland. Angus was the first who died, leaving a son, 
 Muredach, who succeeded him in the small government 
 of Ila. After the death of Lorn, the eldest brother, 
 Fergus, the last survivor, became sole monarch of the 
 Scoto-Irish, but he did not long enjoy the sovereignty, 
 for he died in 506. In an ancient Gaelic poem or genea- 
 logical account of the Scoto-Irish kings, Fergus 7 is 
 honoured with the appellation ard, which means either 
 that he was a great sovereign or the first in dignity. 
 
 Fergus was succeeded by his son Domangart or Don- 
 gardus, who died in 511, after a short but troubled 
 reign of about five years. His two sons Comgal and 
 Gabhran or Gauran successively enjoyed his authority. 
 Comgal had a peaceful reign of four and twenty years, 
 during which he extended his settlements. He left a 
 son named Conal, but Gauran his brother, notwithstand- 
 ing, ascended the throne in the year 535 without oppo- 
 sition. Gauran reigned two and twenty years, and, as 
 we have already observed, was slain in a battle with 
 the Picts under Bridei their king. 
 
 Conal, the son of Comgal, then succeeded in 557, and 
 closed a reign of fourteen years in 571, but a civil war 
 
 109
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 ensued between Aidan, the son of Gauran, and Duncha, 
 the son of Conal, for the vacant crown, the claim to 
 which was decided on the bloody field of Loro, in 575,. 
 where Duncha was slain. Aidan, the son of Gauran, 
 was formally inaugurated by St. Columba in Iona r 
 in 574. Some years thereafter Aidan assisted the Cum- 
 brian-Britons against the Saxons. He defeated the 
 latter at Fethanlea, on Stanmore, in Northumberland, 
 in 584, and again in 590, at the battle of Leithredh, in 
 which his two sons, Arthur and Eocha-fin, were slain, 
 with upwards of three hundred of his men, a circum- 
 stance which renders the supposition probable, that 
 the armies of those times were far from numerous, and 
 that the conflicts partook little of the regular system of 
 modern warfare. Another battle was fought at Kirkinn 
 in 598, between Aidan and the Saxons, in which he 
 appears to have had the disadvantage and in which he 
 lost Domangart his son; and in 603 he was finally de- 
 feated by the Northumbrians under ..Ethilfrid at the 
 battle of Dawstane in Roxburghshire. The wars with 
 the Saxons weakened the power of the Dalriads very 
 considerably, and it was not till after a long period 
 of time that they again ventured to meet the Saxons in 
 the field. 
 
 During a short season of repose Aidan, attended by 
 St. Columba, went to the celebrated council of Drum- 
 keat in Ulster, in the year 590. In this council he claimed 
 the principality of Dalriada, the land of his fathers, 
 and obtained an exemption from doing homage to the 
 kings of Ireland, which his ancestors, it would appear > 
 had been accustomed to pay. Aidan died in 605, at 
 the advanced age of eighty, and was buried in the church 
 of Kil-keran, the ruins of which are still to be seen in the 
 midst of Campbelton. 
 
 Aidan was succeeded in the throne by his son Eocha'- 
 110
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 bui, or Eocha' the yellow-haired, who reigned sixteen 
 years. In 620 he got involved in a war with the Cruithne 
 of Ulster. His son Kenneth-Caer, the tanist or heir 
 apparent, was appointed to the command of the army 
 destined to act against these Cruithne. A battle was 
 fought at Ardcoran in which Kenneth was successful, 
 and in which Tiachna, the son of the Ultonian monarch, 
 was slain. The same year was distinguished by another 
 battle gained over the same people at Kenn, by Donal- 
 breac, the son of Eocha'-bui. Eocha' died soon after- 
 ward, when his son Kenneth-Caer, or the awkward, 
 assumed the monarchical dignity, but he was kilted 
 in a battle against the Irish Cruithne, at Fedhaevin, in 
 621, after a short reign of three months. 
 
 Ferchar, the son of Eogan, the first of the race of 
 Lorn who ever mounted the throne, now succeeded. 
 He was, according to Usher, crowned by Conan, the 
 Bishop of Sodor, but neither his own reign nor that of 
 his predecessor is marked by any important events. 
 He died in 637, after a reign of sixteen years. 
 
 Donal, surnamed breac or freckled, the son of Eocha'- 
 bui, of the race of Gauran, succeeded Fercher in 637. 
 He was a warlike prince and had distinguished himself 
 in the wars against the Cruithne of Ireland. Congal- 
 Claon, the son of Scanlan, the king of the Cruithne in 
 Ulster, having slain Suibne-mean, the king of Ireland, 
 was attacked by Domnal II, supreme king of Ireland, 
 who succeeded Suibne, and was defeated in the battle 
 of Duncetheren, in 629. Congal sought refuge in Cantyre, 
 and having persuaded Donal-breac, the kinsman of Dom- 
 nal, to join him in a war against Domnal, they invaded 
 Ireland with a heterogeneous mass of Scoto-Irish, Picts, 
 Britons, and Saxons, commanded by Donal and his 
 brothers. Cealach, the son of Maelcomh, the nephew 
 of the reigning king, and as tanist or heir apparent, 
 
 111
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the leader of his army, attacked Donal-breac in the 
 plain of Moyrath in 637, and completely defeated him 
 after an obstinate and bloody engagement. Congal, 
 the murderer of his sovereign, met his merited fate, 
 and Donal-breac was obliged to secure his own and his 
 army's safety by a speedy return to Cantyre. St. Co- 
 lumba had always endeavoured to preserve an amicable 
 understanding between the Cruithne of Ulster and the 
 Scoto-Irish, and his injunctions were, that they should 
 live in constant peace, but Donal disregarded this wise 
 advice and paid dearly for disregarding it. He was not 
 more successful in an enterprise against the Picts, having 
 been defeated by them in the battle of Glenmoreson 
 during the year 638. He ended his days at Straith- 
 cairmaic on the Clyde, by the sword of Hoan, one of the 
 reguli of Strathcluyd, in the year 642. The same destiny 
 seems to have pursued his issue, for his son Cathasuidh 
 fell by the same hand in 649. 
 
 Conal II, the grandson of Conal I, who was also of 
 the Fergusian race of Congal, next ruled over the tribes 
 of Cantyre and Argyle, but Dungal of the race of Lorn, 
 having obtained the government of the tribe of Lorn, 
 questioned the right of Conal. He did not, however, 
 carry his pretensions far, for Conal died, in undis- 
 turbed possession of his dominions, in 652, after a reign 
 of ten years. To Donal-duin, or the brown, son of 
 Conal, who reigned thirteen years, succeeded Maolduin, 
 his brother, in 665. The family feuds which had long 
 existed between the Fergusian races of Comgal and 
 Tauran existed in their bitterest state during the reign 
 of Maolduin. Domangart, the son of Donal-breac, was 
 murdered in 672, and Conal, the son of Maolduin, was 
 assassinated in 675. 
 
 Ferchar-fada, or the tall, apparently of the race of 
 Lorn, and either the son or grandson of Ferchar, who 
 
 112
 
 TH! fLAND 
 
 the ! < Donal-breac in the 
 
 pletely defeated him 
 
 . 
 
 the . n, met his merited fate, 
 
 bbged to secure his own and his 
 
 ;urn to Cantyre. St. Co- 
 
 d to preserve an amicable 
 
 uithne of Ulster and the 
 
 ;re, that they should 
 
 c Donai disregarded this wise 
 
 regarding it. He was not 
 
 wttenfal in an enterprise against the Picts, having 
 
 in the battle of Glenmoreson 
 
 He ended his days at Straith- 
 
 by the sword of Hoan, one of the 
 
 -trathcluyd, in the year 642. The same destiny 
 
 1 his issue, for his son Cathasuidh 
 
 ; in 649. 
 
 of Conal I, who was al- 
 j;al, next ruled over the tribes 
 it Dungat of the race of Lorn, 
 government of the tribe of Lorn, 
 of Conal. He lid not, ho\v 
 
 earr - far, for Conal died, in undis- 
 
 wAsitH . after a reign 
 
 'onal-dui. >n of 
 
 ied ^laolduin, 
 
 family dch had long 
 
 nrirtfrrt betwegp -in raceB of Comgai 
 
 f^t state during the reigu 
 
 Donal-breac, was 
 
 :ml, the son of Maolduin, was 
 
 the tall, appa: ' the race of 
 
 or grandsoti of Fercliar, who 
 _ ll'j _ - 
 
 Logeralt 
 
 Photogravure from tk* Painting by BrtnvK
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 died in 673, seized the reins of government upon the 
 death of Maolduin. Donal, the son of Conal and grand- 
 son of Maolduin, was assassinated in 695, with the view, 
 no doubt, of securing Ferchar's possession of the crown, 
 which he continued to wear amidst family feuds and 
 domestic troubles for one and twenty years. On the 
 death of Ferchar, in 702, the sceptre passed again to the 
 Fergusianrace in the person of Eocha'-rineval, remarkable 
 for his Roman nose, the son of Domangart, who was 
 assassinated in 672. The reign of this prince was short 
 and unfortunate. He invaded the territories of the 
 Britons of Strathcluyd and was defeated on the banks 
 of the Leven in a bloody conflict. Next year he had the 
 misfortune to have his sceptre seized by a prince of the 
 rival race of Lorn. 
 
 This prince was Ainbhcealach, the son of Ferchar- 
 fada. He succeeded Eocha' in 705. He was of an ex- 
 cellent disposition, but after reigning one year, was 
 dethroned by his brother, Selvach, and obliged, hi 706, 
 to take refuge hi Ireland. Selvach attacked the Britons 
 of Strathcluyd, and gained two successive victories 
 over them, the one at Lough-coleth in 710, and the 
 other at the rock of Mionuire hi 716. At the end of 
 twelve years, Ainbhcealach returned from Ireland, 
 to regain a sceptre which his brother had by his cruelties 
 shown himself unworthy to wield, but he perished in 
 the battle of Finglein, a small valley among the moun- 
 tains of Lorn, in 719. Selvach met a more formidable 
 rival in Duncha-beg, who was descended from Fergus, 
 by the line of Congal. He assumed the government 
 of Cantyre and Argail, and confined Selvach to his 
 family settlement of Lorn. These two princes appear 
 to have been pretty fairly matched in disposition and 
 valour, and both exerted themselves for the de- 
 struction of one another, a resolution which brought 
 
 113
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 many miseries upon their tribes. In an attempt 
 which they made to invade the territories of each 
 other in 719, by means of their currachs, the novel 
 scene of a naval combat ensued off Ardaness on 
 the coast of Argyle, which was maintained on both 
 sides with as determined perseverance and bravery as 
 were ever displayed in modern times by the English and 
 the Dutch. Selvach, though superior hi skill, was overcome 
 by the fortune of Duncha, but Selvach was not sub- 
 dued. The death of Duncha, in 721, put an end to his 
 designs, but Eocha' III, the son of Eocha'-rineval, 
 the successor of Duncha, being as bent on the overthrow 
 of Selvach as his predecessor, continued the war. The 
 rival chiefs met at Air-Gialla in 727, where a battle was 
 fought, which produced nothing but irritation and dis- 
 tress. This lamentable state of things was put an end 
 to by the death of Selvach in 729. This event enabled 
 Eocha' to assume the government of Lorn, and thus 
 the Dalriadian kingdom, which had been alternately 
 ruled by chiefs of the houses of Fergus and Lorn, be- 
 came again united under Eocha'. He died in 733, 
 after a reign of thirteen years, during nine of which he 
 ruled over Cantyre and Argail, and four over all the 
 Dalriadic tribes. 
 
 Eocha' was succeeded in the kingdom by Muredach, 
 the son of Ainbhcealach of the race of Lorn, called by 
 the Gaelic bard Muredhaigh Mhaith, or Muredagh the 
 good. His reign was short and unfortunate. In re- 
 venge for an act of perfidy committed by Dungal, the 
 son of Selvach, who had carried off Forai, the daughter 
 of Brude, and the niece of Ungus, the great Pictish king, 
 the latter, in the year 736, led his army from Strathern, 
 through the passes of the mountains into Lorn, which 
 he wasted with fire and sword. He seized Dun-ola, 
 the chief residence of the Lorn dynasty in Mid-Lorn, 
 
 114
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 and burned Creic, another fortress, and having taken 
 Dungal and Feradach, the two sons of Selvach, prison- 
 ers, he carried them to Forteviet, his capital, in fetters. 
 Muredach collected his forces, and went in pursuit of 
 his retiring enemy, and having overtaken him at Cnuic- 
 Coirbre, a battle ensued, in which the Scots were re- 
 pulsed with great slaughter. Talorgan, the brother 
 of Ungus, commanded the Picts on this occasion, and 
 pursued the flying Scots. In this pursuit Muredach 
 is supposed to have perished, after a reign of three years. 
 Eogban or Ewan, the son of Muredach, took up the 
 fallen succession in 736, and died in 739, in which year 
 the Dalriadic sceptre was assumed by Aodh-fin, the son 
 of Eocha' III and grandson of Eocha'-rineval, descended 
 from the Fergusian race of Gauran. This sovereign is 
 called by the Gaelic bard, Aodh na Ardf-hlaith, or 
 Hugh, the high or great king, a title which he appears 
 to have well merited, from his successful wars against 
 the Picts. In 740, he measured his strength with the 
 celebrated Ungus, but victory declared for neither, 
 and during the remainder of Ungus' reign, he did not 
 attempt to renew hostilities. After the death of Ungus 
 in 761, Aodh-fin declared war against the Picts, whose 
 territories he entered from Upper Lorn, penetrating 
 through the passes of Glenorchy and Braid-Alban. In 
 767, he reached Forteviet, the Pictish capital in Strath- 
 ern, where he fought a doubtful battle with Ciniod, 
 the Pictish king. As the Picts had seized all the defiles 
 of the mountains by which he could effect a retreat, his 
 situation became extremely critical, but he succeeded 
 by great skill and bravery in rescuing his army from 
 their peril, and leading them within the passes of Upper 
 Lorn, where the Picts did not venture to follow him. 
 Aodh-fin died in 769, after a splendid reign of thirty 
 years. 
 
 115
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Fergus II, son of Aodh-fin, succeeded to the sceptre 
 on the demise of his father, and died after an unimpor- 
 tant reign of three years. Selvach II, the son of Eogan, 
 assumed the government in 772. His reign, which lasted 
 twenty-four years, presents nothing very remarkable 
 in history. 
 
 A new sovereign of a different lineage now mounted 
 the throne of the Scots in 796, in the person of Eocha'- 
 annuine, the son of Aodh-fin of the Gauran race. Eocha' 
 IV is known also by the Latinized appellation of Achaius. 
 On his accession, he found a civil war raging in his 
 dominions, which he took no means to allay, but the 
 rival chieftains could not be kept in check, and probably 
 Eocha' thought he best consulted his own interest and 
 the stability of his throne by allowing them to waste their 
 strength upon one another. The story of the alliance 
 between Achaius and Charlemagne has been shown 
 to be a fable, which, notwithstanding, continues to be 
 repeated by superficial writers. He, however, entered 
 into an important treaty with the Picts, by marrying 
 Urgusia, the daughter of Urguis, an alliance which 
 enabled his grandson Kenneth afterward to claim and 
 acquire the Pictish sceptre, in right of Urgusia, his 
 grandmother. Achaius died in 826, after a happy and 
 prosperous reign of thirty years. 
 
 He was succeeded by Dungal, the son of Selvach II 
 of the race of Lorn, being the last of that powerful 
 family which swayed the Dalriadic sceptre. After a 
 feeble reign of seven years, he died in 833. 
 
 Alpin, the last of the Scoto-Irish kings, and the son 
 of Eocha' IV and of Urgusia, now mounted the throne. 
 He was killed in 836, near the site of Laicht castle, on 
 the ridge which separates Kyle from Galloway. Having 
 landed with a force on the coast of Kyle, within the bay 
 of Ayr, he laid waste the country between the Ayr and 
 
 116
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 the Doon, before the native chiefs could assemble a 
 sufficient force to oppose him, but being met by them 
 near the spot just mentioned, he met his fate, from the 
 weapon of an enraged chief. The fiction that Alpin 
 fell in a battle with the Picts, when asserting his right 
 to the Pictish throne, has long been exploded. 
 
 In 836, Kenneth, the son of Alpin, succeeded his father. 
 He is called, by the Gaelic bard so often alluded to, 
 Chionasith Chruaidh, signifying Kenneth the hardy. 
 He was a prince of a warlike disposition, and of great 
 vigour of mind and body. He avenged the death of 
 his father, by frequent inroads among the people dwelling 
 to the south of the Clyde, but the great glory of his 
 reign consists in his achievements against the Picts, 
 which secured for him and his posterity the Pictish 
 sceptre. The Pictish power had, previous to the period 
 of Kenneth's accession, been greatly enfeebled by the 
 inroads of the Danish Vikingr, but it was not till after 
 the death of Uven, the Pictish king, in 839, after a dis- 
 tracted reign of three years, that Kenneth made any 
 serious attempt to seize the Pictish diadem. On the 
 accession of Wred, the last of the Pictish kings, Kenneth 
 laid claim to the Pictish throne in right of Urgusia, 
 his grandmother, and after an arduous struggle, he 
 wrested the sceptre from the hand of Wred, in 843, after 
 he had reigned over the Scots seven years. In noticing 
 the opinion of those writers who suppose that the Picts 
 rather subdued the Scots, than that they were subdued 
 by their Scoto-Irish rivals, Chalmers observes that 
 " there are two moral certainties, which forbid the 
 adopting of this theory, or the believing of that system : 
 it is morally certain that the language which was 
 spoken by the people, on the north of the Clyde and 
 Forth, was Cambro-British, till the close of the Pictish 
 period, in 843 A. D. ; it is also morally certain that the 
 
 117
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 prevailing language, within the same country, through- 
 out the Scottish period, from 843 to 1097 A. D., was the 
 Scoto-Irish, the speech of Kenneth, and his people." 1 
 The history of the Scoto-Irish kings affords few mate- 
 rials either amusing or instructive, but it was impossible, 
 from the connection between tliat history and the 
 events that will follow in detail, to pass it over in silence. 
 The Scoto-Irish tribes appear to have adopted much 
 the same form of government as existed in Ireland at 
 the time of their departure from that kingdom, the 
 sovereignty of which, though nominally under one head, 
 was in reality a pentarchy, which allowed four provin- 
 cial kings to dispute the monarchy of the fifth. This 
 system was the prolific source of anarchy, assassinations, 
 and civil wars. The Dalriads were constantly kept hi 
 a state of intestine commotion and mutual hostility 
 by the pretensions of their rival chiefs, or princes of the 
 three races, who contended with the common sovereign 
 for preeminence or exemption. The dlighe-tanaiste, 
 or law of tanistry, which appears to have been generally 
 followed as in Ireland, as well in the succession of kings 
 as in that of chieftains, rather increased than mitigated 
 these disorders, for the claim to rule not being regulated 
 by any fixed law of hereditary succession, but depending 
 upon the capricious will of the tribe, rivals were not 
 found wanting to dispute the rights so conferred. There 
 was always, both in Ireland and in Argyle, an heir 
 presumptive to the crown chosen, under the name of 
 tanist, who commanded the army during the life of 
 the reigning sovereign, and who succeeded to him after 
 his demise. Budgets, and committees of supply, and 
 taxes, were wholly unknown in those times among the 
 Scots, and the monarch was obliged to support his 
 dignity by voluntary contributions of clothes, cattle, 
 furniture, and other necessaries. 
 
 118
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 Among the Scots, the tenure of lands ceased with the 
 life of the possessors, and women could not even possess 
 an inch of ground under the Brehon law. So late as 
 the reign of Alexander II, the Galloway-men rose, 
 almost en masse, to support the pretensions of a bastard 
 son against the claims of three legitimate daughters of 
 their late lord, a revolt which it required all the power 
 of the sovereign to put down. The portion allotted to 
 daughters on marriage, and denominated Spre in Irish, 
 consisted of cattle. 
 
 We have elsewhere observed, that writing, during the 
 existence of the Druids, was unknown to the Celtic 
 tribes, and that their history, laws, and religion were 
 preserved by tradition. There is reason to believe 
 that tradition supplied the place of written records for 
 many ages after the extinction of the Druidical super- 
 stition. Hence among the Scots, traditionary usages and 
 local customs long supplied the place of positive or 
 written laws. It is a mistake to suppose, as some 
 writers have done, that the law consisted in the mere 
 will of the Brehon or judge. The office of Brehon was 
 no doubt hereditary, and it is quite natural to infer 
 that, under such a system of jurisprudence, the dictum 
 of the judge might not always comport with what was 
 understood to be the common law or practice; but 
 from thence, to argue that the will of the judge was to 
 be regarded as the law itself, is absurd, and contrary to 
 every idea of justice. As the principle of the rude ju- 
 risprudence of the Celtic tribes had for its object the 
 reparation, rather than the prevention of crimes, almost 
 every crime, even of the blackest kind, was commuted 
 by a mulct or payment. Tacitus observes in allusion 
 to this practice, that it was " a temper wholesome 
 to the commonwealth, that homicide and lighter trans- 
 gressions were settled by the payment of horses or 
 
 119
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 cattle, part to the king or community, part to him or 
 his friends who had been wronged." The law of Scot- 
 land long recognized this system of compensation. 
 The fine was termed, under the Brehon law, eric, which 
 not only signifies a reparation, but also a fine, a ransom, 
 a forfeit. Among the Albanian Scots it was called cro, 
 a term preserved in the Regiam Majestatem, which has 
 a whole chapter showing " the cro of ilk man, how mikil it 
 is." This law of reparation, according to O'Connor, 
 was first promulgated in Ireland, in the year 164. 
 According to the Regiam Majestatem, the cro of a villain 
 was sixteen cows; of an earl's son or thane, one hundred; 
 of an earl, one hundred and forty; and that of the king 
 of Scots, one thousand cows, or three thousand oras, 
 that is to say, three oras for every cow. 
 
 Besides a share of the fines imposed, the Brehon or 
 judge obtained a piece of arable land for his support. 
 When he administered justice, he used to sit sometimes 
 on the top of a hillock or heap of stones, sometimes on 
 turf, and sometimes even on the middle of a bridge, 
 surrounded by the suitors, who, of course, pleaded their 
 own cause. We have already seen, that under the sys- 
 tem of the Druids, the offices of religion, the instruction 
 of youth, and the administration of the laws were 
 conducted in the open air, and hence the prevalence 
 of the practice alluded to. But this practice was not 
 peculiar to the Druids, for all nations, in the early 
 stages of society, have followed a similar custom. The 
 Tings of the Scandinavians, which consisted of circular 
 enclosures of stone without any covering, and within 
 which both the judicial and legislative powers were 
 exercised, afford a striking instance of this. According 
 to Pliny, even the Roman senate first met in the open 
 air, and the sittings of the court of the Areopagus, at 
 Athens, were so held. The present custom of holding 
 
 120
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 courts of justice in halls is not of very remote antiquity 
 in Scotland, and among the Scoto-Irish, the baron 
 bailie long continued to dispense justice to the baron's 
 vassals from a moothill or eminence, which was gener- 
 ally on the bank of a river, and near to a religious edifice. 
 
 In the rude state of Scoto-Irish society, learning and 
 the arts could receive little encouragement. Archi- 
 tecture was but little regarded, the materials employed 
 in the construction of houses consisting only of wattles, 
 of which slight articles were built, even the celebrated 
 abbey of lona, from which issued the teachers of religion 
 for many ages. The comforts of stone and lime buildings 
 were long unknown to the Scoto-Irish. As they were 
 without manufactures, their clothing must necessarily 
 have been very scanty. " The clothing even of the 
 monks," says Chalmers, " consisted of the skins of 
 beasts, though they had woollen, and linen, which they 
 knew how to obtain from abroad by means of traffic: 
 the variegated plaid was introduced in latter times. 
 Venison, and fish, and seals, and milk, and flesh, were 
 food of the people. The monks of lona, who lived by 
 their labour, had some provision of corn, and perhaps 
 the chiefs, who lived in strengths. But, it is to be 
 recollected, that the monks were everywhere, for ages, 
 the improvers themselves, and the instructors of others, 
 in the most useful arts. They had the merit of making 
 many a blade of grass grow where none grew before. 
 Even lona had orchards, during the rugged times of 
 the ninth century, till the Vikingr brutishly ruined all. 
 Whatever the Scoto-Irish enjoyed themselves, they were 
 willing to impart to others. The most unbounded hos- 
 pitality was enjoined by law, and by manners, as a 
 capital virtue." 
 
 Of the various customs and peculiarities which dis- 
 tinguished the ancient Irish, as well as the Scoto-Irish, 
 
 121
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 none has given rise to greater speculation than that 
 of fosterage, which consisted in the mutual exchange, 
 by different families, of their children for the purpose of 
 being nursed and bred. Even the son of the chief was 
 so entrusted during pupilarity with an inferior member 
 of the clan. An adequate reward was either given or 
 accepted in every case, and the lower orders, to whom 
 the trust was committed, regarded it as an honour rather 
 than a service. " Five hundred kyne and better," says 
 Campion, " were sometimes given by the Irish to procure 
 the nursing of a great man's child." A firm and indis- 
 soluble attachment always took place among foster- 
 brothers, and it continues in consequence to be a saying 
 among Highlanders, that "affectionate to a man is a friend, 
 but a foster-brother is as the life-blood of his heart." 
 Camden observes that no love in the world is comparable 
 by many degrees to that of foster-brethren in Ireland. 
 The close connection which the practice of fosterage 
 created between families, while it frequently prevented 
 civil feuds, often led to them. But the strong attach- 
 ment thus created was not confined to foster-brothers; 
 it also extended to their parents. Spenser relates of 
 the foster-mother to Murrough O'Brien, that, at his 
 execution, she sucked the blood from his head, and 
 bathed her face and breast with it, saying that it was 
 too precious to fall to the earth. 
 
 The family, which had been fortunate to bring up 
 the chief, were greatly beloved and respected by him, 
 and the foster-brothers were promoted in his household 
 to places of trust and confidence. The remuneration 
 for fosterage was often a matter of paction, and, in 
 modern times, became, in some cases, the subject of 
 an especial written agreement; but, in general, an un- 
 derstood practice prevailed in particular districts. " In 
 Mull, the father sends with his child a certain number 
 
 122
 
 THE PICTISH PERIOD 
 
 t)f cows, to which the same number is added by the 
 fosterer; the father appropriating a proportionate 
 extent of country, without rent, for their pasturage. If 
 every cow brings a calf, half belongs to the fosterer and 
 half to the child; but if there be only one calf between 
 two cows, it is the child's; and when the child returns to 
 the parents, it is accompanied by all the cows given both 
 by the father and by the fosterer, with half of the in- 
 crease of the stock by propagation. These beasts are 
 considered as a portion, and called macaladh cattle, 
 of which the father has the produce, but is supposed 
 not to have the full property, but to owe the same 
 number to the child, as a portion to the daughter, or 
 a stock for the son." 9 
 
 It is unnecessary, at this stage of our labours, to enter 
 upon the subject of clanship, as we mean to reserve 
 our observations thereon till we come to the history 
 of the clans, when we shall also notice some peculiarities 
 or traits of the Highlanders not hitherto mentioned. 
 We shall conclude this chapter by giving 
 
 A GENEALOGICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE 
 SCOTO-IRISH KINGS, FROM THE YEAR 503 TO 843 
 
 Series 
 
 NAMES AND FILIATIONS 
 
 Date of 
 
 Accession 
 
 Dura- 
 tion of 
 Reigns 
 
 Demise 
 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Yean 
 
 A.D. 
 
 
 LOARN, the son of Ere, reigned > 
 
 
 
 
 
 contemporary with Fergus 
 
 In 503 
 
 3 
 
 In 506 
 
 1 
 
 Fergus, the son of Ere . . ) 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 DOMANGART, the son of Fergus 
 
 506 
 
 6 
 
 511 
 
 3 
 
 COMGAL, the son of Domangart 
 
 511 
 
 24 
 
 535 
 
 4 
 
 GAURAN, the son of Domangart 
 
 535 
 
 22 
 
 557 
 
 5 
 
 CONAL, the son of Comgal . 
 
 557 
 
 14 
 
 571 
 
 6 
 
 AID AN, the son of Gauran . 
 
 571 
 
 34 
 
 605 
 
 7 
 
 EoACHA'-bui, the son of Aidan . 
 
 605 
 
 16 
 
 621 
 
 8 
 
 KENNETH-Cear, the son of Eoa- 
 
 
 
 
 
 cha'-bui 
 
 621 
 
 i 
 
 621 
 
 9 
 
 FERCHAR, the son of Eogan, the 
 
 
 
 
 
 first of the race of Lorn 
 
 621 
 
 16 
 
 637 
 
 123
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Series 
 
 NAMKS AMD FILIATIONS 
 
 Date of 
 Accession 
 
 Dura- 
 tion of 
 Reigns 
 
 Demise 
 
 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Years 
 
 A. D.~ 
 
 10 
 
 DoNAL-breac, the son of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Eoacha'-bui 
 
 
 In 637 
 
 5 
 
 In 642 
 
 11 
 
 CONAL II, the grandson of*J 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Conal I ....;. 1 
 
 
 642 
 
 10 
 
 652 
 
 DUNGAL reigned some years with 
 
 
 Conal J 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 DoNAL-Duin, the son of Conal . 
 
 
 652 
 
 13 
 
 665 
 
 14 
 
 MAOLrDuin, the son of Conal 
 
 
 665 
 
 16 
 
 681 
 
 15 
 
 FERCHAR-fada, the grandson of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ferchar I 
 
 
 681 
 
 21 
 
 702 
 
 
 EoACHA'-Rinevel, the son of 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Domangart, and the grandson 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Donal-breac .... 
 
 
 702 
 
 3 
 
 705- 
 
 17 
 
 AINBHCEAZACH, the sen of Fer- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 char-fada 
 
 
 705 
 
 1 
 
 706 
 
 18 
 
 SELVACH, the son of Ferchar- " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fada, reigned over Lora, from 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 706 to 729 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 DuNCHA-Beg reigned over Can- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tyre and Argail, till 720 . 
 
 > 
 
 706 
 
 27 
 
 73& 
 
 
 EOCHA' III, the son of Eoacha'- 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 rinevel, over Cantyre and Ar- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 gail, from 720 to 729; and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 also over Lorn from 729 to 733 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 MUREDACH, the sou of Ainbhcea- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 lach 
 
 
 733 
 
 3 
 
 736 
 
 22 
 
 EOGAN, the son of Muredach 
 
 
 736 
 
 3 
 
 739- 
 
 23 
 
 AoDH-nn, the i>on of Eoacha' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 III ... . . 
 
 
 739 
 
 30 
 
 769 
 
 24 
 
 FERGUS, the son of Aodh-fin 
 
 
 769 
 
 3 
 
 772 
 
 25 
 
 SELVACH II, the son of Eogan 
 
 
 772 
 
 24 
 
 796 
 
 26 
 
 EOACHA '-annuine IV, the son 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Aodh-fin .... 
 
 
 796 
 
 30 
 
 826 
 
 27 
 
 DUNGAL, the son of Selvach II . 
 
 
 826 
 
 7 
 
 833 
 
 28 
 
 ALPIN, the son of Eoacha'-an- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 nuine IV 
 
 
 833 
 
 3 
 
 836 
 
 29 
 
 KENNETH, the son of Alpin 
 
 
 836 
 
 7 
 
 843 
 
 124
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 THE accession of Kenneth, son of Alpin, to the Pictish 
 throne, led to a union of the two crowns, or of two 
 separate nations into one monarchy; but this union 
 gave the Scots an ascendency, which enabled them, 
 afterward, to give their name to the whole of North 
 Britain. The coalition, or rather amalgamation of 
 the Scots and Picts under one sovereign, was greatly 
 facilitated from their being of the same common origin, 
 and speaking respectively the Gaelic and British tongues, 
 the differences between which were immaterial; for 
 nothing tends more to keep up a separation between 
 the inhabitants of a country than a marked distinction 
 in their language. The consolidation of the Scottish 
 and Pictish power, under the direction of one supreme 
 chief, enabled these nations not only to repel foreign 
 aggression, but afterward to enlarge their territories 
 beyond the Forth, which had hitherto formed, for many 
 ages, the Pictish boundary on the south. Pictavia, or 
 the country of the Picts, is said to have been anciently 
 divided into six kingdoms or states; but, passing over 
 these fictitious monarchies, we may observe, that, at 
 the time of the union in question, it consisted of the 
 whole of the territory north of the Forth, with the ex- 
 ception of that on the western coast, extending from 
 the Clyde on the south, to Loch-Ew and Loch-Marce 
 on the north, and from the sea on the west, to Drumalban 
 
 125
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 on the east; which latter territory and the adjacent 
 isles were possessed by the Scots. 
 
 Although the power of the tribes to the north of the 
 Forth was greatly augmented by the union which had 
 taken place, yet all the genius and warlike energy of 
 Kenneth were necessary to protect him and his people 
 from insult. Ragnor Lodbrog with his fierce Danes 
 infested the country round the Tay on the one side, 
 and the Strathclyde Britons on the other, wasted the 
 adjoining territories, and burnt Dunblane. Yet Ken- 
 neth overcame these embarrassments, and made fre- 
 quent incursions into the Saxon territories in Lothian, 
 and caused his foes to tremble. After a brilliant and 
 successful reign, Kenneth died at Forteviot, or Aber- 
 nethy, the Pictish capital, on the sixth day of February, 
 in the year 859, having ruled the Scots seven years, 
 and the Scots and Picts jointly sixteen years, being a 
 reign of twenty-three years. Kenneth was a prince of a 
 very religious disposition, and, in the midst of his cares, 
 did not forget the interests of religion. He built a church 
 in Dunkeld, to which, in 850, he removed the relics 
 of St. Columba from lona. He is celebrated also as 
 a legislator, and it is extremely probable that the union 
 of the two nations rendered some legislative enactments 
 for their mutual government necessary; but no au- 
 thentic traces of such laws now appear, the Macalpine 
 laws which have been attributed to the son of Alpin 
 being clearly apocryphal. 
 
 Kenneth left a son, named Constantine, and a pious 
 daughter, Maolmhuire, 10 celebrated by the Irish annalists. 
 But Constantine did not immediately succeed his father, 
 for the sceptre was assumed by Donal III his uncle, 
 son of Alpin. The Gaelic bard calls him, " Dhomhnaill 
 dhreachruaid," or Donal of the ruddy countenance. 
 He died at his palace of Balachoir, in the year 863 r 
 
 126
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 after a short reign of four years. It is said that the 
 Scoto-Irish chiefs, during this reign, reenacted the laws 
 of Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha' III at Forteviot. 
 
 Constantine, the son of Kenneth, succeeded his 
 Uncle Donal, and soon found himself involved in a dread- 
 ful conflict with the Danish pirates. Having, after a 
 contest, which lasted half a century, established them- 
 selves in Ireland, and obtained secure possession of 
 Dublin, the Vikingr directed their views toward the 
 western coasts of Scotland, which they laid waste. 
 These ravages were afterward extended to the whole 
 of the eastern coast, and particularly to the shores of 
 the Frith of Forth; but although the invaders were 
 often repulsed, they never ceased to return and renew 
 their attacks. In the year 881, Constantine, in repelling 
 an attack of the pirates at the head of his people, was 
 slain near a rampart called the Danes' dike, in the parish 
 of Crail. The Gaelic bard thus alludes to that event. 
 
 "... Gona bhrigh 
 Don churaidh do Chonstantin : " 
 
 "The hero Constantine bravely fought, 
 Throughout a lengthened reign." 
 
 Aodh or Hugh, the fair-haired, succeeded his brother 
 Constantine in 881. His reign was unfortunate, short, 
 and troublesome. Grig, an artful chieftain, who was 
 Maormor of the country between the Dee and the Spey, 
 having raised the standard of insurrection, Aodh en- 
 deavoured to put it down, but did not succeed; and 
 having been wounded in the bloody field of Strathallan, 
 he was carried to Inverurie, where he died, after linger- 
 ing two months, having held the sceptre only one year. 
 
 Grig, the worthless chief who had waged war with his 
 sovereign, now assumed the crown, and, either to secure 
 
 127
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 his wrongful possession, or from some other motive, he 
 associated with him in the government, Eoacha', son 
 of Ku, the British king of Strathclyde. and the grandson, 
 by a daughter, of Kenneth Macalpin. 
 
 After a reign of eleven years, both Eoacha' and Grig 
 were forced to abdicate, and gave way to Donal IV, 
 who succeeded them in 893. During his reign the king- 
 dom was infested by the piratical incursions of the Danes. 
 Although they were defeated by Donal in a well-con- 
 tested action at Collin, on the Tay, they nevertheless 
 returned under Ivar O'lvar, from Ireland, in the year 
 904, but they were gallantly repulsed, and their leader 
 killed in a threatened attack on Forteviot, by Donal, 
 who unfortunately also perished in defence of his people, 
 after a reign of eleven years. 
 
 Constantine III, the son of Aodh, a prince of a war- 
 like and enterprising character, next followed. He 
 had to sustain, during an unusually long reign, the 
 repeated attacks of the Danes. In one invasion they 
 plundered Dunkeld, and in 908 they attempted to 
 obtain the grand object of their designs, the possession 
 of Forteviot in Strathern, the Pictish capital; but in 
 this design they were again defeated and forced to 
 abandon the country. The Danes remained quiet for 
 a few years, but in 918 their fleet entered the Clyde, 
 from Ireland, under the command of Reginald, where 
 they were attacked by the Scots in conjunction with the 
 Northern Saxons whom the ties of common safety 
 had now united for mutual defence. Reginald is said 
 to have drawn up his Danes in four divisions; the 
 first headed by Godfrey O'lvar; the second by earls; 
 the third by chieftains; and the fourth by Reginald him- 
 self, as a reserve. The Scots, with Constantine at their 
 head, made a furious attack on the first three divisions, 
 which they forced to retire. Reginald's reserve not 
 
 128
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 being available to turn the scale of victory against the 
 Scots, the Danes retreated during the night, and em- 
 barked on board their fleet. 
 
 After this defeat of the Danes, Constantine enjoyed 
 many years' repose. A long grudge had existed between 
 him and ^Ethelstane, son of Edward, the elder, which 
 at last came to an open rupture. Having formed an 
 alliance with several princes and particularly with 
 Anlof, king of Dublin as well as of Northumberland, 
 and son-in-law of Constantine, the latter collected a 
 large fleet in the year 937, with which he entered the 
 Humber. The hope of plunder had attracted many of 
 the Vikingr to Constantino's standard, and the sceptre 
 of ^Ethelstane seemed now to tremble in his hand. But 
 that monarch was fully prepared for the dangers with 
 which he was threatened, and resolved to meet his 
 enemies in battle. After a long, bloody, and obstinate 
 contest at Brunanburg, near the southern shore of the 
 Humber, victory declared for ^Ethelstane. Prodigies 
 of valour were displayed on both sides, especially by 
 Turketel, the chancellor of England; by Anlof, and by 
 the son of Constantine, who lost his life. The confeder- 
 ates, after sustaining a heavy loss, sought for safety in 
 their ships. This, and after misfortunes, gradually 
 disgusted Constantine with the vanities of this world, 
 and, in the fortieth year of his reign, he put into practice 
 a resolution which he had formed of resigning his crown 
 and embracing a monastic life. He became abbot of 
 the monastery of St. Andrews, and thus ended a long 
 and chequered life in a cloister, like Charles V. 
 
 Malcolm I, the son of Donal IV, obtained the abdi- 
 cated throne. He was a prince of great abilities and 
 prudence, and Edmund of England courted his alliance 
 by ceding Cumbria, then consisting of Cumberland and 
 part of Westmoreland, to him, in the year 945, on con- 
 
 129
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 dition that he would defend that northern county, 
 and become the ally of Edmund. Edred, the brother 
 and successor of Edmund, accordingly applied for and 
 obtained the aid of Malcolm against Anlaf, king of 
 Northumberland, whose country, according to the 
 barbarous practice of the times, he wasted, and carried 
 off the people with their cattle. Malcolm, after putting 
 down an insurrection of the Moray men under Cellach, 
 their Maormor, or chief, whom he slew, was sometime 
 thereafter assassinated, as is supposed, at Fetteressoe, 
 by one of these men, in revenge for the death of his chief. 
 
 Indulph, the son of Constantine III, succeeded the 
 murdered monarch hi the year 953. He sustained many 
 severe conflicts with the Danes, and ultimately lost his 
 life, after a reign of eight years, in a successful action 
 with these pirates, on the moor which lies to the west- 
 ward of Cullen. This victory is known in the tradition 
 of the country by the name of " The Battle of the 
 Bands." This battle took place in 961. 
 
 Duff, the son of Malcolm I, according to the estab- 
 lished order of succession, now mounted the throne; 
 but Culen, the son of Indulf, laid claim to the sceptre 
 which his father had wielded. The parties met at Dun- 
 crub, in Strathern, and, after a doubtful struggle, in 
 which Doncha, the Abbot of Dunkeld, and Dubdou, 
 the Maormor of Athol, the partisans of Culen, lost their 
 lives, victory declared for Duff. But this triumph was 
 of short duration, for Duff was afterward obliged to 
 retreat from Forte viot into the north, and was assassi- 
 nated at Forres in the year 965, after a brief and unhappy 
 reign of four years and a half. 
 
 Culen, the son of Indulf, succeeded, as a matter of 
 course, to the crown of Duff, which he stained by his 
 vices. He and his brother Eocha' were slain in Lothian, 
 in an action with the Britons of Strathclyde, after an 
 
 130
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 inglorious reign of four years and a half. This happened 
 in the year 970. 
 
 Kenneth III, son of Malcolm I, and brother of Duff, 
 succeeded Culen the same year. He waged a successful 
 war against the Britons of Strathclyde, and annexed their 
 territories to his kingdom. During his reign the Danes 
 meditated an attack upon Forteviot, or Dunkeld, for 
 the purposes of plunder; and, with this view, they sailed 
 up the Tay with a numerous fleet. Kenneth does not 
 appear to have been fully prepared, being probably 
 not aware of the intentions of the enemy; but collecting 
 as many of his chiefs and their followers as the spur of 
 the occasion would allow, he met the Danes at Luncarty, 
 in the vicinity of Perth, on the southwestern side of the 
 Tay, at a small distance from Inveralmond. Prepara- 
 tions for battle immediately commenced. Malcolm, the 
 Tanist, Prince of Cumberland, commanded the right 
 wing of the Scottish army; Duncan, the Maormor of 
 Athole, had the charge of the left; and Kenneth, the 
 king, commanded the centre. A furious combat ensued, 
 and man stood singly opposed to man. The Danes 
 with their battle-axes made dreadful havoc, and com- 
 pelled the two wings of the Scottish army to give way; 
 but they retired without much confusion, and rallied 
 behind the centre division, under the immediate com- 
 mand of the king. Here they were enabled to take up 
 a new position on more advantageous ground, from 
 which they renewed the combat with great vigour, 
 and finally succeeded in repulsing the enemy, who, as 
 usual, fled to their ships. 
 
 The defeat of the Danes enabled Kenneth to turn 
 his attention to the domestic concerns of his kingdom. 
 His first thoughts were directed to bring about a com- 
 plete change in the mode of succession to the crown, 
 in order to perpetuate in, and confine the crown to his 
 
 131
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 own descendants. This alteration could not be well 
 accomplished as long as Malcolm, the son of Duff, the 
 Tanist of the kingdom, and Prince of Cumberland, stood 
 in the way; and, accordingly, it has been said that 
 Kenneth was the cause of the untimely death of Prince 
 Malcolm, who is stated to have been poisoned. It is 
 said that Kenneth got an act passed, that in future the 
 son, or nearest male heir, of the king, should always 
 succeed to the throne; and that in case that son or 
 heir were not of age at the time of the king's demise, 
 that a person of rank should be chosen regent of 
 the kingdom, until the minor attained his fourteenth 
 year, when he should assume the reins of government; 
 but whether such a law was really passed on the moot- 
 hill of Scone or not, of which we have no evidence, 
 certain it is that two other princes succeeded to the 
 crown before Malcolm, the son of Kenneth. Kenneth, 
 after a reign of twenty-four years, was assassinated 
 by Finella, the wife of the Maormor of the Mearns, 
 and the daughter of Cunechat, the Maormor of Angus, 
 in revenge for having put her only son to death while 
 suppressing an insurrection in the Mearns. This event 
 took place in th year 994. 
 
 Constantine IV, son of Culen, characterized by the 
 name cluin, or deceitful, by the Gaelic bard, succeeded; 
 but his right was disputed by Kenneth, the Grim, son 
 of Duff. The dispute was decided in a battle near the 
 river Almond, in Perthshire, where Constantine lost 
 his life, in 995. 
 
 Kenneth IV, surnamed Grim, from the strength of 
 his body, the son of Duff, now obtained the sceptre which 
 he had coveted; but he was disturbed in the possession 
 thereof by Malcolm, the son of Kenneth III, heir pre- 
 sumptive to the crown, and regulus or Prince of Cumber- 
 land. By the interposition of Fothad, one of the Scot- 
 
 132
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 tish bishops, the parties were, for some time, prevented 
 from coming to blows, and it is said that a treaty was 
 concluded, by which it was stipulated that Kenneth 
 should wear the crown during his life, and that Malcolm 
 and his heirs should succeed in future as intended by 
 Kenneth III. But this treaty proved in the end only 
 a truce, for Malcolm again took the field, and decided 
 his claim to the crown in a bloody battle at Monivaird, 
 in Strathern, in which Kenneth, after a noble resistance, 
 received a mortal wound. This happened in the year 
 1003, after Kenneth had reigned eight years. 
 
 Malcolm II now ascended the vacant throne, stained 
 with the blood of the brave Kenneth; but he was not 
 destined to enjoy repose. Of him the Gaelic bard has 
 said 
 
 " Trocha blaidhain breacaid rainn 
 Ba righ manaidh, Maolcholaim." 
 
 " Thirty years of variegated reign ; 
 Was king by fate Malcolm." 
 
 The Danes, who had now obtained a firm footing 
 in England, directed their attention in an especial 
 manner to Scotland, which they were in hopes of sul> 
 duing. They had hitherto been defeated in every at- 
 tempt they had made to establish themselves in the 
 north; but having become powerful by their vast pos- 
 sessions in England, they considered that they now had 
 great chances of success in their favour. Accordingly, 
 immense preparations were made by the celebrated 
 Sweyn to invade Scotland. He ordered Olaus, his 
 viceroy in Norway, and Enet in Denmark, to raise a 
 powerful army, and to equip a suitable fleet. Sigurd, 
 the Earl of Orkney, carried on a harassing and preda- 
 tory warfare on the shores of the Moray Frith, which 
 he continued even after a matrimonial alliance he 
 
 133
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 formed with Malcolm, by marrying his daughter; but 
 this was no singular trait in the character of a Vikingr, 
 who plundered friends and foes with equal pleasure. 
 The scene of Sigurd's operations was chosen by his 
 brother northmen for making a descent, which they 
 effected near Speymouth. They carried fire and sword 
 through Moray, and laid siege to the fortress of Nairne, 
 one of the strongest in the north. The Danes were 
 forced to raise the siege for a time, by Malcolm, who 
 encamped his army in a plain near Kilflos or Kinloss. 
 In this position he was attacked by the invaders, and, 
 after a severe action, was forced to retreat, after being 
 seriously wounded. Nairne then surrendered, but the 
 whole garrison were hanged, notwithstanding a capitu- 
 lation which stipulated for their lives and proper- 
 ties. 
 
 Having mustered all his forces, Malcolm, in the 
 ensuing spring, marched north with his army, and en- 
 camped at Mortlach. This was in the year 1010. The 
 Danes advanced to meet the Scots, and a dreadful and 
 fierce conflict ensued, the result of which was long du- 
 bious. At length the northmen gave way and victory 
 declared for Malcolm. Had the Danes succeeded they 
 would in all probability have obtained as permanent 
 a footing in North Britain as they did in England; but 
 the Scottish kings were determined, at all hazards, never 
 to suffer them to pollute the soil of Scotland by allowing 
 them even the smallest settlement in their dominions. 
 In gratitude to God for his victory, Malcolm, in pursu- 
 ance of a vow which it is said he made on the field of 
 battle, endowed a religious house at Mortlach with its 
 appropriate church erected near the scene of action. 
 Pope Benedict afterward confirmed this endowment, 
 and Mortlach soon became the residence of a bishop. 
 The Danes were not discouraged by this defeat. On 
 134
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 the contrary, that, as well as some disasters which they 
 met with on the coasts of Angus and Buchan, exasper- 
 ated Sweyn, who formed a determination to seek re- 
 venge by another descent. He therefore despatched 
 Camus, an able general, who effected a landing with 
 his army on the coast of Angus, near to Panbride, but 
 he had advanced but a very few miles when he was 
 met by Malcolm, who attacked him with great fury 
 and intrepidity. After a bloody contest the army of 
 Camus gave way and their leader sought safety in flight, 
 but he was closely pursued and was killed by a stroke 
 from a battle-axe -which cleft his skull asunder. The 
 place of his overthrow is indicated by a monumental 
 stone called Camus'-Cross. 11 
 
 No defeat, however, could subdue the persevering 
 attempts of the Danes, to subject North Britain to 
 their sway. They renewed their enterprise again by 
 landing on the coast of Buchan, about a mile west from 
 Slaines Castle, in the parish of Cruden, but they were 
 attacked and defeated by the Maormor of the district. 
 The site of the field of battle has been ascertained by 
 the discovery of human bones left exposed by the shift- 
 ing or blowing of the sand. From the circumstance of 
 a chapel having been erected in this neighbourhood 
 dedicated to St. Olaus, the site of which has become 
 invisible, by being covered with sand, the assertion 
 of some writers that a treaty was entered into with 
 the Danes, who were then Christians, by which it was 
 stipulated that the field of battle should be consecrated 
 by a bishop as a burying-place for the Danes who had 
 fallen in battle, and that a church should be then built 
 and priests appointed in all time coming to say masses for 
 the souls of the slain, seems very probable. Another stipu- 
 lation it is said was made, by which the Danes agreed 
 to evacuate the Burgh-head of Moray, and finally to 
 
 135
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 leave every part of the kingdom, which they accordingly 
 did in the year 1014. 
 
 Some time after this Malcolm was engaged in a war 
 with the Northumbrians, and, having led his army in 
 1018 to Carham, near Werk, on the southern bank of 
 the Tweed, where he was met by Uchtred, the Earl 
 of Northumberland, a desperate battle took place which 
 was contested with great valour on both sides. The 
 success was doubtful on either side, though Uchtred 
 claimed a victory, but he did not long enjoy the fruits 
 of it, as he was soon thereafter assassinated when on 
 his road to pay obeisance to the great Canute. Endulf, 
 the brother and successor of Uchtred, justly dreading the 
 power of the Scots, was induced to cede Lothian to Mal- 
 colm forever, who, on this occasion, gave oblations to the 
 churches and gifts to the clergy, who in return trans- 
 mitted his name to posterity. He was designated, par 
 excellence, rex victoriosissimus. 
 
 The last struggle with which Malcolm was threatened 
 was with the celebrated Canute, who, for some cause 
 or other not properly explained, entered Scotland in the 
 year 1031; but these powerful parties appear not to 
 have come to action. Canute's expedition appears, 
 from what followed, to have been fitted out, to compel 
 Malcolm to do homage for Cumberland, for it is certain 
 that Malcolm engaged to fulfil the conditions on which 
 his predecessors had held that country, and that Canute 
 thereafter returned to England. 
 
 But the reign of Malcolm was not only distinguished 
 by foreign wars, but by civil contests between rival 
 chiefs. Finlegh, the Maormor of Ross, and the father 
 of Macbeth, was assassinated in 1020, and about twelve 
 years thereafter, Maolbride, the Maormor of Moray, 
 grandfather of Lulach, was, in revenge for Finlegh's 
 murder, burnt within his castle, with fifty of his men. 
 
 136
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 At length after a splendid reign of thirty years, Mal- 
 colm slept with his fathers, and his body was trans- 
 ferred to lona, and interred with due solemnity among 
 the remains of his predecessors. The story of his assassi- 
 nation is a mere fiction. 
 
 Malcolm was undoubtedly a prince of great acquire- 
 ments. He made many improvements in the internal 
 policy of his kingdom, and in him religion always found 
 a guardian and protector. But although Malcolm 
 is justly entitled to this praise, he by no means came 
 up to the standard of perfection assigned him by fiction. 
 
 Duncan, son of Bethoc, one of the daughters of Mal- 
 colm II, succeeded his grandfather in the year 1033. 
 He had to sustain several severe conflicts with the 
 Danes, whom he finally repulsed from his dominions, 
 and in virtue of the engagements of his grandfather 
 with Canute, he entered Northumberland in 1035, and 
 attacked Durham, but was forced to retire with loss, 
 according to an old English historian. The unhappy 
 fate of Duncan is too familiar to render any detail of 
 the circumstances of that event necessary. The scene 
 of Macbeth's perfidy was not at Inverness, as some 
 writers have erroneously laid it, but at Bothgowanan, 
 near Elgin. Duncan had reigned only six years when 
 he was assassinated by Macbeth, leaving two infant 
 sons, Malcolm and Donal, by a sister of Siward, the Earl 
 of Northumberland. The former fled to Cumberland, 
 and the latter took refuge in the Hebrides on the death 
 of their father. 
 
 Macbeth, " snorting with the indigested fumes of the 
 blood of his sovereign," immediately seized the gory 
 sceptre. As several fictions have been propagated con- 
 cerning the history and genealogy of Macbeth, we may 
 mention that, according to the most authentic authori- 
 ties, he was by birth Thane of Ross, and by his marriage 
 
 137
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 with the Lady Gruoch, became also Thane of Moray, 
 during the minority of Lulach, the infant son of that 
 lady, by her marriage with Gilcomgain, the Alaormor, 
 or Thane of Moray. Lady Gruoch was the daughter 
 of Boedhe, son of Kenneth IV; and thus Macbeth united 
 in his own person many powerful interests which enabled 
 him to take quiet possession of the throne of the mur- 
 dered sovereign. He of course found no difficulty in 
 getting himself inaugurated at Scone, under the pro- 
 tection of the clans of Moray and Ross, and the aid 
 of those who favoured the pretensions of the descend- 
 ants of Kenneth IV. 
 
 Various attempts were made on the part of the parti- 
 sans of Malcolm, son of Duncan, to dispossess Macbeth 
 of the throne. The most formidable was that of Siward, 
 the powerful Earl of Northumberland, and the relation 
 of Malcolm, who, at the instigation or command of 
 Edward the Confessor, led a numerous army into Scot- 
 land in the year 1054. They marched as far north as 
 Dunsinnan, where they were met by Macbeth, who com- 
 manded his troops in person. A furious battle ensued, 
 but Macbeth fled from the field after many displays of 
 courage. The Scots lost 3,000 men, and the Saxons 
 1,500, including Osbert, the son of Siward. Macbeth 
 retired to his fastnesses hi the north, and Siward re- 
 turned to Northumberland; but Malcolm continued the 
 war till the death of Macbeth, who was slain by Macduff, 
 Thane of Fife, in revenge for the cruelties he had in- 
 flicted on his family, at Lumphanan, on the fifth day 
 of December in the year 1056. 
 
 Macbeth was unquestionably a person of great vigour, 
 and well fitted to govern in the age in which he lived; 
 and had he obtained the crown by fair and honourable 
 means, his character might have stood well with pos- 
 terity. He appears to have entertained some sentiments 
 
 138
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 of compunction on account of his many crimes, for which 
 he offered some expiation by deeds of charity and benev- 
 olence, and particularly by grants to the church; but 
 it is to be feared that his heart remained unchanged. 
 
 Lulach, the great-grandson of Kenneth IV, who fell 
 at the battle of Monivaird in the year 1003, being sup- 
 ported by the powerful influence of his own family, and 
 that of the deceased monarch, ascended the throne 
 at the age of twenty-five or twenty-six; but his reign 
 lasted only a few months, he having fallen in battle at 
 Essie, in Strathbogie, on the third day of April, 1057, 
 in defending his crown against Malcolm. The body of 
 Lulach was interred along with that of Macbeth, in lona, 
 the common sepulchre, for many centuries, of the Scot- 
 tish kings. 
 
 Malcolm III, better known in history by the name of 
 Malcolm Ceanmore, or great head, vindicated his claim 
 to the vacant throne after a two years' struggle. His 
 first care was to recompense those who had assisted him 
 in obtaining the sovereignty, and it is said that he created 
 new titles of honour, by substituting earls for thanes; 
 but this has been disputed, and there are really no sure 
 data from which a certain conclusion can be drawn. 
 
 In the year 1059, Malcolm paid a visit to Edward the 
 Confessor, during whose reign he lived on amicable 
 terms with the English; but after the death of that 
 monarch he made a hostile incursion into Northumber- 
 land, and wasted the country. He even violated the 
 peace of St. Cuthbert in Holy Island. 
 
 William, Duke of Normandy, having overcome Harold 
 in the battle of Hastings, on the fourteenth day of Octo- 
 ber, 1066, Edgar ^Etheling saw no hopes of obtaining 
 the crown and took his departure from England along 
 with his mother -and sisters for Hungary; but they 
 were driven by adverse winds into the Frith of Forth, 
 
 139
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 and took refuge in a small port, which was afterward 
 named the Queen's-ferry, in memory of Queen Margaret. 
 Malcolm, on hearing of the distress of the illustrious 
 strangers, left his royal palace at Dunfermline to meet 
 them, and invited them to Dunfermline, where they were 
 hospitably entertained. Margaret, one of Edgar's sisters, 
 was a princess of great virtues and accomplishments, 
 and she at once won the heart of Malcolm. 
 
 The offer of his hand was accepted, and their nuptials 
 were celebrated with great solemnity and splendour. 
 This queen was a blessing to the king, and to the nation, 
 and appears to have well merited the appellation of 
 saint. There are few females in history who can be 
 compared with Queen Margaret. 
 
 It is quite unnecessary, and apart from the object of 
 the present work, to enter into any details of the wars 
 between Malcolm and William the Conqueror, and Will- 
 iam Rufus. Suffice it to say, that both Malcolm and his 
 eldest son Edward were slam in an attack on Alnwick 
 Castle, on the thirteenth day of November, 1093, after 
 a reign of thirty-six years. Queen Margaret, who was 
 on her death-bed when this catastrophe occurred, died 
 shortly after she received the intelligence, with great 
 composure and resignation to the will of God. Malcolm 
 had six sons, viz., Edward, who was killed along with 
 his father, Edmund, Edgar, Ethelred, Alexander, and 
 David, and two daughters, Maud, who was married 
 to Henry I of England, and Mary, who married Eus- 
 tache, Count of Boulogne. Of the sons, Edgar, Alex- 
 ander, and David, successively came to the crown. 
 
 On the demise of Malcolm, Donal-bane, his brother, 
 assumed the government; but Duncan, the son of 
 Malcolm, who had lived many years hi England, and 
 held a high military rank under William Rufus, invaded 
 Scotland with a large army of English and Normans, 
 
 140
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 and forced Donal to retire for safety to the Hebrides. 
 Duncan, whom some writers suppose to have been a bas- 
 tard, and others a legitimate son of Malcolm, by a former 
 wife, enjoyed the crown only six months, having been 
 assassinated by Maolpeder, the Maormor of the Mearns, 
 at Menteith, at the instigation, it is believed, of Donal. 
 Duncan left, by his wife Ethreda, daughter of Gospat- 
 rick, a son, William, sometimes surnamed Fitz-Duncan. 
 
 Donal-bane again seized the sceptre, but he survived 
 Duncan only two years. Edgar ^Etheling, having as- 
 sembled an army in England, entered Scotland, and 
 made Donal prisoner in an action which took place 
 in September, 1097. He was imprisoned by orders of 
 Edgar, and died at Roscobie in Forfarshire, after having 
 been deprived of his eyesight, according to the usual 
 practice of the age. The series of the Scoto-Irish kings 
 may be said to have ended with Donal-bane. 
 
 The accession of Kenneth to the Pictish throne, and 
 the consequent union of the Scots and Picts, introduced, 
 throughout the whole extent of the Pictish dominions, 
 many usages which were peculiar to the Scoto-Irish. 
 Some of these would require the force of a positive law 
 to establish them, while others would be gradually 
 amalgamated with the Pictish customs. The authenticity 
 of the Macalpine laws has been questioned; but, with- 
 out entering into a discussion upon such a dubious 
 question, we think there can be no doubt that the new 
 sovereign would find it necessary to make some regu- 
 lations for the government of the two nations he had 
 united. It certainly appears, that the Brehon law of 
 the Scoto-Irish was introduced among the Picts under 
 Kenneth. By this law every chief, or flaith, had a Bre- 
 hon, or judge, within his district, and this office was 
 hereditary, descending to the sons of the judge, who 
 were brought up to the study of law. The law of tanistry, 
 
 141
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which limited the right of succession to the crown of the 
 royal line, but did not confine that succession to any 
 direct series, was another characteristic in the new 
 government, which superseded the Pictish law of suc- 
 cession. This law which left the succession open to 
 competition, and the only exception from which seems 
 to have been, when a tanist, or heir presumptive, was; 
 appointed during the life of the reigning monarch f 
 naturally produced innumerable disorders in the state, 
 and weakened the government, and hence the many 
 civil strifes, tumults, and assassinations we have wit- 
 nessed during the whole sway of the Scoto-Irish kings, 
 We have already alluded to the poetry of the Celts. 
 And here it may not be out of place to take some notice 
 of their music, which seems to have been cultivated 
 with greater success by the Scots, than by the Picts. 
 A question has been raised by the genealogists of music r 
 whether she is the mother or daughter of poetry, or, 
 in other words, whether music or poetry be the older 
 art. Such a discussion appears to be neither instructive 
 nor amusing, and may therefore be passed over with 
 this simple remark, that the kindred and sister arts- 
 of poetry and music are undoubtedly almost coeval 
 in their origin. Among the Celts the science of music wa& 
 cultivated with great care, and formed a branch of the 
 education of the bards. Some remains of the songs of 
 the Druids are still said to exist, and it is alleged that 
 the chanting of the druidical precepts in times of pa- 
 ganism, was imitated by the early Christians. This is 
 indeed extremely probable. The primitive Christians 
 did not, for many ages, devote their attention to the 
 improvement of the melody of the church, and in the 
 east they are supposed to have long followed the music 
 of the synagogue. The Gregorian chant, as used in the 
 Catholic churches at vespers, is conjectured to be 
 
 142
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 nearly the same as that used by the Jews, with some 
 trifling variations, made by St. Ambrose, Archbishop of 
 Milan, and afterward still further improved by Pope 
 Gregory the Great, from whom the music derives ite 
 present name. 12 
 
 The great characteristics of the Gaelic music are its 
 simplicity, tenderness, and expression. All the ancient 
 music is distinguished by the first quality, for the com- 
 plex movements and intricate notes of modern com- 
 posers were unknown to antiquity; but the latter 
 qualities, which may be termed national, inasmuch as 
 they are dependent upon the genius and character of 
 a people, and the structure of language, are peculiar 
 attributes of the music of the Highlanders. " The 
 Welsh, the Scots, and the Irish, have all melodies of a 
 simple sort, which, as they are connected together by 
 cognate marks, evince at once their relationship and 
 antiquity." 
 
 The ancient Scottish scale consists of six notes, as 
 shown in the annexed exemplification, No. 1. The lowest 
 note, A, was afterward added to admit of the minor 
 key in wind instruments. The notes in the diatonic 
 scale, No. 2, were added about the beginning of the 
 fifteenth century, and when music arrived at its present 
 state of perfection, the notes in the chromatic scale, 
 No. 3, were further added. Although many of the 
 Scottish airs have had the notes last mentioned intro- 
 duced into them, to please modern taste, they can be 
 played without them, and without altering the character 
 of the melody. Any person who understands the ancient 
 scale can at once detect the later additions. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 T c D 8 
 
 143
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 m 
 
 f 
 
 BC 
 
 a A B c 
 
 89 ay sj cb Eb ?b x| ob xb sb cb B| 
 
 JJJJjJJ-1^6 
 
 DD fBFFjoofAAj^Cd 
 
 The Gaelic music consists of different kinds or species. 
 1. Martial music, the Golltraidheacht of the Irish, and 
 the Prosnachadh Cath of the Gael, consisting of a spirit- 
 stirring measure, short and rapid. 2. The Geantraid- 
 heacht, or plaintive, or sorrowful, a kind of music to 
 which the Highlanders are very partial. The Coronach or 
 lament, sung at funerals, is the most noted of this sort. 
 3. The Suantraidheacht, or composing, calculated to 
 calm the mind, and to lull the person to sleep. 4. Songs 
 of peace, sung at the conclusion of a war. 5. Songs of 
 victory, sung by the bards before the king on gaining 
 a victory. 6. Love songs. These last form a considerable 
 part of the national music, the sensibility and tenderness 
 of which excites the passion of love, " and, stimulated by 
 its influence, the Gael indulge a spirit of the most ro- 
 mantic attachment and adventure which the peasantry 
 of perhaps no other country exhibit." 
 
 " The ancient Gael were fond of singing, whether in 
 a sad or cheerful frame of mind. Bacon justly remarks, 
 ' that music feedeth that disposition which it findeth; ' 
 it was a sure sign of brewing mischief when a Caledonian 
 warrior was heard to ' hum his surly song.' This race, 
 in all their labours, used appropriate songs, and ac- 
 companied their harps with their voices. At harvest 
 the reapers kept time by singing; at sea the boatmen 
 did the same; and while the women were graddaning, 
 
 144
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 performing the luaghadh, or at other rural labour, they 
 enlivened their work by certain airs called luineags. 
 When milking, they sung a certain plaintive melody, 
 to which the animals listened with calm attention. 
 The attachment which the natives of Celtic origin have 
 to their music is strengthened by its ultimate connection 
 with the national songs. The influence of both on the 
 Scots' character is confessedly great the pictures of 
 heroism, love, and happiness, exhibited in then- songs, 
 are indelibly impressed on the memory, and elevate the 
 mind of the humblest peasant. The songs, united with 
 their appropriate music, affect the sons of Scotia, par- 
 ticularly when far distant from their native glens and 
 majestic mountains, with indescribable feelings, and 
 excite a spirit of the most romantic adventure. In this 
 respect, the Swiss, who inhabit a country of like char- 
 acter, and who resemble the Highlanders in many par- 
 ticulars, experience similar emotions. On hearing the 
 national ranz de vaches, their bowels yearn to revisit 
 the ever dear scenes of then* youth. So powerfully 
 is the amor patrice awakened by this celebrated air, 
 that it was found necessary to prohibit its being played 
 under pain of death among the troops, who would burst 
 into tears on hearing it, desert their colours, and even 
 die. 
 
 " No songs could be more happily constructed for 
 singing during labour, than those of the Highlanders, 
 every person being able to join in them, sufficient inter- 
 vals being allowed for breathing time. In a certain 
 part of the song, the leader stops to take breath, when 
 all the others strike hi and complete the air with a 
 chorus of words and syllables, generally without sig- 
 nification, but admirably adapted to give effect to the 
 time. In singing during a social meeting, the company 
 reach their plaids or handkerchiefs from one to another, 
 
 145
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 and swaying them gently in their hands, from side to- 
 side, take part in the chorus as above. A large company 
 thus connected, and see-sawing in regular time, has a 
 curious effect; sometimes the bonnet is mutually grasped 
 over the table. The low country manner is, to cross 
 arms and shake each other's hands to the air of ' Auld 
 lang syne/ or any other popular and commemorative 
 melody. Fhir a bhata, or, the boatmen, is sung in the 
 above manner by the Highlanders with much effect. 
 It is the song of a girl whose lover is at sea, whose safety 
 she prays for, and whose return she anxiously expects. 
 The greater proportion of Gaelic songs, whether sung 
 in the person of males or females, celebrate the valour 
 and heroism, or other manly qualifications, of the clans." 
 Connected with the Gaelic music, the musical instru- 
 ments of the Celts remain to be noticed; but we shall 
 confine our observations to the harp and to the bagpipe, 
 the latter of which has long since superseded the former 
 in the Highlands. The harp is the most noted instrument 
 of antiquity, and was in use among many nations. It 
 was, in particular, the favourite instrument of the Celts. 
 The Irish were great proficients in harp music, and they 
 are said to have made great improvements on the in- 
 strument itself. So honourable was the occupation 
 of a harper among the Irish, that none but freemen 
 were permitted to play on the harp, and it was reckoned 
 a disgrace for a gentleman not to have a harp, and be able 
 to play on it. The royal household always included 
 a harper, who bore a distinguished rank. Even kings 
 did not disdain to relieve the cares of royalty by touching 
 the strings of the harp; and we are told by Major, that 
 James I, who died in 1437, excelled the best harpers 
 among the Irish, and the Scotch Highlanders. But 
 harpers were not confined to the houses of kings, for 
 every chief had his harper, as well as his bard. 
 
 146
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 The precise period when the harp was superseded 
 by the bagpipe it is not easy to ascertain. Roderick 
 Morrison, usually called Rory Dall, or the blind, was 
 one of the last native harpers. He was harper to the 
 Laird of M'Leod. On the death of his master, Morrison 
 led an itinerant life, and in 1650, he paid a visit to 
 Robertson of Lude, on which occasion he composed a 
 porst or air, called " Suipar chiurn na Leod," or " Lude's 
 Supper," which, with other pieces, is still preserved. 
 M'Intosh, the compiler of the Gaelic Proverbs, relates 
 the following anecdote of Mr. Robertson, who, it appears, 
 was a harp player himself of some eminence. " One 
 night, my father, James M'Intosh, said to Lude, that 
 he would be happy to hear him play upon the harp, 
 which, at that time, began to give place to the violin. 
 After supper, Lude and he retired to another room, 
 in which there was a couple of harps, one of which be- 
 longed to Queen Mary. James, says Lude, here are two 
 harps; the largest one is the loudest, but the small one 
 is the sweetest, which do you wish to hear played? 
 James answered the small one, which Lude took up, 
 and played upon, till daylight." 
 
 The last harper, as is commonly supposed, was Mur- 
 doch M'Donald, harper to M'Lean of Coll. He received 
 instructions in playing from Rory Dall, in Sky, and 
 afterward in Ireland, and from accounts of payments 
 made to him, by M'Lean, still extant, Murdoch seems 
 to have continued in his family till the year 1734, when 
 he appears to have gone to Quinish, in Mull, where he 
 died. 
 
 The history of the bagpipe is curious and interesting, 
 but such history does not fall within the scope of this 
 work. Although a very ancient instrument, it does 
 not appear to have been known to the Celtic nations. 
 It was in use among the Trojans, Greeks, and Romans; 
 
 147
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 but how or in what manner it came to be introduced 
 into the Highlands is a question which cannot be solved. 
 Two suppositions have been started on this point, either 
 that it was brought in by the Romans, or by the northern 
 nations. The latter conjecture appears to be the most 
 probable, for we cannot possibly imagine that, if the 
 bagpipe had been introduced so early as the Roman 
 epoch, no notice should have been taken of that in- 
 strument, by the more early annalists and poets. But 
 if the bagpipe was an imported instrument, how does 
 it happen that the great Highland pipe is peculiar to 
 the Highlands, and is perhaps the only national in- 
 strument in Europe? If it was introduced by the 
 Romans, or by the people of Scandinavia, how has it 
 happened that no traces of that instrument in its present 
 shape are to be found anywhere except in the High- 
 lands? There is, indeed, some plausibility in these 
 interrogatories, but they are easily answered by sup- 
 posing, what is very probable, that the great bagpipe, 
 in its present form, is the work of modern improvement, 
 and that, originally, the instrument was much the same 
 as is still seen in Belgium and Italy. 
 
 The effects of this national instrument in arousing 
 the feelings of those who have, from infancy, been ac- 
 customed to its wild and warlike tones are truly as- 
 tonishing. " In halls of joy and in scenes of mourning 
 it has prevailed; it has animated her (Scotland's) 
 warriors in battle, and welcomed them back after 
 their toils, to the homes of their love and the hills of 
 their nativity. Its strains were the first sounded on 
 the ears of infancy, and they are the last to be forgotten, 
 in the wanderings of age. Even Highlanders will allow 
 that it is not the gentlest of instruments; but when 
 far from their mountain homes, what sounds, however 
 melodious, could thrill round their heart like one burst 
 
 148
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 of their own wild native pipe? The feelings which other 
 instruments awaken are general and undefined, be- 
 cause they talk alike to Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans, 
 and Highlanders, for they are common to all; but the 
 bagpipe is sacred to Scotland, and speaks a language 
 which Scotsmen only feel. It talks to them of home and 
 all the past, and brings before them, on the burning 
 shores of India, the wild hills and oft frequented streams 
 of Caledonia; the friends that are thinking of them, and 
 the sweethearts and wives that are weeping for them 
 there! and need it be told here, to how many fields of 
 danger and victory its proud strains have led! There 
 is not a battle that is honourable to Britain in which 
 its war blast has not sounded. When every other in- 
 strument has been hushed by the confusion and carnage 
 of the scene, it has been borne into the thick of battle, 
 and, far in the advance, its bleeding but devoted 
 bearer, sinking on the earth, has sounded at once 
 encouragement to his countrymen and his own coro- 
 nach." Many interesting anecdotes connected with 
 the use of this instrument on the field of battle 
 will be given when we come to treat of the military 
 history of the modern Highlanders. 
 
 History has thrown little light on the state of learn- 
 ing in the Highlands during the Pictish and Scottish 
 periods; but, judging from the well-attested celebrity 
 of the college of Icolm-kill, which shed its rays of knowl- 
 edge over the mountains and through the glens of 
 Caledonia, we cannot doubt that learning did nourish 
 in some degree among the Scots and Picts. The final 
 destruction of the venerable abbey of lona, by the 
 Danish pirates, unfortunately checked for a time the 
 progress of civilization, and swept away, as is supposed, 
 the proofs collected by the monks in support of the 
 learning of those times, and to which, if they had been 
 
 149
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 preserved, the historian of future ages would have 
 appealed. No man, no scholar, no Christian can visit 
 the hallowed ruins of lona without awakening associa- 
 tions, the most powerful and affecting. Doctor John- 
 son, the great and inflexible moralist, thus describes 
 the emotions he felt on visiting this celebrated spot: 
 " We were now treading that illustrious island, which 
 was once the luminary of the Caledonian regions, 
 whence savage clans and roving barbarians derived 
 the benefit of knowledge, and the blessings of religion. 
 To abstract the mind from all local emotion would be 
 impossible, if it were endeavoured, and would be foolish, 
 if it were possible. Whatever withdraws us from the 
 power of our senses, whatever makes the past, the 
 distant, or the future, predominate over the present, 
 advances us in the dignity of thinking beings. Far from 
 me, and from my friends, be such frigid philosophy, 
 as would conduct us, indifferent and unmoved, over 
 any ground which has been dignified by wisdom, bravery, 
 or virtue! That man is little to be envied, whose pa- 
 triotism would not gain force on the plains of Marathon 
 or whose piety would not grow warm among the ruins 
 of lona." 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SCOTTISH KINGS, FROM 
 843 to 1097, ADJUSTED FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES 
 
 NAMES OF THE KINGS 
 
 Date of 
 Acces- 
 sions 
 
 Duration of 
 Reign 
 
 Demise 
 
 KENNETH MACALPINE over the Scots 
 and Picts .... 
 
 A. D. 
 
 843 
 
 Years 
 16 
 
 A. B. 
 
 859 
 
 DONAL MACALPIN .... 
 CONSTANTINE II, son of Kenneth . 
 AODH, or HUGH, the son of Kenneth 
 EOCHA, or ACHY or GRIG, jointly . 
 DONAL IV, the son of Constantino 
 CONSTANTINE III, the son of Aodh 
 MALCOLM I, son of Donal IV . 
 
 150 
 
 859 
 863 
 881 
 882 
 893 
 904 
 944 
 
 4 
 18 
 1 
 11 
 11 
 40 
 9 
 
 863 
 881 
 882 
 893 
 904 
 944 
 953
 
 THE SCOTTISH PERIOD 
 
 NAMES OF THE KINGS 
 
 Date of 
 Acces- 
 sions 
 
 Duration of 
 Reign 
 
 Demise 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Years 
 
 A. D. 
 
 INDULF, the son of Constantino III 
 
 953 
 
 8 
 
 961 
 
 DUF, the son of Malcolm I 
 
 961 
 
 4i 
 
 965 
 
 CULEN, the son of Indulf . 
 
 965 
 
 4* 
 
 970 
 
 KENNETH III, the son of Malcolm I 
 
 970 
 
 24 
 
 994 
 
 CONSTANTINE IV, the son of Culen . 
 
 994 
 
 1* 
 
 99i 
 
 KENNETH IV, surnamed Grim, the 
 
 
 
 
 son of Duf 
 
 995 
 
 8 
 
 1003 
 
 MALCOLM II, the son of Kenneth 
 
 
 
 
 III 
 
 1003 
 
 30 
 
 1033 
 
 DUNCAN, the grandson of Malcolm 
 
 
 
 
 II . . . . . 
 
 1033 
 
 6 
 
 1039 
 
 MACBETH, the son of Finlech . 
 
 1039 
 
 17 
 
 1056 
 
 LULACH, the son of Gruoch and 
 
 
 
 
 Gilcomgain 
 
 1056 
 
 4* 
 
 1057 
 
 MALCOLM-CEANMORE, the son of 
 
 
 
 
 Duncan 
 
 1057 
 
 36-8Months 
 
 1093 
 
 DONAL-BANE, the son of Duncan . 
 
 1093 
 
 * 
 
 1094 
 
 DUNCAN II, the son of Malcolm III 
 
 1094 
 
 * 
 
 1094 
 
 DONAL-BANE, again .... 
 
 1094 
 
 3 
 
 1097 
 
 151
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 WE have now arrived at an era in our history when 
 the line of demarcation between the inhabitants of the 
 Lowlands and Highlands of Scotland begins to appear, 
 and when, by the influx of a Gothic race into the former, 
 the language of that part of North Britain is completely 
 revolutionized, when a new dynasty or race of sover- 
 eigns ascends the throne, and when a great change takes 
 place in the laws and constitution of the kingdom. 
 
 At the epoch which closes the last chapter, the Gaelic 
 was the almost universal language of North Britain. 
 In proof of this, reference has been made to proper 
 names, or names of persons and places, which were all 
 Gaelic during that period, as may be seen by consulting 
 the ancient chartularies and chronicles, the annals of 
 Ulster, and the register of the Priory of St. Andrews. 
 In the Lowlands, however, some places still retain the 
 British appellations conferred on them by the aborigi- 
 nal inhabitants of North Britain. The cause of this may 
 be owing to the close affinity between the same names 
 in the British and Gaelic; and to this circumstance, 
 that the Gaelic language did not obtain such a complete 
 mastery over the British in the Lowlands as in the 
 Highlands. 
 
 Although the Anglo-Saxon colonization of the Low- 
 lands of Scotland does not come exactly within the 
 design of the present work, yet, as forming an important 
 feature in the history of the Lowlands of Scotland as 
 
 152
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 contradistinguished from the Highlands, a slight notice 
 of it may not be uninteresting. 
 
 At the time when the Romans invaded North Britain, 
 the whole population of both ends of the island consisted 
 of a Celtic race, the descendants of its original inhab- 
 itants. Shortly after the Roman abdication of North 
 Britain in the year 446, which was soon succeeded by 
 the final departure of the Romans from the British 
 shores, the Saxons, a people of Gothic origin, estab- 
 lished themselves upon the Tweed, and afterward ex- 
 tended their settlements to the Frith of Forth, and to 
 the banks of the Solway and the Clyde. About the 
 beginning of the sixth century the Dalriads, as we have 
 seen, landed in Kintyre and Argyle from the opposite 
 coast of Ireland, and colonized these districts, from 
 whence, in the course of little more than two centuries, 
 they overspread the Highlands and western islands, 
 which their descendants have, ever since, continued to 
 possess. Toward the end of the eighth century, a fresh 
 colony of Scots from Ireland settled in Galloway among 
 the Britons and Saxons, and having overspread the 
 whole of that country were afterward joined by de- 
 tachments of the Scots of Kintyre and Argyle, in con- 
 nection with whom they peopled that peninsula. Be- 
 sides these three races, who made permanent settle- 
 ments in Scotland, the Scandinavians colonized the 
 Orkney and Shetland islands, and also established 
 themselves on the coasts of Caithness and Sutherland. 
 
 But notwithstanding these early settlements of the 
 Gothic race, the era of the Saxon colonization of the 
 Lowlands of Scotland is, with more propriety, placed 
 in the reign of Malcolm Ceanmore, who, by his mar- 
 riage with a Saxon princess, and the protection he gave 
 to the Anglo-Saxon fugitives who sought for an asylum 
 in his dominions from the persecutions of William the 
 
 153
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Conqueror, and his Normans, laid the foundations of 
 those great changes which took place in the reigns of 
 his successors. Malcolm, in his warlike incursions into 
 Northumberland and Durham, carried off immense 
 numbers of young men and women, who were to be seen 
 in the reign of David I in almost every village and house 
 in Scotland. The Gaelic population was quite averse 
 to the settlement of these strangers among them, and it 
 is said that the extravagant mode of living introduced by 
 the Saxon followers of Queen Margaret was one of the 
 reasons which led to their expulsion from Scotland, in 
 the reign of Donalbane, who rendered himself popular 
 with his people by this unfriendly act. 
 
 This expulsion was, however, soon rendered nugatory, 
 for on the accession of Edgar, the first sovereign of the 
 Scoto-Saxon dynasty, many distinguished Saxon fami- 
 lies with their followers settled in Scotland, to the heads 
 of which families the king made grants of land of con- 
 siderable extent. Few of these foreigners appear to 
 have come into Scotland during the reign of Alexander I, 
 the brother and successor of Edgar; but vast numbers 
 of Anglo-Saxons, Anglo-Normans, and Flemings es- 
 tablished themselves in Scotland in the reign of David I. 
 That prince had received his education at the court 
 of Henry I and had married Maud or Matildes, the only 
 child of Waltheof, Earl of Northumberland and Hunt- 
 ingdon, by Judith, niece to William the Conqueror on 
 the mother's side. This lady had many vassals, and 
 when David came to the throne in the year 1124, he 
 was followed, successively, by a thousand Anglo-Nor- 
 mans to whom he distributed lands, on which they and 
 their followers settled. Most of the illustrious families 
 in Scotland originated from this source. 
 
 Malcolm Ceanmore had, before his accession to the 
 throne, resided for some time in England as a fugitive, 
 
 154
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 under the protection of Edward the Confessor, where he 
 acquired a knowledge of the Saxon language; which 
 language, after his marriage with the Princess Margaret, 
 became that of the Scottish court. This circumstance 
 made that language fashionable among the Scottish 
 nobility, in consequence of which and of the Anglo- 
 Saxon colonization under David I, the Gaelic lan- 
 guage was altogether superseded in the Lowlands of 
 Scotland in little more than two centuries after the 
 death of Malcolm. A topographical line of demarcation 
 was then fixed as the boundary between the two lan- 
 guages, which has ever since been kept up, and presents 
 one of the most singular phenomena ever observed 
 in the history of philology. 
 
 The change of the seat of government by Kenneth / 
 on ascending the Pictish throne, from Inverlochay, the 
 capital of the Scots, to Abernethy, also followed by the 
 removal of the marble chair, the emblem of sovereignty, 
 from Dunstaffnage to Scone, appears to have occasioned 
 no detriment to the Gaelic population of the Highlands; 
 but when Malcolm Ceanmore transferred his court 
 about the year 1066 to Dunfermline, which also became, 
 in place of lona, the sepulchre of the Scottish kingc, 
 the rays of royal bounty, which had hitherto diffused 
 its protecting and benign influence over the inhabitants 
 of the Highlands, were withdrawn, and left them a prey 
 to anarchy and poverty. " The people," says General 
 David Stewart, " now beyond the reach of the laws, 
 became turbulent and fierce, revenging in person those 
 wrongs for which the administrators of the laws were 
 too distant and too feeble to afford redress. Thence arose 
 the institution of chiefs, who naturally became the 
 judges and arbiters in the quarrels of their clansmen 
 and followers, and who were surrounded by men de- 
 voted to the defence of their rights, their property, 
 
 155
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 and their power; and accordingly the chiefs established 
 within their own territories a jurisdiction almost wholly 
 independent of their liege lord." 
 
 The connection which Malcolm and his successors 
 maintained with England estranged still farther the 
 Highlanders from the dominion of the sovereign and 
 the laws; and their history, after the Gaelic population 
 of the Lowlands had merged into and adopted the lan- 
 guage of the Anglo-Saxons, presents, with the exception 
 of the wars between rival clans, which will be noticed 
 afterward, nothing remarkable till their first appearance 
 on the military theatre of our national history in the 
 campaigns of Montrose, Dundee, and others. Of these 
 campaigns and other interesting military achievements 
 of the modern Highlanders, we intend to give the de- 
 tails; but before entering upon that important and 
 highly interesting portion of our labours, we mean to 
 bring under the notice of the reader such objects of 
 general interest connected with the ancient state of the 
 Highlands, and the character and condition of the High- 
 landers in former times, as may be considered interesting 
 either in a local or national point of view. 
 
 The early history of the Highlanders presents us with 
 a bold and hardy race of men, filled with a romantic 
 attachment to their native mountains and glens, cherish- 
 ing an exalted spirit of independence, and firmly bound 
 together in septs or clans by the ties of kindred. Hav- 
 ing little intercourse with the rest of the world, and pent 
 up for many centuries within the Grampian range, the 
 Highlanders acquired a peculiar character, and re- 
 tained or adopted habits and manners differing widely 
 from those of their Lowland neighbours. " The ideas 
 and employments, which their seclusion from the- 
 world rendered habitual, the familiar contemplation 
 of the most sublime objects of nature, the habit of 
 
 156
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 concentrating their affections within the narrow pre- 
 cincts nf their own glens, or the limited circle of their 
 own kinsmen, and the necessity of union and self- 
 dependence in all difficulties and dangers combined 
 to form a peculiar and original character. A certain 
 romantic sentiment, the offspring of deep and cherished 
 feeling, strong attachment to their country and kindred, 
 and a consequent disdain of submission to strangers, 
 formed the character of independence; while a habitual 
 contempt of danger was nourished by their solitary 
 musings, of which the honour of then- clan, and a long 
 descent from brave and warlike ancestors, formed the 
 frequent theme. Thus, their exercises, their amuse- 
 ments, their modes of subsistence, their motives of 
 action, their prejudices and their superstitions became 
 characteristic, permanent, and peculiar. 
 
 " Firmness and decision, fertility in resources, ardour 
 in friendship, and a generous enthusiasm were the result 
 of such a situation, such modes of life, and such habits 
 of thought. Feeling themselves separated by nature 
 from the rest of mankind, and distinguished by their 
 language, their habits, their manners, and their dress, 
 they considered themselves the original possessors of 
 the country, and regarded the Saxons of the Lowlands 
 as strangers and intruders." 
 
 Like their Celtic ancestors, the Highlanders were tall, 
 robust, and well formed. Early marriages were unknown 
 among them, and it was rare for a female who was of 
 a puny stature and delicate constitution to be honoured 
 with a husband. The following observations of Martin 
 on the inhabitants of some of the western islands may 
 be generally applied to the Highlanders: " They are not 
 obliged to art in forming their bodies, for Nature never 
 fails to act her part bountifully to them; perhaps there 
 jia no part of the habitable globe where so few bodily 
 
 157
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 imperfections are to be seen, nor any children that go 
 more early. I have observed several of them walk alone 
 before they were ten months old; they are bathed all 
 over every morning and evening, some in cold, some 
 in warm water; but the latter is most commonly used, 
 and they wear nothing strait about them. The mother 
 generally suckles the child, failing of which, a nurse is 
 provided, for they seldom bring up any by hand; they 
 give new-born infants fresh butter to take away the 
 miconium, and this they do for several days; they taste 
 neither sugar, nor cinnamon, nor have they any daily 
 allowance of sack bestowed on them, as the custom is 
 elsewhere, nor is the nurse allowed to taste ale. The 
 generality wear neither shoes nor stockings before they 
 are seven, eight, or ten years old; and many among them 
 wear no nightcaps before they are sixteen years old, 
 and upward; some use none all their lifetime, and these 
 are not so liable to headaches as others who keep their 
 heads warm." 
 
 This practice of bathing children every morning and 
 evening contributes more than any other expedient 
 to steel the body against cold, and to preserve the frame 
 from rheumatic affection. Nor did this healthy opera- 
 tion cease with childhood, it was continued in after 
 life, and the practice still is with those who wear the kilt 
 to wash their limbs every morning as a preventive 
 against cold. These precautions made the Highlanders 
 impervious to cold, and indifferent to warm and cum- 
 brous clothing. Their wardrobe was, of course, very 
 scanty, but quite sufficient for useful purposes, 
 comfort and cleanliness. 
 
 As a proof of the indifference of the Highlanders to 
 cold, reference has been made to their often sleeping 
 in the open air during the severity of winter. Birt, 
 who resided among them and wrote in the year 1725 r 
 
 158
 
 , SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 relates that he has seen the places which they occupied, 
 and which were known by being free from the snow 
 that deeply covered the ground, except where the heat 
 of their bodies had melted it. The same writer repre- 
 sents a chief as giving offence to his clan by his de- 
 generacy in forming the snow into a pillow before he 
 lay down. " The Highlanders were so accustomed to 
 sleep in the open air, that the want of shelter was of 
 little consequence to them. It was usual before they lay 
 down, to dip their plaids in water, by which the cloth 
 was less pervious to the wind, and the heat of their 
 bodies produced a warmth, which the woollen, if dry, 
 could not afford. An old man informed me, that a fa- 
 vourite place of repose was under a cover of thick over- 
 hanging heath. The Highlanders, in 1745, could scarcely 
 be prevailed on to use tents. It is not long since those 
 who frequented Lawrence fair, St. Sair's, and other 
 markets in the Garioch of Aberdeenshire, gave up the 
 practice of sleeping in the open fields. The horses being 
 on these occasions left to shift for themselves, the in- 
 habitants no longer have their crop spoiled, by their 
 ' upthrough neighbours,' with whom they had often 
 bloody contentions, in consequence of these uncere- 
 monious visits." 
 
 Till of late years the general opinion was that the 
 plaid, philebeg, and bonnet formed the ancient garb 
 of the Highlanders, but some writers have maintained 
 that the philebeg is of modern invention, and that the 
 truis, which consisted of breeches and stockings in one 
 piece, and made to fit close to the limbs, was the old 
 costume. Pinkerton says, that the kilt " is not ancient, 
 but singular, and adapted to their " - the Highlanders' 
 - " savage life, was always unknown among the 
 Welsh and Irish, and that it was a dress of the Saxons, 
 who could not afford breeches." We like an ingenious 
 
 159
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 argument even from the pen of this vituperative writer, 
 with all his anti-Gaelic prejudices, and have often ad- 
 mired his tact in managing it; but after he had ad- 
 mitted that " breeches were unknown to the Celts, 
 from the beginning to this day," it was carry ing con- 
 jecture too far to attribute the introduction of the 
 philebeg to the Saxons, who were never able to introduce 
 any of their customs into the Highlands; and of all 
 changes in the dress of a people, we think the substi- 
 tution of the kilt for the truis the most improbable. 
 
 That the truis are very ancient in the Highlands is 
 probable, but they were chiefly confined to the higher 
 classes, who always used them when travelling on horse- 
 back. Beague, a Frenchman, who wrote a history of 
 the campaigns in Scotland in 1549, printed in Paris in 
 1556, states that, at the siege of Haddington, in 1549, 
 " they (the Scottish army) were followed by the High- 
 landers, and these last go almost naked; they have 
 painted waistcoats, and a sort of woollen covering, 
 variously coloured." 
 
 The style of dress is alluded to by our older historians, 
 by Major, Bishop Lesly, and Buchanan. Lindsay of 
 Pitscottie also thus notices it: "The other pairt 
 northerne ar full of mountaines, and very rud and 
 homelie kynd of people doeth inhabite, which is called 
 the Reid Schankes, or wyld Scottis. They be cloathed 
 with ane mantle, with ane schirt, fachioned after the 
 Irish manner, going bair legged to the knie." Another 
 who wrote before the year 1597 observes that, in his 
 time, " they " the Highlanders " delight much in 
 marbled cloths, especially that have long stripes of 
 sundry colours; they love chiefly purple and blue ; their 
 predecessors used short mantles, or plaids of divers 
 colours, sundrie ways divided, and among some the same 
 custom is observed to this day; but, for the most part 
 
 160
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 now, they are brown, most near to the colour of the 
 hadder, to the effect when they lye among the hadders, 
 the bright colour of their plaids shall not bewray them, 
 with the which, rather coloured than clad, they suffer 
 the most cruel tempests that blow in the open fields, 
 in such sort, that in a night of snow they sleep sound." 
 
 There was nothing a Highlander took so much delight 
 in as the improvement of his personal appearance by 
 the aid of dress. The point of personal decoration 
 being once secured, it mattered not, says General Stew- 
 art, that his dwelling was mean, his domestic utensils 
 scanty, and of the simplest construction, and his house 
 and furniture merely such as could be prepared by his 
 own hands. Yet, with all his gay tendencies, the High- 
 lander looked upon the occupations of the tailor and 
 weaver with profound contempt, and as fit only for 
 sickly and effeminate persons. He did not disdain, how- 
 ever, to be his own shoemaker, cooper, and carpenter, all 
 of which he considered honourable professions, when 
 confined at least to the supply of his own domestic 
 necessities. We shall now give a description of the 
 different parts of the Highland costume: 
 
 The Breacan-feile, literally, the chequered covering, 
 is the original garb of the Highlanders, and forms the 
 chief part of the costume; but it is now almost laid 
 aside in its simple form. It consisted of a plain piece 
 of tartan from four to six yards in length, and two yards 
 broad. The plaid was adjusted with great nicety, and 
 made to surround the waist in great plaits or folds, and 
 was firmly bound round the loins with a leathern belt 
 in such a manner that the lower side fell down to the 
 middle of the knee joint, and then, while there were the 
 foldings behind, the cloth was double before. The upper 
 part was then fastened on the left shoulder with a large 
 brooch or pin, so as to display to the most advantage 
 
 161
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the tastefulness of the arrangement, the two ends being 
 sometimes suffered to hang down; but that on the right 
 side, which was necessarily the longest, was more usu- 
 ally tucked under the belt. In battle, in travelling, and 
 on other occasions, this added much to the commodious- 
 ness and grace of the costume. By this arrangement, 
 the right arm of the wearer was left uncovered and at 
 full liberty; but in wet or very cold weather the plaid 
 was thrown loose, by which both body and shoulders 
 were covered. To give free exercise for both arms in 
 case of need, the plaid was fastened across the breast 
 by a large silver bodkin, or circular brooch, often en- 
 riched with precious stones, or imitations of them, having 
 mottoes engraved, consisting of allegorical and figurative 
 sentences. Although the belted plaid was peculiar to 
 the Highlanders, it came gradually to be worn by some 
 of the inhabitants of the Lowland districts adjoining 
 the Highlands; but it was discontinued about the end 
 of the last century. 
 
 As the Breacan was without pockets, a purse, called 
 sporan by the Highlanders, was fastened or tied in front, 
 which was very serviceable. This purse was made of 
 goats' or badgers' skin, and sometimes of leather, and 
 was neither so large nor so gaudy as that now in use. 
 People of rank or condition ornamented their purses 
 sometimes with a silver mouthpiece, and fixed the tassels 
 and other appendages with silver fastenings; but in 
 general the mouthpieces were of brass, and the cords 
 employed were of leather neatly interwoven. The sporan 
 was divided into several compartments. One of these 
 was appropriated for holding a watch, another money, 
 etc. The Highlanders even carried their shot in the 
 sporan occasionally, but for this purpose they commonly 
 carried a wallet at the right side, in which they also 
 stowed, when travelling, a quantity of meal and other 
 
 162
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 provisions. This military knapsack was called dorlach 
 by the Highlanders. 
 
 The use of stockings and shoes is of comparatively 
 recent date in the Highlands. Originally they encased 
 their feet in a piece of untanned hide, cut to the shape 
 and size of the foot, and drawn close together with 
 leather thongs, a practice which is observed by the 
 descendants of the Scandinavian settlers in the Shetland 
 islands even to the present day; but this mode of cover- 
 ing the feet was far from being general, as the greater 
 part of the population went barefooted. Such was the 
 state of the Highlanders who fought at Killicrankie; 
 and Birt, who wrote upward of a century ago, says that 
 he visited a well-educated and polite laird, in the north, 
 who wore neither shoes nor stockings, nor had any 
 covering for his feet. A modern writer observes, that 
 when the Highland regiments were embodied during 
 the French and American wars, hundreds of the men 
 were brought down without either stockings or shoes. 
 
 The stockings, which were originally of the same 
 pattern with the plaid, were not knitted, but were cut 
 out of the web, as is still done in the case of those worn 
 by the common soldiers in the Highland regiments; 
 but a great variety of fancy patterns are now in use. 
 The garters were of rich colours, and broad, and were 
 wrought in a small loom, which is now almost laid aside. 
 This texture was very close, which prevented them from 
 wrinkling, and displayed the pattern to its full extent. 
 On the occasion of an anniversary cavalcade, on Michael- 
 mas Day, by the inhabitants of the island of North Uist, 
 when persons of all ranks and of both sexes appeared 
 on horseback, the women, in return for presents of 
 knives and purses given them by the men, presented 
 the latter " with a pair of fine garters of divers colours." 
 
 The bonnet, of which there were various patterns, 
 
 163
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 completed the national garb, and those who could afford 
 had also, as essential accompaniments, a dirk, with a 
 knife and fork stuck in the side of the sheath, and some- 
 times a spoon, together with a pair of steel pistols. 
 
 The garb, however, differed materially in quality 
 and in ornamental display, according to the rank or 
 ability of the wearer. The short coat and waistcoat 
 worn by the wealthy were adorned with silver buttons, 
 tassels, embroidery, or lace, according to the taste or 
 fashion of the times; and even " among the better and 
 more provident of the lower ranks," as General Stewart 
 remarks, silver buttons were frequently found, which 
 had come down to them as an inheritance of long descent. 
 The same author observes, that the reason for wearing 
 these buttons, which were of a large size and of solid 
 silver, was that their value might defray the expense 
 of a decent funeral in the event of the wearer falling 
 in battle, or dying in a strange country and at a distance 
 from his friends. The officers of Mackay's and Munroe's 
 Highland regiments, who served under Gustavus Adol- 
 phus hi the wars of 1626 and 1638, in addition to rich 
 buttons, wore a gold chain round the neck, to secure the 
 owner, in case of being wounded or taken prisoner, good 
 treatment, or payment for future ransom. 
 
 Although shoe buckles now form a part of the High- 
 land costume, they were unknown in the Highlands 
 150 years ago. The ancient Highlanders did not wear 
 neckcloths. Their shirts were of woollen cloth, and as 
 linen was long expensive, a considerable time elapsed 
 before linen shirts came into general use. We have heard 
 an old and intelligent Highlander remark, that rheu- 
 matism was almost, if not wholly, unknown in the High- 
 lands until the introduction of linen shirts. 
 
 It is observed by General Stewart, that " among the 
 circumstances which influenced the military character 
 
 164
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 of the Highlanders, their peculiar garb was conspicuous,, 
 which, by its freedom and lightness, enabled them to 
 use their limbs, and to handle their arms with ease and 
 celerity, and to move with great speed when employed 
 with either cavalry or light infantry. In the wars of 
 Gustavus Adolphus, in the civil wars of Charles I; 
 and on various other occasions, they were often mixed 
 with the cavalry, affording to detached squadrons the 
 incalculable advantage of support from infantry, even 
 in their most rapid movements." " I observed," says 
 the author of " Memoirs of a Cavalier," speaking of the 
 Scots army in 1640, " I observed that these parties had 
 always some foot with them, and yet if the horses 
 galloped or pushed on ever so forward, the foot were as 
 forward as they, which was an extraordinary advan- 
 tage. These were those they call Highlanders; they 
 would run on foot with all their arms, and all their 
 accoutrements, and kept very good order too, and kept 
 pace with the horses, let them go at what rate they 
 would." 
 
 Among the different costumes with which we are 
 acquainted, none can stand comparison with the High- 
 land garb for gracefulness. The nice discernment and 
 correct taste of Eustace preferred it to the formal and 
 gorgeous drapery of the Asiatic costume. Its utility,- 
 now that such a complete change has been effected in 
 the manners and condition of the people, may be ques- 
 tioned, but it must be admitted on all hands, that a more 
 suitable dress for the times when it was used could not 
 have been invented. 
 
 The dress of the women seems to require some little 
 notice. Till marriage, or till they arrived at a certain 
 age, they went with the head bare, the hair being tied 
 with bandages or some slight ornament, after which 
 they wore a head-dress, called the curch, made of linen, 
 
 165
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which was tied under the chin; but when a young 
 woman lost her virtue and character she was obliged to 
 wear a cap, and never afterward to appear bareheaded. 
 Martin's observations on the dress of the females of the 
 western islands may be taken as giving a pretty correct 
 idea of that worn by those of the Highlands. " The 
 women wore sleeves of scarlet cloth, closed at the end 
 as men's vests, with gold lace round them, having plate 
 buttons set with fine stones. The head-dress was a fine 
 kerchief of linen, straight about the head. The plaid 
 was tied before on the breast, with a buckle of silver or 
 brass, according to the quality of the person. I have 
 seen some of the former of one hundred merks value; 
 the whole curiously engraved with various animals. 
 There was a lesser buckle which was worn hi the middle 
 of the larger. It had in the centre a large piece of 
 crystal, or some finer stone, of a lesser size." The plaid, 
 which, with the exception of a few stripes of red, black, 
 or blue, was white, reached from the neck almost to 
 the feet; it was plaited, and was tied round the waist 
 by a belt of leather, studded with small pieces of 
 silver. 
 
 The antiquity of the tartan has been called in question 
 by several writers, who have maintained that it is of 
 modem invention; but they have given no proofs in 
 support of their assertion. We have seen that an author 
 who wrote as far back as the year 1597 mentions this 
 species of cloth; and in the account of charge and dis- 
 charge of John, Bishop of Glasgow, Treasurer to King 
 James III in 1471, the following entries occur: 
 
 " An elne and ane halve of blue tartane to lyne his 
 
 gowne of cloth of gold 1 10 6 
 
 " Four elne and ane halve of tartane for a sparwurt 
 
 aboun his credill, price ane elne, 10s . . . 250 
 
 " Halve ane elne of duble tartane to lyne collars to 
 her lady the Quene, price 8 shillings." 
 
 16G
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 It is therefore absurd to say that tartan is a modern 
 invention. 
 
 When the great improvements in the process of dyeing 
 by means of chemistry are considered, it will appear 
 surprising, that without any knowledge of this art, 
 and without the substances now employed, the High- 
 landers should have been able, from the scanty materials 
 which their country afforded, to produce the beautiful 
 and lasting colours which distinguished the old High- 
 land tartan, some specimens of which are understood 
 still to exist, and which retain much of their original 
 brilliancy of colouring. " In dyeing and arranging the 
 various colours of their tartans, they displayed no small 
 art and taste, preserving at the same time the distinctive 
 patterns (or sets, as they were called) of the different 
 clans, tribes, families, and districts. Thus, a Macdonald, 
 a Campbell, a Mackenzie, etc., was known by his plaid; 
 and, in like manner, the Athole, Glenorchy, and other 
 colours of different districts were easily distinguishable. 
 Besides those general divisions, industrious housewives 
 had patterns, distinguished by the set, superior quality, 
 and fineness of cloth, or brightness and variety of the 
 colours. In those times, when mutual attachment and 
 confidence subsisted between the proprietors and oc- 
 cupiers of land in the Highlands, the removal of tenants, 
 except in remarkable cases, rarely occurred; and, 
 consequently, it was easy to preserve and perpetuate any 
 particular set or pattern, even among the lower orders." 
 
 The Highlanders, in common with most other nations, 
 were much addicted to superstition. The peculiar aspect 
 of their country, in which nature appears in its wildest 
 and most romantic features, exhibiting at a glance sharp 
 and rugged mountains, with dreary wastes wide- 
 stretched lakes, and rapid torrents, over which the thun- 
 ders and lightnings, and tempests and rains, of heaven, 
 
 167
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 exhaust their terrific rage, wrought upon the creative 
 powers of the imagination, and from these appearances, 
 the Highlanders " were naturally led to ascribe every 
 disaster to the influence of superior powers, in whose 
 character the predominating feature necessarily was 
 malignity toward the human race." 
 
 The most dangerous and most malignant creature 
 was the kelpie, or water-horse, which was supposed to 
 allure women and children to his subaqueous haunts, 
 and there devour them. Sometimes he would swell the 
 lake or torrent beyond its usual limits, and overwhelm 
 the unguarded traveller in the flood. The shepherd, 
 as he sat upon the brow of a rock in a summer's evening, 
 often fancied he saw this animal dashing along the surface 
 of the lake, or browsing on the pasture-ground upon its 
 verge. 
 
 The urisks, who were supposed to be of a condition 
 somewhat intermediate between that of mortal men 
 and spirits, " were a sort of lubbary supernaturals, who, 
 like the brownies of England, could be gained over by 
 kind attentions to perform the drudgery of the farm; 
 and it was believed that many families in the Highlands 
 had one of the order attached to it." The urisks were 
 supposed to live dispersed over the Highlands, each 
 having his own wild recess; but they were said to hold 
 stated assemblies in the celebrated cave called Coire- 
 nan-Uriskin, situated near the base of Ben- Venue, in 
 Aberfoyle, on its northern shoulder. It overhangs Loch 
 Katrine " in solemn grandeur," and is beautifully and 
 faithfully described by Sir Walter Scott. 13 
 
 The urisks, though generally inclined to mischief, 
 were supposed to relax in this propensity, if kindly 
 treated by the families which they haunted. They were 
 even serviceable hi some instances, and in this point 
 of view were often considered an acquisition. Each 
 
 168
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 family regularly set down a bowl of cream for its urisk, 
 and even clothes were sometimes added. The urisk 
 resented any omission or want of attention on the part 
 of the family; and tradition says that the urisk of 
 Glaschoil, a small farm about a mile to the west of Ben- 
 Venue, having been disappointed one night of his bowl 
 of cream, after performing the task allotted him, took 
 his departure about daybreak, uttering a horrible shriek, 
 and never again returned. 
 
 The Daoine Shith, or Shi' (men of peace), or as they 
 are sometimes called, Daoine matha (good men), come 
 next to be noticed. Dr. P. Graham considers the part 
 of the popular superstitions of the Highlands which 
 relates to these imaginary persons, and which is to this 
 day retained, as he observes, in some degree of purity, 
 as " the most beautiful and perfect branch of Highland 
 mythology." 
 
 Although it has been generally supposed that the 
 mythology of the Daoine Shi' is the same as that respect- 
 ing the fairies of England, as portrayed by Shakespeare, 
 in the " Midsummer Night's Dream," and perhaps, too, 
 of the Orientals, they differ essentially in many important 
 points. 
 
 The Daoine Shi', or men of peace, who are the fairies 
 of the Highlanders, " though not absolutely malevolent, 
 are believed to be a peevish, repining race of beings, 
 who, possessing themselves but a scanty portion of 
 happiness, are supposed to envy mankind their more 
 complete and substantial enjoyments. They are sup- 
 posed to enjoy, in their subterraneous recesses, a sort 
 of shadowy happiness, a tinsel grandeur, which, however, 
 they would willingly exchange for the more solid joys 
 of mortals." Green was the colour of the dress which 
 these men of peace always wore, and they were sup- 
 posed to take offence when any of the mortal race pre- 
 169
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 sumed to wear their favourite colour. The Highlanders 
 ascribe the disastrous result of the battle of Killie- 
 crankie to the circumstance of Viscount Dundee having 
 been dressed in green on that ill-fated day. This colour 
 is even yet considered ominous to those of his name who 
 assume it. 
 
 The abodes of the Daoine Shi' are supposed to be 
 below grassy eminences or knolls, where, during the 
 night, they celebrate their festivities by the light of 
 the moon, and dance to notes of the softest music. 14 
 Tradition reports that they have often allured some of 
 the human race into their subterraneous retreats, con- 
 sisting of gorgeous apartments, and that they have been 
 regaled with the most sumptuous banquets and delicious 
 wines. Their females far exceed the daughters of men in 
 beauty. If any mortal shall be tempted to partake of 
 their repast, or join in their pleasures, he at once for- 
 feits the society of his fellow-men, and is bound down 
 irrevocably to the condition of a Shi'ich, or man of 
 peace. 
 
 " A woman," says a Highland tradition, " was con- 
 veyed, in days of yore, into the secret recesses of the 
 men of peace. There she was recognized by one who 
 had formerly been an ordinary mortal, but who had, by 
 some fatality, become associated with the Shi'ichs. 
 This acquaintance, still retaining some portion of human 
 benevolence, warned her of her danger, and counselled 
 her, as she valued her liberty, to abstain from eating 
 or drinking with them for a certain space of time. She 
 complied with the counsel of her friend; and when the 
 period assigned was elapsed, she found herself again 
 upon earth, restored to the society of mortals. It is 
 added, that when she had examined the viands which 
 had been presented to her, and which had appeared so 
 tempting to the eye, they were found, now that the en- 
 
 170
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 chantment had been removed, to consist only of the 
 refuse of the earth." 
 
 Some mortals, however, who had been so unhappy 
 as to fall into the snares of the Shi'ichs, are generally 
 believed to have obtained a release from fairy-land, and 
 to have been restored to the society of their friends. 
 Ethert Brand, according to the legend, was released 
 by the intrepidity of his sister, as related by Sir Walter 
 Scott in the fourth Canto of the Lady of the Lake: 
 
 " She crossed him thrice that lady bold: 
 
 He rose beneath her hand, 
 The fairest knight on Scottish mould, 
 Her brother, Ethert Brand! " 
 
 A recent tradition gives a similar story, except in its 
 unfortunate catastrophe, and is thus related by Dr. 
 Patrick Graham in his " Sketches of Perthshire." 
 
 The Rev. Robert Kirk, the first translator of the 
 Psalms into Gaelic verse, had formerly been minister 
 at Balquidder; and died minister of Aberfoyle, in 1688, 
 at the early age of 42. His gravestone, which may be 
 seen near the east end of the church of Aberfoyle, bears 
 the inscription which is given in the note. 15 He was 
 walking, it Is said, one evening in his nightgown, upon 
 the little eminence to the west of the present manse, 
 which is still reckoned a Dun-shi'. He fell down dead, 
 as was believed; but this was not his fate: 
 
 " It was between the night and day, 
 When the fairy king has power, 
 That he sunk down (but not) in sinful fray, 
 And/twixt life and death, was snatched away, 
 To the joyless Elfin bower." 
 
 Mr. Kirk was the near relation of Mr. Graham of 
 Duchray, the ancestor of the present General Graham 
 
 171
 
 Stirling. Shortly after his funeral, he appeared in the 
 dress in which he had sunk down, to a mutual relation 
 of his own and of Duchray. " Go," said he to him, " to 
 my cousin Duchray, and tell him that I am not dead; 
 I fell down in a swoon, and was carried into fairy-land, 
 where I now am. Tell him, that when he and my friends 
 are assembled at the baptism of my child for he had 
 left his wife pregnant I will appear in the room, and 
 that if he throws the knife which he holds in his hand 
 over my head, I will be released, and restored to human 
 society." The man, it seems, neglected for some time 
 to deliver the message. Mr. Kirk appeared to him a. 
 second time, threatening to haunt him day and night 
 till he executed his commission, which at length he 
 did. The day of the baptism arrived. They were seated 
 at table. Mr. Kirk entered, but the Laird of Duchray, by 
 some unaccountable fatality, neglected to perform the 
 prescribed ceremony. Mr. Kirk retired by another door, 
 and was seen no more. It is firmly believed that he is, 
 at this day, in fairy-land. 
 
 Another legend in a similar strain is also given as 
 communicated by a very intelligent young lady: 
 
 " A young man roaming one day through the forest, 
 observed a number of persons, all dressed in green, 
 issuing from one of those round eminences which are 
 commonly accounted fairy hills. Each of them, in 
 succession, called upon a person by name, to fetch his 
 horse. A caparisoned steed instantly appeared; they 
 all mounted, and sallied forth into the regions of the air. 
 The young man, like AH Baba in the ' Arabian Nights/ 
 ventured to pronounce the same name, and called for 
 his horse. The steed immediately appeared ; he mounted 
 and was soon joined to the fairy choir. He remained 
 with them for a year, going about with them to fairs 
 and weddings, and feasting, though unseen by mortal 
 
 172
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 -eyes, on the victuals that were exhibited on those 
 occasions. They had, one day, gone to a wedding, where 
 the cheer was abundant. During the feast the bride- 
 groom sneezed. The young man, according to the 
 usual custom, said, ' God bless you, 18 The fairies were 
 offended at the pronunciation of the sacred name, and 
 assured him, that if he dared to repeat it they would 
 punish him. The bridegroom sneezed a second time. 
 He repeated his blessing; they threatened more than 
 tremendous vengeance. He sneezed a third time; he 
 blessed him as before. The fairies were enraged; they 
 tumbled him from a precipice, but he found himself 
 unhurt, and was restored to the society of mortals." 
 
 The Shi'ichs, or men of peace, are supposed to have a 
 design against new-born children, and women in child- 
 bed, whom, it is universally believed, they sometimes 
 carry off into their secret recesses. To prevent this 
 abduction, women in childbed are closely watched, 
 and are not left alone, even for a single moment, till 
 the child is baptized, when the Shi'ichs are supposed to 
 have no more power over them. 17 
 
 The following tradition will illustrate this branch of 
 the popular superstition respecting the Shi'ichs: A 
 woman whose new-born child had been conveyed by 
 them into their secret abodes, was also carried thither 
 herself, to remain, however, only until she should suckle 
 her infant. She one day, during this period, observed 
 the Shi'ichs busily employed in mixing various ingredi- 
 ents in a boiling cauldron; and as soon as the composi- 
 tion was prepared, she remarked that they all carefully 
 anointed their eyes with it, laying the remainder aside 
 for future use. In a moment when they were all absent, 
 she also attempted to anoint her eyes with the precious 
 drug, but had time to apply it to one eye only, when 
 the Daoine Shi' returned. But with that eye, she was 
 
 173
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 henceforth enabled to see everything as it really passed 
 in their secret abodes; she saw every object, not as she 
 liad hitherto done, in deceptive splendour and elegance, 
 but in its genuine colours and form. The gaudy orna- 
 ments of the apartment were reduced to the naked walls 
 of a gloomy cavern. Soon after, having discharged her 
 office, she was dismissed to her own home. Still, how- 
 ever, she retained the faculty of seeing with her medi- 
 cated eye everything that was done, anywhere in her 
 presence, by the deceptive art of the order. One day, 
 amidst a throng of people, she chanced to observe the 
 Shi'ich, or man of peace, in whose possession she had left 
 her child, though to every other eye invisible. Prompted 
 by maternal affection, she inadvertently accosted him, 
 and began to inquire after the welfare of her child. 
 The man of peace, astonished at thus being recognized 
 by one of mortal race, sternly demanded how she had 
 been enabled to discover him. Awed by the terrific 
 frown of his countenance, she acknowledged what she 
 had done. He spit into her eye, and extinguished it 
 for ever. 
 
 The Shi'ichs, it is still believed, have a great pro- 
 pensity for attending funerals and weddings, and other 
 public entertainments, and even fairs. They have an 
 object in this; for it is believed that, though invisible 
 to mortal eyes, they are busily employed in carrying 
 away the substantial articles and provisions which are 
 exhibited, in place of which they substitute shadowy 
 forms, having the appearance of the things so purloined. 
 And so strong was the belief in this mythology, even tilt 
 a recent period, that some persons are old enough to- 
 remember that some individuals would not eat any- 
 thing presented on the occasions alluded to, because they 
 believed it to be unsubstantial and hurtful. 
 
 As the Shi'ichs are always supposed to be present 
 
 174
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 on all occasions, though invisible, the Highlanders, 
 whenever they allude to them, do so in terms of respect. 
 This is, however, done as seldom as possible, as they 
 endeavour to avoid conversing about them as much as 
 possible; and when the Shi'ichs are casually mentioned, 
 the Highlanders add some propitiatory expression of 
 praise to avert their displeasure, which they greatly 
 dread. This reserve and dread on the part of the High- 
 landers is said to arise from the peevish envy and 
 jealousy which the Shi'ichs are believed to entertain 
 toward the human race. Although believed to be always 
 present, watching the doings of mortals, the Shi'ichs 
 are supposed to be more particular in their attendance 
 on Friday, on which day they are believed to possess 
 very extensive influence. They are believed to be es- 
 pecially jealous of what may be said concerning them; 
 and if they are at all spoken of on that day, which is 
 never done without great reluctance, the Highlanders 
 uniformly style them the Daoine matha, or good men. 
 
 According to the traditionary legends of the High- 
 landers, the Shi'ichs are believed to be of both sexes; 
 and it is the general opinion among the Highlanders 
 that men have sometimes cohabited with females of 
 the Shi'ich race, who are in consequence called Leannan 
 Shi'. These mistresses are believed to be very kind to 
 their mortal paramours, by revealing to them the 
 knowledge of many things both present and future, 
 which were concealed from the rest of mankind. The 
 knowledge of the medicinal virtues of many herbs, it is 
 related, has been obtained in this way from the Leannan 
 Shi'. The Daoine Shi' of the other sex are said, in their 
 turn, to have sometimes held intercourse with mistresses 
 of mortal race. 
 
 This popular superstition relating to the Daoine Shi' 
 is supposed, with good reason, to have taken its rise in the 
 
 175
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 times of the Druids, or rather to have been invented 
 by them after the overthrow of their hierarchy, for the 
 purpose of preserving the existence of their order, after 
 they had retreated for safety to caves and the deep 
 recesses of the forest. This idea receives some corrobo- 
 ration from the Gaelic term, Druidheachd, which the 
 Highlanders apply to the deceptive power by which the 
 men of peace are believed to impose upon the senses 
 of mankind; " founded, probably, on the opinion enter- 
 tained of old, concerning the magical powers of the 
 Druids. Deeply versed, according to Caesar's informa- 
 tion, as the Druids were, in the higher departments 
 of philosophy, and probably acquainted with electric- 
 ity, and various branches of chemistry, they might 
 find it easy to excite the belief of their supernatural 
 powers, in the minds of the uninitiated vulgar." The 
 influence of this powerful order upon the popular belief 
 was felt long after the supposed era of its extinction; 
 for it was not until Christianity was introduced into the 
 Highlands, that the total suppression of the Druids 
 took place. Adomnan mentions in his life of St. Col- 
 umba, the mocidruidi (or sons of Druids) as existing 
 in Scotland in the time of Columba; and he informs 
 us " that the saint was interrupted at the castle of 
 the king (of the Picts), in the discharge of his religious 
 offices, by certain magi; " a term, by the bye, applied 
 by Pliny to the order of the Druids. The following 
 passage from an ancient Gaelic MS. in the possession 
 of the Highland Society of Scotland, supposed to be 
 of the twelfth or thirteenth century, is conjectured to 
 refer to the incident noticed by Adomnan. " After 
 this, St. Columba went upon a time to the king of the 
 Picts, namely, Bruidhi, son of Milchu, and the gate of 
 the castle was shut against him; but the iron locks of 
 the town opened instantly, through the prayers of 
 
 176
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Columb Cille. Then came the son of the king, to wit, 
 Maelchu, and his Druid, to argue keenly against Columb 
 Cille, in support of paganism." 
 
 Martin relates that the natives of South-Uist believed 
 that a valley called Glenslyte, situated between two 
 mountains on the east side of the Island, was haunted 
 by spirits, whom they called the great men, and that 
 if any man or woman entered the valley without first 
 making an entire resignation of themselves to the con- 
 duct of the great men, they would infallibly grow mad. 
 The words by which they gave themselves up to the 
 guidance of these men are comprehended in three sen- 
 tences, wherein the glen is twice named. This author 
 remonstrated with the inhabitants upon this " piece 
 of silly credulity," but they answered that there had 
 been a late instance of a woman who went into the glen 
 without resigning herself to the guidance of the great 
 men, " and immediately after, she became mad; which 
 confirmed them in their unreasonable fancy." He also 
 observes, that the people who resided in the glen in 
 summer said they sometimes heard a loud noise in the 
 air like men speaking. 
 
 The same writer mentions a universal custom among 
 the inhabitants of the western islands, of pouring a 
 cow's milk upon a little hill, or big stone, where a spirit 
 they called Brownie, was believed to lodge, which spirit 
 always appeared in the shape of a tall man, with very 
 long brown hair. On inquiring " from several well- 
 meaning women, who, until of late, had practised it," 
 they told Martin that it had been transmitted to them 
 by their ancestors, who believed it was attended with 
 good fortune, but the most credulous of the vulgar had 
 then laid it aside. 
 
 It was also customary among the " overcurious," 
 in the western islands, to consult an invisible oracle, 
 
 177
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 concerning the fate of families, battles, etc. This was 
 done three different ways; the first was by a company 
 of men, one of whom, being chosen by lot, was afterward 
 carried to a river, the boundary between two villages; 
 four of the company seized on him, and having shut 
 his eyes, they took him by the legs and arms, and then 
 tossing him to and fro, struck his posteriors with force 
 against the bank. One of them then cried out, " What 
 is it you have got here? " Another answered, " A log of 
 birch wood." The other cried again, " Let his invisible 
 friends appear from all quarters, and let them relieve 
 him, by giving an answer to our present demands;" 
 and in a few minutes after, a number of little creatures 
 came from the sea, who answered the question, and 
 disappeared suddenly. The man was then set at liberty,. 
 and they all returned home to take their measures accord- 
 ing to the prediction of their false prophets. This was 
 always practised at night. 
 
 The second way of consulting the oracle was by a. 
 party of men, who first retired to solitary places, remote 
 from any house, and then singling out one of their 
 number, wrapped him in a large cow's hide, which they 
 folded about him, covering all but his head, in which 
 posture they left him all night until his invisible friends 
 relieved him by giving a proper answer to the question 
 put; which answer he received, as he fancied, from 
 several persons he found about him all that time. His 
 companions returned to him at break of day, when he 
 communicated his news to them, which it is said " often 
 proved fatal to those concerned in such unlawful in- 
 quiries." 
 
 The third way of consulting the oracle, and which 
 consultation was to serve as a confirmation of the second, 
 was this: The same company who put the man into 
 the hide, took a live cat and put him on a spit. One of 
 
 178
 
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the company was employed to turn the spit, and when 
 in the act of turning, one of his companions would ask 
 him, what are you doing? He answered, I roast this 
 cat, until his friends answer the question, the same as 
 that proposed to the man enclosed in the hide. After- 
 ward a very large cat was said to come, attended by a 
 number of lesser cats, desiring to relieve the cat turned 
 upon the spit, and answered the question. And if the 
 answer turned out to be the same that was given to 
 the man in the hide, then it was taken as a confirmation 
 of the other, which in this case was believed infal- 
 lible. 
 
 A singular practice called Deis-iuil existed hi the 
 Western Islands, so called from a man going round 
 carrying fire in his right hand, which in the Gaelic is 
 called Deas. In the island of Lewis this fiery circuit 
 was made about the houses, corn, cattle, etc., of each 
 particular family, to protect them from the power of 
 evil spirits. The fire was also carried round about 
 women before they were churched after child-bearing, 
 and about children till they were baptized. This cere- 
 mony was performed in the morning and at night, and 
 was practised by some of the old mid wives in Martin's 
 time. Some of them told him that " the fire-round was 
 an effectual means of preserving both the mother and the 
 infant from the power of evil spirits, who are ready at 
 such times to do mischief, and sometimes carry away 
 the infant; and when they get them once in their pos- 
 session, return them poor meagre skeletons; and these 
 infants are said to have voracious appetites, constantly 
 craving for meat. In this case it was usual with those 
 who believed that their children were thus taken away, 
 to dig a grave in the fields upon quarter-day, and there 
 to lay the fairy skeleton till next morning; at which 
 time the parents went to the place, where they doubted 
 
 179
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 not to find their own child instead of this skeleton. 
 Some of the poorer sort of people in these islands long 
 retained a custom of performing rounds sun-wise, 
 about the persons of their benefactors three times, when 
 they blessed them, and wished good success to all their 
 enterprises. Some were very careful, when they set 
 out to sea, that the boat should be first rowed about 
 sun-wise; and if this was neglected, they were afraid 
 their voyage would prove unfortunate." These and 
 many other customs which were peculiar to the inhabi- 
 tants of the Western Islands, are, we think, of Scandi- 
 navian origin, and were probably introduced by the 
 Danish Vikingr. The practice of turning the boat sun- 
 wise is still observed by the fishermen of the Shetland 
 islands, where none of the Celtic usages were ever intro- 
 duced. 
 
 A prevailing superstition also existed in the Western 
 Islands, and among the inhabitants of the neighbouring 
 coast, that women, by a certain charm or by some 
 secret influence, could withdraw and appropriate to 
 their own use the increase of their neighbour's cow's 
 milk. It was believed, however, that the milk so charmed 
 did not produce the ordinary quantity of butter usually 
 churned from other milk, and that the curds made of 
 such milk were so tough that they could not be made so 
 firm as other cheese, and that it was also much lighter in 
 weight. It was also believed that the butter produced 
 from the charmed milk could be discovered from that 
 yielded from the charmer's own milk, by a difference 
 in the colour, the former being of a paler hue than the 
 latter. The woman in whose possession butter so dis- 
 tinguished was found was considered to be guilty. To 
 bring back the increase of milk, it was usual to take a 
 little of the rennet from all the suspected persons, and 
 put it into an egg-shell full of milk, and when the rennet 
 
 180
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 taken from the charmer was mingled with it, it was said 
 presently to curdle, but not before. Some women put 
 the root of groundsel among their cream as an amulet 
 against such charms. 
 
 In retaliation for washing dishes, wherein milk was 
 kept, in streams or rivulets in which trouts were, it was 
 believed that they prevented or took away an increase 
 of milk, and the damage thus occasioned could only be 
 repaired by taking a live trout and pouring milk into 
 its mouth. If the milk curdled immediately, this was 
 a sure sign of its being taken away by trouts; if not, 
 the inhabitants ascribed the evil to some other cause. 
 Some women, it was affirmed, had the art to take away 
 the milk of nurses. 
 
 A similar superstition existed as to malt, the virtues 
 of which were said to be sometimes imperceptibly 
 filched, by some charm, before being used, so that the 
 drink made of this malt had neither strength nor good 
 taste, while, on the contrary, the supposed charmer 
 had very good ale all the time. The following curious 
 story is told by Martin in relation to this subject. 
 " A gentleman of my acquaintance, for the space of 
 a year, could not have a drop of good ale in his house; 
 and having complained of it to all that conversed with 
 him, he was at last advised to get some yeast from every 
 alehouse in the parish; and having got a little from one 
 particular man, he put it among his wort, which became 
 as good ale as could be drank, and so defeated the charm. 
 After which, the gentleman on whose land this man lived, 
 banished him thirty-six miles from thence." 
 
 A singular mode of divination was sometimes prac- 
 tised by the Highlanders with bones. Having picked 
 the flesh clean off a shoulder-blade of mutton, which 
 was supposed to lose its virtue if touched by iron, they 
 turned towards the east, and with looks steadily fixed 
 
 181
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 on the transparent bone they pretended to foretell 
 deaths, burials, etc. 
 
 The phases or changes of the moon were closely 
 observed, and it was only at particular periods of her 
 revolution that they would cut turf or fuel, fell wood, 
 or cut thatch for houses, or go upon any important 
 expedition. They expected better crops of grain by 
 sowing their seed in the moon's increase. " The moon," 
 as Doctor Johnson observes, " has great influence in 
 vulgar philosophy," and in his memory it was a precept 
 annually given in one of the English almanacs, " To 
 kill hogs when the moon was increasing, and the bacon 
 would prove the better in boiling." 
 
 The aid of superstition was sometimes resorted to for 
 curing diseases. For hectic and consumptive complaints, 
 the Highlanders used to pare the nails of the fingers 
 and toes of the patient, put these parings into a bag 
 made from a piece of his clothes, and after waving 
 their hand with the bag thrice round his head, and crying, 
 Deis-iuil, they buried it in some unknown place. Pliny, 
 in his natural history, states this practice to have existed 
 among the Magi or Druids of his time. 
 
 To remove any contagious disease from cattle, they 
 used to extinguish the fires hi the surrounding villages, 
 after which they forced fire with a wheel, or by rubbing 
 one piece of dry wood upon another, with which they 
 burned juniper hi the stalls of the cattle that the smoke 
 might purify the air about them. When this was per- 
 formed, the fires in the houses were rekindled from the 
 forced fire. Shaw relates hi his history of Moray, that 
 he personally witnessed both the last mentioned prac- 
 tices. 
 
 Akin to some of the superstitions we have noticed, but 
 differing from them in many essential respects, is the 
 belief for superstition it cannot well be called in 
 
 182
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the second sight, by which, as Doctor Johnson observes, 
 " seems to be meant a mode of seeing, superadded to 
 that which nature generally bestows," and consists of 
 " an impression made either by the mind upon the eye, 
 or by the eye upon the mind, by which things distant 
 or future are perceived, and seen as if they were present." 
 This " deceptive faculty " is called taibhse in the Gaelic, 
 which signifies a spectre, or a vision, and is neither 
 voluntary nor constant, but consists " in seeing an 
 otherwise invisible object, without any previous means 
 used by the person that sees it for that end; the vision 
 makes such a lively impression upon the seers, that they 
 neither see nor think of anything else, except the vision, 
 as long as it continues; and then they appear pensive 
 or jovial, according to the object which was represented 
 to them." 
 
 It has been observed by lookers-on, that those persons 
 who saw, or were supposed to see, a vision, always kept 
 their eyelids erect, and that they continued to stare 
 until the object vanished. Martin affirms that he and 
 other persons that were with them, observed this more 
 than once; and he mentions an instance of a man in 
 Skye, the inner part of whose eyelids was turned so 
 far upwards during a vision, that after the object 
 disappeared he found it necessary to draw them down 
 with his fingers, and would sometimes employ others to 
 draw them down, which he indeed, Martin says, " found 
 from experience to be the easier way." 
 
 The visions are said to have taken place either in the 
 morning, at noon, in the evening, or at night. If an 
 object was seen early in the morning, its accomplishment 
 would take place in a few hours thereafter. If at noon, 
 that very day. If in the evening, perhaps that night; 
 if after the candles were lighted, the accomplishment 
 would take place by weeks, months, and sometimes 
 
 183
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 years, according to the time of night the vision was 
 seen. 
 
 As the appearances which are said to have been ob- 
 served in visions and their prognostics are not generally 
 known, and may prove curious to the general reader, a 
 few of them shall be here stated, as noted by Martin. 
 
 When a shroud was perceived about one, it was a sure 
 prognostic of death. The time was judged according 
 to the height of it about the person. If not seen above 
 the middle, death was not to be expected for the space 
 of a year, and perhaps some months longer; and as it 
 was frequently seen to ascend higher towards the head, 
 death was concluded to be at hand within a few days, 
 if not hours. 
 
 If a woman was seen standing at a man's left hand, it 
 was a presage that she would be his wife, whether they 
 were married to others, or unmarried at the time of the 
 apparition. 
 
 If two or three women were seen at once standing near 
 a man's left hand, she that was next to him would un- 
 doubtedly be his wife first, and so on, whether all three, 
 or the man, were single or married at the time of the 
 vision or not. 
 
 It was usual for the seers to see any man that was 
 shortly to arrive at the house. If unknown to the seer 
 he would give such a description of the person he saw 
 as to make him to be at once recognized upon his arrival. 
 On the other hand, if the seer knew the person he saw 
 in the vision, he would tell his name, and know by the 
 expression of his countenance whether he came in a 
 good or bad humour. 
 
 The seers often saw houses, gardens, and trees, in 
 places where there were none, but in the course of time 
 these places became covered with them. 
 
 To see a spark of fire fall upon one's arm or breast 
 
 184
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 was a forerunner of a dead child to be seen in the arms 
 of those persons. To see a seat empty when one was 
 sitting on it, was a presage of that person's immediate 
 death. 
 
 There are now few persons, if any, who pretend to this 
 faculty, and the belief in it is almost generally exploded. 
 Yet it cannot be denied that apparent proofs of its 
 existence have been adduced which have staggered 
 minds not prone to superstition. When the connection 
 between cause and effect can be recognized, things 
 which would otherwise have appeared wonderful and 
 almost incredible are viewed as ordinary occurrences. 
 The impossibility of accounting for such an extraordi- 
 nary phenomenon as the alleged faculty, on philosophical 
 principles, or from the laws of nature, must ever leave 
 the matter suspended between rational doubt and 
 confirmed scepticism. " Strong reasons for incredulity," 
 says Doctor Johnson, " will readily occur. This faculty 
 of seeing things out of sight is local, and commonly 
 useless. It is a breach of the common order of things, 
 without any visible reason or perceptible benefit. It is 
 ascribed only to a people very little enlightened; and 
 among them, for the most part, to the mean and ignorant. 
 To the confidence of these objections it may be replied, 
 that by presuming to determine what is fit, and what is 
 beneficial, they presuppose more knowledge of the 
 universal system than man has attained; and therefore 
 depend upon principles too complicated and exten- 
 sive for our comprehension; and that there can be no 
 security in the consequence, when the premises are not 
 understood; that the second sight is only wonderful 
 because it is rare, for, considered in itself, it involves 
 no more difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the 
 regular exercises of the cogitative faculty; that a general 
 opinion of communicative impulses, or visionary repre- 
 
 185
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 sentations, has prevailed in all ages and all nations; 
 that particular instances have been given, with such 
 evidence as neither Bacon, nor Bayle, has been able to 
 resist; that sudden impressions, which the event has 
 verified, have been felt by more than own or publish 
 them; that the second sight of the Hebrides implies 
 only the local frequency of a power which is nowhere 
 totally unknown; and that where we are unable to 
 decide by antecedent reason, we must be content to 
 yield to the force of testimony." 
 
 Among the various modes of social intercourse which 
 gladdened the minds and dissipated the worldly cares of 
 the Highlanders, weddings bore a distinguished part, 
 and they were longed for with a peculiar earnestness. 
 Young and old, from the boy and girl of the age of ten 
 to the hoary headed sire and aged matron, attended 
 them. The marriage invitations were given by the bride 
 and bridegroom, in person, for some weeks previous, 
 and included the respective friends of the betrothed 
 parties living at the distance of many miles. 
 
 When the bride and bridegroom had completed their 
 rounds, the custom was for the matrons of the invited 
 families to return the visit within a few days, carrying 
 along with them large presents of hams, beef, cheese, 
 butter, malt, spirits, and such other articles as they 
 inclined or thought necessary for the approaching feast. 
 To such an extent was this practice carried in some 
 instances in the quantity presented, that, along with 
 what the guests paid (as they commonly did) for their 
 entertainment at the marriage, and the gifts presented 
 on the day after the marriage, the young couple obtained 
 a pretty fair competence, which warded off the shafts of 
 poverty, and even made them comfortable in after- 
 life. 
 
 The joyous wedding-morning was ushered in by the 
 
 186
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 notes of the bagpipe. A party of pipers, followed by the 
 bridegroom and a party of his friends, commenced at 
 an early hour a round of morning calls to remind the 
 guests of their engagements. These hastened to join the 
 party, and before the circuit, which sometimes occupied 
 several hours, had ended, some hundreds, perhaps, had 
 joined the wedding standard before they reached the 
 bridegroom's house. The bride made a similar round 
 among her friends. Separate dinners were provided; the 
 bridegroom giving a dinner to his friends, and the bride 
 to hers. The marriage ceremony was seldom performed 
 till after dinner. The clergyman, sometimes, attended, 
 but the parties preferred waiting on him, as the appear- 
 ance of a large procession to his house gave additional 
 importance and eclat to the ceremony of the day, which 
 was further heightened by a constant firing by the young 
 men, who supplied themselves with guns and pistols, 
 and which firing was responded to by every hamlet 
 as the party passed along; " so that, with streamers 
 flying, pipers playing, the constant firing from all sides, 
 and the shouts of the young men, the whole had the 
 appearance of a military army passing, with all the noise 
 of warfare, through a hostile country." 
 
 On the wedding-day, the bride and bridegroom avoided 
 each other till they met before the clergyman. Many 
 ceremonies were performed during the celebration of the 
 marriage rites. These ceremonies were of an amusing 
 and innocent description, and added much to the cheer- 
 fulness and happiness of the young people. One of these 
 ceremonies consisted in untying all the bindings and 
 strings about the person of the bridegroom, to denote 
 that nothing was to be bound on the marriage-day but 
 the one indissoluble knot which death only can dissolve. 
 The bride was exempted from this operation from a 
 delicacy of feeling towards her sex, and from a supposi- 
 
 187
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 tion that she was so pure that infidelity on her part 
 could not be contemplated. 
 
 To discontinue practices in themselves innocent, and 
 which contribute to the social happiness of mankind, 
 must ever be regretted, and it is not therefore to be won- 
 dered at, that a generous and open-hearted Highlander, 
 like General Stewart, should have expressed his regret 
 at the partial disuse of these ceremonies, or that he should 
 have preferred a Highland wedding, where he had himself 
 " been so happy, and seen so many blithe countenances, 
 and eyes sparkling with delight, to such weddings as 
 that of the Laird of Drum, ancestor of the Lord Sommer- 
 ville, when he married a daughter of Sir James Banna- 
 tyne of Corehouse." 18 
 
 The festivities of the wedding-day were generally 
 prolonged to a late hour, and during the whole day the 
 fiddlers and pipers never ceased, except at short intervals, 
 to make sweet music. The fiddlers performed in the 
 house, the pipers in the field; 19 so that the company 
 alternately enjoyed the pleasure of dancing within and 
 without the house, as inclined, provided the weather 
 permitted. 
 
 No people were more attached to the fulfilment of all 
 the domestic duties, and the sacred obligation of the 
 marriage vow, than the Highlanders. A violation 
 thereof was of course of unfrequent occurrence, and 
 among the common people a separation was almost 
 unknown. Rarely, indeed, did a husband attempt to 
 get rid of his wife, however disagreeable she might be. 
 He would have considered his children dishonoured, if 
 he had driven their mother from the protection of his 
 roof. The punishment inflicted by the ecclesiastical 
 authority for an infringement of the marriage vow was, 
 that " the guilty person, whether male or female, was 
 made to stand in a barrel of cold water at the church. 
 
 188
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 door, after which, the delinquent, clad in a wet canvas 
 shirt, was made to stand before the congregation, and at 
 close of service the minister explained the nature of the 
 offence." Illicit intercourse before marriage between 
 the sexes was also of rare occurrence, and met with 
 condign punishment in the public infamy which attended 
 such breaches against chastity. 
 
 This was the more remarkable, as early marriages 
 were discouraged and the younger sons were not allowed 
 to marry until they obtained sufficient means to keep a 
 house and to rent a small farm, or were otherwise enabled 
 to support a family. 
 
 The attachment of the Highlanders to their offspring 
 and the veneration and filial piety which a reciprocal 
 feeling produced on the part of their children were 
 leading characteristics in the Highland character, and 
 much as these mountaineers have degenerated in some 
 of the other virtues, these affections still remain almost 
 unimpaired. Children seldom desert their parents in 
 their old age, and when forced to earn a subsistence 
 from home, they always consider themselves bound to 
 share with their parents whatever they can save from their 
 wages. But the parents are never left alone, as one of 
 the family, by turns, remains at home for the purpose 
 of taking care of them in terms of an arrangement. 
 " The sense of duty is not extinguished by absence from 
 the mountains. It accompanies the Highland soldier 
 amid the dissipations of a mode of life to which he has 
 not been accustomed. It prompts him to save a portion 
 of his pay, to enable him to assist his parents, and also 
 to work when he has an opportunity, that he may in- 
 crease their allowance, at once preserving himself from 
 idle habits, and contributing to the comfort and happi- 
 ness of those who gave him birth. I have been a frequent 
 witness of these offerings of filial bounty, and the 
 
 189
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 channel through which they were communicated, and. 
 I have generally found that a threat of informing their 
 parents of misconduct has operated as a sufficient check 
 on voung soldiers, who always received the intimation 
 with a sort of horror. They knew that the report would 
 not only grieve their relations, but act as a sentence of 
 banishment against themselves, as they could not 
 return home with a bad or blemished character. Generals 
 M'Kenzie, Fraser, and M'Kenzie of Suddie, who suc- 
 cessively commanded the 78th Highlanders, seldom had 
 occasion to resort to any other punishment than threats 
 of this kind, for several years after the embodying of 
 that regiment." 
 
 Nor were the Highlanders less alive to the principles of 
 honesty and fair dealing, in their transactions with one 
 another. Disgrace was the usual consequence of in- 
 solvency, which was considered ex facie criminal. Bank- 
 rupts were not only compelled to wear a dyvours habit, 
 but to undergo a singular punishment. They " were 
 forced to surrender their all, and were clad in a party- 
 coloured clouted garment, with the hose of different sets, 
 and had their hips dashed against a stone, in pres- 
 ence of the people, by four men, each taking hold of 
 an arm or a leg. This punishment was called Ton- 
 cruaidh." 
 
 Such was the confidence in their honour and integrity, 
 that in the ordinary transactions of the people, a mere 
 verbal obligation without the intervention of any writing 
 was held quite sufficient, although contracted in the 
 most private manner, 20 and there were few instances 
 where the obligation was either unfulfilled or denied. 
 Their mode of concluding or confirming their money 
 agreements or other transactions was by the contracting 
 parties going out into the open air, and with eyes erect, 
 taking Heaven to witness their engagements, after which 
 
 190
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 each party put a mark on some remarkable stone or 
 other natural object, which their ancestors had been 
 accustomed to notice. 
 
 Accustomed, as the Highlanders were, to interminable 
 feuds arising out of the pretensions of rival clans, the 
 native courage which they had inherited from their 
 Celtic progenitors was preserved unimpaired. Instances 
 of cowardice were, therefore, of rare occurrence, and 
 whoever exhibited symptoms of fear before a foe was 
 considered infamous and put to the ban of his party. 
 The following anecdote, as related by Mrs. Grant, shows, 
 strongly, the detestation which the Highlanders enter- 
 tain towards those who had disgraced themselves and 
 their clan by an act of poltroonery: "There was a 
 clan, I must not say what clan it is, who had been for 
 ages governed by a series of chiefs, singularly estimable, 
 and highly beloved, and who, in one instance, provoked 
 their leader to the extreme of indignation. I should 
 observe that the transgression was partial, the culprits 
 being the inhabitants of one single parish. These, in a 
 hasty skirmish with a neighbouring clan, thinking 
 discretion the best part of valour, sought safety in 
 retreat. A cruel chief would have inflicted the worst of 
 punishments, banishment from the bounds of his 
 clan, which, indeed, fell little short of the curse of 
 Kehama. This good laird, however, set bounds to his 
 wrath, yet made their punishment severe and exemplary. 
 He appeared himself with all the population of the three 
 adjacent parishes at the parish church of the offenders, 
 where they were all by order convened. After divine 
 service, they were marched three times round the church, 
 in presence of their offended leader and his assembled 
 clan. Each individual, on coming out of the church 
 door, was obliged to draw out his tongue with his fingers, 
 and then cry audibly, ' Shud bleider heich,' i.e. ' This 
 
 191
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 is the poltroon,' and to repeat it at every corner of the 
 church. After this procession of ignominy, no other 
 punishment was inflicted, except that of being left to 
 guard the district when the rest were called out to 
 battle. ... It is credibly asserted, that no enemy has 
 seen the back of any of that name (Grant) ever since. 
 And it is certain that, to this day, it is not safe for any 
 person of another name to mention the circumstance 
 in presence of one of the affronted clan." 
 
 The Highlanders, like the inhabitants of other romantic 
 and mountainous regions, always retain an enthusiastic 
 attachment to their country, which neither distance of 
 place nor length of time can efface. This strong feeling 
 has, we think, been attributed erroneously to the 
 powerful and lasting effect which the external objects 
 of nature, seen in their wildest and most fantastic forms 
 and features, are calculated to impress upon the imagina- 
 tion. 
 
 No doubt the remembrance of these objects might con- 
 tribute to endear the scenes of youth to the patriotic 
 Highlander when far removed from his native glens; 
 but it was the recollection of home, sweet home ! - 
 of the domestic circle, and of the many pleasing associa- 
 tions which arise from the contemplation of the days of 
 other years, when mirth and innocence held mutual 
 dalliance, that chiefly impelled him to sigh for the land 
 of his fathers. Mankind have naturally an affection 
 for the country of their birth, and this affection is felt 
 more or less according to the degree of social or com- 
 mercial intercourse which exists among nations. Con- 
 fined, like the Swiss, for many ages within their natural 
 boundaries, and having little or no intercourse with the 
 rest of the world, the Highlanders formed those strong 
 local attachments for which they were long remarkably 
 distinguished, but which are now being gradually oblit- 
 
 192
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 erated by the mighty changes rapidly taking place in 
 the state of society. 
 
 Firmly attached as they were to their country, the 
 Highlanders had also a singular predilection for the 
 place of their birth. An amusing instance of this local 
 attachment is mentioned by General Stewart. A tenant 
 of his father's, at the foot of the mountain Shichallain, 
 having removed and followed his son to a farm which 
 the latter had taken at some distance lower down the 
 country, the old man was missing for a considerable 
 time one morning, and on being asked on his return 
 where he had been, replied, " As I was sitting by the 
 side of the river, a thought came across me, that, per- 
 haps, some of the waters from Shichallain, and the 
 sweet fountains that watered the farm of my fore- 
 fathers, might now be passing by me, and that if I bathed 
 they might touch my skin. I immediately stripped, 
 and, from the pleasure I felt in being surrounded by the 
 pure waters of Leidna-breilag (the name of the farm) 
 I could not tear myself away sooner." But this fondness 
 of the Highlander was not confined to the desire of 
 living upon the beloved spot it extended even to 
 the grave. The idea of dying at a distance from home 
 and among strangers could not be endured, and the aged 
 Highlander, when absent from his native place, felt 
 discomposed lest death should overtake him before his 
 return. To be consigned to the grave among strangers, 
 without the attendance and sympathy of friends, and at 
 a distance from their family, was considered a heavy 
 calamity; and even to this day, people make the greatest 
 exertions to carry home the bodies of such relations as 
 happen to die far from the ground hallowed by the ashes 
 of their forefathers. This trait was exemplified in the 
 case of a woman aged ninety-one, who a few years ago 
 went to Perth from her house in Strathbrane in perfect 
 
 193
 
 health, and in the possession of all her faculties. A few 
 days after her arrival in Perth, where she had gone to 
 visit a daughter, she had a slight attack of fever. One 
 evening a considerable quantity of snow had fallen, and 
 she expressed great anxiety, particularly when told that 
 a heavier fall was expected. Next morning her bed was 
 found empty, and no trace of her could be discovered, 
 till the second day, when she sent word that she had 
 slipped out of the house at midnight, set off on foot 
 through the snow, and never stopped till she reached 
 home, a distance of twenty miles. When questioned 
 some time afterward why she went away so abruptly, 
 she answered, " If my sickness had increased, and if I 
 had died, they could not have sent my remains home 
 through the deep snows. If I had told my daughter, 
 perhaps she would have locked the door upon me, and 
 God forbid that my bones should be at such a distance 
 from home, and be buried among Gall-na-machair , the 
 strangers of the plain." 
 
 Among the causes which contributed to sustain the 
 warlike character of the Highlanders, the exertions of 
 the bards in stimulating them to deeds of valour in the 
 field of battle must not be overlooked. We have already 
 noticed some of the duties of then* office (Chapter II) 
 which need not be here repeated; but we omitted to 
 mention that one of the most important of these con- 
 sisted in attending the clans to the field, and exhorting 
 them before battle to emulate the glories of their an- 
 cestors, and to die if necessary in defence of their 
 country. The appeals of the bards, which were delivered 
 and enforced with great vehemence and earnestness, 
 never failed to arouse the feelings; and when amid the 
 din of battle the voices of the bards could no longer 
 be heard, the pipers succeeded them, and cheered on 
 their respective parties with their warlike and inspiring 
 
 194
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 strains. After the termination of the battle, the bard 
 celebrated the praises of the brave warriors who had 
 fallen in battle, and related the heroic actions of the 
 survivors to excite them to similar exertions on future 
 occasions. To impress still more deeply upon the minds 
 of the survivors the honour and heroism of their fallen 
 friends, the piper was employed to perform plaintive 
 dirges for the slain. 
 
 From the associations raised in the mind by the great 
 respect thus paid to the dead, and the honours which 
 awaited the survivors who distinguished themselves in 
 the field of battle, by their actions being celebrated by 
 the bards, and transmitted to posterity, originated that 
 magnanimous contempt of death for which the High- 
 landers are noted. While among some people the idea 
 of death is avoided with studious alarm, the Highlander 
 will speak of it with an easy and unconcerned familiarity, 
 as an event of ordinary occurrence, but in a way " equally 
 remote from dastardly affectation, or foolhardy pre- 
 sumption, and proportioned solely to the inevitable 
 certainty of the event itself." 
 
 To be interred decently, and in a becoming manner, 
 is a material consideration in the mind of a Highlander, 
 and care is generally taken, even by the poorest, long 
 before the approach of death, to provide sufficient 
 articles to ensure a respectable interment. To wish one 
 another an honourable death, crioch onarach, is con- 
 sidered friendly by the Highlanders, and even children 
 will sometimes express the same sentiment towards their 
 parents. " A man well known to the writer of these 
 pages was remarkable for his filial affection, even among 
 the sons and daughters of the mountains, so distin- 
 guished for that branch of piety. His mother being a 
 widow, and having a numerous family, who had married 
 very early, he continued to live single, that he might the 
 
 105
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 more sedulously attend to her comfort, and watch over 
 her declining years with the tenderest care. On her 
 birthday, he always collected his brothers and sisters, 
 and all their families, to a sort of kindly feast, and, in 
 conclusion, gave a toast, not easily translated from the 
 emphatic language, without circumlocution, ' An easy 
 and decorous departure to- my mother,' comes nearest 
 to it. This toast, which would shake the nerves of 
 fashionable delicacy, was received with great applause, 
 the old woman remarking that God had been always 
 good to her, and she hoped she would die as decently 
 as she had lived, for it is thought of the utmost conse- 
 quence to die decently. The ritual of decorous departure, 
 and of behaviour to be observed by the friends of the 
 dying on that solemn occasion, being fully established, 
 nothing is more common than to take a solemn leave of 
 old people, as if they were going on a journey, and pretty 
 much in the same terms. People frequently send con- 
 ditional messages to the departed. ' If you are per- 
 mitted, tell my dear brother, that I have merely endured 
 the world since he left it, and that I have been very kind 
 to every creature he used to cherish, for his sake.' I 
 have, indeed, heard a person of a very enlightened mind, 
 seriously give a message to an aged person, to deliver 
 to a child he had lost not long before, which she as 
 seriously promised to deliver, with the wonted salvo, 
 if she was permitted." 
 
 In no country was " the savage virtue of hospitality " 
 carried to a greater extent than in the Highlands, and 
 never did stranger receive a heartier welcome than was 
 given to the guest who entered a Highland mansion or 
 cottage. This hospitality was sometimes carried rather 
 too far, particularly in the island of Barra, where, accord- 
 ing to Martin, the custom was, that, when strangers from 
 the northern islands went there, " the natives, immedi- 
 
 196
 
 SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ately after their landing, obliged them to eat, even 
 though they should have liberally eat and drank but an 
 hour before their landing there." This meat they called 
 BieytaV, i. e. ocean meat. Sir Robert Gordon informs 
 us that it was a custom among the western islanders, 
 that when one was invited to another's house, they never 
 separated till the whole provision was finished; and that, 
 when it was done, they went to the next house, and so 
 on from one house to another until they made a complete 
 round, from neighbour to neighbour, always carrying 
 the head of the family in which they had been last 
 entertained to the next house along with them. 
 
 197
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 THE removal of the court by Malcolm Ceanmore to 
 the lowlands was an event which was followed by results 
 very disastrous to the future prosperity of the Highlands. 
 The inhabitants soon sunk into a state of poverty, and, 
 as by the transference of the seat of government the 
 administration of the laws became either inoperative 
 or was feebly enforced, the people gave themselves up 
 to violence and turbulence, and revenged in person those 
 injuries which the laws could no longer redress. Re- 
 leased from the salutary control of monarchical govern- 
 ment, the Highlanders soon saw the necessity of sub- 
 stituting some other system in its place, to protect them- 
 selves against the aggressions to which they were 
 exposed. From this state of things originated the 
 institution of chiefs, who were selected by the different 
 little communities into which the population of the 
 Highlands was naturally divided, on account of their 
 superior property, courage, or talent. The powers of 
 the chiefs were very great. They acted, as judges or 
 arbiters, in the quarrels of their clansmen and followers, 
 and as they were backed by resolute supporters of their 
 rights, their property, and their power, they established 
 within their own territories a jurisdiction almost inde- 
 pendent of the kingly authority. 
 
 From this division of the people into clans and tribes 
 under separate chiefs arose many of those institutions, 
 feelings, and usages which characterized the High- 
 
 198
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 landers. ' The nature of the country, and the motives 
 which induced the Celts to make it their refuge, almost 
 necessarily prescribed the form of their institutions. 
 Unequal to contend with the overwhelming numbers, 
 who drove them from the plains, and, anxious to preserve 
 their independence, and their blood uncontaminated by 
 a mixture with strangers, they defended themselves 
 in those strongholds which are, in every country, the 
 sanctuaries of national liberty, and the refuge of those 
 who resist the oppressions and the dominion of a more 
 powerful neighbour. Thus, in the absence of their 
 monarchs, and defended by their barrier of rocks, they 
 did not always submit to the authority of a distant 
 government, which could neither enforce obedience 
 nor afford protection. The division of the country into 
 so many straths, valleys, and Islands, separated from 
 one another by mountains, or arms of the sea, gave rise, 
 as a matter of necessity, to various little societies; and 
 individuals of superior property, courage, or talent, 
 under whose banners they had fought, or under whose 
 protection they had settled, naturally became their 
 chiefs. Their secluded situation rendered general 
 intercourse difficult, while the impregnable ramparts 
 with which they were surrounded made defence 
 easy." 
 
 The various little societies into which the Highland 
 population was, by the nature of the country, divided, 
 having no desire to change their residence or to keep up 
 a communication with one another, and having all their 
 wants, which were few, supplied within themselves, 
 became individually isolated. Every district became an 
 independent state, and thus the Highland population, 
 though possessing a community of customs and the same 
 characteristics, was divided or broken into separate 
 masses, and placed under different jurisdictions. A 
 
 199
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 patriarchal 21 system of government, " a sort of heredi- 
 tary monarchy founded on custom, and allowed by 
 general consent, rather than regulated by laws," was thus 
 established over each community or clan in the persons 
 of the chiefs, which continued in full vigour till about the 
 year 1748. 
 
 As a consequence of the separation which was pre- 
 served by the different clans, matrimonial alliances were 
 rarely made with strangers, and hence the members of 
 the clan were generally related to one another by the 
 ties of consanguinity or affinity. While this double 
 connection tended to preserve harmony and good-will 
 among the members of the same clan, it also tended, on 
 the other hand, to excite a bitter spirit of animosity 
 between rival clans, whenever an affront or injury was 
 offered by one clan to another or by individuals of 
 different clans. 
 
 Although the chief had great power with his clan in 
 the different relations of landlord, leader, and judge, 
 his authority was far from absolute, as he was obliged 
 to consult the leading men of the clan in matters of 
 importance in things regarding the clan or particular 
 families, in removing differences, punishing or redressing 
 injuries, preventing law-suits, supporting declining 
 families, and declaring war against, or adjusting terms 
 of peace with other clans. 
 
 As the system of clanship was calculated to cherish a 
 warlike spirit, the young chiefs and heads of families 
 were regarded or despised according to their military 
 or peaceable disposition. If they revenged a quarrel 
 with another clan by killing some of the enemy or carry- 
 ing off their cattle and laying their lands waste, they 
 were highly esteemed, and great expectations were 
 formed of their future prowess and exploits. But if 
 they failed in their attempts, they were not respected; 
 
 200
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 and if they appeared disinclined to engage in hostile 
 rencontres, they were despised. 22 
 
 The military ranks of the clans were fixed and per- 
 petual. The chief was, of course, the principal com- 
 mander. The oldest cadet commanded the right wing, 
 and the youngest the rear. Every head of a distinct 
 family was captain of his own tribe. An ensign or 
 standard-bearer was attached to each clan, who generally 
 inherited his office, which had been usually conferred 
 on an ancestor who had distinguished himself. A small 
 salary was attached to this office. 
 
 Each clan had a stated place of rendezvous, where they 
 met at the call of their chief, When an emergency arose 
 for an immediate meeting from the incursions of a hostile 
 clan, the cross or tarie, or fiery-cross, was immediately 
 despatched through the territories of the clan. This 
 signal consisted of two pieces of wood placed in the form 
 of a cross. One of the ends of the horizontal piece was 
 either burnt or burning, and a piece of linen or white 
 cloth stained with blood was suspended from the other 
 end. Two men, each with a cross in his hand, were 
 despatched by the chief in different directions, who kept 
 running with great speed, shouting the war-cry of the 
 tribe, and naming the place of rendezvous, if different from 
 the usual place of meeting. The cross was delivered from 
 hand to hand, and as each fresh bearer ran at full speed, 
 the clan assembled with great celerity. General Stewart 
 says that one of the latest instances of the fiery-cross 
 being used was in 1745 by Lord Breadalbane, when it 
 went round Loch Tay, a distance of thirty-two miles, 
 in three hours, to raise his people and prevent their 
 joining the rebels, but with less effect than in 1715 when 
 it went the same round, and when five hundred men 
 assembled the same evening under the command of the 
 Laird of Glenlyon to join the Earl of Mar. 
 
 201
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Every clan had its own war-cry (called in Scottish 
 slogan), to which every clansman answered. It served 
 as a watchword in cases of sudden alarm, in the confusion 
 of combat, or in the darkness of the night. The clans 
 were also distinguished by a particular badge, or by the 
 peculiar arrangements or sets of the different colours of 
 the tartan, which, with the different war-cries, will be 
 fully noticed when we come to treat of the history of 
 the clans. 
 
 When a clan went upon any expedition they were much 
 addicted to omens. If they met an armed man they 
 believed that good was portended. If they observed 
 a deer, fox, hare, or any other four-footed beast of game, 
 and did not succeed in killing it, they prognosticated 
 evil. If a woman barefooted crossed the road before 
 them, they seized her and drew blood from her fore- 
 head. 
 
 The cuid-oidhche, or night's provision, was paid by 
 many tenants to the chief, and in hunting or going on 
 an expedition, the tenant who lived near the hill was 
 bound to furnish the master and his followers a night's 
 entertainment, with brawn for his dogs. 
 
 There are no sufficient data to enable us to estimate 
 correctly the number of fighting men which the clans 
 could bring at any time into the field; but a general 
 idea may be formed of their strength in 1745 from the 
 following statement of the respective forces of the clans 
 as taken from the memorial supposed to be drawn up 
 by the Lord President Forbes of Culloden, for the 
 information of government. It is to be observed, 
 however, that besides the clans here mentioned, there 
 were many independent gentlemen, as General Stewart 
 observes, who had many followers, but being what 
 were called broken names, or small tribes, are omit- 
 ted. 
 
 202
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 Argyle . . 
 
 Breadalbane . KXK) 
 
 Lochnell and other chieftains of the Campbells 1000 
 
 Macleans 
 
 Maclauchlans . 
 
 Stewart of Appin 
 
 Macdougals . 200 
 
 Stewart of Grandtully 
 
 Clan Gregor 
 
 Duke of Athol .... 30(X) 
 
 Farquharsons .... 500 
 
 Duke of Gordon .... 1 300 
 
 Grant of Grant [ 850 
 
 Mackintosh gOQ 
 
 Macphersons 400 
 
 Erasers j 900 
 
 Grant of Glenraorriston 150 
 
 Chisholms 200 
 
 Duke of Perth ] 300 
 
 Seaforth .... .... 1000 
 
 Cromarty, Scatwell, Gairloch, and other chief- 
 tains of the Mackenzies . . . . 1500 
 
 Laird of Menzies 300 
 
 Munros 300 
 
 Rosses 500 
 
 Sutherland 2000 
 
 Mackays 800 
 
 Sinclairs 1100 
 
 Macdonald of Slate 700 
 
 Macdonald of Clan Ronald 700 
 
 Macdonell of Glengary 500 
 
 Macdonell of Keppoch 300 
 
 Macdonald of Glencoe 130 
 
 Robertsons 200 
 
 Camerons 800 
 
 M'Kinnon 200 
 
 Macleod 700 
 
 The Duke of Montrose, Earls of Bute and 
 Moray, Macfarlanes, M'Neils of Barra, 
 
 M'Nabs, M'Naughtons, Laments, etc. . 5600 
 
 31,930 
 
 There is nothing so remarkable in the political history 
 of any country as the succession of the Highland chiefs, 
 and the long and uninterrupted sway which they held 
 over their followers. The authority which a chief 
 exercised among his clan was truly paternal, and he 
 might, with great justice, have been called the father 
 
 203
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 of his people. We cannot account for that warm attach- 
 ment and the incorruptible and unshaken fidelity which 
 the clans uniformly displayed towards their chiefs, on 
 any other ground, than the kind and conciliatory system 
 which they must have adopted towards their people; 
 for, much as the feelings of the latter might have been 
 awakened, by the songs and traditions of the bards, to 
 a respect for the successors of the heroes whose praises 
 they heard celebrated, a sense of wrongs committed, or 
 of oppressions exercised, would have obliterated every 
 feeling of attachment in the minds of the sufferers, and 
 caused them to attempt to get rid of a tyrant who had 
 rendered himself obnoxious by his tyranny. 
 
 The division of the people into small tribes, and the 
 establishment of patriarchal government, were attended 
 with many important consequences affecting the char- 
 acter of the Highlanders. This creation of an imperium 
 in im-perio was an anomaly, but it was, nevertheless, 
 rendered necessary from the state of society in the High- 
 lands shortly after the transference of the seat of govern- 
 ment from the mountains. The authority of the king, 
 though weak and inefficient, continued, however, to 
 be recognized, nominally at least, except indeed when he 
 interfered hi the disputes between the clans. On such 
 occasions his authority was utterly disregarded. " His 
 mandates could neither stop the depredations of one 
 clan against another, nor allay their mutual hostilities. 
 Delinquents could not, with impunity, be pursued into 
 the bosom of a clan which protected them, nor could his 
 judges administer the laws in opposition to their in- 
 terests or their will. Sometimes he strengthened his 
 arm by fomenting animosities among them, and by 
 entering occasionally into the interest of one, in order to 
 weaken another. Many instances of this species of 
 policy occur in Scottish history, which, for a long 
 
 204
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 period, was unhappily a mere record of internal vio- 
 lence." 
 
 The general laws being thus superseded by the internal 
 feuds of the clans, and the authority of the sovereign 
 being insufficient to repress these disorders, a perpetual 
 system of warfare, aggression, depredation, and con- 
 tention existed among them, which, during the con- 
 tinuance of clanship, banished peace from the Highlands. 
 The little sovereignties of the clans " touched at so 
 many points, yet were so independent of one another; 
 they approached so nearly, in many respects, yet were, 
 in others, so distant; there were so many opportunities 
 of encroachment, on the one hand, and so little of a 
 disposition to submit to it, on the other; and the quarrel 
 of one individual of the tribe so naturally involved the 
 rest, that there was scarcely ever a profound peace, or 
 perfect cordiality between them. Among their chiefs 
 the most deadly feuds frequently arose from opposing 
 interests, or from wounded pride. These feuds were 
 warmly espoused by the whole clan, and were often 
 transmitted, with aggravated animosity, from genera- 
 tion to generation." 
 
 The disputes between opposing clans were frequently 
 made matters of negotiation, and their differences were 
 often adjusted by treaties. Opposing clans, as a means of 
 strengthening themselves against the attacks of their 
 rivals, or of maintaining the balance of power, also 
 entered into coalitions with friendly neighbours. These 
 bands of amity or manrent, as they were called, were of 
 the nature of treaties of offensive and defensive alliance, 
 by which the contracting parties bound themselves to 
 assist each other; and it is remarkable tlrnt the duty of 
 allegiance to the king was always acknowledged in these 
 treaties, " always excepting my duty to our lord the 
 king, and to our kindred and friends," was a clause 
 
 205
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 which was uniformly inserted in them. In the same 
 manner, when men who were not chiefs of clans, but of 
 subordinate tribes, thus bound themselves, their fidelity 
 to their chiefs was always excepted. The smaller clans 
 who were unable to defend themselves, and such clans 
 or families who had lost their chiefs, were included 
 in these friendly treaties. 23 Under these treaties the 
 smaller clans identified themselves with the greater 
 clans; they engaged in the quarrels, followed the for- 
 tunes, and fought under the greater chiefs; but their 
 ranks, as General Stewart observes, were separately 
 marshalled, and led by their own subordinate chieftains 
 and lairds, who owned submission only when necessary, 
 for the success of combined operations. We shall give 
 several instances of this union in the history of the clans. 
 As the system of clanship, by repudiating the authority 
 of the sovereign and of the laws, prevented the clans from 
 ever coming to any general terms of accommodation for 
 settling their differences, their feuds were interminable, 
 and the Highlands were, therefore, for ages, the theatre 
 of a constant petty warfare destructive of the social 
 virtues. " The spirit of opposition and rivalry between 
 the clans perpetuated a system of hostility, encouraged 
 the cultivation of the military at the expense of the 
 social virtues, and perverted their ideas of both law and 
 morality. Revenge was accounted a duty, the destruc- 
 tion of a neighbour a meritorious exploit, and rapine an 
 honourable occupation. Their love of distinction, and 
 their conscious reliance on their courage, when under the 
 direction of these perverted notions, only tended to 
 make their feuds more implacable, their condition more 
 agitated, and their depredations more rapacious and 
 desolating. Superstition added its influence in ex- 
 asperating animosities, by teaching the clansmen, that, 
 to revenge the death of a relation or friend was a sacrifice 
 
 206
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 agreeable to their shades; thus engaging on the side of 
 the most implacable hatred, and the darkest vengeance, 
 the most amiable and domestic of all our feelings, 
 reverence for the memory of the dead, and affection for 
 the virtues of the living." 
 
 As the causes out of which feuds originated were 
 innumerable, so many of them were trivial and unim- 
 portant, but as submission to the most trifling insult 
 was considered disgraceful, and might, if overlooked, 
 lead to fresh aggression, the clan was immediately 
 summoned, and the cry for revenge met with a ready 
 response in every breast. The most glaring insult 
 that could be offered to a clan was to speak disrespect- 
 fully of its chief, 24 an offence which was considered as a 
 personal affront by all his followers, and was resented 
 accordingly. 
 
 It often happened that the insulted clan was unable 
 to take the field to repel aggression or to vindicate its 
 honour; but the injury was never forgotten, and the 
 memory of it was treasured up till a fitting opportunity 
 for taking revenge should arrive. The want of strength 
 was sometimes supplied by cunning, and the blackest 
 and deadliest intentions of hatred and revenge were 
 sought to be perpetrated under the mask of conciliation 
 and friendship. This was the natural result of the 
 inefficiency of the laws which could afford no redress for 
 wrongs, and which, therefore, left every individual to 
 vindicate his rights with his own hand. The feeling of 
 revenge, when directed against rival tribes, was cherished 
 and honoured, and to such an extent was it carried, that 
 there are well-authenticated instances where one of the 
 adverse parties has been exterminated in the bloody 
 and ferocious conflicts which the feuds occasioned. 
 
 As the wealth of the Highlanders consisted chiefly 
 in flocks and herds, " the usual mode of commencing 
 
 207
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 attacks, or of making reprisals, was by an incursion to 
 carry off the cattle of the hostile clan. A predatory 
 expedition was the general declaration of enmity, and a 
 command given by the chief to clear the pastures of the 
 enemy constituted the usual letters of marque." These 
 creachs, as such depredations were termed, were carried 
 on with systematic order, and were considered as per- 
 fectly justifiable. If lives were lost in these forays, 
 revenge full and ample was taken, but in general, per- 
 sonal hostilities were avoided in these incursions either 
 against the Lowlanders or rival tribes. These predatory 
 expeditions were more frequently directed against the 
 Lowlanders, whom the Highlanders considered as aliens, 
 and whose cattle they, therefore, considered as fair spoil 
 at all times. The forays were generally executed with 
 great secrecy, and the cattle were often lifted and 
 secured for a considerable time before they were missed. 
 To trace the cattle which had been thus carried off, the 
 owners endeavoured to discover their foot-marks in 
 the grass, or by the yielding of the heath over which 
 they had passed; and so acute had habit rendered their 
 sight, that they frequently succeeded, in this manner, in 
 discovering their property. The man on whose property 
 the track of the cattle was lost was held liable if he did 
 not succeed in following out the trace or discovering the 
 cattle; and if he did not make restitution, or offer to 
 compensate the loss, an immediate quarrel was the con- 
 sequence. A reward called Tasgal money was sometimes 
 offered for the recovery of stolen cattle; but as this was 
 considered in the light of a bribe it was generally dis- 
 couraged. The Camerons and some other clans, it is 
 said, bound themselves by oath never to accept such a 
 reward, and to put to death all who should receive it. 
 
 Besides the creachs there was another and a peculiar 
 class of forays or spoliations called cearnachs, a military 
 
 208
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 term of similar import with the Catherens of the Low- 
 lands, the Kernes of the English, and the Catervae of the 
 Romans. The cearnachs were originally a select body 
 of men employed in difficult and dangerous enterprises 
 where more than ordinary honour was to be acquired; 
 but, in process of time, they were employed in the 
 degrading and dishonourable task of levying contri- 
 butions on their Lowland neighbours, or in forcing them 
 to pay tribute or blackmail for protection. Young men of 
 the second order of gentry who were desirous of entering 
 the military profession frequently joined in these ex- 
 ploits, as they were considered well fitted for accustoming 
 those who engaged in them to the fatigues and exercises 
 incident to a military life. The celebrated Robert 
 Macgregor Campbell, or Rob Roy, 25 was the most noted 
 of these freebooters. 
 
 The cearnachs were principally the borderers living 
 close to and within the Grampian range, but cearnachs 
 from the more northerly parts of the Highlands also paid 
 frequent visits to the Lowlands, and carried off large 
 quantities of booty. The border cearnachs judging 
 such irruptions as an invasion of their rights frequently 
 attacked the northern cearnachs on their return home- 
 wards; and if they succeeded in capturing the spoil, 
 they either appropriated it to their own use or restored 
 it to the owners. 
 
 It might be supposed that the system of spoliation 
 we have described would have led these freebooters 
 occasionally to steal from one another. Such, however, 
 was not the case; for they observed the strictest honesty 
 in this respect. No precautions were taken because 
 unnecessary to protect property, and the usual 
 securities of locks, bolts, and bars, were never used, nor 
 even thought of. Instances of theft from dwelling- 
 houses were very rare; and, with the exception of one 
 
 209
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 case which happened so late as the year 1770, highway 
 robbery was totally unknown. Yet, notwithstanding 
 the laudable regard thus shown by the freebooters to 
 the property of their own society, they attached no ideas 
 of moral turpitude to the acts of spoliation we have 
 alluded to. Donald Cameron, or Donald Bane Leane, 
 an active leader of a party of banditti who had associated 
 together after the troubles of 1745, tried at Perth for 
 cattle-stealing, and executed at Kinloch Rannoch, in 
 1752, expressed surprise and indignation at his hard 
 fate, as he considered it, as he had never committed 
 murder nor robbery, or taken anything but cattle off 
 the grass of those with whom he had quarrelled. The 
 practice of " lifting of cattle " seems to have been viewed 
 as a very venial offence, even by persons holding very 
 different views of morality from the actors, in proof of 
 which, General Stewart refers to a letter of Field-Marshal 
 Wade to Mr. Forbes of Culloden, then lord advocate, 
 dated October, 1729, describing an entertainment given 
 him on a visit to a party of cearnachs. " The knight 
 and I," says the marshal, " travelled in my carriage 
 with great ease and pleasure to the feast of oxen which 
 the highwaymen had prepared for us, opposite Loch- 
 garry, where we found four oxen roasting at the same 
 time, in great order and solemnity.- We dined in a tent 
 pitched for that purpose. The beef was excellent; 
 and we had plenty of bumpers, not forgetting your 
 lordship's and Culloderi's health; and, after three hours' 
 stay, took leave of our benefactors, the highwaymen, 26 
 and arrived at the hut at Dalnachardoch, before it was 
 dark." 
 
 Amid the violence and turbulence which existed hi the 
 Highlands, no appeal for redress of wrongs committed, 
 or injuries sustained, could be effectually made to the 
 legal tribunals of the country; but to prevent the utter 
 
 210
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 anarchy which would have ensued from such a state of 
 society, voluntary and associated tribunals, composed of 
 the principal men of the tribes, were appointed. A 
 composition in cattle being the mode of compensating 
 injuries, these tribunals generally determined the amount 
 of the compensation according to the nature of the 
 injury, and the wealth and rank of the parties. These 
 compensations were called erig. 
 
 Besides these tribunals, every chief held a court, in 
 which he decided all disputes occurring among his clans- 
 men. He generally resided among them. " His castle 
 was the court where rewards were distributed, and the 
 most enviable distinctions conferred. All disputes were 
 settled by his decision, and the prosperity or poverty 
 of his tenants depended on his proper or improper 
 treatment of them. These tenants followed his standard 
 in war attended him in his hunting excursions 
 supplied his table with the produce of their farms 
 and assembled to reap his corn, and to prepare and bring 
 home his fuel. They looked up to him as their adviser 
 and protector. The cadets of his family, respected in 
 proportion to the proximity of the relation in which 
 they stood to him, became a species of sub-chiefs, 
 scattered over different parts of his domains, holding 
 their lands and properties of him, with a sort of subor- 
 dinate jurisdiction over a portion of his people, and were 
 ever ready to afford him their counsel or assistance in 
 all emergencies. 
 
 " Great part of the rent of land was paid in kind, and 
 generally consumed where it was produced. One chief 
 was distinguished from another, not by any additional 
 splendour of dress or equipage, but by being followed by 
 more dependants, and by entertaining a greater number 
 of guests. What his retainers gave from their individual 
 property was spent amongst them in the kindest and 
 
 til
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 most liberal manner. At the castle every individual 
 was made welcome, and was treated according to his 
 station, with a degree of courtesy and regard to his 
 feelings unknown in any other country. 27 This con- 
 descension, while it raised the clansman in his own 
 estimation, and drew closer the ties between him and 
 his superior, seldom tempted him to use any improper 
 familiarities. He believed himself well born, and was 
 taught to respect himself in the respect which he showed 
 to his chief; and thus, instead of complaining of the 
 difference of station and fortune, or considering a ready 
 obedience to his chieftain's call as a slavish oppression, 
 he felt convinced that he was supporting his own honour 
 in showing his gratitude and duty to the generous head 
 of his family. ' Hence, the Highlanders, whom more 
 savage nations called savage, carried in the outward 
 expression of their manners the politeness of courts 
 without their vices, and in their bosoms the high point 
 of honour without its follies.' ' 
 
 In many minds the idea of a Highland chief is as- 
 sociated with that of a domineering tyrant who plunders 
 and oppresses his people. This notion is, however, 
 extremely fallacious. " Nothing," says Mrs. Grant, 
 " can be more erroneous than the prevalent idea, that a 
 Highland chief was an ignorant and unprincipled tyrant, 
 who rewarded the abject submission of his followers 
 with relentless cruelty and rigorous oppression. If 
 ferocious in disposition, or weak in understanding, he 
 was curbed and directed by the elders of his tribe, who, 
 by inviolable custom, were his standing counsellors, 
 without whose advice no measure of any kind was 
 decided." 
 
 It cannot, however, be denied, that the authority of 
 the chief was naturally arbitrary, and was sometimes 
 exercised unduly and with great severity; as a proof 
 
 212
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 of which there is said to exist among the papers of 
 the Perth family, an application to Lord Drummond 
 from the town of Perth, dated in 1707, requesting an 
 occasional use of his lordship's executioner, who was 
 considered an expert operator, a request with which his 
 lordship complied, reserving, however, to himself the 
 power of recalling the executioner when he had occasion 
 for his services. Another curious illustration of this 
 exercise of power is given by General Stewart. Some- 
 time before the year 1745, Lord President Forbes dined 
 at Blair castle with the Duke of Atholl, on his way from 
 Edinburgh to his seat at Culloden. A petition was de- 
 livered to his Grace in the course of the evening, on 
 reading which, he thus addressed the president: ".My 
 lord, here is a petition from a poor man, whom Com- 
 missary Bisset, my baron bailie (an officer to whom the 
 chief occasionally delegated his authority), has con- 
 demned to be hanged; and as he is a clever fellow, and 
 is strongly recommended to mercy, I am much inclined 
 to pardon him." " But your Grace knows," said the 
 president, " that, after condemnation, no man can par- 
 don but his Majesty." " As to that," replied the duke, 
 " since I have the power of punishing, it is but right that 
 I should have the power to pardon." Then, calling 
 upon a servant who was in waiting, his Grace said, 
 " Go, send an express to Logierait, and order Donald 
 Stewart, presently under sentence, to be instantly set 
 at liberty." 
 
 The authority which the generality of the chiefs exer- 
 cised was acquired from ancient usage and the weakness 
 of the government; but the lords of regality, and the 
 great barons and chiefs, had jurisdiction conferred on 
 them by the Crown, both in civil and criminal cases, 
 which they sometimes exercised in person and sometimes 
 by deputy. The persons to whom they delegated this 
 
 213
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 authority were called bailies. In civil matters the baron 
 or chief could judge in questions of debt within his 
 barony, as well as in most of those cases known by the 
 technical term of possessory actions. And though it 
 has always been an established rule of law, that no 
 person can be judge in his own cause, a baron might 
 judge in all actions between himself and his vassals and 
 tenants, necessary for making his rents and feu-duties 
 effectual. Thus, he could ascertain the price of corns 
 due by a tenant and pronounce sentence against him for 
 arrears of rent; but in all cases where the chief was a 
 party, he could not judge in person. The criminal 
 jurisdiction of a baron, according to the laws ascribed 
 to Malcolm Mackenneth, extended to all crimes except 
 treason, and the four pleas of the Crown, viz., robbery, 
 murder, rape, and fire-raising. Freemen could be tried 
 by none but their peers. Whenever the baron held a 
 court, his vassals were bound to attend and afford such 
 assistance as might be required. On these occasions, many 
 useful regulations for the good of the community were 
 often made, and supplies were sometimes voluntarily 
 granted to the chief to support his dignity. The bounty 
 of the vassals was especially and liberally bestowed 
 on the marriage of the chief, and in the portioning of 
 his daughters and younger sons. These donations 
 consisted of cattle, which constituted the principal 
 riches of the country in those patriarchal days. In this 
 way the younger sons of the chief were frequently pro- 
 vided for on their settlement in life. 
 
 The reciprocal ties which connected the chief and his 
 clan were almost indissoluble. In return for the kindness 
 and paternal care bestowed by the former on the latter, 
 they yielded a ready submission to his authority, and 
 evinced a rare fidelity to his person, which no adversity 
 could shake. Innumerable instances of this devoted 
 
 214
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 attachment might be given, but two will suffice. In the 
 battle of Inverkeithing, between the royalists and the 
 troops of Oliver Cromwell, five hundred of the followers 
 of the Laird of Maclean were left dead on the field. 
 Sir Hector Maclean being hard pressed by the enemy 
 in the heat of the action, he was successively covered 
 from their attacks by seven brothers, all "of whom 
 sacrificed their lives in his defence; and as one fell 
 another came up in succession to cover him, crying, 
 "Another for Hector." This phrase, says General 
 Stewart, has continued ever since a proverb or watch- 
 word, when a man encounters any sudden danger that 
 requires instant succour. The other instance is that of 
 a servant of the late James Menzies of Culdares, who had 
 been engaged in the rebellion of 1715. Mr. Menzies 
 was taken at Preston in Lancashire, was carried to Lon- 
 don, where he was tried and condemned, but afterwards 
 reprieved. This act prevented him from turning out in 
 1745, but to show his good wishes towards Prince Charles, 
 he sent him a handsome charger as a present, when 
 advancing through England. The servant who led and 
 delivered the horse was taken prisoner and carried to 
 Carlisle, where he was tried and condemned. Every 
 attempt was made, by threats of immediate execution 
 in case of refusal, and promises of pardon on giving 
 information, to extort a discovery from him of the person 
 who sent the horse, but in vain. He knew, he said, what 
 would be the consequence of a disclosure, and that his 
 own We was nothing in comparison with that which it 
 would endanger. Being hard pressed at the place of 
 execution to inform on his master, he asked those about 
 him if they were really serious in supposing that he was 
 such a villain as to betray his master. He said that if 
 he did what they desired, and forgot his master and his 
 trust, he needed not return to his country, for Glenlyon 
 
 215
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 would be no home or country for him, as he would be 
 despised and hunted out of the glen. This trusty serv- 
 ant's name was John Macnaughton, a native of Glen- 
 lyon in Perthshire. 38 
 
 The obedience and attachment of the Highlanders to 
 their chiefs, and the readiness they displayed, on all 
 occasions, to adopt, when called upon, the quarrels of 
 their superiors, 29 did not, however, make them forget 
 their own independence. When a chief was unfit for 
 his situation, or had degraded his name and family, the 
 clan proceeded to depose him, and set up the next in 
 succession, if deserving, to whom they transferred their 
 allegiance, as happened to two chiefs of the families 
 of Macdonald of Clan Ronald and Macdonell of Kep- 
 poch. The head of the family of Stewart of Garth, who, 
 on account of his ferocious disposition, was nicknamed 
 the " Fierce Wolf," was, about the year 1520, not only 
 deposed, but confined for life in a cell in the castle of 
 Garth, which was, therefore, long regarded by the 
 people with a kind of superstitious terror. The clans 
 even sometimes interfered with the choice of the chiefs 
 in changing their places of abode, or in selecting a site 
 for a new residence. The Earl of Seaforth was prevented 
 by his clan (the M'Kenzies) from demolishing Brahan 
 castle, the principal seat of the family. In the same way 
 the Laird of Glenorchy, ancestor of the Marquis of 
 Breadalhane, having some time previous to the year 
 3570 laid the foundation of a castle which he intended 
 to build on a hill on the side of Loch Tay, was compelled, 
 or induced, by his people, to change his plan and build 
 the castle of Balloch or Tay mouth. 
 
 From what has been stated, it will be perceived that 
 the influence of a chief with his clan depended much on 
 his personal qualities, of which kindness and a con- 
 descension, which admitted of an easy familiarity, were 
 
 216
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 necessary traits. The author of "Utters from the 
 North " thus alludes to the familiarity which existed 
 between a chief and his clan, and the affability and 
 courtesy with which they v/ere accustomed to be treated: 
 " And as the meanest among them pretended to be his 
 relations by consanguinity, they insisted on the privilege 
 of taking him by the hand whenever they met him. 
 Concerning this last, I once saw a number of very dis- 
 contented countenances when a certain lord, one of the 
 chiefs, endeavoured to evade the ceremony. It was in 
 the presence of an English gentleman, of high station, 
 from whom he would willingly have concealed the 
 knowledge of such seeming familiarity with slaves of 
 wretched appearance; and thinking it, I suppose, a 
 kind of contradiction to what he had often boasted at 
 other times, viz., his despotic power in his clan." 
 
 From the feeling of self-respect which the urbanity and 
 condescension of the chiefs naturally created in the 
 minds of the people arose that honourable principle of 
 fidelity to superiors and to their trust, which we have 
 already noticed, " and which," says General Stewart, 
 " was so generally and so forcibly imbibed, that the man 
 who betrayed his trust was considered unworthy of the 
 name which he bore, or of the kindred to which he 
 belonged." Besides the instance already given in illus- 
 tration of this honourable principle, others will be 
 related in the course of this work. 
 
 From this principle flowed a marked detestation of 
 treachery, a vice of very rare occurrence among the 
 Highlanders; and so tenacious were they, on that point, 
 that the slightest suspicion of infidelity on the part of 
 an individual estranged him from the society of his 
 clan, who shunned him as a person with whom it was 
 dangerous any longer to associate. The case of John 
 Du Cameron, better known, from his large size, by the 
 
 217
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 name of Sergeant Mor, 30 affords an example of this. 
 This man had been a sergeant in the French service, and 
 returned to Scotland in the year 1745, when he engaged 
 in the rebellion. Having no fixed abode, and dreading 
 the consequences of having served in the French army, 
 and of being afterward engaged in the rebellion, he 
 formed a party of freebooters, and took up his residence 
 among the mountains between the counties of Perth, 
 Inverness, and Argyle, where he carried on a system of 
 spoliation by carrying off the cattle of those he called 
 his enemies, if they did not purchase his forbearance 
 by the payment of blackmail. Cameron had long been 
 in the habit of sleeping in a barn on the farm of Dunan 
 in Rannoch; but having been betrayed by some person, 
 he was apprehended one night when asleep in the barn, 
 in the year 1753, by a party of Lieutenant (after Sir 
 Hector) Munro's detachment. On finding himself 
 seized, being a powerful man, he shook off all the 
 soldiers who had laid hold of him, and attempted to 
 escape, but he was overpowered by the remainder of 
 the party who had remained outside. He was carried 
 to Perth, and there tried before the court of justiciary 
 for the murder alluded to hi the note, and various acts 
 of theft and cattle stealing. Being found guilty, he was 
 executed at Perth in 1753, and hung in chains. It was 
 generally believed in the country that Cameron had been 
 betrayed by the man in whose barn he had taken shelter, 
 and the circumstance of his renting a farm from govern- 
 ment, on the forfeited estate of Strowan, on advantageous 
 terms, strengthened the suspicion, but beyond this there 
 was nothing to confirm the imputation ; yet this man was 
 ever after heartily despised, and, having by various 
 misfortunes lost all his property, which obliged him to 
 leave the country in great poverty, the people firmly 
 believed, and the belief it is understood is still prevalent 
 
 218
 
 CHIEFS AND CLANS 
 
 in Rannock, that his misfortunes were a just judgment 
 upon him for violating the trust reposed in him by an 
 unsuspecting and unfortunate person. 
 
 Such were some of the leading characteristics of this 
 fine and celebrated race of people, who preserved many 
 of their natural peculiarities till a comparatively recent 
 period. These, however, are now fast disappearing 
 amidst the march of modern improvement and civiliza- 
 tion, and we are sorry to add that the vices which seem 
 almost inseparable from this new state of society have 
 found their way into the Highlands, and supplanted, 
 in some degree, many of those shining virtues which 
 were once the glory of the Gael. 
 
 219
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 WE now resume the thread of our historical narrative. 
 During the short reign of Edgar, which lasted nine years, 
 viz., from 1097 to 1106, Scotland appears to have 
 enjoyed repose; but that of his brother and successor, 
 Alexander I, was disturbed in the year 1120 by an 
 insurrection in Moray ; under Angus, the grandson of 
 Lulach, who laid claim to the crown. This rising was 
 immediately suppressed by the king in person, who, 
 from the promptitude displayed by him, obtained the 
 appellation of " the fierce " from his people. The Earl 
 of Moray, ten years afterward, again took the field for 
 the purpose of overthrowing the government of King 
 David; but the latter having collected all his forces r 
 and being aided by the martial barons of Northumber- 
 land, with Walter L'Espec at their head, Angus was- 
 completely defeated at Stracathrow, one of the passes 
 in Forfarshire, whither he had advanced with his army. 
 
 The next enterprise of any note was undertaken by 
 Somerled, Thane of Argyle and the Isles, against the 
 authority of Malcolm IV; who, after various conflicts, 
 was repulsed, though not subdued, by Gilchrist, Earl of 
 Angus. A peace, concluded with this powerful chieftain 
 in 1153, was considered of such importance as to form 
 an epoch in the dating of Scottish charters. A still 
 more formidable insurrection broke out among the 
 Moray men, under Gildominick, on account of an 
 attempt, on the part of the government, to intrude the 
 
 220
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, introduced into the Low- 
 lands, upon their Celtic customs; and the settling of 
 Anglo-Belgic colonists among them. These insurgents 
 laid waste the neighbouring counties, and so regardless 
 were they of the royal authority, that they actually hanged 
 the heralds who were sent to summon them to lay down 
 then- arms. Malcolm despatched the gallant Earl 
 Gilchrist with an army to subdue them, but he was 
 defeated, and forced to recross the Grampians. 
 
 This defeat aroused Malcolm, who was naturally of 
 an indolent disposition. About the year 1 160 he marched 
 north with a powerful army, and found the enemy on 
 the muir of Urquhart, near the Spey, ready to give him 
 battle. After passing the Spey, the noblemen in the 
 king's army reconnoitered the enemy; but they found 
 them so well prepared for action, and so flushed with 
 their late success, that they considered the issue of a 
 battle rather doubtful. On this account, the com- 
 manders advised the king to enter into a negotiation 
 with the rebels, and to promise/ that in the event of a 
 submission their lives would be spared. The offer was 
 accepted, and the king kept his word; but as the Moray 
 men were, as Buchanan says, homines inquieto semper 
 ingenio, men of a factious disposition, his Majesty, by the 
 advice of his nobles, ordained that every family in 
 Moray which had been engaged in the rebellion should, 
 within a limited time, remove out of Moray to other parts 
 of the kingdom, where lands would be assigned to them, 
 and that their places should be supplied with people from 
 other parts of the kingdom. For the performance of 
 this order, they gave hostages, and at the time ap- 
 pointed transplanted themselves, some into the northern, 
 but the greater number into the southern counties. 
 Chalmers considers this removal of the Moray men as 
 " an egregious probability," because " the dispossessing 
 
 221
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 of a whole people is so difficult an operation, that the 
 recital of it cannot be believed without strong evidence; " 
 but it is not said that the whole people were removed, 
 and it is very probable that only the ringleaders and their 
 families were transported. The older historians say that 
 the Moray men were (pene intemecionem) almost totally 
 cut off in an obstinate battle, and strangers brought into 
 their place; but this statement is at variance with the 
 register of Paisley, and the fact, that while there are 
 very few persons of the name of Murray in Moray, they 
 are numerous in the counties on the English borders, and 
 are to be found in the more northern counties, where 
 some of them have taken the name of Sutherland, 
 favours the account which that writing gives of the 
 transportation of the Moray men. 
 
 About this time Somerled, the ambitious and powerful 
 lord of the isles, made another and a last attempt upon 
 the king's authority. Having collected a large force, 
 chiefly in Ireland, he landed in 1164 near Renfrew, the 
 seat of the steward of Scotland; but he was defeated 
 by the brave inhabitants and the king's troops in a 
 decisive battle, in which he and his son Gillecolane were 
 slain. 
 
 The reign of William the Lion was marked by many 
 disturbances in the Highlands. The Gaelic population 
 could not endure the new settlers whom the Saxon 
 colonization had introduced among them, and every 
 opportunity was taken to vex and annoy them. At 
 this period, the Gaelic people rose upon them, and forced 
 them to retire to the towns and castles for shelter. An 
 open insurrection broke out in Ross-shire, which obliged 
 William, in the year 1179, to march into the north, where 
 he built two garrisons to keep the people in check. He 
 restored quiet for a few years; but hi 1187, Donal Bane 
 again renewed his pretensions to the crown, and raised 
 
 222
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 the standard of revolt in the north. He took possession 
 of Ross, and wasted Moray. William lost no time in 
 leading an army against him. While the king lay at 
 Inverness with his army, a foraging party under the com- 
 mand of Roland, the brave lord of Galloway, fell in with 
 Donal Bane and his army upon the Mamgarvy moor, 
 on the borders of Moray. A conflict ensued, in which 
 Donal and five hundred of his followers were killed. 
 Roland carried the head of Donal to William, " as a 
 savage sign of returning quiet." This happened on the 
 fifth of July, 1187. After this, matters remained pretty 
 quiet in the north till the year 1196, when Harold, the 
 powerful Earl of Orkney and Caithness, disturbed its 
 peace. William dispersed the insurgents at once; but 
 they again appeared the following year near In- 
 verness, under the command of Torphin, the son of 
 Harold. The rebels were again overpowered. The king 
 seized Harold, and obliged him to deliver up his son, 
 Torphin, as a hostage. Harold was allowed to retain 
 the northern part of Caithness, but the king gave the 
 southern part of it, called Sutherland, to Hugh Freskin, 
 the progenitor of the earls of Sutherland. Harold died 
 in 1206, but as he had often rebelled, his son suffered 
 a cruel and lingering death in the castle of Roxburgh, 
 where he had been confined. 
 
 During the year 1211, a new insurrection broke out 
 in Ross, headed by Guthred, the son of Donal Bane, or 
 M'William, as he was called. Great depredations were 
 committed by the insurgents, who were chiefly free- 
 booters from Ireland, the Hebrides, and Lochaber. For 
 a long time they baffled the king's troops; and although 
 the king built two forts to keep them in check, and took 
 many prisoners, they maintained for a considerable 
 period a desultory and predatory warfare. Guthred 
 even forced one of the garrisons to capitulate, and burnt 
 
 223
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 the castle; but being betrayed by his followers, and 
 delivered up to William Comyng, the justiciary of Scot- 
 land, he was executed in the year 1212. 
 
 Shortly after the accession of Alexander II in 1214, 
 the peace of the north was attempted to be disturbed 
 by Donald M'William, who made an inroad from Ire- 
 land into Moray; but he was repulsed by the tribes of 
 that country, led by M'Intagart the Earl of Ross. In 
 1222, an insurrection broke out in Argyle. Notwith- 
 standing the formidable obstacles which presented 
 themselves from the nature of the country, Alexander 
 carried his army into it, which so alarmed the men of 
 Argyle, that they immediately made their submission. 
 Several of the chiefs fled for safety, and to punish them, 
 the king distributed their lands among his officers, and 
 their followers. 
 
 During the same year a tumult took place in Caithness, 
 on account of the severity with which the tithes were 
 exacted. Adam, the bishop, after being cruelly scourged, 
 was burnt in his palace of Halkirk. The king, who was 
 at the time at Jedburgh, hearing of this horrid murder, 
 immediately hastened to the north with a military force, 
 and inflicted the punishment of death upon the prin- 
 cipal actors in this tragedy, who amounted, it is said, to 
 four hundred persons; and that their race might become 
 extinct, their children were emasculated, a practice 
 very common in these barbarous times. The Earl of 
 Caithness, who was supposed to have been privy to the 
 murder, was deprived of his estate, which was after- 
 ward restored to him on payment of a heavy fine. The 
 earl was murdered by his own servants in the year 1231, 
 and in order to prevent discovery, they laid his body 
 into his bed and set fire to the house. 
 
 In 1228 the country of Moray became the theatre of 
 a new insurrection, headed by a Ross-shire freebooter, 
 
 224
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 named Gillespoc M'Scolane. He committed great de- 
 vastations by burning some wooden castles in Moray, 
 and spoiling the Crown lands. He even attacked and set 
 fire to Inverness. The king led an army against him, 
 but without success. Next year a larger army of horse 
 and foot, under the command of John Comyn, Earl of 
 Buchan, justiciary of Scotland, was sent against this 
 daring rebel, whom he captured, with his two sons, 
 and sent their heads to the king. Chalmers thinks that 
 it was on this occasion that the king gave the great 
 district of Badenoch to Walter Comyn, the son of the 
 Earl of Buchan. 
 
 Angus, the Lord of Argyle, who had usually paid 
 homage to the King of Norway for some of the Hebrides, 
 having refused his homage to the Scottish king, Alex- 
 ander marched an army against him to enforce obedi- 
 ence, but his Majesty died on his journey in Kerreray, 
 a small island near the coast of Argyle, on the eighth 
 day of July, 1249, hi the fifty-first year of his age, and 
 the thirty-fifth of his reign. 
 
 According to the custom of the times, his son, 
 Alexander III, then a boy only in his eighth year, was 
 seated on the royal chair, or sacred stone of Scone, which 
 stood before the cross, in the eastern division of the 
 chapel. Immediately before his inauguration, the 
 Bishop of St. Andrews knighted him, by girding him with 
 the belt of knighthood, and explained to him, first in 
 Latin and afterward in Norman French, the nature of the 
 compact he and his subjects were about to enter into. 
 The crown, after the king had been seated, was placed 
 on his head, and the sceptre put into his hand. He was 
 then covered with the royal mantle, and received the 
 homage of the nobles on their knees, who, in token of 
 submission, threw their robes beneath his feet. On 
 this occasion, agreeably to ancient practice, a Gaelic 
 
 225
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 sennachy, or bard, clothed in a red mantle, and venerable 
 age and hoary locks, approached the king, and in a 
 bended and reverential attitude, recited from memory, 
 in his native language, the genealogy of all the Scottish 
 kings, deducing the descent of the youthful monarch 
 from Gathetus, the fabulous founder of the nation. 31 
 The sennachy, after pronouncing his blessing in his native 
 tongue, Beannachdte do Righ Albainn, Alexander, 
 Mac- Alexander, Mac-William, Mac-David, Mac-Malcolm, 
 was dismissed with handsome presents. The reign of 
 this prince was distinguished by the entire subjugation 
 of the western islands to the power of the Scottish Crown. 
 The Scandinavian settlers were allowed to leave the 
 islands, if inclined, and such of them as remained were 
 bound to observe the Scottish laws. 
 
 Shortly after the accession of Alexander III, an in- 
 surrection broke out against the Earl of Ross, of some of 
 the people of that province. The earl apprehended 
 their leader or captain, whom he imprisoned at Ding- 
 wall. In revenge, the Highlanders seized upon the 
 earl's second son at Balnagown, took him prisoner, and 
 detained him as a hostage till their captain should be 
 released. The Monroes and the Dingwalls immediately 
 took up arms, and having pursued the insurgents, over- 
 took them at a place called Bealligh-ne-Broig, between 
 Ferrandonald and Loch Broom, where a bloody conflict 
 ensued. " The Clan Iver, Clan-Talvich, and Clan- 
 Laiwe," says Sir Robert Gordon, " wer almost uterlie 
 extinguished and slain." The Monroes and Dingwalls 
 lost a great many men. Dingwall of Kildun, and seven 
 score of the surname of Dingwall, were killed. No less 
 than eleven Monroes of the house of Foulls, who were to 
 succeed one after another, fell, so that the succession of 
 Foulis opened to an infant then lying in his cradle. The 
 earl's son was rescued, and to requite the service per- 
 
 226
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 formed, he made various grants of lands to the Mon- 
 roes and Dingwalls. 
 
 No event of any importance appears to have occurred 
 in the Highlands till the time of King Robert Bruce, 
 when he was attacked, after his defeat at Methven, by 
 Stewart, Lord of Lorn, who defeated his small army in 
 Strathfillan. But Bruce was determined that Stewart 
 should not long enjoy his petty triumph. Having been 
 joined by his able partisan, Sir James Douglas, he entered 
 the territory of Lorn. On arriving at the narrow pass 
 of Cruachan Ben, between Loch Awe and Loch Etive, 
 Bruce was informed that Stewart had laid an ambuscade 
 for him. As the pass was dangerous, and might be 
 defended by a handful of men against a considerable 
 army, Bruce resolved not to enter the pass at first, but 
 to divide his army into two parts. One of these divisions, 
 consisting entirely of archers who were lightly armed, 
 was placed under the command of Douglas, who was 
 directed to make a circuit round the mountain, and to 
 attack the Highlanders in the rear. As soon as Douglas 
 had gained possession of the ground above the High- 
 landers, Bruce entered the pass, and, as soon as he had 
 advanced into its narrow gorge he was attacked by the 
 men of Lorn, who, from the surrounding heights, hurled 
 down stones upon him accompanied with loud shouts. 
 They then commenced a closer attack, but, being in- 
 stantly assailed in the rear by Douglas' division, and 
 assaulted by the king with great fury in front, they were 
 thrown into complete disorder, and defeated with great 
 slaughter. Stewart, who was, during the action, on 
 board a small vessel in Loch Etive, waiting the result, 
 took refuge in his castle of Dunstaffnage. After ravaging 
 the territory of Lorn, and giving it up to indiscriminate 
 plunder, Bruce laid siege to the castle, which, after a 
 slight resistance, was surrendered by the Lord of Lorn, 
 
 227
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 who swore homage to the king; but John, the son of the 
 chief, refused to submit, and took refuge in England. 
 
 During the civil wars among the competitors for the 
 Scottish crown, and those under Wallace and Bruce for 
 the independence of Scotland, the Highlanders scarcely 
 ever appear as participators in those stirring scenes 
 which developed the resources, and called forth the 
 chivalry of Scotland; but we are not to infer from the 
 silence of history that they were less alive than their 
 southern countrymen to the honour and glory of their 
 country, or that they did not contribute to secure its 
 independence. General Stewart says that eighteen 
 Highland chiefs " fought under Robert Bruce at Ban- 
 nockburn; and as these chiefs would be accompanied 
 by their vassals, it is fair to suppose that Highland 
 prowess lended its powerful aid to obtain that memorable 
 victory which secured Scotland from the dominion of 
 a foreign yoke. 
 
 After Robert Bruce had asserted the independence 
 of his country by the decisive battle of Bannockburn, 
 the whole kingdom, with the exception of some of the 
 western islands, under John of Argyle, the ally of Eng- 
 land, submitted to his authority. He, therefore, under- 
 took an expedition against those isles, in which he was 
 accompanied by Walter, the hereditary high-steward 
 of Scotland, his son-in-law, who, by his marriage with 
 Marjory, King Robert's daughter, laid the foundation 
 of the Stewart dynasty. To avoid the necessity of 
 doubling the Mull of Kintyre, which was a dangerous 
 attempt for the small vessels then in use, Robert sailed 
 up Loch Fine to Tarbet with his fleet, which he dragged 
 across the narrow isthmus between the lochs of East 
 and West Tarbet, by means of a slide of smooth planks 
 of trees laid parallel to each other. It had long been 
 a superstitious belief amongst the inhabitants of the 
 
 228
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 Western Islands, that they should never be subdued till 
 their invader sailed across this neck of land, and it is 
 said that Robert was thereby partly induced to follow 
 the course he did to impress upon the minds of the 
 islanders a conviction that the time of their subjugation 
 had arrived. The islanders were quickly subdued, and 
 John of Lorn, who, for his services to Edward of England, 
 had been invested with the title of Admiral of the Wes- 
 tern fleet of England, was captured and imprisoned first 
 in Dumbarton castle, and afterward in the castle of 
 Lochleven, where he died. 
 
 The feeble and effeminate reign of David II was dis- 
 turbed by another revolt by the lord of the Isles, who 
 was backed in his attempt to throw off his dependence 
 by a great number of the Highland chiefs. David, with 
 " an unwonted energy of character, commanded the 
 attendance of the steward, with the prelates and barons 
 of the realm, and surrounded by this formidable body of 
 vassals and retainers, proceeded against the rebels in 
 person. The expedition was completely successful. 
 The rebel prince, John of the Isles, with a numerous 
 train of those wild Highland chieftains who followed his 
 banner, and had supported him in his attempt to throw 
 off his dependence, met the king at Inverness, and sub- 
 mitted to his authority. He engaged in the most 
 solemn manner, for himself and his vassals, that they 
 should yield themselves faithful and obedient subjects 
 to David, their liege lord; and not only give due and 
 prompt obedience to the ministers and officers of the 
 king in suit and service, as well as in the payment of 
 taxes and public burdens, but that they would coerce 
 and put down all others, of whatever rank or degree, 
 who dared to raise themselves in opposition to the royal 
 authority, and would compel them either to submit, or 
 would pursue and banish them from their territories; 
 
 229
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 for the fulfilment of which obligation the lord of the 
 Isles not only gave his own oath, under the penalty of 
 forfeiting his whole principality if it was broken, but 
 offered the high-steward, his father-in-law, as his 
 security, and delivered his lawful son, Donald, his 
 grandson, Angus, and his natural son, also named 
 Donald, as hostages for the strict performance of the 
 articles of the treaty." The deed by which John of the 
 Isles bound himself to the performance of these stipu- 
 lations is dated fifteenth November, 1369. 
 
 To enable him the better to succeed in reducing the 
 inhabitants of the Highlands and islands to the obedi- 
 ence of the laws, it is stated by an old historian, that 
 David used artifice by dividing the chiefs, and promising 
 high rewards to those who should slay or capture their 
 brother chiefs. The writer says that this diabolical 
 plan, by implanting the seeds of disunion and war 
 amongst the chiefs, succeeded; and that they gradually 
 destroyed one another, a statement, to say the least of 
 it, highly improbable. Certain it is, however, that it 
 was in this reign that the practice of paying manrent 
 began, when the powerful wished for followers, and the 
 weak wanted protection, a circumstance which shows 
 that the government was too weak to afford protection 
 to the oppressed, or to quell the disputes of rival clans. 
 
 In the year 1333 M John Monroe, the tutor of Foulis, 
 in travelling homeward, on his journey from Edinburgh 
 to Ross, stopped on a meadow in Stratherdale that he 
 and his servants might get some repose. While they 
 were asleep, the owner of the meadow cut off the tails 
 of their horses. Being resolved to wipe off this insult, 
 he, immediately on his return home to Ross, summoned 
 his whole kinsmen and followers, and, after informing 
 them how he had been used, craved their aid to revenge 
 the injury. The clan, of course, complied; and, having 
 
 230
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 selected 350 of the best and ablest men among them, 
 he returned to Stratherdale, which he wasted and spoiled; 
 killed some of the inhabitants, and carried off their 
 cattle. In passing by the isle of Moy, on his return home, 
 Macintosh, the chief of the clan Chattan, being urged by 
 some person who bore Monroe a grudge, sent a message 
 to him demanding a share of the spoil. This was cus- 
 tomary among the Highlanders when a party drove 
 cattle which had been so taken through a gentleman's 
 land, and the part so exacted was called a staoig rathaid, 
 or staoig creich, that is, a road collop. Monroe, not being 
 disposed to quarrel, offered Macintosh a reasonable 
 share, but this he was advised not to accept, and de- 
 manded the half of the booty. Monroe refused to comply 
 with such an unreasonable demand, and proceeded on his 
 journey. Macintosh, determined to enforce compliance, 
 immediately collected his clansmen, and went in pur- 
 suit of Monroe, whom he overtook at Clach-na-Haire, 
 near Inverness. As soon as Monroe saw Macintosh 
 approaching, he sent home five of his men to Ferrin- 
 donald with the cattle, and prepared for action. But 
 Macintosh paid dearly for his rapacity and rashness, 
 for he and the greater part of his men were killed in the 
 conflict. Several of the Monroes also were slain, and 
 John Monroe himself was left for dead in the field of 
 battle, and might have died if the predecessor of Lord 
 Lovat had not carried him to his house in the neighbour- 
 hood, where he was cured of his wounds. One of his 
 hands was so mutilated that he lost the use of it the 
 remainder of his life, on which account he was afterward 
 called John Bac-laimh, or Ciotach. The Monroes had 
 great advantage of the ground by taking up a position 
 among rocks, from which they annoyed the Mackin- 
 toshes with their arrows. 
 Besides the feuds of the clans in the reign of David 
 
 231
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 II the Highlands appear to have been disturbed by a 
 formidable insurrection against the government, for, 
 in a parliament which was held at Scone, in the year 
 1366, a resolution was entered into to seize the rebels 
 in Argyle, Athole, Badenoch, Lochaber, and Ross, and 
 all others who had risen up against the royal authority, 
 and to compel them to submit to the laws. The chief 
 leaders in this commotion (of which the bare mention 
 in the parliamentary record is the only account which 
 has reached us) were the Earl of Ross, Hugh de Ross, 
 John of the Isles, John of Lorn, and John de Haye, who 
 were all summoned to attend the parliament and give 
 in their submission, but they all refused to do so in the 
 most decided manner; and as the government was too 
 weak to compel them, they were suffered to remain 
 independent. 
 
 In the year 1386 a feud having taken place between 
 the Clan Chattan and the Camerons, a battle took place 
 in which a great number of the Clan Chattan were 
 Killed, and the Camerons were nearly cut off to a man. 
 The occasion of the quarrel was this. The lands of 
 Mackintosh 34 in Lochaber were possessed by the 
 Oamerons, who were so tardy in the payment of their 
 rents that Mackintosh was frequently obliged to levy 
 them by force by carrying off his tenants' cattle. The 
 Camerons were so irritated at having their cattle poinded 
 and taken away, that they resolved to make reprisals, 
 preparatory to which they marched into Badenoch to 
 the number of about four hundred men, under the com- 
 mand of Charles Macgilony. As soon as Mackintosh 
 became acquainted with this movement he called his 
 clan and friends, the Macphersons and Davidsons, to- 
 gether. His force was superior to that of the Camerons, 
 but a dispute arose among the chiefs which almost 
 proved fatal to them. To Mackintosh, as captain of the 
 
 232
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 Clan Chattan, the command of the centre of the army 
 was assigned with the consent of all parties; but a 
 difference took place between Cluny and Invernahavon, 
 each claiming the command of the right wing. Cluny 
 demanded it as the chief of the ancient Clan Chattan, of 
 which the Davidsons of Invernahavon were only a 
 branch; but Invernahavon contended that to him, 
 as the oldest branch, the command of the right wing 
 belonged according to the custom of the clans. The 
 Camerons came up during this quarrel about precedency, 
 on which Mackintosh, as umpire, decided against the 
 claim of Cluny. This was a most imprudent award, 
 as the Macphersons exceeded both the Mackintoshes 
 and Davidsons in numbers, and they were, besides, in 
 the country of the Macphersons. These last were so 
 offended at the decision of Mackintosh, that they with- 
 drew from the field, and became, for a time, spectators 
 of the action. The battle soon commenced, and was 
 fought with great obstinacy. Many of the Mackintoshes, 
 and almost all the Davidsons, were cut off by the superior 
 number of the Camerons. The Macphersons seeing their 
 friends and neighbours almost overpowered, could no 
 longer restrain themselves, and friendship got the better 
 of their wounded pride. 35 They, therefore, at this 
 perilous crisis, rushed in upon the Camerons, who, from 
 exhaustion and the loss they had sustained, were easily 
 defeated. The few that escaped, with their leader, were 
 pursued from Invernahavon, the place of battle, three 
 miles above Ruthven, in Badenoch. Charles Macgilony 
 was killed on a hill in Glenbenchir, which was long called 
 Torr-Thearlaich, i. e. Charles'-hill. 
 
 In the opinion of Shaw, this quarrel about precedency 
 was the origin of the celebrated judicial conflict, which 
 took place on the North Inch of Perth, before Robert 
 III, his queen, Annabella Drummond, and the Scottish 
 
 233
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 nobility, and some foreigners of distinction, in the year 
 1396, and of which a variety of accounts have been 
 given by our ancient historians. The parties to this 
 combat were the Macphersons, properly the Clan Chat- 
 tan, and the Davidsons of Invernahavon, called in the 
 Gaelic Clann-Dhaibhidh, and commonly pronounced 
 Clann-Chai. The Davidsons were not, as some writers 
 have supposed, a separate clan, but a branch of the 
 Clan Chattan. These rival tribes had for a long period 
 kept up a deadly enmity at one another, which was 
 difficult to be restrained; but after the award by Mack- 
 intosh against the Macphersons, that enmity broke out 
 into open strife, and for ten years the Macphersons and 
 the Davidsons carried on a war of extermination and 
 kept the country in an uproar. 
 
 To put an end to these disorders, Robert III sent 
 Dunbar, Earl of Moray, and Lindsay of Glenesk, after- 
 ward Earl of Crawfurd, two of the leading men of the 
 kingdom, to endeavour to effect an amicable arrange- 
 ment between the contending parties; but having failed 
 in their attempt, they proposed that the differences 
 should be decided in open combat before the king. 
 " The ideas of chivalry, the factitious principles of that 
 singular system of manners from which we derive our 
 modern code of honour, had hitherto made little progress 
 amongst them (the Highlanders) ; but the more intimate 
 intercourse between the northern and southern portions 
 of the kingdom, and the residence of the Lowland 
 barons amongst them, appear to have introduced a 
 change ; and the notions of the Norman knights becoming 
 more familiar to the fierce mountaineers, they adopted 
 the singular idea of deciding their quarrel by a combat 
 of thirty against thirty. This project, instead of dis- 
 couragement, met with the warm approval of govern- 
 ment, who were happy that a scheme should have sug- 
 
 234
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 gested itself, by which there was some prospect of the 
 leaders in those fierce and endless disputes being cut 
 off." A precedent had occurred in Robert the First's 
 time, when Hugh Hardinge fought William de Saint- 
 lowe, on the North Inch of Perth, in the royal presence. 
 The same ground was now fixed on, and the Monday 
 before Michaelmas was the day appointed for the combat. 
 According to Sir Robert Gordon, who is followed by Sir 
 Robert Douglas and Mr. Mackintosh, it was agreed that 
 no weapon but the broad sword was to be employed, 
 but Wyntoun, who lived about the time, adds bows, 
 battle-axes, and daggers. 
 
 " All thai entrit in barrens, 
 With bow and axe, knyf and swerd, 
 To deal amang them thair last werd." 
 
 The chronicler is borne out by Bower, in regard to the 
 bow at least. The numbers on each side have been 
 variously reported. By mistaking the word triceni, 
 used by Boece and Buchanan for treceni, some writers 
 have multiplied them to three hundred. Bower, the 
 continuator of Fordun and Wyntoun, however, mentions 
 expressly sixty in all, or thirty on either side. 
 
 On the appointed day the combatants made their 
 appearance on the North Inch of Perth, to decide in 
 presence of the king, his queen, and a large concourse 
 of the nobility, their respective claims to superiority. 
 Barriers had been erected on the ground to prevent the 
 spectators from encroaching, and the king and his party 
 took their stations upon a platform from which they 
 could easily view the combat. At length the warriors, 
 armed with sword and target, bows and arrows, short 
 knives and battle-axes, advanced within the barriers, 
 and eyed one another with looks of deadly revenge. 
 When about to engage, a circumstance occurred which 
 
 235
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 postponed the battle, and had well-nigh prevented it 
 altogether. According to some accounts, one of the 
 Macphersons fell sick; but Bower says, that when the 
 troops had been marshalled, one of the Macphersons, 
 panic-struck, slipped through the crowd, plunged into 
 the Tay and swam across, and, though pursued by 
 thousands, effected his escape. 36 Sir Robert Gordon 
 merely observes, that, " at their entrie into the feild, 
 the clan Chattan lacked one of their number, who wes 
 privilie stolne away, not willing to be pertaker of so 
 deir a bargane." A man being now wanting on one side, 
 a pause ensued, and a proposal was made that one of the 
 Davidsons should retire, that the number on both sides 
 might be equal, but they refused. As the combat could 
 not proceed from this inequality of numbers, the king 
 was about to break up the assembly, when a diminutive 
 and crooked, but fierce man, named Henry Wynd, a 
 burgher of Perth, a foundling reared in the hospital of 
 the burgh, and an armourer by trade, sprung within the 
 barriers, and, as related by Bower, thus addressed the 
 assembly: " Here am I. Will any one fee me to engage 
 with these hirelings in this stage play? For half a mark 
 will I try the game, provided, if I escape alive, I have my 
 board of one of you so long as I live. Greater love, as 
 it is said, hath no man than this, that a man lay down his 
 life for his friends. What then shall be my reward, 
 who stake my life for the foes of the commonwealth and 
 realme." This demand of Gow Crom, " Crooked Smith," 
 as Henry was familiarly styled, adds Bower, was granted 
 by the king and nobles. A murderous conflict now be- 
 gan. The armourer bending his bow, and sending the 
 first arrow among the opposite party, killed one of them. 
 After showers of arrows had been discharged on both 
 sides, the combatants, with fury in their looks and re- 
 venge in their hearts, rushed upon one another, and a 
 
 236
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 terrific scene ensued which appalled the heart of many 
 a valorous knight who witnessed the bloody tragedy. 
 The violent thrusts of the daggers, and the tremendous 
 gashes inflicted by the two-handed swords and battle- 
 axes, hastened the work of butchery and death. " Heads 
 were cloven asunder, limbs were lopped from the trunk. 
 The meadow was soon flooded with blood, and covered 
 with dead and wounded men." 
 
 After the crooked armourer had killed his man, as 
 already related from Bower, it is said that he either sat 
 down or drew aside, which being observed by the leader 
 of Cluny's band, he asked his reason for thus stopping; 
 on which Wynd said, " Because I have fulfilled my bar- 
 gain, and earned my wages." - " The man," exclaimed 
 the other, " who keeps no reckoning of his good deeds, 
 without reckoning shall be repaid," an observation which 
 tempted the armourer to earn, in the multiplied deaths 
 of his opponents, a sum exceeding by as many times the 
 original stipulation. This speech of the leader has been 
 formed into the Gaelic adage, 
 
 " Am fear nach cunntadh rium 
 Cha chunntainn ris," 
 
 which Mackintosh thus renders, 
 
 " The man that reckons not with me 
 I will not reckon with him." 
 
 Victory at last declared for the Macphersons, but not 
 until twenty-nine of the Davidsons had fallen prostrate 
 in the arms of death. Nineteen of Cluny's men also bit 
 the dust, and the remaining eleven, with the exception 
 of Henry Wynd, who by his excellence as a swordsman 
 had mainly contributed to gain the day, were all griev- 
 ously wounded. The survivor of the Clan Kay escaped 
 unhurt. Mackintosh, following Buchanan, relates that 
 
 237
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 this man, after all his companions had fallen, threw 
 himself into the Tay, and making the opposite bank, 
 escaped; but this is an improbable story, and is most 
 likely a new version of Bower's account of the affrighted 
 champion before the commencement of the action,, 
 which seems to have been metamorphosed by the genius 
 of fiction into a concluding embellishment. 
 
 The leader of the Clan Kay, or Davidsons, is called 
 by Bower Scheabey, and by Wyntoun, Scha-Ferguharis- 
 son. Boetius, who superintended the press in the first 
 edition of his work, calls him Straiberge. These three 
 authors agree in calling the leader of the opposite force 
 Christi-Jonson, for Boece does not differ from the 
 others, except by using the Gaelic form of Jonson, viz., 
 Mac-Iain. " Shaw Macintosh," as Sir Robert Douglas 
 styles him, or Shaw Oig, as he is also called by Sir Robert, 
 is, by this genealogist, stated to have been uncle of Lachlan 
 Mackintosh, captain of the Clan Chattan, in right of his 
 paternal grandmother, and to have commanded the Clan 
 Chattan. But are we to believe Sir Robert in opposition 
 to the united testimony of Wyntoun, Bower, and 
 Boetius? Who Christi-Mac-Iain, or Christi-Jonson was 
 genealogically, we are not informed, but one thing is 
 pretty clear, that he, not Schea-beg, or Shaw Oig, fop 
 these are obviously one and the same, commanded the 
 Clan Chattan, or " Clann-a-Chait." Both the principals 
 seem to have been absent or spectators merely of the 
 battle, and as few of the leading men of the clan, it is 
 believed, were parties in the combat, the savage policy 
 of the government, which, it is said, had taken this 
 method to rid itself of the chief men of the clan, by 
 making them destroy one another, was completely 
 defeated. This affair seems to have produced a good 
 effect, as the Highlanders remained quiet for a consider- 
 able time thereafter. 
 
 238
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 The disorders in the Highlands, occasioned by the 
 feuds of the clans, were, about the period in question, 
 greatly augmented by Alexander of Badenoch, fourth 
 son of Robert II, whom he had constituted lieutenant 
 or governor from the limits of Moray to the Pentland 
 Firth. This person, from the ferocity of his disposition, 
 obtained the appropriate appellation of " the Wolf of 
 Badenoch." Avaricious, as well as cruel, the Wolf seized 
 upon the lands of Alexander Barr, Bishop of Moray, 
 and as he persisted in keeping violent possession of 
 them, he was excommunicated. The sentence of ex- 
 communication not only proved unavailing, but tended 
 to exasperate the Lord of Badenoch to such a degree of 
 fury, that, in the month of May, 1390, he descended 
 from his heights, and burnt the town of Forres, with the 
 choir of the church, and the manse of the archdeacon. 
 And in June following, he burnt the town of Elgin, the 
 church of St. Giles, the hospital of Maison-Dieu, and the 
 cathedral, with eighteen houses of the canons and 
 chaplains in the college of Elgin. He also plundered 
 these churches of their sacred utensils and vestments, 
 which he carried off. For this horrible sacrilege the 
 Lord of Badenoch was prosecuted, and obliged to make 
 due reparation. Upon making his submission he was 
 absolved by Walter Trail, Bishop of St. Andrews, in 
 the church of the Black friars in Perth. He was first 
 received at the door, and afterward before the high altar, 
 in presence of the king (Robert III, his brother) and 
 many of the nobility, on condition that he should make 
 full satisfaction to the Bishop of Moray, and obtain 
 absolution from the Pope. 
 
 The Lord of Badenoch had a natural son, named 
 Duncan Stewart, who inherited the vices of his father. 
 Bent upon spoliation and bloodshed, and resolved to 
 imitate the barbarous exploits which his father had just 
 
 239
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 been engaged in, he collected a vast number of Catherans, 
 armed only with the sword and target, and with these 
 he descended from the range of hills which divides the 
 county of Aberdeen and Forfar, devastated the country, 
 and murdered the inhabitants indiscriminately. A 
 force was instantly collected by Sir Walter Ogilvy, 
 sheriff of Angus, Sir Patrick Gray, and Sir David 
 Lindsay of Glenesk, to oppose him, and although in- 
 ferior in numbers, they attacked Stewart and his party 
 of freebooters at Gasklune, near the water of Ila. A 
 desperate conflict took place, which was of short dura- 
 tion. The Cathorans fought with determined bravery, 
 and soon overpowered their assailants. The sheriff, his 
 brother, Wat of Lichtoune, Young of Ouchterlony, the 
 Lairds of Cairncross, Forfar, and Guthry, and sixty of 
 their followers, were slain. Sir Patrick Gray and Sir 
 David Lindsay were severely wounded, and escaped 
 with difficulty. Winton has preserved an anecdote 
 illustrative of the fierceness of the Highlanders. Lind- 
 say had run one of them, a strong and brawny man, 
 through the body with a spear, and brought him to the 
 earth; but although in the agonies of death, he writhed 
 himself up, and with the spear sticking in his body, 
 struck Lindsay a desperate blow with his sword, which 
 cut him through the stirrup and boot into the bone, 
 on which he instantly fell and expired. 
 
 Following chronological exactness, the following occur- 
 rence should have been previously related, had not a 
 necessary connection existed between the history of the 
 battle of the North Inch of Perth, and the account which 
 precedes it. Nicolas, Earl of Sutherland, had a feud 
 with Y-Mackay of Far, in Strathnaver, Chief of the 
 Clanwig-worgm, and his son Donald Mackay, in which 
 many lives were lost, and great depredations committed 
 on both sides. In order to put an end to this difference, 
 
 240
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 the earl proposed a meeting of the parties at Dingwall, 
 to be held in presence of the Lord of the Isles, his father- 
 in-law, and some of the neighbouring gentry, the friends 
 of the two families. The meeting having been agreed 
 to, the parties met at the appointed time, and took up 
 their residence in the castle of Dingwall in apartments 
 allotted for them. A discussion then took place between 
 the earl and Mackay, regarding the points in contro- 
 versy, in which high and reproachful words were ex- 
 changed, which so incensed the earl, that he killed 
 Mackay and his son with his own hands. Having with 
 some difficulty effected his escape from the followers 
 and servants of the Mackays, he immediately returned 
 home and prepared for defence, but the Mackays were 
 too weak to take revenge. This event took place in 
 the year 1395. The matter was in some degree recon- 
 ciled between Robert, the successor of Nicolas, and Angus 
 Mackay, the eldest son of Donald. 
 
 Some years after this event a serious conflict took place 
 between the inhabitants of Sutherland and Strath- 
 naver, and Malcolm Macleod of the Lewis, which arose 
 out of the following circumstances. Angus Mackay, 
 above mentioned, had married a sister of Malcolm 
 Macleod, by whom he had two sons, Angus Dow and 
 Roriegald. On the death of Angus, Houcheondow 
 Mackay, a younger brother, became tutor to his nephews, 
 and entered upon the management of their lands. 
 Malcolm Macleod, understanding that his sister, the 
 widow of Angus, was ill treated by Houcheondow, went 
 on a visit to her, accompanied by a number of the 
 choicest men of his country, with the determination of 
 vindicating her cause either by entreaty or by force. 
 He appears not to have succeeded in his object, for he 
 returned homeward greatly discontented, and in re- 
 venge laid waste Strathnaver and a great part of the 
 
 241
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Breachat in Sutherland, and carried off booty along with 
 him. As soon as Houcheondow and his brother Neill 
 Mackay learned this intelligence, they acquainted Robert 
 Earl of Sutherland, between whom and Angus Mackay 
 a reconciliation had been effected, who immediately 
 despatched Alexander Ne-Shrem-Gorme (Alexander 
 Murray of Cubin), with a number of stout and resolute 
 men, to assist the Mackays. They followed Macleod 
 with great haste, and overtook him at Tuttim-Turwigh, 
 upon the marches between Ross and Sutherland. The 
 pursuing party at first attempted to recover the goods 
 and cattle which had been carried off, but this being 
 opposed by Macleod and his men, a desperate conflict 
 ensued, in which great valour was displayed on both 
 sides. It " was long, furious, cruel, and doubtful," says 
 Sir Robert Gordon, and was " rather desperate than 
 resolute," as the same author quaintly observes. At 
 last the Lewismen, with their commander, Malcolm 
 Macleod, nicknamed Gilealm Beg M'Bowen, were slain, 
 and the goods and cattle were recovered. One man alone 
 of Macleod's party, who was sorely wounded, escaped 
 to bring home the sorrowful news to the Lewis, which he 
 had scarcely delivered when he expired. 
 
 These feuds were followed by a formidable insurrec- 
 tion in 1411 by Donald, Lord of the Isles, of such a 
 serious nature as to threaten a dismemberment of the 
 kingdom of Scotland. The origin of this rebellion arose 
 out of the following circumstances. The male succession 
 to the earldom of Ross having become extinct, the 
 honours of the peerage devolved upon a female, Eu- 
 phemia Ross, wife of Sir Walter Lesley. Of this marriage 
 there were two children, Alexander, afterward Earl of 
 Ross, and Margaret, afterward married to the Lord of 
 the Isles. Earl Alexander married a daughter of the 
 Duke of Albany. Euphemia, Countess of Ross, was the 
 
 242
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 only issue of this marriage, but becoming a nun she 
 resigned the earldom of Ross in favour of her uncle, 
 John Stewart, Earl of Buchan. The Lord of the Isles 
 conceiving that the countess, by renouncing the world, 
 had forfeited her title and estate, and, moreover, that 
 she had no right to dispose thereof, claimed both in 
 right of Margaret, his wife. The Duke of Albany, 
 governor of Scotland, at whose instigation the countess 
 had made the renunciation, of course refused to sustain 
 the claim of the prince of the islands. The Lord of the 
 Isles then raised the standard of revolt; and having 
 formed an alliance with England, from whence he was 
 to be supplied with a fleet far superior to the Scottish, he, 
 at the head of an army of ten thousand men, fully 
 equipped and armed citer the fashion of the islands 
 with bows and arrows, pole-axes, knives, and swords, 
 burst like a torrent upon the earldom, and carried every- 
 thing before him. He, however, received a temporary 
 check at Dingwall, where he was attacked with great 
 impetuosity by Angus Dubh Mackay of Fair, or Black 
 Angus, as he was called, but Angus was taken prisoner, 
 and his brother Roderic Gald and many of his men were 
 killed. 
 
 Flushed with the progress he had made, Donald now 
 resolved to carry into execution a threat he had often 
 made to burn the town of Aberdeen. For this purpose 
 he ordered his army to assemble at Inverness, and sum- 
 moned all the men capable of bearing arms in the 
 Boyne, and tho Enzie, to join his standard on his way 
 south. This order being complied with, the Lord of 
 the Isles marched through Moray without opposition. 
 He committed great excesses in Strathbogie and in the 
 district of Garioch, which belonged to the Earl of Mar. 
 The inhabitants of Aberdeen were in dreadful alarm at 
 the near approach of this marauder and his fierce 
 
 243
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 hordes; but their fears were allayed by the speedy 
 appearance of a well-equipped army, commanded by 
 the Earl of Mar, who bore a high military character, 
 assisted by many brave knights and gentlemen in Angus 
 and the Mearns. Among these were Sir Alexander 
 Ogilvy, sheriff of Angus, Sir James Scrymgeour, constable 
 of Dundee and hereditary standard bearer of Scotland, 
 Sir William de Abernethy of Salton, nephew to the Duke 
 of Albany, Sir Robert Maule of Panmure, Sir Alexander 
 Irvine of Drum, and Sir Robert Melville. The earl was 
 also joined by Sir Robert Davidson, the Provost of 
 Aberdeen, and a party of the burgesses. 
 
 Advancing from Aberdeen, Mar marched by Inverury, 
 and descried the Highlanders, stationed at the village of 
 Harlaw, on the water of Ury near its junction with the 
 Don. Mar soon saw that he had to contend with tre- 
 mendous odds, but although his forces were, it is said, 
 as one to ten to that opposed to him, he resolved, from 
 the confidence he had in his steel-clad knights, to risk 
 a battle. Having placed a small but select body of 
 knights and men-at-arms in front, under the command 
 of the constable of Dundee and the sheriff of Angus, 
 the earl drew up the main strength of his army in the 
 rear, including the Murrays, the Straitens, the Maules, 
 the Irvings, the Lesleys, the Levels, the Stirlings, headed 
 by their respective chiefs. The earl then placed himself 
 at the head of this body. At the head of the Islesmen 
 and Highlanders was the Lord of the Isles, subordinate 
 to whom were Mackintosh and Maclean and other High- 
 land chiefs, all bearing the most deadly hatred to their 
 Saxon foes and panting for revenge. 
 
 On a signal being given, the Highlanders and Isles- 
 men, setting up those terrific shouts and yells which 
 they were accustomed to raise on entering into battle, 
 rushed forward upon their opponents; but they were 
 
 244
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 received with great firmness and bravery by the knights, 
 who, with their spears levelled, and battle-axes raised] 
 cut down many of their impetuous but badly armed 
 adversaries. After the Lowlanders had recovered them- 
 selves from the shock which the furious onset of the 
 Highlanders had produced, Sir James Scrymgeour, at 
 the head of the knights and bannerets who fought under 
 him, cut his way through the thick columns of the Isles- 
 men, carrying death everywhere around him; but the 
 slaughter of hundreds by this brave party did not intimi- 
 date the Highlanders, who kept pouring in by thousands 
 to supply the place of those who had fallen. Surrounded 
 on all sides, no alternative remained for Sir James and 
 his valorous companions but victory or death, and the 
 latter was their lot. The constable of Dundee was 
 amongst the first who suffered, and his fall so encouraged 
 the Highlanders, that seizing and stabbing the horses, 
 they thus unhorsed their riders whom they despatched 
 with their daggers. In the meantime the Earl of Mar, 
 who had penetrated with his main army into the very 
 heart of the enemy, kept up the unequal contest with 
 great bravery, and, although he lost during the action 
 almost the whole of his army, he continued the fatal 
 struggle with a handful of men till nightfall. The 
 disastrous result of this battle was one of the greatest 
 misfortunes which had ever happened to the numerous 
 respectable families in Angus and the Mearns. Many 
 of these families lost not only their head, but every male 
 in the house. Lesley of Balquhain is said to have fallen 
 with six of his sons. Besides Sir James Scrymgeour, Sir 
 Alexander Ogilvy, the sheriff of Angus, with his eldest 
 son George Ogilvy, Sir Thomas Murray, Sir Robert 
 Maule of Panmure, Sir Alexander Irving of Drum," 
 Sir William Abernethy of Salton, Sir Alexander Straiton 
 of Lauriston, James Lovel, and Alexander Stirling, and 
 
 245
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 Sir Robert Davidson, Provost of Aberdeen, with five 
 hundred men-at-arms, including the principal gentry of 
 Buchan, and the greater part of the burgesses of Aber- 
 deen who followed their provost, were among the slain. 
 The Highlanders left nine hundred men dead on the 
 field of battle, including the chiefs, Maclean and Mackin- 
 tosh. This memorable battle 38 was fought on the eve 
 of the feast of St. James the Apostle, the twenty-fourth 
 day of July, in the year 1411, " and from the ferocity 
 with which it was contested, and the dismal spectacle 
 of civil war and bloodshed exhibited to the country, it 
 appears to have made a deep impression on the national 
 mind. It fixed itself in the music and the poetry of 
 Scotland; a march, called the ' Battle of Harlaw,' 
 continued to be a popular air down to the time of Drum- 
 mond of Hawthornden, and a spirited ballad, on the 
 same event, is still repeated in our age, describing the 
 meeting of the armies, and the deaths of the chiefs, in 
 no ignoble strain." 
 
 Mar and the few brave companions in arms, who sur- 
 vived the battle, were so exhausted with fatigue and the 
 wounds they received, that they were obliged to pass the 
 night on the field of battle, where they expected a 
 renewal of the attack next morning; but when morning 
 dawned, they found that the Lord of the Isles had re- 
 treated, during the night, by Inverury and the hill of 
 Benochie. To pursue him was impossible, and he was 
 therefore allowed to retire, without molestation, and to 
 recruit his exhausted strength. 
 
 As soon as the news of the disaster at Harlaw reached 
 the ears of the Duke of Albany, then regent of Scotland, 
 he set about collecting an army, with which he marched 
 in person to the North, in autumn, with a determina- 
 tion to bring the Lord of the Isles to obedience. Having 
 taken possession of the castle of Dingwall, he appointed 
 
 246
 
 INSURRECTIONS AND FEUDS 
 
 a governor, and from thence proceeded to recover the 
 whole of Ross. Donald retreated before him, and took 
 up his winter-quarters in the islands. Hostilities were 
 renewed next summer, but the contest was not long or 
 doubtful notwithstanding some little advantages ob- 
 tained by the King of the Isles for he was compelled 
 to give up his claim to the earldom of Ross, to become a 
 vassal to the Scottish Crown, and to deliver hostages 
 to secure his future good behaviour. A treaty to this 
 effect was entered into at Pilgilbe or Polgillip, the modern 
 Loch Gillip in Argyle. 
 
 END OF VOLUME I. 
 
 247
 
 NOTES 
 
 1. The guildry of Perth, some years ago, proved that they, 
 at least, were superior to this amiable and, it may be, superstitious 
 affection for the relics of the past. On their property of Craig- 
 makerran stood a circle of stones familiarly known by the name of 
 " Stannin Stanes," as complete and perfect as when the dispensers 
 of fire to the righteous assembled within its sacred enclosure; but 
 they wanted stones to build some offices for one of their tenants; 
 and, as these monoliths lay convenient to their hand, the corporation 
 Goths had them blasted with gunpowder, and thus utterly destroyed 
 one of the noblest monuments " of Britain's elder time." 
 
 2. The aquas et ignis interdictio of the Roman law, and the letters 
 of intercommuning anciently familiar to, but now, happily, unknown 
 in the municipal jurisprudence of our native country, were punish- 
 ments evidently traceable to the Druidical times. 
 
 3. The first writer who mentions the Picts is Eumenius, the 
 orator, who was a professor at Autun, and who, in a panegyric 
 pronounced by him in the year 297, and again in 308, alludes to the 
 Caledones aliique Picli. From this it is evident that he considered 
 the Caledonians and the Picts as the same people. Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, speaking of them at the end of the fourth century, 
 says, Lib. xxvii. ch. vii. " Eo tempore Picti in duas gen tea divira, 
 Dicaledones et Vecturiones." It is now admitted, even by these 
 antiquaries who take the most opposite views on the origin of these 
 people, that they were not distinct nations but the same people 
 distinguished merely by their names. 
 
 4. " Quamvis intelligunt omnes plus semper virium et industri* 
 Scotis fuisse ad res gerendas, quam commentationis ad pnedi- 
 candas, habuerunt tamen antiquitus, et coluerunt BUGS Homeros 
 et Marones, quos Bardos nominabant. Hi fortium virorum fact* 
 versibus heroicis et lyrse modulis aptata concinebant; quibus et 
 praesentium animos acuebant ad virtutis gloriam, et fortitudin 
 exempla ad posteros transmittebant. Cujusmodi apud Caml 
 
 et priscos Scotos nee dum desiere; et nomen illud patrio sermone 
 adhuc retinent." J. Johnston in Praefat. ad Hist. Scot. 
 
 249
 
 NOTES 
 
 5. The following curious and interesting declaration of Lachlan 
 Mac Vuirich, son of Niel, taken by desire of the Committee of the 
 Highland Society of Scotland, appointed to inquire into the nature 
 and authenticity of the poems of Ossian, will throw much light on 
 the bardic office. 
 
 In the house of Patrick Nicolson, at Torlum, near Castle Burgh, 
 in the shire of Inverness on the ninth day of August, compeared, in 
 the fifty-ninth year of his age, Lachlan, son of Niel, son of Lachlan, 
 son of Niel, son of Donald, son of Lachlan, son of Niel MOT, son of 
 Lachlan, son of Donald, of the sirname of Mac Vuirich, before Rod- 
 erick M'Neil, Esq. of Barra, and declared, That according to the best 
 of his knowledge, he is the eighteenth in descent from Muireach, whose 
 posterity had officiated as bards to the family of Clanranald; and 
 that they had from that time, as the salary of their office, the farm 
 of Staoiligary, and four pennies of Drimisdale, during fifteen gen- 
 erations; that the sixteenth descendant lost the four pennies of 
 Drimisdale, but that the seventeenth descendant retained the farm 
 of Staoiligary for nineteen years of his life. That there was a right 
 given them over these lands, as long as there should be any of the 
 posterity of Muireach to preserve and continue the genealogy and 
 history of the Macdonalds, on condition that the bard, failing of 
 male issue, was to educate his brother's son, or representative, in 
 order to preserve their title to the lands; and that it was in pursu- 
 ance of this custom that his own father, Niel, had been taught to 
 read and write history and poetry by Donald, son of Niel, son of 
 Donald, his father's brother. 
 
 He remembers well that works of Ossian written on parchment 
 were in the custody of his father, as received from his predecessors; 
 that some of the parchments were made up in the form of books, 
 and that others were loose and separate, which contained the works 
 of other bards besides those of Ossian. 
 
 He remembers that his father had a book, which was called the 
 Red Book made of paper, which he had from his predecessors, 
 and which, as his father informed him, contained a good deal of the 
 history of the Highland clans, together with part of the works 
 of Ossian. That none of those books are to be found at this day, 
 because when they (his family) were deprived of their lands, they 
 lost their alacrity and zeal. That he is not certain what became of 
 the parchments, but thinks that some of them were carried away 
 by Alexander, son of the Rev. Alexander Macdonald, and others 
 by Ronald his son; and he saw two or three of them cut down by 
 tailors for measures. That he remembers well that Clanranald made 
 
 250
 
 NOTES 
 
 liis father give up the red book to James Macpherson from Bade- 
 noch; that it was near as thick as a Bible, but that it was longer and 
 broader, though not so thick in the cover. That the parchments and 
 the red book were written in the hand in which the Gaelic used to 
 be written of old both in Scotland and Ireland, before people began 
 to use the English hand in writing Gaelic ; and that his father knew 
 well how to read the old hand. That he himself had some of the 
 parchments after his father's death, but that because he had not 
 been taught to read them, and had no reason toet any value upon 
 them, they were lost. He says that none of his forefathers had the 
 name of Paul, but that there were two of them who were called 
 Cathal. 
 
 He says that the red book was not written by one man, but that 
 it was written from age to age by the family of Clan Mhuirich, who 
 were preserving and continuing the history of the Macdonalds, 
 and of other heads of Highland clans. 
 
 After the above declaration was taken down, it was read to him, 
 and he acknowledged it was right, in presence of Donald M'Donald 
 of Balronald, James M'Donald of Garyhelich, Ewan M'Donald of 
 Griminish, Alexander M'Lean of Hosier, Mr. Alexander Nicolson, 
 minister of Benbecula, and Mr. Allan M'Queen, minister of North- 
 Uist, who wrote this declaration. his 
 
 LACHLAN X MAC VOIBICH. 
 
 mark. 
 RODERICK MAC NIEL, J. P. 
 
 6. See the Ulster Annals where an account is given of all these 
 
 conflicts. 
 
 7 The proper Irish name it seems is Feargus, derived 
 fearg of the Irish language, signifying a warrior or champio 
 Irish chieftains were so named. 
 
 8. Caledonia, Vol. I, pp. 304 and 305. In proof of thu . opmiot 
 he refers to the change by the Scots of the British word Aber i. 
 the Scoto-Irish Inver in ancient Chartulanes. 
 
 9. Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides. 
 
 10 This name signifies in Gaelic the devotee of Mai 
 ladv was married, 1. to Aodh-Finlaith. who reigned m Ii 
 ween 8^3 and 879; 2. to his successor, Flann-Sionna, who re.gned 
 from 897 to 916 Ogygia, p. 434. She had several sons who r 
 InTrelfnd; and a d'aTghtJr Ligach, who married Congal, the fang 
 
 rf ll. A huge skeleton" was' dug up many years ago near Camui.'- 
 
 251
 
 NOTES 
 
 Cross, supposed to have been that of Camus. It was lying in a 
 sepulchre which was erected with four stones. 
 
 12. The Gregorian song consists of eight tones, of which four are 
 called authentic, and four are said to be plagal. The former are 
 confined to an octave the plagal descends from the lower octave 
 to the fourth below. 
 
 13. " It was a wild and strange retreat, 
 
 As e'er was trod by outlaw's feet. 
 The dell, upon the mountain's crest, 
 Yawned like a gash on warrior's breastj 
 Its trench had staid full many a rock, 
 Hurl'd by primeval earthquake shock 
 From Ben- Venue's grey summit wild, 
 And here, in random ruin piled, 
 They frowned incumbent o'er the spot, 
 And formed the rugged sylvan grot. 
 The oak and birch, with mingled shade, 
 At noontide there a twilight made, 
 Unless where short and sudden shone 
 From straggling beam on cliff or stone, 
 With such a glimpse as prophet's eye 
 Gains on thy depth, Futurity. 
 No murmur wak'd the solemn still, 
 Save tinkling of a fountain rill; 
 But when the wind chafed with the lake, 
 A sullen sound would upward break, 
 With dashing hollow voice, that spoke 
 The incessant war of wave and rock. 
 Suspended cliffs, with hideous sway, 
 Seem'd nodding o'er the cavern grey. 
 From such a den the wolf had sprung, 
 In such a wild cat leaves her young; 
 Yet Douglas and his daughter fair 
 Sought for a space their safety there. 
 Grey Superstition's whisper dread, 
 Debarred the spot to vulgar tread; 
 For there, she said, did fays resort, 
 And satyrs hold their sylvan court, 
 By moonlight tread their mystic maze, 
 And blast the rash beholder's gaze." 
 
 Lady of the Lake, c. iii. s. 26. 
 252
 
 NOTES 
 
 14 The belief in fairies is a popular superstition among the 
 Shetlanders. The margin of a small lake called the Sandy Loch 
 about two miles from Lerwick, is celebrated for having been their 
 favourite resort. It is said that they often walk in procession along 
 the sides of the loch in different costumes. Some of the natives 
 used frequently, when passing by a knoll, to stop and listen. to 
 the music of the fairies, and when the music ceased, they would 
 hear the rattling of the pewter plates which were to be used at 
 supper. The fairies sometimes visit the Shetland barns, from 
 which they are usually ejected by means of a flail, which the pro- 
 prietor wields with great agility, thumping and threshing in every 
 direction. 
 
 15. ROBERTUS KIRK, A.M. LINGUA HIBERNII(C) LUMBN, 
 OBIIT, etc. 
 
 16. Doctor Graham has some curious observations on this 
 practice. It is mentioned by Apuleius in his " Metamorphosis of the 
 Golden Ass; " and in the Greek Anthologia, this custom is recorded 
 in a verse, which speaks of the withholding of this blessing by an 
 evil-minded person: 
 
 OvSe Xeyet, ev auaov ta wrapt). 
 Lib. II. ets 
 
 " Nor does he say, Jupiter save him, if he should sneeze." 
 
 In the seventeenth book of Homer's Odyssey, Penelope, led by the 
 account given by Eumaeus of a stranger that had just arrived, to 
 entertain some hopes of the return of Ulysses, expresses her expecta- 
 tions, when her son Telemachus sneezes aloud. Auguring favourably 
 from this omen, Penelope smiles, and gives orders to conduct the 
 stranger to the palace. 
 
 " She spoke. Telemachus then sneez'd aloud; 
 Constrain'd, his nostril echo'd through the crowd, 
 The smiling queen the happy omen blest." 
 
 From the existence of the practice of blessing among the Siamese, 
 it has been inferred, with some degree of probability, that it is of 
 oriental origin, and was brought into Europe along with the Druidi- 
 cal superstition. Father Tachard, in his Voyage de Siam, abridged 
 by Le Clerc in his Bibliotheque Universelle de I'Annee, 1687, thus 
 relates the belief of the Siamese as to this practice. " The Siameee 
 believe that, in the other world, there is an angel, whose name u 
 
 253
 
 NOTES 
 
 Prayompaban, who has a book before him, in which the life of every 
 individual upon earth is written; he is incessantly employed in 
 reading this book; and when he arrives at the page which contains 
 the history of any particular person, that person infallibly sneezes. 
 This, say the Siamese, is the reason why we sneeze upon earth; 
 and that we are in use to wish a long and happy life to those who 
 sneeze." 
 
 17. The fairies of Shetland appear to be bolder than the Shi'ichs 
 of the Highlands, for they are believed to carry off young children 
 even after baptism, taking care, however, to substitute a cabbage 
 stock, or something else in lieu, which is made to assume the appear- 
 ance of the abstracted child. The unhappy mother must take as 
 much care of this phantom as she did of her child, and on no account 
 destroy it, otherwise, it is believed, the fairies will not restore her 
 child to her. " This is not my bairn," said a mother to a neighbour 
 who was condoling with her on the wasted appearance of her infant, 
 then sitting on her knee, " this is not my bairn may the d i 
 rest where my bairn now is! " 
 
 18. " On that occasion, sanctified by the puritanical cant of the 
 times, there was ' one marquis, three earls, two lords, sixteen 
 barons, and eight ministers present at the solemnity, but not one 
 musician; they liked yet better the bleating of the calves of Dan and 
 Bethel the ministers' long-winded, and sometimes nonsensical 
 graces, little to purpose, than all musical instruments of the sanctu- 
 aries, at so solemn an occasion, which, if it be lawful at all to have 
 them, certainly it ought to be upon a wedding-day, for divertise- 
 ment to the guests, that innocent recreation of music and dancing 
 being much more warrantable and far better exercise than drinking. 
 and smoking tobacco, wherein the holy brethren of the Presbyterian, 
 (persuasion) for the most part employed themselves, without any 
 formal health, or remembrance of their friends, a nod with the head, 
 or a sign with the turning up of the white of the eye, served for the 
 ceremony." Stewart's Sketches, Memoirs of the Sommerville Family. 
 
 19. " Playing the bagpipes within doors," says General Stewart, 
 " is a Lowland and English custom In the Highlands the piper 
 is always in the open air; and when people wish to dance to his 
 music, it is on the green, if the weather permits; nothing but ne- 
 cessity makes them attempt a pipe-dance in the house. The bag- 
 pipe was a field instrument intended to call the clans to arms, and 
 animate them in battle, and was no more intended for a house than 
 a round of six pounders. A broadside from a first-rate, or a round 
 from a battery, has a sublime and impressive effect at a proper dis- 
 
 254
 
 NOTES 
 
 tance. In the same manner, the sound of bagpipes, softened by 
 distance, had an indescribable effect on the mind and actions of the 
 Highlanders. But as few would choose to be under the muzzle 
 of the guns of a battery, so I have seldom seen a Highlander whose 
 ears were not grated when close to pipes, however much his breast 
 might be warmed, and his feelings roused, by the sounds to which 
 he had been accustomed in his youth, when proceeding from the 
 proper distance." 
 
 20. Two remarkable instances of the regard paid by the High- 
 landers to their engagements are given by General Stewart. " A 
 gentleman of the name of Stewart agreed to lend a considerable 
 sum of money to a neighbour. When they had met, and the money 
 was already counted down upon the table, the borrower offered a 
 receipt. As soon as the lender (grandfather of the late Mr. Stewart 
 of Ballachulish) heard this, he immediately collected the money, 
 saying, that a man who could not trust his own word, without a 
 bond, should not be trusted by him, and should have none of his 
 money, which he put up in his purse and returned home." An in- 
 habitant of the same district kept a retail shop for nearly fifty 
 years, and supplied the whole district, then full of people, with all 
 their little merchandise. He neither gave nor asked any receipts. 
 At Martinmas of each year he collected the amount of his sales which 
 were always paid to a day. In one of his annual rounds, a customer 
 happened to be from home; consequently, he returned unpaid, 
 but before he was out of bed the following morning, he was awakened 
 by a call from his customer, who came to pay his account. After 
 the business was settled, his neighbour said, " You are now paid; 
 I would not for my best cow that I should sleep while you wanted 
 your money after your term of payment, and that I should be the 
 last in the country in your debt." Such examples of stern honesty 
 are now, alas! of rare occurrence. Many of the virtues which 
 adorned the Highland character have disappeared in the vortex 
 of modern improvement, by which the country has been com- 
 pletely revolutionized. 
 
 21. The power of the chiefs over their clans was, from political 
 motives, often supported by the government, to counteract the 
 great influence of the feudal system which enabled the nobles fre- 
 quently to set the authority of the state at defiance. Although the 
 Duke of Gordon was the feudal superior of the lands held by the 
 Camerons, M'Phersons, M'Donells of Keppoch and others, he had 
 no influence over those clans who always obeyed the orders of 
 Lochiel, Clunie, Keppoch, etc. 
 
 255
 
 NOTES 
 
 22. Martin observes that in the Western Islands, " every heir, 
 or young chieftain of a tribe, was obliged in honour to give a public 
 specimen of his valour before he was owned and declared governor 
 or leader of his people, who obeyed and followed him upon all occa- 
 sions. This chieftain was usually attended with a retinue of young 
 men of quality, who had not beforehand given any proof of their 
 valour, and were ambitious of such an opportunity to signalize them- 
 selves. It was usual for the captain to lead them, to make a des- 
 perate incursion upon some neighbour or other that they were in 
 feud with, and they were obliged to bring, by open force, the cattle 
 they found on the lands they attacked, or to die in the attempt. 
 After the performance of this achievement, the young chieftain 
 was ever after reputed valiant, and worthy of government, and such 
 as were of his retinue acquired the like reputation. This custom 
 being reciprocally used among them was not reputed robbery, 
 for the damage which one tribe sustained by this essay of the chief- 
 tain of another was repaired when their chieftain came in his turn 
 to make his specimen; but I have not heard an instance of this 
 practice for these sixty years past." Western Islands, 2d edit. 
 p. 101, 102. 
 
 23. General Stewart says that the families of the name of Stewart, 
 whose estates lay in the district of Athol, and whose chief, by birth, 
 was at a distance, ranged themselves under the family of Athol, 
 though they were themselves sufficiently numerous to raise 1,000 
 fighting men. 
 
 24. " When a quarrel begins in words between two Highlanders 
 of different clans, it is esteemed the very height of malice and 
 rancour, and the greatest of all provocations, to reproach one an- 
 other with the vices or personal defects of their chiefs, or that of the 
 particular branch whence they sprung." Letters from a Gentle- 
 man in the North of Scotland. 
 
 25. This famous person, whose name has been immortalized 
 by our great novelist, was the younger son of Mr. Macgregor of 
 Glengyle (a respectable family in Perthshire) by a daughter of 
 Campbell of Glenlyon, sister to the commander at the base massacre 
 of Glenco. He was born between the year 1657 and 1660, and mar- 
 ried Helen Campbell of the family of Glenfalloch. Rob Roy fol- 
 lowed the profession of a drover or cattle-dealer at an early period 
 of life, and was so successful in business, that before the year 1707 
 he purchased the lands of Craigrostane on the banks of Lochlomond 
 from the family of Montrose, and relieved the estate of Glengyle, 
 the property of his nephew, from considerable debts. Before the 
 
 256
 
 NOTES 
 
 Union no cattle were allowed to be imported into England, but 
 free intercourse in that commodity being allowed by the treaty, 
 various speculators engaged in this traffic, and, among others, the 
 Marquis of Montrose, afterward created duke, and Rob Roy entered 
 into a joint adventure. The capital to be advanced was fixed at 
 10,000 merks each, and Rob Roy was to purchase the cattle and drive 
 them to England for sale. Macgregor made his purchases accord- 
 ingly, but finding the market overstocked on his arrival in England, 
 in consequence of too many speculators having entered the field, 
 he was obliged to sell the cattle below prime cost. The duke re- 
 fused to bear any share of the loss, and insisted on repayment of 
 the whole money advanced by him with interest. Macgregor told 
 him that if such were his principles he should not consider it his 
 principle to pay the interest, nor his interest to pay the principal, 
 and he kept his word. Macgregor having expended the duke's 
 money in organizing a body of the Macgregors in 1715, under the 
 nominal command of his nephew, his Grace took legal means to re- 
 cover his money, and laid hold of the lands of Craigrostane in secu- 
 rity. This proceeding so exasperated Macgregor, that he declared 
 perpetual war against the duke, and resolved that in future he 
 should supply himself with cattle from his Grace's estates, a reso- 
 lution which he literally kept, and for nearly thirty years, down to 
 the day of his death, he carried off the duke's cattle with impunity, 
 and disposed of them publicly in different parts of the country. 
 
 Although these cattle generally belonged to the duke's tenant*, 
 he was the ultimate sufferer, as they were unable to pay their rents, 
 to liquidate which, their cattle mainly contributed. Macgregor 
 also levied contributions in meal and money; but he never took 
 it away till delivered to the duke's storekeeper in payment of rent, 
 and he then gave the storekeeper a receipt for the quantity taken. 
 At settling the money-rents Macgregor often attended, and sev- 
 eral instances are recorded of his having compelled the duke's 
 factor to pay him a share of the rents, which he took good care to 
 see were discharged to the tenants beforehand. This singular man 
 lived till nearly eighty years of age, thirty of which he spent in open 
 violation of the laws. He died peaceably in his bed, and his funeral, 
 which took place in 1736, was attended by the whole population 
 of the surrounding country, with the exception of the duke and 
 his immediate friends. This funeral was the last at which a piper 
 officiated in the Highlands of Perthshire. 
 
 26. General Stewart observes that the marshal had not at 1 
 period been long enough in the Highlands to distinguish a cearnach 
 
 257
 
 NOTES 
 
 or " lifter of cattle," from a highwayman. " No such character as 
 the latter then existed in the country; and it may be presumed 
 he did not consider these men in the light which the word would 
 indicate, for certainly the commander-in-chief would neither 
 have associated with men whom he supposed to be really highway- 
 men, nor partaken of their hospitality." 
 
 27. This was noticed by Doctor Johnson. He thus describes a 
 meeting between the young Laird of Coll and some of his " subjects:" 
 " Wherever we roved, we were pleased to see the reverence 
 with which his subjects regarded him. He did not endeavour 
 to dazzle them by any magnificence of dress, his only distinction 
 was a feather in his bonnet; but as soon as he appeared, they for- 
 sook their work and clustered about him ; he took them by the hand, 
 and they seemed mutually delighted. He has the proper disposition 
 of a chieftain, and seems desirous to continue the customs of his 
 house. The bagpiper played regularly when dinner was served, 
 whose person and dress made a good appearance; and he brought 
 no disgrace upon the family of Rankin, which has long supplied 
 the lairds of Coll with hereditary music." Journey to the Western 
 Islands. 
 
 28. A picture of the horse was in the possession of the late General 
 Stewart of Garth, being a legacy bequeathed to him by the daughter 
 of Mr. Menzies. " A brother of Macnaughton " (says the general) 
 " lived for many years on the estate of Garth, and died in 1790. 
 He always went about armed, at least so far armed, that when 
 debarred from wearing a sword or dirk, he slung a large long knife 
 in his belt. He was one of the last I recollect of the ancient race, 
 and gave a favourable impression of their general manner and ap- 
 pearance. He was a smith by trade, and although of the lowest 
 order of the people, he walked about with an air and manner that 
 might have become a field-marshal. He spoke with great force 
 and fluency of language, and, although most respectful to those 
 to whom he thought respect was due, he had an appearance of in- 
 dependence and ease, that strangers, ignorant of the language and 
 character of the people, might have supposed to proceed from im- 
 pudence. As he always carried arms when legally permitted, so he 
 showed on one occasion that he knew how to handle them. When 
 the Black Watch was quartered on the banks of the rivers Tay and 
 Lyon, in 1741, an affray arose between a few of the soldiers and some 
 of the people at a fair at Kenmore. Some of the Breadalbane men 
 took the part of the soldiers, and, as many were armed, swords were 
 quickly drawn, and one of the former killed, when their oppo- 
 
 258
 
 NOTES 
 
 nents, with whom was Macnaughton, and a smith (to whom he 
 was then an apprentice) retreated and fled to the ferry-boat across 
 the Tay. There was no bridge, and the ferryman, on seeing the 
 fray, chained his boat. Macnaughton was the first at the river side, 
 and leaping into the boat, followed by his master, the smith, with 
 a stroke of his broadsword cut the chain, and crossing the river, 
 fixed the boat on the opposite side, and thus prevented an immediate 
 pursuit. Indeed no farther steps were taken. The Earl of Breadal- 
 bane, who was then at Taymouth, was immediately sent for. On 
 inquiry, he found that the whole had originated from an accidental 
 reflection thrown out by a soldier of one of the Argyle companies 
 against the Athole men, then supposed to be Jacobites, and that it 
 was difficult to ascertain who gave the fatal blow. The man who 
 was killed was an old warrior of nearly eighty years of age. He had 
 been with Lord Breadalbane's men, under Campbell of Glenlyon, 
 at the battle of Sheriffmuir; and, as his side lost their cause, he 
 swore never to shave again. He kept his word, and as his beard 
 grew till it reached his girdle, he got the name of Padric-na-Phai- 
 saig, ' Peter with the Beard.' " 
 
 29. Sir Walter Scott has thus beautifully and justly described the 
 alacrity of a clan gathering at the call of a chief: 
 
 " He whistled shrill, 
 And he was answered from the hill; 
 Wild as the scream of the curlieu, 
 From crag to crag the signal flew; 
 Instant, through copse and heath arose 
 Bonnets and spears and bended bows; 
 On right, on left, above, below, 
 Sprung up at once the lurking foe; 
 From shingles grey their lances start, 
 The bracken bush sends forth the dart, 
 The rushes and the willow wand, 
 Are bristling into axe and brand, 
 And every tuft of broom gives life 
 To plaided warrior, armed for strife. 
 That whistle garrison'd the glen 
 At once with full five hundred men. 
 As if the yawning hill to heaven 
 A subterranean host had given. 
 Watching their leader's beck and will, 
 All silent there they stood, and still, 
 259
 
 NOTES 
 
 Like the loose crags whose threatening mass 
 
 Lay tottering o'er the hollow pass, 
 
 As if an infant's touch could urge 
 
 Their headlong passage down the verge, 
 
 With step and weapon forward flung, 
 
 Upon the mountain-side they hung." 
 
 Lady of the Lake, Canto V. ix. 
 
 30. The following amusing anecdote of this man is related by 
 General Stewart: " On one occasion he met with an officer 
 of the garrison of Fort William on the mountains of Lochaber. 
 The officer told him that he suspected he had lost his way, and, 
 having a large sum of money for the garrison, was afraid of meeting 
 the Sergeant Mor; he therefore requested that the stranger 
 would accompany him on his road. The other agreed; and, while 
 they walked on, they talked much of the sergeant and his feats, 
 the officer using much freedom with his name, calling him robber, 
 murderer. ' Stop there,' interrupted his companion, ' he does 
 indeed take the cattle of the Whigs and you Sassanachs, but neither 
 he nor his cearnachs ever shed innocent blood; except once,' added 
 he, ' that I was unfortunate at Braemar, when a man was killed, but 
 I immediately ordered the creach (the spoil) to be abandoned, and 
 left to the owners, retreating as fast as we could after such a mis- 
 fortune! ' ' You,' says the officer, ' what had you to do with the 
 affair? ' ' I am John Du Cameron, I am the Sergeant Mor; 
 there is the road to Inverlochay, you cannot now mistake it. 
 You and your money are safe. Tell your governor to send a more 
 wary messenger for his gold. Tell him also, that, although an out- 
 law, and forced to live on the public, I am a soldier as well as 
 himself, and would despise taking his gold from a defenceless 
 man who confided in me.' The officer lost no time in reaching the 
 garrison, and never forgot the adventure, which he frequently re- 
 lated." 
 
 31. Almost the same ceremom'al of inauguration was observed 
 at the coronation of Macdonald, king of the Isles. Martin says 
 that " there was a big stone of seven feet square, in which there was 
 a deep impression made to receive the feet of Mack- Donald, for he 
 was crowned king of the Isles standing in this stone; and swore 
 that he would continue his vassals in the possession of their lands, 
 and do exact justice to all his subjects; and then his father's sword 
 was put into his hand. The Bishop of Argyle and seven priests 
 anointed him king, in presence of all the heads of the tribes in the 
 
 260
 
 NOTES 
 
 isles and continent, and were his vassals'; at which time the orator 
 rehearsed a catalogue of his ancestors." Western Islandt, p. 241. 
 
 32. The chiefs at Bannockburn were M'Kay, Mackintosh, Mac- 
 pherson, Cameron, Sinclair, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Suther- 
 land, Robertson, Grant, Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, 
 Munro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie. After the lapse of five hun- 
 dred years since the battle of Bannockburn was fought, it is truly 
 astonishing to find such a number of direct descendants who are now 
 in existence, and still possessed of their paternal estates. 
 
 33. This is the date assigned by Sir Robert Gordon, but Shaw 
 makes it more than a century later, viz., in 1454. 
 
 34. According to that eminent antiquary, the Reverend Donald 
 Macintosh, non-juring episcopal clergyman, in his historical illus- 
 trations of his Collections of Gaelic Proverbs, published in 1785, 
 the ancestor of Mackintosh became head of the Clan Chattan in 
 this way. During these contests for the Scottish crown, which 
 succeeded the death of King Alexander III, and favoured the 
 pretensions of the King of the Isles, the latter, styling himself 
 " King," had, in 1291, sent his nephew Angus Macintosh of Macin- 
 tosh to Dougall Dall (Blind) MacGillichattan, chief of the Clan 
 'Chattan, or Macphersons, to acquaint him that " the King " was 
 to pay him a visit. Macpherson, or MacGillichattan, as he was 
 named, in honour of the founder of the family Gillichattan ' Mor, 
 having an only child, a daughter, who he dreaded might attract 
 an inconvenient degree of royal notice, offered her in marriage to 
 Macintosh along with his lands, and the station of the chief of the 
 Clan Chattan. Macintosh accepted the offer, and was received as 
 chief of the lady's clan. 
 
 35. The Reverend Donald Mackintosh gives a different account 
 of this matter. He says that Macintosh, irritated at Cluny's conduct, 
 despatched to Cluny's camp a minstrel, who was instructed to feign 
 he had been sent by the Camerons, and to sing a few Gaelic lines 
 reflecting on the cowardice of those who had hung aloof in the hour 
 of danger. Cluny, stung by the satire, attacked the supposed au- 
 thors that night in their camp, and put them to flight with the loss 
 -of their chief. 
 
 36. Lesley (1st edition, p. 252) says that the fugitive in questio 
 
 i " A votary or servant of St. Rattan," a most popular Scottish saint. W 
 hare thus Gillichallum, meaning a - votary of Columba," and of which , an 
 other form is Malcolm or Molcalm, the prefix Mol, bain* corrupted I 
 signifying the same as Gilly. Thus Oilly-DMa Is the etymon of Culdee, tlf - 
 nifying servant of God,"- GUli- Christ means " servant of Chris 
 
 261
 
 NOTES 
 
 belonged to the Clan Kay. His words are, " Anno imperii sur 
 (Roberti Illtii.) quinto, maximae in Scotia herbae a duabus Sylves- 
 trium familiis clankaya, et clanquhattana, ciebantur, etc. . . . 
 Tempus praefinitur, locus insulor apud Perthum figitur, hostes in 
 palestram descendant. Sed cum ex Clankaya tribu unus timore 
 perculsus se clanculum subducebat, a pugna tantis per abstinetur 
 dum aliquis cognatus fugitur locum subiret." 
 
 37. The Laird of Maclean, according to a tradition in the family 
 of Irving of Drum, was killed by Sir Alexander Irving. Genealogical 
 collections, MS. Advocates' Library, Jac. v. 4. 16. Vol. I. p. 180. 
 
 38. The site of the battle is thus described in the manuscript 
 geographical description of Scotland, collected by Macfarlane and 
 preserved in the Advocates' Library, Vol. I. p. 7. " Through this 
 parish (the chapel of Garioch formerly called Capella Beatae Marise 
 Virginis de Garryoch, Chart. Aberdon,p. 31) runs the king's high way 
 from Aberdeen to Inverness, and from Aberdeen to the high country. 
 A large mile to the east of the church lies the field of an ancient 
 battle called the battle of Harlaw, from a country town of that 
 name hard by. This town, and the field of battle, which lies along 
 the king's highway upon a moor, extending a short mile from S. E. 
 to N. W. stands on the northeast side of the water of Urie, and a 
 small distance therefrom. To the west of the field of battle, about 
 half a mile, is a farmer's house, called Legget's Den, hard by, in 
 which is a tomb, built in the form of a malt steep, of four large stones, 
 covered with a broad stone above, where, as the country people 
 generally report, Donald of the Isles lies buried, being slain in the 
 battle, and therefore they call it commonly Donald's tomb." This 
 is an evident mistake, as it is well known that Donald was not 
 slain. Mr. Tytler conjectures with much probability that the tomb 
 alluded to may be that of the chief of Maclean or Mackintosh, 
 and he refers, in support of this opinion, to Macfarlane's genealogical 
 collections (MS. Advocates' Library, Jac. V. 4. 16. Vol. I. p. 180), 
 in which an account is given of the family of Maclean, and from 
 which it appears that Lauchlan Lubanich had, by Macdonald's 
 daughter, a son, called Eachin Rusidh ni Cath, or Hector Rufus 
 Bellicosus, who commanded as lieutenant-general under the Earl 
 of Ross at the battle of Harlaw, when he and Irving of Drum, seek- 
 ing out one another by their armorial bearings on their shields, 
 met and killed each other. This Hector was married to a daughter- 
 of the Earl of Douglas. 
 
 262
 
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