LIBRARY OF THE University of California. Class TOO NEAR THE WARPATH THE HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES BY JACOB HARRIS PATTON, A.M., Ph.D. Author of "Natural Resources of the United States," " History of Political Parties," M Popular History of the Presbyterian Church," etc. AND JOHN LrORD, D.D., LX.D. Author of "Beacon Lights of History." WITH SPECIAL, ARTICLES BY Theodore Roosevelt, James Cardinal Gibbons, George F. Hoar, Janies Bryce Grover Cleveland and others VOL. I. The University Society New York OF THE UNIVERSITY OF turn ROOM Copyright, 1876, by J. B. Ford & Company. Copyright, 1882, 1891, 1892, and 1901, by Fords, Howard & Hulbert. Copyright, 1903, by The University Society. PREFACE. Elaborate histories of the United States have been ably written, while compends and school histories — well adapted to the place they are designed to fill — are numerous. Be- tween these compends and the works extending from four to twelve volumes there is necessity, as well as room, for a history that shall be sufficiently elaborate to trace the direct influences that have had effect in moulding the character of the Nation and its institutions, moral and political — one that treats more fully of the "Inner Life" of the American people, and so constructed that the reader can obtain a clear conception of the forces that have made the Nation what it is. In accordance with this view, the present work is designed to present, as fully as is consistent with such a plan, those events which are interesting in themselves and characteristic of the times and people. While the author has availed himself as much as possible of original authorities, and acknowledges his obligations to the many elaborate United States and State histories, his main effort has been to set forth our story in his own language, wrought into a consecutive narrative, confining himself to the true elements of history — that is, only to those events and principles that have had influence; making, as occasion requires, an informal summary of the less important facts or events, in order to keep perfect the vii 3G84 Till PREFACE. thread of the narrative. Among the motive forces, due recognition has been given to the influence of moral truths derived from the Bible, in leading the people to cherish liberty of speech, free institutions, and the general educa- tion of their children. The reader has no reason to quarrel with the facts of History; but it is his privilege and duty to deduce from them his own inferences. In these latter days public docu- ments are published to the world; thus the materials for writing history become accessible. By this means the leading facts of the late Civil War are as well known to-day as they ever will be. Some incidents and complica- tions in the careers of individuals will be revealed only when the "Life and Times" of each comes to be written. This latter class of material, unfortunately often largely embellished and explained by, perhaps, unconscious apolo- gies and after-thoughts, may throw light upon personal motives and actions, but will shed little upon the great events themselves. For in that exciting period statesmen groped their way ; no man saw the end from the beginning. The same may be said of the unforeseen consequences of our interference on behalf of Cuba and the war that ensued thereon. An overruling Hand brought about the great result, not by the plannings of men, but in spite of them. It is hoped that the intelligent reader will find in these volumes a succinct as well as a comprehensive view of the history of the American people, and of the influential elements that have gone to form their characteristics and their Government. J. H. P. NeW.York City, June 1, 1901. A SKETCH History, Greatness and Dangers AMERICA. By JOHN LORD, LL.D., Author of "Beacon Lights of History," etc. OF THE UNIVERSITY OF S^AUFOR^ A SKETCH OP THE HISTOKY, GREATNESS AND DANGERS OF AMERICA. By John Lord, LL.D., Author of " Beacon Lights of History" etc. It would be difficult to point out an event in the history of the world followed by more important results, certainly in a material and political aspect, than the dis- covery of America by Christopher Columbus; and as centuries and years roll on, these results appear greater and grander, so that no human intellect can grasp the mighty issues which perpetually arise to view. How lit- tle did the great discoverer anticipate the consequences of his adventuresome voyages! How little conscious was he of the boon he rendered to civilization and the human race ! It was too great to be measured by any ordinary human services. Nearly a century passed away before the European mind began to appreciate the true import of the dis- covery. Columbus himself did not imagine the blessings which he had almost unconsciously bestowed. He had no idea even that he had given a new world to Ferdinand and Isabella. He supposed at first that he had reached the eastern shores of Asia — the Zipango of Marco Polo ; that he had solved a great geographical problem of vast com- mercial importance, and was entitled to high reward. Yet it had been the Old and not the New that he was seeking ; while it was the New, that has made memora- ble the year of our Lord 1492. In iaking this introductory glance at the history of X FOUR HUNDRED TEARS four hundred years, which Prof. Patton has told in detail, we wish but to mark a few of the great events, the great men and the great elements that have contributed to make that history most notable in the life of the modern world. It was not long after Columbus, before the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the English, the Dutch and the French perceived that something strange had been discovered, and successive voyagers made it clear that a new con- tinent had really been opened to the enterprise of European nations ; that it was rich in mines of gold and silver ; that they had only to take possession of it by hoisting a national flag. They found, as their explora- tions extended, that this new continent was peopled by entirely unknown races, in various stages of barbarism or savagery, whose languages no one could understand — tribes inclined to be friendly and peaceable, but revengeful and treacherous if treated unjustly and unkindly. All the various tribes from Mexico to Canada had the same general peculiarities of feature and color, different from any known type in Asia or Africa. What was the origin of this strange race ? Were they aborigines, or did their remote ancestors come from Asia? Their whole history is involved in hopeless mystery. Peaceful relations were not long kept up between the natives and the adventurers who sought the new^vorld with the primary view of improving their fortunes Hence the first century of American history is the record of conflicts with Indians, of injustice and cruelty, pro- ducing deadly animosities on both sides, until the natives were conquered and nearly exterminated. There were few permanent settlements, but there was great zeal in explorations, in which YespuccJius, Ponce de Leon, % the Cabots, Cartier, De Soto and other famous captains and navigators distinguished themselves, who, on their return home, reported lands of mineral wealth, OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XI natural fertility and great beauty, but uncultivated and sparsely populated. This led to a great emigration of adventurers, chiefly for working the mines. The result was the enrichment of Spain, but not a healthy coloniza- tion on the part of that or any other European nation. Nor was the second century of North American his- tory fruitful in those movements and characters which have much interest to the present generation, except that it was the period of colonization. Noting particularly the English and French settle- ments, the first in importance was that of Virginia under the patronage of James I of England. He gave to his favorites and courtiers immense territories. He also gave charters to companies of merchants and others more or less favored, who hoped to be enriched, not by mines of gold and silver, but by the culture of tobacco through African slaves. The first settlement was at Jamestown, 1607, made chiefly by sanguine adventurers, most of whom were broken-down gentlemen, or younger sons of noble families, who did not know how to work. They were so unfortunate also as to quarrel with the Indians. In consequence they were molested, discouraged and helpless, and their numbers dwindled away by sickness and famine. Though continually reinforced by new arrivals, the Colony did not thrive. In two years the able-bodied men numbered only about two hundred, and only forty acres of land were brought under culti- vation. The Colonists were idle and dissolute. When John Smith, who led the first settlers, returned to England discouraged, there were only sixty men left out of the four hundred and ninety who had arrived at different times. In 1612, under Sir Thomas Gates, three hundred additional Colonists arrived, and year after year their number was again increased, and yet in twelve years the settlement contained no more than six hundred persons. At last the Company in England Xii FOUR HUNDRED YEARS sent over one hundred and fifty respectable young women who became wives of the Colonists, and a better day dawned. In 1619, the London Company granted to the people the right to make their own laws, and the House of Burgesses became the first legislative assembly in the New World, and enacted laws in favor of industry, virtue and good order. In a few years the population of the colony numbered nearly four thousand, chiefly em- ployed in the cultivation of tobacco, then worth on the London docks six shillings a pound. But the people were not all voters. Only those who possessed a landed estate had the right of suffrage. The aristocratic organization of the Colony was not unfavorable to property, since the demand for tobacco continually increased. In a hundred years Virginia was the richest and most populous of the North American colonies; ruled by planters who re- sembled the county gentlemen of England in their habits, their sentiments and their pride. In religion they were Episcopalians, and in their social life they were aristocrats who disdained manual labor, which was done by African slaves The next event of importance in American Colonial history was the settlement of New England, by a differ- ent class of men, who sought a home in the wilderness to escape religious persecution. In 1620 the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth. I need not dwell on their lofty sentiments, their fervent piety, the privation and sufferings they cheerfully endured, exposed to innumer- able dangers, which developed among them extraordin- ary self-reliance and the spirit of liberty. No rich soil, no crops of tobacco rewarded their hard labors. It was a struggle for existence during two generations. But they were brave, industrious, frugal and moral ; they con- quered*aature when she was most unpropitious. Among them there were "no distinctions of rank. They were too insignificant to excite the rapacity of royal govern- OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XU1 or& They were chiefly farmers, mechanics and fisher- men who had few wants and ambitious aspirations, with a sprinkling of educated men who took their place naturally as leaders, but all animated by the same senti- ments, among which the fear of God was pre-eminent — a noble race to lay the foundation of prosperity and power. Progress of settlement was slow but sure. There were no drawbacks, as in Virginia. The word sent back by the Plymouth Colony to their Puritan friends in England resulted in a further emigration in 1628, and the founding of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay; and the settlements spread. The Puritans were honest in their dealings with the Indians, with whom they remained at peace until jealousies among the Indians themselves incited war upon the settlers. Then the English fighting blood aroused and conquered a bloody peace, lasting for half a century. After that, expansion brought conflict, and the Indians were driven westward. The New England Colonists elected their own governor and magistrates, and in their town-meetings freely ex- pressed their sentiments. For a hundred years they pro- duced few distinguished men except ministers. They knew but little of what are called fine arts, either music, architecture or painting. No sciences received an im- pulse from them, and no literature except sermons. Socially they were not interesting, being narrow and bigoted and indifferent to amusements. But they all were taught the rudiments of education and independ- ence of mind. In fervent religious life they never were excelled by any people on the face of the earth. Nor in individual sense of duty were they ever surpassed. The difficulty of earning a living on a sterile soil pre- vented the accumulation of property, and perhaps led them to attach undue value to money. Their frugality and poverty made them appear parsimonious. Their whole history is a refutation of the theories of Buckle, Xfo FOUB HUNDRED YEARS ^ as also is life in Scotland, Switzerland and Northern Germany. The colonization of Canada (New France) by the French, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Dela- ware, by Dutch and English, resembled in the main that of New England rather than that of Virginia and the Carolinas. But all the colonists, north and south, were ex- posed *to the same outward dangers in the hostility of the various Indian tribes. So far as they have a common his- tory, it was incessant conflicts with the aborigines, on whose hunting grounds the white men encroached, until the Indians were exterminated or driven to the west — a sad record of injustice and wrong to be palliated only by seeming necessity. It was the old story of the warfare between barbarism and civilization. William Penn's experience in successful dealings with the Indians by means of just and equitable negotiation show that the whole black record of the white man's oppression of the Indian has been utterly needless — the outgrowth of greed. It was not till the 18th century that the Colonies, whether French or English, can be said to have had any notable history, and even this is meagre — struggles with colonial governors, warlike expeditions through a pathless wilderness, religious persecutions, the extension of frontier settlements, theological quar- rels, political theories, all of which favored growth and development, but which produced no historic names, except of theologians like Jonathan Edwards, No great character arose who gave a new political direc- tion to colonial growth. There were no great events which either interest or instruct us until the Seven Years' War in Europe led to a contest between the English and French settlements, resulting in the fall of Louisburg, through the bravery of New England troops led by Sir William Pepperell, a Kittery merchant, and the conquest of Canada under the inspiration of William OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XV l*itt, when James Wolfe was the hero. It was in this war that the colonists first distinguished themselves, fighting for the mother-country rather than for their own interests ; that Washington, the greatest name in our history, first appeared upon the way, as an aide to the brave, but obstinate and unfortunate, General Braddock. The result of this war was to destroy the prestige of English soldiers, and to fan a military spirit in the colonies. It taught the raw American militia self-reli- ance, and incited a passion for national independence. The colouists numbered now nearly four millions of people, wearied by English rule, ambitious to become a nation, and bound together by the ties of interest. As yet no lights in science had arisen except Benjamin Franklin, no distinguished literary men, no poets or his- torians, no great political writers, no lawyers even, ex- cept of local fame. Books were scarce and dear, and newspapers few. There was not a merchant in the country whom we now should consider rich, probably not a single millionaire from Portland to Charleston. The richest men were the planters of Virginia and South Carolina ; and even the foundations of their pros- perity were being undermined by negro slaves and the fall in the price of tobacco — the great staple of Southern industry. The ambitious residences of the planters, built in imitation of baronial halls, were falling into decay, and their vast estates were encumbered and mortgaged, which led to the rise of a class of lawyers for the collection of debts, such as Jefferson and Patrick Henry in their early career, and also to the increase of the yeomanry, neither rich nor poor, among whom was developed the passion for liberty and opposition to royal governors, as seen in the Virginia House of Bur- Twenty years of peace followed the Seven ¥6318' XVI FOUR HUNDRED YEARS War, but they were not years of rest. It was a period of agitation and discontent. Political theories inter- ested every class, who now began to catch glimpses of the future extension of the country. It was also a period of great material prosperity. The fisheries of Newfoundland were a source of profit to the people on the New England coast, as well as a colonial trade. Lumber and fish were exchanged in the West India Islands for molasses and rum — a new enterprise, which demoralized as well as enriched. The population at the North rapidly increased. Land was cleared of forests and cultivated from the East coast towns to the Hudson Kiver and beyond ; and the population, chiefly consist- ing of farmers, who still remained poor, was yet independent and intelligent. Beautiful villages arose on the banks of every river and at the base of hills. The fear of Indians passed away. Some fine houses were built in the larger towns, and luxuries to some ex- tent were enjoyed by country merchants and the profes- sional classes. Colleges and academies arose, to which resorted the sons of prosperous farmers. Mechanics acquired skill, and some articles which were formerly imported were manufactured in a rough way. But the most marked feature of the time was political agitation and a desire to be free from the mother- country. This, indeed, was not avowed nor every- where desired ; but there was a growing impatience of restraints imposed by the English Government, and the haughty tone of Colonial governors and judges who were appointed by the Crown. In town meetings the prin- ciples of liberty were discussed. Much was written on the imposition of taxes toward the support of the English Government, weakened by the Seven Years' Wai\ The popular orators, like Samuel Adams, James Otis and Patrick Henry, declared that the people could not be taxed without their own consent. Some sup OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XV11 ported this doctrine from those abstract rights which appeal to consciousness, and others from the constitutional history of England. Nobody felt the burden of the taxes imposed, but everybody believed that the prece- dent of taxation would be abused until it became oppres- sive. Public sentiment, however, was nearly unanimous that taxation by Great Britain was an infringement on liberties and charters, which were to be defended as sacred. But I am inclined to the belief that opposition to Eng- lish taxation was based on the secret desire to be free from England altogether as much as on fear of oppression — at least, among the leaders of agitation, like John Adams, who clearly saw the inevitable extension and future power of the Colonies, especially if united. The spirit of the Colonists from north to south was aggres- sive, bold, independent, fearless, with a probable ex- aggeration of their military strength, natural to people who lived so far away from the great centres of civiliza- tion, and accustomed to self-reliance amid the dangers which had menaced them for more than a hundred years. Hence arose the American Revolution, not merely the most important event thus far in American history, but one of the greatest events in the history of the world, in view of the remote consequences. The Colonists were very poorly prepared for a contest with the great- est power in Europe, but they rushed into it with the utmost enthusiasm ; their earliest resistance was suc- cessful, and the British troops, mostly veterans, were driven from Boston, to the immense astonishment and chagrin of the English Government, who expected a ready submission. Yet resistance would not have been successful if the defence had been made in Europe, with its good roads and means of transportation for regular troops. It was so in America rather by reason of the impassable wilderness which skirted the settlements XVlii lOUE HUNDRED YEARS than the military strength of the Colonists. Nor would independence probably have been then achieved had it not been for the transcendent abilities, patience and patriotism of the leader whom Providence pointed out for them. Though defeated in almost every battle, and driven from one position after another, leading almost the life of a fugitive, with a feeble band, like David in the wilderness, the heroic Washington persevered long after success had given way to crushing disaster, amid great obstacles, with treason among his followers, slan- ders and popular discontents : without money and with scarcely any military equipments for his raw militia, until his cause was won — and won more by his taking advantage of the difficulties which nature imposed on the enemy than by the skill and bravery of his own troops. Without him for a leader, with jealousies and rivalries on the part of generals and politicians, and growing apathy on the part of the people, who, as the war went on, tardily and reluctantly enlisted, and then only for short periods, the contest would have been at least prolonged, like that of the Greek revolutionists; and if France had not come to the rescue — not from sympathy with a struggling people so much as from the desire to cripple its ancient and implacable British foe — the cause might have been given up in despair until fought for again in a succeeding generation. The whole conflict to a thoughtful and religious mind has the significance of a providential event, or of mani- fest destiny to those who claim to be philosophical and who cast their eyes on the immense resources which were sure to be developed at no distant day in the unsettled wilderness which stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific. As we speculate on the results of this memorable con- test, we are compelled to notice the special attractions which a free country has held out for emigrants from OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XIX the old States of Europe : the unbounded facilities for the poor man to earn a living and even to become rich ; the increasing openings for enterprise of all kinds ; the vast expanse of public lands to be entered upon; the legal facilities for acquisition, sale and purchase of land — diametrically opposite in policy to the conservative restrictions in the old countries ; the unparalleled and rapid increase of population, doubling every twenty-five years ; the resistless tide of emigration toward the Ohio and Mississippi, and finally to the Pacific Ocean ; the universal sense of security in the new settle- ments, and the feeling of nationality which has animated and united the whole population. With political unity and the advance of material in- terests leading to wealth and power, we do not see, it must be confessed, a corresponding progress in morals or eminent attainments in literature and science. The untoward influences retarding this higher growth began very early. The war of the devolution relaxed the social restraints which Puritanism had favored. The disbanded soldiers were neither so temperate nor indus- trious as their fathers, and the vices of drunkenness and profanity became alarming even in the land of steady habits, to say nothing of the looseness in religious opinions. The old Calvinistic divines were succeeded in many parishes by more indulgent ministers who preached short sermons of ethical platitudes, forgot pastoral duties and had a keen eye to professional interests, while many a sturdy farmer added Jamaica rum to his supposed necessities, and ended by putting a mortgage on his paternal lands. Scarcely had the United States started on their career of prosperity after their successful struggle with Eng- land when they were exposed to a new danger, from the reluctance of many States to adopt the Constitution which the wisest and greatest statesmen of the land had framed XX FOUR HUNDRED YEARS in Philadelphia, in 1787. John Fiske has well called this " the critical period in American history." There were in the Constitutional Convention every variety of opinion, and incessant debates. There were fifty-five men in all, representing the different States. Among the more illustrious were Franklin, Washington, Hamil- ton, and Madison. Differences arose as to the ratio of representation, the mode of election of President and the powers to be delegated to him, the functions of the two legislative Houses and the election of members, the Federal courts and commercial regulations. There was an obvious antagonism between the North and South, and between the larger and smaller States, as to repre- sentation. There were angry discussions whether slaves should be considered property or persons. Some leaned towards a centralized government, after the manner of monarchical institutions, and others to extreme democ- racy. After four months of toilsome compromises the Constitution was signed, as the best that could be made under the circumstances. And although, at the time, it satisfied no one in all its parts, it has been characterized as the most admirably written constitution ever formulated, at once the simplest, the most elastic, the best adapted to the circumstances for which it was prepared.* The next thing was to get it ratified, — but some of the States stood aloof, especially New York. This called out Jay, Hamilton and Madison in a series of able papers fialled The Federalist — an immortal State document, which seemed to turn the balance, and the Constitution was saved, subject to future amendments. Then followed the election of President, and such was the universal veneration for Washington, respect for his * " As the British Constitution is the most subtle organism which has proceeded from progressive history, so the American Constitu- tion is the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by She brain and purpose of man." — W. E. Gladstone. OF AMERICAN HISTOET. XXI abilities and gratitude for his services, that he was unani- mously elected — the wisest choice that could possibly be made, since the nation was safe under his guidance. His administration was not marked by stirring events, but by great sagacity. It was memorable for the forma- tion of the two great political parties which, under dif- ferent names, have since divided the nation, the Federal- ists, and the Republicans or Democrats — the one led by Hamilton and the other by Jefferson. The Federalists aimed at greater centralization of Federal power ; the Republicans — so-named after the French republican clubs — leaned to State sovereignty. The first party was composed chiefly of the professional and educated classes, merchants, and men of high social position ; the second embraced the common people and their ambitious leaders who sought extension of the suffrage — a party which con- tinually increased until political power fell into its hands, never afterward to be lost, until their democracy made itself a tool of the slave-holding aristocracy. Wash- ington received a second election, and when his term of office closed he gladly retired to his beloved Mount Ver- non, and in a few years died, leaving the most unsullied fame that any man of modern times has earned. His successor, John Adams, had rendered great ser- vices, both before and during the Revolution, in advis- ing and assisting his countrymen to shake off English domination ; he had been an efficient, though not re- markable diplomatist in Holland, France and England ; and was an honest and patriotic statesman, an industrious legislator, an effective public speaker, a brilliant con- versationalist and letter writer, with the only drawback of a hasty, irascible and disputatious temper, and great personal vanity. He was a Federalist like Washington, and made few removals from office. He retired reluc- tantly from his high position and withdrew to Quincy to nurse his resentments, especially against Jefferson, XX11 FOUR HUNDRED YEARS the successful rival who succeeded him in the Presi- dency, having been elected to it by the Republican or Anti-Federalist party. The eight-years' administration of Jefferson, like those of Washington and Adams, was not fruitful in matters of historical interest, but was marked by great public prosperity. Jefferson was a philosopher and a man of peace, and although provoked almost beyond endurance by the injuries which France and England continued to inflict on American commerce, and by the impressment of seamen and hostility to the United States, yet he ab- stained from plunging the nation into war. He made a great mistake in his " embargo," which pleased only those who had no ships to rot on the wharves, without inflicting serious injury on British manufactures, and he made himself ridiculous by his gunboats as a means of national defence. With him anything was better than war. And here he was probably right, considering the defenceless state of the country with all its financial em- barrassments. His great aim was to pay off the national debt, and develop industries. But he was hostile to a national bank and Federal tariffs on foreign goods for protection to domestic manufactures. He threw his in- fluence into measures for the welfare of farmers rather than of manufacturers and merchants. As his party hafl acquired undisputed ascendency, old political animosi- ties died out. Although a Democrat (as the Republican party had come to be called), succeeding a Federalist administration, he made very few removals from office. His policy was pacific and conciliatory, and his popular- ity increased with the national prosperity. He was the most long-sighted of all American politicians, seeing that political power hereafter would be lodged with the common people, and he adapted himself to their wants, their prejudices and their aspirations. Though bom on a plantation, he was democratic in his OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XX111 (Sympathies. He was no orator like John Adams ; in- deed, he could not make a speech at all ; but he could write public documents with masterly abilities, and was fond of writing letters. His greatest feat was the pur- chase of Louisiana from France, but his administration was most memorable for departing from the policy of Washington and Adams, in breaking away from the courtly formality and dignity of official life and inaugur- ating an era of popular " republican simplicity." The day of strong central Federalism in government gave way to the reactionary Democracy. Jefferson was an original thinker and a natural opponent of authority, whether in politics or religion. For his own epitaph he described himself as " Author of the Declaration of In- dependence and of the statute of Virginia for religious freedom." Jefferson bequeathed to his successor, Madison, the re- sponsibility of settling the growing difficulties with Great Britain. Madison was the disciple, admirer and friend of Jefferson, through whose influence he had been weaned from Federalism, which originally he had adopted. He, too, one of the most able statesmen of the times, and one of the most enlightened, would have kept the country from drifting into war had that been in his power. He clearly saw that the nation was unprepared — that it had neither an army or navy of any size ; but the unabated insults of the English government, the continual injuries it inflicted on American commerce, and its haughty and arrogant tone in all negotiations, were infuriating Congress and the American people. It became clear that war was simply a choice of evils — that the nation must either submit to humiliation and dis- honor, or risk disaster, the defeat of armies and the in- crease of the national debt. The war of 1812 was with- out glory on the land, being a miserable series of blun- ders and misfortunes on the part of generals, and with- XXIV FOUR HUNDRED YEARS out results at all gratifying to American pride. And it was also regarded as unnecessary by those who were most injured by naval depredations. It was popular only among those who lived in the interior, and who cher- ished the traditions of Bunker Hill and of Yorktown. Its calamities were indeed partially redeemed by naval successes, which shed renown on such captains as Deca- tur, Barron and Bainbridge. It might have been more successful if the whole people had been united in it, to accomplish a distinctive practical object, as in the French and Indian War when Canada was conquered, or in the Revolutionary struggle for liberty. But it had no specific aims except to vindicate national honor. As such it was not without important results. It convinced Eng- land, at least, that the Americans would no longer be trifled with, and that all future hostilities, whichever way they terminated, would inflict evils without corres- ponding benefits. The war doubtless gave a great stim- ulus to the infant manufactures of the country, and va- rious kinds of industries, since the people were driven to them by necessity, and thus helped to build up New Eng- land in spite of its ruined commerce. The war also scat- tered wealth and inflated prices. All wars have this effect; but it demoralized the people like the Revolutionary War itself, notwithstanding the great bonus it bestowed. Both countries were glad when the war terminated, for both were equal sufferers, and, to all appearances, gained but trifling advantages. In the peace which was con- summated at Ghent, of which John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay were the chief negotiators, nothing was said about the injuries which provoked the contest, but they never were forgotten, and the United States were doubt- less put on a better footing with foreign powers. From that time national progress was more rapid than before, and all classes settled down to peaceful prosperity and to improving their condition. OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXV The only event of importance which occurred during Madison's administration, after the close of the war, was the cession of Florida to the United States in 1819, ne- gotiated by John Quincy Adams, but opposed by Henry Clay. The latter great man had now become one of the most prominent figures in American politics, and his en- trance upon the political arena marked the growing im- portance of Congress in the domestic affairs of the coun- try at large. From this time the abler statesmen in the Na- tional Legislature obtained by their debates a greater prominence in the public eye than even the Executive it- self. This was true especially during the administration of Madison's successor, Monroe, who was more distinguished for respectability than eminent abilities — the last of the " Virginia dynasty." His name has been particularly associated with a declaration made in his message to Congress in March, 1822, that, "as a principle, the American Continents, by the free and independent position they have assumed and maintained, are hence- forth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any foreign power." This is known as "the Monroe doctrine," although it should probably be credited to John Quincy Adams, Monroe's Secretary of State. During the times of " good feeling " and absence of party animosities which marked the administration of Monroe, two great men, Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, appeared in the halls of Congress destined to make a mark in the domestic history of the nation. And there was one event which happened during the same period, the political consequences of which were of great impor- tance, the work of these rising statesmen rather than of the President. This was the famous Missouri Compro- mise, marking the first conflict between slavery and free- dom — a question which thenceforward dwarfed all other XXVI FOUR HUNDRED YEARS subjects of national interest. Thitherto the great que* tion had been kept in the background, but in 1818 a bill was introduced into Congress proposing the admission of Missouri into the Union, which when it reached the Sen- ate was amended bv Mr. Tallmadge of Mew York, pro- viding that slaves should not De inrtlier introduced into the St^ate. Angry discussions followed, and although the amendment was adopted, the question was not lost sight of, but for two years engaged the in tensest interest of Congress and the public, until in 1821 a compromise was effected by Henry Clay, by which slavery was forever excluded from United States territory north of 36° 30' of latitude, and west of the western boundary of Mis- souri. This admitted Missouri as a slave State, but drew the line of demarcation at that. The administration of John Quincy Adams, Monroe's successor, was unmarked by important political events, and he quietly continued the policy of his predecessor, making but few removals from office. He had been a Federalist, but swung round to the Republican or Demo- cratic party. ISTo one since Washington was so little oi a partisan as this President, and no one was ever more conscientious in the discharge of the duties of his office. But he was not popular. Neither his habits nor opinions gained him friends, while they created many enemies, the most implacable of whom was General Jackson, who considered himself cheated out of the Presidency by a supposed coalition between Adams and Clay, on which he harped to the day of his death. In 1829 the public career of John Quincy Adams ap- parently closed, but his best days were yet to come as the champion of human freedom in the House of Represen- tatives. His most distinctive trait of character was moral heroism. He had a lofty self-respect which pre- vented him from conciliating foes, or rewarding friends ; an old Puritan, sternly incorruptible, disdaining policy OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXVli in the inflexible sense of duty and personal dignity, learned without genius, eloquent without rhetoric, ex- perienced without wisdom, and religious without ortho- doxy, yet securing universal respect from his austere in- tegrity and undoubted patriotism, the last of the great statesmen, except the military heroes, who reached ex- alted rank from the services he had previously rendered. The elevation of Andrew Jackson to the Presidency was memorable for a new departure in the political his- tory of the United States. He was a man of remarkable force. Born poor, he had, almost without friends, made his own way, becoming lawyer, Congressman, United States Senator, Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennes- see, volunteer militia officer, Major-General and Depart- ment Commander, and Governor of Florida. He had rendered undoubted services in the war of 1812, especially by his brilliant victory at New Orleans, and he also had shown considerable ability in conflicts with the Indians, which gave him great popularity. But he was accused of being ignorant, prejudiced, unscrupulous, and self- willed. He began his administration by making the members of his Cabinet his tools or clerks, and giving his confidence to a few unofficial admirers, called the " Kitchen Cabinet." So far as he was ruled at all it was by these " machine politicians," whose policy was a divi- sion of the spoils of office. At the start Jackson fool- ishly quarreled with nearly all the members of his Cabinet, because their wives would not associate with a woman of inferior social position who had married the Secretary of War. Next, he turned out most of the office- holders whom his predecessors had appointed, who were not his partisans, on the infamous doctrine : " To the victor belong the spoils," a movement which unfortun- ately became the policy of his successors of all parties, as a party measure. This course cannot be sustained by justice or by argument from experience, either in con- XXV111 FOUR HUNDRED YEARS serving party strength or advancing official efficiency in charge of the national interests. It causes intense hatreds and bitter disappointments. Jackson made ten times more removals in one month than all his prede- cessors had done before him, and this without regard to fitness for office, but avowedly to reward partisans, in a time of intense political partisanship. It was not long after his inauguration before Jackson became involved in a quarrel with the United States Bank. The notes of this bank were as good as gold, and it had proved useful in the regulation of the currency, in fact, a necessity which had the confidence of business men throughout the country. Under the pretense that it was an engine of political corruption the President waged an uncompromising war until he effected his pur- pose of crippling it. I need not detail the financial troubles which ensued when the great central bank, the Federal balance-wheel of all money operations, was stopped, and when State banks — called " Pets " — sprung up everywhere, without sufficient capital, to which the public funds were intrusted until they all burst up to- gether in the financial crash of 1837, and the general suspension of specie payments. In justice I must add that this crash was not caused wholly by the winding up of the United States Bank, but largely by an enormous inflation of paper money in the craze for universal speculation, to which everybody was tempted by the prosperity of the country, arising from its rapid settle- ment and development. But more important than the President's war on the United States Bank was the compromise tariff of 1833, which led to the greatest series of debates ever seen before in the halls of Congress, and in which Clay, Webster, and Calhouhr were the parliamentary giants. The United States Senate never has had such famous debaters as dur- ing the administration of General Jackson. He seemed OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXIX to call our all the bitter hostilities which had been buried since the times of Jefferson. The extraordinary ability which was developed at this time in both Houses of Con- gress, but especially in the Senate, was directed to every- thing of national interest. Into all political subjects did statesmen cast their fearless eyes — questions of finance, political economy, internal improvements, manu- factures, commerce, and Indian difficulties. Congres- sional legislation during the memorable eight years of Jackson's rule is exceedingly interesting. The op- position was conducted by the Whig party, successors of the Federalists, friends of the United States Bank, of a tariff iDvolving protection to infant industries, and gen- erally of what the Democrats opposed. The Whig press was wonderfully active, not only in discussing public measures, but in caricaturing public men, especially the President himself, who acted from the counsels of his own will alone, while everybody approved or must sub- mit to the penalty of his displeasure. The debates on the tariff settled nothing. What ques- tion of political economy ever was settled, any more than doctrines of theology ! For more than half a century our legislators have attempted to solve this puzzle — whether a tariff should be imposed for revenue only, or for the protection of various industries — but the question was probably never more ably discussed than by Clay, Calhoun and Webster at this period. They showed themselves to be statesmen, like Sir Kobert Peel and Gladstone, rather than mere politicians such as have generally been elected to succeed them. There is only one other Jacksonian subject to which the limits of this sketch will allow me to allude, and that is the nullification movement in South Carolina, which grew out of a jealousy of Northern growth and the tenacity of slave institutions, leading to that great parlia- mentary discussion in which Webster and Hayne were XXX FOUR HUNDRED YEARS the combatants. To the credit of General Jackson that movement was summarily put down. In this affair the imperious military president — who was patriotically de- voted to the Union — rendered an important public service, the result of which was to stave off the slavery contest until the country was better prepared for it. Moreover, it must be admitted that, stormy as was the administration of Jackson, and high-handed as were some of his most important measures, the country was seemingly never more prosperous. His sturdy will was serviceable also in favorable settlements of outstanding disputes with foreign nations — France, Spain, Naples and Denmark, besides some important foreign treaties. Nor was the country ever marked by grander popular agitations leading to an enlightened public opinion on national issues. The whole land was aroused with the eloquence of popular orators on almost every subject of human interest, and remarkably separated from ques- tions of mere material welfare — discussions and lectures without end on slavery, on peace and war, on temper- ance, and on every other social reform. The platform, for a time, seemed to be as great a power as the pulpit or the press. The popular discussions of that day pre- pared the way for the higher grade of intellectual speak- ers who not many years after began to appear — the period when great lecturers arose like Everett, Holmes, Emerson, Giles, Beecher, Greeley, Sumner, Phillips, fol- lowed by Chapin, Whipple, Curtis and a host of others whose literary disquisitions were nearly as exciting as harangues on political and social questions. For a generation the platform held its own as a great popular power, and then gradually passed away, like other fashions useful in their day, to be succeeded by maga- zines a*nd periodicals whose highest triumph is at the present time assisted by pictorial art. Concerning the strife of parties and the succession OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXXf of administrations after Jackson, I need say nothing. Ordinary political history, after all, is only a strand in the rope. True history embraces the development of agriculture and manufactures, of science, of art, of litera- ture, of morals, and of religion as well — all social growth — a boundless field, which no historian can fully master. The prominent element of interest in the history of the United States, from Jackson to Lincolu, is almost un- written except in statistical tables, and that was, the mar- vellous expansion of the country in every respect. The tide of immigration set in from almost every European nation until it modified all forms of American life. Not merely the poor and the miserable, but the enterprising and adventurous sought the western continent to improve their condition, until the whole country was settled from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. The grain of mustard seed had become a tree for all the birds of the air. With the progress of emigration to the western States all kinds of industry had been developed. The country was getting rich ; the national debt was paid off ; colleges were being planted in every State; the primeval forests, where the red man had roved for a precarious support from his bow and arrows, had become fertile fields ; cereals were exported to Europe to feed starving populations, while peace and plenty reigned in every section of the land. Never was a country more bountifully blessed. The reports of its wonderful fertility, its industrial re- sources, its mechanical inventions, especially in the ap- plication of steam to machinery, navigation and rapid transit, its philanthropical enterprises, its educational movements and its free institutions, reached every corner of the Old World and turned the eyes of suffering peoples to this poor man's paradise, where every facility was afforded for getting an honest living, unmolested by government enactments and the tyranny of caste. The accidental discovery of gold in California in 1848 XXXL1 FOUR HUNDRED YEARS gave a fresh impulse to emigration, enterprise and ambition. Streams of western-bound transmigration crossed the Plains, passed the Rocky mountains and the great interior basin, and found lodgments all along the route, until the whole continent was opened up to colo- nists, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with mines of un- told wealth and every variety of fruits and cereals known to civilization ; for the expanse of territory provided every diversity of climate, from seaboard to mountain- top, from the tropics to the ice ; and this vast continent was peopled by a few people, under -a centralized but almost unf elt government at Washington, of whose power the makers of the Constitution j/ad never dreamed. Material life assumed a new aspect, and gigantic fortunes arose far exceeding those known to ancient aristocracies. But there was one dark cloud which, amid this general prosperity, arose upon the horizon, giving intense solic- itude to statesmen in Congress and the people in their assemblies, and this was the agitation caused by the per- sistent growth of negro slavery. This, little by little, entered more and more deeply into the minds of the people, and at last became a new political force of ex- traordinary influence. The eyes of the more thrifty and intelligent part of the nation were opened to the most monstrous absurdity that ever confronted the human intellect: — that from three to five millions of peo- ple were ground down by hopeless and bitter slavery un- der a Constitution which proclaimed unbounded liberty; and, further, that this bondage was intolerable, cruel, in- human, hopeless — that there was no apparent remedy for the most disgraceful injustice under the sun, and that the mere agitation of the subject created bitter animosi- ties among freemen themselves, and threatened National disunion. Gradually all other subjects of legislation paled before the tremendous issues which became obvi- ous to every thinking mind. Even tariffs and internal OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXXlii improvements, which had been for forty years the leading subjects of discussion in Congress, lost their in- terest in comparison with the mighty evil which appar- ently was to divide the North from the South and make two rival and hostile nations instead of one united power. Congressional and even Presidential elections began to hinge on their connection with the slavery agitation. Those very men whom we now venerate as the most en» lightened and philanthropic of patriots were maligned, slandered and persecuted, because they strove to en- lighten the National conscience as to the evils of slavery. Animosities daily increased between statesmen from dif- ferent sections of the country. The South looked with alarm and hatred upon all who advocated human rights, and with jealousy at the growing power of the free States, while the North beheld with astonishment and in- dignation the outrages which slave-owners inflicted on the most patient and gentle people who ever endured the yoke of bondage, and with apprehension saw them reaching out after more territory, — for, as the thrift- less labor exhausted the soil, slavery must expand or die. Such a state of things could not last amid the mighty commotions of the nineteenth century. The inevitable conflict must come. The blinded South would not listen to reason or humanity, and became the aggressor, with the main object of increasing slave territory and divid- ing the Union. In vain the eloquent memories of Clay and Webster, the adroitness of Douglas and Seward: Southern leaders, like Calhoun and Hayne, had pre- pared the Southern mind for disunion, under the plea of State sovereignty, which Southern politicians had ever advocated, foreseeing difficulties which they dared not openly discuss. The extension and intensification of the contest over Kansas and the new States, the disrup- tion of the Missouri Compromise in the interest of slavery, the growth of the anti-slavery sentiment in the XXXIV F0TJB HUNDRED YEARS North, and the election of Lincoln as President, were skilfully nsed to "fire the Southern heart" to overt rebellion ; the guns of organized State treason at length fired upon the Federal Fort Sumter, and the mightiest contest of modern times was fairly opened. It is not my object to present even the outline of that tremendous war, the details of which are narrated with accuracy and candor in the work before us, in the course of which such great names as Lincoln, Grant, Lee and others became prominent and immortal. What can be said in a few sentences of a contest which lasted four years and in which more than a million of men perished, and from five to eight thousand millions of dollars were expended ? The sincere but misguided State patriotism of the South made a magnificent fight, and the triumph of the North was won not so much by superior genius and patriotic fervor as by its overwhelming strength, to which the Southern leaders had been blind because it was latent. The life of any one of the prominent generals pre- sents more material for history than the whole military career of Washington, and the short administration of Lincoln more than that of the united lives of all the pre- vious Presidents. Who can present, within the narrow limits of an introductory essay, the patience, the forti- tude, the sagacity and the patriotism of the man whom Providence raised up from humble life to guide the for- tunes of a mighty nation ? And who in a few lines can show the military genius of the great generals who brought the war to a successful issue ? What was this issue ? It was the liberation of millions of slaves whose cries of despair had ascended to heaven. It was the wiping out of a National disgrace which in- sulted humanity. It was the preservation of a Union whose mission for good is infinite. It was the final ele- vation of the Southern half of the Anglo-Saxon popula- OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXXV tion of America to an equality with the triumphant North, and the development of resources which South- ern politicians never dreamed of in the most prosperous period of their old-time power. It was the opening up of Southern territory to trade, manufactures and indus- tries which have almost revolutionized it. It was the burial of a subject of contention which had kept forty millions of people in perpetual conflict, and the removal of which left them free to pursue their wonderful career. With the close of the Civil War a renewed and still more marvellous expansion of energies took place in every part of the land, and in every conceivable form. The increase in wealth and industries was perfectly amazing. The mind is bewildered by their contempla- tion. It is like surveying the stars rather than the moon. No intellect can grasp the mighty development in mines, in agricultural wealth, in commerce, in manu- factures, in inventions, in steam navigation, in railways, in the electrical applications of power, in education, in philanthropy, in the erection of churches, in the endow- ment of colleges and schools, in the spread of liberal ideas. Even Canada may practically become an integral part of this great Anglo-Saxon empire. The little mountain stream is now a mighty river whose tribu- taries fertilize millions of square miles of soil as rich as the Babylonian plains. The little sapling at Plymouth Rock is now a tree whose branches conceal the heaven itself. Where is the end to be ? What country has such sublime destinies ? A generation has not passed away since the war without seeing the population of the country doubled, and its wealth, real and personal, in- creased to more than sixty thousand millions of dollars. Thus are all events overruled for good. The war, which some thought would exhaust and ruin the country, opened channels of unexpected development. Thus XXXVI FOUR HUNDRED YEARS is Providence prodigal of the sufferings and the lives of men, and still more of their wealth, to bring forth, out of disaster, blessings which could never be foreseen. This is the most impressive lesson which history teaches, seen alike in the struggles of ancient Greece and the conflicts of most modern nations — the everlasting burn- ing of the world-phoenix to send forth undying hopes and, bring about perpetual progress. All this is the bright side of the picture. There is, alas ! another side, f raugljfc with great peril, bringing solicitude to every thoughtful mind. All countries have peculiar dangers and difficulties to contend with, which sap the foundations of true National prosperity. In the old Roman world disproportionate fortunes, slavery, egotism and social vices undermined the moral health and prepared the way for violence. There was no material on which conservative forces could work. In modern Europe another class of evils give grave solicitude to thinking men. In one country we see hard military despotism, vast standing armies, perpetual preparations for war which divert industry from its legitimate channels. In another country there are popular discontents, socialism, communism, nihilism, threatening the war of classes and the overthrow of established institutions. We see in other quarters com- binations of labor against combinations of capital, fearful to behold, the end of which no mortal can predict. "We notice in some nations an intolerable religious des- potism, paralyzing energies and destroying all indi- vidual independence of mind, and in other countries the opposite evil — rampant infidelity, the destruction of religious faith, lax morality, and an insensibility to re- ligious impressions. Some countries are nearly ruined by intemperance, and others by disgraceful licentious- ness. Wherever we turn our eyes, there is something pregnant with dangers, and, seemingly, almost impossi- OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXXV11 ble to eradicate — all fatal to healthy development ; seeds of ruin ; sources of despair. In the United States, with their wonderful growth, unbounded energies, and intense life, there are some peculiar perils which, unless averted, may undermine what is most to be valued ; and they are all the more to be dreaded because they make but little impression on the common mind. One of these is the inordinate value attached to mere material wealth. If you discuss the destinies of America with a boastful optimist he will be very apt to speak of the inexhaustible mines of gold, silver, iron and other metals, enough to buy the industries of the whole world, and make the country rich, even if no wheat or cotton were exported to Europe. Or he may point to the vast plains under cultivation, producing grain enough to supply the wants of Europe, after using all we need for ourselves. Or he may enumerate the miles of railway — ten times more than would circle the whole earth, bring- ing every conceivable product of the land to the sea- board. He might enumerate the millions of hogs slaugh- tered in Cincinnati, Chicago and Kansas City, the innumerable cattle which Texas sends to the East, the hogsheads of wine and brandy which enable California to compete with the vineyards of Europe. Everything centres in his eye on material wealth, and the luxuries which wealth secures. When a foreigner travels in this country it is the vast and undeveloped resources of the West which most astonish him. The common eye sees chiefly the colossal production of the country, and glories in the boundless results which are sure to reward miners, agriculturists, and manufacturers alike. It is this ma- terial life in which an immense majority seem to glory as the highest object of desire. Hence the adoration of rich men, the only aristocrats whom society here recog- nizes, and in whom power seems to be centralized. There XXXVL11 FOUR HUNDRED YEARS are philanthropists who found colleges ; but even col- leges are being more and more utilized for science to develop material forces — adapting their supply of learn- ing to the material demands of the age. There are re- ligious people who build churches ; but these must be so expensively constructed and so splendidly decorated that poor people cannot afford to worship in them. Everybody is ambitious to live in a fine house, and the wealthy rival the ancient Romans in the luxury of their tables and the gorgeousness of their furniture. It is these things to which most people " point with pride," as the political party platforms phrase it. Even political aspiration is cast aside for money. This unconscious ad- miration of material power is nearly universal, and is demoralizing, because we put our trust in it as being our happiness and strength. We lean on money more than on friends. In short, it is with most people the object of idolatry; and the further we go from the old seats of ancestral pride, the more universal, the more offensive, and the more vulgar is this worship, permeating all thoughts, and animating existence itself. I would not declaim against what is as great an evil in Europe as in America, and was always an evil among all nations. Nor do I suppose that we shall be ruined and wiped out like the ancient Babylonians and Romans. What unknown barbarians can conquer us? We shall neither be depopulated nor exhausted, come what will. The danger is, that we shall be demoralized ; that we shall lose that fervid faith in unseen realities that animated the best of the early settlers ; that the real grandeur of life will be lost sight of ; that we shall be- come commonplace, and that the noblest efforts of phil- anthropists and thinkers will be paralyzed by this undue appreciation of physical development. No doubt the spirit of enterprise, the thirst for accomplishing great deeds, exultation in the power to bring things to pass, is OF AMERICAN HISTORY. XXXIX chiefly the conscious motive of American efficiency ; but men easily deceive themselves. The idol is soon wor- shiped rather than the god it stands for ; the letter is valued above the spirit that created it ; and America is in peril of losing aspiration in sordidness. Now, if the discovery of America was intended merely to open a new field for the development of material forces, then Columbus crossed the unknown ocean in vain ; he only opened the way for a renewal of the same old experiments which ruined the ancient world. Doubtless America is destined to eclipse all other na- tions in the splendor of its civilization, and it is also probable that the seat of political power will be in those new States which were a wilderness even fifty years ago. No one can exaggerate the material glories which will blaze in the valley of the Mississippi and away over the prairies, and beyond the mountains to the farther sea. And what then ? Grant the most indefinite expansion of wealth and power. Is it to be the old story of Babylon, Egypt, Borne ? What is the uniform lesson of all the ages ? Industry ; wealth ; corruption ; decay ; ruin. No matter how broad and how splendid a mere material civilization may be, it is built upon the sand. What is the body of a man I His soul only — himself — it is, that is precious and immortal. Whatever degrades the soul is a poison which destroys the body. Material glories are likely to blind us as to our true and higher destinies. Make New York a second Carthage, Philadelphia a second Antioch, Chicago a second Babylon, and Wash- ington a second Rome, and we simply repeat the old achievements which ended in dismal failure. There is no reason, drawn from human experience, why this country should escape the fate of all other nations, not in the extinction of their population, but in the extinction of their glories — unless spiritual forces shall arise which will counteract the downward tendency in morals and XI K)UR HUNDRED YEARS spiritual life. If America has a great mission to fulfill she must put forth those agencies and proclaim those ideas which elevate the soul, and which will save other nations also. No stretch of territory, no richness of mines, no fertile fields of corn, no money-making mills, are anything, in the loftiest aspect, if true life has fled. And hence it is emancipating ideas and enlightened modes of education at home, and Christian missions to extend our best good to needy nations abroad, which should be the objects of highest aim, if America is to fulfill its peculiar privilege in promoting the elevation and happiness of mankind. The final value of the dis- covery and settlement of America must be established not so much in feeding uncounted millions, to pass away like the leaves of the forest, as in creating new institu- tions and social conditions, which shall spread throughout the world. Thus only can we even conserve the glories of which we boast. Another subject of solicitude to a patriotic American is the problem of what shall be done for the emancipated colored people of the South. That is a question peculiar to ourselves, and which we alone can solve. The rapid increase of the colored population may not endanger our institutions or affect the prosperity of the East and West. On the contrary, the unfortunate people whom we freed from bondage, and to whom we, perhaps unwisely, gave political rights, may yet be scattered throughout the land ; and they will inevitably find the political and industrial level to which they become adapted, although social intermixture with the whites seems neither possi- ble nor desirable ; nor will they weaken the resources of the South, but will rather develop them. Yet their condition is most pitiable. Even Fred Douglass, in a lecture on their sad life, intimated, in my hearing, that, in spite of all that had been gained by many of them, the condition of the great mass was not substantially im- OF AMERICAN HISTORY, jdi proved by emancipation — that they were still largely in the power of the whites; that they were still often oppressed, and miserable, ignorant and degraded, and might hereafter, with their rapid increase, become a dangerous element in our civilization. Something ought to be done for a people who have been subjected to so great injustice. There is no ap- parent remedy for the increasing cloud of portentous evil but iu their education, to make them citizens whom we fear not ; and who is to educate them ? They must be taught by those who are stronger and wiser. The Southern whites are slow to teach and help them, but at times even insult and isolate the philanthropic teachers who come to save them ; although in many localities these old prejudices are passing away as the whites begin to see the higher worth of intelligent laborers. This is marked, for instance, with regard to the Hampton Insti- tute for Negroes and Indians, some of the best friends of which are Southern men. The material wealth of the Nation must be utilized in their favor — must be turned in a channel of goodness and benevolence. No feeble charity, no pittance of superfluous wealth, will avail anything. Donations large and free, not only of private but of public moneys — not thousands of dollars but millions — should be contributed to give them common schools, industrial training-schools and colleges ; not directly to teach the masses of ignorant and depraved humanity, but especially to educate the better class of them, to raise up colored teachers who can best instruct their fellow-sufferers. The boon which Abraham Lincoln conferred upon the slaves as a war measure will not turn out so great a bless- ing as was supposed, until some National aid for their further emancipation from ignorance and brutality shall be appropriated to their education by our National Legislature, as a National necessity. Xlii FOUR HUNDRED YEARS Much the same line of thought applies to the remnants of our aboriginal Indian tribes who, as " Wards of the Nation," might well accuse us of a gross and gigantic breach of trust. The efforts making to educate the Indians, both in private and Governmental schools in the West and in the Hampton and Carlisle institutions in the East, give most encouraging results. They promise to fit these people for a reasonable use of the freedom and responsibity that will be theirs when the Government divides their lands to them in individual severalty instead of by tribes, and when they put their nobler qualities of truthfulness and self-respect to work in the sphere of American citizenship. We should not too harshly criticise our uncivilized " inferior races," for we ourselves have much to learn in the practice of Christianity, honesty and common fair dealing, when our Government, legislative and execu- tive together, unites in making a "Chinese exclusion law," in plain contravention of existing treaties. That has been done in the year of our Lord 1892. I allude to but one more evil, threatening to sap the moral health of the Nation, and reducing our boasted lib- erty to a scandal and a failure — especially in cities, to which the people are more and more flocking with alarming ea- gerness — and that is, corruption and venality in elections. I will not dwell on this disease, since I see no remedy until the whole moral tone of society is raised, and that is not to be done by machinery. If the integrity of popular elections is destroyed we must be ruled by dem- agogues and bosses controlling the votes of ignorant foreigners. No combinations of capital and occasional bursts of indignant eloquence can remove the evil. It is the most deeply seated and fatal calamity that can possi- bly threaten the friends of Constitutional liberty. If Thomas Jefferson, who was among the first and was the most potent to open the door to universal suffrage, could OF AMERICAN HISTOBYo xliii now see the results of his policy, his bones would rattle in his coffin. All elective governments are liable to this misfortune; but here the intelligent voters and tax- payers are on the one hand so devoted to their private enterprises, and on the other such blind worshipers of the party fetich, that the unscrupulous politician has be- come a professional worker and power. Bribery is no- where so unblushing and disgraceful as in this country, in consequence of which we have incompetent and dis- honest rulers, with their eyes open, not to good which they might do and evils which they might remove, but to the spoils of office. This subject is too painful to en- large upon, but is, nevertheless, mixed up with Ameri- can destinies. It will never be eliminated till intelligent Americans take again a lively interest in public affairs and refuse to be herded at the polls by ambitious party leaders. A beginning of betterment has been made, in the adoption of the Australian method of secret ballot- ing at elections, in many of the States. Public opinion is slowly awakening, and the true citizen may hope for a gradual emancipation from corrupt elections ; but let no one boast of our material triumphs while this abomination exists in the very citadel of our liberties. The dangers which some deplore in immigration, in Mormonism, and in Roman Catholicism I fail to see, at least to any alarming extent. Immigration planted the West and developed its industries. Why should not the poor and miserable of foreign lands have a share in a boundless inheritance ? It is not necessary that they should always be ignorant. They are as civilized as our own remote ancestors, and they have as noble aspirations. They have already largely amalgamated with the Anglo- Saxon race. Mormonism is only a spot upon a sun, and must fade away with advancing light unless more deeply impregnated with evil than I am inclined to believe ; while Catholicism has a mission to fulfill among people Xliv FOUR HUNDRED YEARS still enslaved by the dogmas and superstitions o£ tliO Middle Ages. Grasping as the Catholics are of political power, it is because they had none in the countries from which they came, and their new privileges are all the dearer from their former political insignificance. Every succeeding generation becomes more enlightened and more impressible by grand ideas. They are still the most religious, and in some respects the most moral, of all our colonists; and their priests are the most hard- worked and most self-denying of all our clergy — teach- ing, with all their prejudices and ecclesiastical bondage, the cardinal principles of the Christian religion. The Catholics may become a very powerful and numerous re- ligious party, but they never can become a dominating power while faith remains in the agencies which have produced so wonderful a civilization as this, nor could the Pope encroach largely on civil freedom in this utilitarian age, even were he so disposed. Indeed, his recent utterances, as to both French and American affairs, seem to show a sagacious sympathy with the political tendencies of the day. No picture can be true which does not show the shadows as well as the lights. We have had to look at some dark ones. But it is to be remembered that Amer- ica is not a completed country. Much of the great prospect is chaotic, confused, unsightly, showing piles of dirt and accumulations of refuse material — like the building-ground of a huge edifice during construction. Such rapid advancement in nation-building was never made before on the earth, because all classes have been free and interested workers. We are in a transition stage, and even approximate perfection is a long way off. We may take courage, however, in the knowledge that not only is our edifice well founded — "broad-based upon a nation's will " — but that, counteracting against the infelicities and tendencies to danger, is a new force OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 2iV arising among the builders — the thoughtful and the de- votional alike — which is making more of conduct than of creed, more of piety than of institutional religion, more of individual character than of ecclesiastical form. This leaven is spreading with wholesome infection, and must find its sphere of work in arousing the multitude of individual consciences of American freemen to loftier standards of life and aspiration, in business, in all kinds of manual labor, in politics, in law-making and law- keeping — briefly, in good citizenship. It is much that a land has been found large and rich enough to raise its people out of the degradation of poverty to a higher plane of physical and social life, for morals and intelli- gence follow that. And there is great hope in the new popular movements in favor of education, — the Chautau- qua Circles for home culture, the University Extension for giving collegiate instruction to non-collegiate youth, the libraries and reading clubs, the societies for polit- ical, literary and socialistic discussion, the literature- classes among women, and a great number of local asso- ciations for self-improvement and for the helping of others, from which radiate newer and better and loftier influences into all ranks of our people — even the very lowest. For among these a fresh zeal of Christian effort, aided by common sense, is carrying the light of physi- cal cleanliness and comfort, together with moral and spiritual light. Moreover 3 the ancient civilizations, whose material greatness toppled them to their ruin, lacked two things that we rely on, free schools and an unfrrammeled press. Frequent political revolt tends to avert the more destructive armed rebellion; and the growing intelligence of our youth, with the atmosphere of free discussion into which they come up, will prove, under the influence of Christianity, a vital force to throw off evil as well as to propagate good. I have but a word more to say, and that is on the dig- xlvi FOUR HUNDRED YEARS nity and utility with which the history of tliis great nation is invested. It will not be long before every uni- versity of Europe will have a chair to study and teach the development of our civilization. Such a wonderful progress in a hundred years cannot pass unnoticed by the students of the Old World. Even now the best treatises on our political institutions have been written by a Frenchman, a German and an Englishman, and are used as text-books in our own colleges. The field of Ameri- can history cannot be exhausted any more than our mines of coal. Everyone who writes a school-book or an elab- orate survey of the changes through which we have passed, everyone who collates a statistical table, or writes a treatise or a popular epitome of leading events, is a benefactor. Everyone who paints and analyzes a great character makes an addition to our literature. Even the honest and industrious expert who drags out of oblivion the driest and most minute details, is doing something to swell the tide of useful knowledge in this great coun- try. Especially useful to the hard-pushed student or the busy man must be any reasonably compact record of American life which presents the essential forces and facts that have produced results. Such a work should not only show the annals of political, military and indus- trial growth, but should note the characteristics of the various groups of colonists and the social, religious and civic elements that entered with influence into the form- ative periods of our composite national character. It should give at successive points analyses of the princi- ples of republican government and their American applications — f rom the town-meeting to the highest Fed- eral departments. It should, in brief, show not only the results and processes, but the reasons for them, and thus offer wholesome stimulant to the reader's mind. The excellent book to which this is a merely sugges- tive introduction, while it does not startle us by brilliant ' OF AMERICAN HISTORY. xlvii creative generalization nor enter upon critical specula- tions on disputed points, makes admirable use of ac- cepted facts. It is clear in style, condensed though interesting in narrative, lofty in tone and truthful in statement. It is rather remarkable for its discriminating selection of events and influential elements to be set forth and for its lucid presentation of them. Professor Patton's account of our Four Hundred Years of American History should have a wide circulation, for it is a valuable contribution to the cause of education and popular instruction. John Lord. Stamford ', Coruii., Jime^ 1892. CONTENTS. VOLUME I. SKETCH: The History, Greatness and Dangers of America, by John Lord, D.D., LL.D., ix LIEF ERICSSON, And other Norse Adventurers, 9. CHAPTER I. COLUMBUS. His Discoveries, 12. Misfortunes — Death, 15. Amerigo Vespucci and the name America, 16. CHAPTER II. American Prehistoric Races, 17. CHAPTER III. SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. South Sea — First Voyage Round the World, 43. Ponce de Leon, 44. Florida, 44. Vasquez de Ayllon, 45. Mexico and Peru, 46. CHAPTER IV. ENGLISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. John Cabot discovers the American Continent, 47. His son, Sebas- tian, 48. Voyages of Verrazzani, 49. Voyages of Carrier, 50. Attempts at Settlement, 52. CHAPTER V. DE SOTO AND THE MISSISSIPPI. Lands at Tampa Bay, 55. On the Mississippi, 57. His Death, 58. CHAPTER VI. THE REFORMATION AND ITS EFFECTS. CHAPTER VII. THE HUGUENOTS IN THE SOUTH. Settlement destroyed, 62, 63. St. Augustine, 64. De Gourges, 66. Settlements in New France, 67. Champlain, 68. xlix 1 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. ENGLISH ENTERPRISE. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 70. The Fisheries— St. John's, Newfound land, 71.' Sir Walter Raleigh, 71. Exploring Expedition— Virginia, 72. Failures to colonize, 73. Contest with Spain, 74. Death of Sir Walter, 75. CHAPTER IX. THE SETTLEMENT OP VIRGINIA. London and Plymouth Companies, 78. King James's Laws, 78. The Voyage and Arrival — Jamestown, 79. John Smith; his energy, 79. His Captivity, 81. Misery of the Colonists, 82. New Emi- grants, 83. Lord Delaware, 84. Sir Thomas Gates, 85. Poca- hontas; her Capture and Marriage, 86. George Yeardley, 87. First Legislative Assembly, 88. CHAPTER X. ; COLONIZATION OF NEW ENGLAND. First Voyage to, 89. Explorations of John Smith, 90. The Church of England, 91. The Puritans, 92. Congregation of John Rob- inson, 93. Pilgrims in Holland, 94. Arrangements to Emigrate, 95. The Voyage, 97. Their prominent Men, 98. A Constitu- tion adopted, 99. Landing at Plymouth, 100. Sufferings — Indians, 101. Weston's Men, 103. Thanksgiving, 104. Dem- ocratic Government, 105. CHAPTER XI. COLONY OP MASSACHUSETTS BAY. A Company organized; Settlement of Salem, 107. The Charter transferred, 108. Boston and Vicinity settled, 109. Roger Williams: his Banishment; he founds Providence, 110. Dis- cussions renewed — Anne Hutcninson; Settlement of Rhode Island, 112, 113. The Dutch at Hartford; Disputes with, 113, Migrations to the Connecticut; Hooker and Haynes, 114. Pequod War, 116. Rev. John Davenport; Settlement of New Haven, 120. Sir Ferdinand Gorges; New Hampshire, 121. The United Colonies, 122. Educated Men; Harvard College, Print- ing Press, Common Schools, 123. Quakers: Persecution of, 124. Eliot the Apostle — the Mayhews, 125, 126. Inner Life of the Colonists, 126. The Tithing Man, 127. The title of Mr., 128. Progress, 129. CHAPTER XII. VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. Slavery— Massacre by the Indians, 130. King James's Sympathies, 131. Lord Baltimore, 133. Settlement of Maryland, 134. Clay- CONTENTS. li borne's Rebellion, 135. Toleration— Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, intolerance, 136. State of Society, 137. Aristocratic Assembly, 138. War with the Susquehannas — Nathaniel Bacon, 139. Disturbances, Obnoxious Assembly dissolved, 140. James- town burned; Death of Bacon, 141. Tyranny of Berkeley; Aristocratic Assembly; its Illiberal Acts, 142. Deplorable state of the Colony, 143. College of William and Mary, 144. Troub- les in Maryland, 145 CHAPTER XIII. COLONIZATION OP NEW YORK. Hudson's Discoveries, 146. A Change wrought, 147. The Fort on the Isle of Manhattan, 148. Walloons — the first Settlers — Peter Minuits, 149. The Patroons; Van Twiller Governor, 150. Kieft his Successor, 151. Difficulties with the Indians, 152. They seek Protection; their Massacre, 153. Peace concluded, 156. Stuyvesant Governor, 157. The Swedish Settlement on the Delaware ; Pavonia, 158. New Netherlands Surrendered to England, 160. The Influence of the Dutch, 161. Settlements in New Jersey; Scotch Presbyterians, 163. CHAPTER XIV. COLONIZATION OP PENNSYLVANIA. The Quakers, 164. William Penn; his Education, 165. Obtains a Charter, 167. Lands at New Castle; Philadelphia Founded, 168. Rights of the Indians, 169. German Emigrants, 170. Fletcher the Royal Governor, 171. New Charter granted the People — Presbyterians from Ireland and Scotland, 172. Trials of Penn; his Death— Benjamin Franklin, 173. CHAPTER XV. COLONIZATION OP THE CAROLLNAS. The first Settlers, 175. Grants to Royal Favorites— The "Grand Model," 176. Settlement at Cape Fear River— Sir John Yea- mans, 177. Emigrants under Sayle, 178. The Huguenots, 179. The People Independent, 180. Churchmen and Dissenters, 181. Rice— Manufactures prohibited, 182. War— Failure to capture St. Augustine, 183. The ruin of the Apalachees, 184. Religious Controversies, 185. German Emigrants, 186. Indian Wars, 187. The People repudiate the Authority of the Proprietaries, 189. CHAPTER XVI. COLONIZATION OP GEORGIA. Founded in Benevolence— Oglethorpe, 190. First Imigration, 191. Savannah — Encouragements, 192. Germans from the Western Alps, 193. The Moravians— Scotch Highlanders, 195. The Wes- leys — Whitefield; his Orphan House, 196. War with Spain, its xlii CONTENTS. Cause, 197. Failure to capture St. Augustine, 198. Repulse of the Spanish Invaders, 199. The Colony becomes a Royal Prov- ince, 200. CHAPTER XVII. NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. The Restoration, 201. The Commissioners — Progress of Trade, 202. Causes of King Philip's War, 203. Death of Wamsutta, 204. State of the Colony — Attack at Swanzey, 205. Philip among the Nipmucks, 206. Attacks on Northfield— on Hadley, Goffe, 207. Tragedy at Bloody Brook — The Narraganset Fort destroyed, 208. Philip returns to Mount Hope to die, 209. The Disasters of the War, 210. James II. — his Intolerance, 211. The Char- ters in Danger — Andros Governor — his Illegal Measures, 212. Charter of Rhode Island taken away— Andros at Hartford, 213. Andros in Jail; the Charters resumed, 214. The Men of influ- ence, 215. CHAPTER XVIII. COMMOTION IN NEW YORK — WITCHCRAFT IN MASSACHUSETTS. Leisler acting Governor of New York, 216. The Old Council re- fuses to yield — Sloughter, Governor, 217. Trial and Execution of Leisler and Melbourne, 218. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor; his failure at Hartford, 219. Yale College, 220. The Triumph of a Free Press, 221. Witchcraft; belief in, 222. Cotton Mather, 223. Various Persons accused at Salem, 224. Stough- ton as Judge, and Parris as Accuser, 225. Minister Burroughs, 226. Calef 's Pamphlet, 227. Mather's stand in favor of Inocu- lation, 228. Persons put to death as Witches in England and Scotland, 229. The humane Penal Laws in New England, 230. Land Holding in New England, 231. The effect of the Revolu- tion of 1688, 233. Land Holding in Virginia, 234. Education in Virginia, 235. Management of Civil Affairs, 236. Literary Culture in the Middle Colonies and Newspapers, 237. The inner Life in New England and Virginia, 239. CHAPTER XIX. MISSIONS AND SETTLEMENTS IN NEW FRANCE. The Immigrants, 240. The Jesuits; their zeal as Teachers and Ex- plorers, 241. The Chief Ahasistari, 242 The Five Nations, or Iroquois, 243. Father Jogues, 244. The Abenaki s; Dreuilettes, 245. French Settlers at Oswego— Father Allouez, 246. James Marquette— The Mississippi, 247. La Salle, 248. His Enter- prise; his failure and Tragical End, 250. CHAPTER XX. MARAUDING EXPEDITIONS; SETTLEMENT OF LOUISIANA; CAPTURE OF LOUISBURG. Mohawks hostile to the French, 252. Dover attacked: Major Wal- dron, 253. Schenectady burned — the inhuman Frontenac, 254. The Colonists act for themselves — Invasion of Canada, 255 CONTENTS. liil Heroism of Hannah Dustin, 256. Deerfield taken; Eunice Will- iams, 257. D'Ibberville plants a Colony on the Paseagoula, 259. Trading Posts on the Illinois and the Mississippi, 260. The Choctaws, 261. Destruction of the Natchez, 262. Attempts to subdue the Chickasaws, 263. King George's War; Capture of Louisburg, 264. The English Ministry alarmed, 266. Jonathan Edwards— The "Great Revival," 267. Princeton College, 26& CHAPTER XXI. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. The Valley of the Ohio— French and English Claimants, 269. Gist, the Pioneer, 270. George Washington, 271. His Character — His Mission to the French on the Alleghany, 273. St. Pierre's Letter unsatisfactory, 275. Fort du Quesne built— Washington sent to defend the Frontiers, 276. The first Conflict of the War —Fort Necessity, 277. British Troops arrive in America, 278. Plan of Operations— General Braddock, 279. The Army on the March— Captain Jack, 280. The Battle of Monongahela, 282. Death and Burial of Braddock, 284. Dunbar's Panic— The Effects of these Events, 285. CHAPTER XXII. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR — CONTINUED. The French Acadiens, 288. Their Industry and good Morals, 289. Their Mournful Exile, 290. Expedition against Crown Point, 292. The English defeated— Death of Colonel Williams, 293. Repulse of the French— Death of Dieskau— Williams College, 294. Kittaning destroved, 295. Montcalm Acts with Energy, 297. Fort William Henry taken, 298. Canada Exhausted, 299. CHAPTER XXIII. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR — CONTINUED. William Pitt, Prime Minister, 300. Lord Amherst— Plan of Opera- tions — Louisburg captured, 301. English repulsed — Fort Fron- tenac captured, 302. Washington takes Possession of Fort du Quesne. 303. Pittsburg, 304. The French abandon Ticonde- roga, 305. Wolfe before Quebec, 306. The Battle on the Heights of Abraham, 308. Deaths of Wolfe and Montcalm — their Mem- ories, 309. Quebec Capitulates — Cherokee War, 310. Destruc- tion of their Crops and Villages, 312. Pontiac, 313. Desolations along the Frontiers, 314. General Bouquet, 315. Pontiac'a Death, 316. CHAPTER XXIV. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COLONISTS. Religious Influences among the early Settlers, 317. Love of domestic Life, 318. Laws enjoining Morality, 319. Systems of Educa- liV CONTENTS. tion; Common Schools, 320. Free Inquiry and Civil Liberty, 321. John Calvin — The Anglo-Saxon Element; the Norman, 322. The Southerner; the Northerner — Influences in Pennsyl- vania, 323. In New York — Diversity of Ancestry, 324. CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION. Restrictions on Trade and Manufactures — Taxes Imposed by Parlia- ment, 326. Writs of Assistance, 327. James Otis — Samuel Adams, 328. The "Parsons' " Case in Virginia — Patrick Henry, 329. Colonel Barre's Speech — The Stamp Act, 331. Excite- ment in the Colonies — Resolutions not to use Stamps, 333. "Sons of Liberty," 334. A Call for a Congress; it Meets, 335. Self- Denial of the Colonists, 336. Stamp Act repealed — Rejoic- ings, 337. CHAPTER XXVI. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. The English Ministry determine to obtain a Revenue, 339. The Sloop Liberty — A British Regiment at Boston, 341. Articles of Association proposed by Washington, 342. Tax upon Tea, 343. The Gaspe" captured, 344. The Resolutions not to receive the Tea, 345. Tea Thrown into Boston Harbor — Its Recep- tion at other Places, 347. Boston Port Bill — Aid Sent to Boston, 348. Gage's Difficulties, 349. Alexander Hamilton, 350. The Old Continental Congress— The first Prayer, 351 . The Papers issued by the Congress, 353. CHAPTER XXVII. BEGINNING OP THE REVOLUTION. The Spirit of the People, 355. They seize Guns and Ammunition, 356. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress ; its Measures, 357. The Restraining Bill, 358. Conflicts at Lexington and Concord, 359. Volunteers fly to Arms, and Beleaguer Boston — Stark — Putnam, 361. Benedict Arnold — Ethan Allen, and the Green Mountain Boys, 362. Capture of Ticonderoga, 363. Lord Dunmore in Virginia — Henry and the Independent Companies, 364. The News from Lexington rouses a Spirit of Resistance, 365. The Second Continental Congress, 367. Its Measures, 368. Adopts the Army, and appoints Washington Commander-in-Chief, 369. VOLUME II. CHAPTER XXVIII. THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION. Battle of Bunker Hill, 372. Death of Warren — Generals Charles Lee and Philip Schuyler, 377. State of Affairs in New York — CONTEKTS. IV Sir William Johnson, 378. Condition of the Anny, 379. Nathaniel Greene — Morgan and his Riflemen, 380. Wants of the Army, 381. Expedition against Canada, 382. Richard Montgomery — Allen's Rash Adventure, 383. Montreal captured — Arnold's toil- some March to Quebec, 384. That place besieged, 385. Failure to Storm the Town — Death of Montgomery, 386. Arnold in his icy Fortress, 387. CHAPTER XXIX. WAR OP THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Meeting of Congress— Alarming evils, 388. Portland burned— Efforts to defend the Coast, 389. Parliament resolves to crush the Rebels, 390. Henry Knox, 391. Provincial Prejudices — Suc- cess of the Privateers; British Theatricals; Union Flag, 393. Affairs in New York— Rivington's Gazette, 394. Governor Tryon— General Lee in the City, 395. Dunmore's Measures- Norfolk burned, 396. Defeat of North Carolina Tories, 397. Cannon and powder obtained, 398. Dorchester Heights fortified —Boston evacuated, 400. Washington in New York, 402. Numerous Disasters — Retreat from Canada, 403. Horatio Gates, 404. A British Fleet before Fort Moultrie, 405. Stormy Pros- pects, 407. CHAPTER XXX. WAR OP THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Independence, Influences in favor of, 409. The Tories — Common Sense, 410. The Declaration ; its Reception by the People and Army, 412. Arrival of Admiral Howe, 413. His Overtures, 414. The American Army — Sectional Jealousies, 415. The Clintons, 416. Battle of Long Island, 417. The Masterly Re- treat, 420. Incidents, 421. Howe confers with a Committee of Congress, 422. Nathan Hale, 423. The British at Kipp's Bay, 424. New York Evacuated, 425. Conflict at White Plains, 426. Loss of Fort Washington, 428. Retreat across New Jersey, 429. Waywardness of Lee, 430. CHAPTER XXXI. WAR OP THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Discouragements— Howe's Proclamation, 431. Affairs on Laka Champlain, 432. Heroism of Arnold, 433. Capture of Lee, 435. Battle of Trenton, 437. Battle of Princeton, 443. Death of Mercer, 444. Washington returns to Morristown, 445. Corn- wallis in his lines at Brunswick, 445. Putnam at Princeton, 446. Ill-treatment of American Prisoners, 447. Appointment of General Officers — Medical Department, 448. The Navy, 449. Expeditions — Peekskill — Danbury, 449. Death of Wooster — Re- taliation at Sag Harbor, 451. Schuyler and Gates, 452. Tho National Flag, 453. in CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXII WAR OF THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. The Interest taken in England and France, 454. Privateers fitted out in Prance, 455. Munitions of War, 456. Howe's Manceuvres, 457. Burgoyne on his way from Canada, 457. Ticonderoga captured, 458. St. Clair's retreat, 459. Capture of General Prescott, 460. The Secret Expedition — Germantown, 461. Lafayette, Pulaski and Kosciusko, 462. Aid sent to Schuyler— Howe lands at Elkton, 464. Battle of Brandy wine, 465. Phila- delphia taken possession of, 468. Battle of Germantown, 469. Hessians repulsed at Fort Mercer, 470. Winter at^Valley Forge, 471. CHAPTER XXXIII. WAR OP THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Invasion from Canada — Appointment of General Gates, 472. Jenny McCrea, 473. St. Leger besieges Fort Stanwix, 474. The At- tempt to relieve it, 475. Battle of Bennington, 476. Change of Prospects, 477. Battle of Behmus's Heights, 478. Ticonderoga besieged, 479. Burgoyne surrenders his Army at Saratoga, 480. The Prisoners— Capture of Forts on the Hudson, 482. Schuylei; 483. CHAPTER XXXIV. WAR OF THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Sufferings at Valley Forge, 484. "England disappointed — Concilia- tory Measures of Parliament, 485. The War presses hard upon the American people, 486. Difficulties in Congress, 487. The "Conway Cabal," 488. Baron Steuben, 490. Attempt to in- crease the army, 491. Exchange of Lee ; his Treason, 492. Treaty with France— British Commissioners, 493. Battle of Monmouth, 494. Misconduct of Lee, 495. His death, 496. Combined at- tack upon Newport fails, 497. Massacre at Wyoming — at Cherry Valley, 498. Invasion of Georgia, 500. CHAPTER XXXV. WAR OF THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Dissensions in Congress, 501. Expedition against the Indians, 502. The War in the South, 503. Marauding Expeditions sent to Vir- ginia, and up the Hudson — Tryon ravages Connecticut, 504. Wayne captures Stony Point, 505. Lee surprises the Garrison at Jersey City — Combined assault upon Savannah, 506. Daniel Boon, 507. George Rogers Clarke; Kaskaskia — Pioneers of Tennessee; Nashville, 508. John Paul Jones, 509. CHAPTER XXXVI. WAR OF THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. Hardships of the Soldiers, 510. British Success at the South, 511. Colonel Tarleton, 512. Charleston capitulates — Defeat at Wax CONTENTS. I/" haws, 513. Rev. James Caldwell, 514. Maraud into Jersey, 515. French Fleet at Newport — The Partisan Leaders in the South, 516. Gates in Command — Disastrous Battle of Camden, 518. Death of De Kalb, 519. Sumter's Success and Defeat, 520. The Treason of Arnold — Major Andre, 521. Movements of Cornwallis, 523. Colonel Ferguson — The Battle of King's Mountain, 524. Tarleton repulsed, 526. Green iu command — British triumphant in the South — Affairs in Europe?527. Henry Laurens — Dangers of England; her Energy, 528. CHAPTER XXXVII. WAR OP THE REVOLUTION — CONTINUED. The Spirit of Revolt among the Soldiers, 530. Arnold ravages the Shores of Chesapeake, 532. Battle of the Cowpens, 533. Mor- fan retreats ; Cornwallis pursues, 535. Green marches South— tee scatters the Tories, 537. Battle of Guildford Court-House, 538. Conflict at Hobkirk's Hill, 539. The Execution of Hayne, 540. Battle of Eutaw Springs, 541. Plans to Capture New York, 542. "Wayne's Daring at James River, 543. National Finances — Robert Morris, 544. Clinton deceived — Combined Armies beyond the Delaware, 545. French Fleet in the Chesa- peake, 546. New London burned, 547. The Attack, 548. Corn- wallis Surrenders, 549. Thanksgiving, 550. Number of Sol- diers furnished, 551. CHAPTER XXXVIII. CLOSING EVENTS OP THE WAR — FORMATION OP THE CONSTITUTION British Efforts Paralyzed, 552. The States form independent Gov- ernments — Indian Wars, 553. Massacre of the Christian Dela- wares — Battle of the Blue Lick, 554. Lord North — Commission- ers of Peace, 555. Peace concluded — Dissatisfaction in the American Army, 556. The "Anonymous Address," 557. British Prisoners; the Tories, 558. Disbandment of the Army — Wash- ington takes leave of his Officers, 559. Resigns his Commission, 560. Shay's Rebellion, 562. Interests of the States clash, 563. The Constitutional Convention, 564. The Constitution — its Rati- fication, 565. The Territory North-west of the Ohio, 566. Ec- clesiastical Organizations, 567. Fathers of the Republic, 570. CHAPTER XXXIX. WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. Reception and Inauguration of the President, 572. An Era in human Progress, 573. The Departments of State organized, 574. Hamil- ton's Financial Report, 575. Congress Assumes the Debts of the Nation — National Bank, 576. Commercial Enterprise — Manu- facturers, 577. Indian War, 578. St. Clair defeated, 579. Wayne defeats the Indians, 580. Political Parties — Jefferson, 581. The French Revolution, 582. Genet arrives as French lv n i CONTENTS. Minister — Neutrality proclaimed by the President — Democratic Societies, 583. The Partisans of France — Recall of Genet, 584. The first Settlers of Western Pennsylvania, 585. The Whiskey Insurrection, 586. Special Mission to Great Britain, 587. A Treaty concluded, 588. Other Treaties, 589. Washington's Farewell Address, 590. CHAPTER XL. JOHN ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION. Serious Aspect of Relations with France, 591. Commissioners of Peace, 592. The French Cruisers, 593. The Alien Act— War impending, 594. Washington Commander-in-Chief — Capture of the Frigate L'Insurgente, 595. Peace concluded — Death of Washington, 596. Eulogiums on his Character, 597. The City of Washington becomes the Seat of Government, 598. CHAPTER XLI. jefferson's administration. The President's Inaugural, 559. Purchase of Louisiana, 600. Pi- rates in the Mediterranean, 601 Burning of the Philadelphia, 602. Tripoli Bombarded, 603. Death of Hamilton, 604. Aaron Burr, 605. Opposition to the Navy — Gunboats, 606. The Rights of Neutrals, 607. Impressment of American Seamen, 608. Treaty with England rejected — Affair of the Chesapeake, 610. The Embargo; its effect, 612. The Embargo repealed, 614. CHAPTER XLII. madison's administration. Condition of the Country — Erskine's Negotiations, 615. Depreda- tions upon American Commerce — The Rambouillet Decree, 617. Affair of the Little Belt, 618. Indian Troubles — Tecumseh and the Prophet, 619. Battle of Tippecanoe, 621. The Twelfth Congress — Henry Clay — John C. Calhoun, 622. Foreign Rela- tions, 623. Debates in Congress — John Randolph, 624. An- other Embargo, 627. War declared against Great Britain, 628. West Point, 629. Riots at Baltimore, 630. Operations in the Northwest, 631. Surrender of Hull, 632. Impressment of American Seamen, 632. American Ships in English Ports, 633. Failures to Invade Canada, 634. Missionary Societies, 636. CHAPTER XLIII. i madison's administration — continued. Vessels of the Navy, 637. The chase of the Constitution — Capture of the Alert, 638. The Guerriere— Incidents, 639. The Mace- CONTENTS. lix donian— The Frolic— The Java, 640. The effects of these Naval Conflicts in the United States and England, 641. Plan of Oper- ations — Harrison advances on Detroit, 643. General Winchester a Prisoner; Indian Barbarities — The Kentuckians fall into an Ambuscade, 644. Repulse at Fort Stephenson — The loss of the Chesapeake, 645. Perry's Victory, 646. Battle of the Thames — Andrew Jackson, 647. Leads an Expedition; its Termination, 649. \ork Captured; Death of General Pike, 650. Failures, 651. Newark burned, the severe Retaliation, 652. Ravages on Shores of the Chesapeake — Indian War in the South, 653. Jack- son and others in the Field — Battle of the Great Horse Shoe, 654. Captain Porter's Cruise, 655. Formation of the Bible Society, 656. CHAPTER XLIV. MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED. The Thirteenth Congress ; its Members, Daniel Webster, 65/. Mani- festo of the British Government, 658. Embarrassments — Com- missioners of Peace, 659. Jacob Brown— Winfleld Scott- Wilkinson unsuccessful, 661. Battle of Lundy's Lane, 662. Battle on Lake Champlain, 665. The British on the Shores of the Chesapeake, 667. Bladensburg, 669. Capture of Washing- ton — Public Buildings burned, 670. Defense of Fort McHenry — Death of General Ross, 671. Bombardment of Stonington — Distress in New England, 672. Debates in Congress, 673. Hart- ford Convention, 674. CHAPTER XLV. MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION — CONTINUED. Jackson enters Pensacola, 677. New Orleans defenseless — The Brit- ish land, 678. Jackson's Measures of Defense, 679. Battle of New Orleans, 680. The Distress of the Country— The Relief, 682. Treaty of Peace, 683. Frigate President captured, 684. War with Algiers, 685. Treaty with the Indians— National Bank— State of Indiana, 686. John Fitch— Robert Fulton- First Steamboat, 687. CHAPTER XLVI. monroe's administration. A Return to the earlier Policy of the Government, 688. The Presi- dent's Tour in the Eastern States — The Colonization Society, 689. Revolutions in the Spanish Colonies — Indian War, 690. General Jackson in the Field — Purchase of Florida, 691. The Missouri Compromise, 692. The Monroe Doctrine — Financial Distress 696. Increase of Tariff— Visit of Lafayette, 697. CHAPTER XL VII. JOHN QUTNCT ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION. Manufactures and Internal Improvements, 699. Indian Lands in Georgia, 700. Death of the ex-Presidents Thomas Jefferson and IX CONTENTS. John Adams, 701. Free Masonry— Protection to American In- dustry, 702. Debates in Congress— Presidential Contest, 704. CHAPTER XL VIII. JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION. Appointments to Office, 705. Removal of the Indians from Georgia 706. Bank Bill Vetoed— Nullification ; the Causes of, 707. Ex- treme State Rights, 708. Influence of Jefferson's Theories 709 Resolutions of '98, 711. Efforts to Secure pure Morals^ 712 Ootton Manufacture; its Progress, 713. Far-reaching Policy 715. A Protective Tariff, Constitutional, 716. The Twofold Object, 717. Slaves in Mills— Price of Cotton Cloth, 718. The Motives; Views on Labor and Capital, 719. The Production of Wool, 720. The Equalizing Measure, 721. Hayne and Webster's Debate, 722. The President's Proclamation, 724. The Compro- mise Bill; its final Passage, 725. Removal of the Deposits, 726. Effect upon the Country— Indian Wars, 727. Osceola— Death of Judge Marshall, 728. Indemnity for French Spoliations, 729. Influence of General Jackson, 730. CHAPTER XLIX. VAN btjren's administration. Apparent Prosperity, 731. The Specie Circular— Distribution of the Surplus Funds— Speculation, 732. The Sub-Treasury, 733. State Indebtedness, 734. CHAPTER L. HARRI80N AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION. The Inauguration, 735. Death of Harrison; Tyler President, 736. Bankrupt Law — The Bank Charters ; their Vetoes, 737. Propo- sition to treat with Great Britain — Insurrection in Canada — The Caroline, 738. Trial of McLeod, 739. Boundary Disputes in Maine — Treaty of Washington, 740. Questions of Visit and Impressment, 741. Exploring Expedition, 742. Texas Coloni- zation ; Struggles, 743. Siege of the Alamo, 744. Davy Crockett — Goliad, Siege of — Massacre of Prisoners, 745. Battle of San Jacinto, 746. Houston President — Question of Annexation in Congress, 747. Texas Annexed — Disturbances in Rhode Island, 749. Iowa and Florida become States — Cheap Postage, 750. CHAPTER LI. POLK'S ADMINISTRATION. Difficulties with Mexico, 752. General Taylor at Corpus Christi, 753. Oregon Territory ; respective Claims to, 754. Settlement of Boundary, 756. Taylor Marches to the Rio Grande — Thorn- ton's* Party Surprised, 757. Attack on Fort Brown, 758. Battle of Palo Alto, 759. Battle of Resaca de la Palma, 760. Mata- moras occupied — Measures of Congress, 762. The Volunteers —Plan of Operations — Mexico declares War, 763. Capture of Monterey, 765. CONTENTS. l*i CHAPTER LII. polk's administration — continued. l"fie President hopes for Peace — Santa Anna, 768. Hostilities to be renewed, 770. Troops withdrawn from General Taylor — Volun- teers arrive at Monterey, 771. Santa Anna's Plans and Prepara- tions, 772. Taylor advances to Agua Nueva, 773. Battle of Buena Vista, 774. The Mexican Chiefs Urrea and Romero, 788. CHAPTER LIII. POLK'S ADMINISTRATION — CONTINUED. Emigration to Oregon, 790. John C. Fremont; his explorations, 791. Difficulties with the Mexican Governor, 793. American Settlers in alarm, 794. California free — Monterey on the Pacific cap- tured, 795. Commodores Sloat and Stockton — Expedition of Kearney, 796. Santa F6 taken; a Government organized, 797. Doniphan's Expedition, 798. El Paso taken, 800. Chihuahua occupied, 801. An Insurrection; its Suppression, 802. Trial of Fremont, 803. CHAPTER LIV. POLK'S ADMINISTRATION — CONCLUDED. Movement of Troops, 804. Vera Cruz invested, 805. Its Bombard- ment and Capitulation, 806. Santa Anna's Energy, 807. Battle of Cerro Gordo, 808. General Scott at Puebla — His Misunder- standings with the Authorities at Washington, 809. Dissen- sions in Mexico, 812. Scott's Manifesto, 813. Advance upon the Capital, 814. Battle of Contreras, 815. Of Churubusco, 816. Attempts to obtain Peace, 818. Conflict of Molino del Rey, 819. The Castle of Chapultepec captured, 820. Santa Anna again in the Field, 822. Treaty of Peace, 823. Condi- tions of the Peace — Discovery of Gold in California, 825. Death of John Quincy Adams, 826. Wilmot Proviso, 827. The Presidential Election— Death of Mr. Polk, 828. VOLUME III. CHAPTER LV. TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION. Discussion on Slavery — Wilmot Proviso, 830. The Powers of the Constitution; their Application in the Territories, 832. The President's Message; its Recommendations, 834. Debate on the Omnibus Bill, 835. Death of Calhoun — Death of President Tay- lor — Fillmore Inaugurated, 836. The Fugitive Slave Law, 837. The Mormons ; their Origin, 838. Troubles — Settlement in Utah — A Disunion Convention, 839. Lopez invades Cuba, 840. Search for Sir John Franklin— Dr. E. K. Kane, 841. Death of Henry Clay; of Daniel Webster; the Tripartite Treaty, 842. lxii CONTENTS. CHAPTER LVI. PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. Purchase of the Mesilla Valley, 844. Treaty with Japan, 845. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill; the effects of the Measure, 846. Emi- grants to Kansas, 847. Struggles and Conflicts, 848. James Buchanan, President, 850. The Contest continues in Kansas, 851. John Brown, 852. Platforms of Political Parties, 855. CHAPTER LVII. Buchanan's administration— continued. Traits of Character, North and South,. 857. Comparative Intel- ligence in the Free and Slave States, 858. The two Systems — Illiteracy compared, 859. Influences of different, 860. Benevo- lent Operations, 862. Change in the Slavery Discussion, 863. The Abolitionists, 864. Material Progress, 866. Compromises, 867. Republican Party, 868. Democratic Convention, 869. The Election, how received, 870. Intent of Personal Liberty Bills — Union Men, 871. Legislatures and Conventions, South, 872. Non- coercion; Border States ; Finances, 873. Buchanan'a Message, 874. Fort Sumter, 875. Yulee's Letter, 877. Mr. Lincoln's Journey, 878. Confederate Constitution; Fallacies 879. CHAPTER LVIII. LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. The Inauguration, 880. Effect of the Inaugural, 881. Sumter Bom- barded, 883. The President's call for Volunteers; Responses, 885. Spirit of Loyalty, 886. Riot in Baltimore, 887. Confed- erate Congress at Richmond, 888. Loyalty in Tennessee and Missouri, 889. Advance into Virginia; Death of Ellsworth, 890. Proclamations; Instructions to United States Ministers abrond, 891. English Neutrality, 892. Big Bethel Skirmish, 893. West Virginia freed of Confederates, 894. Battle of Bull Run, 895. Missouri, 898. Battle of Wilson's Creek; Death of Lyon, 899. Fremont's Proclamation, 901. Kentucky's Legislation, 902. Finances and the Army, 903. Ball's Bluff Disaster, 904. Hat- teras Expedition, 905. Capture of Hilton Head, 906. Soldiers and Money; Mason and Slidell, 907. Battle of Belmont, 909. Battle of Mill Spring, 910. Davis's Special Message, 911. Meeting of Congress; the Union Army, 912. Capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, 913-917. CHAPTER LIX. Lincoln's administration — continued. Burnside's Expedition to North Carolina, 918. Battle of Pea Ridge, 919. Capture of New Madrid and Island No. 10, 921. Battle of Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, 923-925. Capture of New Orleans, 926. Death of Admiral Foote; Battle of River Ironclads, 930. CONTENTS. lxiii Evacuation of Corinth, 931. Plans of Movements on Richmond, 932. The Merrimac and Monitor Duel, 933. Contrabands, 936. CHAPTER LX. Lincoln's administration — continued. Movement of the Army of the Potomac, 937. Evacuation of Manas. sas, 938. Yorktown, Siege of, 939. Battle of Williamsburg, 941 Sanitary Commission, 942 Excitement in Richmond ; Conscrip tion Law, 943. Generals Banks and Jackson in the Valley, 944 The Chickahominy ; Battle of Fair Oaks, 945. Lee in command 946. Battle of Cold Harbor, 947. Change of Base, 949. Battle of Malvern Hill, 950. Harrison's Landing, 952. Cedar Moun tain, 953. Second Battle of Bull Run, 955. Lee invades Mary land, 956. Harper's Ferry captured, 957. Battle of Antietam 958. Lee retreats, 960. McClellan's slowness; his removal, 961 Burnside in command; Battle of Fredericksburg, 962. CHAPTER LXI. Lincoln's administration— continued. Invasion of Kentucky; Battle of Perry ville, 964. Battle of Iuka; Preliminary Proclamation, 965. Opposition; the Slave's Hope, 966. Battle of Murfreesboro, 967. Confederate Failures, 968. Sherman on the Yazoo, 969. Capture of Fort Hindman ; Presi- dent's Message, 970. Finances; Northern Industries, 971. Con- federate Finances, 972. Battle of Chancellorville, 973. Death of " Stonewall " Jackson, 974. CHAPTER LXII. Lincoln's administration — continued. Lee's Advance North, 976. Crosses the Potomac, 977. Hooker re- signs; Meade in command, 978. Battle of Gettysburg, 979-984. Lee's retreat, 985. Vicksburg; Victories, 986. Vicksburg and Port Hudson captured, 987. Naval Expedition, 988. The Draft • and Riot, 989. French Protestant Address, 990. Colored Sol- diers—National Banks, 991. CHAPTER LXIII. Lincoln's administration — continued. The March to Chattanooga, 992. The Battle; Chickamauga, 993. Burnside; Knoxville, 994. Battle above the Clouds, 995. Bragg's defeat, 996. Marauders in Missouri, 997. Red River Expedition ; Fort Pillow Massacre, 998. Grant ; Lieutenant- General ; Position of Affairs, 999. Sherman flanks Johnston; he falls back. 1000. Death of Bishop Polk; Kenesaw Mountain, 1001. Hood in com- mand; Battles, 1002. Death of McPherson; Railways broken, 1003. ''Atlanta ours;" March to the Sea; The Christmas Gift; Orders, 1004-1005. lxiv CONTENTS CHAPTER LXIV. LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION — CONTINUED. Grant's choice of Subordinates, 1006. Battles in the Wilderness, 1007-1010. Butler at Bermuda Hundreds, 1009. Confederate repulses; Movement to the James, 1010. Early in the Valley, 1011. Sheridan in command; his ride, 1013. The Mine; Capture of Mobile, 1014. Outrages in Missouri; Wilmington captured, 1015. Hood on the march, 1016. Battle of Nashville; Hood's defeat, 1017. Union Men; Conscript Soldiers; Women, 1018. CHAPTER LXV. Lincoln's administration — continued. Grant's design ; Platforms of Parties, 1019. Second Inauguration, 1020; Disposition of Union Forces, 1021. Lee's Plans, 1022. Battle* Five Forks, 1023. Lee surrenders ; Richmond on fire and occu- pied, 1024. Jefferson Davis captured; Columbia burned, 1025. Johnston surrenders, 1026. The Assassination, 1026. Andrew Johnson; Booth shot — Mr. Lincoln, Grant and Sherman; Inter- view, 1027. Last reviews; Union loss in the Rebellion, 1028. Blockade raised ; Old Flag on Sumter, 1029. Amnesty Proclama- tion; The Kearsarge and the Alabama, 1030. Lord John Rus- sell's Protest ; Louis Napoleon, 1031. Article XIII. ; The Tele- graph, Article XIV., 1032. Reconstruction, 1033-1044. Ne- braska; Impeachment, 1045 Treaty with China; Presidential Election, 1046. CHAPTER LXVI. grant's administration. Pacific Railway; Fifteenth Amendment, 1047. Death of General Lee, 1048. State Rights Influence, 1049. Alabama Claims, 1050-1052. Fraudulent Voting, 1053. The Ku Klux, 1055. Suspension of Habeas Corpus— Signal Service, 1056. Fires; Chicago, Boston, 1057. Manufactures, 1058. Railroad Panic, 1059. Bill for Resumption— Disturbances in Louisiana, 1060. Indian Question, 1061. State of Colorado— Deaths, 1062. Census of 1870; Election Law, 1063. Centennial, 1063-1064. Presidential Election, 1064. Greeley— Sumner, 1065. Influences binding the Union, 1066. Civil Service Reform, 1068. Political Opinions, 1069. Presidential Election— Electoral Commission, 1070. CHAPTER LXVII. hayes's administration. Sketch of Life, 1071. Inaugural— Cabinet, 1072. Civil Service- Railway Riot— Coinage of Silver, 1073. Fisheries Indemnity- Resumption of Specie Payments, 1074. Progress— Platforms of Parties, 1075. Tenth Census— Ratio of "Representatives, 1076. Good Influence, 1077. COHTEtfTS. kv CHAPTER LXVHI. garfield's administration. Sketch of Life, 1078. Senate of the State of Ohio, 1079. In Com- mand in Eastern Kentucky, 1080. In Congress, 1081. Inau- gurated President, 1082. Success of the Finances, 1083. The Assassination of Garfield — Sympathy of the Civilized World, 1084. Removal to Long Branch, 1085. Death; Funeral, 1086. Incident, 1087. Training of Citizens, 1088. The Assassinations and their cause, 1090. The Spoils System, 1091. Centers of Population and- Territory, 1092. CHAPTER LXIX. Arthur's administration. Sketch of Life— The two Law Cases, 1093. The second Oath of Office— The Inaugural, 1095. Destructive Fires, 1095. York- town Celebration, 1096. Meeting of Congress and the Message, 1097. Progress of the Country, 1098. Arctic Explorations, 1098-1100. House of Representatives; Number of members fixed, 1102. Tariff Commission, 1103. Tariff of 1883, 1103. National Banks, 1104. Civil Service Examinations, 1105. Labor Bureau, 1105. National Capital, 1106. Washington Monument, 1107. Morrison Tariff, 1108. Presidential Can- vass and Platforms, 1109. Votes Cast, 1110. Expositions at Atlanta and New Orleans, 1111. CHAPTER LXXI. CLEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. Sketch of Life, 1112. Inaugural and Cabinet, 1114. Death of General Grant, 1117. Funeral Services in the U. S., 1117; in Westminster Abbey, 1118. Death of General McClellan, 1119. Auditing the Books of the Treasury, 1120. The Financial Policy, 1121. Revision of Tariff Attempted, 1122. Labor; Arbitration, 1124. Presidential Succession, 1125. Counting the Electoral Votes, 1126. Interstate Commerce Act, 1127. Presidential Candidates and Platforms, 1128. Department of Agriculture, 1128. Admission of States, 1128. CHAPTER LXXII. HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. Sketch of Life, 1129. Inauguration, 1132. Inaugural Address, 1132. The Cabinet 1133. The Last Centennial Celebration, 1134. Ceremonies at Washington's Inauguration, 1135. The Imitations, 1136. The Coming from Elizabethport, 1136. The School Girls, — Religious Services, 1136. Meeting at the Statue in Wall Street, 1137. Military Parade, 1137. Civic Parade, 1188. lxVJ CONTENTS. CHAPTER LXXIII. THE NATION IN 1789 AND IN 1889. Territory of the Union in 1789 and in 1889, 1139. Comparison with Europe, 1140. Diversified Climate, 1141. Essential Productions, 1142. Means of Transportation, 1142. Rates of Railway Fares, 1143. Crude Manufactures and Trade, 1144. National Debts; — Means of Paying, 1145. Condition of the Churches in 1789, 1145. Christian Zeal and Benevolent Insti- tutions, 1146. Little Harmony among the Denominations, in 1789, 1146. Era of Theological Discussions, 1147. Anti- Slavery Agitation, 1147. Reverence for Christianity, 1148. Conclusion, — Progress, — Agriculture, 1149. Inventions, 1150. Immigrants, 1150. Results of the Homestead Law, 1151. Young Men's Christian Associations, 1152. Intelligent Voting Assured, 1153. The Press and Libraries, 1154. Authors, 1155. Temperance, 1155. Individual Responsibility, 1156. The Eng- lish Language, 1157. CHAPTER LXXIV. HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION RESUMED. American characteristics ; retarding influences, 1158. Two Gov- ernments to Support, 1159. Taxation direct and indirect, 1159-1160. Tariff Revision— the McKinley Bill, 1160. Rail- road lands reclaimed, 1160. Idaho and Wyoming admitted — The Standard Dollar — Louisiana Lottery, 1161. Financial legislation — the Silver Purchase Law, 1162. Labor legislation — Columbian Exposition— Commerce, 1163. Presidential Elec- tions — Grover Cleveland elected, 1164. CHAPTER LXXV. Cleveland's second administration. The Cabinet, 1165. Political Platforms and the Manufacturers, 1166. Extra Session of Congress and President's Message, 1167. Repeal of Silver Purchase Law — Wilson-Gorman Tariff, 1168. Effects of New Legislation— Action of Importers, 1169. Popular Reversal of Opinion in Elections of 1894, 1170. Reciprocity Treaties, 1171. Political Conventions in 1896, 1174. Various Parties, 1175. McKinley elected President, 1176. CHAPTER LXXVI. Mckinley's first administration. Sketch of McKinley, 1177. Inauguration and Cabinet, 1178. Extra Session of Congress— the Dingley Tariff Bill, 1179. Cuban affairs-r Revolution— Spanish oppressions — Blowing up of the Maine, 1179-1181. Strained relations between Spain and the United States, 1182. War preparations, 1183. War— Troops CONTENTS. lxvii called for, 1184. Dewey destroys Spanish fleet in Manila harbor, 1185. Sampson blockades Cuba and Porto Rico, 1185. Spanish fleet at Santiago — Hobson and the Merrimac — Landing of U. S. Marines, 1186. Land Campaign under Shafter, 1187. The Rough Riders, 1187. San Juan and El Caney, 1188. Spanish fleet crushed — Escaping from Santiago, 1189. Santiago Surrenders — Porto Rico invaded, 1191. CHAPTER LXXVII. Mckinley's first administration — continued. Affairs in the Philippines — Aguinaldo, 1193. Merritt, Greene and Dewey capture Manila City, 1194. Peace Negotiations, 1195. Final Treaty, 1196. Pacific R. R. Bonds, 1197. The Gold Standard Established by Law — Porto Rican Tariff — Hawaii and Alaska, 1198. Political Nominations and Platforms, 1199-1201. Successes of McKinley's Administration, 1201. Re-election of President McKinley, 1202. CHAPTER LXXVIII. mckinley's second term. Inauguration of McKinley and Roosevelt, 1203. The President's Tour to the Pacific Coast, 1204. At the Pan-American Exposi- tion, 1204. His Farewell Address, 1205. His Death, 1210. Sketch of Theodore Roosevelt, 1213. Continuation of the Philippine War, 1215. The War in China, 1221. Independ- ence for Cuba, 1228. The Isthmian Canal, 1231. The Alaska Boundary, 1234. Great Coal Strike, 1235. Our Island Posses- sions, 1237. American Inventions, 1238. President Roose- velt's First Message, 1242. Naval and Military Power, 1244. Gifts of Benevolence, 1246. CHAPTER LXXIX. roosevelt's administration. Important Treaties, 1249. Inheritance of Property, 1249. Inter- national Arbitration, 1250. Articles of War, 1252. Alaska Boundary, 1256. Extradition, 1259. Panama Ship Canal, 1259. CHAPTER LXXX. roosevelt's administration — continued. The Presidential Election of 1904, 1263. Chief Declarations of the Platforms, 1264. The Result Compared, 1268. Principal Topics of the Annual Message, 1269. Labor and Capital, 1269. Trusts, 1272. Immigration and Citizenship, 1275. The Agri- cultural Department and Its Work, 1278. Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor, 1280. Growth of Cities, 1281. Reciprocity with Cuba, 1281. The Pacific Cable, 1282. The Mormon Question, 1282. A HISTORY AMERICAN PEOPLE. LIEF ERICSSON, AND OTHER NORSE ADVENTURERS. About five hundred years before Columbus landed on Guanahani, one of the Bahama Islands, Lief Ericsson, a Scandinavian, sailed from Brattahlid, now New Herrn- hut, in Greenland, in a due south direction, and after passing over sixteen degrees of latitude, or about 1,100 statute miles, sighted Newfoundland, and thence sailing southwest along the coast reached Cape Cod. After- ward other adventurous Northmen made voyages occa- sionally along the same coasts, from the tenth to the twelfth centuries. These explorers landed at several places ; and records show that they attempted to found a colony in a region which they named Yinland. The place selected for the settlement is supposed to have been somewhere within the boundaries of the pres- ent States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, but every trace of the colony disappeared long before the advent of the English upon the same territory. Meanwhile, an Icelandic collection of legends or sagas, which treat of these early discoveries, shows that ex- plorations were made even as far south as Florida, in the vicinity of where St. Augustine now stands. 9 10 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. No marked influence was exerted by these discoveries and partial explorations, however, unless it may have been, as generally supposed, that an account of the voy- ages of Ericsson and others reached Columbus and stimu- lated him in his efforts to obtain the means of making an expedition of discovery toward the "West. CHAPTEK I. COLUMBUS. His Discoveries, Misfortunes, and Death.— Amerigo Vespucci, and the name America. Foe nearly fifteen hundred years after the birth of our chap. Saviour, the great Western Continent was unknown to ■ — the inhabitants of the Old World. tm The people of Europe had looked upon the Atlantic Ocean as a boundless expanse of water, surrounding the land and stretching far away they knew not whither. This vast unknown, their imaginations had peopled with all sorts of terrible monsters, ever ready to devour those who should rashly venture among them. But the cloud of mystery and superstition that hung over this world of waters was now to be dispelled — a spirit of discovery was awakened in Europe. The Azores and Madeira Isles were already known. Mariners, driven out by adverse winds, had discovered them. Tradition told of islands still further west, but as yet no one had gone in search of them. Even though the bold Norsemen did find and touch upon Western shores, the knowledge of them was neither published nor utilized. The attention of the people of maritime Europe was turned in the opposite direction ; they wished to find a passage by water to the eastern coasts of Asia. The stories told by those early travellers, Sir John Man- 11 12 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Seville and Marco Polo, had fired their imaginations ; they believed that among those distant regions of which 1492 * they wrote, so abundant in precious stones, diamonds, and gold, was the veritable land of Ophir itself. Their intense desire to obtain the treasures of India led to a result most important in the world's history — a result little anticipated, but which was to have a never-ending influence upon the destinies of the human family — the discovery of America. There appeared at this time a remarkable man — Christopher Columbus. He was a native of Genoa, one of the great commercial cities of Italy. He had been from his childhood familiar with the sea, and had vis- ited the most distant portions of the world then known. His time and talents were devoted to the study of navi- gation, geography, and astronomy. He read also many books of travel, and it is now thought that he had seen in Iceland or elsewhere the accounts of land visited in the west by the Norsemen, as mentioned in our Intro- duction. He began to astonish his countrymen with strange notions about the world. He boldly asserted that it was round, instead of ■ flat ; that it went around the sun instead of the sun going around it ; and more- over, that day and night were caused by its revolution on its axis. These doctrines the priests denounced as contrary to those of the church. When he ventured to assert that by sailing west, he could reach the East In- dies, they questioned not only the soundness of his theory, but that of his intellect. For years he labored to obtain the means to explore the great western ocean, to prove that it was the pathway to the coveted treasures of the East. He applied first to John the Second, king of Portugal, to aid 'him in his enterprise, but without success ; he then applied to Henry the Seventh, king of England, with a similar result. After years of delay and disappointment, COLUMBUS SAILS FROM PALO& 13 his project having been twice rejected by the Spanish u^P court, and he himself branded as a wild enthusiast, he sue- , ceeded in enlisting in its favor the benevolent Isabella, 1492. Queen of Spain. She offered to pledge her private jewels to obtain means to defray the expenses of the expedition. Thus the blessings, which have accrued to the world from the discovery of America, may be traced to the beneficence of one of the noblest of women. After numerous delays and many disappointments, on Friday, the 3d of August, 1492, Columbus sailed from the little port of Palos, in Spain. He confidently launched forth upon the unknown ocean. His three little vessels were mere sail-boats compared with the magnificent ships that now pass over the same waters. He sailed on and on, day after day, and at length came within the influence of the trade winds, which with- . out intermission urged his vessels toward the west. The sailors began to fear— if these winds continued, they never could return. They noticed the variation of the compass ; it no longer pointed to the pole, — was this mysterious, but hitherto trusty friend, about to fail them ? Ten weeks had already elapsed, and the winds were still bearing them farther and farther from their homes. It is true, there were many indications that land was near ; land birds were seen ; land weeds, a bush with fresh berries upon it, and a cane curiously carved, were found floating in fehe water. Again and again, from those on the watch, was heard the cry of land, but as often the morning sun dispelled the illusion ; they had been deceived by the evening clouds that fringed the western horizon. Now, the sailors terror-stricken, became mutinous, and clamored to return. They thought they had sinned in venturing so far from land, and as a punishment were thus lured on to perish amid the dangers with which their imaginations had filled the waste of waters. Columbus alone was calm and hopeful ; in the midst 14 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap. f a u these difficulties, he preserved the courage and noble self-control that so dignifies his character. His confidence 1492. in the success of his enterprise, was not the idle dream of a mere enthusiast ; it was founded in reason, it was based on science. His courage was the courage of one, who, in the earnest pursuit of truth, loses sight of every personal consideration. He asked only for a little more time, that he might prove to others the truth of what he himself so firmly believed. When lo ! the following night the land breeze, fragrant with the perfume of flowers, greeted them; never was it more grateful to the worn and weary sailor. The ships were ordered to lie to, lest they should run upon rocks. Suddenly the ever watchful eye of Columbus saw a light, a moving light ! The alternations of hope and fear, the visions of fame and greatness, or the higher aspi- rations that may have filled his soul on that eventful night, are more easily imagined than described. Frid., The next morning, they saw lying before them in all 22 its luxuriant beauty an island, called by the natives Guan- ahani, but renamed by Columbus, San Salvador, or Holy Saviour. With a portion of his crew he landed. Falling on their knees, they offered thanksgivings to God, who had crowned their labors with success. Columbus raised a banner, and planted a cross, and thus took formal possession of the land in the names of his sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella. The awe- stricken natives watched the ceremony from amid the groves ; they thought the white strangers were the children of the sun, their great deity. Alas ! the cross did not prove to them the emblem of peace and good-will ! Columbus explored this island — one of the Bahama group* — and discovered others, now known as the West Indies. Thus he spent three months ; then taking with him seven of the natives, he sailed for home. On the 1 5th I4M. of March he arrived at Palos. From that port to the court jXpdfEKENs/ HIS THIRD ¥QIAGK. 15 at Barcelona, his progress was a triumphal procession. He chap. was graciously received by the King and Queen, who appointed him Viceroy or Governor of all the countries he 1193 had or should discover. They conferred upon him and his family titles of nobility, and permission to use a coat of arms. The day he made his discovery, was the day of his triumph ; this day was the recognition of it by his patrons and by the world. His past life had been one of unremit- ting toil and hope deferred ; but in the future were bright prospects for himself and his family. But his title, the object of his honorable ambition, proved the occasion of all his after sorrows. The honors so justly conferred upon him, excited the jealousy of the Spanish nobility. From this time his life was one continued contest with his enemies. He made more voyages, and more discoveries in the West Indies. On his third voyage he saw the main- 149S land at the mouth of the Orinoco. It seems never to have occurred to him, that a river so large must necessarily drain a vast territory. He supposed the lands he had dis- covered were islands belonging to Cathay, or Farthei India ; from this circumstance the natives of the New World were called Indians. It is more than probable Columbus died without knowing that he had found a great continent. After a few years his enemies so far prevailed, that on a false accusation he was sent home in chains from the island of Hispaniola. Isabella, indignant at the treat- ment he had received, ordered them to be taken off, and all his rights and honors restored. Ferdinand promised to aid her in rendering him justice, and in punishing his ene- mies ; but, double-dealing and ungenerous, he did neither. To the misfortunes of Columbus was added the death of Isabella, his kind and generous patroness. And now he was openly maligned and persecuted. Their work was soon done ; in a short time he died, worn out by disease and 16 HISTOEY OF THE AMEBIC AN PEOPLE. chap, disappointment. His last words were : " Into thy hands, Lord, I commend my spirit." 1506. His body was deposited in a convent in Spain. Fer- dinand, it is said, ordered a monument to his memory. . The justice he had denied him in life he was willing to inscribe upon his tomb, — it was to bear the inscription : " Columbus has given a world to Castile and Leon." • The body of Columbus was afterwards conveyed to Hispaniola. After a lapse of almost three hundred years that island passed into the hands of the French. Gene- rations had come and gone, but the Spanish nation re- membered that Columbus had " given a world to Castile and Leon ; " and they wished to retain his remains within their own territories. They disinterred them, and with imposing ceremonies transferred them to Havana in the I79k island of Cuba, where they still remain. About seven years after the first voyage of Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine gentleman, visited the West Indies, and also landed on the eastern coast of South America. On his return he published a glowing descrip- tion of the newly discovered countries. From this cir- cumstance the name America was given to the New World by a German writer on Geography, who may have been ignorant of the claims of Columbus. CHAPTEE II. AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. The Origin op the American Indian. Who were the first human beings on the American CHAP. continent? How did they get there? In these ques- n> tions we have the twofold aspect of a problem which, from the time of Columbus to our own day, has proved of absorbing interest to every type of mind. The many attempts at a solution of this problem resolve themselves into three distinct theories. The first of them that gained general currency regarded the aborig- inal Americans as descendants of the lost tribes of Israel. This view was certainly stimulating to the imagination, and its very picturesqueness must have contributed immensely to its diffusion. Even the sci- entific and skeptical critic found in the idea an incentive to careful study of the manners and customs of the natives of our continent, in the hope of thus discovering analogies that would lead ultimately to the truth. But science has slowly but surely undermined the founda- tions — such as they were — of this belief, and it remains to-day what it was in the beginning— -a mere assumption t V and nothing more. ;. * The second theory takes us Jback to one of the famous legends of the ancient Greeks.' This is the legend of Atlantis, an island realm of the western seas, of which Plato gives us a splendid vision in one of his most im- pressive passages. To state this theory in its crudest but simplest form, Atlantis must have been a vast land 17 s 18 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, area, or series of land areas, extending from Europe to the continent of America. Our remote predecessors were thus afforded a natural bridge over which they crossed by easy stages from the Old World to the New. That some vague tradition of this sort had survived in the minds of men from a very ancient period is beyond dispute. The legend of Atlantis had evidently cast its spell over the imagination of the old Koman philosopher Seneca, inspiring, it may be, his immortal prophecy that mankind would yet discover a new world beyond the seas. The fancy of Columbus had been caught by the boldness of the same vision, and the fabled Atlantis thus became a factor in the achievement of the greatest triumph in the annals of geographical science. Nor is this island continent of Atlantis to be dismissed as a mere creation of the myth-makers. Many able men of science have seen no escape from the conclusion that a bridge or area of land extending across the Atlantic Ocean must have afforded the path by means of which human beings first gained the American continent. Science in this twentieth century does not, to be sure, view the subject in the simple spirit of the old Spaniard who, on the strength of the land-bridge theory, assigned a Celti- berian origin to the Indians. The theory removes one difficulty, but it creates another. What became of the convenient continent between Europe and America? It can scarcely have subsided beneath the waves without leaving a trace of its former presence. Yet every at- tempt to establish even the outlines of the missing conti- nent by sounding the heights and depths of the Atlantic has proved an idle task. Only the most tremendous of natural convulsions could have wiped out a vast land area, between Europe and America. The advanced geological science of our time can find no traces of a submersion on this gigantic scale. Nevertheless, geolo- gists of distinction have maintained that the northern AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 19 bed of the Atlantic was not always covered with water. CHAP. If their view be the right one, man may have left the __ Old World for the New at a time when climatic conditions on the earth were very different from those known to us. We come now to the third and last theory of the peopling of America. The shipping of Asiatic coast dwellers was driven from time to time by stress of wind and weather as far as the Alaskan shore. An involun- tary migration was thus set up from a remote prehis- torical period. A glance at the map shows this view of the case to be an extremely simple one. Nowhere do the continents of the Old World and the New come so closely together as in the Alaskan region. That slender arm known as Bering Strait forms the only division between these mighty areas. Transit from one to the other can have presented no insuperable difficulties even to the most primitive craft. The plausibility of this view is supported by certain resemblances between the American aborigines and Mongolian peoples. Some American races of the Pacific states have characteristics in common with the nations of civilized Asia. There are Chinese legends of a land of Fu-schan which point unmistakably to Aztec civilization, in the opinion of many scientists. Upon these and other considerations is based the theory of a Chinese origin for the first inhabitants of America. But all this ingenious theo- rizing has been unable to withstand the ordeal of more searching investigation. America was certainly not peopled by the Alaskan route within a period during which we can trace even the most ancient Chinese races. Only after the glacial period did the remote northwestern extremity of our continent emerge from the bosom of the Pacific. Such, at any rate, is the conclusion of recent geological science. The first dwellers of America could never have traversed the infinite width of waters stretching in that dim and distant pre-glacial past from 20 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN- PEOPLE. CHAP, pole to pole. The bones of many generations of men • were already whitening even then in the soil of the New World. This time-worn question has, however, lost much of its importance. The human race in the Old World can not be traced back to a remoter past than the human race in the New. But America was not the cradle of the human race, for the anthropoid apes never made their home there. This much is established by the fos- sil ' i finds. ' ' Yet the theory of evolution cannot dis- pense with the anthropoid apes as the connecting link between man and the lower animals. It is, of course, possible that the first human beings on our continent gained access to it at a time when the divisions of land and water on the earth's surface were as yet totally dif- ferent from those we know anything about. If so, geology will some day be in a position to establish the fact beyond dispute. Meanwhile we can only suspend judgment upon theories assigning an Asiatic origin to America's savage and half -savage peoples. All dis- putes as to whether America's civilization is the out- come of Aryan or of Semitic influences must be indeed idle if man first made his home on this continent at a time when his fellow creatures in the Old World still shared with the brutes the privilege of devouring some fallen carcass, and still found in a natural cave of the mountains their only refuge from the elements. And we know that life's development in the New World was continuous and unaffected by any outside influence, from the age of the mammoth down to the discovery by Christopher Columbus. At a later age than that of the mammoth — although f even this later age was well within the prehistorical period — America already had a considerable population. This is shown by the great size and wide diffusion of those rubbish-mounds known as kitchen-middens. These AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 21 comprise heaps of fish refuse mingled with the domestic CHAP. utensils and other relics of prehistoric man, all dating • back to the oldest American form of civilization or semi-civilization. Some of the mounds, however, are assignable to as recent a period as the later stone age, beyond which the Indians of eastern South America never advanced. But even the most ancient of them must have been of very slow formation. In many in- stances they are hundreds of feet long and of great height. The elements would certainly have interfered with a rapid accumulation of such masses, which abound along the coasts as well as throughout the interior of North and South America. The fairly dense popula- tion indicated by this state of things is significant. Were Europe and Asia in this remote era inhabited by races as yet never civilized? If so, the evolution of any form of civilization on the American continent can- not have been due to any foreign influence. Former geographical conditions on our continent would not enter into the question in the least. Argument based upon such a theory would be as futile as the speculations of Cortez and Pizarro regarding those twin mysteries of life in the New World — the civilizations of Mexico and of Peru. It was reasonable to anticipate that a study of the dialects and traditions of the primitive races of America might throw some light on their origin. But the result is disappointing. The savage in a state of nature is found to have little knowledge and less curiosity regard- ing his own origin. In exceptional cases he may recall the names of both his father and his grandfather. He may even remember where they lived. Anything more than this involves him in a maze of childish fancy. The language in which these primitive Americans con- veyed their few ideas had more elements of permanence. But it was subject, nevertheless, to countless modifica- 22 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, tions, arising principally from the introduction of cap- n - tive women into a conquering tribe. For our earliest predecessors on this continent had every instinct of the beast of prey. There is every reason to suspect that cannibalism in its most ruthless form once prevailed throughout the length and breadth of America. Man triumphed over his prey by devouring him and won his wife by stealing her. Such was the order of ideas conveyed by a formless speech which must long have remained but a stage in advance of the uncouth cry of the brute. Rude word-forms, the survivors, it may be, of this period of warfare of " all against all," have been analyzed with infinite patience in the light of lin- guistic science, only to leave the student very often as wise at the end of his labors as he was in the beginning. Racial Divisions op the Indians. The whole population of the region now comprising the United States can scarcely have exceeded half a million in the time of Columbus. The number is sur- prisingly insignificant in comparison with the vastness of the area. Indeed, the earliest students of the subject concluded that the inhabitants of our portion of Amer- ica must have numbered some millions in the year 1492. We know now that these observers were misled partly by the accounts of the red men themselves, partly by the bewildering variety of dialects that prevailed, and partly by the probabilities of the case. It is possible that the population of North America, in an indefinite prehistoric period, could have been computed by the million. But this population had evidently been declin- ing for a long time — perhaps for centuries. We may attribute this decline, perhaps, to a type of civilization unfitted to cope with the surrounding savagery of the red man. How the red man himself reared the super- AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 23 structure of his peculiar mode of life during the slow CHAP, decline of the prehistoric civilization we can only vaguely conjecture. When the Indians of our part of the world came so abruptly into history, their state of culture presented three stages. These stages were not sharply defined. In fact, they tended to shade into one another, although they were sufficiently distinguishable for purposes of study and classification. The most abject of the tribes were in what is called the later period of savagery. They used the bow and arrow, but had no pottery. Tillage of the soil was beyond their capacity. On a higher plane than this were the Indians in the older period of barbarism. They could raise a crop of some- thing resembling maize, they herded together within a circle of hovels, and they fished and hunted in a hap- hazard and disorganized way. We must look to the " village" Indians — those in the middle period of bar- barism — for the highest type of culture on this conti- nent when Columbus reached it. These tribes had an agriculture and an architecture. They were progressing in a definite direction. But they were overcome at in- tervals by the savages of a ruder type, and in the strug- gle for existence they were doomed not to survive. The Indians in the second stage, the older period of barbar- ism, might have made themselves supreme over the whole North American continent had not the arrival of the European changed the whole course of human his- tory in the New World. So much we may infer from their rapid progress along the lines of federation and their capacity for combination in a military sense. The half-million Indians of the Columbian period have been differentiated into about a dozen racial stocks. It is true that these twelve nationalities or races were not evident to the first observers, nor is it to be supposed that the lines of demarcation were absolute. This clas- 24 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, sification of the native American applies, moreover, • only to those members of the red race dwelling north of what is now Mexico. And while each of these twelve nationalities had features peculiar to itself, all had in common those general traits of person and character which unfailingly denote the " noble red man." The type varied little. A copper-colored skin, prominent cheek-bones, straight black hair, and a keen dark eye, were the universal physical heritage. The funda- mental ideas of these beings were formed on equally rigid lines. All held tenaciously to certain laws of kin- dred, upon which their conception of government and society was founded. Every red man was passionately attached to his particular area of the continent which comprised the "home land" of his people. This attachment was absolute. One nationality seldom, if ever, annexed the domain of another, although they frequently invaded it. These two principles of conduct — reverence for ties of kindred and devotion to the soil — are the grand clues to Indian human nature. The Algonquins come first in order of the twelve groupings we have to consider. Their vast domain extended along the coast of the Atlantic from Labrador to South Carolina, stretching inland almost to that 4 1 father of waters, ' ' the Mississippi. The Algonquins were fighters who knew not the meaning of fear. They would tolerate no authority but their own within the region they regarded as the land of their race. Our authentic knowledge of them does not go back quite to the Columbian period, but they were among the first red men to come into contact with European civilization. The effect upon their disposition was disastrous, yet sonfe of the noblest and most remarkable types of Indian character were produced by the innumerable tribes making up the Algonquin stock. A still more gifted people were the Iroquois, among AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 25 whom we include the Hurons. Ethnologists of dis- CHAP. tinction maintain that these tribes are really of the ^ Algonquin race. Be this as it may, their lands bounded those of the Algonquins for many miles, especially in the region of the great lakes, and comprised much of the territory within the present State of New York, extending southward, moreover, as far as the mountain region of Virginia. The Hurons and the Iroquois sup- plied the general type of Indian character that enriches the pages of Fenimore Cooper, while their prowess in war has imparted a sanguinary aspect to our colonial history. The Iroquois got their appellation from the French, and they seem to have been divided at first into five tribes, to which was subsequently added a sixth. The " Six Nations " annihilated many tribes in the course of their warlike history. They developed a perfectly framed system of federal union. Their chiefs met in regular council to determine the common policy of their alliance. So well executed were their measures of war and peace that their power became irresistible. These ' ' Romans of the West ' ' would have conquered the new world east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio, according to Parkman, had the white man deferred his appearance for another hundred years or so. The gift of eloquence was theirs in a marked degree, and the speeches of Logan and Eed Jacket have become classic. The land of the Dakotas — third on our list of races — comprised the leagues of billowy prairie that roll west- ward from the Mississippi to the foot of the Rocky Mountains. The Dakotas were known to the French as Sioux, and, as was inevitable in the case of a prairie people, they were renowned hunters of the buffalo. Some of their more eastern tribes had a primitive kind of agriculture, but the Dakotas generally subsisted from the chase. Their physical characteristics were often 26 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, strikingly unlike those of all other red men. The color 11 and texture of their hair presented variations not met with elsewhere, while in complexion their women ap- proached more nearly to the blonde type than did the squaws of the other North American tribes. They spent more time in their ablutions than seemed proper to the Indian of the coast, and the hair of both males and females was allowed to attain its full growth. There was a reserve in the character of a Dakota squaw that suggested some notion of feminine delicacy; and her attachment to her children is the subject of many beau- tiful stories. The men were magnificent swimmers. They loved personal adornment and were affable in manner. Their cruelty, however, was proverbial. The exquisite tortures they inflicted upon captives were equaled only by the punishments they contrived for themselves. Their purpose in thus testing their own powers of endurance was the same as that of the ancient Spartans. The Athabascan Indians formed a northern stock. The possessions of these tribes included much of what has since become the Dominion of Canada, and they hunted even as far northward as Alaska. Their lands also extended considerably within the present limits of the United States, for the Apaches and Navajoes were Athabascans, although some authorities incline to the view that the Apaches were really southerners. The Athabascans generally were a fierce and untamable peo- ple. Some of the tribes lived by fishing. Others are said to have kept slaves. Again, we are assured that many Athabascan clans were mild and gentle until contact with, the white race transformed them. The truth seems to be that the vast territory inhabited by these people was long inaccessible to the trader and explorer. Our knowledge of the Athabascans has, therefore, been meager or conflicting. AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 27 The Esquimaux are the most northern of the races CHAP, within our scheme of classification. Their country n - comprises a thin strip of snow land capping the North American continent. They are at once the most interest- ing and the most repellent of peoples. Small, hairy- faced, dull and dirty, they have always stood apart from the other races encountered by the European in his conquest of the new world. The Thlinket tribes lived on the Pacific coast, between the Simpson River and Mount St. Elias. They seem to have been miserable creatures physically, who had no settled mode of life and no particular capacity as hunters or fishers. Some writers consider them a degenerate branch of the so-called Columbian race, which forms one of the most important of our twelve subdivisions. The hunting grounds of the Columbian Indians included the whole of the present states of Washington and Oregon, besides a great portion of the area to the imme- diate north, which is n >w called British Columbia. They are said to have professed especial devotion to the " Great Spirit." Many of the tribes suffered severely from scarcity of food, and subsisted for months at a time upon roots and even grasses. Their chief weapon was a primitive kind of spear, which they did not discard until long after experience with the white trader had developed a certain fierceness in their disposition. Some of the Columbian tribes were expert canoeists. One branch of the race was characterized by a mal- formation of the cranium, produced, it is said, by pressure on the head during infancy. The California Indians are seventh in our classifica- tion, their low level of existence calling for no extended notice. The Yumas come next, their home being in southern Arizona and eastern California. We have now to consider briefly the very important Pueblos. Not only were they a distinctive stock in 28 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, physique and culture, but they are regarded as the sur- vivors of the prehistoric civilization of the North Ameri- can continent. Their territory in the Columbian period can scarcely have exceeded the present limits of New- Mexico and Arizona, although there is much plausible evidence in favor of a more comprehensive area. At the time of their discovery by the Spaniards, the Pueblos had long been in a state of decline ; but even then their superiority to every form of culture north of Mexico was striking. It is as architects that these people make their most powerful appeal to the attention of the student. The famous Cliff Palace in Colorado is an impressive memorial of the antiquity as well as of the splendor of their civilization. It is inferred that this race had been receding for generations before a rising tide of barbarism. Some authorities contend that the Pueblos are the dis- tant kin of the Aztecs. There are certainly many striking similarities between them. The most recent investigation, however, tends to dissipate this idea. Pueblo, it should be noted, means village, and it is as "village Indians" that the Spaniards sought to dis- tinguish them. The village in this instance was almost a town, and the inhabitants, even in their dejected con- dition, represented, as has been observed heretofore, the most advanced culture within the area north of Mexico. The Shoshones were, to adopt their own expression, " a great people." They inhabited a vast and vaguely denned region in the northwest, roaming over the terri- tory now assigned to Idaho, Utah, Wyoming, and adjacent states. The Pawnees dwelt in this region also, the two races having many characteristics in common, although they used different dialects. Taking them to- gether, their lands reached as far south as Texas, and they presented an infinite variety of tribal character, from the destitute root diggers of the mountains to the i * warlike Comanches. ' ' AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 29 Finally, we have the Appalachians, or Muskokis, a CHAP, spirited and intelligent race or series of races. They II - lived in what the American of to-day calls * ' the south, ? ) that is, in the area from the Carolinas to the Gulf as far westward as Louisiana. Some of the most famous tribes in our history, such as the Choctaws, the Creeks, the Seminoles, and the Cherokees, were of this Appalachian stock. All of these peoples were extremely handsome, from the Indian point of view, and very vain of their personal appearance. The first effect of contact with the white man was an epidemic of smallpox, which is said to have ravaged them mercilessly and to have spared but a fraction of their original numbers. All were more or less addicted to fanciful deformations of themselves, and all were proficient in treachery. Some observers credit them with a greater facility in the acquisition of European languages than any other red race displayed. Such was the racial aspect of America north of Mexico, in the time of Columbus, or at any rate in a period not much later than his day. This division into twelve families is not perfectly accurate, nor does it receive the sanction of all authorities. But it answers the purpose of classification very well, although another scheme, would lessen the number of distinct races by enlarging the application of the term Algonquin. It may be an- ticipated that scientists will in time discover a simpler system of classification than the vague one prevailing. Social and Intellectual Conditions of the Indians. The social, moral, and personal relations of the Indians of America, north of Mexico, show the effect of a long and intimate contact with nature. They had no notion of private property in land. Nobody could in- herit anything, in our legal sense of the word. The unit of society was not the family. Even the family was not an institution, for the father had no status as such. 30 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. Speaking generally, the tribe, which was sometimes only a small gathering of two hundred persons, was organized on the basis of the clan. This clan was a grouping of individuals under the limited authority of a male member who stood in some relation of kinship to them all. But this kinship was traced almost always through the female line, and marriage within that circle was forbidden, although a man belonging to one clan could marry a woman of another clan. Hence, a cer- tain relationship by marriage was apt to exist through- out all the tribe, but an individual always belonged to the clan of the mother. Occasionally tribes were en- countered with a gentile basis of kinship, descent being reckoned through the male. There was also a system of adoption into a tribe in which relationship was nominally in the female line. The family authority was vested in the eldest member of the circle. Thus an elder brother exacted obedience from a younger. In the tribe at large, however, the governmental authority depended almost wholly upon personal merit, especially in time of war. The several clans forming a tribe dwelt together. Their habitations radiated about a common center, but were usually close to one another. The common center was likely to be the rallying place, in which general concerns were discussed. Here the old men and the valiant warriors (herded under one great roof, or, it might be, out in the open) planned war or the hunt, worshiped the ' ' Great Spirit, ' ' or merely frittered away the time. As for the dwellings, they were apt to be constructed of poles, logs, twigs, or sod, according to the resources at command. The sanitary arrange- ments were nearly always most primitive, a fact which explains the general liability of the red man to epidemics. The squaws did the work, while the men fought and amused themselves. But it was not unusual for women AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 31 of forceful character to acquire influence in the council, CHAP. while the more elderly females were sometimes regarded with a kind of veneration. Life was not apt to be dull in the village, for everybody knew everybody else, and the spirit of emulation was keen. Dress and personal adornment were among the occa- sions of this emulation. Attire was variegated, the hide of the deer, the hare, the buffalo, and even the snake, contributing some element to the general effect. Shirts and leggings were the conspicuous necessities of the men, and the skins of their four-footed quarry supplied the materials. But softer fabric was available in the 6hape of vegetable fibers woven in combination with fur, sinew, and feathers. These materials served the women for skirts — garments which rarely reached the ground. The men had, apparently, little notion of the coat. Their upper garments were sack-like, with holes for the head and arms. The nether garment varied from the loin-cloth supplemented with leggings to an elaborate covering of skin and feathers, which decorated the lower limbs with a porcupine-like fringe. There were, of course, tribes which wore very little at all in the way of attire. Others had different sets of clothes for all the occasions of life, — political, military, and religious. The robe seems to have been used more for ceremony than for service. The use of the moccasin was widely distributed, although the word seems to have been pe- culiar to the Algonquin peoples. This footwear was usually of deer-skin, or some kind of leather, and the sole was soft. So, too, was the upper, which had often much ornament. The head of the Indian was sur- mounted by feathery or hairy contrivances, which be- came more elaborate as the tribe rose in the scale of existence. Personal adornment was one of the great concerns of life. The manliest brave did not disdain to give minute 32 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, attention to the tattooing of his skin and the painting of his face. The former operation was painful, necessita- ting the employment of darts made of fish-bone or metal. The flesh was pricked in a stabbing manner that inflicted exquisite pain, while the coloring matter had sometimes a poisonous effect that caused death. But the' Indian attached 6ueh great importance to the beasts, birds, suns, or stars stamped indelibly upon his body that the chance of death did not deter him from the practice. These adornments, in addition to their value from the medicine- man's point of view, conferred certain social advantages. Painting was an indispensable requisite of ceremonial intercourse. The males daubed their fore- heads, noses, eyebrows, and craniums, and the females their cheeks. There seems to have been no fixed standard of taste in this matter, except that in war the braves conformed to a type of decoration that apprised the beholder of a state of hostilities. It has been said that the experienced observer could almost read the life history of an Indian by the paintings upon his person, but this could not have applied to the average case. There can be no doubt, however, that a gathering of the clans in the village center was apt to be preceded by an enormous application of paint. The personal relations of the tribesmen with one an- other were rather pleasant, on the whole. Their notions of dignity and of social forms were severely adhered to, and the innumerable assemblages to dance, or to sing, or to pray in common, always had a definite order of procedure. They began with an address by some ven- erable elder or recognized chief, but they ended, very oftenj in noise and frenzied excitement. But this was, in a sense, the conventional course of events, especially on religious occasions. "Weird dances, attended at times with self-inflicted violence, formed the leading ceremo- nial element in these rites, and led naturally to the phy- AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 33 sical collapse of all concerned. These performances were CHAP. designed as a formal recognition of certain personifica- ~~* tions of nature, and constituted the only public worship of which the Indians were capable. They seem to have had little inward relation to the individual, and worship was rarely solitary. But other phases of religion were numerous, for the mind of the red man resembled the mind of the ancient Greek in its readiness to attribute personality to the forces and faces of nature. Some tribes made a god of the thunder and lightning, and others of the sun. The winds were brothers, each with his appropriate name. Every beast of the forest was dei- fied in the abstract and was typical of a sentiment or a power. The antelope meant peace to the Dakotas, and the grizzly bear signified war. In nothing was the In- dian's close contact with nature more strikingly mani- fested than in his conception of the supernatural. The rites of this many-sided system of personification were not limited to the dance. There were incantations by means of fire and water, accompanied by singing, and addresses to the guardian spirit of the tribe. The bear, the wolf, the eagle, were tokens of this spirit, who was as likely as not to be of a malignant disposition, to be propitiated only by the gloomiest and most hideous prac- tices. This fact contributed immensely to the medicine- man's importance. He was supposed by some of the tribes to hold communication with the spirits of evil, and to be able to reduce them to a state of subjection. Hence his efficacy as a physician. Herbs and roots had a magical rather than a therapeutic value, and experience has not generally sustained the traditional reputation of Indian remedies. The medicine-man was a contortionist of proficiency, and lathered himself into a foam during an important ceremony. This personage, by the way, should not be confused with a sachem, who in many tribes had a quite different authority. The sachem fre- 34 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, quently united the character of chief with that of ven- **• erable old man. His authority was supernatural only in exceptional cases, whereas the medicine-man was always something of a magician. The tribes of the western prairies seem to have encouraged the magic of the medi- cine-man in a quite extraordinary degree, and their type of^ religion invested these strange creatures with almost the importance of a sacerdotal caste. It was undoubtedly the function of the medicine- man to interpret the tribe's crude philosophy of life and apply it to the emergencies of every day, — material as well as spiritual. Thus was brought about, probably, the connection between the Indian system of medicine and the Indian system of wor- ship. There is no reason to infer that the medicine- man lacked faith in himself or in his system. He was not always consciously a quack or an upholder of delu- sion. The " Great Spirit," of whom so much is made, has occasioned controversy. This being was originally ac- cepted as the Indian's idea of one supreme deity, reward- ing the good and punishing the evil. But later investi- gation leads to the suspicion that the ' ' Great Spirit ' ' and "the happy hunting grounds" may have been read into the Indian's theology through the misunderstand- ings of early travelers and missionaries. On the other hand, many of the tribes revered a single supernatural personality, who was credited with an indefinite suprem- acy over their concerns. The ease with which most tribes accepted the notion of a supreme being from the missionary, has been held to denote that their own pre- vious theology was in line with that idea. The lore of the medicine-men, which ought to decide the point, does not always sustain this theory. There were many gods in their systems, but there was little agreement as to the supremacy of any one. Each tribe had its favorite divin- ity, the tendency being to exalt him until a " great AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 35 spirit ' ' of local jurisdiction was evolved. This object CHAP. of general veneration was represented in an animal form, ' for, as we have observed already, every animal was in the abstract an earthly aspect of some deity. "When, theref ore, a tribe had evolved its ' ' great spirit, ' ' his form in this world was identified with the bear, or the buffalo, or some other available creature, which became the to- tem or object of everybody's superstition. Many savages regarded themselves as descendants of their totem. If this happened to be an elk, they must refrain from mo- lesting that animal, fearing dire penalties. A poisonous serpent has been elevated to the rank of totem, in which case it inspires no dread, except among traitors to the tribe, who must infallibly die of its bite. Many totems were those of a clan rather than of a whole tribe. They were drawn or cut upon the entrances to the dwelling, and in certain cases were tattooed upon the clansman's body. One far western tribe had adopted the head of the buffalo for its totem, another the tail. Again, a totam might inspire such awe that its devotees feared to look at it. Individuals owing allegiance to a common totem had special obligations to one another. This cir- cumstance led to the formation of secret covenants which grew into cults, presided over by the medicine-men. The totem, of course, invested the Indian mythology with a peculiar solemnity. Life in the other world was considered a higher type of the life of this world. The red men conceived the gods to have been divided into clans, to meet for common action, and to concern them- selves with the fate of human beings. The gods were © © shades, but could assume any material form, and their magical powers were infinite. They were occasionally pleased to descend to earth in human shape for the benefit of mankind. Such a character was Hiawatha, the wise, who came down from above before Columbus had reached America. He taught men the ways of 36 HISTORY OK THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, wisdom, and at his suggestion the great confederacy ^ of the Iroquois was formed. While the tribesmen were in council, Hiawatha and his beautiful daughter emerged from a canoe, and a mighty wind was heard. The heavens were obscured by an enormous heron, snow- white, which overwhelmed and killed the maiden in its rush and slew itself. Hiawatha grieved for his child but fulfilled his mission, and the Iroquois " became a mighty people." On a somewhat lower imaginative level was the great hero Atatarho, who lived alone in a cave, drinking from the skulls of his fallen foes. He wore garments of living serpents and spent his leisure in meditation, solaced by his pipe, until the Indian tribes about his home made him the chief of their confederacy. Those were the days of ■ ' Gitche Manito, the mighty, the creator of the nations, ' ' or, in less poetic language, of some period of storm* and stress among the tribes reflecting itself in the cosmogony of the medicine-man. Thus the legends involve themselves with the real and the unreal, appearing in many shapes, the delight of the poet and the despair of the scientist. Immoderate indulgence in dancing and open-air exercise, varied by eating to repletion, constituted the leading phases of social life to the Indian mind. Out- door games and athletic competitions formed an impor- tant part of the business of life to which much time was devoted. Probably the most celebrated of these diversions was a match between two sets of opposing players with the object of carrying or throwing a ball through the ranks of those on the other side. This game was played without any particular rules, nor was there any limit to the number of players. Hand implements not unlike butterfly nets were used in the pursuit of the ball. The match entailed much dodging, leaping and running, and was regarded as a splendid part of the education of AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 37 a warrior, fitting him for the battlefield and giving him CHAP. strength and endurance. A game of this kind would _ not infrequently last the greater part of the day, and was participated in by every able-bodied man in a village, while the rest of the inhabitants looked on and applauded. Such is the origin of the modern game of lacrosse. Another spirited game was " snow-snake," a winter sport of immense popularity. A solid layer of snow over all the land, and a long, slender piece of wood curved upward at one end were the requisites of this amusement. The object was to see who could propel the piece of wood farthest over the hard surface of the snow. This looked simple, but it required great deft- ness and muscular power. The stick had to be grasped at the back and shot forward by a movement of the arm. It then glided over the snow, with end curved upward and a tremulous movement that strikingly suggested the serpent.* Some of the braves could, it is said, send the snow-snake a quarter of a mile. There were other forms of this game, which, by means of a wheel-shaped contrivance, could be adapted to the summer season. The squaws had their ways of amusing themselves as well as the braves. Among them was football, — not the kind we know, but a game with the object of keep- ing the ball up in the air. This involved energetic and constant muscular exercise. Other games were played with pieces of bone and horn. The players sat on the ground, and the competition was one mostly of skill in tossing. There were also social diversions and forms of amusement in which both the braves and the squaws participated. A circle was formed about a blanket or a fire, while some player inside or outside the ring tried to find a bone or chip that passed from hand to hand. It seems clear that Indian character suffered from an inadequate idea of the social value of the sexes to each 38 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, other. In general, there was a well-defined difference *** between the work of a man and that of a woman. The notion entertained of woman's sphere may be inferred from the fact that the enslaved prisoner was " degraded " by compelling him to work with the squaws. Women gathered the firewood, tilled the ground, if the tribe happened to be agricultural, hauled the household goods when the village moved to a new site, cooked, and were generally useful. The list of their tasks, it must be remembered, looks much more formidable than it really was, for there were many squaws and no great amount of toil to be done. There seem to have been occasions when wives accompanied their husbands on hostile expeditions, but as a rule they stayed at home. The brave could usually dissolve his marriage at any time, but the tendency seems to have been among the strongest tribes towards mon- ogamy. The Hurons had a bad reputation as regards the relations between the sexes, and polygamy was practiced in many tribes. Marriage was not the subject of any definite ethics, but a wife's position was clearly determined, and in her home she was mistress. The wigwam was usually known by the wife's name when it had any designation at all. Morally and intellectually the Indian was a contra- diction. He had the instinct of vengeance in an ex- traordinary degree. The pursuit of a foe during many years, and his ruthless slaughter at last, were deemed a moral proceeding. Allusion has been made more than once to Indian treachery. Certain tribes were very proud of their capacity in this direction, as tales told around the camp fire and recorded on high authority abundantly prove. The infliction of torture, under every conceivable circumstance of horror and atrocity, afforded the Indian the greatest of his many inducements to war. With some tribes, in fact, torture was a cult and they INDIANS ATTACKING A SETTLER'S HOME. AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 39 practiced it with diabolical inventiveness and ingenuity. CHAP. Of benevolence there was seldom any trace, and yet_ this must not be held to deny the existence of kindness within a given circle. The Indian could feel a sense of duty to persons of real or nominal relationship to him- self, but he had little sense of his duty to man as man. His myths and traditions show a kind of savage ethics, with here and there some glimmering of a noble idea obscured by the superstition that overgrows it. His theory of conduct had relation almost entirely to physical consequences. The dog was the companion of the Indian when Columbus came, but no other domestic animal was in his service. The buffalo was never tamed. ' JSTor did the red man know what to do with the ores that cropped richly to the surface of the ground he trod. It was as much as he could accomplish to shape a nugget by ham- mering it. Pottery, outside of the Pueblo region, never attained importance, although much serviceable ware was made by hand and decorated tastefully. Food was obtained in variety and often in abundance. The veg- etable kingdom yielded berries, fruits, maize, maple sugar, and even rice of an indigenous wild variety, and wild honey. Fish abounded, but certain tribes would not eat this sort of food. The innumerable creatures of the forest and prairie supplied the larder, and rendered want a consequence only of primitive savagery. Every investigator has been surprised by the great number of dialects prevailing among the North Ameri- can Indians. There has been much speculation as to the cause of the phenomenon, some referring it to the isolation of clans and tribes in so vast a space, while others think the mixture of tribes resulting from war- fare and vicissitudes must be held responsible. The folk-lore of the Indians throws little light on this matter, but it greatly illumines every other aspect of the original 40 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. American's existenee. It is thought significant of a _____ childish intellectual condition that the animal story is given so much prominence. The bear, the beaver, the buffalo, the coyote, and the grasshopper, were all sub- jects of an infinite number of fables. There seems to be some indefinite connection between this imaginative- ness and the language in which its imagery finds expres- sion. At any rate, a theory of this sort has given a decided impetus in recent years to the renewed study and classification of the folk-lore. The wealth of ma- terial is infinite. Tales of the wars among the buffaloes, of ghostly lovers, and star maids, or of the woman who married a tree, are, in this view of the case, sources of knowledge that may yet dispel much of the darkness in which the history of the pre-Columbian redskin is in- volved. There is but one detail, although it is an im- portant one, upon which anything like agreement pre- vails. The characteristic of the Indian was childishness. He was a child in his wars, in his religions, in the boy- like barbarities of which he was guilty. Precisely what the Indians could have had to go to war about prior to the time of Columbus it is difficult to imagine. Their wars nevertheless appear to have been long and bloody. By the beginning of the sixteenth century, the red man had evolved a military code of his own, and, of course, the presence of the white man did not retard his development as a fighter. The u braves " were a recognized element of standing and influence in the Indian village. They were the strongest and most active of the young men . "With more or less regularity, they set forth together or singly in pursuit of the foe. Their weapons on such expeditions were bludgeons, axes', slings, daggers, and scalping-knives. The manu- facture of these implements was inevitably crude, al- though skill of a certain primitive kind was not wanting. But the arrow of the Indian was a work of art. The AMERICAN PREHISTORIC RACES. 41 head of the arrow was usually of quartz, or white agate, CHAP or kindred substances, pointed with delicate precision into the acutest of barbs. This was fixed either to a stout quill or to a hardwood stick, or well- weigh ted rush, and the whole steadied for flight, when necessary, by a tail of feathers. The arrow-head was barbed at the back very often to prevent its easy withdrawal by a victim. Sometimes the arrow-head was made of bone. Sinew and thongs secured it to the stick. The bow was a long, curved piece of hickory, when- ever that wood was available. Otherwise any suitable material, even buffalo- horns and driftwood, could be made to serve. The string connecting the ends was mostly of gut, and was stretched with no more tautness than would permit the bending of the bow to the full. It was in the terrific force of the recoil thus produced that the deadliness of the arrow's flight originated. Nothing in aboriginal American life was so terribly impressive as the silent flight of a volley of arrows among the foe. The braves aimed from ambush when- ever possible. Their tactics enabled flight after flight of arrows to be poured with consummate skill and rapidity into the very center of a mass of panic-stricken victims. The arrows having been discharged, the next move- ment was a rush of the braves upon the enemy, provided the enemy were sufficiently weak and helpless. Then the scalping-knife came into requisition. Scalping was a simple process surgically, but it required much skill and experience to do it neatly and with speed. The brave seized the locks on top of his victim's head, made one round slash with the knife and ripped the skin from the skull. The scalp thereafter might dangle from the belt of the brave, or serve some other purpose of adornment. Its possession conveyed to the savage mind the idea of distinction, and to have many scalps in this fashion denoted a personality of importance. But no 42 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, military authority or rank seems to have accompanied these insignia of prowess, although they constituted a weighty claim to preferment in the tribe. Having no conception of the regiment, and little imperative need of discipline, the Indians entirely lacked war organization. Their movements were simply planned and cruelly executed. The silence of the forest soli- tudes and the stillness of evening furthered the perpe- tration of every imaginable treachery. The mother and her babes perished as they slept, whole villages were wiped out in a night, and ruin and desolation were everywhere. The tomahawk was a battle- ax with a stone head. This head was variously fashioned, sometimes consisting of a wedge-shaped stone, sharpened to a cutting edge and again being merely the pronged fragment of a deer- horn. The weapon thus produced was not unwieldy, and its deadliness was unquestionable. Burying the tomahawk symbolized peace to many tribes, as digging it up was equivalent to a proclamation of war. The Indian learned much from the European regarding war, and he taught much in return, the result being that peculiar form of hostility known in our early history as 1 i border warfare. ' ' The red man made, all things considered, a bad ally but a formidable foe. He changed sides at almost a moment's notice, and made peace as readily as he went to war. In some few tribes fighting was the business of a particular clan or clans, but the notion of a military caste was otherwise foreign to the Indian mind. The distinction between officers and men did not exist, the authority of the chief in actual battle having not the slightest relation to the course of events. Here again, however, the influence of the white man asserted itself, and the Indians of the colonial period had done much in the direction of a scientific military system. CHAPTEB III. SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. Sooth Sea. — First Voyage round the World. — Ponce de Leon. — Florida, Discorery and Attempt to settle. — Vasquez de Ayllon. — Conquest of Mexico and Peru. In a few years the Spaniards subdued and colonized the c hap most important islands of the West Indies. The poor timid natives were either murdered or reduced to slavery. 1606. Unheard-of cruelties in a short time wasted, and almost exterminated the entire race. Not satisfied with the possession of these islands, the Spaniards made further discoveries from time to time around the Gulf of Mexico ; they explored the southern part of the peninsula of Yucatan ; they planted a colony on the narrow Isthmus of Darien. Until this time, no 151 & settlement had been made on the Western Continent. When in search of gold, Nunez de Balboa, the govern- or of this colony, made an exploring tour into the interior, he ascended a high mountain, and from its top his eyes were greeted with the sight of a vast expanse of water extending away to the south, as far as the eye could reach. He called it the South Sea. But seven years later, Magel- 1520. Ian, a Portuguese mariner in the service of Spain, passed through the dangerous and stormy Straits which bear his name ; and sailing out into the great field of waters, found it so calm, so free from storms, that he called it the Pacific or peaceful ocean. Magellan died on the voyage, but his ship reached the coast of Asia, and thence returned home 4a 44 HISTOKY OF THE AMEBICAN PEOPLE. chap, to Spain by the Cape of Good Hope, thus realizing the L vision of Columbus, that the world was a globe, and could 1512. be sailed round. Juan Ponce de Leon, a former governor of Porto Kico, fit- ted out at his own expense three ships to make a voyage of discovery. He had heard from the natives of Porto Kico that somewhere in the Bahama Islands, was a fountain that would restore to the vigor of youth all those who should drink of its waters or bathe in its stream. This absurd story many of the Spaniards believed, and none more firmly than De Leon. He was an old man, and anxious to renew his youthful pleasures ; with eager hopes he hastened in search of the marvellous fountain. He did not find it, but in coasting along to the west of the islands, he came in sight of an unknown country. It appeared to bloom with flowers, and to be covered with magnificent forests. As this country was first seen on Easter Sunday, which the Spaniards call Pascua Florida, he named it Florida. With great difficulty he landed to the north of where St. Augustine now stands, and took formal possession of the country in the name of the Spanish sovereign. He sailed to the south along the unknown and dangerous coast, around the extreme point, Cape Florida, and to the south-west among the Tortugas islands. He received for his services the honor of being appointed Gov- ernor of Florida by the King of Spain, — rather an expen- sive honor, being based on the condition that he should colonize the country. A year or- two afterward, he attempted to plant a colony, but found the natives exceedingly hostile. They attacked him and his men with great fury — many were killed, the rest were forced to flee to their ships, and Ponce de Leon* himself was mortally wounded. He had been a soldier of Spain ; a companion of Columbus on his second voyage ; had been governor of Porto Rico, where he had oppressed the natives with great cruelty ; he had sought VASQUEZ DE AYLLON. 45 an exemption from the ills of old age ; had attempted to chap found a colony and gain the immortality of fame. But he returned to Cuba to die, without planting his colony or 1512 drinking of the fountain of youth. About this time was made the first attempt to obtain Indians from the Continent as slaves to work in the mines and on the plantations of Hispaniola or St. Domingo. The ignominy of this attempt belongs to a company of seven men, the most distinguished of whom was Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon. They went first to the Bahama Islands, from these they passed to the coast of the present State of South Carolina, landing at or near St. Helena Sound. The natives of this region knew not as yet what they had to fear from Europeans. They were, however, shy at first, but after presents had been distributed among them, they received the strangers kindly. They were invited to visit the ships. Curiosity overcame their timidity, and they went on board in crowds. The treacherous Spaniards immediately set sail for St. Domingo, regardless of the sorrows they inflicted upon the victims of their cruelty and avarice. Thus far their plot was successful ; soon how- 152a ever a storm arose, and one of the ships went down with all on board ; sickness and death carried off many of the captives on the other vessel. Such outrages upon the na- tives were common ; and instead of being condemned and punished, they were commended. Vasquez went to Spain, boasting of his expedition as if it had been praiseworthy. As a reward, he received from the Spanish monarch a commission to conquer the country. When he had expended his fortune in preparations, he set sail, and landed upon the coast. Bitter wrongs had been inflicted upon the natives, and their spirit was roused. They attacked him with great vigor, killed nearly all his men, and forced him to give up the enterprise. It is said that grief and disappointment hastened the death of Vasquez. 46 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap. The Spaniards were more successful elsewhere. The explorers of the west coast of the Gulf had heard of the 1620. famed empire of Mexico and its golden riches. As evi- dence of the truth of these marvellous stories, they exhib- ited the costly presents given them by the unsuspecting natives. Under the lead of Fernando Cortez, six hun- dred and seventeen adventurers invaded the empire ; and though they met with the most determined resistance, in the end Spanish arms and skill prevailed. Defeated at every point, and disheartened at the death of their em 1021. peror, Montezuma, the Mexicans submitted, and their em- 1821. pire became a province of Spain. Just three hundred years from that time, the province threw off the Spanish yoke, and became a republic. Kumor told also of the splendor and wealth of a great empire lying to the south, known as Peru. Pizarro, another daring adventurer, set out from Panama with only one hundred foot soldiers and sixty-seven horsemen to in- vade and conquer it. After enduring toil and labors almost unparalleled, he succeeded ; and that empire, con taining millions of inhabitants, wealthy, and quite civilized, 1581 was reduced to a province. Pizarro founded Lima, which became his capital. He oppressed the natives with great cruelty, and accumulated unbounded wealth drawn from mines of the precious metals, but after a rule of nine years he fell a victim to a conspiracy. Americus Vespucci OHA PTER IV. BNGUSH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES. John Cabot discovers the American Continent. — Enterprise of his son Se- bastian. — Voyages of Verrazzani and Cartier. — Attempts at Settlement. Whilst these discoveries, conquests, and settlements chap were in progress in the South, a series of discoveries was [_ going on in the North. 149Y. John Cabot, a native of Venice, residing, as a merchant, in Bristol, in the West of England, made application to Henry VII., the reigning sovereign, for permission to go on a voyage of discovery. The king gave to Cabot and his three sons a patent, or commission, granting them cer- tain privileges. This is said to be the most ancient state paper of England relating to America. As Henry VII. was proverbially prudent in money matters, he would not aid the Cabots by sharing with them the expense of the expedition, but he was careful to bind them to land, on their return, at the port of Bristol, and pay him one-fifth part of the profits of their trade. They were, in the name of the king, to take possession of all the territories they should discover, and to have the ex- clusive privilege of trading to them. Bristol, at this time, was the greatest commercial town in the West of England, and had trained up multitudes of hardy seamen. These seamen had become habituated to the storms of the ocean, by battling tempests in the Northern seas around Iceland, in their yearly fishing ex- cursions. It is quite probable they had there heard the 48 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, tradition, that at a remote period the Icelanders had dis- '_ covered a country to the west of their island. 1497. Cabot and his son Sebastian sailed almost due west, and before long discovered the American continent, it is supposed near the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude. What must have been their surprise to find, in the lati- tude of England, a land dreary with snow and ice, barren rocks, frowning cliffs, polar bears, and wild savages ! This discovery was made more than a year before Columbus, on his third voyage, saw the South American coast, at the mouth of the Orinoco. Thus the Western continent was discovered by pri- vate enterprise alone. The next year a voyage was under- taken for the purposes of trade, and also to ascertain if the country was suitable for making settlements. The king now ventured to become a partner in the speculation, and defrayed some of the expense. Sebastian Cabot sailed, with a company of three hundred men, for Labrador, and landed still further north than at his first voyage. The severity of the cold, though it was the commencement of summer, and the barrenness of the country, deterred him from remaining any length of time. He sailed to the South and explored the coast, till want of provisions forced him to return home. The family of the Cabots derived no benefit from their discovery, as the trade to those barren regions amounted to nothing. It is a matter of regret that so little is known of the many voyages of Sebastian Cabot. Around his name there lingers a pleasing interest. He is represented as being very youthful, not more than twenty years of age, when he went on his first voyage. Mild and courteous in his manners ; determined in purpose, and persevering in execution ; with a mind of extraordinary activity ; daring in his enterprises, but never rash or imprudent ; he won the hearts of his sailors by his kindness, and commanded their respect by his skill. Such was the VOYAGE OF VERRaZZANI. 49 man who, for more than fifty years, was the foremost in chap maritime adventure. He explored the eastern coast of 1 South America ; sailed within twenty degrees of the North 1497. Pole, in search of the North-Western passage ; and at dif- ferent times explored the eastern coast of this continent, from Hudson's straits to Albemarle sound. The Cabots had noticed the immense shoals of fish 1634 which frequented the waters around Newfoundland. The English prosecuted these fisheries, but to no great extent, as they continued to visit the Icelandic seas. French fish- ermen, however, availed themselves of the way opened by their rivals, and prosecuted them with great vigor. Plans for planting colonies in those regions were often proposed in France, yet nothing was done beyond the yearly visits of the fishermen. Francis I. was finally induced to attempt further explorations. For this purpose he employed Ver- razzani, a native of Florence, in Italy, a navigator of some celebrity, to take charge of an expedition. This was the first voyage, for the purpose of discovery, undertaken at the expense of the French government. Verrazzani sailed south to the Madeira Isles, and thence due west, in quest of new countries. On the passage he battled a terrible tempest, but at length saw land in the latitude of Wilmington, North Carolina. No good har- bor could be found as he coasted along to the south for one hundred and fifty miles. Then turning north, he cast anchor from time to time and explored the coast. The surprise of the natives and that of the voyagers was mu- tual ; the one wondered at the white strangers, their ships and equipments ; the other at the " russet color" of the simple natives ; their dress of skins set off with various rude ornaments and gaudy-colored feathers. The imagination of the voyagers had much to do with the report they made )f their discoveries. The groves, they said, bloomed with lowers, whose fragrance greeted them far from the shore, 50 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, reminding them of the spices of the East ; the reddish L color of the earth was, no doubt, caused by gold. 1634. The explorers examined carefully the spacious harbors of New York and Newport ; in the latter they remained fifteen days. They noticed the fine personal appearance of the natives, who were hospitable, but could not be in- duced to trade, and appeared to be ignorant of the use oi iron. They continued their voyage along the then name- less shores of New England to Nova Scotia, and still far- ther north. There the natives were hostile ; they had learned, by sad experience, the cruelty and treachery of white men. Gaspar Cortereal, a Portuguese, some years before, had visited their coast, stolen some of their friends, and sold them into slavery. They were willing to trade for instruments of iron or steel, but were very cautious, fearful of being again entrapped. After his return, Verrazzani published a narrative of his voyage, giving much more information of the country than had hitherto been known. On the ground of his dis- coveries, France laid claim to the territory extending from South Carolina to Newfoundland. 1584. Ten years after, an expedition was sent, under James Cartier, a mariner of St. Malo, to make further discoveries, with the ultimate design of founding a colony. His voyage was very successful ; he reached Newfoundland in twenty days ; passed through the Straits of Belle isle ; sailed to the south-west across a gulf and entered a bay ; which, from the extreme heat of the weather, he named Des Chaleurs. Coasting along still farther west, he landed at the inlet called Gaspe, where he took formal possession of the coun- try, in the name of his sovereign. This he did by plant- ing a cross, surmounted by the lilies of France, and bear- * ing a suitable inscription. Continuing his course still further west, he entered the mouth of a great estuary, into which he ascertained flowed an immense river, larger by far than any river in Europe. These explorations were Sebastian Cabot VOYAGE OF CAKTIEB 51 made during the months of July and August. It was now oi *ap. necessary for him to return home. His account of the climate as " hotter than that of 1584* Spain," and of the country as " the fairest that can pos- sibly be found ;" of its " sweet-smelling trees ;" of its " strawberries, blackberries, prunes and wild corn ;" its " figs, apples and other fruits," together with his descrip- tion of the great gulf and noble river, excited in France the most intense interest. Immediately plans were devised to colonize the coun- try. The court entered into the scheme. Some of the * young nobility volunteered to become colonists. By the following May the arrangements were completed. Cartier, " who was very religious," first conducted his company to the cathedral, where they received the bishop's blessing, then set sail, with high hopes of founding a State in what was then called New France. After a somewhat stormy passage, he reached the northern part of the gulf, on the day of St. Lawrence the 153& Martyr, in honor of whom it was named — in time, the name was applied to river also. The strangers were received hospitably by the natives. Cartier ascended the river in a boat to an island, on which was the principal Indian settlement. It was in the mild and pleasant month of September. He ascended a hill, at the foot of which lay the Indian village; he was enraptur- ed by the magnificent scene ; the river before him evidently drained a vast territory ; the natives told him " that it went so far to the west, that they had never heard of any man who had gone to the head of it." He named the hill Mont-Keal, Koyal-Mount ; a name since transferred to the island, and to the city. This country was in the same latitude with France ; he thought its climate must be equally mild, its soil equally fertile ; and that it might become the home of a happy and industrious people, and this beautiful island the centre of 0& HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAi*. an almost unbounded commerce. He did not know that 1_ God had sent the warm waters of the south through the 1535. Gulf Stream to the west of Europe ; that they warmed the bleak west winds, and made the delightful climate of his native France different from that in the same latitude in North America. 1 A rigorous winter dissipated his visions. His honest narrative of the voyage, and of the intense coldness of the climate, deterred his countrymen from making further attempts to colonize the country. There was no gold nor silver to be found — no mines of precious stones. What inducement was there for them to leave their fertile and beautiful France, with its mild and healthful climate, to shiver on the banks of the St. Lawrence ? 1640. Thus it remained for four years. Among many who thought it unworthy a great nation not to found a State on the shores of the magnificent gulf and river of the New World, was a nobleman of Picardy, Francis de la Roque, lord of Roberval. He obtained a commission from Fran- cis I. to plant a colony, with full legal authority as viceroy over the territories and regions on or near the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. These were to be known in his- tory under the ambitious name of Norimbega. Cartier was induced by Roberval to receive a commission as chief pilot of the expedition. They did not act in con- cert; both were tenacious of honor and authority, and they were jealous of each other. 1540. Cartier sailed the following spring, passed up the river, and built a fort near where Quebec now stands. To estab- lish a prosperous colony, virtue, industry, and perseverance must be found in the colonists. The first enterprise, com- 1 "The quantity of heat discharged over the Atlantic from the watert of the Gulf Stream in a winter's day, would be sufficient to raise the whole column of atmosphere that rests upon France and the British Isles, fr »m the freezing point to summer heat." Maury 1 s Physical Geography of the Sea, p. 61. ATTEMPTS AT SETTLEMENT. 53 posed of young noblemen and amateur colonists, failed, as chap might have been expected. In the second attempt they 1 went to the other extreme, — the colonists were criminals, 154*. drawn from the prisons of France. . During the winter Cartier hung one of them for theft ; put some in irons ; and whipped others, men and women, for minor faults. In the spring, just as Koberval himself arrived with a reinforcement, he slipped off to France, heartily disgusted with his winter's occupation. Koberval remained about a year, and then returned home, perfectly willing to resign the viceroyalty of Norimbega, and retire to his estates in Picardy. After a lapse of fifty years, a successful attempt was made by the French to coloniae the same territory. CHAPTER Y. DE SOTO AND THE MISSISSIPPI. chap. The name Florida was given by the Spaniards to the entire southern portion of the United States. Their at- 1539. tempts to conquer this territory had hitherto failed. For some unexplained reason, the most exaggerated stories were told of the richness of the country ; there was no evi- dence of their truth, yet they were implicitly believed. The success of Cortez in conquering Mexico, and of Pizarro in conquering Peru, excited the emulation of Ferdinand de Soto. He had been a companion of Pizarro ; had gained honor by his valor, and, in accordance with the morals of the times, had accumulated an immense amount of wealth by various means of extortion. Still it must be said in his favor, that he was, by far, the most humane of any of the Spanish officers who pillaged Mexico and Peru. Foreseeing the endless quarrels and jealousies of the Spaniards in Peru, he prudently retired to Spain with his ill-gotten gains. Ambition did not permit him to remain long in retire- ment. He panted for a name, for military glory, to sur- pass the two conquerors of the New World. He asked permission to conquer Florida^ at his own expense. The request was graciously granted by the Emperor, Charles Y. He also received an honor much more grateful to his am- bition ; he was appointed Governor of Cuba, and of all the countries he should conquer. THE LANDING AT TAMPA BAT. 55 The announcement that he was about to embark on chap. v. this enterprise, excited in Spain the highest hopes, — hopes of military glory and of unbounded wealth. Enthusiastic 1589 men said these hopes must be realized ; there were cities in the interior of Florida as rich, if not richer than those of Mexico or Peru ; temples equally splendid, to be plun- dered of their golden ornaments. Volunteers offered in crowds, many of noble birth, and all proud to be led by so renowned a chief. From these numerous applicants De Soto chose six hundred men, in " the bloom of life." The enthusiasm was so great, that it appeared more like a holiday excursion than a military expedition. He sailed for Cuba, where he was received with great distinction. Leaving his wife to govern the island, he sailed for Florida, and landed at Espiritu Santo, now Tampa bay. He never harbored the thought that his enterprise could fail. He sent his ships back to Cuba ; thus, in imi- tation of Cortez, he deprived his followers of the means to return. Volunteers in Cuba had increased his army to nearly one thousand men, of whom three hundred were horsemen, all well armed. Every thing was provided that De Soto's foresight and experience could suggest ; ample stores of provisions, and for future supplies, a drove of swine, for which Indian corn and the fruits of the forest would furnish an abundance of food. The company was provided with cards, that they might spend their " leisure time in gaming ;" a dozen of priests, that the *' festivals of the church might be kept," and her ceremonies rigidly per- formed ; chains for the captive Indians, and bloodhounds, to track and tear them in pieces, should they attempt to escape ; — incongruities of which the adventurers seemed unconscious. They now commenced their march through pathless forests. The Indian guides, who had been kidnapped on former invasions, soon learned that they were in search of gold. Anxious to lead them as far as possible from the 56 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. neighborhood of their own tribes, they humored their fan- cies, and told them of regions far away, where the precious 1540. metal was abundant. In one instance they pointed to the north-east, where they said the people understood the art of refining it, and sent them away over the rivers and plains of Georgia. It is possible they may have referred to the gold region of North Carolina. When one of the guides honestly confessed that he knew of no such country, De Soto ordered him to be burned for telling an untruth. From this time onward the guides continued to allure the Spaniards on in search of a golden region, — a region they were ever approaching, but never reached. At length the men grew weary of wandering through forests and swamps ; they looked for cities, rich and splendid, they found only Indian towns, small and poor, whose finest buildings were wigwams. They wished to return ; but De Soto was determined to proceed, and his faithful followers submitted. They pillaged the Indians of their provisions, thus rendered them hostile, and many conflicts ensued. They treated their captives with great barbarity ; wantonly cut off their hands, burned them at the stake, suffered them to be torn in pieces by the blood- hounds, or chained them together with iron collars, and compelled them to carry their baggage. They moved toward the south-west, and came into the neighborhood of a large walled town, named Mavilla, since Mobile. It was a rude town, but it afforded a better shel- ter than the forests and the open plains, and they wished to occupy it. The Indians resisted, and a tierce battle ensued. The Spanish cavalry gained a victory, — a victory dearly bought ; the town was burned, and with it nearly all their baggage. Meantime, according to appointment, ships from Cuba had arrived at Pensacola. De Soto would not confess thai he had thus far failed ; he would send no news until he DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI* 57 Had rivalled Cortez in military renown. They now diiected chap. their course to the north-west, and spent the following win- 1_ ter in the northern part of the State of Mississippi. From 1540. the Indian corn in the fields they obtained food, and made their winter quarters in a deserted town. When spring returned, a demand was made of the Chickasaw chief to furnish men to carry their baggage. The indignant chief refused. The hostile Indians deceived the sentinels, and in the night set fire to the village and attacked the Span- iards, but after a severe contest they were repulsed. It was another dear victory to the invaders ; the little they had saved from the flames at Mobile was now con- sumed. This company, once so " brilliant in silks and glittering armor," were now scantily clothed in skins, and mats made of ivy. Again they commenced their weary wanderings, and before many days found themselves on the banks of the Mississippi. De Soto expressed no feelings of pleasure or of admiration at the discovery of the magnificent river, with its ever-flowing stream of turbid waters. Ambition and avarice consume the finer feelings of the soul ; they destroy the appreciation of what is noble in man and beautiful in nature. De Soto was only anxious to cross the river, and press on in search of cities and of gold. A 1541 month elapsed before boats could be built to transport the horses. At length they were ready, and white men, for the first time, launched forth upon the Father of Waters. The natives on the west bank received the strangers kindly, and gave them presents. The Indians of southern Missouri supposed them to be superior beings — children of. the sun — and they brought them their blind to be restored to sight. De Soto answered them, " The Lord made the heavens and the earth : pray to Him only for whatsoevei ye need." Here they remained forty days ; sent out ex- plorers further north, who reported that buffaloes were so numerous in that region that corn could not be raised ; 53 HISTOEY OE THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap, that the inhabitants were few, and lived by hunting * They wandered two hundred miles further west ; then 1541. turned to the south, and went nearly as far, among In* dians who were an agricultural people, living in villages, and subsisting upon the produce of the soil. In this region another winter was passed. It was now almost three years since De Soto had landed at Tampa bay. With all his toil and suffering, he had accomplished 1542. nothing. In the spring, he descended the Wachita to the Ked river, and thence once more to the Mississippi. There he learned that the country, extending to the sea, was a waste of swamps, where no man dwelK His cup of disappointment was full ; his pride, which had hitherto sustained him, must confess that his enter- prise had been a failure. He had set out with highei hopes than any Spanish conqueror of the New World ; now his faithful band was wasted by disease and death. He was far from aid ; a deep gloom settled upon his spirit ; his soul was agitated by a conflict of emotions ; a violent fever was induced ; and when sinking rapidly, he called his followers around him, they, faithful to the last, im- plored him to appoint a successor : he did so. The next day De Soto was no more. His soldiers mourned for him ; the priests performed his funeral rites ; with sad hearts they wrapped his body in a mantle, and, at the silent hour of midnight, sunk it beneath the waters of the Mississippi. His followers again wandered for awhile, in hopes of getting to Mexico. Finally they halted upon the banks of the Mississippi ; erected a forge ; struck the fetters off their Indian captives, and made the iron into nails to build boats ; killed their horses and swine, and dried their flesh for ^provisions. When the boats were finished they launched them upon the river, and floated down iti stream to the Gulf of Mexico. 1672. After the lapse of one hundred and thirty years, the Mis- sissippi was again visited by white men of another nation CHAPTEB VI. THE REFORMATION AND ITS EFFECTS. From this period we find interwoven with the early his- cha? tory of our country a class of persons who were not mere ^ adventurers, seekers after gold or fame — but who sought 151 y here a home, where they might enjoy civil and religious liberty, and who held the principles of which we see the result in the institutions of the United States, so different in some respects from those of any other nation. This differ- ence did not spring from chance, but was the legitimate ef- fect of certain influences. What has made this younger member of the great family of governments to differ so much from the others ? What were the principles, what the in- fluences, which produced such men and women as our revolutionary ancestors ? The world has never seen their equals for self-denying patriotism ; for enlightened views of government, of religious liberty, and of the rights of con- science. When great changes are to be introduced among the nations of the earth, God orders the means to accomplish them, as well as the end to be attained. He trains the people for the change. He not only prepared the way for the discovery of this continent, but for its colonization by a Christian people. Fifty years before the first voyage of Columbus, the art of printing was invented — and twenty- five years after the same voyage, commenced the Keforma- tion in Germany under Martin Luther. The art of print- ing, by multiplying booka, became the means of diffusing 60 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, knowledge among men, and of awakening the human mind from the sleep of ages. One of the consequences of this 1517. awakening, was the Keformation. The simple truths 01 the Gospel had been obscured by the teachings of men. The decrees of the church had drawn a veil between the throne of God and the human soul. The priesthood had denied to the people the right of studying for themselves the word of God. The views of the Reformers were the reverse of this. They believed that God, as Lord of the conscience, had given a revelation of his will to man, and that it was the inherent right and privilege of every human being to study that will, each one for himself. They did not stop here : they were diligent seekers for truth ; the advocates of education and of free inquiry. Throwing aside the traditions of men, they went directly to the Bible, and taught all men to do the same. On the continent, the Reformation began among the learned men of the universities, and gradually extended to the uneducated people. In England, the common people were reading the Bible in their own language, long before it was the privilege of any nation on the continent.* Thus the English were prepared to enter into the spirit of the Reformation under Luther. Soon persecutions of the Re- formers arose ; with civil commotions and oppressions involving all Europe in war. These troubles drove the Huguenot from France and the Puritan from England, to seek homes in the wilderness of the New World. From the Bible they learned their high and holy prin- ciples ; fiery trials taught them endurance. They brought with them to our shores the spirit of the Reformation, the recognition of civil rights and religious liberty. These principles have been transmitted to us in our national institutions and form of government. * D'Aubigne'g Hist, of the Reformation, Vol. V. CHAPTER VII. THE HUGUENOTS IN THE SOUTH. their settlement destroyed. — The Colony of St. Augustine. — De Gourgw. Settlements in New France. — Champlain and his Success. While these contests were going on in Europe between chap the friends of religious liberty and the Roman Catholics, Coligny, the high-admiral of France, a devoted Protestant, 1562 conceived the idea of founding a colony in the New World, to which his persecuted countrymen might flee, and enjoy that which was denied them in their native land ; the inestimable privilege of worshipping God according to the dictates of their own conscience, enlightened by his holy word. The French government took no interest in the matter. Those influences were then at work, which a few years 1572 later produced their dire effect in the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew. Coligny, however, easily obtained a commission from Charles IX. Preparations were soon made, and the expedition sailed under the direction of John Ribault, a worthy man, and a sincere Protestant. They knew the character of the country and of the climate in the latitude of the St. Lawrence, and they wish- ed to find a region more fertile and a climate more genial. They made land in the vicinity of St. Augustine, Florida; then continued further north along the coast, and landed at Port Koyal entrance. They were delighted with the May country, its fine climate, its magnificent forests, fragrant 62 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C yjr P ' w * tn ^^ flowers ; but above all with the capacious har bor, which was capable of floating the largest ships. Here 15fi2. it was determined to make a settlement : a fort was built on an island in the harbor, and in honor of their sovereign called Carolina. Leaving twenty-five men to keep pos- session of the country, Eibault departed for France, with the intention of returning the next year with supplies and nlore emigrants. He found France in confusion ; civil war was raging with all its attendant horrors. In vain the colonists looked for reinforcements and supplies — none ever came. Disheartened, they resolved to return home ; they hastily built a brigantine, and with an insufficiency of provisions, set sail. They came near perishing at sea by famine, but were providentially rescued by an English bark. Part of these colonists wei? taken to France, and part to England, — there they told of the fine climate and the rich soil of the country they had attempted to colonize. We shall yet see the effect of this information in directing English enterprise. Two years after, there was a treacherous lull in the storm of civil discord in France ; Coligny again attempted to found a colony. The care of this expedition was intrust- ed to Laudoniere, a man of uprightness and intelligence, who had been on the former voyage. The healthfulness of the climate of Florida was represented to be wonderful : it was believed, that under its genial influence, human life was extended more than one-half, while the stories of the wealth of the interior still found credence. Unfortunately proper care was not exercised in selecting the colonists from the numerous volunteers who offered. Some were chosen who were not worthy to be members of a colony based on religious principles, and founded for noble pur- They reached the coast of Florida, avoided Port Koyal, 1564 the scene of former misery, and found a suitable location for a settlement on the banks of the river May, now called FORT CAROLINA. 63 the St. Johns. They offered songs of thanksgiving to God chap. for his guiding care, and trusted to his promises for the future. They built another fort, which like the first they 1564, called Carolina. The true character of some of the colo- June nists soon began to appear, — these had joined the enter- prise with no higher motive than gain. They were muti- nous, idle, and dissolute, wasting the provisions of the com- pany. They robbed the Indians, who became hostile, and refused to furnish the colony with provisions. Under the pretext of avoiding famine, these fellows of the baser sort asked permission of Laudoniere to go to New Spain. He granted it, thinking it a happy riddance for himself and the colony. They embarked, only to become pirates. The Spaniards, whom they attacked, took their vessel and made most of them slaves ; the remainder es- caped in a boat. They knew of no safer place than Fort Carolina. When they returned Laudoniere had them arrested for piracy ; they were tried, and the ringleaders condemned and executed ; — a sufficient evidence that their conduct was detested by the better portion of the colonists. Famine now came pressing on. Month after month passed away, and still there came no tidings — no supplies from home. Just at this time arrived Sir John Hawkins from the West Indies, where he had disposed of a cargo of negroes as slaves. He was the first Englishman, it is said, who had engaged in that unrighteous traffic. Though hard-hearted toward the wretched Africans, he manifested much sympathy for the famishing colonists ; supplied them with provisions, and gave them one of his ships. They continued their preparations to leave for home, when sud- denly the cry was raised that ships were coming into the An*. harbor. It was Ribault returning with supplies and fami- lies of emigrants. He was provided with domestic ani- mals, seeds and implements for cultivating the soil. The scene was now changed ; all were willing to remain, and 64 HISTOKY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. C vn P ' fc ^ e k°P e °^ f° un( ^ n o a French Protestant State in tha New World was revived. 1564. Philip II., the cruel and bigoted King of Spain, heard that the French — French Protestants — had presumed to make a settlement in Florida ! Immediately plans were laid to exterminate the heretics. The king found a fit instru- ment for the purpose in Pedro Melendez ; a man familiar with scenes of carnage and cruelty, whose life was stained with almost every crime. The king knew his desperate character ; gave him permission to conquer Florida at his own expense, and appointed him its governor for life, with the right to name his successor. His colony was to consist of not less than five hundred persons, one hundred of whom should be married men. He was also to introduce the sugar-cane, and five hundred negro slaves to cultivate it. The expedition was soon under way. Melendez first saw the land on the day consecrated to St. Augustine ; some days after, sailing along the coast, he discovered a fine harbor and river, to which he gave the name of that saint. From the Indians he learned where the Huguenots had estab- lished themselves. They were much surprised at the ap- pearance of a fleet, and they inquired of the stranger who he was and why he came ; he replied, " I am Melendez, of tept Spain, sent by my sovereign with strict orders to behead and gibbet every Protestant in these regions ; the Catholic shall be spared, but every Protestant shall die !" The French fleet, unprepared for a conflict, put to sea ; the Spaniards pursued but did not overtake it. Melendez then returned to St. Augustine. After a religious festival in honor of the Virgin Mary, he proceeded to mark out the boundaries for a town. St. Augustine is, by more than forty years, the oldest town in the United States. His determination was now to attack the Huguenots by land, and carry out his cruel orders. The French sup- posing the Spaniards would come by sea, set sail to meet them. Melendez found the colonists unprepared and de- THE MASSACRE. 65 fenceless ; their men were nearly all on board the fleet. A c *^ p - short contest ensued ; the French were overcome, and the fanatic Spaniards massacred nearly the whole number, — 1564. men, women, and children ; they spared not even the aged and the sick. A few were reserved as slaves, and a few escaped to the woods. To show to the world upon what principles he acted, Melendez placed over the dead this inscription : — " I do not this as unto Frenchmen, but as unto heretics." Mass was celebrated, and on the ground still reeking with the blood of the innocent victims of re- ligious bigotry and fanaticism, he erected a cross and marked out a site for a church — the first on the soil of the United States. Among those who escaped, were Laudoniere and Le Moyne, an artist, sent by Coligny to make drawings of the most interesting scenerv of the country ; and Challus, who afterward wrote an account of the calamity. When they seemed about to perish in the forests from hunger, they questioned whether they should appeal to the mercy of their conquerors. " No," said Challus, " let us trust in the mercy of God rather than of these men." After en- during many hardships, they succeeded in reaching two small French vessels which had remained in the harbor, and thus escaped to France. A few of their companions, who threw themselves upon the mercy of the Spaniards, were instantly murdered. While these scenes of carnage were in progress, a ter- rible storm wrecked the French fleet ; some of the soldiers and sailors were enabled to reach the shore, but in a des- titute condition. These poor men when invited, surren- dered themselves to the promised clemency of Melendez. They were taken across the river in little companies ; as they landed their hands were tied behind them, and they driven to a convenient place, where at a given signal they were all murdered. Altogether nine hundred persons perished by shipwreck and violence. It is the office of 66 HISTOBY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. chap, history to record the deeds of the past — the evil and the '_ good ; let the one be condemned and avoided, the othei 1504. commended and imitated. May we not hope that the day of fanatic zeal and religious persecution has passed away forever ? The French government was indifferent, and did not avenge the wrongs of her loyal and good subjects ; but the Huguenots, and the generous portion of the nation, were roused to a high state of indignation at such wanton, such unheard-of cruelty. This feeling found a representative in Dominic de Gourges, a native of Gascony. He fitted out, at his own expense, three ships, and with one hun- dred and fifty men sailed for Florida. He suddenly came upon the Spaniards and completely overpowered them. 1568. Near the scene of their former cruelty he hanged about two hundred on the trees ; placing over them the inscrip- tion, "I do not this as unto Spaniards and mariners, but as unto traitors, robbers, and murderers V Gourges im- mediately returned to France, when the u Most Christian' king set a price upon his head ; and he who had exposed his life, and sacrificed his fortune to avenge the insult offered to his country, was obliged to conceal himself to escape the gallows. Thus perished the attempt of the noble Coligny and the Huguenots to found a French Prot- estant State in the New World. After the unsuccessful expeditions of Cartier and Bo- berval, French fishermen, in great numbers, continued to visit the waters around Newfoundland. As the govern- ment had relinquished its claim to Florida, the idea was once more revived of colonizing on the shores of the St. Lawrence. 1557 The Marquis de la Koche obtained a commission for this purpose. His colonists, like those of Koberval, were crimi- nals taken from the prisons of France : like his, this enter- prise proved an utter failure. The efforts of some mer- PORT ROYAL SETTLEMENT. 67 chants, who obtained by patent a monopoly of the fur- c ^ p trade, also failed. At length, a company of merchants of Rouen engaged 1603. in the enterprise with more success. That success may be safely attributed to Samuel Cham plain, a man of compre- hensive mind, of great energy o* character, cautious in all nis plans ; a keen observer of the habits of the Indians, and an unwearied explorer of the country. In the latter part of this same year, a patent, exclu- sive in its character, was given to a Protestant, the excel- lent and patriotic Sieur De Monts. The patent conferred on him the sovereignty of the country called Acadie — a territory extending from Philadelphia on the south, to be- yond Montreal on the north, and to the west indefinitely. It granted him a monopoly of the fur-trade and other branches of commerce ; and freedom in religion to the Huguenots who should become colonists. It was enjoined upon all idlers, and men of no profession, and banished persons to aid in founding the colony. The expedition was soon under way in two ships. In due time they entered a spacious harbor on the western part of Nova Scotia, which they named Port Royal, since Annapolis. The waters abounded in fish, and the coun- try was fertile and level — advantages that induced some of the emigrants to form a settlement. Others went to an island at the mouth of the St. Croix, but the next spring 607 they removed to Port Royal. This was the first perma- nent French settlement in the New World; and these were the ancestors of those unfortunate Acadiens whose fate, nearly a century and a half later, forms a melancholy episode in American history. Among the influences exerted upon the Indians was that of the Jesuits, who, a few years afterward, were sent as missionaries to the tribes between the Penobscot and the Kennebec in Maine. These tribes became the allies of the French, and remained so during all their contests UNIVERsi-rY 68 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C yii 1 wit ^ t ^ ie ^ n gl* sn - De Monts explored the coast and riven of New England as far south as Cape Cod, intending 1608. somewhere in that region to make a settlement ; but disas- ter followed disaster, till the project was finally abandoned. Meantime, Champlain, whose ambition was to estab- lish a State, had founded Quebec, that is, it was the centre of a few cultivated fields and gardens. Huguenots were among the settlers ; they had taken an active part in the enterprise ; but there were also others who were of the Catholic faith. Soon religious disputes as well as commer- cial jealousies arose, which retarded the progress of the colony. Champlain, the soul of the enterprise, was not idle ; he made many exploring expeditions, and discovered 1609. * ne beautiful lake which bears his name. In spite of the quarrels between the Jesuits and the Huguenots, and the restlessness of the Indians and disappointments of various kinds, the persevering Champlain succeeded in establish- 1684. ing a French colony on the banks of the St. Lawrence. For one hundred and twenty years it remained under the dominion of his native France, and then passed into the hands of her great rival. CHAPTER VIII. ENGLISH ENTERPRISE. Sir Humphrey Gilbert. — The Fisheries. — St. Johns, Newfoundland. — Sir Walter Raleigh. — Exploring Expedition. — Virginia; failures to colo- nize. — Contest with Spain. — Death of Sir Walter. CHAP VIIL England never relinquished her claims to North Amer- ica ; they were based upon the discovery and explorations 1560. of Sebastian Cabot. According to the received rules of the times, she was right, as he was undoubtedly the 1497. first discoverer. For many reasons, she was not pre- pared to avail herself of these claims, till nearly ninety years after that discovery. This time was not passed by the English sailors in maritime idleness. During the reign of Henry VIIL, intercourse was kept up with the fisheries of Newfoundland, that school of English seamen, in which were trained the men who gave to that nation the suprem- acy of the ocean, — the element upon which the military glory of England was to be achieved. The king cherished his navy, and took commerce under his special protection. The reign of Mary, of bloody memory, saw the strug- gle commence between England and Spain for the suprem- acy on the ocean. She married Philip II., the most powerful monarch of the age : he designed to subject the English nation to himself, and its religion to the church of Rome. When this became known, the Protestant spirit rose in opposition. This spirit pervaded the entire people ; 1549 HISTOKY OF THE AMEEICAN PEOPLE. chap, they exerted their energies to the utmost. Instead of sub- mitting to the dictation of Spain, England boldly assumed 157C the position of an antagonist. There was a marked con- trast between the two nations. The navy of the one was immense, that of the other was small, but brave and effi- cient : the one drew her wealth from mines of gold and silver in the New World — the other obtained hers by the slow process of industry and economy. The one became proud and indolent, luxurious and imbecile — the other may have become proud, but certainly not indolent ; luxu- rious, but certainly not imbecile. On her accession, Queen Elizabeth pursued the policy of her father Henry VIII., towards her navy and com- From merce. While some of her subjects were trading by land with the east, others were on the ocean cruising against the Spaniards : some were prosecuting the fisheries around Newfoundland and in the seas northwest of Europe ; some were exploring the western coast of America, and the east- ern coast of Asia : others were groping their way among the islands of the extreme north, in a vain search for the north-west passage. Explorers were still haunted with the idea that mines of exhaustless wealth were yet to be found in the New World. Great was the exultation when a " mineral-man" of London declared that a stone brought by an English sailor from the Polar regions, contained gold. England was to find in the region of eternal snow mines of the pre- cious metal, more prolific than Spain had found in Mexico. Soon fifteen vessels set sail for this northern island, where there was " ore enough to suffice all the gold-gluttons of the world." They returned laden, not with golden ore, but 1578. with worthless yellow stones. Meanwhile, the fisheries around Newfoundland had be- come a certain, though a slow source of wealth. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a gentleman of distinction and of. up- right principles, obtained a commission from the Queen *o jO SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 71 plant a colony in the vicinity of these fisheries. He *&&? landed at St. Johns, Newfoundland, and there in the , presence of the fishermen of other nations, took formal Aug., possession of the territory in the name of his sovereign. He then passed further south, exploring the coast — but losing his largest ship with all on board, he found it necessary to sail for home. Only two vessels remained, one of which, the Squirrel, was a mere boat of ten tons, used to explore the shallow bays and inlets. The closing acts of Sir Hum phrey's life afford proofs of his piety and nobleness of char- acter. Unwilling that the humblest of his men should risk more danger than himself, he chose to sail in the boat rather than in the larger and safer vessel. A terrible storm arose ; he sat calmly reading a book — doubtless that book from which he drew consolation in times of sorrow and trial. To encourage those who were in the other vessel, he was heard to cry to them, " we are as near to heaven on sea as on land," — the reality of this cheering thought he * was soon to experience. That night, those on the larger vessel saw the lights of the little boat suddenly disappear. The next attempt at colonization was made by Gilbert's 1584 half-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, one of the noblest of that age of noble spirits : gallant and courteous in his manners; a scholar, a poet, a benefactor of his race ; his name should ever be held in grateful remembrance by the people of this country. He studied the art of war with Coligny, the high admiral of France. When in that country, he determined to plant a colony in those delightful regions from which the Huguenots had been driven by the hand of violence. He had learned from them of the charming climate, where winter lingered only for a short time, — where the magnifi- cent trees and fragrant woods bloomed during nearly all the year, — where the gushing fountains, noble rivers, and fertile soil invited the industrious to enjoy the fruits of their labor. When Sir Walter returned home from France, he found the people prepared to enter upon schemes of 72 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. °blap. colonization in the south. They, too, had heard of thost " delightful regions " from the Huguenots, who at sea had 1584. heen rescued from death, and brought to England. Ra- leigh without difficulty obtained a commission, granting him ample powers, as proprietor of the territories he was about to colonize. He first sent an exploring expedition, consisting of two ships, under Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow, to obtain more definite information of the country. They sailed the usual route, by the Canaries and the West Indies, came first upon the coast of North Carolina, landed upon one of the islands forming Ocracock inlet, and took formal possession of the country. They partially explored Albemarle and Pamlico sounds, and the islands and coast in the vicinity, and then sailed for home. They took with them two of the natives, Wanchese and Manteo ; the lat- ter was afterward very useful to the colonists as an inter- preter. Amidas and Barlow on their return, confirmed what the Huguenots had reported of the excellence of the country. They saw it in the month of July. They described the unruffled ocean, dotted with beautiful islands; the clearness of the atmosphere ; the luxuriant forests vocal with the songs of birds ; the vines draping the trees, and the grapes hanging in clusters. This sunny land, in all its virgin beauty, appeared to these natives of foggy England, as the very paradise of the world. Elizabeth, delighted with the description, named the country Virginia, in honor of herself, as she took pride in being known as the Virgin Queen. ^FlQ> It was not difficult now to obtain colonists ; soon a fleet of seven vessels was equipped, containing one hun- dred and eight persons, who intended to form a settle- ment. Sir Richard Grenville, a friend of Baleigh, and a man of eminence, commanded the fleet, and Ralph Lane was appointed governor of the colony. After a tedious voyage, they landed, in June, fifteen hundred and eighty- five, on an island called Koanoke, lying between Albemar 1585. ROANOKE ABANDONED. and Pamlico sounds. Before long they excited the enmity chap of the Indians. On one of their exploring expeditions, a _ silver cup was lost or stolen. The Indians were. charged June, with the theft ; perhaps they were innocent. Because it was not restored, Grenville, with very little prudence and less justice, set fire to their village and destroyed their standing corn. Little did he know the train of sorrow and death he introduced by thus harshly treating the Indians and making them enemies. A few weeks after the fleet sailed for England, unlawfully cruising against the Span- ish on the voyage. Governor Lane now explored the country, noticed the various productions of the soil, and the general character of the inhabitants. The colonists found many strange plants ; — the corn, the sweet potato, the tobacco plant, were seen by them for the first time. Lane was unfit for his station ; he became unreasonably suspicious of the Indians. With professions of friendship, he visited a prominent chief, and was hospitably received and entertained ; this kindness he repaid by basely mur- dering the chief and his followers. Men capable of such 153$ treachery were necessarily unfit to found a Christian State. Provisions now began to fail and the colonists to despond. Just at this time Sir Francis Drake, on his way home from the West Indies, called to visit the colony of his friend Baleigh. Though they had been but a year in the country, the 3olonists begged him to take them home. Drake granted their request. They were scarcely out of sight of land, when a ship, sent by Baleigh, laden with supplies, arrived. The colonists could not be found, and the ship returned to England. In a fortnight Grenville appeared with three ships ; not finding the colonists he als« returned home, unwisely leaving fifteen men to keep possession of the territory. Though disappointed Baleigh did not despair. The natural advantages of the country had failed to induce the HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, first company to remain. It was hoped, that if surrounded by social and domestic ties, future colonists would learn to 1586. look upon it as their true home. Sir Walter's second company was composed of emigrants with their families, who should cultivate the soil, and eventually found a State for themselves and their posterity. Queen Elizabeth pro fessed to favor the enterprise, but did nothing to aid it The expedition was fitted out with all that was necessary to form an agricultural settlement. Kaleigh appointed Jan John "White governor, with directions to form the settle- 1587. ment on the shores of Chesapeake bay. They came first to the Island of Koanoke, there to be- hold a melancholy spectacle — the bleaching bones of the July> men whom Grenville had left. All had become a desert. Doubtless they had been murdered by the Indians. Fer- nando, the naval officer in command of the fleet, refused to assist in exploring the shores of the Chesapeake, and the colonists were compelled to remain on the Island of Koanoke. The scene of two failures was to be the witness of a third. The Indians were evidently hostile. The colonists becoming alarmed, urged the governor to hasten Aug. to England and speedily bring them assistance. Previous to his leaving, Mrs. Dare, his daughter, and wife of one of his lieutenants, gave birth to a female child, — the first child of English parentage born on the soil of the United States ; it was appropriately named Virginia. White on his return found England in a state of great excitement. The Pope had excommunicated Queen Eliza- beth, and had absolved her subjects from their allegiance to her throne ; at the same time promising her kingdom to any Catholic prince who should take possession of it. The revengeful Philip, of Spain, that good son of the Church, had been for three years preparing an immense army and fleet, with which he intended to invade and con- quer England. The fleet was boastfully named the Invin- 1588. cible Armada. The English naval commanders flocked DEATH OF SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 75 CHAF VIII. Qome from every part of the world to defend their native land, and to battle for the Protestant religion. English seamanship and bravery completely triumphed. From 1688 that hour the prestige of Spain on the ocean was gone — it passed to England. It is not strange that in such exciting times the poor colonists of Koanoke were overlooked or for- gotten. As soon as the danger was passed, aid was sent ; but it came too late : not a vestige of the colony was to be found ; death had done its work, whether by the hand of the savage, or by disease, none can tell. What may have been their sufferings is veiled in darkness. Eighty years after, the English were told by the Indians that the Hat- teras tribe had adopted the colonists into their number. The probability is that they were taken prisoners and car- ried far into the interior. A few years before Sir Francis Drake had broken up the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine. Thus, one hundred years after the first voy- age of Columbus, the continent was once more in the pos • session of the Ked Men. Sir Walter Kaleigh had now expended nearly all his fortune ; yet, when he saw no prospect of ever deriving benefit from his endeavors, he sent several times, at his own expense, to seek for the lost colonists and to render them aid. Sir Walter's genius and perseverance prepared the way for the successful settlement of Virginia ; he had sown the seed, others enjoyed the harvest. The remainder of his life was clouded by misfortune. On the accession of James I., he was arraigned on a frivolous charge of high treason ; a charge got up by his enemies, never substantiated, and never believed by those who condemned him. On his trial he defended himself with a dignity and consciousness of innocence that excited the admiration of the world and put to shame his enemies. His remaining property was taken from him by the king, and for thirteen rears he was left to languish in the Tower of London ; 76 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHj^P- James not yet daring to order the execution of the patriot statesman,, who was an ornament to England and the age 1888# in which he lived. After the lapse of sixteen years the hour came, and Sir Walter met death on the scaffold with the calmness and dignity of an innocent and Christian 77 CHAPTER IX. THE SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. London and Plymouth Companies. — King James 1 Laws. — The Voyage and Arrival. — Jamestown. — John Smith ; his Character, Energy, Captivity, and Release. — Misery of the Colonists. — New Emigrants. — Lord Dela- ware. — Sir Thomas Gates. — Pocahontas ; her Capture and Marriage. — Yeardley. — First Legislative Assembly. The bold and energetic Elizabeth was succeeded by the CHAP timid and pedantic James I. To sustain herself against { the power of Spain, she had raised a strong military force, leoa. both on sea and land. But James had an instinctive dread of gunpowder, he was in favor of peace at all hazards, even at the expense of national honor. He dis- banded the greater portion of the army, and dismissed many of those employed in the navy. These men, left without regular employment, were easily induced to try their fortunes as colonists in Virginia. They were not good material, as we shall see, but they prepared the way for better men, and ultimately for success. Sir Walter Raleigh having sacrificed his fortune in fruitless attempts to found a colony, had induced some gentlemen to form a company, and engage in the enterprise. To this com- pany he had transferred his patent, with all its privileges, on very liberal terms. The company manifested but little energy : they had neither the enthusiasm nor the liberality of Sir Walter. England claimed the territory from Cape Fear, in North Carolina, to Newfoundland, and to the West indefinitely HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C nf ' ^is terr itory King James divided into two parts : South , Virginia, extending from Cape Fear to the Potomac ; and 1G06. North Virginia, from the mouth of the Hudson to New- foundland. There were now formed two companies : one known as the London Company, principally composed of " noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants," residing in Lon- don ; the other the Plymouth Company, composed of " knights, gentlemen, and merchants," living in the West of England. To the London Company James granted South Virginia, to the Plymouth Company North Vir- ginia. The region between the Potomac and the mouth of the Hudson was to be neutral ground, on which the companies were at liberty to form settlements within fifty miles of their respective boundaries. The London Company was the first to send emigrants. King James was enamored of what he called king- craft. He believed that a king had a divine right to make and unmake laws at his own pleasure, and was bound by no obligation, — not even to keep his own word. In main- taining the former of these kingly rights, James sometimes found difficulty; he was more successful in exercising the latter. He took upon himself the authority and labor of framing laws for the colony about to sail. These laws are a fair specimen of his kingcraft. They did not grant a single civil privilege to the colonists, who had no vote in choosing their own magistrates ; but were to be governed by two councils, both appointed by the king, — one resid- ing in England, the other in the colony. In religious mat- ters, differences of opinion were forbidden ; all must con- form to the rites of the church of England. The Indians were to be treated kindly, and if possible, converted to Christianity. 1607 Three ships were sent with one hundred and five emi- grants ; of the whole number, not twenty were agricul- turists or mechanics, — there was not a family nor a woman in the company. The great majority were gentlemen, 8 SETTLEMENT OF JAMESTOWN, 79 term then applied to those who had no regular employment, chap • » Jut but spent their time in idleness and dissipation. The names of those who were to form the governing 1607. council, together with their instructions, were, by order of the king, foolishly sealed up in a box, there to remain until they were ready to form a government. Thus when dis- sensions arose on the voyage, there was no legal authority to restore harmony. Captain Newport, who commanded the expedition, came first upon the coast of North Carolina, intending to visit the island of Koanoke, the scene of Kaleigh's failures, but a storm suddenly arose, and fortunately drove him north into Chesapeake bay. The little fleet soon entered a large river, and explored its stream for fifty miles — then on the thirteenth of May, one thousand six hundred and May seven, the members of the colony landed, and determined 18, to form a settlement. The river was named James, and the settlement Jamestown, in honor of the king ; while the capes at the entrance of the bay, were named Charles and Henry, in honor of his sons. In every successful enterprise, we observe the power of some one leading spirit. In this case, the man worthy the confidence of all, because of his knowledge, and natural superiority of mind, was Captain John Smith, justly styled the " Father of Virginia." Though but thirty years of age, he had acquired much knowledge of the world. He had travelled over the western part of Europe, and in Egypt; had been a soldier in the cause of freedom in Holland ; had fought against the Turks in Hungary, where he was taken prisoner, and sent to Constantinople as a slave. He was rescued from slavery by a Turkish lady, conveyed to the Crimea, where he was ill-treated ; his proud spirit resisted, he slew his oppressor and escaped, wandered across the continent, and returned to England just as plans were maturing to colonize Virginia. He entered into the enter- prise with his habitual energy. His cool courage, hie SO HISTOET OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. uhap. knowledge of human nature, civilized and savage, — but 1_ above all, his honesty and common sense, fitted him for the 1607. undertaking. The superiority of Smith excited the envy and jealousy of those who expected to be named members of the coun- cil, when the mysterious box should be opened. On false and absurd charges he was arrested and placed in confine- ment. The box was opened — the king had appointed him one of the council. An effort was made to exclude him, but he demanded a trial ; his accusers, unable to substan- tiate their charges, withdrew them, and he took his seat. Wingfield, an avaricious and unprincipled man, was chosen president of the council and governor of the colony. When these difficulties were arranged, Newport and Smith, accompanied by some twenty men, spent three weeks in exploring the neighboring rivers and country. They visited Powhatan, the principal Indian chief in the vicinity — " a man about sixty years of age, tall, sour, and athletic. ,, His capital of twelve wigwams, was situated at the falls of James river, near where Kichmond now stands. His tribe seems to have been fearful and suspicious of the intruding white men from the very first — impressed, it may be, with a foreboding of evil to come. Soon after, Newport sailed for home, leaving the colo- June nists in a wretched condition. Their provisions nearly all spoiled, and they too idle to provide against the effects of the climate — much sickness prevailed, and more than half the company died before winter. To add to their distress, it was discovered that Wingfield had been living upon their choicest stores, and that he intended to seize the remainder of their provisions, and escape to the West Indies. The council deposed him, and elected Katcliffe president. The change was not for the better ; he was not more honest than Wingfield, and mentally less fit for the station. In this emergency the control of affairs passed by tacit consent into the hands of Smith. He knew SMITH A PRISONER. 8a from the first what was needed for the colony. As it was c ^ p< now too late in the season to obtain food of their own rais- ing, he had recourse to trading with the Indians for corn. 1607. Toward the close of autumn, an abundance of wild fowl furnished additional provisions. The colony thus provided Deo. for, Smith further explored the neighboring rivers and country. In one of these expeditions he ascended a branch of the James river, and leaving the boat in care of his men, took with him his Indian guide, and struck out into the forest. Finding himself pursued by the Indians, he fas- tened Ins guide to his arm as a shield against their arrows, and defended himself with great bravery, but at length sinking in a swamp, he was taken prisoner. His captors regarded him with strange wonder ; his cool courage and self-possession struck them with awe. He, aware of the simplicity and inquisitiveness of the savage character, showed them his pocket compass. They wondered at the motion of the needle, and at the strange transparent cover, which secured it from their touch. Was their captive a superior being ? — was he friendly to themselves ? — how should they dispose of him ? — were questions that now per- plexed them. They permitted him to send a letter to NW& Jamestown. The fact that he could impress his thoughts upon paper, and send them far away, they regarded as strong proof of his superiority. He was led from place to place, to be gazed at by the wondering natives of the forest. For three days they performed powwows, or religious ceremonies, in order to learn from the spirit world some- thing of his nature and intentions. Finally, he was sent to Powhatan, to be disposed of as he should decide. The Indian chief received him with a great display of savage pomp, but decided that he must die. Preparations were made, but the eventful life of Smith was not destined to be closed by the war-club of the savage. The heart of Pocahontas, a young daughter of Powhatan, a girl of ten or twelve vears of age, was touched with sympathy and HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. pity. She pleaded with her father for his life. She clung tenderly to him as he bowed his head to receive the fata] 1008. stroke. Her interposition was received by the savages as an indication of the will of heaven, and the life of Smith was spared. Her people have passed away — most of their names are forgotten, but the name of Pocahontas, and the story of her generous deed, will ever be honored and re- membered. The Indians now wished to adopt Smith into their number : they strove to induce him to join them against the English. He dissuaded them from an attack upon Jamestown, by representing to them the wonderful effects of the "big guns." After an absence of seven weeks, he Jan w &s permitted to return. He had obtained much valuable information of the country, of its inhabitants, their lan- guage and customs. He found the colony reduced in number to forty — in want of provisions, and in anarchy and confusion, while some were making preparations to desert in the pinnace ; this he prevented at the risk of his life. The famishing colonists were partly sustained through the winter by the generous Pocahontas, who with her companions almost every day brought them baskets of corn. In the spring, Newport returned with another com- pany of emigrants ; like the first, " vagabond gentlemen," idlers, and gold-hunters. These gold-hunters lighted upon some earth, glittering with yellow mica ; they thought it golden ore. Every thing else was neglected ; the entire company engaged in loading the ships with this useless earth. What a blessing to England and the colony that it was not gold ! (While the people of Jamestown were thus foolishly em- ployed, Smith explored the harbors and rivers of Chesa- peake bay, and established friendly relations with the Indians along its shores. From them he learned of the Mohawks, who " made war upon all the world '* On h^ UNWORTHY EMIGRANTS. 83 return, he was, for the first time, formally elected Presi- 0H1* dent of the Council. Industry was now more wisely , directed ; but in the autumn came another company of 1608. idle and useless emigrants. Smith, indignant that his efforts to improve the colony should thus be frustrated, wrote to the council to send him but a few husbandmen and mechanics, and " diggers up of trees' roots," rather than a thousand such men as had been sent. The com- plaint was just. During two years they had not brought under cultivation more than forty acres of land, while the number of able-bodied men was more than two hun- dred. The energetic arm of Smith was soon felt. The first law he made and enforced was, that " He who would not work should not eat f the second, that " Each man for six days in the week should work six hours each lay." In England, about this time, an unusual interest was May, manifested in the colony ; subscriptions were made to its stock, and the charter materially changed. The council was now chosen by the stockholders of the company, in- stead of being appointed by the king. This council ap- pointed the governor, but he could rule with absolute authority. Not a single privilege was yet granted the colonist : his property, his liberty, his life were at the dis- posal of the governor ; and he the agent of a soulless cor- poration, whose only object was gain. The company had expended money, but the course they themselves pursued prevented their receiving a return. Instead of sending the industrious and virtuous, they sent idlers and libertines ; instead of farmers and mechanics, they sent gold-seekers and bankrupt gentlemen. Instead of offering a reward to industry they gave a premium to idleness, by making the proceeds of their labor go into a common stock. The new charter excited so great an interest in the cause, that a fleet of nine ships was soon under way, con- taining more than five hundred emigrants, and, for the 1609, £4 ±LL»TOftY 0* THE AME1UCA.N PEOPLE. ohap. first time, domestic animals and fowls. Lord Delaware, a ix. . . nobleman of excellent character, was appointed governor 1609 for life. As he was not prepared to come with this com- pany, he nominated Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Newport, to act as his commissioners until his own arrival. Seven of the vessels came safely, but the ship on which the commissioners embarked, with another, was wrecked on one of the Bermuda islands. This company of emigrants appears to have been worse than any before. As the commissioners had failed to reach the colony, these worthies refused to submit to the author- ity of Smith, the acting President, contending that there was no legalized government. But these men, who " would rule all or ruin all," found in him a determined foe to dis- order and idleness ; he compelled them to submit. Un- fortunately, just at this time, he was injured by an acci- dental explosion of gunpowder, and obliged to return to England for surgical aid. He delegated his authority to George Percy, a brother of the Duke of Northumberland. And now the man who had more than once saved the colony from utter ruin, bade farewell to Virginia forever ; from his arduous labors he derived no benefit, but ex- Q ct perienced at the hands of the company the basest in- gratitude. During the administration of Smith the Indians were held in check ; he inspired them with confidence and respect. When the colonists " beat them, stole their corn, and robbed their gardens," they complained to him, and he protected their rights. After his departure, they formed a plan to cut off the white men at a single blow ; but Pocahontas, that good genius of the English, came at night, in a driving storm, to Jamestown, revealed the plot, and saved the colony. L610. What the Indians failed to do, vice and famine nearly accomplished. In six months after the departure of Smith, of the four hundred and ninety colonists only sixty were EMIGRANTS AND SUPPLIES. 85 a ring, and they would have perished in a few days had ^hap they not obtained relief. Sir Thomas Gates, and those who were wrecked with him, found means to build a 1611. small vessel, in which, at this crisis, they reached James 2 ^ y river. They were astonished at the desolation. They all determined to abandon the place and sail to New- foundland, and there distribute themselves among the fishermen. They dropped down the river with the tide, leaving the place without a regret. What was their sur- prise the next morning to meet Lord Delaware coming in with more emigrants and abundance of supplies. They re- turned with a favoring wind to Jamestown the same night. From this tenth day of June, one thousand six hun- 1611. dred and eleven, the colony began, under more favorable cir- cumstances, to revive. Other influences moulded their characters. They acknowledged God in all their ways, and their paths were directed by His providential care. Under the just administration of the excellent Delaware, factions were unknown ; each one was disposed to do his duty. Before they commenced the labors of the day, they met in their little church to implore the blessing of heaven. The effects were soon visible in the order and comfort of the community. They cheered their friends in England : " Doubt not," said they, " God will raise our state and build his Church' in this excellent clime." In about a year, failing health compelled Lord Delaware to return to England. He left Percy, Smith's successor, as his representative. The next year Sir Thomas Gates arrived, with six Aug. ships and three hundred emigrants ; a majority of whom were of a better class, temperate and industrious in their habits. A measure was now introduced which produced the greatest effect on the well-being of the colony : to each man was given a portion of land, which he was to culti- vate for himself. The good result of this was soon seen in the abundance of provisions. The colony became so pros- i6ia 86 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, perous that some of the neighboring tribes of Indians V wished to be " called Englishmen," and to be subjects of 1612. King James. Some of the colonists, however, manifested neither gratitude nor justice toward the natives. A neigh- boring chief was won by the gift of a copper kettle to be- tray into the hands of Captain Argall, Pocahontas, that faithful friend of the colony. Argall had the meanness to demand of her father a ransom. For three months the indignant Powhatan did not deign to reply. Meantime Pocahontas received religious instruction : her susceptible heart was moved, she became a Christian and was baptized ; she was the first of her race " who openly renounced her country's idolatry." John Kolfe, a pious young man, of " honest and discreet carriage," became interested in the youthful princess ; he won her affections and asked her in marriage. Powhatan was delighted. This marriage con- ciliated him and his tribe, and indeed gave general satis- faction, except to King James, who was greatly scandal- ized that any man, but one of royal blood, should presume to marry a princess. Rolfe took his wife to England, where she was much caressed. She never again saw her native land. Just as she was leaving England for Vir- ginia she died, at the early age of twenty-two. She Jeft one son, whose posterity count it an honor to have de- scended from this noble Indian girl. Sir Thomas Dale introduced laws, by which private individuals could become proprietors of the soil. The land- holders directed their attention almost exclusively to the raising of tobacco, which became so profitable an article oi export, that it was used as the currency of the colony. At one time, the public squares and streets of Jamestown werjB planted with tobacco, and the raising of corn sc much neglected, that there was danger of a famine. lllfa After a rule of two years, Dale resigned and returned to England, leaving George Yeardley as deputy-governor During his administration, industry and prosperity con- HOUSE OF BURGESSES. 87 tinned to increase. Under the influence of a faction, chap Yeardley was superseded by the tyrannical Argall, but in two years his vices and extortion, in connection with frauds Jan., upon the company, procured his dismissal, and the people once more breathed freely under the second administration of the benevolent and popular Yeardley. Although the colony had been in existence twelve years, it contained not more than six hundred persons, and they appeared to have no settled intention of making the country their permanent home. Efforts were still made to send emigrants, twelve hundred of whom came in one year, and every means were used to attach them to the soil. At different times the company sent over more than one hundred and fifty respectable young women, who be- came wives in the colony, their husbands paying the ex- pense of their passage. This was paid in tobacco, the cost of each passage varying from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty pounds. It was deemed dishonorable not to pay a debt contracted for a wife ; and to aid the husbands, the government, in giving employment, preferred married men. Thus surrounded by the endearments of home and domestic ties, the colonists were willing to remain in the New World. Governor Yeardley was " commissioned by the com- pany " to grant the people the right to assist in making their own laws, for which purpose they could hold an Assembly once a year. In July, one thousand six hundred and nineteen, met the House of Burgesses, consisting of twenty- two members chosen by the people. A peculiar interest is attached to this first Legislative Assembly in the New World. The laws enacted exhibit the spirit of the people. " Forasrnuche," said the Assembly, "as man's affaires doe little prosper when God's service is neglected, we invite Mr. Bucke, the minister, to open our sessions by pray er, — that it would please God to sanctifie all our m-oceedinges to his owne glory and the good of this plan- tation." They passed laws against vices and in favor of 88 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. °HAP. industry and good order. V In detestation of idleness,' the idler was " to be sold to a master for wages till he 1619. shewe apparent signes of amendment." Laws were made against playing of dice and cards, drunkenness, and other vices ; and to promote the " planting of come," of vines, of mulberry trees, and the raising of flax and hemp. They made provision " towards the erecting of the University and College." This was designed for the education oi their own children, as well as for " the most towardly boyes in witt and graces" of the " natives' children." The gov- ernor and council sat with the Assembly, and took part in its deliberations. It was granted that a " generall Assem- bly should be held yearly once," " to ordain whatsoever laws and orders would be thought good and profitable for our subsistence." ' This right of the people to have a voice in making their own laws, was rigidly maintained until it found its full fruition in the institutions established one hundred and fifty years afterward by the Kevolution. Emigration from England was greatly stimulated ; in a few years the population numbered nearly four thousand, while the inducements to industry and general prosperity increased in the same proportion. The company granted a written constitution, under which the people could have a legisla- tive assembly of their own choosing. It was necessary that the laws passed by the colonial legislature should be sanctioned by the company in England. As a check to royal interference, no laws emanating from the court could be valid, unless ratified by the House of Burgesses. Thus it continued until the dissolution of the London com- pany, when King James arbitrarily took away its charter. Art. IX., Vol. III., Part 1. Second Series of Collections of the New York Historical Society. The " Reporte" of the proceedings of this " First Assembly of Virginia," was discovered among the papers of the British State Paper Office. All trace of it had been lost for perhaps more than two centuries; at length a search, instituted by Ba^ - r ft the historian, was sue cessful. OHAPTEB X. COLONIZATION OF NEW ENGLAND. first roy ages to. — Plymouth Company. — Explorations of John Smith. — Thi Chnrch of England. — The Puritans. — Congregation of John Robinson. — 11 Pilgrims" in Holland. — Arrangements to emigrate. — The Voyage. — A Constitution framed on board the May-Flower. — Landing at Plym- outh. — Sufferings. — Indians, Treaties with. — " Weston's Men. n — Thanksgiving. — Shares of the London Partners purchased. — Democratic Government. The usual route to America had been by the Canaries and chajt the West Indies. Bartholomew Gosnold was the first . navigator who attempted to find a shorter one, by sailing 1602. directly across the Atlantic. His effort was crowned with success : after a voyage of seven weeks, he came upon the coast in the vicinity of Nahant. Coasting along to the south, he landed upon a sandy point, which he named Cape Cod ; and passing round it he discovered Martha's Vine- yard, and several other islands in the vicinity. While he explored the coast he also traded with the natives, and when he had obtained a cargo of sassafras root, which in that day was much valued for its medicinal qualities, he sailed for home. The voyage consumed but five weeks, thus demonstrating tne superiority of the new route. Gosnold, who saw the country in the montls of May and June, was eu raptured with its appearance — its forests blooming with shrubs and flowers; its springs of pure fresh water, and little lakes; its beautiful islands nestling among *0"ally beautiful bays along the coast. His description, 90 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, together with the shortness and safety of the voyage, led mmm to many visits and minor discoveries by Martin Pring and 1607. others, all along the coast of New England. The Plymouth Company, of which mention has been made, attempted to form a settlement at the mouth of the Kennebec in Maine. The rigors of a severe winter, and the death of their president, so discouraged the colonists, that they abandoned the enterprise, and returned to England. A few years afterward, Smith, whose valuable services we have seen in Virginia, undertook to explore the coun- try. He constructed a map of the eastern portion, and noted the prominent features of the territory. The coun- 1614. try he named New England — a name confirmed by the Prince of Wales, afterward Charles I. After Smith left for England, his associate, a captain named Hunt, treacher- ously enticed twenty-seven of the natives with their chief, Squanto, on board his ship, then set sail. He sold these victims of his avarice into slavery in Spain. A few of them were purchased by some friars, who kindly taught them, in order to send them back as missionaries to their countrymen. Among this number was Squanto. In this age, we are unable to appreciate fully the trials and sufferings experienced by the explorers and first settlers of this continent. When we remember the frailty of the vessels in which their voyages were made, the perils of the unexplored ocean, the dangers of its unknown coasts, the hostility of the wily savage, the diseases of an untried climate, the labor of converting the primitive forests into cultivated fields, we may well be astonished that such dif- ficulties were ever overcome. We have now co narrate the causes which led to the settlement of New England. Previous to the time of Henry VIII. the clergy and government of England had been in religious matters the implicit subjects of the church of Rome. While this may be said of the clergy it was dif- ferent with great numbers of the people. The spirit of THE EXILES RETURN HOME. 91 religious truth was pervading their minds and moulding chap their character. They read the Bible in their own Ian- , guage, discussed freely its truths, and compared them with 1525 the doctrines and practices of the Komish church. The Pope claimed to be the temporal and spiritual head of the church, and by virtue of this claim to depose princes oi absolve subjects from their allegiance. Henry wished t( be divorced from his queen in order to marry another ; but the Pope, to whom he applied, as the highest authority, hesitated to dissolve the marriage. The angry king, when threatened with excommunication, repudiated the Pope and his authority, and declared the English church inde- 1584* pendent of that of Rome. Parliament afterward confirmed by law what the king in a fit of anger had done, and recognized him as the head of the church in his own do- minions. Thus England, by the act of her own govern- ment, became Protestant. True reformation in religion does not apply so much to its external form, as to its effect upon the hearts and consciences of men. That portion of the English people who had learned this truth from the Word of God, recognized no human being as the head of his church ; they received Christ alone as the Head of his own church, and they refused to acknowledge the pretensions of the king. For the maintenance of this belief they were 155a persecuted through a series of years : during the reign of Henry for not admitting his a ithority in spiritual matters ; during the reign of his daughter Marv, still more fiercely, for denying the authority of the church of Kome. Many at the stake sealed their faith with their lives, and many fled to foreign lands. After the leath of Mary the persecuting fires were ex- tinguished, and the accession of Elizabeth was the signal for the exiles to return home. They came back with more enlightened views of the rights of conscience and of free inquiry. Of these* some were Presbyterians, some Con- gregationalists, and others members of the Established 92 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CH x ? ' C nurcn - They demanded a more pure and spiritual wor- ship than that of the church of England.. For this they 1658. were in derision called Puritans — a name which they soon made respected, even by their enemies. Elizabeth was a Protestant, but she was far from being a Puritan. She wished to have a church that should reconcile all parties, whose ceremonies should be a happy medium be- tween the showy church of Rome and the simple form of worship asked for by the Puritans. She contended stren- uously for her headship of the church, while the Puritan rejected the presumptuous doctrine. She demanded of her subjects implicit obedience to her in religious matters : the Puritan took the high ground that it was his right to worship God according to his own conscience. Severe laws were passed from time to time, and they were enforced with unrelenting cruelty. All were en- joined to conform to certain ceremonies in worship. Those who did not comply were banished ; if they returned with- 160*. out permission, the penalty was death. The person accused was compelled to answer on oath all questions, whether per- taining to himself or to his fellow-worshippers. Ministers who would not comply with these laws were driven from their parishes ; the members of their congregations were " beset and watched night and day ;" if they were de- tected in listening to their deprived ministers, or were absent a certain length of time from the services of the Established Church, they were fined and imprisoned, and punished in various ways. To avoid the effects of such intolerable laws, many bade farewell to their native land, and Holland and Switzerland became the asylum of some of the noblest men and women of England. Thus the contest had raged for nearly forty years, when, in the latter part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Puritans began to hope that the dark clouds of persecu- tion which had so long overshadowed the land would be dispelled under her successor, James I., who was edu- CONGREGATION OF JOHN BOBINSON. 93 cated in Scotland, principally under Presbyterian influ- °^ p ence. They had reason to believe he would protect them id the exercise of their form of worship. They were grossly 1008 deceived, and cruelly disappointed. When it was for his interest, James professed to be very favorable to the Ref- ormation, and more especially to the Puritan form. Upon one occasion, standing with his hands lifted up to heaven, he " praised God that he was king of such a kirk — the purest kirk in all the world ; " adding, " As for the kirk of England, its service is an evil said mass." Such was the language of James just before he became king. The mo- ment he ascended the throne he threw off the mask, and openly proclaimed his famous maxim, " No bishop, no king." The Puritans humbly petitioned him for a redress of grievances ; he treated them with the greatest con- tempt. Said he to his bishops : "I will make them con- form, or I will harry them out of the land, or else worse : only hang them — that's all." During all these years they hoped for better times, and were unwilling to separate from the church of their fathers ; but suffering and persecution at length brought that hour. Hitherto individuals and families had gone into exile ; but now, in the north of England, a pastor, with all his con- gregation, determined to leave their homes and flee to Holland, where there was already a church of English exiles. This was the congregation of John Robinson. These poor people were harassed by the minions of the king and clergy, and subjected to the petty annoyances dictated by religious intolerance. Preparations were made for them to leave. As they were about to sail, the officers of the government, with the connivance of the captain of 160& the ship, came on board the vessel, and arrested the whole company ; searched their persons, took possession of their effects, and carried them to prison; men, women, and children. In a short time most of them were released ; only seven persons were brought to trial. They also 94 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap were liberated. The court could not convict them oi x. crime. 1608. The members of the congregation persevered ; and soon they engaged a Dutch captain to take them from an un- frequented common. The women and children were to be taken to the place of embarkation in a small boat, the men to go by land. The latter reached the ship, and were taken on board. The boat containing the women and children was stranded, and before it could be got off they were seized by a party of their enemies. The cap- tain, lest he should become involved in difficulties with the English authorities, sailed immediately, taking with him the men, overwhelmed with grief for their defenceless wives and children in the hands of their cruel oppressors. The poor women and helpless children were dragged, suf- fering from cold, hunger, and fear, before a magistrate, as if they had been guilty of crime. They were treated very harshly, but were finally permitted to join their husbands and fathers in Holland. Now they were Pilgrims indeed, strangers in a strange land ; " but they lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits." They re- mained about a year at Amsterdam ; not satisfied, how- ever, they removed to Leyden. Their integrity and in- dustry, their piety and self-denial, in what they believed to be the cause of truth, elicited the respect of the Dutch. The government officers would have treated them with marked favor, but they feared to offend King James. From year to year they received accessions from their brethren in England. They were still surrounded by evils, which made it necessary for them again to change their homes. Their labors were severe ; though frugal and industrious, they obtained a support with great difficulty. The desecration of the Sabbath, the dissolute morals of the disbanded soldiers and sailors among: whom they were thrown, caused them to fear for THEY APPLY TO THE LONDON COMPANY. 95 their children. Holland could not be their permanent chap. home. It dawned upon the minds of the more intelligent, '__ that it was their duty to seek some other land. Their 1616 thoughts were directed to the wilderness of the New World. They express not a wish in regard to worldly comfort, but a desire to consecrate all to the great cause of promoting Christianity. Though they had been so harshly treated by England, they loved her still, and were not willing to accept the offers made them, to colonize under the protection of the Dutch. They had heard of the fine climate and the set- tlement of Virginia, and resolved to apply to the London 1617 Company for permission to emigrate to their territory. For this purpose they sent two of their number, John Carver and Robert Cushman, to confer with the company. Their proposition was favorably received by the excellent Sir Edwin Sandys, the secretary. Their request, signed by the greater part of the congregation, was afterward sent to the company. In it they made a summary of their principles, and a statement of their motives of action. They said, " We verily believe that God is with us, and will prosper us in our endeavors ; we are weaned from our mother country, and have learned patience in a hard and strange land. We are industrious and frugal ; we are bound together by a sacred bond of the Lord, whereof we make great con- nn^ science, holding ourselves to each other's good. We do not wish ourselves home again ; we have nothing to hope from England or Holland ; we are men who will not be easily discouraged." They were to emigrate under the sanction of the com- pany ; but owing to dissensions in the company itself, the plan was not carried out. At this time the king was op- pressing their brethren in England more and more ; the only favor the Pilgrims could obtain from him was a half promise that he would not molest them in the wilds of America In truth, James wished to be fieed from those 06 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, of his subjects who had any just notions of human rights „ Said he, "I would rather live like a hermit in the forest, 1619. than be a king over such people as the pack of Puritans that overrule the House of Commons \" There was yet another difficulty. The Pilgrims were poor — poor indeed ; in their persecution and exile they had lost their all. Upon very hard conditions they secured the means to emigrate ; yet they were willing to make any sacrifice could they but worship God in peace, and protect the morals of their children. A company was now formed of London merchants, who agreed to furnish the money, while the emigrant was to give his entire services for seven years ; these services were to constitute his stock in the company. The profits were to be reserved to the end of that time, then a valuation of all the property held by the company was to be made, and 1620. the amount distributed to each in proportion to his in- vestment. By contract, the merchant who invested ten pounds received as much as the colonist who gave seven years of labor. This throwing of all their labor and capital into a common stocky was the result of necessity, not of choice. They purchased one ship, the Speedwell, and hired another, the May-Flower, a ship of one hundred and eighty tons. As these vessels could carry only a part of the con- gregation, they determined to send the younger and more vigorous, while the pastor, Kobinson, and the aged and in- firm, were to remain at Leyden. Their ruling Elder, William Brewster, who had suffered much in the cause, and was respected and loved for his integrity, was tc conduct the emigrants. Before they left, they observed a day pf fasting and prayer. They " sought of God a right way for themselves and their little ones." The parting address of the venerable Kobinson gives us a glimpse of the principles in which, from year to year, he had instructed them. As he addressed them for th* THE EMBARKATION. 97 ast time, he said : " I charge you before G-od and his holy chap. angels, that you follow me no farther than you have seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ. If God reveal any thing 1620 to you, be ready to receive it ; for I am verily persuaded the Lord has more truth yet to break forth out of his Holy Word. I beseech you remember it is an article of your church covenant, that you be ready to receive whatever truth shall be made known to you from the written Word of God. Take heed what you receive as truth ; examine it, consider it, and compare it with other scriptures of truth before you receive it ; the Christian world has not yet come to the perfection of knowledge." A number of their brethren came from Leyden to Delft-Haven, where they were to embark. The night before their departure was passed in religious inter- course and prayer : as the morning dawned, they prepared to go on board the ship. On the shore they all knelt, and the venerable Kobinson led them in prayer — they heard his voice for the last time. They sailed first to Southampton ; in a fortnight they left that place for their distant home. It is soon discovered that the Speedwell needs repairs, and they must return. After the lapse of Aug. eight days of precious time, again they make the attempt, 5 * and still again the captain of the Speedwell asserts that his ship cannot cross the Atlantic. They put back to Plym- outh : they there leave the Speedwell, and those whose courage failed them, and to the number of one hundred and one once more commit themselves to the winds and waves, trusting to the good providence of God. Sept Let us glance for a moment at the circumstances and * # characteristics of this company. They were bound to- gether by the strong bond of religious sympathy — united in interest and purpose, they expected to endure, to suffer, to rejoice together for many years, even to the end of life. Prominent among them was William Brewster, the ruling elder and lay preacher, already mentioned, who was 98 HISTOEY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. CHAP, to supply the place of the pastor Eobinson. He was a man of education, of refined associations, and. above all of a 1620. lovely and Christian spirit. " He laid his hand to the daily tasks of life, as well as spent his soul in trying to benefit his fellows — so bringing himself as near as possible to the early Christian practices ; he was worthy of being the first minister of New England." ' There was also the dignified and benevolent John Carver, the worthy governor of this band of Christian exiles, who in the cause laid down his fortune, and at length his life — for he soon sank beneath the hardships to which he was unused. These two were comparatively old men, but most of the " Pilgrim Fathers " were in the bloom and vigor of life. William Bradford was but thirty-two, earnest, saga- cious, true and steady in purpose, " a man of nerve and public spirit ;" self-educated, and so ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, that amidst all his trials and labors, he accumulated books, and found time to read and even to study them. As a farmer's boy in England, as a dyer in Holland, as the governor of a small nation in the wilds oi America, he acted well his part. Edward Winslow was " a gentleman born/*' with a mind cultivated by travel and books ; gentle in manner as in spirit, his soul melted at the sorrows of others. Miles Standish was a soldier, fearless, but not rash ; impetuous, but not vindictive : though not a member of the church, he was strongly attached to its institutions and to its most rigorous advocates. Winslow was twenty-six, and Stan- dish thirty-six years of age. jj ot# A tedious voyage of sixty-three days brought them in 10 - sight of Cape Cod. They had left their native land to seek in a howling wilderness an asylum from persecution. They had not the sanction of a charter from their king, and they appealed to no body of men for protection : fchey Elliott's History of New England. A CONSTITUTION ADOPTED. 99 must have a government ; they were all on an equality, cilip and they now drew up a constitution, or compact, to which the men, servants and all, to the number of forty-one, sub- 1630. scribed their names, and mutually pledged their obedience. The words of this first constitution, made and adopted by an entire people, plainly indicate whence its principles were derived. They say, " In the name of God, amen : we whose names are underwritten, having undertaken for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do solemnly and mutually in the presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a body politic ; and by virtue hereof, to enact such just and equal laws from time to time, as shall be thought most convenient for the good of the colony. Unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." Thus the principle of popular liberty, that laws and constitutions should be framed for the benefit of the entire people, found its utterance in the cabin of the May-Flower, by the act of the people themselves. John Carver was elected governor for one year. Miles Standish, who had been an officer in the army sent by Queen Elizabeth to aid the Dutch against the Spaniards, was chosen captain. Winter was coming on — they were anxious to land, but unfortunately the shallop needed repairs. In the mean time Standish, Bradford, and others, impatient of delay, went to seek a convenient harbor, and a suitable place for a settlement. The country was covered with snow ; in one place they found some baskets of corn, and in another an Indian burial-ground. In a fortnight the shallop was ready for use, and the governor, Winslow, Bradford, and Standish, with others and some seamen, went to explore the bay. The cold was intense, freezing the spray of the sea on their clothes, until, as they expressed it, they were made as hard as iron. They landed occasionally, found graves and a few deserted wig- 100 HISTOET OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, warns, but no other evidence of human beings. On one gj these occasions they encamped at night on the shore neat 1620. where the shallop was moored. The next morning as they were closing their devotions, they were startled by a strange cr y — the war-whoop of the savage — it was accompanied by a flight of arrows. At the report of their guns the Indians fled. All that day was spent in seeking a safe harbor for the ship. Near night a violent storm of rain and snow drove them through the breakers into a cove, protected from the blast by a hill. In the midst of the tempest they landed, and with difficulty kindled a fire. In the morning they found they were on an island at the entrance of a harbor. The next day was the Sabbath ; though urged by every consideration to hasten to the ship, they religiously observed the day. On the morrow, December twenty-second, one thousand Dec. six hundred and twenty — a day ever to be remembered in 22 - the annals of our country, the Pilgrims landed. The place they named after the town in England from which they last sailed. The blessings which have flowed from the settlement of New England are associated with the spot where they first set foot— the Rock of Plym- outh. No time was spent in idleness. A place was selected for the settlement, and divided into lots for families. On the third day they began to build ; their houses went up but slowly ; the forest trees must first be felled and split into timbers ; the season was inclement — their strength failed them : many from exposure had received into their bodies the seeds of death ; many were sick, and many died. At one time there were only seven of the whole company not disabled by sickness. During the winter, more than forty were numbered with the dead; among these were the wives of Bradford and Winslow, and also Rose, the young bride of Miles Standish. The benevolent Carver lost hi? son — then he himself sunk in death, soon to be followed PRIVATIONS AND HEROISM. 101 Dy his broken-hearted widow. They were all buried but chap a short distance from the rock on which they had landed. Lest the many graves should tell the Indians the story of 1621. weakness and of death, the spot where they rested was j?* levelled and sown with grass. At length spring drew near, and warm winds from the south moderated the cold. The trees began to put forth their foliage, and among their branches the "birds to sing pleasantly," while the sick were gradually recovering. When the May-Flower left for England, not one of these heroic men and women desired to leave the land of their adoption. They had now a government ; they had a church covenant ; they had a constitution under which their rights were secured, and each one according to his individual merit could be respected and honored. So dear to them were these privileges, that all the privations they had suffered, the sickness and death which had been in their midst, the gloomy prospect before them, could not induce them to swerve from their determination to found a State, where these blessings should be the birth-right of their children. Famine pressed hard Upon them, for in the autumn Noi they were joined by some new emigrants, who had come ill-provisioned ; and for the succeeding six months they had only half a supply. " I have seen men," says Wins- low, " stagger by reason of faintness for want of food/' Their privations for two or three years were greater than those of any colony planted in the country. But their implicit confidence in the goodness of God was never shaken. At times Indians were seen hovering around theii settlement, but no communication had been held with them, as they fled when approached. One day, to their surprise, an Indian boldly entered their village, crying out, welcome Englishmen ! welcome Englishmen ! It was Samoset. He belonged to the Wampanoags, a tribe living 10. 102 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. jhap in the vicinity. He had learned a few English words fron: mmmm the fishermen on the Penobscot. 1621. Samoset, in the name of his tribe, told the Pilgrims to possess the land, for the year before those to whom it belonged had been swept away by a pestilence. This an- nouncement was a great relief to their fears. Sarnoset soon again appeared, and with him Squanto, who, as has been mentioned, had been kidnapped and sold into slavery in Spain, had been freed, found his way to England, and finally home. They announced that Massasoit, the grand sachem of the Wampanoags, desired an interview. The chief and his retinue of warriors had taken their position on a neighboring hill. Squanto acted as interpreter. A treaty of friendship was made between the chief and the English, by which they promised to defend each other when attacked by enemies. Eor more than fifty years, till King Philip's war, this treaty was observed. The Pil- grims offered to pay for the baskets of corn they had found buried ; this they did six months afterward when the owners appeared. A trade, very beneficial to the colony, commenced with the Indians, who promised to sell them all their furs. Why not remember the humble services of Squanto? The Pilgrims looked upon him as " a special instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation/' He taught them how to plant corn, to put fish with it to make it grow, where to find the fish and how to take them. He was their interpreter and their pilot. Under his tuition they soon raised corn so abundantly as to have a surplus tc exchange with the Indians for furs. By means of these furs they obtained from England the merchandise they wanted. He remained their friend till his death, and when dying asked the governor to pray that he might go tc the " Englishman's God in heaven." Massasoit desired the alliance with the Pilgrims as a protection against Canonicus, the chief of the powerful N weston's men." 103 Narragansetts, who lived on the shores of the beautiful bay CHAP. which bears their name. Canonicus was not, however, to , be deterred from exhibiting his hostility. As a challenge 1622, he sent to Plymouth some arrows wrapped in the skin of a rattlesnake. Bradford, who was now governor, sent back the same skin filled with powder and shot. The In- dians looked upon it as containing a deadly influence, to be exerted against the enemies of the English. In terror they sent it from tribe to tribe, none of whom dared either keep or destroy it. Finally, the skin and its contents were returned to the colony. Canonicus himself, in a short time, desired an alliance of peace ; evidently more from fear than from good-will. In trade the Pilgrims took no advantage of the igno- rance of the Indians. They became involved in difficul- ties with them, however, through the improper conduct of others. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, who had in- vested money in the enterprise of founding the Plymouth Colony, now wished to engross the entire profits of the fur trade with the Indians. He obtained a patent for a small district, near Weymouth, on Boston harbor, and sent over about sixty men, chiefly indented servants. These men ill treated the Indians, stole their corn, and thus excited their hostility. The savage seeks redress by murdering those who do him wrong. The Indians did not distinguish between the honesty and good-will of the Pilgrims, and the dishonesty and evil acts of " Weston's men ;" they plotted to involve all the white strangers in one common ruin. Massasoit was dangerously sick ; Winslow kindly visited him ; turned out of the wigwam the Indian doctors, who were making a great noise to drive off the disease, and relieved the chief by giving him medicine and quiet. The grateful Massasoit revealed the plot. The people were greatly alarmed ; they had heard of a terrible massacre in Virginia, and they feared such would be their own expe- 104 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, rience. Not a moment was to be lost ; they must act id 1_ self-defence. Captain Standish hastened with eight men 1628. to the assistance of those at Weymouth. He arrived in 2? r * time not only to prevent the attack, but to surprise the Indians themselves. In the conflict, the principal plotting chief and some of his men were killed. This exploit taught the Indians to respect the English ; many of the neighboring chiefs now sought peace and alliance. When the good pastor, Mr. Eobinson, heard of this conflict, he exclaimed, " Oh that they had converted some before they killed any ! " One year saw the beginning and the end of this trading establishment at Weymouth. Apprehension of danger from the natives was now removed. Since As " Thanksgiving " has now become a national festival, the manner in which it was first instituted has a peculiar interest. In the autumn of 1623, after the fruits of the harvest were gathered in, Governor Bradford sent out a company for game, to furnish dainty materials for a feast God had blessed their labors, and this was to be a feast of thanks- giving. " So they met together and thanked God with all their hearts, for the good world and the good things in it." The merchant partners in England complained of the small profits derived from their investments. They began to neglect the interests of the colony, and to manifest their displeasure in various ways. They would not permit Robinson and his family, with the remainder of the church at Leyden, to join their friends at Plymouth. They sold the colonists goods at enormous prices, and sent a ship tc rival them in their limited fur trade. They outraged their feelings by attempting to force upon them one Lyford, a clergyman friendly to the Established Church. Lyford was expelled from Plymouth, not on account of his religious views, but, according to Bradford, for conduct injurious tc the colony and immorality. In time industry and frugality triumphed ; the Pil- DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. 105 grinis in five or six years were able to purchase the entire chap stock of those who were annoying them in this ungenerous mm manner. The stock and the land were equitably divided, Nov. and the arrangement of private property fully carried out, 1627 each one becoming the owner of a piece of land. Though the Pilgrims had no charter, they formed a government upon the most liberal principles. They had a governor, who was chosen by the people, and whose power was limited by a council of five. For more than eighteen years the whole male population were the legislators. 1640. They were the pioneers of religious freedom — the openero of an asylum in the New World, to which th© persecuted for religion's sake, and political opinions, have been flocking from that day to this. Says Governor Brad- ford, in his history of the colony : " Out of small begin- nings great things have been produced, by His hand that made all things out of nothing ; and as one small candle will light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, yea to our whole nation." CHAPTER XI. COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. JL Company organized. — Settlement of Salem. — The Charter transferred. — Boston and Vicinity settled. — Encouragements. — Disputes.— Roget Williams; his Banishment; he founds Providence. — Discussions re- newed. — Anne Hutchinson. — Settlement of Rhode Island. — The Dutch at Hartford ; Disputes with. — Migrations to the fertile Valley of the Con* necticut ; Hooker and Haynes. — Springfield. — Fort at Saybrooke. — Pe- quods become hostile. — Expeditions against them ; their utter Ruin. — Rev. John Davenport. — Settlement of New Haven. — Sir Ferdinand Gorges. — New Hampshire. — The United Colonies. — The Providence Plantations. — Educated Men. — Harvard College. — The Printing Press.— Common Schools. — Grammar Schools. — Quakers ; Persecution of. — Eliot the Apostle. — The Mayhews. — Progress. chap. Persecution raged through the reign of James, and threatened to continue through the reign of his son and 1624. successor, Charles I. The various accounts sent to England by the colonists at Plymouth, excited great interest, especially in the minds of the Puritans. They listened to them as to a voice from Heaven, calling upon them to leave their native land, and join their brethren in these ends of the earth. This was not wild enthusiasm, but the calm promptings of -duty. Pamphlets were published giving descriptions of the land of promise ; it promised not wealth and ease, but only peace and quietness. There were many who preferred these, with toils and privations in the wilds of America, tc religious persecutions in their own land. THE SETTLEMENT OF SALEM. 107 The Kev. Mr. White, of Dorchester, was a controlling chap spirit in the enterprise. He was a Puritan, but not of the L Separatists from the Established Church, as were Robin- 1624. son and his congregation. The Council of Plymouth had taken the place of the 1620. old Plymouth Company. This council had no worthier object than gain ; it granted the same region to different individuals, and thus laid the foundation for endless dis- putes. It sold to some gentlemen of Dorchester a belt of territory, extending from three miles south of Massachu- setts bay to three miles north of any part of Merrimac 162a river, and, as usual, west to the Pacific. The company prepared to send a colony. The care of the enterprise was intrusted to one of their number, John Endicott, a man of stern character and sterling integrity. He brought with him his family, and about one hundred other per- sons ; they landed at Salem, and there commenced the colony of Massachusetts Bay. Men of wealth and influ- Sept, ence, such as Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, Saltonstall, Bel- lingham, Johnson, Simon Bradstreet, William Codding- ton, and others, who afterward exerted a great influence in the colony, were willing to bear a part in carrying the "pure gospel" to New England. The king looked upon the colony about to be founded more as a trading corpo- ration than as the germ of an independent nation, and he willingly gave them a charter, under which they lived more than fifty years. By the terms of this charter the royal ^far., signature was not necessary to give validity to the laws 162 * made under it. Soon another choice company, in which " no idle per- sons were found/' was ready to sail. The good Francis Higgirison accompanied them as their minister. As the shores of England receded from sight, Higginson expressed the feelings of the emigrants ; as from the deck of the ship his eyes turned for the last time to his native land, he exclaimed, " Farewell, England !- -farewell, all Christiap 108 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, friends ! — we separate not from the church, but from its corruptions ; — we go to spread the gospel in America/ 1629. There were about two hundred in this company ; the ma- e ' jority remained at Salem, the rest went to Charlestown. Privations and exposure brought sickness, and before the end of a year death had laid his hand on more than half their number, among whom was their pastor, Higginson. When the summons came, the dying seemed only to re- gret that they were not permitted to aid their brethren in founding a pure church in the wilderness. The charter contained no provision for the rights of ^he people, it left them at the mercy of the corporation ; and as long as that charter remained in England, they could take no part in their own government. It was also silent on the subject of their religious freedom ; at any moment this might be interfered with by the king and his clergy. There was only one way to be freed from such undue interference. By the charter their governing coun- cil could choose the place of meeting for the transaction of business. It was a bold step ; but they chose, here- after, to meet on the soil of the colony. This transfer of the governing council and charter made its government virtually independent. The officers were to be a governor, a deputy governor, and eighteen assistants. These were elected before leav- 1680. ing England. John Winthrop was chosen governor, and Thomas Dudley deputy governor. A fleet of seventeen ships set sail with the officers elect, and fifteen hundred emigrants ; they arrived in June and July. Their arrival was opportune, for those who had preceded them were in great distress from sickness and scarcity of food. Settlements were now made at various places around the bay; Charlestown, Newtown, Dorchester, Watertown, A fine spring of pure water, on the peninsula called Shaw- mut, induced the governor and some other persons to settle there. The position was central, and it became the capital, ENCOURAGEMENTS. 109 under the name of Boston. The change of climate and chap l o^ mode of living brought disease upon great numbers ; yet they looked upon their sorrows as so many trials, designed 1680. to make them appreciate still more the blessings which the future had in store for them. As they hoped, these evils gradually passed away, and prosperity smiled. At first, the assistants could hold office for life, and in addition it was their privilege to elect the governor. The people became jealous of their liberties ; the dispute was compromised by their electing their magistrates annu- ally. They were to be chosen by the freemen of the 1634 colony, of whom no one who was not a church membef could have a vote. This law was injudicious, though enacted with the best intentions. They wished a govern- ment based on purely religious principles, and they thought to secure such a government by allowing none but the religious to take part in it. Another change was made from the purely democratic form, when all the freemen met in convention and voted on the laws, to that of the republican, when the people elected deputies, who were au- thorized to legislate and transact the affairs of the colony. The colonists dealt honestly with the Indians and en- deavored to preserve their good will. They " were to buy their lands, and not to intrude upon, and in no respect injure them ;" they also " hoped to send the gospel to the poor natives." Many of the neighboring chiefs desired their friendship. One came from the distant river Con- necticut ; he extolled its fertile valleys and blooming meadows ; he offered them land near him, because he wished their protection against the brave and fiery Pequods. Fraternal and Christian intercourse was held from time to time with the old colony of Plymouth ; as a harbinger of the future, there came from Virginia a vessel laden with corn ; and the Dutch, who some years before had settled at Manhattan, visited them with kindly greet- ings. Thus dawned a brighter day. 110 HISTOKY OF THE AMEBIC AN" PEOPLE. chap. During this year more than three thousand persons came from England, many of whom were men of influence, 1035. wealth, and education. Prominent among these was Hugh Peters, an eloquent clergyman, and Harry Vane, a young man of much promise, the son and heir of a privy- council- lor — a fact of some importance in the eyes of the people. V*ane, however, was a true Kepuhlican. The people the next year unwisely elected him governor, in place of the dignified and benevolent Winthrop. The Puritans had experienced all the evils of religious intolerance, but unfortunately they had not themselves learned to be lenient. In the colony there was a young clergyman, Koger Williams, a man of ardent temperament, a clear reasoner, and very decided in his opinions. He came in conflict with the magistrates as he advanced sen- timents which they deemed subversive of all authority, — such as that obedience to the magistrate should not be en- forced — that the oath of allegiance should not be required : he also denounced the law that compelled all persons to attend worship, as an infringement of the rights of con- science ; he said the service of the church should be sup- ported by its members, and not by a tax upon all the peo- ple. His principles were in advance of the age in which he lived : one hundred and forty years after this time they were fully carried out. He contended that the charter from the king was invalid ; the Indians were the original proprietors. The people repelled the aspersion as unjust, because they had purchased their lands from the Indians, and acknowledged their rights by making treaties with them. The contest waxed warm. Williams accepted an invitation to Salem : the people of that place were admon- Oct., ishedf by the General Court to beware, lest they should encourage sedition. Upon this he retired to Plymouth, — there for two years he maintained his opinions unmo- lested. The people of the old colony had learned the les- son of toleration in theii exile in Holland. Cp'-V/?rvyAk\ dot/. WILLIAMS A WANDERER. Ill Williams was again invited to Salem, in open defiance chap of the authority of the General Court, the governing power of the colony. A committee of ministers held conferences 1685, and discussions with him, but without inducing him to retract. As the people of Salem sustained him, the Court admonished them, and pronounced the sentence of banish- ment against Williams. It was not the expression of opinions on the subject of conscience, or " soul-oppression," as he termed it, that alarmed the Court, but the expression of opinions which, if carried into effect, would, they affirmed, destroy all human government. In midwinter, Williams became a wanderer for con- science' sake. He went to the sons of the forest for that protection denied him by his Christian brethren. For four- teen weeks he wandered ; sometimes he received the simple hospitality of the natives ; sometimes his lodging-place was a hollow-tree. At last he was received into the cabin of Massasoit, at Mount Hope. He was the Indians' friend, and they loved him. He thought of settling at Seekonk, on Pawtucket river; that place being within the bounds of the Plymouth colony, Winslow, the governor, advised him to remove beyond their limits, lest it should create diffi- culty with the Bay colony. Williams received this advice in the spirit in which it was given, and removed to the country of the Narragansets. With five companions in a canoe, he went round to the west side of the arm of the bay. Landing at a beautiful spot, he found a spring of pure water. He resolved there to make a settlement. In thankfulness he called the place Providejsxle. Tradition w ^ at this day points out the spring near which he built his cabin. Canonicus, the chief of the Narragansets, would not sell his land, but gave him a little domain " to enjoy forever." Williams here put in practice his theory of government The land was given to him, and he distributed it to his followers. Tt was purely a government of the people. All 112 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. ;hap. XI. promised to obey the voice of the majority in temporal things : in things spiritual, to obey only Grod. 1637. Discussions were still rife in Massachusetts on all sub- jects. The men held meetings, in which they discussed matters pertaining to their liberties ; edified each other with expositions of passages of Scripture, and criticized the weekly sermons of their ministers. As women were not allowed to speak in these meetings, Mrs. Anne Hutchin- son, a woman of great eloquence and talent, thought the rights of her sex were not properly respected ; she there- fore held meetings for their benefit at her own house. At these meetings, theological opinions were advocated, at variance with those of the ministers and magistrates. The people became divided into two parties, and the affair soon took a political turn : on the one side were arrayed Win- throp and the older settlers, and with few exceptions, the ministers : on the other, Governor Vane and the adherents of Mrs. Hutchinson. She and her party were accustomed to speak of themselves as "being under a covenant of grace/' and of their opponents as " being under a covenant of works." These indefinite phrases irritated her opponents exceedingly. They proclaimed her a despiser of all spirit- ual authority ; " like Koger Williams, or worse ;" and darkly insinuated that she was a witch. The friends of Mrs. Hutchinson spoke of appealing to the king; this was downright treason in the eyes of their opponents, — their allegiance was given to the government of the colony, not to the king. A convention of ministers was held, they investigated her doctrines, and declared them unsound and injurious. At the ensuing election, Winthrop was chosen governor; and soon after Vane left for England. Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers were admonished, but with- out effect ; she, with her brother-in-law John Wheelwright, 1688 and others, were exiled from the colony. How much wiser it wo-ild have been had the magistrates permitted her to THE DUTCH AT HARTFORD. 113 exercise her " gift of discussing/' eveii if she did say they ^haf were " under a covenant of works !" Roger Williams invited the exiles to settle in his viein- 1638 ity. By his influence they obtained from Miantonomoh, the nephew and prospective successor of Canonicus, a beautiful island, which they named the Isle of Rhodes. Here this little company of not more than twenty persons, formed a settlement. William Coddington, who had been a magistrate in the Bay Colony, was elected judge or ruler. They, too, covenanted with each other to obey the laws made by the majority, and to respect the rights of con- Oct science. Mrs. Hutchinson and her family remained here several years, and then removed farther west beyond New Haven, into the territory of the Dutch ; there she and all her family who were with her, with the exception of one daughter, who was taken captive, were murdered by the Indians. 1648. The Dutch from Manhattan explored the Connecticut 161 ^ river six years before the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. They erected a fortified trading-house near where Hartford now stands, but by ill-treating the In- dians they excited their hostility, and lost a trade that might have been valuable. Unable to occupy the territory, and unwilling to lose its advantages, they invited the Pilgrims to leave the 1627. sterile soil of Plymouth and remove to the fertile vales of the Connecticut, and live under their protection. The invitation was not accepted ; but as the Pilgrims were convinced that a change to more fertile lands was desira- ble, Governor Winslow went on an exploring tour to that region ; having found the soil as fertile as had been repre- ] 632. sented he promoted emigration. The Council of Plymouth had given a grant of Corinec- 1 630. ticut to the Earl of Warwick, who the next year trans- ferred his claim or patent to Lords Say and Brooke, John 114 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Hampden, and others. The eastern boundary of this grant was the Narraganset river, and the western the Pacific ifi33. ocean. When the Dutch learned of this grant, they pur- chased of the Indians the tract of land in the vicinity of Hartford, on which stood their trading-house, and pre- pared to defend their rights ; they erected a fort and mounted two cannons, to prevent the English from ascend- ing the river. In the latter part of the year Captain William Holmes, who was sent by Governor Winslow, arrived in a sloop, with a company, and prepared to make a settlement. The Dutch commandant threatened him with destruction if he should attempt to pass his fort. The undaunted Holmes passed by uninjured, and put up a fortified house at Windsor. He was not permitted to en- joy his place in peace ; the next year the Dutch made an effort to drive him away, but not succeeding they compro- mised the matter by relinquishing all claim to the valley. The parties agreed upon a dividing line, very nearly the same as that existing at this day between the States of New York and Connecticut. As the natural meadows on the Connecticut would furnish much more grass and hay for their cattle than the region nearer the sea-shore, many of the Pilgrims determined to remove thither. 1685. The following autumn, a party of sixty persons, men, women, and children, undertook the desperate work of going through the woods and swamps from Plymouth to Connecticut. The journey was laborious and the suffer- ing great. When they arrived at the river the ground was covered with snow, the precursor of an unusually severe Nov. winter. A sloop from Plymouth, laden with provisions and their household furniture, failed to reach them on account of storms and ice. Their cattle all perished ; a little corn obtained from the Indians, and acorns, were their only food ; they barely escaped starvation. During this year three thousand persons came to Bos- ton from England. Among these was the Kevereud JOURNEY THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 115 Thomas Hooker, who has been called " The Light of the chap Western Churches." He was a man of great eloquence, , and of humble piety ; his talents, of a high order, com- 1635 manded universal respect, while his modesty won him ardent friends. When he was silenced for non-conformity in England, great numbers of the clergy of the Established Church petitioned that he might be restored. But in those days to be a Non-Conformist was an unpardonable offence. A portion of his congregation had emigrated the year before. When he arrived at Boston with the remainder of his flock, the colony was in a ferment — the Williams controversy was going on ; his people were wearied with the turmoil. John Haynes, who was a member of his congregation in England, and who had been Governor of Massachusetts, determined, with others, to remove to Con- necticut. In the spring, a company, under the lead of Mar. Hooker and Haynes, set out from the vicinity of Boston 163fi for the pleasant valley. They numbered about one hun- dred persons, some of whom had been accustomed to the luxuries of life in England. With no guide but a com- pass they entered the untrodden wilderness ; toiled on foot over hills and valleys ; waded through swamps and forded streams. They subsisted principally on the milk of the kine that they drove before them, and which browsed on the tender leaves and grass. They moved but slowly. Their sick they carried on litters. The trustful spirit of piety and faith was present, and the silence of the forest was broken for the first time by Christian songs of praise. The man whose eloquence in his native land at- tracted crowds of the educated and refined, now, in the wilderness, comforted and cherished the humble exiles for re- ligion's sake. The first of July brought an end to their la- borious journey. The greater part of the company remained at Hartford . some went up the river and founded Spring- field ; some went down and joined those at WethersfielcL HISTORY OF THE AMERICA^ PEOPLE. C xt P ' John Winthrop, the younger, who had been sent te L_ England on business for the colony, returned as agent for 1636. Lords Say and Brooke. He was directed to build a fort at the mouth of the Connecticut river ; it was named 1685. Saybrooke. These settlements were now threatened with destruc- tion. The valley of the river and the region adjoining were more densely populated with Indians than any por- tion of New England. The powerful Pequods, the most warlike tribe in the country, numbered almost two thou- sand warriors, and ruled over a number of smaller tribes ; they inhabited the south-eastern part of Connecticut, and the shore of Long Island Sound to the mouth of Connecticut river, and west almost to the Hudson. The Mohegans, who dwelt in the north-eastern part of Connecticut, and the Narragansets, who lived around Narraganset bay, were the enemies of the Pequods and the friends of the English. The Pequods were jealous of 1686 the English, not merely because they had settled near them, but because they were friendly to their enemies. These Pequods were charged with murdering, some years before, a Virginia trader, named Stone, with his crew, on the Connecticut river. Stone had the reputation of being intemperate and quarrelsome ; the Pequods said that he had attacked them and they killed him in self-defence. Captain Oldham, who was exploring the Connecticut, was murdered, with his crew, by the Indians living on Block Island. Captain John Endicott was sent to punish the murderers. Previous to this the Pequods had sent chiefs to Boston to make an alliance, and explain the difficulty in relation to the Virginia trader. They promised to de- liver up— so the magistrates understood them — the two men who had killed him. Endicott was ordered to call, on his way home from Block Island, at the Pequod town, and demand the promised satisfaction. The Indians, ac- cording to their custom, offered a ransom for the two men, THE PEQUOD WAR. 117 but refused to give them up to certain death. Endicott chap had no respect for their customs ; he must have blood for blood. Angry at their refusal, he burned two of their vil- 1636 lages and destroyed their corn. It was after this that the Pequods began to prowl about the settlements, and pick off stragglers, until they had, during the winter, killed more than thirty persons. The people in the Connecticut valley were in great alarm ; they knew not at what moment nor at what point the storm would burst. They called upon Massachusetts for aid ; only twenty men were sent under Captain Un- derbill. The whole community were so much absorbed in discussing theological questions with Mrs. Hutchinson that every other consideration was overlooked. Although the Pequods were more warlike and more numerous than any other tribe, they were not willing to enter upon the war single-handed. They sent a deputa- tion to Miantonomoh, the chief of the Narragansets, to enlist him against the common enemy. Governor Vane wrote to Koger Williams, urging him, if possible, to pre- vent the alliance. Williams hastened to visit Miantono- moh ; he found the Pequod chiefs already there, urging their ancient enemy to join them and exterminate the white intruders — the Narragansets were wavering. At the risk of his life, Williams labored for three days to prevent these tribes uniting their forces against the colonists. The disappointed and angry Pequods threatened him with death. He not only prevented the alliance, but obtained the promise of the Narragansets to aid the English. Oct Meantime, he sent a messenger to Boston to warn them of ;he impending danger. At length the infant settlements of Connecticut in ^ ay convention at Hartford declared war against the Pequods. 10, The little army of not more than eighty men, including those sent from Massachusetts, assembled at Hartford : <-,he pious Hooker exhorted them, and gave the staff of com- 21 26. 118 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, mand to Captain John Mason, who had been a soldier in '_ the Netherlands. At the request of the soldiers, part of 1637. the night preceding the day they were to march was spent in prayer. Stone, one of their ministers, accompanied them as chaplain. They floated down the river, and sailed round the coast to Narraganset bay, intending to go across the country, and attack the Pequods in their fort. As the latter had a very exalted opinion of their own prowess, they supposed the English were making their escape, when they saw them sailing past the mouth of the Pequod, now the Thames river. The English landed at a harbor in the bay, and religiously observed the Sabbath. On the follow- May ing day they repaired to Canonicus, the old Narraganset chief, but his nephew Miantonomoh hesitated to join them; their numbers were so small, and the Pequods so numer- ous. Two hundred warriors, however, consented to accom- pany them, but as rather doubtful friends — and about seventy Mohegans joined them under their chief Uncas. Sassacus, the bold chief of the Pequods, was too confi- dent in the strength of his two forts, and in the bravery of his warriors to be cautious. His main fort, on the top of a high hill, was defended by posts driven in the ground, and deemed by him impregnable. He was yet to experience an attack from the English. In the night Mason, guided by an Indian deserter, approached the main fort, and halted within hearing of the triumphant shouts of the Pe- quods, as they exulted over his supposed flight. Toward the break of day the English moved to the attack, while their Indian allies took a position to surround the fort. May The coming struggle was one of life or death to all that was dear to the little army: if they were defeated, all hope t would be lost for their families on the Connecticut. The barking of a dog awoke the Indian sentinel ; he rushed into the fort with the cry, The English ! the English 1 In a moment more, the English were through the pali- sades, and fighting hand to hand with the half awakened MASSACRE OF THE PEQUODS. 119 warriors. Their numbers were overwhelming. ■* We must chap burn them," shouted Mason, as he applied a torch to the dry reeds which covered a wigwam — the flames spread with 1637. great rapidity. All was in confusion — as the despairing warriors vainly endeavored to extinguish the flames they became targets for the English marksmen. The Narra- gansets and Mohegans now joined in the conflict. More than six hundred of the Pequods perished, men, women, and children in one common ruin, merciless and unrelent- ing : only seven escaped. In an hour's time the work was done ; just then appeared the warriors, three hundred strong, from the other fort. They came forth expecting victory. When they perceived the ruin which had come upon their friends, they raved and stamped the ground in despair. Mason with a chosen band held them in check, till the remainder of the army had embarked on the boats, which had come round from Narraganset Bay. Then they hastened home, lest there should be a sudden attack upon the settlements. In a few days Captain Stoughton arrived from Massa- June chusetts with one hundred men. The spirit of the Pequods was broken; they fled to the west, and were pursued with untiring energy. Their villages were burnt — their corn- fields destroyed — their women and children slain without mercy. They took refuge in a swamp, and in desperation once more made a stand : again they were overwhelmed with great slaughter. Sassacus, their chief, escaped with a Aug few followers, and made his way to the Mohawks, where he was afterward basely murdered by one of his own sub- jects. The remainder, old and young, surrendered to the victors, who disposed of them : some they gave as captives of war to their enemies, the Narragansets and Mohegans; and some they sent to the West Indies to be sold as slaves. Their territory was declared to be conquered, and their name to be blotted out. They were the foremost in that mournful procession in which the Indian race, from that 120 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, day to this, have been moving on toward utter extermina- tion. This terrible example of the white man's powei 1687. sent a thrill of horror through the other tribes ; and for more than forty years, they dared not raise an arm in de- fence of the graves of their fathers. 1 638. The year following, John Davenport, a celebrated cler- gyman of London, arrived at Boston — with him came his friend Theophilus Eaton, a rich merchant. They and their associates had been exiled. They were cordially welcomed in Massachusetts, and urgently pressed to remain in that colony. They preferred to go into the wilderness rather than dwell in the midst of so much controversy. Kumor had told of the fine region found to the west by the pursu- ers of the Pequods. Eaton, with a few men, after explor- ing the coast of the Sound, spent the following winter at a desirable place in that region. As soon as spring opened, the company sailed from Boston ; in due time they arrived at the place where Eaton had spent the winter ; there, under a large tree, on the Sabbath after their arrival, April. Davenport preached his first sermon in the wilderness. A day of fasting and prayer for direction was observed, and then they formed a government, pledging themselves " to be governed in all things by the rules which the Scriptures held forth to them." Such was the settlement of New Haven, and thus was it to be governed. They purchased from the Indians the right to the land — Eaton was elected governor ; and to the end of his life, for more than twenty years, he was annually chosen to that office. After the war with the Pequods was ended, the people of the several settlements on the Connecticut held a con- vention at Hartford, and adopted a constitution and form 1639. of government. The constitution was framed on liberal principles. They agreed to " maintain the purity of the gospel," and in civil affairs to be governed by the laws made under their constitution. No jurisdiction was admit- ted to belong to the King of England. Every one whc THE SPERIT OF THE COLONISTS. 121 took the oath of allegiance to the commonwealth was enti- c ^ p tied to vote. The governor and the other officers were to be chosen annually by ballot. The number of their repre- 1639. sentatives to the General Assembly was to be apportioned to the towns, according to the number of inhabitants. For one hundred and fifty years this constitution remained in force. Sir Ferdinand Gorges and John Mason obtained, from their associates of the Council of Plymouth, a grant of 'and, lying partly in New Hampshire and partly in Maine. 1622 This was named Laconia. A small number of emigrants were sent over, who settled at Portsmouth, Dover, and a few other places near the mouth of the Piscataqua. Wheel- wright, when banished from Massachusetts, settled with his fellow-exiles at Exeter. These settlements progressed very slowly. Only a few trading houses were scattered along the coast, and for many years they took no more permanent form. These settlers were not all Puritans, and were but little united among themselves ; yet, they applied and were annexed to the colony of Massachusetts. 1541 The General Court agreed not to insist that the freemen and deputies should be church members. In all their troubles the colonists of New England had 1639 never appealed to the mother country. They felt under no obligation to her ; she had driven them forth with a harsh hand to take care of themselves, or to perish in the wilderness. A spirit of independence pervaded their minds. They had the energy and industry to sustain themselves, and the courage to act in every emergency. Kumors had reached them that unprincipled men were planning to take away their charter ; that Arch- bishop Laud was meditating to establish over them the rule of the Church of England ; that a governor-general had been appointed, and was on his way. They would not recognize the right of the king even 122 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, to investigate by what authority they held their charter, 1_ lest it might be inferred that they were in any respect de- 1639. pendent upon his will. For the same reason, when the Long Parliament professed to be their friend, they respect- fully declined any favors. When they feared an attempt to place over them a royal governor, and to change their colony into a royal province, they determined to defend their liberties, and poor as they were, raised six hundred pounds for fortifications. 1640. Twenty thousand emigrants were in New England, when the Puritans of the mother country, galled beyond endurance by the outrages committed on their rights and persons, commenced that fearful struggle, which, in its throes, overturned the throne, and brought the tyrannical Charles I. to the scaffold, and established the Common- wealth under Cromwell. During this period emigration almost entirely ceased. Many hastened home to England to engage in the conflict, among whom were the Eev. Hugh Peters and Harry Vane. They both perished on the scaffold after the Kestoration. The colonists, though unmolested by the home gov- ernment, were still surrounded with dangers. They were in the midst of hostile Indians ; the French were threat- ening them in the North-Eastr, and the Dutch in the West. For mutual safety and interest, Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, joined themselves together, 1648. under the title of " The United Colonies of New Eng- land." Each was to be perfectly free in the management of its own affairs ; while those which properly belonged to the whole confederacy were to be intrusted to commis- sioners — two from each colony. Church-membership was the only qualification required of these commissioners. The expenses of the government were to be assessed ac- cording to the number of inhabitants. The purity of the gospel was also to be preserved. This confederacy, the germ of " The United States of America," lasted fortv THE COLLEGE AND THE PBESS. 123 years. Rhode Island was not permitted to join it because chap she would not acknowledge the jurisdiction of Plymouth. The two settlements on Narraganset bay now determined 1643 to apply for an independent charter. When, for this pur- pose, Roger Williams arrived in England, he found the country engaged in civil war ; the Puritans and Parlia- ment on the one side and Charles I. on the other. Wil- liams applied to his friend Harry Vane, and through his influence obtained from the Parliament a charter, under the title of " The Providence Plantations." Roger Wil- liams afterwards became a Baptist, and founded the first 1544 church of that denomination in the United States. A very great number of men of education, ministers and laymen, emigrated to New England. There were of ministers alone more than eighty, some of whom were equal to any of their profession in their native land. There was an unusual amount of general intelligence among all classes of the community. The Bible to them was as familiar as household words. In truth, it was the intelligent alone who could appreciate the blessings for which they exiled themselves. They wished to secure for their children the benefits of education ; and as soon as possible an effort was made to found a high school and ultimately a col- lege. Funds, with some books, were obtained. The place selected was Newtown, but as many of the men had been educated at Cambridge University, England, the name was changed to Cambridge. The Reverend John Harvard left the infant institution half his fortune and his library. Gratitude has embalmed his memory in its name. 163& The next year a printing-press, the gift of some friends 1039, in Holland, was established. Its first work was to print a metrical version of the Psalms,, which continued for a long time to be used in the worship of the churches in New Eng- land. The following preamble explains the next law on the subject of education : — " It being a chief project of that old deluder Sathan to keep men from the knowledge of the 124 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Scriptures/' it was determined that every child, rich and 1_ poor alike, should have the privilege of learning to read 1647. its own language. It was enacted that every town 01 district having fifty householders should have a common school ; and that every town or district, having one hun- dred families, should have a grammar-school, taught by teachers competent to prepare youth for the college. AH the New England colonies, with the exception of Khode Island, adopted the system of common schools. This event deserves more than a mere record. It was the first instance in Christendom, in which a civil government took measures to confer upon its youth the blessings of education. There had been, indeed, parish schools connected with individual churches, and founda- tions for universities, but never before was embodied in practice a principle so comprehensive in its nature and so fruitful in good results, as that of training a nation of in- telligent people by educating all its youth. There had arisen among the Puritans in England a new sect, called in derision Quakers. An unfavorable re- port of their doctrines and doings had reached Massa- chusetts ; they were represented as denouncing all forms of worship and denying all civil authority. At length two tte3 women of the dreaded sect appeared ; they were arrested and detained until their books could be examined, and the question was raised whether they themselves were not witches. Their books were burnt by the hangman, and they sent back to England. Barbarous laws were made to deter Quakers from coming to the colony ; but they ?ame, and were inhumanly treated and sent back. Then * law was passed that if a Quaker, after being banished, returned, he should be put to death. This the magis- trates fondly hoped would be effectual. We may judge their surprise when some of those who had been banished returned. They came to call the magistrates to repent- uice for their persecuting spirit. What was to be done ? ELIOT THE APOSTLE. 125 Must the law be enforced or repealed ? It had been passed chap by only one majority. The vote was taken again ; one majority decided that the law must be obeyed. Four of the Quakers suffered the penalty of death. Severity did not accomplish the end in view; their brethren flocked to Massachusetts as if courting the honor of martyrdom. From the first the people had been opposed to the cruel law, and at their instance it was repealed. There was little apology for these harsh proceedings ; the magistrates could only say they acted in self-defence, in excluding those who taught doctrines that would interfere with the affairs of the colony. As soon as persecution ceased, the 166« Quakers became quiet citizens ; many of them devoted themselves to teaching the Indians under the direction of the missionary Eliot. The Puritans had long desired to carry the gospel to IWC the Indians. John Eliot, the devout and benevolent pastor of the church in Roxbury, in addition to his pas- toral labors, gave them regular instruction in Christianity. He learned their language that he might preach to them ; he translated the Bible, and taught them to read in their own tongue its precious truths. This translation, which cost him years of labor, is now valued only as a literary curiosity ; it is a sealed book, no living man can read it. The language has passed away with the people who spoke it. Their kind instructor induced them to cease from roving, and to settle in villages ; he taught the men to cultivate the soil, and the women to spin and weave oloth, to supply their wants. He mingled with them as a brother ; and though he met with much opposition from their priests and chiefs, he led many of them in the right path. His disciples loved him ; his gentleness and good- ness won their hearts. As he lived so he died, laboring for the good of others. In his last days, when borne down by years and infirmi- 126 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, ties, lie said, " My memory, my utterance fails me, but 1 XI. thank God my charity holds out still." Even up to the 1645. day of his death, which took place when he was eighty- six years of age, he continued to teach some poor negroes and a little blind boy. To Minister Walton, who came to see him, he said, u Brother, you are welcome, but retire to your study, and pray that I may be gone." Soon after, without a fear or a pang, the spirit of this good " Apostle" passed away ; his last words were " Welcome joy !" Eliot was not alone in his labors. The young, the winning, the pious May hew, an accomplished scholar, thought it a privilege to toil for the souls of the poor Indians who lived upon the islands in and around Massa- chusetts bay. He took passage for England to excite there an interest in his mission. He was never heard of more ; the ship in which he sailed went down in unknown waters. His father, although at this time seventy years of age, was moved to take his place as a teacher of the Indians. There, for twenty-two years, he labored with the happiest results, till death withdrew him from the work. Let us glance at the inner life of these colonists during the first generation or two after their settlement in the wilderness. In these earlier days the magistrates had a sort of patriarchal authority over the community, somewhat as a parent over his own household. And as the inhabitants were then comparatively few in number, and were perhaps known individually to the respective magistrates in their own vicinity, the influence of the latter was more directly exercised than when the population had largely increased. The children received instruc- tion in Scripture lessons, and in the catechism, as well as in the* very important virtue — obedience to parents. In all such matters the magistrates and ministers took a special interest, and thus aided the parents in training the young. Eor is it strange, under these considerations, RESULTS OF SEVERE TRAINING. 127 that the magistrates censured the wearing of costly ap- chap. parel, and the following of vain new fashions, because the people were poor and did wrong, they thought, to waste 1645 * their means on dress unnecessarily expensive, and they exercised their prerogative as a parent who reproves the extravagance of his children. Their descendants some- times smile at what they term the crude notions of these Puritan fathers ; but do these sons and daughters reflect how they themselves acquired this consciousness of their own superiority over their ancestors who lived more than two hundred years ago ? Their own attainments unques- tionably have been the result of that severe training con- tinued from generation to generation ; each succeeding one modified and refined by the experience, the educa- tion, and correct moral influence of the one preceding ; so that each generation thus profiting, unconsciously rose to a still higher plane of Christianized civilization. This result is in accordance with the God-implanted principle in the hearts of parents, to desire that their children should have better advantages than they themselves en- joyed in their own youth. The Puritans were far in advance of their contemporaries in the training of their children and households in the sterling virtues of honor and integrity ; these combined influences have produced, in the course of five or six generations, the most remark- able progress known to history. The Puritans felt the vast importance of sacred things, and were strenuous in carrying out their principles. They were careful to leave off labor at three o'clock on Satur- day afternoon to prepare for the Sabbath. They went to church, heard sermons twice a day, each two hours long, heard prayers and sang psalms of proportionate length, and enjoyed it. The tithing-man passed round with his staff of office, on the one end of which was a brass ball, on the other a tuft of feathers : with the former he tapped the heads of the men who fell asleep during the 128 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, sermon ; with the latter he gently tickled the faces of the L. drowsy women. 1645. They were not so democratic as to make no distinc- tions in social life. 1 The term gentleman was seldom used; the well-born and the well-bred by courtesy re- ceived the title of Mr., while the common folk were dignified with that of Goodman or Goody. These titles were sometimes taken away by the court as a punish- ment. It is recorded that Mr. Josias Plaistow robbed an Indian of corn, for which he was sentenced to lose his title of Mr., and henceforth to be known only as Josias. Their luxuries were few indeed, but the women prized none more highly than that of tea. In those days it was customary for them to carry their own china cup and saucer and spoon to visiting parties. To be the possessor of a " tea equipage of silver" was deemed a worldly de- sire, to be sure, but not of an objectionable kind ; it was commendable. Though there has been associated with these colonists a certain austere manner, chilling the heart of cheerful- ness, yet let it not be forgotten they had their innocent pleasure parties, especially when the neighbors joined to aid each other in harvest times or in house-raisings. The farmers and their families were accustomed to go in groups at least once a year, to spend a season at the sea- shore and supply themselves with salt and fish. They usually went at the close of harvest, when the weather was suitable for camping out. If they rejected the. festi- val of Christmas as a " relic of Popery," they instituted Thanksgiving, and enjoyed it with as much relish as the entire Nation does to-day. Within thirty years great changes had taken place in the colony. The people were prosperous : industry and self-denial had wrought wonders. Elliott's History of New England. THE GKOWTH OF BOSTON". 129 Says an enthusiastic chronicler of the times : ' " The chap. XI Lord hath been pleased to turn all the wigwams, huts, and L hovels the English dwelt in at their first coming, into 1645. orderly, fair, and well-built houses, well furnished, many of them, with orchards filled with goodly fruit-trees and garden flowers." The people had numerous cattle and herds of sheep and swine, and plenty of poultry ; their fields produced an abundance of wheat, rye, oats, barley, and Indian corn ; and they could furnish fish, lumber, and many commodities for export. " This poor wilderness hath equalized England in food, and goes beyond it for the plenty of wine, and apples, pears, quince-tarts, instead of their former pumpkin pies." " Good white and wheaten bread is no dainty ; the poorest person in the country hath a house and land of his own, and bread of his own grow- ing — if not some cattle." These good things were not obtained without labor. Of the thirty-two trades carried on, the most successful were those of coopers, tanners, shoemakers, and ship- builders. " Many fair ships and lesser vessels, barques, and ketches were built." Thus the chronicler anticipates 135& the growth of Boston, which, " of a poor country village, is become like unto a small city ; its buildings beautiful and large — some fairly set out with brick, tile, stone, and slate, orderly placed, with comely streets, whose continual enlargements presageth some sumptuous city." They had their soldiers, too, and a " very gallant horse-troop," each one of which had by him " powder, bullets, and match." Their enemies were graciously warned that these soldiers " were all experienced in the deliverances of the Lord from the mouth of the lion and the paw of the bear." » Johnson's " Wonder-working Providence of Zion's Saviour in New England,"— as quoted by Hildreth. CHAPTER XII. YIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. Slavery. — Massacre by the Indians. — Lord Baltimore. — The Settlement ol Maryland. — Clayborne's Rebellion. — The Colony prosperous. — Tolera- tion. — Berkeley governor of Virginia ; Trade crippled ; Intolerance. — Indian "War. — State of Society. — Aristocratic Assembly. — Complaints of Berkeley. — War with the Susquehannahs. — Nathaniel Bacon. — Disturb- ances. — Obnoxious Assembly dissolved. — Evils corrected. — Bacon goes against the Indians. — Insincerity of Berkeley. — Jamestown captured and burned. — Death of Bacon. — Tyranny of Berkeley. — Aristocratic Assembly ; its illiberal Acts. — Culpepper governor. — A Series of extor- tions. — Deplorable state of the Colony. — Difficulties in Maryland. chap. In August of this year slavery was introduced into the • gL colonies. A Dutch ship entered James river, having on 1620. board twenty negroes for sale as slaves. Although the Dutch continued occasionally to bring Africans to the Virginia market, the number of slaves increased but slowly for a third of a century. The trade was discouraged, but not absolutely forbidden. The Indians were scattered throughout the country, in little villages, along the streams and in the most fertile districts. The planters, who wanted these places for theii tobacco, took possession of them. Powhatan, the friend 1618. of the English, was dead ; his brother and successor, Ope- chancanough, though professing friendship, was tfyeii enemy : his proud spirit burned within him at the wrongi of his people. Not daring to meet the English in open conflict, he planned secretly a terrible revenge ; even theii entire extermination. At this time the number of colo THE MASSACRE. 131 nists was about four thousand ; that of the Indians within c ^j?- sixty or a hundred miles of Jamestown, about five thou- sand. At noon on a certain day, the Indians were to fall 1622. upon every settlement, and murder all the whites. Mean- while, Opechancanough was warmer than ever in his pro- fessions; " sooner would the skies fall," said he, " than that my friendship for the English should cease." On the morning of the intended massacre, the Indians were in the houses and at the tables of the planters, and manifested more than their usual good will. On that morning, a con- verted Indian, named Chauco, brought the news of the plot to Jamestown. He had learned of it only the night before. Messengers were sent in every direction to warn the people, but it was too late to reach the distant settlements. Throughout the extent of one hundred and forty miles, the merciless savages attacked the settlers at the same moment; and on the twenty-second of March, there perished within one hour, three hundred and forty-seven persons, men, Mar. women, and children. Some of the settlements, though taken by surprise, repulsed their assailants, yet the effect was terrible. Of eighty plantations, all but eight were laid waste, and the people hastened for safety to James- town. Desolation reigned over the whole colony; death had entered almost every family, and now famine and sick- ness prevailed. Within three months the four thousand colonists were reduced to twenty-five hundred ; the de- crease continued, and at the end of two years not more than two thousand remained of the nine thousand who had emigrated to Virginia. Their misfortunes excited much feeling in England. Assistance was sent ; the city of London did much to relieve their pressing wants, and pri- vate individuals were not backward in sending aid. Even King James's sympathies were enlisted ; he had never aided the colonists, but he now gave them some old muskets that had been thrown aside as useless. The planters did not fear the Indians in open conflict; 132 HISTOEY OF THE AMEBICAjS" PEOPLE. "m** ^ ut ** was necessai 7 to guard against their secret attacks. In their turn, they formed plans to exterminate the 1622. savages, or drive them far back into the wilderness. Expe- ditions for this purpose were sent against them from time to time, during the space of ten years. In time industry began to revive, and signs of prosperity once more were seen. The London Company was now bankrupt ; endless discussions arose among the numerous stockholders. They became divided into two political parties, — one favored the king's prerogative ; the other, the liberty of the colo- nists. These questions were freely discussed at the meet- ings of the company, greatly to the annoyance of James. When he found it impossible to prevent the stockholders from expressing their opinions, he arbitrarily took away the charter of the company. To console the colonists, he announced that he had taken them under his own special protection. He began to frame laws for their government — laws no doubt in accordance with his peculiar notions of l«25. kingcraft ; but his labors and life were suddenly ended. Charles I., his son and successor, appeared to favor the colony : it conformed to the church of England, and he did not suspect its politics. More than this, he wished to ingratiate himself with the colonists, for he desired the monopoly of their tobacco trade. He even went so far as to recognize the House of Burgesses as a legislative body, and requested them to pass a law by which he alone could purchase the tobacco of the colony. The House, in a dig- nified and respectful manner, refused to comply with the 1«29. royal request, as it would be injurious to their trade. After the death of the liberal and high-minded Yeardley, the council elected Francis West governor. Charles, piqued at this independence, as well as the refusal to grant him the monopoly, appointed Sir John Harvey. Harvey had been a member of the colonial council, where he was the willing instrument of a faction that had almost SIR GEORGE CALVERT. 133 ruined the prospects of the colony. The enemy of the chap. rights of the people, he was exceedingly unpopular ; he now took special care of his own interests and those of his 1688. friends, by appointing them alone to office. The histories of Virginia and Maryland are intimately connected. As has been mentioned, Captain Smith was the first to explore the Chesapeake ; the trade with the Indians along its shores had now become profitable. Though the Potomac river was the northern boundary of Virginia, the colonists had extended their trade and influ- ence with the Indians on both sides, up to the head of the bay. William Clayborne, a bold and restless spirit, a sur- veyor of land by profession, was employed by the Governor of Virginia to explore the sources of the Chesapeake. A company was formed in England for the purpose of trading with the Indians, who lived on both sides of the bay. Clayborne, the agent of the company, obtained a license to trade, and established two stations, one on Kent Island, opposite Annapolis, and one at the mouth of the Susque- hannah. During the turmoil of religious parties and persecu- tions in England, Sir George Calvert, afterward Lord Baltimore, left the Protestant church, resigned his office of Secretary of State, and professed himself a Roman Catholic. This did not affect his standing with James 01 his son Charles. Calvert manifested a strong interest in the cause of colonization. He wished to found a colony to which Catholics might flee to avoid persecution. He first obtained permission to found a settlement on the cold and barren shores of Newfoundland ; that enterprise was soon 162% abandoned. He turned to Virginia, a clime more genial ; there he was met by the oaths of supremacy and alle- giance, to which, as a good Catholic, Lord Baltimore could not subscribe ; Virginia could never be a peaceful asylum for those of his faith. The region north of it attracted his 134 HISTOEY OP THE AMEBICAH PEOPLE. c Sf T p - attention, and he applied to King Charles for a portion of L that territory. 1682 Charles gave him a grant of land, most of which is now included in the State of Maryland ; it was named after Henrietta Maria, the wife of the king. As a proprietary Lord Baltimore deserves all praise for his liberality. The cojonists were to have a voice in making their own laws ; they were not to be taxed without their own consent. He was bold to repudiate intolerance, and politic to adopt a form of government which alone could insure success. He designed his colony to be an asylum for the Catholic, but the Protestant was invited to share it. Just as the charter was about to be issued he died. To his son Cecil, under the same title, the charter was continued ; to him belongs the honor of carrying into effect the inten- tions of his father. Feb., He deputed his brother, Leonard, to take charge of the emigrants, who, to the number of two hundred, after a protracted voyage, arrived safely in the Chesapeake. A tribe of Indians residing on the St. Mary's, a branch of the Potomac, were about to remove on account of their ene- mies the Susquehannahs ; they sold to the infant colony their cultivated land and their village. The Indian women taught the strangers' wives to make bread of maize ; and soon the emigrants had corn-fields and gardens, and obtained abundance of game in the forest. A few days after their arrival, Governor Harvey, of Vir- ginia, paid them a friendly visit ; it was the desire of Charles that they should be welcomed by the sister colony. Friendly relations were established with the neighboring Indians ; the colonists for a time obtained their necessary pro visions from Virginia, but as they were industrious, the fruitful earth soon repaid their labor. At the commence- ment of the second year, the freemen of the colony held their first legislative Assembly. Clayborne was the evil genius of Maryland. His licecse 1682. EFFORTS TO CONVERT THE INDIANS. 135 to trade with the Indians was made void by Lord Balti- chap more's charter. He attempted to excite a rebellion, but was overpowered and compelled to flee to Virginia. The 1635 Governor of Maryland demanded him as a fugitive from justice ; to evade the demand Harvey sent him to Eng- land to be tried. This offended the people of Virginia, who sympathized with Clayborne ; to avenge him, they impeached Harvey himself, " and thrust him out of his government." The Assembly appointed commissioners to prosecute the charges against him in England. The commissioners met with no favor from the king ; and soon, April, 1689 under a new appointment, the unpopular Harvey came back as governor. Meanwhile peace and plenty continued to be the lot of Maryland. Every year the rights of the people were better understood ; they acknowledged their allegiance to England, and respected the rights of Lord Baltimore. Their lands produced an abundance of tobacco, and com- merce began to prosper. Efforts were now made to con- vert some of the neighboring Indians to Christianity. The priests established four stations among them, and not without effect. One chief, Tayac, with his wife, was bap- tized, he taking the name of Charles and she that of Mary. Soon after one hundred and thirty other converts received baptism, some of whom sent their children to receive a Christian education under the care of the priests. But, alas ! these efforts were as vain as the other attempts of the times to Christianize the poor natives. The same evil causes were here at work — wars and the influence of bad men. It is said these grateful tribes ever after remained friendly to those who endeavored to instruct them. The persevering Clayborne returned, to mar their 264£^ peace by another and more successful insurrection. The Governor of Maryland was now, in his turn, compelled to flee to Virginia. After two years of misrule, peace was again restored, and all the offenders were pardoned. 136 HISTOEY OP THE AMERICAS" PEOPLE. chap. As an interesting fact, it may be mentioned, that in this year Maryland passed a law of perfect toleration to 1649. all Christian sects ; two years previous Khode Island had granted toleration to all opinions, Infidel as well as Christian. During the rule of Cromwell the government of Mary- land was very unsettled. The Assembly, finally, repu- diated both Cromwell and Baltimore, and proclaimed the authority of the people as supreme. Scarcely was this ac- complished when the restoration of Charles II. took place. 1660. Lord Baltimore made known to the king that his profes- sions of republicanism were made only to obtain the favoi of Cromwell, and that really he was a good royalist Charles immediately restored him his proprietary rights. Baltimore was not vindictive ; he proclaimed a general pardon, and for almost thirty years the colony enjoyed repose. Sir William Berkeley, as successor to Harvey, was ap- 1642. pointed Governor of Virginia. The trade of the colony was crippled by severe restrictions ; as England claimed its trade for herself alone. Thus began a series of acts and infringements on commerce by the home government, which annoyed the people of the colonies, and interfered with their industry and commercial prosperity for more than one hundred and thirty years, when these grievances 1776. were swept away by the Kevolution. The colony was now permitted for a time to take care of itself, Charles I. being engaged in a contest with his subjects at home. The Vir- ginians were stanch friends of the king, and the party in the mother country contending against him met with no favor from them. The Puritans who were living in Vir- ginia, 'being identified with republicanism, were looked upon with suspicion ; those of their number who would not conform to the ceremonies of the Church of England were banished. A majority of these passed over into Maryland. Thus it was, the Puritan would not permit THE LOYALTY OF VIRGINIA. the Episcopalian to come to New England, and the Epis chap. copalian banished the Puritan from Virginia. 1 No peace was granted to the Indians. After a space 1644. of twenty-two years, they once more made an effort to free themselves from their enemies. The frontier settlements were suddenly attacked, and about three hundred persons killed. When resisted, the savages fled to the wilderness. They were pursued with great vigor, and after a contest of two years their power was completely broken. Opechan- canough, their aged chief, was taken captive, and soon after died in prison ; his proud spirit deeply wounded that he should be gazed at by his enemies. The next year a treaty was made, by which they relinquished forever the fertile valleys of their fathers, and with sorrowful hearts retired far into the wilderness. After the execution of Charles I., great numbers of the royalists, " good cavalier families," fled to Virginia, where they were welcomed as exiled patriots. She was the last of the colonies to acknowledge the authority of the Common- wealth. But when commissioners were sent, who granted the people all the civil rights and privileges they asked, they submitted. After the death of Cromwell, and before it was known who was to rule in England, the House of Burgesses re- solved, u that the supreme power will be resident in the Assembly." Then Berkeley was elected governor. In accepting office, he acknowledged the authority of the people's representatives, saying, " I am but the servant of the Assembly ." We shall see how sincere was that decla- ration. When Charles II. was in exile, he was invited to come and be " king of Virginia; " from this incident, it has been called " The Old Dominion/' This loyalty Charles after his restoration repaid, by basely taking away their privileges, and distributing their lands among his favorites. The society of Virginia was peculiar. The first settle- 138 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CH-AjP- ments were made under the protection of the nobility; this favored the growth of an aristocratic class of landholders. 1660. There were two other classes — the negro, who was a slave for life, and the indented white man, sent from the mother country to serve a certain number of years. These white servants were sometimes criminals, but oftener political offenders. The latter, when their term of servitude ex- pired, mingled with the people on an equality. The Assembly held their sessions once in two years , their members were chosen by the people, and only for one session. The first Assembly held after the Restoration, was composed of landholders. Berkeley now declared him- self governor, not because he was elected by the people, but because Charles when in exile had appointed him. 1662. The Assembly went still further, and deprived the peo- ple of the privilege of choosing their own legislators, by assuming to themselves the right to be perpetual. This Assembly remained thus in violation of law for fourteen 1676. years. During this usurpation, all that the people had gained of civil rights for more than a third of a century, this aristocratic House of Burgesses swept away. The only right allowed them was that of petitioning their rulers for redress of grievances — but these petitions were disregarded. The Church of England was declared to be the religion of the State, and all were- bound by law under penalties of fines and banishment, not only to attend its services, but to pay a tax to support it. Governor Berkeley complained of its ministers : " as of all other commodities, so of this — the worst are sent us, and we have few that we can boast of, since the persecutions in Cromwell's tyranny drove divers worthy men hither." The cause of education was neglected, and almost prohibited. The poor were pecu- liarly unfortunate — " out of towns," says a chronicler of the times, " every man instructs his children as best he can :" — no aid was afforded them by those in authority. Says the aristocratic Berkeley : " I thank God there are NATHANIEL BACON. 139 no free schools nor printing ; and I hope we will not ha?e c ^ p them these hundred years ! " Such was the language of , a man who was Governor of Virginia for nearly forty years. 1639. The printing-press was established in Massachusetts ninety 1729. years before there was one in Virginia. The people of Maryland became involved in war with the Indians. A company of Virginians, under John Wash- 1675. ington, great-grandfather of George Washington, crossed over the Potomac to aid them. Six chiefs of the Susque- hannahs came to treat for peace, but the Virginians treach- erously murdered the whole company. For this evil deed the innocent were made to suffer. The Susquehannahs immediately passed over into Virginia to revenge their death, by killing ten persons for each chief. According to their belief, until this sacrifice was made, the souls of their chiefs could not be at rest in the spirit land. The people cried to the governor for protection, which he was slow to give ; they attributed his tardiness to his interest in the fur-trade. They now asked permission to defend them- selves ; to invade the enemies' country, and drive them from their hiding-places ; this was also refused. During this delay, the Indians pursued their murderous work all along the frontiers. There was in the colony a young planter, not more than thirty years of age, a native of England ; a lawyer by pro- fession ; eloquent and winning in his manners ; bold and determined in spirit ; a true patriot ; disliked by the gov- ernor, because he was a republican ; but dear to the peo- ple for the same reason : such was Nathaniel Bacon. To him, in their extremity, they turned. Those who had volunteered to go against the Indians, asked of the gover- nor a commission for Bacon to command them. Berkeley obstinately refused to grant it. He would not countenance such presumption on the part of the " common people." The murders continued ; the volunteers waited no longer on the tardy government, but set out under the command 140 HISTORY OP THE AMEBIC AH PEOPLE. chap, of Bacon to repel the savages. The moment they were gone, Berkeley proclaimed Bacon a traitor, and his soldiers 1676. rebels, and gave orders for them to disperse. A-prU. The populous counties on the Bay began to show signs of insurrection. Their quarrel was not with the Indians, but with the acts and continued existence of the House of Burgesses. Bacon, meanwhile, had returned successful from his expedition. The haughty old governor was forced to yield ; the obnoxious Assembly was dissolved, and writs issued for the election of members for another, to which Bacon was returned triumphantly from Henrico county. This Assembly corrected the evils of the long one. The unjust taxes on the poor were removed ; the privilege of voting for their legislators was restored to the people, and many abuses in relation to the expenditure of the public money rectified. The House elected Bacon commander oi the army. These measures were very distasteful to Berke- ley and his advisers — he would not give them his sanction. Finally, however, he yielded to necessity ; and even went so far as to transmit to England, his own and the council's commendations of Bacon's loyalty and patriotism. The Indians still continued their attacks upon the settlements, and Bacon with a small force went to punish them : again the insincere Berkeley proclaimed him a traitor. Such treachery excited his indignation and that of the army. No confidence could be placed in the gov- ernor's word. " It vexes me to the heart," said the gal* lant patriot, " that while I am hunting the wolves which destroy our lambs, that I should myself be pursued like a savage — the whole country is witness to our peaceable behavior ; but those in authority, how have they obtained their estates ? Have they not devoured the common trea- sury ? What schools of learning have they promoted ? " Such were the questions asked, and such were the senti- ments that stirred the hearts of the people. They must / JAMESTOWN BURNED. 141 have their rights restored : wives urged their husbands to chap contend for their liberties. L Berkeley with a few royalist followers and advisers, went 1675 to the eastern shore of the bay. There by promises of plun- der, he collected a rabble of sailors belonging to some Eng- lish vessels, and a company of vagabond Indians. When the rumor of the governor's intentions spread throughout the land, the people with one accord met in convention at the Middle Plantation, now Williamsburg, where they deliber- ated all day, even until midnight. They decided it was their duty to defend themselves from the tyranny of the governor. They adjourned, however, and went to their homes, determined to be guided in their conduct by the course he should pursue. They were not long in suspense, for Berkeley crossed over with five ships to Jamestown, to put down what he was pleased to call a rebellion. In a Sept very short time the little army so successful against the Indians, was gathered once more under the same leader. The conflict was short ; Berkeley's cowardly rabble broke and fled ; deserting Jamestown, they went on board their ships and dropped down the river. The victors entered the deserted town. A council was held as to what was to be done. Should they leave it as a place of defence for their enemies ? It was deemed necessary to burn it. Drummond and Lawrence, men prominent in the popular movement, applied the torch to their own dwellings; the example was followed by others, and, in a few hours, the 6rst town founded by Englishmen on this continent was in ruins. A crumbling church-tower is all that now remains to mark the site of old Jamestown. The good results of this struggle were doomed to be lost. Bacon suddenly fell ill of a violent fever, which terminated his life in a few days. He was called a traitor Oct and a rebel by Berkeley and his royalist party, as was Washington by the same party one hundred years after- ward, 142 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. J xfr P ' ^^ e P eo P^ e were now without a leader — without any one to plead their cause. Berkeley played the tyiant, 1676. ravaged the country and confiscated the property of the patriots. He caused to perish on the scaffold more than twenty of the best men of Virginia. One or two incidents may serve to exhibit his spirit. When Drummond (who is represented as a "sober, Scotch gentleman, of good repute ") was brought into his presence, " You are very welcome," said he, bowing at the same time, with mock civility ; " I am more glad to see you than any man in Virginia ; you shall be hanged in half an hour I " He derided, in vulgar terms, a young wife who came to plead for her husband, to take the blame of his offence upon herself, and to offer her own life for his. If any one dared speak disrespectfully of Berkeley or his rule, he was publicly whipped. The end came at last ; Berkeley left the country, and the people celebrated his departure with bonfires and rejoicings. When he arrived in England he found that public opinion severely condemned his conduct ; and, what was more wounding to his pride, even Charles, to serve whom he had stained his soul with innocent blood, exclaimed, " That old fool has taken away more lives in that naked land than I for the death of my father ! " The names and characters of Bacon and his adherents were vilified, and for a century these slanders were not disproved ; the truth was not per- mitted to be published. The facts, as now known, prove that the men who thus opposed the tyranny of Berkeley were not rebels and traitors, but worthy to be num- bered among the patriots of the land. ifTT. The first Assembly held after this unsuccessful strug- gle was devoted to the interests of the aristocracy. All the liberal laws passed by the preceding one were re- pealed ; henceforth only freeholders could vote for mem- bers of the House of Burgesses. The poor man was ae CULPEPPER AND EFFINGHAM. 143 heavily taxed as the rich, but unless he -was a landholder ckap he had no vote. , The profligate Charles gave Virginia to two of his 1678 favorites — Arlington and Culpepper ; the latter soon after purchased the claim of the former. The king appointed C ul- pepper governor for life. He came authorized to heal differ- ences between the people and the government, but he used 1680 the power for his own interest alone ; he valued Virginia only in proportion to the money his rapacity could extort ; even the soldiers, sent to maintain his authority, he de- frauded of their wages. When he had secured to himself the highest possible revenue, he sailed for England. The condition of the Virginians was wretched in the extreme ; the rewards of their industry went to their rapacious rulers, and they, goaded to desperation, were on the point of rebellion. Rumors of these discontents reached England, and the truant governor reluctantly left his pleasures to visit his domain. Having the authority of the king, Culpepper 1682. caused several men of influence to be hanged as traitors. The people who owned farms in the territory, given him by royal grant, he now compelled to lose their estates, or compromise by paying money. Charles had now another favorite to provide for ; Culpepper was removed, and 1684 Effingham appointed. This change was even for the worse ; Effingham was more needy and more avaricious. On the accession of James II. what is known in his- tory as Monmouth's Rebellion occurred. After its sup- 1688, pression, multitudes of those implicated in it were sent to Virginia and Maryland to be sold as servants for a term of ten years. Many of these were men of education and of good families. The House of Burgesses, to their hon^r be it said, declared these poor men free, though the cruel James had forbidden the exercise of such lenity. So little were the claims of humanity respected at this time in the West of England, that it was a common occur- 144 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XII. renee to kidnap persons of the poorer sort, and send them to the colonies to be sold as servants for a term of years 1685. These were principally brought to Virginia and Mary- land, as there the planters required many laborers. The trade was profitable, more so than the African slave trade. 1688. 'After the accession of William and Mary an effort was made to establish a college in Virginia, " to educate a do- mestic succession of Church of England ministers," as well as to teach the children of the Indians. The celebrated Robert Boyle made a large donation, and the king gave, in addition to three other grants, outstanding quit-rents, valued at about £2,000. Such was the foundation of the IW1 college of William and Mary. The Rev. James Blair, said to be the first commissary Bent to the colonies by the Bishop of London, " to supply the office and jurisdiction of the bishop in the out-places of the diocese/' was its president for fifty years. Though William was thus moderately liberal, he was by no means the representative of the true feeling of his ministry ; they even looked upon this pittance as uncalled for. Blair, the pious and energetic Scotchman, once urged upon Seymour, the attorney-general, the importance of establishing schools to educate ministers of the gospel. " Consider, sir,-' said he, " that the people of Virginia have souls to save." He was answered by a profane im- precation upon their souls, and told to " make tobacco." This pithy rebuff indicated the spirit and general policy of the home government ; it valued the colonies only as a source of wealth. For many years voluntary emigration to Virginia almost ceased. 'There were no inducements, no encouragement to industry, all commerce was restricted. The planters were at the mercy of the English trader ; he alone was permitted to buy their tobaoco and to sell them merchan- dise. The whole province was given over to the tender TROUBLES IN MARYLAND. 145 mercies of royal favorites and extortioners, while the chap . XII printing-press, that dread of tyrants, was still forbidden. — How dearly did loyal Virginia pay for the honor of being 1685. named the " Old Dominion ! " The struggles of the people of Virginia under Bacon and others, had an effect on the people of Maryland. At the death of Lord Baltimore, his son and heir assumed the 1675. government, and ruled with justice till another revolution in England brought a change. The deputy-governor hesi- 1688. tated to acknowledge William and Mary. This was seized upon by some restless spirits to excite discontent in the minds of the people. Among other absurd stories, it was said that the Catholics, who were few in number, were about to in- vite the Indians to aid them in massacring the Protestants. At this time the Jesuits had excited the Indians of New England and Canada against the New England colonies. This gave a shadow of probability to the charge. Under the lead of some persons, who professed to be very zealous Protestants, the deputy-governor was seized, and a con- vention called, which deposed Lord Baltimore, and pro- claimed the people the true sovereign. Two years after, 1691. King William, taking them at their word, unjustly de- prived Lord Baltimore of his property, and made the colony a royal province. The people now suffered the penalty for ill treating their benevolent proprietary. The king placed over them a royal governor ; changed their laws for the worse ; established the Church of England, and taxed them to maintain it ; did not promote education, but pro- hibited printing ; discouraged their domestic manufac- tures ; and finally disfranchised the Catholics, who had laid the foundation of the colony sixty years before. The rights of Lord Baltimore were afterward restored to his infant child, and the original form of government was 171* established. No colony experienced so many vicissitudes as Maryland. CHAPTER XIII. COLONIZATION OP NEW TORI. Hudson's Discoveries. — Indian Traffic. — Fort on the lrte of Manhattan.— Walloons the first Settlers. — Peter Minuits. — The Patroons. — Tan Twiller Governor ; his Misrule. — Succeeded by Kieft. — Difficulties with the Indians. — They seek Protection; their Massacre. — Peace con- cluded. — Stuyvesant Governor. — The Swedish Settlement on the Dela- ware.— Pavonia. — Threatening Rumors. — New Netherland surrendered to England. — New Jersey sold by the Duke of York. — The Influence of the Dutch. chap. When there were high hopes of discovering a north-west passage to India, Henry Hudson was sent in search of it 1609. by a company of London merchants. He was unsuccess- ful ; yet his enthusiasm was not diminished by his failure. He requested to be again sent on the same errand, but the merchants were unwilling to incur further expense. He then applied to the Dutch East India Company ; the directors of which, at Amsterdam, furnished him with a ship, the Half- Moon, with liberty to exercise his own judgment in the pro- secution of the enterprise. He first sailed to the north-east, away beyond the Capes of Norway, as far as the ice would permit. He saw that an effort in that direction would be fruitless. He turned to the west, crossed the Atlantic, and coasted along the continent till he found himself op- posite the Capes of Virginia ; then turning to the north he entered " a great bay with rivers," since known as the Delaware ; still further north he passed through a narrow channel, and found himself in a beautiful bay. Here he A CHANGE WROUGHT. 147 remained some days. The natives, " clothed in mantles c *\f* of feathers and robes of fur/' visited his ship. Their 1 astonishment was great ; they thought it was the canoe 1609. of the Great Spirit, and the vhite faces, so unlike them- selves, were his servants. Hudson explored the bay, and noticed a large stream flowing from the north ; this, thought he, leads to the Eastern Seas. That stream, called by some of the native tribes the Cahohatatea, or River of Mountains, and by others the Shatemuc, he explored for one hundred and fifty miles ; it did not lead to the Eastern Seas, yet that river has immortalized the name of Henry Hudson. What a change has come over the " River of Moun- tains n since he threaded his way up its stream two hun- dred and eighty years ago ! It has become the highway to the great inland seas of a continent, upon whose bosoms float the fruits of the industry of millions ; and the island at its mouth the heart of a nation's commerce, whose every throb is felt throughout that nation's length and breadth. From the highest church-steeple, 1 on this Isle of Man- hattan, the eye takes in a horizon containing a population very much greater than that of the thirteen colonies at the time of the Declaration of Independence. There are other changes which the philanthropist loves to contemplate. Here are seen the humanizing influences of Christianity, of civilization, of intelligence, and of industry, embodied in institutions of learning, of science, and of benevo- lence, that pour forth their charities and blessings, not alone for this land but for others. The coincidence is striking, that, nearly at the same time, the representatives of three nations were penetrating the wilderness and approaching each other. Champlain, on behalf of France, was exploring the northern part of New York ; John Smith, one of the pioneers of English Trinity. 143 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, colonization, was pushing his discoveries up to the head 1 waters of the Chesapeake, while the Half-Moon was slowly 1610. sounding her way up the Hudson. Hudson arrived safely in England, but he was not per- mitted by the government to continue in the service of the Dutch, lest they should derive advantage in trade from his discoveries. However, he found means to transmit to his employers at Amsterdam, an account of his voyage. On:e more he sailed under the patronage of some English mer- chants. He passed through the straits into the bay known by his name; groped among a multitude of islands till late in the season, and then determined to winter there, and in the spring continue his search for the wished-for passage. When spring came his provisions were nearly exhausted ; it was impossible to prosecute his design. With tears of disappointment he gave orders to turn the prow of his ves- sel homeward. A day or two afterward his crew mutinied. They seized him, put him, with his son and seven seamen, four of whom were ill, on board the shallop, and inhumanly left them to perish. " The gloomy waste of waters which bears his name, is his tomb and his monument." Hudson, in his communication to his employers, described the extensive region he had discovered as well watered by rivers, and as lying around bays and inlets ; as covered with forests abounding in the finest timber for ship-building ; and as " a land as beautiful as ever man trod upon/' The numerous tribes of Indians who met him in friendship, and the multitudes of beaver and otter , gave indication also of a profitable trade. The next year a ship was sent to trade ; the traffic was profitable^ and was still further prosecuted. In a few years there were forts or trading houses on the river, as far up as Fort Orange, since Albany. A rude fort at the 1614 lower end of Manhattan island was the germ of the present city of New York The Dutch during: this time wer« EMIGRATION ENCOURAGED. 149 busy exploring the waters from the Delaware to Cape c *lap. Cod. They were as yet but a company of traders ; no L. emigrants had left Holland with the intention of making 1614. a permanent settlement. A company was formed, under the title of the Dutch 1621. West India Company ; an association for the purpose of trade only. They took possession of the territory as tem- porary occupants ; if they grew rich they were indifferent as to other matters ; they had no promise of protection from Holland, and as a matter of policy they were peace- ful. The States-General granted them the monopoly of trade from Cape May to Nova Scotia, and named the entire territory New Netherland. The claims of the Eng- lish, French, and Dutch thus overlapped each other, and led to " territorial disputes, national rivalries, religious antipathies, and all the petty hatreds and jealousies of trade." About thirty families, Walloons or French Protestants, who had fled to Holland to avoid persecution, were the first to emigrate with the intention of remaining. Some of these settled in the vicinity of what is now the Navy Yard in Brooklyn, others went up the river to Fort 162 e Orange. The central position of the island of Manhattan ob- tained for it the honor of being chosen as the residence of the agent for the company. Peter Minuits was appointed such, under the title of governor, and the few cottages at the south end of the island were dignified with the name of New Amsterdam. The island itself belonged exclusively to the company, and was purchased from the Indians for about twenty-four dollars. Effort was now made to found a State. Every person who should emigrate had the.privi- lege of owning as much land as he could properly culti- vate, provided it was not on lands especially claimed by the company. To encourage emigration, it was ordered that any member of the company who in four years should 150 HISTORY m THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, induce fifty persons to settle anywhere in New Nether- 1 land, except on the island of Manhattan, should be recog- 1625. nised as " Patroon," or " Lord of the Manor." Under this arrangement "Patroons" could purchase a tract of land sixteen miles long by eight in width. They secured to themselves, by purchase from the Indians, the most valuable lands and places for trade. The less rich were by necessity compelled to become tenants of the Patroons. The people, thus deprived of that independence which is essential to the progress of any community, took but little interest in cultivating the soil, or in improving the country. The company, for the sake of gain, determined, even at the expense of the prosperity of the colonists, to make New Amsterdam the centre of the trade of New Nether- land. Under the penalty of banishment the people were forbidden to manufacture the most common fabrics for clothing. No provision was made for the education of the young, or the preaching of the gospel ; although it was enjoined upon the Patroons to provide " a minister and a schoolmaster, " or at least a " comforter of the sick," whose duty it should be to read to the people texts of Scripture and the creeds. The company also agreed, if the specu- lation should prove profitable, to furnish the Patroons with African slaves. As Hudson had discovered Delaware bay and river, the Dutch claimed the territory. Samuel Godyn purchased from the Indians all their lands from Cape Henlopen to 1629. the mouth of the Delaware river. Two years after this thirty colonists arrived, fully prepared to found a settle- ment. When De Vries, who was to be Patroon and com- mander, 'came the next year, he found not a vestige of the settlement ; all had perished by the hands of the savages. After the resignation of Minuits, Walter Van Twiller through the " influence of kinsmen and friends/' was ap< WILLIAM KIEFT GOVERNOR. 151 pointed governor. He proved himself unfitted for the C ** A . P station. As a clerk, he was acquainted with the mere . routine of business, but ignorant of human nature ; as con- 1638. ceited as he was deficient in judgment and prudence, he failed to secure the respect of those he governed. In his zeal for the interests of his employers, he neglected the rights of the people, and was so inconsistent in the management of public affairs that Dominie Bogardus sent him a letter of severe reproof, threatening to give him " such a shake from the pulpit on the following Sunday 1688, as would make him shudder." The inefficient Van T wilier was succeeded by William Kieft. Though he had not the same defects as Van Twiller, his appointment was a most unfortunate event for the colony. A bankrupt in Holland, his portrait was affixed to the gallows ; an evidence of the estimation in which his character was held. Avaricious and unscrupu- lous, so arbitrary in his measures that during his rule the colony was in a continual turmoil, he quarrelled with the Swedes on the Delaware, had difficulties with the Eng- lish in New England, made the Indians his enemies, and had scarcely a friend in his own colony. The Dutch were on friendly terms with the Indians during the rule of Van Twiller. It was forbidden by law to sell them fire-arms ; but the traders up the river, indif- ferent to the interests of the settlers, sold them guns to such an extent, that at one time more than four hundred of the Mohawks, or Iroquois, were armed with muskets. By this means these terrible marauders and despots of the wilderness were rendered more haughty and dangerous. They paid enormous prices for guns, that they might be able to meet their enemies the Canadian Indians, who were supplied with fire-arms by the French. Though the traders did not sell guns to the tribes living near New Amsterdam and on the river, yet they sold them rum. Kieft pretended that the company had ordered him to 152 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP- levy an annual tribute upon the river Indians— the Mo- 1 hegans and other clans of the Algonquin race. They re- 1688. fused to pay any tribute, saying he " was a shabby fellow to come and live on their lands without being invited, and then want to take away their corn for nothing." Such injustice, with the partiality shown to their enemies, the Mohawks, gradually alienated their feelings of friendship for the Dutch. An act of Kieft awoke the slumbering anger of the savages. The Karitans, a tribe living on the river which bears their name, were accused of stealing hogs, which had been taken by some Dutch traders. Kieft did not inquire into the truth of the charge, but sent soldiers to punish them, who destroyed their corn and killed some of their number. De Vries, who, in the mean time, hac planted a settlement on Staten Island, was himself a friend of the Indians. The Karitans attacked this settle- 1641. ment and killed four men. The people now urged the governor to conciliate the savages, but without effect. Twenty years before a chieftain had been killed by a Dutch hunter in the presence of his nephew, then a little boy ; that boy, now a man, according to their custom, avenged the death of his uncle by murdering an innocent Dutch- man. Kieft demanded that the young man should be given up to him, to be punished as a murderer. The tribe would not comply with the demand, but offered to pay the price of blood. The violent governor refused any such compromise. 1642 With his permission a meeting of the heads of fami- lies was called. They chose twelve of their number to investigate the affairs of the colony. They passed very soon from the Indian difficulties to other abuses ; even to the despotic actions of the governor himself. As the " twelve men " refused to be controlled by Kieft, but per- fevered in expressing their opinions of his conduct, he MASSACBE OF THE INDIANS. 153 dissolved the Assembly. Thus ended the first representa- chai tive Assembly in New Netherland. Nearly all the difficulties with the Indians may be 164* traced to some injustice practised upon them by the whites. An instance of this kind now occurred which led to direful results. A Dutchman sold a young Indian, the son of a chief, brandy, and when he was intoxicated, cheated and drove him away. The Indian, raging with drink, and maddened by the treatment he had received, went to his home, obtained his bow and arrows, returned and shot the Dutchman dead. The chiefs of the murder- er's tribe hastened to the governor to explain the matter, and to pay the price of blood ; they wished for peace ; but the governor was inexorable. He demanded the murderer ; but he had fled to a neighboring tribe. " It is your own fault ! " exclaimed the indignant chiefs ; " why do you sell brandy to our young men ? it makes them crazy ; — your own people get drunk, and fight with knives." Just at this time came a company of eighty Mohawks, all armed with muskets, to demand tribute of the enfee- bled River Tribes. The latter fled to the Dutch for pro- tection. Now is the time, urged the people, to obtain forever the friendship of the Indians living around us, by rescuing them from the rapacious Mohawks. Now is the time, thought the stubborn and cruel Kieft, to extermi- nate those who have fled to me for safety. " If you murder these poor creatures who have put themselves under your protection, you will involve the whole colony in ruin, and their blood, and the blood of your own people, will be required at your hands ! " urged the kind-hearted De Vries. The admonition was un- heeded. The unsuspecting victims of this scheme of treachery and barbarous cruelty were with the tribe of Hacken- sacks, just beyond Hoboken. About the hour of mid- Feb., night the soldiers from the fort, and some freebooters from lW8 154 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, the ships in the harbor, passed over the river. Soon were 1 heard the shrieks of the dying Indians ; — the carnage 1648. continued, the poor victims ran to the river, to pass over to their supposed friends in New Amsterdam. But they were driven into the water ; the mother, who rushed to save her drowning child, was pushed in, that both might perish in the freezing flood. These were not the only victims. Another company of Indians, trusting to the Dutch for protection, were encamped on the island, but a short distance from the fort. They were nearly all mur- dered in the same manner. In the morning the returning soldiers received the congratulations of Kieft. When the people learned of the massacre they were filled with hor- ror at its atrocity, and expressed their detestation of its author, and their fears that all the Indians in their neigh- borhood would become their deadly enemies. The guilty Kieft cowered before the storm ; it would have been well if the only effects of his acts had been the reproaches of the people. When it became known that it was not their enemies the Mohawks, but their pretended friends the Dutch, who had wantonly killed their countrymen, the rage of the River Tribes knew no bounds. They rose as one man to take revenge. Every nook and corner, every swamp and thicket, became an ambush for the enraged savages The . settlements up the river were destroyed. On Long Island, on Staten Island, the retribution fell ; all around Man- hattan the smoke of burning dwellings arose to heaven. The people at a distance from the fort were either mur- dered or taken captive, especially the women and chil- dren. All who could deserted their homes, and sought safety in the fort at Manhattan ; many of whom after- ward left for Holland. A pleasing incident is related of Indian gratitude. De Vries had, on that fearful night, rescued an Indian and his wife from death. When his settlement on Staten A TEMPORARY TRUCE. 155 Island was attacked, this Indian hastened to his country- crap men who were hesieging the people in the "block-house, 1 and told them how he and his wife had been rescued. The 164& besiegers immediately told the people they would molest them no more ; and they kept their word. A temporary truce was made at Kockaway on Long Sept Island. The chiefs of a number of tribes agreed to meet the messengers of the Dutch, and treat of peace. De Vries, whom the Indians knew to be their friend, went with two others to the interview. "When the conference was opened one of the chiefs arose, having in his hand a number of little sticks; taking one, he commenced : "When you first came to our shores you wanted food ; we gave you our beans and our corn, and now you murder our people." He took another stick : " The men whom your first ships left to trade, we guarded and fed ; we gave them our daughters for wives ; some of those whom you murdered were of your own blood." Many sticks still re- mained, but the envoys did not wish to hear a further re- cital of wrongs. They proposed that they should both forget the past, and now make peace forever. Peace was made. It was not satisfactory to the young warriors ; they thought "the bloody men," as they now called the Dutch, had not paid the full price of the lives they had taken ; and war broke forth again. Now the leader of the Dutch was Captain John Underhill, who had had ex- perience in the Pequod war in New England. For two years the Indians were hunted from swamp to swamp, through winter and summer ; yet they were not sub- dued. They lay in ambush round the settlements, and picked off the husbandman from his labor, and carried into captivity his wife and children. There was no security from the midnight attack ; scarcely any corn was planted ; famine and utter ruin stared the colony in the face. Sixteen hundred of the Indians had been killed, and the number of white people was so much reduced, that, besides 156 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, traders, there were not more than one hundred jersons on 1 the Isle of Manhattan. What a ruin had been wrought 1648. by the wicked perverseness of one man ! At length both parties became weary of war. The chieftains of the tribes around New Amsterdam, and, as mediators, a deputation from their ancient enemies the Mohawks, met the deputies of the Dutch beneath the open sky, on the place now known as the Battery, in New York city, and there concluded a peace. 1646. Thanksgivings burst forth from the people at the prospect of returning safety. There was no consolation for Kieft ; he was justly charged by them with being the cause of all their misfortunes. The company censured him, and disclaimed his barbarous conduct. He was without a friend in the colony. After two years, with his ill-gotten gains, he sailed for his native land. The vessel was wrecked on the coast of Wales, and, with many others, \646. he was lost. In the midst of all these difficulties there were those who labored to instruct the poor heathen Indians of New Netherland. Several years before the missionary Eliot commenced his labors with the tribes near Boston, Mega- polensis, the Dutch clergyman at Fort Orange, endeavored to teach the Mohawks the truths of the gospel. He strove to learn their language, that he might " speak and preach to them fluently," but without much success ; their lan- guage was, as he expressed it, so "heavy." The grave warriors would listen respectfully when told to renounce certain sins, but they would immediately ask why white men committed the same. Efforts were made afterward to instruct in Christianity the tribes around Manhattan, but the gtood work was neutralized by other and evil in- fluences. The West India Company appointed Peter Stuyvesant io succeed Kieft as governor. He had been accustomed to military rule, and was exceedingly arbitrary in his gov* THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE. 157 ernment ; honest in his endeavors to fulfil his trust to the chap. company, he also overlooked the rights of the people. He XIIL thought their duty was to pursue their business, and pay lfi4fi their taxes, and not trouble their brains about his man- ner of government. The colony was well-nigh ruined when Stuy vesant came into power ; for nearly five years the dark cloud of war had been hanging over it. The In- dians had been dealt with harshly and treacherously; policy as well as mercy demanded that they should be treated leniently. The company desired peace with the various tribes, for the success of trade depended upon their good-will. Although the Dutch claimed the territory from Cape Cod to the Capes of Virginia, they preferred to negotiate with New England, and desired that the wars between their mother countries in the Old World should not dis- turb the harmony of the New. It must be confessed that the Connecticut people annoyed Stuyvesant exceedingly. The absurd stories told by the wily Mohegan chief, Uncas, of the Dutch con- spiring with the Narragansets to cut off the English, found a too ready credence ; so ready as to leave the impression that such stories were rather welcome than otherwise, pro- vided they furnished an excuse for encroaching upon the territory of the Dutch. When accused of this con- spiracy, said a sachem of the Narragansets, "I am poor, but no present can make me an enemy of the English ! " We have now to speak of others settling on territory claimed by the Dutch. Gustavus Adolphus, the King of Sweden, was induced to engage in sending a colony to the New World. He wished to found an asylum to which Protestants of Europe could flee. Peter Minuits, who has already been mentioned, as commercial agent at New Amsterdam, offered his services to lead the company of emigrants. The same year that Kieft came as governor to New Amsterdam, Minuits landed on the shores of the 158 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 4. The Dissenters numbered two-thirds of the population, yet, for the sake of peace, they consented that one minister of the Church of England should be maintained at the public expense. Upon one occasion the Churchmen and aristocracy accidentally had a majority of one in the Assembly ; they manifested their gratitude for the con- cession just mentioned, by depriving the Dissenters of all their political privileges ; they made the Church of Eng- land the established church, to be maintained at the pub- lic expense, and proceeded to divide the colony into parishes, to which the " Society for the Propagation of 1704. the Gospel" was to appoint pastors. The aggrieved people appealed to the House of Lords for redress ; and the intolerant act of the Legislature was declared to be null and void. The law disfranchising Dissenters was re- pealed, that granting a support to the Church of England remained in force till the Revolution. Notwithstanding these difficulties the colony pros- pered, and increased in numbers from emigration. Among these a company from Massachusetts formed a settlement 1898. twenty miles back of Charleston. During Archdale's ad- ministration, the captain of a ship from Madagascar gave him some rice, which he distributed among the planters to be sown. The experiment was successful, and soon Carolina rice was celebrated as the best in the world. The fur trade with the Indians was also profitable, while the forests produced their share of profit in lumber and tar. The colonists attempted to manufacture domestic cloths to supply their own wants ; an enterprise they were soon compelled to abandon. The manufacturers and mer- chants of England complained, as they themselves wished to enjoy the profits that would arise from supplying them Parliament passed an act forbidding woollen goods to be EXPEDITION AGAINST ST. AUGUSTINE. 183 transported from one colony to another, or to any foreign chap port. This unrighteous law, as was designed, broke up nearly all colonial trade and manufactures, and gave the 1600. English trader and manufacturer the monopoly of both. We shall see how this policy affected all the colonists. In the Carolinas, they could only engage in planting, and a new impulse was given to the slave trade. War had arisen between England and Spain, and their children in the New World unfortunately took up arms against each other. James Moore, who was now governor of Carolina, undertook an expedition against St. Augus- tine. He is represented as a " needy, forward, ambitious man," who was in the habit of kidnapping Indians and selling them as slaves : now he hoped to plunder the Spaniards at St. Augustine. He pressed some vessels into 1708 his service, and set sail with a portion of the troops, and sent others with the Indian allies by land. The town was easily taken, but the soldiers retired to a well fortified fort, and defied the besiegers. Moore must send to the island of Jamaica for cannon, to enable him to take the fort. Meanwhile an Indian runner had sped through the forest to Mobile, and informed the French settlers there of what was going on. They sent word to Havana. We may judge the surprise of Moore, when he saw two Spanish men-of- war come to rescue St. Augustine, instead of the vessel he expected from Jamaica. He immediately abandoned his supplies and stores, and made his way by land as best he could, to Charleston. The colony, by this unwise and wicked expedition, only gained a debt which pressed heavily upon the people for years. The Appalachees of Florida, under the influence of Spanish priests, had become converts to Romanism ; they built churches, and began to cultivate the soil and live in villages. As free intercourse existed between Florida and Louisiana; the English colonists professed alarm at the influence the French and Spaniards might have over the 184 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. ch^P- Indians of that region. This furnished an excuse for thf ambitious Moore to lead an expedition against these inoffen- 1705. sive Indians, whose only crime was, that they were willing to be taught religion and agricultuie by Spanish priests. With about fifty whites and one thousand friendly Indians, he went through the wilderness, away across the State oi Georgia, down on the Gulf to Appalachee Bay. The first intimation the Indians had of this freebooting expedition was an attack upon their village, one morning at daylight. The assailants met with so warm a reception, that at first they were forced to retire, but not until they had set fire to a church. There happened to be in the bay a Spanish ship, whose commander the next day, with a few white men and four hundred Indians, made an attack on the invaders, but he was defeated. The Indian villages were now destroyed, the churches plundered of their plate, and numbers of Indians taken captive, and removed to the banks of the Altamaha, while their own country was given to the Seminoles, the allies of the invaders. Thus the English placed Indians friendly to themselves between the Spanish and French settlements, while in virtue of this expedition they claimed the soil of Georgia. More than one hundred and twenty-five years afterward, the descendants of these Seminoles were removed beyond the Mississippi. Even then the ruins of churches marked the stations of the Span- ish missions among the Appalachees. The next year brought Charleston two unexpected enemies — a malignant fever, and while it was raging, a squadron of Spanish and French ships to avenge the attack 1706. upon the Appalachees. The people, under William Ehett and Sir Nathaniel Johnson, were soon ready to meet them. When thjBy landed, they were opposed at every point, and driven back. A French ship was captured ; and of the eight hundred men who landed, more than three hundred were either killed or taken prisoners. This victory wag looked upon as a great triumph. RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSIES. 18£ In this conflict the Huguenots performed well their c ^ p part. An unusual number of them had settled in Charles- L ton ; here they founded a church, its forms of worship the 1688. same as those to which they were accustomed at home. This church still remains, the only one in the land that has preserved inviolate these pristine forms. A general effort was now made to extend the influence of the Church of England in the colonies. The politic William of Orange looked upon the project with a favor- able eye. A " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts " was formed in England. Its object, the 1701, conversion of the Indians, was worthy ; but at this time, by means of worldly men and politicians, its influence was directed to the establishment of the Church of England in all the American colonies. The project everywhere met with great opposition except in Virginia; there the dissent- ers were few in number. This society founded many churches in the colonies, which remain even to this day. North Carolina was called the " Sanctuary of Kun- 1711 aways," a " land where there was scarcely any government," with a population made up of " Presbyterians, Independ- ents, Quakers, and other evil-disposed persons." Such was the language of royalists and those opposed to freedom in religious opinions. The proprietaries determined to estab- lish the Church of England, and maintain it at public ex- pense. Those who refused to conform to this law were debarred from holding offices of trust. The people did refuse, and soon there "was but one clergyman in the whole country;" and those in favor of freedom in religious opinions, were stigmatized as a " rabble of profligate per- sons." These tyrannies finally led to open rebellion on the part of the people, who wished to govern themselves, and when unmolested did it well. Thus far North Carolina had escaped the horrors of Indian warfare. There were many tribes west and south of their territory. The greater part of the region now 186 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, occupied by the States of Georgia and Alabama, was the home of the Creeks or Muscogees, numbering nearly thirty 1712. thousand. The teiritory of the Yamassees lay immediately west of the settlement on the north bank of the Savannah. In the vicinity were the Catawbas, on the river which per- petuates their name. West of these, a mountaineer tribe, the Cherokees, roamed through the beautiful valleys of the upper Tennessee, while they claimed as their hunting grounds the regions north of them to the Kanawha and the Ohio. A great change had come over the powerful tribes along the coast. The Hatteras tribe, which, in Ealeigh's time, one hundred and twenty-five years before, numbered nearly twenty thousand, was now reduced to less than one hundred. Some tribes had entirely disappeared ; had retired farther back into the wilderness, or become extinct. Vices copied from the white man had wrought this ruin. The Tuscaroras, a warlike tribe, whose ancestors had emigrated from the north, became alarmed at the en- croachments of the colonists upon their lands. They determined to make an effort to regain their beautiful valleys. A company of German exiles from the Khine had come under the direction of De Graffenried. The proprieta- ries assigned them lands that belonged to the Indians. Lawson, the surveyor-general of the province, and Graffen- ried, when on an exploring tour up the Neuse, were seized bv a party of Tuscaroras, who hurried them on, day and night, to one of their villages. There several chiefs of the tribe held a council, and discussed the wrongs they had suffered from the English. They finally determined to burn the man, who with compass and chain had marked out their lands into farms for the settlers. When Graff- enried made known to them that he had been only a short time in the country ; that he was the "chief of a differ- THE TUSCARORAS EMIGRATE. 187 tnt tribe from the English/' and moreover promised to chap take no more of their lands, they did not put him to death L, with Lawson. He was kept a prisoner five weeks, and 1712 then permitted to return home. During this time, the Tuscaroras and their allies, the Corees, had attacked the settlements on the Koanoke and Pamlico sound. The 1711 carnage continued for three days, and many of the poor people, who had fled from persecution at home, perished by the tomahawk in ths land of their adoption. The people appealed to Virginia and to South Carolina 1711 for aid. Only a part of the Tuscaroras had engaged in the attack. With another portion of the tribe, Spots- wood, governor of Virginia, made a treaty of peace, — the only assistance he could give. Governor Craven of South Carolina sent to their aid a small force, and a number of friendly Indians. These drove the Tuscaroras to their fort, and compelled them to make peace. These same troops, as they were returning home, basely violated the treaty just made ; attacked some Indian towns, and seized their inhabitants to sell them as slaves. The war was of course renewed. The Tuscaroras, driven from one place of concealment to another, and hunted for their scalps or for slaves, finally abandoned their fair lands of the south ; emigrated across Virginia and Pennsylvania to the home of their fathers, and there, at the great council-fire of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, on Oneida lake in New York, were admitted into that confederacy, of which they became the sixth nation. At this time, the people of 171! Pennsylvania complained of the importation of these cap- tives into their colony. A law was therefore enacted, forbidding the introduction of u negroes and slaves, as exciting the suspicion and dissatisfaction of the Indians of the province." The war seemed to be ended, and the traders of Soutlt Carolina especially, extended their traffic with the tribes vho lived in the region between that colony and the Mis* 188 HIST0EY OF THE AMEEICAN PEOPLE. °xv P * 8 ^ SS ^PP^ Soon aft©'* these traders were driven from the L villages of some of the more western tribes. This wai 1713. attributed to the influence of the French of Louisiana. The Yamassees, whom we have seen in alliance with the colonists against the Tuscaroras, when they hoped tc obtain captives, now renewed their friendship with the * Spaniards, with whom they had been at variance, — for they hated the priests, who attempted to convert them. They induced the Catawbas, the Creeks and the Cherokees, who had also been allies of the colonists against the Tuscaroras, to join them. This alliance was likewise attributed to Spanish and French influence. Governor Spotswood seems to have revealed the truth, when he wrote to the " Board of Trade " in London, that " the Indians never break' with the English without gross provocation from persons trading with them." These tribes had been looked upon as " a tame and peaceable people," and fair game for unprincipled traders. 1715. The savages cunningly laid their plans, and suddenly, one morning, fell upon the unsuspecting settlers, killed great numbers and took many prisoners. The people fled toward the sea-shore. A swift runner hastened to Port Koyal and alarmed the inhabitants, who escaped as best they could to Charleston. The Indians continued to prowl around the settlements, and drove the inhabitants before them, until the colony was on the verge of ruin. The enemy received their first check from forces sent from North Carolina. Governor Craven acted with his usual energy, he raised a few troops and went to meet the savage foe. The contest was long and severe ; in the end the Indian power was broken. The Yamassees emigrated to Florida, where they were welcomed with joy by the Spaniards at St. Augustine. The other tribes retired far- ther into the wilderness. Yet war-parties of the Yamas- sees continued, for years, to make incursions against the frontier settlements, and kept them in a state of alarm* CHARTER OF TfiE PROPRIETARIES FORFEITED. 189 v The proprietaries made no effort to protect the colo- chap nists or to share the expense of the war. They at length determined, as they must defend themselves, also to man- 1715. age their own affairs, and they resolved " to have no more to do with the proprietaries, nor to have any regard to their officers/' On the other hand, the proprietaries com- plained that the " people were industriously searching for grounds of quarrel with them, with the view of throwing off their authority." The matter was brought before Par- liament, which declared the charter of the proprietaries to be forfeited. Francis Nicholson, who for many years had been ex- perimenting as a colonial governor, and, as he said, " been falsely sworn out of Virginia and lied out of Nova Scotia," was appointed provisional governor. He was not an exam- 1720. pie of good temper, and much less of good morals. He made a treaty with the Cherokees, who were to permit only Englishmen to settle on their lands ; and with the Creeks, whose hunting-grounds were to extend to the Savannah. He had battled against popular rights in the north, now he thought best to make his path easy, and he confirmed all the laws passed by the revolutionary Assem- bly. However, when he left the country he mourned over the " spirit of commonwealth notions which prevailed," as the result, as he said, of intercourse with the New Englanders, who, at this time, were busily engaged in trading with the Carolinas. These disputes were at length ended by an act of Par- 'iament. Seven of the proprietaries sold out their claims to the government of England. The two Carolinas were 1729 now separated, and a royal governor appointed for each. CHAPTER XVI. COLONIZATION OF GEORGIA. Founded in Benevolence. — Oglethorpe. — First Emigration. — Savannah. — Encouragements. — Germans from the Western Alps. — Augusta. — The Moravians. — Scotch Highlanders. — The Wesleys. — Whitefield, his Or- phan House. — War with Spain ; its Cause. — Failure to Capture St. Au- gustine. Repulse of the Spanish Invaders. — The Colony becomes a Royal Province. chap. We have seen some colonies founded as asylums for the oppressed for conscience' sake, and others the. off- 1732. spring of royal grants to needy courtiers, — bankrupt in fortune, and sometimes in morals, seeking in their old age to retrieve the follies of their youth. It is now a pleasure to record the founding of an asylum not alone for the oppressed for conscience* sake, but for the victims of un- . righteous law — a colony the offspring of benevolence ; the benevolence of one noble-hearted man ;— one who, born in affluence, devoted his wealth, his mind and his energies to the great work. James Edward Oglethorpe, " the poor man's friend," " a Christian gentleman of the Cavalier school," had sympathy for the unfortunate who were im- mured within prison walls, not for crime, but for debt. He labored to have repealed the laws authorizing such imprisonment, and to reform the entire prison discipline of England. His efforts did not end here ; he desired to provide in America an asylum for those who were, while in their own land, at the mercy of heard-hearted creditors, as well as James Edward Oglethorpe A TRUST FOB THE POOR. 191 a place of refuge for the poor, where comfort and happi- c**ap ness might be the reward of industry and virtue. There 1 were, at this time, in England, more than four thousand 1732. men in prison for debt, with no hope of relief. Through his exertions, "multitudes were restored to light and freedom, who by long confinement were strangers and helpless in the country of their birth/' Others became interested in his schemes of benevo- lence, and a petition numerously signed by men of influ- ence and family was presented to the king. They asked a charter to colonize the territory south of the Savannah river, then included in Carolina, with unfortunate debtors, and with Protestants from the continent of Europe. A grant was given by George II. of the region lying between the Savannah and the Altamaha, and from their head springs west to the Pacific. The territory was to be known as Georgia. It was given " in trust for the poor " to twenty-one trustees for the space of twenty-one years. The trustees manifested their zeal by giving their services without any reward. The climate of this region was thought to be very fa- vorable for the raising of silk-worms, and the cultivation of the grape. Merchants, therefore, who could not be otherwise influenced, were induced to favor the cause by hopes of gain. The u free exercise of religion " was guar- anteed to all " except papists." Under no conditions was land to be granted in tracts of more than five hundred acres. This was designed to enable the poor to become owners of the soil, and to prevent the rich from monopo- lizing the best lands. Much interest was taken in this new field of benevo- lence, and donations were made by all classes of society. What a transition for the poor debtor I He was to ex- change the gloomy walls of a prison for a home in that delightful land, where grim poverty never would annoy him more I It was determined to take as colonists only 192 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, the most needy and helpless, and, as far as possible, ex- 1 elude those of bad morals. 1782. Thirty-five families, numbering altogether one hundred and fifty persons, embarked for their new homes. While others gave to the enterprise their substance and influ- ence, Oglethorpe volunteered to superintend the colony in • person. They took with them " a clergyman with Bibles, Prayer-books, and Catechisms/' and one person who was skilled in the raising of silk. The company landed first at Charleston ; by a vote of the Assembly, they were welcomed, and presented with supplies of rice and cattle. Oglethorpe hastened to explore the Savannah. On a bluff twenty miles from its mouth he planted his colony. This bluff was already in the possession of a small band of Indians, from whom it was named the Yamacraw. Through the efforts of Mary Musgrove, who acted as in- terpreter, the bluff was purchased. This woman was a daughter of a Uchee chief, and had been sent to school in Charleston, where she had married an English trader. 1J88. The colonists immediately began to build and fortify their town, which they named Savannah, the Indian name of the river. The town was regularly laid out, with wide streets and spacious squares. A garden of some acree was inclosed for a nursery of mulberry-trees to feed silk- worms ; and here also experiments were made, in order tc introduce European fruits. The aged chief of the little band of Indians wished protection. He presented to Oglethorpe a buffalo skin, on the inside of which was painted an eagle. " The eagle," said he, " signifies speed, and the buffalo strength ; the English are swift as the eagle, for they have flown over vast seas ; they are as strong as the buffalo, for nothing can withstand them ; the feathers of the eagle are soft, and signify love ; the buffalo's skin is warm, and signifies protection ; therefore, I hope the English will love and protect our little families." The hopes of poor old EMIGRANTS ; LUTHERANS. 193 Tomochechi and his tribe were doomed to be sadly dis- chap appointed. The genial climate delighted the colonists, and they 1788. went cheerfully to work, building their houses. The chiefs of the lower Creeks came and made a treaty ; they acknowledged the English rule from the Savannah to the St. John's, and west to the Chattahoochee, and gave them permission to cultivate the lands not used by their own people. Then came a messenger from the distant Cherokees, pledging the friendship of his tribe. Soon after came a Choctaw chief saying, " I have come a great way ; I belong to a great nation ; the French are among us ; we do not like them ; they build forts and trade with us ; their goods are poor, and we wish to trade with you." Thus the way was opened for a profitable traffic with the tribes north of the gulf, and west to the Mississippi. The fame of this delightful land reached Europe, and penetrated even into the fastnesses of the western Alps. There, long ages before the Reformation, a pure gospel had been taught. Now a persecution was raging, and the sufferings of these Christians, now become Lutherans, deep- ly enlisted the sympathies of the English people. These Germans were invited by the " Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospel/' to emigrate to Georgia, where they could be free from their persecutors, and lands were offered them ; but they rejoiced more than all in the opportunity given them to carry the gospel to the Indians. Money was subscribed by the benevolent in England to enable them to travel from Augsburg, across the country to Frankfort on the Main. Nearly one hundred set out on their pilgrimage ; they took with them, in wagons, their wives and children ; their Bibles and books of devotion. The men as they travelled on foot beguiled the toils of their journey by singing praises to God, and offering prayers for his guiding hand, and his blessing on their enterprise. 194 ttlSIOUY Oi? THE AMEEICAS" PliOFLiS. chap. They passed down the Main to its junction with the 1 Khine, and thence floated down to Kotterdani, where they 1783. were joined hy two clergymen, Bolzius and Gronau. They sailed to England, and were there met and encouraged by a committee of the trustees, and thence to their distant home across the ocean. The faith that had cheered them ♦ on their native mountains, sustained them amid the storms of the Atlantic ; when, during a terrible tempest, the waves broke over the ship, and caused an outcry of alarm from the English, they continued their devotions and calmly sung on. When one of them was asked, " Were you not afraid p " "I thank God, no," was the reply. " But were not your women and children afraid ? " " No, our women and children are not afraid to die." A passage of fifty-seven days brought them to receive a hearty welcome at Charleston from Oglethorpe, and in 1784. less than a week they were at their journey's end. A suitable place had been chosen for their residence, they founded a village a short distance above Savannah, and significantly named it Ebenezer. In gratitude they raised a monumental stone as a memento of the goodness of God in thus bringing them to a land of rest. They were joined from time to time by others from their native land. By their industry and good morals they secured prosperity, and also the respect of their fellow-colonists. At the head of boat navigation on the Savannah the town of Augusta was now founded. This soon became an important trading post with the Indians. Oglethorpe gave himself unweariedly to the work of benefiting those he governed. The success of the enter- prise may be safely attributed to his disinterested labors. " He," ^aid Governor Johnson, of South Carolina, " nobly devotes all his powers to save the poor, and to rescue them from their wretchedness." After the residence of a yeal and a half he returned to England, taking with him JOHN AND CHARLES WESLEY 195 aeveral Indian chiefs, and raw silk — the product of the ceap colony — sufficient to make a robe for the queen. , As an inducement for settlers, the trustees offered to 1734. each one who should emigrate, at his own expense, fifty acres of land. On these conditions came a number of Moravians or United Brethren, with the intention of devoting themselves to the conversion of the Indians. 1735. They formed a new settlement on the Ogeechee, south of the Savannah. The same benevolent spirit which had relieved poor debtors in prison, now devised measures to ward off one of the most effective causes of debt and wretchedness ; and accordingly the importation of rum into the colony was prohibited. The trustees also forbid negro slavery, " that misfortune of other plantations." They did not wish to see their province "filled with blacks, the preca- rious property of a few." They looked upon it as cruel and inhuman, and injurious to the " poor white settlers," for whom, in trust, they held the colony. The next year Oglethorpe returned, with more emi- 173ft grants, among whom was a party of Scotch Highlanders, with their minister, John McLeod. These founded a set- tlement at Darien, on the Altamaha. There likewise came two young men as preachers to the people, and as missionaries to the Indians. These were the brothers John and Charles Wesley, — men of ardent piety and zeal- ous in the cause of religion, they hoped to make the colony eminent for its religious character. Enthusiastic in their feelings, and perhaps a little wanting in discretion, certainly in experience, they were soon involved in trouble. For a time, John Wesley drew crowds of hearers ; places of amusement were almost deserted. We doubt not that he spoke the truth plainly, and in accordance with his duty, but his austere manners and denunciation of sin created him enemies. In one case, his severe exercise of church discipline excited bitter feeling against himself, 196 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, and sympathy for the victim of his injudicious zeal Charles Wesley was, for awhile, the secretary of Ogle- 1788. thorpe, but in some unexplained manner he gave offence to his patron ; at length an explanation took place, and a reconciliation. Kind and gentle in his nature, he was unfitted to endure the hardships to be encountered, and . to sympathize with the unpolished colonists of Georgia. After a residence of less than two years, the Wesleys, dis- appointed in their hopes of doing good there, left the colony forever. In their native land they became the founders of the denomination of Methodists, who have been, in that very colony, as well as in others, among the foremost in carrying the gospel to destitute settlements. Thus their labors were blessed, their prayers were an- swered, and their hopes realized ; but, as is often the case in the ways of Infinite Wisdom, not in the form and manner in which they expected. Just as the Wesleys, on their return home, were pass- ing up the channel, their friend and fellow-laborer, the celebrated George Whitefield, the most eloquent preacher of his day, was leaving England to join them in Georgia. Whitefield had commenced preaching when a mere youth, and by his wonderful eloquence drew great crowds. He first preached in the prisons, and then to the poor in the open fields. Now he felt it his duty to visit the colonies. When he arrived in Georgia, his sympathies were much enlisted in behalf of the destitute children, left orphans. He visited the Lutherans at Ebenezer, where he noticed their asylum for poor children, and determined, if possible, to found a similar one. By his fervent zeal in the cause he obtained sufficient funds in England and America. The institution was founded a few miles from Savannah. During his lifetime it flourished ; at his death it began to languish, and finally passed out of existence. The Spaniards were not pleased with the encroach- ments of the English upon what they deemed their terri- ENGLISH TRADERS J WAR WITH SPAIN. 197 tory, and they sent commissioners to protest against it, chap and to demand the surrender of all Georgia and part of Carolina. When this was unheeded, they prepared to ex- 1738, pel the invaders. There were other causes, which made it evident that war would soon take place between the mother countries, in which the colonies would certainly become involved. The European governments restricted the commerce of their colonies so as to make them subserve their own interests. Those belonging to Spain must trade only with the port of Cadiz, and the merchandise shipped to them was sold at enormous prices. The English traders per- sisted in smuggling goods into the Spanish ports. To accomplish this they resorted to various stratagems. By treaty, an English vessel was permitted to come once a year to Portobello and dispose of her cargo ; but this vessel was followed by others ; they came in the night time, and slipped in more bales to supply the place of those sold, and continued to do this, till the market was supplied. Sometimes, under the pretence of distress, ships would run into Spanish ports, and thus dispose of their cargoes. Though Spain was rich and feeble, she was haughty and cruel ; and when any of these worthies, who were engaged in violating her laws, were caught, they were severely dealt with. Sometimes they were imprisoned, and sometimes their ears were cropped. This exasperated the traders, and though justly punished, they came with the assurance of ill-treated men, to ask protection from their own government. They were looked upon as mar- tyrs to the cause of free commerce, and merchants, in defence of such men as these, did not blush to clamor for war, in the face of justice and national integrity. In truth, the English government connived at this clandes- tine trade, and secretly rejoiced at the advantage gained over her rival. By this connivance at injustice she gave 198 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, her own colonies a lesson on the subject of their trade which, in less than half a century, she found, to her sur- 1738. prise, they had fully learned. Another source of irritation to the people of South Carolina, was that slaves, who ran away to Florida and put themselves under Spanish protection, were not onlj T welcomed, but given lands ; organized into military com- panies, and armed at the public expense. A demand made upon the authorities at St. Augustine to restore the runaways, was promptly refused. Oglethorpe hastened to 1737. England to make preparations for the coming contest, and returned in less than a year, with a regiment of six hun- dred men, which he himself had raised and disciplined. He was now prepared to defend the southern boundary of Georgia. He renewed treaties with the Indian tribes north of the Gulf from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, and hoped to retain them in his interest. War was, at l739> length, declared by England against Spain, and Ogle- thorpe received orders, as military commander in Georgia and the Carolinas, to invade Florida. With his usua, energy, he hastened to Charleston to make the necessary preparations. Supplies were voted and a regiment en- listed ; and, joined by Indian allies, he set out to lay siege to St. Augustine. He found the garrison much more numerous than he expected, and the fortifications stronger. After a short siege, the Indians began to desert, and the Carolina regiment, enfeebled by sickness, returned home. In five weeks the enterprise was abandoned. On this occasion, Oglethorpe exhibited the kindness of his nature ; he endured all the privations of the common sol- diers. The captives taken were treated kindly, no houses 1740. were burned, and but little property destroyed. This war had a very bad effect upon the colony of Georgia. Instead of making farmers of the settlers, it made them soldiers, and their farms were neglected. The Moravians, who were religiously opposed to bearing arms, THE SPANIARDS INVADE GEORGIA. 199 emigrated, one and all, to Pennsylvania, where they c |y^ founded the towns of Bethlehem and Nazareth. , It was ere long the turn of Georgia to be invaded. 1W0 « For this purpose, the Spaniards at Havana and St. Augustine fitted out thirty-six vessels and three thousand 1748 troops. The commander, Monteano, instead of sailing direct for Savannah, became entangled among the islands, near the mouths of the St. Mary and the Altamaha, while endeavoring to take possession of one or two insignificant settlements. Oglethorpe ascertained the intention of the enemy, but as he had received no assistance from Carolina, was ill prepared to meet them. Having but eight hun- dred men, he was forced to retreat from Cumberland j^ island to St. Simons, on which was the little town of Frederica, the special object of the Spanish attack. After the enemy landed he went to surprise them in the night, but as he approached their lines, one of his soldiers, a Frenchman, fired his gun, rushed into the ene- my's camp, and gave the alarm. Oglethorpe employed stratagem to throw suspicion upon the deserter ; he wrote him a letter, in which he addressed him as a spy for the English, and directed him to induce the Spaniards to attack them, or at least to remain where they were until the English fleet of six men-of-war, which had sailed from Charleston, should reach St. Augustine, and capture it. This letter he bribed a Spanish prisoner to carry to the Frenchman. As was to be expected, it was taken imme- diately to the Spanish commander, and the Frenchman soon found himself in irons. In the midst of the alarm, some Carolina ships, laden with supplies for Oglethorpe, appeared in the offing. Thinking these the veritable men- of-war mentioned in the letter, the invaders determined to attack and destroy Frederica, before they should sail to defend St. Augustine. On the way they fell into an ambuscade, and, at a place since known as the " Bloody Marsh," they were signally defeated. The following night 200 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, they embarked, and sailed to defend St. Augustine from , the expected attack. Thus Georgia and the Carolinas 1743. were saved from ruin. The following year Oglethorpe left the colony forever. There he had spent ten years of toil and self-denial ; he had for his reward no personal benefit, but the satisfaction • of founding a State, and of leaving it in a prosperous con- dition. The form of government was changed from a military to a civil rule, and the various magistrates were appointed. In time, slavery was gradually introduced. Slaves were at first hired from the Carolinas, for a short time, and then for one hundred years. The German settlers were industrious and frugal, and so were the Highlanders. They were opposed to the introduction of slaves. On the other hand, great numbers of the English settlers were idle and bankrupt from their improvidence ; " they were unwilling to labor, but were clamorous for privileges to which they had no right." They contended that rum was essential to health in that climate, and that none but slaves could cultivate the soil of Georgia ; and, in seven years after the benevolent Oglethorpe left, slave ships brought negroes to Savannah, direct from Africa. 1750. The trustees, when the twenty-one years for which they were to manage the " colony for the poor w were expired, resigned their trust, and Georgia became a royal 1768. province. CHAPTER XVII. NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES H. The Restoration. — The Commissioners. — Progress of Trade. — Causes c£ King Philip's War.— Death of Wamsutta. — State of the Colony.— At- tack at Swanzey. — Philip among the Nipmucks. — Attacks on Northfield, and on Hadley. — Goffe. — The Tragedy at Bloody Brook. — Philip among the Narragansets. — Their Fort captured. — The Warriors take Revenge. — Philip returns to Mount Hope to die. — Disasters of the War. — James II. — The Charters in danger. — Andros Governor ; his illegal Measures ; takes away the Charter of Rhode Island ; not so successful at Hart- ford. — Andros in Jail.— The Charters resumed. The first intimation of the restoration of Charles II. chaf was brought to New England by two fngitives, Whalley and Goffe. They came branded as regicides, for they sat \e,na, on the trial of Charles I. They had fled for their lives ; ere long came the royal command to deliver them up to their pursuers, that they might be taken back to England and there punished. But royal commands and rewards were of no avail, the stern republicans were not betrayed ; the people gloried in protecting them. Kumors were afloat that the governments of all the colonies were to be changed, and that soon armed ships might be expected in the harbor of Boston, sent to enforce the royal authority. After a year's delay, it was thought prudent to proclaim Charles as king. It was done ungra- ciously, as all manifestations of joy were forbidden. From time to time intelligence came of the execution of many of their best friends in England ; among these were Hugh Peters and Sir Harry Vane : news came also 202 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, that Episcopacy was again in power, and that more than two thousand clergymen had been driven from their con- 1663. gregations because they would not conform. At length, two agents were sent to conciliate the king, and to make guarded professions of loyalty, as well as to ask permission to make laws against the Quakers. Connecticut and Bhode Island had both received lib- eral charters from Charles, the former obtained principally through the influence of the younger Winthrop. Mean- time the intolerance of Massachusetts had raised up against her a host of enemies, who were continually whis- pering their complaints into the royal ear. The alarm was presently increased, by information that commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the affairs of the colony. To provide for the future, the charter was, for safe-keeping, secretly given to a committee appointed by the General Court. When the commissioners came, they outraged the prejudices of the people by having the Episcopal service performed in Boston. The Puritans observed the evening of Saturday as holy time ; after the Jewish custom, they commenced their Sabbath at sunset. As if to annoy them, the commissioners habitually spent their Saturday evenings in carousals. They also took in hand to redress grievances, and invited all those who had complaints to make against the Massachusetts colony, to bring them to their knowledge. Ehode Island came with her complaints, and the Narraganset chiefs with theirs ; but the General Court cut the matter short, by forbidding such proceed- ings, as contrary to the charter. The laws passed by the mother country for the express purpose of crippling the trade of the colonies, could not be enforced, and Boston especially attracted attention by her prosperous commerce. Industry and temperance in- sured the prosperity of the people, and they increased in riches and in numbers ; they also found means to indulge CAUSES Or KING PHILIP'S WAR. 203 their taste, and began to embellish their villages. Massa- chat chusetts traded not only with the other colonies, but her ships were found in every sea where commerce invited, 1663, and not only England traded with her, but France and Spain, Holland and Italy, were competitors for her favors. For forty years there had been no Indian war in New England ; the fate of the Pequods was not forgotten. During this time the number of the Indians had not diminished, while that of the colonists had greatly in- creased. Their farms had extended in every direction ; they gradually absorbed the best lands of the country, and crowded the Indians down on the little bays and pen- insulas, on the southern shore of Massachusetts and Rhode Island. This policy was openly avowed, as thereby they could be more easily watched. The Wampanoags and Narragansets were especially aggrieved. They could not, without great exertion, obtain the means of living ; the animals which they hunted, had been nearly all driven away, and they were forced to de- pend upon fish, and of these they could obtain but a scanty supply, and they had not learned the art of culti- vating the soil, but in a very rude manner. Massasoit, the friend who had welcomed the early Pilgrims, left two sons, Wamsutta and Metacom. Years before their father's death these young men went to Plym- outh, where they entered into friendly relations with the English, and received from them the names by which we know them, Alexander and Philip. They were no ordi- nary men, they seemed to have perceived from the first the dangers that threatened their race. If so, they con- cealed their impressions, and could never be won over to the religion of the English. When Massasoit died, and Wamsutta became chief sachem of the Wampanoags, the colonists, incited by Uncas, chief of the Mohegans, his bitter enemy, became suspicious of him. As he reposed 204 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. aaAR at his hunting lodge with eighty of his followers, he was 1 surprised by Winslow, who had been sent with an armed 1671. force to bring him to the court at Plymouth. Wamsutta thought not of danger ; his arms and those of his warriors were outside the lodge and easily secured. When Wins- low, with his pistol at his breast, told the astonished zhiei he must go with him, his proud spirit was roused to bitter indignation. His exasperation threw him into a fever so violent, that he was unable to proceed far. In conse- quence of his illness he was permitted to return home. "He died on his way. He was carried home on the shoul- ders of men, and borne to his silent grave near Mount Hope, in the evening of the day, and in the prime of his life, between lines of sad, quick-minded Indians, who well believed him the victim of injustice and ingratitude ; for his father had been the ally, not the subject of England, and so was he, and the like indignity had not before been put upon any sachem."* It is natural to suppose that the untimely and tragical fate of Wamsutta gave character to the latent hostility that existed in the mind of his brother Philip toward the English race. Soon suspicions fell upon him, and at one time he was harshly treated, and compelled to give up his fire-arms. A praying Indian, who lived with Philip, told 1675. the colonists that the Wampanoags entertained some de- signs against them. There is some doubt as to the truth of this story ; however, a short time after this Indian was found murdered. Suspicion fell upon three of Philip's men, who were apprehended by the authorities of Plym- outh, and brought to trial ; they were pronounced guilty by a jury composed of English and Indians. The execu- tion of these men aroused the slumbering enmity of the tribe. The young warriors were clamorous for war, while the old men dreaded the contest. Philip, from his supe- * Elliott's Hist, of New England. THE WAR BEGINS AT SWANZEY. 205 rior sagacity, foresaw that an attempt to regain their C 3Q£ lands would end in their own destruction. The colonists could now have warded off the strife by 1675 conciliating the Indians. No effort was made to soothe their wounded feelings, they were treated as " bloody heathen," whom it was their duty, as " the chosen of the Lord," to drive out of the land. Avarice, contrary to ex- press law, had been for many years furnishing the savages with fire-arms, and when the contest came, they were far more formidable than the Pequods had been ; to conquer them required a great sacrifice of the best blood of the colony. Though there were settlements more or less extending from Boston to Westfield on the west, and to Northfield in the Connecticut valley on the borders of Vermont, and on the north to Haverhill on the Merrimac, there were vast solitudes, whose secret glens and hiding-places were known only to the Indians. The spirit of the tribes near the settlements was broken by their contact with the superior whites, but Philip had under his control seven hundred brave warriors, who rejoiced in their freedom, and scorned to be the subjects of any white chief beyond the great waters. They not only rejected the religion of the white man, but despised those tribes who had adopted it. In prospect of the threatened war, a day of fasting and prayer was observed ; as the people were returning from church at Swanzey, they were suddenly attacked by a company of Philip's men, and seven or eight persons Jun€ killed. Philip shed tears when he heard that blood had been shed ; the dreaded ruin of his people was drawing near. His tribe, single-handed, entered upon the con- test ; the others were either the allies of the English or indifferent. He scorned to desert his people, or forfeit his character as a warrior, and he threw himself into the con- test with the whole energy of his nature. The war began within the bounds of the Plymouth 206 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, colony ; but volunteers hastened to its aid from Massa- chusetts. The army invaded the territory of the Wam- 16T5. panoags, and in a few weeks Philip, driven from Mount Hope, became a fugitive among the Nipmucks, a tribe in the interior of Massachusetts. After the flight of Philip and his warriors, the little army went into the .territory of the Narragansets, and compelled them to promise neutrality, and also to deliver up the fugitive Indians who should flee to them. They fondly hoped the war was at an end ; but this was only its beginning. The Nipmucks were induced to make common cause July- with Philip and his tribe. His warriors, partially armed 24# with muskets, prowled round the settlements, ruthlessly murdered the whites, and treated their remains with sav- age barbarity. The Indians were familiar with the hidden paths of the wilderness ; not daring to meet the colonists in open conflict, they watched for opportunities of secret attack. It was not known when or where the storm would burst, and the terror-stricken inhabitants along the frontiers fled to the more thickly settled portions. Superstition added her terrors. The people saw an Indian bow drawn across the heavens ; a scalp appeared on the face of the eclipsed moon ; troops of phantom horsemen galloped through the air ; the howlings of the wolves were more than usually fearful, and portended some terrible ruin ; whizzing bullets were heard in the whist- ling wind ; the northern lights glowed with an unusual glare — the harbinger of the punishment of sin. They be- gan to enumerate their sins ; among these were the neglect of the training of children, the using of profane language, the existence of tippling houses, the want of respect fo.r parents, the wearing of long and curled hair by the men, the flaunting of gaudy-colored ribbons by the women ; and intolerance whispered that they had been too lenient to the Quakers. The Nipmucks had fifteen hundred warriors ; with 2. GOFFE THE REGICIDE. 207 iome of these Philip hastened to the valley of the Con- chap necticut, and spread desolation from Springfield, through all the settlements to the farthest town of Northfield. 1675. An effort was made to win hack the Nipmucks to Aug. their old allegiance ; and Captain Hutchinson, son of Anne Hutchinson, was sent with twenty men to treat with them, hut the whole company was waylaid and mur- dered at Brookfield. That place was "burned ; the people fled to the strongest house, which was besieged two days, and finally set on fire ; hut providentially a storm of rain extinguished the flames, and others coming to their assist- ance, the Indians were driven off. The enemy concerted to make their attacks on the same day and hour, in different parts of the country. On the Sabbath, which seems to have been chosen by them as the day most favorable for an attack, they burned Deerfield ; and, as the people were worshipping in church, they attacked Hadley. Suddenly there appeared a tall and venerable looking man, with a white flowing beard, who brandished a sword and encouraged and directed the people in the battle. When the savages were driven off, he disappeared ; some thought him an angel, specially sent by heaven to their aid. It was Goffe, one of the reg- icides of whom we have spoken. These regicides had been hunted by zealous royalists from one place of refuge to another ; now they were sheltered by the good minister, John Davenport, of New Haven ; now by friends at Mil- ford ; now they had wandered in the pathless wilderness, and once they had heard the sound of their enemies' horses, as in hot pursuit of them, they crossed the very bridge under which they were secreted ; they had rested in a cave on the top of " West Hock," New Haven, known to this day as the " Judges' Cave," and at this time they were living secretly in the house of minister Russell, at Hadley. Thus they passed their remaining years ban- tubed from society and from the occupations of life. 208 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. A company of chosen young men, " the flower of tha 1 county of Essex/' eighty in number, were engaged in 1675. bringing the fruits of harvest down from the vicinity of. Deerfield to Hadley, where it was proposed to establish a magazine for provisions. They fell into an ambuscade of seven hundred warriors, and, after a desperate encounter, • nearly all perished, at the crossing of a little stream, since called the " Bloody Brook." Sept- Ere long the nourishing settlement of Hatfield was attacked ; and the Indians in the vicinity of Springfield were induced to take up arms ; but the people were pre- Oot. pared, and repulsed them. Philip returned home, but finding Mount Hope in ruins, he went among the Narra- gansets. The colonists feared that he would induce them to join him, and in self-defence they resolved to treat them as enemies. The winter, by stripping the trees and bushes of their leaves, had deprived the Indians of their hiding places, and the swamps, their favorite sites for forts, could be passed over when frozen. A company of one thousand men set out to attack their principal fort. This place of defence contained about six hundred wig- wams and nearly three thousand of the tribe ; warriors with their wives and children, and an abundance of pro- visions for the winter. They thought themselves secure ; they had taken no part in the war. Guided by an Indian traitor, the army marched fifteen miles through a deep snow, and finally arrived at the Nar- raganset fort, situated near where the village of Kingston in Bhode Island now stands. Their fort, surrounded by a palisade, stood in the midst of a swamp, and was almost inaccessible ; it had but one entrance, the narrow passage l^ 0, to which^ was along the body of a fallen tree. After a severe contest of two hours, the English forced themselves within the fort, and applied the torch to the frail and combustible wigwams. A thousand warriors were slain, and hundreds were made prisoners. Their provisions DEATH OF PHILIP. 209 were all destroyed, and those who escaped were left shel- crap terless in the winter storms. They were forced to dig in the snow for nuts and acorns to sustain life, and great 1675. numbers died of exposure and famine before spring. The colonists suffered severely ; they lost six captains, and two hundred and fifty men killed and wounded. The surviving Narraganset warriors took vengeance ; they went from place to place ; they massacred, they burned, they destroyed. The settlements in their vicinity were abandoned. Though Khode Island had not joined in the war, they made no distinction, and Providence was almost destroyed. The now aged Koger Williams felt it his duty to act as captain, in defending the town he had founded. Bands of warriors swept through and through the territory of Plymouth, and the people were on]y safe when within their forts. Towns in different parts of the country were attacked at the same time ; the enemy seemed to be every where. The majority of the Indians continued to fight ; and 167*. though they fought without hope, they preferred death to submission. Others quarrelled among themselves, charg- ing one another with being the cause of the war. At length the Nipmucks submitted ; and the tribes on the J*" 1 * Connecticut, having grown weary of the contest, would shelter Philip no longer. He now appealed, but in vain, to the Mohawks to take up arms. In desperation, he determined to return and die at Mount Hope. When one of his followers proposed to make peace, the indignant chieftain struck him dead at a blow. It was soon noised abroad that Philip had returned to his old home. Benja- min Church, the most energetic of the English captains, surprised his camp, dispersed his followers, and took pris- oner his wife and little son. Philip's spirit was now crushed ; he exclaimed : " My heart breaks ; I am ready to die ! " A few days after he was shot by a traitor of his An* own tribe. His orphan boy was now to be disposed o£ 210 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEORLE. oh^p. He was taken to Boston ; some were .in favor of putting , him to death, others of selling him into slavery. The 1676. latter prevailed, and the last prince of the Wainpanoags, the grandson of generous old Massasoit, who had welcomed the Pilgrims, and had given them his friendship, was sent to toil as a slave under the burning sun of Bermuda. After the close of the war, renewed efforts were made to convert the remaining Indians, but without success The habits of a people are not easily changed. If those who came in contact with them had set them a Christian example, as did Eliot, and the "learned and gentle" Mayhew, the effect might have been different. The war had completely broken the power of the Indians. The more bold emigrated to Canada, and avenged themselves in after years, by guiding war parties of the French against the English settlements. Some went to the west, and, it is said, their descendants are at this day roaming over its wide prairies. But the great majority lost their native independence, and became still more degraded by marry- ing with the negroes. At this day, a few descendants of the warriors who once roved over the hills and valleys of New England, may be seen lingering in the land of theii fathers. For a time the effect of the war was disastrous ; though it lasted but little more than a year, a dozen vil- lages were in ashes, and others nearly destroyed. Of the private dwellings, a tenth part had been burned, six hun- dred of the men of the colony had perished in battle, not to mention the women and children ruthlessly massacred. AJmost every family was in mourning. The expenses of the war were great, and for years weighed heavily upon the people, while the desolation of the settlements par- alyzed their energies. No aid came to the sufferers from England ; but be it remembered, that a Non-conformist church in Dublin »ent them five hundred pounds. Instead of aiding them. DESPOTISM OF JAMES. 211 the spendthrift Charles devised means to extort money chap from them by taxing their trade. This led to the estab- lishment of a royal custom-house in Boston. To compel 1670. the merchants to* pay tribute, he threatened to deprive them of English passes for their ships in the Mediterra- nean, where, without redress, they might be robbed by pirates along the Barbary coast ; and he also threatened to deprive them of their trade with the southern colonies. These threats had little effect upon men who had learned to take care of themselves. James II., the brother and successor of Charles, was 1685. bigoted and stubborn ; a Catholic in disguise, he wished to establish that form of religion, not only in England, but in the colonies. The more easily to accomplish this object he professed to be very tolerant, and proclaimed what he termed an Indulgence, by which persecution for religious opinions was henceforth to end. This tolerance was only a means to evade the laws, which prohibited the introduction of Komish ceremonies and doctrines into the Church of England. He became a bitter persecutor ; in truth, to comprehend the idea of the rights of conscience or of religious freedom, was far beyond the capacity of James. That time-serving politician, Joseph Dudley, a native of Massachusetts, who, when it was profitable, was a zealous advocate of colonial rights, now became an ear- 168 ^ nest defender of the prerogative of the king. He was appointed the royal president of Massachusetts, until a governor should arrive. There could be no free press under a Stuart, and Edward Kandolph was appointed its censor. Eandolph disliked the people of Massachusetts as cordially as they hated him. The commission of Dud- ley contained no recognition of an Assembly or [Represent- atives of the people. James was at a loss to see the use of a legislature to make laws, when his wisdom could be appealed to for that purpose. Dudley, looked upon as the betrayer of his country's liberties, was very unpopu- 212 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. c £££ lar, while Randolph took pains to have his character as little respected at court, by representing him as having 1686. " his fortune to make," and willing to " cringe and bow to any thing." James had resolved to take away the charters of all the colonies and make them royal provinces. Ere long ,came Sir Edmund Andros, as governor of all New Eng- land. A fit instrument of a despot, he was authorized to impose taxes, to appoint his own council, to have the control of the militia, to prohibit printing, to introduce Episcopacy, and to enforce the laws restricting the trade of the colonies. That he might have the means to fulfil his instructions, he brought two companies of soldiers — the first ever stationed in New England. As a reward for his desertion of the people's rights, Dudley was appointed Chief Justice, and the busy Randolph Colonial Secretary, and William Stoughton, through the influence of Dudley, was named one of the council. Now followed a series of measures exceedingly annoying to the people. Their schools were left to languish. To assemble for delibera- tion on any public matter was forbidden ; but it was graciously permitted them to vote for their town officers. The customs of the country were not respected. The usual form of administering en oath was that of an appeal to heaven by the uplifted hand ; the form now prescribed was that of laying the hand on the Bible, which the Pu- ritans thought idolatrous, — a relic of popery. Exorbitant fees were extorted ; those who held lands were told their titles were not valid, because they were obtained under a charter which was now declared to be forfeited ; and when an*Indian deed was presented, it was decided to be " worth no more % than the scratch of a bear's paw." No person could leave the colony without a pass from the governor. No magistrate nor minister — who was deemed merely a layman — could unite persons in marriage. The Episcopal clergyman at Boston was the only person in all New Eng- ANDROS AT HARTFORD. 213 and authorized to perform that ceremony. Episcopacy &&& was now fully introduced, and the people required to fur- nish funds to build a church for its service. A tax of the 1686. game amount was levied upon each person, poor or rich ; this some of the towns refused to pay. John Wise, the min- ister of Ipswich, was bold to say the tax was unjust, and ought not to be paid. For this he was arrested. When he spoke of his privileges as an Englishman, he was told the only privilege he could claim was not to be sold as a slave ; with others, he was fined heavily. When it was said that such proceedings would affect the prosperity of the country, it was openly avowed that " it was not for his majesty's interest that the country should thrive." n No man could say that any thing was his own." Andros now demanded of Khode Island her charter, but as she did not send it, he went to Providence, and breaking the seal of the colony declared its government dissolved. He then went with an armed guard to Hart- 168 ^ ford, and demanded the charter of the colony of Connec- ticut. The Assembly was in session. The members received him with outward respect. The discussion of the subject was protracted till evening, and when candles were lighted, the charter was brought in and laid on the table. As the eager Andros reached forth his hand to seize the precious document, the lights were suddenly put out ; when they were relighted, the charter was gone. Captain William Wadsworth had slipped it away and hid it in a hollow tree. Andros, foiled and in a rage, resolved, charter or no charter, the present government should cease, and taking the book of records of the Assembly, he wrote at the end of the last record the word finis. The tree in which the charter was hid stood for more than a century and a half, and was visited as an object of his- 1856 torical interest. It was known as the Charter Oak. A few years since it was blown down in a violent storm. Some time before, a lady of Hartford gathered from it an 214 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, acorn, which she planted. The good citizens of that place obtained from her the young oak, and with appropriate 1687. ceremonies planted it on the spot where stood the parent tree. Happily the tyranny of Andros was soon to end. James, in his zeal to promote the introduction of the Catholic religion, had aroused against him the entire English people. They invited William, Prince of Orange, the husband of Mary, the eldest daughter of James, to take possession of the throne. After finding that his des- potic measures and insincerity had lost him his kingdom, James fled, and the Prince of Orange, under the title of William III., ascended his vacant throne. 1688. When the news of that great revolution, which estab- ^? v * lished the constitutional rights of the English people, reached Boston, it excited the greatest joy ; now they could rid themselves of the tyrant. Andros imprisoned the messenger for spreading false news. The trained bands soon assembled in arms. The craven and guilty governor, bewildered with fear, fled, with his servile coun- cil, to a fort in the town. The aged Simon Bradstreet, now more than fourscore, who was one of the original emi- grants, and had been a magistrate, was urged to assume the office of governor. A declaration, said to have been written by Cotton Mather, was published, maintaining the rights of the peo- ple, in which they commit the enterprise to u Him who hears the cry of the oppressed." Andros, in the mean time, made an effort to escape ; but he and Dudley, with the troublesome Kandolph, were speedily lodged in jail. Many were clamorous for their punishment, but generous forbearance prevailed, and they were sent to England for trial. Connecticut, paying little respect to the " Finis " of Andros, now brought forth her charter from its hidden place, and resumed her former government. Plymouth THE MEN OF INFLUENCE. 215 resumed the constitution framed on board the May- chap Flower, and Rhode Island her charter. The people of Massachusetts voted almost unanimously to resume theirs, 1688. but a moderate party, consisting of the former magistrates, and some of the principal inhabitants, chose rather to defer it for the present ; as they hoped to obtain one from William, more in accordance with their own views. The patriarchs who laid the foundation of the New England colonies had nearly all passed away ; their places were filled by those who had not experienced the trials of their fathers, but had learned of them by tradition. The Puritans lived in serious times — times that made rugged Christians as well as rugged soldiers. They may have lacked the gentler graces that adorn those living almost wo centuries later, and enjoying greater privileges, when the combined influence of Christianity, science, and refine- ment have produced a more perfect effect. They consci- entiously filled their sphere of duty in the age in which they lived, and we honor their memories. The influence of their ministers was the influence of mind upon mind, enhanced by that implicit trust reposed in moral worth. They were peculiarly the educated class ; the people looked up to them as their spiritual instructors. They were the friends of education, and wished to elevate the children of their flocks by cultivating their minds, and training them for usefulness in the world; — what higher position for his children could the Puritan desire ? In process of time, New England became more inviting to men of education belonging to the professions of law and medicine. In some respects, the great influence of the ministers gradually diminished, not because of dere- liction of duty on their part, but because, in temporal affairs, especially, the management passed, by degrees, into the hands of other men of influence. CHAPTEK XVIII. COMMOTION IN NEW YORK.— WITCHCRAFT IN MASSACHUSETTS. Leialer acting Governor of New York. — The Old Council refuses to yield.— Captain Ingoldsby. — Sloughter Governor. — Bitterness of Parties. — Trial and Execution of Leisler and Milbourne. — Death of Sloughter. — Fletcher Governor ; he goes to Connecticut. — Yale College. — The Triumph of a Free Press. — Witchcraft ; belief in. — Cotton Mather. — The Goodwin Children. — Various Persons accused at Salem. — Special Court. — Parris as Accuser, and Stoughton as Judge. — Minister Burroughs. — Calefs Pamphlet. — Revulsion in Public Sentiment. — Mather's stand in favor of Inoculation. chap, Difficulties with royal governors were by no means con- rvm fined to New England. The people of New York were 1590. also in commotion, though not so much united, as the Dutch had not yet cordially associated in feeling with the English. James had appointed a Catholic receiver of customs ; this annoyed the Protestants, and Nicholson the governor 1689. was exceedingly unpopular. The military companies went 2^ e in a body to Jacob Leisler, a respectable and generous- hearted merchant, and their senior captain, and urged him to take possession of the fort and to assume the man- agement of affairs. He consented. Leisler, a Presbyterian and a Dutchman, was an enthusiastic admirer of the Prince of Orange. The fort and public money were taken, and the companies pledged themselves to hold the fort "for the present Protestant power that rules in England." Leisler was to act as commander-in-chief until orders came from King William, to whom a letter was sent giv- LEISLEB ACTING GOVERNOR. 217 ing an account of the seizure of the fort and also of the S5£? money, which was to be expended in building another at the lower part of the island, to defend the harbor. 1689. As a large majority of the people were in favor of Leisler and of the proceedings of the militia, Nicholson, the governor, thought best to carry his complaints to England. The members of his council, claiming to be the true rulers of the province, went to Albany, and de- Aug, nounced Leisler as a " rebel." He appointed Milbourne, his son-in-law, secretary. Afterward the people at Albany, alarmed on account of an expected attack from Canada, asked aid from New York ; Milbourne was promptly sent with a body of men to their assistance. But the members of the old council refused to acknowledge his authority, or to give him the command of the fort. To avoid bloodshed he returned, eaving them to fight the French as they could. In their extremity, the Albanians obtained, assistance from Con- necticut. Presently came a royal letter, directed to Dec. " such as for the time being administer affairs." It con- tained a commission for Nicholson as governor. As the latter was on his way to England, Leisler injudiciously proclaimed himself governor by virtue of the letter, and still more imprudently ordered the members of the refrac- tory council at Albany to be arrested. Meantime an As- sembly was called to provide for the wants of the province. The letter sent to the king remained unanswered, but suddenly an English ship came into the harbor, having on njji, board a Captain Ingoldsby, and a company of soldiers t J* n - sent by Colonel Henry Sloughter, who had been appointed governor. Encouraged by the party opposed to Leisler, Ingoldsby demanded the surrender of the fort. He was asked his authority ; as he had none to show, the fort was not given up. Six weeks elapsed before Sloughter made his appearance ; meanwhile, a collision took place between the soldiers and some of the people, and blood 218 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. xvra was s ^ e( ^* ^^ e kto erest party spirit prevailed ; the ene- mies of Leisler resolved on revenge ; and when he came 1691: forward to resign his trust to the regularly appointed gov- ernor, he was arrested, and with Milbourne taken to prison. j q The charge against them was the convenient one of trea- son ; their enemies knew that they were as loyal as themselves, but it answered their purpose. Immediately a special court was called to try the prisoners. They de- nied the right of a court thus constituted to try them, and refused to plead, but appealed to the king. They were, however, condemned, and sentenced to death by the degenerate Dudley, who, driven away by the indignant people of Massachusetts, now appeared as Chief Justice of New York. Sloughter was unwilling to order their execution, and he determined to leave the matter to the king. But their blood, and it alone, could satisfy the intense hatred of their enemies. To accomplish their end they took advan- tage of one of. the numerous failings of the governor. They gave him a dinner-party ; when overcome by a free indulgence in wine, they induced him to sign the death- warrant of the unfortunate men. About daylight the next morning, lest Sloughter should recover from his stu- mor and recall the warrant, Leisler and Milbourne were hurried from their weeping families to the gallows. It was whispered abroad, and although the rain poured in torrents, the sympathizing people hastened in multitudes Hay to the place of execution. Said Milbourne, when he saw in the crowd one of their enemies, " Eobert Livingston, I will implead thee for this at the bar of God." The last words of Leisler were : " Weep not for us, who are depart- ing to our God." Said Milbourne, "I die for the king and queen, and for the Protestant religion ; Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit. ,, When the execution was over, the people rushed forward to obtain some me- morial of their friends — a lock of hair, or a piece of their 16. BENJAMIN FLETCHER AT HAETFORD. 219 clothing. This judicial murder increased the bitterness chap of party animosity. The friends of the victims were the advocates of popular rights, in opposition to the royalists. 1691- All that could be was done in time to remedy the wrong. Their estates were restored to their families, and Parlia- ment reversed the attainder under the charge of treason. Dudley even opposed this act of justice. Three months after this tragedy, delirium tremens ended the life of the weak and dissolute Sloughter. It was about this time that the " ancient Dutch usages " gave place to the com- plete introduction of English laws. A year had elapsed, when Benjamin Fletcher came as 169a successor to Sloughter. He was a military officer, arbi- trary and avaricious. His sympathies were with the ene- mies of Leisler. As New York was on the frontiers of 169S Canada, all the colonies were expected to contribute to her defence. To make this more effective, an effort was made to put the militia of New Jersey and Connecticut, as well as that of New York, under the command of Fletcher. Accordingly, he went into Connecticut to en- force his authority. To give the command of their militia to the governor of another colony, was to sacrifice the rights of the people under the charter. The Assembly was in session at Hartford, and the militia engaged in training when Fletcher arrived. He had boasted that he " would not set foot out of the colony until he was obeyed." When the militia were drawn up, he ordered his secretary to read in their hearing his commission. When he com- menced to read, the drummers began to beat. " Silence," commanded Fletcher. For a moment there was silence, and the reading was renewed. " Drum ! drum ! " ordered Wadsworth, the same who, some years before, hid the charter. Fletcher once more ordered silence. The sturdy captain, stepping up to him, significantly remarked, " If I am interrupted again I will make daylight shine through you." Fletcher thought it best to overlook the insult. 220 HISTOKT OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap, and return to New York, without accomplishing hit threat. 1693. More than half a century before, the Bev. John Davenport proposed to found a college in the colony of Connecticut, but as Harvard would be affected by the establishment of a similar institution, the project was postponed. Now, the ministers of the colony met at Branford, where each one laid upon the table his gift of books, accompanied by the declaration, " I give these books for the founding a college in this colony. " Forty volumes were thus contributed. How little did these good men, as they made their humble offerings, anticipate the importance and influence of the college of which they 1701. thus laid the foundation. The following year the General Court granted a char- ter. The professed object of the college was to promote theological studies in particular, but afterward so modified as to admit of "instructing youth in the arts and sci- ences, who may be fitted for public employments, both in church and civil state." For sixteen years, its sessions were held at different places ; then it was permanently located at New Haven. A native of the town, Elihu Yale, who had acquired wealth in the East Indies, became its benefactor, and in return he has been immortalised in its name. For forty years succeeding the rule of Fletcher the annals of New York are comparatively barren of incident ; during that time the province enjoyed the doubtful privi- lege of having ten governors, nearly all of whom took special care of their own interests and those of their friends. The last of this number was the " violent and mercenary ^.William Cosby, who complained to the Board of Trade that he could not manage the " delegates " to the Assembly ; — " the example of Boston people " had so much infected them. The city of New York, at this time, contained nearly THE LIBERTY OF THE FBEBS. 221 nine thousand inhabitants. The Weekly Journal, a paper chap. recently established by John Peter Zenger, contained articles condemning the arbitrary acts of the governor 1732. and Assembly, in imposing illegal taxes. This was the first time in the colonies the newspapers had dared to criticize political measures. This new enemy of arbitrary power must be crushed. Governor Cosby, with the appro- bation of the council, ordered the paper to be burned by the sheriff, imprisoned the editor, and prosecuted him for libel. Zenger employed as counsel two lawyers, and they denied the authority of the court, because of the illegal appointment of the Chief Justice, Delancy, by Cosby, without the consent of the Council. For presenting this objection their names were promptly struck from the roll of practitioners. This high-handed measure intimidated the other lawyers, and deterred them from' acting as coun- sel for the fearless editor. 173& On the day of trial a venerable man, a stranger to nearly all present, took his seat at the bar. The trial commenced, and much to the surprise of the court, the stranger announced himself as counsel for the defendant. It was Andrew Hamilton, the famous Quaker lawyer of Philadelphia, and speaker of the Assembly of Pennsyl- vania. Hamilton proposed to prove the truth of the alleged libel, but Delancy, the judge, in accordance with English precedents, refused to admit the plea. Then Hamilton with great force appealed to the personal knowledge of the jury ; — the statements in the paper were notoriously true. He showed that the cause was not limited to this editor alone ; a principle was involved, that affected the liberty of speech and a free press through- out the colonies. In spite of the charge of the judge to the contrary, the jury brought in a verdict of acquittal, which was received with rapturous shouts by the people. Thus, for the first time, had the press assumed to discuss, and even 222 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. xvm* condemn political measures, and its liberty to do so was i amply vindicated. This was thirty-seven years before the 1733. same principle was established in England by the decision in the trial for libel brought against the publisher of the famous letters of Junius. 1684. " We have now to relate the story of that sad delusion so identified with the early history of the quiet and re- spectable town of Salem, in Massachusetts. The belief in witchcraft appears to have been almost universal in the age of which we write. As Christians were in cove- nant with God, so, it was believed, witches were in cove- nant with the devil ; that he gave them power to torment those whom they hated, by pinching them, pricking them with invisible pins, pulling their hair, causing their cattle and chickens to die, upsetting' their carts, and by many other annoyances, equally undignified and disagreeable. As Christians had a sacrament or communion, witches had a communion, also, at which the devil himself offici- ated in the form of a " small black man." He had a book in which his disciples signed their names, after which they renounced their Christian baptism, and were rebaptized, or " dipped " by himself. To their places of meeting the witches usually rode through the air on broomsticks. This delusion, absurd as it seems to us, was in that age believed by learned and good men, such as Sir Matthew Hale, Lord Chief Justice of England ; Eichard Baxter, author of the " Saints' Eest ; " and Dr. Isaac Watts, whose devotional " Psalms and Hymns " are so familiar to the religious world. For this supposed crime many had, at different times, been executed in Sweden, Eng- land, France, and other countries of Europe. Before the excitement at Salem, a few cases in the colony of Massa- chusetts had been punished with death. As the Bible made mention of witches and sorcerers, — to disbelieve in their existence was counted infidelity. To disprove such infidelity, Increase Mather, a celebrated Cc*cm moJ&W- COTTON MATHER. 223 clergyman of New England, published an account of the chap cases that had occurred there, and also a description of , the manner in which the bewitched persons were afflicted. 1684. After this publication, the first case that excited general interest was that of a girl named Goodwin. She had ac- cused the daughter of an Irish washerwoman of stealing some article of clothing. The enraged mother disproved the charge, and in addition reproved the false accuser se- verely. Soon after, this girl became strangely affected ; 168 & her younger brother and sister imitated her " contortions and twistings." These children were sometimes dumb, then deaf, then blind ; at one time they would bark like dogs, at another mew like cats. A physician was called in, who gravely decided that they were bewitched, as they had many of the symptoms described in Mather's book. The ministers became deeply interested in the subject, and five of them held a day of fasting and prayer at the house of the Goodwins, when lo I the youngest child, a boy of five years of age, was delivered 1 As the children asserted that they were bewitched by the Irish washer- woman, she was arrested. The poor creature was fright- ened out of her senses, if she had any, for many thought she was " crazed in her intellectuals." She was, how- ever, tried, convicted and hanged. There was at this time at Boston a young clergyman, an indefatigable student, remarkable for his memory and for the immense amount of verbal knowledge he possessed ; he was withal somewhat vain and credulous, and exceed- ingly fond of the marvellous ; no theory seems to have been, more deeply rooted in his mind than a belief in witch- craft. Such was Cotton Mather, son of Increase Mather. He became deeply interested in the case of the Goodwin children, and began to study the subject with reoewed zeal ; to do so the more perfectly, he took the girl to his home. She was cunning, and soon discovered the weak points of his character. She told him he was under a 224 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. shap. special protection ; that devils, though they tried hard, , . could not enter his study ; that they could not strike 1688. him ; the hlows were warded off hy an invisible, friendly hand. When he prayed, or read the Bible, she would be thrown into convulsions ; while at the same time, she read with zest Popish or Quaker books, or the Book of Common Prayer. Mather uttered prayers in a variety of languages to ascertain if these wicked spirits were learned. He discovered that they were skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, but deficient in some Indian tongues. He sincerely believed all this, and wrote a book, " a story all made up of wonders/' to prove the truth of witch- craft ; and gave out that, hereafter, if any one should deny its existence, he should consider it a personal insult. Mather's book was republished in London, with an ap- proving preface written by Kichard Baxter. This book had its influence upon the minds of the people, and pre- pared the way for the sad scenes which followed. About four years after the cases just mentioned, two young girls, one the niece and the other the daughter of Samuel Parris, the minister at Salem village, now Dan- vers, began to exhibit the usual signs of being bewitched. They seem to have done this at first merely for mischief, as they accused no one until compelled. 16*2. Between Parris and some of the members of his con- gregation there existed much ill-feeling. Now was the time to be revenged ! And this " beginner and procurer of the sore affliction to Salem village and country," in- sisted that his niece should tell who it was that bewitched her, for in spite of all the efforts to " deliver " them, the children continued to practise their pranks. The niece at length accused Kebecca Nurse, a woman of exemplary and Christian life ; but one with whom Parris was at variance. At his instigation she was hurried off to jail. The next Sabbath he announced as his text these words : " Have I uot chosen you twelve, and one of you is a devil ? " Imme- TBIAL OF WITCHES AT SALEM. 225 diately Sarah Cloyce, a sister of the accused, arose and left chap the church, — in those days, no small offence. She too was '. accused and sent to prison. The excitement spread, and 1692 m a few weeks nearly a hundred were accused and re- manded for trial After the people had driven off Andros, Bradstreet had still continued to act as governor. A new charter lew. was given, under which the governor was to he appointed by the crown. Sir William Phipps, a native of New England, "an illiterate man, of violent temper, with more of energy than ability," was the first governor, and William Stoughton the deputy-governor. These both obtained their offices through the influence of Increase Mather, who was then in England, acting as agent for the colony. Stoughton had been the friend of Andros, and a member of his council, and, like Dudley, was looked upon by the people as their enemy. Of a proud and unforgiv- ing temper, devoid of humane feelings, he was self-willed and selfish. The people in a recent election had slighted him ; they scarcely gave him a vote for the office of judge ; this deeply wounded his pride. In his opinions, * as to spirits and witches, he was an implicit follower of Cotton Mather, of whose church he was a member. The new governor, bringing with him the new charter, arrived at Boston on the fourteenth of May. The General 1692. Court alone had authority to appoint Special Courts ; but ^j** the governor's first official act was to appoint one to try the witches confined in prison at Salem. The triumph of Mather was complete ; he rejoiced that the warfare with the spirits of darkness was now to be carried on vig- orously, and he " prayed for a good issue." The illegal court met, and Parris acted as prosecutor, producing some witnesses and keeping back others. The prisoners were made to stand with their arms extended, lest they should torment their victims. The glance of the witch's eye was terrible to the " afflicted ; " for its evil 226 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, influence there was but one remedy : the touch of the XVIII. accused could alone remove the charm. Abigail Williams, 1692. the niece of Parris, was told to touch one of the prisoners ; she made the attempt, but desisted, screaming out, " My fingers, they burn, they burn ! " She was an adept in testifying ; she had been asked to sign the devil's book by the spectre of one of the accused women, and she had also been permitted to see a witch's sacrament. All this was accepted by the court as true and proper evidence. If a witness contradicted himself, it was explained by as- suming that the evil spirit had imposed upon his brain. A farmer had a servant, who suddenly became bewitched ; his master whipped him, and thus exorcised the devil, and had the rashness to say that he could cure any of " the afflicted " by the same process. For this he soon found himself and wife in prison. Kemarks made by the prisoners were often construed to their disadvantage. George Burroughs, once a minister at Salem, and of whom it is said Parris was envious, had expressed his disbelief in witchcraft, and pronounced the whole affair a delusion. For this he was arrested as a wizard. On his trial the witnesses pretended to fye dumb. "Why," asked the stern Stoughton of the prisoner, " are these witnesses dumb ? " Burroughs believed they were perjuring them- selves, and promptly answered, " The devil is in them, I suppose." " Ah ! ah 1 " said the exulting judge ; " how is it that he is so loath to have any testimony borne against you ? " This decided the case ; Burroughs was condemned. From the scaffold he made an address to the people, and put his enemies to shame. He did what it was believed no witch could do ; he repeated the Lord's Prayer dis- tinctly an& perfectly. The crowd was strongly impressed in his favor ; many believed him innocent, and many were moved even to tears, and some seemed disposed to rescue him ; but Cotton Mather appeared on horseback, and harangued the crowd, maintaining that Burroughs REVULSION IN PUBLIC OPINION. 227 was not a true minister, that he had not been ordained, S34& that the fair show he made was no proof of his innocence, for Satan himself sometimes appeared as an angel of light/ 1692. Many of the accused confessed they were witches, and by that means purchased their lives : and some, to make their own safety doubly sure, accused others : thus the delusion continued. Then, again, others who had con- fessed, repented that they had acknowledged themselves to be what they were not, denied their confession, and died with the rest. The accusations were at first made against those in the humbler walks of life ; now others were ac- cused. Hale, the minister at Beverly, was a believer in witchcraft, till his own wife was accused ; then he was convinced it was all a delusion. Some months elapsed before the General Court held its regular session ; in the mean time twenty persons had fallen victims, and fifty more were in prison with the same fate hanging over them. Now a great revulsion took place in public opinion. This was brought about by a citizen of Boston, Robert Calef, who wrote a pamphlet, first circulated in manuscript. He exposed the manner in which the trials had been conducted, as well as proved the absurdity of witchcraft itself. Cotton Mather, in his reply, sneered at Calef as " a weaver who pretended to be a merchant." Calef, not intimidated by this abuse, continued to write with great effect, and presently the book was published in London. Increase Mather, the President of Harvard College, to avenge his son, had the " weaver's " book publicly burned in the college yard. In the first case brought before the court, the jury promptly brought in a verdict of not guilty. "When news came to Salem of the reprieve of those under sentence, the fanatical Stoughton, in a rage, left the bench, ex- claiming, " Who it is that obstructs the course of justice I know not ; the Lord have mercy on the country." T Not long after, the indignant inhabitants of Salem 1698, 22S HISTOEY OF THE AMEBICAK PEOPLE. C^P- drove Parris from their village. Many of those who had participated in the delusion, and given their influence in 1693. favor of extreme measures, deeply repented and publicly asked forgiveness of their fellow-citizens. But Cotton Mather expressed no regret for the part he had taken, 01 the influence he exerted in increasing the delusion ; hie vanity never would admit that he could possibly have been in error. Instead of being humbled on account of the sorrows he had brought upon innocent persons, he la- bored to convince the world that, after all, he had not been so very active in promoting the delusion. Stoughton passed the remainder of his days the same cold, proud, and heartless man ; nor did he ever manifest the least Borrow, that on such trifling and contradictory evidence, he had sentenced to death some of the best of men and women. It is a pleasure to record that, thirty years after this melancholy delusion, Cotton Mather with fearless energy advocated the use of inoculation for the prevention of 1721. small-pox. He had learned that it was successful in Tur- key, in arresting or modifying that terrible disease, and he persuaded Dr. Boylston to make the experiment. Ma- ther stood firm, amid the clamors of the ignorant mob, who even threw a lighted grenade filled with combustibles into his house, and paraded the streets of Boston, with halters in their hands, threatening to hang the inoculators. The majority of the physicians opposed inoculation on theo- logical grounds, contending, " it was presumptuous for men to inflict disease on man, that being the prerogative of the Most High." " It was denounced as an infusion of malignity into the blood ; a species of poisoning ; an at- tempt to *thwart God, who had sent the small-pox as a punishment for sins, and whose vengeance would thus be only provoked the more." Nearly all the ministers were in favor of the system, and they replied with arguments drawn from medical science. An embittered war of pam- INOCULATION IN BOSTON. 229 phlets ensued. The town authorities took decided ground chap . XVIII against the innovation, while the General Court passed . a bill prohibiting the practice, but the Council wisely 1721 - refused to give it their sanction. At length science and common sense prevailed, and the inoculists completely triumphed. Much has been said and written, more or less justly, in condemnation of these strange proceedings ; however, from this time forth the belief in witchcraft began to wane in New England, and the civil authorities noticed it no more. In justice to the misguided actors in this sad tragedy it ought to be remembered that for half a century afterward, the law of the mother country, as it always had done, still made witchcraft a capital crime ; and within thirty years after these terrible scenes in Salem, persons accused of witchcraft were condemned and put to death, both in England and in Scotland ; in the former a mother and her daughter — nine years old — 1716. perished together on the same scaffold ; in the latter, six years afterward, an old woman was burned as a witch ; and even Blackstone, when writing on the laws of England in the latter half of the eighteenth century, deems witch- craft a crime. No one of these persons at Salem suffered by that barbarous form of execution — burning; nor were they put to the rack and torture. "What a tribute it is to the integrity of these twenty victims that they refused to stain their souls with the crime of falsehood, " and went to the gallows rather than soil their consciences by the lie of confession." ■ For if they confessed themselves to be witches, "and promised blameless lives for the future, they were uniformly pardoned." The seven magistrates composing this illegal court held at Salem were evidently sincere in the performance of > Palfrey's History of New England. Vol. IV., p. 133. 230 HISTOEY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. chap, their official duties, yet the sternness of Stoughton, the 1 chief judge, seems to savor of fanaticism, as shown in his 1716. permitting the trials to be hurried through without proper deliberation ; had they been postponed to the regular meeting of the General Court, some months dis- tant, the issue, no doubt, would have been far different. The magistrates in Plymouth Colony were more enlight- ened, for when, many years previous to this time, two 1660. prosecutions for witchcraft having been brought before them, the accused were declared not guilty. Notwithstanding this mistaken zeal in punishing im- aginary crime, it is but justice to notice that the penal laws enacted by the Puritans of New England were in their humane characteristics far in advance of those of the same period in Europe, especially in England, with which the comparison may be more properly made. Even down to 1819 there were in England two hundred and twenty-three offenses punishable with death, while in the From very first formation of the government in the colonies of £ Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, the crimes 1646 punished capitally were limited to seventeen, and some of these with express reservations, " leaving the exaction of the supreme penalty to the discretion of the court." " Lar- ceny above the value of twelve pence was a capital crime in England ;" also, " to kill a deer in the king's forest, or to export sheep from the kingdom." It is but just to compare the laws enacted in these colonies with the con- temporary ones in the Motherland, and not with those of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The marvel is that, coming from a country where such barbarous laws were in force, the colonists had the moral power to rise above, the prejudices and brutalities of the age, and frame penal laws so much more humane. It may serve as an explanation that the Puritans of New England fell back upon the code of Moses as a model, deeming that to be an embodiment of the law of God for His people ; LAND HOLDERS. 231 sometimes forgetting, however, that these laws did not chap. fully apply in the seventeenth century of the Christian ; era. In the recognition of human rights these colonial law- givers were far in advance of the contemporary legislators of Europe. With the former it was a cardinal principle to give every citizen a chance to improve his temporal " affairs by industry and economy, and to educate his children. Their settlements, in accordance with the law, were originally arranged so that each member of the community had an interest in its affairs by his becoming a landholder, and a participant in the councils of the Town Meetings, and indirectly in those of the colony at large, through representatives elected by the aid of his vote. The farms were so laid out that their length greatly exceeded their breadth, and each farmer could thus have his house near a neighbor ; usually their dwellings were built on a single street, the farms running back, while the church and school-house were so located as to be accessible to all. This plan of laying out settlements, though at first en- joined by the civil authorities, was afterward, because of its utility, adopted in numerous instances by the people themselves. This system accounts for the greater num- ber of villages in the colonies of New England in propor- tion to their extent of territory than are in the Middle, and still more in the Southern, colonies. Another division, the township or town as it was usually termed, was a district marked off of convenient size, to enable the male inhabitants to attend the town meetings, which were held at a point known as the " Cen- tre," in which meetings measures pertaining to the well- being of the people were discussed and voted upon — such as related to schools, the highways, the district taxes, etc. Under these conditions all the residents became in- terested in the local affairs of the community. The transition was natural and easy for citizens thus trained 232 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, to manifest a similar interest in the general prosperity of 1 the colony, and its relations with the Home Government. In consequence of this political schooling, we find that on the great questions which came up a hundred years later, these " citizens of the common folk" were remark ably well informed, and the sentiments of the most in- telligent patriots of that period found in their minds a ready response. For the times, this kind of information was therefore extensively diffused by the intercourse be- tween citizens, as well as by means of printing ; for in the earlier days that medium was often used by leading minds to express their views upon current topics of interest. The printing-press was specially utilized in the issue of short publications in the form of pamphlets in discussing questions of local interest ; among these theol- ogy held a prominent place. These wars of pamphlets were terrible of their kind. The mass of the people were not then far enough advanced in literary attainments to sustain newspapers, as they were known even a century later, but on religious topics and on political subjects they were wide awake. These short publications, so often controversial, served their purpose, and in their way in- fluenced the most enlightened minds, and they in turn those with whom they came in personal contact. The system of landholding x and town meetings culti- vated the self-respect of every citizen, and dignified the most humble with the consciousness that he was a mem- ber of the community, and in the direction of its affairs the influence he might have he was at liberty to exercise. This was the outgrowth of the democratic principle which found its expression for the first time on this side of the world in the cabin of the May- Flower. 2 The sys- tem of dividing counties into towns or townships pre- vailed, also, in the other colonies that afterward became * History, p. 105. 2 History, p. 99. EFFECT OF THE KEVOLUTIOK OF 1688. 233 free states, and in them, likewise, the minor local affairs chap. . XVIII were managed by the citizens in township meetings ; but . not to the same extent they were in New England, be- cause the people were not so homogeneous, there being a large proportion that were not of Anglo-Saxon descent, neither were they so harmonious nor so far advanced in their political views. In these colonies and states, how- ever, the people elected their own civil officers, while in the southern they were nearly all appointed by the Gov ernors, Legislatures, or County Courts. This latter cus- tom, together with the restrictions on suffrage, greatly diminished the independence of the individual ; for, in- stead of the power being lodged with the people them- selves, it was exercised by a self-constituted oligarchy. During the three-quarters of a century immediately succeeding the Great Revolution in England the principles From — religious and political — which the colonists had adopted 1( j^ 8 as their rule of conduct, exerted a free and benign influ- 1763. ence; consequently their progress, under the circum- stances, was very great. This revolution secured so much for the religious liberties of the English people, that after- ward when any emigrated to the colonies, it was not on account of religious disabilities, but to better their mate- rial interests. Among those who came during this period were companies of Protestants, such as the Presbyterians ' from Scotland, the Scotch-Irish from the north of Ireland, Huguenots from France, and Lutherans from Germany. These immigrants exerted a healthy influence on the country, in promoting its material prosperity by their in- dustry and economy, and in coalescing with the colonists in their educational and religious matters. They blended easily with the people, and became thoroughly assimi- lated in less than two generations. As New England and Virginia were populous and i History, 163, 172, 175, 179, 193. 234 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, important colonies, they became centers of influences that XVIII. . , ! produced certain results during the six generations ' f ol- From lowing the witchcraft excitement in the one, and the an( i attempt under Bacon 2 to vindicate the rights of the peo- 1684 pi e m the other. I860. In the Virginia colony the distribution of the territory was radically different from that in New England. In the former were large undivided counties, instead of the districts of convenient size in the latter in order to main- tain schools and churches, thus making compact settle- ments of land-owners independent and self-respecting. Lands in Virginia were frequently given by the crown to court favorites 3 in immense grants, and on these were to be located tenants ; the effect upon these tenants was not to cherish independence of character, but the reverse. In consequence of this system of royal grants farms of moderate size became the exceptions ; the tendency was for the rich to own lands in very large estates, thus widely separating the homes of the inhabitants. The poor or small farmers gradually withdrew from the fertile lands of the main settlements to districts more sterile, and being deprived of the appropriate means to educate their chil- dren, they made little improvement from generation to generation. None but landholders were permitted to vote, and, as far as known, none but that class were elected legislators, thus laying the foundation for a landed aristocracy modeled after that of England ; to this class was added another element of aggrandizement — the sys- tem of slavery. From this time forward there was more importance attached to wealth in landed estates and slaves than in any other form. As "only freeholders could vo£e for members of the house of burgesses," so it came to pass, in process of time, that none but slave- owners were elected to office. I History, pp. 858-860. * History, pp. 139-144. 8 History, pp. 141-143. 1866. INFLUENCE OF SLAVEKY. 235 •v In respect to education the spirit of Berkeley seemed chap. .... . XVIII to brood over successive Virginia legislatures ; during one , . hundred and ninety years after his time neither as a From colony nor as a state did they establish schools where to all the children could be educated, while it required more than half a century to prepare the aristocracy for the innovation of a printing-press. The " poor whites" in Virginia never recovered from the blow they received at the failure of their uprising under Bacon ; twenty of their most progressive and patriotic men perished on the scaffold by order of the inhuman Berkeley, and from that time forward they made little progress. 1 This influence extended gradually south from Virginia to the Carolinas and Georgia, where the same system prevailed of large tracts of the best lands being cultivated by slaves, and with the usual result of driving the " poor whites" back to the unfertile districts. In these colonies, and after- ward when states, no schools were established to educate all the children. Meanwhile the influence of slavery grew stronger and stronger ; manual labor for a white man became a badge of degradation, which attached itself to him and to his children. There is no sadder story in our history than is revealed in the inner life of the "poor whites" of the South during these two centuries. They made but little progress. They cultivated sterile fields merely to eke out a scanty subsistence ; as to manufactures, they were only by hand, and of the crudest kind, to supply their domes- tie wants ; in the main, the great mass making little ad- vance in education or in mental improvement. This may account for the fact that so limited a number of that class rose above their condition in times of great trial, as in the days of the Revolution, when, comparatively, very few of them displayed talents of a high order. The most promi- » Lodge's History of the Colonies ; Virginia, p. 21, and onward. 236 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, nent of these was Daniel Morgan. 1 When their youth ; came to manhood they were cramped by lack of education. From Another effectual cause of hindering the political prog- t0 ress of the mechanic or farmer of limited means, was the 186L manner in which civil affairs were conducted. In the large counties of these colonies and states, the Court-House was located near the center, and to meet at " The Court" became the practice of the aristocracy, there to see their compeers from all parts of the county : this custom passed over from colonial times to be more fully carried out in the States. In these meetings they discussed measures in relation to the interests of the county as well as general politics. The nominal citizen not owning land had no vote, and therefore he took little or no interest in these county gatherings, and the distinction became still more clear, so that he who owned a small farm and no slaves, felt ill at ease in an assembly where mere wealth in land and slaves exerted so much influence. It was the landed aristocracy who held office under colonial governors, and who were their accepted advisers ; at the South, from this class alone came the enlightened patriots of the Ke volution ; none scarcely from the ranks of manual labor or small farmers. The intercourse between the rich land- and slave-owners and their poorer neighbors was characterized by an obse- quiousness on the part of the latter totally unknown in the northern colonies ; in them the value of knowledge and moral excellence was more clearly estimated, while that of mere wealth was reckoned only secondary in the social position of the individual. Of the middle colonies during this period the most advanced in literary culture was Pennsylvania. Though she had no "public schools in a wide sense, yet under the influence of the Friends her private ones, were the best of their kind. Then came a large immigration of Germans 2 1 History, p. 380; also, Serjeant Jasper, p. 406. 2 History, pp. 170-174. NEWSPAPERS. 237 who became famous as farmers, but unfortunately not so chap. XVIII famous for the interest they took in education. The con- . trast between them in this respect and the Friends and 171 °- Presbyterians 1 was very striking. In New Jersey the schools were private, none were public ; but the Presby- terian element ' moulded the minds of the youth, by in- stilling the truths of the Bible as they deemed them sum- marized in their catechism ; through their influence Princeton college was founded. The same in respect to private schools may be said of the Dutch of New York, In this colony, however, occurred the first instance in the English-speaking world of a trial in court in which the freedom 2 of the press was fully established, and has re- mained so from that day to this. When newspapers were first printed in the seventeenth century the arbitrary colonial governments suppressed them without hesitation if they contained anything these gentlemen did not relish. The first newspaper pub- lished in the colonies — " The Public Occurrences'' — was at Boston ; it was simply a printed narrative of events, in- 1690. stead of the usual one in manuscript, giving the current news. The only copy of this paper known to exist is in the Colonial State Paper Office in London. 3 It was con- fiscated no doubt. Fourteen years afterward the first weekly newspaper in the colonies was established also in Boston — "The News-Letter" — by Benjamin Harris. 1704. " The News-Letter" lived seventy years. "The American Weekly Mercury" was founded in 1719. Philadelphia, and ten years later in the same city Benja- min Franklin published the first number of the " Penn- 1729. sylvania Gazette ;" two years later " The South Carolina Gazette" began its existence in Charleston, and five years afterward " The Virginia Gazette" made its apnearance 1736. at Williamsburg. 1 History, pp. 336, 318. 2 History, p. 231. 3 Hudson's Journalism, p. 44. 238 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. The influence was reciprocal ; as these papers gradu- , 1 ally advanced in excellence, the people, meanwhile, were becoming more and more intelligent and better qualified to appreciate their merits. They flourished more vigor- ously in the New England and in the three northern middle colonies than elsewhere. In the former especially the prevalence of common schools had made the great mass of the people readers ; in addition the harsh climate of that section, when compared with the more genial one of the southern, led the people to cultivate indoor indus- tries, and during the long and severe winters, to acquire knowledge and mental improvement by reading. Mean- time a marvelous change had been going on during the French war, which assumed a decided character at 1756 its close. Now began the discussion, both by addresses .. *° of prominent men and in the newspapers, of the political questions involved in the policy of the Home Government, in its endeavor to interfere with the civil rights and in- dustries of the colonies. The whole people were intensely roused to this phase of thought, and to the maintenance of their rights. In this clash of opinions the press became a still greater power, both in force and in numbers. It became the exponent, to a certain extent, of the senti- ments of the royalists as well as of the patriots, while the people themselves were stirred to their inmost souls. 1 The questions relating to civil and religious liberty absorbed the thoughts of the colonists so much that we learn only incidentally concerning their material -prog- ress, as the chroniclers of the times give us only occa- sionally a glimpse of the domestic life of the people. We know that the New Englanders, more than the people, of tnje middle or southern colonies, were com- pelled by the barrenness of their soil and the bleakness of their climate to labor almost incessantly in obtaining 1 See History, chap. XXIV., pp. 317-324, for characteristics of the colonists. CROPS — AKIMALS. 239 a supply of the necessaries of life. They carefully cul- chap. tivated wheat, but the sterile soil refused abundant crops ; _ and they also devoted care to raising rye and Indian corn. It was different in the middle and the southern colonies : in them the soil was much more fertile, and the climate more genial ; the crops of wheat and Indian corn in the former were abundant, while in the latter tobacco was the most valuable product, because of its ready sale. This led to its extensive culture, almost to the exclusion of the cereals — the latter were supplied by the middle colonies : even in that early day the different sections of the land were dependent upon one another. The rapid sale and high price of tobacco led to the introduction of foreign luxuries, and made the planters dependent on England, especially for their needed manufactured articles. On the contrary, the handicraft of the New Englanders and the people of the middle colonies was constantly improving, because they had no valuable pro- duct like tobacco to send to Europe in exchange for mer- chandise — not even to any extent for textile fabrics ; hence they were compelled to manufacture these articles for themselves. In the one section the working animal most prized was the ox, so patient and useful in cultivating the rocky farms in little valleys and on hillsides, and the cows fur- nishing so much food for the family, and the sheep for the production of wool. In the middle colonies the ox was used, but not so much as the draft-horse, in cultivat- ing the large wheat fields ; while in Yirginia the hoe was as necessary, if not more, than the plow in cultivating tobacco. The Yirginian cherished the horse as the noblest of animals, and imported from England the finest for the saddle, for hunting, and for racing, mean- while neglecting his domestic cattle. CHAPTEK XIX. MISSIONS AND SETTLEMENTS IN NEW FRANCE. The Emigrants few in number. — The Jesuits ; their zeal as Teachers and Explorers. — Missions among the Hurons. — Ahasistari. — The Five Na- tions, or Iroquois. — Father Jogues. — The Abenakis ; Dreuilettes. — The Dangers of the Missions. — French Settlers at Oswego. — James Mar- quette. — The Mississippi. — La Salle ; his Enterprise ; his Failure and tragical End. chap We have already given an account of the discoveries * LK ' made in New France, and the settlements founded under 1684. * ne direction of Samuel Champlain. We now intend to trace the history of these settlements and missions, from that period till the time when the Lilies of France were supplanted by the Banner of St. George. The climate offered but few inducements to cultiva- tors of the soil, and emigrants came but slowly ; they established trading houses, rather than agricultural settle- ments. To accumulate wealth their main resource was in the peltries of the wilderness, and these could be ob- tained only from the Indians, who roamed over the vast regions west and north of the lakes. A partial knowledge of the country had been obtained from a priest/ Father Le Caron, the friend and companion of Champlain. He had, by groping through the woods, and paddling over the waters his birch-bark canoe, pene- trated far up the St. Lawrence, explored the south shore of Lake Ontario, and even found his way to Lake Huron. THE JESUITS. 241 Three years before the death of Champlain, Louis chap XIII. gave a charter to a company, granting them the control of the valley of the St. Lawrence and all its trib- 1684. utaries. An interest was felt for the poor savages, and it was resolved to convert them to the religion of Kome ; — not only convert them, but make them the allies of France. Worldly policy had as much influence as reli- gious zeaL It was plain, the only way to found a French empire in the New World, was by making the native tribes subjects, and not by transplanting Frenchmen. The missions to the Indians were transferred to the supervision of the Jesuits. This order of priests was founded expressly to counteract the influence of the Reformation under Luther. As the Keformers favored 156* education and the diffusion of general intelligence, so the Jesuit became the advocate of education — provided it was under his own control. He resolved to rule the world by influencing its rulers ; he would govern by intellectual power and the force of opinion, rather than by supersti- tious fears. He endeavored to turn the principles of the Reformation against itself. His vows enjoined upon him perfect obedience to the will of his superior, — to go on any mission to which he might be ordered. No clime so deadly that he would not brave its danger ; no people so savage that he would not attempt their conversion. With their usual energy and zeal, the Jesuits began to explore the wilds of New France, and to bring its wilder inhabitants under the influence of the Catholic faith. To the convert was offered the privileges of a subject of France. From this sprang a social equality, friendly relations were established, and intermarriages took place between the traders and the Indian women. Companies of Hurons, who dwelt on the shores of the lake which bears their name, were on a trading expedition to Quebec. On their return home the Jesuits Brebeuf and Daniel accompanied them. They went up the Ot- 242 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xfx P ' * awa ^ ^ e y came to * ts largest western branch, thence to its head waters, and thence across the wilderness to 1634. their villages on Georgian bay and Lake Simcoe. The faith and zeal of these two men sustained them during their toilsome journey of nine hundred miles, and though their feet were lacerated and their garments torn, they rejoiced in their sufferings. Here in a grove they built, with theii own hands, a little chapel, in which they celebrated the ceremonies of their church. The Eed Man came to hear the morning and evening prayers ; though in a language which he could not understand, they seemed to him to be addressed to the Great Spirit, whom he himself wor- shipped. Six missions were soon established in the villages around these lakes and bays. Father Brebeuf spent four hours of every morning in private prayer and self-flagel- lations, the rest of the day in catechizing and teaching. Sometimes he would go out into the village, and as he passed along would ring his little bell and thus invite the grave warriors to a conference, on the mysteries of his religion. Thus he labored for fifteen years. These teachings had an influence on the susceptible heart of the great Huron chief Ahasistari. He professed himself a convert and was baptized. Often as he escaped uninjured from the perils of battle, he thought some pow- erful spirit watched over him, and now he believed that the God whom the white man worshipped was that guar- dian spirit. In the first flush of his zeal he exclaimed : " Let us strive to make all men Christians." Thousands of the sons and daughters of the forest listened to instruction, and the story of their willingness to hear, when told in France, excited a new interest. The king and queen and nobles vied with each other in mani- festing their regard by giving encouragement and aid tc the missionaries, and by presents to the converts. A col- lege, to educate men for these missions, was founded at Quebec, two years before the founding of Harvard. Two THE FIVE NATIONS. 243 years afterward the Ursuline convent was founded at chap Montreal for the education of Indian girls, and three young nuns came from France to devote themselves to 1635 that labor. They were received with demonstrations of joy by the Hurons and Algonquins. Montreal was now chosen as a more desirable centre for missionary operations. The tribes most intelligent and powerful, most war- like and cruel, with whom the colonists came in contact, were the Mohawks, or Iroquois, as the French named them. They were a confederacy consisting of five nations, the Senecas, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Mohawks — better known to the English by the latter name. This confederacy had been formed in ac- cordance with the counsels of a great and wise chief, 15881 Hiawatha. Their traditions tell of him as having been specially guided by the Great Spirit, and that amid strains of unearthly music, he ascended to heaven in a snow- white canoe. They inhabited that beautiful and fertile region in Central New York, where we find the lakes and rivers still bearing their names. Their territory lay on the south shore of Lake Ontario, and extended to the head-waters of the streams which flow into the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, and also to the sources of the Ohio. These streams they used as highways in their war incursions. They pushed their con- quests up the lakes and down the St. Lawrence, and northward almost to the frozen regions around Hudson's bay. They professed to hold many of the tribes of New England as tributary, and extended their influence to the extreme east. They made incursions down the Ohio against the Shawnees, whom they drove to the Carolinas. They exercised dominion over the Illinois and the Miamis. They were the inveterate enemies of the Hurons, and a terror to the French settlements — especially were they hostile to the missions. In vain the Jesuits strove to teach them ; French influence could never penetrate 244 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, south of Ontario. The Mohawks closely watched the passes of the St. Lawrence, and the intercourse between 1685. the missionaries stationed on the distant lakes and their head-quarters at Montreal was interrupted, unless they travelled the toilsome route by the Ottawa and the wil- derness beyond. 1642. An expedition from the lakes had slipped through to Quebec, and now it endeavored to return. As the fleet approached the narrows, suddenly the Mohawks attacked it ; most of the Frenchmen and Hurons made for the op- posite shore. Some were taken prisoners, among whom was Father Jogues. The noble Ahasistari, from his hiding-place, saw his teacher was a prisoner ; he knew that he would be tortured to death, and he hastened to him : " My brother," said he, " I made oath to thee, that I would share thy fortune, whether death or life ; here 1 am to keep my vow." He received absolution at the hands of Jogues, and met death at the stake in a manner becoming a great warrior and a faithful convert. Father Jogues was taken from place to place ; in each village he was tortured and compelled to run the gauntlet. His fellow-priest, Goupil, was seen to make the sign of the cross on the forehead of an infant, as he secretly bap- tized it. The Indians thought it a charm to Mil their children, and instantly a tomahawk was buried in the poor priest's head. The Dutch made great efforts, but in vain, to ransom Jogues, but after some months of cap- tivity he made his escape to Fort Orange, where he wa, gladly received and treated with great kindness by the Dominie Megapolensis. Jogues went to France, but in a few years he was again among his tormentors as a messen- ger of the gospel ; ere long a blow from a savage ended his life. A similar fate was experienced by others. Father Bressani was driven from hamlet to hamlet, sometimes scourged by all the inhabitants, and tortured in every pos- INDIAN MISSIONS. 245 able form which savage ingenuity could invent, — yet he chap survived, and was at last ransomed by the Dutch. The Abenakis of Maine sent messengers to Montreal 1642. asking missionaries. They were granted, and Father Dreuilettes made his way across the wilderness to the Penobscot, and a few miles above its mouth established a mission. The Indians came to him in great numbers. He became as one of themselves, he hunted, he fished, he taught among them, and won their confidence. He gave a favorable report of the place, and the disposition of the tribes, and a permanent Jesuit mission was there estab- lished. On one occasion Father Dreuilettes visited the Apostle Eliot at Koxbury. The noble and benevolent work in which they were engaged, served in the minds of these good men to soften the asperities existing between the Catholic and the Puritan, and they bid each other God speed. At this time there were sixty or seventy devoted mis- 1646 sionaries among the tribes extending from Lake Superior to Nova Scotia. But they did not elevate the character of the Indian ; he never learned to till the soil, nor to dwell in a fixed abode ; he was still a rover in the wide, free forest, living by the chase. The Abenakis, like the Hurons, were willing to receive religious instructions ; they learned to chant matins and vespers, they loved those who taught them. It is not for us to say how many of them received into their hearts a new faith. The continued incursions of the ferocious Mohawks kept these missions in peril. Suddenly one morning they attacked the mission of St. Joseph on Lake Simcoe, founded, as we have seen, by Brebeuf and Daniel. The time chosen was when the warriors were on a hunting ex- cursion, and the helpless old men, women, and children fell victims to savage treachery. The aged priest Daniel, at the first war-cry, hastened to give absolution to all the 1048 converts he could reach, and then calmly advanced from 246 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. °xlx/ ^ e cna P e * * n *ke ^ ace °^ tne murderers. He fell pierced with many arrows. These marauding expeditions broke 164a up nearly all the missions in Upper Canada. The Hu- rons were scattered, and their country became a hunting- ground for their inveterate enemies. , Many of the Huron converts were taken prisoners and adopted into the tribes of the Five Nations. Some years 1661. after, when a treaty was made between those nations and the French, the presence of these converts excited hopea that they would receive Jesuit teachers. A mission was established among the Onondagas, and Oswego, their prin- cipal village, was chosen for the station. In a year or two missionaries were laboring among the other tribes of the confederacy. But the French, who had an eye to se- curing that fertile region, sent fifty colonists, who began a settlement at the mouth of the Oswego. The jealousy of the Indians was excited ; they compelled the colonists to leave their country, and with them drove away the missionaries. Thus ended the attempts of the French to possess the soil of New York. The zeal of the Jesuits was not diminished by these untoward misfortunes ; they still continued to prosecute their labors among the tribes who would receive them. Away beyond Lake Superior one of their number lost his way in the woods and perished, and the wild Sioux kept his cassock as an amulet. Into that same region the un- daunted Father Allouez penetrated ; there, at the largest town of the Chippewas, he found a council of the chiefs of many different tribes. They were debating whether they should take up arms against the powerful and war- like Sioux. He exhorted them to peace, and urged them 1666 t° join in alliance with the French against the Iroquois ; he also promised them trade, and the protection of the great king of the French. Then he heard for the first time of the land of the Illinois, where there were no trees, but vast plains covered with long grass, on which grazed JAMES MARQUETTE. 247 innumerable herds of buffalo and deer. He heard of the *&&' wild rice, and of the fertile lands which produced an , abundance of maize, and of regions where copper was ob- 1669. tained, — the mines so famous in our own day. He learned, too, of the great river yet farther west, which flowed toward the south, whither, his informants could not tell After a sojourn of two years Allouez returned to Quebec, to implore aid in establishing missions in that hopeful field. He stayed only to make known his request ; in two days, he was on his way back to his field of labor, accom- panied by only one companion. The next year came from France another company of priests, among whom was James Marquette, who repaired immediately to the missions on the distant lakes. Ac- companied by a priest named Joliet, and five French boatmen, with some Indians as guides and interpreters, Marquette set out to find the great river, of which he had heard so much. The company passed up the Fox river in two birch-bark canoes ; they carried them across the portage to the banks of the Wisconsin, down which they floated, till at length their eyes were gratified by the sight of the " Father of Waters." 1670 They coast along its shores, lined with primeval for- ests, swarming with all kinds of game ; the prairies redo- lent with wild flowers ; — all around them is a waste of grandeur and of beauty. After floating one hundred and eighty miles they meet with signs of human beings. They land, and find, a few miles distant, an Indian village ; here they are welcomed by a people who speak the language of their guides. They are told that the great river ex- tends to the far south, where the heat is deadly, and that the great monsters of the river destroy both men and canoes. Nothing daunted they pass on, and ere long they reach the place where the turbid and rapid Missouri plunges into the tranquil and clear Mississippi. " When I return/' 248 vHISTOEY OF THE AMEBIC AN PEOPLE. C xnF* sa ^ B ^ ar( l uette > u I w iH ascend that river and pass beyond its head- waters and proclaim the gospel." Further on 1670. they see a stream flowing from the north-east ; — it is the Ohio, of which the Iroquois have told them. We can imagine Marquette, noticing the fertility of the soil, looking with awe upon the dark and impenetrable forests, and hoping that in future ages these shores would be the homes of many millions of civilized and Christian men. As they went on they approached a warmer climate ; and now they were sure that the great river flowed intc the Gulf of Mexico, and not into that of California, as had been supposed. They met with Indians who showed them tools of European manufacture ; obtained either from the English of Virginia or from the Spaniards fur- ther south. It was deemed prudent to return, as they might fall into the hands of the latter, and thus be de- prived of the privilege of making known their discovery. At the mouth of the Arkansas they began the toilsome labor of paddling their canoes up the stream down which they had so easily floated. They reached the mouth of the Illinois ; thinking it would lead them to the lakes, they passed up that river to its head-waters, and thence across to Lake Michigan. Joliet immediately set out to carry the news of the discovery to Quebec. Marquette was desirous to begin his work, and he chose to remain in the humble station of a missionary in the wilderness. One day he retired to his private devotions, at a simple altar he had erected in a grove. An hour afterward he was found kneeling beside it ; his prayers and his labors for the good of the poor In- dian were ended ; — in that hour of quiet retirement his spirit had passed away. Among the adventurers who came to Canada to seek their fortunes, was Eobert Cavalier de la Salle, a young man who had been educated as a Jesuit, but had re- nounced the order. A large domain at the outlet of Lake ENTERPRISE OP LA SALLE — LOUISIANA. 249 Ontario was granted him on condition that he would main- chap tain Fort Frontenac, now Kingston. But his main object , was to obtain the entire trade of the Iroquois. The Dews 1675. of the discovery of the great river inflamed his ardent mind with a desire to make settlements on its banks, and thus secure its vast valley for his king. Leaving his lands and his herds, he sailed for France, and there obtained a favora- 1677 ble grant of privileges. He returned, passed up to Lake Erie, at the foot of which he built a vessel of sixty tons, in which, with a company of sailors, hunters, and priests, he passed through the straits to the upper lakes, and an- chored in Green Bay. There, lading his ship with a cargo 16 7 9 of precious furs, he sent her to Niagara, with orders to Aug. return as soon as possible with supplies. Meanwhile he passed over into the valley of the Illinois, and on a bluff by the river side, near where Peoria now stands, built a fort, and waited for his ship ; but he waited in vain ; she was wrecked on the voyage. After three years of toils, wanderings in the wilder- ness, and voyages to France, during which he experienced disappointments that would have broken the spirit of an ordinary man, we find him once more on the banks of the Illinois. Now he built a barge, on board of which, with 1682. his companions, he floated down to the Mississippi, and A P™ thence to the Gulf. Thus were his hopes, after so much toil and sacrifice, realized. He had triumphantly traced the mighty stream to its mouth. He remained only to take possession of the country in the name of his sovereign, Louis XIV., in honor of whom he named it Louisiana. La Salle returned to Quebec, and immediately sailed for France. He desired to carry into effect his great de- sign of planting a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. The enterprise was looked upon with favor by both the French people and the king. He was furnished with an armed frigate and three other vessels, and two hundred 1684, and eighty persons to form a colony. One hundred of 250 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, these were soldiers ; of the remainder, some were volun- L teers, some mechanics, and some priests. Unfortunately, 1684. the command of the ships was given to Beaujeu, a man as ignorant as he was self-willed and conceited. After surmounting many difficulties, they entered the Gulf of Mexico, but missed the mouth of the Mississippi. La 1686. Salle soon discovered the error, but the stubborn Beaujeu, deaf to reason, sailed on directly west, till fortunately ar- rested by the eastern shore of Texas. La Salle deter- mined to disembark and seek by land the mouth of the great river. The careless pilot ran the store-ship on the breakers ; suddenly a storm arose, and very little was saved of the abundance which Louis had provided for the enter- prise. It is said that he gave more to aid this one colony than the English sovereigns combined gave to all theirs in North America. As the ships were about to leave them on that desolate shore, many became discouraged, and returned home. The waters in the vicinity abounded in fish, and the for- ests in game, and with a mild climate and productive soil, there was no danger from starvation. A fort was built in a suitable place ; the trees of a grove three miles distant furnished the material, which they dragged across the prairie. La Salle explored the surrounding country, but sought in vain for the Mississippi. On his return to the fort, he was grieved to find his colony reduced to forty per- sons, and they disheartened and mutinous. He did not despair ; he would yet accomplish the darling object of his ambition ; he would thread his way through the wilder- ness to Canada, and induce colonists to join him. With * 687 a company of sixteen men he commenced the journey ; they travelled two months across the prairies west of the Mississippi ; but the hopes that had cheered his heart amidst hardships and disappointments were never to be realized. Two of his men, watching their opportunity, murdered him. Thus perished Kobert Ovalier de la DEATH OF LA SALLE. 251 Salle, assassinated in the wilderness by his own country- C S A ?- men. He was the first to fully appreciate the importance of securing to France the two great valleys of this conti- 1687. nent. His name will ever be associated with his unsuc- cessful enterprise, and his tragical fate will ever excite a feeling of sympathy. Ketribution was not long delayed ; his murderers, grasping at spoils, became involved in a quarrel with their companions, and both perished by the hand of violence. The remainder of the company came upon a tributary of the Mississippi, down which they passed to its mouth, where their eyes were greeted by a cross, and the arms of France engraved upon a tree. This had been done by Tonti, a friend of La Salle, who had descended from the Illinois, but in despair of seeing him had returned. The colony of Texas perished without leaving a memento of its existence. CHAPTER XX. MARAUDING EXPEDITIONS; SETTLEMENT OF LOUISIANA j CAPTURE OP LOUISBURG. Mohawks hostile to the French. — Dover attacked ; Major Waldron. — Sche- nectady captured and burned. — The inhuman Frontenac. — The Colonists act for themselves. — Invasion of Canada. — Settlements in Maine aban- doned. — Heroism of Hannah Dustin. — Deerfield taken; Eunice Wil- liams. — D'Ibberville plants a Colony on the Pascagoula. — Trading Posts on the Illinois and the Mississippi. — The Choctaws ; the Natchez ; at- tempts to subdue the Chickasaws. — King George's War. — Capture of Louisburg. — The English Ministry alarmed. — Jonathan Edwards. — The " Great Revival." — Princeton College. chap. Peace had continued for some time between the Five Na- xx. tions and the French, but now the former were suspicious 1685. of the expeditions of La Salle. James II. had instructed Dongan, the Catholic governor of New York, to conciliate the French, to influence the Mohawks to receive Jesuit missionaries, and to quietly introduce the Catholic religion into the colony. But Dongan felt more interest in the fur trade, which the French seemed to be monopolizing, than in Jesuit missions among the Mohawks, and he rather encouraged the latter in their hostility. An act of treachery increased this feeling. Some of their chiefs, who were enti<*$d to enter Fort Frontenac, were seized and forcibly carried to France, and there made slaves. When the indignant people of England drove the bigoted James from his throne and invited William of 1688. Orange to fill it, Louis XIV. took up the quarrel in behalf of James, or of legitimacy, as he termed it. He believed DOVEB BUBNED MAJOB WALDBON. 253 in the divine right of kings to rule, and denied the right c ^ p - of a people to change their form of government, Louis had for years greatly abused his power, and all Europe had 1G88. suffered from his rapacity. Religious feeling exerted its influence in giving character to the war, and Protestant Holland joined heart and hand with Protestant England in opposing Catholic France. Though the colonies were thus involved in war by the mother countries, they had different ends in view. The New Englanders had an eye to the fisheries and the pro- tection of their northern frontiers ; the French wished to extend their influence over the valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and to monopolize the fisheries as well as the fur-trade. The latter object could be obtained only by the aid of the Indians, and they were untiring in their efforts to make them friends. They could never conciliate the Mohawks, nor induce them to join in an invasion of New York. On the contrary, fifteen hundred of them suddenly appeared before Montreal, and in a few days cap- tured that place, and committed horrible outrages upon the people. Thus stood matters when Frontenac, for the second 168&. time, appeared as governor of New France. To make the savages respect him as a warrior, he set on foot a series of incursions against the English colonies. The eastern In- dians were incited to attack Dover in New Hampshire ; — incited by the French, and also by a cherished desire for revenge. There, at the head of the garrison, was that Major Waldron who, thirteen years before, during King Philip's war, had treacherously seized two hundred of their friends, who came to him to treat of peace. He had proposed to these unsuspecting Indians a mock fight by way of entertainment ; when their guns were all discharged he made them prisoners and sent them to Boston. Some of them were hanged, and others sold into slavery. The Indians in their turn employed stratagem and treachery. 254 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xxT' ^ W0 S( l uaws came t° Dover; they asked of the aged __ Waldron, now fourscore, a night's lodging. In the night 1G8». they arose, unbarred the gates, and let in their friends, who lay in ambush. Their hour for vengeance had come ; fchey made the pangs of death as bitter as possible to the brave old Waldron ; his white hairs claimed from them no pity. In derision, they placed him in a chair on a table, and scored his body with gashes equal in number to their friends he had betrayed ; they jeeringly asked him, " "Who will judge Indians now ? Who will hang our brothers ? Will the pale-faced Waldron give us life for life ? " l They burned all the houses, murdered nearly half the in- habitants, and carried the remainder into captivity. This was only the beginning of a series of horrors inflicted upon the frontier towns. The inhabitants of Schenectady, as they slept in fancied security, were star- tled at midnight by the terrible war-whoop of the savage, — the harbinger of untold horrors. The enemy found easy 1690. access, as the gates of the palisades were open. The Feb. bouses were set on fire, more than sixty persons were killed, and many helpless women and children were carried into captivity. A few escaped and tied half clad through the snow to Albany. This attack was made by a party of French and Indians from Montreal, who had toiled for twenty-two days through the snows of winter, breaking the track with snow-shoes, and using, when they could, the frozen streams as a pathway. At Salmon Falls, on the Piscataqua, and at Casco, similar scenes were enacted. Such were the means the inhuman Frontenac, now almost fourscore, took to inspire terror in the minds of the English colonists, and to acquire the name of a great war- rior among the Indians, — they would follow none but a successful leader. Among the early Jesuit missionaries who taught the Indians of New France, there were un- 2 New England History, C. W. Elliott. EXPEDITIONS AGAINST CANADA. 255 doubtedly many good men. The priests of that generation chap had passed away, and others had taken their places ; L, these incited the recently converted savage, not to prac- 1690. tise Christian charity and love, hut to pillage and murder the heretical English colonist. King William was busy in maintaining his own cause in England, and left the colonists to defend themselves. Massachusetts proposed that they should combine, and re- move the cause of their trouble by conquering Canada. Commissioners from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York met to deliberate on what course to pursue. They resolved to invade that province from New York, by way •>f Lake Champlain, and from Massachusetts by way of the St. Lawrence. The expedition from New York failed. Colonel Peter Schuyler led the advance with a company of Mohawks, but the ever- watchful Front enac was pre- pared ; his Indian allies flocked in crowds to aid him in defending Montreal. The Mohawks were repulsed and could not recover their position, as the army sent to sup- port them was compelled to stop short ; the small-pox broke out among the soldiers, and they were in want of provisions. Meantime, the fleet of thirty-two vessels, and two thousand men, which had sailed from Boston, was endeav- oring to find its way up the St. Lawrence. It was under the command of Sir William Phipps, to whose incompe- tency may be attributed the failure of the enterprise. An Indian runner cut across the woods from Piscataqua, and in twelve days brought the news of the intended attack to the French. Frontenac hastened to Quebec, where he arrived three days before the fleet. When it came in sight he was prepared to make a vigorous defence. A party landed, but after some skirmishing the enterprise was abandoned. While returning, the men suffered much from sickness, and storms disabled the fleet. The disap- pointment of the people of Massachusetts was very great ; 256 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, many lives had been lost, and the colony was laden witfc debt. 1690 The Eastern Indians, in the mean time, were held in check by Captain Church, celebrated in King Philip's war. At one time, he so far forgot himself as to put to death his prisoners, some of whom were women and chil- dren. Such cruelty was inexcusable ; and it was avenged by the savages with tenfold fury. Nearly all the settle- ments of what is now Maine were destroyed or abandoned. The enemy were continually prowling around the farms, watching an opportunity to shoot the men at their work. All went armed, and even the women learned to handle effectively the musket and the rifle. It was a great in- ducement for the Indians to go on these marauding expe- ditions, because they could sell for slaves to the French of Canada the women and children they took prisoners. Peace was at length made with the Abenakis, or East- ern Indians, and there was a lull in the storm of desola- tion. It lasted but a year, the Indians broke the treaty. They were incited to this by their teachers, two Jesuits, Thury and Bigot, who even took pride in their atrocious work. IW4 Heroic deeds were performed by men and women. A small band of Indians attacked the house of a farmer named Dustin, near Haverhill. When in the fields he heard the war-whoop and the cry of distress. He hastened to the rescue, met his children, and threw himself be- tween them and their pursuers, whom he held at bay by well-directed shots till the children were in a place of safety. His house was burned ; a child only a few days old was dashed against a tree, and his wife, Hannah Dus- tin, and her nurse, were carried away captive. A toilsome march brought them to an island in the Merrimac, just above Concord, where their captors lived. There Mrs. Dustin, with the nurse and a boy, also a captive, planned an escape. She wished revenge, as well as to be secure DKERFIELD DESTROYED EUNICE WILLIAMS. 257 from pursuit. The Indians, twelve in number, were asleep. c §^ p She arose, assigned to each of her companions whom to strike ; their hands were steady and their hearts firm ; 1694. they struck for their lives. Ten Indians were killed, one woman was wounded, and a child was purposely saved. The heroic woman wished to preserve a trophy of the deed, and she scalped the dead. Then in a canoe the three floated down the Merrimac to Haverhill, much to the astonishment of their friends, who had given them up for lost. Such were the toils and sufferings, and such the heroism of the mothers in those days. The friendly Mohawks had intimated to the inhabi- tants of Deerfield, in the valley of the Connecticut, that the enemy was plotting their destruction. The anxiety of the people was very great, and they resolved during the winter to keep a strict watch ; sentinels were placed every night. On an intensely cold night in February a company of 1704 two hundred Frenchmen, and one hundred and forty In- dians, lay in ambush, waiting a favorable moment to spring upon their victims. Under the command of Hertel de Kouville, they had come all the way from Canada, on the crust of a deep snow, with the aid of snow-shoes. The sentinels, unconscious of danger, retired at dawn of day. The snow had drifted as high as the palisades, thus, ena- bling the party to pass within the inclosure, which con- sisted of twenty acres. The terrible war-cry startled the inhabitants, the houses were set on fire, and forty-seven persons were ruthlessly murdered ; one hundred and twelve were taken captive, among whom were the minister Williams, his wife, and five children. No pen can de- scribe the sufferings of the captives on that dreary winter's march, driven, as they were, by relentless Frenchmen and savages. Eunice Williams, the wife, drew consolation from her Bible, which she was permitted to read when the party stopped for the night. Her strength soon failed ; 258 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xx P ' ^ €r ^ llls ^ an ^ cheered her by pointing her to the " house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens." " The 1704. mother's heart rose to her lips, as she commended her five captive children, under God, to theii father's care, and then one blow of the tomahawk ended her sorrows." This family, with the exception of one daughter, seven years of age, were afterward ransomed, and returned home. • Many years after this, there appeared at Deerfield a white woman wearing the Indian garb ; she was the lost daughter of Eunice Williams, and now a Catholic, and the wife of an Indian chief. No entreaties could influence her to remain with her civilized relatives ; she chose to re- turn and end her days with her own children. Humanity shudders at the recital of the horrors that marked those days of savage warfare. Some of the Indians even refused to engage any more in thus murdering the English colonists ; but the infamous Hertel, with the ap- probation of Vaudreuil, then governor of Canada, induced a party to accompany him on a foray. Why repeat the story of the fiendish work, by which the little village of Haverhill, containing about thirty log-cabins, was burned, and all the inhabitants either murdered or taken captive. 1708. u -j^y k ear t gwe u s ^th indignation," wrote Colonel Peter Schuyler, of New York, to Vaudreuil, " when I think that a wax between Christian princes, is degenerating into a savage and a boundless butchery ; I hold it my duty to- ward God and my neighbor, to prevent, if possible, these barbarous and heathen cruelties." This reproof was un- heeded ; the cruelties continued. Under the feelings excited by such outrages, can we think it strange that the colonists resolved to hunt the Indians like wild beasts, and offered a bounty for their scalps ? or that the hostility against the French Jesuit should have thrown suspicion upon the Catholic of Mary- land, who about this time was disfranchised ? or that 3veu LEMOINB D'lBBERVILLB. in liberal Rhode Island, he should have been deprived chap of the privilege of becoming a freeman ? With renewed energy the French began to press for- 1708. ward their great design of uniting, by means of trading posts and missions, the region of the Lakes and the valley of the Mississippi. The Spaniards had possession of the territory on the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico, while they claimed the entire regions lying around that expanse of water. The energetic mind of Lemoine d'Ibberville conceived a plan for planting a colony at the mouth of the Missis- sippi. He was a native of Canada, and had, on many occasions, distinguished himself by his talents and great courage. Hopes were entertained of his success. The expedition, consisting of four vessels and nearly two hun- dred colonists, among whom were some women and chil- dren, sailed from Canada for the mouth of the Mississippi. 1699 D'Ibberville entered the Gulf and approached the north shore, landed at the mouth of the river Pascagoula, and with two barges and forty-eight men went to seek the great river. He found it by following up a current of muddy waters, in which were many floating trees. He passed up the stream to the mouth of Red River, where he was surprised to receive a letter dated fourteen years before. It was from Tonti ; he had left it with the In- dians for La Salle ; they had preserved it carefully, and gave it to the first Frenchman who visited them. As the shores of the Mississippi in that region are marshy, it was thought best to form a settlement on the Gulf at the mouth of the Pascagoula. This was the first colony planted within the limits of the present State of Mississippi. D'Ibberville sailed for France to obtain sup- plies and more colonists, leaving one of his brothers, Sau- ville, to act as governor, and the other, Bienville, to engage in exploring the country and river. Some fifty miles up the Mississippi Bienville met an 260 HISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAK PEOPLE. C ix > ' ^* B ^^ 1 sn *P sent on tne same errand. Seventy years before, Charles I. had given to Sir Kobert Heath a grant 1630. of Carolina, which as usual was to extend to the Pacific. This worthless grant Coxe, a London physician, had pur- chased, and to him belonged this vessel. » From the time of La Salle the Jesuits had been busy ingratiating themselves with the tribes along the shores of the Mississippi, and under their direction trading posts were established, at various points, to the mouth of the Illinois, and up that river to the Lakes. 1700. The following year D'Ibberville returned with two ships and sixty colonists, and the aged Tonti had just ar- rived from the Illinois. Availing himself of his counsel, D'Ibberville ascended the river four hundred miles, and on a bluff built a fort, which, in honor of the Duchess of Pontchartrain, was called Rosalie. These settlements lan- guished for twenty years ; the colonists were mere hire- lings, unfitted for their work. The whole number of emigrants for ten years did not exceed two hundred per- sons. Instead of cultivating the soil, and making their homes comfortable, many went to the far west seeking for gold, and others to the north-west on the same errand, while fevers and other diseases were doing the work of death. Meantime Mobile became the centre of French influence in the south. Once more a special effort was made to occupy the territory, and a monopoly of trade was granted to Arthur 1714 Crozart, who was to send every year two ships laden with merchandise and emigrants, and also a cargo of slaves from Africa. The French government was to appropriate an- nually about ^en thousand dollars to defray the expense of forts and necessary protection. A trading house was established up the Red River at Natchitoches, and one up the Alabama near the site of Montgomery ; Fort Rosalie became a centre of trade, and FOUNDING OF NEW ORLEANS. 261 the germ of the present city of Natchez — the oldest town chap on the Mississippi. Bienville put the convicts to work on a cane-brake to 1718. remove the trees and shrubs " from a savage and desert place/' and built a few huts. Such were the feeble begin- nings of New Orleans, which it was prophesied would yet become M a rich city, the metropolis of a great colony." Still the colony did not prosper ; instead of obtaining their supplies from that fruitful region, they were depend- ent on France and St. Domingo. Labor was irksome to the convicts and vagabonds, and the overflowings of the river, and the unhealthiness of the climate retarded prog- ress. The chief hope for labor was based on the impor- tation of negroes from Africa. Some German settlers, who, a few years before, had been induced by one Law, a great stock-jobbing and land speculator, to emigrate to the banks of the Arkansas, de- cided to remove. A tract of land, lying twenty miles above New Orleans, known now as the " German coast," was given them. Their settlement was in contrast with 1T2> the others. They were industrious, and cultivated their farms, raised vegetables, rice, and other provisions ; also tobacco and indigo. The fig and the orange were now introduced. The Illinois region had been settled by emi- grants from Canada, who raised wheat and sent flour to the colonists below. The priests meanwhile were not idle in teaching the Indians, and a convent was founded at New Orleans for the education of girls. As the colonists had not energy enough to protect themselves, a thousand soldiers were sent from France for that purpose. 1724 The Choctaws, the allies of the French, occupied the region between the lower Mississippi and the Alabama. The principal village of the Natchez tribe was on the bluff where now stands the city of that name. They were not a numerous people, unlike the tribes among whom they dwelt, in their language as well as in their 262 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, religion. Like the Peruvians, they were worshippers of the sun, and in their great wigwam they kept an undying 1724. fire. Their principal chief professed to be a descendant of the sun. They became justly alarmed at the encroach- ments of the French, who having Fort Kosalie, demanded * the soil on which stood their principal village, for a farm. They suddenly fell upon the white intruders and killed two hundred of their number, and took captive their women and children. The negro slaves joined the Indians. Their principal chief, the Great Sun, had the heads of the French officers slain in the battle arranged around him, 1780. that he might smoke his pipe in triumph ; — his triumph was short. A company, consisting of French and Choc- taws, under Le Suer, came up from New Orleans, and surprised them while they were yet celebrating their vie* tory. The Great Sun and four hundred of his people were taken captive and sent to St. Domingo as slaves. Some of the Natchez escaped and fled to the Chickasaws, and some fled beyond the Mississippi ; their land passed into the hand of strangers, and soon, they as a people were unknown. The territory of the brave Chickasaws, almost sur- rounding that of the Natchez, extended north to the Ohio, and east to the land of the Cherokees. They were the enemies of the French, whose boats, trading from Canada and Illinois to New Orleans, they were accustomed to plunder. English traders from Carolina were careful to increase this enmity toward their rivals. 1786 Two expeditions were set on foot to chastise these bold marauders. Bienville came up from the south with a fleet of boats and canoes, and a force of twelve hundred Choctaws ; he paddled up the Tombecbee as far as he could, and then hastened across the country to surprise one of their fortified places. D'Artaguette hastened down from the Illinois country, of which he was governor, with fifty Frenchmen and a thousand Indians, to attack an- EXPEDITION AGAINST LOUI8BURG. 263 other of their strongholds. The Chickasaws were too c 5^ > - vigilant to be thus surprised. They repulsed Bienville, , dispersed the forces of D'Artaguette, took him prisoner, 1735. and burned him at the stake. Once more an attempt was May 20 made with all the force the French could bring to crush this warlike tribe, but in vain ; the patriotic Chickasaws successfully defended their country against the foreign foe. VMk These reverses did not deter the persevering French from establishing trading houses south of Lake Erie, and down the Alleghany to the Ohio, and thence to the Mis- sissippi. The people of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia became alarmed at these encroachments on their territory. The Iroquois professed to have conquered all the valley of the Ohio, and they claimed a vast region to the north-west as their hunting grounds. Commissioners from the above colonies met the envoys of the Iroquois at 174a. Lancaster, and purchased from them for £400 all their Jul 7« claim to the regions which they professed to own between the Blue Kidge and the Alleghany mountains. The colonies had enjoyed nearly thirty years of com- parative freedom from French and Indian incursions, when they were involved in what is known as King George's 174 ^ War. The first intimation of hostilities was an attack upon the fort at Canso, in which the garrison was captured and carried to Louisburg. Louisburg was the great strong- hold of the French on this continent ; the centre from which privateering expeditions were fitted out, that had nearly destroyed the commerce as well as the fisheries of New England. To prevent these depredations, and the inroads to which the French incited their Indian allies, Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, proposed to the Gen- eral Court to take Louisburg. No aid was expected from the mother country — she was too much engaged at home ; but the other colonies were invited to enlist in the com- mon cause. New Jersey and Pennsylvania agreed to 264 HISTOEY OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap furnish money, but declined to send men ; New York L furnished money and some cannon ; Connecticut offered 1744. five hundred men ; Rhode Island and New Hampshire each furnished a regiment. Massachusetts proposed the expedition, was the most interested in its success, bore the greater part of the expense, and furnished the greater portion of the men and vessels. The fishermen, especially those of Marblehead, entered upon the enterprise with alacrity. Their fisheries had been almost ruined and they thrown out of employment, by the continued forays from Louisburg. Farmers, mechanics, and lumbermen volun- teered in great numbers. Here were citizen soldiers, without a single man whose knowledge of military tactics went beyond bush-fighting with the Indians, and all equally ignorant of the proper means to be used in redu- cing a fortified place. A wealthy merchant, William Pep- perell, of Maine, was elected commander. The artillery was under the direction of Gridley, the same who, thirty years afterward, held a similar position in an American army under very different circumstances. The enthusiasm was great, and what was lacking in means and skill, was supplied by zeal. A strong Protestant sentiment was mingled with the enterprise, and Whitefield, then on his third tour of preaching in the colonies, was urged to fur- nish a motto for a banner. He promptly suggested, " Nil desperandum, Christo duce," — " Nothing is to be despaired of when Christ is leader." He also preached to them an inspiriting sermon, and they sailed, like the Crusaders of old, confident of success. ^45 In April the fleet arrived at Canso, but owing to the ice, could not enter the harbor of Louisburg. Intelligence of the expedition had been sent to England, and Admiral Warren, who commanded on the West India station, was invited to join in the enterprise. He declined for want of explicit orders, but afterward receiving permission, he hastened to join them with four men-of-war. LOUISBUBG CAPTURED. 265 The whole armament was now put in motion for Lou- c ^| p, isbnrg. That stronghold had walls forty feet thick, thirty feet high, and surrounded by a ditch eighty feet wide, 1745. with protecting forts around it, manned by nearly two hundred and fifty cannon, small and great, and garrisoned by sixteen hundred men. As the fleet approached, the French came down to the beach to oppose their landing, but in a moment the " whale boats," filled with armed men, were " flying like eagles" to the shore. Their opposers, panic-stricken, fled ; and the following night the soldiers of the royal battery, one of the outside forts, spiked their cannon and retreated to the town. The deserted fort was immediately taken pos- session of, and the gunsmiths went to work to bore out the spikes. The next day a detachment marched round the town, giving it three cheers as they passed, and took up a position that completely enclosed the place on the land side, while the fleet did the same toward the ocean. They threw up batteries, dragged their cannon over a morass, and brought them to bear upon the fortress. These amateur soldiers soon became accustomed to encamping in the open air, and sleeping in the woods, as well as to the cannon-balls sent among them by the be- sieged. They not only prevented ships from entering the harbor, but found means to decoy into the midst of their fleet and capture a man-of-war of sixty-four guns, laden with stores for the fort. This loss so much disheartened the garrison that, after a siege of seven weeks, Louisburg ^* surrendered. The news of this success sent a thrill of joy throughout the colonies. It was the greatest feat of the war, and was accomplished by undisciplined volun- teers. France resolved, at any cost, to recover her stronghold, and also to desolate the English colonies. The fleet sent for the purpose was disabled by storms, while pestilence wasted the men. The commander, the Duke d'Anville, 266 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, suddenly died, and his successor, a short time after, com- mitted suicide. The next year, the fleet sent for the same 1746. purpose was forced to strike its colors to an English squad- ron under Admirals Anson and Warren. Though thus successful, the frontier settlements still suffered greatly, and in self-defence the old project was revived of conquering Canada. The government of Eng- land required all the colonies, as far south as Virginia, to furnish men and means. Eight thousand men were raised, of which number Massachusetts furnished nearly one-half. The British ministry suddenly changed their mind, and the enterprise was abandoned. Soon after, the treaty of Ait la Chapelle was concluded, by which all places taken by either party during the war were to be restored. Thus Louisburg, the capture of which was so gratifying to the colonists, and so significant of their daring spirit, passed 1748. again into the hands of the French. The ministry did not relish the ardor and independ- ence of the colonists, who appeared to have, according to Admiral Warren, " the highest notions of the rights and liberties of Englishmen ; and, indeed, as almost levellers." It was in truth the foreshadowing of their complete inde- pendence of the mother country, and measures were taken \>y her to make them more subservient. They were for- bidden to have any manufactures, to trade to any place out of the British dominions, while no other nation than the English were permitted to trade with them. " These oppressions," says an intelligent traveller of that day, " may make, within thirty or fifty years, the colonies en- tirely independent of England." i For many years there had been a marked decline in religion in New England. A peculiar union of church and state had led to a sort of compromise between the two, known as the " Half-way covenant," by which per- sons who had been baptized, but without pretensions tc JONATHAN EDWARDS. — THE GREAT REVIVAL. 267 personal piety, were admitted to the full privileges of chap church members. In the midst of this declension a religious u Awaken- 1785. ing," better known as the " Great Kevival," commenced at Northampton, in Massachusetts, under the preaching of Jonathan Edwards, a young man remarkable for his intellectual endowments. His sermons were doctrinal and strongly Calvinistic. His religious character had been early developed. At thirteen he entered Yale College ; thoughtful beyond his years, a metaphysician by nature, at that early age he was enraptured with the perusal of • Locke on the " Understanding." Secluded from the world by the love of study, he penetrated far into the mysteries of the workings of the human mind. Edwards drew from the Bible the knowledge of the true relation between the church and the world. The contest was long and strenuous, but the lines were clearly drawn, and from that day to this the distinction is marked and appreciated. " He repudiated the system of the Half- way covenant," and proclaimed the old doctrines of " the sole right of the sanctified to enjoy the privileges of church members, and of salvation by faith alone." As the influ- ence of the state in religious matters thus began to fade away, a closer spiritual relation of men to men, not as members of a commonwealth alone, but as members of a great brotherhood, gained in importance. Parties sprang into existence ; those who favored a more spiritual life in religion were stigmatized as " New Lights," while the steady conservatives were known as the " Old Lights." So bitter was the feeling that in Con- necticut the civil authority was invoked, and severe laws 1744 were enacted against the New Lights. The controversy was so warm that Edwards was driven from his congrega- tion — at that time, "the largest Protestant society in the world." He went as a missionary to the Housatonic In- dians at Stockbridge, Massachusetts. There in the forest, HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap, amid toils and privations, he wrote his far-famed treatise on the " Freedom of the Will/' which has exerted so 1750. much influence in the theological world, while the writer was the first American that obtained a European reputa- tion as an author. 1740. During this period Whitefield came, by invitation, to New England. He had been preaching in the south with unexampled success. At intervals, for more than thirty years, he preached the gospel from colony to colony. " Hun- dreds of thousands heard the highest evangelical truths uttered with an eloquence probably never equalled." The influence of the awakening spread till all the colonies were visited by the same blessings, especially the Presby- terians of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and in a less degree in the more southern colonies. These influences were not limited to that age, for similar revivals have continued to our own times. The Baptists, hitherto but few in number, received a new impulse, as many of the New Light churches adopted their views ; and the preaching of Whitefield prepared the way for the success of the Methodists. The revival created a want for ministers of the gospel, to supply which, the Rev. William Tennent established an academy at Neshaminy ; an institution where young men professing the religious fervor that characterized those prominent in the revival, could be prepared for the sacred office. This was the germ of Princeton College. This religious sentiment met with little sympathy from the authorities of the colony, and with difficulty a 174«. charter was obtained. The institution was named Nassau Hall, in honor of the great Protestant hero, William III. It was first located at Elizabethtown, then at Newark, 1757. and finally at Princeton. Its success was unexampled ; in ten years the number of students increased from eight to ninety. CHAPTER XXI. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. The Valley of the Ohio. — French and English Claimants. — Gist the Pioneer. — George Washington ; his Character ; his Mission to the French on the Alleghany. — Returns to Williamsburg. — St. Pierre's Letter unsatis- factory. — Virginians driven from the Ohio. — Fort Du Quesne built. — Washington sent to defend the Frontiers. — Conflict at Fort Necessity. — The Fort abandoned. — British Troops arrive in America. — Plan of oper- ations. — General Braddock ; his qualifications. — The Army marches from Wills' Creek. — Obstinacy of Braddock. — Arrival on the Mononga- hela.— The Battle. — Defeat.— Death and Burial of Braddock.— Dun- bar's Panic. — The Frontiers left unprotected. Scarcely an English colonist had yet settled in the val- cbaj 1 ley of the Ohio. The traders who visited the Indians in m that region, told marvellous stories of the fertility of the 1749. soil, and the desirableness of the climate. It was pro- posed to found a colony west of the Alleghany mountains. The governor of Virginia received royal instructions to grant the " Ohio Company " five hundred thousand acres of land lying between the rivers Monongahela and Kana- wha, and on the Ohio. The company engaged to send one hundred families ; to induce them to emigrate they offered them freedom from quit-rents for ten years. Meantime, the French sent three hundred men to ex- pel the English traders and take possession of the valley. They also sent agents, who passed through the territory north of the Ohio river, and at various points nailed on the trees plates of lead, on which were inscribed the arms of France. This they were careful to do in the presence 270 HISTOKT OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xxf ' °^ *^ e ^ n( ii an8 J wno suspected they intended to take away their lands. When the English came and made surveys 1749. on the south side of the Ohio, they asked them the puz- zling question : " If the French take possession of the north side of the Ohio, and the English of the south, where is the Indian's land ? " At Wills' Creek, now Cumberland, Maryland, one of the easiest passes over the mountains commenced. Here the Ohio Company established a place of deposit to sup- ply Indian traders with goods. They also wished to explore the Ohio river to the great falls ; to ascertain the location of the best lands, and whether the Indians were friendly or unfriendly. They employed for this dangerous and difficult task the celebrated trader and pioneer Chris- topher Gist, who crossed the mountains and came upon the Alleghany river, at a village occupied by a few Dela- ware Indians. Thence he passed down to Logstown, a sort of head-quarters for traders, situated some miles below the junction of that river and the Monongahela. Here dwelt a renowned chief of the western tribes, Tana- charison, or half-king, as he was called, because he ac- knowledged a sort of allegiance to the Mohawks. " You are come to settle the Indian lands," said the resident traders, whose suspicions were roused ; " you will never go home safe." Gist traversed the region of the Muskingum and of the Scioto, then crossed the Ohio, and passed up the Cuttawa or Kentucky to its very springs. He gave a glowing account of the beauty and fertility of the region he had visited. It was covered with trees of immense size, the wild cherry, the ash, the black walnut, and the sugar maple, the two latter giving indubitable proof of the fertility of the soil ; a land abounding in never-failing springs and rivulets, forests interspersed with small mead- ows, covered with long grass and white clover, on which fed herds of elk, deer, and buffalo, while the wild turkey and other game promised abundance to the hunter and GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271 pioneer. Such was the primitive character of the territory c -^ > - since known as the State of Ohio. He ascertained that French emissaries were visiting 1749. all the western tribes, to induce them to take up arms against the English ; that the Indians looked upon both as intruders, and though willing to trade with both, were unwilling that either should occupy their lands. The French saw that if the English obtained a foothold on the Ohio, they would cut off the communication between the Lakes and the Mississippi; The final struggle for the supremacy in the valley was near at hand. "While the English, by invitation of the Indians, were approaching from the south, to build a fort at the head of the Ohio, the French were approaching the same point from the north. The latter had built war vessels at Fron- tenac to give them the command of Lake Ontario ; they had strengthened themselves by treaties with the most powerful tribes, the Shawnees and the Dela wares ; they had repaired Fort Niagara, at the foot of Lake Erie, and at this time had not less than sixty fortified and well gar- risoned posts between Montreal and New Orleans. They had also built a fort at Presque Isle, now Erie, one on French Creek, on the site of Waterford, and another at the junction of that creek with the Alleghany, now the village of Franklin. Dinwiddie, governor of Virginia, resolved to send a messenger to remonstrate with the French for intruding on English territory. Where could he find a .man of en- ergy and prudence to trust in this laborious and perilous undertaking ? His attention was directed to a mere youth, in his twenty-second year, a surveyor, who, in the duties of his profession, had become somewhat familiar H&% with the privations of forest life. That young man was 2 2. George Washington. He was a native of Westmoreland county, Yirginia. The death of his father left him an orphan when eleven years of age. The wealthy Virginia 272 HISTOEY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. 3HAP. planters of those days were accustomed to send their sons to England to complete their education, and thus 1749. had Lawrence, his half-brother, fourteen years older than himself, been educated. No such privilege was in store for George. His father's death may have interfered with such plans : be that as it may, he was sent to the com- mon school in the neighborhood, and there taught only the simplest branches of an English education — to spell, to read, to write, to cipher. When older, he went for some time to an academy of a somewhat higher grade, where he devoted his time particularly to the study of mathematics. Though his school advantages were so limited, it was his inestimable privilege to have a mother endowed with good sense, united to decision of character and Christian principle,— she inspired love, she enforced obedience. From her he inherited an ardent, impulsive temper — from her he received its antidote ; she taught him to hold it in subjection. The early life of George Washington furnishes an ex- ample worthy the imitation of the youth of his country. We are told of his love of truth, of his generous and noble acts, that he won the confidence of his schoolmates, and received from them that respect which virtue alone can secure. He was systematic and diligent in all his studies. There may yet be seen, in the library at Mount Vernon, the book in which he drew his first exercises in surveying ; every diagram made with the utmost care. Thus was foreshadowed in the youth what was fully developed in the man. At the early age of sixteen, we find him in the woods on the frontiers of Virginia, performing his duties as a surveyor ; making his measurements with so much accuracy that to this day they are relied upon. We must not suppose that the studious and sedate youth, with his rules for governing his " conversation and conduct " carefully written out, and as carefully observed THE FORMATION OF HIS CHARAOTEB. 273 was destitute of boyish feelings. He had his youthful chap. sports and enjoyments ; he could exhibit feats of strength . and skill ; could ride a horse or throw a stone with any 1742. boy, and was so far military in his tastes as occasionally to drill his school-fellows during recess. His brother Lawrence had spent some time in the Eng- lish navy, and George had often heard of the excitements of the seaman's life, and had boyish longings for adven- tures on the ocean. Circumstances seemed to favor his wishes. When fourteen, it was decided that he should enter the navy. The man-of-war on which he was to go as a midshipman was lying in the Potomac ; his baggage was ready, but when the parting hour came the mother's heart failed. Though deeply disappointed, George yielded to her wish, and relinquished his anticipated pleasure. Though Washington was born and spent his youth in the wilds of Virginia, there were many refining influences brought to bear upon the formation of his character. He was intimate for years in the Fairfax family, who brought with them to their western home the refinement and cul- ture of the English aristocracy of that day. Neither must we overlook the benign influence exerted over him by his educated and benevolent brother Lawrence, who, up to the time of his death, watched over his young brother with a father's care, as well as a brother's love. The influence of Christian principle governing the im- pulses of a noble nature, was the secret of the moral excellence, the dignified integrity, unaffected candor, and sterling worth, which shone forth in the character of Washington, — a name so much blended with the liberties of his country, and so much cherished and honored by the Mends of humanity in every clime. Governor Dinwiddie gave his youthful messenger a letter for the French commandant on the Ohio, in which he demanded of him his reasons for invading the territory of England. The very day on whicb Washington re- 274 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xxl* ce * ve( * *" s credentials, (October 30,) lie left Williamsburg , for Winchester, then a frontier town of Virginia. By the 1758. middle of November his preparations were completed. With a company consisting of the intrepid Gist, who acteci as guide, two interpreters, and four others, he set out from Wills' Creek. A. journey of nine days, through solitudes and mountain passes, and across streams swollen by recent rains, brought them to where the Monongahela, that river " so deep and still/' meets the " swift running Alleghany." Washington explored the neighborhood, and remarks in his journal : " The land at the Fork is extremely well situated for a fort, as it has absolute command of both rivers." Thus thought the French en- gineers, who afterward on that very spot built Fort Du Quesne. Shingis, chief sachem of the Delawares, who afterward took up arms against the English, accompanied him to Logstown. Here, by his instructions, Washington was to confer with the Indian chiefs : he summoned them to a grand talk. They would not commit themselves ; they had heard that the French were coming with a strong force to drive the English out of the land. But he in- duced three of them to accompany him to the station of the French commandant ; among these was the Half- King. When he arrived at Venango, or Franklin, the officer in command referred him to the Chevalier St. Pierre, general officer at the next post. Meanwhile he was treated with politeness, and invited by the French officers to a supper. The wine passed freely, and the talka- tive Frenchmen began to boast of their plans ; they would ft take possession of the Ohio ; the English could raise two men for their one, but they were too slow and • dilatory." The sober and cautious Washington marked well their words. The three chiefs had promised well ; they would give back the speech belts to the French ; THE VIRGINIANS DBIVEN FBOM THE OHIO. 275 they were friends to the English. But when plied with chap drink, and hailed hy the French as " Indian brothers," 1 they wavered for a time. 1753. Washington obtained an interview with St. Pierre, "an ancient and silver-haired chevalier, courteous hut ceremonious," and after some delay received an answer to his despatches, and hastened homeward. As the pack- horses were disabled, he left them and the baggage, and with Gist for his only companion struck out into the wil- derness. The cold was intense, the snow was falling, and freezing as it fell. Wrapped in Indian blankets, with their guns in their hands and knapsacks on their backs, and a compass to guide them, they pushed on toward the Alleghany river, which they hoped to cross on the ice. Their journey through the pathless wild was marked by some mishaps and hairbreadth escapes. Their lives were endangered by a false guide, and Washington in endeav- oring to force his way through the ice in the river, came near perishing ; but, on the sixteenth of January, they 1754 arrived safely at Williamsburg. The answer of St. Pierre was courteous but indefinite. He referred the matter to the Marquis Du Quesne, the governor of Canada. It was clear, however, that he did not intend to retire from the valley of the Ohio. This was still more evident from the preparations of boats, ar- tillery, and military stores, which Washington noticed up the Alleghany, waiting for the spring flood, when they would be taken to their place of destination. The following spring the Ohio Company sent between thirty and forty men to build a fort at the head of the Ohio. The French were on the alert ; a company of sol- diers floated down the Alleghany, who surprised and sur- rounded them at their work. They must surrender in an hour's time or defend themselves against a thousand men. They were glad to leave their unfinished fort and return 276 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, to Virginia. The French took immediate possession 1 finished it, and named it Du Quesne. 1754. At the early age of nineteen Washington had been appointed Adjutant- General of the northern district of Virginia, an office which he filled to the entire satisfaction of his countrymen. Now he received the commission of lieutenant-colonel, with orders to protect the frontiers. He was also offered the command of the expedition against the French at Fort Du Quesne. This he declined on ac- count of his youth ; the command was then conferred upon Colonel Fry, who shortly after fell ill, and it virtu- ally passed into the hands of Washington. His little army was ill provided with tents and military stores, and poorly clad. They moved on very slowly. It was not easy with a train of artillery to pass through the forests, climb mountains, and ford swollen rivers. Washington pushed on with a detachment for the junction of the Red- stone and Monongahela. There, on the spot now known as Brownsville, he hoped to maintain his position until the main force should come up, and then they would float down the river in flat-boats to Fort Du Quesne. On the ninth of May this detachment arrived at a place called the Little Meadows. Here they met traders, who informed them that the French were in great force at Du Quesne, and that a portion of them had set out on a secret expedition. There was but little doubt as, to its object. Presently came an Indian runner ; he had seen the tracks of the Frenchmen ; they were near. The Half- King with forty warriors was also in the neighborhood. On a dark and stormy night, Washington and forty of his men groped their way to his camp, which they reached about daylight. This faithful ally put a couple of runners upon the enemy's tracks ; they reported that the French were encamped in a deep glen, where they had put up temporary cabins. Washington arranged his company in two divisions, and SURRENDER OF FORT NECESSITY. 277 bo effectually surprised them that few of theii number chap escaped. Among the slain was the youthful De Jumon- 1 ville, the leader of the party. Here was shed the first 1754 blood in that seven years' struggle, in which the French power on this continent was broken. As no reinforce- ments were sent, Washington was greatly disappointed ; he could not maintain the advantage he had gained. He heard that a numerous force was on its way to attack him. In a letter to his friend Colonel Fairfax he writes : " The motives that have led me here are pure and noble. I had no view of acquisition, but that of honor by serving faithfully my king and country." He built a fort at the Great Meadows, which, from the fact of famine pressing upon them, he named Fort Necessity. It is a fact worthy of mention, that at this encampment public prayer was daily observed, and con- ducted by the youthful commander himself. Soon five hundred French and many hundred Indians appeared on the hills in sight of the fort. He drew out his men for battle, but the enemy declined the contest. Then he withdrew them within the inclosure, giving them directions to fire only when an enemy was in sight. This irregular fighting continued throughout the day. The rain poured in torrents, and rendered useless many of their muskets. At night the French desired a parley ; suspecting stratagem to introduce a spy, Washington at first refused, but at length consented. Much of the night was spent in negotiation ; finally, the Virginians were allowed to leave the fort with the honors of war, and their equipments and stores, except artillery. The next morn- ing the youthful hero led out his men. The Indians im- jtdj mediately began to plunder ; Washington, seeing this, 8 * ordered every thing to be destroyed that the soldiers could not carry. The loss of the Virginia regiment, which numbered about three hundred, was nearly fifty ; the loss of the enemy was greater. After much toil and suffering. 278 HISTOET OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xxl' ^ rom want °^ provisions, they arrived at Cumberland. Thus ended the first military expedition of Washington, 1754. Although unsuccessful, he displayed so much prudence and judgment that the people were impressed by his merits, and which the House of Burgesses acknowledged by a vote of thanks. He was, however, soon after annoyed and mortified by the course pursued by the narrow-minded Dinwiddie, who, unwilling to promote the provincial officers, dissolved the Virginia regiments, and formed them into independent companies, in which there should be no officer of higher rank than that of captain. "With a dignity and self-respect worthy of his character, Washington withdrew from the army. When Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, was ap- pointed commander-in-chief by the king, he invited him, through a friend, to join it again under the title of colonel, but really with no higher authority than that of captain. He declined the offer, writing in reply, " If you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me more empty than the commission itself. " He was still further mortified by Dinwiddie's refusal to give up the French prisoners, according to the articles of capitulation at Fort Necessity. While these contests were in progress in the valley of the Ohio, the French and English nations were ostensibly at peace. Each, desirous of deceiving the other, professed to hope that this little collision would not interrupt their harmony ; the French still continued to send ships to America laden with soldiers ; and the English matured plans to drive them away. Matters took a more decided form ; war was not de- clared, but open hostilities commenced, and England, foi the first time, sent an army to aid the colonists. GENERAL BRADDOCK — THE EXPEDITION. 279 Four expeditions were decided upon : one to capture chap the French posts near the head of the Bay of Fundy, and 1 sxpel the French from Acadie ; another against Crown 1754 Point, to be led by William Johnson, Indian agent among the Mohawks ; the third, against Niagara and Frontenac, was to be intrusted to Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts ; the fourth against Fort Du Quesne ; the latter the Com- mander-in-chief, General Edward Braddock, was to lead in person. The struggle was about to commence in earnest; British troops had arrived, and the colonies responded with a good will to the call of the mother country for levies of soldiers. General Braddock was perfect in the theory and prac- tice of mere military training ; he had been in the " Guards " many years, where he had drilled and drilled, but had never seen actual service. With the conceited assurance of inexperience, he believed the excellencies of the soldier were alone found in the British regular — the perfection of military skill in British officers. To these qualifications he added a most supercilious con- tempt for the provincial soldiers and their officers. He was to lead in person the force against Fort Du Quesne. Of the difficulties of marching an army over 1755 mountains, and through an unbroken wilderness, he was blindly ignorant. He was unwilling to hear advice, or even receive information on the subject ; and when Wash- ington, whom he had invited to act as one of his aids, suggested that " if the march was to be regulated by the slow movements of the train, it would be tedious, very tedious indeed," he made no reply, but smiled at the sim- plicity of the young man, who knew £0 little about the movements of a regular army. Afterward, Benjamin Franklin ventured to direct his attention to the danger of Indian ambuscades. To his suggestion Braddock replied : M The Indians are no doubt formidabl to raw Americans, 280 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CH£P. but upon the king's regulars, and disciplined troops, It is. L sir, impossible they should make any impression." 1755. The army assembled at Wills' Creek, to which place Braddock came in his coach, and surrounded by his staff, " cursing the road very heartily " — its roughness had brok- en his coach, and ruffled his temper. He refused to em- ploy Indians as scouts on the march, or to protect the Pennsylvanians, who were making a road for the passage of the army ; hooted at the suggestion of Washington to take as little baggage as possible, and to employ pack- horses instead of wagons. The English officers could give up neither their cumbrous baggage nor their lux- uries, neither could the general dispense with " his two good cooks, who could make an excellent ragout out of a pair of boots, had they but materials to toss them up with." June, After a month's delay, the army commenced its march. The difficulties of dragging heavily laden wagons and artillery over roads filled with stumps of trees and rocks, brought the general partially to his senses, and he inquired of Washington what was the best to be done. From recent accounts it was known that the garrison at Fort Du Quesne was small, and he advised that a division of light armed troops should be hurried forward to take pos- session of the place, before reinforcements could arrive from Canada. Accordingly, twelve hundred choice men were detached from the main body and pushed forward, taking with them ten field-pieces, and pack-horses to carry their baggage. The main division was left under the com- mand of Colonel Dunbar, with orders to move on as fast as possible. The general persisted in refusing to employ either In- dians or backwoodsmen as scouts. There was a celebrated hunter, known all along the frontiers as Captain Jack. He was " the terror of the Indians." He had been theii prisoner, had lived years among them, and was familiar THE ARMY AT THE MONONGAHELA. 281 with their habits. Afterward he cleared for himself a chap piece of land, built his cabin, and, happy in his forest life, , cultivated his ground and amused himself by hunting and 1765. fishing. On his return home on a certain evening he found his wife and children murdered, and his cabin in ashes. From that hour he devoted his life to defend the frontiers, and to avenge himself upon the destroyers of his worldly happiness. He offered his services and those of his band to act as scouts, and seek the Indians in their lurking- places. Braddock received him very coldly, and declined the offer, saying that he "had experienced troops upon whom he could rely for all purposes." Even the advance division moved very slowly, not more than three or four miles a day. Says Washington in a letter, " Instead of pushing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they halt to level every mole-hill and to erect a bridge over every brook." A month's slow march through the woods brought the army to the east bank of the Monongahela, about fifteen miles above Fort Du Quesne. Only the very day before the pro- posed attack on that fort, Washington, who had been detained by a fit of sickness, was able to join them. As JulyC the hills came down to the water's edge, it was necessary to cross the river directly opposite to the camp, and five miles below, at another ford, recross to the east side. Colonel Gage — he, who, twenty years afterward, com- manded a British army in Boston — crossed before daylight, and with his detachment moved rapidly to the second ford ; then recrossing, took position to protect the passage of the main force. Washington ventured once more to suggest that the Virginia Rangers, consisting of three hun- dred men, should be thrown in advance. This proposition received an angry reply from Braddock, and, as if to make the rebuke more conspicuous, the Virginians and other provincials were placed as a rear-guard. At sunrise the remainder of the army was in motion. Their equipments 282 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, were in the most perfect order ; their muskets were bur- nished, and charged with fresh cartridges, and in high 1755. spirits they moved along, with bayonets fixed, colors flying, and drums beating. About two o'clock in the afternoon, after recrossing the river, as the army was moving along a narrow road, not more than twelve feet wide, with scarcely a scout in front or on the flanks, the engineer, who was marking the way, suddenly cried out " French and Indians." Scarcely was the alarm given, before rapid firing was heard in front, accompanied by most terrific yells. The army was in a broad ravine, covered with low shrubs, with moderately rising ground in front and on both sides. On this eleva- tion among the trees were the French and Indians, invisi- ble to the English, but from their hiding-places able to see every movement of the soldiers in the ravine, and to take deliberate aim. The regulars were thrown into confusion ; the sight of their companions shot down beside them by an invisible enemy, together with the unearthly yells of the savages, sent a thrill of horror through their souls. They were ordered to charge bayonet up the hill, but no orders could induce them to leave the line. The enemy had been sent to occupy this very position, but had arrived too late ; now they were spreading all along both sides of the ravine. The English soldiers lost all control, and fired at random into the woods, wherever they saw the smoke of an enemy's gun. The advance party fell back upon the second division, and threw it into still greater confu- sion. At this moment Colonel Burton came up with a reinforcement, eight hundred strong, but just as they had formed to face the enemy, down upon them rushed the two foremost divisions pell-mell \ all were crowded to- gether in inextricable confusion, and their officers were nearly all slain or wounded. Now came Braddock him- self He ordered the colors to advance, and the respective THE BATTLE. 283 regiments to separate and form in ranks — but in vain. No <&£* orders were obeyed. In a few minutes after the battle commenced the Vir- 1755 ginia Hangers were behind trees, and rapidly picking off the Indians ; but unfortunately many of these brave men fell victims to the random shots of the regulars. Wash- ington entreated Braddock to permit his soldiers to pro- tect themselves, as the Virginians had done ; but he refused, and still persisted in striving to form them into platoons, and when any sheltered themselves behind trees, he called them cowards and struck them with the flat of his sword. Thus, through his obstinacy, these unfortu- nate men became targets for the enemy. The officers ex- hibited the greatest bravery, and many of them fell, as they were the special objects of the sharpshooters. Two of the aids, Morris and Grme, were severely wounded, and their duties devolved upon Washington. His expo- sure was great, as he passed often from one part of the field to another ; yet he gave his orders with calmness and judgment. When sent to bring up the artillery, he found the Indians surrounding it, Sir Peter Halket, the commander, killed, and the men paralyzed with fear. He enc ruraged them, leaped from his horse, pointed a field- pie ie and discharged it. It was useless ; the men deserted thf, guns. For three hours the desperate fight lasted. During this time Braddock was in the centre of the con- flict, trying, in his way, to regain the field. His officers nad nearly all fallen, and his slain soldiers covered the ground ; still he would not permit the remainder to adopt the Indian mode of fighting. Five horses were shot under him, and finally he him- self was mortally wounded. As he was falling from his horse Captain Stewart, of the Virginia Guards, caught him in his arms. As they bore him out of danger, he begged to be left to die upon the field of his misfortune. All was now abandoned. The fall of the general saved 284 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, fche army from entire destruction. The soldiers were now V at liberty to save themselves as best they could. " The 1760. regulars fled like sheep before hounds." The Virginia Rangers threw themselves in the rear, and for some time held the enemy in check. The wagoners mounted their team-horses and fled ; all hurried to the ford, fiercely pur- sued by the Indians. The love of plunder restrained the pursuers, and after the fugitives had recrossed the river they were not molested. Washington rode all that night and the next day to Dunbar's camp to obtain wagons to transport the wounded, and soldiers to guard them. When he had obtained these he hastened back to meet the fugitives. Braddock was still able to issue orders, and seems to have had a faint hope that he might hold out till he could receive reinforcements. He was carried by the sol- diers, being unable to mount a horse ; — at length, the fugitives arrived at Fort Necessity. The wounded gen- eral appeared to be heart-broken. He scarcely spoke ; as if reflecting on his past confidence in his troops, he would occasionally ejaculate, " Who would have thought it ? * Tradition tells of his softened feelings toward those whom he had treated harshly ; of his gratitude to Captain Stew- art for his care and kindness ; of his apology to Washing- ton for the manner in which he had received his advice. On the night of the thirteenth of July he died. The next morning, before the break of day, he was buried as secretly as possible, lest the Indians, who were hovering around, should find his grave and violate it. The chaplain was among the wounded, and Washington read the funeral service. Near the national road, a mile west of Fort Necessity, may be seen a rude pile of stones — the work of some friendly hand, — it marks the grave of Braddock. " His dauntless conduct on the field of battle shows him to have been a man of spirit. His melancholy end, too, disarms censure of its asperity. Whatever may have been THE FRONTIERS LEFT EXPOSED. 285 his faults and errors, he, in a manner expiated them by CTUJP the hardest lot that can befall a brave soldier ambitious , of renown, — an unhonored grave in a strange land, a 1755. memory clouded by misfortune, and a name ever coupled with defeat." ' The frightened Dunbar, though he had under his com- mand fifteen hundred effective men, — enough, if properly led, to have regained the field, — broke up his camp, de- stroyed his stores, and retreated with all speed ; only when he had arrived safely in Philadelphia did he breathe freely. His failure of duty left the frontiers exposed to the inroads of the savages. Of eighty-six officers, twenty-six had perished, and thirty-six were wounded. Among the latter was Captain Horatio Gates, who, twenty-five years later, was conspicu- ous as a major-general in t the struggle for independence. Of the soldiers, more than seven hundred were either killed or wounded. The gallant Virginia Kangers had perished in great numbers, for upon them had fallen the brunt of the battle. When it became known that there were only two hundred and twenty-five French, and about six hundred and fifty Indians in the battle, the disgrace was deeply felt, that this handful of men, sent merely to hold the English in check, should have defeated a well- equipped and disciplined army of nearly twice their own number. The religious sentiments of the colonists Were greatly shocked at the profanity, Sabbath-breaking, and almost every form of vice and wickedness common in this boastful army. So certain were the expectations of victory, that preparations were made to celebrate it. It is proper to notice the effect of these events upon the minds of the colonists. With them the name of the Brit- ish regulars had lost its prestige — they were not invincible. 1 Washington Trying. 286 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. In addition, the haughtiness of the British officers had inflicted wounds destined never to be healed. The atten- 1755. tion of the people was directed especially to Washington. In a letter to his brother Augustine he says : "By the all-powerful dispensation of Providence, I have been pro- tested beyond all human probability or expectation ; for I had four bullets through my coat, two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, though death was levelling my companions on every side around me." The wonderful manner in which he had been preserved in that day of peril, excited universal attention. No doubt the Kev. Samuel Davies, one of the most celebrated clergymen of the day, expressed the common sentiment, when, in a sermon preached soon after Braddock's defeat, he referred to him as " that heroic youth, Colonel Wash- ington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important ser- vice to his country" Washington was never wounded in battle ; he was shielded by the same protecting hand. • CHAPTER XXII. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR— CONTINUED. Die French Acadiens ; their simple Manners, Industry, and good Moi da.-— Expulsion from their Homes, and mournful Exile. — Expedition against Crown Point. — Baron Dieskau. — English defeated. — Death of Colonel Williams. — Attack on Johnson's Camp repulsed. — Death of Dieskau. — Williams College. — Indian Ravages on the Frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. — Kittanning destroyed. — Lord Loudon Commander-in- chief. — His tardiness and arbitrary Measures. — Montcalm acts with Energy ; captures Fort Ontario, then Fort William Henry. — Exhausted condition of Canada. In the mean time other expeditions were undertaken jjjffi against the French. For this purpose Massachusetts alone raised eight thousand soldiers, almost one-fifth part 1755. of her able-bodied men. A portion of Acadie or Nova Scotia was still in the hands of the French. It consisted of the isthmus on the northern part, which was defended by two insignificant forts. For forty years, since the peace of Utrecht, the peninsula had been under British rule, and now the whole territory was completely subdued. These forts, with scarcely any resistance, fell into the T nni hands of the English. Sixteen years before the Pilgrims 1C * landed at Plymouth this French colony was established on the Peninsula of Acadie. It was the oldest perma- nent French settlement in North America. For one hundred and fifty years the Acadiens had been gradually clearing and improving their lands, and enjoying the com- forts of rural life. At first their chief source? of wealth had been the fisheries and the fur-trade ; but these had 288 HISTORY OF THE AMERICA^ PEOPLE. cg^P- gradually given way to agriculture. Their social inter- course was governed by a high tone of morals. Theii 1755. differences, but few in number, were settled by the arbi- tration of their old men. Seldom did they go with com- plaints to their English rulers. Early marriages were encouraged, and when a young man came of age, his neighbors built him a house, and aided him for one year, and the wife's friends aided her with gifts. Their fields were fertile, and industry made them productive. Their meadows, which now were covered with flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, they had, by means of dikes, redeemed from the great flow of the tide. Their little cottages dot- ted the landscape. In their domestic industry each family provided for its own wants, and clothed its members with cloth and linen made from the wool of their flocks, or from the flax of their fields. As Catholics, they were happy in the exercise of their religion ; though they belonged to the diocese of Quebec, they were not brought into close relation with the people of Canada. They knew but little of what was passing beyond the limits of their own neighborhood. Independ- ent of the world, they had its comforts, but not its luxu- ries. They now numbered about seventeen thousand inhabitants, and up to this time their English rulers had left them undisturbed in their seclusion. A dark cloud was hanging over this scene of rural simplicity and comfort. As they were excused from bear- ing arms against France by the terms of their surrender, the Acadiens were known as " French neutrals ;" neither had they been required to take the usual oaths of allegi- ance ; they had promised submission to English au- thority, to be neutral in times of war with France, and it was understood they were ' to enjoy their religion. This oath was one which, as good Frenchmen and good Catho- lics, they could not take ; it required them to bear armi against their own brethren in Canada, and it might in- THE OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE. 289 rolve the interests of their religion. " Better/' urged Q ]^' the priests, "surrender your meadows to the sea, and your houses to the flames, than at the peril of your souls 1755. take the oath of allegiance to the British government." But it was now to he exacted. " They possess the best and largest tract of land in this province/' writes Law- rence, Lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, to Lord Hali- fax ; " if they refuse the oaths, it would be much better that they were away." This "largest and best tract" seems to have been coveted by their English rulers ; they undoubtedly were suspicious of the Acadiens as Catholics, and it is true some of their more ardent young men be- longed, as volunteers, to the garrisons of the recently captured forts ; but as this simple-minded people had neither the will nor the power to aid the enemies of Eng- land, we cannot suppose that this suspicion alone induced the British to visit upon them a severity so unparalleled. The question of allegiance was, however, to be pressed to the utmost ; if they refused to take the oath, the titles to their lands were to be null and void. The haughty con- duct of the British officers sent to enforce these orders was to them a harbinger of sorrow. Their property was wantonly taken for the public service, and " they not to be bargained with for payment ; " if they did not bring wood at the proper time, " the soldiers might take their houses for fuel." Their guns were taken, and their boats seized, under the pretence that they intended to carry provisions to the French. The English insisted upon treating this people, so faithful to their country and their religion, as lawless rebels. Wearied by these oppressions, their deputies promised allegiance ; they declared that their consciences would not permit them to rebel against their rulers, and they humbly asked that their arms and boats might be restored. " The memorial is highly arro- gant, insidious, and insulting," said the haughty Law- rence ; " guns do not belong to you by law, for you are 290 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Boman Catholics." After consultation with the people, the deputies offered to swear unconditionally. Then they 1755. were told, as they had once refused, now they should not be permitted to swear. A calamity, as unexpected as it was dreadful, was at hand. By proclamation, " the old men, and young men, as well as all lads over ten years of age," were called upon to assemble, on a certain day, the fifth of September, at certain posts in their respective districts, to hear the Sept. " wishes of the king." The call was obeyed. At Grand Pre alone more than four hundred unsuspecting and un- armed men and boys came together. They were gathered into the church, its doors were closed, and Winslow, the commander, announced to them the decision of the Brit- ish government. They were to be banished forever from their native province ; from the fields they had cultivated, from the pleasant homes where they had spent their youth. They might not emigrate to lands offered them among friends in Canada, lest they should add strength to the French. They were to be driven forth as beggars among their enemies, a people of a strange language and of a different religion. They were retained as prisoners, till the ships which were to bear them away were ready. As soon as possible, their wives and little children were also seized. On the day of embarkation, the young men and boys were first ordered on board the ship ; as their parents and friends were not allowed to go with them, they refused, fearing that if thus separated, they might never meet again — a thought they could not bear. But resistance and entreaties were useless ; driven by the bay- onet, they were marched from the church to the ship, which was a mile distant ; their way was lined with weep- ing friends, mothers, and sisters, who prayed for blessings on their heads, and they themselves wept and prayed and mournfully chanted psalms as they passed along. Then in the same manner the fathers were driven on board THE SORROWS OF THE EXILES. 291 another ship. The wives and children were left hehind ; ( 5£? these were kept for weeks near the sea without proper shelter or food, shivering in December's cold, till ships 1755. could come to take them away. " The soldiers hate them, and if they can but find a pretext will kill them." Thus wrote an English officer who was engaged in this work of cruelty. In some places the object of the proclamation was suspected, and the men and youth did not assemble. In the vicinity of Annapolis some fled to the woods, with their wives and children, some went to Canada, while others threw themselves upon the hospitality of the In- dians, from whom they received a hearty welcome. That these poor people, who had fled to the woods, might be compelled by starvation and exposure to give themselves up, orders were issued to lay waste their homes, and the whole country was made a desolation, from the village and its church, to the peasant's cottage and barn. " For successive evenings the cattle assembled round the smoul- dering ruins, as if in anxious expectation of the return of their masters ; while all night long the faithful watch- dogs howled over the scene of desolation, and mourned alike the hand that had fed, and the house that had shel- tered them." ' Seven thousand of these poor people were transported and cast helpless on the shores of the English colonies, from New Hampshire to Georgia. Families were separated never to meet again. From time to time, for many years afterward, advertisements in the newspapers of the colo- nies told the tale of sorrow. Now they inquired for a lost wife or husband, now brothers and sisters inquired for each other; parents for their children, and children foi their parents. When any in after years attempted to re- turn they were driven off. Some of those taken to Georgia 1 Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia. 292 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, could endure their banishment no longer. They obtained 1 boats, and coasted along the shore toward home ; but, 1755. alas ! when almost at the end of their perilous voyage, they were ordered away. Some wandered to Louisiana, where lands on the river above New Orleans, still known as the Acadien coast, were assigned them. This work of wanton cruelty was done by men, who un- blushingly congratulated the approving king that the work of desolation had been so effectively accomplished — a work, which, for its treachery and cowardly cruelty, deserves the reprobation of every human breast. " I know not that the annals of the human race keep the record of sorrows so wantonly inflicted, so bitter and so perennial, as fell upon the French inhabitants of Acadie. The hand of the Eng- lish official seemed under a spell with regard to them, and was never uplifted but to curse them." l The expedition against Crown Point, on Lake Cham- plain, had been intrusted to General William Johnson. His troops were drawn principally from Massachusetts and Connecticut ; a regiment from New Hampshire joined them at Albany. At the head of boat navigation on the Hudson, a fort was built which, in honor of their com- mander, whom they reverenced as " a brave and virtuous man," the soldiers named Fort Lyman. But when John- son assumed the command he ungenerously changed the name to Fort Edward. Leaving a garrison in this fort, Johnson moved with about irve thousand men to the head of Lake George, and there formed a camp, intending to descend into Lake Champlain. Hendrick, the celebrated Mohawk chief, with his warriors, were among these troops. Israel Putnam, too, was there, as a captain, and John Stark as a lieutenant, each* taking lessons in warfare. The French were not idle ; the district of Montreal made the most strenuous exertions to meet the invading foe. 1 Bancroft. THE ENGLISH FALL INTO AN AMBUSCADE. 293 All the men who were able to bear arms were called into chap. active service ; so that to gather in the harvest, their 1 places were supplied by men from other districts. The 1755. energetic Baron Dieskau resolved, by a bold attack, to terrify the invaders. Taking with him two hundred reg- ulars, and about twelve hundred Canadians and Indians, he set out to capture Fort Edward ; but as he drew near, the Indians heard that it was defended by cannon, which they greatly dreaded, and they refused to advance. He now changed his plan, and resolved to attack Johnson's camp, which was supposed to be without cannon. Meantime scouts had reported to Johnson, that they had seen roads made through the woods in the direction of Fort Edward. Not knowing the movements of Dieskau, a detachment of a thousand men, under Colonel Ephraim Williams, of Massachusetts, and two hundred Mohawks, under Hendrick, marched to relieve that post. The French had information of their approach, and placed themselves in ambush. They were concealed among the thick bushes of a swamp, on the one side, and rocks and trees on the other. The English recklessly marched into the defile. They were vigorously attacked, and thrown Sept into confusion. Hendrick was almost instantly killed, and 6 * in a short time Williams fell also. The detachment com- menced to retreat, occasionally halting to check their pur- suers. The firing was heard in the camp ; as the sound drew nearer and nearer, it was evident the detachment was retreating. The drums beat to arms, trees were hastily felled and thrown together to form a breastwork, upon which were placed a few cannon, just arrived from the Hudson. Scarcely were these preparations made, when the panting fugitives aprpeared in sight, hotly pur- sued by the French and Indians. Intending to enter the camp with the fugitives, Dieskau urged forward his men with the greatest impetuosity. The moment the fugitives were past the muzzles of the cannon, they opened with 294 HISTOET OF THE AMEBICAK PEOPLE. CHAP, a tremendous shower of grape, which scattered the terrified 1 Indians and checked the Canadians, but the regulars 1755. pushed on. A determined contest ensued, which lasted five hours, until the regulars were nearly all slain, while the Indians and Canadians did but little execution ; they re- mained at a respectful distance among the trees. At length the enemy began to retreat, and the Americans leaped over the breastwork and pursued them with great vigor. That same evening, after the pursuit had ceased, as the French were retreating, they were suddenly attack- ed with great spirit by the New Hampshire regiment, which was on its way from Fort Edward. They were so panic-stricken by this new assault, that they abandoned every thing, and fled for their lives. Dieskau had been wounded once or twice at the com- mencement of the battle, but he never left his post ; two of his soldiers generously attempted to carry him out of danger, but when in the act one of them received his death wound ; he urged the other to flee. In the midst of flying bullets he calmly seated himself on the stump of a neigh- boring tree. He was taken prisoner, kindly treated, and sent to England, where he died. Johnson was slightly wounded at the commencement of the battle, and prudently retired from danger. To General Lyman belongs the honor of the victory, yet John- son, in his report of the battle, did not even mention his name. Johnson, for his exertions on that day, was made a baronet, and received from royal favor a gift of twenty- five thousand dollars. He had friends at court, but Lyman was unknown. Colonel Epjiraim Williams, who fell in this battle, while passing through Albany had taken the precaution to make his will, in which he bequeathed property to found a free school in western Massachusetts. That school has since grown into Williams College — a monument INDIAN VILLAGE OF KITTANNING DESTROYED. 295 more honorable than one of granite, one fraught with £§£? blessings to future generations. Johnson, instead of pushing on to take advantage of the 1756 victory, loitered in his camp, and finally built and garrison- ed a useless wooden fort, which he named William Henry. As has been mentioned, the retreat of Dunbar left the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania subject to the hor- rors of savage warfare. Washington was intrusted with their defence, but so few men had he at his command, and they so scattered, as to afford but little protection. The distant settlers of Virginia were driven in, and the beautiful valley of the Shenandoah became almost a deso- lation. Governor Dinwiddie, as an apology for not furnish- ing more soldiers, wrote : " We dare not part with any of our white men to any distance, as we must have a watchful eye over our negro slaves." In one of his letters, Washington says : " The supplicating tears of women and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that for the people's ease, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the treacherous enemy .* The village of Kittanning, twenty or thirty miles up the Alleghany, above Fort Du Quesne, was the head-quar- ters of a notable Indian chief, known as Captain Jacobs. Incited by the French, he and his bands made many mur- derous incursions against the settlements of Pennsylvania. His associate was the Delaware chief Shingis. Benjamin Franklin, who had been appointed colonel by the governor, had organized the Pennsylvania militia to protect the frontiers, and after his resignation, Colonel John Arm- strong, afterward a major-general in the Revolutionary war, was chosen in his place. He resolved to destroy these Indians and their village. Three hundred Pennsylvanians volunteered for the enterprise. In the latter part of Sep- tember they set out on horseback, across the mountains, and in a few days came into the vicinity of Kittanning, at 296 HISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap, night. They heard the savages carousing and yelling , they left their horses, approached the village, and arranged 1756, the order of attack. The night was warm, the Indians ^P** soon began to separate, some to sleep in the corn-fields near by, and some in wigwams. As day began to dawn, the Americans surrounded the party, and, at a given sig nal, rushed to the attack. The Indians were taken by surprise, but soon the voice of Jacobs was heard loud above the din, cheering on his warriors, and shouting, " We are men, we will not be prisoners." The wigwams were set on fire, and warriors were heard singing their death-song in the midst of the flames. Jacobs attempted to break through the surrounding foe, but his career was cut short by a rifle-ball. This nest of savage murderers was entirely broken up ; the survivors went further west, and for a season the frontiers had peace. Lord Loudon was appointed a sort of viceroy of all the colonies. He sent General Abercrombie as his lieutenant, having suspended Governor Shirley, and ordered him to June, repair to England. Abercrombie arrived in June, and brought with him several British regiments. It was con- fidently expected that something important would now be done. These royal gentlemen had an army of seven thou- sand men at Albany, but, as the Frenchmen had said, they were "slow and dilatory," — they spent the summer in adjusting the rank of the officers. The soldiers of the colonies, though they had, by their indomitable courage, saved the remnant of the British army on the banks of the Monongahela though, at Lake George, they had driven the enem> before them, and had defended their soil and maintained the honor of the English name, yet they were not permitted to elect their own officers, and if they were appointed by the colonial governors, those of the same rank by royal appointment took the precedence. These were the petty annoyances dictated by little minds, that aided so much in alienating the colonists from the FOBTS ONTARIO AND WILLIAM HENRY CAPTURED. 29? mother country, and in the end leading them to independ chap ence. __ While the English were thus trifling, Montcalm, the 1756. successor of Dieskau, was acting. With five thousand Frenchmen, Canadians, and Indians, he darted across the lake, and suddenly presented himself at the gates of Fort Ontario, at the mouth of the Oswego. He met with a vigorous resistance ; not until they had lost all hope of receiving aid, and their brave commander, Colonel Mercer, was killed, did the garrison surrender. An immense ^ LUft amount of military stores fell into the hands of Montcalm ; !*• he sent the captured flags to adorn the churches of Can- ada, and to please the Iroquois, who promised neutrality, he demolished the fort. Though it was known that this important post was threatened, yet no means were taken to relieve it. Thus Loudon planned and counter- planned, accomplished nothing, and then withdrew from his arduous labors into winter-quarters. He demanded free quarters for his officers of the citizens of Albany, New York, and Philadelphia. As the demand was " con- trary to the laws of England and the liberties of America," they refused to accede to it. He threatened to bring his soldiers and compel them to submit to the outrage. The citizens, in their weakness, raised subscriptions to support for the winter those who had wasted the resources of the country. Thus a military chief invaded, not merely the political rights of the people, but the sanctities of their domestic life. Montcalm was undisturbed in making preparations to capture Fort William Henry, before which he appeared, 1757 the next year, with a large French and Indian force. The garrison numbered about three thousand men, under Colonel Monroe, a brave officer, who, when summoned to surrender, indignantly refused, and immediately sent to General Webbe, at Fort Edward, fifteen miles distant, for aid. He could have relieved Monroe, for he had four 298 histoky or the American people. c^r thousand men at his disposal, but when Putnam obtained _ permission to go to the aid of the fort, and had proceeded 1757. some miles with his rangers, Webbe recalled him. Then he sent a letter to Monroe advising him to surrender. This letter fell into the hands of Montcalm, who was on the point of raising the siege, but he now sent the letter to Monroe, with another demand to surrender. The brave veteran would not capitulate, but held out till half his guns were rendered useless. Montcalm was too brave and generous not to appreciate nobleness in others, and he granted him the privilege of marching out with the honors A J g * of war. The only pledge he asked, was that the soldiers should not engage in war against the French for eighteen months. They were to retain their private property, and Canadian and Indian prisoners were to be restored. Montcalm held a council of the Indians, who consented to the terms of the treaty, though they were Badly dis- appointed in their hopes of plunder. He refused them rum, and thus he could restrain them ; but, unfor- tunately, the night after the surrender they obtained it from the English. In the morning they were frantic from the effects of intoxication, and when the garrison were leaving their camp, they fell upon the stragglers. The French officers did all they could to restrain them, and some were even wounded in their exertions to save the English soldiers from savage violence. Montcalm, in his agony, cried, " Kill me, but spare the English ; they are under my protection." Instead of an orderly retreat to Fort Edward, it was a flight. Thus the French, with a population in Canada, not one-twentieth, part as great as that of the English colo- nies, seemed triumphant everywhere. Was it strange that the colonists began to lose their respect for those sent to protect them from their enemies — especially for the officers ? They believed the interference of the home gov- ernment hindered the advancement of their cause, while CANADA EXHAUSTED. 299 the majority of the royalist governors seemed to be actu- ^54?' ated by no worthier motive than that of promoting their 1 own interests. 1757. Thongh the French were thus victorious, and pos- sessed the valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and apparently all the continent, except a little strip along the Atlantic coast, yet Canada was exhausted. The struggle was virtually over. Her men had been drawn to the battle-field, while their farms were left untilled, and now famine was beginning to press upon the people. Their cattle and sheep were destroyed, and horse-flesh was made to supply the place of beef ; no aid could come from France, as nearly all intercourse was cut off by the ever- present British cruisers. The French owed their success, not to their own strength, but to the imbecility of tha English commanders. OHAPTEE XXIII. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, CONTINUED. William Pitt, Prime Minister. — Lord Amherst, Commander-in-chief. — Pka of Operations. — Louisburg captured. — Abercrombie on Lake George ; Repulse and Retreat. — Bradstreet captures Fort Frontenac. — Expedi- tion against Fort Du Quesne. — Colonel Grant. — Washington takes pos- session of the Fort ; resigns his Commission. — Ticonderoga abandoned ; the French retire to Canada. — Wolfe appears before Quebec* — Exer- tions of Montcalm. — The British on the Heights of Abraham. — The Battle. — Deaths of Wolfe and Montcalm ; their Memories. — Quebec ca- pitulates. — The Cherokee War. — Destruction of their Crops and Villa- ges ; their Revenge. — Pontiac ; his Character and Plans. — Desolations along the Frontiers. — General Bouquet. — Pontiac's Death. jxiif The people of England were not indifferent spectators of ■ these failures ; they noticed the feeble manner in which 1757. the war was conducted, and attributed the want of success to the inefficiency of those in command. Through their influence William Pitt, one of them- selves, not of the aristocracy, was called to the head of affairs. He appreciated the character and patriotism of the colonists. Instead of devising measures that would impoverish them, he, at once, assumed the expenses of the war ; announced that the money they had already spent for that purpose, should be refunded, and that for the fu- ture such expenses would be borne by the home govern- ment ; also arms and clothing should be furnished the soldiers who would enlist. This act of justice brought into the field fifty thousand men — a number greater th&n that of the entire male population of Canada at that time. PLAN OF OPERATIONS. 301 Lord Jeffrey Amherst was appointed commander-in- c&ap chief of the British army. He had for his lieutenant the young and talented James Wolfe, who, although hut 1757. thirty-one years of age, had spent eighteen of those years in the army, where, hy his nohle hearing, he had won for himself the admiration of both friends and foes. According to the general plan, Amherst himself was to head the expedition against Louisburg and Quebec ; while General Forbes was to capture Fort Du Quesne and take possession of the valley of the Ohio, and Abercrombie to take Ticonderoga, the French stronghold on Lake Champlain. With Abercrombie was associated Lord Howe, who was characterized as the soul of the enterprise. June, On the 8th of June, Amherst landed with his forces 7 near the city of Louisburg. Under the cover of a fire from the ships Wolfe led the first division. He forbade a gun to be fired, urged on the rowers, and in the face of the enemy leaped into the water, and followed by his men waded to the shore. The French deserted their outposts, and retired to the fortress in the town. After a bombard- ment of fifty days, when the French shipping in the harbor was destroyed, and all hopes of receiving assistance at an end, the fortress surrendered. At the same time were given j^, up the islands of Cape Breton and Prince Edward, five 87. thousand prisoners, and an immense amount of military stores. Abercrombie and Lord Howe advanced against Ticon- deroga. Their army, which amounted to seven thousand English and nine thousand Americans, assembled at the head of Lake G-eorge. They passed in flat-boats down to the foot of the lake, where they disembarked and hur- ried on toward Ticonderoga ; but through the ignorance of their guide, missed their way, and the advance fell Jt Q into an ambuscade of a French scouting party. The ene- 6. my was soon put to flight, but Lord Howe fell at the head 302 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. Ctt^ of his men. His death threw a gloom over the camp- -the soldiers had confidence in no other leader. Their fore- 1758. bodings were soon realized. The British engineer recon- noitred the French works, and reported them as weak ; but Stark, who knew their strength, affirmed they were strong and well furnished. Abercrombie believed his en- gineer, and without waiting for his artillery, he ordered an attack. His soldiers performed prodigies of valor, but were forced to retire, with a loss of two thousand of their number. In this battle was wounded Charles Lee, then a captain, and afterward a major-general in the Kevolu- tionary army. The indefatigable Montcalm had disposed his small army to the very best advantage, and was pres- ent wherever he was specially needed. Abercrombie or- dered his men to attempt an impossibility, but judiciously kept himself out of danger. The English army was yet four to one of the French, and could have conquered with the aid of the cannon which had been brought up, yet Abercrombie hastily retreated. As Montcalm's troops were few and exhausted, he did not attempt to pursue him. The monotony of disasters was disturbed by Colonel Bradstreet, of New York, who, after much solicitation, obtained permission to go against Fort Frontenac, which, from its position at the foot of Lake Ontario, commanded that lake and the St. Lawrence. It was a central point for trading with the Indians ; a great magazine which supplied all the posts on the upper lakes and Ohio with military stores. With twenty-seven hundred men, all Americans, principally from New York and Massachu- setts, Bradstreet passed rapidly and secretly to Oswego, and thence across the lake in open boats, and landed Aug. within a mile of the fort. The majority of the garrison, * 6 * terrified at the sudden appearance of enemies, fled ; the next day the remainder surrendered. There was found an immense amount of military stores, some of them des- tined for Fort Du Quesne, and a fleet of nine armed ves- THE HIGHLANDERS ROUTED. 303 sels, which held the command of the lake. The fort was ££&[ razed to its foundation, two of the vessels were laden with stores and brought to Oswego ; the remaining stores and 1758. ships were destroyed. The troops raised in Pennsylvania for the expedition under General Forbes against Fort Du Quesne were as- sembled at Raystown, on the Juniata. Washington was at Cumberland, with the Virginia regiment. His plan was to march directly upon the fort by the road which Braddock had made. This common-sense plan was re- jected, and the suggestions of some land speculators adopted, and Forbes ordered a new road to be cut through the wilderness further north. General Bouquet with the advance passed over the Laurel Hill, and established a post at Loyal Hanna. Without permission he despatched Major Grant with eight hundred Highlanders and a company of Virginians to reconnoitre in the vicinity of Fort Du Quesne. Grant Sept was permitted to approach unmolested, though the French 15, knew from their scouts of all his movements. As he drew near, he sent a party to take a plan of the fort, and placed Major Lewis with the Virginians to guard the bag- gage, as if they were not to be trusted in the contest. Not a gun was fired from the fort. Grant self-compla- cently attributed this to the dread his regulars had in- spired. All this time the Indians lay quietly in ambush, waiting for the signal to commence the attack. Presently out rushed the garrison, and attacked the Highlanders in front, while in a moment the fearful war-whoop arose on both flanks. Terrified at the unusual contest, they were thrown into confusion ; their bewildered officers began to manoeuvre them as if in the open field. Major Lewis with some of his party hastened to the rescue, and there fought hand to hand with the savages. The detachment, overpowered by numbers, was completely routed, and 304 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Grant and Lewis were both made prisoners. The fugi- txm - tives soon reached the place where they left the baggage. 1758. Captain Bullit hastily formed a barricade with the wag- ons, behind which he waited the approach of the pursuers. When they were within a few yards, the Virginians poured in a fire so direct and deadly as to check them. They soon rallied and again approached. This time, Captain Bullit and his men advanced, as if to surrender, but when within eight yards he again poured in an effective fire, and immediately charged bayonet. The pursuers were so as- tonished at the suddenness and manner of attack that they fled in dismay, while the Virginians retreated with all speed. When the news of this disaster reached the main army, it well-nigh ruined the whole enterprise , as a coun- cil of war decided to give up the attempt for that year, as it was now November, and there were yet fifty miles of unbroken forest between them and the fort. Just then some prisoners were brought in, from whom the defence- less condition of the fort was learned. Washington was given the command of a division with which to push for- ward. In a few days they arrived in the neighborhood of Du Quesne. Instead of meeting with a vigorous resist- ance, they were surprised to learn that the place had been abandoned the day before. The French commander had blown up his magazines, burned every building that would burn, and with his company gone on board of flat-boats fl- ov . and floated down the Ohio. On the twenty-fifth of No- 86. vember, Washington marched into the deserted fort, and planted the English colors. An impulse of grateful feel- ing changed the name to Fort Pitt — since Pittsburg, in honor of the illustrious man — the first of English states- men, who appreciated the character of the American colo- nists, and who was willing to do them justice. Situated at the head of the Ohio, in a region celebrated for its agri- cultural and mineral wealth, and settled by a moral and PLAN OF OPERATIONS AGAINST CANADA. 305 industrious population, it has far exceeded in importance |^^ any other acquisition made during the war. A fit monu- ment to the memory of the " Great Commoner. " 1V58. The object of the campaign thus secured, Washington, leaving two Virginia regiments to garrison the fort, re- signed his commission, and retired to private life. In the mean time he had been elected a member of the House of Burgesses. A few months afterward, on the opening of the session, the House, by vote, resolved to receive the youthful champion with some befitting manifestation of its regard. Accordingly, when he took his seat as a mem- ber, the Speaker addressed him, giving him thanks for the military services he had rendered his country. Taken by surprise, Washington rose to reply, but words were want- ing ; he faltered and blushed. " Sit down, Mr. Washing- ton/' kindly said the Speaker; "your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language I possess." This year closed with great advantages to the English. The cunning Indians — still true to the winning side — be- gan to desert the French, and to form treaties of peace or neutrality with their enemies. The comprehensive mind of Pitt was devising plans to crush the French power in America. He promptly paid all the expenses incurred by the colonists during the past year, and they with alacrity entered into his schemes. Wolfe was to ascend the St. Lawrence ; Amherst was to advance by way of Lake Cham- plain, and capture Montreal, and then join Wolfe before Quebec ; while General Prideaux was to capture Fort Ni- agara, and then to pass down Lake Ontario to Montreal. As Amherst advanced against Ticonderoga, the French 175*. abandoned that post, and the others as he approached ; y he wasted his time in fortifying the places deserted by the enemy, as if they who were so exhausted as to be scarcely able to get out of his way, would ever return 1 Though General Prideaux was unfortunately killed by the burst- 27. 306 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. ^P. ing of a gun, yet Sir William Johnson, on whom the oom- mand devolved, took Niagara ; and thus the chain which 1759. joined the French forts of Canada, with those of the val- ley of the Mississippi, was broken forever. June The fleet and troops designed against Quebec, assem- bled at Louisburg. In the latter part of June the arma- ment arrived at the Isle of Orleans, upon which the troops immediately landed. The rock on which stood the citadel of St. Louis, could be seen to the west looming up more than three hundred feet, bidding defiance to the invaders. In the rear were the Heights of Abraham, a plain extend- ing for miles, while all along the shore the high cliiFa seemed to be an impregnable defence, To meet this force, Montcalm had only a few enfeebled battalions and Canadian militia. The Indians held them- selves aloof. The English fleet consisted of twenty- two ships of the line, and as many frigates. As master of one of these ships was Captain James Cook, afterward cele- brated as the discoverer of the many isles of the Pacific. Under Wolfe were four young and ardent commanders, Kobert Monckton, afterward governor of New York; George Townshend, and James Murray, and also Colonel Howe, afterward Sir William, who for a time commanded the British army in the American Revolution. Quebec, situated on a peninsula between the St. Law- rence and the river St. Charles, was defended on three sides by these rivers, leaving only the west exposed. The lower town was on the beach, while the upper was on the cliff two hundred feet above. The high cliffs of the north shore of the St. Lawrence were deemed a sufficient de- fence. It was thaught impossible for an army to scale them. Below on the St. Lawrence, between the St. Charles and the Montmorenci rivers, was Montcalm's camp, guarded by many floating batteries and ships of war. But the naval superiority of the English soon ren- dered them masters on the wa cr. THE RESOLVE TO SCALE THE HEIGHTS. 307 The French troops were driven from Point Levi, di- S5£? rectly opposite Quebec, and Wolfe erected batteries on that spot, and began to bombard the lower town, which 1759. was soon reduced to ashes ; but owing to the distance, the fortress and the upper town could not be injured. Wolfe then passed over to the north side of the river, below the Montmorenci, intending to pass that stream, and force Montcalm to a battle. When this design was carried into effect, the first division, consisting of the grenadiers, rashly rushed on to storm the French lines before the second division could come up to support them. They were repulsed, with a loss of nearly five hundred men. Diversions were also made above the town to induce the enemy to come into the open field, but without success. Montcalm merely sent De Bougainville with fifteen hundred men to guard against these attacks. The repulse at Montmorenci occasioned the sensitive ^7 Wolfe much suffering. He looked for the tardy Amherst, but in vain 1 No tidings came from him, and it seemed as if the enterprise, the first under his own command, was about to fail. He was thrown into a violent fever by his anxiety. As a last resort, it was resolved, in a coun- cil held around his bed, to scale the Heights of Abraham. In order to do this, the French must be deceived. There- fore Captain Cook was sent to take soundings and place buoys opposite Montcalm's camp, as if that was to be the special object of attack. Meantime, the shore for many miles above the town, was carefully examined. At one place was found a little indentation in the bank, from which a path wound up the cliff, — there they determined to make the attempt. This is now known as Wolfe's Cove. The troops were put on shipboard and suddenly sailed up the river, as if intending to pass beyond the French lines and there land. At night the ships lay to, and the troops, in boats, dropped down with the tide to Wolfe's Cove, fol- 308 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap, lowed by the ships designed to cover their landing, if necea- . sary. As they passed, a French sentinel hailed them with 1759. the inquiry, " Who goes there ? " " La France/' answer- ed a captain. " What regiment ? " " The Queen's " — that being one of the regiments up the river with Bougainville. The sentinel was deceived. They passed on to the Cove, and quietly landing began to grope their way up the cliff, clinging to the shrubs and rocks for support. In the morning the entire army was on the Heights of Abraham, ready for battle. ^ t Montcalm was thunderstruck, when he heard the news. 3. "It must surely be," said he, " a small party come to pillage, and then retire." More correct information re- vealed to him the whole truth. There was no time to be lost. He sent immediately for the detachment of Bou- gainville, which was fifteen miles up the river. The Indians and Canadians advanced first, and subjected the English to an irregular, and galling fire. Wolfe ordered his men to reserve their fire for the French regulars, who were rapidly approaching. When they were within forty yards, the English poured upon them a stream of musket- ry, aided by grape-shot from a few guns dragged up the cliff by the sailors. It was a fierce conflict. The respect- ive commanders were opposite to each other. Wolfe, al- though wounded twice, continued to give his orders with clearness ; but as he advanced with the grenadiers, who were to make their final charge with the bayonet, he re- ceived a ball in the breast. He knew the wound was mortal, and when falling said to the officer nearest to him : " Let not my brave fellows see me fall." He was carried to the rear ; % when asked if he would have a sur- geon, he answered : " It is needless ; it is all over with me." As his life was fast ebbing, the cry was raised — " See, they run ! they run ! " " Who run ! " asked the dying man. " The enemy, sir," was the answer. " Do they run already ? " he asked with evident surprise. Sum- WOLFE AND MONTCALM. 309 moning his failing energies, " Go one of you, to Colonel chap Burton," said he ; " tell him to march Webb's regiment [ with all speed down to Charles river, to cut off the retreat 1759. by the bridge." Then turning upon his side, he mur- JJ* mured, " Now God be praised, I die happy." These were the last words of the young hero, in whom were centred the hopes of his soldiers and of his country. Monckton was severely wounded, and the command devolved upon Townshend, who, content with being master of the field, called the troops from the pursuit. Just at the close of the battle Bougainville appeared with his division ; but the contest was declined. There is a peculiar interest attached to the name and character of Wolfe. A miod sensitive in its emotions and vigorous in its thoughts, animated his feeble body. He maintained a love for the quieter paths of literature, even amid the excitements of the camp. On the clear star- 'ight night preceding the battle, as the boat in which he was seated with his officers was silently floating down the St. Lawrence, he recited to them that classic poem, Gray's " Elegy in a Country Church-yard ; " then just published. Death seems to have already cast his dark shadow upon him, and doubtless many of the finer pas- sages of the poem were in accordance with his subdued and melancholy emotions. Then for a time the aspirations of the man of feeling and poetic taste triumphed over the sterner ambition of the warrior, and at its close he ex- claimed : " I would rather be the author of that poem than to take Quebec to-morrow." The brave and generous Montcalm was mortally wounded near the close of the battle. When carried into the city, the surgeon informed him that he could survive only a few hours. " So much the better," he calmly re- plied, " I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." When asked his advice about defending the city, he an- 1827. 18. 310 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, swered : " To your keeping I commend the honor of France. I will neither give orders nor interfere any fur- 1759. ther ; I have business of greater moment to attend to ; my time is short ; I shall pass this night with God, and prepare myself for death/' He then wrote a letter to the English commander, commending to his favor the French prisoners. The next morning he died. That generation passed away, and with it the animosity which existed be- tween the conquerors and the conquered. The united people of another generation erected a granite monument, on which they inscribed the names of Montcalm and Wolfe. Sept. Five days after the battle Quebec surrendered. There were great rejoicings both in America and England. Praises were lavished upon Pitt. He in Parliament re- plied, * I will aim to serve my country, but the more a man is versed in business, the more he finds the hand of Providence everywhere." The next year an attempt was made by the French to recover Quebec, but it failed. An overwhelming force was brought against Montreal. Re- sistance was vain, and Yaudreuil, the governor, surren- dered all the French stations on the Lakes. The troops were to be sent home, and the Canadians, protected in their property, were to enjoy their religious privileges. Thus passed away the French power in Canada. Depend- ents upon the mother country, the inhabitants had never exercised the right of self-government ; they lacked the energy essential to success as an independent people. They have assimilated but little with their conquerors. They still preserve that gay simplicity of manners, so characteristic of their nation, and an ardent attachment to the church of their fathers. Meantime disturbances had occurred on the south- west. The Cherokees had always been the friends of the English, and had undertaken to protect the frontiers south of the Potomac, yet for this their warriors, when about to WAR WITH THE CHEBOKEE& 311 return home, received no reward from the government — ( ^ff not even supplies of food for their journey. What the State failed to do was done by Washington and his offi- 1758. eers, who supplied their wants. The next year more Cherokees joined the expedition under Forbes against Fort Du Quesne. As they were returning home along the western borders of Virginia, to avoid starvation they helped themselves to what they wanted. This led to quarrels with the backwoodsmen, who killed and scalped some of their number. When this was told in the land of the Cherokees, it caused sorrow, indignation, and alarm ; the women, relatives of those who were slain, poured forth deep and bitter wailings for the dead ; the young warriors, indignant, armed themselves for revenge ; the old men cautioned and counselled, and did all in their power to prevent war, but in vain ; two white men fell victims to the rage of the young warriors. Tiftoe and five other chieftains went to Charleston to beg for peace, and to heal differ- ences. The governor, the haughty and arbitrary Lyttle- ton, demanded that the young men who, according to the Oct ideas of the sons of the forest, had vindicated the honor 1 ^ 69 * of their nation, u should be delivered up or put to death in their own land." This, the Cherokees thought, would only add fuel to the flame already kindled. The legislature decided unanimously that there was no cause for war. News came from the frontier that all was peaceful ; " there were no bad talks." The obstinate governor per- sisted in his demand, and created more disturbance. Then he told the chiefs who wished for peace to come to him and hold a talk, and promised them safe conduct to and from Charleston. Trusting to his word, the great warrior Oconostata came with thirty others But Lyttleton must obtain for himself the glory of a successful expedition against the Cherokees. He called out the militia in spite of the remonstrances of the people, of the legislature, and of his own council, and basely retained as prisoners, those 312 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP- ^vno had trusted his word. He marched into the ccuntry 1 of the Cherokees, forced a treaty from a feeble old chief, 1759. who had no authority to make one, and then returned in fancied triumph. Oconostata and a few others were lib- erated. The remainder Lyttleton ordered to be kept pris- oners at Fort Prince George till twenty-four warriors should be given up to him. Oconostata made an attempt to liberate his friends. In this effort a white man was killed ; then, in revenge, the garrison murdered the pris- oners. Now the rage of the Cherokees knew no bounds. They exclaimed : " The spirits of our murdered brothers are flying around us screaming for vengeance." The leg- islature strongly condemned the perfidious conduct of Lyttleton, and asserted their " birth-rights as British subjects," and affirmed that he had " violated their un- doubted privileges." Yet this very man received the highest commendations from the " Board of Trade." The Cherokees, driven to desperation by such treat- ment, called to their aid the Muscogees, and sent to Louisiana for military supplies. The Carolinians applied to General Amherst, who sent them twelve hundred 1750. men, principally Highlanders, under General Montgomery. They, with the Carolinians, pressed forward, by forced marches, into the land of the Cherokees. Why give the details of desolated settlements ? Village after village was destroyed, and fertile valleys laid waste. On the upper Savannah was the beautiful vale of Keowee, " the delight of the Cherokees." They had become so far civil- ized as to build comfortable houses, and to surround them with cultivated fields. Suddenly appeared the invaders. The great majority of the Indians, after an attempt at j . defence, fled, and from the distant mountain-tops saw the enemy burning their houses and destroying their crops. "I cannot help pitying them a little," writes Colonel Grant : " their villages are agreeably situated, their houses PONTIAC. 313 neatly built. There were everywhere astonishing maga- §h±p sines of corn, which were all consumed." After this dash at the Cherokees, Montgomery imme- 1760. diately returned to the north, as ordered by Amherst. The Indians were not subdued, but enraged ; they con- tinued to ravage the back settlements of the Carolinas. Immediately after the surrender of Canada, all the 17W. French stations on the lakes were occupied by the con- querors, and the little stockade posts throughout all that region, and in the valley of the Ohio, were garrisoned by a few men, in many instances not exceeding twenty. The French, either as traders or as religious teachers, had won the confidence and the affection of the Indians, by a friendly intercourse extending through more than half a century. Was it strange that the contrast appeared great to them, between these friends and companions and the domineering English soldiers, who insulted their priests and vilified their religion ? The French had prohibited the trade in rum, but the English introduced the traffic, and the demoralization of the Indians commenced. The capture of Fort Du Quesne was the signal for a torrent of emigration, which poured over the mountains into the valleys of the Monongahela and Alleghany. The Indians feared the pale-faces would drive them from their homes. Adopted into the tribe of the Ottawas, was a Catawba, who had been brought from the South as a prisoner, but who had, by his genius and bravery, risen to be a chief. He had the most unbounded influence over his own and other tribes, and was styled " the king and lord of all the coun- try of the north-west." " How dare you come to visit my country without my leave ? " demanded he of the first Eng- lish officer who came to take possession of the French forts. Such was Pontiac, the Philip of the north-west, who, in the war which bears his name, made the last great strug- gle for the independence of the Bed Man. This master spirit planned, and partially executed, one of the most 314 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, comprehensive schemes ever conceived by Indian sagacity to expel the invaders, and maintain his own authority aa 1763. " king and lord " of all that region. He induced the Del- awares, the Shawnees, the Senecas, the Miamis, and many lesser tribes, who roamed over the vast region in the basin of the upper lakes, in the valley of the Ohio, and a portion of that of the Mississippi, to join in the conspiracy. He sent a prophet through the land to proclaim that the Great Spirit had revealed to him, " that if the English were permitted to dwell in their midst, then the white man's diseases and poisons would utterly destroy them." This conspiracy was more than a year in forming, yet it was kept a profound secret. Detroit had the largest garrison, was the great centre for the trade of the upper lakes, and most important in its influence. Here the French were numerous ; they tilled their farms, as well as engaged in the traffic of furs. Pontiac desired to obtain possession of the fort. He inti- mated that he was coming with his warriors to have a " talk " with his English brothers. Meantime, Gladwin, the commander, had, learned of the conspiracy. Finding that the plot was discovered, Pontiac threw off the mask, and boldly attacked the fort, but without success. This was the commencement of a series of surprises ; the In- dians, in the short space of three weeks, captured every station west of Niagara, except Detroit and Pittsburg. The soldiers of the garrisons were nearly all put to death, more than one hundred traders were murdered and scalped in the wilderness, and more than five hundred families, after losing hundreds of their members, were driven from their homes on the frontiers. A large force from several tribes concentrated around Pittsburg, the most important post in the valley of the Ohio ; yet the brave garrison could not be caught by their wiles, nor conquered by their arms. Their ravages, in the mean while, extended to all INDIANS DEFEATED PITTSBURG RELIEVED. 315 the settlements and posts on the head-waters of the Ohio, chap and on the lakes to the region between the Mississippi , , and the Ohio. 1768. General Bouquet was sent from Eastern Pennsylvania to relieve Fort Ligonier, just at the western foot of the mountains, and Pittsburg. His army consisted of not more than five hundred effective men, principally Scotch Highlanders. They had with them a train of wagons, drawn by oxen, and pack-horses laden with military stores and necessary provisions, and a drove of beef cattle. Passing through a region desolated by the savages, they saw the remains of burnt cabins, and the harvests stand- ing uncut in the fields. When he arrived at Ligonier, Bouquet could learn nothing from the west, as all intercourse had been cut off. Leaving there his wagons and cattle, he pushed forward to ascertain the fate of Pittsburg. The Indians besieging that place, heard of his approach, and they resolved to place themselves in ambush, and defeat his army. As soon as the battle began, the Highlanders dashed at them with the bayonet, and the Indians fled ; but when the pursuit slackened they rallied, and were again repulsed. At length, the number of the savages increased so much that they completely surrounded the Highlanders, who, during the night, encamped on the ridge of a hill. In the morning they could not advance, for their wounded men and baggage would fall into the hands of the enemy. Placing two companies in ambush, Bouquet began to re- treat, and immediately, with exulting yells, the Indians rushed on in pursuit, but when they came to the right point, those in ambush charged them on both sides, and those retreating wheeled and charged also. Panic-stricken by the suddenness of the attack, the savages broke and fled. The division then moved on to Pittsburg. From that day the valley of the Ohio was free from Indian vio- 316 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, lence. The stream of emigration began again to pom 1 over the mountains. The tribes, disheartened, began to 1764 - make treaties and promise peace. Pontiac would make no treaty, nor acknowledge himself a friend of the Eng- lish. He left his home and tribe and went to the country of the Illinois, where he was assassinated. 1769. For nearly three-quarters of a century a dispute had existed between the authorities of the colonies of Penn- sylvania and Maryland in respect to their boundary line. Finally, a compromise was agreed upon by which a start- ing-point was to be taken " fifteen English statute miles 1760. south of the latitude of the most southerly part of Phila- delphia." This point was to be on the circumference or tangent of a circle whose center was New Castle — now in Delaware — and radius twelve miles ; from that " fifteen^ mile point a line was to be run due west across the Susquehannah, etc., to the utmost longitude of Pennsyl- vania." This circle sweeps round from the west to the north-east, and is said to be the only boundary in the world in which the circle is used. The king sent out from London two learned astrono- mers — Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon — to run the line. They commenced their labors, and in five years made a report of their progress. Troubles with the In- 1768 dians interfered, and they could not finish the work, which was completed fifteen years afterward by other hands. The English surveyors cut openings through the woods ; at the end of every mile they set up a stone, on one side of which the letter " P" was cut in, and on the other the letter "I;" and every five miles a stone brought from England, but instead of the letters were en- graved the coats-of-aians of the Penns and of Lord Balti- more. This line is artificial, not a mountain nor a river is used — it passes over both. JSTo boundary has marked greater contrasts in society and its advancement than the famous " Mason and Dixon's Line." CHAPTER XXIV. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COLONISTS. Religious Influences among the earlier Settlers. — The later Emigrants ; their Influence. — Lore of domestic Life. — Laws enjoining Morality. — Sys- tems of Education ; Common Schools. — John Calvin. — The South'- -ner ; the Northerner. — The Anglo-Saxon Element ; the Norman. — Influences in Pennsylvania ; in New York. — Diversity of Ancestry. The conquest of Canada had removed apprehensions of chap. . . XXIV war with France, or of incursions by the Indians. The ] colonists naturally turned to their own affairs. They 176O. were poor and in debt ; a seven years' war had been within their borders ; their men had been drawn from the labor of industry to the battle-field. Yet that war, with its evils, had conferred benefits. It had made known to them their strength, and success had given them confidence. Before relating the events that led to the Kevolution, let us take a rapid survey of the people, who were soon to take their place among the nations of the earth. From the first they were an intelligent and a religious people. They were untrammelled in the exercise of their religion, and its spirit moulded public sentiment in all the colonies, whether settled by the Puritan or the Church- man, by the Dutch Calvinist or the Quaker, by the Huguenot or the Scotch-Irish Presbyterian. The two latter were of more receDt emigration ; they did not di- minish the high tone of morals already sustained by the earlier settlers. 318 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. The Huguenots came in small companies, and seldom " settled together in large numbers, but mingled with the 1760. colonists, and conformed more and more to their customs, and, in time, became identified with them in interests. Calvinists in doctrine, they generally united with either the Episcopal or Presbyterian churches, and by their piety and industrious habits exerted an influence that amply repaid the genuine hospitality with which they were every- where received. The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians displayed the indomi- table energy and perseverance of their ancestors, with the same morality and love of their church. Even those who took post on the outskirts of civilization along the western frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, had their pastor, and trained their children in Bible truth, in the catechism, obedience to parents, — a wholesome doctrine practically enforced by all the colo- nists, — and reverence for the Sabbath and its sacred duties. They were a people decided in their character. They emigrated from their native land to enjoy civil and relig- ious privileges, but they had also an eye to the improve- ment of their temporal affairs. The endearments of home and of the domestic fireside had charms for the colonists of every creed. The educa- tion of their children was deemed a religious duty, while around their households clustered the comforts and many of the refinements of the times. The example of their ancestors, who had sought in the wilderness an asylum, where they might enjoy their religion, had not been in vain ; a traditionary religious spirit had come down from those earlier days, and now pervaded the minds of the people. Though there was neither perfect uniformity in their forms of worship, nor in their interpretation of religious doctrines, yet one sentiment was sacred in the eyes of all — a reverence for the day of Holy Kest. The influences LAWS ENJOINING MORALITY. 319 connected with the Sabbath, and impressed fkm week to $M* week, penetrated their inner life, and like an all-pervading 1 moral antiseptic preserved, in its purity, the religious 1760. character of the entire people. The laws of a people may be taken as the embodiment of their sentiments. Those enacted by our forefathers may excite a smile, yet they show that they were no time- servers — that they were conscientious and in earnest. In New England the laws noticed those who dressed more richly than their wealth would justify ; they would not permit the man who defrauded his creditors to live in luxury ; those who did not vote, or would not serve when elected to office, they fined for their want of patriotism ; they forbade " drinking of healths as a bad habit ; " they prohibited the Wearing of embroidered garments and laces ; they discouraged the use of " ribbons and great boots ; " sleeves must reach to the wrist, and not be more than half an ell wide ; no one under twenty years of age was allowed to use tobacco, unless prescribed by a physician ; those who used it publicly were fined a sixpence ; all per- sons were restrained from " swimming in the waters on the Sabbath-day, or unreasonably walking in the fields or streets. " In Virginia we see the same spirit. In every settle- ment there was to be " a house for the worship of God." Divine service was to be in accordance with the canons of the Church of England. Absence from church was pun- ished by a fine ; the wardens were sworn to report cases of " drunkenness, swearing, and other vices." The drunk- ards were fined, the swearers also, at the rate of " a shil- ling an oath ; n slanderers and tale-bearers were punished ; travelling or shooting on the Sabbath forbidden. The minister was not to addict himself " to excess in drinking or riot, nor play cards or dice, but to hear or read the Holy Scriptures, catechize the children, and visit the sick." The wardens were bound to report the masters 320 HISTORY OF THE AMEEICAK PEOPLE. c^p. and mistresses " who neglected to catechize the ignorant ! persons under their charge." In the Carolinas laws of a 1760. similar character were enacted ; and, in Pennsylvania, against " stage plays, playing of cards, dice, May-games, masques, and revels." ^Although, at the time of which we write, many of these, and similar laws had "become obsolete, yet the influ- ences which dictated them had, for one hundred and fifty years, been forming the character of the colonists. Hedged in on the one side by the ocean, and on the other by a howling wilderness filled with hostile savages, they acquired a certain energy of character, the result of watchfulness, and an individuality, which to this day dis- tinguishes their descendants. While emigrants were flocking to the colonies, these influences were somewhat disturbed, but for three-quarters 1688. of a century — since the great revolution in England had restrained the hand of oppression — emigration had been gradually diminishing. Thus uninfluenced from without, the political and re- ligious principles with which they were imbued had time to produce their fruit. A national sentiment, a oneness of feeling among the people, grew into vigorous being. The common schools of New England had exerted their undivided influence for almost three generations ; the youth left them with that conscious self-reliance which springs spontaneously in the intelligent mind — a pledge of success in things great as well as small. These schools, no doubt, gave an impulse to female education. In the earlier days of New England the women were taught to ~ead, but very few to write. " The legal papers executed in the first century (of the colony) by well-to-do women, were mostly signed by a mark, (X ) ". l The custom of 'Elliott's History of New England, toL i p, 428. EDUCATION — FREE INQUIRY AND CIVIL LIBERTY. 321 settling in townships or villages made it easy to support SS££ common schools. In the middle colonies, especially Pennsylvania and If 60. New York, a system of general education had not been introduced ; the diversity of sects prevented. In the South, except partially in Maryland, common schools were not adopted. The owners of slaves usually held large tracts of the best lands, while the less wealthy were com- pelled to retire to the outskirts of the settlements, where they could obtain farms. The population was thus so much scattered, that generally children could not be con- centrated at particular places in sufficient numbers to sustain schools. Those who, for want of means, could not employ private teachers, taught their own children as best they could. Among this class, from year to year, there was but little increase in general intelligence. The wealthy employed private instructors, or sent their chil- dren abroad. As the nation increased in knowledge, the people cherished the right to exercise free thought and free speech. Our ancestors lived not for themselves alone. With the prophet's vision, and the patriot's hope, they looked forward to the day, when all this continent would be un- der the influence of their descendants, and they a Chris- tian people. Was it strange they were self-denying and in earnest, in endeavoring to spread the blessings of education and religion, as the greatest boon they could transmit to their posterity ? Thus they labored to found institutions of learning ; they encouraged the free ex- pression of opinion. From the religious freedom of con- science, which they proclaimed as the doctrine of the Bible, the transition was easy to political freedom. The advocate of free inquiry became the advocate of civil lib- erty, and the same stroke which broke the chain binding the word of God to the interpretation of the church, shat- tered the fetters binding the political slave. 322 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap. Much of this sentiment may be traced to the influence XXIV. [ exerted by the opinions of one man, John Calvin. " We 1760. boast of our common schools, Calvin was the father of popular education, the inventor of free schools. The pil- grims of Plymouth were Calvinists ; the best influence of South Carolina came from the Calvinists of France. Wil- liam Perm was the disciple of the Huguenots ; the ships from Holland that first brought colonists to ManhattaD were filled with Calvinists. He that will not honor the memory and respect the influence of Calvin, knows but little of the origin of American liberty. He bequeathed to the world a republican spirit in religion, with the kin- dred principles of republican liberty/' l There were slight differences of character between the people of the several colonies. In the eastern, the diffi- culties arising from a sterile soil had made the people industrious and frugal. There, labor was always honorable, and when the day came " which tried men's souls," great numbers of the prominent men came from the ranks of manual labor. The Anglo-Saxon element greatly pre- dominated among the colonists of New England. As simple in manners as rigid in morals, a truly democratic spirit and love of liberty pervaded their minds, and hence political constitutions of whose benefits all were partici- pants. The Norman element prevailed more in the South, especially in Virginia. Here the wealthy colonists were more aristocratic in spirit and feeling ; were more refined and elegant in manners. This aristocratic spirit was fos- tered, in time, by the system of slavery, while the dis- tinctions in society arising from the possession of wealth were greatly increased. In all the southern colonies, the mildness of the climate, the labor of slaves, and the ready sale of their tobacco, rice, and indigo, made the acquisition of wealth comparatively easy. The planter, " having 1 Bancroft's Miscellanies, pp. 405-6. INFLUENCES IN PENNSYLVANIA. 323 more leisuie, was more given to pleasures and amuse- ^^* ments — to the sports of the turf, the cock-pit, the chase, and the gaming-table. His social habits often made him 1760. profuse, and plunged him in debt to the English or Scotch merchant, who sold his exported products and furnished him his foreign supplies. He was often improvident, and sometimes not punctual in his pecuniary engagements." ' The planters were hospitable. Living upon isolated plan- tations, they were in a measure deprived of social inter- course ; but when opportunity served, they enjoyed it with a relish. As the Southerner was hospitable, so the Northerner was charitable. From the hard earnings of the farmer, of the mechanic, of the merchant, of the seafaring man, funds were cheerfully given to support schools, to endow colleges, or to sustain the ordinances of the gospel. In the South, colleges were principally endowed by royal grants. In Pennsylvania was felt the benign influence of the disciples of George Fox, and its benevolent founder. The friends of suffering humanity, the enemies of war, the opponents of classes and ranks in society founded on mere birth, they recognized merit wherever found. There the human mind was untrammelled — conscious of a right de- rived from a higher authority than conventional law ; there public posts were open to all — no tests intervened as a barrier. At this time the ardent aspirations of Ben- jamin Franklin in the pursuit of science received the sympathy of the people. In Philadelphia he was the means of founding an academy and free school, which grew into a university. Here was founded the first medical col- lege in the colonies, the first public library, and the first hospital. Here, Bartram, the botanist, founded the first botanic garden ; and here was formed the American Phil- osophical Society. Here lived Godfrey, the inventor of the quadrant, which bears the name of Hadley. Mucker's History of the United States, vol. l, p. 97. 324 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. chap l n New York, " the key of Canada and the lakes/* 1 were blended many elements of character. Here com- 1760. merce began to prevail, and here the arbitrary laws of the Board of Trade were vigorously opposed, and so often eluded, that Holland derived more benefit from the trade than England herself. It cost nearly as much as the amount of the import duties to maintain the cruisers and the " Commissioners of Customs." The " Dutch ."Repub- licans " had been for nearly a century pupils in the school where the " rights of Englishmen " were taught ; they profited so much by the instruction, that they paid very little attention to the king's prerogative, and thought their own Legislature quite as respectable as the House oi Commons. Although the great majority of the Americans were the descendants of Englishmen, yet there were represent- atives from Scotland, from Ireland, from Wales, from France, from Holland, from Germany, from Sweden, and from Denmark. In religion, there were Churchmen and Dissenters, Quakers and Catholics. Though they differed in many minor points, and indulged in those little ani- mosities which unfortunately too often arise between peo- ple of different nations and religions, yet they cherished a sympathy for each other. They were all attached to the mother country — the South, perhaps, more than the North; the former had not experienced so severely the iron hand of royal rule. Some strong external pressure was required to bind them more closely together, if ever they were to become an independent nation. That external pressure was not long wanting. CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE REVOLUTION. Restrictions of Trade and Manufactures. — Taxes imposed by Parliament.— Writs of Assistance. — James Otis. — Samuel Adams. — The "Parsons'" Case in Virginia. — Patrick Henry. — A Stamp Tax threatened. — Colonel Barre's Speech. — The Stamp Act. — Excitement in the Colonies. — Henry in the House of Burgesses. — Resolutions not to use Stamps. — " Sons of Liberty." — A Call for a Congress ; it meets, and the Colonial As- semblies approve its Measures. — Merchants refuse to purchase English Merchandise. — Self-denial of the Colonists. — Pitt defends them. — Franklin at the Bar of the House of Commons. — Stamp Act repealed. — Rejoicings. — Dartmouth College. The industrious habits of the colonists were no less wor- c ^* thy of notice than their moral traits. The contest with the mother country had its origin in her attempts to de- 1750 prive them, by means of unjust laws, of the fruits of their labor. For one hundred years she had been imposing restrictions on their trade and domestic manufactures. They were treated as dependents, and inferiors who occupied " settlements established in distant parts of the world for the benefit of trade." They could purchase from England alone, and only to her market could they lend their products. That English merchants might grow rich at their expense, the products of Europe and Asia were first to be landed in England, and then re- shipped to America in British vessels. The only trade not thus taxed, was that of negroes, they being shipped directly from Africa — a trade against which all the colo- nies earnestly, but in vain, protested. Even the trees 326 HISTOET OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. chap, in the forest suitable for masts were claimed by the 1 king, and marked by his " Surveyor-General of Woods." 1760 " Rolling mills, forges, or tilt-hammers for making iron/' were prohibited as " nuisances/' The House of Commons said " that the erection of manufactories in the colonies tended to lessen their dependency upon Great Britain ; " and the English ship-carpenters complained " that their trade was hurt, and their workmen emigrated, since so many vessels were built in New England." The hatter, because he could obtain his fur from the Indians without sending to England, was not permitted to sell hats out of his own colony. No manufacturer was permitted to have more than two apprentices. The government was unwil- ling that the colonists should make for themselves a single article which the English could supply. These measures aroused a spirit of opposition, more especially among the frugal and industrious inhabitants of New England, whose manufactures, fisheries, and trade were almost ruined. There the people mutually agreed to buy of British manufacturers only what was absolutely necessary ; rather than pay the English merchant exorbi- tant prices, they would deprive themselves of every luxury. Families determined to make their own linens and wool- lens, and to abstain from eating mutton, and preserve the sheep to furnish wool. It became fashionable, as well aa honorable, to wear homespim. Associations were formed to promote domestic manufactures. On the anniversary of one of these, more than three hundred young women met en Boston Common, and devoted the day to spinning flax. The graduating class of Harvard College, not to be outdone in patriotism, made it a point on Commencement Day to be clad in homespun. Restrictions on trade did not affect the interests of the people of the South so much, as England could not dispense with their tobacco, rice, and indigo, and they had scarcely any manufactories. 17W. Before the close of the French war, it was intimated FRANKUN WORKING AS A PRINTER WRITS OF ASSISTANCE. 327 that England intended to tax the colonies, and make chap them bear a portion of the burdens brought upon herself , by the mismanagement of her officials. Many plans were 1768. discussed and laid aside. Meantime the colonists denied the right of Parliament to tax them without granting them, in some form, representation in the government ; they claimed a voice in the disposal of their money. They looked back upon their history, and were unable to dis- cover the obligations they owed the king. They loved to think of Old England as the " home * of their fathers ; they rejoiced in her glories and successes, and nevei dreamed of separating from her, until driven to that re- solve by oppression. Yet visions of greatness, and it may be of independence, were floating through the minds of the far-seeing. John Adams, when a youth, had already written : "It looks likely to me, for if we can remove the turbulent Gallicks, our people, according to the exactest computations, will in another century become more nu- merous than England itself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas ; and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue us." ■ A special effort was now made to enforce the naviga- tion laws, and to prevent the colonists from trading with other nations. This policy would have converted the en- tire people into a nation of smugglers and law-breakers, but for the strong religious influences felt throughout the land. To enforce these laws, Parliament gave authority for using general search warrants, or " Writs of Assistance." u^ These Writs authorized any sheriff or officer of the customs to enter a store or private dwelling, and search for foreign merchandise, which he suspected had not paid a Life and Writings, vol. i. p. 23. 328 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. char duty. The quiet of the domestic fireside was no longei 1 to be held sacred. These Writs, first used in Massa- 1761. chusetts, caused great excitement and opposition. Their legality was soon brought to the test in a court of justice On this occasion the eloquent James Otis sounded the npte of alarm. He was the Advocate for the Admiralty, whose duty it was to argue in favor of the Writs ; but he resigned, in order to plead the cause of the people. The royalist lawyer contended that the power of Parliament was supreme, and that good subjects ought to submit to its every enactment. In reply, Otis exclaimed : " To my Feb. dying day, I will oppose, with all the power and faculties God has given me, all such instruments of slavery, on the one hand, and villany on the other." His stirring elo- quence gave an impulse to public opinion, which aroused opposition to other acts of Parliament. " Then and there," says John Adams, "was the first opposition tc arbitrary acts of Great Britain. Then and there Ameri- can Independence was born." The writs were scarcely ever enforced after this trial. Of the leading men of the times, none had greater in- fluence than Samuel Adams — in his private life, the devout Christian ; in his public life, the incorruptible patriot. In him the spirit of the old Puritans seemed to linger : mild in manners, living from choice in retire- ment, incapable of an emotion of fear, when duty called him to a post of danger. Learned in constitutional law, he never went beyond its limits. Through his influence Boston expressed her opinions, saying, " We claim Brit- ish rights, not by charter only — we are born to them. If we are taxed without our consent, our property is taken without our consent, and then we are no more freemen, but slaves." And she invited all the colonics to join in obtaining redress. The same note of alarm was sounded in Virginia, in New York, in Connecticut, and in the Carolinas Thinking minds saw in the future the coming THE KING'S PREROGATIVE — PATRICK HENRY. 329 contest ; that the English ministry would persist in their chap anjust treatment, until, in self-defence, they had driven 1 the whole American people to open rebellion. "They 1761. wish to make us dependent, but they will make us inde- pendent ; these oppressions will lead us to unite and thus secure our liberty." Thus wrote Kichard Henry Lee, of Virginia. " Oh ! poor New England," exclaimed the elo- quent George Whitefield, "there is a deep-laid plot against your liberties ; your golden days are ended." The first collision in Virginia between the prerogative 1768, of the king and the authority of the legislature occurred Dec * in a county court. Tobacco was the legalized currency of the colony. Occasionally, untoward events, such as war, or failure of the crop, made payments in tobacco very burdensome. The legislature passed a law, authorizing debtors to pay their public dues in money, at the rate of twopence a pound for the tobacco due. The clergymen of the established church refused to acquiesce in the law ; they had a fixed salary of a certain number of pounds of tobacco a year. At their instance, Sherlock, the Bishop of London, used his influence and persuaded the king to refuse his signature to this law. " The rights of the cler- gy and the authority of the king must stand or fall together," said the Bishop. The law was therefore null and void. To test it, a clergyman named Maury brought a suit to recover damages, or the difference between twopence per pound and the higher price for which tobacco was selling. It became the cause of the people on the one side, and the cause of the clergy and of the king's pre- rogative on the other. The people engaged a young man of twenty-seven to plead against " the parsons." That young man was Patrick Henry. He belonged not t© the aristocracy, and was obscure and unknown. On this occasion, that rare and wonderful gift of eloquence, which has made us so familiar with his name, was first «>oO HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap displayed. He possessed a charm of voice and tone that fascinated his hearers ; a grasp of thought, a vividness of 1763. conception, and withal a power that allured into sympathy with his own sentiments the emotions of his audience. For this he was indebted to nature, not to education ; for, when a boy, he broke away from the restraints of school and the drudgery of book-learning, to lounge idly by some solitary brookside with hook and line, or in more active moods to dash away into the woods to enjoy the ex- citements of the chase. He learned a little of Latin, of Greek not more than the letters, and as little of mathe- matics. At eighteen he married, engaged in trade, and failed ; tried farming with as little success ; then read law six weeks, and was admitted to the bar. Yet the mind of this young man had not been idle ; he lived in a world of deep thought ; he studied men. He was now to appear for the first time as an advocate. The whole colony was interested in the trial, and the court-room was crowded with anxious spectators. Maury made objections to the jury ; he thought them of " the vulgar herd," " dissenters," and " New Lights." " They are honest men," rejoined Henry. The court overruled the insulting objections, and the jury were sworn. The case was plainly against him, but Henry con- tended the law was valid, and enacted by competent au- thority ; he fell back upon the natural right of Virginia to make her own laws, independently of the king and par- liament. He proved the justness of the law ; he sketched the character of a good king, as the father of his people, but who, when he annuls good laws becomes a tyrant, and forfeits all right to obedience. At this doctrine, so new, so daring, the audience seemed to stand aghast. " He has spoken treason," exclaimed the opposing counsel. A few joined in the cry of Treason ! treason ! Yet the jury brought in a verdict for the " parsons " of a penny dam- ages. THE STAMP ACT. 331 Henry denied the right of the king to aid in making c ^^- laws for the colonies. His argument applied not only to , Virginia, but to the continent. The sentiment spread 1768. from colony to colony. Parliament assumed the right to tax the Americans, and paid no attention to their protests, but characterized them as " absurd," " insolent/ 1 " mad." When they ex- postulated with Grenville, the Prime Minister, he warned them that in a contest with England they would gain nothing. The taxes must be levied at all events ; and he graciously asked if there was any form in which they would rather pay them than by means of the threatened stamps. These were to be affixed to all documents used in trade, and for them a certain impost duty was charged. Only the English merchants whose interests were involved in the American trade, appear to have sympathized with the colonists. Franklin, who was then in London as agent for the Assembly of Pennsylvania, wrote home : " Every man in England regards himself as a piece of a sovereign over America, seems to jostle himself into the throne with the king, and talks of our subjects in the colonies." The Stamp Act did not pass without a struggle. Dur- 17w ing these discussions, Colonel Barre, who, in the war against the French, was the friend and companion of Wolfe, charged the members of the House of Commons with being ignorant of the true state of the colonies. When Charles Townshend, the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, asked the question, " Will our American chil- dren, planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, and protected by our arms, grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from our burdens ? " Barre indignantly re- plied : " They planted by your care ! No, your oppres- sions planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny to an uncultivated, inhospitable country ; where they exposed themselves to almost every hardship, and to the cruelties of the savage foe. Thev nourished by your 332 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, indulgence ! They grew by your neglect ;. your care foi 1 them was to send persons to rule them ; deputies of dep 1765. uties, to some members of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them ; men who have caused the blood of those sons oj liberty to recoil within them. They protected by yout arms ! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence. Amidst their constant and laborious industry they have defended a country whose frontiers were drenched in blood, while its interior settlements yielded all their little savings to your emoluments. I speak the genuine sentiments of my heart. They are a people as truly loyal as any sub- jects of the king ; they are jealous of their liberties, and will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated/' But very few of the members of the house were thus liberal in their sentiments. The great majority looked upon the colonies as subservient to the rule of the mother country. It was the express intention of the ministry " to be very tender in taxing them, beginning with small duties and taxes," and advancing as they found them willing to bear it. The House of Commons, on March 22d, passed the Stamp Act by a majority of nine to one ; ten days after- ward it passed the House of Lords almost unanimously. The king was ill ; mystery whispered of some unusual disease. When George III. signed the Stamp Act, he was not a responsible being — he was insane. This act declared that every written agreement be- tween persons in trade, to be valid, must have affixed to it one of these stamps. Their price was in proportion to the importance of the writing ; the lowest a shilling, and thence increasing indefinitely. Truly this " was to take money without an equivalent." All business must be thus taxed, or suspended. In order to enforce this act, Parliament, two months afterward, authorized the ministry to send as many troops RESOLUTIONS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY. 333 m they saw proper to America. For these soldiers the gLUP colonies were required to find "quarters, fuel, cider or ram, caudles, and other necessaries." 1765 The news of the passage of these arbitrary laws threw the people into a ferment. They became acquainted with rtach other's views ; the subject was discussed in the news- papers, was noticed in the pulpits, and became the en- grossing topic of conversation in social intercourse. In the Virginia Assembly, Patrick Henry introduced resolu- tions declaring that the people of Virginia were only bound to pay taxes imposed by their own Legislature, and any person who maintained the contrary should be deemed an enemy of the colony. An exciting debate followed, in which the wonderful power of Henry in describing the tyranny of the British government swayed the majority of the members. In the midst of one of his bursts of eloquence he exclaimed : " Caesar had his Brutus, Charles I. his Cromwell, and George III. " — " Treason ! trea- Uaj son ! " shouted the Speaker, and a few others joined him in the cry. Henry fixed his eye upon the Speaker, and in the tone and emphasis peculiar to himself, continued, " may profit by their example. If that be treason, make the most of it." The resolutions passed, but the next morning, in Henry's absence, the timid in the Assembly rescinded the last, and modified the others. The governor immediately dissolved the house for this free expression of opinion. Meantime, a manuscript copy of the resolutions was on its way to Philadelphia, where they were speedily printed and sent throughout the country. They raised the drooping spirits of the people, who determined to neu- tralize the law — they would never use the stamps. The Legislature of Massachusetts resolved that the courts should conduct their business without their use. Colden, the royalist governor of New York, thought " that the presence of a battalion would prevent mis- chief : " but the council suggested, " it would be more 334 history or the American people. C x£f- safe for the government to show a confidence in the peo- . pie." " I will cram the stamps down their throats with 1765. my sword/' said an officer. The churchmen preached obedience to the king — the " Lord's anointed." William Livingston answered, " The people are the ! Lord's anoint- ed/ though named ' mob and rabble * — the people are the darling of Providence." Colonel Barre, in his famous speech, characterized those in America who opposed British oppression, as " Sons of Liberty." He read them rightly ; Sons of Lib- erty they were, and destined to be free ; they felt it ; they adopted the name, it became the watchword under which they rallied. Associations called by this name sprang up as if by magic, and in a few weeks spread from Massachu- setts to Maryland. They would neither use stamps nor permit the distributers to remain in office. One morning the famous Liberty Tree in Boston was found decorated with the effigies of some of the friends of the English ministry. The mob compelled Oliver, the secretary of the colony, who had been appointed stamp distributer, to resign, and promise that he would not aid Aug. in their distribution. They also attacked the houses of some of the other officials. The patriots protested against these lawless proceedings. Five hundred Connecticut farmers came into Wethersfield and compelled Jared Ingersol, the stamp officer for that colony, to resign, and then take off his hat and give three cheers for " Liberty, Property, and no stamps." Such was the feeling, and Nov guch the result, that when the day came, on which the law was to go into effect, not one stamp officer could be found — all had resigned. June. The General Court of Massachusetts issued a circular in June, inviting all the colonies to send delegates to a convention or Congress, to be held at New York, on the first Tuesday of the following October. Accordingly, od THE CONGRESS IN SESSION. 335 the day named delegates from nine of the colonies met at c *^- the place appointed. , The idea of a union of the colonies dates as far back 1765. as the days of William Perm, who was the first to suggest it ; but now the question was discussed by the various committees of correspondence. At a convention which met at Albany eleven years before this, Benjamin Frank- lin had proposed a plan of union. This was adopted and laid before the Assemblies of the colonies, and the Board of Trade, for ratification. It met with a singular fate. The Assemblies rejected it, because it was too aristocratic, and the Board of Trade because it was too democratic. The Congress met and spent three weeks in delibera- Ot tion. They drew up a Declaration of Rights, a Memorial to both Houses of Parliament, and a Petition to the king. They claimed the right of being taxed only by their own representatives, premising, that because of the distance, and for other reasons, they could not be represented in the House of Commons, but in their own Assemblies. These documents were signed by nearly all the delegates, and transmitted to England. The colonial Assemblies, at their earliest days of meeting, gave to these proceedings of the Congress their cordial approval. Thus the Union was consummated, by which the colonies " became as a bundle of sticks which could neither be bent nor broken." While the Congress was in session, a ship with stamps on board made its appearance in the bay. Placards were posted throughout the city, threatening those who should attempt to use them. " I am resolved to have the stamps distributed," said C olden, the governor. " Let us see who will dare to put the act into execution," said the Sons of Liberty. On the last day of October all the royal governors, except the governor of Ehode Island, took the oath to carry into execution the Stamp Act. On the next day the law was to go into effect. But not a stamp was to be 336 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, seen ; instead, in every colony the bells were tolled, and 1 the flags lowered to half-mast — indications that the pas- 1765. sage of this act was regarded as " the funeral of liberty." The merchants of New York, Boston, and Philadel- phia, agreed to send no orders to England for merchan- dise, to countermand those already sent, and to receive no goods on commission till the act was repealed. They were sustained by the people, who pledged themselves not to use the products of English manufacturers, but to encourage their own. Circulars were sent throughout the land in- viting to harmonious action ; these were responded to with a hearty good-will. Luxuries were dispensed with, and homespun was more honorable than ever. The infatuated ministry, in view of this opposition, resolved to modify, not to repeal the law. It would de- tract from their dignity, to comply with the request of the colonists. " Sooner," said one of them, " than make our colonies our allies, I would wish to see them returned to their primitive deserts." 1766. Infirm health had compelled Pitt to retire from active life. " My resolution is taken," said he, " and if I can crawl or be carried to London, I will deliver my mind and heart upon the state of America." When accused by Grenville of exciting sedition, " Sir," said he in reply, " I have been charged with giving birth to sedition in America. Sorry I am to have the liberty of speech in this house imputed as a crime. But the imputation will not deter me ; it is a liberty I mean to exercise. The gentleman tells us that America is obstinate ; that Amer- ica is almost in rebellion. I rejoice that America has re- sisted." The sentiment startled the house ; he continued : " If they had submitted, they would have voluntarily be- come slaves. They have been driven to madness by injus- tice. My opinion is, that the Stamp Act should be repealed, absolutely, totally, immediately." The celebrated Edmund THE STAMP ACT REPEALED — REJOICINGS. 337 Burke, then a young man rising into notice, advocated the chap repeal with great eloquence. , The House of Commons wished to inquire still further 1766. of the temper of the Americans before taking the vote. They accordingly called witnesses to their bar, among whom was Benjamin Franklin. His knowledge was the most perfect, and his testimony had the greatest effect upon theii minds. He said the colonists could not pay for the stamps for want of gold and silver ; that they had borne more than their share of expense in the last war, and that they were laboring under debts contracted by it ; that they would soon supply themselves with domestic manufactures ; that they had been well disposed toward the mother country, but recent laws were lessening their affection, and soon all commerce would be broken up, un- less those laws were repealed ; and finally,' that they never would submit to taxes imposed by those who had no au- thority. The vote was taken, and the Stamp Act was Mar. repealed ; not because it was unjust, but because it could not be enforced. The people of the English commercial cities manifested their joy ; bonfires were lighted, the ships displayed their gayest colors, and the city of London itself was illuminated. Expresses were sent to the seaports, that the news might reach America as soon as possible. The rejoicings in the colonies were equally as great. In Boston, the bell nearest to the Liberty Tree was the first to ring ; soon gay flags and banners were flying from the shipping, from private dwellings, and from the steeples of the meeting-houses. Amidst the joy, the unfortunate were not forgotten, and those immured in the debtor's prison, were released by the contributions of their friends. The ministers, from their pulpits, offered thanksgiving in the name of the whole people, and the associations against importing merchandise from England were dissolved. New York, Virginia, and Maryland, each voted a statue to Pitt, who became more than ever a popular idoL 338 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C xxv > ' * n *** e m ^ t °f tnese troubles the cause of education 1 and religion was not forgotten. The Eev. Eleazar Whee- 1766. lock established at Lebanon, in Connecticut, a school to educate Indian boys, and train them as teachers for their own race. Success attended the effort. A grant of forty- four thousand acres of land induced him to remove the school to Hanover, New Hampshire. Under the name of Dartmouth, a charter as a college was granted it, by 1769 Wentworth, the governor. The Earl of Dartmouth, a Methodist, a friend of John Wesley, aided it, was one of its trustees, and took charge of the funds contributed for it in England — hence the name. The establishment of this institution was one of the effects of the Great KevivaL In the midst of the native forest of pines the work was commenced. The principal and his students dwelt in log-cabins, built by their own hands. OHAPTBE XXVI. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE REVOLUTION— CONTINUED. The English Ministry determine to obtain a Revenue. — Massachusetts invites to harmonious Action. — The Romney and the Sloop Liberty. — A Brit- ish Regiment at Boston. — Collision with the Citizens. — Articles of Asso- ciation proposed by Washington. — The Tax upon Tea. — Whigs and Tories. — The Gaspe captured. — The King's Maxim. — The Resolutions not to receive the Tea. — Tea thrown into Boston Harbor. — Its Recep- tion at other Places. — More oppressive Laws passed, by Parliament. — Aid sent to Boston. — Gage's Difficulties. — Alexander Hamilton. — The Old Continental Congress. — The Organization ; the first Prayer. — The " Declaration of Rights." — The " American Association." — The Papers issued by the Congress. — The Views of Pitt in relation to them. Lord Grenville, the head of the ministry, was dismissed, |^ap and the Marquis of KocMngham took his place. This , ministry soon gave way, and another was appointed by 1756. the king, at the head of which was placed Pitt, who, in the mean time, had been created Earl of Chatham. The following year, daring Pitt's absence, Charles Townshend, his Chancellor of the Exchequer, announced that he intended, at all risks, to derive a revenue from J^ America, by imposing a duty upon certain articles, which the colonists received from abroad, such as wine, oil, paints, glass, paper, and lead colors, and especially upon tea, as they obtained it cheaper from Dutch smugglers than the English themselves. It was suggested to him to withdraw the army, and there would be no need of a 340 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. tax. " I will hear nothing on the subject," said he ; u it XXVL is absolutely necessary to keep an army there." jygif. The colonists were startled by this news. They now remembered the fatal reservation in the repeal of the Stamp Act, that Parliament had the absolute right to tax them. " We will form a universal combination to eat nothing, to drink nothing, and wear nothing, imported from England," passed as a watchword from one colony to another, and very soon the non-importation associations were again in vigor. " Courage, Americans ; liberty, relig- ion, and science are on the wing to th se shores. The finger of God points out a mighty empire to your sons," said one of the lawyers of New York. " Send over an army and fleet, and reduce the dogs to reason," wrote one of the royal governors to the ministry. Suddenly the Eomney, a man-of-war, appeared in the harbor of Boston. The question soon arose, Why is a vessel of war sent to our harbor ? The people had resisted no law ; they had only respectfully petitioned for redress, and resolved to dispense with the use of British goods. Since the arrival of the Komney, the haughty manner of the Commissioners of Customs toward the people had be- come intolerable. The Komney frequently impressed the New England seamen as they came into the harbor. One man thus impressed was forcibly rescued by his compan- ions. These and similar outrages excited the bitterest animosity between the royal officials and the people. The Massachusetts Assembly issued a circular to the other Colonial Assemblies, inviting to harmonious action in obtaining redress. A few months afterward the minis- 1768. try sent peremptory orders to the Assembly to rescind June, their circular. Through the influence of Otis and Samuel Adams, the Assembly refused to comply with the arbitrary demand, but instead intimated that Parliament ought to repeal their offensive laws. Meantime the other Colonial Assemblies received the circular favorably, and also en- A BRITISH REGIMENT STATIONED IN BOSTON. 341 couraged Massachusetts in her resistance to tyranny and chap injustice. At this crisis, under the pretence that she had made 1768. a false entry, the sloop Liberty, belonging to John Han- cock, one of the prominent leaders, was seized, and towed under the guns of the Romney. She was laden with Ma- deira wine, on which duties were demanded. The news soon spread, and a crowd collected, the more violent of whom attacked the houses of the Commissioners of Cus- toms, who were forced to fly for safety to Castle William in the harbor. Of these outbreaks of a few ignorant per- sons, the most exaggerated accounts were sent to Eng- land, and there it was resolved to send more soldiers, and make Massachusetts submit as a conquered country. Ven- geance was to be especially taken on " the insolent town of Boston." As the Parliament had determined to send troops to the colonies, Bernard, the governor, requested Colonel Gage to bring a regiment from Halifax to Boston. On a quiet Sabbath, these troops were landed under the g^ cover of the guns of their vessels, their colors flying, drums beating, and bayonets fixed, as if they had taken possession of an enemy's town. Neither the leaders of the people, nor the people themselves, were intimidated by this military demonstration. According to law, troops could be lodged in Boston, only when the barracks at the forts in the harbor were full. The Assembly refused the soldiers quarters, and the food and other necessaries which had been demanded. The royalists gravely thought the Bostonians " had come within a hair's-breadth of commit- ting treason." Gage wrote, " It is of no use to argue in this country, where every man studies law." He would enforce obedience without delay. Boston was held as a conquered town ; sentinels were placed at the corners of the streets, and citizens, when passing to their ordinary business, were challenged ; even the sacred hours of the Sabbath were not free from the 342 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, din of drams. A collision finally took place, between a 1 citizen and a soldier. This led to an affray between the 1770. soldiers and some rope-makers. A few evenings afterward 2™ a sentinel was assaulted ; soldiers were sent to his aid, and they were stoned by the mob. At length a soldier fired upon their assailants ; immediately six of his com- panions fired also. Three persons were killed and five wounded. The town was thrown into a state of great ex- citement ; in an hour's time the alarm bells had brought thousands into the streets. The multitude was pacified, only for the time, by the assurance of Hutchinson, who was now governor, that in the morning justice should be done. The next morning the people demanded that the troops should be removed from the town to Castle Wil- liam ; and that Captain Preston, who, it was said, had commanded his soldiers to fire, should be tried for murder. Both these requisitions were complied with. Captain Preston and six of his men were arraigned for trial. John Adams and Josiah Quincy, both popular leaders, volun- teered to defend them. They were acquitted by the jury of murder, but two of the soldiers were found guilty of manslaughter. The result of this trial had a good effect in England. Contrary to the slanders of their enemies, it showed that the Bostonians, in the midst of popular excitement, were actuated by principles of justice. Those citizens who had been thus killed were regarded in the colonies as martyrs of liberty. The Virginia Assembly passed resolutions as " bad as those of Massachusetts." The next day, the governor, Lord Boutetourte, dissolved the house for passing " the L769 abominable resolves'." The members immediately held a May. meeting, at which Washington presented the resolutions, drawn up by himself and his friend George Mason. They were a draft of articles of association, not to import from Great Britain merchandise that was taxed. " Such was THE KING INSISTS ON TAXING TEA. 343 their zeal against the slave-trade, they made a special Oj|AP, covenant with one another not to import any slaves, nor purchase any imported." To these resolutions were signed 1769 the names of Patrick Henry, Washington, Jefferson, Kich- ard Henry Lee, and, indeed, of all the members of the Assembly. Then they were sent throughout the colony for the signature of every man in it. The non-importation associations produced their effect, j?^ and Lord North, who was now prime minister, proposed to remove all the duties except that on tea. That was retained at the express command of the king, whose maxim was, " that there should be always one tax, at least, to keep up the right of taxing." This removed part of the difficulty, for which the colonists were thankful ; but they were still united in their determination not to import tea. For these concessions they were indebted to the clamors of those English merchants whose trade had been injured. For a year there was an apparent lull in the storm of popular feeling. Governor Hutchinson issued a proclamation for a day of thanksgiving ; this he required the ministers to read from their pulpits on the following Sabbath. He thought to entrap them, by inserting a clause acknowledging grat- itude, " that civil and religious liberty were continued," and " trade encouraged." But he sadly mistook the men. The ministers, with the exception of one, whose church the governor himself attended, refused to read the proc- lamation, but, on the contrary, agreed to " implore of Al- mighty God the restoration of lost liberties." The contest had continued so long that party lines began to be drawn. Those who favored the iemands of the people, were called Whigs ; those who sympathized with the government, were called Tories. These terms had been long in use in England, the former to designate the opposers of royalty ; the latter its supporters. Scarcely a colony was exempt from outrages commit- Jan. 344 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, ted by those representing the royal authority. In New York the people, on what is now the Park, then known as 1770. the Fields, erected a liberty-pole. They were accustomed to assemble there and discuss the affairs of the colony. On a certain night, a party of the soldiers stationed in the fort cut down the pole. The people retaliated, and frequent quarrels and collisions occurred. Though these disturbances were not so violent as those in Massachusetts, they had the effect of exciting in the people intense hatred of the soldiers, as the tools of tyranny. An armed vessel, the Gaspe, engaged in the revenue service, took her position in Narraganset Bay, and in an insulting and arbitrary manner enforced the customs. Sometimes she wantonly compelled the passing vessels and market boats to lower their colors as a token of re- spect ; sometimes landed companies on the neighboring islands, and carried off hogs and sheep, and other provi- sions. The lieutenant in command was appealed to for his authority in thus acting. He referred the committee to the admiral, stationed at Boston. The admiral haughtily answered : " The lieutenant is fulfilling bis duty ; if any persons rescue a vessel from him, I will hang them as pirates." The bold sailors and citizens matured their 1772. plans and executed them. The Providence packet, of a "E* e light draught and a fast sailer, was passing up the bay. The Gaspe hailed. The packet paid no attention, but passed on. Immediately the Gaspe gave chase. The packet designedly ran into shoal water near the shore ; the Gaspe followed, and was soon aground, — the tide go- ing out, left her fast. The following night a company of men went down in, boats, boarded her, made prisoners of the crew, and burned the vessel. A large reward was offered for the perpetrators of this bold act ; though well known, not one was betrayed. The warehouses of the East India Company were rilled with the " pernicious weed," and the company proposed A TAX IMPOSED ON TEA. 345 to pay all its duties in England, and then export it at ^^J- their own risk. This would remove the difficulty, as there , would then he no collections of the duty in American 1772. ports. But the king was unwilling to sacrifice his maxim, and Lord North seems to have been incapable of compre- hending, that the Americans refused to pay the duty on tea, not because it was great or small, but because they looked upon a tax thus imposed as unjust. He therefore virtually proposed to the company to pay three-fourths of the duty in England ; to save the king's maxim, the gov- ernment would collect the other fourth, or three pence on a pound, in America. It was suggested to North, that the Americans would not purchase the tea on those con- ditions. He replied : " It is to no purpose the making objections, for the king will have it so. The king means to try the question with the Americans." *W* Meantime public opinion in the colonies was becoming more and more enlightened, and more and more decided. " We must have a convention of all the colonies," said Samuel Adams. And he sent forth circulars inviting them to assert their rights, when there was a prospect of success. He saw clearly that the king and Parliament were resolved to see whether the Americans would or would not acknowledge their supremacy. When the conditions became known on which tea was to be imported, the people took measures to prevent its being either landed or sold. In Philadelphia they held a meeting, and requested those to whom the tea was con- signed " to resign their appointments." They also de- nounced " as an enemy to his country," " whosoever shall aid or abet in unloading, receiving, or vending the tea." Similar meetings were held in Charleston and New York, and similar resolutions were passed. A ship, making a quick passage, arrived at Boston, with intelligence that several vessels laden with tea had sailed. Five thousand men immediately assembled to de- 346 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. ci|iP. liberate on the course to be pursued. On motion ol 1 Samuel Adams, they unanimously resolved to send the 1773. tea back. " The only way to get rid of it," shouted g J" some one in the crowd, " is to throw it overboard/' Those to whom the tea had been consigned were invited to meet at Liberty Tree, and resign their appointments. Two of the consignees were sons of Governor Hutchinson, who, at that time, was peculiarly odious on account of his double- dealing. This had been brought to light by a number of his letters to persons in England. These letters had fallen into the hands of Dr. Franklin, who sent them to the Speaker of the Massachusetts Assembly. They dis- closed the fact, that nearly all the harsh measures directed against the colony, had been suggested by Hutchinson. According to law, a ship must unload within twenty days, or be seized for non-payment of duties. Presently a ship laden with tea came into the harbor. By order of the committee, it was moored at a certain wharf, and a company of twenty-five men volunteered to guard it. The owner promised to take the cargo back, if the governor would give his permit. Meantime came two other vessels ; they were ordered to anchor beside the first. The committee waited again upon the consignees, but their answer was unsatisfactory. When the committee made their report to the meeting, not a word was said ; the assemblage silently broke up. The consignees were ^Sy* terribly alarmed. That silence was ominous. Hutchin- son's two sons fled to the fort, to the protection of the regulars. The father went quietly out of town. His ob- ject was to gain time till the twenty days should ex- pire ; then the ships would pass into the hands of the Commissioners of Custom^ and the tea would be safe for his sons. Another meeting of the people was protracted till after dark ; on the morrow the twentieth day would expire, and the tea would be placed beyond their reach. At THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TEA. 347 length the owner of the vessel returned from his mission chap. to the governor, and reported that he would not give the , permit for the ships to leave the port. " This meeting," 1773. announced Samuel Adams, " can do nothing more to save the country." Immediately a shout, somewhat like a war-whoop, arose from a band of forty or fifty " very dark complex- ioned nlen, dressed like Mohawks," who were around the door. This band moved hastily down to the wharf where lay the tea ships. Placing a guard to protect them from Dec. spies, they went on board and took out three hundred and forty-two chests, broke them open, and poured the tea into the water. In silence the crowd on shore witnessed the affair ; when the work was accomplished, they quietly retired to their homes. Paul Kevere set out immediately to carry the news to New York and Philadelphia. At New York, a tea ship was sent back with her j >e frame laws for the internal government of the courtry. §^j[ This was the famous Mecklenburg Declaration of Inde- pendence. 1775. Such was the spirit that pervaded the minds of the entire people. Throughout the land free principles had laid the train — the spark was applied at Lexington. On the tenth of May the second Continental Congress Maj commenced its session at Philadelphia. They organized without changing the officers of the year before. In a few days, however, Peyton Kandolph resigned the presi- dency to return to Virginia and preside over the Assembly, which had been called by the governor. Thomas Jefferson was sent to supply his place as a delegate, and John Hancock was elected president. Har- rison, of Virginia, in conducting him to the chair, said : u We will show Britain how much we value her pro- scriptions." For it was well known that Hancock and Samuel Adams were deemed rebels too great to be par- doned. Dr. FrankVin had returned only a few days before from England, where he had been for some years in the capacity of agent for some of the colonies. There his enlightened statesmanship and far-seeing judgment had won the re- spect of liberal-minded Englishmen. He was at once chosen a delegate. Also, in addition to the members of the first Congress, appeared George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston, from New York. The members were encouraged, for the measures of the first Congress had been approved by the assemblies of all the colonies. The first General Congress met to protest and peti- tion ; the second to assume authority and take decisive measures. Then the door was open for reconciliation with the mother country, now it was almost closed. The face of affairs was changed ; blood had been wantonly shed, HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, and a beleaguering host of rustic soldiery were besieging . the enemy. 1775. Congress was imbued with the spirit of the time. In committee of the whole reports were called for on the state of the country. These disposed of, they passed to other matters ; reviewed the events of the last year ; inves- tigated the causes which led to the conflicts at Lexington and Concord. The timid proposed to memorialize Parlia- ment once more. No ! argued John Adams, and many others ; it is useless, we have been spurned from the throne, and our petitions treated with contempt ; such a memorial would embarrass our proceedings, and have no influence upon Parliament. Yet another petition was, in form, voted to the king, and while they denied any inten- tion to cast off their allegiance, they proceeded to put the colonies in a posture of defence. They formed a " Federal Union," by whose provisions each colony was to manage its own internal concerns ; but all measures pertaining to the whole community, such as treaties of peace or alliance, the regulation of commerce, or declaration of war, came under the jurisdiction of Con- gress. They recognized Him who holds in his hands the destinies of nations. They issued a proclamation for a day of solemn fasting and prayer. Congress now assumed the authority of the central power of the nation. They forbade persons, under any circumstances, to furnish provisions to the British navy or troops ; took measures to enlist an army and to build fortifications, and to procure arms and ammunition. To defray expenses, they issued " Bills of Credit," amount- ing to two millions #of dollars, for whose redemption they pledged the faith of the " United Colonies." In accord- ance with the request of the Provincial Congress of Massa- chusetts, they adopted the volunteers in the camp before Boston, as the continental army. It remained to appoint a Commander-in-chief. On this subject there were diver WASHINGTON CHOSEN COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 369 sities of opinion. Some thought a New England army SS^f, would prefer a New England commander ; others strove to appoint a commander acceptable to all sections of the 1775 country. The members of Congress acknowledged the military talents of Washington, and appreciated his lib- eral views as a statesman. As chairman of the committee on military affairs, he had suggested the majority of tbe rules for the army, and of the measures for defence. At this time came intimations in a private letter from Dr. Warren to Samuel Adams, that many leading men in Massachusetts desired his appointment as commander-in- chief. Patrick Henry, when asked, on his return home from the first Congress, who of the members was the greatest man, had replied, " If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rut- ledge, of South Carolina, is, by far, the greatest orator ; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." John Adams took occasion to point out what, under the present circumstances, should be the qualifications of a commander-in-chief, and closed by remarking, that they knew a man who had these qualifications — " a member of this house from Virginia." He alluded to Washington. A few days after, the army was regularly adopted, and the salary of the commander-in-chief fixed at five hundred dollars a month. That arranged, Mr. Johnson, of Mary- land, nominated Washington for the office. The election was by ballot, and he was unanimously chosen. The next Jane day the president of Congress formally announced to him 16 his election. Washington rose in his seat and briefly ex- pressed his gratitude for the unexpected honor, and his devotion to the cause. Then he added, " I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in this room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not 370 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, think myself equal to the- command I am honored . with." Kefusing any pay, he continued, " I will keep an i776. exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I desire." Con- gress resolved " to maintain and assist, and adhere to 'him with their lives and fortunes in the defence of American liberty." or- He UNIVERSITY OF *--'Jfr UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY i