THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES RETUR TO— • LOAN PE University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. ^l^'? h JUN13 MAY6 "> nn l/^rrp. DAN At_ -m UCLA COL LIB »v.v RECEIVED ''^^■ fIbTsI -^M, 7 2006 WV3 -84 ]4n/^y UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES, CA. 90024 "%. % Allege OS. PM m vl LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. (7., March 11, 1908. Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith for publication, subject to your approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 1, of this Bureau, the manu- script of a portion of the Handliook of American Indian Languages, prepared under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas. Yours, respectfull}^, W. H. Holmes, Chief. Dr. Charles D. Walcott, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. PREFACE The Handbook of American Indian Languages, the first Part of which is here presented, had its inception in an attempt to pre- pare a revised edition of the ''Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages," by Major J. W. PowelL During the first twenty j^ears of the existence of tlie Bureau of American Ethnology much hnguistic material had been accumulated by filling in the schedules contained in Major Powell's Introduction, and in this manner many vocabularies had been collected, while the essential features of the morphology of American languages remained unknown. * It seemed particularly desirable to call attention, in a new edition of the Introduction, to the essential features of the morphology and phonetics of American languages, and to emphasize the necessity of an anal^'tical study of grammar. The object next to be attamed by linguistic studies of American languages is a knowledge of their pho- netic processes and of the psychological foundation of their structure. The former of these objects has hardly been attempted ; knowledge of the latter has been obscured by the innumerable attempts to represent the grammars of Indian languages in a form analogous to that of the European grammars. • It was originally intended to give a somewhat elaborate intro- duction, setting forth the essential psychological characteristics of American languages; but with the development of the plan of work it was found necessary to relegate this discussion to the end of the whole work, because without a somewhat detailed discussion of the various languages the essential points can not be substantiated by reliable evidence. I have not attempted to give either exhaustive grammars or exhaustive discussions of phonetics, because the object of the whole work has been to describe as clearly as possible those psychological principles of each language which may be isolated by an analysis of grammatical forms. A detailed discussion of i)honetics and of the probable historical development of grammatical forms belongs rather to detailed studies of linguistic stocks, which should be the next step in the progress of our knowledge of American languages. In the collection of the material embodied in the present volume, I have been liberally assisted by investigators employed by a number \1 PREFACE of institutions, particularly the American Museum of Natural History and the University of California. Most of the material contained in the first Part, except that contained in the sketches of the Athapascan, by Dr. P. E. Goddard, and of the Eskimo, by Dr. Wil- liam Thalbitzer, was collected in connection with extended ethno- logical research conducted under the joint auspices of these institu- tions and the Bureau of American Ethnology; and the grammatical sketches are based on the discussion of texts published by the Bureau of American Ethnology and by other institutions, and which are referred to in the various sketches. The work of collectmg and of revision has extended over the period from 1S97 to 1908. Lack of funds prevented a more raj)i(l completion of the work. I desire to express my sincere thanks to the collaborators who have contributed to the volume, and who have willingly adojited the gen- eral plan of presentation of grammar outlined by the editor. Franz Boas. New York, February 20, 1910. CONTENTS Introduction, by Franz Boas 1 Athapascan (Hupa), by Pliny Earle Goddard 85 Tlingit, by John R. Swanton 159 Haida, by John R. Swanton 205 Tsimshian, by Franz Boas 283 Kwakiutl, by Franz Boas 423 Chinook, by Franz Boas 559 Maidu, by Roland B. Dixon 679 Algonquian (Fox), by William Jones (revised by Truman Michelson) 735 Siouan (Dakota), by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton 875 Eskimo, by William Thalbitzer 967 VII INTRODFCTIOI^ BY FRANZ BOAS 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 1 COT^TENTS I. Race and language -. 5 Early attempts to determine the position of the American race 5 Classifications based on physical type, language, and customs 6 Relations between physical type, language, and customs 7 Permanence of physical type ; changes in language and cultiu"e . . 8 Permanence of language ; changes of physical type 9 Changes of language and type 10 Permanence of type and language ; change of culture 10 Hypothesis of original correlation of type, language, and culture 11 Artificial character of all classifications of mankind 14 II. The characteristics of language 15 Definition of language 15 Character of phonetics 15 Number of sounds unlimited 15 Each language vises a limited number of sounds 16 Alleged lack of differentiation of sounds in primitive languages. . 16 Brief description of phonetics 18 Unconsciousness of phonetic elements 23 Grammatical categories 24 Differences in categories of different languages 24 Limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing ideas 24 Grammatical processes 27 Word and sentence 27 Stem and afiix 33 Discussion of grammatical categories 35 Nominal categories 36 Gender 36 Plural 37 Case 38 Tense 39 Personal pronouns 39 Demonstrative pronouns 40 Verbal categories 41 Interpretation of grammatical categories 43 III Classification of languages 44 Origin of dialects 44 Comparison of distinct languages 45 Mutual influences of languages 47 Phonetic influences 47 Grammatical influences 48 Lexicographic influences 49 Origin of similarities; by dissemination or by parallel development. . 50 3 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. III. Classification of languages — Continued. Page Influenre of environment on language 53 Influcnce_of common psychic traits 56 Uncertainty of definition of linguistic families 58 IV. Linguistics and ethnology 59 Practical need of linguistic studies for ethnological purposes 59 Theoretical importance of linguistic studies 63 Language a part of ethnological phenomena in general 63 Language and thought 64 Unconscious character of linguistic phenomena 67 V. Characteristics of American languages 74 INTRODUCTION By Franz Boas I. RACE AND LANGUAGE Early Attempts to Determine the Position of the Am.erican Race When Columbus started on his journey to reach the Indies, sailing westward, and discovered the shores of America, he beheld a new race of man, different, in type, different in culture, different in lan- guage, from any known before that time. This race resembled neither the European types, nor the negroes, nor the better-known races of southern Asia. As the Spanish conquest of America pro- gressed, other peoples of oui' continent became l-mown to the invaders, and all showed a certain degree of outer resemblance, which led the Spaniards to designate them by the term "Indios" (Indians), the inhabitants of the country which was believed to be part of India. Thus the mistaken geographical term came to be applied to the inhabitants of the New World ; and owing to the contrast of their appearance to that of other races, and the peculiarities of their cultures and their languages, they came to be in tune considered as a racial unit. The same point of view still prevailed when the discoveries included more extended parts of the New World. The people with whom the Spaniards and Portuguese came into contact in South America, as well as the inhabitants of the northern parts of North America, all seemed to partake so much of the same characteristics, that they were readily classed with the natives first discovered, and were considered as a single race of mankind. 5 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 It was only when our knowledge of the Indian tribes increased, that differences between the various types of man inhabiting our continent became known. Differences in degree of culture, as well as ilifferences in language, were recognized at an early time. Much later came a recognition of the fact that the Indians of our conti- nent differ in type as much among themselves as do the members of other races. As soon as investigators began to concern themselves with these questions, the problem of the position of the natives of America among the races of mankind came to be of considerable interest, antl speculations in regard to their origin and relationships occur even in the early descriptions of the New World. Among the earlier attempts we find particularly endeavors to prove that certain parts of the beliefs and customs of the Indians agree with those of the Old World. Such agreements were consid- ered proof that the Indians belong to one of the races enumerated in biblical history; and the theory that they represent the lost tribes of Israel was propounded frequently, and has held its own for a long time. In a similar way were traced analogies between the languages of the New World and those of the Old World, and many investigators believe even now that they have established such relationships. Attempts were also made to prove similarities in appearance between the American races and other races, and thus to determine their position among the races of the Old World. Classifications based on Physical Type, Language, and Customs The problems involved in tlie determination of the relations of the various races have been approached from two different points of view — either the attempt has been made to assign a definite posi- tion to a race in a classificatory system of the races of man, or the history of the race has been traced as far back as available data may permit. The attempts to classify mankind are numerous. Setting aside the classifications based on biblical tradition, and considering only those that are based on scientific discussion, we find a number of attempts based on comparisons of the anatomical characteristics of mankind, combined with geographical considerations; others are based on the discussion of a combination of anatomical and cultural character- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 7 istics — traits which are considered as characteristic of certain groups of mankind; while still others are based primarily on the study of the languages spoken by people representing a certain anatomical type. The attempts that have thus been made have led to entirely differ- ent results. Blumenbach, one of the first scientists who attempted to classify mankind, first distingmshed five races — the Caucasian, Mongolian, Ethiopian, American, and Mala}'. It is fairly clear that this classification is based as much on geographical as on anatomical considerations, although the description of each race is primarily an anatomical one. Cuvier distinguished three races — the white, yellow, and black. Huxley proceeds more strictly on a biological basis. He combines part of the Mongolian and American races of Blumen- bach into one, assigns part of the South Asiatic peoples to the Austra- lian type, and subdivides the European races into a dark and a light division. The numerical preponderance of the European types has evidently led him to make finer distinctions in this race, which he divides into the xanthochroic and melanochroic races. It would' be easy to make subdivisions of equal value in other races. Still clearer is the influence of cultural points of view in classifica- tions like those of Gobineau and Klemm (who distinguishes the active and passive races), according to the cultural achievements of the various types of man. The most typical attempt to classify mankind from a consider- ation of both anatomical and linguistic points of view is that of Friederich Miiller, who takes as the basis of his primary divisions the form of hair, while all the minor divisions are based on linguistic considerations. Relations between Physical Type, Language, and Customs An attempt to correlate the numerous classifications that have been proposed shows clearly a condition of utter confusion and con- tradiction. If it were true that anatomical form, language, and cul- ture are all closely associated, and that each subdivision of mankind is characterized by a certain bodily form, a certain culture, and a cer- tain language, which can never become separated, we might expect that the results of the various investigations would show better agreement. If, on the other hand, the various phenomena which were made the leading points in the attempt at classification are not 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 closely associated, then we may naturally expect such contradic- tions and lack of agreement as are actually found. It is therefore necessaiy, first of all, to be clear in regard to the significance of anatomical characteristics, language, and culture, as characteristic of any subdivision of mankind. It seems desirable to consider the actual development of these various traits among the existing races. Pernianence of Pht/sical Type; Changes in Lanf/uage €tnd Cult If re At the present period we may observe many cases in which a com- plete change of language and culture takes place without a corre- sponding change in physical type. This is true, for instance, among the North American negroes, a people by descent largely African; in culture and language, however, essentially European. While it is true that certain survivals of African culture and language are found among our American negroes, their culture is essentially that of the uneducated classes of the people among whom the}- live, and their language is on the whole identical with that of their neigh- bors — English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, according to the prevalent language in various parts of the continent. It might be objected that the transportation of the African race to America was an artificial one, and that in earher times extended migrations and transplantations of tliis kind have not taken place. The history of medieval Europe, however, shows clearly that extended changes in language and culture have taken place many times without corresponding changes in blood. Recent investigations of the physical types of Europe have shown with great clearness that the distribution of types has remained the same for a long period. Without considering details, it may be said that an Alpine type can easily be distinguished from a north- European type on the one hand, and a south-European type on the other. The Alpine t3^pe appears fairly uniform over a large territory, no matter what language may be spoken and what national culture may prevail in the particular district. The central-European French- men, Germans, Italians, and Slavs are so nearly of the same type that we ma}^ safely assume a considerable degree of blood relation- ship, notwithstanding their linguistic difterences. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 9 Instances of similar kind, in wliich we find permanence of blood with far-reacliing modifications of language and culture, are found in other parts of the world. As an example may be mentioned the Veddah of Ceylon, a people fundamentally different in type from the neighboring Singhalese, whose language they seem to have adopted, and from whom they have also evidently borrowed a number of cultural traits. Still other examples are the Japanese of the northern part of Japan, who are undoubtedly, to a consider- able extent, Ainu in blood; and the Yukaghir of Siberia, who, while retaining to a great extent the old blood, have been assimilated in culture and language by the neighboring Tungus. J^ernianence of Language; Changes of Physical Type While it is therefore evident that in many cases a people, without undergoing a considerable change in type by mixture, have changed completely their language and culture, still other cases maybe adduced in which it can be shown that a people have retained their language while undergoing material changes in blood and culture, or in both. As an example of this may be mentioned the Magyar of Europe, who have retained their old language, but have become mixed with people speaking Indo-European languages, and who have, to all intents and purposes, adopted European culture. Similar conditions must have prevailed among the Athapascans, one of the great linguistic families of North America. The great body of people speaking languages belonging to this linguistic stock live in the northwestern part of America, while other dialects are spoken b}^ small tribes in California, and still others by a large body of people in Arizona and New Mexico. The relationship between all these dialects is so close that they must be considered as branches of one large group, and it must be assumed that all of them have sprung from a language once spoken over a continuous area. At the present time the people speaking these languages differ funda- mentally in type, the inhabitants of the Mackenzie river region being quite difterent from the tribes of California, and these, again, differing from the tribes of New Mexico. The forms of culture in these different regions are also quite distinct; the culture of the Cali- fornia Athapascans resembles that of other Californian tribes, while the culture of the Athapascans of New Mexico and Arizona is influenced by that of other peoples of that area. It seems most 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 plausible to assume in this case that branches of this stock migrated from one jiart of this large area to another, where they intermingled with the neighboring people, and thus changed their physical char- acteristics, while at the same time they retained their speech. With- out historical evidence this process can not, of course, be proved. I shall refer to this example later on. Changes of La^Hjuage and Type These two phenomena — a retention of type with a change of language, and a retention of language with a change of t^^pe — apparently opposed to each other, are still very closely related, and in many cases go hand in hand. An example of this is, for instance, the distribution of the Arabs along the north coast of Africa. On tlie whole, the Arab element has retained its language; but at the same time intermarriages with the native races were common, so that the descendants of the Arabs have often retained the old language and have changed their tj^pe. On the other hand, the natives have to a certain extent given up their own languages, but have continued to intermarry among themselves and have thus preserved their type. So far as any change of tliis kind is connected with intermixture, both t3'pes of changes must always occur at the same time, and will be classed as a change of type or a change of language, as our attention is directed to the one people or the other, or, in some cases, as the one or the other change is more pronounced. Cases of complete assimilation without any mixture of the people involved seem to be rare, if not entirely absent. Peritianence of Type and Lajiguage; Change of CaJture Cases of permanence -of type and language and of change of culture are much more numerous. As a matter of fact, the whole historical development of Europe, from prehistoric times on, is one endless series of examples of this process, which seems to be much easier, since assimilation of cultures occurs everywhere without actual blood mixture, as an effect of imitation. Proof of diffusion of cultural elements ma}' be found in every single cultural area wliich covers a district in wliich many languages are spoken. In North America, California offers a good example of tliis kind; for here many lan- guages are spoken, and there is a certain degree of differentiation of type, but at the same time a considerable uniformity of culture pre- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 11 vails. Another case in point is the coast of New Guinea, where, notwithstanding strong local differentiations, a certain fairly char- acteristic type of culture prevails, wliich goes hand in hand with a strong differentiation of languages. Among more liighly civihzed peoples, the whole area which is under the influence of Chinese cul- ture might be given as an example. These considerations make it fairly clear that, at least at the present time, anatomical type, language, and culture have not necessarily the same fates; that a people may remain constant in type and language and change in culture; that they may remain constant in type, but change in language; or that they may remain constant in language and change in type and culture. If this is true, then it is obvious that attempts to classify mankind, based on the present distribution of type, language, and culture, must lead to different results, accord- ing to the point of view taken; that a classification based primarily on type alone \nll lead to a system wliich represents, more or less accurately, the blood relationships of the people, which do not need to coincide ^ith their cultural relationships; and that, in the same way, classifications based on language and culture do not need at all to coincide with a biological classification. If tliis be true, then a problem like the nuich discussed Aryan problem really does not exist, because the problem is primarily a linguistic one, relating to the history of the Aryan languages; and the assumption that a certain definite people whose members have always been related by blood must have been the carriers of tliis language throughout history; and the other assumption, that a cer- tain cultural type must have always belonged to tliis people — are purely arbitrary ones and not in accord wdtli the observed facts. Hypothesis of Original Correlation of Type, Language, and • Culture Nevertheless, it must be granted, that in a theoretical considera- tion of the history of the tj'^pes of mankind, of languages, and of cultures, we are 1-ed back to the assumption of early conditions during which each type was much more isolated from the rest of mankind than it is at the present time. For this reason, the culture and the language belonging to a single type must have been much more sharply separated from those of other types than we ^nd them to be at the present period. It is true that such a condition has nowhere 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [hull. 40 been observed: but the knowledge of historical developments almost compels us to assume its existence at a very early period in the devel- opment of mankind. If this is true, the question would arise, whether an isolated group, at an earl}^ period, was necessaril}' char- acterized by a single type, a single language, and a single culture, or whether in such a group different types, different languages, and different cultures may have been represented. The liistorical development of mankind would afford a simpler and clearer picture, if we were justified in assuming that in primitive communities the three phenomena had been intimately associated. No proof, however, of such an assumption can be given. On the contrary, the present distribution of languages, as compared with the distribution of types, makes it plausible that even at the earliest times the biological units may have been wider than the linguistic units, and presumably also wider than the cultural units. I believe that it may be safely said that all over the world the biological unit is much larger than the linguistic unit: in other words, that groups of men who are so closely related in bodily appearance that we must consider them as representatives of the same variety of mankind, embrace a much larger number of individuals than the number of men speaking languages which we know to be genetically related. Examples of this kind may l)e given from many parts of the world. Thus, the European race — including under this term roughly all those indivitluals who are without hesitation classed b}?^ us as mem- bers of the white race — would include peoples speaking Indo-Euro- pean, Basque, and Ural-i^ltaic languages. West African negroes would represent individuals of a certain negro type, but speaking the most diverse languages; and the same would be true, among Asiatic types, of Siberians; among American types, of part of the Calif ornian Indians. So far as our histoiical evidence goes, there is no reason to believe that the number of distinct languages has at any time been less than it is now. On the contrary, all our evidence goes to show that the number of apparently unrelated languages has been much greater in earlier times than at present. On the other hand, the number of types that have presumably become extinct seems to be rather small, so that there is no reason to suppose that at an early period there should have been a nearer correspondence between the number of distinct linguistic and anatomical types; and we are thus led to BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 13 the conclusion that presumably, at an early time, each human type may have existed in a number of small isolated groups, each of which may have possessed a language and culture of its own. However tliis may be, the probabilities are decidedly in favor of the assumption that there is no necessity to assume that originally each language and culture were confined to a single type, or that each type and culture were confined to one language: in short, that there has been at any time a close correlation between these three phe- nomena. The assumption that type, language, and culture were originally closely correlated would entail the further assumption that these three traits developed approximately at the same period, and that they developed conjointly for a considerable length of time. This assumption does not seem by any means plausible. The fundamen- tal types of man which are represented in the negroid race and in the mongoloid race must have been differentiated long before the formation of those forms of speech that are now recognized in the linguistic families of the world. I think that even the differentia- tion of the more important subdivisions of the great races antedates the formation of the existing linguistic families. At any rate, the biological differentiation and the formation of speech were, at this early period, subject to the same causes that are acting upon them now, and our whole experience shows that these causes act .much more rapidly on language than on the human body. In this consideration lies the principal reason for the theory of lack of corre- lation of type and language, even during the period of formation of types and of linguistic families. What is true of language is obviously even more true of culture. In other words, if a certain type of man migrated over a considerable area before its language assumed the form which can now be traced in related linguistic groups, and before its" culture assumed the definite type the further development of which can now be recognized, there would be no possibility of ever discovering a correlation of type, language, and culture, even if it had ever existed; but it is quite possible that such correlation has really never occurred. It is c[uite conceivable that a certain racial type may have scat- tered over a considerable area during a formative period of speech, and that the languages which developed among the various groups 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 of this racial type came to be so different that it is now impossible to prove them to be genetically related. In the same way, new developments of culture may have taken place which are so entirely disconnected with older types that the older genetic relationships, even if they existed, can no longer be discovered. If we adopt this point of view, and thus eliminate the hypothetical assumption of correlation between primitive type, primitive language, and primitive culture, we recognize that any attempt at classification wliich includes more than one of these traits can not be consistent. It may be added that the general term "culture" which has been used here may be subdivided from a considerable number of points of view, and different results again might be expected when we consider the inventions, the tj^pes of social organization, or beliefs, as leading points of view in our classification. Artificial Character of All Classifications of Mankind We recognize thus that every classification of mankind must be more or less artificial, according to the point of xiew selected, and here, even more than in the domain of biology, we find that classifi- cation can only be a substitute for the genesis and history of the now existing types. Thus we recognize that the essential object in comparing diiferent tvpes of man must be the reconstruction of the history of the develop- ment of their types, their languages, and their cultures. The history of each of these various traits is subject to a distinct set of modifying causes, and the investigation of each may be expected to contribute data toward the solution of our problem. The biological investiga- tion may reveal the blood-relationships of types and their modifica- tions under social and geographical environment. The linguistic investigation may disclose the history of languages, the contact of the people speaking them with other people, and the causes that led to linguistic differentiation and integration; while the histor}^ of civili- zation deals with the contact of a people with neighboring peoples, as well as with the liistory of its own achievements. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 15 n. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF LANGUAGE Definition of Language The discussions of the preceding chapter have shown that a con- sideration of the human languages alone must not be understood to yield a history of the blood-relationsliips of races and of their com- ponent elements, but that all that we can hope to obtain is a clear understanding of the relationship of the languages, no matter by whom they may be spoken. Before discussing the extent to which we may reconstruct the history of languages, it seems necessary to describe briefly the essential traits of human speech. In our present discussion we do not deal with gesture-language or musical means of communication, but confine ourselves to the discussion of articulate speech; that is, to communication by means . of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs — the larynx, oral cavity, tongue, lips, and nose. Character of Phonetics Speech consists of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs, partly noises made by opening and closing certain places in the larynx, pharynx, mouth, or nose, or by restricting certain parts of the passage of the breath; partly resonant sounds pro- duced by the vocal chords. Niiniher of Sounds Unlifiiited The number of sounds that may be produced in this manner is unlimited. In our own language we select onl}" a limited number of all possible sounds; for instance, some sounds, like p, are pro- duced by the closing and a sudden opening of the lips; others, like t, by bringing the tip of the tongue into contact with the anterior portion of the palate, by producing a closure at this point, and by suddenly expelling the air. On the other hand, a sound might be produced by placing the tip of the tongue between the lips, making a closure in this manner, and by expelling the air suddenly. This sound would to our ear partake of the character of both our t and our 2), while it would correspond to neither of these. A comparison of the sounds of the well-known European languages — like English, French, and German; or even of the different dialects of the same 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 languages, like those of Scotch and of the various English dialects — reveals the fact that considerable variation occurs in the manner of producing sounds, and that each dialect has its own characteristic phonetic system, in which each sound is nearly fixed, although sub- ject to slight modifications which are due to accident or to the effects of surrounding sounds. Each La^iffiiaffe Uses a Li united Ninnhev of Sounds One of the most important facts relating to the phonetics of human speech is, that every single language has a definite and limited group of sounds, and that the number of those used in any particular dialect is never excessively large. It would seem that this limitation in the use of sounds is neces- sary in order to make possible rapid communication. If the num- ber of sounds that are used in any particular language were unlim- ited, the accuracy with which the movements of the complicated mechanism required for producing the sounds are performed would presumably be lacking, and consequently rapidity and accuracy of pronunciation, and with them the possibility of accurate interpre- tation of the sounds heard, would be difficult, or even impossible. On the other hand, limitation of the number of sounds brings it about that the movements required in the production of each become automatic, that the association between the sound heard and the muscular movements, and that between the auditory impression and the muscular sensation of the articulation, become firmly fixed. Thus it would seem that limited phonetic resources are necessary for easy communication. Alleged Lack of Differentiation of Sounds in I*ritnitive Languages It has been maintained that this is not a characteristic found in more primitive types of languages, and particularly, examples of American languages have often been brought forward to show that the accuracy of their pronunciation is much less than that found in the languages of the civilized world. It would seem that this view is based largely on the fact that cer- tain sounds that occur in American languages are interpreted by observers sometimes as one European sound, sometimes as another. Thus the Pawnee language contains a sound which may be heard BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 17 more or less distinctly sometimes as an I, sometimes an r, sometimes as n, and again as d, which, however, without afiy doubt, is through- out the same sound, although modified to a certain extent by its position in the word and by surrounding sounds. It is an exceed- ingly weak r, made by trilling with the tip of the tongue at a point a little behind the roots of the incisors, and in which the tongue hardly leaves the palate, the trill being produced by the lateral part of the tongue adjoining the tip. As soon as the trill is heard more strongly, we receive the impression of an r. When the lateral movement prevails and the tip of the tongue does not seem to leave the palate, the impression of an I is strongest, while when the trill is almost suppressed and a sudden release of the tongue from the palate takes place, the impression of the d is given. The impression of an n is produced because the sound is often accompanied by an audible breathing through the nose. This peculiar sound is, of course, entirely foreign to our phonetic sj'stem; but its variations are not greater than those of the English r in various combinations, as in hroth, mother, where. The different impression is brought about by the fact that the sound, according to its prevailing character, associates itself either with our I, or our r, n, or d. Other examples are quite common. Thus, the lower Chinook has a sound which is readily perceived as a h, m, or w. As a matter of fact, it is a & sound, produced by a very weak closure of the lips and with open nose, the breath passing weakly both through the mouth and through the nose, and accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. This sound associates itself with our h, which is produced by a moderately weak release of the lips; with our m, which is a free breath through the nose with closed lips; and with our w, which is a breath through the lips, which are almost closed, all accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. The association of this sound with w, is particularl}' marked when it appears in combina- tion with a u vowel, which imitates the characteristic u tinge of our w. Still another example is the h sound, which is produced with half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State of Washington. In this case the characteristic trait of the sound is a semiclosure of the nose, similar to the effect produced by a cold in the head. Not less common are sounds intermediate between our vowels. Thus we seem to find in a number of Indian languages 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 2 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 a vowel which is sometimes perceived as o, sometimes as u (con- tinental pronunciation), and which is in reality pronounced in a posi- tion intermediate between these two sounds. The correctness of this interpretation of Indian phonetics is per- haps best proved by the fact that observers belonging to different nationalities readily perceive the sounds in accordance with the sys- tem of sounds with which they are familiar. Often it is not diffi- cult to recognize the nationality of a recorder from the system selected by him for the rendering of sounds. Still another proof of the correctness of this view of Indian pho- netics is given by the fact that, wherever there is a greater number of Indian sounds of a class represented by a single sound in English, our own sounds are misinterpreted in similar manner. Thus, for instance, the Indians of the North Pacific coast have a series of Z sounds, which may be roughly compared to our sounds tl, cl, gl. Consequently, a word like close is heard by the Indians sometimes one way, sometimes another; our cl is for them an intermediate sound, in the same way as some Indian sounds are intermediate sounds to our ears. The alternation of the sounds is clearly an effect of perception through the medium of a foreign system of phonetics, not that of a greater variability of pronunciation than the one that is characteristic of our own sounds. Wliile the phonetic system of each language is limited and fixed, the sounds selected in different types of languages show great differ- ences, and it seems necessary to compare groups of languages from the point of view of their constituent phonetic elements. Srief Description of Phonetics A complete discussion of this subject can not be given at this place; but a brief statement of the characteristics of articulate sounds, and the manner of rendering them by means of symbols, seems necessary. All articulate sounds are produced by the vibrations of the articu- lating organs, which are set in motion by breathing. In the vast majority of cases it is the outgoing breath which causes the vibra- tions; while in a few languages, as in those of South Africa, the breath, while being drawn in, is used for producing the sound. One group of sounds is produced by the vibration of the vocal chords, and is characterized by the form given to the cavities of BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 19 mouth and nose. These are the vowels. When the nose is closed, we have pure vowels; when the posterior part of the nose is more or less open, more or less nasalized vowels. The character of the vowel depends upon the form given to the oral cavity. The timbre of the vowels changes according to the degree to which the larynx is raised; the epiglottis lowered or raised; the tongue retracted or brought forward and its back rounded or flattened; and the lips rounded and brought forward, or an elongated opening of the mouth produced by retracting the corners of the mouth. With open lips and the tongue and pharynx at rest, but the soft palate (velum) raised, we have the pure vowel a, similar to the a in father. From this sound the vowels vary in two principal directions. The one extreme is u (like oo in English fool) , with small round opening of the protruding lips, tongue retracted, and round opening between tongue and palate, and large opening between larynx and pharynx, the larynx still being almost at rest. The transitional sounds pass through a {aw in English law) and o (as in most), but the range of intermediate positions is continuous. In another direction the vowels pass from a through e (a in English mane) to i {ee in fleet). The i is pronounced with extreme retraction of the corners of the mouth and elongated opening of the lips, mth very narrow fiat open- ing between tongue and palate, and the posterior part of the tongue brought forward, so that there is a wide opening in the back part of the mouth, the larynx being raised at the same time. Variations of vowels may be produced by a different grouping of the movements of the articulating organs. Thus, when the lips are in i position, the tongue and pharynx and larynx in u position, we have the sound u, which is connected with the a by a series passing through 0. These sounds are similar to the German umlaut. Other combinations of positions of the tongue and of the Hps occur, although the ones here described seem to be the most fre- quent vowel-sounds. All vowels may become very much weakened in strength of articulation, and dwindle down to a slight intona- tion of the vocal chords, although retaining the peculiar vowel timbre, which depends upon the position of mouth, nose, and lips. When this articulation becomes very weak, all the vowels tend to become quite similar in character, or may be influenced in their timbre by neighboring consonants, as will be described later. 20 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 All sounds produced by vibrations in any part of the articulating organs other than the vocal chords are consonants. These vibra- tions may be produced either by closing the air-passages com- pletely and then suddenly opening the closure, or by producing' a narrowing or stricture at any point. The former series of sounds are called "stops" (like our p, t, Ic). In all of these there is a com- plete closure before the air is expelled. The latter are called "spi- rants " or " continued " (like our s and/), in which there is a continu- ous escape of breath. When a stop is made and is followed l)y a breathing through a stricture at the same place, sounds develop like our ts. These are called " affricatives." When the mouth is com- pletely stopped, and the air escapes through the nose, the sound is called a "nasal consonant" (like our m and n). There may also be stricture and nasal opening. A rapidly repeated series of stops, a trill, is represented by our r. The character of the sound depends largely upon the parts of the articulating organs that produce the closure or stricture, and upon the place where these occur. Closure or stricture may be made by the lips, lips and tongue, lips and teeth, tongue and teeth, tongue and hard palate, tongue and soft palate (velum), by the vocal chords, and in the nose. In the following table, only the principal groups of consonants are described. Rare sounds are omitted. According to what has been said before, it will be recognized that here also the total number of possible sounds is infinitely large. Bilabial stop p Linguo-palatal stops: Apical (dental, alveolar, post-alveolar) . . . t Cerebral (produced \\'ith the tip of the tongue turned backward) t Dorsal : Anterior palatal . . : k* Medial k Velar q Glottal (a stop produced with the vocal chords) . . "^ Nasal X Almost all these stops ma}' be modified by giving to the closure a different degree of stress. In English we have two principal de- grees of stress, represented, for instance, by our h and p or d and t. In many languages, as, for instance, in Sioux and in the languages of the Pacific coast, there are three degrees of stress that may be BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 21 readily differentiated. The strongest of these we call the ''fortis," and indicate it b}^ following the consonant by an ! (p/, t!). When these stops are not accompanied by any kind of vibra- tion of the vocal chords, they are called "surds." It is, of course, also possible that more than one stop may be made at one time. Thus it might be possible to close at the same time the hps and the posterior part of the mouth with the tongue. This tj'pe of combination is, however, rare; but we find very frequently articulation of the vocal chords with stops. This results in the voiced consonants, or sonants. In English we find that almost always the stress of articulation of the voiced sound is less than the stress of articulation of the unvoiced sound, or surd; but tliis cor- relation is not necessary. In American languages particularly, we find very commonly the same degree of stress used with voicing and without voicing, which brings it about that to the European ear the surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish. A third modification of the consonants is brought about by the strength of breathing accompanying the release of the closure. In a sound like t, for instance, the sound may be simply produced by closing the mouth, by laying the tip of the tongue firmly against the palate, producing a slightly increased amount of air-pressure beliind the tongue, and then releasing the closure. On the other hand, the sound may be produced by bringing about the closure and combining the release with the expiration of a full breath. Sounds which are accompanied by tliis full breathing may be called "aspirates," and we ^\dll designate the aspiration by ', the symbol of the Greek spiritus asper. This full breatliing may follow the stop, or may begin even before the completion of the closure. With the increased stress of closure of the fortis is connected a closure of the glottis or of the posterior part of the tongue, so that only the air that has been poured into the vocal cavity is expelled. In the case of voiced consonants, the voicing may either be en- tirely s3"nchronous with the consonant, or it may slightly precede or follow it. In both of these cases we may get the impression of a preceding or following exceedingl}^ weak vowel, the timbre of wliich wall depend essentially upon the accompanying consonant. When the timbre is ver^^ indefinite, we WTite this vowel E; when it is more definite, A, I, 0, U, etc. In other cases, where the release at the 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 40 closure is made without a full breath going out, and simply by com- pressing the air slightly in the space behind the closure, a break is very liable to originate between the stop and the following sound of the word. Such a hiatus in the word is indicated by an apos- trophe ('). It seems likely that, where such a hiatus occurs fol- lowing a vowel, it is generally due to a closing of the glottis. Most of the phenomena here described may also occur with the spirants and nasals, which, however, do not seem to differ so much in regard to strength; wliile the character of the outgoing breath, the voicing and the breaking-ofl, show traits similar to those observed among the stops. All the stops may be changed into nasals by letting the air escape through the nose wliile the closure is continued. In this manner originate our n and m. The nasal opening may also differ in width, and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi-nasalized consonants. In the spirant sounds before described, the escape of the air is along the middle line of the palate. There are a number of other sounds in which the air escapes laterally. These are represented by our I. They also may vary considerably, according to the place and form of the opening through which the air escapes and the form of closure of the mouth. It seems that the peculiar timbre of some of the consonants depends also upon the resonance of the oral opening. This seems to be particularly the case in regard to the t and Z: sounds. In pronouncing the t sounds, one of the essential characteristics seems to be that the posterior part of the mouth is open, while the anterior portion of the mouth is filled by the tongue. In the Tc series, on the other hand, the posterior portion of the mouth is iilled by the tongue, while the anterior portion remains open. Sounds produced with both the posterior and anterior portion of the mouth open partake of the character of both the Tc and t series.^ Two of the vowels show a close affiliation to consonants of the continuant series. These are i and u, owing largely to the fact that in i the position of the tongue is very nearly a stricture in the anterior portion of the mouth, while in u the position of the lips is quite near to a stricture. Thus originate the semi-vowels y and w. The last sound that must be mentioned is the free breathing li, which, in its i See p. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, II, 834. boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 23 most characteristic form, is produced by the expiration of the breath with all the articulating organs at rest. In tabular form we obtain thus the following series of the most important consonantic sounds: Stops. Spirants. Nasals. Trill. Sonant. Surd. Fortis. Sonant. Surd. Sonant. Surd. Sonant. Surd. BUabial b P p! V V ? C i z V r 1 f t The pairs n, e, and au, a, are represented in Kato and other Eel river dialects by e(j, e', and 017, a'. §§ 8, 9 102 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 10. Denominating Concepts Most nouns are clearl}' separated from verbs, botli in form and meaning. Many nouns are monosyllabic, entirel}' lacking in descrip- tive power, and having meaning because they have become associated in the mind with the object for whicli the}' stand. Of essentialh' the same character are the names of the parts of the bod}- and terms of relationship, which are alwa3's found with a prefixed possessive pro- noun, the purely nominal part being a single sj'llable. There are a few compound nouns, either co-ordinate and in juxtaposition, or one modifying the other. Certain nouns are formed b}" suffixes Avhich are strictly limited to a nominal use. Of such character are the aug- mentativ'e and diminutive suffixes -kyo and -itc. Other suffixes have the meaning of dwelling in, frequenting, or being found in the place named by the stem to which they are attached; for example, xontehtau place broad he frequents (coyote). ^yhile nouns of this class do describe and predicate certain things, that is not their chief purpose. The description is for the purpose of pointing out definitely an object bv discriminating between it and other related objects. A number of nouns have a verbal form, and describe the object referred to by giving some characteristic position, form, or action. For this purpose the verb ma}' appear alone in the active or passive voice, or a noun may be placed before it to serv^e as its object or limit of motion. It is probable that some such verbal forms, having lost their verbal force, have furnished a number of polysyllabic nouns which have now no descriptive meaning in the mind of the Hupa, and do not yield to attempts at analysis. These complexes which serve the office of nouns, indicating an object or animal by means of a characterization of it, are really substantive clauses. There are a few suffixes whii-h are employed with both nouns and verbs. They are temporal, indicating that the thing or act belongs to the past or future rather than the present. § 11. Predicating Concepts The verbs differ from the nouns in that they are almost invariably polysyllabic, and have the meaning of a complete sentence. The more essential part or root of the verb is usually not associated in the mind with a certain object or animal, but with some particular act or motion: as -to^ which means to insert or exsert an object into a tubular §§ 10, 11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 103 OPENING. There are a number of roots which are connected with objects; not, however, naming them specilicall}^, but indicating the class to which the}" belong- as regards size, shape, or physical char- acter. The few roots which do agree in form with monosyllabic nouns seem to name the object bj^ means of which the act is done. The form of the complete verb differs from the ordinary noun in that it has prefixes as well as suffixes, and in the character of these formative elements, which, with the exceptions noted above, differ from those employed in nouns. They differ in function in that they invariably have predicative force, while nouns either lack predicative force or have it incidentally. § 12. Syntactic Relations The syntactic relation of subject and object to the predicate, when both are expressed by nouns, is shown by their order in the sentence. When only one is expressed by a noun, it may be determined, in most cases, whether it is intended as subject or object by the form of the incorporated pronoun, which is emploj^ed in the verb regardless of the employment or non-emplo\'ment of nouns. However, in the case of a subject and object which are both of the third person and both other than adult Hupa, only one of them being expressed as a noun, it is impossible to tell, except from the context, whether such a noun is the subject or object. The relation of possession is distinctly and regularly expressed by the prefixing of the possessive pronoun to the limited word and the placing of this compound after the word which limits it. Parts of the body and terms of relationship do not occur without prefixed possess- ive pronouns. Other syntactic relations are expressed by means of post-positions, having the appropriate force, placed after the weaker form of the pronoun. These post-positions, with their accompanj'ing pronouns, stand after the nouns which the}^ limit. § 13. Classification In the third person of the pronoun, personal and possessive, adult Hupa are distinguished from young and old members of the tribe, from animals and inanimate objects, by a special form. There are no grammatical forms by which objects are classified. Classification is sometimes indicated, however, in the verb, the stem expressing the character of the object to which the predicate refers, §§12,13 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the objects being characterized as long, round, flat plural in nunil)er, etc. In the intransitive verb this classification relates to the subject; in the transitive verb, to the object. § 14. Number Only a few nouns have forms for the plural. These are those denot- ing age and station in life, and relationship. The independent as well as the incorporated and pretixed pronouns are capable of expressing the plural in the tirst and second persons by means of additional forms. The plural of the tirst person includes, or may include, the third person as well as the second. In the third person, -i/a- is placed before the root for a plural sub- ject and also for a plural object. One must judge from the context which is intended to be plural, i/a- is also prefixed to the possessive form. In the singular, his father is expressed b}" /ki/' .i-ota^. Some- times for THEIR FATHER JmI yaxbtct^ is found, hid being the article. In certain intransitive verbs a dual is indicated by using the root, indicating a plural subject, without -?/«-, while for the plural -ya- is inserted. In many cases Hupa employs the singular, as is shown by the verb, where the plural would be required in English. When a number of individuals do anything as a unit, as in a dance, the singular is used. § 15. Distribution The distributives in Hupa are carefully distinguished from the plu- rals. For the expression of distribution the prefix te- is employed: for example, tcenihyai he went out tcenindeL two went out tceyaniiideL the}" went out tcetedeL one by one they went out The same element expresses distribution as to the object. For example, yawin^an he picked up a stone yawillai he picked up stones yate^an he picked up a stone here and there Distinct from this is the intermittence of the act itself. That a thing is done now and again, or habitual^, is indicated by a syllable, probabl}^ utneeii his wife used to be (she is now dead). The same form might mean only that the possession of her had ceased. The future, as in verbs, is indicated by -te: for example, mitLowete their medicine it avill be (Indians who are to possess it have not 3'^et come into existence). U 26, 27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 111 Verbs (§§ 28-75) § 28, Structure The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, presents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. For example, xanalsdiyade^ if she comes back up has, first an adverbial prefix ,/■«-, denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill; next is found the particle -na-^ having an iterative force, showing that the act is done a second time (in this case it is only intended to show that the path from the river is passed over a second time); the s^ilable -/«-, b}^ the consonant it contains, shows that the act is thought of as pro- gressive over the surface of the ground. The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indicates that the act is thought of as per- formed by an adult Hupa, otherwise .9 would have been joined to the preceding na-. The lack of a sign of person or number at this point in the verb allows no other conclusion than that the third person singu- lar is intended. The syllable -c/I-, of which d seems to be the essen- tial part, usually follows the iterative prefix -na-, the two being equivalent, perhaps, to English back again. The next S3^11able, -ya-^ may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk, and also of the coming of non-material things. Had this verb been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. Had some animal been the subject, the root would probably have characterized the gait of the animal. The final suffix -de^ indicates a future contingency. Formative Elemetits (§§ 29-o0) § 29. GENERAL REMARKS The more extended forms of the verb have one or more prefixes preceding the root, and one or more suffixes following it. By means of the prefixes, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or completed, are expressed. By changes in a single syllable, that which usuall}^ directly precedes the root, the person and number of the subject are indicated. These changes almost amount to inflection. By variations in the form of the root, the number of the subject in intransitive verbs, and of the object in .§§ 28, 29 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 transitive verbs, is shown; and also whether the act or state is one and definite in time, or repeated and continuous. By the suffixes which follow the root, the action is further limited as to its time, continu- ance, or likelihood. PREFIXES (§§ 30-37) § 30. Classification of Prefixes according to their Position and Significance The prefixes employed in the verb have a fixed order, in accordance with the class of ideas they express. They may be classified as — (1) Adverbial prefixes, first position. (2) Adverbial prefix, second position. (3) Deictic prefixes, third position. (4) First modal prefixes, fourth position. (5) Second modal prefixes, fifth position. (6) Pronominal prefixes, sixth position. (7) Third modal prefixes, seventh position. § 31. Adverbial Prefixes, First Position These are adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. The most important of these follow: 1. ya- (1) is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things up from the ground, and of motion wholh^ or parth' through the air, as the carrj^^ing of objects and the flight of birds. The primary meaning seems to be in the air, above the surface of the ground. yaiom^a he was sitting 162.11 (definite, class I, conjugation 1 J/ § 54; ^a to be in a position) yawin^an he picked up a stone 342.1 (definite, class I, conjuga- tion 1 J, § 54; ^an to transport several round things) yauuhJcas he threw up 96.3 (definite, class II, conjugation 1 h; § 64; leas to throw) yaiolnen he carried it {iven to carry) 2. ytt- (2) seems to have the meaning of the object being reduced to many pieces. yanakisdimmillei she smashed it 152.16 {na- again, § 32; ^-, § 34; «-, § 35; -d, 3d modal, after na- § 32, p. 116; mil- to throw several things; -ei suffix, § 40) yanaiskil he split 142.3 {iia- again, § 32; s-, § 35; kit- to split) §§ 30, 31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 113 3. ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and spaces however slig-htly enclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes and baskets. yenawityai he went into (a house) 98.15 yenawiLmeii he made it swim into (a river from the ocean) 266.2 yelntCiLne^ you must step into (a canoe) 209.2 {f,al to step) yetceihkas he threw into (a basket) 288.7 4. wa- (1) seems to mean through witli verbs of cutting and burning. wakiymillitxdlan they were burned through 119.3 {lit to burn) waMmilnkats he cut through 5. wa- (2) is employed with verbs of handing or giving something to a man or an auimal. xowaiLda he handed it to him 181.13 {xd him) wa'immll he always distributes them 196.8. 6. Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of ob- jects. It has the special meaning of building a tire from the placing-together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a circle, or a circuit in travelling. Lena/lsloi^ he tied together 210.5 Lenanillal he built a fire Lenanihten he took it all the way around (the world) 7. me- (1) seems to have the meaning of position at, or motion to, • against, or along the surface of, something. TYienaisdiyai he climbed (a tree) 103.12 menemeii he landed him (against the shore) 162.9 tneittan he stuck to it 202.3 mewihioaL he beat on 8. tne- (2) is similar to ?/ Originally -ag -a", and -eg -e'\ therefore similar to the following -at -a. §48 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 129 Sixth Type, -at, -a -wat, -wa to shake itself (said of a dog) -lat^ -la to float -Lat^ -La to run, to jump -xait^ -xai to buy -tcat^ -tea to be sick, to become ill -Jcait, -hcii to cause to project, to push, to pole a canoe, to shoot, to fall forward from weakness (i. e., to starve) -kyot^ -hyd to flee, to run away -tsat^ -tsa to sit down Seventh Type, -I, -z, -il, -ih to swim, to dive (plural only) -yol, -yoL to blow with the breath -wal^ -loaL to shake a stick, to dance -lal, -laL to dream, to sleep -nel.) -neL to play -nol^ -noL to blaze -hwal, -hyKiL to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook -hwil^ -hwiL to call by name, to name -xal^ -xaL to dawn -dil^ -dih to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow -tsel^ -tseL to be or to become warm -Icil^ -kiL to split with the hands -gpl^ -qoL to crawl, to creep Eighth Type, -ts, -s -mats^ -mas to roll, to coil •xuts^ -xus to pass through the air, to fl}", to fall, to throw -tats^ -tils to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels Ninth type, -tc, -w -atc^ -auw to move in an undulating line -qotc^ -qow to throw, like a spear -qotc^ qow to run like a wolf § 49. Roots with. One Form A few of these vary in length, but those having the vowels i and u and some others do not. -eL to have position (plural only) -iuw to drop -its to shoot an arrow -its to wander about -lit to move flat flexible objects -ya to stand on one's feet (plural only) §49 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 9 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 -ye to dance -yeuw to rest -yeiiw to rub, to knead -yits to entangle -yd to like -yow to flow, to scatter -yot to chase, to bark after -toauw to talk, to make a noise (plural only) -7cas to shave oflf -wis to twist, to rotate -tvf'te to rock sidewise -le to feel with the hands -lei to carry more than one animal or ciiild in the hands -lei to bother -lit to burn -lite to urinate -lik to relate, to tell something -loi^ to tie, to wrap around -Ids to drag, to pull along -Iftw to watch, to stand guard over -Lit to cause to burn -me^ to swim -me7i to cause to swim -niedj to cook by boiling -mit to turn over, to place one's self belly up or dow^n -mut to break out (as a spring of water), to ])reak open -na to cook b}- placing before the fire -na to move -ne to gather nuts ''from the ground) -nuw to hear -hwe^ to dig -xa to have position (said of water or a liquid) -xut to hang -xut to tear down -xuts to bite, to chew -sit to wake -da^ to be poor in flesh -da^ to carry, to move (said of a person or animal) -dai^ to bloom -dik to peck -dits to twist into a rope -do to cut, to slash -do to dodge, to draw back -djifl to mind, to be bothered hy something -te^ to look for, to search after -te^ to carry around §49 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 131 -te to remain in a recumbent position -tetc to lie down (plural only) -tits to use a cane ~td^ referring to the movement or position of water -tot to drink -tu to beg -turn to split -tuk to count -te^ to have some particular form, appearance, or nature -tik to tie with a string -fo relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of which one is inserted into or withdrawn from the other -tsai to be or to make dry -tms to swing a stick about, to whip -tse^ to open or shut a sliding door -tse^ to stay, to live (plural only) -tsis to be hanging -tsis to find, to know -tsit to know a person or some fact or legend -tdt to fall, to sink -tsit to soak acorn-meal -tsit to pull out a knot -tsit to wait -tce^ to blow (said of the wind) -tcit to die -tcut to strip off, to take bark from a tree -tcvnt to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self -tcwog to sweep -tciouw to smell of -git to be afraid of, to be frightened -git to travel in company has to throw -het to creak -kis to put one's hand on, to sfeab, to spear -kit to catch wMth the hands, to take away -Jcit to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog) -kit to feed, to give food to any one -h^tc to make the stroke or throw in playing shinnj'^ -kya^ to wear a dress -kya to perceive l)y an}^ of the senses -kyas to break, to cause to break -kyos to handle or to move anj^thing that is flat and flexible -qal to walk (3d person only) -qot to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke -qot to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessl}" §49 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 § 50. Meaning of Roots In regard to ineaniuo-, roots fall into at least three classes. (1) A few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed; while the gen- eral nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which pre- cedes the root. For example, -tits (a verbal root identical with the noun tits a cane) occurs in the verb tcittehtits he walked with a cane. (2) A rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it belongs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. The most important of these are the following: -«a?i, -^Cm, -^auui round objects -ut flat and flexible -wen^ -win,-wum fire -lai, -la^ -hlw several of ari}^ kind -lei several children or animals -Lu, -Le dough -xan., -xun, -xmiw liquid -da a person or animal -tan., -tUn^ -tuw a long object -ten.^ -tin., -tuw person, animal, or animal product -tan., tdri wax or waxlike -tcwai the soil -kyos, flat and flexible object These verbal roots are rigidly restricted in their applicability to objects of definite form, including in this categor}' number. This classification has reference to the appearance of objects as round, FLAT and flexible, LONG AXD SLIM, ANIMATE, PLURAL. In the intransitive verb this has reference to the form of the subject; in the transitive verb, to the form of the object. (3) Most if not all the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible, with no knowl- edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little access to the related languages, to define exactly the meaning of many of the roots. §31. Analysfs of Verltal Fonns A few of the more complex forms are analyzed in the following table in accordance with the general discussion of the formative ele- ments contained in the preceding sections. §§ 50, 51 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 133 CO o" -C o o 0. 00 s 2 s c j: a) c o to 00 .B C >. 1 o a >. 00 to cc 1 C C 4: to g 'S bo a 03 0) c 6c CO a 3 CO tlO c _G "c c 0) 1 i c a E. a 2

1 •SJ ^ ^ 2 s S !§ 1. •*3 a a e t ■^ s e ! >^ 1 SI SI s i i 8 *5 1 "5 o to a •J e 8 •s c •e s •J ►J s I 8 s 8 oc ■B .§8 gl "C w 31 a ■e ■a t; MS § S g g s to 8 s g 8 ^ g « "5 cog 1 s *i ■e Ji ■« •^ « ^ Ji S •Si ■B •B 8 « e a . a 0) "1? s e s 1 8 S •1 s 8 S e s >J ■H '§ SI 8 si 10' e s s e 8 s '2 e s 8 •1 s •1 8 8 8 §51 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [lu i.i.. 40 § »5^. Tenses and Modes While tho time, reality, and defiiiiteness of the act or condition may be expressed b}' means of suffixes and variations in the root, the same distinctions of meaning are drawn from the form of the complete verb. Without takinof into account the suffixes, the following tense or mode forms exist: present indefinite, imperative, impotential, customar}', present definite, and past definite. The first four of these are clearl}' marked off from the last two, in meaning, I)}' the fact that they do not refer to a single definite act. They differ in form, in most cases, in the root and in the sign of the first person singular. The name of present indefinite has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider use and of less discrimination as to the time of the action, from the present definite, which affirms a single act as just com- pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed, when such acts consume appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended. The real imperative forms, the second person singular and plural, are identical with those of the indefinite present, while the forms of the third person, expressing the wish that some person be compelled to perform the act, are different from those of the indefinite present. Tbe impotential deals with future negative acts in a sweeping way, implying that it is impossible that the}' should take place. Part of this force is given the form by doxolin^ which precedes the verb, mean- ing IT IS NOT. The form of the verb itself in this mode-tense is not different from the present indefinite, except that it often has a longer or stronger form of the root. The customar}' differs from the present indefinite in the presence of an element (consisting of a single vowel, probably -e-) which stands before the signs of person and number, and sometimes in form of the root. Its meaning, as the name implies, is that the act is habitual, or at least several times performed. It is used almost entirely of past acts. The definite present and past differ from each other only in the form and length of the root. The past has the longer and stronger form of the root, if it be variable at all. The accent seems to rest on the root in the past, and on the syllable before the root in the present. They refer to individual, completed acts, — the present as just com- pleted; and the past, of more remote time. On the forms of the present definite by means of suffixes, the future, future conditional, and other tenses and modes are built. §52 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 135 Conjugations (§§ S3-7S) 53. CLASS I, CONJUGATION lA tcexaum he is catching Present Indefinite Singular 1. iumxauw 2. inxauw 3. tcexaum. 3a. yixxauw Singular 3. tcoxauw 3a. yoxauw Singular 1. emwxauw 2. einxauw 3. tceexauw 3a. yeexauw Singular 1. wexun 2. winxun 3. tcuwifixun 3a. yuwinxuft Tniperntive Ciistotniiry ^Definite Plural itdexa uw o'xaum yaxaum yaixauw Plural yatcoxauw yaiyoxauui Plural eitdexauw eoxauw yaexauw yaiexaum Plural witdexun wo^xun yawinosun yaiwinx'tln 54. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IB yamas he is rolling over Present Indefinite Singular 1. yauwmas 2. ydmmas 3. yamas 3a. yamas Singular 1. yalummas 2. yalmmas 3. yaimnias 3a. ydimmas Singular 1. yaimas 2. yaivimmas 3. yawimmas 3a. yawirrmias Customary Definite Plural yadimmas yamas yayamas yayamas Plural yaitdlmmas yao^mas yaya'iminas yayaiimnas Plural yawitdimmas yawo'mas yayawimmas yaydwimmas. §§ 53, 54 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOCxY [bull. 40 § 56. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IC In this division of the conjugation there is a contraction in the 2d person singular of the definite tenses. uaLlt HE IS CHARRING Tti'finitf Singular 1. naihit 2. nanhit 3. iiaivinLit 3a. naiivlnhit Plural nauntdiLLit nawo^hit nayawinhit nayaiwinhit 56. CLASS I, CONJUGATION ID kittus HE CUTS OPEN Present Indefinite Singular 1. kyuwtus 2. llntm 3. I'lttus 3a. yikittus Singular 3. hydtus 3a. yiky7)tus Singular 1. ke'irnrtm, etc. Singular 1. ketats 2. kyuwintats 3. kintats 3a. yikintats Itnperntlvc Custonifiri/ Definite Plural kitdiftus kyo'tus yakittus yaikittus Plural yakyZdus yaikyofjls Plural keitditCiH, etc. Plural kyuwitdittats kywmtats yakintats yaiklntats 57. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IE tcOXai HE IS BUYING Present Jntlefinite Singular Plural 1. dum-ral odexai 2. onxai oxai 3. tcoxai tcoyaxai 3a. yoxai Customuri/ yoyaxai Singular Plural 1. dluuixait dUdexait, etc. §§ 55-57 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Definite 137 Singular 1. oixai 2. onxai 3. tconxai 3a. yonxai Plural owitdexai owo^xai tcbyanxai ^ yoyanxai § 58. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2 The several conjugations differ from one another in regard to the definite tenses only. noninut he put a blanket down Definite Singular 1. nonaut 2. iwninut 3. noninut 3a. noininut Plural nondaut noiwut noyaninut noyaininut § 59. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2, WITH A CHANGED ROOT tceninya he is coming out Singular 1. tceneya 2. tceninya 3. tceninya 3a. tcinya Definite Dual tcenedeL tcenodeL tcenindeL tcindeL Plural tcenedeL tceiwdeL tceyanindeL tceyundeL § 60. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3A tcisloi^ HE IS TYING Definite Singular seloi^ silloi^ tcisloi^ 3a. yisloi^ Plural sitdilloi^ so'lol^ yaisloi^ yaiisloi^ §61. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3B tcittetaL he is stepping along Definite Singular 1. tesetaL 2. tesintaL 3. tcittetaL 3a. yittetaL Plural tesdittaL teso'taL yatetaL yaitetaL §§ 58-61 138 BUREAU OF AMERKWN ETHNOT.OGY [BULL. 40 § 62. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 4 na^a he has it Present , Singular Plural 1. nauui^a nada^a 2. nAn^a na^a 3. na^a naya^a 3a. na'i^a nayai^a Jtui tmitivi' Singular Plural 3. natc^o^a nayatc^o^a 3a. nay^o^a nayay^o^a Ciistoniari/ Singular Plural 1. naiuw^a naUda^a 2. naln^a nao'^a 3. naa^a nayaa^a 3a. nala^a . nayaia^a § 63. CLASS II, CONJUGATION lA yetcihda^^ he is carrying in a large object Prvsfnt Indefinite Singular 1. yeiuwda 2. ye'thda 3. yetcihda 3a. yeyihda Singular 3. yetcohda 3a. yeyohda Singular 1. yee'iuwda 2. yeeiLda 3. yetceihda 3a. yeyelLda Singular 1. yewehda 2. yewiLda 3. yetcuwihda 3a. yeyuxoihda Imperative Custom a ry Definite Plural ye'itdilda yeohda yeya'ihda yeyaiihda Plural yeyatcohda yeyaiyohda Plural yeeitdilda yeeohda yeyaiLda yeyaiihda Plural yewitdilda yewohda yeyawiida yeyaiwihda lit is probable but not quite certain that the glottal stop occurs finally in the root in all forms of the verb. §§ 62, 63 BOAS] HAJ>IDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES § 64. CLASS II, CONJUGATION IC yaiLvntL he threw into the aik 139 I'resent Indefinite Singular 1. yauinvuL 2. ydhwiiL 3. yalLivilL 3a. yalLioiiL Singular 3. yatcoLiouL 3a. yaioLwiih Singular 1. yalumwdl 2. yaiLivill 3. yaiLwiil 3a. yaiiLwiLl Singular 1. yaihwaL 2. yaLwaL 3. yawihwaL 3a. yaiwiLwaL Imperative Customary Definite Plural yadilwiiL yciLwiiL yayalLvjuL yayaihivdh Plural yayateoMo'dL yayaioLWilL Plural yaltdilivQl yaoLio'^l yayaiLwHl yayaiiLwHl Plural yaivitdilwaL yawoLwaL yayawihvmL yayaiwiLwaL § 65. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 2 meiLxe^ he is finishing I'resent Indefinite Singular 1. TRumxe^ 2. miLxe^ 3. meiLxe^ 3a. mliLxe^ Singular 3. rnetcoLxe^ 3a. meyoLxe^ Singular 1. meiumxu 2. meiLxu 3. meiLXU 3a. inliLxu Imiterative Customary Plural medilxe^ ineLxe^ mayaiLxe^ 'ineyaiLx^ Plural meyatcoLxe^ meyayoLxe^ Plural meitdilxu meoLxu meyaiLxu meyaiiLXU 64, 65 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ite finite [BOLL. 40 Singular 1. iiieneLxe^ 2. raeniLxe^ 3. menihxe^ 3a. miniLxe^ Plural mindilxe^ nienoLxe^ vieyan'iLxe^ nxeyainiLxe^ § 66. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3A The indefinite tenses do not ditier from Conjutrution 1. naisxCU he is tearing down Jttfinlte Singular 1. na-'ieLX'dt 2. nasiLxilt 3. nalsxut 3a. naisxilt Plural nasdilxHt nasoLxHt naya/isxut nayaisxHt § 67. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3B tcisseLvnh he is killing Infinite Singular 1. seseLwin 2. sesiLioin 3. tcisseLwin 3a. yisseLwin Plural sesdllwifi sesoLunn yaseLwin yaisemoin 68. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 4 naiLtsim he is finding I'rfSPttt 1. Singular naumtsiln Plural nadiltsiln 2. wdLtsUn nahts'tln 3. 3a. naiLtsUn 'DaiLts'dn nayaiLtsiin nayaihtsiin 3. Imperative Singular Plural natcdLtsun nayatcdLtsun 3a. 7iadLtsiin nayaoLtsuh 1. Customary Singular Plural naiumtsan na'itd'dtsan 2. nalhtsan naoLtsan 3. naiLtsan naydihtsan 3a. naiiLtsan nayaiihtsan §§ 6G-G8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES § 69. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 1 yadeqot he is dodging Present Indefinite 141 Singular 1. yauwdeqot 2. yfmdeqot 3. yadeqot 3a. yadukqot Singular 3. yatcodeqot 3a. yaodeqot Singular 1. ya'iuwdeqot 2. yaindeqot 3. ya'itqdt 3a. ya'itqdt Singular 1. yauwdeqot 2. yandeqot 3. yawitqot 3a. yatqot Inijterative Customary Definite Plural yadukqot yadeqot yayadeq7)t yayadukqot Plural yayatcodeqot yaydbdeqot Plural ya'itdeqot yao^deqot yaya'itqot yayaitqot Plural yaivitdeqot yawo^deqot yayawitqot yayatqot § 70. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 2 nanit^auw he is bringing it back fresent Indefinite 1. Singular naiimde^awji Plural nanede^auw 2. nande^auw naiiode^auw. 3. nanit^auyi nayanit^aum 3a. nainit^auw nayainit^auw 3. 3a. Singular nanode^aum nainode^auw Imperative Plural nayano de^aum nayainode^aum 1. Customary Singular naneluwde^aum Plural naneede^auw 2. naneinde^auw nanoo de^avvi 3. naneU^aum nayaneWaum 3a. naineU^auw nayaineit^aum §§ 69,70 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Definite [bull. -10 Singular 1. Qiauwdt^Cin 2. nande^ilri 3. natnde^iln 3a. naininde^.iin Plural nanede^iin nand" de^ilrl naya'lnde^iiri nayaininde^iin § 71. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 3 The forms for the definite tenses are like tliose given for Class III, Conjugation 1. natsdeqdt he is tumbling about Singular 1. nasdUkqZd 2. ndsindeqot 3. naisdeqot 3a. nasdiikqdt Definite Plural nasedeqot nasodeqdt nayalsdeqot nayasdilkqot 72. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 1 nailyeuw he rests J'resent Indefinite Singular 1. nauwyeum 2. niilyeuin. 3. nailyeuw 3a. nalyeuw Singular 3. natcolyeuw 3a. nayolyeum Singular 1. naluwyeuw 2. nailyeuw 3. nailyeuw 3a. nailyeuw Singular 1. nauwyeum 2. nalyeuw 3. navnlyeuw 3a. nalyeuw. Itnperntir'e Ciistoniarif Definite Plural nadtlyeuw. nahyeuw naya'ilyeum nayalyeuw Plural nayatcolyeuw. nayayolyeum Plural naitdilyeuw naoLyeuui nayailyeuw nayailyeuw Plural nawitdilyeum nawoLyeum. nayaioilyeum nayalyeuw ;§T1,T2 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 143 § 73. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 3 nadilin he is watching for it Singular 1. nadumin 2. nadilin 3. riadilifi 3a. naidilin Singular 3. nadolin 3a. naidolin Singular 1. nade'luwen 2. nadeilen 3. nadeilen 3a. tiaideilen Singular 1. nadmcesin 2. naduicesiUn 3. naduwesin 3a. naidmvesin Present Indefinite Inipemtive Customary Definite Plural naditdilin nadoLin nayadilin nayaidilin Plural nayadolin vayaiddlin Plural nadeitdilen nadooLen nayadellen nayaidellen Plural naduwesdilin naduwesohin nayaduwesifh nayaiduwesin §73 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 §74. OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION yahmiLtuir he is picking me up Present Indefinite Subject: Singular. Plural First person singular (object) 12. yahirir.tuiv 3. yahwiLtuw 3a. yaihwiituw 12. tjahwoLtuw 3. yayahwi/ium 3a. yayaihmiLtuw Singular..! 3- yaJmoLtuw [3a. yaihwoUuw Plural....! ^- v'ly'^hni'Jiim \Za. yayaihwoLtuw Singular. . Plural .. Singular.. Plural 2. yahuxiLtuw I 3. yahweiLtiiw [Sa. yaihmeiiiuw f ^- I 2. yahwooLtuw I 3. yayahweiituw I3a. yayaihweiiiuw 2. yahwCnoiLtili 3. yahrnLtin [3a. yaihwiLtin I 2. yahwuwoUih I 3. yayahuiiitin [Za. yayaihuiiitin Second person singular (object) yfinnetcirJuw yunniititw y&nnitdiltuai yayfinnetciiiuw yaiy&nniUuw Imperative yunnelcoLtum yunnoLtuiu yayiainetcoiiuw yaiyAnnoLtuin Customary yunneiuwtuw yunnetceiLtiiM yi'mneiiiuw yAnneitdiltuyi yayunneiituw yayunneiituw Definite yfinneLtin ydnnetcU-lin yunniLtin yCinnuvntdUtifi yayCtnnetciLtin yaiyunniLtin Third person singular (object) yaxorrtum yaxuLtuw yaxoLtuiii yaixoLtuw yazotdiltuui yaxoLtuw yayaxdHuw yayaixoUuiii yaxoiiuw yaixoiiLtuw yayaxoLtum yayaixo tim yaxoiiuyitum yaxoiiiiuw yaxoiiLtuw yaixoiiLluw yaxoUdiltuw yaxooLtuw yayaxoiiiiuw yayaixoiiLtuw yaxweiiin yaxowiitin yaxoLtin yaixoitin yaxowitdiltin yaxotvui.tin yayaxoi.tin yayaixoLtin BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION— Continued. yahtr/LtUir HE IS PICKING ME UP I'resciit Tndeflnito 145 Subject: First person plural (object) Singuliir. Plural Singular.. Plural , Singular. Plural . . Singular. Plural 'J. iii'nninhollCiw 3. in'iiuinlrillfiw ..■>((. i/i'niiiOhiUfiw 2. yi'iiuH'i/io/riw 3. i/ayi'iiiiiotciUuw ,3a. yaii/iinnuhiltuw f 3. yunnotcdliiir \3a. yi'inni'iholuw [ 3. yayi'iiiiK'itroli'iw \3a. yaiyunnijhfih'iw 2. yiinnohe'illuw 3. yunnotceUluw 3a. yi'iiuio/ieilluw 2. yi'tnnOlicolCiw 3. yayiamotcfilluw 3a. ijaiyilnnOheiUuw 2. yuimoH'illa 3. yiinnotcilla .3a. yunnuhilla I 2. yunnnicij la 13. yayunnntcilla 3a. yaiyi'innohUla Second person plural (object) ynnndhwnirluw yunndtcilliiui yunnohilUiw yiinnohitdiUuw yayumiotcilluw yaiyunndhilluw I»ipt>ftitii'e . yunnotcoluw yunndhiiluw ynijunndtcoluw yaiyiinnOIwluw Cimtomnry yi'mndheiuwluw yUnndtceilluw yunnoheillfiw yunnohdtdUluw yayunnotrriUiiw yaiyunniihe'illuw Jh/iiiitr yi'nindhr/n yiinnotcilla yunnohilla yunnowitdilla yayunnotcUla yaiynnndliilln Third person plural (object) yayaxowluw yayaxolluw yayaxulluw ymjaixoUuw yayaxOtdilluw yayaxo'luw yayaxolluw yayaixolluw yayaxdlluw yayaixolluw yayaxolluw yayaixolltiw yayaxoiiuwluw yayaxoiilluw yayaxoiiUuw yayaixoiiUuw yayaxoiitd ilium yayaxdoiriw yayaxoiilluw yayaixoiiUuw yayaxwella yayaxowilla yayaxolla yayaixolla yayaxmvitdUla yayaxowo'la yayaxolla yayaixolla The past definite has -lai for its root. 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 10 §T4 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blli,. 40 § 75. PASSIVE VOICE yaxdwiltifh he is carried off The present indefinite .seems to have no forms for the passive voice. l}iilK>ti'ntiiil Singulnr Plural 1. doxolih yahuieldittuw doxdlin yunnoh'ttlxnn. 2. yunneldlttum yimndhitluw 3. yaxdlclittum yayaxotluw 3a. yuldittuw Custotnnry yayatlum Singular Plural 1. yahyie'ildittuw yunndhe'itluw 2. yimeUdittuui ymindheliluw 3. yaxoiildittum yayaxdiitlum 3a. yaeildittuw De/inite ymja'Uluw Singular Plural 1. yahmatciltin yiijmowitla 2. ydnnuwiltin yiinnowitla 3. yaxowiltifh yayaxmoitla 3a. yaltin yayatla Adjectives (§s^ 76-78) The qualifying- adjectives in Hupa arc very closely linked with the verbs. They are full}' conjugated, indicating b}' internal changes the person and number of the subject qualified, and hy changes of tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. § 76*. Pi'e/i.res of Adjectires The prefixes of the adjectives consist of a single sound, and are found only in the present. They seem to classify the adjectives according to the degree of connection of the (juality with the noun. The principal prefixes are the two following: 1. n- used mostly of inherent qualities, such as dimensions. nuwnes I am tall nuwteL I am broad numhrnon I am good nuuitmdn I am dirty numdas I am heavy nuwkyao I am large 2. i- used for the more accidental qualities, such as color, and condi tion of flesh. Luwkai I am white hittsd it is blue, yellow, or green Lumkau I am fat Luhwin it is black §§ 75, 76 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES § 77. Cqrnjyarisou of Adjectives 147 The superlative, the onl}^ form employed, is expressed by pre- fixino^ dad-, the second syllable being completed in harmony with the following- sound : hai dadittsit the shortest liai dadikkyad the largest, etc. hal dadinnes the longest hai dadiLLuJcJcau the fattest 78, Coiijugafion of Adjectives nitdas it is heaVy Singular 1. nuwdas Present Deflni. te Plural nitditdas 2. nindas no^das 3. tcindas 3a, nitdas yamdas yanitdas Singular 1. iuwdas^ Imperative Plural itditdas 2. indds o^das 3. tcodas 3a. yodas yatcodas yayodas Singular 1. eiuwdas^ Customary Plural eltditdas 2. e'iridas eodas 3. tceltdas yaitdas 3a. eUdas yaeUdas Singular 1. wuwdas (or Past ■imdas) Plural %v itditdas 2. windas loo'das 3. tcuwindas ^a. windas yaivindas y an das Syntactic Particles (§§ 79-86) § 79, Personal Pro no mis The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chieti}' for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incorporation of the object into the verb, and its inflection to show the subject, reduce to the minimum the need of pronouns as independent words. ' Let me be heavy. 21 become heavy (each season). §§ 7T-79 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The pronoun for the first person singular is A?^<^, which serves for both subject and object. All other Athapascan languages have a word phoneticalh' related to this. In Tolowa the word is cl; in Car- rier, si; and in Navaho, ci. The plural of the first person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers when more than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead of hwe and nelu\ longer forms {hmeefi and neheen) often occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle en^ which points to a person, contrasting him with another. The second person singular is nin., and the plural twhln. It is probable that originally there was no personal pronoun for the third person, its place being taken b}- the demonstratives and by incor- porated and prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required .ro;! occurs. This appears to be a?o-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en mentioned above. For the plural, yaxiven is sometimes heard. § HO. Possessive Pronouns Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified noun to express possession. For the first and second person, hwe and nin are represented by hm- and n-^ which are completed according to the sounds which follow them. The first and second persons plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which may be pre- fixed without changing its form to any noun. The third person sin- gular has ,vn- prefixed when an adult Hupa is referred to, but rn- (receiv- ing the same treatment as hw- and 71- above), when the reference is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things, m- is also sometimes used, but for the former k- seems to be more frequent. When the pos- ses.sor of the object is not known, k- is also employed. A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists. The form is ad- of which d is the initial sound of a syllable completed according to the sound which follows it. § 81, DeniOHStrafive Pronouns The demonstrative pronouns for the nearer person or object, which must be in sight, are ded, halded, and haide, which do not differ in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight or not, is referred to by yd or haiyo. Still more remote is you^ which is employed of places rather than of persons. §§ 80, 81 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 149 The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular or pl-ural, in a manner that falls between our use of that (the demonstra- tive) and the (the definite article). It is employed before the third person of the possessive where our idiom does not require an article. § 82. Adjective Pronouns There are a number of words, equivalent in meaning to all, every, SEVERAL, etc., which stand alone, the person or thing limited by them being understood from the context. The most important of these are the following: a tin all dunhwee nobody atinne all people dunhwo^ somebody athijcd^unte everything dlhwp^ something atinlca^wite every kind dihwee nothing atindin every place dunLunhwon several people xodaidehe anything dunLun?iwd^ several things § 83, H'lt/nierals The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan languages, most of which have cognate words for five also. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten (nrlnLun) means ENOUGH FOR IT. The numerals above ten are made b}^ expressing addition for the numbers lying between the decimal terms and by multiplication for those terms. The meaning of LciHtdikkm, one hun- dred, is not evident. No higher numbers exist, but the hundreds may be enumerated to a thousand or more. A special termination is used when enumerating people. This seems to be an old suffix, -?n or -ne, meaning people. Compare x«« and Luwun, nax and nanin^ tak and tahun^ dink and dinhln^ and tcwola^ and tcwolane^ the numerals from one to five, for things and people respectively. §84. Adverbs Notwithstanding that place and time relations are freely expressed by means of verbal prefixes, a large number of adverbs are employed. These are for the most part closely connected with demonstrative pronouns in their meaning and the elements from which they are formed. Of the formative elements which do not also occur in demon- stratives are those employed in expressing directions. These have a §§ 82-84 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 common initial, y7-, which may after all be connected with the pro- noun yd. The final elements are: -nuk south or up .stream -tsln west or down a hill -de^ north or down stream -DiaTt the opposite side of a -dCik east or up a hill stream or the ocean Besides the demonstrative source already mentioned, man}^ adverbs are formed from nouns, adjectives, and verbs by means of suffixes indicating place, time, and manner. Some of these suffixes are tiie following: -din and -tcili (place) -}ai and -./vl, -Hx (manner) -diLYi and -din (time) § ^»T. Post-positions The post-positions not only follow the nouns which they limit, but they are joined to pronominal prefixes which stand for the limited noun whether it be expressed or not. The most important post- positions follow: -a for, for the benefit of -nat around -e^ in -xa after -edin without, lacking -xHts beside -an out of -ta' among -u under, near -tis over -ye at the foot of -tuk between -wlnna around, encircling -^a, -leal along -wiin toward or from -tciri toward -Ian with the help of -tcina in front of -lai^ on top -ka, -hai after, following -L with -Jcya awa}'^ from -na after -hut on -7iaL in the presence of § 86*. CoiiJ unctions The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstratives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. Th&y usually end with the syllable -un. For examples compare the following: haiun haiyah JiaiyaLun haiyamiL haiyaniiLun §§85,86 haiiiaJiitd'i itun \ , ,, z • 7 ^ f and then haiyadetc ) and "* BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 151 § 87. Character of Sentence The Hupa sentence expresses place and direction with very great minuteness and care. This is done both by the prefixes of the verb and by independent adverbs and adverbial phrases. In actual use these sentences are also accompanied by many gestures which might in themselves indicate all that is needful. That the act is repeated, is always stated, and frequently with redundanc}'^, an adverb being employed in addition to the iterative prefix which the verb contains. Usually great care is taken, in making quotations, to state definitely who said or thought the matter quoted. Sequence of time is amply expressed, but other relations are often left to be inferred. One hesitates to say whether the sentences are all very short or that there are none, but paragraphs instead. One short statement follows another, usually co-ordinate with it but still closely connected in the temporal sequence which carries with it purpose, cause, and result. The synthetic, holophrastic verb is often complete in itself, the other words in the sentence being employed to add distinctness or emphasis. The greater burden in a Hupa discourse is on the speaker, who expresses with great exactness most of the concepts and their rela- tions, leaving little to be inferred by the listener. Some of the younger generation, who are nearly or quite bilingual, employ Hupa in giving directions about work to be done, or in relating events in which they wish place-relations to be plain, but English for ordinary social discourse. § 88. Character of Vocabulary The vocabulary of Hupa, although it contains words of consider- able length, is not far from monosyllabism. It contains many mono- syllabic nouns and particles, but a much larger number of polysyllabic verbs, and nouns and other parts of speech derived from verbs. These long words, however, are made up of elements possessed for the most part of great clearness of form and meaning. On the other hand, some of the monosyllables other than nouns and pronouns lack distinctness of meaning, and in some cases of form. In writing the language there is difliculty, therefore, to know just what should con- stitute a word, and whether certain elements are to be taken with the word before them or the one after them. In a language in which the accent is strong, words are set off from each other by it. In Hupa §§87,88 152 BUREAU OF AMEBICAX ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the accent is not strong, and in most eases does not belong to the word, but to the sentence, ^oiins and pronouns are clear cut. They are capable of calling up definite and complete mental visions without the aid of associated words and word-elements. The large number of monosyllabic nouns in Hupa, and the still larger number in related languages, which do not occur in Hupa, points to the fact that the original form of Atha- pascan nouns was monosyllabic. Monosyllabic nouns have given place to polysyllabic ones in Hupa constantly for years, perhaps for centuries. This may have been due to the pleasure which the Hupa find in poetical descriptive names, but it was certainly due, in part, to the dropping of nouns out of the language at the death of persons who had had them for names. These dropped words were replaced by longer descriptive words coined for the purpose. Only one word has Ijeen found in the language which appears to be reduplicated. The aboriginal flute is called railha'd or mUmil in Hupa, and in related dialects hulbul. It is possible that some etymology will appear to explain this apparent exception. Very few words or word-parts seem to be onomatopoetic- in their origin. There is a verb, hyuwind'd rr rang, the root of which, -dlh no doubt represents the sound of striking metals. Another verb closeh' resembling this is hjajiy^inhit. which is used of the creaking of trees. The sounds of nature which occur ma}' be represented, but they have no other meaning. They do not stand for the thing or animal which makes them: for example, dil duwenne {dil rr sounded) LS said of an airow striking the sky: dul dmrenne {dvl it sounded), of a ball of wood striking a wall of obsidian: and ka ka dmcenne (Jca ka IT said), of the cawing of a crow. For the most part, Vx)th the monosyllabic words and the elements of the longer words are to all appeai-ances the ultimate facts of the lan- guage. They express fundamental concepts and relations, which are no more resolvable into parts than are the syllables which express them. These elements, simple words, roots, prefixes, and suffixes, are not very numerous (probably less than a thousand), but the combina- tions of which they are capable are very great. Many combinations theoretically possible are not logically ix>ssible. and of these only those for which there was a frequent need, in the life of the people really existed as words. §88 TEXT The Me^dildin Poor Man Me^dildin ^ Medildin dedin poor tcitteLtcweii^ he grew. haiufi And tciL^an ' haiun * takeimmil ^ haiufi * he had. And she used to And make soup. miL^^ yaaqot '^ hai3^o '* takei'maiiP with he used to that She used to poke up, one. make soup aiwe^^ xowun ^'^ wakinnintats'^ haiyaL,'^ away from him he cut a hole And, through. Laaiux ^ xo'^ waninq5ts "* tcinneLen ^' And in vain it ran throngh. He looked at kittekin ^ nikkyao ^ spoon large hai'" xokittekin" the his spoon yaaxauw ^'^ haiufi * he used to And dip it up. yauwxau w ~' tcondesne ^^ " Let me dip he thought, it up," hai xokittekin Laaiux ' the his spoon. At once Laaiux at once niiL then imeedii canoe; -rtm locative suflfix, place of or place at ( §§21, 84). '^dedin poor, not having posses.sions. ^tci- sign of 3d per. sing. (§ 33); -te- prefix, distributive as regards time or place (§34); -L, 3d modal in verbs, mostly transitive.s (§37); -tcwen verbal root, to make, to do, to grow; class II, con. 3, 3d per. sing. !t7 verbal root meaning to let FALL or to throw several SMALL OBJECTS OF THE SAME OR DIFFERENT KINDS, probably the COOk- ing-stones in this case; class II, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. "ia-, the numeral one. There is an element of surprise at the quickne-ss of the act. ^'^hai, the article is always employed with the possessive third person. J'zo- pcssessive prefi.x of 3d per. sing, or pi., employed only of adult Hupa; see also note 5. 12 mt- pronominal prefix of 3d per. sing, when adult Hupa are not meant; -x post-position with. i3i/a- prefix used of motion up into, or horizontally through, the air (§ 31); -a- sign of customary tense, o is due to the preceding a of ya; -qot a verbal root used of pushing something into a yielding mass; class I, con. ], cast., 3d per. sing. '*/!at- the article; -yo a demonstrative used of the more remote. ^^mii. probably the same as in note 12, above; it is often used of time. 1^2/1-, -t see note 13; -xauw verbal root referring to water or a liquid; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. I'aiwe AWAY, at a distance, not in the presence of; no connection with other words has been found. 18x0- pronominal prefix of 3d per.; -wuii post-position used of motion toward or away from, accord- ing to the context. 19 wa- prefix meaning through (§ 31) ; -kin- 1st modal prefix of uncertain meaning (§ 34) ; -nin- 2d modal of completed action (§ 35); -tats verbal root to cut; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 20 Aat- probably the article; -ya- with hai- it forms an adverb there; -l perhaps the post-position (see note 12). 21 ya- see note 13; -uw sign of 1st per. sing.; class II, con. 1, pres. indef., 1st per. sing. 22 te- deictic 3d per. sing.; -s-2d modal indicating progressive action; -ne verbal root, to think; irregular verb, past def., 3d per. sing. 23 xo' indicates that whatever was attempted failed; it is to be construed with yauwxauw (.see note 16). 2'» wa-, -nin see note 19; -qots verbal root. 25 to- deictic 3d per. sing.; mez,- contraction of -nuwiL oi which -nw- is a 1st modal prefix of uncer- tain meaning and -ivii- has w, 2d modal of inceptive action, and £, 3d modal of transitive force; -en verbal root meaning to look; class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 153 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 3'oneyTduka ^" miL xeekiLtseL '^ Laaiux innaisdukkai '^^ Laaiux bacli of tlif irofii lio tlirevv it At once he got up. At once fire ii|> away. initdai^ ""'"* tcenifiyai ^" liaiufi hai xota^ ^* haiyo xoLduwenne'^ oiit.sifle he went out. Then llie his father that one said of him, yofi ^'' na tceninyai ''" inufikutiiikkyao''* haiufi wufi '''' xoikyufi '* "Way ueross lie has gone Miinki'itnikkyao." And about it his mind out nafiya'" hai axoLtcitdenne^* taistse^^' muxxa*" tcittesyai *' haiun studied that he hud said of him. Sweathouse after it he went. .\nd wood xdivtelit*'^ xoLiionillit *' mil. yisxufihit '* xuLedun adeniie xa^** with him With him it finished then tiic next day in the morning he said, "Well it burned. burning hwa*'' min winyaL*^ hai daiditdin*" haidaid tceiLauw*' haiun me for it come along." The (exf)lanatioii there it always came Then was) oiit. -^yon- the seat of honor back of the fire, corner; j/f- a prefix common to names of direction; -d/Ak together with y'l-, has the meaning of up Hii.Land the derived meaning of east. The word as a whole api)lies to the bank back of the fire, where the belongings of the men are kept. -'' xee- prefix meaning .\w.\Y from, used with verbs of throwing; -k- first modal; -i/.- third modal; -tSBL verbal root, to tkuow, to pound; class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 2» in- prefi.x of uncertain meaning, but employed of the act of rising from a reclining position: -na- prefix of iteration; -/.s- 2d modal of do rati ve force; -diik-, d 3d modal; -kai. verbal root of acts per- formed with the legs (or other long instrument); cla.ss III, con. 3, past def., 3d per. .sing. 29 mitdaU the space in front of the house; mil- is probably the po.ssessive prefix; compare mittsitda (see note 131). ^^ tec- prefix meaning out of; -yai verbal root to go, used only in singular; class I, con. 2, pa.st def., 3d per. sing. 31 -ta- FATHER, not Used without a pos.sessive prefix. 32 xoL- indirect object 3d per. sing.; -7ie verbal root to say, to sing, to make a noise; irreg. past def., 3a per. sing. 33 yeil adverb, probably from a demonstrative stem, employed of the mast remote. ^* munkut LAKE; -nlkki/ao compare note 6. This is the name given to Trinity Summit, a mountain of 6,.500 feet elevation cast of Hupa valley. 35 wuii post-position which does not have a pronominal prefi.^ for 3d per. sing., except when an adult Hupa is referred to. 3« -kyiiri heart or vitals, the organ of cogitation. 37 na- perhaps meaning down, from above, is employed of things coming into existence; -ya verbal root to go, to co.me; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing. 3s a- prefix found with verbs of thinking, saying, and doing. S'J tais- probably connected with tai- of taikyuw; -tsc^ brush, small shrubs. ••" mii.e- pronominal prefix of which only m- is constant, the remainder of the syllable depending on the sound which follows; -xa post-position, after. ■•' tcit- deictic, 3d per. sing.; -te- distributive prefix; -s- 2d modal of durative action; -yai to go; class I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. sing. <2 -lit verbal root to burn, in an intransitive sense only; cla.ss I, con. 3, past def., 3a per. sing. ■•3 -nO- prefix indicating the coming to a stop or end; -nil- for -nin-; class I, con. 2, pa,st def., 3a per. sing. •»* j/i«a?(lm- apparently a verb, of which yt- deictic 3d per. sing, (not an adult Hupa), -s- 2d modal, and -x&n the root; compare yisxan day ; -kit conjunctional suffix when. <5 xa^ seems to terminate a discussion and attract attention to some proposition. It is also used to give assent to a proposition. *5 /w- pronominal prefix of 1st per. sing.; -a post- position meaning i.n the interest of, for the benefit of. •" w- prefix found in a few presents where the inception of the act is in the mind of the speaker (compare § 28); -in- sign of 2d per. sing.; -ya- verbal root to go; -l suffix indicating the continuation of the act over space; class I, con. 1, imp. 2d per. sing. *»daiditdiii, the meaning of this word as a whole Ls more apparent than that of its parts. It is employed to introduce the explanation of a mystery. The first syllable, dai- or daid-, is apparently the element which gives the indefiniteness to interrogative and indefinite pronouns. ■•9 tee- the prefix mentioned in tceninyai (see note 30), but here it is used of coming out of the sur. rounding forest into a glade; -auw verbal root connected with -ate undulating movement, as of a herd. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEETCAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 155 hai xoLin aLtcitdenne" the his brother he told, hai dihwo''^ niii en"* neskifi the something. You it is firs tw mittuk'^' yeilLane^'^^ haiun tcittesdeL'^" between * you must Then they started, them run in.'' Lomatckuttcin " tcenindeL ^'^ xa^ hwa min winyaL xatehe'^' 'Well me for it come along." "Well then, nax tak iLtcifi ^^ three together mun kutni kk yao MunkutnikkvaO Lrimatekuttoin thev came out. haiva The're luikkyaqottse elks xosoLwe let it kill him kisxan •''" stand xa'isdeL*" thev went up. uaLauw "* were about haiun axoLtcitdenne nifi Then he said to him, " You yeu kai wunnaiwedate ®' distant along I will sit for them." xokyatcin'^ teLatc^^ xokut danakindlyan" From him they ran, on him they ran. hai Lokut '' the glade on. sindan "^ hwe you stay. I dikkyun here haiun Then haiun Then mmna around yaixoLtcwen ' they smelled him. tak tceseLwen ' three he killed 50 aiicitdenne the form used in speaking to children or non-Hupa adults. Compare axoLtcitdenne (see note 38), which is the form ordinarily employed in speaking to adults. 51 j;a- probably the same as xa discussed in note 45; -te- is unknown; -he is used of concessions and negations which are sweeping. ^-xo- the object; -.5- a prefix found in this verb only; -o- regularly indicates 3d per. of imp.; -i-3d modal; -we verbal root to kill (this form of it occurs in pres. indef. and imp.), compare -iren in tceseLwen (see note 74). 53 di- probably connected with the demonstrative stem de; -fiiro^ suffix often employed to give indefiniteness. This word is often used to avoid a word of ill omen. ^*en is employed to point a contrast. .55 ir, has a reciprocal force; -tciii post-position, toward. se -xan verbal root employed of the standing position of trees. 57 mi<- pronominal prefix; -^i(fc post-position between. 58i/e- prefix into, the correlative of tee-; -I 3d modal {-n- sign of 2d per. sing, is dropped before it); -La verbal root to kun (the past has -Lat) ; -ne^ .suffi.x, often found in the imperative, having the force of duty or necessity; class IV, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 59 -del, verbal root to go, used only of the dual or plural. Compare tcittesyai (see note 41); class I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual. ^xa- prefix rp, here up a. hillside; the deictic [tcit-, is not used after xa-)\ cla.ss I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual. "i Lf) monosyllabic noun grass, leaf; -ma- probably border; -tc- diminutive suffix; -kut- tpon; •Cctn locative suffix tow.^rd. 0- Compare tceninyai (see note 30), the singular. This is the dual. ^^mik- possessive prefix; -kya- antlers; -qottse sharp, pointed (?). "na- prefix used of indefinite motion over the ground. Compare tceiLauw (see note 49). <» L6- grass; -kiU on. ^The position of the speaker. Compare haiya, the more remote position. «" min- pronominal prefix; -na post-position around, ,\bout. ^s- prefix found in the present of a few verbs (compare -.<>•- 2d modal prefi.x); -da verbal root to SIT, to remain; -ii suffix, perhaps from -ne- (see note 58). Wu'iin- prefix used of pursuit or attempted action; -iv- 2d modal of inceptive force; -e- sign of 1st per. sing., found only in the definite tenses: -da- verbal root to sit; -te suffix used to express the future. '"yai- sign of plural, employed of animals, etc. (for adult Hupa -ya-is used); -.to- object; -tcwen verbal root to smell, it has l preceding it when the verb is transitive, but does not have it when it is intransitive; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. pi. '' xo- pronominal prefix; -kya- post-position away from; -tein locative suffix. ''--ate verbal root to move in an undulating line. It is employed of the motion of a pack-train. The verb is singular, sincS the band as a whole is the subject. Class II, con. 3, past def., 3a per. sing. T-^da- prefix which literally means on something higher than the ground, perhaps figurative here: -kin- of uncertain force; -dl- 3d modal; -(/an verbal root used of the movements of deer and elk; class III, con. Id, past def., 3a per. sing. '*tce.- sign of 3d per., a variant for tsls- and tcis- found in tsisseuveiiJcisseLwen (below); -seL-, se-iathe prefi.x mentioned in note 68; -s- 2d modal, is dropped before L3d modal; -wen verbal root to kill; class II, con. 3, past def., 3d per. sing. 156 BUREAU OF AMERKWN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 mikkyaqottse haiun Lenaiyanillai ''* haiya xokut yalweL^® haiun elks. Then they built a lire. There on them it heeiime Then night. xoLin axoLtcitdennc dikkyun tcin" don doxolwil'* xa^ naidii/' his he .said to lilin, "Here they say it is no one spends Come let us jco brother the iiij^ht. home. ineneso-it *" hal dikkyun nehelweLte** haii'in duuLuiihwddin '"' I am afraid." "The hero we will spend Then several times the night." axoLtcitdenne yudinhit "^ xotoiii tcuwintcwCi "* axoLtcinne ^•' miL he .said it to him. Kinally on his he eried. He kept telling him with account naidiL haiun kut wilweL xdtesdrdiwen ** haiuii kittewestce^ *^ " l.el us Tlu'U already it was night. It grew dark. Then the wind blew, go home." yudinhit axoLtcitdenne xa^ tcwitc Lekilla** kut ainuwinsen*' Finally he said to him, " Well, iirewood gather. Already you have decided, hvvolweLte "" haiuii kut Leyakillau "^ Lenayanillai xohwow ®'^ ' 1 will spend Then already they'gathered it. They biiilt a lire. Some way the night.'" akitduwenne"* xowinLit'* haiyahitdjit haiyo adenne xa'^ naidiL dau"^ it sounded. It thundered. .\nd then that'one said, " Well, let us go "No," home." "5 Le- prefix employed of motion mutually toward or position near each other; -nai- (na) iterative prefix often employed of habitual acts; -y/aii adjectival root to become large. i2«?a- prefix out of the water; -in- sign of 2d per. sing.; -tiitv- verbal root employed of long objects only; this form is confined to the indefinite tenses; class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 127 do- negative prefix; -he- adds emphasis to the negation (see note ."il, p. 155); -xo- not know deictic; -ne verbal root to do a specified act; irreg. past def., 3d per. sing. 128 tvHn- see note 35. i29- town's man ( = chief) Kiks (a Tlingit clan) Other corapoundi? are: Go'na-na foreign tribe (the in- tsfu-tn'f anothei- ni^ht ( = inorn land Athapascan) ing) Dek'i'-ua far-out tribe (the Haida) Nouns formed from clauses also occur: «<)w-c-te-m'-y? a married couple. (See ?<>;/-[§ 15.4]; and occasionally after «. Examples are — yao te'yt herring's rock xtxtdk!'^ elyt' little frog's song The possessiv^e pronouns are — xat qoa'nt salmon people xuts! nuvni! grizzly-bear's fort AX my i thy ihi his At' his own Examples — A,n'c my father dxiLa' his mother duaxa'yt his paddle duwuts!d'gay2 her cane JiAsducayl' 7iayt their anchor ha our ^7 your /lAddu their zca7 th3" wife dute'q! his heart dutcu'nt his dream duhi'tt his house dud'nt his town The demonstrative « may sometimes replace the forms of the third person; as, acd'yt his head. It seems possilde that the suffix -/ {-u, -yi, -wk) is identical with the participial suffix to be discussed in § 20.2. § 11, The Personal Pronoun There are three series of personal pronouns: the subjective, objec- tive, and independent. The last of these evidently contains demon- strative elements, and may be strengthened h\ the intensive suffix (§ 7). The third person objective with verbs and post-positions is sometimes «, while da and hAsdu, are used only with post-positions. In the following table these pronouns are given, together with the possessive pronoun: Subjective a?, wa i 1st per, sing, 2d per. sing. 3d per, sing. 3d per, sing, reflexive - lstper.pl. ... tu 2d per. pi. . . . yl 3d per. pi. „ „ . - §11 Objective a' At Possessive AX i du Independent xa wae' hu AC — ha tilia'n yl ykvd'n hAsdu Has BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 171 In composition the objective pronoun al\va3'S precedes the sub- jective, and both may be separated by verbal prefixes. The use of the independent pronoun in a sentence does not affect the verbal com- pound, and the pronominal prefixes must })e repeated. The subjective pronoun appears as the subject of all active verbs, no matter whether they have an object or not. Some verbs that have no object take an indefinite object, At something; for instance, At xa xa I eat something At xa coq I laugh Has is freer in its position than the pronouns described before. It seems probable that it was not originally a pronoun. Examples of the use of the pronoun are the following: xAtc q/Axawu's/tii I questioned him (xa 1, independent; -fe inten- sive suflix [§ 7]; q/A mouth [§ li.l]; xal^ subjective, ^ru- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; -s/tu stem) huxAtc q.'moris!7n he questioned me {Jiu independent pronoun; XAtc emphatic form of objective) iqlAxawu'sItn I questioned thee (/ thee; q.'A mouth; xa I) wat^tc xAt q!ewu's!tn thou questionedst me {inae'tc emphatic form of independent pronoun; xAt me; q!a-i contracted to q.'e mouth thou) uhd'nto q/Afuu'u's.'ifi we questioned him {uha'nte emphatic form of independent pronoun; tii we, subjective) * wae'tc haqleiou's.'hi thou questionedst us {ha us) uhd'nto yt'q/ At uwU's.' hi we questioned yon (yi you; (j.'a mouth; tu we, subjective) xagdx I am crying nhd'n gAX tu'satV we are crying {tu we; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ti to be) ye yatoaqd' she said thus {ye adverbial, thus; ya- verbal prefix [ § 15. 3]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; qd to sa}') yeyd'xoaqa I said thus {.c I; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]) ixasitVn I saw thee (^ thee; xa I; si- prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see) yixasiti'n I saw you {yi you) xoasitl'n I saw him (,/■- I; the use of <>a here is not explained) XAtyisitl'n yo, saw me {xAti\\Q\ yl ye) haylsit'i'ii ye saw us {ha us) hAsylsitl'n ye saw them {hAS them) Gay a' hade' hAS awad'x they heard it on Gaya' {kade' on; hAx they; a- indefinite pronoun referring to cl, song; am- verbal prefix [§18.2]; ax to hear) §11 172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 al'A't /lAS qo,i' ayi(' Iiax aoxitVn when they puddled toward it they saw it {((- indefinite pronoun; JiAt toward; Ilas they; qox to go by canoe; a-ya indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a- indefi- nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; st- [§ 18.1]; tin to see; here a is used three times; first, replacing xlxtc! frog as object of the post- position hAt; second, in combination with yn^ performing the function of a conjunction, when; and, third, in the principal ver)). again taking the place of pxtc!) The pronoun is contracted with a few verbal prefixes. The i com- bines with the terminal vowel of preceding elements, as in uaI q!ewv!s!tn thou questioxest me {q.'A-i — q!>' mouth thou; a-a and the prefix im- form .roa., although .roa may perhaps originate in other ways also. Contractions are particularl}" characteristic of the future, which has a prefix gxi-. This combines with the first person to qwa (for guxa)\ with the second person to ge (for gu-'t). These forms will be discnssed later on (§ 15.5). § 12. The Demonstrative Pronoun The demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, with verbs when changed into nouns, in the formation of connectives, and with certain elements which transform them into independent demonstratives. 1. lie indicates an object very near and always present. •J.. jfi- or y^-, which is sometimes used much as if it were an independent particle. Besides its strictly future function, it is employed in speak- ing of any event about to take place as well in the past as the future. In the following simple examples it is often accom- panied by the affix ./'-to become, which will l)e treated in § 1.5.7. ^casa' At gugoneyV whatever is going to happen {wasa' whatever; At indetinite object; r/?^- future; gona stem; -yt suffix [§ 20.2J) cut gugagu't when he was going to go with them {a indefinite pronoun; -n with; gu- future; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; j/w to go; -iJ purpose [§ 20.1]) de dA'qde ye gaxdusnl' yuht't daidedV they were going to take up the house-timbers {de now; dA'qde up to; ye thus; gu- future; X- to become; du- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18. IJ; vi to take; yu demonstrative; Jut house; daldedV timbers) Titt a guxiaye'x gone't gAnayt' the opposite side (clan) was going to build a bouse {Ii7t house; a indefinite pronoun; gu- future; ,/'- to become; la- verbal prefix [§ 18. -Ij; yex to build [x possibly a suffix]) ya'd(). "3 1 c is a> § 1 1 •0 -3 to t d 5 i u ■6 1 c u 03 1 1 1 u tc 1 CO » c % c 1 ■3 2 1 ■3 b£ C .s ■a 1 E E c 6 B a u tie c "3 s ■3 i >> w K K R B w PQ Eh R t-i Eh S K K H H kH H-t HH E" K iS 3 CO V 3 ii "S.. ^ CO s _!l .44 H §. 1 .8 S 1 •5 'S 1 1 a ^ ■S; ■3 •a Bin ■oS .h P. A H "S V^ e a a S Q a a 'S "SS «e "S * •3 3 S "ao S a S 3 "5 ■^ 3 ^ <« -a . e^ •D g gp. s 3 3 8 § ^ 3 1 1 A 3 ^ 3 •a 1^ 3 ■3 Q-w 62 if Ph 3 ■3 •a . 2 X B« -<-^ U< t a H H S s s 1. 3 3 3 s S 3 3 a 3 s 4 1 a a H 53 g ■3 . C X It a a ■3 a . |§ a^ S k4 (1< BM •«! •^ o. r^/^ e a It* a u u § 20 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 191 CO > c E c § c ° 1 iti o 3 o o c o s a S o 1 a o 1 fr4 03 £ ■a c C3 c 03 o s <2 ■a 1 be C 1 bi c '?> -a g o a o ■a 1 Eh 1 a •V C a M •a 1 a o g a a E 2 c a 3 m 03 "3 ■a ■5 3 T3 > 03 bo C •a 4= 03 ■3 "o 03 P. p 03 a C. E 1 E ■a £1 03 C I •3 2 M 3 e a 43 E ft 43 .S 1 3 ■a 3 > 43 43 2 ■3 "3 s •0' § (3 1 ■o ■3 'S 3 ft g E o3 ti c ■> s i ci 3 si -t-» tc a '>, 03 a 03 3 >< iJ e ^ Si. s O ^ H , !S e '3 ^ 1. S 8 H ^ 5W 3 0. s Cx !> '8 e s §, 09 3 :i 63 Ca. ^ 3 S 4. s i B 3 'S -s §i. 3 .§i. § 3 I- e 3 a B s g "S. W» , Cm ^ g. §>. a. & 3 g e a §>. 3 3 B O a « e e e '^ ^ a 2. §20 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 21. Coni2)OSitioii of Verb-Stems A real composition of two verb-stems in one word seems to be entirely wanting. It sometimes happens, however, that the stem which contains the principal idea is placed before another verb-stem of very general meaning, such as ti to be, xix to get, or nuk^ to BECOME, and is there treated as if it were a prefix or an adverbial modifier, all of the other verbal prefixes being attached to the general auxiliary stem. Thus we have — ylhd'n Jce gax r/Axylsati' you (pi.) will cry, where gax is the regular stem of the verb meaning to cry, and ti, the stem of the verb to be, taking the future, pronominal, and all other prefixes. Similar to this is Itldnt Jias uwanu'Jc^ they became ANGRY, where k.'dn signifies anger, and nuJc^ to become. Of this same type is qot cu'vmxix tiiey were all destroyed, although it is uncertain whether qot is ever employed as a regular stem in the place of xix. The list on pages 190 and 191 contains the analysis of a number of verbal forms in accordance with the groups of prefixes and suf- fixes described in §§ 14-20. Adverbs (§§22, 23) § 22, 31odal Adverbs 1. agt is an interrogative adverb which is used in interrogative sentences in which no interrogative pronoun occurs. It is placed after the verb, or near the beginning of the clause. iyaA'xtc agi'f do you hear it? uhd'n agi' yelia' At tuxA'ch'- tea ku'cta qoan qlecd'ni? are we the ones splitting land-otter (tongues) to see people? {uhd'n we; yelcd' the ones; At indefinite object, namely, tongues; tu we; XAC split; -k^ suffix [§ 20.3]; tea thus; hii'eta land-otter; qoan people; q.'eca'ni to see [ uncertain analysis]) xat ijl siti'n agif do you see me? (xat me; iji you; si- prefix [§ 18.1]; ^mto see) 2. de following the verb indicates the imperative. Adjl't gut cle! come up to me! (ax me; -dj intensive [§ 7]; -t to; gu to come; -t purpose [§ 20.1]) d'nAX asaqo'x de! go with it around it! {a indefinite pronoun; nAX around ; a indefinite pronoun ; sa- prefix ; qox to go by canoe) gA'nga naa't de! for firewood go! {gAn firewood; ga for; na- prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go) §§21,22 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 193 3. qlwAii expresses a mild imperative and resembles our own pray, or SUPPOSE. dekl' q.'WATi daqici'q out, pray, run to him! (dekl' out; da- to [§ 14.4]; ql- [?]; clq to run) Mnq! qlwAu yen XAt CAt into the water, pray, then put me! (Mn water; q! at; yen then; XAt me; CAt put) ituwu' q.'wAn cAtli'q! Nixd' nei gu'tnt be courageous when Nixa' comes in (see § 19.3; iyou; tu mind; -^fu possessive ; c^- reflex- ive; V.iqJ, stem [?]; nel into the house; gu to go; -t -n -i suf- fixes [§20.1; § 19.3; §20.2]) 4. I expresses the negation. Generally this element appears com- bined with the connective lb then. The emphatic negative is lU, apparently a doubled negation. lU Jclmgl'q ya Axhi'ti never tell about my house {lU never; Tci = Tca [?]; nlk to tell; -iq suffix; ya about; ax my; Mt house; -i possessive) lil lax ye xAt I'ugA'ndjiqneveT let me burn up! (l^x very; ye thus; XAt I; ku future; gAU to burn; -tc always; -iq a suffix) In negative questions the negation is contracted with the interrog- ative particle. Le'gil XAt wuneJiuf am I not sick? (xe adverb; gi interrogative particle; ^ not (with ls) ; XAt I; wu- verbal prefix; neJc^ sick) 5. {/Ill expresses probability, and is generally initial. ^ gul Lax Leq! dis liAsduka' cwwaxl'x very probably they passed all of one month {Lax very; Leq! one; dis moon; liAsduka' on them; cu- entirely [ ^ 15.1] ; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2] ; xlx stem) gul de djinkd't ayu' q.'a'owaxe for probably ten days he went [without food] (de already; djinkat ten; ayu' demonstrative; q!a mouth [§ 14.1]; o- wa- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; xe stem) § 23, Locative Adverbs Locative adverbs are difficult to distinguish from post-positions, but the following may be mentioned as of constant occurrence : 1. ddh outward, out to sea 7. nel into the house 2. ddq shoreward 8. yu or yux out of doors 3. Ice upward 9. yen there 4. de now, right away, al- 10. deM' far outward ready 11. ixki' down below, spe- 5. ye thus or as follows cifically southward 6. yex or ijax like 12. yilc inside 44877-Bull. 40, pt 1—10 13 § 23 194 BUREAU OF AMEKICAM ETHIS'OLOGY [BULL. 40 Bearing a closer resemblance to post-positions are: 13. t or de to 29. Tea on 14. n \\\i\\ 30. ga for 15. X from 31. qAq! for 16. q! at 32. ge inside of 17. yl clown in 33. tin with 18. yl'nade down toward 34. lid'yi down underneath 19. yes for 35. q!es for 20. qox back to, backward 36. gayi down in front of 21. XAn to a person 37. WAt at the mouth of 22. tu into 38. tak in the middle of 23. td'yi under 39. TiAX through, on account 24. t'.a behind of, in association with 25. dAX from 40. gdn outside of 26. da around 41. datcu'n straight for 27. xo among 42. ya in the neighborhood of 28. Icl toward 43. saA-" for The last of these is always used after the verb. Even nouns and verbs are used exactly as if the}- were conceived of as post-positions: as, M'tq.'i tux ya'wa'jut yucd'wAt adJA'q dAX the woman went through the houses after she had killed it (hit house; -q.'i collective; tux through; ya- wa- verbal prefixes [§ 1 5.3 ; §18.2] ; (ju to go ; -t [§ 20.1]; 7/ li- demonstrative; m'w-4^ woman; ait; (/^^g to kill; dAX from) aqJi'ts CAntu'de Jcax a'odigeq! he put (his coat) on to go down into the midst of its tentacles (a- it; q.'its tentacles; CAn-tu'de into the midst of; liAX adverbial; a- indefinite pronoun; o- di- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; geq! to do quicldy) ayAlane's'.awe awA'n when he had sharpened the edges of it {a- indefinite pronoun; yA- J a- verbal prefixes [§ 15.3; § 18.4]; nes! to sharpen; awe when; a it; ioau edges) As, on account of their phonetic weakness, the post-positions t, n, X, and q! must always be agglutinated to some other word, they sometimes have the appearance of cases, but the first of these is sim- ply a contraction of de; and the distinction in use between all of them and the syllabic post-positions is not marked enough to justify a separate classification. The adverbs de, ke, and ye are essential to certain verbs, and the same may be said of At something with the verbs xa to eat and XUn TO START. §23 i BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 195 § 24. Conjunctions The conjunction used between nouns and coordinate clauses is qa and; while antithesis is expressed by qo'a, which more closely approaches English however in its use than but. Conjunctions employed to introduce sentences are, for the most part, compounded of post-positions and demonstratives : odA'xayu or odA'xawe and then (compounded of a; cIax from; a, and yu or we) Atxawe' afterwards (from a; t to; x from; a; and we) ayA'xawe on account of which (from a; ijax like; a; and we) tduLe' , evidently then, consists of two adverbial particles, tc!u and Le ! wananl'sawe by and by (probably compounded from some verb) Atcawe' contains the intensive suffix tc. Subordinate clauses, when not turned into participles or infinitives, are connected to the principal verb by awe' or ayu' , which also occur in conjunction with the participial suffix -i, and often with ga-, na-, or -71. VOCABULARY (§§ 25-28) Stems are almost invariably monosyllabic, and consist usually of a consonant followed by a vowel; or a consonant, vowel, and conso- nant. Occasionally, however, we find single vowels; a vowel fol- lowed by a consonant; or a vowel, consonant, and vowel. Two con- sonants never occur together in the same syllable unless one is an agglutinated affix. § 25. Nominal Stems Following is a list of several simple nominal stems: a lake ta stone an town tan sea-lion as! tree tat night axa' paddle nu fort Ic father TiaA't clothing yak"^ canoe nuk!^ shells yak mussel tcunl't bow yao herring tsa seal yAxHc sea-otter tsesk!^ owl yek supernatural helper s.'ax" hat ylt son sit spruce da's 'a snare CAt wife dis moon caii old person §§ 24, 25 196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 cayl'na anchor xao log or dead tree ci blood xdt root cl song xon friend gA(ja'n sun xox husband gotc wolf Teat lish-baskot q(.i man hd'ni brothor-in-law qahd'l-"' salmon-eggs -he' mdi sea-gull qou people xd'na evening q!a point xuts! grizzly-bear q!dn fire xixtc! frog q!un fur-seal Mn fresh water q!dt! island hit house xa enemy hu'nx elder brother Onomatopoetic words are surprisingly rare. The following are the terms of blood-relationship: lUk! grandjiarent Ic father LCI mother Laic! mother's sister (literally, little mother) Icdk mother's brother dt father's sister, and father's sister's daughter SA'ni father's brother and father's sister's son hunx man's elder brother CAtx woman's elder sister Jclk! man's younger brother, and woman's younger sister Ldk! man's sister tJc! woman's brother kdlk! mother's brother's children cxAnk! grandchild yit son, and son of mother's sister si daughter, and daughter of mother's sister Jcelk! sister's child, and child of WH)nian's brother Terms of relationship through marriage are the following: xox husband CAt wife wu father-in-law tcdn mother-in-law Jcd'iii brother-in-law of man, and sister-in-law of woman The other relationships are indicated by terms purely descriptive. Most of the above are also used in a broad sense to cover those per- sons of the same sex, clan, and generation, as the one to whom it more particularly belongs. A sister's husband was called husband; and a wife's sister, wife, because, in case of the wife's death, the widower had a right to marry her sister. §25 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 197 § 26. Verbal Stems One or two nominal stems, such as sa name, tcun dream, and xil! HERRING-RAKE, are also found as the stems of verbs, but usually the two sets of stems are quite distinct. The following is a partial list of verb-stems : u to use ha to dig s!u to cut off na to do ni to put xe to stay, remain gu to go (one person) at to go (pi.) dja to tell, explain ti to be ku to know tA to sleep qa to say su to help (a supernatural being acting) ca to marry xa to eat ya to carry, bear Ic.'e to be good dji to have qe to sit nex to save nilc to tell yex to make xox to invite tATi to put nuk^ to become dJAq to kill tin to see gAs! to strike gen to look at, examine xix to get gAn to burn git to do na to die lea to be lazy t!a to slap t!a to be hot ci; to hunt for MJc to be full of djel to set, place tsln to be strong giq! to throw gou; to go by canoe L.'ex to dance cat to take, seize xac to drift zoi/ to sharpen dx to hear hen to stand x'fg'/ to sleep or to go to sleep s.'it to cover fit to drift gdx to cry Ji.'dn to hate ^s/^g to smoke uk to boil ^'w^' to shoot t.'Aq! to pound wus! to ask jw to fly into JcIaIc! to cut q.'ak"' to forget g'/a^ to swim aIc to weave fsis to swam It is possible that the final consonant of one or another of these stems is really a suffix, and such may have been the origin of some terminal consonants which are now inseparable. § 26 198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 27. Numerals Numerals precede the nouns with which they occur. The cardinal numbers are: Leq! one na'tslTcuducu' eight dex two gucu'l: nine nats.'Jc three djVnkdt ten daq'.u'n four dji'nJcdt qa Leq! eleven Jce'djin five ze'qa twenty Le'ducu six nats.'ga dji'nkat thirty daxa'ducu seven Ice'djin qa one hundred Ke'djin is formed from Tee up and djin hand; dji'nJcdt contains the suihx kat ACROSS or upon and djin hand; Le'qa is from Leq! one and qa MAN. When human beings are referred to, slaves usually excepted, the numeral takes the post-position tiAX. nA's!ginAX qa three men Leducu'uAX duke' Ik a JtAS his six nephews dex gux two slaves The numeral one, however, is sometimes unchanged. yuLe'q! yAtl'yiga wucJcik!iye'7i bring one of the brothers Leq! atl'yia bring one man TiAX is also used to form distributive numerals. Ordinals are formed from cardinals by means of a final -a. dAxa' the second nats!gia' the third The first is expressed by cuq!wd'nAX. Numeral adverbs are formed by suffixing -dahen. dAxdahe'n ye'yanaqa when he said thus twice dAxdahe'na gu'dawe after she had been twice § 28. Interrogative Pronouns The chief interrogative pronouns, also used as relatives, are adu'sa WHO, dd'sa WHAT, and wd'sa what or how. The final syllable sa is separable, however, although never omitted, and ought rather to be regarded as an interrogative particle, though it is perhaps identical with the particle si or Asi referred to in § 18.1. Examples of the use of these pronouns are: §§ 27, 28 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 199 odu'sa wuL.'l'q! who broke it off? adu'sgi qasl' gaca' I wonder who will marr}^ my daughter dd'saya ye djl'wani what has done this? dasayu' , aze' what is that, mother? hA da' tin sa what with? (that is, what can you do?) wasa'yu hade' ye'doqa what to us do they say thus ? tc.'uLe' Lei wudusJcu' wd'sa waniye' then they did not know what had been done wd'sa iya'odudziqa' Axyi't what did they say to you, my son? With these should be connected gu'su where. gusu' yen yuqoxe'tcgi where is, then, the breaking; off of it ? gusu' tuwunu' guylyi where is it that he had felt bad? gudA'xqd'x SAyu' u'wadji Lei ye'awushu' from whence he came, she did not know The last of these examples shows the locative character of gusu' (in this case contracted to gu) ; and the first two, the curious manner of its employment. §28 TEXT Qaq Iatcgu'k (Told by interpreter, Don Cameron, at Sitka, January, 1904) Clt!kri'q!ayu* yc'yati^ wu'ckikliyc'n^ 3^0'duwasak" ^ hunxo'^ a'^ At Sitka it was that there were brothers named thus the eldest thatis QfiqlAtco^u'k.' ALlu'nayu* Has ak"citA'n.* Leq!^° tsluta'tayu" QfiqlAtcgu'k. Hunting it was they liked. One morning it was on that q!a't!q!i xodc' ^^ dfik ^^ has uwaqo'x." Lei At udJA'qx.*^ Ts!u islands to among out they went by canoe. Not things he ever killed. Again yen uqo'xtc.^" Tslu dtik uwaqo'x." AdA'xajm" yuqlu'n^^ xo'de there he always came Again out he went by canoe. And then the fur seals to in by canoe. among wuduwasa'.^^ "Hu At naqo'xtciya ^« aya'.^* CiJklA'L!^^ Vsa'^ his name was called. "He things always going in canoe is here. Keep quiet your voices after gaa'x."^^ Daq Has naqo'x^" a'ayu^^ yuhimxO'a^" ye'qlayaqa:" lest he Shoreward they were going by at that time the eldest brother it said thus: hear." canoe was 1 Ctt.'kd' (Sitka) compounded of Cithe native name of BaranofE island, the post-position t.'a behind or BACK OF, and the post-position ka on; q! locative post-position at; ayu compoimded of yu the demonstra- tive and probably a- indefinite pronoun, used to call particular attention to the place. 2 ye an adveroial particle referring to brothers, which may here be translated as follows, although it sometimes refers to what precedes; ya- continuative prefix § 15.3; li stem of the verb to be. 3 wu- § 1!>A\ c- the reflexive prefix § 11; kik! younger brother; -yen suffix which seems to take the place of hAs to indicate plurality. * ye AS follows; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; saro name or call; -fc" noun-forming or perfect participial suffix § 20.3. ^hunz elder brother; o proliably possessive; kik! younger brother. ^ a stands for yc'drnmsak". ' Object of ye'duivasak". 8 a- indefmite pronoim indicating the things hunted for; L.'iin hunting for, employed as a post-posi- tion; -ayii (.see note 1). ^hAs personal pronoun subject third person plural; a- object referring to a i.'w'n; fc«- indefinite prefix; ci- desire § 18.7; ^-in to put. verb-stem of many uses. '" Lcq! ONE, numeral modifying ts.'utd't. Very often the noun modified is omitted in connections like this. '1 f«.'u again; tat night; ayu demonstrative. The meaning seems to be, another night being PAST. 12 g.'a<.' island; -g.'i plural; lo among; demotion to. " Adverb; seaward or to an open place. » u- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; qoz to go by canoe. 15 u- § 17.2; dj.iq to kill; -x distributive suffix § 19.4. 16 u- § 17.2; qoz to go by canoe; -tc intensive suffix § 7. 1' a- indefinite pronoun; -d.iz from; ayu demonstrative. 18 yu- demonstrative; q.'un fur-seal. 19 wu- § 1.5.4; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; sa to name, to call, also voice. 20 Tja- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; qoz to go by canoe; -tc intensive suffix § 7; 4 participial suffix; -ya noun-forming suffix § 20.2, 4. 2' a indefinite pronoun, and ya demonstrative. 22 c- reflexive § 11; ^-frequentative § 18.4; k.'AL.' to be quiet. 23?- thy; so voice (see note 19). 2* ga- subordinating prefix § 17.4; di to hear. 25 a and ayu. 2« yu- demonstrative; hunzo' elder brother; a indefinite pronoun. 2' ye- AS follows; q!a mouth; ya- § 15.3; qa stem. 200 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 201 "Lak" axfi', yandunu'k"."28 Le klant^" lus uwanu'k^.^" Caqaha'di^i "Quick paddles it has become windy." Then angry they became. The bowman yak"t^-^ awago'q"^^ duaxa'yi.-''* LdakA't ye's^=^ wudzigl't.^*'' AdA'xayu" into the pushed his paddle. All did the same. And then canoe cana'^'^ liAs wu'dislit.^'^ Yu'yak"i^ qo'a Le wu'lixac.^" Dekl'de^" heads they covered. The canoe, however, then drifted. Outward Leducu'" yA'kaye qa tat" Has wu'lixac.'''' Yadji'nkat-qa-dox ^^ six days * and nights they drifted. The twelth day akA'tayu" ke a'cdziglt" yen yu'lititk" ^-^ yuy:Vk".i^ Aositl'n^^ on that up he woke there the drifting against * the canoe. He saw the shore q!at!kA'q!^^ Asiyu'^^ tan, tsa, q!un, yAx"tc! qa tan-qlAdadza'yi.*^ on the island it was sea-lions, hair- fur- sea-otters, and sea- bristles. * seals, seals, lion- LdakA't ada''^" aolitA'q!^* .yiiqlfi'tldaql.^^ Has At ka'wadjcU^^ All around it drifted the island around on. They things got up. Leq! tak""^* aye's ^^ wuti'/^" KA'ndAk.'e'tl" yuLe'q! tak" qa acuwu'. One year they were there. It was completed the one year and a half. Wute'x^^ yuqa' tcucsta't.^^ Leq! tsluta't an •'o ke udzigl't" Slept regularly the man to sleep about himself. One morning with it up he woke dutcil'ni.'^'^ Ye'atcun''^ qox"^ ag-a'qtc. **■''' AdA'xayu" Leq! ts!utri't" his dream. He dreamed thus back he always got. And then one morning 28 ya- § 15.3; n- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; du- § 17.3; nuku to blow. 29 k!dn anger; -t attainment of a state § 20.1. ™ u- § 17.2; wa- § IS. 2; nuk"- to become. 31 Perhaps containing ca head, qa man. 32 yakit canoe; -t motion into. 33 o indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; goq-^ to push. 3* du- his; ata' paddle; -yi' possessive sufiix § 10. 35 ye refers to action preceding; -« probably stands for liAs they. 3« wu- § 15.4; dzi- to come to § 18.0; git to do. 3' CO head; -na probably around, near. , 38 yju- § 15.4; (fj. inchoatlve § 18.3; s!U to cover. 39 wu- § 15.4; I- frequentative § 18.4; xac to drift. ^o dckl' far off; -de motion thither. ■" Leq! one; six = one counted upon five. <2 ya- demonstrative; djin hand; -kat upon or across, probably the two hands lying upon each other; qa and; dex two. ■•3 Probably a indefinite pronoun; fcA on; t motion to; ayu demonstrative compound. « a indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; dzi- to come to be § 18.0; git. « yu demonstrative: I- frequentative § 18.4; tit to drift ashore; -fc" verbal noun § 20.3. <" a- indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; -si simple statement of an action § 18.1; tin to see. ■" q'.at! island; kA on; q! at. *8 Probably a indefinite pronomi; si simple statement of fact (see note 40); yu demonstrative. ^ q!a probably mouth; -yi possessive suffix § 10. M o indefinite pronoun; da around. " o indefinite pronoim; o- § 17.2; I- frequentative § 18.4; tAq! to drift. ^2 yu demonstrative; q!at! island; da around; q! at. ^ ka- to cause to do § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; djH to arise. « Strictly winter. 55 a indefinite pronoim; yes on account of, or ye plus s for hAs they. ^ wu- § 15.4; ti to be. 5' I am unable to analyze this word. kA may be the prefixed auxiliary. 58 wu- § 15.4; ta to sleep; -x distributive § 19.4. 59 teac- perhaps reflexive § 11; s- single statement of action § 18.1; ta to sleep; -t suffix indicating purpose § 20.1. * a indefinite pronoun; -n with. 61 u- active prefix § 17.2; dzi- to come to be § 18.6; git to do. ® du- his; tcun dream; -I possessive suffix after a consonant §§ 3, 10. 63 ye- demonstrative; a indefinite pronomi; tcun to dream. M qox occurs both as adverl) and as post-position. * o indefinite pronoun; gaq to reach; -tc intensive suffix § 7. 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 duki'kl-hAs'"' yc'ayaosiqa,«' ''Ca'ykkqo'de.«» Yak"yi«« At kayilaga'.'" his younger brothers he said to as follows, "Sit up. Into the things you load. Into the things canoe Tcakuge'yi yc'nde '* Anywhere thither oakl'iiAx''* ke xixtc."" up always gets.' hayak"gwata'n." GrAga'n we will go. Sun near the top of wucgo'di" hAsducayl'nayi^^ into itself their anchor Kane'sdi-ca " Cross-mountain (Verstovaia) AdA'xa3"u yen hAS ya'watAn.^" Qo'ka And then there they were heading. Has anatrtc*" gAga'n they lowered sun ke xi'xtciya.*^ up where it gets. yadji'ndaht~n.^^^ standing suddenly (on the water). yasgaqoxayu'®* when they were coming LAX q!un' Very many hinq! in the water hAs uxe'** sayu'^^ hAs aositi'n ke'Ladi they camped when they saw a sea-gull It was dark anA'x ^ from near it XAtc«« It was L!ux Asiyu Mount it wa.s Edgecumbe that hAS aositi'n l!ux klide'n they S( when it was hAS thev aositrn. saw. AxA'nga" Near it Yu'ca«» adatcu'n,"«« straight towards it," saw Mount plainly. "The Edgecumbe mountain j'u'yawaqa^^ QiiqiAtcgu'k, "adatcu'n^'' 3^en yayi'satAn."^^ AdA'xayu was what said Qfiql.^tcgu'k, "straight towards there you be steering. " And then it xa'nade^^ AnA'x yen hAs uwaqo'x. Ye Has a'wa.sa Ytik^kAlsigA'k".^* towards near there they came by Thus they named it Canoe-resting-place, evening canoe. Tan a akawati'®^ anA'x gadusku't^" hu anA'x 3"en wuqoxo'n.^^ it he caused ashore so they might he near it there had come by was to be at it know canoe. Sea lion ^du- His; klk! younger brother; -ft^« plural for terms of relationship. 6' ye demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; ya- § 15.3; o- § 17.2; si- simnle statement § 18.1; qa to s.\y. «8 Probably c- reflexive; i- you; da- inchoative § 18.3; qe to sit; -de imperative suffix or particle § 22.2. 69 yak" c.\noe; yi probably down into. '0 ka- to cause § 1.5.2; yi- ye; I- frequentative § 18.4; ga to load. '• yen there; de motion toward. '2 ha us; ya- § 15.3; k"- indefinite § 15.6; gwa- (for gu-) future § 15.5; tan TO GO. " Kane's} is the modem Tlingit word for cross (Lieut. O. T. Emmons believes it to be a corruption of Christ. The consonant cluster «< does not sound like Tlingit); ca mountain. • '< ca head; ki towards; rax near, or from near by. '5 xix to get; -tc intensive suffix § 7. '6 j/o-§ 15.3; wa- § 18.2; Un to head. " wu- § 15.4; c- reflexive; ge into; di motion to. '8 /iyi«(fM- their; cayi'na anchor; -^i possessive suffix. " hin water; -q! into. *« a indefinite pronoun; na- action accompanied by another § 17.5; ti stem; -Ic intensive suffix. 81 a indefinite pronoun; n.ii near, or from near by. 8»iii TO get; -tc intensive suffix § 7; -i participle; -ya verbal noun § 20.2, 4. 83 After LAX q.'un, the word tat winter should be understood. »• u- § 17.2; xe to camp. 85 ya- § 15.3; dji- rapidly § 17.1; na- at the same time as §17.5; da- inchoative § 18.3; hen to stand. 8« -tc emphatic suffix (?). 8' a indefinite pronoun; x^in post-position indicating motion to the neighborhood of some person; -ga purpose. 83 ya- § 15.3; s- probably stands for hAs; ga- when § 17.4; qoz to go by canoe; -ayu demonstrative. 89 yu demonstrative; ca mountain. M a indefinite pronoun; datcun post-position, perhaps containing da ,\round. " yu demonstrative; ya- § 15.3; wa- § 1S.2; qa to say. 92 ya § 15.3; yi- second person plural; so- indicative §,18.1; tAn to steer. w de motion toward. »* ydku canoe; kAl (?); si- indicative §18.1; ga or gAk" (?). s'o indefinite pronoun; to- to cause § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti to be. 96 ga subordmating prefix § 17.4; du- § 17.3; s- indicative § 18.1; ku to know; -t purpose § 20.1. »' wu- 1 15.4; qoz TO GO BY CANOE; -n conjunctival suffix preceded by o in harmony with the o before x § 3; § 19.3. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 203 AdA'xawe yaCi'tlkade »^ hAs wuqo'x. Ya'ani'*'' gaya'qde ^°" And then here to Sitka they came by This town ashore in front of canoe. ya'sgaqo'xayu' i°* tcla'guayi' ^°^ ducA't^"^ gant agfi'x. Tclaye' su when they were coming the old one his wife outside wept. At that very in by canoe time gaxe'ayu'^"* aositl'n yu'yak" an egaya'de ^"^ yanaqo'x. ^*"^ Aositl'n when she was she saw the canoe town to in front of was coming. She saw crying awu'Age'^"^ xat-s!ax"."» Wudiha'n i"" nelde'"" wugu't.*" Hat"^ she had th& root-hat. She started up into the to go Here woven house (she went). hAs uwaqo'x. Datuwu' "^ sigu' 37uca'wAt-can."* Duxo'x duxA'nq!"^ they came. Her mind was happy the old woman's. Her husband to her daq gu'dayu MakA't At qadjide'"" ye ao.si'ni"^ tan-q!Adadza'yi, up came when all things to the men these he gave sea-lion bristles, * yA'x"tc dugu', q!un dugu'. An qadji'u"^ aoliLe'k".^^^ Dukfi'ni- sea-otter skins, fur-seal skins. With hands he shook. His brothers- these yeni2« j^e'dayaduqa, ^^^ " Detcla'k^^^^ iitrql^^^* yen yu-At-ka'wati.^^* in-law they said thus to him, " Long since in your there the feast has been place given. Yuyl's-qai^^ de^^^ udu'waca."*" ALe'n^^^ tuwunu'k^^^fl awatle'.^^" The young is already married." It was trouble she felt. woman much 38 ya THIS, employed because ne story was told in Sitka; de toward. 99 ya this; an town; -i possessive suffix. The reason for the use of this suffix is not clear. M ga'ya post-position, in front of; -g probably indicates motion shoreward; -d^TOWARD. 01 ya- § 15..3; s- for hAs they (?); 9a- subordinating prefix § 17.4; qox to go bv canoe; -oytt demonstrative. lo^ tddku OLD, OLD TIME.S, OLD THINGS; -(,a)yi possessive suffix referring to ducA't. (iMHE; -xAii TO the NEIGHBORHOOD OF a person; -q! at. 16 qa man; -tc voiced before vowel; emphatic suffix § 7; d^ toward. 1' See note 46; ni to gi\'e. 18 qa man; djin hand. 19 Lefc" TO SHAKE. 20 du his; yen plural for terms of relationship (see note 3). 21 ye demonstrative; da sign of indirect object § 14.4; ya- § 15.3; du- § 17.3; qa TO say. '^ de now; tc.'dki a long time ago. 1- thy; -q! post-position. 2< yu demonstrative; At something; fca- causative § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti to be. 12= j/M demonstrative; yis young person; qa human being. >26 de now. u- § 17.2; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; ca to marry (=woman). 28 a indefinite pronoun; Len big. ^ tu mind; wu- § 15.4; nuku to become. wo o indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; t.'e to feel. 204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [avuh. 40 [Translation] Brothers lived at Sitka of whom the ehlest was named Qfiq lAtcofi'k. They were fond of hunting. One morning they went out among the islands. He (that isQriqlAtcgfi'k) kept coming back without having killed anything. He went out again. Then his name was mentioned among the fur-seals. "The one who always hunts is here. Keep quiet, lest he hear your voices." Wlien they were going towards the shore, the eldest brother said, "Use your paddles quickly, for it has become windy." Now they became angry. The bow-man pushed his paddle down into the canoe. All did the same thing. Then they covered their heads. The canoe, however, drifted on. They drifted out for six days and nights. The twelfth day he (Qiiq ! Atcgu'k) awoke and found the canoe drifting against the shore. He saw sea-lions, hair-seals, fur-seals, sea-otters, and sea-lion bristles on the island. All hatl drifted ashore around the island. They took their things up. They were there for one year. A year and a half was completed. The man kept sleeping, thinking about his condition. One morning he woke up with his dream. He kept dreaming that he had gotten home. And one morning he said to his younger brothers, "Sit up. Put the things into the canoe. The sun always rises from the neigh- borhood of Mount Verstovaia." Then they headed in that direction. When it became dark, they lowered their anchor into the water in the direction from which the sun comes up. After they had spent very many nights, they saw a sea-gull upon the water. What they saw was Mount Edgecumbe. 'V^^ien they got nearer it, they saw plainly that it was Mount Edgecumbe. "Straight for the mountain," said Qaq!Atcgu'k, "steer straight towards it." So towards evening they came near it. They named that place Canoe-resting-place. He pounded out the figure of a sea-lion there so that they might know he had come ashore at that place. When they came ashore in front of the town, his old wife was outside weeping. While she was crying, she saw the canoe coming in front of the towTi. She saw the root-hat she had woven. She got up to go into the house. They came thither. The old woman's mind was glad. When her husband came up to her, he gave all these things to the people — sea-lion bristles, sea- otter skins, fur-seal skins. He shook hands with these in his hands. His brother-in-law said to him, " The feast was given for you some time ago (that is, the mortuary feast). The young woman is already mar- ried." She (the younger woman) was very much troubled on account of it (because her former husband was now a man of wealth). HAIDA BY JOHN" R. SWANTON 205 COISTTENTS § 1. Location 209 §§ 2-5. Phonetics 210 § 2. System of sounds 210 § 3. Grouping of sounds 212 § 4. Dialectic differences 213 § 5. Laws of euphony 213 § 6. Grammatical processes 215 §§ 7-12. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 215 § 7. Noun and verb 215 § 8. Composition 216 § 9. Classification of nouns 216 § 10. Personal pronouns 217 § 11. Demonstrative pronouns 217 § 12. Connectives 217 §§ 13-34. Discussion of grammar 218 § 13. Formation of word complexes 218 § 14. First group: Instrumental verbal prefixes 219 § 15. Second group: Classifying nominal prefixes 227 §§16-21. Third group: Principal predicative terms 235 § 16. Characterization of predicative terms 235 § 17. Stems in initial position 235 § 18. Stems in terminal position, first group 237 § 19. Stems in terminal position, second group 238 § 20. Stems in terminal position, third group 240 § 21. Stems in terminal position, fourth group 243 § 22. Fourth group: Locative suffixes 244 §§ 23-26. Syntactic treatment of the verbal theme 247 § 23. Temporal suffixes 247 § 24. Semi-temporal suffixes 25& § 25. Modal suffixes 250 § 26. Unclassified suffixes : 254 § 27. Personal pronoun 256 § 28. Possession 257 § 29. Plurality and distribution 260 § 30. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns ,261 §§ 31-33. Modifying stems 261 § 31. Connectives 261 § 32. Adverbs 265 § 33. Interjections 266 § 34. Syntax 266 §§ 35-39. Vocabulary 268 § 35. General remarks 268 § 36. Verb-stems 268 § 37. Numerals 270 § 38. Nominal stems -^•'• § 39. Plural stems 276 Haida text (Skidegate dialect) - ' ^ 207 HAIDA By John R. S wanton §1. LOCATION The Haida language, called Skittagetan by Powell, was anciently spoken only on the Queen Charlotte islands, off the coast of British Columbia. About a hundred and fifty or two hundred years ago, however, a large body of Haida moved from their old towns in the northwestern part of the islands, and settled around Cordova and Kasaan bays, Alaska. As originally situated the Haida consisted of six fairly well-marked geographical groups, each of which probably possessed certain dialectic peculiarities; but only two or tliree well- established dialects can now be said to exist. The two most impor- tant of these are that spoken at Skidegate, in the central portion of the Queen Charlotte islands, and that spoken at Masset (on the northern end of the islands) and in Howkan, Klinkwan, and Kasaan, Alaska. The first I shall call the Skidegate dialect, and the second the Masset dialect. The speech of the people around the southern extremity of the group differed so far from these that it may also have been entitled to dialectic rank, but so few of those who used to speak it now survive that we have no absolute knowledge on this point. From the name given by whites to their principal town, I shall call this hypothetical dialect the dialect of Ninstints. The nearest neighbors of the Skidegate Haida were the Tsimshian of the mainland of British Columbia; and the nearest neighbors of the Masset Haida the Alaskan Tlingit. There is evidence, however, that at one time the Tlingit were neighbors of the southern Haida as well; and the speech of both shows morphological and even lexical similarities such as lead to a suspicion of genetic relationship. Although Tsimshian influence has been very strong among the Haida in recent years, the Tsimshian language is quite distinct, and the only other language in this region which shows any morphological similarity to Haida is the Athapascan spoken in the interior of the continent. 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 14 209 21U J3UKEAU or AMElilCAN ETH^'OLUCiY I 111 lA.. 40 The examples given in the following sketch have been taken from my collection of Ilaida texts. Those in the Masset dialect will be found in the publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Volume X; those in the Skidegate dialect in Bulletin 29 of the Bu- reau of American Ethnology. References preceded by B refer to Bulletin 29. PHONETICS (sS^ 2-5) § 2. System of Sounds Like most other languages of the north Pacilic coast of America, Haida makes an extended use of sounds of the 1-, I, and s series. It is peculiarly remarkable, however, for the great extent to which it employs n and n (ng) and the frequent juxtaposition of two or even three vowel-sounds. Following is a list of all those sounds which the Haida themselves appear to recognize: Coti.soninit.t Towels Sonant Surd Fortih Spirant Nasal Semi- vowels and Affricatives • d] tc tc! _ _ Breathing. Dentals . . . . d t t! S n - Palatals . . . Velars . . . • 9 ■ 9 h <1 I! 9-' X h y 7i I (or e) i (or e) Labials . . . h V - - VI w a (or a) a Laterals . . . • L L l! 1,1 - u (or o) u (or o) An anterior palatal series might be added to these, but the sounds to be so characterized seem only palatals followed by a close vowel. The fort is sounds are accompanied by a slight explosion, which results from urging more breath against the articulating organs than can at once pass through. Some speakers bring these out very for- cibly, while others pass over them Avith considerable smoothness. In the latter case it is very easy to mistake them for corresponding so- nants. It is doubtful whether d and t and dj and tc really exist as recognizedly separate sounds; tc is sometimes heard in the Masset dialect, and dj in Skidegate in corresponding situations, x is pro- nounced intermediately between the cli in German "ach" and in Ger- man "ich," with which latter sound it agrees entirely when placed before a close A^owel. In the Z-series l is much like dl, and l much like tl; but the tongue is extended farther forward along the palate, and there is a greater flow of breath around it. In I the outflow of breath becomes extreme, m and j) are usually final sounds in certain §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 211 syllables where they appear to convey a kmd of onomatopoetic sense. In both cases there is a little longer pause with lips closed after the enunciation than is usual in English, h, which occurs in barely half a dozen words, seems to be of the same nature. In the Masset dialect g and x are articulated so feebly that it is best to represent them by independent signs, ' and •^; but this alteration seems to be only an accompaniment of the shorter form of speech which Masset people affect. In the present sketch all of the examples not marked ''Masset" are taken from the Skidegate dialect. Among vowels we have to distinguish^ clearly between those proper to the language and those which seem to be purely accidental, a sort of by-product of speech. In the former class are u (or o), u (or o), I (or e) , i (or e) , a, and a . The sounds in the pairs u and o, u and o, I and e, i and e, are not distrnguished from each other, and m each case the two probably stand for a single sound, i and e pass very easily into i and e; and the latter may be described as accidental sounds, although which pair is really accidental it would be hard to say. Under the accent, a is lengthened into a. Sometimes a is heard instead of a (kid'lu, I'id'lii) ; and sometunes the doubling of a sound gives the effect of a, as in Masset qdh, equivalent to qa' a h, and qiiTian, which is the same as qea'nan. a following wa, as in wa'zu, resembles a; and a is heard in a few exclamations, but it is not proper to the language. The semi-vowels, y and w, are etymologically related to I and u, and must be considered modifications of these sounds. A notable feature of Haida is the doubling and juxtaposition of vowels, accompanying the general vocalic character of the speech. Any two vowels may thus be used together, but, although generally treated as equivalent to a single vowel, they do not seem to be pronounced as closely together as the vowel-sounds which compose our diphthongs. Examples of this phenomenon are: djd'ada woman la V knnd'gah WAnsu'ga he told her the news, they say V sfi'us he said gua towards ta'olAh friends gui toward V gea'lagATi he became Inaga'i the town A weak i may be followed by two vowels, as in gia'ogi at the end. §2 212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvli.. 40 § 3. Grouping of Sounds Syllables may consist of a single vowel ; a consonant with following vowel, or with vowel-combination like the above ; two consonants with following vowel; two consonants, a vowel, and a terminal consonant; or of two consonants by themselves. While all classes of consonants may stand at the beginning of words, it sounds are not admitted as terminal sounds. Two groups of consonantic clusters may be distinguished — those with initial s and I, and those with other initial consonants. I, l, l, and l! belong in i)art to the former group. Only s and I, and to a certain extent I, l, l, and l! may form initial clusters, and the first two are found with considerable fre- quency in monosyllabic stem. In these clusters s and I are followed by other consonants; but s is not followed by another s or an affric- ative. Following are examples, taken from the Masset dialect: stAji two 280.10 Ita'nu to eat (collective) 278.7 st!e sick 300.28 Igul to move about sgat to chop 275.10 ^Zi'Wl^Z disturbed, in haste 719.5 sMt- to club Ik! a' mat needle of coniferous tree sH^ar^ but 290.32 303.11 s^oan {s^wdn) one 275.7 Iheid to begin to split 711.23 s^.'ao salmon-berry bush 319.23 VlanqfAle' pit 703.25 SLAqA'm butterfly 29G.26 Iqain kelp shla hand Initial clusters with initial l, l, l! or I are not rare, but are formed probably in all cases by composition. Inagai' town 704.9 (from na to live) LnA'nda a whole one 707.11; 419.15 V Ln^alanan she cooked it 731.41 (%Z to cook 295.7) xno^ 710.26 Ll'lgadAnulan to split quickly 711.26 Lidjugia'ga-i standing 725.26 LsJcu'naganan they dress up 717.34 All other consonantic clusters do not admit surd stops in second position, and no Ic sound occurs in first position. The only cluster beginning with an affricative that I have found is dfx. Presumably all these clusters are due to composition of stems which terminate and begin with consonants respectively. This would account for the §3 i BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 213 •ibsence of I' sounds as first sounds of clusters, since these do not occur as terminal sounds. § 4. Dialectic Differences Compared with the Skidegate dialect, Masset appears to have undergone a shortening process throughout. I have already men- tioned the change of g and a; to ^ and ^ ; and this shortening is also conspicuously noticeable among vowel-sounds, a appearing as a, Jiao as u, stA or sta as st' , while the u and a sounds generalh^, especially when terminal, are reduced to very light breathings. The vowel- combination ai becomes almost e. Sometimes, however, one vowel is changed into another, as in stin two (Masset stAfi) or u'ngu on top OF (Masset i'ngu). In conformity with a euphonic tendency to be noted below, n, as in i's%n, often changes to n in Masset. Occasion- ally, too, whole syllables are dropped, and so we have qaod for qa'odi; Hal and dal for tIalA'h and dalA'h; I'Llade for I'L.'xagidasgai. Another difference between these two dialects, related to the ques- tion of euphony, is the change of g into x in certain situations in the Skidegate dialect, and its retention in Masset. Thus d'djgua over THERE in Masset becomes d'djxua in Skidegate, and V qd'gals he WENT OUT becomes Ia qd'xvls. This is interesting as seeming to show that the euphonic tendencies have acted differently in the two branches of the Haida tribe. *- All that is know^i of the peculiarities of the Ninstints dialect is that it tended to substitute Ic for g, and that in the manner of its enunciation it was esteemed by the other Haida to resemble Atha- pascan. § 5. Laws of Euphony The most important euphonic change in Haida is related to that spoken of above. Witliin the Skidegate dialect itself the g and g of the connective particle ga-i (see p. 262), the possessive suffix -gAfi (see § 28.4), and the past-temporal suffixes before the quotative WAUSu'ga (see § 23.1), are dropped m certain situations, generally having to do with the preceding sound. It is not possible to make rules that will cover all the cases which occur, but it generally happens that g is retained after a and dropped after u. After the consonants and the remaining vowels it is more often dropped than retained; but exceptions are numerous, especially after ^, 77, the Z-sounds, and s S§4.5 214 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Iuvlu 40 contracted from djt. In the cases of infinitives and participles, exceptions are more numerous than with nouns. Examples of the use and disuse of this g are the following: xd'gai the dog B 37.4 nd'nAn his grandmother B 59.14 Lua'i the canoe B 29.21 nd'ngai the jAay djd'gAh his wife B 29.30 qjadi'gai the slumber awu'h his mother B 7.1 d'sgai this thing B 33.28 goda'i the box B 71.32 V gea'lgai when he came (to be) In the Masset dialect the g of -a^^n, the Skidegate past-inexperienced temporal suffix (see § 23.2, p. 248), is dropped in most situations, but retained as g after a, conformabl}^ with the above rule la l! isdagi'ganan they /..' ^d'sgadani they landed always took him xed idja'ni they were ashore But— qdL yu'An qfedju'L.'agan a big Z' td'gani he ate reef stood out of the water tiau I'Llagidagan one was chief The final consonant of certain stems is sometimes Z, sometimes I. Of these, Z usually appears before a vowel, I before a consonant: Ia stA l! stils they went back a'asin gut Ia qaxitgid'lasi he for him ran over this wa}^ upon it But accent seems to have something to do with the phenomenon; for, when two vowels precede this consonant and the accent falls upon the second, I is commonly employed; thus — Gei Id'ga Ia tcH'tlaged'lgai lu when he got through breaking his paddles I is also sometimes introduced where it has no grammatical signifi- cance, and thus we find ydkuhl'a in the middle instead of yakusl'a. n and n seem to bear much the same relation to each other as do Z and Z, only in this case h is plainly the original sound. Thus the terminal phonetic combination -Tias often contracts to ns; for example, nd'tga Jiao la' oatugwangAiiAS his nephew sat aeound WHITTLING or nd'tga hao la'oatugwangAns. This phenomenon may be due as much to rapid pronunciation as to any other cause. Before s the terminal h of the imperative future suffix disappears, as also from garia'h like before xar, as ingana'xAn; while in gi'ngAn TO himself it appears to be inserted. s becomes dj before most vowels; for example, tds sand, td'djai THE sand; d'd'fi this, d'sgai this thing; liawa'n dAfi xe'riAnaudja DO YOU still live? and gAin gu '-atil dA'h^a HalA'n i'nalnanus §5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 215 MAY WE NOT LEAVE WATER WITH YOU ? (Masset) — liave the same inter- rogative suffix -udja, -us. Labials are of small consequence in Haida. Still it is worth noting that sip sea-anemone changes the p to h when followed by the connective particle, namely, si'bai. § 6. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES Grammatical categories and syntactical relations are expressed almost solely by composition, affixing, and position. There is a sporadic case of duplication presented by the continuative suffix -gAn; as, la qi'hgAh he is looking, la qi'hgAhgAh he looks many times ; but it is not extensively used. The perfect tense is expressed by a form which may possibly represent dieresis, but which is more plausiblj^ explained as a suffix, -y; as, la suda'yagAUi I'la isda'si, HE DID differently FROM THE WAY HE HAD SAID HE WOULD DO. Verbal and nominal stems may be combined into stem-complexes by juxtaposition. These complexes are treated syntacticalh" like single stems, each element in the complex receiving its significance by its position. Besides compositions of such independent stems, a number of others occur in which the component elements do not seem to be independent, but occur as prefixes or suffixes. There is, how- ever, no sharp dividing-line between composition and affixing; and some of the elements that appear at present as subordinate may prove to be independent stems. Notwithstanding the phonetic independence of the elements of the stem-complexes, their relation is so intimate that it seems best to consider them as single words because they enter as units into syntactic construction. A number of sound changes which have been referred to seem to be of a purely phonetic character, and not to have any morphological significance. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§.§ 7-12) § 7. Noun and Verb In general, the distinction between nominal and verbal stems is very sharp. It is true that certain stems are used in a manner that leaves a doubt as to which category they belong, but their use is quite limited. Such are iva'lgal potlatch and to potlatch, rial DANCE and TO dance, na house and to live; while glda chief's §§6,7 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 SON, yd'nAn clouds, td'na sea-water, have or may present verbal forms. Generally, however, a noun which is used as a predicate is followed by a verbal stem, or appears incorporated, as, V gldagd'gAU HE was a chief's SON, V tcofahdas he had a spear (from tcd'aL spear). Verbs that change into nouns usually become abstract, their origin being thus easily recognized. The names for instruments, store-articles, and some other things, are generally descriptive terms and thus verbal, but they have dropped their verbal suffixes and taken on a noun-forming suffix. Rarely a verb is turned into a passive and then into a noun by prefixing ta and suffixing gai (see § 17.4, p. 236). These are the only cases in which we find verbal prefixes in nouns. § 8. Composition Although there is much freedom in the composition of stem- complexes, a number of t5"pes may readily be distinguished. The more fully developed complexes of this kind generally express by an initial element an idea of modality, most commonly instrumentality; by a second element, the nominal object; b}' a third element, the peculiar kind of action; and by a fourth element, the local relations of the action. In those cases in which the various elements are best developed, the first element appears as an instrumental prefix; the second, as a term expressing a group of nouns characterized by a a certain shape ; the third is a verbal stem ; and the fourth expresses direction and location. These word-complexes are followed hj suffixes expressing tense, mood, and related concepts. § 9. Classification of Nouns The classification of nouns, referred to before, is one of the charac- teristic traits of the language. The groups characterize objects as ''long," "slender," "round," "flat," "angular," "thread-like," "animate," etc. On account of the extended use of these classifiers, incorporation of the noun itself is comparatively speaking rare. It is here represented by the use of the classifiers which express the subject of the intransitive verb, or the object of the transitive verb as a mem- ber of a certain class of things, the principle of classification being form. On the other hand, the same verbal stems — like "to carry," "push," "move," "be" — are used, on the whole, in relation to all §§8,9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 217 kinds of objects, regardless of their form; consequently there are also only a few cases in which the verbal stem differs in the singular and plural. This agrees also with the fact that in the noxm the idea of plurality is only weakly developed. It occurs only in terms of relationship and a few other terms designating human beings. § 10. Personal Pronouns Verbs are strictly distinguished as active and neutral. Neutral verbs are, on the whole, those designating states of the body and qualities, while all other verbs are considered as active. The subject of the latter is expressed by the subjective pronoun, while the pro- nominal relations of the neutral verb are expressed by the objective pronouns. In the pronoun the speaker, person spoken to, and person spoken of, are distinguished. The distinction between sub- jective and objective forms is confined to the first and second persons singular and to the first person plural. Besides these forms, an indefinite singular and plural occurs. The mdefinite personal pro- nouns are also commonly used before nouns to perform the functions covered by our definite and indefinite articles. The personal pronoun of the third person plural is also frequently used as an equivalent to our passive. It is also employed as an equivalent to the form for the third person singular, when the person referred to is especially venerated or respected. The speaker may refer to himself in the same way. § 11. Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstratives are limited in number, the most general spatial relations only being indicated. The demonstrative employed to mark nearness occurs very often, and corresponds to a similar demonstra- tive in the Tlingit language. There are certain other particles of a demonstrative character, but the}^ more often indicate grammatical connection than spatial relations. § 12. Connectives Special local relations are expressed by a long series of connectives which are in intimate relation with the verb, but also w^ith the noun and pronoun. They characterize the special relation of the indirect object to the verb. They are placed preceding the direct object and following the indirect object, if there is one. They seem to be adverbial in character. §§ 10-12 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 13-34) § 13. Formation of Word-Complexes As already stated, Haida words are very loosely put together and many of their elements may also be used independently. The type of the word-complex which may be isolated as the predicative term of the sentence embraces four groups of elements : A FIRST GROUP, describing an incidental state or activity, particu- larly instrumentality. A SECOND GROUP, indicating the nominal object of transitive, the subject of intransitive, verbs. A THIRD GROUP, expressing the })rincipal predicative term. A FOURTH GROUP, expressing local relations and modalities. Although there is hardly any phonetic influence between these groups of elements, their connection is so intimate that the combi- nation is best considered as a single word, even though the component elements may occur in other combinations quite independently. An example of such a combination is the word dAngiddlL.'xasga cano'E BEING HAULED SEAWARD, which is Constituted as follows First group: dAn by pulling. Second group: gi canoe-shaped object. Third group: ddl to move. L.'xa toward something. Fourth group : [ sga seaward. Several complexes of this kind may enter into combinations. It would seem that when this is the case each complex expresses modality or instrumentality in relation to the following ones in the same way as the first group expresses modalit}^ in the single term. An example of this kind is the w^ord gldjiglldcdskit to place an animate object BY causing it to BECOME (oUC that) HOLDS ON WITH THE HANDS: First complex, third group: gldji to hold with hands. Second complex, third group: gil to become. Third complex, third group: da to cause. Fourth complex, third group : skit to bruig into contact. These combinations may be illustrated by the following examples : I A la tagiagA' ngwanas he ate it as he stood around (JIa la objective and subjective pronouns; ta to eat; -gia to stand; -gAn contin- uative; -gwah about; -as partici])le) §13 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 219 gl'tgalAn stin e'sin Ia qenq.'a'oxahAS he also saw his two children sitting there (git child; -ga possessive suffix; -Un plural suifix w^ith terms of relationship; stin two; e'sin also; 7.4 subjoctive pronoun; qen stem to see; q!a to sit; -o sullbced auxihar\-; xan perhaps a form of gAn continuative [§ 24.1, p. 250]; -as participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]) agA'n Ia sgAlqa'idagAn he went stealthily (a//^'w reflexive; Ia sub- jective pronoun; sgAl to hide; ga to go; -id inchoative; -agAn past inexperienced) Ia gu Ia qaqea'tanagAn he went and looked at her Qa objective pronoun; gu post-position at; Ia subjective pronoun; qa to go; qea to look; tana to go by sea [?] ; -acjAii past inexperienced) V qd'dji I A qinq.'a'idjudalasi he saw his head go by (Z' possessive prefix 3d person singular; qd'dji head; Ia subjective pronoun; gifi. [same as qeh] to see; q!a-i- classifier [§ 15.18, p. 232]; dju of that sort or kind ; dal to go ; -asi participle) gAin dalA' n l! qinxltxd' ngA'ngasga they will not see you flying about all the time (gAm negative particle; dal An object 2d per- son plural; £.' subject 3d person plural; qin to see; xlt to fly; xdn [?]; -gAn continuative; ga [?]; -sr/a future) While many verbs and nouns may enter into compositions like those described, others occur, at least at present, only in such com- positions, and therefore appear as prefixes or suffixes, according to their position, preceding or following the third group, which contains the principal verbal stems. This is particularly true of the second group, which contains a large group of nominal terms of very general significance, each representing nouns conceived as possessing a cer- tain form. Therefore the second group appears essentially as a group of nominal classifiers, although special nouns occur occasionally in the same position. The local relations which belong to the fourth group never occur independently. § 14. First Group: Instrumental Verbal Prefixes^ 1. un- BY MEANS OF THE BACK. Ia ga u'ntcndani he carried some on his back {I a he; ga some; tcl stem [?]; -id inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; A suflTix [§ 25.6]) XA'nagi Lina dl Ia u'nxidAS lu I wish he would carry me on his back face up {xAh face; L.'na I wish; di me; I a he; xit to pick up; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]; lu when) > See also § 17.1, p. 235. All references In § § 14-27 refer to the Skidegate Texts, Bulletin 29, etc. §14 220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Ia la u'nsLtdaias he came in with liim and took him oflf from his back (Ia him; la he; un- with back; sl to place; tela into; -y perfect [§ 23.7, p. 249]; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]) 2. tdtt- BY SHOOTING OR BY HAMMERING; also independent verb, TO SHOOT. I' gi'tgalAii stVnxAn tditga'igadAnaga'iagan WAiisu'ga lier sons knew well how to shoot stones by means of a stick {V her; git child; -ga possessive [§ 28.1, p. 257]; -Iau pi.; sti'nxAn both; tdit- by shooting; gdia to know how to) la tditguegA'ndi qa'odihao after he had shot for a while {la he ; gue stem; -<7^7r continuative; -rfi [§ 20.7,p.241]; qa' od i connoctWe AFTER A WHILE ; hao general demonstrative) Ia la tdl'gas he shot it Q,a it; la he; td% to shoot; -ga auxiliary to be [§ 18.5, p. 237]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) 3. €la- BY PUSHING OR BY AN OUTWARD MOTION OF THE HANDS. I A l! dai/sLgawas they pushed him down Q,a him; l! they; l- [§ 15.20, p. 232] shaped like a human being; sl to put or place; gawa [?]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) ga la gAn Ia dd'gUsi she put it in for him {ga in; la him; gAii for; Ia she; da- prefix; gil [?]; -si participle [§ 25.7]) V qeu'ga Ia dasqfa'sMtgoasi they put it in front of it {V it ; qeu'ga in front of; Ia they [with -go § 20.1, p. 240]; da- prefix; sq!a- [§ 15.11]; sMt stem; -s% participle) Ia gut gia'gai Ia daq.'d'inanAngoas he rubbed tallow on them (Ia them [with -^0 § 20.1]; gut upon; f/ia'.(/ai the tallow; 7a he; da- prefix; q!di[^ 15.18]; nan to rub; -a/1 continuative [j^ 24.1]; -s participle) l! dadjit.Uldai'yagAni they pushed down 45.15 {dji stem; -I.'aI down; da to cause; -y perfect) 4. ddh- BY pulling; also an independent verb(?). This is one of the most frequent instrumentals. la dAfiA'ndjiLlxas he pulled [him] out head first 29.26 Qa he; dAh- by pulling; Andji erect; -L.'xa toward; -s participle) gu'tstA Ia dA'ndaias he pulled him apart {gut together; sIa from ; Ia he; dAfi- by pulling; da to cause; i = y perfect; -s participle) s^wan V dA'hantdiLas lu when he pulled one out of the sea (Masset) s^wan one; V he; dAii- by pulling; antc!i = Andji erect; La per- haps L !xa toward ; -s participle ; lu when) A'na V dA'nidani he pulled his property out {Aua his own; Z' he; dAU- by pulling; -da to cause; -an past inexperienced; -i [§ 25.6, p. 253]) Ia dAuqld'-iLas he pulled out (head) 10.4 {q!a-i- §15.18) Ia dA'iisqlastas he pulled out a long one 57.9 {sq!a- § 15.11) §14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 221 5. dal- BY MEANS OF A CURRENT OF WATER {dcil RAIn). V da'lLlas he floated (living one) down 97.19 nd'lgaA'nda yu'dAla dafllgAldAL'.xaiagAn much seaweed came drifting 33.22 {nd'lgaA'nda seawe'ed; yu = yu'An much; -dAla pi. adj. [§ 39, p. 276]; dal- by means of a current; Igal to turn; dA to cause [§ 18.2]; -x .'xa toward ; -i perfect; -agr^n past inexperienced [§ 23.2]) 6. f!a- BY STAMPING OR TREADING UPON. Perhaps related to st.'a. I A l! tlase'lgafiAn they tickled her by treading 31.26 Qa her; l! they; t!a- by treading; set to tickle; -- gl'na sget Ha' pdjUL'.xa something short and red protruded {gl'na something; sgetxeA; dju stem. \ -i.'xa toward) §15 boA.s] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAiST INDIAN LANGUAGES 235 29. h!Ani- small (cf. no. 15a, p. 231). Lu JcWmdAla small canoes (lu canoe; dAla plural with adjectives) tia'gas hWmdala small flakes of snow 31.28 30. (/(liH- ga q'.d'laga gd'mgodies a large open space in the woods {ga some [indef. pi.]; qld'laga open place or swamp; go to he; -di deter- minate; -es participle) 31. L!A2)- la L.'Apdji'lAxadas he let a small part (of the surface of the moon) he seen (djilaxa m; -fZa causative; -s paiticiple) 32. sLam- qld'djai V xe'lA ge'istA sget SLd'mdjigold'nddlasi the gum hung out from his mouth red {q!ddj =q!ds gum; ai the; xe'lA mouth; geiinto; stA horn; sget red; dji prohahly =dju it is of ihat sort; gold' fidal analysis uncertain; -asi participle) 33. tdl- the insides of such objects as sea-eggs. 34. st!a- dumb-bell shaped objects, such as the liver of a dog-fish. 35. skAp- applied to such an object as the curled tail of a dog. sJcA'pdala crooked wedges 33.13 36. sklet- small and very slender objects, such as certain small, slender teapots. Third. Group: Principal Predicative Terms (§§ 16-21) § 16. Characterizatioii of Predicative Terms Most elements of this group must be considered as independent verbs. It has been pointed out before that they may also enter into combinations. Among some of them this tendency is strongly devel- oped. Here belong the verbs forming terms of the first group (see § 14). A number of others are so intimately related with other ideas in their significance that they occur only rarely alone, if at all, and appear, therefore, in part rather as auxiliary verbs, or even as affixes.' §17. Stems in Initial Position Some of these stems take initial positions. 1. f/ai- (Masset f/t-) refers to any object floating upon the wat^r, gai being the stem of the verb to float. Nd-giu' ga Ia gd'isLgeilglgAS he stopped at Ilouse-fishing-ground (floating there upon the water) 29.8 (Na house; giu fishing- ground; ga in; sl stem; -gil to come to be [§18.10]; gl com- pletion of action; gA to be; -s participle) §§ 1^; 1" 236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGf tBULL. n gAm V land'ga da'osqual ga'isL(/a'o(/Ahffahf/a driftwood never floated ashore in his town (gAtn not; laiid town; -ga i)ossessive; da'osqual driftwood; sl stem; gao [?]; -gAh negation; -gaft continiiativo; -ga to be) V xe'tgu V gd'isLgiis it floated ashore in front of him (xet down in front of ; ^u there; Sistem; -^riZ shoreward ; -s participle) V gafihgwanAS it was floating about {gd =grdi- floating; -%h on sea; -gwaJi about; -as participle) [This stem might be considered as an instrumental, like those discussed in § 14. It takes the same position before classifiers as other instrumentals do: gd'-it!aoga'ogadie's a feather floated ashore 37.24 {t!ao- feather-shaped object). — Ed.] 2. {/A^i- applied when a number of people are doing a thing en masse. I A stA l! gA'ndaxitdjilasi they all started away from her {stA from; da=dal to go [pi.]; -xit inchoative [§18.6]; -djil truly) Ia stA l! gA'nlgalAnas they went home from him (sIa from; Igal to go indirectly; -au continuative; -as ])articiple) la gA'nstA gAndd'lL.'xagilsi they came to him together (ga'nstA to i=gAn FOR and stA from = coming for a purpose]; ddl to go [pi.]; -L.'xa toward; -gil landward; -si ])articiple) Igu'nul gAudaxl'dAn three came along 107.20 V gAim'lgd qa'odihao after they had gone along 37.2 [It would seem that this element must be considered as a classifier, analogous to those discussed in § 15 and meaning GROUP OF PEOPLE. The following example illustrates its use following an instrumental: Ia l! gAlgA'ndaxitgd'wan wansu'ga it is said, they led him home 81.39 {gAl- by leading). — Ed.] 3. Qcao- (Masset x6-) to do a thing quickly. la at gut I a da'oxaostas they seized each other quickly {at with; gut each other; dao- to go and get [prefixed]; stU stem) la ga ga nd'nxaoLgAnasi it quickly ground off his skin {ga to; ga something; ndn = 7ian to grind [§ 14.8]; l stem [?]; -gAfi con- tinuative; -asi participle) V dd'^alAn stAn V dbxd' stAS^aian her two brothers ran down to take her (Masset) {dd'^a younger brother; -IaTi plural; stAn two; do to go and get; stA stem; -s^a seaward; -i perfect; -an past inexperienced) 4. f«- expresses the use of a transitive verb without object. taga'ogAfiAn WAnsu'ga they say few were left 11.8 taqld'dAS she cut up 49.1 taqo'ldjuulas he spread out in morning 53.4 taslcidd' nagAui they plundered 105.4 §17 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 237 § IS. Stems in Terminal Bosition, First Chroiip Most of these verbal stems take a terminal position: 1. il TO SIT or CONTINUE TO BE. 2. da TO CAUSE. 3. dal TO MOVE ALONG WHILE SOMETHING ELSE IS TAKING PLACE. 4. Sin TO WISH. 5. (/a TO BE. 6. xit (Masset -id) to begin . 7. qcAl or qcAl (Masset Al or Af) to tell. 8. ^a (Masset ^a) to go. 9. (^aya (Masset ^aija) to know how to do a thing. 10. getl or geal (Masset ^el or^el) to become. 11. jcan TO think or guess. Examples of the use of auxiliaries with nouns : gAUL xe'lauas there lay a water-hole {gAUL fresh water; xela a water-hole; u to lie or sit [no. 1]; -as participle) l! Iga'uas they put stones into the fire (Jga stones; u auxiliary [no. 1]; -as participle) la ga'ldas he stayed all night (1a he; gal night; da [no. 2]) Ia la svJ'udas he said to him 27.2 {su to say, intransitive) V tcd'aLdashe had a war-spear (V he; fca'az^ war-spear; -da aux- iliary [no. 2]; -s participle) dAfi gu I mad a' das g a I will put mountain-goats upon you (dAn you; gu there; I I; mad^tnAt mountain-goats; a [?]; -da auxiliary [no. 2]; -sga future) ^ TiAn tle'dji Igd'gas the one who was half rock 8.9 (riAn one; tie'dji half; igd stone) V nd'tga gaxd'gas his nephew was a child ^ {na't nephew; -ga pos- sessive [§ 28]; gaxd child; -ga to be [no. 5]; -s participle) Id'ga XAlagd'gAU his (implement) was copper (-ga possessive; xaIa copper; -ga to be [no. 5]; -ac/An past inexperienced) Ia gi yd'uA hgeilgoas it became foggy upon them {Ia them [with suffix -go]; gi at or upon; yd'nATi clouds or fog; -geil to become [no. 10]; -as participle) Examples of the use of auxiliaries with other verb-stems: V g!d'o-u qa'odi after he had sat there for a while (q!d[o] to sit; u auxiliary [no. 1]; qa'odi after a while) Ia qoyd'das he caused it to be dear ( = he valued it) {qoyd dear; -da auxiliary [no. 2]; -s participle) ' Gaxa appears to have been originally a verb meaning to be weak (see § 19.1), but here it is made a verb over again just aj if it were a noun. §18 238 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 r dd'yindal qa'odi after he liad gone along hunting for a while (ddyiil hunting; dal to go [no. 3]; qaodi after a while) dAfi gi l! ffi'dayu'Ansimja they wish to give you much food {dAn you; gi to; glda to give food to any one; yu'AU much; -sin auxiliary [no. 4]; -ga perhajis this should be -sga future) Va'oga V td'gAS his mother ate it 27.28 {ao mother; -ga possessive; iatoeat; ga to be [no. 5]; -s participle) Ia la qd' Llxaxalgoas they told him to come out to them (la they [with suf Fix -^o]; qd to go; -hlxa toward; -.m/ auxiliary [no. 7]) riAn qea'ngasi one went to look {uAn one; qea stem to look; -ah continuative; -<7a auxiliary [no. 8]; -.si participle) UAngaxd's nd' hagayageils the child came to know how to play (uAfi the [with suffix -s]; gaxd child; -s participle; ndiM = nan stem; -gaya to know how to [no. 9]; -geil to come to [no. 10]; -s partici])le) qona'i Id'na qfestd'nsanai^els their months became eight, or eight months passed over them (Masset) (qoh moon; ai the; Id'na their [singular form covering plural] =la + a ha their own; q.'e- classifier [§ 15.18]; std'nsaha=std'nsahxa eight; i probably euphonic; -^el auxiliary [no. 10]; -s participle) hayi'nxAn Laga xia' Ixa' hgua I think he has danced long enough (Masset) (hayi' h instead of [dancing longer]; XAn so, thus; z,a,ytt enough [?] : xiaf to dance; -XAh auxiliary [no. 11]; -gua declarative suffix [25.5]) § li). Stems in Terminal Positiorif Second G^ronp A number of others are also apparently verbal stems, but appear in close connection with other verbs, so that they almost convey the impression of suffixes. In some of them, however, their independent character is quite apparent. 1. -xa usually occurs in such close conjunction with the verb stem that it is hard to determine whether it is a true suffix or not. It may indicate state. dl dalA'n Lgaxagi'lga you tire me with your handling {dl me; dalA'hyovi[pl.]; x- by handling [§ 14.26]; ^axa together means weak; -gil to become [§ 18.101; -ga auxihary [§.18.8]) Sawall'xa gia'xayas Sawaii'xa stood up (Sawall'xa man's name; gia to stand; -y perfect; -s participle) la gAn V st!e' xagidlAn WAnsu'ga he became angry with him, they say (gAn with [?]; st!e angr}^ or sick; gidl to become [§ 18.10]; -Ah past inexperienced; WAnsu'ga quotative) la'gi V Igoa'xagils he became afraid of him ijgi of; Igoa stem to fear; -gil auxiliary; -s participle) §19 ■ BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 239 Ia la Mlge'idaxa-Jc.'otwd'lan ... he made her so ashamed by his words that she died (HZ- by words [§ 14.14]; .^gi^Za perhaps means it is that way, but with -xa it signifies to become ashamed; Jc'.dtul to be destroyed; -an past inexperienced) gAJYi l! qe'xagahas they ANGUAGES 247 Ia gu Ia q.'a'oL.'xayan WAnsu'ga it came and got on it, they say (gu on; § /a stem to sit; -o auxiliary; -i perfect [§ 23.7]; -an past inexperienced; WAnsu'ga quotative) la dAhA'ndjiL.'xas he pulled it out head first 29.26 (dAh- by pulling [§ 14.4]; Andji erect; -s participle) au'n gi I a xagaL.'agi'lgAhasi he brought it up to his mother (Mas- set) {au'h = ao mother + -a/i- his own; gi to; xa- inanimate objects [§ 15.26]; ga stem; -gil shoreward; -gAn continuative [§24.1]) (Z') ga-isLLlxa's he came floating 7.8 11. -fjia or f/T under water. V ga'ogias it vanished under water (gao stem; -.s participle) Lua'i dagu'l gi gatgia'si (the arrow) fell into the water at the side of the canoe {lu canoe; ai the; dagu'l side; gi at; gat stem; -SI participle) wa'gei la gl'liAlgiasi they poured it into (the ocean) {wa it [ocean]; gei into; la they [singular used for plural]; glliAl [?]; -ai par- ticiple) Ia la xl'dagias he let him down into the sea {xula stem; -s parti- ciple) 12. -L INTO A CANOE. gu'gei Ia qah'gasi he got into his canoe {gu there; gei into; qa stem; -ga auxiliary; -si participle) Ia gu'gei Ia i'sLgwas they got into the canoe with him {gu there; ^e-iinto; Ia they [with -^u'= -170]; ^s stem; -9 participle) Ia la ge'tgaLdayagan he got him into the canoe {get sieiw; -ga aux- iliary [?]; da to cause; -i perfect [§ 23.7]; -agan past inde- terminate) Ia la qaL'dagwas they took her aboard 41.8 Syntactic Treatment of the Verbal Theme (sS^ 23-26) § 23, Teiupoval Snjfixes 1. -gAn^ sometimes -^li, indicates past events which the speaker has himself experienced. Ia l! tcHnlgod'hgAn they began shooting at them (that is, us) (Ia them [singular form used for plural]; tdin stem; / probably euphonic; -goah about) Ia uaTi si'ldagAii I borrowed one {I a T; UAh one; stl stem; -da auxiliary) l!a l! tcH'nlgoanxldAu they started shooting at them {Ha them; tdin stem; I euphonic; -goah about [§ 20.5]; -xid inchoative (118.6]) ^^3 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [buil. 40 dd'nxua agA'Ti I skia'gahgAn I jumped into the stern (dd'nxua stern; gqa' I'l reflexive; 11; sJcia'gastem [?]; -l aboard [§ 22.12]) See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 105-109, Bulletin 29. 2. -a^Aii (M asset -an or -ff(ni) past events known to the speaker only by report. V dja'ga Ia gl'a-inxayagAn his wife left something for him (djd wife; -ga possessive; gl'a-inxa [?]; -i perfect [§ 23.7]) la V sd'wagAn slie spoke to him {sdw = su to speak) Ia la I'nageaJagAn he married her {Ina stem; -geal to come to [§ 18.10]) TiAn I'lina Tiao nqd'hadax'idagAn a man began to set deadfalls 95.1 {uAnSi; I'liha man; .s^-a'/^a deadfall ; -da to make; -x'id to begin) Lite' tdastA'iisanan the canoe had four men (Masset) {lu canoe; e the; tela- people in canoe; stA'nsan four) See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 33-35, Bulletin 29. Before WAnsu'ga, the quotative in the Skidegate dialect, this suffix takes the form -an. a' nga I a sqotsMdd' nan WAnsu'ga he struck his canoe with his hands, they say 29.22 {a' hga his own; sqot with arms [§14.29]; skid contact; -an continuative; WAUsu'ga quotative) gltgA'h gAn Ia gagoijd' nan WAnsu'ga, he was calling for his son, they say {g'lt son; -gAh his own [§ 28.3]; .9^11?- for; gago [?]; -i perfect; -an continuative; tVAjisu'ga quotative) la e'sin qa'idan WAnsil' ga he also started off, they say (e'sin also; gastem; -ifZ inchoative [§ 18.6]; iL^Ansfi'ga quotative) Ia la qd'gATidagan WAnsu'ga she saved him, they say {qd'gAU to save; -fZa to cause [§ 18.2]; WAnsu'ga qnoisit\Ye) 3. -f/tn events that occur or occurred habitually, and usually those which the speaker himself has experienced or is experiencing. d'thao gAm "Dd'gal" TiAn l! su'gAhgAngin therefore they were not in the habit of saying " to-morrow " 35.4 {d'thao therefore; gAm not; dd'gal to-morrow; liAnWke it; sii stem; -gAh nega- tion [§ 25.3]; -^.4 /I continuative) gAga'nhao Ia wd'gAnglnit\\dit is the reason why I do so (gaga'nhao that is why [=gaga'n + liao]; Ia I; wd stem to do; -gAh con- tinuative; -^rm = -$rm usitative; -i perfect [§ 25.6]) ^A'nLe wa'a %'sl l nilgl'ni I used to drink the water that was in it (Masset) {^AnL water; e the; wa it; ^a in; %'sl was; l I; nil stem TO drink; -^ perfect [§ 25.6]) ga d% Voa'gagini I used to be afraid of it (Masset) {ga something indefuiite; dl\; Z^oa stem; -ya auxiUary [§ 18.5]; -i perfect) §23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 249 4. -sga simple futurity. sgd'na-qeda's dA'nga qea'xolgilga'nsga the supernatural beings will not become tired of looking at you 31.4 {sga'na super- natural; qeda's probably those that are so born [from qe to be BORN, -da auxiliary, -s participle]; dAh you; ga at; qea by looking; xol stem; -gil probably -gil to become; -gdn=-gan continuative) di gi sina'gasga no one is going to touch me .31.7 idl me; gi to; sf/iastem; -<7a auxiliary [§ 18.5]) dAn I qihgd'nsga I shall see you sometimes 31.13 {dAh you; ^ I; q%n stem; -^an continuative) 5. -(a)safi infallible future occurrence, similar to English you SHALL. [In both these suffixes the future element is probably -x, wliile -sga contains also a declarative ending (-ga). — Ed.] Lua'i dAh Ia si'ldadaasah I will let you haA^e the canoe {lu canoe; ai the; dAh you; Ia I; silda stem [?]; -da auxiliary) djd'gAh da da'ogasah you shall go and get your wife (djd wife; -gAh jour own; da you; dao stem; -ga auxiliary) V sgA'lgatgaasah he will conceal you {sgAl 1st verbal stem to con- ceal; gat 2d verbal stem it was like that; -ga auxiliary) gusu l! i'L.'agidas ta'asah what will the chiefs eat (gitsu what? l! indefinite demonstrative; I'L.'agidas phief; ta stem to eat) Q.-qasaiif -qasas, immediate or imminent future occurrence; evidently compounded from the above. a'dal di l! td'nsanqasah they will come to get me to-morrow {a'dal to-morrow; dl me; td'nsan to come b}^ sea) git qd'L.'a-ahqasah her child was about to come (Masset) (git child; qd stem; -L.'a toward [§ 22.10]; -^ah [?]) UAh ya'e'ts u dA'hat i'nL.'axanqasahgua the princess is going to bring plenty of food (Masset) (iiAh the [becomes definite with suffix -s]; ya^e't chief's child; -9 participle; u general demon- strative; dA'hat with; in stem; -L.'a toward; -xah continua- tive; -gua declarative) l! lagand' hqasas they were about to make a feast (lagan to make a feast; -dh continuative; -qasas imminent future followed by participle) 7. -if in intervocalic position y, perfect time. Igitgu'n awd'n gi Ia LSLtda'yah WAiisu'ga he had brought in a goose to his mother, they say ilgitgu'n goose; aw^ao'i mother; -a /I his own; gi to; i- classifier [§ 15.20]; si, stem; -te .'a motion into [§ 22.1]; -ah past inexperienced; WAUsu'ga quotative) §23 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dagale'ga i'sih V xeti't tdi'nlgoahgayas next day he had again gone out shooting birds (dagal the next day; e the; -ga on; i'sift again; xeti't birds; tc.'in to shoot; I euphonic [?]; -goafi about [§ 20.5]; -ga auxiHary; -s participle) la suda'yagAni lla' isda'si he did differently from the way he had saiil (he would do) (.s'lt stem to say; dd to cause; -agAn past inexperienced; -i perfect; lla' differently; is stem; -da aux- iliary; -.s^ participle) gahd'xAii Ia su'dayagAni so he had said (gand'xAU so [from gra fid' fl like; a;.4?>JUST]; stl to say ; -fZa auxiliary ; -ar/.4 7? past inexperi- enced; -i perfect) § 24. SeiHt'-TeiHjjoraf Sujfi.ier, Suflixes related to temporal suffixes, but defining the nature or time of the action more minutel3\ 1. -f/dfi, -aTif or -tfii The common continuative or perhaps rather habitual suffix, similar to the English form of the verb ending in -iNG. aw' 77 gi Ia xagaL'.xagi'lgAhasi he was bringing up things to his mother {an' h [=ao mother + -a 7i his own]; g'l to; xa- by grasping [§ 14.24]; grastem; -x/xa toward [§ 22.10]; -priZ shore- ward [§ 22.9]; -si participle) gl'na at Ia nd' hgahas he was playing with something {gi'na some- thing; at with; Tidn stem to play; -as participle) gitgA'h I a gagoyd'nan WAUSu'ga he called for his son, they say {git son; -gAii his own; gagoy=gagoe stem [?]; -an past inex- perienced i§ 23.2]; WAUsu'ga quotative) Sometimes this suffix takes the form -xau or xau. ga q'.a'oxanas the ones sitting there {ga the ones [indefinite]; q'.a stem TO sit; -o auxiliary [§ 18.1]; -as participle) l! naxa'ndi qa'odi after they had lived there for a while {na stem TO live; -di determinate suffix; qa'odi after a while) l! taixd'ndi qa'odi after they had remained in bed for awhile {tai stem TO lie; -di determinate [§ 20.7]; qa'odi after a while) The occasional reduplication of this process has been referred to in § 6. § 23, Modal Suffixes The following have also a modal significance: 1. I or /ff indicating the imperative; placed before or after the verb. dl Ia qlosL let go of me with 3^our mouth {dl me; Ia imperative; q!d- w4th mouth; sl stem) §§24,25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 251 stl'lda la let us go back {sUl stem; -da auxiliary; la imperative) tiai Iga'nai dl gA'nstA Ia H'ndA now, cousin, be my herald (Jiai now; Igan male cousin on father's side; ai the; dl me; gA'nstA for; Ia imperative; M.'n stem; -dA auxihary [§ 18.2]) gin t!el s^u'nan I tc'.a'anu ^An ista'n get only wet things for fire- wood (Masset) {gin things; t'.el wet; s^un only; -an just; /(' /a 'anw. firewood; ^^?i for; istostem[?]; -arl continuative) - With the auxiliary ga to go, however, instead of I, -la is suffixed to the verb. TiAn A V su'dagala go and speak to it like this {liAn hke; a this; su stem; -da auxiliary; -ga auxiliary) tdd'anu da'ogala go and get firewood {tc'.a'anu firewood; dao stem TO GO AND get; -ga auxiliary) Ikid'gua na'galdju'gAla go and sit toward the door {Ihid side toward door; gua toward; na'gal [?]; -dju it is of that sort; -gA auxiliary) Lget daLi' n tciagd'nsa ga %'sgogala go to the place where you are going to settle {Lget where; dalA'h you [pi.]; tela stem to HAVE A place; -gdn continuative; -sa = sah infallible future [§ 23.5]; ga to; is stem; -go plural [?]; -ga auxiliary) 2. -djafi (Masset -tctn) is employed to indicate what is usually denominated the first person imperative, both singular and plural, LET me, let us. Jia'Li t.'alA'n tcld'anugadadjan come and let us make a fire {Jm'Ia come! t.'alA'h we; tdd'anu fire; -ga -da auxiliaries [§ 18.5,2]) halA' dAU gl I gi'ngatdjah come and let me adorn you 29.2 {halA' come! dA Ft you; ^^ to or for; 11; ^i?i- agent in general [§ 14.12]; gat stem) ha'lA HaLi' ft gaLgd'm'ndjan\et us go over to look {ha'lA come! t.'alA'n we; gaLgd'nin [?]) UaI qasd'tc.'in let us go away (Masset) {t.Ul we; ga stem to go; -sa probably infallible future [§ 23.5]) 3. g-An (Masset -An) negation, always preceded by the negative particle gAm. gAjn gl'na gut I qealgA'ngAn I saw nothing upon it {gAin not; gl'na thing; gut upon; l \; qea stem to see; / euphonic or possibly up; -gAn past inexperienced) sgd'na-qeda's gAm Ia gut gagd'dagAngansga the supernatural " beings will never know it '{sgd'na qeda's supernatural beings [see § 23.4]; gAm not; gut upon; gagada [?]; -gan = -gan con- tinuative [§ 24.1]; -sga future [§ 23.4]) §25 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 . . . gAfn Ia su'udagAhAsi (he) had not told him 27.6 {sii to say; -da auxihary; -si participle) gAm V ^d'ndAh'ahani he did not feel it (Masset) {g Am not; ^dndAfi stem[?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; -i perfect [§ 25.6]) gAm la ga l! gi'da^anganan they did not give him food (Masset) (gAm not; ga indefmite things [food]; g'lda stem to give food; -gra 7l continuative ; -an past inexperienced) 4. -uffja, contracted sometimes to -its, marks interrogation, and, like the two suffixes last mentioned, is always preceded by a particle {gua or gu) or by an interrogative pronoun. djd M'lsLasi gasi'nhao dAU qea'ga isu'udjah say, chief, what has happened to your brother-in-law? {djd say! H'lsLasi chief [whose voice is obeyed]; gasVn what? Jiao general demon- strative; dAh your; qea brother-in-law; -ga possessive; %s stem; u'udja=udja interrogative suffix; -an continuative) axada'i gua ga gAlt.'aLsgd'udja were the meshes of the net pulled off? (axada'i the net; gua interrogative particle; ga indefinite plural subject of verb, and agent of pulling; gAl- by ])ulling [§ 14.20]; t!a- classifier [§ 15.4]; l stem; -sgd seaward [§ 22.8]) gasi'nLlao Ia dAn i' sta-udjan why did you tease her? (gasi'nLfao why? dAU you; i9tostem[?]; -a /i continuative) gasi'uL.'ao I la dAn qo' yadaLdjuudjin why do you love it so much? {gasi'nLlao why? I [?]; dAh jon; qo'ya stem to love; -da auxiliary [§ 18.2]; Ldjuil]; -^/^_/^ interrogative ; -/7 continuative) Gua (^lasset gu) or the pronoun may, however, be employed independently. dd gua slcid'nadi are you awake ? {dd you ; slnd'na stem [ ?] ; -di determinate suffix [§ 20.7]) gAm gua qleigA'ha gAn dalA'u u'nsAAtgan don't you know any stories? {gAm not; qfeigA'ha stories; gAU for [always precedes u'nsAAt]; dalA'h you (pi.); u'tisaaI stem to know; -gaii continuative) dA n gu L ! I'n^etudja were you married ? (Masset) {dA n you ; l ! they [used in lieu of passive]; In to marry; ^et principal stem) dd gu SLA'gu tl'a-udja did you kill a land-otter? (Masset) {dd you; SLA'gu land-otter; tla stem to kill) gl'sto e'djin who are you? {gl'sto who? e'dji stem to be) gasi'nLlao dAn I' djin what is the matter with you? {gasi'nLfao what? dAh you; I'dji stem to be; -h continuative) gu'su l! %' Llxagidas td'asan what will the chiefs eat? {gu'su what? l! indefinite demonstrative; %' Llxagidas chiefs; id stem to eat; -asah future infallible occurrence and continuative) §25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 253 5. -gun suffixed in the Masset dialect to declarative sentences in direct discourse. gAvti tao tlaWh da^a^A'ngAngua we have no food {gAmnot; tao food; tlaWn we; da^a stem to have; -^ah negation; -gArt, continuative) dl q.'o'lu ^AiiL I'djingua I have fresh water {di me; g.'o'lu probably means near by; ^ahl fresh water; %dji to be; -/I continuative) LU dl ^Au ga'LlasHgAngua a canoe came out for me (Masset) {lu canoe; dl me; ^An for; qa stem to go; -L'.a toward [§ 22.10]; -sH = s^a seaward [§ 22.8]; -gAU continuative) dl ^Aii l! ^d'yihglnigua they used to call me {dl me; ^au for; ^dyih stem [?]; -gin usitative [§ 23.3]; -i perfect) UAh I'Lladas ^a'-iyu tAha'gAhgua the chief's blood is salt 22.14 {nAfi with following -s definite article; ^a-i blood; tAh sea- water) 6. -t is a final vowel used very frequentl}^ after the past and usita- tive suffixes. In most cases it ma}^ be employed or omitted indifferently ; but the cases in which there is a choice seem to show that it closes the sentence, and so probably indicates the completion of the idea. V gldatdia'i lu lA'gi I a isdagd'wagAni when she brought food, they gave them to her {glda to brings food to give to people; tdi into [§ 22.1]; -ai the; lu when; g% to; I a they [with suffix -gaw= -go]; -gAn past inexperienced) Jclid'lhao Lua'i A'nga Ia Lgolga'yagAni all that time he worked upon his canoe (k.'id'lhao all that time [=Jc!idl + the general demonstrative liao]; lu canoe; ai the; a' hga his own; l- with hands [§ 14.26]; golga to make; -ya perfect [§ 23.7]) gaga'nhao Ia wd'gAnglni that is the reason why I do it (gaga'nhao that is the reason [ =gaga'n + ]iao]; I a I; wd stem to do; -gAt'i continuative; -gin usitative [§ 23.3]) gATTi ^a I ga'^Afiglnigua I did not go thither (IMasset) {gAm not; ^a to; 11; qa stem to go; ^au negation; -gin usitative; -gua declarative) Possibly the ^ after -s is the same in meaning; but I doubt whether it had the same origin. Inaga'i gu l! qlo'dAlsi they were in a starving condition at the town (Inaga'i the town; gu at; q'.o- mouth [§ 14.23]) Ia qA'ngasi he dreamed (^^n stem to dream; -ga auxiliary) Id'ga lid'iluasi his (food) was gone {Id his; -ga possessive; M'ilu gone or destroyed; -asi participle) §25 254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY liu ll. 40 7. -.s or -.V? is properly used in formiri>!; iiiiiiiitivos and participles, but by some speakers it has come to be employed as the equivalent of the past-temporal suffix. It indicates that everything in the preceding clause or set of words is to be taken as a unit, and so occasionally appears to have a plural signiiicance. It also has the force of aforesaid, and, after a noun preceded by nAn, gives the indefinite article the force of a definite. I A la tcU'gas lie shot it I A la q'.a'gadas he dried it TiA h sgoa'na V qe'inas he saw one Lgd'xetgu Id'nas the Pebble-town ])eople nAh Lgd'xetgu Id'na, a Pebble-town person UAh la'oaiawas one who was wliittling, or the whittler 71 Ah sqadjd'sas the future brave man nAh sqadjd'sa a future brave man riA h gaxd'gas the child, or one who was a child In the Masset dialect it generally concludes a subordinate clause. V I'L.'agid^els lu Nasto' gu ^aq.'e'dadjan when he became a chief, his mother was drowned at Nasto (I'Llagid chief; ^el to become [§ 18.10]; -s participle; lu when; Nasto' name of an island; gu at; ^aqle'dadj [?]; -an past inexperienced) § ^6*. JJnclassified Sir /p. res 1. -t( is suffixed to descriptive terms to form the names of instru- ments, manufactured and store articles. nidjd' nu mask (for derivation compare la at V nl' djahah WAnsuf ga he made an image of it, they say) SL.'and'hu that with which the hands are washed ( = soap) (sLla- with hands [§ 14.11]; ndn to play with or wash) qlaixitagd' hu round thing shaken ( = rattle) {q'.ai round-shaped object [§ 15.18]; At to shake; gdh continually) 2, -A] a suliix used in speaking condescendingly, as to a slave, or sometimes in a kindly numner, to one's equal. It is also em- ployed sarcastically, or in belittling one's self, out of courtesy. gaha'h hao la su'uAldd'lgAh he spoke like that (as if speaking to a slave) {gafia'n like; Jiao that; su stem to speak; ddl [?]; -gAh continuative) ha'osklien dAh gia'ga qa'gAnaA'ldas and yet yours will be safe (ha'oskfien and yet [ = ^ao + connective si: Hen]; dAh your- gia thing, or property; -ga possessive; qa'gAua stem to be safe; -da auxiliary; -s participle) §26 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 255 dA n go'nga A'ldjiwai your slave-father {cIa n y our ; goh man's father ; -ga possessive; diiiLi=dju he is of that sort; ai the) dATi na'tga A'ldjiwai your slave-nephew {dAfi your; ndt nephew; -ga possessive; A'ldjiwai [as abovel) 3. -aani astonishment or wonder. gAjn gua la gei gl'na I'.'udju's l! qinga'naani I wonder that they do not see the object sticking into him {gAm. not; gua inter- rogative; gei into; gl'na something; k.'u- classifier [§ 15.15]; dju it was of that sort; -s participle; qih stem to see; -gdn continuative) glsi'sdo Tiao l! waga'ani I wonder whence the people came who did this (glsi'sdo whence [contains stA from and o general demonstrative]; hao general demonstrative; wa stem to do; -ga auxiliary) 4, -alf/tn appears to be identical in meaning with the above. a' saga esi'n l! q.'a'gaalgin I wonder if I slept here (a'sa this place; -ga in; esi'n also; l! I [literally they], often used for first person singular or plural; q'.a'ga stem to sleep) wa zgu gl'na ge'ida I tagasd' algih what a small thing I am going to eat! {vxi that [thing]; Lgu how or what; gl'na thing; ge'ida it is so or it is like; 11; ta stem to eat; -gasa probably -qasa about to [§ 23.6]) st!ao liao gawaalgin I wonder if you have^ become witches isHao witches; liao those; gawa stem) 5» da'ogo this is rather a particle than a suffix, but is usually placed after the verb. It may be best defined as a sort of dubitative, though its use is very varied. Sometimes its meaning is conditional. n-n-n hit.UgA'n Ld'sta I'djins at La'staia da'ogo isgwd'hxAh probably it is because she has been doing the same thing again {n-n-n exclamation; hit.'AgA'n then; Ld'sta [?]: idjins it is [including stem, continuative, and participle]; of with; Is stem; -gwan, moving about [§ 20.5]; -xau continuative [§ 24.1]) hadjadl'a gasi'iiLlao dl taiga' sa da'ogo alas! I wonder what is going to become of me {hadjadl'a alas! gasi'nL.'ao what! dl me; taigd'sa contains the infallible future [§ 23.5]) V i'ndaxuai gut gldjigl'da da'ogo la LdA'TiLgailxas lo! when he pulled him out of the water, he only held together by the joints {i'ndaxuai the joints; gut together; gldji to hold; gl [?]; -da causative; l- by handling [§ 14.26]; dAfi- pulling [§ 14.4]; L- classifier [§ 15.20]; ga stem; -Llxa toward [§ 22.10]; -s par- ticiple) §26 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 l' lih I qei k.'wa'igai gao da'ogo the eldest son that I bore is as if he were non-existent (i'^i/i- male person; 11; geitobear; I'.'wai elder son; gai the; gao to be wanting or gone) Iget da dd'ga da'ogo la i'sdah if you own a bow, take it along ilget bow; da you; da'ga to own; la imperative; i'sdah stem and continuative suffix) ki'lsLai ha'lA da is da'ogo qdL chief, if it is you, get into the canoe (ki'lsLai the chief; Jm'Ia come! da you; is it is; gd stem to go; -l aboard [§ 22.12]) gasi'nL.'ao ga ge'gasa da'ogo I wonder how things are going to be (gasi'nL.'ao liow; ga things [indefinite]; ge probably for get stem TO BE like; -^asa=g'asa imminent future) t!ak!i'nga ha'lA dd is da'ogo dl gu qd'L.'xa grandchild, if it is you, come to me {tlakH'n grandchild; -ga possessive; ha'lA come! da you; is it is; dime; gru at or there ; gatogo; -i/xa toward) r Lga da'ogo gut agA'n la kutida'ldias becoming a weasel, he climbed up {Lga weasel; gut upon; agA'n reflexive; kut- prob- ably an instrumental prefix; l- classifier [§ 15.20]; da stem [?]; -I up [§ 22.7]; -di determinate suffix [§ 20.7]; -as participle) di djd'ga Inagai gl gudd' ha da'ogo I tia'gAS I gi'hgo look at the man I killed who wanted to marry my wife! {dl my; djd wife; -ga possessive; Ina to marry; gai [?] the; gl to or for; gudd' ha to think or want; ^ I; tia to kill; -gA auxiliary; -s participle; I imperative; gin stem to look; -go plural) S 27. Personal Pronoun me dl thee dAn him, her, it la him, her, it (indef.) UAn us il! you (plural) dalA'n them l! them (indcf.) ga I I thou (subj.) da he, she, it la he, she, it (indef.) riAfi we t.'alA'n you (plural) dalA'n they L ! they (indef.) ga Another indefinite l might be added to these. In the Masset dialect dAh is used both for the subjective and objective forms of the second person singular, while dd serves as an emphatic form. The subjective series is used as subject of the transitive verb and of active verbs, even when there is no object expressed. Objective pronouns are used to express the subject of verbs expressing states and qualities. Following is a short list of neutral verbs. §27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 257 k!dt!a to die gao to lie (plural) geal, gil to become 'q'.ai'xa to be far away 'sIaI to want I'dji to be Igoa to fear gagaO) to be tired u'nsAt to know 'gata{V) to fall into gao to be absent, gone gut to think When pronominal subject and object accompany the verb, they are placed preceding the whole stem-complex, the object being placed before the subject. Only the third person plural l! always stands immediately before the stem-complex. The indirect object precedes the direct object and is characterized by connectives (see § 31). § 28. Possession 1. -^a (Masset -Ui). Possession of an object by a person other than the subject of the sentence is expressed by the objective pro- noun preceding the noun, and by the suffix -ga (Masset -^a). In the Masset dialect this suffix is used only rarely. We find the noun either without suffix or with the suffix -gia. (a) The possessive forms of terms of relationship are formed by the objective pronoun and the suffix -ga, which is attached to the noun. V djd'ga q.'d'gada'si his wife dried it 288.12 ^ (dja wife) dl go'nga dl gi girige'idAn my father put paint on me 290.8 {dl my; gofi father of male; dl me; gi on; gih- to cause [§ 14.12]) Wd'nAgAn gi'tga hao Idjd'gAn that one was the son of Wa'nAgAn B 87.17 Qd'L-qons gudjd'n^a I'Lgas gl'dhi ina^e'lan Qa'L-qons' daughter married I'Lgas' son (Masset) 394.10 (^tZ^^afi daughter; g'it son; i'na to marry; -^el to become) (6) In terms expressing transferable possession the noun takes neither the pronominal element nor the suffix, but both are combined and precede or fofiow the noun. At the same time the noun takes the suffix -/. Skidegate Masset my nd'ga dl'na thy dA'nga dA'n^a his Id'gd Va'na our %'Ldga I' Liana your dalA'nga their L.'d'ha I References in this section indicate page and line in John R. Swanton, Haida Texts (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. x), except that references preceded by B indicate page and line in John R. Swanton, Haida Texts and Myths (Bulletin 29. Bureau of American Ethnology). 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 17 § 28 258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blll. 40 dd gua gatagd'-i nd'ga isdai'yan? did you eat my food? B 45.4 {dd thou; ^ua question; ^a- somethino;; ta to eat; -ga-i it) Lud'-i Id'ga sta"gasi his canoe was full 288.10 ga'odjiwa-i Id'ga l! skl'dAuasi they beat his drum B 13.16 lA'gudje I dlsf dl'nai'sdi take my mat from me! (Masset) 753.29 {Ugus mat; if imperative; di me; sf from; dl'na my) V hir' ^ado' Id' na l! gud.igwd' nan they thou£:ht about its name (Masset) 741.19 (kie' name; ^ado about; gut mind) tc!idalAha'-i isin I'L.'aha V gl'^odjuwe . . . that he also take all our arrows (Masset) (W).\9 {tc.'i'dalAn uttow; -^ddja hW) Inagd'-i xa'da-i dd' h'a hl'lugAh your town people are destroyed (Masset) 740.22 {Idna town; xa'da people; hl'lu to destroy) tc!l'dalAha-i Lid' ha ^ag'^ I L'gaL.'atc.'a'sah I shall swim for their arrows (Masset) 603.3 (tc.'i'dalAh aTTow) In some cases the pronoun precedes the noun. l! st.'d'sU L.'d'na l! qe'hganan they saw their footprints (Masset) 281.13 (st.'d'sil footprint) (c) Terms expressing parts of the body do not take the suffix -ga; but either take only the objective pronoun indicating the possessor and a vocalic ending, or they repeat the pronominal possessive-like terms expressing transferable possession. V Jclu'da Id'ga Ia qaLai'ydgAn he sharpened its bill for it B 59.25 V nlxadji Id'ga the crown of his head B 13.4 V qd'dji q!eiiq!d'-iLxidia'-i lu when he cut its head olF B 12.14 {qds head; qUit- with knife [§14.22J; -xid to begin) V SL!a-i V Ldl qd' nan her husband saw her hands (Masset) 430.24 {sL!a hand; zdl husband; qdh to see) 2. 'E, A weak vocalic suffix is used with terms expressing parts of the body. Words ending in a vowel, n, h, I, do not take this suffix, while others seem to transform the surd terminal into a sonant; s becomes dj before it. The same forms are used in Masset with terms of relationship. (a) Words ending in vowels, n, n, or ?. ^d'de xie' the eagle's wing (Masset) 771.2 I'L.'adas ^ai the chief's blood (Masset) 779.14 r qo'Ia his legs (Masset) 332.38 V SL.'ik.'u'n her finger nails (Masset) 507.8 V tdih ^a'^ada between his teeth (Masset) 331.19 V x'el its neck part B 79.37 V XAh his face B 10.4 tcl'TUL-i qAl the salmon skin B 13.5 §28 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 259 dl gl'da I I' nan marry my daughter! (Masset) 514.8 V nan V sudai'an said his grandmother to him (Masset) 670.4 (b) Words ending in consonants other than n, n, I. V klvfgi ya opposite its heart (Masset) 294.25 dl Tclog' my heart (Masset) 298.24 dAfi qd'dji thy head (Masset) 301.5 V k.'o'tA its beak (Masset) 498.4 V llu'da its beak B 59.25 V qd'dji his head 12.14 r sJcu'dji its bones B 8.13 3. -gia means originally property, but in Masset is now sometimes used as equivalent of ga. V ^on gia gl'uAga-i Til'lawan his father's property was destroyed 689.18 XAUsU'lot gia Lue' sea-anemone's canoe {xAnsu'lot sea-anemone; LU canoe) dA'hgia Inaga'i xada'i your town-people (Inaga'i the town; xada'i people) UAn I'linas gia ta'we the man's food {uau I'linas the man; tao food) Sometimes it appears instead of dl'na, signifying my, mine; as — dalA'n Itanogl's lu I gia'gAn na-i ^n isda'lgaWwan dalA'h wa'- Luwan a after you have eaten let all go up to my house • gia'gAn na-i aI tdd'nu yd' An La'ola make a big fire in my house giagAh ^ado' Llao l! ^e'sgagA'n but they were unsuccessful with mine 4. -gAii or -an (Masset 'An) expresses possession of an object by the subject of the sentence, (a) The possessive forms of terms expressing relationship and parts of the body are formed by suffixing -gAh or -ah (Masset -Ah) to the noun possessed. djd'gAh gi xagwa'-i Ia zgua'si he carried the halibut toward the woods to his wife 288.12 (djd wife; gi to; xagu halibut; l- with hands [§14.26]) gl'tgAh %'sih I qihgd'nsga I shall see my son also 291.1 {git chikl; i'sih also; I I; -sga future) a-u'natlA Md'nanas he asked his mother 289.9 (as mother; at with ; kid'n to question) klo'lATi LU Ia dAhgl' stalia' -i she had it even witli her knees 291.7 {lu even; dAn- by pulling [§14.4J; gl- flat thing; sta- to move away from ; -I up) §28 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BrLL. 40 XAha'h I Lisl-u'nagul clean >-our e3'es (Masset) 649.23 {xAfi face, eye; I imperative; l- by touching [§ 14.26]) (6) Separable possession is expressed by the pronoun A'nga (Mas- set A'h^a). Lua'-i (Ijl'na A'nga Ia sgotskidd' hah he struck the edges of his canoe with his hamls 288.4 q!Al dA'hat A'hga la qaxud'lah wansu'ga he went out with his skin 289.7 ^A'nLe ^ai gl'we Ah^a' V isdai'yan he put his fish trap into the creek (Masset) 518.15 {^a'tilb creek; ^ai in; gl'u fish trap) gl'we A'h'a V qed'han he looked at his fish trap (Masset) 518.20 § 29. Plurality and Distribution Plural Sujfixes ivith Nouns 1. -I An is used principally vdi\\ terms of relationship. It is also contained in the pronouns tIalA'h we, dalA'h ye. gd'^aZ^fi uncles B 27.13 {qd'\^a] uncle) nd'tgalAn nephews B 63.24 {nd't[ga] nephew) sqd'ngalAh aunts {sqd'n[ga] aunt) yd'galAh parents B 45.31 a'ogalAh parents B 59.1 hlwai'galAU elder brothers B 37.10 2. 'djit occurs with some words indicating human beings. I' Una a male human being ila'ndjidai male human beings XA'ldah slave XAldd'ndjidai slaves git a servant or low caste person gl'djidai low caste persons The Distributive Suffix 3. -xa is used after numerals, connectives, and nouns. sti'nxa two apiece (stih two) Le'ilxa five apiece {re'il five) gado'xa round about (gad 5' around) dji'nxa in the neighborhood of {djin near) tcagA'nxa around under the ocean-water (tcagA'n the ocean- water) IkH'nxa about in the woods {Ik.'ie'n woods) V stIexgia'lagAn he became angry B 95.3 §29 ■ ■ BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 261 § 30. Demonstrative and Interrogative Pronouns The essential demonstrative elements are a and wa, which are often used alone; but there are also several demonstrative adverbs com- pounded from these, such as the following: d'djxua over here (near by) vxi'tiaTi farther off! wafdjxua over there (at some d'nis this region, etc. distance) wd'nis that region d'gusa here Ci'lgui this way wd'fjusa there • wa'gui that way a' si, aMjl' , alsl' this thing d'ujAn right here. Interrogative pronouns are all built upon three stems by means of suffixes. These stems are gl or gls where? gus what? and gasi'n WHY? or HOW IS IT? and the two former ma}^ be related to the con- nectives gl and gu (§ 31). Who? appears to be formed by adding the connectives stA and hao to gl, making gl'sto (literally from where ARE you?). Other variant interrogative pronouns are built upon the stems in a similar manner: gl'sget, glsi'stahao, gl' zgAii, where; gu'su, gu'sgiao, WHAT?; gasi'no, gasi'nhao, gasi'nL.'ao, why or now? Gus is often duplicated into gu'gus. The s which occurs throughout most of these forms very much suggests the interrogative particle {so) in Tlingit, and is one of the features which suggest community of origin for the two languages. These interrogatives and the indefinite pronouns are also used in place of our relatives; the indefinite l in conjunction with gu {hgu) being frequently so employed. Modifying Stems (§§31-33) As already stated, this group of stems includes post-positions, conjunctions, adverbs, and interjections. They may be most con- veniently classed as — (1) Connectives (2) Adverbs (3) Interjections and expletives § 31, Conneetwes These are a series of words used to bind together the varicnis parts of a sentence and also to connect sentences, and they thus perform the functions of our prepositions and conjunctions. It is evident, from the manner in which they are employed, that they depend very closely upon the verb, and in some cases they are quite essential §§30,31 2G2 BUREAU OF AAIEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 portions of it. The following connectives : at or al with, of a'ihao for that reason atguLu' as soon as atxA'nhao as soon as of X Ana near a'Iq because, for alu therefore A Idjl'A lu therefore uied now uie'dhao now u'ngu on top of u'ngnt on top of (motion thither) I'naat at the same time as i'sgien and (connects nouns) ya straight opposite hao that (very geneial meaning) Tia'oJiao for that reason dji'ngi alongside djl'gigui behind da to (Masset dialect) dagu'liM alongside of dA'hat with (close company) dl'tgi back toward the woods t'.a'gi opposite t'.a'ga on account of Hd'lga while tie' si A towing or dragging sa above, up su'uga among sl'agei above slla'iga after stA from, after sk lid'xA n al though gd'wan without gai the or that ga'istA after that, from that place gand'n like gand'xAn as soon as gl (Masset ga) to or for gia'ogi at the end or edge of gieii and (usually when) gu at, there gua toward §.31 is a fairly complete list of the gui toward (with motion) gut with, together with gutsiA apart, from each other gu'tgi together gu'tga together gwa'di seeking hu'ngAstA ahead of Icwa'gi above Ji.'ia'oga for l.'idl every time ga in or to gd'atga between f/a'a/yei between (with motion) gado' around gAii for (purpose) gA'nstA to gaga'n on account of go'da behind gb'igado around behind go' Laga after (compare Lga and go'da) get into ge'istA out of qa'odi after a while qa'sdihao after that qd'li inside of qdligu't upon the inside of qali'gei into the inside of q.'o'lga near by q'.o'lgAstA' from near qleu'gi in front of q.'eu'xa around in front of xe'daxua below (toward below) xe'tgu down xe'igi down xe'li in the mouth of LU when Lga after Ld'gu on the shore opposite Ld'guila as soon as La'xa near Lgl'xAn as soon as iget against 1 boas] handbook op AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 263 A large number of these, it will be seen, are compounded from the simpler connectives, for example: a'tMo (at + hao) sila 'iga' (sila'i the place + ^a) atguLu' iat + giL + Lu) ga'istA {(jai + stA) atxA'nliao (aZ + the adverb xau gana'xAn (gand'n + XAn) + hao) gu'tstA (gut + stA) a'Ici (aI + ci in place of a verb gu'tgi (gut + gi) or clause) gu'tga (gut + ga) aIu' (Al + Jiao) go'tgado (go'da + gado') A Idji'A lu ( A Id'fi' this + ^ ^ 4- Tuw) ge'istA (gei + sIa ) uie'dliao (uied + hao) qa'odihao {qa'odi + hao) ha'ohao (hao + hao) qdligu't (qd'U + gut) dl'tgi (dl'da + gi) qalige'i (qd'H+gei) si'agei (sa + gei) q'.olgAStA (q!d'lga + stA) Still other connectives are evidently compound, although one of the elements may be rarely or not at all used alone. Thus: d'xAna perhaps contains the demonstrative a and the adverb a;^n u'ngu is evidently compounded of a connective un, not used independently, and g\i u'ngut is compounded of un and gut Inaat contains at i'sgien contains gien dji'ngi contains gi ^ dji'gigui contains gui and probably gi dagu'lLu contains lu dA' hat contains at t!a' gi coniains gi and probably anon-independent connective //a tla'ga contains ga and t!a tld'lga contains ga He'stA contains stA su'uga contains ga sklid'xAU contains xati gia'ogi contains gi Icu'ngAstA contains stA and probably ga and I'un point Icwa'gi contains gi Tc'.ia'oga contains ga gd'otga contains ga gd'atgei contains gei gA'nstA contains gAU and stA qlo'lga contains ga qleu'gi contains gi qleu'xa contains the distributive suffix xa xe'daxua, xe'tgu, and xe'tgi contain gua, gu, and gi, respectively, with a connective xet §31 264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blll. 40 Lofgu contains gu and a connective lCi Ld'guda contains id and gut Ld'xa contains Ld and xa Lgi'xAU contains xau and perhaps Ld and gi Still another non-independent connective seems to be used with the reflexive suflix in qfe'nAii for themselves. Gd'wan in the above list is simply the past tense of the verb gao to be wanting, and go' da is the word for buttocks. G\ia and g^d are probably compounded of ga and gei or gi respectively, with gu; and gut is perhaps from gu and at, or else the suffix indicating motion (see below). Qd'li insides, and a*'H in the mouth of, are also used as nouns, meaning the insides of a man or animal, or a sound (body of water), and the inside of the mouth, respectively. Gand'n is perhaps simply the continu- ative verbal suffix duplicated. Leaving out these affixes, therefore, along with a few others which occur rarely, it seems as if the following list represented the stems of the original connectives : at OT al su gA7i uied stA gei un gai qn'odi ya gu q.'dl hao gi q.'eu djin or djl gien xet da gia lu dlt k.'ia Lga t!a ga Ld V.dl gdat Iget sa gad 6' -i is suffixed to connectives to indicate motion of an object in the situation specified by the connective. sl'geit Ia xi'tlgaldas he flew about above {slge above; At in that place; ai^ to fly; Z^o? moving about; -da to cause) gAin V nd'dAlATi da isi'n l! do'^Angahan V Jc'.otd'Jan sile't a after he died, they did not call his nephews (Masset) {gAjn not; nddA nephew; -Z.c ?1 plural ; da[%\; m'rialso; do to go and get; -^An negation; -gah continuative ; -an past inexperienced; Tcfotdl stem TO die; -an past inexperienced; sile after; a stands for dd'^Augahan) l! xeti't l! i'steidani they put these before them (xet before; iste stem[?]; 4c? inchoative [?] ; -an past inexperienced; -i perfect) ^A'7}Le djine't alongside of the stream (the}^ went) (Masset) {^aul fresh water or stream; e the; djin along by) §31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 265 § 32. A f7 verbs The position which adverbs take in the sentence, and their use in general, connect them closely w-ith connectives. Both are subordi- nated to the verb in the same way, and the only difference lies in the fact that an adverb does not refer to a substantival modifier of the verb so directly as does a connective. The fact that adverbial modifiers sometimes do refer to such a substantive {'da', sa, etc.) shows how close the relationship is. The simpler adverbs are the following: i'sin (Masset i'si/i) again, also dl'da landward lla' differently qiafda seaward yen truly sa up, above ye'nk.'ien very much sI'tiaTi snuffling hawl'dan quickly gua (interrogation) Jiayi'h instead gAin not TiAn (Masset Mn) like, as fol- xau (Masset Jiaji) still, yet lows ■ XAhgian answering, in reply halgunAU closer zan complete, ended Tiit'.AgA'n (Masset Int'.A'n) L.'a however then la (imperative adverb) Tiina'n only I nan a little A second set of adverbs is formed b}" means oi xati, which has very rnuch the force and function of the English adverbial ending -ly. Such are: wa'lAfixAn really ha'oxATi still de'ixATi carefully Jcu'nxAn still more Ma'xATi outside Lgua'nixAn aimlessly, traveling at random Many ideas expressed in English by adverbs are rendered in Haida by a noun, or its equivalent, and connective: q.'a'gui northward or to the north djaxui' seaward, toward the mouth of the inlet qalgui' up-inletward, or toward the head of the inlet tadjxua' toward the rear of the house Ikia'gua toward the door of the house sgo'lAgi to the right SLd'anqi to the left or leftward §32 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 33, Interjections The following is a list of interjections, or words of interjectional nature : a-i ah! or oh my! Ciya no! afdigua just hear! (an angry exclamation used by old people) ana yes ^ don't! % (disgust) dirty! etc. Itle'i indeed! or is that so^ or why! don't you know^ wa or lengthened into wa-a-a pretty, nice! yu'ya a feminine exclamation of terror yula'dAl an exclamation used by the Xinstints ])eople when they hear news, regardless of its quality liai now! Jiawl't quick! Tia'maya horrors! (a very strong expression) hadjadl'a alas! ha'Jcu now ! JmIa' come! The Ninstints sometimes use zin instead of this. huk or lengthened into Jiu'k'id-iikuk look out! also the cry raised when rushing on an enemy. It alw^ays indicates danger. djd say! well! t'.agane' lo! surprising! ga'o ano or go'ano no! gu'gus t'.agaiu' wonderful! or surprising! l\'wai pray! wait! hold on! q!a pretty or nice (a Kaigani exclamation particularly) q'.d'la idjd'xAn an obsolete expression, used only by <'hiefs, and indicative of intense anger na here ! say ! ran or Tia'osLan enough! stop! (itlentical with the adverb Lan) L.'na would that! § 34. Syntax The verb almost always stands at the end of the sentence or clause ; but where the speaker washes to supplement some thought to w^hat he has just said, he may do so by introducing the essential part of it, and adding a, which stands for the verb and modifiers just given. WAgand'xAii la isda'yagAn vau, djd'adas a she did it that way, the woman (did it that way) (wAgand'xAn that way [=tVA + gana'fi+XAn]; isda stem; -ya perfect; -agAn past inexperi- enced; UAfi the [with -s]; djd' da woman; a for isda'yagAn) §§33,34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 267 V qd'idagAn tadafoagai si'lga a she started off, while those who were after salmon were away (she started) {qa to go; -id incho- ative; -QAii past inexperienced; tadd'oagai they were after salmon; si'lga while [literally, in the place]; a for qd'idagAn) V qaL.'xa'yagAn td'nai dji'ngi a she came out of the woods, near the sea-water (she came out) {qa stem; -Llxa toward; -ya per- fect; -a^^Ti past inexperienced; ^a'nai thesea; djinn&dir; ^iat; a for qaL.'xa'yagAn) la gAU l! d'xAnagid'lagani la Lc/a da'ogai a they came near her, those that came after her (came near her) (gAn for; d'xAna stem TO COME near; -gidl to come to be^ -agan past inexperienced; -i perfect; zga after; dao to come to get; gai the or those; a for a' XAnagid'lagani) Occasionally a is omitted. gien Ia gd'itq.'d'isgitlasi sin rgu Id'na e'sin and he threw it up hard into the air, the sun also (gien and; yaiHiard or quickly; q.'di- classifier; sgitstem; -^up; -asi participle; s^?7sun; z,^u indeed; Id'na that one; e'siFi also) ga'iLuhao l! laga'yahwAnsu'gagd'lai zd'alge'ilsi lu at that time they went off in a crowd, at the end of ten days (literally, nights) (ga'iLuhao at that time; laga stem [?]; -i/a perfect; -ah continuative; WAnsu'ga quotative; gal night; ai the; ili'al ten; ge'il to become; -si participle; lu when) When the subject and object of the verb are nouns, the former precedes; when they are pronouns, the order is reversed. A third pronominal object is followed by one of the connectives, and is placed before the other personal pronouns. When nouns and pronouns are both used as subjects or objects, the pronouns usually stand nearest to the verb, and exceptions to this are usually for emphasis: Lan dAn I qi'nga I cease to see thee 31.5 (Laii to stop; dAn thee; I I; qin to see; -ga declarative or auxiliary [?]) la i'sin la'ga qd'gas he, too, w^ent to him {i'sin too; ga to; qd stem TO go; -ga auxiliar}^; -s participle) dalA'n Lla l! tA'lgi Id'gasga j-^ou, however, will be better than the others ((ZaZ^' /I you [pi.]; x /a however; f^'Z^i more than; Id good; -ga auxiliary; -sga future) I have noted above, that a connective depending upon a verb may stand at the very beginning of the sentence, the noun to which it refers being either understood or expressed in the preceding clause. Adjectives, connectives, and possessives used like connectives, alwa3^s follow the nouns to which they refer. When several adjec- §34 208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibili. 40 tives depend upon one noun, they are apt to occur in an order exactly the reverse of that observed in English: go'djai t.'el XA'tdju the wolf, wet, small (the small wet wolf) gl'na go'lgal SLA'pdju a thing, blue, slim (a slim blue thing) Subordinate clauses almost always precede those on wliich they depend, though occasionally they may be inserted into the major clause itself: V Ita'xm Tu'adji V tia'gan la gAU gudd'nagAii his friends (that) a grizzly bear Icilled him thought about him (his friends thought a grizzly liear had killed him) {Itn'xui friends or clans- men; xu'adji grizzly bear; tia stem to kill; -agan past inex- perienced; ^^n for [here about]; $r^w^'/la stem to think; -gAU past inexperienced) In the Masset dialect the subordinate clause usually ends in -s (§ 25.7) and is followed by gien, lu, or some other connective. This is also found in the Skidegate dialect ; but more often the subordinate clause ends in gai. Masset sentences are usually introduced by WA'gien; and Skidegate sentences, by gie'nJiao, WA'gienhao, Lu'hao, etc. It is often more convenient, however, to regard the sentence they introduce as a clause coordinate with that which precedes. This uncertainty always renders it difficult to divide Haida discourse into sentences. VOCABULARY (§§ 35-39) § 35. General Remarks Haida stems may be most conveniently divided into two classes — principal stems and modifying stems. The former class includes those which we should call in English, verbs, adjectives, nouns, and pronouns ; the latter, post-positions, conjunctions, adverbs, and inter- jections. § 36. Verb-Stems The greater number of these consist of one syllable, and, in many cases where more than one occur, it seems probable that they are really compound. The following list includes all of those most com- monly employed, along with a few rarely found. They are arranged in the following order: (1) stems consisting of a single vowel; (2) those of a single consonant; (3) a consonant and following vowel or vowel-combination; (4) two consonants; (5) two consonants and §§35,36 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 269 following vowel; (6) a consonant, vowel, and consonant; (7) two consonants, a vowel, and a consonant; 1. u to remain in one place or to 6. sit 2. i to touch 3. wa to do or make dju to be of a certain sort or kind dao to go and get ta to eat tai to lie tia to kill (one person) su to say gao to be absent or wanting gia to stand gue to come Icwa to strike Iciu to tie Iclwi to mention xia to follow xiao to hang up go to lie go{xa) to burn 7. ga to go (one person) ge to give birth * g!a to sit (usually followed by auxiliary U) q!a to sleep q!a to laugh q!ol to hide or secrete from the eyes 8. xao to fish l!u to sit (plural) 4. SL a stem of very general ap- plication, meaning to place in a certain direction 5. sta to remove from a certain place st!e to be sick, angry, sad Lgl to swim Lxu to creep L !da to kill (many people) Ita to spit (8) stems of two syllables. nan to grind or rub nial or nil to drink gin to go by sea Jcidn to ask Mn to make a noise, as a bird Jc.'el to be extinguished xdL to howl xlt to fl}' xit to pick up gat to run, to act quickly geii to become get to be like xut to drink xoal to steam xon falling of a heavy ob- ject, like a tree sU to borrow lift to start anything lil to surround stil to return sMt to move so as to result in contact sMt to club skin to wake up sgail to weep sgol to hide Igal and Igul to move around aha to chew up food, for a child idji or is to be Jiailu to destroy dJAj)At to sink suddenly daga to own gidji to seize gisu to wipe Tc.'oHaI to be dead gdxa to be weak golga to make gaifZo to go to war Id' no to swear §36 270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bilu 40 Adjectives may always be used as verb-stems and so belong to this category. The following are the principal : ada different got last ; also a noun meaning yaku middle buttocks yu'An big (incorporated yu) qoan much taLdju' half qo'na great, mighty t'.el w&i la good sget red Igal black nao{da) many go'lgal blue ga'da white Nouns Hke the following may also be used as the stems of verbs: yd'nAh clouds glda chief's son tdd'ano fire or firewood td'na sea-water na house More often the noun is followed by an auxiliary, and these auxiliaries are used after verb-stems as well, though a few of them may occur as entirely independent stems (see § 18). § 37. Numerals The numeral system has become decimal since the advent of the whites, and the word hundred has replaced the original expression that covered that figure; but the old blanket-count ran as follows: 1 sgod'nsin 2 stin 3 Igu'nul 4 stA'nsiri 5 Le'U 6 LgA'nul 7 djlguagd' 8 sta'nsAhxa 9 LaAli' figisgoansi' ngo 10 Ld'Al 11 Ld' aI wai'gi sgoa'nsin 12 Ld'Al wai'gi stin 20 lA'guat sgoa'nsin 30 lA'guat sgoansi' hgo wai'gi id'al 40 lA'guat stin 50 lA'guat stin wai'gi zd'al 60 lA'guat Igu'nul 100 lA'guat Le'il 200 U'guat Ld'Al 300 lA'guat Ld'Al wai'gi lA'guat Le'il 400 lA'guat Ld'Ale stin 1000 lA'guat Ld'Ale Le'il 2000 lA'guat Ld'Ale Ld'al etc. _ _ §37 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 271 It will be seen that the term for four is derived from that for two; the term for six, from the term for three; the term for eight, from the terms for four and two; and the term for ten, from that for five; while nine is simply ten minus one. § 38. Nominal Steins Following is a list of the simpler nominal stems, arranged in the same order as the verbal stems given above. Since stems of two syllables with a weak final vowel differ but slightly from those of one syllable, I have given them before other two-syllable stems: 1. ao mother 2. at paddle 3. tela place tc'.u cedar su lake na house gwai island Tcliu trail 'XAi sunshine gai blood qa uncle q!a harpoon q!a north Icldo salmon eggs xao juice Lu canoe lai cranberries st!a foot st'.ao wizard sku back Lga land Iga rock djat woman tcin grandfather tdin teeth t'.es rock, ledge djil bait sit place sin day or sky git son Icun point h!ial leg qal night gait tree gon moon g!as pitch g'.ATi grass g'.an hemlock g!ai clay g!Al swamp xat woman's father, also grave-post XAn face xel neck xel hole len certain Tsimshian songs lln root sqot armpit IgAu male cousin gAiiL fresh water taf ha sea-water sgafna supernatural being ]c!a'-ila tray lc!a'-ilda star gl'na something M'ga meat, flesh Tc'.u' da beak go' da buttocks go' da box qd'dji head qaf La or qdL reef qb'na father-in-law and son- in-law xa'ida human beings Id'na town Lxadji middle of top of head §38 272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 Iqea'ma kelp; also tall rough (ja'dAh miiul and throat grass along shore H'lga language Ua' nga feathers hid' TiaI color I'nagwa one side or half k.'id'lu cormorant I'Lgas chief JdonA'h a crazy person i'L.'xagiclas chief gci'yao the sea I'lin male gH'y^ smoke tdd'ano fire go'dAh a, white variety of dd'gal to-morrow rock dadji'n hat qd'woda bag td'nAl tongue g^'gu water basket or bucket stAgu'n branch-tips gland's comrade (in address) gia'at blanket g'.A'ndal a mass of trees gml't smoke-hole fallen in one place gl'gao salmon-trap Id'lAga house-screens Some of these last are undoubtedly compound. Thus gu'dAh, Tc'.onA'n, and gd'dAnseem. to have the continuative ending Un) ; Id'na is probably compounded from na house, and perhaps la he or his; dd'gal probably contains gal night; I'L.'xagidas is very likely from I'Lgas and gl'da chief's son (a gl'da being so high that he was prac- tically certain to be a chief himself) ; while H'lga probably has the possessive suHix. Other nouns which are certainly compound are: si'nxi evening (sin day or daylight-sky) ; Icu'ngida corner (perhaps from kun point); g.'a'ixida woman's cloak; gA'ndjilga'gi dancing- blanket; xd'tgi dancing-leggings; ga'ixdt ashes; gagwd'nqe cradle; tA'ngoan ocean. The two last probably contain the verbal sufhx goan about, around, and the last seems to be compounded of this and td'na sea-water. The word for salt, tdh q.'d'ga, means simply DRIED sea-water. The word for beans and peas is xo'ya-Lu'ga raven's canoe, and refers to one of Raven's adventures. Rice is called i'nln-tc.'in English teeth. Gdxa child seems to be derived from the stem of the verb meaning weak. A study of animal names is usually interesting; but in Ilaida most of the names of land and sea animals, along with those of the most common birds and fishes, are simple, and yield nothing to investi- gation. Such are the following: tcin salmon (general term) tdL loon tdin beaver t.'iri robin tdi silver-salmon sl'ga snake tan black-bear st.'ao screech-owl §38 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 273 sqao grouse and big variety got eagle of clam 'qai sea-lion sqol porpoise qd sea-otter sq.'en gull xa dog SLgu land-otter . xd'gu halibut nao devil-fish xo'ya raven Mu clam xot hair-seal Jc.'dt deer zga weasel ]c!al sculpin iJcHa saw-bill TclAgA'n mouse Igo heron Tcun whale The word for beaver seems to be the same as that for teeth, from which it may have been derived. Most of the other animal, bird, and insect names are evidently derived from descriptive terms. Such are the following: yA'nidJAh spider dJAgA'ldAXuan fly; also snipe djl' gul-a' oga shrew (probably literally, fern-mother) djidA'n humpback-salmon dogaftLxagana chicken-hawk td'ina steelhead-salmon td'gun spring-salmon taxe't small salmon found on the Queen Charlotte islands td' Lat trout ' td' LAt-gd'dala swallow tialgun swan siXASLdA'lgdha small bird statsk'.u'n fish-hawk stdqld'djitga brant skd'gi dog-salmon skdxia'o swamp-robin sqaA'm star-fish SL.'u'djagadAh red-headed woodpecker JcAlgai' Ag An hutteTiiy, grasshopper hu'ndaguan (Masset SLAqA'm) sand-flea Tcld'ldjida crow qadji' nq! Alge'ksLl green-headed duck qotgadAgA'mlgal bat qotgalvf sparrow q.'a'isgut butter-ball qloyd'n mouse Igitgu'n goose IkHe'nq'.dstAn frog {IkHe'n forest; q'.ostA'n crab) tdLAt-gd'dAla fast trout 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 18 § 38 274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [m'LU 40 Another set of names {ij)pears to be onomatopoetic eillier in fact or in idea: M'xodada or la'xodada grebe dl'dA h blue-Hy wU salmon-berry liird siol'lawlt small bird md'rnatdegi drai!;on-{ly sl'd'skas small owl djldja't small hawk fju'tgunis (Masset (jW Ujunist) djidjigd'ga small bird horned owl tda'tda song-sparrow L.'ai'L.'di bluejay da'tc.'i wren I know of but two story-names of animals, k.'u'xwjitKU/its marten (instead of k'.'u'xu) and sqo'hjinagits porpoise (instead of sqol) ; bnt it is possible that the same suffixes may have occurred after other animal-names as well, (jl'ria means something, and git son; but whether those are the words included in the suflix is uncertain. Several animal-names are almost identical with those found in Tlingit: tdl'tga skate gudj wolf tdisg'"- moose q.'d'xada dog-fish tco'lgi ground-squirrel q!d' An fiu'-seal nd'gadje fox xu'adji grizzly-bear nusg wolverene lAgud'dji sea-bird Jdu'xu marten Igo HERON, and k.UgA'n (Kcene*s) mouse, also resemble the Tlingit terms; and the Tlingit word for raven, yel, is the same as that used by the Masset Haida. This similarity between the two vocabularies extends to a few words other than names of animals, of which th • following are the principal : yage't or ya^e't chief's son gaodja'o drum Tilgaye'dji iron gu'lga abalone Nd'gadje fox is also found in Tsimshian, and the following names are also from that language: a'od"^ porcupine slid'nism blue-hawk mAt mountain-goat gu'igunis horned owl Names of implements and various utensils are formed from verbs by means of a noun-forming suffix o (u) : sgunxola'o perfume (from sgun, skun to smell) sUand'hu soap (from sda hand; nan to play) nidjd'nu mask (from nidjd'h to imitate) M'tao spear handle (from kit to spear) §38 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 275 Of a similar character are the following, although their derivation is not clear: daqu'nlao matches q!d'sf/udjao lamp Mtsgald'no poker Lqalda'o baking-powder xalgadja'o tin pan lItio milk q.'aixitagd'no rattle Probably the Masset word for food, tao, should be added to this list. The Skidegate word for food is formed in a peculiar w^ay — by prefixing the plural indefinite pronoun ga to the stem of the verb eat (ga ta food) . Proper names are often formed from nouns or descriptive terms by means of the suffix s, already referred to. The following are examples : Dji'lindjaos a man named Devil-club {djl'lindjao devil-club) Gao qons the name of an inlet {gao qon mighty inlet) Q'.ets name for the Kaigani country {q!et narrow strait) Gu'lgas a man named Abalone {gu'lga abalone) NAuki'lsLas the Person-who-accomplished-things-by-his-word ; that is, the Creator, Raven {riAn ki'lsia a person who accomplishes things by his w^ord) Qai al Id'nas a family called the people of Qai {Qai al Id'na a man of the town of Qai) NAh-sti'ns The-one-who-is- (equal-to) -two ijiAn one person; stin two) Na qld'las a family called Clay-house People (na q'.d'la a clayey house) Tcdn Id'nas Mud-town This, however, is not essential to the formation of proper names, as the following examples will show: Xo'ya gA'jiLa Raven creek Qa'itgaogao Inlet-from-which-the-trees-have-been-swcpt-away (a camp betw^een Kaisun and Tc !a'at) Ldjih xa'idAgai Far People (the Kwakiutl) Gldd'nstA From-his-daughter (name of a chief) Tc.'dnu aI qlola'i Master-of-the-Fire (name of a chief) Sgd'na yu'An Great Supernatural Power (name of a chief) Qena-ga'isL Floating-heavily-in-his-canoe (name of a chief) The following nouns are nothing more than verb-stems: wd'lgal potlatch Jclo'da dead body st.'e sickness xidl dance gu'su speech ^e'da shame (Masset) As already noted, there are a few other stems difficult to classify as absolutely nominal or verbal; such as na house, xa'ida person. §38 27(> BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 39. Plural Stems By substitution of one stem for another, plurality is sometimes indicated in the verb itself; but a close examination shows that this phenomenon is not as common as at first ap])ears. A lar^e number of |)lural stems of this kind ])rove to be nothing more than adjectives \vi(h the j)liiral suHix -JaI(i or -da, and still others really have the same stem in the sin<.^ular and plural; but the Ilaida mind requires some additional allix in one number to satisfy its conception fully. In the other cases there seems to be an alteration in idea from the Ilaida point of view, such as would impel in all lanj^uages the choice of a different verb. 'Ph.e only verbs which show conspicuous changes in stem in the plural arc the followinf.:; four: Singular ritinil (ja is,dal, orisdal to go q!ao L !u to sit Tit fia{i k'.A'nidAla fine snow {kA'mdjv a small or line object) (1('iee does this vowel assume a purer a tinge. A peculiarity of the language is the doubling of almost every long vowel by the addition of a parasitic vowel of the same timbre as the principal vowel, but pronounced with relaxation of all muscles. Following is a tabular statement of the sounds observed in the Nass dialect. The series of vowels maj- be rendered as follows:* E Short ........ i^ o o a e e % i Long ..- o a a a e - I With parasitic vowel ... - ou do da de ee - u This series begins with the w-vowel with rounded lips and open posterior part of mouth-opening, and proceeds with less protrusion of lips and wider opening of the anterior portion of the mouth to a/ then, with gradual flattening of the middle part of the mouth-opening, through e to /. The system of consonants is contained in the^ folio wing table: Stojys Affricatives Continued Nasals o~2 Labial h Dental d Anterior palatal . . g' Middle palatal . . g Velar g I> (pl - - - - - t (il dz ts its') z s,{c) k' (k-^) _ _ _ - X' k (k^) - - - - ? 9. (?') - - - ir) X Lateral, voiced continued voiceless stop (?) Breathing Semi-vowels I L h y hio s as a separate sound; It is doubtful whether c (English .s/;) occur s seems rather to be pronounced with somewhat open teeth. The sounds g and k take very often a n-tinge. The semi-vowel w is almost alwa3'S aspirated. 1 Notwithstanding its defects, I have adhered for the Nass dialect to the spelling used in previous publications. 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 19 § 2 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ir.i i.i,. 40 § 3. Grouping of Sounds and Laws of Euphony Clustering- of consonants is almost unrestricted, and a numboi- of extended consonantic clusters may occur; as, for instance, -ItkHij' ^ ppt^ fjsL^ .iig\ and many others. Examples are: a'qhl'^det they reached 111.1* a'crU-sl^'L came 35.1 xsl'Td" eagle 178.10 There are, however, a number of restrictions reg'ulatinjj^ the use of consonants before vowels. Terminal surd stops and the atfricative fs are transformed into sonants whenever a vowel is added to the word.- g'at man g'a'dEin 90.6 gwalJi^ dry gica'h/wa 176.2 uE-he'p uncle dEp-he'Ehe ray uncles 157.9 n-ts'e'ets grandmother ts'e'Edze \ny grandmother 157.10 It seems that single surd stops do not occur in intervocalic position. A number of apparent exceptions, like k^opE- small, were heard by me often with sonant, and contain probably in reality sonants. There are a number of additional intervocalic changes: Intervocalic a?' changes into y. " X changes into ^r, o. ' ' ,/• changes into g. This last change is not quite regular. dx' to thi-ow o'ytn you throw 139.8 hwtld'x' to know hwUd'yi I know hdx- to use hd'yaEui use of — 55.3 xbEtsa'x afraid ai>Etsa'we I am afraid k' sax to go out k'sa'vnm I go out! 171.4 yd'oxk:^ to eat yd!ug\in to feed In a few cases / is assimilated by preceding n. an-hv)t'n instead of an-hwt'l 40.6, 7 § 4. The Phonetic Systems of Nass and Tsimshian The system of vowels of Tsimshian is nearl}' the same as that of the Nass dialect, except that the pure n and a do not occur. The vowels o ^, and e e appear decidedly as variants of u a and / ^ respectively, their timbre being modified b^^ adjoining consonants. 1 Figures refer to page and line of F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts ( Bulletin 27 of the lUncaa of American Ethnology); figures preceded by K S,to F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts, New Series (Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. in, 1910). §§3,4 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 291 I have been able to observe the system of consonants of Tsim- shian more fully than that of the Nass dialect. It may be repre- sented as follows: stops Affficatiffs Contintirrf XiisnI/t Surd Fortis 5 S CO M Fortis Sonant (trill?) 3 CO Sonant Fortis Labial . . . . . h P p! - - - - m m! Dental .... . d t t! dz ts ts! - S n 11 ! Anterior palatal . • r k- k'! - — — - — — _ Middle palatal . • ff k k! - - r — — _■ Velar .... ■ 9 q q! - - - (./') X - - Glottal .... £ - - - - - - Lateral, continued, voiced , . I u u (; fortis , I! i. u voicele ss, posterior I Breathing . . h Semi-vowels . . , y, vj fortis . . . y.', w! The terminal surd is much weaker than in the Nass dialect, and 1 have recorded many cases in which the terminal stop is without doubt a sonant: wdlh house g'ad people Before g and k, terminal sonants become surds: wl-ts! Em-Id' °pgE great cave ES 96.30 uE-ga' itga° his hat ES 90.1 Before t and vowels, the sound remains a sonant: g'a'hs ... to draw water . . . ES 90.10 hl'HdEt . . . many . . . ES 96.11 The fact that some terminal sounds always remain surd shows that in the cases of alternation of surd and sonant the latter must be considered the stem consonant. Some of the sounds reciuire fuller discussion. It has been stated before that the fortes, as pronounced by the present genera- tion, are not as strong as they used to be and as they arc among more southern tribes. The ^series is alveolar, the tip of the tongue touching behind the teeth. The affricatives have a clear continued «-sound, the tip of the tongue touching the upper teeth; while .v lias a decided tinge of the English sh. It is pronounced with tip of tongue turned back (cerebral) and touching the palate. The teeth are closed. The sound is entirely surd. The nasals m and /; arc §4 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY lULL 40 long continued and sonant, even in terminal positions; m! and n! have great tension of oral closure with aoconipanying tension of glottis and epiglottis. The sound r has been described before. It is entirely absent in the Nass dialect. Bishop Ridley, who prepared the translation of the gospel on which Count von der Schulenburg's grammar is based, has rendered this sound, which often follows a very obscure t or js, by u; but 1 hear distinctly /•. Thus, in place of Bishop Ridley's niiyu (I), I hear iiIe' ryn; instead of guel^ gE'rsl; instead of shgu^ sgEV. In the Nass dialect, e or I takes the place of this sound: Tsimshian Nass English sgsr sg-l to lie iiIe'teu ne'En thou gE'rel g'e'El to pick se'veI se'sl middle klE'vEl k-'e'El one gE'vEciax Jc'e'dax to ask gE'vEths g'etks to reach qVE'vEiig'axs qh'e'ng'ixs to crush with foot e'veiix enx box E'rEtnl erriL bucket E'rla elx seal The sound has, however, a close affinit}^ to */, before which it tends to disappear. pliaJr to tell; jMa/u I tell. It is suggestive that many ?i-sounds of Tsimshian are I or e in Nass. This may indicate that the u and r in Tsimshian are either a later differentiation of one sound or that a loss of /■ has occurred in many forms. On the whole, the latter theory appears more plausible. Examples of this substitution are the following: Tsimshian Nass English dills dels to live tfu^s ties to push du'Ha de'lix tongue hu°s wis root iii'Vk ie'tJi^ to have around neck da^lk dlLh"^ cedar-bark basket huHk etk'^ to call lu'^'nti Lintx' angry lU'alg'at le' Elg'it feast su°ns sins blind lut let wedge gu'^plEl k-'i'WEl two §4 Tsimshian Nass dsr flax Ji'SEV ksax yEV yax ts.'Er ts!ax SET sax Ie7' Lax BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 293 In terminal position Tsimshian -£?^ corresponds to Nass -ax, and after long vowels r to x. English to die, plural to go out, plural to hide much mouth of river under Examples of 7' following a long vowel are — lar lax trout ts.'dr ts!dx inside dzw dzlx porpoise Combined with change of vowels are — Tsimshian Nass English 'plid'r pLeyo'x to tell ndtr iCLux to burst The sound r, the continued sonant corresponding to g, is heard very often in the middle and at the end of words, as ganra'n trees; but it disappears invariably when the word is pronounced slowly, and g takes its place. The sounds x' and x of the Nass dialect do. not occur in the Tsim- shian dialect. The ending x' of the Nass dialect is generally replaced by i in Tsimshian. Tsimshian Nass English roila' I hwidd'x' to know hoi hdx' to use gai^ qd'ix' wing wai wax' to paddh This change is evidently related to the substitution of y for x' before vowels. Terminal x of the Nass dialect tends to be displaced by a ter- minal a. English tongue seal jejune trail light bait lake §4 TMmshian Nass du'Ha de'Rx E'rla elx nd'Ha ndLx gaina qenx go'epla qo'eplax naP nax t.'a" d'^ax 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BULL. 40 Here belong also — Tsimshian Nass English me max sour hW* hox to wait Vocalic changes, besides those referred to before in connection with the sound /■, occur. In place of au in Tsimshian we find e in Nass. Tsimshian Nass English hau he to say gil-hau'li g'ile'lix' inland g'ltxdu'th g'itxe'tk some time ago t.'Eiii-ga' HS tlEia-qe's head ma'ulkst{indlkst) melk'st crab-apple Tsimshian du is replaced in Nass by do. Tsimshian Nass Knglisli yd'uxk yd'oxh^ to oat, singular yd'uk ydoJi'^ to follow /j/d'watsx qld'vUx gills Initial wd of Tsimshian is sometimes replaced b}" d in Nass. Tsimshian Nass English wdpx bpx forehead Another very frequent change is that from a following in to t. Tsimshian Nass English wdlp hiotlp house vxil hwtl to do wdth hwttJi^ from tsluwd'n tsluim'n top Igwd'lksElk Igu-imflksiLk'^ prince wds {hai)im's rain The substitution is, however, not regular, for we find — Tsimshian Nass wdi hiodx' wdn hioan Related to this is probabl}^ — Tsimshian Nass hd'ycts hets ha'yttk'' hetk"- gai'na qenx sgd'yiks sqeksk^ Tsimshian jo.' is replaced by Nass m. Tsimshian Nass p/a'lg'ixs ma'lg'ix I)! an mas p.'e'yan miyd'n p.'al 7nal gan-sp.'a grm-sma English to paddle to sit, plural English to send to stand trail to wound English heavy to grow smoke button baton §4 boas] handbook op AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 295 § 5. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The most characteristic trait of Tsiinshian graininar is the use of a superabundance of particles that modify the following- word. Pho- netically these particles are strong enough to form a syllabic unit, and they remain always separated b}'^ a hiatus from the following word. Most of them, however, have no accent, and must tlierefore be designated either as proclitics or as prefixes. These appear par- ticularly with verbal stems, but their use with nominal stems is not by any means rare. They do not undergo an3^ modifications, except in a few cases, and for this reason a large part of the gram- matical processes relate to the use of these particles. On the whole, their position in the sentence or word-complex is fairly free. Suf- fixes are rather few in number. They difler fundamentally from the proclitic particles in being phonetically weaker and in forming with the preceding stem a firm unit. Some pronouns which belong to the proclitic series are also phonetically weak and share with the suffixes the inclination to amalgamate with the preceding elements. Thus the proclitic pronouns sometimes become apparently suffixes of the preceding words, whatever these may be. Incorporation of the nominal object occurs principally in terms expressing habitual activities. In these it is well developed. * The Tsimshian uses stem modifications extensively for expressing grammatical processes. Most important among these is reduplica- tion, which is very frequent, and which follows, on the whole, fixed laws. Change of stem-vowel is not so common, and seems some- times to have developed from reduplication. It occurs also in com- pound words, which form a peculiar trait of the language. Not many instances of this type of composition have been observed, but they play undoubtedly an important part in the history of the language. Many elements used in word-composition have come to be so weak in meaning that they are at present more or less formal elements. This is true particularly of suffixes, but also, to a certain extent, of prefixes, though, on the whole, they have preserved a distinct meaning. The grammatical processes of Tsimshian have assumed a nmch more formal character than those of many other Indian languages. It is not possible to lay down general rules of composition or reduplication, which would cover by far the greatest part of the tit^ld of granunar. §5 296 BuiiEAU or American ethmulogy [bill. 40 Instead of this, we find peculiar forms that belong to certain definite stems — peculiar plurals, passives, causatives, etc., that must l)e treated in the form of lists of types. In this respect Tsimshian resembles the Athapascan with its groups of verbal stems, the Salish and Takelma with their modes of reduplication, and the Iroquois with its classes of verbs. The freedom of the language lies particularly in the extended free use of proclitics. §6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The use of the same stems as nouns and as verbs is connnon in Tsim- shian, although the occurrence of nomiinilizing and verbalizing ele- ments shows that the distinction between the two classes is clearl}' felt. The proclitic particles mentioned in the last section may also be used with both verbs and nouns. While many of these particles, particu- larly the numerous class of local adverbs, alwa^'s precede the stem from which they can not be separated, there are a considerable number of modal elements which have a greater freedom of position, and which merge into the group of independent adverbs. These elements are so numerous and diverse in meaning, that it is difBcult to give a satisfactor}' classification. The group of local proclitics occupies a prominent place on account of its numbers and the nicety of local dis- tinctions. It is, however, impossible to separate it strictly from the group of modal proclitics. The use of these proclitics is so general, that the total number of common verbal stems is rather restricted. The proclitics are used — (1) As local adverbial and adnominal terms; (2) As modal adverbial and adnominal terms; (3) To transform verbs into nouns; {4) To transform nouns into verbs. Almost all the proclitics belonging to these groups form a syntactic unit with the following stem, so that in the sentence the}' can not be separated from it. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb precedes the whole complex. Another series of proclitics differs from the last, only in that they do not form so firm a unit with the stem. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb may separate them from the following stem. To this group belong all strictly temporal particles. The transition from this class to true adverbs is quite gradual. Jk BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 297 In the group of inseparable modal proclitics must also be classed the plural prefixes qa- and /-, which will be discussed in §ij 48-45. The pronominal subjects of some forms of the transitive verb — and of some forms of the intransitive verb as well — are also proclitics. They consist each of a single consonant, and have the tendency to amalgamate with the preceding word. Suffixes are few in number. They are partlj^ modal in character, signifying ideas like passive, elimination of object of the transitive verb, causative. A second group expresses certainty and uncertainty and the source of information. By a peculiar treatment, consisting partly in the use of suffixes, the modes of the verb are difi'erentiated. Still another group indicates presence and absence; these take the place to a great extent of demonstrative pronouns. The objective and pos- sessive pronouns are also formed In" means of suffixes. Most remark- able among the suffixes are the connectives which express the relations between adjective and noun, adverb and verb, subject and object, predicate and object, preposition and object, and conjunction and the following word. There are only a few classes of these connectives, by means of which practically all s}^! tactic relations are expressed that are not expressed by means of particles. Reduplication serves primarily the purpose'of forming the plural. A number of particles require reduplicated forms df the following verb. Among these are the particles indicating imitation, genuine, ACTION DONE WHILE IN MOTION. The progressive is indicated b}' a different kind of reduplication. Nouns are classified from two points of view, according to form, and as special human individuals and common nouns. The selection of verbal stems and of numerals accompanying the noun is determined by a classification according to form, while there is no grannnatical ditterentiation in the noun itself. The classes of the numeral are formed partly by independent stems, but largely by suffixes or by contraction of the numeral and a classifying noun. In syntactic con- struction a sharp division is made between special human individuals- including personal and personal demonstrative pronouns, some terms of relationship, and proper names— and other nouns. Plurality is ordinarily expressed both in the noun and in the verb. It would seem that the primary idea of these forms is that of distri- bution, but at present this idea is clearly implied in only one of the many methods of forming the plural. The multiplicity of the methods 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fiu r.r,. 40 used for forming tho plural is ono of tho striking characteristics of the Tsimshiiin hmguagc. It has been inontioncd before that most forms of the transitive verb are treated ditierently from intransitive verbs. While the subject of these forms of the transitive verb precedes the verb, that of the intran- sitive verb, which is identical with the o])ject of the transitive verb and with the possessive pronoun, follows the verb. This relation is obscured by a peculiar use of intransitive constructions that seem to have gained a wider application, and ])y the use of the transitive pronoun in some forms of the intransitive verb. The independent personal pronoun, both in its absolute case (subject and object) and in its oblique case, is derived from the intransitive pronoun. All oblique syntactic relations of noun and verb are expressed by a single preposition, a^ which also serves frequently to introduce subor- dinate clauses which are nominalized by means of particles. DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§7-67) Proclitic Particles (§§ 7-16) § 7. Geueviil Meuiarks The Tsimshian language possesses a very large number of particles which quality the verb or noun that follows them, each particle modi- fying the whole following complex, which consists of i)articles and a verbal or nominal stem. All these particles are closel}^ connected with the following stem, which carries the accent. Nevertheless they retain their phonetic independence. When the terminal sound of the particle is a consonant, and the first sound of the following stem is a vowel, there always remains a hiatus between the two. Lack of cohesion is also shown in the formation of the plural. In a very few cases only is the stem with its particles treated as a unit. Usually the particles remain unmodified, while the stem takes its peculiar plural form, as though no particles were present. There are very few exceptions to this rule. The freedom of use of these particles is very great, and the ideas expressed by them are quite varied. There is not even a rigid dis- tinction between adverbial and adnominal particles, and for this reason a satisfactory grouping is ver}' difficult. Neither is the order of the particles sufficiently definitely fixed to afford a satisfactory basis for their classification. §7 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 299 As will be shown later (§22), nouns, verbs, and adverbs may be transformed into elements analogous to the particles here discussed b}' the addition of the suffix -Em. Since a number of particles have the same ending -eih {haldEni- no. 77; peIehi- no. 80; IeIxseui- no. 81; mESEm- no. 83; noom- no. 96; tsagam- no. 9; WeIehi- no. 7; xptlytin- no. 126; lEQEm- no. 5; and the monosyllabic particles am- no. 136; ham- no. 156; fEin- no. 140; t''Em- no. 13; ts'Em- no. 152; k'SEtn- no. 146; q^am- no. 118; xlevi- no. 56; LEm- no. 134; SEin- no. 168; dEin- no. 170), it seems justitiable to suggest that at least some of these may either have or have had an independent existence as stems that may take pronominal endings, and that their present form is due to contractions (see § 33). At least one particle {q^ai- no. 122) seems to occur both with and without the connective -e//i. The particles may be classified according to the fixity of their con- nection with the following stem. In a large number the connection is so firm that the pronoun can not be placed between particle and stem, so that the two form a syntactic unit. A much smaller number may be so separated. Since only the subject of the transitive verb appears in this position (see § 48), it is impossible to tell definitel}^ in every case to which group a particle belongs. Furthermore, the particles of the second group may in some cases be joined to the verb more firml}', so that the pronominal subject precedes them, while this freedom does not exist in the former group. The most distinct group among the particles is formed by the local adverbs. Man}^ of these occur in pairs; as up and down, in and out, etc. All of these express motion. In many cases in which we should use an adverb expressing position, the Tsimshian use adverbs express- ing motion, the position being indicated as a result of motion. For instance, instead of he stands near by, the Tsimshian will say he is PLACED TOWARD A PLACE NEAR BY. These particlcs are generally adverbial. This seems to be due, however, more to their significance than to a prevalent adverbial character. We find instances of their use with nouns; as, gall-a'k's river {gtdi- up river; al-ft water) A second group might be distinguished, consisting of local adverbs, which, however, show a gradual transition into modal adverbs. Here belong terms like in, on, over, lencjthwise, all over, sideways, etc. In composition this group precedes the first group; but no fixed 300 BUREAU OF AMEIUCAN ETHKOLOGY [mi-h. 40 rules can be given in regard to the order in which particles of this group are arranged among themselves. The use of some of these particles with nouns is quite frequent. The second series leads us to the extensive group of modal adverbs, many of which occur both with nouns and verbs. These gradually lead us to others, the prevailing function of which is a nominal one. I have combined in a small group those that have a decidedly denominative chai'acter. There is another small group that is used to transform nouns into verbs, and expresses ideas like to make, to partake of, to saiT. It will be recognized from these remarks that a classification neces- sarily will be quite arbitrary and can serve only the purpose of a convenient grouping. § 8. Local Particles apjjearing in I*((it't( 1. bax- up along the ground (Tsimshian: hax-). hax-id' to go up, singular 142.8 hax-qd' diV En to finish taking up 209.2 Ixix-sg'e' trail leads upward (literal!}^, to lie up) hax-do'q to take up several 208.8 We find also — bax-id'h ak's water rises (literal!}', goes up) Tsimshian: hax-wa'lxs to go up hill l)ax-gE'°wa to haul up 2. iaga- down along the ground (Tsimshian: ylaga-). iaga-sg'l' trail leads downward (literally, to lie downward) iaga-i'e' to go down 137.5 iaga-sa'k'sk^ to go down (plural) 29.9 Tsimshian: y/aga-gd'° to go down to y ! aga-do' X to take down mEfi' up through the air (Tsimshian: man-). niEn-g'aJask^ to look up 214.2 tnEii-da! uLt he went up through the air 95.4 7)iEn-g'thd'yuk to fly up 126.9 inEii-Lo'd to go up, plural 42.8 Id-niEn-hiadn to sit in something high up, plural 34.1 {Jo- in; hwan to sit, plural) mEn-do'x to be piled up; (to lie up, plural) 164.13 inEngd'od to finish taking up 95.10 §8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 301 Tsinishian: inan-ia'° to go up ZE * 790^^'^ di-man-ho'ksg to go up with some one inEla-man-icahi'H both go up man-W phuiie (literally, upward feather) (VEp- down through the air (Tsirashian: tgi-), cPEp-ie' to go down (from a tree) 9.14 d'Ep-he'tl^ to stand downward, a tree inclines downward 201.8 de-guUl" s-d'' Ep-ma' qs to throw one's self down also {de also; gidtk's self [obj.]; mags to throw) ld-d''Ep-gal to drop down inside {Id in; gcd to drop) 181.13 lo-d'' Ep-da' UL Loqs the sun sets Tsimshian: tgl-ne'°tsg to look down lu-tgi-lcP to stretch down in something tgi-id'° to go straight down through the air 5. lE^Etn-, logoni- into, from the top (Tsimshian: lo^oni-). Idgom-ha'x to go aboard (literally, to run into [canoe]) 1,11.11 lEgEm-qd'fEn to finish (putting) into 215.12 Idgoin-o' X' to throw into from the top Tsimshian: sa-logom-gos to jump into (canoe) suddenly I6gd)ii-ha'° to run in ^ Idgdm-t.'aP to sit on edge of water 6. t'uks- out of, from top (Tsimshian: uks-, tHiks-). fuks-Lo'd to stretch down out of canoe 181.3 fuhs-id'e to go out of (here, to boil over) 132.5 t\iJi'.s-ha! x to run out of dish (over the rim) t\iks-6'.e' to throw (meat out of skin of game 150.12 Tsimshian: uks-hallio'lt they are full all the way out uks-do' g to take out of (bucket) adat uh-sa'k'Ia n-ts.'a'ltga" then he stretched out his face 7. ts'ElEm- into, from the side (Tsimshian: ts.'ElEin-). ts* ElEm-ha' x to run in 204.9 ti ElEin-hl' tk"" to rush in (literally, to place one's self into) 209.11 ti ElEin-a! qhk'^ to get into 129.12 ts ! ElEm-de-ha! X to run in with something 140.15 Tsimshian: ts!EiEm-v4-ha'utg to cry into (house) ts lElEia-tlaPl to put into » References preceded by ZE refer to the Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1908. §8 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 8. k'si-' out of, from the side (Tsimshian: h'sE-). k'sf'-gou to take out 129,12 Ji"sl-E-lo'' to shove out ksE-hu'°tk to call out SEm-lsE-ya'dz to cut right out ZE 784" ksE-ijv'a'iitg to rise (sun), (literally, to touch out) 9. tsftgani- from on the water toward the shore (Tsimshian: clzaqam-). tsagam-ha'X's to scold from the water toward the shore 16.4 tsagnm-ho' a to escape to the shore 51.14 tmgnm-de-g'iha' yiik to fl\' ashore with it {de- with) 178.12 t lEp-t8(i gam-rf lie xqht he himself dragg-ed it ashore {t he; lEp- self [subj.]; (fa'exqh to drag; -t it) 175.14 tsagam-g'e' ii to give food shoreward 175.3 Tsimshian: i dzagam-da' ul to go ashore I dzagavi-lu-yUya'ltg to return to the shore, plural 10. \il\H- from the land to a place on the water (Tsimshian: uks-^ uks-ie' to go out to a place on the water near the shore 150.14 uks-a'qhk^ to reach a point out on the water 74.13 de-iiks-ba! xt he also ran down to the beach 104.13 Sometimes this prefix is used apparently in place of Inga- (no. 2), signifying motion from inland down to the beach, although it seems to express properh' the motion out to a point on the water. Tsimshian: uks-ht'°tk to stand near the water uksha'u to say turned seaward iiks-da'ul to go out to sea In Tsimshian this prefix occurs also with nouns: uks-a' pda-q! ame'°tg one canoe after another being out seaward wagait-uks-G'idEgane'idzEt the Tlingit way out at sea 11. qaldtx'- to the woods in rear of the houses; corresponding nouns, g'lle'ltx'; qaq\da'n 65.13 (Tsimshian: qaldik-f correspond- ing noun, gtl-hau' li) . qaldlx'-ie' to go back into the woods S.4 qaldix'-ma'ga to put behind the houses into the woods 65.13 §8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 303 Tsimshian: I qaldik-sgE'r to lie aside I qaldik-ia'° to go into woods 12. na- out of the woods in rear of the houses to the houses; cor- responding noun, g'du (Tsimshian: na-). na-ba'x to run out of woods 1-17.11 7ia-he'ts to send out of woods 213.13 na-de-id to go out of woods with something 214.8 Tsimshian: I na-gol to run out of woods, plural I na-hd'"' to run out of woods, singular 13. t'Eiti- from rear to middle of house (Tsimshian: t.'Etn-). f Em-it to go to the middle of the house 130.12 fEm-d''d'L to put into the middle of the house 193.14 tEm-ffd'qL to drag into the middle of the house 62.11 Tsimshian: tfEiri'Stu'H to accompany to the fire t!Em-di-id'° to go also to the fire 14. asS' from the middle to the front of the house (Tsimshian : asdi-). ase-o'.i" to throw from the middle of the house to the door Tsimshian: I asdi-gd'° to take back from tire The same prefix is used in Tsimshian to express the idea of mistake: I asdl-ha'u to make a mistake in speaking Tsimshian svnon3-ms of t^Eni- (no. 13) and nsiH- (no. 14) are — 15. lagan A'- from the side of the house to the lire. I lagauk-id'° to go to the fire I lagaiik-liu'Hg to call to fire 16. ts!Ek'!al- from the fire to the side of the house. ts.'Ek'.'al-ma'g to put awa}" from fire IT. gali- up river; corresponding noun, inagdn 117.6 (Tsimshian: qlala-). ld-gali-sg'~i (trail) lies up in the river 146.10 gali-ie to go up river 117.6 This prefix occurs with nominal signiticance in gali-a'k's river (literally, up river water). Tsimshian: i(H-q.'ala-a'l'x large river lu-q!ala-yd'°k to follow ])ehind §8 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 18. {/•isi- down river; corrcspoiidiiig noun, mx 23.6 (Tsimshian: gifil-f corresponding noun, f>Er). g'7sl-ba'x to run down river 18.11 g'lsi-a'qhh'^'' to arrive down river 23.6 VuL-g'tsi-lak's they flout about down the river 16.10 In one case it seems to mean doavx at the hank op the kiver. (l'7sl-l7)-\od''iod-ya!ltV^ to return lo-da!ltk^ to meet It occurs also in a few cases as a nominal prefix: l(}-tiaJwn inside 102.10 I'o-h's-g'e'vnt in the lowest one 53.11 {l-x- extreme [no. 143]) Ib-k's-g'Ueksvd. the extreme outside 219.1 Jo-LtpLa'p deep inside 197.8 Jo-se'luh in the middle 184.13 Tsimshian: lu-sgE'r to lie inside ZE 782" lu-t!a'° to sit in sa-lu-haldEm-ha'° suddenly to rise in something tu-tgi-l(y° to stretch down in lagax-lu-dd'° to put in on both sides {lagax- on both sides [no. 38]) §9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 307 30. le- on; the corresponding noun has the prefix /^f,«-/ independent noun, lax^o' (Tsimshian: 1/1-; the corresponding noun has the prefix lax-; independent noun, la'£6'). le-d'a' to sit on 202.4 le-m.En-pta'ltk^ to rise up to the top of (see no. 3) le-ia'q to hang on 89. 10 txa-le-hfiL to spread over entirely (see no. 93) le-sqa-sg'i to put on sidewa3^s 184.13 (see no. 3<)) Tsimshian: sa-l!l-g'd'°ks to drift suddenly on something (see no. 98) l!%-l)E't4'En to put on sEin-Hi-faXh to cover well (see no. 168) IH-SE-gu'lg to make fire on something (see no. 164) ha-lH-gd'H to think (see no. 160) 31. tfjO' around (Tsimshian: tf/ii-). Ib-tgo-ha'x to run around inside 77.11 Mwa'ts^ih's-tgo-nia' ga to turn over and over much 52.10 (see no. 176) tgo-ya'lik^ to turn around 47.9 k''uL-ld-tg<)-lax-le'WEn to roll about around inside to and fro 13.14 {k\iL- about [no. 331- la- inside [no. 29]; tgo- around; Idx- to and fro fno. 38]) Tsimshian: Ful-tgu-ne'°tsg to look around (see no. 33) tgu-toa' n to sit around, plural tgu-id'° to go around tgu-da'p to measure around ZE 784*° 32. k^iitgo- around; corresponding noun, dax' circumference. sd-THutgo-dd! uL to go suddenly around (the trunk of a tree) 211.9 k^utgo-ie'etk^ to go around (the house) 218.1 33. k'liL- about (Tsimshian: k!t(l-). lHuL-halx to run about 94, 10 T^uL-le-Lo'otk'^ he puts about on it 218.7 q'asba-k^uL-hwa'ax' he paddled about astray 17.2 FuL-lix'la'k' to scatter about Tsimshian: alu-k'ul-id'° to go about plainly ZE 7S3'« k!ul-yu-ha'°ksg to carry bucket about (see no. 159) k!ul-da'msax to be downcast here and there (i. e., always) 34. k*%lq'al- round on the outside. k'-Uiial-ma'n to rub over the outside 103.12 k'Hlgal-axts'afxk^ scabb}^ all around §9 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvlv. 40 35. fQ^'wi- against (Tsimshian : txaf-). tqal-qioalk^ to dry against (i. e. , so that it can not come off) 104.2 tqal-d'at to put against (i. e., on) face 195.12 tq'al-da'k'L to tie on 68.12 This prefix is often used to express the idea of meeting: t(fal-hwa' to meet and find 31.6 hwagalt-lo-tffal-gd'usk^ to reach up to inside against (i. e., meet- ing) (hwagait- up to [no. 71]; lo- in [no. 29J) tifal-qd'o to go to meet (to go against) 158.11 Sometimes it expresses the idea of with: tq^al-a'h's to drink something with water 21.9 tq'al-hu'ksacm to place with something 36.8 In still other cases it signifies forever, in so far as the object remains fastened against something: lo-tq' al-gwa! th^ to be lost forever in something {Id- in; ttfal- against 166.1 It also ma}' express the idea for a purpose: tq'al-d'm good for a purpose 80.14 SEin-tq al-8iEp'' Eti to like much for a purpose 45.1 tq al-Wie'lEmLk'^ female servant Tsimshian: sa-txal-g'd'sg to float suddenly against (i. e., so that it reaches) txal-hO'ltg full all over txal-a'xlg to arrive at 36. sqa- across the way (Tsimshian: sga-). sqa-d\i' to be in the wa}' 183.10 lo-sqa-he' f EH to place inside in the way 129.10 sqa-sg't' to lie across 148.11 Tsimshian: lu-sga-yedz to strike in and across the face lEjJ-sga-daJd (he) himself ties across (see no. 129) sga-g'l'Hg to swell lying across sga-hd''^ to run across (i. e., to assist) sga-iia'k some time (literally, across long) ZE 791^"* sga-hd' a few 37. gHlwul- past, beyond (Tsimshian: (j'llwul-). g'ilivul-ddm to hold beyond a certain point 61.8 Tsimshian: g'Uvml-bd'° to run past g'llwul-ax'a'xlg to get ahead lH-qlan-g'tlwul-dd'Hxk not to be able to pass over (see no. 28) §9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 309 38. lax- to and fro, at both ends (Tsinishian: laaax-). (a) to and fro: Idx-la'x to run to and fro {b) at both ends, on both sides: lax-g'iLg'a' hh'^s carved at both ends lax-lo-Uo' xh'^ to move in it on both sides 34.4 lax-lehk' to watch both ends 136.10 lax-aa'lg'%x io talk both ways (i. e., to interpret) lax-hiod' n.E)n.Ll:^ seated on both sides (two wives of the same man) 194.7 This prefix occurs also with nouns: Lax-wdsE, Was (a monster) at each end 106.14 Ldx-mak'sk^ white at each end (name of a man) Tsimshian: lagax-lH-dd'° to put in on both sides lagax-nE-std'" both sides 39. sa- off (Tsimshian: sa-). sa-ox' to throw off' 145.2 sa-hEshe's to tear off 25.4 sa-he'ik'' to stand off 137.9 sa-fo'q to scratch off' sa-uks-ts''Ens-x'k'''d'xk^ to escape goin^ off, leaving out to sea (uks- toward water [no. 10]; ts'sm- leaving [no. 104]) . Tsimshian: sa-gd'" to take off' sa-ts!d'H to pull off 40. gts- away to another place. gts-d\i' (plural gis-hwa'n) to transplant {d-a [plural hwa?i] to sit) gts-ie' to move away to another place gi's-he'tk^SEn/ move away to another place! 41. tviid'En- away forward (Tsimshian: tviid'mi-). wild'' E7i-ie' to step forward wud'' En-h' sla' qs to kick away Tsimshian : I wud''En-gwa'° away here along the middle 42. inks- along a valley (Tsimshian). I luks-g'ig'd'°nit down along the river 43. wiL- away, probably in some special direction (Tsimshian : awul-). wiL-go' to take away Tsimshian: I awul-ma'g to put aside, to sidetrack §9 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 44. hagiiii- toward, near; corresponding noun, awa'a (Tsiinshian: gun-; corresponding noun, awa'°). hagiui-ie' to go toward 1:2!».14 aqh-hagun-yo' Qcl& unable to get near 201.6 (see no. 137) hagan-he'th'^ to stand near 125.4 hagun-de'lpJi^ a short distance near hy 147,5 Tsimshian: gun-ia'° to go toward gun-gd'° to go toward something gun-t!d'° to sit near 45. held' near b3\ hela-d'a' to sit near by 46. losci- in front. losa-ie' to walk in front of losa-cTa' to sit in front of 47. txas- along the surface of a long thing (Tsimshian: tx,as-). txas-ie' to walk on a long thing txas-la'agul to wrap up a long thing txas-ia'ts to chop along a long thing Tsimshian: lu-txaS'SgE'r to put in edgewise sa-lu-txas-ld'H to shove in suddenly edgewise txas-l'.'a'H through the year ZE 792^^^ 48. hadix'- lengthwise along the middle line (Tsimshian: licit !~t:k-). hadlx'-qTjU to cut (a salmon) lengthwise 55.3 Tsimshian: I lu-hat ! Ek-laPt to push in endwise 49. stEQC- lengthwise, on either side of middle line. stEX-fotsJi'^ one side lengthwise is V)lack stEX-sg'lL qe'uEX lax-ts'e'L ak's the trail lies along (the water) on the beach-side; {sg'l to lie; (je'iiEX trail; lax- on [no. 151]; ts'cL beach; ak's water) 50. haJL- along the edge, edgewise (Tsimshian: hal'). {a) Along the edge: Jc'uL-haL-ld' to walk about along the edge (of the water) 122.4 det-haL-dfj qt he held it also along the edge (of the tire) 47.8 {de also [no. 167]; t he [subj.]; doq to place; -t it) Not quite clear is the following: q"* ani-Io-JtaL-f uxf a' k^det the\' only twisted off (their necks) inside along the edge 115.5 {c[ain- only [no. 118]; Id- in [no. 29]; -det they) §9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 311 (J) Edg-ewise: hciL-g-d'ofEn to put (the paddle into the water) edgewise Tsimshian: k'ul-hal-hetg to stand about alongside of ZE T9G^" hal-h' !a'n to go along beach in canoe hal-gwa'° along here 51. wusEn- along the inside (Tsimshian: wiisEn-). wusEn-he' tk^ to rush along inside (the canoe) 57.5 lo-iousEn-me'tk'^ full along inside (the canoe) 29.10 imiSEu-JjIshe' s to tear lengthwise (to split) 99.13 (or vnidEii- see no. 41) wusEii-yts' ia' ts to chop lengthwise (into wedges) llS.l Tsimshian : lax-vniSEn-ia'° on the flat top of a mountain (literally, on along going) 52. tvTtsEti-f huts' En- along through the middle (Tsimshian: wuts!En-). VMS' En-id' to go back through the house 125.3 hilts' En-iT a L to put from tire back to the rear of the house 207.2 Tsimshian : I Wilts! En-ia'° to go along through the house 53. xLtp- at end (Tsimshian: xlE2)-). XLip-gu'x to hit at end 88.11 XLip-fesfo'tsk^ black at the ends 31.5 Tsimshian : I xlEj)-h6' ksEn to put on at end I sEm-xlEp-ts\iwd' n the very end of the top 54. xtse- in the middle of a long thing (Tsimshian: xts/E-). xtse-ia'ts to chop across the middle 133.9 sa-xtse-q^o'ts to cut quickly across the middle 100.6 Tsimshian: I xts.'E-gai' to bite through in the middle 55. A?«ie- all over (Tsimshian: kHi-). I'^hl-hasha'ts to bite all over 84.15 k^Le-lAshe' s to tear to pieces 71.6 k^Ll-ia'ts to hit all over 58.2 Tsimshian: kHl-id'°m, laxha' going across the sky ZE 783^° kHl-gaigai' to bite all over kHl-galgo'l split all over §9 312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Uhm.. 40 50. xLEni- around an obstacle, makiiio- a curve around something (Tsirashian: xlEm-). XLEiii ie' to go overland, cutting off a point XLEm-nia' gaL to put a rope over sonietliing XLEiii-he'tsL to send around something iCLEin-da' ga to choke some one, hang some one Here belongs also — XLEiii-gcdgal'sH to kneel down This prefix occurs also with nouns. XLEm-qe'nEx trail going around in a circle Tsimshian: xlEm-id'°k to embrace idEni-da'li to tie around 57. h'^edo- sideways. k'''edd-g'a'ask to look sideways 58. Ir'aL- aside. q* am-Ji"' (iL-Lo' at she only pushes aside 191.11 h'TiL-he'tgum (fe'sEinq labret standing on one side 191.13 59. qana- inclined against (Tsimshian) qana-f- gate all elements which may be separated from the stem by a pronoun into a group by themselves (§ 15); but since such separation occurs only in transitive verbs, and not all particles have been found with transitive verbs, it seems likel}^ that the grouping may have to be changed when the language comes to be better known. While in some cases the composition of particles and stems is quite firm, others convey the impression of being almost independent adverbs. 63. awus- read}' to move; not free (Tsimshian). mous-t!d'° ready to stand up, singular awus-wa'n ready to stand up, plural awus-he'Hl' ready to move 63a. (I- easily (Tsimshian). a-sona'l easily tired a-kHi' easih' hungry a-Jm'g'ask worried (literally, easil}' tasted) 64. anliEU in an unusual frame of mind. This prefix is not entirel}^ free (Tsimshian: pi El-). anV El-he' to say crying 220.5 anVEl-a'lg'tx to speak while angry, to talk behind one's back anV El-ia! ahk^ to strike, break, in a state of anger anh'' El-qald' q to play ^ •Tsimshian : 1 }}!El-qa-ml!°lk to pla}^ with something 65. anJk'S' opening up (Tsimshian: aks-). ank's-A'sla'qd to kick apart 134.3 ank's-ie' to increase ank's-fE^ne'st paint-pot wi-ankst-sgan large rotten (open) tree 106.12 Tsimshian: sa-hagid-aks-id'° to open suddenly slowly (see no. 76) aks-id'^g to increase aks-t!u'°s to push open SE-aks-q!a'g to open up 66. agivi- outside, beyond (Tsimshian: agwi-). agwi-tcl al-d' a' it is outside close against it agwi-an-dd' X' the outside agwi-md'l boat (literally, beyond a canoe) «(7?/?^■-/m3CcZa'.g^■•'£^^ great-grandchild (lit., beyond gnindchikl) Tsimshian : 1 agwi-ha'tag to stand outside §10 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bi^ll. 40 (57. al6- {((- easily, Jn- in?) plainly; alone (Tsimshian: alii-). {(i) Plainly, real: ald-iTaJ there was plainly 10().13 alo-ha'n run quickl}' ! 93.4 sEin-h'\i-ale-lnt! X to run really exceedingfly quick 107.10 As a nominal prefix we find it in — alo-g'ig'a't real persons (i. e., Indians) 170.18 Here belongs probably — SEm-alo-qol to run quite suddenly, plural 141.8 (J) Alone; always with reduplication: ald-JiehetJi^ to stand alone 44.15 alo-sisgl' to lie alone alo-cPEdht! to sit alone Tsimshian : alii-h\iL-la'° to go about plainly ZE 783*^ aln-t.'a" to be in evidence alu-hci'^ to run realh' 68. a Lax- in bad health (Tsimshian: hi-). a.Lax-hag'd'otl'^ having a crippled back Tsimshian : I la-g'a'tk in bad health 69. aLda- in the dark. ahda-wd'x' to paddle in the night aLda-ie to walk in the dark 70. /- with reduplication; action done while in motion. i-g'ig'Eba'yulx flying while being moved i-aa'lg'tne I talk while moving, while at work i-haha'dtk's swimming while carrying 71. hwa^alt- completing a motion entirely (Tsimshian: tragait'). This prefix belongs to the series hagait- (lElagait-) (no. 82), sagait- (no. 99), spagait- (no. 103), qamga'it- (no. 119). hwagait-qalk'si-da!uL to pass through entirely 143. 14 (see no. 24) hwagait-sg'l' to lie way over 134.3 hragait-ma'q to put away This is also a nominal prefix: hvxigait-g'l'ils w&y off shore 146.14 hvxigait-go' st over there 134.4 Tsimshian : SEm-sa-iimgait-uks-da' ul to go right out to sea very suddenly (see nos'. 168, 98, 10) wagait-g'ici'k.'i way off shore §10 ' BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 315 72. waLEn- former. waLEn-ga' n an old (rotten) tree 25.4 waLEn-na'k'st his former wife 185.14 waLEn-g'ig'a't the people of former times 191.1 waLEn-wi-gesgaf at the same size as before 23.4 73. ivt- great, greatly; singular (Tsimshian: irl-). This prefix is commonly used as an attribute, but also as an adverb, expressing, however, rather a ouality of the subject. See also Lgo- no. 135. {a) Adverbial: wi-SE-me' L to make burn much 89.8 wi-sa'gat it splits much 148.8 It is also found in fixed combinations: wl-ye'th^ to cry 90.3 im-am-he't to shout 89.12. Here it is apparently connected with the adverbial -Eia (§ 22) (5) Adjectival: wi-g'a't big (awkward) man 196.9 'w1'lig'''e' Eiisk great grizzl}^ bear 118.4 Wl-xba'la Great West-wind (a name) Tsimshian : {a) Adverbial: ^ toi-ha'utk to cry (J)) Adjectival: wl-go'ep.'a great light ZE 785^^ iin-mEdi' Ek great grizzly bear g''ap-k.'a-wl-naxnu'g really exceedingly great supernatural being (see nos. 117, 106) wt-SETn' dgit great chief 73«. ww^ZVex- great, plural (Tsimshian: trtit/a-). wud' ax-qa-ive' 11 large teeth 84.3 wud'ax-ax-qa-gd'odEt great fools 33.10 74. hasha- upside down (Tsimshian: hasba-). This prefix is re- lated to q^asha- no. 121, haspa-he's to tear out so that it is upside down 127.13 SEm-hasha-sg'V to lay exactl}' face up 214.11 hasha' -sg'i to lay upside down (a hat) 17.2 Peculiar is— hasha-Io-yo'xk^ to go in the same trail 202.15 Tsimshian: I hasha-pfe'Egal to tear out so that it is upside down §10 316 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [avLh. 40 75. h(tt,s*Eks- terribly, causing feeling of uneasiness. hatsE/iS-hwi'/ to act so that people get afraid hats El's-a'lg '2.1' to talk roughly 76. haijul- slowly (Tsimshian: h(i(ful-). hagul-hwVI to do slowly 54.4 hagul-gwa!dtl^ to disappear slowly Tsimshian: hagtd-l)a'° to run slowly ZE 786>2^ hagul-dzaga-ld'° to go slowly across ZL 787"^ hagtd-k^(/a',rs to leave slowly hagul-id'°.c to go slowly 77. haldEm- (Tsimshian: haldEni-) occurs only with the verbs ha.i^ plural gol^ to run, with the meaning to rise 124.9, 114.7. In Tsimshian the same composition with hd°^ plural gol^ to run, occurs with the same meaning; but the prefix seems to be a little freer with the meaning rising from the ground. haldETYh-nlPdz to look up 78. M- to begin (Tsimshian : hi,-). — he'-yul' to begin 138.14 q'ai-hede'duxdet they just began to shoot 20.4 This prefix is much more common with nouns: Jil-mESii'x- beginning of day he'-Luk morning Tsimshian : U-8E-t!d!H it just began to be ZE 781« }ri-ts!i'°n just to enter hi-8Et!a-dEintp!a'ega7it he began to break it down 79. his- to do apparently, to pretend to (Tsimshian: sts-)\ always with medial suffix (see § 17.3-5). hW-a'/c'tik'^ to pretend to drink 18.7 his-huim'qs±o pretend to sleep 219,10 Ms-hmot'M'H to pretend to do 23.1 his-no'otl'^ to pretend to be dead 65.11 Ms-wlye'tk^s to pretend to cry 217.10 Ms-Li'nths to pretend to be angry hts-xda'h's to pretend to be hungry Tsimshian : 8is-kHl'°nu I pretend to be hungry . sts-d'xs to laugh (literally, to play with the mouth) sU-yu-ha-k^da'ks to play having (i. e., with) a bow (seenos. 159j 160) §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 317 80. pElEtn- to act as though one was performing an action (Tsim- shian: hEnEm-). jpElEin-gd' to act as though taking 38.8 pElEm-ie' to go and turn back again at once jpElEin-g'cdp to act as though eating something Tsimshian : hEnE7n-xsl''^tk to act as though vomiting hEHEni-t.'u'^s to act as though about to strike 81. bElxsEm- in front of bod3% forward; similar in meaning to xLna- no. 127 (Tsimshian: xbEsEui-). t ld-l)ElxsEin-qaq^a'<^ant he opened it in front of his body 26.14 Tsimshian: I ichESEm-sgEr to lie prone ZE 789"^ 82. hagait- just in the right place or manner (Tsimshian: lEha- gait-). Compare hwagait- (no. 71), mgait- (no. 99), spa- gait- (no. 103), (famgaiti (no. 119). hagait-kwa' st it is cracked right in the middle hagait-go' to hit just in the right place q'am-hagait-hEljEsba' tsk'^ onl}^ to be lifted just in the right way 62.13" Like the other prefixes ending in -gait, this prefix is also nominal: SEm-hagait-se'luk just right in the middle^ 73.4. Tsimshian: lEhagait-sga-ha' tsg to stand across just there ZE 793^*® lEhagait-dEt.'d'° sitting alone lEhagait-ha'° to be lost 83. niEsEin- separate. mESEm-hwia' n to sit separately niESEm-Lo' to walk separately 84. nid- like (Tsimshian: niE-). ma-wa'tsx crazy (literally, like a land-otter) w?«-(97 having epileptic fits (literallw like a ])ear) Tsimshian: I inE-wa'ts!a craz}^ (literally, like a land-otter) 85. tvadi- like (Tsimshian). wadi-hats!ia'°n innumerable (literally, like fly-blows) wadi-hsE-le'atx like fluid slime wadi-wd' Ih like a house 86. 'iiiax- only, entirely, all. max-hdna'q (they are) all women 184.5 max-e'uxt a woman having only sons; (they arc) all men max-h^'x' it is only fat 42.3 §10 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [iwhu 10 87. niEL{a)- tx) each, distributive (Tsimshian: inEla-). ■niELa-gula' )it tiiree to each inELi-k'''d'l one mi,in in each (corner) 88.12 Tsimshian: I mEla-klE'rEl one to each 88. wiEla- both (Tsimshian). DiE'la-mEn-iod'l.vs both go up (see no. 8) jiiEla-lH-dd'" to put on both (see no. 30) tnEla-hakhe'ldEm g'at both (villages had) many people 89. SEU- tirmly (Tsimshian). SEn-nd'° to bait SEii-do'xs to hold fast SEYi-wo'x to admonish 90. dEx-, dtx'- firmly; not free (Tsimshian: d(iX'), dtx'-yu'^^ to hold fast Tsimshian: I dax-yd'°g'wa to hold fast 91. dE-f de- with (Tsimshian: dE-). dE-dafuL to carry away (literall}^ to go away with) tsa'im-d^'g'iha'yuh to fly ashore with something 178.12 Tsimshian: dE-hd'° to run awa}^ with hax-dE-go' UIeJcs to come up with t dE-t$'t°fit he entered with it 92. dula- improperly. dula-a'lg'tx to talk improperly, to grumble dula-d'd'dEL aqt to put mouth on one side dUla-ye'etJc^s to walk improperlj'^, to wabble w'l-ddla-g'a'tk^ being a great improper man(i. e., cowardly) 195.3 93. txa- entirely, all (Tsimshian: txa-). txa-qd'ltsEgat he carried all on his shoulder 116.4 txa-wo'd to invite all 180.15 txa-lo-ts'd'ot to skin inside entirely 150.10 txa-JjEld' da it was all abalone 45.3 This prefix is contained also in — txatie'tl-V- all Tsimshian: txa-ga'ntg stifi' (literally, woody) all over txa-todJ°ntg to have teeth to the end (of life) txa-yelg all slippery txa-l!l-qai'nat all fall on §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 319 94. nd- to complete an action (Tsimshian: npE-ama-g'a'adESEin^ look out a little well for her 192.1 Fd2)E-ld-qabu'x to splash in something a little {h) Adjectival: TcopE-huvft'lp little houses 185.8 k'oj^E-tk-'e'Lk^ children 102.1 ' This particle is classed more properly with those given in § 13. §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 323 Tsimshian: {a) Adverbial: k! ahE-fi' EpgEnu I poor one am sick (J) Adjectival: hlabE-ga-go'k little baskets 114. gun- to order, to cause (Tsimshian : (fun-). gun-ha'h to cause to spread out 130.11 gun-go' u to cause to hit 53.8 gunsE-me' L to order to make burn 91.11: gun-qe' Lqan to order to poke 91.6 Tsimshian : I gun-md' gan to ask to be taken aboard ', gun-nl''^dz to show (literall}^, to cause to see) 115. f/ultk'S- backward; also reflexive object (Tsimshian: (filEks-). guUk's-he'th'' to rush back 210.4 guVikr s-a! qhk^ to reach (arrive) coming back 76.10 gultk's-g'a'ask'^ to look back de-gulik's-d' Ep-irta' qs to throw one's self also down {de also; d''Ep down) 42.13 gidik's-dza'k^s to kill one's self SEin-gidtk's-e'tk^s to repent (literally, to name one's self much) 52.8 gidtk's-d'otk^ pocket-knife (literally, covering itself) antk's-ld-la! galtk^ looking-glass (contracted from an-gultk's-lo- la'galtk^ what one's self in beholds) Tsimshian : g-ilEks-hd"> to run back ZE 788"" g'tlEks-ga''^ to take back g'tlEks-nl'^dz to look back lEp-g'tlEks-d'igEt he threw himself down 116. gnlx- continued motion (Tsimshian: gmjuljc- for all times). gidx-fe's to push along gulx-ha'x to jump along Tsimshian: I gugulx-he'Hg to stand for all times 117. g''ap- really, certainly, must, strongly (Tsimshian: (j^np-). q'cqy-Lgu'ksaan to be reallv unable (to carry) 167.13 q^ap-de-dza'pt really on his part he made 170.5 g^ip-haJ (f al to urge really 43.13 'g'ap-wl-fe'st it is really large 13.13 'g''ap-gd'de I have taken it entirely g''ap-yd'xg\m you must eat g'ap-o'lq'e certainly, it is a bear §10 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 Tsimshian : g*ap-xs-ts!a'ps really to be called a tribe ZE 783^' g' ap-Tv I a-w~i-naxnd' g really a greater supernatural being (see nos. 106, 73) g'' ap-wuV am-hd'^i^q ideally to blow ashore (see no. 22) g^ap-bs'tsg really to stand 118. q*ain- only,i. e., without result, to no purpose; comparo h'sax- (no. 112) ONLY, i. e., without doing anything else (Tsimshian: q\nn-y fnn-). (a) Adverbial: n-k.'7va's an old little broken one (fam-\m'Tb old house (fam-t.'o'^ts charcoal 119. q^am^aU- already, just then (Tsimshian: amgalt'). This pre- fix, which is related to the series in -gait- (nos. 71, 82, 99, 103), appears also independently. k'''et q^amgait-g'a'as TxafmsEin T. had alreadj^ seen it 17.12 t (f amgait-hroild' X- L SEni'd'g'it the chief knew it already 220.1 {hiotla'x' to know; sEnid'g'it chief) g'aingait ntg'i wo'qt just then he did not sleep 37.1 q^aingaitq^a'mts^Endd'goL . . . ?;iegr'«'^s^already he had secretly taken salmon berries 49.15 (q'a'mts^En secretly; dd'g to take; rneg''d'qst salmon berry) §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES S25 Tsimshian : I ada amgalt-ta'H then he was just there ZE 782" 120. gone- always, permanently, without stopping. This prefix occurs commonl}- with hwtl and adverbial ending -a in the sense of always 121.4, 15. Other compounds are— gane-meL it burns so that the fire can not be put out again gane-dhi! to sit down for good gane-ts'e'n to have entered to sta}' gane-a'lg'tx to talk without stopping gane-qahe'yit there are just as many 121. q-asba- anywhere, astray. This prefix is related to Kasha- up- side DOWN (no. 74); see also no. 103. q^asha-Jc'uL-Inva'ax' to paddle about astray 17.2 (I'ul- about [no. 33]) (/asha-m-FuL-ie' he went about away astray 38.11 {sa- off [no. 39]; Jc'ul- about [no. 33]) 122. q'ai- still, just, near; also used as an independent adverb. {a) Adverbial: q^al-huauj'qt he was still asleep 127.5 q^ai-hwagait-tsagam-yu'kdet they moved still far away toward the shore {hwagait- [no. 71]; Uagam- toward shore [no. 9]) q* ai-l1g' i-qe' sxlH just any time he stopped 91.5 {J^g'i- any place or time [no. 20]; qesxk^ to stop speaking) i^)) Adnominal: ij^al-qd'riL Loqs just six months 29.5 Lgo-q'ai-tso'sg'im wi-fe's just a little large 153.5 {Lgo- small [no. 135]; ts'dsl" small; -m adjectival connective; v.n- great [no. 73]; fes large) 123. gal- too. gal-al'a'n too slow gal-d'tdt too fast gal-la'lik*^ too late 124. (/f/ 7- without people, empty (Tsimshian: qui-). qal-hv/i'Ip house without people in it qal-he'is space 81.6 qal-ts'a'p town, tribe This particle is also used with verbs: qal-d'a' to sta3' away from a town qal-dzo'q to camp away from a town Tsimshian: qal-E'rEnx empty box qal-ts!aJv town §10 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Iuh.l. 40 125. a^7>I- partl3\ xpl-ma'l-sl'^ partly white xpi-ts'Enie'Udr partly beaver (name of a monster supposed to resemble a seal with beaver-tail) xpi-nd'ts partl}^ coward (name of a man) 120. xj)7Ii/iin- forward (in time and space). xptlyhii-g'a'a to look forward 127. ocLiia- bending- forward (Tsimshian: xlna-). ,rLna-s(/'t'tk^ to fall down forward xLua-dd'k to kneel down Tsimshian- Atta-ma'xsg to dive, plural (literally, to stand head foremost) ndna-dE-da! ^(l to go down headlong- with 128. I' is a particle used to express the plural of certain woi-ds, and will be found discussed in i^ 45. 129. JEi)- self, as subject (see guUk's- self as object [no. 115J). {a) Adverbial: lEp-g'tn-h'e'tkH he himself arose 156.11 t lEp-tsagam-qa'exqht he himself dragged it ashore 175.18 lE'p-guUh'H-haLa'EltkH it itself acted by itself 61.3 lEp-guUk's-hamuuld'lcH nd'e^ I myself destroyed my own 220.5 {ndfe I) {b) Adnominal: lEp-riEbe'pt his own uncle Tsimshian: {a) Adverbial: Isp-e'ttg he himself takes a name lEjj-lgusgE'ret he himself is happy dl t-lEp-do'gEt he himself, on his part, took dm-di-lEp-nExno' xsEdst that they themselves, on their part, are supernatural Irp-g'tlEJiS-oigEt he himself threw himself down {b) Adnominal: Isp-qaxsa' (their) own canoes VdO. lEhElt- against (Tsimshian: lEhElt-). dl-lEbElt-htoilEUEstd' 3^ou also do against (some one) 65.14 lEbElt-he'tk^ to incite against Ie1jfM-o! Ig'tx to talk with some one Tsimshian: IshElt-dtt'l to fight against lEhElt-iod'l enemy §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 327 131. lEg'iil- for good (Tsimshian: lEk.'iil- for good; see gane- always, pennanentl}' [no. 120]). lEg^ul-sVns to be entirely blind lEg'' id-dd'tiL to leave for good lEg''ul-ts!e'7i to have entered to stay Tsimshian : I lEJc'ul-l'^da'a's to leave for good 132. luf'ex- partly, half. Ug''' ex-ma' gah to put away half lig'^ex-g-a't nobility (literally, halfway [chief] people) 133. lEkH- strange, different, by itself (Tsimshian: lEks-). lEhs-g'a't a strange person sa-txa-lEJis-g' a' t to make quite different lEh-d\(' island (literally, sitting by itself) Tsimshian: lEhs-t!a'° island lEhs-g'ig-a'd\C\\ii\.^ ZE TOl^^^ 134. IjEni- stopping a motion (Tsimshian: lEni-). LEiii-lja'x to stop by running LEin-gu'c to offend LEm-e'tk^e to interfere (literally, to stop by calling) In Tsimshian this prefix does not seem to be free. I lEiii-g'ipa'.7g to H}' against the wind I lEin-ha'asg head-wind 135. E(fo- little (Tsimshian: l(ftt-). Tliis is commonlj'^ used as an attributive prefix, but for the singular only. The adverbial idea is expi'essed by l:''Z)pE- (Tsimshian: llcdjE- [no. 113]), which, in an attributive sense, is used only for the plural. Lgd-a'lg'txt he said with a low voice (perhaps better, the little one said) 54.12 The use of Lgo- as attributive is very common: h' 8ax-Lgd-W Epts' a! p only the little wren 126.5 (see no. 112) Lgo-ts'Ewi'ng'it the little youngest one 185.14 Still more frequent is its use with adjectives: Lgo-gwd' Em Lgo-ik'''e'l'k'^ the little poor little boy 139.7 Lgo-(fai-ts'd' sg' im wi-fe's only a little large {(/at- just; ttf'dsk' small; wl- great; t'es large) Lgo-dax-g'a't a little strong Tsimshian : lgu-xa'° little slave ZE 789"^ lgu-cfam-k!wal8 a bad little broken one §10 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvll. 40 § Jl. JV^onilHal Particles A number of particles, according to their nieanino-, can occur only in a nominal sense, modifying nouns and adjectives. A few of these might as well have been classed with the preceding group. 136. cuti' serving for (Tsimshian: (ini-). This prelix is not free. am-la'x' alder-tree (serving for [the d\'eing ofj head rings of cedar-bark) am-ma'l cottonwood (serving for canoes) am-halai't head-dress (serving for shaman's dance) am.-sg'ini'st pine-tree (serving for pitch) aiii-yu'Jd used in potlatch 194.1 Tsimshian aiii-'nie'°lk mask (serving for dance) am-ga'n cedar (serving for wood) This prefix is also used in some connections where the explanation here given does not seem satisfactory: am-qa'n a kind of salmon-trap am-xLa'L willow {icLdh fruit of willow) arii-ha'tfi' stump 55.5 In other cases it appears as a verbal prefix. th(^ meaning of which is not known: am- qd'od to remember 209.13 am-sg'i to lie (on the beach?) IT'2.11 am^d'lEq to destroy in anger i;;7. ax- without (Tsimshian: tva-). This prefix is nominal, and serves as negation in subordinate clauses, which in Tsimshian are transformed into nominal form. Examples are here given of nominal forms and of subordinate clauses: {ii) Nouns: au?-a'h's without water ax-wund'x' without food ax-qagd'd foolish (literally, without minds) 123.10 ax-ga'ilETfh g'a't foolish person an-ax-ho^ carelessness ax-md'l^ unripe 50.5 ax-qam-da' xl'^ disgraceful ax-de-si-hala I' t never giving a dance (an opprobrious epithet) ax-na-mu'x without ear-ornaments (an opprobrious epithet) ax-ife'U without labret (a little girl) ax-tqal-g'a'tl^ virgin (not against a man) Ul BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 329 (1)) Subordinate clauses: Jc'''et cj'a' aLiound' jc' Laax-g'ehEtg'e then he saw the food which he had not eaten 41.3.4 {l-'e then; -t he; (/'a' a to see; -l connective [§ 23]; wuna','" food; za past, nominal form; ax- not; g'ep to eat something-; -2f his; -^'^ absent [§ 20]) nd fan ax-hitnla! gin% who does not know thee {nci who; fan he who; «,/'- not; hwUd'x' to know; -n thee) ntg'tn dEm de go'ut hvnl ax-hHa'ye 1, on my part, shall not take it, not being hung-ry {mg't not; -n I; dEi/i futui'c; de on the other hand, on (my) part; gou to take; -t it; /n'u/ being; ax- not; l^ta'/' hungry; -el) There is a second form, «//i, the relation of which to ax is difficult to understand. Apparently this form is a^j with connective -L (see § 23). It does not occur in subordinate clauses, and may perhaps be considered as a verb meaning it is nothing. ULk'^e aqL liwtlt then he did nothing 68.6 (then nothing was his doing) nhk-'^e aqL g'e'hmi then nothing is j^our food 157.11 nLl"''e aqL-ytJ xlx^s Ts'al" then Ts'ak* was without (place to) go 126.7 riLk''e aqL-liuA'H then he was without doing anything 68. 6 It is doubtful, however, whether this explanation is really satisfac- tory. Difficulties are presented particularly by forms like — aq dEjy-hvMd' gut vfh?it c^nv;& do { 103.7 (^/£/> we) aq n hwUa dzd'hEt I do not know how to make it Onh" a few Tsimshian forms ma}" be given here: iva-dl-lgu-xd''^ on their part without even a little foam {di on their part; Igu- little; xd"' foam) va-dzaga-ld'^'ij'.El without twinkling across 138. htvtii- innermost part (Tsimshian: U'un-). Jacln-ge's brain hwhi-hawu'l point of arrow Jaotn-is'd' iniL heart of tree 148.8 Tsimshian: I wun-ga'us brain 139. dE' extreme, plural; see l-s- singular (no. 143) (Tsimshian: t<(-) dE-la.i^ot the highest ones dE-Ld' wit the lowest ones dE-galgald'nt the last ones Tsimshian: I man-ta-gd'ga the first ones to come up (see no. 3) i torSl'Hg'U the eldest ones §11 330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [vil\.. 40 140. f.'Eni- a nominal prefix of ver}' indefinite significance (Tsini- shian: tfEin-). In several cases this is clearly a weakened form of the attril)utive fcjrin t/dm sitting, and probably this is the meaning of this particle everywhere. (See § 33.) t/Em-ha'x hip t/Em-qe'.s head (^e-y hair) 40.6 tiEm-Ld'm leg below knee tiEm-ld'nix' neck tiEm-gd'x' fathom, shoulder; and some other terms for parts of the body t.'Fm-lafn steersman t.'Em-tsd'iq man in bow of canoe Tsimshian: lax-tlEm-ga'us crown of head t.'Ein-ld'n steersman [g'ild'n stern) (See § 33) 141. spE- place where something belongs, where one lives (Tsim- shian: SpE-). spE-a'p wasp-nest spE-a'xt den of porcupine spE-tJSd'Lqan ant-hill Sj}E-nE,/'/id'q place of supernatural beings 32.11 Sjm-wa'hl'^ place of taboos 32. 12 spE-sd'ntJi place where one lives in summer spE-lxd'nt place where one lives in autumn Tsimshian 1 spE-m'ml bear's den 142. sgiui- tree, stick; evidently from gan tree (Tsimshian: s^ati-). ,sga)i-me'lik'st crabapple-tree 17.11 sgan-gala'mst rose-bush sgan-ld'fs elderberiy-bush sgcm-dd'pxL harpoon-shaft sgan-haLo' mast Tsimshian : sgan-k.'l'7it wooden quiver sgan-t .'u'Hsg spear-shaft 143. k'S- extreme, singular; see dE-^ plural (no. 139) (Tsimshian: ks-). k's-qald'n the last 140,8 d^Ep-k's-qdq down first 81.4 lo-k's-g'l'vhst in extreme outer side 219.1 Tsimshian: I hs-qd'ga first ZE 791==" §11 ' BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 331 144. ksE' fluid (Tsimshian: ksE-). This is evidently an abbreviated form of aJis water. (See § 33.) I'ME-flrytsl:^ l)lack fluid hsE-vid'dztk'8 milk (literally, breast fluid) Tsimshian: wadi-hsE-le' atx fluid-like slime (see no. 85) ksE-afnilcs clear water JcsE-gwa' nnJcs spring l'SE-sga7ie'°st water of mountain 145. A^'CjE- fresh (Tsimshian: ksE-). h'cE-caJh' fresh olachen h'CE-sma'x' fresh meat Tsimshian : I hsE-fnEgYi.'°,i's fresh berries 146. A^'S-EJii- woman (Tsimshian: hsEm-). k'SEm-ntsqa'a a Nass woman k'SEin-qa'k'L mouse woman 136.4 h'sEin-sawa'tTongii^'A woman Jc'SE))i-ald-g'ig'a't Indian woman 207.12 Tsimshian: ksEm-wutsl'°n mouse woman l'SE/n-q/asgd'°i^- crane woman 147. g'tt- people, person (Tsimshian: g'iU). (See also § 33.) G'U-'w~ik: le'na Awl'k'lenox", Rivers Inlet tribe G'U-gd'ns Tongass g'U-yJi'ltk^ warriors 113.13 G'U-lax-dafiriElc's people of lake 148. . Part tries Trn nsfornihHj Xouns info I'crhs KJ-i. sE- to make something (Tsimshian: sE-). sE-hii'd' to call (literally, to make name) 97.13 SE-li't to make wedges 148. -I- SE-M'n to catch salmon SE-Ie')iix' to make a song 77. t> lEp-sE-nE,r7w',r to make one's self supernatural 152.6 sE-hsla' to make abalone shell 45.14 Tsimshian : IH-SE-gu'lg to make lire on su-SE-7i-dzdg to make a new village SE-ma'xs to cause to grow ZE 701-"^ 165. X- to eat, consume (Tsimshian: x-). x-hd'n to eat salmon 205.1 x-ama'lgioax eating scabs 41.14 ha-x-sma'x' fork (literally, moat-eating in^trument) ha-x-miyd'n pipe (literall\-, smoke-eating instrument) Tsimshian : x-stsld'la to eat beaver x-gwa'tksEnu I feel cold (literally, I consume cold) lu-x-dzi' usg until morning (literally, in consume morning) x-sgane'ts to kill mountain goats (literally, to eat mountain) x-go'ep.'akem we enjov the light ZE 780^" 166. xs- to say, to appear like (Tsimshian: xs-). x^-nEgud'tk to sa}^ father xs-rne' niE.ck to say hm xs-ia'nsl's it sounds like leaves xs-ma'k'sk^ white (literally, it appears like snow) .rx-gusgud' osk'^s light blue (literally, it appears like a bluejay) Tsimshian: wl-xs-nd'6l it sounds loud like a drum ioi-x8-suioa'n.sg it sounds loud like curing disease g^ap-xs-ts.'a'ps to be called a tribe ZE 783" § 14. Transitive I*r') no initial Subject The transitive subjective pronouns are in both dialects: ?i I m sE/n ye dEj) we , [he, III thou (they These are placed before the verb and the particles treated in §§ 8-13. They will be discussed more fully in § 52. §.§ 13, 14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 337 § 15. Particles that mat/ Piecede the Ti^ansitlve Subject The particles enumerated in the present section differ from all those previously treated, in that their connection with the verb is not so close. In certain eases of the third person, to be discussed later, the}' precede the transitive pronominal subject. Since many of these par- ticles have not been found with transitive verbs of this kind, it remains doubtful whether they are simply adverbial particles placed before the verb, or whether the first and second persons of the transi- tive verb, when used as subject, precede them. The particles enumer- ated under nos. 167-174 are more clearly connected with the verb than the later ones. 167. fie- with, also, on (his) part (Tsimshian: dt-). de-t-gun-g'e'tpt on her part, she ordered (her) to eat it 155.11 de-uks-ha' xt he, on his part, ran out to the sea lU-l.lB de-guUk's-d'Ep-ma'q.<^t he also threw himself down 42.13 de-t-gout he, on his part, took it 14.8 ntg't-n dEiii de-g'lpt not I shall, on my part, eat it de ntg't di-deikH she, on her part, had no bag 206.9, 10 {de-di on her part; ntg't not; dehk'^ bag) ntg't-n de-g'a'at I have not seen him Tsimshian: 1 1 Ein-d~i-yd' a he went to the fire, on his part dit-lE2)-dd'gEt he, on his part, took it himself ada g'ik dlt q'cmi-gd'°tgE liana!°H and also he, on his part, blessed {q'am-gd'H) the woman ZE 797 168. sEni- ver}^ exceedingly (Tsimshian: sEin-). This particle is ver}' free in its position. It is often used in nominal com- pounds in the sense of genuine. sEm-aba' g"^ askH he was much troubled 80.1 SEin-hasha-sg'e' to lay really upside down 214.11 SEm-ho'm a'Jg'ixne 1 speak the truth yagai-8Em-k'''d-wi-he'lt^ however, exceedingly very manv 158.11 SEm-t-Io-qd' odEut she emptied it inside entirely 208.7 ' SEm-ama sg'e'det they laid it down well 214.10 {am good; i^Z N {timl T) 171 w>^i N {awul T) 43 w>?/Z T {hwU N) 171 wjw?'«wi N T 22 Aa N T 160 Aa7n N 156 A«6??a?- N {hat! Eh T) 48 AasJa N T 74 hats' eJcs N 75 hagun N (^?//^ T) 44 A«^?/Z N T 76 KaldEm N T 77 A«i N (A«Z T) 50 A* N T 78 hts N (^ T) 79 AeZa N 45 hutiEn^ vMiEn N {\outs''Bn T) 52 Au^- T (^2^)^a;- N) 162 A? N T 100 sts T (Ais N) 79 «iaj- N (.v^a T) 102 seI N T 97 *i N (6?^ T) 101 8u T (,s■^ N) 101 spE N T 141 spa gait N T 103 «^'N 21 «^£a3 N 49 «to T {six- N) 102 s('?m75-'iy(-s'Nl76 gwls N (^?^s T) 148 gidx' N (/»^^- T) 162 J^ahE T (/?•'(>/>£ N) 113 Jcutgo N 32 ^z/?A T {hagun N) 14 ^w;? N T ill gus T (^i'^i'/i^ IS) 118 gugxdx T (^?(«i5N a-«?/T) 55 « N T 165 scbESEui T (JtElxsEm N) 81 a^ N 125 xpt'lytm N 126 a-s N T 166 rrfed N {xts.'E T) 54 a^£/? T {xLip N) 53 a'££/;^ N {xlEm T) 56 a?ina N {xlna T) 12T ^ N T 128 Isp N T 129 IeIeH N T 130 lEbagait T {hagait N) 82 lEgEm N {logout T) 5 %•^■ N T 20' Itg'^ec N 132 Ze^'wZ N (/'r^-/t^^ T) 131 M-s N T 133 lagaxik T 15 Idgax T (/a,« X) 38 lax N T 151 Z«.A' N {lagax T) 38 Zd X {l!i T) 30 ?^-pa?i N {l!l-q!an T) 28 Idgoni T {lEgEin N) 5 /5'N (/li T) 29 Zw^Z« N 62 losa N 46 Zw/?s T 42 kd'L N (^^/A-^/ T) 27 logol X 26 LEin X (?£/;? T) 134 la T (ax«a; X) 68 La X (?rr T) 172 LOL X (?a T) 173 luBi T (/?//(-i X) 27 Lgo X (?^f< T) 135 Suffixes (§§ 17-32) § i7. Sif/fjxes follou'iuff the Stem There are quite a number of suffixes in the Tsimshian dialects, almost all of which are firmly united with the stem. The signiticance of most of these is much more ill-defined than that of the prefixes, but those that immediately follow the stem appear to be primarily modal elements. Some of them indicate the passive, causative, elimination of the object, etc. Their use shows great irregularities. These suf- fixes are followed by pronominal suffixes, while demonstrative ele- ments and the interrogative element arc always found in terminal position. SIT 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 --EiA causative (Tsimshian: -En). In both dialects this suffix gen- erally modifies the tenninal consonant of the stem. heU-^ to stjind, singular metk'' full yd'oxk^ to eat, singular txd'ou'V^ to eat, plural ha! SIX to divide, v. n. he-Ld'q it breaks hax to run inaqsX^ to stand, plural qolk'sk^ covered Id-la' f/sl-^t she washes in 197.10 la'qsaan to wash (v. a.) 198.8 Id-tfjfal-he'fEn to place a thing upright against something and inside of something 131.3 mie'tfEii to till yd'og\m to feed one person ta'd'dg\iti to feed several persons hd's'ig\in to separate (v. a.) he-Ld'gan to break (v. a.) ha'an to cause to run ma'fjsaan to place several things upright 8.1 qd'lk'saan to cover (v. a.) Ao^6'A'« to 1)6 with 91.8 gulisk"^ to awake 121.9 le'Mk-d'^ whirlpool 104.12 Tsimshian: sa'tpk hard 'iiidll'. to l)e uneas}^ mdxk to be aboard, singular lidPxh annoyed Idk' bent l)d° to run gal'sk to wake up, singular Wdal'sk to wake up, plural hdlcsk to be with hvJksaan to place with 36.8 gii'knaan to awaken 121.8 U'JWEn to roll sa'ip.'En to harden md'lklEii to force m6'g''an to put aboai'd one o})ject hd'g^mi to annoy Id'k-.'in to bend (v. a.) hd'han to cause to run gn'ksEn to awaken one person ll'dEksEn to awaken several ho'ksEti to place with -.sA*" expresses primarily the elimination of the object of the tran- sitive verb (Tsimshian -sk). fa' a to clap (v. a.) 34.10 fa'ask"" to clap (no object) 203.3 swi«a'w to blow (v. a.) 123.1 suwa'ansk^ to blow (no object) 124.8 ma'Laask'^ to tell news 161.15 g-a'ask^ to look 137.6 dd'mgansk^ to be in the act of pulling 51.8 go to take (v. a.) gdsk'^ to extend 126.7 Verbs with this ending often form verbal nouns: (Td'pa-an to nail d^d'pxansk nail si'ep^E?i to love S"i'ep'Ensk love ayo'q to conmiand ayo'g\isk commander U'IVeu to roll le'Mk-sk'' whirlpool 104.12 §17 maL to tell (v. a.) g'a'a to see (v. a.) dd'mgan to pull (v. a.) BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 345 Tsimshian: lu-t!u'°yu xbi'°s I sweep out a t!vPnJc to sweep box SE-y'e'lgu waJi I polish a pad- dle si!H to spin something Jw'JcsEn to place with some- thing SE-yie'lask to polish slHsk to spin gan-ho'ksEnsk fastening-imple- ment Undoubtedly related to the preceding are the following two: , -/?'* used commonly after terminally, t, s, ts, q, x, l, and sometimes after Z (Tsimshian: -k); and -fA;'* used after vowels, I, vi, and n (Tsimshian: -fk). Both of these have the same meaning, and seem to be primaril}^ medial or semi-reflexive, while in other cases no clear reason for their use can be given. These endings are found regularl}^ in the possessive form of names of animals. (See § 55.) Examples of -k are: het- upright goks- to awake ., Les- finished hats- to lift Tsimshian: ha' its to send sa'ip- hard Examples of -tk^ are: d'a to sit SE-Jiwa' to name - wo'd to invite halda'u to bewitch cTa'pxan nail hEla'n belt Tsimshian : si'°p!En to love k'ltnWm to give SE-waP to name jMn sea- otter hetk^ to stand goksk^ to wake up Lesk^ to be finished latsk"" to be lifted ha'ttsk sent sa'ipk to be hard d'atk'' to be placed 215.1, 131.1 SE-hwa'tk"^ named wd'otk'^ to be invited 128.5 halda' uyttk"^ bewitched cPafpxantk^ nailed lEla'ntk^ belted sl'°p!Entk loved km'.'md'tk given sEiva'Hk named uE-pla! ntgu ray sea-otter These endings occur in many intransitive verbs, and in nouns: d'elpk'^ short metk'' full tiipk"^ strong o'Uksk^ to drift ayawa'tk^ to cry lesk^ to expect mUk^ to scatter da'lbtk-sk^ to bend §17 346 BUREAU OF AMEltlCAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ba'ask^ wind (jdd'tk'sk^ to come d'emsh^ to blame lisle' sJc^ to hang mo'osl-'^ gray ts' Eld' sk^ can^'on q^dtsl^ to be tired yoxJi'^ to follow de'lmixExk^ to answer raaxk^ to go aboard a canoe fehxk^ to shout aqhk^ to attain ia'hk^ slimy <^£^-« fuel wahV^ taboo ddiiKiLk^ friend tk-'lLk'^ child Taehl'^ to shine dlhl'^ bag mao'lJi^ rope maiy^ to put into fire ama'lk^ scab d'dztxk'^ enough It is uncertain in many of the endings in -s^" whether they are derived from stems ending in -s, or whether they belong to the suffix -sJc^. The same is true of forms in -tk'^^ which may be derived from stems ending in -t or represent the suffix -tk^. The following have probably the suffix -tl^: yaltk'^ to return laltk'^ slow daltk'*^ to meet ptaltk^ to^ climb de'hitk^ to guide The same conditions are found in Tsimshian, but it does not seem necessary to give additional examples. 5. -A In the Tsimshian dialect, words ending in i), t^ s, U^ q^ a-, x, and sometimes in l (i. e., those corresponding to the group with the suffix -k [no. 3, p. 345]) have, instead of -sk (no. 2, p. 344), -A. The terminal consonant is here modified, as before the suffix -En (no. 1, p. 344). dab to measure something t!aPp to drive piles g'ah to dig SE-umlg'a'd to dye something gats to pour out bus to split da' J). 'a to measure t!d'°p!A to be engaged in pile- driving ga7i-g'a'jp!A a spade huk-sE-wulg'a' d'' A a d3^er huk-ga'ts! A one who pours out huk-hxl'sA one who splits 'S is used in Nisqa'^ and in Tsimshian in place of -k and -tk (nos. 3 and 4, p. 345) after k'^ x', k^, q, and ,/■. OX' to throw ok's to fall (literally, to be thrown) bek'^ to lie sa-be'T^s to make lies hwtlafx' to know SE-hvuld'x's to teach (literally, to make known) mag to put ma' gas to be put 11.14 woq to dig woqs to be buried §17 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 347 Tsimshian: dzak to kill dzaks killed msdl'sk grizzly bear nE-7nEdl'°ksu my grizzly bear Here the -s suffix is also used after j9, although not regularly: walb house tie wd'lpsu my house 7. -Es appears in Tsimshian a few times after terminal p in place of -si'. lalh to plane down something lu'°h to sew somethinp- la'lp.'Es to plane Ih'°p!es to sew 8. -dc seems to mean in behalf of. qe'Ent to chew hap cover 8.15 qe'EndEx to chew for 36.5 le-ha'haxt it is on as a cover for it 67.7 le'lg'it a feast le'lg'itx a feast for somebody 83.1 -n. This suffix designates the indicative, and appears only pre- ceding the suffixes of the first person singular and plural, and the second person plural of the intransitive verb and the same objects of the transitive verb. at gill-net a'lg'al to examine 138.8 desk'^ to call wtty^ to come from dd'uL to leave ie'E to go Tsimshian: t.'u°sg to sweep haP to run li'^m i to sing waP to find d'tneE I fish d'lg'alneE I look at something desk^neE I^call wi'ik^neE I come from dEta dd'uLneE Le'sEins I shall leave for Nass river ie'EiUE I go t!u'°sgEnu I sweep hd'°nu I run ll'°minu I sing t wd'yinu he finds me t wd'yinEm he finds us 10. -d. The corresponding suffix -d appears in the indicative of many transitive verbs, both in Nass and in Tsimshian. id'eE what I roast 121.9 habd'l to take care of 143.1 Ar/fetobite 65.9, 127.8 Itgi ago' L dEni he'rust what- ever you say 59.3 qdq to open sax to shake something cma'El to allow 122.1 ia'dst he roasts it 121.7, 154.3 ha! EldeE I take care of it ha'UdcE I bite dEp he' IdEnom we say 42.11 qd'qdeE I open something salxdeE I shake it and'^ldeE I lend §17 348 UUKEAU UF AMERICAN ETllIS^OLOGY Ii^ull. 40 Tsimshian: dzal' dead dza'kdu 1 kill hu to wait hu'^dut I wait for him gd° to take ga'°du I take 11. -tua may be, perhaps (Tsirashian: -ina). Itg't-gida' EldEjna lCxjs may be three months 170.13 no'°t-maE maybe he is dead 182.8 si! EgunnaneE maybe 1 am sick. Tsimshian: I n!in%' gwai klunu^matga^ this is what they ma}' ask § IH, JPfOiioniiual Suflixes The group of suffixes treated in the preceding section are followed by the pronominal suffixes, which will be described full.y in §§ 50-51, and § 53. For the sake of completeness I give here a list of the suffixed pronouns: Naas. Tsimshian. First person singular -eE -H, -I First person plural -i/i -m Second person singular -Ji -n Second person plural -sEm -SEm Third person -t Third person plural -det ■t § 19. Modal Snjpxes followino f^f^' ProtiomitKtl Sti/fixes 12. -f/'e might (Tsimshian: -{/'i"nf -f/"*')- The position of this suffix seems to vary. nExna'yttg'e they might hear it 91.10 8%'epk^g'iiieE I might be sick gtoa'tstg'e it might be dung 207.7 Tsimshian: naha'ung'i°n maybe it is true naha'imguna nlaxno'yu it may be that it is true what I have heard n t!v!%LSEng't°n (take care!) I might hit you! 13. -sE"n evidently (Tsimshian). ii'inl! Et-sE^n evidently it is he HE Ie gwa'lgEH^n evidentl}' there has been a tire 14. -sEn indeed! (Tsimshian). n!im! Et-HEii indeed! it is he nnha' unsEn indeed! it is true §§ 18, 19 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 349 15. '^at it is said (Tsimshian: -(Jftt). sg't'-gaL ama xpe'ts there was a good box, it is said 19.4 {sq'i to lie; cim good; -a connective; wpe^s box) h'"' ax-al m-gciL fEm-qe'st his head was good before, it is said 32.8 {k'-Qx- before; (an good; fEin-qe's head) tgon-gciL dsm hwt'lEm dEm ald'tk^-gat noni this, we are told, we shall do, we are told we shall swim in a shoal TO. 6 {tgori this; dEm future; htvtl to do; -eju we; ala'ik^ to swim in a shoal; norin we) dEin suv)a' nt-gaL Lgo'uhkH he says he will cure his child 123.10 {suwa'n to cure; Lgd'uLk^ child) ne-gat-g'i dl gnux'-g'lipt he saj's he does not like to eat it 4<».6 {ne-g'i not; dl on his part; gtiAx'- expert; g'etp to eat some- thing) Tsimshian: I 8l' EpgE-gat 1 hear he is sick § 20, Denionstrative Suffixes There are two suffixes which are generally attached to the last word of a clause, and which indicate distance and presence in space and time. They are quite distinct from the demonstrative pronouns, and determine the demonstrative character of the whole sentence. These elements are much simpler in the Nass dialect than in Tsimshian, and thfeir general discussion in the latter dialect will be given in §§ 24-31. In Nass we find: -g'e absence and distance: nlh'''e a'lg'ixtg'e then he said 53.1 (referring to one who is absent and to an event of the past) nLk''e iTj-ya'ltV^L g'a'tg'e then the man returned 113.3 yu'hdeh ga'ng'e La dza'pdet they took the sticks they had made 114.7 {yuk to take; gan stick; dzap) to make) hao'ng'e nakH da ya'ksa before long it was evening 152.14 {haon it is soon: nak^ long; yu'ksa evening) -st presence and nearness: dEm q'aiyVm o'k'sde havyi'lEht my arrow will droj) near by 19.15 {dEm future; c[al near; -Em connective [see § 22]; dk-)< to drop; hawi'l arrow) tgdiiL gcnust this I guess 28.2 SEm-ho' daast it is true 29.13 txe'ldESEmEst ye, will burn 215.1(1 ndaida dsm a'd'ik'^dE.st when will he come? §20 350 BUKEAU OF AMEIUCAN ETHNOLOGY Im i.i.. 40 In some cases a terminal -i is found which indicates presence ;iud nearness and corresponds to the analogous form in Tsimshian. na-gan-hnMaf gut therefore 1 did so 113.6 This clement is, however, (juitc rare in our texts. Coiinertfves m 21-:il) § 21. GENERAL REMARKS The connective suffixes form a class by themselves. They are always terminal in the word and connect two words that arc S3'n- tacticall}^ related. Therefore they never stand at the end of a clause. We must distinj^uish between attributive and adverbial coimectives, and predicative and possessive connectives. § 22. ATTRIBUTIVE AND ADVERBIAL CONNECTIVES -Em, The connective -Ein is used to express attrilnitive and adverbial relations. Thus it occurs as — (1) Connective between adjective and noun. (2) Connective between two nouns, one of which has the function of an attribute. (3) Connective between an adverb or adverbial phrase and a verb. The following examples illustrate the use of -Em: 1. Between adjective and noun. In this case the adjective always precedes the noun, and the connective is firmly attached to it. The analog}^ with the second group suggests that the adjective expresses the class of things referred to, while the following noun qualifies the particular kind; as qe'sffuvi gan, A SMALL TREE (namcl}', a slender thing which is a tree, or which belongs to the class "tree""). slso'sEm. gan little sticks 27.15 wl-he'ldEm g'at many people 28.12 Lgo-guaf Eiii Lgo-tl"''e' lI'^ little poor little bo}' 155.15 mn'Jc'sguin Id' op white stone 139.8 v)d'dm wan the invited deer 83.3 Tsimshian: sl'lg-ldEin lgu'°lg the eldest child ZK 783" lgu'°lgEiii, liana' , I' little woman ZE 75)7.32 gwa'dEl'HEiii ye'°n cool fog ZE 7!>7^'^ lu'nksEm selpg Avy bone Numerals do not take this connective, but take -l instead (see § 23) (Tsimshian, -a pp. 351, 353). §21,22 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMElilCAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 351 2. Between nouns. The first noun takes the ending -Em^ and desig- nates the kind of thing referred to, while the second noun specifies the class, g-a'dEDi gan a wooden man 89.12 (a man belonging to the class "wood") dmvl'sEm Wop a stone ax 117.14 (an ax belonging to the class "stone") ^ huxdd'g-intgum q'auq'a'd crow-grandchildren 19.15 (grandchil- dren of the class "crow") a'lg'kjam TsEinsa'71 Tsimshian language 20.9 (speech of the class "Tsimshian") anig'd'g'uii Le'sEms sawbill ducks of Nass river 114.5 (sawbill ducks of the kind [belonging to] Kass river) huim'm had'a'xl:^ bad names 41.12 (names of the kind '"bad") Tsimshian: g2^" yetslEsgEvi gilhau'H the animals of the woods . Adverbial. hada! gam a'lg'txs TxdfmsEm Txii'msen spoke badl}^ 3S.11 SEm-hd'm no'dt he was truly dead 9.6 — wi-fe'sEm yo'ddclxH he ate much 36.10 {yt>'o:i'k^ is an intransitive verb) tid'><'ak' Id' op Ts'ak* carried a stone about 118.9 nhk'^et OX'S Ts'al" Lgo-qa' int Ts'ak* struck a little tire 118.12 f hwas Txd'msEm hwilp Txii'msEm found a house 43.3 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 353 3. In sentences with transitive verb, connecting- predicate and nom- inal object. (a) -L. dE?n. lo-ma'qdeEL ts'e'sgun 1 shall put thy louse in 48.10 nhl-'^lt g-a'ciL fe'sEiii g'at then he saw a large man 95.10 d'mLe wo'oL na'k'dn (good you) invite your wife! 205.10 {h) -s. HLl-'et sa-go'iidsts Ts'ak' they took Ts'ak" off 120.15 4. In sentences with transitive verb, the object may sometimes precede the verb, and is then connected with the predicate by -L or -s. txane'tk^L qal-ts'ip-ts'a'pL g'e'dcwdet they asked all the towns 87.3 naxL g-a'at he saw bait 50. 15 5. To express the possessive relation between nouns. {a) -L. qa-qald'nL hvnlpL se)rCd'g'it the rear of the house of the chief 137.8 ane'sL gan the branch of a tree 137.9 magafnL K'san the mouth of Skeena river 15.3 qa-we'riL h'ebo' the teeth of the wolves 84.1 (fdEldd'lL Lg'ih JmnaJqg'e six were the children of the woman 97.8 {V) -s. qal-ts\i'j)s dsp ?iEgud' St the town of their fathers 107.13 ndze'sts Ts'ak' the g-randmother of Ts'ak" 119.8 xpe'isis Logobold' the box of Logobolfi' 19.4 6. Between definite and indetinite numerals and nouns, the connec- tive is -L. Jc'dlL SEim'd'g'U one chief 137.1 <. Jc'^Ul sa one day 137.2 Jc'''d'guL Turn one salmon 169.8 q- ai-t" Epxd' L qdq even two ravens 155.4 hagade'lh Lg'it two children 159.5 hagade'lh nak'st two wives 194.6 wi-he'lL Idx many trout l.>7.6 l^\\c - txanl'tkV'L q^aima'qsit many youths 141.10 ' ^ g^ul-gane'L ha-xdal-HE'mEi) -dEt ■gE -sgE -gEt -s -E -(E) -s -dEt -sdE -dE -dES ■dEt -sgE -tQE -s -tgBt I. Common nouns II. Proper names. § 25. Predicative Connectives In the present section I shall give examples of these various classes of connectives, such as occur between verbs and nouns. All. Intransitive verbs, indicative, common nouns: {a) Indefinite connective -e da uks-he'HgE a'uta a nE-'godzA a'ksEt then the por- cupine stood at the edge 'of the water (^/a then; id's- toward water: h!'°tg to stand; a' id porcupine; a at; he- possessive; dzog edge; aJcs water) ho'lfgE ha' ntgEga a'ksga° his belly was full of water {hdltg full; han belly; gsga development of prepo- sition a [see § 28]; aks water) SE)ii-hd'°SE sts.'d'lga^ the beaver was nmch afraid {sEm- very; Jrt°.s' afraid; sts!dlh&2i\Qv) {J)) Present connective -dE 7ia-fitu'HdE Igri'HgE'Di y!n'Hg to rush [plural]; n.'a'>.d killer- whales) ((?) Absent connective -gE da na-ha'^'gE O'lga" then the white bear run out of the woods {va- out of woods; ha° to run; ol bear) da gil' I'sE-na'^'lgEgA sts.'d'lga'' then the beaver breathed again {gik again; hs- out; naHg breath: -sAv.'d/ beaver) §25 356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBii.L. 40 AIL Transitive verl)s, indicative, fouunon nouns. It is difficult to tind the connectives of transitive verbs before the object, because tlie order of words in the sentence requires ordinarily that the subject shall follow the predicate. The cases here given, except the first one, contain the pronominal subject of the third person. (a) Indefinite connective -e k/tC(i't(/E riE-ha-xha'gA lgu'°lgut my child has lost his knife (Z'.^?/j«/(7 to lose; ue- possessive; Jia-xba'g knife; h/u°l(/ child; -1/ my) tod'idE /id'^.'iEt he has found the dog dE/n dza'kdEdA haPs he will kill the dog {b) Present connective hIe HE la ina'ldEdE iinda dzi G umun^siEDig' a' d he had told what did GunaxnesEmg'ad (^d to leave) (c) Absent connective -gEt haf°gEt Dzo'nga^ John is running §25 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 357 A II 2. Transitive verb, indicative, proper names: (c) Absent connective -s da n't! EdzEs Astlwd'l wul ho'UyE . . . then Astiwa'l saw that it was full {rii to see; holtg full) B I 1. Intransitive verbs, subjunctive, common nouns: {a) Indefinite connective -e adat lu vnd gat(j(7 H.'eIxa t.'Epxadu'Hda y!a'°fA\\ -s.nin long; ;^^:- possessive; <5r^^- plural; ts/uivd'l finger; /m'.s- dog) (c) Abs(Mit connective -(/e gu'cjA dzf) gat gE>^gE qal-ts.'a' pgE nE-ird'lj>fg(i° who lived in the houses of the tow^i {gd who; (hog to camp; gEsgs from a in [see § 2S]; (idl-tx.'d'Ii tow^n; vdlh house) B I. {!>) Present connective -.sy/k add nE vvd nl° )iE-a'd'IhsdE yln'^ta then J saw the house of the man {xe I; z/?" to see; imlh house; y.'d'°t man) ((?) Absent connective -sgE ada 'ii'ul gioa'lsgiigE nE-wd'lhsgE y.'d'°ta then the house of the man was burnt B II. ud'^l dETiit m.-na'li) Present asda adaal l.'l-q.'an-da'idda° a'sdE nE-is!uwd'n sgane'°stga° hut he has gone over the top of the mountain {al but; Ifl- on; q f an- ovei", ^/c?'*/? to leave; ??£- possessive; ts.'uwd'n top; sgane'°st mountain) {() Absent asga ada hd'usgA a'lUaasgA sts/d'lg'f" then suid tiic ])()rciipine to the beaver II. {a) Indefinite as ada hi'ut na'kst as ne'^t then his wife said to him {b) Present dEs da-ya't Asthrd'ldEx nEgind'^fgii^sw'xd Astiwa'l to his father {c) Absent gs.s da'wida ka'usgA a'uta gEs in°tga° then the porcupine said to him § 28 362 BUREAU OK AMEKR'A.N KTl I XoLoc V [I'.ri.L. 40 Examples of the forms (IescLa and (jRsga are the following: UE )i ksE'ranu dssdA da'xdda" I went out (at) some time aero da wi-am-ha'usgA a'uta gssgA 8U.'d'lga° then the porcupine shouted to the beaver The forms in dndA and gEgA occur in the translations of the Gospels with great frequency; hut I have not been al)le to tind an^^ examples except the one given before under A I (c). § 29. Phonetic Modification of the Connectives 1. All forms in e described in the preceding paragraphs have no ending after the vowels I, m, n, and r. ada at sgEr a'uta . . . then the porcupine lav • • • adat h' !%na'in nE--irunda'°tga° then he gave him tobacco da wul wo! I nE-lu'du because of what happened to my wedge ada dEint q.'d'pEgan IeI-xo! gat then it will ol)struct the door- way {q.'dpEgan to obstruct; lEl'm'g doorwa}-) stu'^plEl wnl t!aP na'ksEu j^our wife is in the rear of the house {jitu'°p!El rear of house; t!a° to sit [singular]; naks wife; -EH thy) alat in go'eplat when he saw the light 2. The endings beginning with x lose this sound after words with terminal s; for instance, ada SEind)d'°sgA sts.'d'Ig(i° then the l)eaver was much afraid {bd°s afraid; hd'^sgA instead of hd'^s-sgA) § 30. Connectives of the Conjunction and The conjunction and, when expressed by dl or gan^ takes the connectives x and I, as in the Nass dialect — the former before proper names, some terms of relationship, and pronouns designating per- sons; the latter before common nouns. nlE'vEn dis nlE'riu thou and I gwa° dis gwl° that one and this one Dzon dis Tom n ^ T- John and Tom Dzon gans lorn J On the other hand: gvM° dil gw1° that thing and this thing ylu'Ha dil hand'^g \ . , , yld'Ha ganl hand'og]^"^^ ^^'^ '^^^ ^^e woman § 31. The Connective -\ Besides its use with the conjunctions di and gan^ the connective -I is used in negative, conditional, and interrogative sentences, be- §§ 29-31 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 363 tween the intransitive verb and its subject, and between the tran- sitive verb and its object. awa'lgE dzaJd wan the deer is not dead yet {mva'lgE not yet; dzak dead; wan deer) a'lcjE dl he'tgEl wall) asgE gwa'sgaga" there was no house there {algE not; dl on its part; hltg to stand; walh house; asgs at [see § ^]; gwa'sga that; -ga° [see § 2U]) a'lgEt dza'gul wan he did not kill the deer {dza'g to kill) a'lgE ami dEmt loula'idEl g'at it is not good that the people should know it {am good; dEtn future, nominal particle; ?/ui?(Z'i to know; (7*a<^ people) In interrogative sentences: da naH dEin dEdu'^IsEdEl txa'lpxadE vml h'Mpk'.'a'pl sa al iiiEla-k! e' teUIeI g-amk a t.ms-k.'d'HEt? who will live (with) forty days each month throughout the year? {du demonstrative; 7ia° who; dEiit future; dEdu'Hs to live; txalpxiowY; vnd being; I" lap ten round ones, I- Upk'fa'p distributive; sa day; a at; riiEla- each; k.'E'vEl one round one; g'amk sun, moon; a at; /.rc^s- along, throughout; k!d% year) § 32. Suffixes of Numerals In the Nass river dialect, only three classes of numerals have dis- tinctive suffixes. These are: ^ -dl human beings -k'^8 canoes -aVoti fathoms (derived from the stem on hand) In the Tsimshian dialect the corresponding suffixes occur also, and, besides, another one used to designate long objects. These are: -dl human beings -sk canoes -EVo'n fathoms -sxan long objects The numerals will be treated more fully in § 57. § 33. Contraction. The Tsimshian dialects have a marked tendenc}^ to form compound words by contraction which is apparently based parti}' on weakening of vowels, partl}^ on the omission of S3'llables. In some cases it can be shown that omitted syllables do not belong to the stem of the word that enters into composition; while in other cases this is doubtful. Since my material in the Tsimshian dialect is better, I will give the Tsimshian examples first. §§ 32, 33 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN KTll Nol.OGY [vvhh. 40 I Contnu'tioii l)y weiikciiiiii; of vowels: I t.'F.iii-lrt'it steovsinan; for t.'a"/!! (I'l-Ja'u .sittin*,^ stoin {t!a'> to sit; ' g'i-lri'n stern of canoe) nEifiitsIia'^s fsniiut, frisky; for nEgwii'HH hri°s father of dog sthriiid')! huinphaek salmon; for fttavt luhi on one side salmon h:h,' fs.'ny kidney-fat; for Id^fjE U!a°(j' fat of stone (i. e., of kidney) h:hE-oii biceps: for Ja'^'hE tino'n arm-stone I ts!niiE H'l-hr'^ty he stiinds on the end of it; for ts/invd'n Here belongs also the particle k.'iE- fluid; for aks water; l;>iE-(/irn'fnd:s spring of water. Following are examples of contraction by omission of prefixes: t.'Em-ld'n steersman, for t.'U^ia g'i-ld'n tiKm-ta.'deg harpooneer, for t.'d^m g'i-tsOX'eg sitting bow nE-l'sIun~('°sk looking-glass, for it E-g' 1 1 eIs-I i(-m'°sl- where back- ward in one looks. It seems probable that g'll- is a separable part of g'ilEls- t.'Etn-g'd'ni the one up river, for t!d°ni g'lg'd'ni., is not used, but is understood; also t.'E/ii-hau'll the one in the woods; for t!d°in, g'ilhau'li. Contraction with omission of syllables that a7'e not known as prefixes seems to occur in — slg'idEiiina'x chicftainess; for .sig'/dEin liana' g chief woman ha-l.'l-ta t!l'°hEn when sea-lions lie on; for ha-l'l-dd t!i°bEn contains also a material change of the stem-form. The naiue of the tribe itself is interpreted in a similar manner: ts/E)n-sla'n, for ts/E/n -ksla' 71 in the Skeena river. The latter J word may possibly contain the element X;*- fluid. In the Nass river dialect the same kinds of contraction occur, but examples are not numerous: anih'su-ld' galth looking-glass; for an-gulik'x-ld-ld' gaUk where back in one examines. sig'idEiiina'q chicftainess; for aig'adEm lid!naha'p to shut gan ganga'n tree faq (t'aqfa'q l(but also t'Efa'q) jlake dz6q dziqdzo'q to camp fl fEfe' valley meh 7n%L7ii'e' L to burn meh rnxLine' L to tell g-lc g'icg'l'c wrong Id' op lEpld'op stone Uap tsEptsa'p to make ts'al ts'Uts'a'l face til'ip ts'spts'l'ip to tie q6s qisqo's to jump dzoq dzEqdzd'q to camp n-dza'm n-dzEmdza'm kettle The vowel is apparently strengthened in no' noHo' hole § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 367 Tsimshian: Singular Plural oy ay'o'ij to throw am am''d'm good ha°s ha!Elm'° to wait hU UlU'l to spread h' !ak k'!%kk-!a!h to choke ts!U tslElts.'e'l . to slice fish vial riiElma'l to tell dzaPl dsEldzd'H to slide ts!ap tslEpts.'a'p tribe laPl lEpla'^h stone d.a'u dudd'u ice lu-sa'°x lu-HExsd'°x red-hot q!al g! algal' to bite (b) Monosyllabic words beginning with a vowel or a single con- sonant, and terminatin g with a clustei of consonants, reduplicate the beginning- of the word, including tho first consonant following the first vowel: Singular Plural sl'epl''' sipsl'epl^ sick isej^Ji^ ts'ipts'e'pk'^ hard isl"" is'i'sk'^ stench gicl"- gicgi'ak^ lean qeck^ (jasqe'ck^ narrow delpl^ dUdl'lpk^ short Jd-<(jl'°fik to go past yaltk . yilya'Itk to return g'Uks g'ilg'e'lks to feel axlg ax^a'sdg to attain qaPpk gapgaf'^pk to scratch, t kioaPtk iHfkirafHk to disappear (c) Polys\'llabic words, beginning with nant, reduplicate the beginning of the w sonant following the tirst vowel: Plural ,fLndx and jjhndx body q^sLq qa-q''e'Lq chest gat qa-gd't heart tgamd'q qa-tgamd'q lip q^e'sEE qa-^d'q deaf t , / . 1 crazy (literally, like rriE-watsx qa-niE-tod t.s.c 1 land-otter) xafosh^ qa-xd'osk^ wise ax-gd'6t ax-qa-gd!dt i foolish (literally, with- 1 out miud) §43 378 BUREAU OF AMKRICAN ETHNOLOGY [lui.L. 40 Here may belong also: Singular Plural gim' E ga-gwii' E poor' JillX-io' list Jnix-qa-io list liberal a mil hwtl aina qa-hict'l 1 rich (literally, well-to \ do) T.simshian: Sin^'iiliir Plural aind wa'l ama ga-wd'l rich sagau-sa'°t sagau-ga-sd'H good luck lguK(/E'r ga-lgusgE'r happy (t) Locations: Singular Plural ddx' qa-dd'x' outside lax^o' qa-la,L'd' top sto' die's qa-std'ok's side g'ii'u qa-g'd' a beach {d) Unclassified words Singular Plural SEind'tks qa-sEino'tks to believe in/ (P Ell qa-no'd'En to adorn yts-iiu'xg-ltl^s yts-qa-g u'sg ' itk^s to rejoice Uhiks qa-le'luks to steal gwhr-slle'ensk^ gwtx • - qa-sile'ensk^ hunter UHS qa-wi's and wis root qa'it qa-qd'it hat men qa-nie'n butt of tree Tsimshian: Singular Plural y!u'<' ga-yld''^ berrying-basket gok ga-go'k basket hvP ga-hu'° to scatter xsa? ga-xsd'° canoe la^ls ga-ld'°ks torch icd'ik ga-xd'tk, to upset naPl ga-nd'H to fast ksE-iiU'^lh ga-ksE-nd'Hk to l)reathe mafitiEga ga-iiia! iiiEga to smile xstaP ga-xMd''* to vantiuish On the whole, this prefix conveys strongly the impression of being a distributive, not a plural; but in many cases its use seems to have become formal and tixed. It would seem that particularly terms for parts of the body that have no reduplicated plural ma}^ take the §43 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 379 prefix qa-. The distributive character appears very clearly in one case where ga-tsfa'p means the one town of each one, while the plural would be tslEptsla'j)^ and also in THopE-ga-tEptl' tk^ all small pieces (of salmon) 66,1 , §44. Fiftli Group, JPliirals formed bij the Prefix qa- and the Suffioc -{t)7c'* Plurals formed by the prefix qa- and the suffix -{t)k^ are confined to terms of relationship. The prefix is probably the same as that used in the preceding class, while the suffix seems to be related to the verbal and possessive suffix -k'^. Singular Plural 71 id' qa-nict'Eth^ grandfather ntse'ets qa-ntse' Usk^ grandmother iiEgua'dt qa-7iEgud' otk^ father nEbe'p qa-TiEhe'pk^ uncle wah' qa-wa'k'l'^ younger brother Here belongs also — mt'Eii qa-me' Eiit/i'^ master Tsimshian: Singular Plural nshl'^p ga-nEh%'°pg ^ uncle laid' 11 ga-m Id'ntg master Singular 7iak's The following words have qa — Z'' combined with reduplication, the reduplicated syllable being lengthened and the stem-v^owel weakened: Plural qa-ne' nih' sh^ nox qa-i\d' 7iExk'y- Without the prefix qa- are found — Plural 7Dak:k^ g'i'in.rdetk Singular waJr g'i' 771,1" de Tsimshian : wife mother younger brother elder brother I Singular I naks Irregular is — - Singular huxdd' ek'"' En Plural iienksg Plural Lnxdd'ek'''Entk^ wife o-randson Undoubtedly the terminal -^Z", -k'', in these forms, is the same as the suffix discussed in § 17. § ^"^ 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 45. Sixth Group, Plurals formed by the Prefix I- Plurals formed by the pretix /- are pre-eminently verbal plurals, as is illustrated by the following examples taken from the Tsimshian: Singular Nominal Plural ak's water, to drink aFa'k's waters wa'l paddle, to paddle hawa'i paddles The vowel connectc^d with this prefix is variable, and many irregu- larities are found in this class. Verbal Plural la-a'k's to drink lu-wa'l to paddle Singular Plural ak's la-a'k's to drink yo.rk^ le-yo'.rk'' to follow gdksk^ lE-gd'kf absence [see § 20]) ?a«! ^-/A' 6?a';»/?'.sfr/ao when he squeezed it again {In when; f lie; g'ik again; damls to squeeze; -t it; -ga° absence) (5) In the indicativ^e, the subjective pronouns are used when the object of the verb is a tirst or second person. The objective pro- nouns are used to express the subject of the transitive verb, in the indicative, when the object is a third person. The verb takes the suffix -d OY -n described in § 17. INDICATIVE me. us. thee. ^~\dEn you. I we thou ye he —{;.:: '-—{:;;: '-{;;;: , (nEin \dEm InsEm \sEm ,_ \nsEm "^P \SEm . Ins Em \sEm Examples: m tm'yinu you (singular) found me m dE))i dza'l'du you will kill me {dzal- to kill) t wd' yinu Im'^sEt the dog found me n dsa'l'dEn 1 have killed thee n ioa'°7i you have found me IRE aya'i/ifiEn) you (singular) have hit us dsp oyin. we hit thee {&) The subjective pronouns are used with transitive and intransi- tive forms that take the objective pronouns for the purpose of emphasis. mE dEtn dza'l'dEnt qu' i \ , . , . -n i -n <-i • -, ,, , ^ , . - vou (singular) will kill this one dEm dza'hlEnt gu'i S^ ^ ^ ' inE dEDi SEm dza'k'SE)nt gu't or or or or or , -, n . f r you (plural) will kill this one dEDi dza ksEint gu t ) -^ ^^ t dza'JidEtgE ha!°sgaP dzoU'dEtgE ha'°sga° nan la ya'wiixgE^nu na la yti!wxixgE^nu nam la ya'wxugEn \ Tia la yd'wuxgEu S 44877— Bull. -10, pt 1—10 25 he has killed the dog I was eating 3^ou (singular) were eating §49 386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I I'l ' '• 40 (d) The verb da-ij(i to say so tal^es these elcineiits always: da-n-ya'°nu 1 sa}^ so da-dEp-ya'^iiEin we say so da-m-ya' 71 you (sin<>-ulai-) say so da-iii-SEm-ya'°n() The objective is used to express the object of the transitive verb. P^xamples have been given in § 49, 7k (c) The objective is used in the indicative of the transitive verb when the object is a third person or a noun. AVhen the object is a third person pronoun, the objective -t is added to the objective pro- noun. o'yut 1 hit it d'yint you (singular) hit him 6'ytmt we hit it nE la dza'kdEmt gu' ! we have killed this one dEm dza'Mut I will kill him 6'yu haPx I hit the dog {d) The objective is used in a periphrastic conjugation of the transitive verb, in which the objective pronoun is repeated in the form of the independent pronoun. nt'^dzut n.'E'j'En I see thee (literally: I see it, thee) dEm dza'gdEn niE'ryu you (singular) will kill me §50 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 387 (6^) The objective pronoun is used to express the possessive relation. mid'nu my master nE-vKt!V>En thy house 7iE-si''^p.'EnsgEf his friend ga-gd'°dEin our minds nE-ivd' n.sEm what you have {vmti for ?/v7/, / assiinilatod hv pre- ceding )i) § 51. Tlie First Pci'soii Sinffular, Ohjecfire rioitonn The tirst person singular of the objective form has a second form in -7, which occurs also in the possessive pronoun (see § 55). It is used in all cases in which the event is conceived as unreal. ((/) In negative sentences. (I'hjE dl ha-dza'gi I do not die from it a'lgE hasa'gail dEiii dza'gEti I do not want thee to die {h) In sentences expressing potentiality, but with reference to the unreality of the event. ada ci'lgEt naPl dEui ftn-Hl-qlan-a'.dg'h then there is no one who could get across me {a'lgE not; naP who; -^see §31 J; dEm future; -t he [trans, subj.]; 7a- nomen actoris (see p. 335); l.'l-q.'an- over; CLdg to attain) SEingal hd'°SEnut dp dzE dza'gl I am much afraid lest I may die {sEtngal much; hd°s afraid; -n indicative; -a I; oj} lest; dzE conditional; dzag to die) niE (j'yig'hi you might hit me! (/m thou; % to hit; -I me; -g'tn perhaps) ada dEint h!/°dzlgE nA-.cd'igEsgE dEmt gun-a'ksgiga'^; in-qo'gE dEiii g'a'hu^ dzEda la ts!l'°n\ da . . . then my master may send me, he may order me to get water; I shall take a large basket, when I come in, then . . . {hPdz to send; gE [see § 21:]; nA- possessive prerix [see § 55] ; xd° slave; nA-j-d' i my master; gEsgE preposition [see § 28]; gun- to order, to cause; akag to get water; -ga^ absence [§ 20]"; vh- great; qog basket; g'ah to dip up; dzEda if; U!'t'>n to enter; da then) . (hHl 1H5.14: alayuwd'tdt't they made noise 178.14 tqal-hi'h'det cil depL tifi-Hcjane' s {n'u/'! not; d<' on my part; /i conditional; hux also, again; lunl to do; -,s'k/>? ye) Lit .'jects. 1. Nass dialect: {a) All possession of inanimate objects is expressed })y the suffix expressing the possessive pronoun (see § 53, r), or, when the possessive is expressed b}'^ a noun, by the addition of the connective (see § 23). him,'lh('E my house JunvVh Logohala' i\\Q'AVYo\\oi Logobola' 20.3 rt'Xr6'^£m3' water 1S.7 ti^ele'iiiL uid'lye food of the canoe 107.(5 (J) All possession of animate oljjects is expressed by the same suffixes, but the noun is given the passive suffixes -l\ -fk, -.s' (discussed in § 17). Exceptions to this rule are terms of relationship in the sin- gular, which take simply the possessive suffixes, like nouns expressing inanimate objects. The occurrence of the endings -I' and -//• in the pluials of terms of relationship (see § 44) may be due to the ti-eatment of these like other nouns designating animate objects. g'lbr/fk^f his wolf (r/'/'/u/ wolf; -/k passive suffix; -f his) Imxdd' g'vnth'^t his grandchildren li^.lO 2. Tsimshian dialect: («) All inseparable possession, including nouns designating parts of the body, locations referring to self, and terms of relationship, are expressed by possessive suffixes, and, when the possessive is expressed by a noun, by the connectives (see § 27). {oi) Inseparable possession relating to ]xirts of the body: })An belly Ija' nn my belly ts!ag nose tsfa'gEn thy nose §55 " boas] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 393 (/5) Insepar;il)le possession relatint,^ to space relations: mm''' proxiniit}^ aioa'H near him (his proximity) la,c6' the place over la.i^6'yxi the place over me txala'n the place behind txala'nt the place behind him {y) Inseparable possession, expressing terms of relationship, in sinofular : nFjjin('°(l father lEtnkd^' sister ')}Eu m}' house ld°J> stone iiE-ld'''hu mv stone » " {c) Separable possession of animate o])jects is expressed by the prefix vE-^ the passive suffix, and the possessive (viz., connective) suffix. E'rla seal haPx doo- 01 bear hdn salmon sliE herring aj) bee mF2l'°l- steelhead salmon Ulap tribe walh house rtE-E'rlagu my seal oiE-Jid'^xgii VL\y dog nE-d'lUiu my bear 7iE-hd'nt(jEn thy salmon nE-sJcE'tgu my herring nE-a'psu my bee nE-)nEl~i'°l-si(, my steelhead salmon n-ts.'a'psii people of my vil- lage (but n-fs.'a'hu my vil- lage) nE-ivd'/p.sit people of my house (but rtE-ird'lha ni}^ house) § 56. Demonstrative Pronouns I have not succeeded in analyzing satisfactorily the forms of the demonstrative pronoun. It has been stated before (§ 20) that presence and absence are expressed by the suffixes -st {-/) and -yV'Crsimshian -t and -ga). liesides these, we tind independent demonstrative pronouns and peculiai- demonstrative suffixes. In the Nass dialect there are two independent demonstratives: gd/i this, go.s that. §56 39-1 DUKEAU or AMEIUCAN ETIiNULOUY 1 1" lf- 40 e more muuerous. There are two independent forms: (jml this, gira" that. iiwt : dd° da gw%°t the}'' are here adat plid'rEdEt Waimi/d'"'/ dEp girV'^t then Waxaya'°(i told them Ign-sga-na'k da gw%' a little after this (.sv/''- across; /////■ long) ninfl' ksdEmd's gaJ-ts! Epts.'a'l>E gwa^ those are the nine towns {nin.'l' this; IsdEmd's nine; gal-U!a' p town) G'UhsaUld'^ntkwaPxdPgwa'* this slave's name was (i. I'.'a-sgo'l'SEin gwa° we will stop hen^ for a whiU> adat and'xdE dEp gir(i'° then these agreed Derived from gwa° is gira'xga^, whieh always refers to al>sent ot)jects: ada al sgwr Igti-dza'gum a' nta gEsga gina'sga^ but tlu>n tiie little dead porcupine lay there {ada\hQ.\\\ a'°du hana'°g this woman has been running nE-l)a'^du aina'n the one near thee has been running -du ninll' gal-ts.'Epts.'a'hE dn gina° those are the towns diinapi dEYii dEdu'HsEdA . . . who will live then^ ZE 792"° gd'" du gan ln'°nt'm yon were angry for something of the kind. -(JH gu na-di-g'ig'1'nE.rgA nE-ga-n/(i'°fgEiii those were the ones prayed to by our grandfathers da'-ijcu/A sEtHu'g-itgd'^ y'i/K g'a' imjEin. dzl'usdEga° thus said the chief, that sun tnE'rint in-k- !%ll" Una! rii ya'ts.'EsgE da h.'imn^ gu ld'°truJa wutuKi'yin I am the one who gave you the animals that you always found {t he; ve'tiu I; m nomen actoris; k'.'huV/u to give; ya'UlExg animals; da to; k.'wun you [dativej; Id'wula alwa3\s; vjd to find) Anion*'- the demonstratives may also be enumerated the element 7J-, which, in the Nass dialect, forms the common conjunction /?-/•'?, and §56 396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 I which also may be contained in the stem ne- (Tsimshian uIev-) of I the independent pronouns. In Tsimshian it is found in the very I frequent demonstrative nlnH' that one. Numerals (§s^ 57, 58) § J7. Cat'dhtal Numbers The Tsimshian dialects use vai'ious sets of numerals for various classes of objects. In Tsimshian one of these classes is used for simple counting. The others designate flat, round, long ol)jects; human be- ings; canoes; measures. In the Nass dialect round and long objects are counted bv the same set of numerals. These sets of numerals in the two dialects are as follows: I. Abstract count. II. Flat objects. III. Kound objects. Nass. T.simshian. Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian. 1 k-'ak- k-!iiok = I = I k-'i-'El klE'rEl 2 t'Epxa't tiEpxa'd = I = I k-'O'lbEl gu'oplEl 3 Kola'nt gwant = I = I giil'a'l k!ule' A txfilpx txalpx = I = I = I = I h k"stenc ku.stdiis = I = I = I = I 6 Cl'fl'Elt qlaolt = I = I = I = I 7 t'EpxA'Elt tlEpxa'olt = I = I = I = I « k-'ap di t'Epxa't k-'ap di tiEpxa'd = I = I x-pe'El di k-'e'lbEl 20 k-'C"'lbEl wul k-'ap k-ede'ol k-!iyo'tku = I 30 giila wul k-'ap = I = I IV. Long objects. V. Human beings. VI. Canoes. Nass. Tsim.shian. Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian. 1 =111 qia'wutsxan ky-ai k!al qainii'Et q!ama'"t 2 =111 qa'opsxan bagadc'l tlEpxadO'l galb:l'E!tk"s galba'oltk 3 = 111 ga'ltsgan gula'n gula'n gula'altkus- galtsga'ntk 4 =111 txA'opsxan txalpxda'l txalpxila'l txfdpxkiis txalpxsk 5 = 111 ktu'onsxan kustEn.sa'I kstEnsa'l kusti"nsk"s ksto'onsk 6 =111 qla'ltsxan q'4dElda'l qialda'l q!aEUk»s qialtk 7 =111 t!Epxri'lts.Kan tlEpxadEda'l tiEpxalda'l tiEpxa'Eltkus tiEpxa'ltk 8 =in yuklaot.sxa'n yuxdaElda'l yukleada'l yuxda'Eltkus yukda'ltk 9 =ni kstEma't-sxan kustEmasa,'! kstEnsa'l [kstEmasa'l k"stEma'sk"s kstEm&'sk 10 =111 kpO'otsxan x-pal kpal k-'apkus k-'apsk 11 =111 xpal di k-'al k-'apkus di (ja- mii'Et 12 =111 xpaldibagade'l k-'apk"siligalbil'- Eltk-S 20 =111 = 1 k-eda'ol k-'iyc'tkus 30 =111 = 1 giila'lEg-itk « §67 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 397 VII. Measures. VIII. Bundles of ten skins. Nass. Tsimshian. Nas.s. 1 (k-'ilga'x-)=III klEl'd'n gusk-'ewa' 2 (k-'ibE]ga'x-) = III gu'oplEl'o'n gilpwa' 3 gulalao'n klul'o'n 4 txalpxalo'n txalpxl'o'n 5 k"stensEl6'n kstonsEl'o'n, kstEn'o'n 6 q'aEldElo'n qlaldEl'o'n 7 t'EpxaEldElo'a tiEpxaoldEl'o'n 8 yuxdaaldElo'n yukdaoIdEro'n, yukdEldEl'o'n 9 kustEinasElo'n kstEmasEl'o'n 10 x'pao'nde kpElo'n This system will appear clearer when the numerals are arranged according!" to their stems. One: Two: Nas.s I-HeI qamdiEt) . fEpxd'{t) k-Ie'Ihsl Tsimshian k-.'ciPh k.'E'VEl (j.'ama^ which may be the stem also for q.'a'ivutsxan t.'Epxd'{°d) gu'°p!El qaPp^ which seems to be the stem for galbd'Htk l)agad{el) Three: gol{d'nt) gul- in givtmt, guld'n — - — - k.'ule' It seems doubtful if this is different from the preceding one gait txdlpx Jc^stons ij.'dH tlEpxa the same as two qlan yuh hstEind's (containing mas thumb?) Jc'Iap kplH probably related to the preceding one It will be seen that a multiplicity of stems l)clong to the first three numerals, eight, ten, and probably twenty. Not all these distinct stems are entirely independent, but evidently in part modifications of §57 Four: txdlpx Five: k^,stens Six: q.'dEl Seven: fEj)xa Eight: qail yxLX Nine: k'^iitEmd'c Ten: k'\ip x'plH 398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 the same remote root. It would seem that the numerals one, two, three, ten, for the class of round objects, had a suffix 7, which has brought about modifications of the stems to which it has been at- tached. It seems plausible, therefore, that k'/a°/i and />-/E'rEl, giaant and k/ule, k'/ap and l-pl'*!, are derived each pair from one root. In some of the other classes the suffixes are obvious, although their meaning is not always clear. The suffix -sxan., in the class for long objects in Tsimshian, ma}" well be a contraction of the lunncnd with sgcoi STICK. The class designating human beings contains the endings -dl, -ddl, which in the numeral three {guld'n) has been clianged to -dii hy dissimilation. The class expressing measures contains the element -on hand. In th(? numerals the process of contraction ma}^ be observed with great clearness. Examples are the weakened forms hstEnnd'l five tek- soNS, and that for nine persons, which is probably derived from the same stem, k.stEi/iasd'1. Here l^elong also the forms ynldeadd'l^ which si^XM^siov ynkdeldd'l; klEVo'n^ for k!E' rEVon; k'^tlgd'.c^ for h'^eEl gdx' ONE FATHOM. § 5H» Ordlud/ XuniberSf Xnniet'al Advei'bSf and Distrib- titive Xmitber.s Ordinal numbers are not found, except the words ks-qd'^x a.nd ks-dz6'x THE FIRST, and anid' the next, which are not, strictly speaking, nu- merals. Numeral adverbs agree in form with the numerals used for counting round objects. nLk''et lo-Ia'qsl-^t La guld'aJt then she washed him in it three times 197.11 {-t she; Id- in; lagak^ to wash; -t him) Tsimshian: I txd'lpxa haha'kluxt four times it clapped together Distributive numbers are formed with the prefix vtELa- (Tsimshian vieIe-)^ which has been recorded in § 10, no. 87. Besides this, redu- plicated forms are found. Tsimshian: I txd'/p.radE trul k' !%])k' la'pl sa al viEla-k ! e' rEldsl g'amk forty days I to each month ZE 7t)2.21 {sa day; g'amk month) §58 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 399 Syntactic Use of the Verb (§§ 59-65) § 59. Tine of Subjunctii^e afte,' Temporal PfO'firlps The method of formino- the modes has been discussed before, but it remains to ;idd some remarks on their use. By far the most common form is the subjunctive. All historical prose, every sentence that does not express the speaker's own immediate experience, is expressed in this mode. For this reason almost all introductory conjunctions are followed by the subjunctive mode. Possibly this mode can best be compared with our participles in so far as it often has a somewhat nominal character. This is true particularly of the verl) when intro- duced by the temporal particles /wn/. La, Lci, c7£//a (Tsimshian: /rul^ la, Id", (Ie/)i). The following- examples illustrate their use: 1. Jitrtl seems to indicate primarily an action or state, then the place where an action takes place. It occurs coramonl}' after verbs like TO KNOW, TO HEAR, TO SEE, TO FEEL, TO COME, TO GO, and other verbs of motion, to find, to tf:ll, and after many adjec- tives when treated as verbs. After the preposition a (see § 67) it generally expresses causal relations. After ha-ild'.i- to know: ' hwild' yit hanl a' naJiSEtn elxt he knew the condition of being cooked of his seal 183.13 {a'nuks done; -Ein, attributive connective; elx seal) at haAld'.i-L hwil hacr a' A'^ l /uri'lfg'ehe knew the l)eing l)ad his doing 37.6 {Aaifa'ack^ bad; /tidl to do) (Compare with this iiig'it Jianld'x's Ts'akr he'tye Ts'ak' did not know what he said 127.7) After haij to feel: haqL hvnl sqa-(VdL dd'sguni llx 183.10 she felt the piece of seal being across {sqa- across; (Vd to sit; (hUk^ slice; elx seal) tiLk'^l hat hagh dEin /noil ole'skH then he felt himself getting weak After naxna' to hear: noicna'L huAl a'Jg-%xL qdq she heard that the raven spoke 151.11 t naxna' E kiml hahd't fan moT^^h hi'ns he heard that some one was speaking who caught leaves 15.11 {hZt to .say; moh"^ to catch with net; ia' ns leaves) (Compare with this t naxna! l IlIl wi-dH'sEt he heard what the old man said 22.6) ' §59 4U0 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETtiNULOUY [bull. 40 After g'a'a to see: t ij'a'nL hwtl gbXsL mKWt he saw a .salmon jiiinpinj); 52.15 t g'a'dL hwtl u'lg^alh g'at iin-x'jxl'ot he saw a man examining the large jaw 52.6 t g'a!aL uu'ng'it kw2l m (Td'/k's/i"/. lu'i'e the slaves saw the blood having come out 133.15 After «' then he told what his tribe said ZE 786.8 {mal to tell; haJu to say; ts!ap tribe) adat plm'rEt ns-ts/a'pt gEsga wula dza'h^gA wai'k-tga° they told the tribe about their brother being dead {plia'r to tell; ts.'ap tribe; dzak dead; walk' brother) at k-!l'Hsxan wul ksE-gwd'^ntgE q'a'mgEt and he showed the moon that rose ZE 791.17 (h H'Hsxan to show; g'amg sun, moon) dm dEp dEiYi id'°ka wula ha'ic a'lda good we follow what porcu- ' pine says ZE 792.22 (am good; dsp we; dsm future; id'^'k to fol- low; ha'u to say; a'uta porcupine) The use of vnd is, not quite so regular in Tsimshian as in the Nass dialect. We find, for instance, t nlaxnu''^ ha'us Waxayd'^k he heard what Waxaya'°k said ada g'ik klE'vElds imd h6ltga° and one more being; full On the other hand, wul is used very commonly with the intro- ductory conjunctions ada^ da. In fact, in most prose the greater number of sentences begin with this combination: ada wul k' le'pxa-lEma'HgEt then every one was saved ada wulat yd'ulEinxs Waxayd'^kga^ then he ^ave advice to W. ada wul ts!l°nt then he entered The two forms wul and wula are apparently used without nuich discrimination. Both are generally admissible, and I have not succeeded so far in discovering any difference in their meaning. 2. L(i expresses a past state (Tsimshian: la). SEin-gwd'eh hwi'lt ah gwasL guis-halai'tg'e he was very poor on having lost his dancing-blanket 38.14 {8Em- very; gwde poor; ginas to lose; guis- blanket; halai't ceremonial dance) k'si-Lo'ddet ah La Laxhd' xk'^det they went out having tinished eating 40.9 t g'a'ah wund'x' La ax-g'e'hEtg'e he saw the food which he had not eaten 41.4 {wund'x' food; ax- not; g'ep to eat something) a'lg'ixs Logobold' aL Lat huMd'x'L hvnl dzaLt Logobola' spoke when he knew that he had lost 20.10 {a'lg'ix to speak; hiiAld'x' to know; dz''aL to lose) ia'dxk'^det aL La xsddt they divided upon his having won 21.1 La hux yu'km,., uLk'^e . . . when it was evening again 141.4 La Ll'skH le-ia'tsL axt Fo'ukH aL lax-an-la' k"^ , after the porcupine had struck the fire with its tail 77.7 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 26 § 59 402 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ii'H-l. 40 Tsimshian: addt ttEi)i-In-s<()ia'l(/Etd at it when he saw the ice (on the) stones {.sEj/t*- very; In- in; saiiaflg surprised; 711° to see; dafit ice; ld'°p stone) lu-d'm ga/Hs nd'H gssgE lat nl'°stga° his mother was glad when slie saw him {lu- in; dm good; gaPd mind; iid° mother; 01%° to see) nil} !%' gan-haldEin- g^ 6'lt gssgE lag'ik gauld'^k therefore they arose when it was morning again {niv ,'%' that it is; gan- reason; luddEni- up; _(7'oHo run [plural] ; gEsgE at; g'U agnin', ganld'°/k-movu'w^) adat g'elksA lat waVaiih-smoa'ndE ha'°sgEt then he felt when the wind had driven him ashore {g'elks to feel; ^cuPam- landward; suwa'n to })low; hd'^^g wind) la g'tk I'.'e' I'EldE la tgi-id'" .sat when again one da}' went down {/i/E'rel one; tgi- down; id''' to go; ,sa day) dzEda' la xgwa' tlsEii if ycu feel cold dzE la gird'7>k,sE)i you may have been cooked ada la (pi' odhgE lia' atga^ when he had finished speaking adalat sa-gd!lEmgA u'nhsEgEt when they had taken oti' the ashes ia while (Tsimshian: Id"). nlk'^et ma' hdetg'e hd meth^L qal-ts\i'j> then they told him that the town was full 183.14 La .sEvt-lxig' a It-d' d' L Loqs^ nLk'^e . . . when really in the middle was the sun, then . . . 1U3.15 ntg'i hux hwilt La qd'odet the}' did not do it again when the}'^ tinished 179.10 Tsimshian : nlvtvi't wul wuld' i IdH wula sl'^pImidE naJkstga^ that was how she knew that her husband continued to love her {amid' l to know; si'°2>'En to love; nalx husband) ada ld'° wula lie'HgE wul-qd'^sgEdEt then continued to stand the wise ones ZE 792.20 {hlHg to stand; w\d-qd'°sg wise) ada sagalt-and' gaxg Etg A a ld° dEiii vmla id'° g'a'DigEiii dzi'usdEt then they agreed together that the sun should continue to go ZE 791.18 (.sa^aiV- together; and' gasg to agree; id'° to go\ g'anig moon, sun; dzl'u.s daylight) (lEin future (Tsimshian: dEni). xpEtsfa'xL li.g'^e'Ensh^g'e aL dEiu de-hirUt the grizzly was afraid to do it also 56.11 {xjJEts' a' ,c afraid; lig'^e' misk^ grizzly bear) TieL qd'odEL xa'EL dEm fuks-t/e'sES Ts/ak' the slave thought he would push out Ts'ak" 135.4 (he to saj^; qd'dd heart; xa's slave; fuks- out of; t/es to push) ntg'i dEm /nix aUVtk'sgueg'e I ma}' not come again 165.11 dzaL am-hd'ts' dEmg'e'iptg'e the stump ate all he was going to eat 55.12 dEiii h'^e iiiEn-ie' En you shall go up 91.2 §59 '•"AS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 403 Tsimshian: j ada dsm k!ul-man-gd'sEn then you will jump up and about ZE 790.15 {k/ul- about; man- vip; gas to jump) gwa'i dEiti ha' un this will 3"ou say ZE 790.15 damE dEWi kss-lo'^l si'^hst then shove out the bone! {niE thou [subj.]; hsE- out; 10° to shove; slPh bone) tiia'lE dEmt lEgWHardEt she told she would burn it § GO. Use of Suhjiinctive in the Negative The negative conjunction ^ivr/"/ (Tsimshian: algs), and that used in interrogative-negative sentences tie (Tsimshian: al)^ are followed })y Iho subjunctive or by the connective -I nig'ttmafEnh dEm sqa-idt IdtlOl.l it did not let go what went across the w^y of it {md'fEn to let go; sqa- across; lil to go; Idt to it) tiLJv'et ntg'it da-a'qLk^det they do not reach it 139.2 ntgtn dsm de-go' ut I will not take it neth ad-d'dtk'sdeda? are they not coming^ ne mESsm hwa'da.^ didn't you find it? 106.7 Tsimshian : In the Tsimshian dialect the negative is generallv used with the connective -?, as described, in § 31; the first person singular fol- lowing the negative is -I. (See § 51.) a'lgE n dEm k/tnd'mt al hanaPg I shall not give it to the woman a'lgE dl t!d'°QAgEtgaP it is not difficult a wul a'lgE dl t wuld'il dsui da,r-yd'°gul anl'°stga° because he did not know how to hold on to the branch {wuld'i to know; dax- yd'°g to hold; aivi'^s branch) a'lgE dl ham' gal I do not wish (to do so) oIlgEt nlsagd'HgEtgA stsld'lga" the beaver did not mind it . {iiimgd'Hg to mind; .s'^s.'^/^ -beaver) Negative-interrogative sentences: al sl'^pgEdi gugA hand'^xga'*? is not this woman sick { al 'VIE wiild'ldut iu-vyidd' gunf dout you know who has done this to you ? § 61. The Subjunctive after Cotijunetions nhk'^et g-a'aL hwU leha'yukL qe'wnn, 103.5 then he saw the gulls fly {g-a'a to see; leha'yuk to fly [plural]; getvun gull) h-''et go'uL vxjhd'st then he takes a string 217.1 woahh-^et lo-d' Ep-f Elid' aLsaant then he breaks it down in it 217.8 {Id- in; d'Ep- down; fEMd'aLman to break) tse n dEm suioa'nt I may cure her 123.7 d^t hwtld'gut when he has done this to him 217.6 §§60,61 4U4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iBt'LL. 40 Tsimshian : adat (jE'rEdaxtgaP then he asked her ada niE dsm sEm vjala'i la . The Xeijative (a) The negative declarative is expressed by the adverb lu'g'i (Tsim- shian a'lgE), which evidently contains the stem ne (Tsimshian al) and the suffix indicating absence. The stem without this suffix is used in the negative interrogative (see § 60). The negative adverbs are alwa3's followed l)y the subjunctive. ntg'U hwUd'x'L hwil dofuLL stelt he did not know where his com- panion had gone 15.2 {hirtlafx' to know; dduL to leave; stel com- panion) nig-l fesfe'st they were not Jarge 113.9 (See also p. 403.) (Jb) The negative interrogative is expressed bj^ ne (Tsimshian: al). nlL ad''afdik'sdEdaf are thev not coming? nlL sg'iL mE dsm ha-inE7i-8d' g'ida.^ have you anything to pull it up with? {sg'i to lie; ms thou; ha- means of; mEU- up; sag' to pull) §§62,03 boas] handbook op AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 405 Tsimshian: al nE-bd'°dif has he not been running ? a'l mE-wulaf idut tn-vmlofgan? don't you know who did this to a'ou ? {c) The word no is expressed by ??e (Tsimshian: a'yw). The form a'yin is also sometimes used in interrogative sentences. "Tie," de'yciL g'a'tg'e "no," said the man 87.11 Tsimshian: ^A'yinl nE-gan-vM' IsEini^ naPtP'' — "J.'ym." Did you not get what you went for, my dear?"—" No." [a'yhi not; ue- posses- sive; gan- reason; vial to do; -SEm ye; naPt my dear! [masc.]) (d) hawaflg (Tsimshian) signifies not yet. a havja'lga gaPl dEdu'H.sEt when not yet anything was alive ZE 782.1 {e) In subordinate clauses the negation is expressed by cu- (Tsim- shian toa-). These prefixes have been described in § 11, no. 137, p. 328. This prefix must be considered to have a nominal character, so that the whole sentence appears as a verbal noun. if) g'^lo' don't ! (Tsimshian g'ild'). g'%16 dzE so'osEiti, ana! don't take the rest out 181. !> {dzE weakens the imperative) . g'%16' niE dzE SEm ma'LEt don't tell about it! 181.11 Tsimshian : g'ild' hd'°SEnt don't be afraid ! g'ild' riiE dzE gd'H don't go there ! § 64, The Interrogative In the Nass dialect the interrogative seems to be formed regularlv by the suffix -a, which is attached to the indicative pronominal endings (see § 48). In Tsimshian the most frequent ending is -f, but -u also occurs. It does not seem unlikel}^ that these endings may be identical with the demonstrative endings -i and -u, which were discussed in § 56. After interrogative pronouns these endings arc not used. 1. Interrogative suttix -<( : neeL ts/ens Iv'aL-hd'tguin-r/e'sEmq aL ts.'Em-huAlbd'/ did not Labret-on-One-Side enter the house? 191.12 {tslen to enter; k'\iL- on one side; hdtg'^ to stand; gle'sEmq labret; ts.'Ein- interior; hwilj) house; -a interrogativ^e) neiL vn-t/e'sdaf is it great? ne VIE SEin hwa'daf didn't 3'ou find it? 106.7 §64 4(J6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY I hill. 40 Tsimshian -I : wa, nl'^dzEnlf do you see? niE dEclu'HsEnif are 3011 alive? a wu la dzakl wa'nif is the deer dead j^et ? al niE n!axnd'°di gu xsfdmgf.^ don't 3'ou hear a noise? dl di ga'usEnlf have you no hair!' Tsimshian -a: si'°pgutf is he sick? al DIE inula' idut tn-wula! gun? dost thou not know who did this to thee? al VIE Id' wula habEhd'ldutf didst thou not always keep it? 2. No interroo^ative suffix is used after interrogative pronouns. a^o' what (Tsimshian: gd°): ago'h La an-hd'L qal-tiapf what is it that the people say ? 138.15 agd'h dEVfi an-a'k'SEYif what are you going to drink? 17.11: agd'h he'tssnf what is talkmg (there)? 23.9 Tsimshian: I gd° wula ha' untf what do 3'ou sa \' ? w<:?« where (Tsimshian: ndA): ndaL Ixwtl hsth^L hctlpf where is the house? ndah dEiiit hwU de-wlikHf where will he have <'ome from? 16.6 Tsimshian: I ndA wida wd'HgEnt? where do you come from? Tid who (Tsimshian: wa°): im f an-ax-hwUd' ytnf who does not know thee? Tsimshian: nd°l t tn na'hsgE Igu'HgES Gaud'? who is the one to marry the daughter of Gauo? nd°dE gu aiod'^nf who is the one next to thee? § (ii). The Ttnperath'e The imperative of intransitive vferbs is ordinarily expressed by the second person of the indicative or subjunctive, while its emphasis maj^ be lessened by the particle dzE. Ver}^ often the personal pronoun is strengthened b}^ the addition of the prefixed subjective pronouns. In many cases the imperative has the future particle, which suggests that the form is not a true imperative but merel}' a future which serves the purpose of expressing an order, dEin yu'kdsnL f Em-Id' nes hold to my neck! 75.11 dEm qald'qnom let us play! (literally, we shall pla}') 75.6 §65 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 407 Weakened by dze: dze aiiiCMfa'adESEiii look well after her 191.15 mE dzE h'^e' niE lo-lc'^eUKlt then put in the linger 195.10 Tsimshian : dEm hhil-man-go'sEn then jump up and about! n!%nl' dEin dzagam-ha'^tgEn(ja° that one call ashore! (literally, that is the one you will call ashore) dEni e'an nE-cuna-uu'Is itEgirol'^dEn promise him the wealth of your father Weakend by dzE'. ada dzE inal Jiau'un '"'"lax-lo^h'''' then say "on stone" Transitive verbs may form their imperatives in the same way. UjTmL dmn hvA'lEn do this! (literally, you will do this) Tsimshian: riiE dEin lagax-lu-daP da' u put ice on each side! mE dEiri SE-ioa'dit call him a name! More f requentl}^ the imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by indefinite connectives, or, when there is no nominal object, bv the ending l (Tsimshian -T). goiiL Lgo'uLgun take ypur child! 205.5 huts' En-d'' a' L qa-ts'd'oL ts\d'' put back from the fire some dishes 207.2 saflshEL steam it! 54.8. Tsimshian : wai, di ha'°n you, on your part, try! dEx-yol'^gwA an~i'°SEt hold on to the branch! tlEin-xtufH la' insut accompany ni}' son-in-law to the fire! man-sa'ih'A asi'°7it pull up your foot! By far the most frequent method of expressing the imperative is by the periphrastic e*xpression dm (it would be) good (if). dmL dEin guxt take it! 141.0 mxL dEin sE-d'Lgum let us cut wood! 63.4 drriL dEm de-xsan you gamble also! 29.1 dm THE dEm vjo'ol qal-t-fa'p invite the town 206.13 Tsimshian: dm riiE dEm d~i hdHt try it too! d'msE'nl m.E h!a-d^-la'ga n-di-na-lEha' gun just try my playground too {dm good; -s£^/i"dubitative; lie "thou; l\'a- just; dl- on (thy) part; lag to taste; n- possessive; na- place; hag to taste, play) dm dETTh k'!e'°xgEnt escape! dm dzE gaps dEp nEgiod'^dEn go to your parents! « § 65 408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blll. 40 The negative imperative is expressed by g'U<7 . g'xlC) ! nETtia' yitg'e ah U ! Ein-hio%' Ip don't! the}" might hear you in the house 91.10. g'Uo' 7nE dzE SEm sqa-yo' xl-^t don't pass in front of it 1U7.3 g'ild'L SExsa' )n ExsEViEs don't keep your mouths closed S-l.S § 66. Subordinating Conjunctions The use of the temporal particles and of the negative as subordinat- ing conjunctions has been described before (§§ 59 et seq.). It remains to enumerate a few of the other important conjunctions. 1. h'^e then; generallj'^ in connection with the demonstrative n- 'nLk'''e d'd"tJc'skH then he came h'''e doqh anna'sL qaq then he took the skins of ravens 39.2 7iL dsm Tc'^e inE-txe'ldiL smax' then burn the meat 218.1 2. da when. da La woqsL g'a'tg'e when the man is buried, 218.4 3. dzE [tsE) weakens statements. 7iLk'''e g't'daxL sEin^a'g'U Ue hwtl wttkH then the chief asked where it might come from 183.13 ntg'tt hwUax's Wig'a't tss hivU d^Ep-a'xk^L not knew Giant where he came down 15.1 oiLk'^e woxwa'xdet a tse huM JivA'Il elx then they wondered at where was the seal 42.6 dp tsE no'ot^ tsE 7ne'tk^L ak's az ha'nt lest he die, if his belly should be full of water 73.7 The use of dzE with imperatives has been explained before. 4. tsEda {dzE da) when, if. tsEda hasa'xL halda'ug'it dsmt dzah^L SEl-g'a'tt, h'''e, when a witch desires to kill a fellow-man, then 217.1 tsEda hitx him'leE, nLk'''e^ when I do it again, then 165.12 tsle'ne ndt, tssda oie'sn enter, my dear, if it is you! 39.13 5. 6j) tsE else, lest. ojp tsE 7id'deE else I might die 74.4 ^•'e SErn-ia' hk^L lax-o'h 16' op; dp tsE g''ut(fwa!6tk'*^L sdk' qan-l\u%U 34.9 then the top of the stone was very slipper}^; lest the olacheu might be lost was the reason of his doing so {xEin- very; iahk'*^ slipper}'-; lax-o' top; lo'op stone; g'^wdotk^ to be lost; sak' olachen) 6. tS'O altiiough. ts'ot hux hwtld'x't although he knows it boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 409 Tsimshian: 1. (Ida then. ada ina'lEdE dsp gu.a'° then these told adat g-ik sga-la'H he assisted him (literally, then he stood by him) 2. da when. UE la dEiii gwd'ntgE da n dEin, su niEa'wulgEf when I shall have touched it, then I shall swing the rope {givmitg to touch; su to swing; mEa'wuJg rope) da Alts! ElEm-ha'pd Aula' °,dEt^ ada . . . when the killer-whales rushed in, then . . . {tslElEin- into; haj) to rush [plural]; 'n!dP;d killer-whale) 8. dzE weakens statements. adat gE'rEdaxtgE a go! dzE gan ha'ut then they asked why he might have said so edp.'ExdTi a n dzE txal-wd'sdE lgv!°lgida^ I may remember when I may have met my child {dp! ex to remember; txal-wd'° to meet; Igu^lg child; -i I, my [see § 51]) •1. dzE da when, it". n dEiix loa'lint dzE da hd'^sEn I will carry you if you are afraid {loa'li to carr}'^ on back; hd°s to be afraid) dzE da Id tsi'°n~i dA n dEvi sa-dA-ga' inat when I enter, I shall fall with it {ts!l°n to enter; sa- suddenly; dA- with some- . thing; ga'ina to fall) 5. dp dzE else, lest. bd'°SEnut 6'p dzE dza'gi I fear (lest) I fall 6. ts!u although. ts!u nl'i/EdA tgi-6'ksut^ da g^ap-a'lgA-di-sga'yiksgl although 1 (literally, this one) fell down, he (I) really did not hurt himself {voj^qM) {iilyEdA he, this; tgi- Aown; o^'stodrop; -u\; (fap- really; a!lgA not; dl- on [my] part; sga'yiksg to })e hurt) ts!u wagait n^a g'idsgane'Hsga^ even though far to the Tlingit 7. asl while. ada a.sl hid'^ksga U'°mltga° then while he began his song 8. anil if (event assumed as not likely to happen) ami dzE lamE g'a'lksE dzE dEm lu-da'Jdxan if 3'ou should feel that you may drown {g'alks to feel, hi- in; da'Jdxan to be drowned) ami dzE la h'!e'°xgEn when you have made your escape 9. yiCl if (event expected to happen). yuH HE ye'dzEn if I hit you 41U BUiiEAlI OF AMEIUCAN ETU \l)L()UY 1 ii i.i. 40 § 67. Preposition The preposition a is used to express local, temporal, and modal relations. When used for expressino- local relations, the particular class is often expressed by the local particles pretixcd to tlie verb and substantive. The preposition always takes the connective suffix -l or -s, as described in §§ 23, 28. The following examples illustrate the wide application of this preposition: 1. Signifying at: haxL Lgo-a'k's cil mva'adetg'e a little water run near them 117.3 {Jmx to run; Lgo- little; ak'K water; awn' a proximity) iaga-ma' gat aL g'afu he put him down at the front of the house 46.8 {iaga- down; mag to put; g'd'u beach in front of house) aL g'd'lEq outside 121.15 2. Signifying ix; generally with the verbal pretix Id- and with the substantival prefix ts'Ein-: lo-mafqsk^L feln' ah WF.m-tidk' the grease ran in (into) the dish 46.14(/o- in; maqsh'^ to stand [plural]; felx' grease; tiEin- inside of; ts'ali: dish) t ijA'nxku (singular), txd'dxk'i (plural), to eat (intransitive verb); -del they. 21 A compound the elements of which are not quite clear (compare txanP'Iku all); also qane-hw'da always (§ 10, no. 120). 22 Particle indicating that one action is past when another sets in; also verbal noun (§ h'i) . 23 Hat" long, temporal and local. 2» hxrll to do; -det they. 25 a general preposition (§ 67); -L indefinite connective. 26 16- in; dzoq to camp; -det they. SJ wl- large; ts.'Em- inside of (§ 11, no. 152). ^ 414 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 415 NlIc-'cI^ g-io-rirsL^s wi-ga'n. NlIc-'o uks-o'lik'sk'-t.^o Nrg-it^*" Then floated the great "log. Then out to sea it drifteil. Not they hwila'x-L'*! k'opE-tk-'e/Lk".* Yuki.^'^ gwanEin-qala'qdet'''' ai.^^ knew it the little children. Beginning they were i)layiiig at lo-ts'ii'wuL^* wl-ga'n La^^ hwagait-uks-da'uL'^ aL^'^ hwagait-g'i'ks^® inside of great log when away out it was going at way off shore to sea La 22 uks-na'k"t.='^ NLk-'e^^ k'si-L6'otk"L^8 k-TilL='« Lgd-tk-'e'Lk^'' when out to sea far. Then out went one little boy. NLk-'et^^ g-a'at*« hwil La" h\vagait-uks-o'lik-skH,29.35 aL^^ Then he saw where when way seaward it drifted to hwagait-g-i'iks.^"' NLk-'o^^ k'si-qa'odeL^^ k'opE-tk-'e'Lk".* NLk-'e^^ way offshore. Then out. went the little children. Then sig-a'tkMet;^^ qane-hwila** stg'a'tkMet." NLk-'e" k'uL-da'uL^^ they cried; always they cried. Then about went wl-ga'n^ aL^-^ hwagait-lax-se'Elda.*'' the 'log at way' off on the ocean. great NLk-'e hux k'si-Lo'otk":?^ Lgo-hwil-x6'6sgum^^ Lgo-tk-'o'Lk".'' Then again out was put the little being wise little child. NLk-'et g-a'aL^o hwiP^ leba'yukL'^ qc'wuii.''^ NLk-'e ha'ts'ik-sEm-^« Then he saw where flew gulls. Then again lo-ya'ltk"t^i aL ts'a'wuL^^ wl-ga'ii, K-'et iiiaLt:" ''Qa'no-hwila*^ he returned at inside of great ' log. Then he told it: "Always le-hwa'iiL" qe'wun^^ aL lax-o'Ein,-^* aq-dEp-hwila'gut?"^^ NLk*'e on sit gulls at top of us, without we [way of] doing?" " Then 28 g-tg-d'ks to drift. » uks- out to sea, from land to sea (§ 8, no. 6); -t intransitive, 3d person singular. 30 nhj-i indicative negation; -t transitive subject, 3d person. SI hw'dd'x- to know; -dct (3d person plural ending has been omitted here). 32 yuk appears both as verb and as particle. 33 givauEma. prefix of doubtful significance. v 34 Id- a verbal prefix, appears here with the noun ts'a'wii the inside. It seems that this whole expFession is possessive or verbal, because otherwise the connective would be -^n (§ 22). 3s hwagait- away (§ 10, no. 71); uks- seaward (§ 8, no. 6); da'uL to leave; perhaps the ending -t would be better. 36 hwagait- is both verbal and nominal prefix; 'g-ik>i the region off shore (a noun corresponding to the verbal prefix uks-). "' uks- .seaward; nakn far; -t perhaps closure of sentence (§ 20). 38 k-m- out (§ 8, no. 8); Ld'oth'. 39 k-\tl one (numeral for counting human beings [§ 57] ; -l connective of numerals (§ 23). 4" g'a'a to see; -t it (object). 41 hwilLa present and past participle forming nominal clause (§ 59). 4» fcs/out of (§ 8, no. 8); qd'od to go (plural); -drt they. 43 irregular plural (§ 46); singular wuyl'tk'K 44 qanr- always (§ 10, no. 120). 46 k'uL- about; da'uL to leave, to go. 46 /nmpa(7- way off (verbal and nominal prefix); hu- surface of 1 nominal prefix corresponding to Ir- on; (§ 11, no. 151; § 9, no. 30) sc-sMa ocean. 47 Lgo- little; hiril- being (§ 59); xd'osk"' wise; -m adjective connective (§ 22). *»g-iba'yuk'> (plural Uba'ijuku) to fly (§ 45). 49 Singular and plural same form (§ 41) . so Adverb. 51 This verb occurs always with the prefix Id- ix. 52 mat to tell (transitive verb). s3Ze- ON corresponds to the nominal prefix lax- (note 46): d'a (plural hwan) to sit; -t indefinite connective. 54 lax- surface (corresponds to the verbal prefix le- on [note 53] ); 6« top; -in our. " ai}- without, and al.'^o negation of dependent clauses (§ 11, no. 137); dEp- plural of transitive pronoun; hwila'ku is a peculiar form; while it is apparently a passive of kw'd, it is used a.s a transitive verb; -t probably object 3d person. 416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [miA.. 40 tgon^" hcL" k-'alL38 Lgo-tk-'e'Lk":* "Am^s dEp^^ d'isd'e'sL«« this said one little child: "Good we' strike qa-dz'ri'gam," hl dEm k''c*^ iLa'eLaat,"'' dEp*^ dEm k''e our noses, they iuture then bleed, we future then mant"* aL dJix'L^ wl-ga'n. Nl dEin k-'e"^ tq'al-hatlio't*'^ rub it at outside of great " log. They future then against stand ts'obii'qL qe'wun la'tg'e."^" ISlLk-'c h\vi'ldetg-(\«« O'lsd'e'sdoi^ feet of gulls on it." Then tlvey did .mj. They struck qa-dz'a'qdet.«i K'^e a'd'ik-sk"L«» hwiU= iLa'eLaat.«=' NLk-'et k'^ikpil- tlieir noses. Then came being they bled. Then they around ma'ndet^" aL wi-ga'n. NLk''e la'mdzixdct" aL ts'ii'wuL wl-ga'n. rubbed it on the great' log. Then they entered at the inside of the "log. great NLk-'e ad'a'd'ik-sk'^L''^ wi-he'ldEiii" qo'wun. NLk-'c le-hwa'nt^^ Then came many gulls. Then on they .sat la'ot.*" K^'e tq'al-gulgwa'lukL" as'isa'it.^* La" sEin-bagait-d'aL" on it. Then against dried their feet. When very mifidlo was Loqs/** nLk-\l hux k'saxL" Lgo-k-'ji-wl-fr'st.^^ NLk*'r lolia'^'ukL^^ the sun, then again went out little really great large. Then irew qe'wun. Ni'g'it^" daa'qLk^deL^** dEin leba'yiikdetg'C'.^* NLk-'et the gulls. Not they succeeded • future they flew. Then he do(iL»« k-ak/" Lgo-tk-'e'Lk".'' NLk-'et lo-haL-t^ixfa'qL'^i t'Ein- took them one little child. Then he in along twisted their la'nix't*^ gul-gane'L^^ wi-he'ldEUi" (le'wun. NLk*'et kl-d'Kp- nccks all great many gulls. Then he in down da'LEt®^ a"L hwil nano'oL^^ wl-ga'n. NLk'^e lo-araYi'mL*'' (lago'oL®^ put them at where holes great 'log. Then in good h'earts 6« The introductory t- of the demonstrative is the subject of the transitive verb; he. 5' For !iH-L. *8 dm good: used here as a periphrastic exhortative: it would be good if we (§ 65) . 59 (lEp plural of transitive subject (§ 48). ^d'cs (plural d'lsd'c's) to strike (§42)- 61 d-'ag nose; plural qa-dz'ag (§ 43) ; -m our. M nik'c (note 17) appears here divided by the future particle dsm. 63 iLiii- blood. ^HlEp inant we rub it (§ 48) (subjunctive). 65 duj" surface, outer side. « tq'al- against (§ 9, no. 35); hH (plural hathi't) to stand. 6" Idl oblique case, 3d person pronoun; -ij-t' absent (becau.se the outer side of the tree was invi.«ible to the speaker). 6* Itwil to do; -det they; -g'c absent. w d'd'ik'nk'i (plural ad'a'd'ikskv) to come. "> k-'ilq'al- around; v]nn to rub (transitive verb). •^ ts'cn ! plural la'mdzix) to enter. " w'l-he'U many (see note 5); usuallj'used with adjectival connective -m, not with numeral connec- tive -l (§22). " tq'al- against; gwa'luk to dry. '■• asa'e (plural as'isa'e) foot. 'S sEm- very (§ 15, no. 168); bagail- in middle; d'a to sit (used to express the idea of to be in a posi- tion, for round objects. '6 sun or moon. " ksax to go out (probably related to ksi- out of [§ 8, no. 8]) . '8 L(7o- a little; fc''d- really; wi- gfreat; /'es large (almostalwayscombined with irT-); -< probably close of sentence. '9 da-aqiku; aqiku to attain. The prefix da may be the same as in d('ya he says thus (§ 49, d). 80 (7,j« (plural doq) to take (§ 46). 81 Id- in; hah along (§ 9, no. 50); Vaq (plural t'Ext'a'q) to twist; -t connects predicate with object. tit'Em- prefix indicating certain parts of the body; probably from Vdm sitting (§33). 83 See note 21. w Id- in; d'Ep- downward (§8, no. 4); ddL to put. 8* See note 8; nano'd is here plural. 86 Id- in; dm (plural am'd'm) good (§42). 8' gd'ot (plural qagd'ol) mind, heart. boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 417 k'opE-tk-'e'Lk". G*e'ipdeL«« sma'x't^-e»« La^^ f.i'k'deL'"' hwi'kleto-6" the little children. They ate it the meat when they forgot La^^ hwagait-k'uL-da'uLdet"^ aL hwagait-lax-.se'Ida.^" f)n ooean. lig-i-lax-ts'ii'L"* on edge of when way but about they went at way out Nig'i'" lig'i-tsagam-de'lpkMet,^^ aL Not anywhere landward short they at NLk-'e La Then when k-si-Lo'oL^" out went hwil La^* where when sIg-a'tkMet" their crying an-tgo-leilnk-sk".''^ the whirlpool. NLk-'e La- Then when hux k''elL^ sa again one day k'opE-tk-'e/Lk". the little boys. lo-le-d'Epyu'kdet.''^ in on down they went. La" when .some- where de-nExna'xdeL^^ also they heard Gwinfi'deL, Behold NLk-'e Then what they did ak's. water. wl-xsto'ntk". K-'e great noise. Then an-tgo-le'lbik'.^k""' the whirlpool lo-d'Ep-he'tk^L^oo wi-ga'n in down stood the great "tree fi'd'ik •.sk^L*'^ came aL dEui^"^ to future h\vip2 the » L6(lk"L swallow (them) lo-d'Ep-he'tk"t,io« in down it stood, Q'am-k-'e'lLi"^ Only one asa ei foot J* g-a'tg-0. the man. de-uks-ba'xL k'TdL^^ g-a'tg-o.^'''' also sea- ran one man. ward 1"^ NLk-et g'aLk"Li'» wl-ga'ii ai." Then he speared the 'log with great qala'st.i"'^ K-'et tsagam-da'mgantg-e;!"*'' de-le-ma'tgur/"^ g-a'tg-e."^' his harpoon. Then he ashore pulled it; ' he saved them the man. NLk"'e bax-Lo'oL^"^ k'opE-tk"'e'Lk" aL ts'Ein-hwi'lpL^"'-' g'a'tg'e. Then up went the little children to inside of house of the man. NLk-'e yuk-txa'cfEns"" Q'am-k-'e'lEm-asa'e."^ Then began he fed them Only-One-Foot. K ireip to eat something. We should expect here ( g'e'ipdct smar. M smn.v venison; -t its; -gc absent. ^ ^ t'ak- to forget; -det they; -t connective. 9> kwil to do; -dct they; -ffc absent. 32 hwagtuV- way oflt; k'uL- about; dduL to go; det they. 93;;^;- somewhere, indefinite place (§8, no. 20); ^-frtjawi- landward (§s, no. 9): drlnku short, near; -det they. 9* lig'i- (see note 93); lax- surface; tx'nL shore, edge (nominal term corresponding to tsagam). 95 de- also (precedes transitive subject); nExna'.r to hear. 9« i(it' (plural l6'6) to go (§46). 9' an- prefi.K indicating place (§ 12, no. 157); Igo- around; li'tbik-Kki' to flow (?). 98 hwil Ln where in the past. 99 K- in (namely, inside the whirlpool); ?.■?- on (namely, on the surface of the water); d'Ep down- ward; yuk to begin; -det they. iM 16- in; d'Ep- down; hH to place upright: hetk" to be placed upright, to stand (§ 17). w" aL dEin to the future—, final sentence (§§ 59, 67); i. e., to the future swallowing of the whirlpool, '""//•aiman; -f/v; absent. W3 q'am only; fel one flat or round thing. iM g-aiku to spear; the preceding t is the subject, the terminal -l conueate predicate and object. 105 Terminal I either pronom or close of sentence. '"* tsagam- shoreward; dn'mgan to haul. "" ?Hr(/fc« (plural le-md'tk") to save (§ -15). ws bax- up along ground (§ 8, no. 1). ii" ts'Ein- the inside of (nominal prefix). 11° yuk- beginning; txdoxkU' to eat (plural) (see note 20); -En causative siiffi.x. ui See note 103. Here q'am k-'el is used as an attribute, not as a predicate, hence the connective ■avi instead of -t. 44877— Bull. 40, pt i— 10- — 27 418 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY li'.ri.[.. 40 [Traiisliition] Children pla3'pd camping" evory day. Thero were many of tliem, and there was onl3' one threat ]oj>-. It had a j;reat hole inside. It was a large log. That is the place where the children went in. Then the large tree with the hole in it was their house. They made a fire ])urn in it, and they also ate [many] traveling-provisions. Salmon was the traveling-provisions of all the children. When they had done so for a long time ever}^ day, when the water was great (liigh) again, thoy again camped in the great log. The water rose again and the great log floated. It drifted out to sea. The children did not know it. They were playing inside of the great log while it was going out to sea and when it was fur away from the shore. Then one bo}' went out. He saw that they had drifted seaward and that the}' were way off shore. Then the children went out. Then they cried. They cried all the time. Then the great log went way out on the ocean. Then a little wise ho}' went out. He saw gulls flying about. He returned again into the great log, and he told them, "Gulls are always sitting on top of us. Can we not do anything?" Then one child said the following: "Let us strike our noses. Then the}^ will bleed. Then we will rub (the ))lood) on the outside of the great log. Then the feet of the gulls will stand on it." The}^ did so. They struck their noses, and blood came out of them. Then they lubbed it on the great log. Then they entered the inside of the great log. Man}' gulls came and sat on it. Then their feet dried against it. When the sun w^as right in the middle of the sky, the one who was realh' a little large w^ent out again. Then the gulls flew. They did not succeed in flj^ing. Then one bo}' took them. Then he twisted oft' the necks of all the many gulls. Then he put them down into the hole of the great log. Then the children were glad. They ate the meat and forgot what was happening, that the}'^ were going way out on the ocean. They were not anywhere near shore or the edge of the water. Then one day the}^ heard a great noise. The boys went out. Behold! there was a whirlpool in which they were going down. Then they began to cry when the great log stood downward in it, about to be swallowed by the whirlpool. While it was standing downward in it, a man ran seaward. The man had one foot. Then he speared the great log with his harpoon. He ])ulled it ashore. The man saved them. Then the children went up into the house of the man. Then Only-One-Foot began to feed them. TSIMSHIAN DIALECT Ada'oqam^ a'utaga"^ (Story of Porcupine) Ninll'sgE' la* ksu'^tga",^ a" la* wa'nsgA^ txanll'sgE* ya'tslEsgEsgA* That it was when fall, at when were sitting all animals in nA-ga-tslEm-tsIa'ptga^.i" Da'" wula*^ dP^ t!a'°sgE" wI-mEdr°k'' their towns. Then being on his part sitting great grizzly bear gEsgA^" n dl tsla'pt^^ a" dzA^* wi-ga'rasEmga°. *" Ada^° ga'ni-wula^' in his also town at when great winter. Then " always gwa'ntgEsgA^^ wa'^sga",^^ da" g'ik^* lu-la-'wa'P'^ uA-tslEm-tsla'psgA^" toucned the rain, then also in it dripped the town of wI-niEdl'^kga".^-^ Ada^'" g'ik^* 16'gaksgEsgA ^^ n-li'nga°." Ada''" the great grizzly bear. Then again he was wet his fur. Then SEmgaP^ lu-h{i'°xgEsgA ^^ ga'^t^" gEsgA^*' sga-nA'ksgA^* wa'^stga".^^ very in annoyed liis heart at * too long rain. 1 ada'og story: -Em connection (§ 22) . 2 a'uta porcupine; -gao absent (§ 20) 3 nln.'r that (;§ 56); -sgE (§ 25). Ua when (§59). ^ksu'o fall; -gao absent (§ 20). « a preposition (§67). ^ ' t.'na (plural ivan) to sit (§ 46); -sgE (§24). 8 Lcan.T all (contains the particle txa- entirely) ; -sgE (§ 24) . 9 From yats to kill many; ya'ts'Esk the killing (§ 17, no. 2); the terminal -Esgn stand.'! hero for asga in. "> 7iA- .separable pos.session (§ .55); ga- distributive plural, the towns of the various kinds of animals; ts.'Eni- inside (§ 11, no. 152); (^.'ab town; -t his; gao absence. " da conjunction (§ 66, no. 2). 12 § 59. 13 di on (his) part (§ 15, no. 167). i< t.'do to sit; -sgE § 25. 15 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); mEdi'ok grizzly bear. 1" a preposition (§ 67); absent conjunctive form (§28). 1' n- separable possession; di- on his part (cf. note 13); ts.'ab town. 18 dsvi weakened statement, when it may have been (§ 66, no. 3). 19 ii^-j. great (§ 10, no. 73); gd'msEtn winter; -ga" absence. »> Conjunction (§ 66, no. 1). 21 ^ani- all (§ 10, no. 120). ^"^ gwantg io touch (i. e., here, fell); -sgA connection (§§ 24, 25). 23 ivdos rain. 2< g-ik again (§ 15, no. 169). 25 III- in (§ 9, no. 29); Wwa'l to drip; no connective after I (§ 29). 2« lo'gaksg to be wet (fur, skin). 2' 11- .'separable possession; It fur, hair of body; -t his; -gao absence. 28 sEin-gal very (§ 15, no. 178). » lu- in (§ 9, no. 29), relating to gdod mind; hdoxg annoyed. 30 gdod mind. 31 sffa-across(§9, no. 36); 7ia<7long; here apparently a verbal subordinate construction: at ^cros-S LONG BEING THE RAIN. 32 ivdos rain; the -t is a difficult directive ending, which is used very frequently, iiud f()r which no adequate explanation has been given. 419 420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Nln!l'^^ gan-ksE-t!5i'°t^^ gEsgA'" iiE-txaa'gA.sgA^'^ n-ts!a'ptga"/" at^^ That reason out he sat at the mouth of his town, at he nio37 lig-i-lEp-ga'"^» gEsgA i« k"du'°ntga°.''» Ada a'sl*" dEt!a'°t^i gEsgA "> seeinK everything at around him. Then while sitting at gwA'sgA/^ gakstatna'°gA " sl'utAgA** gun-ho'°tgEt^'' gEsgA^" awa'°tga°.'*® that, ■ behold who the porcupine toward stood at his proximity. A'sl'*" t^^ sga-ia'°t^^ gEsgA^* n-lEksiVgasgE'"' n-ts!a'psgE^" wl- When he across went at the doorway of the town of the mEdI'°kga°,^^ ada wul ha'usgA^" wi-mEdi'°kga°, "TsII'^nA^^^ g;'i'°t^^ great grizzly bear, then being saia the great grizzly bear, " Knter here, n-.sT'EplEnsgl!^^ Me dEin k!a-xdl'°yut.'''^* Nin!l'^^ gan da' wula my friend! You shall a little eat with me." That it was reason then when tsIl'^nsgA'^^ a'uV* REsgA awa'^sgA*" wI-niEdl'*'kga°." Ada' wula entered the porcu- at the proximity of the great grizzly bear. Then being pine wT-sE-la'ksEsgA^^ wI-niEdl'^'ko-a". Adat sa-ga'^sgA'*'' Igu-a'utaga".'^^ great made fire the great grizzly oear. Tlieii he suddenly took the little poreui)ine. Adat dEkda'klEgA^** ga-sEsI'°tga°'^'' dit**" ga-an'o'iitga"." Adat Then he tied ' his feet and ' his hands. Then he hal-.sgE'rt"^ gEsgA dzo'gasgA*''' la'ktga"."* Adat wul gwa'lklEiisgA^^ alongside laid it at the'edge of the fire. Then he burnt hak la'^sgA^" lgu-a'utaga°." N ! i ^-^ ada' wul ha'u,sgA-'° wI-niEdl'°k »•' asgA*" the back of the little j)orcupine. He then said the great grizzly to tlie bear 33 111 that: n.'l probably demonstrative (§ 56) 3< jrtH- rea.soii; following n7/i.'7, it means therefore; ksE- out, generally directive, but here indi- cating the position outside; t!d° to sit; -t he. 35 iiE- separable possession; txa- direction; dg mouth. 36 a preposition (§ 67) with subjective (subjunctive) pronoun attached (§ 49). 3' nfo to see; after To the connective is missing (§ 29). 38 lUj-i- somewhere, this or that (§ 8, no. 20) ; lEp- self (§ 10, no. 129); gdo something, what; lig-i-gn'o anything; lirri-lEp-ffdo everything. 39 kv-duoii the place around (a nominal expression). When used in the posses.sive, it is consiilered as inseparable possession (§ 5.5). « asl while (§ 66, no. 7), here followed by the progressive form. ■" d'Et.'d'o progressive form of t.'do to .sit (§ 37). <2 gwao this; (/wa'gg.i that (§ .56). <3 an interjection, probably gakMa behold: / he; na" who. << a'«n (plural, la'mdzEx) to enter by (imperative [% 6o] ). 62 g-ioi here. 63 n- separable possession; sVoji-'Ensg friend; -t my (in address [§ 51] ). 6< mE thou (subjective [§ 49] ): dEm future (§ 59); k.'a- a little while (§ 10, no. lOV); xdl'o to eat with some one: -a me; -t (see note 32). 65 w)7- great (§ 10, no. 73); se- to make (§13, no. 164). 6« t subjective pronoun; so- suddenly; gdo to take. 6' ;.(7M- little (§ 10, no. 135). 68 dakl to lie (with plural object dEkda'kl). 69 as'i'o (plural, gasEsl'o [§ 43] ). eodjand; ? connective (§30). 61 O7i'o'« hand; ga-an'tVn hands (§ 43). 6» hal- along (§ 9, no. 50); sgsr to lie. 63 dzog edge (noun corresponds to the particle hal- [see note 62] ). 64tait'fire (of. note 32). 66 gwalg to burn; giua'lk.'En to cause to burn ( § 17, no. 1). 66 hak.'d" back; has ho prefix he-, because, as a part of the body, the possession is inseparable. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 421 Igu-a'ut a« la* gwa'lkso-A*'^ n-lPni" hak!a'°tga°'"': "Duu, duu " little porcu- at when burnt the fur of Its back: "Duu duu"' pine. was da-ye'gA«« wI-mEdI'°kP-a°, "Deiii wa'lut,"«« da-ye'gA"* a'utac'-a, said the great grizzly bear. "Future I do it," said the porcupme, "sEma'g-id,'''' lu'^n^i dEda'ktut," ada dEin wul wa'luda iiE-ha'unt." "chief, untie my bands, then future being I do it what you .say." Yagai^^ a'lgEt^* nESEga'tgA^^ wI-mEdi'^kgA ha'usgA Igu-a'uta gEs'® However, not he minded the great grizzly bear said the little porcupine to n!r°tga°, a wul"sEm-gaP* wl-gat-g-a'dga°.^* NII'-^tgA k!a-gat-g-a'dEt^^ him, becau.se very greatly he is strong. He is most ' strong gEsga txanli'sgA^ ya'tslEsga**.^ Nln!i'=*^ gan-a'igEt^* niExno'**" k!abE- among all animals. That reason not he heard the little one ha'usgA *i }gu-a'uta gEs ""^ n ! T'°tga°. SEm-gal wI-a'dzEksga",**^ atlat g'ik said little porcupine to him. Very ' much proud, then he again lagauk-kk'xsEt*^ gEsgA tslEiii-n-la'ktga".^* to tire kicked him into in the fireplace. [Translation] When it was fall, all the animals were sitting in their towns. A great Grizzly Bear, on his part, was also sitting in his town in mid- winter. Rain was always falling, and it also dripped into the hou.se of the great Grizzly Bear. His fur was wet. Then he was nmch annoyed because it was raining too long, therefore he sat at the entrance of his house and looked around to see ever3'thing. While he was sitting there, behold! Porcupine came near him. When he pa.ssed the doorwa}^ of the house of the great Grizzly Bear, the great Grizzl}^ Bep,r said, "Enter here, friend! You shall eat with me for a little while.'' Therefore the Porcupine entered near the great Grizzly Bear. The great Grizzly Bear made a great fire. He suddenly took the little Porcupine. He tied his feet and his hands. Then he laid him near the edge of the fire. Then the back of the little Porcupine was burnt. Then the great Grizzly Bear said to the little Porcupine when «' I'mn hak.'d'o back fur (§ 22). 68 This verb has always subjective pronouns (see § 49). M Here indicative, therefore -u objective pronoun with tliird i)er.son oljjcct (§ 60). T> SEin'd'g-'id chief (see § 33). '1 liio to untie. Here indicative construction in place of imperative. '2 dEda'kl bands; -u my; -t (see note 32). " yagai however (§ 15 no. 174). '< a'igE not (§ 15, no. 180; § 63). '5 iiEsgd' to mind; -tf/E connective (§ 24 BI2 absent). 's gEs prepo-sition, definite form before pronoun designating human beings (§ 28). " a wul because (§ 67, no. 11). '8 tvi- greatly (§ 10, no. 73); gat-g'wd strong (a compound of gad person). " fc.'rt- exceedingly (here used as superlative [§ 10, no. 106]). 80 nExni)' to hear; no connective after vowels (§ 29). 81 k.'ahE the little one, poorly (J 10, no. 113), also plural to liu- small. 85 d'dzEk proud. 83 lagauk- from the sides of the house to the fire; klaxs to kick. 84 ts.'Ein- the in.side; n- place (§ 12, no. 157); /afcfire. 422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the fur on his back was burnt, " Duu, duul" said the great Grizzly Bear. "I will do it," said the Porcupine. "Chief, untie my bands, then I will do what you say." However, the great Grizzly Bear did not mind what the little Porcupine said to him, because he was very strong. He is the strongest of all the animals, therefore he did not listen to what the poor little Porcupine said to him. He was very proud. Then he kicked him again into the fireplace. KWAKIUTL FRAXZ BOAS 423 CONTENTS Page 1 . Distribution and history 427 § 2-4. Phonetics 429 § 2. Sounds 429 § 3. Sound groupings 430 § 4. Euphonic laws 431 § 5-8. Grammatical processes 439 § 5. Enumeration of grammatical processes 439 § 6. Composition 439 § 7. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem 440 § 8. Position 440 § 9-17. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 441 § 9. Character of stems 441 § 10. Nominal suffixes 442 §11. Local and modal suffixes 442 § 12. Classes of words 443 §13. Plurality 444 § 14. Reduplication for expressing unreality 444 § 15. Pronominal ideas 445 § 16. Syntactic relations ^. 445 § 17. Character of sentence 445 § 18-69. Description of grammar 446 §§ 18-46. Formation of words 446 §§ 18-39. Composition : 446 § 18. Suffixes 446 § 19. Classes of suffixes 455 § 20. Terminal completive suffixes 456 §§ 21-36. Primary suffixes ". 458 §§ 21-24. Suffixes denoting space limitations 458 §21. General space limitations 458 § 22. Special space limitations 469 § 23. Parts of body as space limitations 475 § 24. Limitations of form 484 §§ 25-26. Temporal suffixes 485 § 25. Purely temporal suffixes 485 § 26. Suffixes with prevailing temporal character 486 §§ 27-32. Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes relating to the ideas expressed 491 § 27. Suffixes denoting connection with previously ex- pressed ideas 491 § 28. Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty. . .^ 492 § 29. Suffixes denoting judgment's regarding size, inten- sity, and quality 492 §30. Suffixes denoting emotional states 495 425 426 BUliEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 1 ni i.i.. 40 §§ 1S-G9. Description of grammar — ("ontinucd. Page §§ 18-40. Formation of words— Contimu'd. §§ 18-39. Composition — Continued. §§ 21-3G. Primary suflixes — Continued. §§ 27-32. SulTixes denotingsubjective judjrments,etc. — Con. § 31. Suffix denoting the optative 496 §32. Suffixes denoting the source of information 496 §§ 33-34. Suffixes denoting special activities 496 § 33. Activities of persons in general 496 § 34. Activities performed with special organs of the body. 499 § 35. Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb 502 § 36. Nominal suffixes 504 § 37. Adverbial suffix 512 § 38. Subsidiary suffixes 512 § 39. Alphabetical list of suffixes 514 §§ 40-46. Modification of stems 518 § 40. Methods 518 § 41. Iterative 519 § 42. Distributive plurality 519 § 43. Suffixes requiring reduplication of the stem 522 §§ 44-46. Unreality 526 § 44. General remarks 526 § 45. The diminutive 526 § 46. The tentative 527 §§ 47-69. Syntactic relations 527 § 47. Personal and demonstrative pronouns 527 § 48. Table of pronouns 529 § 49. Compound i)ronouns 530 § 50. Irregular pronominal forms 532 § 51. Sentences with pronominal subjects and objects 535 § 52. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs 536 § 53. Sentences with nominal subject and object 5;>7 § 54. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs and nominal sul)ject or object 538 § 55. Sentences containing possessive elements 538 § 56. Irregular forms 541 § 57. Irregular forms, continued 542 § 58. Remarks on irregular forms 542 § 59. Vocalic and consonant ic prenominal forms 543 § 60. Objective and instrumental 544 § 61. Periphrastic forms 544 § 62. Causality 545 § 63. Finality 545 § 64. Causal and temporal subordination 547 § 65. Conditional 548 § 66. Imperative and exhortative 549 § 67. Interrogative 550 § 68. Plural 550 § 69. Adverbs 550 § 70. Vocabulary 551 Text 553 KWAKIUTL By Franz Boas § 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY The Wakashan stock embraces the languages spoken by a number of tribes inhabiting the coast of British Columbia and extending southward to Cape Flattery in the state of Washington. Two principal groups may be distinguished — the Nootka and the Kwa- kiutl. The former is spoken on the west coast of Vancouver island and at Cape Flattery, the latter on Vancouver island and on the coast of the mainland of British Columbia from the northern end of the Gulf of Georgia northward to the deep inlets just south of Skeena river. The outlying islands north of Milbank sound are occupied by a branch of the Tsimshian, while the coasts of Bentinck Arm are inhabited by the Bellacoola, a tribe speaking a Salish language. The neighbors of the Wakashan tribes are the Tsimshian to the north, Athapascan tribes to the northeast, Salish tribes to the southeast and south, and the Quileute at Cape Flattery. Among all these languages, only the Salish and the Quileute exhibit some morpho- logical similarities to the Kwakiutl. The Kwakiutl language may be divided into three principal sub- languages or main dialects — the northern, or the dialect of the tribes of Gardner inlet and Douglas channel; the central, or the dialect of the tribes of Milbank sound and Rivers inlet; and the southern, which is spoken by all the tribes south and southeast of Rivers inlet. Each of these main dialects is subdivided into sub-dialects which differ somewhat in phonetics, form, and vocabulary. Their number can not be determined exactly, since almost every village has its own peculiarities. They may, however, be grouped in a number of divisions. Only the divisions of the southern dialect are known. 427 428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHMOLOGY [an.v. 40 There are four of these. The most northern is spoken in the villages of the extreme northern end of Vancouver island and of Smith inlet; the second, in the region from Hardy bay to Ximkish river, inchuling the islands which form the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte sound; the third is spoken in the neighborhood of Knight inlet; and the last, in Bute inlet and the region of Valdez island. The second of these dialects, which is spoken by the Kwakiutl tribe of Vancouver island, forms the subject of the following discus- sion. The proper name of the tribe is Kwa'g'ul; the name of its language, Kwa'klwala. A treatise on the grammar of this language, by Rev. Alfred J. Hall,^ was published in 1889; but the author has not succeeded in elucidating its structural peculiarities. I have published a brief sketch of the grammar in the Reports of the Com- mittee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, appointed by the British Association for the Advancement of Science,' and another in the American Anthropologist.^ Texts in the language, collected by me, were published by the United States National Museum,^ and other series of texts, also collected by me with the assistance of Mr. George Hunt, will be found in the publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition.^ A series taken down without the assistance of Mr. Hunt from the lips of various informants will be found in the Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.^ Refer- ences in the following sketch refer to volume in of the Publications of the Jesup Expedition, if not stated otherwise; v and x refer to the respective volumes of the same series; U.S.N.M. to the paper in the Annual Report of the United States National Museum for 1895; CS to the Kwakiutl Tales in the Columbia Universitv Series. The first Arabic number of each reference indicates the page of the vol- ume, the second the line on the page. 1 A grammar of the Kwagiutl Language, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1888, u, 57-105. » Sixth Report, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1891, 655-668; also Eleventh Report, Ibid., 1896, 585-58G. »N.s., U, 708-721. * Annual Report for 1895, 311-737, particularly 665-731. 5 Vol. Ill, Kwakiutl Texts, bj' Franz Boas and George Hunt. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1902-1905. Vol. X, Parti, Kwakiutl Texts, Second Series, by Franz Boas and George Hunt. Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1906. Vol. V, Part 2, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, by Franz Boas. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1909. Kwakiutl Tales, by Franz Boas. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. II. §1 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 429 PHONETICS (sS^ 2-4) § 2. Sounds The phonetic system of the Kwakiutl is very rich. It abounds in sounds of the Jc series and of the I series. The system of consonants includes velars, palatals, anterior palatals, alveolars, and labials. The palatal series (English Jc) seems to occur only in combination with u articulations, or as labio-palatals. The anterior palatals may, how- ever, also be explained as a Jc series with i position of the mouth; so that the two classes of palatals and anterior palatals may be consid- ered as modifications of the same series. The anterior palatals have a markedly affricative character. In most of these groups we find a sonant, surd, fortis, and spirant. The sonant is harder than the cor- responding English sound. The surd is pronounced with a full breath, while the fortis is a surd with increased stress and suddenness of articulation, and accompanying closure of the glottis. The sonant is so strong that it is very easily mistaken for a surd, and even more easily for a weakly pronounced fortis, since in many com- binations the laryngeal intonation which characterizes the sonant appears like the glottal stop which always accompanies the fortis. Besides the groups mentioned before, we Have a series of lateral Unguals or I sounds, the glottal stop, and h, y, and w. This system may be represented as follows: Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal Velar g q q! x - Palatal g(w) Kw) k.'iw) jr"(w) Anterior palatal . . g- k' k'! x' n Alveolar .... d t t! s{y) Affricative .... dz ts ts! Labial b p p! - m Lateral l l l! I, I - ' Glottal stop, ^ 7i, y, w The vowels are quite variable. The indistinct e is ver}- frequent. The two pairs ^ e and o u probably represent each a single interme- diate sound. The whole series of vowels may be represented as f ollow^s : i e i e a 6 o u I e e a d a o u S '■2 plrants 11; Liniened X X' x(w) ^W X- n s ts! I H 430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibu^. 40 By certain grammatical processes, consonants ma}' be weakened hardened, or aspirated. These changes take place in accordance with the phonetic table given before. The hardened surd becomes a fortis, and the weakened fortis or surd becomes a sonant. The hardened and softened sonants strengthen their glottal element to an E. Examples of these changes will be given in §4. By aspiration the series of k sounds and of l sounds are transformed into their cor- responding spirants, while in the dental and labial series aspira- tion does not occur. The hardening and weakening of the spirants reveals a number of unexpected relations of sounds. We find — Weakened X W 'n y or dz I Similar relations of consonants appear in cases of reduplication. Thus we have — e'qa reduplicated e's^eqa {q and s) qlu'IyaJc^ reduplicated q.'ulsq.'u'lycil-^ (s and y) The change of x' into n suggests that the n may belong rather to the anterior palatal series than to the alveolar series. The nasals, I, y, and w, when weakened, become sonant by being preceded by the glottal stop. // and w are clearly related to i and u. § 3. Sound Groupings The Kwakiutl language does not admit clusters of consonants at the beginning of words. Extensive clusters of consonants are rare; and even combinations of two consonants are restricted in number, their sequence being governed by rules of euphony. On the whole, a stop (i. e., a sonant, surd, or fortis) can not be followed by another consonant. This is carried through rigidly in the case of the palatals and laterals, while combinations of consonants in which the first is an alveolar or bilabial stop do occur, j^ followed by consonants is not rare; / followed by consonants is by far less frequent. The cor- responding sonants followed l)y a consonant do not appear as often, because the intonation of the vocal cords tends to increase in strength, and an e is introduced which separates the sounds. §3 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 431 Besides combinations with precedent palatal stops, a few others are rigidl}'^ avoided. These are is, i-n, l-Jc^, l-g^, l-x^, s-g", sk^. Combinations of t sounds followed by s do not occur, because they unite and form an affricative sound; h occurs only at the begin- ning of words (except in the imitation of the language of a monster), and does not enter into consonantic clusters, y and w are strongly vocalic, and are always followed by vowels, although they may be preceded by consonants, w following a k sound is assimilated by it, so that the Jc sound is pronounced with u position of the lips, as a labio-palatal. Clusters of three or more consonants follow the same rules as com- bination of two consonants, so that clusters are possible as long as any two adjoining consonants tolerate each other. We find, for instance, xsd, xsf, x^st, x^st!, x'dg\, nxs, nx'q!, nx's, nsL, nit, nlh, mxs, mx's, mx'd, msL, mlts, mlw, Ixl, Ixs, Ixm, IxL, Ix^s, Ix'd, Ix'l, Isd; and of clusters of four consonants, xsdx, mx'st, nx'st. § 4. Euphonic Laws There are a considerable number of rules of euphony which govern the sequence of sounds. These become active when two phonetic elements come into contact by composition or by syntactic co-ordi- nation. They are partly ante-active (i. e., working forward) or pro- gressive, partly retroactive or regressive, partly reciprocal. The ante- active processes include laws of assimilation and of consonantic elision ; the retroactive processes consist in the hardening and softening of con- sonants; the reciprocal influence manifests itself in contraction and consonantic assimilation. Since the rules of consonantic combination (§ 3) relate partly to the initial, partly to the terminal consonant of the combination, these changes are apparently partly ante-active, partly retroactive; but since they are founded on the mutual in- fluence of adjoining sounds, they are better treated under the head of reciprocal changes. (1) Ante-active Changes The u vowels do not admit of a following anterior palatal, which is changed into a palatal with following w, or, as we may say,l' sounds with i tinge become A' sounds with u tinge when following a u vowel ; or Tc sounds following u vowels are labialized. Posterior palatals, when following a u vowel, also assum.e a u tinge. §4 432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 Instances of these changes are the following: (Ld'wayu-g'ila) Ld'wayugvnla to make a sal- mon-weir 26.39 {sd'-g'ajiKin) so'gwanEm you perhaps 146.28 {Ld'wayu-g'a) Ld'wayugwa this salmon-woir {o'-g'iw-e^) . o'gwiwe^ forehead 19.5 (o-g'^ga) o'gug-e^ inside {^md'qes [dyaha] so^-Jc'as) ^md'qes{dyaJia)sd^kwas really thrown into my belly 478.1 (d'-l-'dx'-e^) o'Jcivdx'e^ knee 154.11 (d'-l"!in-e^) d'Jc.'wine^ body 61.13 (d'-k'.'Ug-e^) d'Jc.'wulge^ front of body {ho'-x'Hd) ho'xhvid to leave Changes of velars following a u vowel : {^md'xulayu-ga) ^md'xulayugwa Potlatch-Pres- ent-Woman 142.1 {ts!d-g-e^) ts.'o'gwe^ given away among other things iyo-xa) yo'xtca to say "yo" X 176.19 "VVlien the vowel following the I' after a u vowel is an /•;, the timbre of the weak vowel tends towards the u. When a u vowel is followed by a consonantic cluster the first sound of which is a Jc sound (according to § 3 tliese can be only x", .c", or x), the X' changes to .c", while the others remain unaffected. {yu'-rsd) yu'x^sd it is entirely this 102. 18 {o-x'siu-e^) o'x^slwe^ mouth of river On the other hand — {d-XLd-e^) d'xLd^ head part ihd-xLe) ho'xLe to leave a miserable person The 11 tinge of h sounds and the very short u do not seem to modify the following anterior palatal g, at least not according to the usage of the older generation. (yok^-g'aH) yo'lcluyaH (not yo'klugwaH) noise of wind (lUEg^-g'it-x'^td) mFAjugl't'.ed to put things on the body 199.11 Examples of change of the anterior palatal to the medial labio- palatal hw are, however, not absent. (dd'doq^-lc'iTia-la) dd' doxkwinala to see accident- ally §4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 433 I have recorded as equally admissible — g-o'x^g'in and g-o'x^gun my visible house here g-o'x^g'aEn and g'o'x^gwaEn my invisible house here While the rule just described is founded entirely on the phonetic influence of the stem element upon its suffix, we have also a class of phonetic changes which are due to etymological causes, and can not be brought entirely under phonetic rules. When a word ending in a consonant is followed by a suffix beginning with another consonant, there is a strong tendency to elision of the initial consonant of the suffix, although the combination may be admissible according to the general phonetic laws. Thus the com- pound of the stem qds- to walk, and the suffix -x'Hd to begin, would result in the phonetically admissible combination qd'sx'Hd, which we find in a word like ^wdlasx'e' lynx. Nevertheless, the resulting form is qd's^id. The elision of the initial sound of the suflix is therefore not entirely due to phonetic causes, and must be treated in detail in a discussion of the sufhs:es. It is quite likely that the suffixes in ques- tion may be compounds of two suffixes, the first of the combination being dropped. The question will be discussed more fully in § 18 (p. 449). Another ante-active change which is not entirely due to phonetic causes is the transformation of a into lod after n and vowels, which occurs in a few suffixes : for instance — t!e'p-d to step off Id'-wd to be ofi" (the right line) sop-d'la to chop off dd'wd to fail to hold Ic'at-d'la long thing on water han-ivd'la hollow thing on water inEX-d'la canoe drifts on water g'T-wdla to be on water {2) lietroactii'e Chauijes The changes just mentioned are best explained as an effect of the stem upon the sufiix. We find, however, also others, indicating an action of the suffix upon the stem. These consist in a hardening or weakening of the terminal consonant of the stem, and can not be explained by phonetic causes, but must be founded on etymological processes. The following examples illustrate these processes which were men- tioned before in § 2. In the first column the stems are given, the terminal sounds of which are modified by the addition of suffixes. In the second column hardened forms are given, in the third weakened 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 28 § 4 434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBi'i.r-. 40 forms. In order to make the clian-a?/u dice 112.93 pinch qapl-Ci'lod to upset qab-c's u|)set on the on rock 179.27 ya't.'-ala rattle sound 229.27 Theme ep- to pinch qap- to upset xaa'p! cradle 53.42 wat- to lead yat- to rattle at!- sinew t!ek'- to lie on ])a('k 256.;3S Ic'Ie'laJc- to clul) LEink'" to wedge gsg- wife hsk^- man tek^- to expect xunk^- child ^nsmo'lc"' one per- ^nEmc/Jdus one per- son son on ground CS" 212.11 £!(["■ to put out Elq.'iv-enox^ a ])erson tongue who removes cin- ders from eye with tongue ydq^- to lie dead wunq- dee}) Tc'.'imL- to adze beach xad'h-Ek^ cradled wa'd-El-^led 109.0 ad-e'gi back sinew t!e'g--ll to lie on back in house 259.12 l- re'lak- !-eni'' club- bing LEink'lEXnd to wedge LE'mgaiju wedge neck, i. e., foot of tree gd'gak'la to try to get gEga'd having a wife a wife hskl-u's m a n i n bEgw-l's m a n o n woods beach tegu-^nd' kida to come in sight being ex- pected X 186.2 xu'ngwad having a child CS 170.11 ^UEmo' gwis one per- son on beach k'.'i'mL.'-ala noise of adzing, U.S.N.M. 677.19 q.'ula'L- to hide §4 yd'gw-ls lying dead on beach wu'ng-il deep floor 187.23 q'.ula' L-^im'kula to go along hiding 262.39 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 435 (b) Theme ends in sonant : Theme Hardened Dza'wad Knight Dzd'wadE-enox^ peo- inlet pie of Knight inlet gsg'a'd having a (jEg'a'dE-ene^ state of Weakened wife having a wife ^nd'x'Hd day comes ^nd'x '^Ida-enox^ a condition in which day is coming reg- ularly 393.4 me'x'ha to burn at end qa'sHd to walk iriEg'- to caulk mEg'ae'ne^ caulking me'x'haak^ burnt at end 247.9 ' qd'sHda-as w^alking place 100.32 (c) Theme ends in spirant, continued lateral, or nasal: Theme dsnx- to sing Weakened Lax^- to stand Hardened dd'dsnx-^a to try to sing La'^w-a to stand on Ld'w-ayu salmon- rock weir qamx"-- down of qd'qam^w-a to try to^ bird put on down of bird ^TYiax^- potlatch ^md'iv-ayu means of giving potlatch sex^- to paddle se'^w-enox^ paddler se'w-ayu paddle mix'- to strike with md'man-a trying to inEn-a'ts.'e striking strike Ic'.'e'tslene^ not being 10.9 fist Ic'Ies not p.'ss- to flatten qds- to walk t.'os- to cut ts!dl- black Ic'U- afraid g'U- to walk on g'd'g'iH-a to try to four feet walk on four feet ^iueI- white ham- to eat receptacle (drum) p.'Ey-a'yu means of flattening qd'y-ansm obtained by walking t.'d'dz-ato to cut ear ts.'oH-E'mya w i t h tsol-ato with black black cheek ear l-'U-E'm fear ^mElho' white-chested Tia^m-d'yu eating in- strument (fork) 436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 Stems ending in s and jr"* present peculiar forms when the accent falls upon the semi vocalic y and iv, into which these sounds are trans- formed. The y becomes e, the w becomes 5. Thus we have from — x'e'^ndhula to disappear fjrad- ually q.'Ele'k'^ sunk into water V 488.9 ^mEne'Tc^ measured V 477.1 t'.Eme'dzo to beat time on a flat thing III 86.5 sio'^ndhula to ])addle along III 297.10 yu'^nakula to dance along x'is- to disappear q.'Els- to sink luider water ^rriEns- to measure t.'Ems- to beat time sex^- to paddle yix^- to dance In some cases the prececUng vowel, if accented, is contracted wnth the y which has originated from s. qas- to walk qd'^nakula to walk along qd'nddze^ to walk alongside of The use of dz and y in place of 8 does not seem to follow any definite rules. Thus we find — Is'ThdzEm (la-nft-Em) means of taking under water X 62.10 qd'dzas place of walking (con- sidered not as goods as qd'yas) gwd'yAxsta (gwds-Exsta) to bring mouth near to one III 71.33 ^wd'layas (hrdlas-as) size X 161.25 ■mE'nyEm (^niEns-Em) meas- uring instrument ha'dzExstax'^id (has-EXsta- x'^ld) to begin to make noise III 161.22 Jia^rie'dzas (han-es-as) canoe Iving on beach X 161.17 A purely phonetic change belonging to this class is the palataliza- tion of i'" and .r" preceding an o or u. q'.dl:^- slave becomes q'.d'ho; ^rriElc^- A ROUND THING BEING IN A POSITION bcCOmes ^niElc-d'la ROUND THING ON WATER (island) ; jpEX^- TO FLOAT bccomcs pEX'd^la TO FLOAT ON WATER. (.?) Reciprocal Chatiffes These are partly purely phonetic, partly etymological. Contact of consonants results in their adaptation to admissible combinations. Therefore terminal Ic and l surds are changed before initial conso- nants of suffixes into their spirants. This change is also made when, in a sequence of two words which stand in close syntactic relation, §4 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 437 the former ends in a ^' or x surd, and the latter begins with a conso- nant. On the other hand, s following a I becomes fs; s following a t forms with it ts; and s and a preceding s are transformed into ts. In some cases these changes persist even after the elision of the first consonant of the suffix, in accordance with § 4 (1). From lianL- to SHOOT, and -x'^^d to begin, we have lia'nlHd. This phenomenon will be more fully discussed in § 18 (p. 449). In a number of instances t before an affricative changes to I. Surd It stops changed into spirants : ^ne'x'dEms time of saying 'nex-L he will say III 33.13 nd'^nax^L he will return home III 33.26 we'^x'^stETid to shove into water mo'x^hdla to tie to end III 89.15 ^nelc' to say nd'^naJc^ to return weq^- to shove a long thing wolc^-to tie L changed into I: yiL- to tie ai- to tear Tcwe'xalaL-xwa s following I changed to ts: (k.'we'l-so') (q!dx-ts!d-eL-sa) (jEgvn'l-sa g'o'l"^) s following d or t forms ts: {m' gvnlh ETid-sls) (Je'tETTid-sd^) yUpfe'gEnd to tie to a pole III 1 58.32 alts'.E'nd to tear through (a string) Tcwe'xalfilxwa will dance this III 447.4 Tdwe'ltso' feasted III 32.32 qld'xts'.Eimltsa to dress in III 303.26 lEgvn'ltsa g'ok^ the fire of the house Ld' gwllh EUtses to ])usli nose with his III 349.20 le'tEmtso^ cover is taken off from face III 109.23 s following another s forms with it ts: (ax^d's-ssn) ax^d'tsEn place of my III 32.6 {qd's-se^stdla) qd'tse^stdla to walk around III 23.13 The sounds y and w, when interconsonantic, change to e and o: (mEny-li^ [from mEns-]) mEne'lc^ measured {jt'.Emy-dzd [from tiEms-]) t'.Eml'dzo to beat time on something flat §4 438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bor-i-. 40 (p.'Ey-Tc^ [horn p.'Efi-]) p/efc" one to whom potlatch is given III 163.40 {qEmw-k^ [from qEmx^-]) qEmo'k^ covered with do^vn III 153.35 {xEW-k'' [from xex''-]) xdJc"" split IV 246.39 On the other hand, e and o precedin*^ a vowel become y and w. (o-ag-e^) awd'ge crotch Ld^ and LE^wes and his ^rie'x'so^ he was told ^ne'x'SE^weda K. K. was told xd'e^ something spUt xd'^yas his thing that has been split Ld'sande^ seaside Ld'sand^yas its seaside The ending e^, when preceded by a consonant and followed by a vowel, changes to a^y. nd'qe^ mind nd'qa^yas his mind g'l'game^ chief g'l'gama^yas his chief The diphthong ay, when preceding a consonant, becomes a. ayo'l desired d'xula to desire {qay-^nd'Tcula [from qds-]) qd^nd'Jcula to walk along Another class of reciprocal changes affect the vowels. It seems that there are no purely phonetic rides which restrict the sequence of vowels, but contractions occur which depend upon the etymological value of the suffix. Thus the suffix -a (p. 533), when following a terminal a, is contracted with it into d, o'^ma-a that chieftainess becoming o'^md; with terminal o it is contracted into 6, Ld'wayo-a that salmon river becoming Ld'wayo. On the other hand, we have, in the case of other suffixes, g'd'xaaqos your coming, in which two adjoining a's are not contracted. Similar contractions occur in a number of suffixes : {tsld-ansm) tsId'nEin obtained by drawing water {Id'wd-drrms) lawd'mas to cause to be off from a line {ts'.d-ayu) ts.'d'yu instrument for draw- ing water (ts.'d-anEm) ts.'d'nEm obtained by giving (L.'dyd-ap!) Llayd'p! to exchange (lExd'-dlisEm) lExd'Ussm, to die of coughing The consonants in and I have a similar effect upon vowels : {de'gETn-ayu) de'gEmyu means of wiping face {t.'ETn-ayu) tlE'myu thread, i. e., means of sewing boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 439 GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (sS^ 5-8) § 5. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes Grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed by means of three processes. These are — 1. Composition. 2. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem. 3. Position. § 6. Composition Kwakiutl possesses a large number of stems which occur seldom without word-forming affixes. The latter are numerous, and they are always attached to the ends of stems or of derivatives of stems. The number of stems exceeds by far the number of suffixes. The mean- ing of many of these suffixes can not be determined, and in their phonetic values th^' appear subordinate to the stems with which they firmly coalesce. Two processes bring about the coalescence between stem and suffix : (1) Phonetic contact phenomena and (2) contact phenomena due to the individual character of the stem and of the suffix (see § 4) . The former of these processes is founded entirely on phonetic laws, and includes the transformation in the suflix of a li sound into the corresponding sound with u timber, after terminal u or o sound of the stem or preceding suffix; the change of a A-" and a-" preceding an o or u into Tc' and r ; modification of the terminal consonant of the stem or preceding suffix, and of the initial consonant of the suffix, which f(irm inadmissible combinations; and contraction. The second group of processes can not be explained by phonetic laws, but depends upon the individuality of the suffix and of the stem or preceding suffix. The phenomena involved are contractions of the terminal stem and initial suffix vowels, although the combination of vowels may be quite admissible; elision of consonants; introduc- tion of connective consonants; and retroactive changes which affect the terminal consonant of tlie stem. In one case, at least, the reason for the introduction of a connective consonant may be traced with a high degree of probability to the retention of the terminal sound of a suffix when combined with other suffixes, while the same sound has been lost when the same sufiix closes the word (see p. 532). The modifications which affect the terminal consonant of the stem belong almost exclusively to a group of suffixes which usually follow §§5,6 440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibill. 40 the stem itself, and do not lejidily admit any preceding sullixes. Most of these either harden or weaken the terminal consonant of the stem, alth()ii*2;h there is also a considerable number of suffixes of this class which do not produce aHy changes other than those entailed by purely phonetic laws. In a few cases the changes ])roduced b}' the suffix are ver}- irregular. It is probable that no verbal or nominal stem ever appears without a suffix of this class. Therefore the terminal sound of a stem can not be determined unless it occurs with a suffix which produces no change. § 7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Stem. Setting aside the secondary changes produced by the action of phonetic laws and by the mutual effect of stem and suffix, we find that reduplication and change of vowel are used to express grammatical concepts. In the verb we find complete duplication of the stem, with assimilation of the terminal consonant of the first repeated syllable with the following consonant; for instance, loq^- to fish halibut, Ibx'Hoqwa to fish now and again. True reduplication is, on the whole, restricted to the initial consonant. The vowel of the redupli- cated s^dlable does not always depend upon the stem-vowel, but differs according to the function of reduplication. Vowel-changes in the stem are rare, and consist generally of a lengthening of the stem- vowel. In many cases they may be explained as modified redupli- cation. § 8. Position The position of words in the sentence is determined by syntactic particles. The parts of the sentence are held together firmly, and their position is definitely determined by their coalescence with syntactic elements which indicate the relations of subject, object, instrument, and possession. By this means the whole sentence is knit together so firmly that a separation into words is quite arbitrary. The firmness of this word-complex is due largely to the complete phonetic coalescence of the syntactic particle with the preceding word, and to its function as determining the syntactic value of the following word. It is of course impossible to determine whether this is an original trait of the language, or whether it is due to a phonetic decadence of the syntactic elements, similar to the one that may be observed in French in the combinations between verb and pronoun. §§T, 8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 441 IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 9-17) § 9. Character of Steins Although the formal distinction of noun and verb is quite sharp, the great freedom with which nouns may be transformed into verbs, and verbs into nouns, makes a classification difhcult. All stems seem to be neutral, neither noun nor verb; and their nominal or verbal character seems to depend solely upon the suffix with which they are used, although some suffixes are also neutral. I am led to this impression chiefly by the indiscriminate use of suffixes with stems that occur as nouns, as well as with others that occur as verbs. A separation of suffixes of nouns and those of verbs can be carried through only when the sense of the suffix requires its com- position with either a verb or a noun, and even in these cases com- positions with the opposite class occur which are sometimes difficult to understand. The neutral character of the stem may also be the reason why many suffixes are attached to the stem freed of all word- forming elements. Examples of the indiscriminate use of suffixes with stems that we should be inclined to class as either nominal or verbal are — hshlu's man of the woods (from hsg'^ man, -s in woods) t.'e'lc'.'ES to lie on back on ground (from t.'ek'- to lie on back, and the same suffix as before) t!e'sEmx'ts!dna stone handed (from tie's- stone, -Em plural, -x'ts.'dna hand) axts.'and'la to hold in hand (from ax- to do, and the same suffix as before) It is difficult to understand the combination of a suffix like -ol to OBTAIN with stems some of which we consider as verbal, while others appear to us as nominal stems. We find q.'d'Jc-OL to obtain a slave (from q.'dJc^- slave), and also Iol to obtain (from la, a general auxiliary verb, originally designating motion). Lack of discrimina- tion between the nominal and verbal function of words is also brought out by compounds like hEgwd'nEmx'^id to become a man (from hEgwd'nETTh man, -xHd, inchoative), and mix'H'd to begin to strike (from mix'- to strike and the inchoative suffix). A number of suffixes may also be used indiscriminately with nominal and verbal function; for instance, from -naxwa sometimes, §9 442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 we have Id'naxwa he goes sometimes and x'iyd'snaxwa place where SOMETHING DISAPPEARS FROM TIME TO TIME (from x'is- to disap- pear, -as place of). For these reasons a strict classification into nominal and verbal suffixes does not seem admissible. § 10. Nominal Suffixes Nevertheless many suffixes have assumed distinctly the function of giving to a stem a nominal or a verbal character. We find, for instance, many nouns ending in -a and -e^, others ending in -Em, animate beings ending in -dnErn, and terms of relationship ending in -mp. Besides these, there are a great many which express place and time of an action or process, various forms of the nomen actoris, the results and causes of actions and processes, possession, instru- mentality, material, etc.; in short, a wide range of verbal nouns. They retain, however, their neutral value. This is best expressed by the fact that most of these verbal nouns retain their syntactic rela- tion to the direct and indirect object. The Kwakiutl does not say "the seeing-place of the canoe," but "the place-of-seeing the canoe." Among purely verbal suffixes, there are a number which express actions affecting nouns, which for this reason are always (or at least generally) suffixed to nouns, as, "to make," "to take care of," "to sound;" verbs expressing sense impressions, as "to smell of," "to taste like;" and words like "to die of." With these groups maybe classed a number of suffixes which change the subject of the sentence, like the passives and causatives. § 11. Local and Modal Suffixes Most important among the suffixes which are both verbal and nominal is the extensive group of local terms. These embrace a great variety of ideas expressed by our prepositions and by many local adverbs, and contain also a long series of more special local ideas (like "in the house," "into the house," "on the ground," "on the beach," "on rocks," "in the fire," "in water") and an exhaustive series of terms designating locally parts of the body (for instance, "on the hand," "on the chest." "on the thigh," "in the l)ody"). A second group classify nouns according to form, and set off human beings as a distinct category. A third class of suffixes indicate time-relations, such as past, present, and future. With these may be classed the suffixes which indicate the modalit}' of a process as §§ 10, 11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 443 beginning, gradual, continued, repeated, uncertain, simulated, etc. Many of these suffixes express the subjective relation of the mind of the speaker to the event. This is also true of the demonstrative suf- fixes indicating position in relation to the speaker, and visibility or invisibility. These, however, must be classed with the syntactic par- ticles which will be found treated on pages 527 et seq. To the sufiixes expressing subjective relation belong those expressing the source of subjective knowledge — as by hearsay, or by a dream. Quite numer- ous are the suffixes expressing ideas like ''much," "little," "admira- bly," "miserably," "surprisingly." I am under the impression that all these have primarily a subjective coloring and a high emotional value. Thus, the ending -dze large is used in such a manner that it conveys the impression of overwhelming size, or the subjective impression of size, while the word ^wd'las expresses size without the emotional element ; -xol indicates the entirely unexpected occurrence of an event and the surprise excited by it. The latter example shows that the subjective character of these suffixes may also be used to express the relations of a sentence to the preceding sentence. In a sense, -xol is a disjunctive suffix. As a matter of fact, these suf- fixes are used extensively to express the psychological relation of a sentence to the preceding sentence. They indicate connection as well as contrast, and thus take the place of our conjunctions. § 12. Classes of Words The classification of sufiixes here given shows that a division of words into verbs and nouns has taken place, both being fairly clearly distinguished by suffixes. We find, however, that syntactically the distinction is not carried through rigidly; nouns being treated with great ease as verbs, and verbs as nouns. It must be added here that the forms of the pronouns as attached to the noun and as attached to the verb are distinct. Since the psychological relation of sen- tences is included in the process of suffix formation, conjunctions are absent. For this reason, and on account of the verbal character of most adverbs, there remain only few classes of words — nouns, verbs, and particles. There is no clear classification of nouns into groups, although the grammatical treatment of nouns designating human beings and of those designating other objects is somewhat different, particularly in the treatment of the plural. The noun-forming suffixes, mentioned §12 444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bim,. 40 in tho betjinning of § 10, also indicate the occurrence of certain classes of ideas. The principle of classification, however, remains obscure. In syntactic construction a classification of nouns according to form — such as long, round, flat — is carried through in some cases, and runs parallel with a difTerentiation of verbs of position and motion for objects of different form. § 13. Plurality The idea of plurality is not clearly developed. Reduplication of a noun expresses rather the occurrence of an object here and there, or of different kinds of a particular object, than plurality. It is therefore rather a distributive than a true plural. It seems that this form is gradually assuming a purely plural significance. In many cases in which it is thus applied in my texts, the older generation criticises its use as inaccurate. Only in the case of human beings is reduplication applied both as a plural and a distributive. In the pronoun the idea of plurality is not developed. The combination of speaker and others must not be considered as a plurality ; but the two possible combina- tions — of the speaker and others, including the person addressed, and of the speaker and others, excluding the person addressed — are dis- tinguished as two separate forms, both of which seem to be derived from the form denoting the speaker (first person singular). The plurality of persons addressed and of persons spoken of is indicated by the addition of a suffix which probably originall}' meant "people." This, however, is not applied unless the sense requires an emphasis of the idea of plurality. It does not occur with inanimate nouns. In the verb, the idea of pluralit}^ is naturally closely associated with that of distribution; and for this reason we find, also in Kwa- kiutl, the idea of plurality fairly frequently expressed by a kind of reduplication similar to that used for expressing the distributive of nouns. This form is applied regularly in the Bella Bella dialect, which has no means of expressing pronominal plurality. Related to the reduplicated nominal plural is also the reduplicated verbal stem which conveys purely the idea of distribution, of an acticm done now and then. § 14. Reduplication for Expressing Unreality Reduplication is also used to express the diminutive of nouns, the idea of a playful performance of an activity, and the endeavor to per- form an action. It would seem that in all these forms we have the §§ 13, 14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 445 fundamental idea of an approach to a certain concept without its realization. In all these cases the reduplication is combined wi'th the use of suffixes which differentiate between diminution, imitation, and endeavor. § 15. Pronominal Ideas In the pronoun the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and person spoken of are each represented by formal elements. It was stated before that the inclusive and exclusive form of the first person plural are distinguished, and that both are probably derived from the first person singular. This means that these two forms are not con- ceived as plurals. It was also stated that the second and third persons have no pronominal plural. The demonstrative is developed in strict correspondence with the personal pronoun; position near the speaker, near the person ad- dressed, and near the person spoken of being distinguished. These locations are subdivided into two groups, according to visibility and invisibility. The rigidity with which location in relation to the speaker is expressed, both in nouns and in verbs, is one of the fimda- mental features of the language. The distinction of proper nouns and common nouns, and that of definiteness and indefiniteness — similar to that expressed by our articles — is, expressed by a differ- entiation of form of these demonstrative elements. The possessive pronoun has forms which are different from those of the verbal pronouns, and by their use verb and noun may be clearly distinguished. § 16. Syntactic Relations The fundamental syntactic categories are predicate, subject, object, possession (which is closely related to instrumentality), and finality (which is closely related to causality and conditionalit}') • In other words, the syntactic cases, nominative, accusative, genitive (possess- ive or instrumentalis), finalis (causalis), may be distinguished, while all local relations are expressed in other wa^^s (see § 11). Verbal sub- ordination is expressed by means of forms which are closeh' allied to these nominal cases. Verbal co-ordination is expressed by verbal suliixes, and thus does not belong to the group of syntactic phenomena. § 17. Character of Sentence The contents of the Kwakiutl sentence are characterized primarily by an exuberant development of localization. This is brought about H 15-17 446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fni'i'i' 40 partly by the use of local sullixes whitli define the exact place where an action is performed, without regard to the speaker; partly by the expression of location in relation to the speaker. Thus the sentence "My friend is sick" would require in Kwakiutl local definition, such as "My visible friend near me is sick in the house here." Further- more, the psychological relation of the sentence to the state of mind of the speaker — or to the contents of preceding sentences — is expressed with great care. The chief formal characterization of the sentence is the close connection of its parts, which is due to the fewness of syntactic forms by means of which all possible relations are expressed, and to the subordination of the noun under the^verb by means of particles which coalesce phonetically with the preceding word, while they determine the function of the following word. DESCRIPTION OF GRAMMAR (h^ 18-69) Formation of Words (§§ 18-46) Conn}Osition (§§ 18-39) § 18. SUFFIXES Compounds are formed by the use of suffixes. There is no proof that the numerous suffixes were originally independent words. I have found only one case in which an independent word appears also as a suffix. This is -qlES to eat (p. 501), which occurs independ- ently as q'.ESa' to eat meat 21.9. We may also suspect that the suffix -p.'a TO TASTE, and the stem 'ptaq- to taste, are related. It seems hardly justifiable to infer from these two cases that all suffixes must have originated from independent words; since the inde- pendence of these two stems may be a recent one, or their subordi- nation may have been made according to analogous forms. It is perhaps also not fortuitous that the suffix forms for the idea "to eat" are exceedingly irregular. The Kwakiutl language has very few particles, or words unable to be modified by composition with other elements. The suffixed elements coalesce quite firmly with tlie theme to which the}^ are attached. Pronominal and syntactic suffixes must be distinguislied from those forming denominating and predicating ideas, that, by themselves, are not sentences. Among the latter class we find a considerable number that may be designated as terminal or com- pletive, in so far as they round off the theme into a complete word § 18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 447 without any appreciable addition to its significance. Many of these are of rare occurrence. Almost all of them, except -a and -la, are denominative in character. We find for instance : from the stem dzax^- dza^wu'n silver salmon hanx^- ha^no'n humpback salmon gwdx- gwd'xnis dog salmon iueI- TKiEle'k' sockeye salmon TUEt- mEtld'ne^ large clam {Saxi- domus) Isq- lEq.'EstE'n kelp tslex'- ts.'ex'i'nas elderberry tlEq^- t'.EX^so's cinquefoil The composition of these stems with various suffixes enables us to isolate them from their completive endings. It is not improbable that in some cases by analogy forms may have developed which are not true stems, but fragmentary phonetic groups derived secondarily from longer words. The stems are almost throughout monosyllabic, as will be shown on page 550. Wlien, for instance, the word ge'was DEER is treated as though it were a compound of the stem gex^- to HANG and the suffix -as place, it is barely possible that this does not represent its true origin. The treatment of a few English loan-words makes it plausible that this process may have taken place. On the other hand, a number of polysyllabic Kwakiutl words are never reduced to monosyllabic elements in composition. As an example may be given the word me'gwat seal, which never loses any of its sounds. This process shows clearly that what has often been termed "apocope," or, if occurring initially, '' decapitation," is merely due to a substitution of one affix for another one. Most suffixes in Kwakiutl add a new idea to the word to which they are added, and these are generally attached to the theme. At the same time, phonetic modifications occur, either in the theme alone, or in the suffix alone, or in both. Examples of such compounds are the following: J^Z,-"- man hd'Tc.'um genuine man, Indian (see no. Ill) Lap- to peg LabE'm pegging utensil, peg (see no. 173) xuls- to long xu'lydllSEm to die of longing 382.27 (see no. 152) msl- sockeye salmon rriElmd'nd head of sockeye salmon §18 448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [mhi.. 40 When a significant suffix is added to a word provided with a sig- nificant suffix, the hitter loses its formal, completive element, if it has one, and the new suffix is attached to the theme of the first suffix. For instance: I.'eI'^- to move, -ax- down (no. 19), -g'alU in house (no. 46), t'.Ekwa'xalil to take down in house h'el- right, -k'lot opposite (no. 12), -ag- crotch (no. 71), -e^ noun (no. 161), h'e'll-.'ddarje^ right side in crotch, i. e., right anal fin xunh'- child, -ad having (no. 170); -x'^id to hegin (no. 90), xu'ngwadEX'^Jd. to begin to have a child i.'a5"-red, copper; -e^st- around (no. 6), -g'alil in house (no. 46), -k^ passive participle, L.'d'qwe^stalilk^ made to be copj)er all around in the house ^mEl- white, -xlo hair of body (no. 76), -gEinl mask (no. 54a), ^mE'lxLogEml white body-hair mask, i. e., mountain-goat mask Other suffixes are added to w'ords which retain their formal, com- pletive elements. Examples are — stem. Completive suffix. Suffix. q!d']t^- slave -o -hido^ q.'d'Jc'dhidd^ little slave qlwds- to cry -a -hula q.'wd'sahula to pretend to cry sas- children -Etn -nuk sa's£mnw/j having chil- dren In still other cases the usage is not absolutely fixed: TmuL- to shoot, -})es fond of, ha'nlhES fond of shooting e'ax- to work, -ala completive suffix, -bss fond of, e'axalabES fond of work or with slight differentiation of meaning : hEk^- man, -dnEm completive suffix, -k'ldla noise hEk.'wd'la man's voice hEguid'riEjnk' !dla voice of a man For convenience' sake those suffixes that are attached to the stem without its formal, completive endings may be called stem-suffixes; the others which are attached to the stem with its formal endings, word-suffixes. As indicated before, the line of demarcation between these two classes is not rigidly drawn. An examination of the list of word-suffixes shows that they include largely adverbial and con- junctional ideas possessing a strong subjective element, and implying a judgment or valuation of the idea expressed in the word to which the suffix is attached. § 18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 449 Wliile the word-suffixes modify the terminal sound of the stem and undergo changes of their own initial sounds in accordance with the rules of sound grouping, the stem-suffixes exert a more far- reaching effect upon the stem to which they are affixed. On the whole, these changes are quite regular and consist, on the one hand, in the transformation of surds into fortes, and the other in the trans- formation of surds and fortes into sonants, and other parallel changes described in § 4. I have called the former group hardening suffixes, because the intensity of articulation of the terminal sound is increased, and accordingly the acoustic effect of the sound is harder; while I designate the second group as weakening suffixes, because the inten- sity of articulation is decidedly decreased by their action. A third group of suffixes is indifferent and causes or suffers no changes except those occasioned by the laws of sound grouping. A fourth group loses initial sounds when the stem to which they are suffixed termi- nates in certain sounds. These are mostly indifferent, but a few are hardening or weakening suffixes. The only sounds thus affected are anterior palatals {g', Ic', ~k-!, x'), the sonant velar (g), x, and 6?. The loss of the initial palatal or velar never occurs after vowels, m, n, and I. It occurs regularly after labial, dental, palatal, velar, and lateral surd stops (p, t, k', A"", q, q^, l), and after s. The number of cases in which suffixes of this class appear attached to a sonant or fortis stop (except in cases in which terminal sounds are strengthened or weakened) are so few in num- ber that I am not sure whether the initial sound is dropped in all cases. There are a few examples that suggest a certain variability of usage : dze'dzonogotdla and dze' dzonogoxtdla Dzo'noqlwas on top 118.29 mEgug'l't.'ed to rub on 199.11 Suffixes with initial g', x', and g lose these sounds also after the spirant palatals and velars (x-, x^, x, a;"), while initial l'\' is generally retained in these cases : SEj)E'lr-kr Idla-g-ihc ringing noise on water 152.34 (nos. 144, 42) ax-Ji-Jd'la to ask 7.5 (no. 144) ts! EX-k- !i'lg-End-dla to drop in lap 258.2 (nos. 70, 2, 01) This rule, however, is not rigid. We find, for instance, gEmx-ot-std'-M left hand side of door X 76.6 (nos. 12, 59, 46) where the initial sound of -l-!dt drops out; and ^nEX-kr'.d't straight down, where it is retained 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 29 § 18 450 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ir-.ii.i, Ao Possibly tliis difrerciu-o is duo to the lad tliat the x \i\ the last-naiiicd form is chanj^eil by contact from the terminal q of ^iiKq- straight. Suffixes witli initial -k' lose this sound vmder the same conditions that govern the elision of g', x', and //. An exception is — gE'lx'^lcivmnd to lift l)y the top (gEl- to clasp Tc'ihd'ydd to clasp in the mid- dle, to embrace X 177.4 g-ok^ house g'o'lcwohjd middle of house 248.28 da to hold dd'yiwe to hold in middle V 325.7 17. ~no SIDE. The form of this sullix is variable. On the one hand, we have the word-suffix -no, from which are formed a'Lande^ LANDSiDE 20.1, ^nd'lande^ seaside 272.3; and, on the other hand, we have -no as stem-suffix, weakening the terminal con- sonant. From this form we have^ — ax- to do axno'lis to place by the side 177.39 zajr" to stand Ld'nolis to stand by the side 37.9 Hex:- trail, door t.'E'nnde^ side door X 171.28 We have also -nus, sometimes indifferent, sometimes weakening the terminal consonant. It weakens the terminal sound in the following forms: hel- right side Ji'e'lk'.'ddEnutse^ right side 175.14 (see no. 12) qds- to w alk qd' dzEno^dzEnddla to walk alongside qd'no^dzEnddla to walk along- side sex^- to paddle sl'wonudze^ paddling along- side Lflx"- to stand La'wunddzElll to stand along- side in house 31.34 It is indifferent in tlie following forms : da to take dd'hanussla to take alongside 152.5 (see no. 31) dzElx^ to run dzE'lxunu' dze^ running along- side The ending -nuLEm (no. 546) suggests a third form, -nuL. § 21 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 463 18. -neq>i corner [stem-s., ind. (w.?)]- o- something hel- right side ajys- one side object IS sorao- IN1>. o'negvnl corner in liouse 56.15 helJc-.'ddne'gwU right - hand corner in house 81.2 (see nos. 12, 46) apsd'negwes one corner of mind 260.40 liane'gwll (kettle) stands in corner of house X 125.29 Id'xa to go down 165.29 wd'xEla river runs down 36.39 plELd'xa to fi}' down X 155.21 loxumd'xa to roll down, plural 19.12 (see no. 196) dzE'lxwaxa to run down 196.39 Id'xalil to go down in house 187.22 (see no. 46) With -ayu (no. 174) it forms -axo^yu. ts.'Eq- to throw^ ts'.Eqd'xo^yu to be thrown X 87.28 With the inchoative (no. 2) it forms -axod. ax- to do axd'xod to take down 48.24 wul- in vain wuld'xod to bring down in vain U.S.N.M. 727.10 Lll- to invite in Le'laxod to call down 185.36 i.'ag"- red, copper i.'a'2waj;o(Z to hand down a cop- per, i.e., to sell a copper 84.3 20. -f/'itstd up[sTEM-s., IND.] loscs g' after s, and Ic and l sounds. Tian- hollow where 19. -ajc{a) Dow^N [stem-s la to go wa river J)! EL- to fly lox- to roll dzElx^- to run la to go ga- morning, early kliDd to sit ^nE'mp.'En once qlom- rich doq^- to see dEX'^- to jump nex- to pull qds- to walk plEL- to fly gdg'ustd' to rise early 61.5 TcliDd'g'ustdM to sit up in house 50.17 (see no. 46) ^UE'mp.'Eng'ustd (to jump) uj) once 390.13 Q.'o'mg'ustdh wealth coming up on ground (name) 377.1 (no. 44) do'qustdla to look up X 167.37 dsx'o'std to jump up X 179.17 jc« changes before o to x\ see p. 436 ne'xnstod to pull up 184.37 qd' sustain to walk up p'.ELd'std to fly up s^ 21 464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bi^ll. 40 21. -nfs!es down to beach [stem-s., ind.]. la to go lEUtsIes to go to beach 80.21 qds- to walk qa'sEntsles to walk to beach Ltl- to invite in, to call Le'lKnts.'esEla to call clown to beach 80.17 Lo'gwala supernatural lo' LEgwalEnts'.esda the super- natural ones coming clown to the beach 159.18 22. -^KSfJeS UP FROM BEACH [sTEM-S., IND.]. qds to walk qd's^usdes lo walk up from beach la to go Id'^sdes to go up from beach 211.15 xdji- to grasp in talons xd'p^usdes to grasp and carry up the beach X 155.21 oxL- to carry on back o'xLosdessla to carry on back up the beach X 162.15 22a. -xf!a out to sea [stem-s., w]. Loses initial x. gE'lgst.'a to swim out to sea X 144.27 do'gut.'dla to look out to sea X 117.26 IcwadzEt/o'd to kick out to sea X 111.1 23. -fitus and -Elttis down river, down inlet [stem-s., -atus IND., -eUus ind. and w]. ydl- to blow yd'latvfsEla to blow down the inlet 274.5 gslq- to swim gElqatu'sEla to swim down river qamx^- down of birds qa'mxwatosEla clown coming down river 154.30 qds- to walk qd'dzEltusEla to walk down river Id to go Ld'tosElag'ilis going down river (westward) through the world (name) X 84.39 sex^- to paddle se'wultu'sEla and se'xultu'sEla to paddle down river 24. -^iista UP RIVER [stem-s., ind.]. A-05"- to go [ plural] ho'x^usta to walk up river 62.31 ^UEq- straight ^nsx^usta' to continue up river 70.23 qds- to walk qd's^ustdla to walk up river seac"- to paddle se'x^ustdla to paddle up river §21 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 465 25. -a^iril across [stem-s., ind.]. ^mo- to load ^ma'^wll a canoe carrying load across 131.23 gElq- to swim gidqa'w%'h:la swimming across 148.18 26. -ns(a) under water [stem-s., w]. e'dEusa again under water 143.19 ^UEgE'nsEla straight under water V 477.30 hlu'nsa to sit in water 64.22 wu'ns^ld to sink 143.32 (see no. 90) mdts.'o fish inside (i. e., in trap) 184.18 ^niE'ltsIo white inside axts.'d'la to put into 1 14.36 axtslo'd. to put into 175.27 ts.'ix'ts.'d'la sick inside, head- ache maHtsld'la two inside, i. e., two in a canoe 147.15 qld'xis.'od to dress in, to put on garment 98.1 g'l'ts'.Ehcas place of going in (see no. 182) Id'lts'.dlll to come out of room in house 194.31 (see nos. . 27, 46) ^wl'lohs.'d (strength) gives out entirely 141.2 (see no. 37) 28. -hEt{il) INTO HOLE [ STEM-S., IND.]. dEX^- to jump dEx'^hKta' to juni}) into 99.1 la to go la'hEdas place of going into (hole) 9.10 (see no. 182) lIeux- to shove LlE'nxhEtEnd to shove in X 224.17 28a. -jmL lnto hole, in hole (Xewettee dialect) [stem-s., ind.]. hul- to lie kulpo'Lil to lie down in a room in the house X 207.22 (see no. 46) 0- something d'poLll room in house X 207.23 44877 -Bull. 40, pt 1—10 30 § ^1 et- again ^UEq- straight Jc.'wa to sit umn- to hide (1) 27. -t,s!o IN [ STEM-S., IND.]. md fish ^iitEl- white ax- to do ts.'ix'- sick 7na^l two q!dx- to dress g'l- to be somewhere la to so ^wil- entirely 466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BILL. 40 29. -(iLo L NDKH [STEM-S.. W]. Lds- to pusli 0- somothinir g'lfjanu^ chief ijElq- to ii;ras)) Ld'yahod to push under 80.13 a^wd'hd^e lower side 80.13 a^wd'hdts.'EXsde thigh (see no. 14) g'l'gahdr chief inickM- others ]"51.2G gE'lgahosx'd'ya to <;rasp the under side of the bow of the canoe 127.28 (see no. (12) 30. -Jfd ON TOP OF A I.ONC. STANDING; OH.IECT [ STEM-S., W.] seCHlS to h)se X after all consonants, but may retain it i\fter m, )i, I. d- something o'xtde^ top of mountain 1 26.3 Tc!wd to sit k'.wd'xtd to sit on top 182.32 k'.us- to sit, plural Jc.'udzEtd'ya to sit on top 415.22 e'hEtod to pinch at top end X 224.32 e'madzEtdla top float V 389.8 ^niEgiitu'd round thing begins to be on to]) X 121.1 1 31. -ff{ff) END OF A LONG HORIZONTAL OBJECT [sTEM-S., IND.]. ep- to j)incli e'mafi float ^msl'"- round thing is some- where doq"- to see L.'ds- sea L.'ex- sea-lion gand'yu lasso da to take ha'riL- to shoot ddz- wrong h'ei- right x'lq- to burn Zrtto go §21 (/o'.r«7w to see point 91.32 L.'d'sbala extending out to sea 162.42 L.'d'sahala to walk on beach L'.e'L'.Exhdld sea-lions at ends X 71.6 qand'yvhaJa lasso at end 37.13 dd'hEud to take hold of end 15.7 h(U}lia'nU)End. to shoot at each end 153.3 d'dzEbax'Hd to turn the ^\rong way 227.25 Jielhax'^idd'mas to cause to turn the right way 227.2s (see no. 158) x'l'xhdlag'ih to burn at end on ground 251.29 (see nos. 197, 44) td'lahEnddla to go from end to end 196.35 BOAS] HAXDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 467 32. -X°L(f() OX TOP OF A ROUNDED OBJECT [STEM-S.,IND.] loses X' after p, s, I', and L sounds. This ending has assumed two specific meanings: (a) ON THE FLAMES OF THE FIRE: ax- to do ax La.' la to put on fire axLE'nd to put on fire t.'e'qwap stone in fire t.'e'qwapLEnd to put stones on fire 20.8 Aan- a hollow object is.some- Tia'nx-Ldta hollow object on where fire ( = kettle) (h) NAMED. The meaning in this case is that the name is on top of the object, in the same way as the Mexicans and the Plains Indians, in their picture-writing, attach the name to the head of the person. Da'hEndEX'La named Dfi'bEnd 22.6 Q'.a'mtalalLa named QIa'mtalal 100.1. a'ngwax'iMs'^. what is your nameif 38S.3 33. -{E)n.JC EDGE OF A FLAT OR LONG OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.]. da to take dE'nxEud to take by the edge 10.14 0- something awu'nx¥ edge qas- to walk qd'sEJixEuddla to walk ;dong an edge tETnk^- to chop, bite out tE'mkunxETid to bite out the edge 197.21 Ic'.'e'LEnx knife 270.21 ama'^Enxe^ youngest child 45.34 34. -nf EDGE .OF A ROUND OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.?]. qds- to walk qd'dznuSEntdla to walk along 35. -dzo ON A FLAT OBJECT [ STEM-S., w]. 0- something odzo'e^ surface L€x- to beat time with l)at<)n Le'xdzod to beat time on a fiat thing 230.30 ale'x^- to hunt sea-mammals Ale'udzEWe^ hunter on the flat tiling (i. e., in the sky = Orion) t'.Ep- to step tlebEdzo'd to step on a Hat thing X 101. IS doq^- to see do'gudzod to see a Hat thing X . 226.12 §21 4G8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bh.l. 40 xus- hill on which fortilicd vil- xudzEdzd'lis hill on flat on lage is l)iiilt beach X 227.7 tlik'- to lie on back ^'^^'AY/soZlHolieonbackon flat thing in house (see no. 4(5) *** -x^Etii ON A ROUND OBJECT (seo no. S5) 30. -ij'jyj'n INSIDE OF A HOLLOW OBJECT [sTEM-s., w.] loses initial g'E. b- somethins: b'gug'l^ inside of hollow thing 7/105"- yellowish rno'gug-a yellowish inside ( = spoon of horn of the big- horn sheep) U.S.N.M. 680.2 ts.'ox'^- to wash tslo'xug'ind to wash inside V 432.42 36a. -itnff/'(( HOLLOW SIDE (f»ompoinid of -no and -f/-«, nos. 17, 36). 0- something b'uuhj'ae' groins 37. -o OFF, AWAY FROM. This siiflix does not seem to occur by itself, but is always combined with a following jirimar}' sullix. Nevertheless, on account of its signilicance, 1 have included it in the primary suf Fixes. In its simplest form it occurs with the compjetive terminal -(/. It seems to have a secondary form -will [sTEM-s., ind.] which may be formed from the inchoative -^"i^- (see no. 197) and -b. It is not impossible that this suffix -o may be identical w4th -wd, -b (no. 124). This is suggested by such forms as t'.e'fd to step off (from t!ep- to step), but the identity of these suffixes is not certain. (a) With the completive terminal -d: ax- to do axb'd to take out [no. 17] and -(fEm face [no. 54]). o- something rna^l two he'llc'Iot i-isrht side 55. -Etn^ija cheek [stem-s., h]. L.'aq^- red ^nax^- to cover with blanket o'liuLEifie^ tempk\s .31.40 mae'ni(i^ld(/inifi' L Kind'Ja two persons on each side 217.29 (see nos. 82, 91) Tiell- !o(J Kiiu' LEinP right side of house-front (see no. 12) 186.32 L .'aq.'u'm^ya red-cheeked ^na'umya to cover cheek with blanket L.'a'q.'us red-cheeked 56. -OS CHEEK [ STEM-S., h]. Llaq^- red 57. -{/•lUf -(/'If/H forehead [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial r/-. o- something oV/wiwe^ forehead 19.5 wa'dzo broad wCi'dzogwii/ii with broad fore- head (see § 4.1) qes- to shine qe'siu shining forehead ek' good e'k'iu pretty Before vocalic sudixes the terminal 7/ becomes w. ^•a<- a long thing is somewhere k'd'tewe^ house beam 118.29 (long thing on forehead) Lds- to stick hd'x^hol'^ a fabulous bird ^7/ix"- to dance x'is- to show teeth q'.Elx- wrinkled §23 La'siwe^ what sticks on fore- head 19.11 hd'x^hokwlwe^ h6'x"hok" head mask 110.16 ^yixwl'we^ dancing-headdress x'isl'w¥ wolf head mask (teeth showing thing on forehead) q'.E'lxewe^ wrinkles on fore- head BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 477 bEk"'- man hEhwl'wala to have man on forehead 167.27 ax- to do, to be axe'wala to have on foreliead 19.6 gums- ochre gu'msiwah^ forehead painted red (see no. 172) y%L- to tie yiLEyo'd to tie on forehead Id to go Id'widd to take off from fore- head 22.2 (see no. 37) This prefix is often used to designate the bow of the canoe. In this case the g' never changes after o to (jw. 0- something d'g-iwe^ bow of canoe 127.42 7.0.1-"- to stand Ld'x^g-iwe^ standing in bow of canoe 127.9 xwid- to stick out xwl'dEg'l'wala to stick out at bow 143.26 Sometimes -g'iu is used with the significance ahead, in front, in the same way as -eg-- (no. 69) is used to express behind. sd'yajjalg-iwala to send ahead 149.22 (probably containing the inchoative -f/i^- no. 197) ale'xulg-iu to paddle ahead 470.17 We have -g'iu also as word-suflix in g'd'lar/'iwe^ leader 8.6. 58. -atO EAR [STEM-S., w]. g'Ut!- long g'i'ldato long-eared gE'mxdt left side gEmxd'datde^ left ear 105.7 Ml- to hire he'latd to lend ear 217.37 wdxs- both sides wd'xsodatde^ on each ear 223.2 gwds- to turn towards gwd'saatdla to turn ear to 81.43 59. -^sto EYE, door; more general, round opening like an eye [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial ^s. (a) eye: dd to wipe dd'sto'd to wipe eye hwes- to spit l-we'sfdd to spit into eye 95.30 ^naq- middle ^nd'qo^stde^ middle between eyes 168.13 dzEX'- to rub ■dzEdzEXsto'.fwld to rub eyes X 57.34 (Jb) door: ax- to do axsto'd to open door 15.6 0- something o^std'lll door of house 20.9 * §23 478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHN(1L0GY [biti.l. 40 wdxs- both sides wa'xsustdUl both sides of door 51 .5 (see no. 46) mix'- to strike mix-Utb'ice to knock at door {c) ROUND place: ie<2"- to miss Le'x^sto to miss a round place (d) TRAIL. It would seem that in this case the form -ltd, which weakens the terminal stem consonant, is also used. ^naq- middle ^iiExstd'e^ middle of trail X 8.32 ^nygEltb' to keep on trail 19.9 Lcq^- to miss Le'gultdd to miss a trail 60. -lfb{a) NOSE, POINT [sTEM-s., w; from -6(a) point (no. 31)]. ot- to perforate odl'lhEud to perforate nose d- something owl'lhe^ point of land 6S2.1 gwax^- raven gwd'wllhe^ raven nose 129.41 £05"- to push Ld'gvnlbEnd to shove to nose 349.20 This suflix occurs also as word-suflix. qwe'sa far qwe' saelhedzd really far from nose 349.19 (see no. 119) ^iiExwa near ^nExwae'lba near nose 349.21 61. -EXSt(a) MOUTH, OUTWARD OPENING [ STEM-S., W]. ^ruEk^- round object is some- ^msguxstale's round entrance where on beach 153.29 (see no. 45) t.'oq- gap, narrow opening Ho'guxsta with small mouth 0- something dwaxst¥ mouth of inlet 1 55.26, of bottle V 486.3 ha^rii- to eat hd'^manddzExsta to eat at the side of some one 1 17.23 (see no. 17) qEt- to spread qEdEXSta'e^ sticks for spread- ing (mouth) of tree 99.3 gwCis- to turn to ' gwd'yaxst to turn mouth to 71.33 ^malt.'e- to recognize ^malt-.'e'xst to recognize voice 250.9 ga- early gad'xstdla breakfast X 167.6 gsg- wife gEg'i'xst woman's voice 62. -SX'd TOOTH [sTEM-s., IND.]; loscs initial s. b'xLl^ hind end o'xiasx'd lower jaw 166.6 a^wahd'e^ lower side a^wd'hdsx'oe^ lower side of bow of canoe 127.20 § 23 jiOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 479 ^Wdlas large ^walasra ])ig toothed ( = lynx) ^iiEq- straight ^nEXx-d'la straight edged V 491.30 ties- stone tie'srd stone-edged 96.18 63. -X6 NECK [STEM-S., HJ. L.'dq"' red L.'d'qhVEXO red necked 0- something dxd'w¥ neck 149.22 (see §4-3) qix'- to put around qsnxd'la to have around neck 167.28 qEnxo'd to put around nock 90.2 qhves- to squeeze qlwe'ts! sxod to stran^^le 136.32 k'.'ip- to hokl around Tc'Up'.Exb'd to embrace around neck X 121.38 sop- to chop sd'p'.EXod to chop neck (i. e., foot of tree) V 344.15 63 a. -tL/xo IN MOUTH [sTEM-s., w ; compound oi -cl (no. 47) and -xo (no. 63)]. ^wdp water ^wd'blL.'xdwe^ saUva h'el- right he'le l .'xdive^ n\outhh\\^ 1.57.20 ts'.EX^- to wash ts.'Ewe'L.'xo to rinse mouth V 432.27 SEk'- to spear sag-e' Llxdla to spear into mouth U.S.N.M. 670.2 xwdl'!- canoe xwd'/ when followed b}- accent -ip! neck [stem-s., ind.]. 0- something (fwd'ple^ neck piece IS. 5, 39.4 ga'yad'p.'e' neck part 38.25 ax- to be axd'p.'ala to have on neck 19.6 dEX'^- to jump (?a'a;wap.'tojumponneck99.27 g-e- to be somewhere g-%p!d' LElod to put into neck- piece 39.3 Also with the meaning following, beiiini), like -eg-- (no. 69). Lax^- to stand Ld'wap.'Elis to stand behind on beach (see no. 45) ^an- hollow thing is scmiewhere liafngiLEHd'p'.dla canoe fol- lowing on Avater (see no. 42) §23 480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 66. -X'sid'p! ARM ABOVE ELBOW. Evidently a compound of the preceding suiiix; loses initial r. b- somethin<2; D'x^'-siaple^ slioulder and liu- merus ^wek- to carry on shoulder ^wlx'sia'plala to carry on shoulder 57.16 67. -jr.'fs!aii{ii) hand [stem-s., ind.] loses initial x\ ties- stone t!e'sE7nx'ts!ana stone-handed 131.32 ax- to do axts.'d'nETid to put on hand 198.19 Ismx^- dry lE'mljcmx^ts.'dnax-^ld to dry hands V 430.8 2)EX'- to scorch pe' p EX'ts Idnax'^ld to dry hands by fire V 429.18 After short vowels this suffix has the form -Its.'dna; with precetling t it also forms -Its.'dna. dd'ha to hold end dd'haltsldnEiid to i'Ake.hyhviWiX X 4.31 (see no. 31) Jie'lk'.'dt right side he'lk'ldltsldna right hand 15.11 68. -bo CHEST [ STEM-S., HJ. q!dp- to hit qld'p.'ho to hit chest 69. -ef/'{e) back [stem-s., w]. The terminal vowel of this suffix may be -a. It appears very often, however, as -e Avithout any apparent grammatical reason. at- sinew ade'g'e^ back sinew V 487.4 (see no. 161) o- something a^vn'g'l^ back 144.21, V 475.6 (see no. 161) mix'- to strike niEne'g'vnd to strike back Lids- seaward L.'d'sig'dla being with back seaward 150.9 (see no. 92) g'U- to walk on four feet g'ill'g'Eud to climb on back 279.5 g-illg'%'ndalap!a to climb on back of neck 279.7 (see no. 65) la to go le'g'a to follow 47.41 0-, plural ew- something ewig'alts'.ane^ backs of hands X 159.30 (see no. 67) §23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 481 With ending -I it appears in — ^wun- to hide ^wunl'g-e to hide behind 120.7 tslElk-- feather tslE'lhig-lla feathers on back It is often used to signif}" behind, as in the examples given before. It is also used in a temporal sense, afterwards. li^l- right Jie'leg'ind to serve a second course at a meal 156.18 (i. e., right afterwards) L.'dp- to roast zld'heg-a to roast afterwards naq- to drink nd'geg-ila to drink afterwards 41.25 Peculiar idiomatic uses of this suffix are — ^nsq- straight ^nsgefg-e^ midnight 85.27 (i. e., straight behind) {nag- ?) nd'nageg-e to obey 26.13 70. -fc*/l?^(fO FRONT OF BODY [STEM-S., IND.]. o- something ■ o'TcIwulge^ front of body g'l- to be somewhere g-e'h'AlgEnd to put in lap V 478.25 tslsq- to drop ts.'ExJc'.'i'lgEnddla to drop in lap 258.2 71. -aq CROTCH [stem-s., w]. 0- something awd'qe crotch of a tree, hollow in foot of a tree awd'goxLd small of back V 490.32 (see no. 15) ts!dp- to tuck in ts'.d'hage^ something tucked into crotch X 175.6 g'l'g'd iooih. (^-f'^-ogaZa teeth in crotch 96. 17 ts'.Et- crack, split ts'.Edd'q woman (i. e., split in crotch ?) 72. -saqo penis [stem-s., ind.]. mok^- to tie mo'x^SEgEWaJc"^ with ticnl penis (see no. 172) 138.11 73. -X'^ffef/'ia) thigh (compounded of -x-p.'e and -g-a inside [no. 36]). qix-- to put around qix'p'.e'g-ind to put around thigh 89.37 74. -k'dx'e knee [stem-s., ind.]. o- something okwd'xe^ knee 87.12 LETYi- scab LEmkd'x'l^ with scabby knees 154.11 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 31 § -3 482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 75. -X'sls^ -.K'sTdz{e) foot [stem-s., ind.]; loses initial x\ o- soinothing o'x^sldze^ foot of mountain 19.12 hEH- under hE'nx's%dz¥ under foot 118. .30 he that hex'sldzKTiddla riji;ht down to foot 19.12 qfd'x'sldze to lead 24.4, 50.10 ep- to pinch e'psidzEnd to pinch foot 96.3 76. -xLo HAIR ON BODY [ STEM-S., w] (comparo no. 49). L.'dq^- red , L'.d'guxLO red-haired ^mid- white ^mE'lxLo mountain-goat (i. e., white-haired) 7.3 77. -qlEge^ meat [stem-s. ; prohahly from -q and -go among (no. 7)]. ^m^Z- white (see ^m e'Ixlo under 'mE'l^mElq'.Ege^ mountain- no. 76) goat meat wiyo' qluge^ the inside V 490.13 78. -es IN BODY [sTEM-S., w]. g'ilt!- long g'ildes long-hreathed ^rriElc^- round thing is ^mEgwl's stomach (i. e., round thing in hody) tslix'- sick ts Hx'ilt' s eIu its!ix'i'la-is-la), is Hx'ts! Erie's sick in hody 78 a. -h"Ies is probably a secondary form of the last, which loses its initial /•, and hardens the terminal stem-consonant. ^UEin one ^nEmJc'Ies one down in })elly (= swallowed) pEUL- stout pE'riLles stout belly 50.15 Here belongs probably also a form -k'/aes. d'ldwaedze^ branch side of tree V 344.15 Id'Tc' laedzEud to enter the body 77.20 79. -f/'/f BODY [sTEM-s., ind.]; loses initial ^•. o- something o'gwite^ body 202.24 V 366.13 qup- to sprinkle qupe't.'ed to sprinkle over body 112.19 (see no. 90) xos- to sprinkle xo'sit to sprinkle body 105.38 ek:good e'Tc'etEla well grown (tree) V 496.6 fek^~ to hang te'ktvet.'edayu to be hung to body U.S.N.M. 667.7 dzsk'- to rub dzEk'l't to rub body 199.20 § 23 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 483 In a few cases -g'it apjjears as word-suffix. ^na'la day ' ^nd'lag-rtaso^ Day - on - Body 196.4 (see no. 159) t'.e'sEm stone T'.e'sEmg-it Stone-Body 200.9 In one case the ending -g-it appears with its g- preserved after a g. ^msg''- to put on [plural ob- ^rriEgug-l't to put on body Ject] [plural object] 199.11 80. -A-'Itii BODY, CONSISTING OF (relating to the surface of the body) [sTEM-s., iND., also WORD7S.]; loses initial Jc-f, replaced by ^ (a) STEM-s.: o- something ^mEl- white L.'Emq!- yew tree Ismx^- dry x'lx- to burn dswie'x cedar withe Sometimes used to express log. Tc'.wd to sit o'ldvnne^ surface of body ^mE'Ik'Hn wath white body L.'E'mq/EJc'.'in made of yew V 408.1 lEmlE'mx^unx'^ld to get dry V 483.6 x'l'x^ETiala being like fire V 196.35 dEwe'x^En cedar-withe rope 170.8 k.'wd'lc'.'iml to sit on log in house 272.29 (see no. 46) g'l'li' lindala to put on log 272.33 (seenos. 2, 91) ^nE.fu'nd to put on blanket 65.1 L !d'gwdk'!%n copper body (i.e., entirely copper) 80.12 d'la real d'lak-'.in able-bodied 208.39 81. -eq IN MIND [sTEM-s., H, ofteii with reduplication]. 0- something a^wege'^ inside of body eZ:" good eJc'.'e'qEla to feel good 123.12 (see no. 91) e'Jc'ex^ld to begin to feel glad 34.30 (see no. 90) wd'^neqa revenge fid Ie^I- dead lEflae'qEla to long (i. e., to feel dead) 63.14 lEHae'x^ed to yiekl (i. e., to begin to feel dead) §23 ^iiEX^- to cover with blanket (6) woRD-s.: Llaq^- red 484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 g'l- to be la to go q!e- many ^nek'- to say g'l'g'deqala to think 52.5 le'laeqdla to think of going q.'d'yaqala to bother 54.38 ^ne'nk'fex^vi to begin to think (see no. 90) 184.3 § 24. Liinitations of Form ( .Von. S'i-Siib) 82. -oA^" and -so/j'* human beings [stem-s., with (hmbtfiil influence upon stem]. maH two ek' good g'in- how many? ho'lal a few g-.'e- man}; 83. ~XS(ct) FLAT [STEM-S., IND.]. ^nETn one 84. -tsfaq long [stem-s., ind.]. ^n^/?i one TnaHo'Tc^ two persons 48.21 e'x'sok^ handsome 48.29 g'lno'l:^ how many persons? ho'lalo'k^ a few persons qleyok^ many persons ^nE'mxsa one (day) 18.2 ^nE'mtsIaq one (liorn) 17.9 85. -s^Eiti ROUND SURFACE [ STEM-S., IND., and woKD-s] ; loses s and g. (a) STEM-s.: ^UEm one ^ttieI- white k!wa to sit qlEnl'p- to wrap up Here belong also — Lid's- seaward la to go (6) woRD-s.: blanket. TUEtsa' mink qlwdx hemlock ald'g'im dressed skin §24 ^nE'msgEm one round thing 8.1 ■ ^rriE'lsgEm white -surfaced 61.26 klwd'sgEin to sit on round thing qlEne'pEmd to cover face 299.21 Lld'sgEindla to face seaward 61.16 Id'sgEin to go facing (i. e., to follow) 8.9 md'tsasgEm mink blanket q.'wd'xsEm, house of hemlock branches 45.24 ald'g'imsgEin dressed -skin blanket X 57.3 I'.OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 485 85a. -dmi FINGER- WIDTH [WORD-S., IND.]. ^nE'mdEnxsd one fiiiger-width thick V 491.6 (see no. 3) yaeyv'dux^dEmHala everywhere about three finger-widths (see no. 5) 856. -xtva^s day. Tie'ldplETixwa^s the right number of days 355.26 This class of suffixes does not fit in the present place particularly well, since nos. 82-84 are used almost exclusively with numerals, indicating the class of objects. My reason for placing these suffixes at the present place is that suffixes denoting space limitations may be used in the same way as this class. We have, for instance, with -is!d (no. 27), ^ns'ifntsld one inside; and with -dla stationary on WATER (no. 41), aLEhd'la seven in a canoe afloat. Since, further- more, -ok'^ HUMAN beings is used with a number of intransitive verbs, and since -sgEm is in its application quite analogous to all the other local suffixes, it seemed best to keep the whole series together. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there is a distinct contrast between -dzo on a flat thing (no. 35) and -xsa a flat thing; the former indicating the place of an action, while the latter is used only as a classifier of nouns. Furthermore, the few suffixes given here are in a wider sense classifiers than the local suffixes. This is indicated by combinations like ^nE'mxsatslo one flat thing inside {-xsa a flat thing, -ts'.o inside) ; and ^nE'msg Ernesto one DROP, literally "one round thing in round thing" (sgEm round, -^sto round opening [no. 59]). Temporal Suffixes (Nos. 86-97) (§§ 25-26) § 2/t. Purely Temporal Suflixes {Nos. S and t are at the same time strengthened; l and Jc stops are aspirated. ax- to be ax^d'sHd place where he had been (see no. 182) 42.4 la to go Idx-Hd he went 190.29 88. -L FUTURE [WORD-S.]. Twd'Tc'.una canoe xwd'TclunaL a future canoe 83.33 Ll'gad having a name Le'gadEL one who will have a name 19.1 89. -X'de TRANSITION FROM PRESENT TO PAST, or rather from exist- ence to non-existence [stem-s., ind., and avord-s.]; loses the initial x\ g'U first g'i'lx'de what had been first 8.11 wd'ldEm word wd'ldEmx'de what he had said 25.4 x'isd'la to have disappeared x'isd'lax'de the one wdio had disappeared and was no more 85.32 yd'qiudzd's place of lying dead yd'gludzd'sde place where he had lain dead 61.8 (see nos. 44, 182) Tclwll to feast in house Jclvn'lde those who had been feasted, but ceased to feast 22.4 § 26. Suffixes irifli 'Prevailiriff Temporal Character (N'os. 90-97) 90. -X'^id inchoative. The initial x' is dropped after p, t, s, I, and L and Ic sounds except the fortes; p and t are at the same § 26 UOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 487 time strengthened; l and Tc stops are aspirated. This siillix is evidently compounded with the terminal completive -d (no. 2). It can not be used with all other sulhxes, many of which have a different way of forminr 95. S Examples of the use of the inchoative with simple stems are the following : g'il- to walk on four feet g'i'lx'Hd Ieu- to forget Is'nx'Hd Jc.'uml- to burn l^'.u'mlx'Hd wun- to drill wu'nx'Hd ^wun- to hide ^vm'nx'Hd xsk'!- to stay XEk'lEX'H'd L.'Ep- to climb (a pole) L'.Ep'.l'd Hap- to dig ^la'plid xo'sHt to sprinkle body (see no. xd'sHt.'ld 79) qds- to walk qd'sHd piss- to flatten p.'ssH'd net- to tell ne'lHd g'ilb'h- to steal g'ilo'lHd Tc'Ii'mL- to adze k'.'i'mlHd Tc'cL- to fish with net Ic'e'lHd dze'lc- to dig clams dze'x'Hd (7o7t"- to troll do'fwld doq^- to see do'x^wid ndq- to drink nd'x^id awuflq- to want inor(i awu'lxHd yd'^wir- to act ya'^wirHd Lix'- to turn bow of canoe Lix'H'd qamx^- to put on down qa'mfvnd max^- potlatch ^ma'fwid dETix- to sing , ds'nxHd § 26 488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [lui.i.. 40 It appears from the rules and examples liere given that the incho- atives of stems in A" and r', A" and x", q and x, (/" and a", l and I can not be distinj^uished. The number of stems ending in a fortis is very small, but all those that I have found take the ending -xHd preceded by a release of the vocal cords. I have no examples of stems ending in a sonant and taking tlie ending -.r"%/. A few cases are ajiparently irregular, presumably on account of secondary changes in the stem. (iax"-) to stand Ld'x^wid (tox^-) to go forward to'. fund Both these stems are often treated as though they ended in -o, not in -x", but the relationship of these two sounds has been pointed out before. 91. -l{fi) continuative. In stems ending in a long vowel, it is added to the terminal vowel. With stems ending in a consonant, it is generally connected by an obscure e, but also by a long a. Terminal p and t sounds, including nasals in sufhxes and stems, seem to require long a, while s occurs both with e and a. In stems ending in a k sound with u or i tinge, it is added to the vocalized tinge. In all sufhxes that may take a terminal -a (no. 1), it is added to this -a. wuL- to hear wuLs'la to hear 11.10 lal' L to enter lae' LEla to be engaged in entering 24.2 ya' Lod to tie yCi' Loddla to be engaged in tying 28.33 This suffix is evidently contained in the suffixes -'iidkula (no. 94), -k'ldla (no. 144), -iHdla (no. 5), -gaaLEla (no. 96), -olsla (no. 93), -g-ila (no. 136). Examples of its use after various classes of sounds are the following : After long vowels — pd'la to be hungry 7.4 ^mu'Ha to thank 21.2 hamg'l'la to feed 7.6 d'la real 9.5 ^un'Ha entirely 10.8 axldd'la to ask 7.5 After stems ending in a A- sound with u ov i tinge — g'o'lcula to Hve 7.1 ts.'ix-i'la sick 32.27 ^nd'qula light 11.2 p.'e'xula to feel §26 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489 After consonants of k and Z series — wuLE'la to hear 11.10 hilEla' to be afraid 10.2 wu'nqEla deep 11.1 Le^qsJa to name 9.13 XE'riLEla very 7.3 dE'nxEla to sing 13.2 After consonants of j) and t series — axd'p.'dla to be on neck lio'lEmdla to obtain easily 7.3 19.6 d'xodala to handle 32.41 he'lo^mdla to be on time dd'la to hold 14.9 15.10 lEnd'la to forget qEX'imd'Ia to be on head- qd'tse^stdla to go around 23.13 ring IS. 4 After s — me'sEla to have a smell le^stall'sEla to go around on beach 12.7 qwe'sala far 26.43 After suffixes that may take terminal a— Sd'gumhala (name of a place) 7.1 (no. 31) tsle'sLdla tongs 21.3 (no. 32) qand'yohala having lasso at end 37.13 (no. 31) ge'^stdla long in water X 155.38 (no. 39) 92. -ala continuative [stem-s., ind.]. Thjs differs from the pre- ceding in that it indicates the continued position implied in an act, not the continued activity itself. a;* OS- to rest x'o'sdla to be in the position of rest 274.7 ^wun- to hide ^wund'la to be in hiding 161.2 g-%1- to move on four legs g-ild'la to be on four legs ^UEx^- near ^nExwd'la to be near 36.10 da to take dd'la to hold 16.5 IeJc^- man hshwd'la character of a person With stems ending in e, e, and I it is contracted to -dla: ge long gd'la 129.14 he that hd'la being that 14.3 93. -Ol{Ela) CONTINUED MOTION [STE.M-S., IND.]. e'Tc'! above e'Tc'ldlEla to continue to go uj) 126.40 ^naZa south ^nd'lolEla going south, down river 125.7 gwds- direction gwd'solEla to approach 9.9 § 26 490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (hi ll. J.O 94. -^li(lJttt{la) GRADUAL MOTION, ONE AFTER ANOTHER [STEM-S., w]. teh'^- to hang te' gu^nd'kula to h&ng one after another pETiL- stout pe'tile^ no/ Tenia to <;r<)w stout 49.15 qas- to walk qd^nd'Jcula to walk alonj:; 1 15.3 95. 'tUIXwXa) SOMETIMES [WOHD-S.]. la to go Id'naxwa to go sometimes 1 1 .3 rici's place of disappearance xrid'snaxwa place where he disappears sometimes 28.8 96. -{/•a^aLElft,, after k and /> sounds -'aiEla, suddenly. Used often with verbs denoting sense-impressions (see p. 514). doq^- to see dox^waLs'la, to discover 19.10 p.'aq- to taste pIsx^aLE'la to learn by taste 31.5 qlciL- to know qldVaLs'la to learn 135.4 g'dx to come cfd'x^aLE'la to come suddenly 33.41 The following is apparently irregular: wuL- to hear wuLd'x^aLE'la to learn by hearing 35.23 The following probably belong here also: ax- to do ax^aLE'lod to take out sud- denly 38.13 Icwex- to strike IcwexaLE'lod to strike sud- denly 99.3 Lds~ to push Lds^aL E'lod to push in sud- denly 19.5 97. -td^ TO DO AT THE SAME TIME WHILE DOING SOMETHING ELSE, WHILE IX ISIOTION [sTEM-S., IND.]. ddl- to laugh dd'ltd^ya laughing at the same time 284.5 dEux- to sing dE'nxEtdhja singing while walking 355.15 ^yix^- to dance hjixutd'^ya dancing as she came 435.20 With terminal -e (see § 49, p. 530) this suffix has the form -tifwe: ^ne'g'itEhoe he says while — 285.6 hd'mald'g'ita^we to eat walking 134.2 yd' g! EntldlaxtE^we to speak while — 374.9 § 26 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 491 The elements -g'i- and -x- preceding this suffix in the last two instances are not clear as to their origin. Suflaxes Denoting Subjective Judgments or Attitudes Relating to the Ideas Expressed (Nos. 98-133) (§§ 27-32) § 27. Suffixes Denoting Connection ivith Pteriously Expressed Ideas {Nos. 98-104) 98. -ocaci ALSO, on the other hand [word-s.]. da/x'^ldaxaa he also took 8.13 d'ETYilxaas and only you on your part 397.3 {-Em no. 103; -l no. 88; -sthou) Lo'gwalaxaEn I on my part have supernatural power 399.3 {-En I) 99. 'X'Sd STILL, ENTIRELY [wORD-S.]. LCb'siwalax'sd it still stuck on his forehead 24.5 dd'lax'sa still holding on 14.11 LlELld'gEX^sd entirely cedar-bark 86.24 99a. -qlala perfectly, completely [stem-s., ind.]. ^Tia'^.'aZa it is full day 441.13 * no'lq.'dla entirely uneasy 100. -l(ig'i%^ IN THE MEAN TIME [ WORD-S.]. SEk'd'lag'iL to spear in the mean time CS 44.25 101. -t!a BUT [ WORD-S.]. ^rie'x'Hatla but he said, it' is said, 100.22 102. -La BUT [woRD-s.]. Id' La but he went 14.10 The difference between -La and -t'.a is difficult to define. On the whole, the latter expresses an entirely unexpected event in itself improbable; the former impHes that the event, although not necessary, might have been expected. qaple'deda xwd'Jc.'una la^me'sLa h'e'ldik'ama the canoe capsized but he came out well qaple'deda xivd'l'.'una laHne'st.'a Jie'ldik-ama the canoe capsized and against all expectation he came out well {qap.'e'd to cap- size; -etiaprenominalsubj. [p. 530]; xwd'k! una canoe; lata do, go, happen; -^mes no. 104; h'e'ldik'ama to come out right) la^me'stla wuLEhva' it has antlers (although they do not belong to it) {wuLE'm antlers; -A:" passive participle, no. 172) §27 492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 103. -^in indicates that the subject has been referred to or thought of before. g'dx^Em ho came laE'mHae gwdl tlien, it is said, ho finished (wliat has boon men- tioned before) 141.34 le'x'aETYi ddd'x^s K'. and it was only carried by K". 403.28 yu'^niEn — this (what has been mentioned before) is my — 211.20 104. -^nies [ word-s. ; compounded of -^m-wis and so, Indicating that a certain event is the effect of a preceding event]. hex^idaEmHd''wis and so, it is said, it began to be (passim) (hex'Hd it begins to bo, -Ha it is said, -Em^wis) g'l'game^Emxaa'unsEn and so I, on my part, am also a chief This suffix evidently contains -^m (no. 103) ; the intimate con- nection between the expressed idea and the preceding idea being first indicated by -^m, and their causal relation being indicated by -wis. In a few cases, when following -ana per- haps (no. 106), it occurs without -^m. § 2S. Sujj[t..fes Denoting JDet/refs of Certainty {Xe MISERABLE, PITIFUL, TOO BAD THAT, loses the initial X after s. me'xaxLayin too bad that I was asleep! Id'xLe unfortunately X 162.39 116. -X'Ld VERY [wORD-S.]. ts ! E'lqwax' Ld it is very warm qlE'msqiEmts.'EX'Ld very lazy 45.9 117. -iristja VERY (perhaps a compovmd of -wis [no. 104] and -t!a [no. 101] BUT so). ts.'d'ltowist.'a very black 118. -md AT ONCE, WITHOUT HESITATION [ woRD-s.]. Used in the most southern Kwakiutl dialect, the Lt'kwilda^x^, with great frequency. In this dialect the suffix has lost its significance entirely. g'd'xmd he came at once 119. -dzd EMPHATIC [ WORD-S.]. ge'lodzd come, do! 13.3 (like German "komm doch!") ^md'dzd what anywa}'? 11.12 yu'dzdEmxEnt evidently this is it (see nos. 103, 135) k-'.e'dzdEm not at all X 3.29 (see no. 103) 120. "Ix'ilKll NICELY [WORD-S.]. dE'nxalak'inal singing nicely 121. -X'sa{Ja) carelessly [word-s.]. ^ne'k'ax'sala to speak carelessly 122. -k'hia accidentally [stem-s., witli reduplication]. dd' doxTcwinala to see accidentally wd'walk'in'e obtained by luck CS 42. S Ld'mak'indlaLe will be by chance very much CS 36.7 § 29 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 495 123. -q!dlahti{a) to no purpose [word-s.]. q.'d^nd'kulaq.'d'la^ma walking along without object he'hEgwdnEmq.'dla^m, common men V 441.15 124. -irdy -d in a wrong manner, to fail, to make a mistake, off [stem-s.]. This suffix may be identical with no. 37. After n and vowels, -wd; after p, t, and anterior and posterior Jc sounds, -a (compare no. 41). Id'wd to go off from road Y 491.24 dd'wd to fail to hold V 478.21 tie' pa to step off sdjKi'la to chop off V 345.18 telo'la to have the bait off V 479.9 Ic'exd'layu to be scraped off V 487.12 125. -hoi {a) TO pretend to [word-s.] q'.wd'sabola to pretend to cry 155.34 ts'.EX'q'.abo'la to pretend to feel sick 278.26 (see no. 148) ha^mdphdla to pretend to eat 257.23 ^wl'Habola to pretend to pinch 260.33 This suffix occurs also with nouns: lia^me'hdlax'de past pretended food (what had been made to look like food) 260.36 126. -X'stf as usual; -X'stfaaJt^ appai^ently, seemingly, it SEEMS LIKE. la' ^mx' St. 'as you do as usual U.S.N.M. 670.7 ladzd'lisax'st.'ad'x^mae apparently reaching up to the sk}' 238.5 Id'x'stlaa'l'^ it seems to be 50.25 130. Suffixes Denotluff Emotional States ( Xos. V47-J2») 127. -qlandlx'^ quitr unexpectedly [word-s.]. Id'q.'and'kwae k-.'e'lax'HdEq he struck her, although you would not expect it of him 128. -eL astonishing! [word-s.]. sd'eL it is you! 149.12, U.S.N.M. 725.11 e'dzdeLaJc- behold not this! 198.37 (es- not; -dzd no. 119; -ak' this [seep. 530]) 129. -JCOL, astonishing! o wonder! [word-s.]. k'.'e'sxoL oh, wonder! not 17.7 he'^maaHaxoL oh, wonder! it was he 138.43 eaLa^nE'maxoL behold! wolves X 57.15 § 30 496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [uill. 40 § SI. Suffi.r Denoting the Optative {Nos. 130-131) 130. 'Ue^sL OH, if! [word-s.]- g'dxne^sLe oh, if (he) would come! 131. -oc' LIKELY HE WOULD ! exhortativc (see § 66, p. 549). § 32. Suffixes Denotint/ tlic Source of luformation {Xos. 132-135) 132. -^1{(t) IT IS SAID [ WORD-S.]. XE'riLslaH very much, it is said 7.3 Ic'.'e' solatia but not, it is said 8.10 (see no. 101) Id'^lae then, it it is said, he — (passim) 133. ~Emsh'^ AS I TOLD YOU BEFORE [ WORD-S.]. g-d'xEmsl'"' he has come — as 3'ou ought to know, since I told you before 134. -Kilf/'fl IN A DREAM [ WORD-S.]. laE'nrj'd in a dream it was seen that he went X 173.40 135. -xEnt EVIDENTLY (as is shown by evidence) [word-s.]. k-.'ed'saaxEnt evidently nothing 73.18 Ic'le'sxEut evidently not 148.15 Suffixes Denoting Special Activities (Nos. 136-155) (§§ 33-34) §.?.?. Activities of Persons in (iencrul (.Vo.s. 13ii-143) 136. -(f'iJa TO MAKE [woRD-s. and stem-s., ind.]; loses initial g\ Lle'nag'ila to make oil 37.5 md'masila to hurt 29.28 Ld'wayugwila to make a salmon-wen* 26.39 Isqwe'la to make a fire 98.8 gwe'g'ila to do so (to make a certain kind of thing) 15.12 se'xivila to make a paddle V 496.2 This suffix occurs also with neutral stems as an indifferent stem- suffix. l)Eh^- man hEJcwe'la to make a man 103.20 lolc^- strong lokwe'la to make strong 104.7 This suffix in its passive form -g'iHak^ is used very often to form names of men, in the sense born to be — Gu'nte'lak^ born (literally, made) to be heavy NEg'd'lslHak^ born to be mountain on open prairie > Hd'^maslHak^ born to be a chief L.'d'qwasgEmg'lHak^ born to be copper-faced §§ 31-33 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 497 Peculiar is the mythical name of the mink Lle'sElag'iHa, which retains the glottal stop of the passive forms, although it lacks the passive suffix -k^ (no. 172), with which it would mean BORN TO BE THE SUN. 137. -X'sTla TO TAKE CARE OF [sTEM-s. also woRD-s. Used with reduplication]; loses initial a;'. tsUq;- winter-dance ts'.e'xts'.exsila to take care of winter dance 16.12 Thdq- mind - nana' qex- slla to resolve 184.2 &£fc"- man (?) ha'hax^sila to use 36.7 g'ig- chief g'd'g'ixsUa to treat like a chief 360.42 pand'yu hook pd'panayux^si^lats!eTecepta.c\e (i. e., canoe) for fishing with . . hooks V 484.14 (see no. 184) 138. -lal TO BE OCCUPIED WITH [woRD-s., generally with redupli- cation or lengthened vowel]. Tnd salmon o^ma^ chieftainess wilJc^ cedar 2)ES- to give a potlatch 139. -eXSt TO DESIRE [STEM-S., h]. ndq- to drink ax- to do 140. -OL TO OBTAIN [ STEM-S., IND. q!e- many la to go q!dk^- slave ivi- nothing g'l- to be me'gwat seal gwoHjo' the thing referred to 44877— Bull. 40, pt I— 10 32 JiaTYie' yalal to be occupied with salmon (i. e., to dance the salmon dance) 84.5 a'd-malal chieftainess dance 84.8 haimflkulal cedar dance pd'salal potlatch dance na'qexst to desire to drink ax^e'xst to desire to do 17.3 q'.eyo' L to obtain man}^ 139.36 loL to obtain 59.34 qld'lc'dLdnEm obtained by get- ting a slave 136.25 (see § 4, p. 436, no. 179) wio'l not to obtain 459.34 g'd'yoLas place where one ob- tains something 26.22 (see no. 182) me'gwatoL to obtain seals gwohjo' Las place where one obtains the thing referred t© 45.31 (see no. 182) § 33 498 141. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BILL. 40 •it TO ENDEAVOR [sTEM-s., 11, ahviivs with reduplication with a vowel] (see § 40). doq^- to see x'is- to disappear na'qo to meet yix^- to dance dd'x'ivasda to discover tsd to draw water ne's to pull dd'doq'.wa to endeavor to see x'd'x'a^ya to try to (lisai)pear nd'naqa^wa to try to meet yd'yahva to try to dance da' dbxhvasElaa to try to dis- cover tm'tsahja to try to draw water nd'nets.'aayu hook for pulling up red cod V 332, 18 (see no. 174) This suffix is used very often with nouns. ts'.d'ts! idk'la to (ry to <;et feathers 157.3 sd'yatsla to catch sprin fundamental sorios originate a great number of forms by composition and further modification. Tlie pron(miinal demon- strative forms occur as subject, object, and instrumental, and are formed, on the whole, by adding the demonstrative suflix to the per- sonal endings. In the objective series a number of secondar}^ changes have taken place. II {n). PRONOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVE SUFFIXES Demonstrative of- 1st person, visible . 1st person, invisible 2d person, visil)le . 2d person, invisilile .3d person, visible . 3d person, invisible Snbjeetive. Objective, ^'^^tn," -k- -ga -qEk- -zg-a -Q" -g"!, -qT'mce; -Jcasreal; Id'laenox^'' ghosts) hd'lxsdahjtnLas L.'e'sElag'i^la I am the musk-bag ()f mink CS 158.22 {hoi- musk-bag; -xsd hind end; -e^ nominal; Lle'ssla sun; -g'ila to make) §50 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 533 3. The second person takes a connective -e- before the objective and instrumental of the third person; so that we have -seq thou — HIM, and -ses thou — with him. With the instrumental of the first person, inclusive, and exclusive, the second person forms -setssn, -setSETis, -setsEnu^x^. Examples of this kind are very rare in our texts. 4. When a nominal subject is followed bj^ an objective or instru- mental, or when a nominal object is followed by an instrumental, it takes a connective -a- analogous to that following the first person (see under 2) . do'x^waLE'Ie Dzd'wadalalisaxa s'lkwa Dza'wadalalis saw the blood 99.7 {doq^''- to see; -^aLsla see no. 96, p. 490; eIIc^ blood) Tcwl'sHde Q.'d'neqelakwasa L.'aq.'ut Q!a'neqe-lak" spit out the alder bark 99.5 (kwes- to spit; (x-)^id to begin; L.'d'q^- red) ^ne'x'sr/lae Q!a' mtul/ilas Q.'fi'neqeHaJc^ it is said, Q!a'mtalal was told by Qla'neqe'lak" 100.19 tslsTdd'lElaxes la/^wunsmas wd'ldEinas she reported to her hus- band (with) the word 135.28 gwe'x'^ideda hEgwd'uEmax Ld'qulayugwa the man woke La'qulayugwa 251.4 (gwex'^id to wake; hEgwd'nEin man) 5. Verbs which have the future suffix -x (no. SS, p. 486) generally form the subjective by the suffix -a, which takes the place of -eda. Evidently the process of contraction by which the objective -xa and the instrumental -sa have developed from the older -xeda and -seda has affected in this case also the subjective. The second person future, when the verb has a pronominal ending, is generally -lol instead of -ids, which is used only as a possessive form. g'd'xui g'i'ng'indnEme the children will come X 17.8 la'mdx q.'dq! Exuto' x-wld LQ ts!ots!^i[no. 103]; - Ens [incl.]) gd'gaJc'.'anu^x^ we are trying to marry 225.43 (gsk'- wife [redu- plication with a, vowel and hardened terminal, tentative]; -nu^x^[exc\.]) liem' EnalaEinLES thou wilt always 182.41 (j^e'm^na^a always; -^m [no. 103]; -/. future [no. 88]; -es thou) JidqawEls they go out 179.17 (lidq- to go [plural]; -weIs out of house [nos. 37, 44]) g'd'xg'a he [near 1st person invis.] comes la'indx qosL this [near 2d person vis.] will be thine 228.42 {la to go; -^m [no. 103]; -ox [dem. 2d person vis.]; qos thine; -l future [no. 88]) g'd'x^mo^ this [near 2d person invis.] comes 370.24 {g'dx to come; -^m[no. 103]; -o^[dem. 2d person invis.]) he'^meq that is it 60.6 {he that; -^m [no. 103]; -eq [dem, 3d person vis.]) 2. Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal object: gd'gak-HnLOL I try to marry thee 97.4 {gEl:-- wife [ tentative § 46]; EULOL I — thee [ § 50.1]) LlEle'wahjvnLaq I forgot it 102.15 (§ 50.2) wuLE'nsaq we [inch] ask him (§ 50.2) wuLd'nu^xwoL we[excl.] ask thee §51 586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (bull. 40 Tn place of the olijoct of the iirsl jXM'soti, inclusive, and exclusive, which are not in use in Ivwakiutl, jx'riphrastic expressions are used (see § 61). /?., Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal instrumental: la'wadEnLasik' I have him for my husband 07. 20 {law- husband; -ad havino:[no. 170]; -F.nLas I — of him*(§ 50. 2); -I" [dem. 1st person vis.]) d'yadEULOs I have you for my father {as- father; -ad having [no. 170]; -EULos I of you [§ 50. 1]) ld'xulanux"'setSEn thou lovest me {Id'xida love; -unk having [no. 169]; -setSETi thou — of me [§ 50. 3]) 4. Transitive sentences with a single verl) and jjronominal ol)ject and instrumental. These are rare, since ])eri])hrastic expressions are preferred (see § 61). mix'i'nLOLas I strike thee with it (see § 50. 1) § 52. Sentence's Coiitaininfj Co-ordinate Verbs When the verb is accompanied l>y a co-ordinate verb and in a few related cases the more general verb, which precedes the special verb, takes the personal endings of the intransitive verb; and when the special verb is transitive, the latter retains its objective or instru- mental endings, which are suffixed to the stem. g'd'x^mEnu^x'^ Le'HaloL we came to invite thee 66.17 (^"aa^to come; --'m[no. 103]; -A'?77/^.r"' [excl.]; Le'H^la to inxite; -ox thee) IdlaxEiis xwe'x'TfSEl- should we shake with it 57.40 {la to go; -lax uncertainty [ § 28, no. 105]; -etis we, xwe'xHd to begin to shake; -seTc' wuth this) Id'LES nd'^nax^meLEq thou wilt answer him 264.28 {la to go; -l future [no. 88]; -jjsthou; nd'^nax/me' to answer; -l future [no. 88]; -(/him) xe'tileIeu mix'd'q I strike him too much {xE'nLEla very, too much; -eh I; mix'a' to strike; -q him) g'd'x^Eins ^wl'Ha^ta you have all come in 131.22 {g'dx to come; -Vi[no. 103]; -syou; ^im'Ha all; -el into house [§ 22, no. 47]) Ic' !e's Ell hamx'H' da l(\u\ not e2ii2bS.\l {k'lesnoi; -euI; hamx'H'd to begin to eat) Also — qEng-i^wd'loL that I may help thee {qEn that I; g'i^wd'la to help; -OL thee) qEn Id' wade sik' that I maiTV this one (S 72.11) §52 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 537 § 53. Sentences ivith Nominal Suhject and ijbject When the sentence has a nominal subject, object, or instrumental, these are placed following the prenominal forms which take the place of the pronominal forms. The noun itself takes the required post- nominal demonstrative ending. 1. Intransitive sentence with nominal subject. ^ne'x'Hae Tsle'tslEsg'ine Ts!e'ts!Esg'in said, it is said 31.9 {^nek' to say; -Ha it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -e [subj. dem. 3d person consonantic]) g'ofxHaeda maHd'hwe two persons came, it is said 261.33 {(j'dx to come; -Ha it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -Ida [subj. dem. 3d person vocalic]) la' Loxda ^TiaE'nx^una^ex these blankets will go ( = be given) 213.1 1 (la to go; -L future [no. 88]; -oxdalsuh]. dem. 2d person voc.]; ^nEX^u'ne^ blanket; -ex [postnom. dem. 2d person vis.]) g-d'x^mox Wtdd' s e^ w ex WuWso^ has come 161.27 (g'dx to come; -^m[no. 103]; -ox [subj. dem. 2d person cons.]; -ra [ postnom. dem. 2d person vis.]) he'Jc' Idlag'ada x'isd'lax'dg'a these who have disappeared make a noise 85.31 (he that; -h.'dla to sound [ § 34, no. 144]; -g-ada [subj. dem. 1st person voc.]; x'is- to disappear; -a^a continua- tive[§ 26, no. 92]; -x'de past [ § 25, no. 89]; -g-a [postnom. dem. 1st person invis.]) 2. Transitive sentences with nominal subject and pronominal object or instrumental. nd'^nax^ma^e Xd'ndts ! Emg-iHaJcwaq Xa'natslEmg'i-'lak" replied to him 131.7 {nd'^nax^me^ to reply; -e, [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; -qlohj. 3d person, § 50.4]) bd'we Q.'d'neqeHaliwas Qla'neqe^lak"' left him 169.28 (bo to leave; -e [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; [s instr., § 50.4]) h'U^e'deda he'hEgwanEmas the men became afraid of him 127.21 Qc-U- to be afraid; -x'^ld [inchoative, no. 90]; -eda [subj. dem. 3d person voc.]; hEgwd'uEm man; -s [instr., f 50.4]) 3. Transitive sentences with pronominal subject and nominal object or instrumental. dd'x'^id En Laxalsxa'^e Hook t\\ehsis\iei (Ja to take; -x'^ld [incho- ative, no. 90]; -ULag I — it [§ 50.2]; -xa [obj. dem. 3d person voc] ; lExa'^e basket) ^ne'x'SE^wuTiLasa hEgwd'uEm I was told by the man {^neh' to say; -so [passive, § 35, no. 159]; -iiLas I — by it [§ 50.2]; -sa [instr. 3d person voc.]; hEgivd'uEm man) Knix'H'dexahEgwd'nEm he struck the man {mix'- to strike; -r^id [inchoative, § 26, no. 90]; -e [§ 56]; -xa [prenom. obj.]) § 53 538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN KTHNOLOCY 1 ui i.i,. 40 -/. Transitive sentences with nominal subject, t)l)je('t, and instru- ment. xu'ngwade Q.'e'xwaqlandlwas O'^macfl'lisl Qle'xwacjlanak" had O'^magi'lis for her child 133.11 {xunJc^- child; -aJ having [no. 170]; -e [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; -as [instr., § 50.4]) yo'seda le'lqwalaLa^yaxa gwd'xnise the tribes ate the dog-salmon with spoons 133.34 (yo'sa to eat with spoons; le'lqwalaLe^ tribe; gwd'xnis dog-salmon) hwex^idlda hEgwd'nEmaxa qld'sdsa t! E'lwagayd the man struck the sea-otter with the club (kwex- to strike; -x'Hd [inchoative, § 26, no. 90]; hEgwd'nKm man: q.'d'sa sea-otter; f.'i-:'Iwnga to club; -aj/o instrument [no. 174]) § S4. Sentences Contaitn'nf/ Co-ordinate I'erljs and Notninal Saltjeet or Oltjeet When there are two co-ordinate verbs, the former takes the pro- nominal or nominal subject, while the latter takes the nominal object and instrumental. Id'Hae K'.wdqaxsdno wuLE'lax ^HEmo'gwise then, it is said, Klwa'qaxsano questioned ^nEmo'gwis 153.39 (la to go; -^Ja it is said; -e [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; wuLs'la to question) Id'hEJi ax^e'dzEX tIe'sEma I shall go and get a stone (la to go; -l future [no. 88]; -eu I; ax^e'd to take; -l future [no. 88]; -a [cons, obj.]; t.'e'sEm stone; -a [indef., see § 59.2]) Id'^lae qia'mseda md'k'ildq than the one next to her was lazy 54.24 § S3, Sentences Contain i it {/ Possessive Elements When the nominal subject, object, or instrumental contains pos- sessive elements, these are expressed by means of prenominal and postnominal endings, which take the place of the simple demon- strative elements. Id'lg'in h'le's^ox'dEh' this my crest will go 209.31 {la to go; -l future [no. 88]; -r/'-in [prenom. subj., dem. 1st person, § 49]; Tc'H's^d crest; -x'd past [no. 89]; -I- [postnominal dem. 1st person vis.]) wuLE'laxes ahE'mpe he questioned his mother 141.37 (wuLs'la to question; -xes [pronom. obj., dem. 3d person subj. and pos- sessor identical, § 49, III]; ahE'iup mother; -e [see § 49, III]) Id'was'ide nd'qdhjas his mind became wild 142.38 {Id'was^ld to become wild; -e [dem. 3d person indef.]; nd'qe^ mind; -as [nominal subj., dem. 3d person, subj. and possessor not the same person, § 49, III]) §§ 54, 55 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 539 qs'lsaxEn g-d'hwe he painted my house (qi/ls- to paint; -xi:n [prenom. obj., § 49]; g-ok"' house; -e [see § 56]) yd'x-sa^mes nd'qa^yos your mind is bad 71.35 {ya'x-sa^m bad; -es [prenom. sub j., § 49]; nd'qe^ mind; -os [postnom. possess. 2d person, dem., § 49]) The following examples illustrate possessive forms : 1st person, dem, 1st person, visible : laE'ms a'xLExg'in Le'gEmx'd%k- take my past name! 125.31 Lb' gun g' o'Jculotg'in and my tribe 451.28 1st person, dem. 1st person, invisible: ^md's^d'nawiseg-in tEhle'g'aE'nf what nuiy be the matter with my belly? 172.20 1st person, dem. 2d person, visible: we'g-a do'qwalaxwa g-o'TcwaqEn look at this my house! 409.38 Id'xEn gEiiE'maqEH to my wife 410.33 Id'xETi a^wl'^nagwisex to my country 259.30 1st person, dem. 3d person, visible: Jc-.'e'sEn wio'lxEn wd'ldEme I did not obtain my wish 454.3 1st person, dem. 3d person, invisible : Id'xEn g'd'g'imdx'daEJi to my past loans 452.1 Id'xEU g'o'Jcwa to my house 409.12^ gwd'gwa^yagasEJi gEWE'maEn my wife's way of going 300.33 Exclusive, dem. 1st person, visible: Tid'meJc'a^yd'lagEmlaxsg'anu^x^ g'l'gam^lc' the food-obtaining mask of our chief 35.38 Exclusive, dem. 2d person, visible: ale'watsIdxsEnu^x'^ g'l' gama^ex the hunting canoe of our chief U.S.N.M. 665.12 Exclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible: nd'qa^yaxSEns ^no'ldx the heart of our elder brother 325.11 Exclusive, dem. 3d person, visible: Lid' sand^yasEnu^x^ g'o'hwe outside of our house 120.31 Exclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible: Id'xEUU^x^ no'sa a^vn'^nagwisa to our country 259.41 Inclusive, dem. 1st person, visible: do'qwaxg'ada wd'g'ins look at our river 147.37 laE'iYik' ^wT'Haeig'ins ^ne'^nEmo'Jcwigdi' now all our friends are in the house 459.16 5J 55 540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (bull. 40 Inclusive, dem. 2(1 person, visible: yisEns g'l' gama^ex of our chief 453.11 Inclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible: hd'g'a, axk' la'laxEns g' o'Jculotax jjo and ask our tribe 310.8 Inclusive, dem. 3d person, visible: wd'ldEmasEns ^nEmo'Jcwe the word of our friend 401.40 Inclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible: Id'xEns a^vn'^nagwisaEiis to our country 261.12 Ic'.'d'tElag'asEns wl'wompddEns this salmon of our ancestors 451.40 2d person, dem. 1st person, visible: Id'xg'as gEUE'mg'os to your wife 234.22 2d person, dem. 2d person, visible: Idxs gd'guma^yaqos to your face 306.20 Id'xos a^wl'^nagwisaqos to your country 259.39 2d person, dem. 2d person, invisible: gd'gaJc'HriLaxs Jc'Ie'delaq.'ds I will woo your princess 119.22 2d person, dem. 3d person, visible: e'x'mis wd'ldEmos good is your word 259.35 2d person, dem. 3d person, invisible: do' qwalaxs ax^e' xsdESo^ Laos see what is desired by you 409.29 Id'xes xuno'x^Lads to your future child 51.36 3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence: — do'x^vndxos xuno'Jcwex (let her) see her child 134.16 — Id'xos yd'^yatsfex in his canoe 230.18 3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence: dEdd' x^sdxes lE'hlwise they held their bows 243.40 3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor different from sub- ject of sentence: la^me'sEn gEga'dESoxda Tc'le'delaxs and so I have married his princess 193.35 (-'mes and so; gEg'a'd to have for wife; Tc'le'del princess) 3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor different from sub- ject of sentence: — d'xEX yd'riEtns he took his game 294.27 — Ib'xumaxa lax o'x^sldza^yas they rolletl down to its base 19.12 §55 BOAS J HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 541 § 56. Irregular Forms While this system of forms is quite clear, there remain a number of irregularities in the third person which somewhat obscure its syntactical functions. This is particularly true of the forms without ending. It is difficult to decide whether they are true verbs. Similar difficulties arise in regard to the postnominal forms in -a, without ending, and in -e (see § 48, II). The postnominal -e is used particularly with nouns terminating sentences. It is used with nouns in subjective, objective, and instru- mental construction, and signifies a special emphasis laid on the noun, or the contrast between that particular thing and others; for instance, rmx'H'dexes xund'hwe he struck his child, because it is not expected that a man would strike his child. Examples from the texts are: Id'^Tne ye'laqula^e Wa'xmide then Wii'xwid sang his sacred song CS 90.6 — axk'laflaxes ^ne^nEmo'lcwe he called his friends 43.5 g'd'xHaeda hd'x^hokwe the h6'x"hok" came 109.39 — qd's^lde Ne'nEngase Grizzly-Bear-Woman went X 21.28 This suffix is postnominal, not verbal, as is proved by the analogous forms of the second person demonstrative : g'd'x^mox Wuld'sE'wex Wula'so^ came 161.27 It does not indicate absence or presence, but is merely an emphatic demonstrative. In other cases the verbal demonstrative of the third person -e^ is used in a similar position. On account of the weakness of the ter- minal glottal stops, it is difficult to distinguish this ending from -e. Still, the analogous forms of the second person demonstrative prove its verbal character. ydf^mes la hEk'.u'sox this is the woodman 258.27 It seems, that when there are two forms, and the first takes a verbal demonstrative or a possessive, the terminal word is generally a noun. yu'^mos wd'ldEmex this is your word When the sentence is opened by a verbal expression without demonstrative ending, the second term is a verb. yu'^mes ije'lax^widayuseyox this is his secret song It is doubtful, in this case, whether the first word is a noun or a verb, and wlicthor the second word should ho. considered a separate sentence. § 56 542 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § o7, [t'feffular Forms {contin iied) The same is truo in all cases where the verb stands immediately before its objeet or instrument. In these causes, when it has no de- monstrative, the objective -x and -s are sudixed to it. la TTiix'H'dxa J)Egwd'nEm he struck the man k'.'e'sox mix'H'd fj'd'xEn this one did not strike me lox Le'gadES T.'e'sEmg'ite this one had the name T!e'sEm^"it 2'J.5. 1 S The construction is similar to that in sentences in which nouns occur accompanied l)y qualifying!; terms. mix'H'deda ^wd'lase hEgwd'riEmxa g'ind'nEm this large man struck the child (literally, this tall one struck, man the child). If the noun stands by itself, the -a preceding the object (§ 50.4) is retained. mix'H'deda hEgwd'nEmaxa g-indnEm Temporal suffixes are treated in the same manner. xu'mtElseda ^wd'lasde g'd'x^sa ^sgwd^nEm. the large house of the man was burnt on the ground (xumt- to burn; -kIs on ground [§22, no. 44]; -{x')de past; g-ok^ house); (but xu'mtElse g'd'xMdsa b Egwdn Em the house of the man was burnt on the ground [see § 50.6]) There is still another case in which a similar absence of demonstra- tive elements is observed. The verb may be separated from the rest of the sentence, and its place may be taken b}'^ auxiliary verbs or by verbalized nominal ideas. Then it is placed at the end of the sen- tence, and has either no ending, or, better, the ending -a. la^sm qd's^ida then he went la^mox qd's^ida then he went le'da hEgwd'nEin gd's^ida then the man went In this position the verb can not take the ending -e, although it may be made a noun by the appropriate prenominal demonstrative. bsgwd'nEmeda qd's^ide the man went § S8. Het narks on Irregular lortns It is impossible to give a satisfactory explanation for all the peculiar usages of these endings, although the rules for their use can be stated quite definitely. The endings -eda and -x, which in Kwa'g'ul invari- ably have the function of determining subject and object, may have originally performed different functions. This is suggested by the following forms: The Dza'wadEenox" forms -secZa Q,n(\.-xeda (see § 49), and the analogous forms -xg'ada, -xoxda, -sg'oda, -soxda, of the §§ 57, 58 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 543 Kwa'g"u}, show that the endings -(fa, -ox, -e, and -da are not necessa- rily subjective. There are also indications that originally -da was not so exclusively prenominal as we find it now. This is indicated par- ticularly in its use with the independent demonstrative r/Y/, yu, lie, and the interrogative ^wl when. These often take the ending -da either by itself or in connection with possessive pronouns : g'a'da, yu'da, he' da, ^wl'de; and Jie'dsn g-ok^ that is my house (see § 55). On the other hand, -x is used to introduce appositions and temporal determinations (see § 61). In the form yixa it ma}^ take the place of the subject, a construction which is used frequently in the dialect of Newettee: (fd'xe, yixa hEfjwd'nEin he came, that man. In the Awi'kMenox" dialect of Rivers inlet it is suliixed in the same manner to the subject as well as to the object. Id'He yd'x'HdEla g- o'kulayaxai the people felt bad (g-o'l'ula tribe; -xai' those) On the other hand, it does not seem probable that this dialect should have retained older forms, since it shows considerable phonetic decay in other directions. § S9. Vocalic (uid Consort a7i tic Prejtotninal Forms It was mentioned in § 49 that the prenominal demonstrative occurs in two forms, as vocalic and consonantic. Tlie latter is used in three cases : 1. Before proper names. Id'Hae yd'q!eg-aHe Ts.'dqama^e then Tslaqame^ spoke 193.26 a^yi'lkwds T !e' s Emg'ite the attendants of T!e'sEmg'it 222.30 2. When a noun is used (a) in a general sense, or (I)) wiien the existence of an object is doubtful. (a): lie' Em wa'ldEins hEgwa'nEm that is the word of mankind g'd'hwas g-i'g-igama^ya a house fit for chiefs la^mEU wuLd'xg'a bsgwd'nEmk' I ask the men in present existence (&): a'ldso^we lae'sasa ts.'e'daq mussels are searched for by the women SEk'd' LETiLax gwohji'mlaxa I shall harpoon a whale, if there is one (-lax uncertainty [ § 28, no. 105]). On the other hand, we have la^mEU SEk'd'xa gwo^yi'm i harpooned A whale, because the whale, after having been harpooned, is definite. § 59 54-4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 In these cases we find generally the sulfix -a for the third person demonstrative invisible, because the object is necessarily conceived in this position. .7. AYlien the noun is followed by the possessive -s of the third person. g'a'xe lax g'o'lcwasEn ^UEmd'hwe he came to the house of my friend § 60. OltJccUiw a^id Instrutne^ital The use of the objective and instrumental with different verbs shows great irregularities. On the whole, the objective is used only when the action directly affects the object; while in other cases, where a direction toward an object is expressed, periphrastic forms are used. ^Mienever an action can be interpreted as performed with an instrument, the instrumental is used, for which the Kwa'g'ut has a great predilection. In many cases, however, both instrumental and objective may be used, according to the point of view taken. We find, for instance, the following instrumentals : (la^mEn) ze'qslas tiexi'la Idq I name it "door" 9.14 (zeq- name; -s [instr.]; tiex'i'la door; Idq going to it) Le'gadES Dd'hEude having the name of Da'bEnd 15.8 we'g'a gwd's ^etses g-dxllaos mention your reason for coming 16.10 {we'g'a go on; gwd's Hd to mention; -s?s your [instr.]; g-dx to come; -g'U reason [no. 176, p. 508]; -ads your) sd'hEntsox he overdoes this 18.1 ^yd'laqas g-ind'riEm he sent the child le ts.'ds then he gave it 18.11 laE'm t!e'qwai)LEntsa tle'sEme he put on the fire the stones 20.8 we'g'a, dE'nxHtSEii qls'indEina go on! sing (with) my song 451.25 All passives are constructed with the instrumentalis. qd's^idayusa aLa'Henox^ he was walked away with by the wolves § 61. Periphrastic Fortns Whenever the activity does not influence the object directly, but is rather directed toward the object, periphrastic forms, which may be termed " the locative," are used. These are formed with the verbs la TO GO, and r/ax to come, the former being used for the second and third persons; the latter, for the first person, inclusive, and exclusive, these verbs being treated as transitive verbs with objects. la'e Id'hsta laq then he went in to it (-hEta into [no. 28, p. 465]) le^stall'sEla Id'xEUS ^nd'lax he went around our world 12.7 §§ 60, 61 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 545 These periphrastic forms take the place of the object of the first person inchisive and exclusive (p. 536) . They are also preferred when- ever the verb has both pronominal object and instrumental. Then the periphrastic form generally takes the place of the object. The verbal character of these forms appears with great clearness when the verb is la to go, since in this case the verb is directly composed with the object, and thus replaces the locative, with which it is identical. The objective form is also used for all determinations of time. he gwe'g-ilaxa ga'gEnuLe he did so every night 249.24 (he that; gwe'g-ila to do so; -a;a[obj.]; ga'nuL night) § 62, Cdusality Causality is expressed b}" the element qa, which is treated as though it were a verbal stem that might be translated by to be the cause OF. This stem does not lose its terminal a. It takes pronommal, prenommal, and possessive forms, just like other verbs. d'laEl lE'ng-aa qqe's La'la it is said, he longed really the cause is his (= on account of his) sweetheart 23.12 {d'la really; -%i quotative; Is'ng'aa to long; La'la sweetheart) (Ja^mEn) Is'iig-aa qa^s I long on account of you 25.1 qaes wd'ldEmds on account of your words 285.42 laE'mHae ^yd'x'SEnne nd'qa^yas K!wek!waxd''wa^e qaes ^riEmd'^'we then the mind of K!wek!waxa'-we' was bad on account of his friend 291.34 Qa auxiliary verb; -Ein and; -Ha it is said; ^yd'x'SEin bad; nd'qe^ mind; ^nEind'h"- friend) qag'in wd'IdEmLik' on account of this my future word 115.31 qao'xda motslaqex on account of these four sticks 139.22. ,§ 63. l^lnality Closely related to the causalis is the expression for finality. This form seems to occur onl}' in nominal construction analogous to the third person demonstrative of the possessive causalis, from which it differs in the same way as the forms for visibility differ from those for invisibility. The set of forms is — 1st person qEii — a Inclusive qEUS — a Exclusive qEnu^x — a 2d person qa^s — ads 3d person qa — as (possessor different from subject) 3d person qa-s — a (possessor and subject the same) 44877— Bull. 40, pt. 1—10 35 §§62, 63 546 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY iBii.i.. 40 It corresponds to a verbal stem 7 with the possessive forms for absence. Jc'i'lwdn Em ETiLaq qEU gEUF/ma I boufjht her to be my wife This finahs is very frequently used with verbs, which, however, take certain suffixes. Most often they take the ending -e, which seems to noininalize the verbal term. When, however, the verb has another })ronominal suffix, as in the second })erson or with the object of the second person, it takes tiie suffix -a before the pro- nominal suffix. In the first person, exclusive, and inclusive, the pronoun maybe repeated suffixed to the verl). In this case the idea of finality is often so weak that it is hardly more than a connective. wa'dzdEJitsos qF.n i)!ux^e'de go on that I may taste 37.32 {wd go on; -dzd emphatic [no. 119, p, 494]; p.'ux^e'd to taste) qan ^ne'Jc'e and I say so 453.24 ^yd'lagEmEniMS Gu'ldEine qEJi g'd'xl I have been sent hj Wood- pecker to come 302.24 {^yd'laqa to send; -Em instrument [no. 173]; -nLds I by him; Gu'ldEm woodpecker; g'dx to come) we'ga, . . . qEiis do'qwale^x q!d'2MLd'sEns ^ne^riEmd'kwex go on, . . . that we may see the hitting of our friends 296.31 {dd'quxda to be looking; qlap- to hit; -seus of our; ^nEvaok^ friend; -ex postnominal dem. 2d pers.) . . . qa^s la'os ax^e'd that you go and take 405.34 . , . qa^s taple'daiios that you eat (break the shells) 2S4.22 . . . qsn Le'xs^alexEns xund'kwex that I advise our child 290.13 . . . qEU e'k'dwesg'ada -nEX^une'Tc' and I stake this blanket 292.3 we'g'a L'.o'p'.edEq^ qa^s hamx'H'daosaq^ go on, roast this and eat this 38.7 (L.'dp- to roast; hamx-^l'd to eat) Le'Hdlaxes g-okidote qa g'd'xes he called his tribe to come 23.2 ax^e'dxes q.'o'lats.'e qa^s g'd'xe he took his kettle and came 20.8 If the verb has the first form of the third person, and takes an object or instrumentalis, the final -s is followed by an -e. qa dE'nx^idesesa gd' gak' !ak' !d'Hayu qlE'mdEma that they sing the wooing songs 82. .3 (dE'nx'ul to sing; gnk'- wife [no. 141, p. 498]; -k'ldla noise [no. 144, p. 499]; -ayu instrument [no. 174, p. 507]; qlEmdEm song) Verbs with object of the second person take the ending -adz, cor- responding to -ads in verbs wath second person subject. Monosyllabic verbs in -a take -d in place of -ae, and -ayds or ads in place of -aaos. In the future the -e precedes the future suffix, and the endings are the same as usual, -sl, -Ilos, -cles. §63 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 547 qsn do'x^waLElaoL that I may see you 263.26 qa^s Id'os nd'^nakwa and go home 450.20 q^Eii Id e'tled that I go again 240.37 qa^sle'Los that you may go in the future 260.19 § 64, Causal and Tetnporal S altordinatfon Causal and temporal subordination are expressed b}" forms related to the foregoing. They must also be considered nominal in their character. Here the relation between personal and demonstrative pronoun is very close, the noun which expresses the subordination always appearing with the possessive pronoun of the proper person combined with the demonstrative pronoun of the same person. Subordination is expressed by the suffix -x, which takes possessive endings combined with the proper demonstrative elements. This -X may be related to the objective. Temporal Subordination Causal Subordination 1st person -xg-in — elc' qaxg-in — elc' Inclusive -xg-ins — elc' qaxg-ins — eJc' Exclusive -xg-mu^x^ — eh qaxg-inu^x^ — ek' 2d person -xs — aaqos qaxs — aaqos 3d person -xs — ae qaxs — ae In place of the suffixed temporal forms, we find also yi'xg-in, etc. qd'mxs ^ne'lc-aa'qds indeed, when you said 16.11 dzd'qwaxs la'e it was evening when he — 30.4 qaxg-in d'lex-dek- lE'ng-aa for I really long 25.1 qaxs ^ne'lc-aa'qos for you said 16.13 When the verb is transitive, the subject is combined with the subordinating -x, while the object remains connected with the verb. The subject may, however, be repeated in the verb in the same way as in the possessive (§ 49). qaxg-in wuLE'la^meg-inLaq iov 1 heard it 16.1 (ivuLE'Ia to hear) Lo'xgun tsld'weg-asa Hixi'ts'.ex Iol and that I gave you this dog 39.9 (Loand; ts!d to give; -wats! dog) The ending -x undergoes the same changes as those enumerated in § 50.4, 6. Whenever these endings follow an objective or instrumental, they take a connective -e. Loldsexs la'e 24.1 {mlds his sweetheart) do'x^waLElaqexs wu'nqElaeda xup.'a' he saw that the hole was deep 11.1 §64 548 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 It is worth remarking that in these cases there is no differentiation in the third person when the subject of principal and su])()rdinate clauses differ and when they are identical. laE'm Tc-Ies qld'hsle Md' xulayugwdxs Ip/ma'e lo' Le K'.wd'lcwax- sdndxa hald'yuwe then Ma'xulayugwa did not know that K!wii'kwaxsano had obtained the death-bringer 144.39 (k-fes not; qld'LEla to know; Iol to obtain; hald'iju means of death) hH'sHat'.a gd'la qd'saxs la'e Id'g-aa he did not walk long when he arrived 27.2 {gd'la long; qd'sa to walk; Id'g-aa to arrive) The same forms also occur without the subordinating sufTix -x. In these cases the possessive element is suHixed to the postnominal demonstrative. 1st person -eg'in 2d person -aqos 3d person -as Ic-.'e'sad'qos gdxnaxwaxa ^nd'la you do not conic in the daytime {Jc'Ies not; g-dx to come; -naxwa from time to time [§26, no. 95]; ^nd'la day) Id'aHase Hd'qulagugwa yd'q'.eg-aHa then, it is said. Crying- Woman spoke 261.43 § 65. Conditional The conditional is formed from the same stem qa as the causal. It takes the ending o. In this case the first person takes the same form riL which has been discussed in § 50. 1. The principal verb may also take the suffix o, and is often accompanied by the suffix -lax (§ 28, no. 105), wliich expresses uncertainty. Following are the conditional forms: 1st person qauLO Inclusive qanso Exclusive qanu^xo 2d person qa^so 3d person, demonstrative, 1st person . . qayo 3d person, demonstrative, 2d person . . qa^xb 3d person, demonstrative, 3d person . . qb qa^sb hamx-H'dxa hamg-l'layuLa Iol if you eat the food that is given to you. 258.33 (hamx-H'd to eat, liamg-lHa to give food, -ayu passive [§ 36, no. 174], IbL to you) qa^sb Tc-!e'slax ha^md'plaxbL if you should not eat 262.11 (I'-.'es not, -lax uncertainty, lia^md^p to eat, -lax uncertainty, bz you [§ 50.5]) §65 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 549 § 66, Ittiperative and Eochortative The imperative of inchoative verbs is generally formed witli the suffix g-a; that of continuative verbs, with -la. da'salg-a dive! 461.23 The defective forms ge'la come! lui'g-a go! belong here. We find also the double form ge'lag-a come! Often the imperative is introduced by a form derived from the interjection we go on! which takes the imperative ending -g-a or (in the future) -g-iL. In other cases the we takes pronominal endings. In constructions with we' g-a, the intransitive verb takes the ending -x. we' g-a ^nd'xumdlax go on, cover your face! 185.35 we'g-il la gwd'lalaLEX keep ready! 242.28 wd' Eutsos qEU wuLd'oL let me ask you ( = you [exhortative] that I ask you) 145.22 Sometimes hd'g-a and ge'la are used in the same manner as we'g-a. hd'g-a xwd'nal^'idEX go and get ready! 114.28 Exhortatives are formed with the suffix -x': we'x'ins wl'nax K. let us make war on K. 301.25 we' g' ax- 1 Id'Jdwemases nd'qa^yos strengthen your mind 13.8 gwd'lax-% Ji'e'x-^idaEm o'q.'uses nd'qa^yosaq don't believe your own mind at once 269.3 Negative imperatives are always introduced by gwd'la dox't! which is derived from gwa to cease. gwd'la ^neh- don't say so! 144.35 It is quite likely that the forms in -g-a are related to the demon- strative endings, and that the imperative is less a modal form than an expression of the immediate nearness of action. In many cases the imperative idea is expressed l)y the future, either alone or introduced by w'e'g-a and gwd'la. The transitive imperative seems to be expressed always by the future. The ending -no^ forms a peculiar emphatic imperative: gwa^nd'^ don't! 462.18 yd'L.'dno' take care! Probably this suffix has the meaning entirely, altogether, and is used as an imperative only secondarily. At least, the forms do'qwano^, g-d'xnd% were translated to me you see, come! implying that the opposite ideas of not seeing, not coming, are entirely excluded. §66 550 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 67. Tnti'rrof/athu' When interrogative pronouns — an(/^- who, ^ma- what, ^wi- when, g-in- HOW many — are contained in interrogative sentences, the ordi- nary verbal forms are used. When these are not interrogative pro- nouns, the verb takes the suffix -a. ^md'sas hEgwd'nEm? what kind of a man are you? 147.24 ^md'sds Ld'gala^sdqosf what is standing behind you? 37.21 a'ngwax'LUsf what is on you ( = is your name)? 07. 31 ^wl'dEii ^wa'tsldf where is my (U)g? 44.24 ^wldzd's g'e'x'Hde? where do you come from? 123.26 gayi'nsEla^maE'na? did I stay under water long? 34.10 {ga- long; -ns under water [§ 21, no. 26]; -la [contin.]; -hn [connect., § 27, no. 103]; -a [interrog.]; eu I; -a [interrog.]) Jc'Ied'sas ijd'nEmaa? have you no game? 45.27 Qc- lea's none; -as thou; yd'nEmgQ,n\e] -a absent; a [interrog.]) plspld'sasa are you blind? 95.26 In interrogative sentences the voice sinks at the end of the sentence. § 68, Plural When the sense requires clear expression of the pronominal plural, the suffix -x-da^x^ is used, which is treated like other suffixes beginning with X-, and loses this sound after consonants. This suffix must not be considered a pronominal ending. It is attached to interjections as well as to verbs. ^ya'x-da^x^ (address of several people) 219.17 Id'x-^da^x^lae they went, it is said 266.27 § 69. Adverbs From what has been said before, is appears that there are very few adverbs only in Kwakiutl. A great number of adverbial ideas are expressed by suffixes, while others are verbs. To this class belong, for instance: es, h-'.es not d- really Jial- quickly The only independent adverbs that do not take verbal forms, so far as they are known to me, are Eld'q almost, and the numeral adverbs formed with the sufhx -p.'EU. §§ 67-69 boas] HANDBOOIv of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 551 § 70. VOCABULARY Most of theKwakiutl steins are luonosyllabic, and consist either of a consonant, vowel, and consonant; or of a vowel preceded or fol- lowed b}" a consonant. Only a few stems consist of a short vowel followed by two consonants. Apparently there are some bisyllabic stems; for instance — ale'x'"- to hunt sea-mammals d'ld to search jriEdE'lq- to boil g-%ld' l- to steal Jc-.'elak- to strike Owing to the great number of nominal suffixes, most nouns are derived from verbs, so that the number of primarily denominative stems is small. Examples of nominal stems derived from verbs or neutral stems have been given in § 36. A few others may be given here. Ld^s tree (= standing on 7r<£?ia'^s/e drum ( = striking re- ground) ceptacle) zatE' ml hat ( = hanging face- ^w^^^i/'/a moon ( = round thing cover) being) qo^s pond (= water in it on ^wa'Zasic-f; lynx ( = big toothed) ground) Ld'wgyu salmon \^^eir ( = means xu'lgwis shark ( = rough body) of standing) Furthermore, many local suffixes form nouns by being attached to the nominal stem o- something, and a few related stems. "We find, for instance, o'hde^ chest, o'x^sidze^ foot of mountain, o'negwil CORNER. Before vowels, the stem o- becomes a^w-; for instance, in d'^WEXSde MOUTH OF A VESSEL. A number of nouns are found, however, which are neither descrip- tive nor immediately reducible to the series of local suffixes. Among parts of the body we find some that do not occur as suffixes. e'Mz- flesh yom- thumb eIIc^- blood h-'.ed- third finger Imp- hair of body seU'.- fourth finger SE^y- hair of head aEU- eyebrows xaq bone xawe'q skull Lies- skin na^x'^ vulva Tc-!il- tongue ts'.E^y- intestines gEl- rib §70 552 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY [»l'.i.. 40 Other names of parts of the body occur hi two forms — as inde- pendent words and as suffixes. Independent Suffix head ardms -xlcL mouth sENifi -xsta ear p.'Esp.'E^yd' -ato e^^e gdbElo'xstd^ -^sto face (jd'gii)tie -gEm nose if'V iidza.s -llha tooth (/'^'g'ff' -s,rd belly tsk'/e' -es hand -wa8dE^3'in^' was told it is -said l0L."5° from vou." G'e'xdEn. Then it is said La"lae ^° wulb' ^^ Then it is said ' ' ^mae'noxwas ?" ^* " What tribe are you'.'" asked Lfi'^lae^o Tiien it is said he replied: G'e'xdEnaxa^- G'e'xdEU the nfi'nax^nia^eda ^■'' replied the I am trying to get a magical treasure l)Egwa'nEnie b E o- wfi ' n E ! n aq : ^' man to liim: sj Id WENT, signifies here a new action: then. 28 qds- TO av.\lk; -i-ld inchoative (§ 26, no. 90). » wd'k!- bent; -eg- side (§ 22, no. 51); -es on beach (§ 22, no. 4.5); -i-lo on (=nanied) (§ 21, no. 32 6). M Id (see note 27); --toe (see note 1). 31 doq"- TO see; -aiEla to accomplish (§ 26, no. 96); -xa vocalic pronominal object (see note 23). ^■-nEq- TEN ( = straight); -ts.'aq long object (§ 24, no. 84); -e demonstrative (see note 4). 33 Stem xwaku-. 3< TtlEI- HOLLOW things ARE SOMEWHERE [PLURAL to ftOM-]; -eS ON BEACH (§ 22, nO. 4.">). 35 I^ocative (see note 3); -5 object 3d person (§ 49). 36fu;un- TO hide; w for-o off (§21, no. 37). -ege bark (§ 23, no. 69); the reason for the introduction of w before -ege is not clear; -q object 3d person (§ 49). 3' Id (see note 27); -Em-wls and .so (§ 27, no. 104); -^to (see note 1). Here Id is used as the verb to go. 33 laz consonantic form of locative (see note 3) before a form with genitive ending (§ 59). 39 fit- landward; -e^ nominal ending (§ 36, no. 161); -sa vocalic genitive (§ 49). «) Reduplication for plural (§41). 9). 9S Reduplicaled plural (§42..';). 99 Prenominal 2d person visible. :«>i- future; -sn I. ^"^xui'l quartz; -ba point (§ 21, no. 31); -la nominal; -x postnominal, 2d person, visible. '"2 harpoon. 103 Periphrastic, 2d person visible, consonantic (§§ 48, 59). 104 The subject changes, hence the -s follows the verb. '^» SEk-- to spear; -la continuative; -sox with this, 2d person, visible (§§ 48, .W); -xa object. "» Stem gweir-. 107 -Em -wis (§28, no. 104). 'osLCj^- name; -Em nominal suffix; reduplicated plural. 109 TO£7(7. satiated; -osElai"!); -as place of—. "0 mETil- satiated; -eqala to feel like— (§ 23, no. 81). 1" g-6l;'^ house; -l future; -aos thy, invisilile 2d person possessive (§ 48). i^--xseg-a FRONT OF HOUSE (§ 23, no. 52); -L future; -is 2d person, prenominal pos.sessive (§ 48). "3-i, future; -e demonstrative. ni -L future; -es 2d person, prenominal possessive. 115 lo'qul- dish; -U in hou.se; -aos (see note 111). "6 Jial- TO KILL (He'ldza-q>" dialect); -ayu instrument. >" q.'ula life; -^sta water (§ 22, no. 39). US See note 13. >i9 -sja tooth (see p. 478, no. 62). 120 XM^ TO cut blubber; -ayn instrument. >2i s£/;«- to CarVe; -«xo tooth; -f, future; -tis thv, postnomino BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 557 La'^lae^o LEx^e'deda ^^^ maa'mx^enox".'^ G'ii'xnae" G'e'xdEn, Then it is started the killer-whale. He came it G'e'xdEn, said is said na'^nak"^^^ la'xes^" g-ok^i LaE'm^^ sEk-a'xa^^^ gwcVyi'm i"" LE^va"^ going home to his house. Then he speared ' whale and the whole qla'sa;^^'' lil'g-'iltse^^" g'"I'gaoiex"^da.^^^ sea-otter; that was his ch'ief he became, reason '22 LEI- TO START BY CANOE; -X'^ld TO BEGIN. 123 na'^naku is here independent of Ge'xdEn and begins a new clause. 124 s£j:-- TO harpoon; -xa prenominal object. 125 q!as- SEA-OTTER. 126 la TO go; -g-ll reason; -se (after I it becomes -tse) of his. 127 gr-J'j/oTOc^ chief; -x-^Zd to become. [Translation.] Heat lived in the upper world. Heat came with his children, — Shining-Down and First-Speaker, a woman, and G'e'xdEn, and his youngest child, Seen-from-Corner-to-Corner. The wife of Heat, Sun- AVoman, did not come, for she is the one who makes the sun go. Heat and his children came straight down to O'manis. At once G'e'xdEn went to Bent Bay. There he discovered ten canoes on the beach. He hid behind them landward from the canoes. Then G'e'xdEn jumped out of the woods. Then one person spoke. "What are you doing on the beach, G'e'xdEn T' Thus G'e'xdEn was told. Then he replied, "I am trying to get a magical treas- ure from you." Then G'e'xdEn asked the man, "To what tribe do you belong V The man answered him,^ " We are Killer- Whales. The hunting-canoe of our chief is split." Then G'e'xdEn was asked what he used to sew his canoe with when it was broken. He mentioned cedar- withes. "Go and get cedar-withes!" G'e'xdEn was told. He started, and it was not long before he came, carrying cedar withes, which he gave to the man. Then the man tore to pieces the cedar- withes. "Why are the}- so weak?" Then the man sent a person to go and get "twisted on beach." The man ran away; and it was not long before he came, carrying "twisted on beach." Then the man sewed the canoe. He rubbed the outside of his sewing with gum. Then it was finished. Then the chief of the Killer-Whales, Moviiig-All-Over-the- World, — that was the name of the chief of the Killer-Whales,— (said), "This, my (luartz-pointed harpoon, will go to G'e'xdEn; and the names Place-of-getting-Satiated and Feeling-Satiated, and your house with a killer-whale (painting) on the front, will be your house; and your dish will be a killer-whale dish; and the death-bringer and the water of life and the quartz-edged knife, which is to be 3'our butcher-knife (shall be yours)." Then the Killer- Whale started. G'e'xdEn came and returned to his house. Then he speared whales and sea-otters. Therefore he became a chief. CHINOOK BY FRANZ BOAS 559 OOISTTENTS 1. Distribution and history 563 § 2-13. Phonetics 564 § 2. Vowels ; 564 § 3. Consonants 565 § 4. Phonetic laws '. 566 §§ 5-6. Effects of accent 566 § 5. Vocalic changes 567 § 6. Consonantic changes 568 § 7. Laws of vocalic harmony 569 § 8. Consonantic assimilation 570 § 9. Vocalization of consonants 570 § 10. Vowel changes 570 § 11. Metathesis , 570 § 12. Dieresis and contraction 571 § 13. Weakening and strengthening of consonants 571 14. Grammatical processes 571 15. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 572 § 16-56. Discussion of grammar 575 §§ 16-45. Syntactic words 575 § 16. Structure of syntactic words .'. 575 § 17. Modal elements 577 § 18. Pronominal elements 580 § 19. The post-pronominal g 581 § 20. The third person dual. . '. 583 § 21. The third person plural 583 § 22. Pronouns of the transitive verb 584 § 23. Possessive pronoun 584 § 24. Elements expressing the possessive relation between subject and object 587 § 25. Adverbial prefixes 588 § 26. Directional prefixes 590 § 27. Verbal stems 592 §§ 28-33. Suffixes 593 § 28. General remarks 593 § 29. Generic suffixes 593 § 30. Local suffixes 595 § 31 . Semi-temporal suffixes 595 § 32. Temporal and semi-temporal suffixes 596 § 33. Terminal suffix 597 §§ 34-43. The noun 597 § 34. Gender 597 § 35. Dual and plural 602 § 36. Secondary significance of gender 603 § 37. Gender of plural 603 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 36 561 562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bl^l. 40 §§16-56. Discussion of grammar — Continued. Page §§ 16-45. Syntactic words — Continued. §§ 34-43. The noun— Continued. § 38. Plural suffixes 605 § 39. Vocative. . ; 612 § 40. Derivation of nouns 612 § 41. Noune and verbs derived from particles 616 § 42. Compound nouns; 617 § 43. Substantives as qualifiers 617 § 44. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 617 § 45. Independent personal pronoun 626 §§ 46-52. Particles - 627 § 46. Attribute complements 627 § 47. Adv.erbs 633 § 48. Exhortative particles 635 § 49. Interjections : 635 § 50. Conjunctions 636 § 51. Adjectives 637 § 52. Adverbs derived from intransitive verbs 638 §§ 53-54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism 638 § 53. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Wishram (by Edward Sapir) 638 § 54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Chinook and Kathlamet 645 §§ 55-56. Syntax ver the a- stands before a vocalic element, its place is taken by n-. The masculine i- preceding; a vowel has conscmantic character, and retains, therefore, the d-. In Kathlainet n- is used under the same conditions; l)ut, besides, a form occurs beginninfj; with i-, which is followed by n - \ JUfV ^ . "^ <>' a-g-Or-x-o' -pc-am she hid her own 216.5 {a- transitional; g- she; a- her; -x- indicates that the object is possessed by the sub- ject; -0- directive; -pc stem to hide; -am completion) (2) After the second object of the transitive, it indicates that the first object belongs to the second. a-m-L-d'-x-cg-am you take it (hers) from her 185.16 (a- tran- sitional; m- thou; l- it; a- her; -x- indicates that it belongs to her; -eg stem to take; -am completion) (3) After the intransitive subject, it has the force of a reflexive transitive verb; i. e., it indicates sameness of subject and object. n-e'-x-a-x he does himself; i. e., he becomes (n- transitional before vocalic pronoun [§ 17.1]; e- he; -x~ reflexive; -a- direct- ive; -X stem TO do) a-^m-x-d'-n-El-gu' L-itcl' you expressed ^"ourself to me; i. e., you told me 97.10 (a- transitional; ?//- thou; -a;- reflexive ; connect- ive E with secondary accent becomes a- before ?i [§ 5. 2b]; n- me ; -I- to ; -guL stem to talk ; -tcJc inchoative) (4) After the object of a verb with intransitive subject, it has the force of a transitive reflexive in which subject and second subject are identical. n-e'-L-x-a-x he does it in reference to himself; i. e., he becomes from it 244.16 (same analysis as above under 3, with the object L- IT inserted) §24 588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibdix. 40 § 25, AdreHtiaf Prefixes A number of adverbial ideas — particularly those defining the rela- tit)n of the verb to the object, and corresponding to some of our prep- ositions — are expressed by prefixes which follow the pronouns. The adverbial character of these elements appears in forms like — d-q.f' -l-qi-tk somebody placed him near by (a- transitional; ^- somo one; e- him; -/- to; -(ji- eliminates one object [§ 26.4]; -tk stem TO place) The verbal idea is to place near, and the form is purely transitive. The same construction appears clearly in — a-L-g-i-g E'l-tcxETYi it sings for him 260.17 (a- transitional; x- it; -g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; i- him; -gd- on account of; -tcxEin TO SING shaman's song) These examples show that the prefixes do not belong to the objects, but that they qualify the verb. Following is a list of these prefixes: 1. -I- TO, FOR. L-d'-l-o-c it was to (in) her 71.6 (l- it; a- her; -I- to; -o- directive ; -c stem TO be) a-c-k-L-e'-l-o-TcL they two carried it to him 29.9 (a- transitional; f- they two; -^•- post-pronominal [ § 19.1]; x-it; e-him; -Z- to; -0- directive; -kh stem to carry) The third person plural of the pronoun, when preceding this -t-, has the form o (§21). In this case the -I- changes to -e- (§9.1), and the o is then weakened to w. a-q-t-a-w-e'-m-alcu-x they distributed them to (among) them 246.10 (a- transitional; q- somebody; t- them; (-a-) probably connective; -w- for o- them; -e- for -I- after o; -m stem to HAND [ ?] ; -al'o about ; -x usitative) 2. -11- IN, into. a-tc-a-LE-n-gd'n-ait he threw her into it 173.6 (a- transitional; tc- he; a- her; l- it; -n- into; -gEn stem to place changed to gdn on account of accent [§ 5. 2h]; -ait to be in position) s-d'-n-po-t she closed her eyes 47.18 {s- they two; d- her; -n- in; -^0 stem TO close; -^perfect) 3. -A'- on. a-L-g-o'-tx she stands on it 191.20 (a- she; l- it; -g- on; -o- directive ; -tx stem to stand) a-LE'-n-ka-t-ka it comes flying above me (a- transitional; l{e)- it; n- me; -!•(«)- on; -f- coming; -ka stem to fly) §25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 589 m-a-n-h-o' -tx-umit-a you will make her stand on me 24.13 (m- thou; a- her; 71- me; -k- on; -0- directive; -^xstem to stand; -iu)mit to cause [§ 29]; -a future) 4. -gEl- ON ACCOUNT OF. a-L-g-i-gE'l-tcxETYi-x it sings on account of him 260.17 (a- transi- tional; L- it; -g~ post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; i- him; -gEi- on account of; -tcxEvn stem to sing shaman's song; -a; usitative [§32.11]) mc-g-a-n-gEl-o'-tg-a ye shall keep her for me iinc- ye; -^-[§ 19.1]; a- her; n- me; -gsl- on account of; -0- directive; -tg stem to PUT ; -a future) 4a. -ocEl- reflexive form of -gEl- on account of. In many cases the translation for, on account of, does not fit in this case, although the etymological relation is clear. n-d'-L-XEl-a-x she makes it for herself 267.2 {71- transitional before vowel ; a- she ; L-it; -xeI- on account of ; -a- directive ; -x stem to do, to make) a-L-a-XE'l-tciam it combed her for itself; i. e., she combed herself 13.2 (a- transitional; l- it; a~ her; -xeI- on account of; -tciam stem combing) 5. -gEtn- WITH, NEAR. a-q-L-gEm-o'-tx-uit somebody stands near it 238.4 (a- transitional; 2- some one, transitive subject; i- it; -^^m- near; -0- directive; -tx stem to stand; -{u)it to be in a state [ § 29]) a-L-x-L-gE'in-^apko-x it steamed itself near it {a- transitional; l- it; -X- reflexive; l- it; -gEm- near; -^apJco stem to steam; -x usitative) 5a. -xEni- reflexive form of -gEm- with, near. n-i-n-XEm-tce' na he lays me near himself; i. e., I lay him near me (n- transitional before vowel ; i- he ; n- me ; -XEm- near ; -tce'na stem to lay) c-XETYh-l-afit they two stood near each other 228.25 (c- they two; -XEm- near; -I- stem to move [?]; -a-it to be in a position) 6. -x~ on the ground. e'-x-o-c he is on the ground 39.18 (e- he; -x- on ground; -0- directive; -c stem to be) 7. -^El-, No translation can be given for this element, which appears in a position analogous to the other adverbs in a few verbal stems. -^eI-JceI to see -^El-ge'l-ako to uncover -^El-tatkc to leave §25 590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 2(i. Dh'rrtliPUiil Prefixes 1 use this toi'in lor a tiirou}) of prefixes wliieli ar(^ didicult to classify. One of them designates undoubtedly the direction toward the speaker, another one negates the direction toward an object, and a third one seems to imply direction from the actor. For this reason I iiave applied the term " directional prefixes," although its pro- priety is not quite certain. 1. -0-, a very frequent verbal prefix which seems to indicate motion away from the actor, although this significance does not readily apply in all cases. This prefix occurs with most verbs and immediately precedes the stem. a-tc-i-o' -c(j-am he takes him 135.9 (-o- directive; -aj stem to TAKE ; -am completive) i-o'-c he is (-o- directive ; -c stem to be) "When the stem begins with a velar, a glottal stop, or a w, the -0- changes to -a-, but, when not accented, it remains -o- before stems beginning with w. a-tc-i-d' -wa^ he killed him 23.20 {-a- directive; -wa^ stem to kill) tcK-n-u-wu'l^-mja he will eat me 212.15 a-tcE'-t-a-x he did them 9.5 {-a- directive; -x stem to do) a-tc-d' y-a-qc he bit him 9.9 (-a- directive; -qc stem to bite) a-q-i-a-^o'nim some one laughs at him 184.3 (-a- directive; -^onim stem to laugh) This change is evidently secondary, and an older form — in which o was used in all cases, as we find it now in Upper Chinook — must have existed. This is proved by the persistence of o in place of all a vowels that occur after this stem, even when the directive o is changed into a. tc-i-n-l-af -x-d he will make him for me 69.25 (terminal -o for future -a, as would be required by the laws of vocalic harmony if the directive -a- before the stem -x had remained -d-) a-tc-t-d'-x-dm he reached them 191.12 (terminal -dm for -am) This explanation does not account for a form like naiga'tldm she REACHES HIM, in whicli the change from am to -dm follows the fortis which stands for tq. (See § 29.4.) The directional -o- is never used with imperatives. As stated in § 22, the imperative of the transitive verb has also no subject. §26 BOASJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 591 Intransitive imperatives : TYiE'-tx-uit stand up! 211.21 (m- thou; -tx to stand; -uit suffix [§29.1]) mE'-x-a-x do! 15.25 (m- thou; -x- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do) ms'-LX-a go to the beach 175.16 (m- thou; -lx to the beach; -a future) Transitive imperatives : e'-cg-am take him! 43.8 (e- him; -eg- to take; -am completion) a'-latck hft her! 15.7 («- her; -latclt to hft) a'-t-TcL-a carry her here! 15.24 (a- her; -t- here [§ 26.2]; -1<:l to carry; -a future) SE'-pEna jump! 16.3 (se- them two, namely, the legs; -psna to jump) 2. -f- designates direction toward the speaker. a-Tc-L-E'-t-kL-ani she brought it 124.24 {-t- toward speaker; -Tcl stem TO bring; -am completion) a-LE'-t-ga it comes flying 139.1 {-t- toward speaker; -ga to fly) a-LE'-n-Jca-t-ga it comes flying over me (-Ic- on) 3. -t- potentiality, i. e., the power to perform an act moving away from the actor, without actual motion away. This prefix is identical with the preceding, but, according to its sense, it never occurs with the transitional. tc-LE-t-x he can do it 61.8 (-t- potential"; -x stem to do) q-tE'-t-jnaLx-ax somebody can gather them 94.15 {-t- potential; -piaLx stem to gather; -x usitative) 4. -A*/- negates direction toward an object, and thus eliminates one of the two objects of transitive verbs with two objects, and transforms transitive verbs into intransitives. a-g-i-L-gEm-o'-Me-x somebody pays him to it 261.23 {-gEin- wdth, near; -o- directive; -Me thing; -x usitative) a-te-a-g Em-ki' -Me he paid her 161.9 {-gEm- ^vith; -M- elimi- nates first object; -Me thing) a-L-lc-L-o-kct it looked at it 256.8 (-o- directive; -Mt stem to look) a-LE'-Tci-hct it looked 218.9 (-H- eliminates object; -kct stem to look) The interpretation of these forms is not quite satisfactory. The element -t occurs also as the stem to come, and the forms of no, of lo I, it went, suggest that -o may be a stem of motion. If this is the case, the first and third prefixes of this class might rather form com- pound stems with a great variety of other stems. The potential -t- §26 592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iB'ir,. 40 and the intransitive -H-, on the other hand, do not sesm to occur as stems that can be used with pronominal elements alone. Attention ma}^ be called here to the analogy between the prefixes -gpl- and -(jEm and their reflexives -xeI- and -XEm- (§ 25) and the two forms -ki- and -x-. However, since -hi- never occurs with following directive -o- or -a-, while -x- appears frequently combined with it, (his analogy may be due to a mere coincidence. It would seem that the directive -o- is always retained after /-, and sometimes after -(]eI-, -gEin-, -xeI-, -XEm-, but that it never occurs with other adverbial elements. § 27. Verbal Stems The verbal stems are either simple or compound. It was stated in the preceding section that what we called the prefixes -t- and -o- may be stems expressing to come and to go. There are a number of verbal stems which appear with great frequency in composition, and almost always as second elements of verbal compounds. All of these express local ideas. They are: (1) -pa motion out of. (2) -'p! motion into. (3) -wulxt motion up. (4) -tcu motion down. (5) -LX motion from cover to open. f6) -ptcJc motion from open to cover. Wfi find, for instance — n-e'-t-p! he comes in 211.18 (-t toward speaker; -p! motion into) a-L-o'-pa he goes out 46.8 (-o- directive; -pa motion out of) ^-T^-L-o'-kct-ptck she carries it up from the beach 163.11 {-Tcct- to carry; -p>tck motion from open to cover, especially up from beach) a-n-o' -tct-^ulxt I travel up in canoe {-tct motion on water; -wulxt motion upward) There are a few cases in which these verbs appear in first position in the compound verb. n-e'-Lx-Lait he goes to the beach and stays there {-lx motion from cover to open, especially from land to sea; -Lait to stay) Compounds of nouns and verbs are much rarer. a-tc-a-i-nE-md'Tc'.-^oya-Tid he makes her (the breath) in his throat be between; i. e., he chokes him (-n- in; -mole- throat; -^oya to be between; -ako around) §27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 593 Here belong also the compounds with t!d well e-t!d'-cg-am hold him well! 44.15 {-t!d- well; -cf) to take, hold; -am completion) The idea aeound {-ako) does not seem to occur independently, and is therefore treated in the next section. Siiflixes (§§ 2H-33) § 28. GENERAL REMARKS According to their significance and position, the verbal suffixes may be classified in five groups : First, generic suffixes: 1. -a-it to be in a position. 2. -amit to cause. 3. -x'it to be made to. 4. -am to complete a motion, to go to. Second, local suffixes: 5. -alco around. Third, semi-temporal suffixes: 6. -tck to begin. 7. -I repetition, so far as characteristic of an action. 8. -L continued repetition. 9. -Em repetition at distinct times. 10. -a-itx habitually. Fourth, temporal and semi-temporal suffixes, always following the preceding group : 11. -X customary. 12. -t perfect. 13. -a future. Fifth, terminal suffixes: 14. -e successful completion. On the whole, the suffixes appear in the order here given, although sometimes a different order seems to be found. In the following list the cambinations of suffixes so far as found are given. § 29. GENERIC SUFFIXES 1. 'a-it TO BE IN A POSITION. Followed by -amit (2), -x'it (3), -tcTc (6) , and all the suffixes of the fourth group. a-y-o'-L-a-it he sits, he is 212.16 (-o directive; -l stem to sit) a-lc-L-a-qa'n-a-it she laid it 44.9 {-a directive before q; stem -[8]) a-y-o' -ix-mt-a-itx he always stood 109.2 a-Lk-L-o-ld'lEpL-a-itx i\\e\ are in the habit of digging continually 74.18 § 32. TEMPORAL AND SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES 11. -.r CUSTOMARY. Preceded by all prelixes except -T (14). (i-hk-t-d'-k'^L-x it is customary that they carry them 267.16 a-L-x-^o't-am-x it is customary that she goes bathing 245.11 12. -f PERFECT. Preceded by all suffixes; followed by -e. tg-i-d'-wa-t they have followed him 139.2 tc-i-gE'n-xao-t-e he has taken care of him 133.20 13. -a FUTURE. Preceded by all suffixes. This sufiix draws the accent toward the end of the word. n-i-o-cg-d' m-a I shall take him q-o-pid' Lx-a some one will catch her 15.19 In those cases in which the suffix -am takes the form -dm. (see p. 605), namely, after k sounds, which would normally rec^uire o §32 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 597 in harmony with the directive -o- that has changed to -a-, the future is -o. tc-i-n-l-d'-x-o he will make him for me 70.6 After stems ending in a vowel the future is generally -ya. m-xa-t-go'-ya you will come back 212.2 yam-xonenemaf -ya I shall show you 234.11 In Kathlamet the future has also a prefix, a- or al- (see § 17.3). § 33. TERMINAL SUFFIX 14. -e SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION. This suffix is always terminal. Its significance is not quite certain. n-i-go'-ptcg-am-e finally he came up to the woods 166.8 It occurs very often with the meaning across. a-tc-d' -k-xone he carried her across on his shoulder 27.8 mc-i-go'tct-am-a-e you will get across 51.6 The JVoaif (§§ 34-43) § 34. GENDER The pronominal parts of the noun have been discussed in § 18. It is necessary to discuss here the gender of nouns. Nouns may be masculine, feminine, neuter, dual, or plural. It would seem that originally these forms were used with terms having natural gender, with sexless objects, and objects naturally dual and plural. At present the use of these elements has come to be exceed- ingly irregular, and it is almost impossible to lay down definite rules regarding their use. In the following a summary of the use of gender and number will be given. (1) Masculine and feminine respectively are terms designating men and women. In all these terms the idea of indefiniteness of the individual, corresponding to the indefinite article in English, may be expressed by the neuter; like ikd'nax the chief, Lkd'nax a chief. Masculine Feminine I'kala man u^d'huil woman ikldsks boy dk.'osJcs girl iq.'oalipx youth dxo't.'au virgin e'pL'au widower o'pL^au widow iqfeyo'qxut old man dq'.oeyo'qxut old woman ela'etix' male slave ola'Uix' female slave §§33,34 598 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (2) Large animals are nuisculiiie, as: badger -pEnpEU (-ple'cxac, Kiithlaniet) L; feminine SKLNK bear, black -i'/sx;/^ (sqe'ntxoa, Kathlaniet) bear, cinnamon -t.'ick bear, grizzl}^ -cd'yim beaver -'ena, -qoa-ine'ne {-([(Vjiul-, Kathlamet) bird (sp. ?) -tcu'yam bird (sp. V) -po'epoe bird -qso'tlotldt bullfrog -q.'oatE'xexe deer -mofcEn (-Id'lax, Kathla- met) coyote -tid'lapas rat -qd'lapas (Kathlamet) buffalo -to'iha crane -qod'sqoas crow (mythical name) -Laq!d' duck (sp. ?) -we'guic eagle, bald-headed -nine'x'o elk -mo'laJc a small fish -qals'xlEX fish-hawk -'Itcap grass-frog -q'.Eno'neqen gull -qone'qone hawk -t!e't!e heron -q'.oa'sk'.oai, -'qulqul horse -ke'utan humming-bird -tsEntsEn blue jay -qe'cqec kingfisher -pd'tsElal lizard (?) -Hne'pF.t mallard-duck(male)-am6''M;a^ (3) Small animals are feminine, as: beetle -hie bird (sp. ?) -pe'qduc bird (sp. ?) -tc!e' nakoaelcoae sea-bird (sp. ?) -Lqekc sea-bird (sp. ?) -cxule'x chicken-hawk -npitc §34 mink -galslLx, -po'sta {-kr/ sa- il, Kathlamet) mountain-goat -ci'xq mussel, small -tgue' (matk) mussel, large -nid'imatk) otter -nand'niuks owl -qoe'lqoel oyster -lo'xlox panther -k'.oa'yawa pike -qoqo porcupine -CElqslq rabbit -ske'epxoa i-hanaxTUE'- nem, Kathlamet) raccoon -q.'oala's {-Latd't, Kathlamet) raven -Jcoale'xoa salmon, fall -qElEma salmon, spring -gu'nat salmon, steel-head -goane'x' sea-lion -ge'pix'L sea-otter -Id'ke shag -paowe shark -k'.d'yicx skate -aid'iu snake -tciau sperm whale -moTcHxi squirrel -k.'d'utEn sturgeon -nd'qon sturgeon, green -kaLt'nax swan -qelo'q turtle -Laxoa whale -'Jcole lynx -puk wolf -le'q'.am woodpecker -qsto'konkon chipmunk -'tsikin (-gusgu's, Kathlamet) mud clam -'i^e fresh-water clam -'sala cormorant -wanio crane -q.'ucpaW boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 599 crow -li'.und {-tla'ntsa, Ka- thlamet) killer-whale -gaLd'mat dogfish (see shark) -qlod'icx eagle -tdaMdd'h fawn of deer -q.'e'xcap fish (sp. ?) -nd'wan fish (sp. ?) -kJotaqe' fish (sp. 1) -leIo flounder -'iikicx frog -cue'ee halibut -Ltdald'c (said to be borrowed from Quinault) louse -qct maggot -'moa mallard-duck (female) -goe'x- goex mole -ce'ntan mosquito -p.'onatslEkts.'Ek mouse -ko'lxul (-co, Kathla- met) newt -qosd'na, -latse'mEnniEn pheasant (?) -ni'ctxuic pigeon -qamsn porgy -qalxt.'E'mx porpoise -ko'tckotc robin -tsid'stsias salmon, cahco -laatcx salmon, silver-side -qawEn salmon, blue-back -tsoyeha seal -Ixaiu {-qe'sgoax, Kath- lamet) sea-lion, young -'xoe skunk -pEnjJETi (masculine BADGER) snail -ts'.ETne'nxan snail -ts'.Emb'ikxan snail -L.'e'xtan snipe -e'xsa teal-duck -munts!e'Jcts!eJc trout -pld'lo trout (?) -q.'e'xone woodpecker (female) -'hxuLpa woodpecker (male) -ntciawi'ct wasp -'pa screech-owl -cxux (4) Very few animals are neuter, as bird -Id'lax {-p.'E'cp.'EC, Ka- thlamet) dog -ke'wisx {-Iclu'k.'ut, Ka- thlamet) (5) Almost all nouns expressing qualities are masculine, as: shellfish (sp.?) -Ic.'iLa'ta crab -qaLxe'la ( = one crawls much) who -nu'kstx smallness -' (k!e) sIl sharpness -xalx'te flatness -pik heavy weight -'ts.'axan large belly -'wa expense -qiatxal badness -q.'e'latcx'ena meanness -Iq.'e'latcx'ita quiet -yuL U pride -k.'oaci^dmit) fear -kd'hxuL hofnesickness (sub- ject of transitive verb) -kand'te life -tsd'tsa cold -'Ikuile similarity -tukhtx good luck -tela sickness - plonETikan blindness -kunauETn diligence -Qci)ma'tct{amit) shame - LlTcin bow legs -Lh'.dp being squeezed out (= one-eyed) -qe'wam sleepiness (subject of transitive • verb, and pos- sessive) -tdpux round head ( = fore- head) -p.'aqa flat head §34 600 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tiuix. 40 -mETiult blackened face -'(^•/)///^//rA- spots, painted face -tckc stench -q.'ES sweet smell -ts.'eniKn sweetness -l.'l bitterness - Lelam ten -'k!niiidn(il- luindred -'t.'oiril experience (from t.'o f^ood) -'{l-e)i!di Lj^.^j -' t ! oxotskinl The following are exceptions: Feminine -xti smokiness (= cataract of eye) -Id hunger (subject of tran- sitive verb) -tldxakainit (= good mind) cleverness -Llme'nxut \\v of a male (sub- ject of transitive verb) -(fb' iJjEleWo of a female (sub- ject of transitive verb) -'wa-'actof hitting (= to hit) -'lahniiif mind (= to think) -'f/(il(jt a wail (= to wail) -'X"Uf smell (= to smell) -'nro what is chewed -'(lotck cold in head Neuter -xax sadness -patseu red head -h^iil custom -Tc'iLau taboo Plural -'xauyarn what excites sym- pathy -{ki) pci'lau witchcraft -katakox cleverness (6) The verbal noun corresponding to the past-passive participle is generally masculine, as : - LxalEmax what is eaten -tcxEinal what is boiled - -ctxul what is carried Exceptions to this rule are- o'ttieI purchase money -'IcH'wuldl W'hat has picked -xotckin work been IS Lia'pona what has been brought to him (7) Nouns formed from particles are generally masculine, as: -yuLll pride (from yuL.'l) -giiqlup cut (from Lq.'up) -k.'e'wax HowoT {horn, wax) -ge' L'.mEiiLlmEn syphi -waxd'mi copper (from wax) from Llmsn rotten) -k'.wac^o'mi fear (from Jc.'wac) (8) No rules can be given for the gender of other nouns. Masculine are, for instance: -ma'ma pewter wort -qtco hair, skin with hair -L^a body , -qdt eye -qtq head ' -katcx nose §34 BOAS 3 HAiSTDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 601 -cqL mouth, beak, bill -mist beak -tuk neck -^ixtc heart -to breast -wan belly -itcx tail -'pote arm -pa' t pat net -tcEltcEl brass buttons -Tcuplnu'p short dentalia -qd'lxal gambling-disks -L IoIl !al gambling-disks -q.'d'lqlal short baton -qd'mxom cedar-bark basket -L.'uwalJcL.'uwall: mud -q'.e'qotqot fever -pqunx large round spruce- root basket (f . small round spruce-root basket) -ctde'ct clam basket -maL bay, sea, river -^o'Tc blanket -Ik'au cradle -qlL creek, brook -ktcxEm dance of shaman -Lq digging-stick -^am dish -pqdn doAvn of bird -qcil fish-trap Feminine are, for instance, -Ma thing -qat wind -'-ElqEl polypodium -cd'qcaq pteris -p!d'xp!dx elbow -tcxo'ltcxol lungs -SE'qSEq buck-skin -lc!oye'lc!oye finger-ring -ga'cgas sealing-spear -'Wisqwis breaking of wind -LklEriLklEn open basket -IexIex scales -lEmlEtn rotten wood -ci'kc friend -pxil grease -Ix ground, earth -Lan short thong, string, pin for blanket -'cgan cedar (f. bucket, cup; n. plank) -tsoL harpoon-shaft -msta hat -toL heat -Ic'ik hook -lid' pa ice -'paqc boil, itch -hxon leaf -nti^ECx log, tree, wood (f. ket- tle)' -LkuiLX mat -pd'l-.ml mountain -'sik paddle -'^apta roe -pa-it rope -nxat plank -go'cax sky -'tc^jpa point of sealing-spear -Tcd'wok shaman's guardian spirit -c^o horn spoon -maMc spruce -qd'nakc stone (f. large bowl- der) -tspux forehead -utca ear -atcx tooth -^atcx chest -mo'Tcue tliroat -hutcx bark -'putc anus -'kci finger -'pxa alder-bark -He'ih bark -'pL.'iJce bow -Le'qtSEn box -pd'utc crab-apple §34 602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BILL. 40 -^alEptckix fire -'(/(iL lish-weir -lalx camass -tcala g:rindstone -ntaJn marrow, kornel -'pul iiij^lit, darkness -md'p plank -(ju'we raspberr}' -'itiopa rushes Neuter are, for instance, -tsi:'xtsKX gravel, thorn -qulu'-ula egg -paa nape -list tail of fish -^wit leg -pc foot -gu'nkxun salal-berry -slcL sinew -tcin stump, foot of tree -^d'hax sun -e'xatlx trail -mo'tan twine of willow-bark - pcam ])ieee of twine -ted' nix wedge -pLX well -qoaq blanket -^a'tca u grease -skuic mat bag -to milk, breast -tcuq water -kckul' pitch wood -qiq armor The number of these w^ords that appear only in the neuter gender is so small that we may almost suspect that the neuter Avas until recentl}" indefinite and used to indicate both indefinite singular and plural. § 35. DUAL AND PLURAL (1) Nouns that are naturally dual are: ckucku'c testicles sxost eyes, face chulkuld' L spear CEmtk spit for roasting CE'qxo double-pointed arrow^ cpd'ix blanket made of two deer-skins ctdd'niaq castorium c^dld'l ground-hog blanket. double-barreled CEqoala'la gun ciJc.'ok double ball for game ci'lxatct bed platform on sides of house sxutso'osiq bed platft)rm in front and rear of house SLan bowstring CLd'nist two-stranded twine made of two skins There are other words that are always dual, for the form of which no reason can be given, as: cJcd'l'ole eel ckaqEfl dentalia of the length CEuqetqe't hawk of 40 to a fathom SE'ntEptEp shrew cii'q half-fathom SEq.'alolo butterfly cye'canieTn-Toot{p\.6gue'can) (2) Nouns that are naturally plural are: tqamild'lEq sand Hol house ( = dw^elling of sev- tE'psd grass eral families) tkte'ma property tJcEmom ashes §35 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 603 In other cases where the noun occurs always with plural prefix the reason is not apparent, as in: ta'ta-is codfish txt smoke tme'n'a flounder t-'sko tattooing ttsU'laq grasshopper tEm^d'ema prairie § 36. SECONDARY SIGNIFICANCE OF GENDER Masculine and feminine have assumed the secondary significance of largeness and smallness. This feature appears most clearly in those cases in which a stem used as a masculine expresses a large object, while as a feminine it expresses a similar smaller object. Examples of this use are : l^pEupEn badger o'pEnpEn skunk e'pqunx large round spruce- o'pqunx small round spruce- root basket root basket e'cgan cedar o'cgan basket, cup e'm^ECx log, tree, wood b'm^ECx kettle One example at least of the reverse relation has come to my notice : iqd'nakc stone oqo'nalcc large bowlder In one case the feminine pronoun expresses plurality: ikanl'in canoe okunl'm canoes There are also a few cases in which smaHness is expressed by what appears to be the dual form: ikanl'm canoe s^aml'ksos toy canoe slcEnl'm toy canoe § 37. GENDER OF PLURAL The use of the pronouns for expressing plurality has come to be exceedingly irregular. The verbal forms suggest that originally t- was the true third person plural, which was perhaps originally used for human beings only. (1) Many plurals of words designating human beings retain the pronoun t-. Singular Plural man I'kala tkd'lauks women td'nEmckc children tqd' cocinikc virgin oho'tlau thatlaund'na old roan iqleyo'qxut tq.'eyo'qtikc In some cases a more indefinite number ma}' be expressed by l-. Thus we find for women both Ld'riEmckc and td'nEmckc; for common PERSON Lxald'yuema and txald'yuema. §§36,37 G04 BTTREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBfi.L. 4n (2) The articles used in tlio majority of cases for expressing plu- rality are i- and /.-. Examples of these are the following: Singular Plural beak e'-mist t-mectkc belly e = wan ^ t = unaJcs^ bird (sp.?) i-po'epoe i-poT'pd'ynl-c l)laiikct e-'o'lc t.'dkkc (also in(l(>(iiiite l'oJc) cheek i = mdqtan * t = 'mFJqtanul-s ' crane i-qod'cqoac t-goacgod'cElc deer e-ma'cEn t-macd'nul-c a bird entsix tEntslE'xulc eye e'-qxot t-qo'tElcc (dual s-qoct) dorsal fin e'-gala t-lcalaiikc) . monster iqctxe'Lau t-qctX£Ld'wukc pectoral fins t-qoed'nikc arrow o'-kidaitan t-kalai'tanEma ])iinch of grass o-pd'wiV t-pd'wil'-ma chicken-hawk o'-npitc tE-npi'tclx and LE-npi'tckc coat o-q.'oe' Lxap t-q!eLxd' puke and L-q!eLxd' puke chipmunk d'-ts!ikin tE'-ts.'ikin flounder d-ld'ta-is tE-ld'ta-is dip-net d-l-.'unxd'te t-k!anxd'te board LE'-cgan tE'-cgan bird L-ld'lr.x t-lald'xukc albatross i-td'niEla L-tamEld'yikc open-work clam l'-c]c!ale L-ck!ald'yukc basket large cedar-bark i-qd'mxdm L-qomxd' mukc basket grizzly-bear i-cd'yim L-eayd' niukc eyelashes lAxd'tks bailer o-^oetewd' Lxte Llitewd' Lxte open-work basket d-Lk!E'nk!En LklEULk.'d'nukc round basket o'-pqunx Lpqu'nxuke long baton d'-kumatk le' -kuniatk belt o'-koema Ls'-kema bucket o'-cgan LE'-cgEn-ma antler L-^E'tcam L-^ a ted' ma mountain-goat L-qoa'q L-qoa'q-ma blanket • The sign = indicates that a possessive pronoun is here required. §37 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 605 (3) There are a few cases in which the article o- is used for express- ing the plural, as: Singular Plural coat d'hqekc d'-iqeJcc canoe ikanl'm o-Jcurn'm eagle u-tc.'aktc.'d'k u-tdaktda'hciniks (only used in tale) (4) A number of words whose plural was originally a distributive retain the masculine pronoun, as: Singular abalone i-kte'luwa-itk bone arrow-point i-go'maitJc) short baton black bear buck-skin straps cedar elk female i-q!a'lqal i-i'fsxut e'-cgan i-mo'lak e'-nemckc Plural i-kteluwd'iigEina i-gomd'tgEma i-q.'alq.'alo'ma i-i'fsxufEma i-t!d'lEqEma e'-cgsnETna i-mo'lakuma e-nemckco'ma Not all words of this type, however, retain the masculine pro- noun, as: bay small bluff creek disease Singular. e'-maL i-kak!d'lat e'-qlL e'-tc!a Plural. LE-md' LE-ma L-kak !d'latE-ma tld'hEma (fortis for elided q, see § 6.3) t-tc!d'ma Feminine distributives do not seem to retain their gender, as: Singular Plural d'hulaitan t-kalai'tariE-ma d-pd'wil' t-pd'wil^-ma d'-niixcin arrow bunch of grass dip-net L-nuxci UE-ma § 38. PLURAL SUFFIXES (1) Besides the use of pronominal gender for designating plurality, Chinook seenxs to have distinguished human beings from other nouns also by the use of a separate plural suffix -ike, -uks the use of which for human beings is illustrated by the examples given in § 37.1. At present the ending -uks is used for forming the plural of many words, including names of animals and of inanimate objects. On the whole, this suffix is accompanied by a shift of the accent to the penultima. "NMien the last vowel is the obscure e followed by an I, m, or n, it is lengthened to a under the stress of the accent (see § 5) ; -e changes in these cases to -ay. §38 606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BIM-. 40 The following' aro examples of the shift panying: change of vowel: of aeeent without accom- Singular Plural owl i-qoe'lgoel t-qoelqoe'lulcs crane i-qod'cqoac t-goacqod'cElcc large cedar-bark i-qd'mxdm L-qdmxd'mukc basket Tillamook Indian Lfe'lem T Hie' mules dog L-ke'wucx t-kewu'cxElcs coat o-q!oe'Lzap L-q!eLxd'pukc fawn o-q.'oe'xcap t-qlexcd'puks twine c-La'nict Lane'duks sea-lion i-ge'pix'L i-gipe' X' Luks eight Tcsto'xtkin TcstoxtJce'niks (eight per- sons) moon o-khE'imn L-liLme'nal's eg^ L-quId'himla L-qula^wuM' uks monster i-qdxe'Lau t-qdx£.Ld'umkfi turtle c'Laxoa Laxod'yil'c albatross i-ta'mEla L-tarriEld'yikc dead, corpse L-me'malust t-meiyiold' stilis dusk d-mvnts!e'l'ts!ik t-m ujUs.'eHs.'e'kuks wolf i-le'q!am L-leq.'d'muJcs mole u-ce'jitan t-centd'nuks mouse u-kd'lxul u-kold'luks (Ix changes to 7; see § 6) evening tsd'yust tsoyo'stEltS Words are quite numerous in wliich the shift of accent ])roduces a change of vowel: Singular Plural pigeon b'-^om Ell t.'amd'nilcs fly e'-motsgEn t-mdtsgd' nuks box d-Le'qsEU Leqsd'nul-fi open-work })asket o-Lk'.E'nLk'.Kn Lk.'EriLk.'d'nuJcs deer e-md'sETi t-masd'nihs skunk d-'pEupEn t-pEnpd'rmlcs badger I'-pEnpETh i-psnpd'nuks squirrel i-k'.d'utETi t-k!autd'nuks l)elican I'-tcuyETi L-tcuyd'nuks grizzly bear i-cd'yim L-cayd'mukc lance i-sqm'L.'Em squiLld'muks clam basket l'-ck!ale L-ck!ald'yul:c frog i-q!oatE'nxexe- t-q!oatEnxexd'yuJcc frog o-cue'e t-cued'yukc §38 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 607 The plural of i-po'epoe (a bird), is t-poepd'yuks. Here the accent remains on the o, although it is shifted to the next syllable, and the e becomes consonantic. Here belongs also l-Iol'Iex bird, plural t-lala' xukc , in which word the lengthening of the e to d before x is irregular. A number of monosyllabic stems are treated in the same manner, as those here described : Singular Plural kettle o^onie'cx L-^me'cxukc flounder o-pJce'cx o-pTie'cxukc round basket o'-pqunx L-pqu'nxukc eye e'-qot t-qo'tskc eyelashes L-l-xo'tlcs cinnamon bear i-tlE'l' i-t'.E'lclcs blanket e-'d'Jc t'.oklc chicken-hawk d'-npitc tE-npi'tckc well O-pLX L-pLxoa'Tcc In a number of words the accent does not shift : Singular Plural old person i-q!eyd'qut t-q!eyd'qtiks shag i-pa'^owe L-pd'qo-ikc male i'-kala t-ka'la-iikc This is particularly frequent in terms which occur always with possessive pronouns, such as terms designating parts of the body and relationships : ear o'-utca his belly ia'-wan mouth i-cqL head e-qtq cheek e'-mslqian fin e'-gala his father L-id'marria his elder brother id'-xJc.'un his younger brother id'-wux his maternal uncle id' -lata Here belong also: lid i-sd'Tusl^ five qui'nEm ten of them i-td'-Lelam six tE'xEm. t-id'-utcakc his ears tgd'-unaJcc their bellies tgd'-cqLElr their mouths tgd'-qtqEl'c their heads tgd'-m slotanulc their cheeks tgd'-amciikc their guts t-id' -gdla-ikc liis fins L-mcd'-mama-ilcc your fathers id'-xk!uniks his elder brothers id'-wuxtikc his younger broth- ers L-id'-tatayukc his uncles L-id'-SETTiElqaltS their lids qui'nEmiJcs five persons i-td'-Lelamyul's ten persons i-td'-k'.a-txEjniks six in a canoe §38 608 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BUM,. 40 The eiKhiin; -/*7.t instead of -{i)kc is used part iculaily witli indefinite numerals, and expresses a pluraUty of human beings: all I'a'nauwe few mE'nx'lca many (their number) Lgd'fEla several Lp/xawe Analogous are the forms of — up river ma'ema |)oor (his i^oYcrty) Ld'xauyam his younger brother id'wux Still a dilferent connective element appears in — man I'-kala %-kd'lamuks men Attention mav also be called to the forms — I'anauwe'tilcs all persons mK'nxIcatikc a few j)orsons Lgd' J) Elatikc many persons LE'xawetikc several persons t-^maemd'tEJcc those up river zgd' xauyamtiJcc the poor ones ia'-u;wj;iiA.Thisyounger brothers Singular children eagle gull raven crow u-tcalicd'k i-qone'qone i-qoale'xoa u-k!ond' Plural t-qd' cdcinikc u-tcal'tcd'l-tcinikc i-qoneqone'tciniJcc i-qoale'xoatcinilcc u-k!ond'tcin%kc. The last four forms occiir in a wail in a myth (Chinook Texts, p. 40) and are not the ordinary plurals of these words. (2) The frequent plural-suffix -ma (Kathlamet -max) seems to have been originally a distributive element. This appears par- ticularly clearly in the words e'x'tEmae sometimes (ex't one; -ma distributive; -e adverbial); Icand'mtEma both (Jcand'm both, to- gether; -ma distributive). Following are examples of this suffix. In most cases the accent is drawn toward the end of the word : abalone Singular i-Me'lwva-itk Plural i-kteluwa'itgEma bone arrow-point ciiisels willow i-go'matk e-ld'itk i-gomd'tgEma lAjayd'tgEma c-ld'itgEma; e-ld'ema disease e'-tc!a t-tc!d'ma geese t-k! el all! eld' ma knife saliva wlude i-qevn'qe L-id'-m,xte (his — ) i-qewiqe'ma iron ts-mxte'ma i-Jcole'ma meat c'-L^WULe L.'ole'ma pike seal elder brother! breast (female) e'-qoqo o'-lxaiu l-a'pxo i'-tca-to (her — ) t-qoqo'ma o-lxaio'ma kd'pxdma, d'pxoma t-gd'-toma (their — ) §38 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 609 Singular Plurul bucket o'-cgan t-cgE'nma cedar I'-cgan l-cgE'nma what tan td'nma stump o'-tcin t-tcJ'nma arrow b-lnlai'tan o-Tculai'tanETna, t-k lai'tauEma (lipnet o'-nuxcin t-nuxci'nEma antler L-^E'tcam L-^Etcd'ma bear i-i'tsxut i-itsxu'tE7na bluff i-kak!a'lat L-kak!d'latEma porpoise u-ko'tc-kotc u-kotcli'd'tcEma mountain i-pd'Jcxal L-paJcxd'lEma night o-'pol L-po'lEma bunch of grass o-pd'^wil t-pd'^wilEma common person gid'-q.'atxal gitd'-q .'atxalEnia year i-qe'tak i-qe'takEma elk i-mo'lak i-mo'lak Ema, i-md'la- kuma blanket L-qoa'q L-qoa'qEma nail i-tsu'saq i-isusd' qEjna grey cpEq cpE'qEma ^ half fathom cii'q! cii'q! via deerskin blanket cpd'ix tpayi'xEma another td'nux f.End'xuma mat e'-LkuiLX Lkuc'LXEma well O-pLX m'pLxuma ' strong person tgELxewulx' tgd' Lxewulx- Ema torch tkle'wax tk'.ewaxs'ma bay e'-maL LE-md'LEma knee o'q.'oxL tq.'o'xL'ma full pdL pd'hrna ^ A peculiar form is oxd'xoc pile, j)lural oxo xocEina, which is a verbal form signifying they are on the ground. In a few cases in which the suffix -ma occurs with obscure connective vowel, like the preceding ones, changes of consonants occur in the end of the word: Singular l'lur;il o^o'Lax L^aLd'ina d'yana L-id'-nxama (stem -nx) e'-maktc t-md'ktc-XEma e-ld'ke l-lage'tEina (lay (his) fathom spruce sea-otter Irregular is also the change in vowel in e'-qeL creek, plural tIa'LEma. » Also Ld'pLxoakc. ' These are particles without, pronominal plural sign. 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 39 § 38 610 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum.. 40 A number of words take the ending -7r)a witli connective vowel. Examples of the connective vow(d -d- are: SinRiilar Plural female e'-nemclcc e-riemckcd'ma ground-hog c'ola'l' t'.old'Voma blanket baton i-q!d'lq!al i-q!alq!ald'ma rock o-qo'nakc t-qimuJccd'ma skin c-^e'c e-^co'ma grandson ! qac qa'coma prairie tE-m^a'ema tE-m^a'emaydma The last of these seems to be a double plural, the stem being proba- bly -m^a. Another series of words take -e- as connective vowel, sometimes -ire- or -oe-: Singular Plural son! dq d'qxoema young seal d'-xoe a-xd'yewema widow whose hus- a-ks'lial t-Tc Elid'lowema band has been dead a long time island LEX LEXoe'ma younger sister! dts d'tsema younger brother ! a'o a'oema town e'lxam telmme'ma house t.'dL t.'oLe'ma Here belong also: thing i'-kta t-^'-ktema his things prairie tETn^d'ema ^ a plant i-qfaLxoe'ma and the irregular forms: log e'^m^Ecx L E-mqcEmd'yema common man L-xd'yal L-xald'yuema warrior L-t!d'xoyal t.'dxold'yuema In at least one of these words the origin of the -e is reducible to a probable fuller form of the word. The stem of the word house is -quLe in Kathlamet, and would naturally form the plural tquLema, which, in Lower Chinook, w^ould take the form tloLl'ma. (3) A considerable number of words have no plural suffix what- ever, but differ only in the pronoun, or may even have the same I See above. 38 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 611 pronoun in singular and plural. Examples of these are contained in the lists in § 37. Additional examples are: beaver arm arm-pit cut of blubber bone dip-net buoy fresh-water clam coal crab-apple finger canoe Singular i-qoa-ine'ne i'-pote i-k Em eIcl' pix' i-gite'tcxala i-Jcajno'lcxuk e'-qxacga o-'qxun o'-sala o-qo' Lxatsx' o-pd' utc o-kci i-Tianl'm (4) Several terms of relationship and a few other related words have a plural in -nana, as: Plural t-qoa-ine'ne t-pote t-Ti' Em fIci' pix' t-gite'tcxala t-lcamd'Jcxuk t E'-qxacga Ls'-qxun LE'-sala L-qa' Lxatsx' L-pd'ntc t-Tcci d-hum'm parent-in-law sister's son Singular e-'qsix- i'-Latx'En Plural tE'-qsix'-nana t-Latx' En-nana wife's sister father's sister o'-potsxan o-Lali t-po'tsxan-nana t-zalc-nana cousin (children of brother and sis- L-qa'mge t-qa'mge-nana ter) f Also: virgin friend o-ho'tlau i-ci'Jcc t-hd'tlau-nana t-d'hc-nana. A few terms of relationship have plural forms in - distributive -ma, as: Singular Plural L-mama-ikc t-xlc!un-ik'C t-wujc-hkc t-tata-ikc a' Of ma qa coma d suffixes: Plural t-lcand' x-imct L-atct t-q!ulipx'-und''yu under 0) §12 t-'qoleyu il's or the father L-mama elder brother i-xl'.'un younger brother i-wux mother's brother i-tata younger brother! (address) a'o daughter's child! (address) qdc A number of words have p Singular chief i-hd'nax mother L-aa youth i-q'od'lipx sweetheart L-qolix' (see §38 612 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bii.i,. 40 (6) 111 u iiuniher of cases I lie plural is I'ornicil l)y the insertion of the syllahle -ijil- which may be either an affix or may be considered as an oxnansion of the vowel of the stem by dieresis. Sintiul.ir I'lural to bathe -Td -'oyut to rise -xalatck -xdlai/utclc to notch -ts.'eLX -tsla'yuLX to dance -witck -wdyutck to awaken -^otc -'byutc (7) The i)ers<)nal demonstrative jjionoun has a ])lural in -c. xi'ta these thinjis xl'tac these meni . ^_ . . .^ _/ 1 Hsee §44) qo'ta those things qo tac those men J (8) Several nouns and verbs form singular and j)iural from distinct or distantly relat(Ml stems, as: Singular Plural woman d-'d'kuil t-d'nEinclx chilli L-k.'d'sks t-qd'sbsiniks child (some one's) L-xa L-a relative l-icx t-colal slave e-la'itix' t-elUjeu eye e'-qot Dual s-qoct to be -o-c -x-ela-ifix' to cry -(jE'tsax -xenem to stand -txuit -xena to die -d-iuEqt -XF.'-L-ait to kill -d-wa^ -o-tena § 39. VOCATIVE A few nouns, j)articularly terms of relationship, have a vocative, which has no })rommiinal element, as: ad younger brother! md'ma father! dts younger sister ! dq son I kd'pxo elder brother! elder sister! dc daughter! qdc grandchild! (said by man) cikc friend! ka'e grandchild! (said by woman) § 40. DERIVATION OF NOUNS On the whole the derivation of the numerous polysyllabic nouns in Chinook is obscure. Evidentlj' a considerable number of nominal affixes exist, which, however, occur so rarely that their significance can not be determined. Examples are the derivatives from the stem ilx LAND, COUNTRY — iU'e COUNTRY (the x disappears because the vowel following Ix carries the accent) ujoLe'lxEmk person, e'lxam town, §§39,40 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN TNDTAX LANGUAGES 613 te'LvKDi PEOPLE. From tlie steip .c? we have ujoatE'xexe bi'llfrog; from the stem I'on, iqto'konicon woodpecker. A few affixes only occur fairly frequently, but even in these cases it is sometimes impossible to classify the words satisfactorily. 1. -7*e-. I presume this prefix is' the same as, or at least related to, the verbal prefix -H, -gi, which signifies that a verb usually- transitive is used without object. Thus may l)e explained — o'giLq.'u'p a cut ige' LlmETiL IniEn something rotten tgile'matk store ogue'fxate alder ( = wootl for dyeing) ik.'e'widslqL food e'lc'it payment for a wife Lk'.e'wax torch, flower tki'palafwul word ikimo'cx'ETn toy iklete'nax game 2. -qe-. This seems to be a nominal prefix corresponding to the verbal reflexive -x-. oqogu'nlcLatk club (from -x-gunJc to club) Lqe'tcamete comb (from -XEl-tciam to comb one's self) LqeLe'tcuwa hat (from -XEnLe'tcuwa to hang a round thing on top of one's self) igafe.'e'ixa^' panther [(from -xtse' Lxako to have a notch around dqotsiafyuLxak ants J one's self) Judging from these examples, it would seem plausible that most nouns beginning with -gi-, -I'i-, -l-.'e-, -qe-, -q.'e-, contain these prefixes, for instance: ige'luxtcutk arrovv-head ige/mxatk burial ige'L^ote elk-skin oque'nxak plank ok'.we'lak dried salmon and other similar ones. Here may also ])elong oquewi'qe knife oqIweJd'wulx maturing girl (the one who is moved uj), hidden?) iqleyo'qxut old The extensive use of these prefixes is also illustrated by — iqek'.E's brass, but iklE'sa gall (both from 1-!es yellow) iqe'p'.al doorway (probably from -7; .'a into [= that into which people always enter]) HO 614 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBcix. 40 8. ini- is a local prclix. iiaLxoa' p HOLE (from Lxoa'p to dh^) na^e'lint the country of the Tillamook (from ^elim) 4. -te a suflix signifying tree, wood. ogue'pxate alder (= wood for d3'eing). 5. 'fh' is a nominal suffix the significance of which is quite obscure. In a few cases it indicates the point of an object, but in many cases this explanation is quite unsatisfactory. It seems pos- sible that this suflix is the same as the verbal stem -tk to put DOWN, TO DEPOSIT, SO that its meaning might be something on the grountl, or something attached to something else, or a part of something else. This explanation would be satisfactory in words like — I'potitk forearm i(je'luxtcutk arrow-head iwa' nEinatk ])elly-cut of a fish ilEme'tk bed may be derived from -elx ground, and may mean PUT DOWN ON THE GROUND ikaLXE'lEmatk may mean put down to eat from (= dish) The following list contains some stems, with their nominal and verbal derivatives. It will be noted that in a number of cases the verb is derived from the noun. -pxa ALDER-BARK. o'-pxa alder-bark o-gue' -pxa-te alder L-ge'-pxa-te alder-woods -al-d'-j)xa to dye in alder-bark L-q-L-al- o'-pxa dyed cedar-bark -tsleLX TO NOTCH. i-qa-ts!e' Lx-ak what has a notch around itself (= panther) d-qo-ts!afyuLX-dk those with notches around themselves ( = ants) -s-x-ts!eLx-aJcd to make a notch around a thing -klanxafte drii<^-net. d-k!unxaft€ drift-net -XEn-Jdanxd'te-mam to go to catch in drift-net naud'itk net. -xe-naud'itge to catch in net -wiuc urine of male. L-o'-wiuc urine -TUL-wluc to urinate o-wiu'c-matk chamber HO fi6As] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 615 -Jcxamit to pay attention. i-ka-kxamit mind -a-kxamit to pay attention -gunk TO club. o-qd-gu'nk-La-tk: club -x-gunk to club -tciam TO comb. L-qe-tcam-e-te comb -LXe TO CRAWL. L-ga-Lxe'-la one who crawls much (= crab) -utca EAR. o'-utca ear -x-wu'tca-tk to hear -LXEl^Em) TO EAT. i-ka-Lxs'l-matk dish -^oic TO BREAK WIND. -XE'Voic-gc to break wnid (perhaps for -^oicqoic) (/-^wic-qc wind broken -LX AROUND NECK. -Lx-ot it is around the neck i-q!e'-LX-dt necklace -tewa TO BAIL OUT. -x-tewa to bail out canoe o-H-tewd'-LX-te for bailino; out into the water ( = bailer) -kamot PROPERTY. -x'Embta to barter t-kamo'ta property -kemaitk) baton. b'-kumatk baton -xematk to beat time with baton -Le TO CATCH WITH HERRING-RAKE. -x-Le-n to catch with herring-rake i-qa-Ll'-ma-tk herring-rake -mdcx'Em, to play, to fool. t-ki-mo'cx'Ema toys -m^cx WOOD. e-m^cx tree o-m^ecx kettle -xsl-mEqci to gather wood -p!a to enter. i-qe'-vlal doorway ^ ^ §40 t)|6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [m;i.L. 40 -Letcuwa TO put hollow thing on top of somkthing. L-qe-Letcuwd'-ntd hat -qct louse. o-qct louse -(je-qcta to louse -I'Hck to net c-kHck-inaf tk net-shuttle -xEl-ge' -kHck to net -tciakt TO point. -(jEri-tciakU to point at something (ji-tcn'alde-l pointer ( = first finger) -irtq to spit. -o-inqo-it to spit -o-m^-a to vomit L-mx-te saliva -kta thing, something, what. i-kta thing, something, what -gEm-o-kti to pay § 41. NOUNS AND VERBS DERIVED FROM PARTICLES. Many particles (see § 46) can be used as stems of nouns. I have found the following examples: i-ijUL.'l pride 74.11 (from yuL.'l proud) tkle'waxEma torches 27.22 (from wax light, to shine) ikU'wax flower 165.27 (from wax to bloom) ewaxd'mi copper (from wax light, to shine) ik.'wac-o'mi fear 213.10 (from k.'wac afraid) iffi'Lq.'up cut 46.2 (from zqlwp to cut) ige' L.hnEnL.'mEn syphilis (from LlniEn soft, rotten) TMtsls'x piece 69.3 (from tslsx to tear) naLXoa'p hole 23.7 (from Lxoa'p to dig) nalo'lo something round (from Id'lo round) -xd'pKnic a woman gives herself in payment for services of a shaman 203.11 (from pd'nic to give in payment for services of a shaman) -ge'staqloam to go to war 270.1 (from sfaq! war) L-xq.'am to be lazy (from q.'am lazy) ne-dxaxome to notice 40.14 (from xdx to notice) ce'kpElEpt it boils (from lEp to boil) -xd'giLqIup to cut one's self (from Lqlup to cut) Nevertheless this series of stems is sharply set off from all others, since the latter never occur wathout })ronominal elements, excepting a few vocatives that have been mentioned in §39. §41 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 617 § 42. COMPOUND NOUNS There are only very few examples of nouns compounded of two independent elements, as : c-gE-mo'lak-tcxict my elk nose 193.19 {c- dual; -gp- my; -molalc elk ; -tcxict nose) tfagela'Jcte woman's utensils (t- ])lural; -^age'lal: woman; -Me things) i-h!ani-y-i'lxain myth town 216.8 (?'- masculine* -l-aiKtm myth; -elxam town) A number of nouns, particularly names of animals, are descriptive in character. These were probably used as alternates in case one name of an animal became tabued through the death of a person bearing its name, or a name similar to it. Examples are: iqatsle' Lxak having a notch around itself, i. e., with a thin belly ( = panther) oqots !id' yuLxak those having notches around themselves ( = ants) itcafyau d'yaqtq snake's head ( = dragon fly) e'galELX going into the water ( = mink) otco'itxul dip-net maker ( = spider) eqe'wani the sleepy one ( = a fish [sp.]) oko'lxul thief ( = mouse) ik!u'tk!ut the one who always breaks (bones) ( = dog [Kathla- met dialect]) § 43. SUBSTANTIVES AS QUALIFIERS Substantives are often used to qualify other substantives. In this case the qualifying substantive takes the gender of the one qualified: o'lcxola o^o'wun a male silver-side salmon 109.3 e^e'kil imo'lak a female elk 264.3 e'Tcxala inw'lak a male elk 264.2 These qualifiers are not adjectives, but remain true substantives, as is shown b}" the feminine prefix o-, which is characteristic of substantives. § 44, T>einotistrat h'c Pt'ouonns antf Adrerbs (1) Deinonstrative Pronouns of LiHrer Chlnooh. The structure of the demonstrative pronoun of the Chinook proper is analogous to that of the noun. It consists of a modal element, which seems to express visibility and invisibility; the personal pronoun which expresses gender; and the demonstrative element, which expresses position near the first, second, and third persons. sS^ 42-44 618 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHKOLOGV tuLLL. 40 (1) Modal ('l(>nu'iit. Visil)ility, or cxistonco in present time x'- Invisihilit}', or existence in past time g- (2) Gender. Masculine -i- Feminine -a- Neuter -l- Dual -€t- Plural -i- (3) Demonstrative element. Near first person -k Near second person -au, (-i-a) Near third person -x {-o-a) In the forms with consonantic pronoun {-l-, -d-, -t-) , the demonstra- tive element is represented by a secondary character — -I- {-e-) pre- ceding the pronoun for the demonstratives of the first and second persons; -o- for the demonstrative pronoun of the third person. Thus the following table develops: Present, Visible Masculine Feminine Neuter Near 1st person x'ik x'ok x'lLik Near 2d person . . . . , x'iau x'au x'lLa Near 3d person x'ix' x'ax x'olci Plural, Dual Plural human beings Near 1st person . . . . . x'lctih x'ltik x'itikc Near 2d person x'lcta x'lta x'ltac Near 3d person x'octa x'ota x'otac Past, Invisible Masculine Feminine Neuter Near 1st person - - - Near 2d person qiau - qera Near 3d person qix' qax qoLa Plural, Dual Plural human beings Near 1st person - - - Near 2d person qecta qeta qetac Near 3d person qocta qota qotac The forms for past or invisible near the first person do not seem to occur. Besides these, emphatic forms occur in which the initial elements are doubled. Of these I have found the following: §44 EOAS] HAIs^DBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Present, Visible 619 Masculine Feminine Neuter x'ix'l'h xaxd'k - x'ix'iau' xaxau' - x'ix'l'x' xaxd'x x'ix'd^La Dual Plural Plural, human lyings x'ix'o'cta x'ix'o'ta x'ix'o'tac, x'ix'o'hac Past, Invisi ■Me Masculine Feminine Neuter qiqiau' qiqe'x' qaqau' qaqd'x qiqo'ha' Dual. Plural. Plural, human beings. qiqo'cia qino'ta qiqo'ctac On the whole, these doubled forms are used more frequently in a predicative sense than the single forms. Apparently they are often substantival forms, but I think they are better characterized as predicative. Quite often these forms may be translated this one, WHO. x'ix'e'Jc GLge'tTc^Lam, x'iza Lq.'eyo'qxot it is this (masc), he brought it (masc.) this (neut.) old man 67.6 oq.'o'xoL xaxau' o'hxat Oq.'o'xoi., this is the one, she has come down to the beach 107.9 (o- she; -lx to the beach; -t perfect) x'ix'iau amigd't'.om this one whom you met 185.12 {a- transi- tional; 7/4- thou; i-him; -^fa^^ to meet; -am completive) anid'iva^ qiqiau' x TttcEnxgd'luhL I killed that one who always went first 89.5 (-wa^ to kill; qiqiau'x probably for qiqiau' ; Tc- the one who; tcEU — he me; -xgaJco to go about; -l with suffix -alco by metathesis -gIuI'l) The simple forms occur generalh' in adjectival form. naVe'ma xaTc oklu'ltcin I will give her this fish head 183.7 (nal- I her to her; -^em to give food; -a future; oAt.'w'Z/ctti fish head) atciLE'Pem ilcamo'kxuTt qo'ha Lge'wusx he gave a bone to that dog 187.12 (atciLEl- he him to it; ikamo'lcxuk bone; Lge'wusx dog) k^ca'la x'ik ne'mal up this river 220.2 In some cases I have found tiJcc, tik, hik instead of the same elements with the prefix x'i, but I am not certain whether in these cases the beginning of the word was not slurred over. §44 620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l«i'''- 40 AppiircMtlv thorc is also a duplication of the tcniiinal chMiuMit in -l\ At least this is a possible explanation of tlu> form x-i.Vr'kik\ x'irl'gik mkd'nax tcEma'xd this hero is what will make you rich 218.1 (w- thou; -kdnax chief, rich man; tcF.m- he thee; a- directive before x; -x to make; -o future after x) e'l'ta tnmrd'ya x'ix'e'Ml- what can this one do! 134.25 id! x'ix-e'lcik! oh, tliis (miserable) one! 41.10, 147.1 tgd'ma^ x-ite'Tc%k these are shot 213.20 {tgd- their; -ma' beino; shot) To this form may belong the demonstratives o'lcuk, yd'kuk, ya'xkuk, x-iro'Tcul', qiqf/k, but all these seem to be demonstrative adverbs. {2) Demonstvative Adverbs of Lower Chinook. These are very numerous and it is difficult to present them in a system- atic way. One set corresponds strictly to the set described before. The forms expressing present have the element x'-, those express- ing past q-. Both occur with the two vowels -I- and -o-, which, in this case, seem to express this and that. Their locative char- acter is expressed by the suffixed locative element go. Thus we find— x'lgd xrdgo q%g» qogo a'lta d'ho iau'a x'igo nuLXoa'p ULgd'yax ile'e now they went thus to this place where they had dug up the ground 23.7 (a'lta now-; a- transitional; l- indefinite; -o to go; iau'a here thus; na- place; Lxoa'p to dig; a- transitional; zg- indefinite transi- tive subject; -dy- for -i- masculine object; -a- directive; -x to do; iZf'<~ ground masc.) X'igo NagaLd'mat, go tgd'Ic^Lil qo'ta-y-e'lca here at GaLa'mat is their custom thus 240.25 (na- place ;igrd there; tgd'-iheir; -k^hil custom; e'ka thus) m'xkewa tah! x'ok q.'at aqd'nax nevertheless there I am loved 39.5 (id'xkewa there thus; tax! nevertheless; q!at to love; a- tran- sitional; -dn me [accented a]; -a, directive; -x to do) tda'a, qa'da x'dgu np/xax see! how I became here 178.8 a'lta Lpil qigo leI'^ ne'xax now it was red where it was broken 185.20 (Lpil red; leIc" to break) pdL ikd'pa qigo 7nd'Lne it was full of ice there seaward 44.24 (2>ai(axneh are ya'l'wa, yau'a, e'wa, qewa, ya'xkewa. Related to these is the interrogative (jd'xewa. All of these contain the element -iva. They designate nearness and distance, but I am unable to tell the difference in their use, which is rather indefinite. According to their form ya'Jcwa ( =yak-wa) probably belongs with the- series designating position near the speaker, yau'a i=yau-wa) posi- tion near the person addressed. The form eva seems to correspond to the demonstrative position near the third person, while ya'xkevM always refers back to a place previously designated: thus just at THAT PLACE. ial^wa' goye' ci'tcax here he did thus 65.21 (goye' thus; dtc- he her; -ax to do) neJcct mo'ya iau'a do not go there! 1S5.17 ne'lc'iJcst e'wa we'vuLe he looked there into the house 130.17 (ne- he, intransitive; -l-'i designates lack of object; -Jest to look; we'wuLe inside of house) ia'xkewa ne'xanJco thete (to the place pointed out) he ran 23.17 id'xJcewa ayuqund'etix't there (where ^le was shot) he fell down 62.22 The forms in -wa are used often to express the idea here — there: e'wa e'nata, iau'a e'natai here on this side, — there on that side 201.12 ia'l'wa no'ix d'exat, iau'a ta'nuta nd'ix d'exat here went the one (feminine); there to the other side went the other 75.14 But we find also forms in -uk used in the same way — io'l'uk agd'yuik iqe'sges,ia'kwa e'natai agd'yuik M'sa-it here on one side she put blue-jay, there on the other robin 50.4 Ld'yapc iahva', — id'hul- id'mEn his foot there. — here his thigh 174.15 The same adverb is not often repeated to indicate different direc- tions or i)laces. id'ma iau'a mo'yima; nakct iau'a mai'eme idii'iiitu only there (up- stream) go; do not go there downstream 192.9 Generally repetition refers to the same places. iau'a acgixtt'lulrigux, iau'a acgixa'lakctgux here they two threw him down, here tliey two threw him down; i. e., they threw him down again and again 26.8 §44 622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iBi'f-'- 40 yaud' aciik tela' pTuitxe , yaud' actik.'eld'pxuitxe there they turned over each other again and again 127.4 id'koa-y-ext, ia'lcoa-y-ext I'and'mtKma one here, one here, l)()th; i. e., one in each hand 45.10 (see also 157.22) As stated before, the forms in -uk seem to have adverbial meaning. Following are examples of their uses: d'huk I'Ld'qeivam ilce'x ime'xandte there (with that) shaman is thy soul 199.23 (khd'qewam one having a shaman's song; i- he; -ke- indicates absence of object; -x to do, to be; -mt- thy; -kanaU soul) io'lcuk agd'yutk go itcd'xEmalap.'ix' here she put him in lier arm- pit 50.4 (-tl- to put; -kEinalapHx' armpit) aqd'nulict x'ix' d'huk some one looked at nie here 30.8 {-Tcct to look) Lonas yaxku'lc Ltxd'mama loc may be our father is there 29.14 {Lonas may be; -mama father; -c to be) tcintuwa'^omx qiqo'k ant sauwl'p! etui' nanma-itx ts'lcxEqL he comes to kill me when I always jump in my house 64.25 {tc- he; Ti- me; t- to come; -wa^- to kill; -am to arrive; -x habitually; a- transitional; n- I; ts- probably for s- both [feet]; -auwl- for -on into them [see § 9]; -pEn to jump; -an assimilated for -dl always [§ 8] -a-itx always [§ 31.10]) Quite isolated is the form ia'xTcati, whif h appears with great fre- quency. The ending -ti is evidently adverbial, as is shown by the parallel Kathlamet form gipd'tix' there, and no' Llkatix' for a little WHILE. It signifies the position near the third person, there. id'xkati mo'playa! enter there! 24.5 id'xJcate ay o' La-it there he stayed 76.14 Still another form, apparently related to the forms in -uk, is ia'xJcayuJc here. ia'xkayuk ay o' yam, here he arrived 64.24 ia'xkayuk UL^sltd'qLa I shall leave it here 186.1 Related to this form may be yukpd' here and yukpd't to this point here. These contain the locative suffix -pa at, which is characteristic of Upper Chinook, but does not occur in Lower Chinook, while the ending -t is directive and related to the Upper Chinook -ta (see § 55). yukpd' id'ma^ atce'lax here he hit him (his shooting he did to him here) 62.22 yukpd' ayagKltce'mEX-it here it hit him 153.22 .yukpii't ili'yaqso aqhe'lax iLd'hqta his hair was made that long (to here his hair someone made it on him its length) 156.17 yukps't niLe'm-it Ltcuq up to here he stood in (it) the water 225.8 §44 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 623 It will be noticed that the element iax (yax) occurs ciiiite frequently in these demonstratives. As terminal element it is found in x'ix'd'yax, go'yax and the interrogative qd'xeyax. As initial element it occurs in ya'xhuk, ia'xlriynl^, ia'xlcewa, ia'xkati. It is undoubtedl}' identical with the terminal yax of the Kathlamet demonstrative and with t]^e first element in ia'xlca he alone, the third person masculine personal pronoun of Lower Chinook. {3) Demonstrative JProiioinis of KathJatnet. In Kathla- met and Wishram, the distinction of visible and invisible does not occur and the structure of the demonstratives is quite different. In both Kathlamet and Wishram, the demonstrative expressing location near the first person has a prefix (which in Kathlamet has the same form for masculine and feminine), wdiile all the other genders are designated by their characteristic sounds. In Wishram this prefix is invariable. The location near the second and third persons is expressed in both dialects by invariable suffixes. Kathlamet Masculine Feminine Neuter Near 1st person . . . tayax tawd'x LaLd'x Near 2d perso'n . . yd'xaue d'xaue Ld'xaue Near 3(1 person . . yax-i'(yax) tmx'i'(yax) Lax'i'(yax) Dual Plural Plural, persons Near 1st person . . . ctactd'x tatd'x LaLd'ikc tatd'ikc Near 2d person . . dd'xaue td'xaue _(?)_ Near 3d person . . ctax-i'iyax) tax'l'iyax) La-itci ta-itci Besides these forms, Kathlamet has two very short forms, gi and tau. Both are used for positions corresponding to here, but their exact relationship has not been determined. They occur with all genders and numbers. The form tov is undoubtedly identical with the Wishram dau, which characterizes the first and second persons as prefix and suffix. its.'d'ts.'emom gi d'meqct her sweetness this thy louse (=your louse here is sweet) 118.12 (Kathlamet Texts) zd'ema gi LE'tcin Ld'tgatcx only this stump drifts down 92.5 {ibid.) qdtcqi Ic.'d igo'xoax gi tgu'nat'*. why have these salmon disap- peared? (why nothing became these salmon?) 47.8 {ibid.) qd'mta id'ya tau igixatk.'od'mam'^ where went he who came home? 162.7 (ihid.) ilcLotd'mit tail aqage'lalc this woman carried him away 163.1 (ibid.) The element gi appears also presumably in tdnki something. §44 624 P.UHKAl' OF AMERICAN ETI 1 N()I.()(JY [bull. 40 (4) DcnHHtstrathw tfltu^rhs of Katlilinttrt. 1 he two most frcciuciU t'oiins of the (Icinonstratix (• .-ulvcrhs in K.-ithliunct aro /^.(l.S.17) ' References in the rest of this section relate to E. Sapir, Wishram Texts (vol. H, Publication Amer. Ethnolog. Society). 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10- -40 §44 G26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Locative towards, on . . . side Stem gi gi' gat (18.17) ii'wat to you (place) i'wa thus/ there (106.22) [iwa'tJca (15S.24) Note. — Compounded with gi are also da'ngi something; qa'tgi SOMEHOW ; qxa'matgi somewhere (96.11). Related to di'lca and di'gad is perhaps digu'tcix perhaps (96.17); also di'wi like. In -xi we have, besides ya'xi, also (aga) du'xi oh, well! (60.4). Note. — Ya'xa indeed (also in quct i'axa as it turned out); au (perhaps = aw', a' wa, and related to Chinook ya'wa) in da'n au ayamlu'da what, pray, shall i give you? (154.6); yaxa'wa how- ever. Note also Jcwo'hixix right there, not very far. -a'dix forms: a'ngadix long ago; ixika'dix (192.2); ina'tkadix (192.5). With stem daw. Icwo'dau and; da'ukwa just as before; qxi'dau THUS. § 43, Independent Personal Pronoun The independent personal pronoun is formed from the objective pronoun by means of a number of sullixes of unknown origin and the terminal suffix -ka only. naika I ntaika we t^vo (exclusive) ntcaika we (exclusive) maika thou txaika we two (inclusive) Ixaika we (inclusive) ia'xka he mtaika your two selves mcaika ye a'xka she cta'xka their two selves La' ska it ta'ska they These forms may also be interpreted as intransitive verbs. Another emphatic form, apparently more verbal in character, is — nd'mka I alone mafmka thou alone, etc. A peculiar form rm'ca you occurs in the texts (23.1) In the Kathlamet dialect an em])hatic form na'yax I, ma'yax thou (Kathlamet Texts 114.11) is found, which occurs also in Wishram. The forms for I, thou, etc., alone are: na'ema I alone txa'ema we alone 134.16 These correspond to Wishram forms recorded by Sapir: na'-ima I alone la'imadikc, da'-imadikc, a'-imadikc ma'-ima thou alone they alone Ixa'-imadikc we (incl.) alone §45 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 627 Besides these, Doctor Sai)ir has recorded in Wishrani the following: Shortest form : naix) I ya(.x) he da'-itc they la'-itc they (Wishram Texts 48.4) a'-itc they Inclusive: nai'tfa I too ya'xtta he too la'-it!ikc they too Ixai'tOkc we too da'-iHikc they too a' -it like they too He remarks that the demonstratives of the third })erson (ya'xia) seem morphologically parallel to first and second personal emphatic pronouns (na'ya) ; that the demonstrative element -i- is characteristic of the first and second persons, -x- of the third; as in na-i-ka I ya-x-ka he na'-%-t!a I too ya-x-t!a he too na'-{i)-ya I ya'-x-ia he These elements -i- and -x- are i)robably identical with Chinook -l- and -X', -X in x'l'za and x'ix', x'ax. Particles (§§ 46-52) § 46. Attribute Comitlenients It is one of the most striking characteristics of the Chinook lan- guage that a feW' verbs of very indefinite meaning wdiich require subjective and objective attribute complements are applied with groat frequency. By far the greater number of these, and the most characteristic ones, are words that do not require pronominal prefixes. Man}" are clearly of onomatopoetic origin. In some cases it appears doubtful w^hether the words belong to the regular vocabulary of the language, or wdiether they are individual productions. This is true particularly when the words do not form part of the sentence, but appear rather as independent exclamations. Examples of this kind are the following: oxuiwa'yul kumin, kuntm, kumm, kumm they danced, kumm, kumm, kumm, kumm, 167.5 (here kumm indicates the noise of the feet of the dancers) %dmm, igud'nat eniLd'kux homm, I smell salmon 67.3 a'Ifa, pEmm, tEmdtsgd'nuks go id'yacgL now pemm, flies w^ere about his mouth 72.22 (pEmm indicates the noise of flies) tcx, tcx, tcx, tcx, go Lkameld'lEq there was noise of footsteps (fcx) on the sand 75.3 §46 628 BUREAT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \mihL. 40 In a number of casos onomatopootic terms wliich undoubtedly belong to the regular vocabulary are used in the same manner: tcrup, tcxup, tcxitp, tcxup aLr/xax Ld'klewax the torch flickered (literally, made tcxup) 50.24 L.'dq, L.'dq, zldq, Ld'xa ne'xax iske'pxoa, out, out, out, out came a rabbit 113.6 These cases make it plausible that most terms of this kind belong to the regular vocabulary. The frequent use of such onomatopoetic words and the occurrence of new words of the same kind (such as ti'ntin clock, watch, time; tsi'ktsik wagon) suggest that in Chinook the power of forming new words by imitative sounds has been quite vigorous until recent times. Examples of onomatopoetic words of this class are: Til'M to laugh tSEX to break hd'Jio to cough tcxup to flicker po to blow tcxoap to gnaw t.'Eq to slap Iclut to tear off t.'dJc to break a piece out xwe to blow to'to to shake Isp to boil cix to rattle L.'dq to crackle cdu low voice l.'Iep to go under water It is diflicult to say where, in this class of words, the purely onomato- poetic character ceases, and where a more indirect representation of the verbal idea by sound begins. I think a distinct auditor}'^ image of the idea expressed is found in the following words: iu'lII proud ku'Jhul light (of weight) wax to pour out k!d silent pdL full qlain lazy tErriE'n clear q!uL fast trJl tired Id'Jo round tc'.pdk loud leU to disappear gu'tgut exhausted Ldx to appear grJcgEC to drive Lxoap to dig Most stems of this class occur both single and doubled, sometimes they are even repeated three or four times. Repetition indicates frequency of occurrence of the verbal idea; that is to say, it is dis- tributive, referring to each single occurrence of the idea. We have — wax to pour out (blood) 6S.1 wd'xwax to pour out (roots>43.2 po to blow once 66.25 jw' po to blow repeatedl}^ 129.20 tt:ll tired tE'UtEll to be tired in all parts of the body l!nt to tear off 89.25 k.'u'tJc.'ut to tear to pieces 249.4 §46 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 629 A few stems, however, occur in duplicated form only, probably on account of the character of the idea expressed, which always implies repetition. Such are — lil'M to laugh gu'tgut exhausted ho'ho to cough Tcu'Tkul light (of weight) to'to to shake lolo round Others do not occur in duplicated form, but take the distributive ending -ma. These are — pdh full 39.1, distributive pafLma 229.24 wuk! straight, real 24.12, distributive wul-Imn 107.20 cpsq gray, distributive cpE'qEina Still others do not seem to undergo any change for the distributive. tETnE'n clean, empty k'.'e to disappear, nothing ta'mEnua to give up 61.18 Jc.'wac afraid 90.5 tq.'ex to wish 129.27 L.'ap to find 140.1, 138.15 stag! war 272.5 On the whole, it would seem that those least onomatopoetic in character lack the doubled distributive. In a few cases the doubled form has acquireil a distinctive signifi- cance. Ji.'wan hopeful 134.8 Ti'.wa'nklwan glad 38.20 lax sideways 267.3 la'xlax to deceive 65.19, to rock 129.2 The most common verbal stem which is used in connection with these attributes is -x to be, to become, to do, to make. -o(-i?), the general verb for motion, is sometimes used with stems signifying motion. It seems difficult to classify these words, except those that clearly express noises. Among a total of 126 words of this class, 44 express activities or processes accompanied by noises; 16 are decid- edly imitative ; 22 designate states of the mind or body which may be expressed by imitative sounds, such as cold, tired, fear; 7 are terms of color; 45 express miscellaneous concepts, but some of these may also be considered as imitative. It seems likely that, in a language in which onomatopoetic terms are numerous, the frequent use of the association between sound and concept will, in its turn, increase the readiness mth which other similar associations are established, so that, to the mind of the Chinook Indian, words may be sound-pictures which to our unaccustomed ear have no such value. I have found that, as my studies of this language progressed, the feeling for the sound-value of words like wax to pour, I- !e noth- H6 680 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBiix. 40 IN(;. k!f))inii SILENCE, Lo CALM, pd'^pd' TO DIVIDE, incrcascd steadily. For this reason I believe that many words of the niiseellaneous class conveyed sound-associations to the mind of the Chinook Indian. It will be noticed that verbs of motion and transitive verbs, except such as are accompanied by decided noises, are almost absent from the list of these words. In cjuite a number of cases these words seem to be rather adverbs than attribute complements: ca'ucau naxayi'llk^Le she told him in a low voice 40.21 LUX nuLd'tax'it it fell down broken 49.2 LJcE'pikKp atdd'cgam it took it in its talons 137.15 If I remember rightly the cadence of the spoken sentence, these words must rather be considered as standing alone, the auxiliary verb -x being omitted. LIST OF ATTRIBUTE COMPLEMENTS (1) Actions and processes accompanied by Yioises. {wd a noise under water 217.15) uhu' noise of an arrow striking a body 49.3 QiEimn noise of wind 41.25) homm smell 67.2 Old, noise of an arrow breaking 49.4) he'he to laugh 12.22 hd'ho to cough pETum noise of fl3'ing 72.22 po to blow 66.25; jw'pd 129.20 pa, pa, pa, 175.3 {dEll noise of bursting 49.19, noise of bear spirit 217.14) t'.Eq to slap 40.25; tE'qtEq 26.8 tb'td to shake 194.1 tumm noise of fire 45.16, noise of bear spirit 217.13 tEmm noise of feet 133.17 tldTc to break a piece out of something dx noise of rattles 22.5 ceII noise of rattles on a blanket 61.22; d'llciU rattling of breath of one choking 150.7 cd'ca to break, to WTeck 198.7 cdu low voice 162.11 ; cd'ucau 40.21 cxx noise of flying birds 137.14 tslEX (tclEX, tdux, tsEx) to break a piece of wood, antlers, etc., with hands 60.7; to split wood 27.2; sinews 138.19; roots 95.14 (not used for splitting planks out of trees) ; to skin a bird 136.23 ; to bark a tree 164.16; tslE'xtslsx 45.19; nats.'s'x a piece of flint flaked oflf 69.3 H6 boas] handbook Ot AMERlCAiST INDIAN LANGUAGES 631 tcxwp, tcxEjy to extinguish 51.2, to flicker 50.24; tcxE'ptcxE2> 28.8 tcx noise of footsteps on sand 75.3 tcxoa'p to gnaw; tcxoa' ptcxoap 175.23 gumm a noise under water 217.16 gom noise of something heavy falling down 27.9 kumm noise of dancing 167.5 gE'cgpx to drive 15.5 Iclut to tear off 89.25; l-!u'tk!tit to clear up (sky) 249.4 Icu'tcxd to sneeze 64.24 gull noise of falling objects 67.1 , noise of heels striking the ground 65.13 g'.a'lglal to beat time g!e door creaks 66.14 XX to blow 113.20 xafxa to rub 65.9 xwe to blow nose 113.21, to blow on water before drinking 213.13 ££^« to break 165.19; le'TcleIc 68.16 le'IcleTc to burrow 95.13 LEX to split (planks) 27.1, to burst 204.4; l!e'xl!ex to tear 145.20 le'xlex noise of scratching 153.7 Lap noise of shooting 272.20 LUX to come out 49.2, 201.1 ; lu'xlux to pull out (of ground) 138.9 lJce'plIcep to grasp in talons 137.15 Lk.'dp to squeeze 9.8; LJc.'d'pLk.'dp with eyes run out 29.20 Lglop to cut 114.3 Lxoa'p to dig 23.5; Lxoa'pLxoap 115.15 l!l! to titter 177.15 LlEg to hit, to strike 156.23 Lldg, L.'dx to crackle 38.1, 185.8 lHep under water 14.8 (2) Descriptive words. pdL full 39.1; pd'Lma 229.24 wdx to pour out 68.1, to take across river in canoe 23.24; wd'xwax 43.2 wdx to light, set afire 28.2, to bloom 165.26 Ic.'omm no noise Icld'ya no, none Tc!e no 128.5, nothing 14.1, to disappear 128.28 qlEl strong; gls'lglEl hard, 139.8, too diflicult 204.12 tEniE'n empty, clean tE'tE to stop doing something tuwd'x to light, shine 12.1 (se^ wax) lu'llkull light of weight 199.9 Jc.'am, k.'Em no, none 37.15 Iep to boil 173.1 §46 632 BUREAU O?^ AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibvll. 40 I o'ld round 186.23 L.'aA- spread out ITS. 7 LlmF.n tt) br(>!ik into small pieces, soft 1.30.4; L.'mE'nL.'mEn 17.9 (3) Words expre.ssin<; states of mind and body. iu' lH proud 93.16 pEt quiet 177.24 p.'ala' quietly, safe 198.4 IeU, Nil tired 62.14; ti:'UtElJ tired all over (-= rheumatism) tql'ex to like 129.27 Haya' well, healthy 165.21 «S£S cold 41.9 tSE'xtSEi unwell, feelinir uncomiortable tcxap to hesitate 27.15 q!at to love 41.6 xdx to notice, observe 75.17 leI!, Lok! weak 212.21 ^c.'e'A-^c.'^^ almost choked 151.1 lax lonesome 22.3 gu'tgut exhausted Tc'.EX cloyed 46.24; /i.'e'xIIex grease smell 137.7 Ar.'a silent 37.9. 129.2 l\'waii hopeful 134.8; l-!wa'nl'!wan glad 38.20 k.'wac afraid 211.15 ]c!cd stiff in joints q.'am lazy 138.4 L.'o'ya stingy (0 139.11 Lid to fear 212.11 L.'pdq to recover 196.22 (4) Color-terms, ze' a/ black 25.11 ]c!ds yellow cpeq iTTiiy (dryO 109.10 tl-!dp white 124.25 ptcix green 30.21 L'pU red 185.20 ts.'Emnt variegated (5) Miscellaneous Mords. id'c to let alone 187.13 ux to take a chance WJwA:.' straight 24.12; wul-lEmn' 107.20 pE'nl-a afoot 217.8, 107.6 pd'nic to give secretly payment to a shaman 200.7 pd^ to divide; pd'^pa^ 248.4 pax unlucky 264.13 §46 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 633 fox foggy 37.4 fux lukewarm jyo'xoie to make a mistake mELl wet 37.5 inane' X to learn a secret 200.10 ta'mEnua to give up 61.18 tkE'ltkEl dull tk!e to sit looking on tla'nuwa to exchange 228.8 nEl:d to keep, to retain 277.14 stdq! war, attack 272.5 stux to untie, to unwrap 135.13; stu'xstux 116.10 itctax around a point) tsklES to stoop tdpak strongly 164.9, 110.1 Tclau to tie 123.19; Jclau'lclau 118.6 qod't reaching 48.6, high water 198.24 quL to hang, to fish with gaff-hook 27.16, to put on garment, to dress 136.23 qlE'cqiEC dry 14.19 (= thirsty) 21.1 iqloa'i) near 40.9) q'.ul low water 198.26 q!uL fast; qluL e'cgam hold fast 44.15 (see quh) xu€'t\\2i\iivi\\ 166.8 xop streaming lax sideways 267.3, afternoon 63.18, to miss 13.19; Id'xlax to rock 129.2, to deceive 65.19 lu'xlux slick lu'xpame adultery LEX to sit still Ldq to step aside 146.14; to turn 137.12, 63.4; to cut off, to fall off 154.28, 194.1 ; to take out 65.11 ; Ld'qzdq zigzag, also plural for the other meanings Ldx to appear, become visible 23.13; hd'xLax to emerge Lex' to cohabit 228.16; Le'x'Lex' to prepare corpse for burial 253.3 Ld calm 25.18 Luwd' freshet Llap to find 261.8 l'mj) fitting 154.8 § 47. Admrhs The dividing line' between attribute complements and a number of adverbs can not be drawai very definitely. I am particularl}^ doubtful how t'.aya' well should be classed, and a few others which are placed in parentheses in the preceding list. § 47 634 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 A considerable number of temporal and modal adverbs occur, the latter expressing certainty, compulsion, intention, and a great variety of ideas which we express hj auxiliary verbs or by separate clauses. These can not be derived from simpler forms. Such are: ai'aq can * xa'oxaL can not qoi will qe'xtce without reaching the desired end l-a'Itas in vain, only qd'doxue must atsuwa' probably Lx may (implying uncertainty) Jc.'oma perhaps Lo'nas I don't know (expression of uncertainty) 2)dc contrary to fact fEt really nakct not Tia interrogative particle Leqs almost qala'tcx'% hardly d'nqaite) already, before a'lta now d'Lqe later on Jcawa'fJca soon and' sometimes nau'i at once le, le'le a long time q'.astE'n for the first time tcax for a while wixt again hulE'ts once more ald'tewa again in this manner gud'nsETn always wdx next day {wurl' to-morrow; Icawl'x' early) qlod'p near tdydk quickly Lawd' slowly {ai'aq quickly) txvl too much maniqld' too much tld'qea just like d'la even 1 Evidently the original significance of this word is quickly; for instance, ai'aq no'ya (if you tell me to go) I GO QUICKLY, i. 8., I Can gO. §47 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 635 § 4H. U.r7iortatire Particles A number of exhortative particles form a peculiar group of words. They are applied so regularly and seem to be so weak, that I do not quite like to class them with interjections. It would seem that the meanings conveyed by some of these have very nice shades. Exam- ples are: wuska a somewhat energetic request — now do let us make an end of it and — 37.12 nixua please, just try to 130.3 tcux since this is so, do (or let us) 24.10 lay ax oh, if he would! 22.4 Tid'ntcin be quiet tea! well! introducing a new idea {qa't'.dcxEin look out!) (jiau'itka indeed!) (tgt.'o'Jcti good!) The last tliree of these hardly belong here. They are derivatives: qa't'.dcxEm is probably derived from t!d well; nau'itka, perhaps from nau'i at once; tgtlo'Mi, from t!d well and -kta thing. § 49. Interjections The line between the last group of words and true interjections is very indefinite. As might be expected, the number of interjections in this language which has such strong onomatopoetic tendencies is considerable. Some of these are: a, a, oh! ade' surprise 29.13 e pity for hardships endured 187.19 nd pity 116.15 and' pain, regret, sorrow, pity 22.4, 161.13 ahalia' pain 177.16 and'x pity 153.8 U call 12.2, indeed 38.22, 186.8 U a long distance 28.3, 123.13 ho, hoho', oho' surprise at the success of an action 24.3, 25.22, 67.14 Lxud' disgust 46.26 ha'd'm, had' now I understand! 39.27, 100.23 nd disapproval 145.12 ndq! contemptuous rejection of an offer 124.11 hohu' derisive rejection of a remark 23.25 ahd' ridicule, disbelief 166.23 ehehiu' derision 45.1 §§48,49 636 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvja.. 10 Ie derision of weakness 60.14. 14().l id' reproach for foolishness 117.9 naxaxax anijer 1S6.16 tcni that is nothing! 47.4 l-uc good! 80.4 (also used by the Chehalis) A-.'coh!(?) As mentioned before, many of the imitative attribute comple- ments may be used as interjections. This maj^, indeed, be their original function. Such are liEmm noise of wind, humm noise of DANCING, l:!6mm silence. A few differ so much in form and use from the attribute complements, that 1 include them among the interjections: Iki'IeIeIeIkIeIe noise of flight of an arrow 02.21 wu'IeIeIeIe noise of flight of cormorants 77.16 wa'tSEtSEtSEtSEtsE CFV of blucjay 31.2, 157.25 ga'nawul Kwul Eivid ewuIe cry of gull 88.21 wo bark of dog 23.9 wd cry of child 185.24 hd cry of a person weeping 1 18.8 wduuu low voice 162.3 l-ukuku voice of bluejay after he had be- come a ghost 166.19 In this group belong also the burdens of songs, a few of which occur in the texts. § SO. Conjunrtions A number of invariable words perform the function of conjunctions. The meanings of a few of these are not (piite certain. The most impCf. wornla'tc THORN, dim. wa-kio'te (Wishram Texts, p. 26.1) §53 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 641 In these lists, (dim.) and (aug.) mean that tlie words so designated are wholly or partly diminutive or augmentative in consonantism owing to their primary significance. In i-p!a'qxa, for instance, the diminutive notion implied by p! is easily understood if we remember that head-flattening is associated with infancy. In some cases a consonant change involves or is accompanied by a vocalic change; it seems that the change of a to u ot e has in itself more or less diminutive force (cf. wa'-tsk!un from va-ska'n with ila-lc.'6'its very LITTLE [Wishram Texts 176.3] ordinarily -k!aiU small). The case of i-cga'n as compared with v:a-sl-a'n and irn'-Ulx'.un illustrates the fact that the diminutive form of a noun often has a specialized meaning of its own. A few more examples are: Normal Diminutive i-tc.'Vndn eagle il-tsli'non bird i-tc!i'laq cricket i-ts!i'laq grasshopper i-q!apca'lwac turtle is-lc!a'psalwas lock (of door) a-tca'la grindstone a-tsa'la file It will be observed tliat several nouns on becoming diminutive in form at the same time change to a more suitable gender, masculines often becoming feminines (e. g., wa-ska'n), neuters (e. g., il-sk'.i'hiks^, or diminutive duals in is- (e. g., is-Jc!a'psalwas). Most examples of diminutives and augmentatives hitherto given have been formed from nouns that in themselves have no necessary diminutive or aug- mentative force. Other examples than those already given of words with inherent diminutive force, and hence with at least partial diminutive cotisonantism, follow: a-k!u']csl\'ul:s ankle is-ga'l-.'aps hat a-p !u' xp !ux elhow-joint i-Jc.'a'its smallness (contrast -gail i-p!u'xc cotton-tailed rabbit bigness) a-^'anfea crow (c o n t r a s t i-h ! a' st ila cmh i-cka'lax raven) il-xan (somebody's) child i-sk!u'lya coyote (? cf. i-sldwo'latsintsmswaWow i-cgilukc wolf) wa-tsk'.E'riLX nit a-gu'sgus chipmunk a-p!una'tsETcfsEJc mosquito (? cf. -&£r?a jump) Particularly instructive as indicating a live feeling for diminutive consonantism are such words as a-Wk'.u'Tc chicken and a-lap!u's cat borrowed from Chinook jargon ip in -pus would not be consistent 44877— Bull. 4U, pt 1—10 41 § 53 642 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibul. 40 witli iliminutive s). It is perhaps not too far-fetched to recognize augmentative consonant ism in the following nouns: i-ga'nuk beaver ic-kcku'ct testicles (contrast is- i-gffi'na^ Chinook salmon (con- gju's eyes) trast wa-tsu'iha blue- l-gu'cax sky BLACK salmon) ic-gwo'lola gun i-CE'lqcElq porcupine wa'-itc tail of mammal ic-ga'kwal eel ic-li'ct fish-tail (contrast is-p!i'ost i-du'iha bufTalo tail of bulb, dried fish) It sometimes happens that a change to diminutive consonai\tism implies not so much the diminutiveness of the object referred to as a sense of endearment. This seems particularly true in the case of certain terms of relationship: Xon-diminutive Diminutive -qcE-n Iman's son's -k!a'c-u-c paternal grandfather pa'c-u (vocative) J child -gal-an jman'sdaugh- -ga'kl-u-c maternal grandfather (7a'y-w (vocative) J ter's child -gi-an woman's son's child -Jc.'i-c paternal grandmother Interesting as examples of augmentative consonantism are the names of Coyote's four sons, all of which are derived from words denoting body-parts of the salmon. The augmentative consonantism implies the lubberliness of Coyote's sons. Body-parts of salmon Names of Coyote's sons i-A^'.'Za'tcm salmon-head gristle Sipa'-glatsin Big Gristle (Wish- ram Texts 66.5) i-ksa'lk!uts backbone of fish Sipa'-Jcsalguts Big B a c k 1) o n e (Wishram Texts 66.6) i-q!wi'nan fin ' Sapa'-gwimin W\^ Fin (Wishram Texts 66.7) n-kla'tkHgwax adipose fin Sapag-a'tkHgirax Big Adipose Fin ( ? better -q.'a'tkHgwax) (Wishram Texts 66.8) As has alreatly been remarked, the noun is not the only ])art of speech that illustrates the consonantal play here discussed. Adverbs and particle verbs of appropriate meaning sometimes show diminutive consonantism: ts.'u'nus a little; sak! to whistle; sa'u sau to avhisper (contrast Lower Chinook cdu) ; Lower Chinook Tela and may be diminutive to Jca. The diminutive form of a particle verb denotes a less intense state of being or activity than its correlative form. Sometimes its meaning is considerably specialized: §53 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 643 Non-diiuinulive Diminutive ^ac cold (Jtslu'nus) a-itsd's just (a little) cooi (Wishram Texts 190.15) ma'ca to spoil ma'sa to be ashamed gut to break up (earth) by h.'u'tklnt to ])luck digging Possibly also — wax to pour out wax to set on fire ; to bloom lq!up to cut ll'lup to shoot The dual in is- is not the only example of a diminutive form of a purely grammatical element. The diminutive stemi -qlwa'lasup fast RUNNING occurs with possessive prefixes showing diminutive con- sonantism. Thus the normal elements -tea- her and -cda- of them TWO appear as -tsa- and -st.'a- in i-tsa-q!wa'lasup she runs fast (Wishram Texts 66.9) and i-st.'a-q.'wa'lasup they two run fast (Wishram Texts 66.13). Similarly, in a song (Wishram Texts 94.23), where the reference is to is-p!i'ast tail of bulb, a noun of diminu- tive form, the pronominal element cd- and the post-positive local ele- ment -ha AT appear as st- ( ? better st!-) and -p!a. Thus : staimap'.a' giskipli'ast it-alone-at the-my-tail Finally the verb may show diminutive consonantism, partly in the stem itself, partly in its local and adverbial prefixes and suffixes, partly and most frecniently in its pronominal i)refixes. Examj)les of verb stems in distinctly diminutive form are not exactly common, but certain cases seem clear enough. Thus gaq%ulat!a'-ulx he was TOSSED up (Wishram Texts 84.26) and gatciulat.'a'jriidq he swal- lowed HIM BY SUCKING HIM IN evidently contain a diminutive form of the verb stem -lada- to throw away; silu'skwax it trem- bles (Wishram Texts 116.10) and gasi'ximklna-uk'^atsk he looked AROUND (Wishram Texts 30.6) show diminutive consonantism both in their stems (slew- and -k!na-u-) and in their first incorj^orated pronominal objects (dual s-), the latter verb also in its adverbial suffix -tsk, doubtless the diminutive form of -tck up from position OF rest; gats(s)altsgi'ma he laid her belly up (Wishram Texts 56.27) shows diminutive consonantism in both stem {-tsgi) and incorporated pronominal subject (-fo-) and first object (dual -s-). We have already given -tsk as an example of a derivative^ suffix with diminutive consonantism. Other such suffixes are -p.'a slightly OUT (of position) (from -ha out) in ayulap'.a'tcguxwida it will tilt up, literally, it will spontaneously move out up from its shting §53 644 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ini'M,. 40 POSITION (Wishram Texts 184.10) and tsu (from -tcu down) in ililu'stsu (water) moved down into the (hollow place). As examples of diminutive forms of local prefixes may be (2;iven -1\'eI- (from -gEl- directed toward) in ga-tssi'hlEluik he looked at him and its reflexive correlative -xeI- (from -xeI) in gasi'xElutk he looked; -sk'.Em- UNDER in iniask'.Emla'datcu I threw it down under her is doubtless diminutive to -gEm- next to (cf. -tcu and -s-tsu above). Tbe only examples of diminutive consonantism in the pronominal prefixes of verb forms occur in the case of ts (for tc, third j^erson masculine subject transitive) and s (for c, third person dual su])ject intransitive and transitive and object transitive). Whenever the object of the transitive verb (or the apparent subject, really first object, of the "half-transitive" verb) is diminutive in form, the pronominal prefixes tc and c appear as ts and s; the ts by no means implies the diminutive character of the transitive subject. Examples are: I'wi gatssu'x isie'nqxoq he looked at his fish-line (Wishram Texts 140.28), where the incorporated ])ronominal dual element -s- of gatssu'x refers to the diminutive dual object is-ie'-nqx6q his fish-line, while the pronominal subject -ts- he agrees with the object in diminutive consonantism; galksu'Mam {-Iks- always appears for -slcl-) the two (women) came home with the (baby) (Wishram Texts 2.12), the diminutive dual -s- referring to the grown-up women, not to the baby; gasEngatk'.agwd'x gas lienaJdwd'st it- waves -freely -over -me -my -feathered -cloak (Wishram Texts 142.5), where the first object -s- of the half-transitive verb refers to the diminutive dual noun s-tenalc!wd'st (small) feathered cloak. Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the idiomatic use of a diminutive dual object -s- referring to an implied, unex- pressed noun of diminutive significance; there need not even exist such a diminutive dual noun to which reference, if desired, could be explicitly made. A good example is: gaksi'lutJc she cradled him, hterally, she put the-two-small (objects) down to him, where THE TWO SMALL (OBJECTS ) refer to an implied word for cradle, though the word for cradle in actual use is a masculine {i'-lkau). Similarly, verbs of jumping and somersaulting have an incorporated diminutive dual object -s- referring to the two small (feet), though the actual word for feet is plural (i't-pc). Examples are: gal'subEua SHE jumped; gasixmi' Lgwa ke turned a somersault (Wishram Texts 82.18); and gats{s)altsgi'ma he laid her, belly up. The §53 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 645 most transparent example of the use of an incorporated diminu- tive dual object to refer to an unexpressed but existing noun is afforded by certain verbs of looking, in which the -s- has reference to is-qxu's THE TWO EYES. A frequently occurring example of such a verb is gatssi'klEluik he looked at him, literally, he put the two SMALL (eyes) down TOWARD HIM, the -tc- and -gEl- appearing in their diminutive forms -ts- and -I'.'eI- to agree with the object -s-; gasixim- Ic'.Tia'-uk'^atsk he looked around is another such verb. As a rule, it will have been observed, a verb form tends to be con- sistently diminutive or non-diminutive in its consonantism. It is at least possible, however, to limit the application of the diminutive idea to some specific element of the action by ''diminutivizing " only some corresponding element of the verb form. An example already published elsewhere will again do service here. The normal word for I STRUCK HIM WITH IT is inigE'ltcim. If the verb stem -tcim appears, with diminutive consonantism, as -tsim, it implies that the person struck is small; if the verbal prefix -gsl-, which implies in this case intent to hit, is pronounced -klsl- the implication is that the missile used is a small one. Hence we have four forms: inigE'ltcim i hit HiMwiTHiT;mi^£'Zfeim I hit him (a child perhaps) with it; iniklE'l- tcim I HIT him with it (something small), and inilc ! E'ltsim I HIT HIM (a child) WITH IT (SOMETHING SMALL). To be SUre, SUch examples are very uncommon and the one just given is perhaps little more than a linguistic tour de force. Nevertheless, it shows very clearly how thoroughly alive is the feeling for the significance of consonantal play. § 54. Ditninutitw and Augtnentative Consonantism in Chi ^ look and Kathlauiet So far as I am able to discover, the diminutive and augmentative consonantism of the p and t stops does not occur in Chinook; per- haps because the strengthening of these consonants in case of the dropping of a following velar counteracted this tendency. When the word t.'aLe'ma creeks has a fortis t! on account of the dropping of q in the stem -qsL, the same strengthening can not very well denote at the same time diminution. There are, however, indications that the changes from c to s and the corresponding afTricatives occurred, although the significance of §54 646 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fntir- 4ft the process does not seem to have been very clear in the mind of my sole informant, Charles Cultee, Nvhile my only Clatsop informant considered chantjes of this type as distinguishing]^ characteristics of the Chinook and Clatsop dialects. P'or instance: Clatsop, e'cRUjCElq; Chinook, e'sElqsElq porcupine. The most characteristic case that' I have found in Cliinook is the following : itsa'antca-y-ogo'lal the waves are too bad (too great) itsa' antsa-y-ogo'lal the waves are a little bad I have also : e'cgan cedar i-sgE'riE-ma young cedars It is, however, worth remarking that this plural occurs with tlie particle — gE'nEm isgE'nEma small joung cedars without strengthening of the g of gE'nEm. An examination of the texts and explanatory notes collected from Cultee makes it fairly certain that lie did not use the diminutive changes of stops in Lower Chinook. It seems possible that a relation like that l)etween c and .s may exist between l and ts. id'qoa-iL large id'qoa-its small id'hqat long iu'tsqat short l.'ex to split large planks Is.'ex to split small pieces of wood Lxoa'p to dig tsxoa'p to gnaw In Kathlamet I have found one very clear case of consonantic change, analogous to those found in Wishram: IcsEmm taxi tJclund'tEmax o'xoaxt small are those little salmon 98.8 (Kathlamet Texts) Here the s in TcsEmm indicates smallness, and tguna'tEmax salmon has been changed to tldund'tEmax. Syntax (§§55-56) §! S5. Siptfax of Loivei' CJrhtooJc In the discussion of the morphology of the verb it has been shown that every verbal form contains incorporated pronominal represent- atives of the subject, and of the direct and indirect objects when these occur. Xominal incorporation is almost entirely absent. The nominal subject and the object are treated as appositions, with- out any organic connection with the sentence, except in so far as the §55 EOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 647 pronouns agree with the nominal gender. This agreement is, on the whole, one of form, but in the Lower Chinook texts cases occur in which the noun has indefinite (neuter) gender L-, while, according to its actual sex or number, the incorporated pronoun is masculine, feminine, or plural. I do not know whether this is an individual trait of the narrator of the available texts or not. (xenerally the verb with its incorporated pronouns precedes the subject and objects, but there is great freedom of usage. Sentences with intransitive verbs : ayo'maqt iLd'xak! Erndna dead was their chief 37.1 aLte'mam LgdLe'lxETtik it came a person 11.15 Sentences with transitive verbs, nominal subject and object: ciLlto'p.'Ena Ld'^ewam qo'La Ld'newa he utters his song that first one 196.7 tgigE'nxaute iJcand'te tEinewd'lEma they watch it a soul the ghosts 199.10 (tgi- they it \ i-k and' te soul: t-meivd'lErna ghosts) aLgd'ctxox L^d'gil qax o'd'huil she carries her on her back a woman that woman 248.21 Examples of inverted order are the following: eqctxe'Lau atrungd'mit LEmcd'wux a monster (he) carried (her) awa}^ your younger sister 11.5 lea qo'ha iau'a Jc-Hmta' ahkidp! EUd'x Ld'^ewam and that one there behind (he) utters (them) his songs 196.9 emd'cETi aLgid'x luM'qewam, a deer makes the one who ha^ (his) songs (i. e., the shaman) 199.11 aqui'nEmikc tkald'mukc atgd'qcx o'IexIcuI five men (they) hold (her) in their mouths dried salmon 267.19 e^o'Tc QLge' LElotx JcLtdp.'End'n te'lx'Em a blanket he gives (it) to (them) those who named the people 267.25 Particle verbs always precede their auxiliary verb : Ldq" atcd'yax he took him out 133.13 stux atcd'yax he untied him 135.13 uhu' ne'xax he made uhii' 49.3 leIc^ nd'xax it (fern.) broke 70.24 Lllap d'yd he went under water 14.16 This agrees with the most frequent position of adverbs: d'lca aLxd'x thus it does 239.16 Tiau'i aLo'niEqtx it faints at once 239.6 ndkct aLgid'wa^ they did not kill him 99.18 ya'xTcati atgEplx there they entered 49.14 The discussion of the prefixes in § 25 shows that the relation of indirect objects to the verb are expressed by verbal elements. In §55 648 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [vvli.. 40 Lower Chinook prepositional elements are practically absent, but we fintl the demonstrative go, which is used almost like a preposition. id'c go iqe'p.'al he was in the doorway 65.3 atcd'yagc go id'tuk he bit him at his neck 9.9 naxalgu'Litcl' go dgd'xo she told hor daughter 11.20 atcLi'tkuim go ve'wuLe they brought it into the house 1 1.23 po'po ags'Lax go ztcuq she blew on them witli water 12.6 agio' xtkinETTia go te'lxim she searched for him among the j)eople 13.8 The demonstrative character of go appears in sentences like — mo'ya md'Lxole go go there inland! 13.1 a'lta go-y-o^o' Lax now (when) there the sun 13.5 Lo'nas go Lqetcame'te zkex perhaps a comb is there 13.20 go no' yam o^d'hax there arrived the sun 97.16 It will be shown in § 56 that Wishram possesses quite a number of post-positional elements. In Lower Chinook a few of these appear, clearly loan-words, taken from Upper Chinook: yul'ps't up to here 13.9 Jcaps't igo-pEt?) up to there, enough 98.4 In Kathlamet the number of post-positional elements is greater, but only one or two are used with any degree of freedom : -p(i. Tliis post-position takes the place of go of the Lower Chinook. It is used quite freely (see § 56.1). iglxTc.'od'mam tE'etaqLpa he arrived at their two selves' house 91.13^ itcLOLd'etamit zaxi Mxd't ztcu'qoapa qlod'p he placed it that one at the water near 121.4 q!at igl'yuxt e'tcamxtcpa like she did him her heart in 132.5 Here belong also the common demonstrative adverbs^ Ico'pa there 216.9 gipd' here 250.14 -jfKt. The post-position -pst is not quite free in Kathlamet. gipE'tEjnax to those places 131.10 e'lxpdt as far as the ground 67.12 -ta toward. io'ya e'wata ca'xalata he went there, then upward 219.2 -at from e'wa id'potcd't Lqd'wulqt Ldx im'xox then from his anus blood came out 184.5. -te like. L.'a hkak'.Emd'nate itcd'lkuile like a chief was her resemblance 247.6 sid'xost La LMemend'lcste his face was like the moon 246.6 » References on the rest of this page refer to F. Boas, Kathlamet Texts. §55 boas] handbook op AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 649 In most cases transitive and intransitive verbs are used in the ordinary manner, but a number of peculiar forms of expression de- serve mention. The directional -o- (§ 26) occurs in many transitive and intransitive verbs. Wlien, however, a stem, according to its si^- nificance. is transitive, it may be made intransitive either by means of the prefix -M- (§ 26), which brings about elimination of an object, or by the use of reflexive forms. Which of these forms is used depends in part on usage. In some cases the two forms are used for express- ing different tenses. Thusi-ke'-x (i- he; -ke- prefix eliminating object ; -X to do) signifies he is, the continuative tense, n-e'-x-a-x (n- modal; -e- he; -x- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do) signifies he becomes, the transitional tense. The manner of eliminating objects has been discussed before (§ 26). It seems, however, desirable to call atten- tion here to the frequent use of implied objects and to the peculiar intransitive verbs with indirect objects which occupy a prominent position in Chinook sentences. Implied objects occur frequenth^ with verbs implying the use of parts of the body, as aLJcso'pEua it jumped (literally, it jumped the two [feet]) 9.6 aikclntEna'xe they kneel (literally, they kneel them two) 270.6 sd'npot she closed her eyes (literally, they two were closed in her) 48.10 They occur also with other verbs: mELnEltcd'ma you will comb me (literally, you will comb it [namely, the comb] to me) atca-id'lqEmax he shouted at him (literally, he shouted her [namely, the shout] at him 236.9) auLe'ltcko I oil him (literally, I oil it [namely, the oil] to him) Intransitive verbs with indirect object are used often in place of our transitives. These forms also contain often implied objects. ne'nxLayu he deserts me (literally, he removes himself from me) ayaxE'lHoniEqt she forgets him (literally, he on account of her forgets his own) 167.16 ninxE'lgiLX I burn him (literally, he catches fire from me) snEnpo'xuit I close my eyes (literally, they two are closed in me) mcageld' etd-e you cure lier (literally, you cure on account of her) Subordinate modes are not indicated in Chinook by changes in the form of the verbs. Subordination of sentences is indicated only by conjunctions which are followed by the usual verbal forms. The §55 650 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iRii-i- 40 most friHiuont lonu of suhordinatioii is l)r()UA); terminal -I (with connecting weak vowel al) indicates an action char- acterized by many repetitions (§ 31.7); this compoimd stem kikElalis treated as a masculine noun, power OF seeing (§ 34..i); this appears as third person plural possessive -ta- (§ 23), and is transformed into a per- sonal noun by prefixed g- (§ 17.6). 2a-aorist(§ 17.1); /j- third person plural, special form (§ 19.2);fi vowel lengthened under stressof accent; -lusitativc (§32.11). ' e'wa THUS, THEN (§ 44.2.) * t- third person plural (§ 21); -mewal ghost, a stem introduced after the older stem -memElost had been tabooed on account of the death of a person whose name contained this word; -ma distributive ending, always used with the stem -mewal (§ 38.2). '■• ma'rdi, temporal conjunction whe.n'. « Lon three; -Iks plural indicating human beings (§ 38.1); a- special plural. ' -d'mwa first; l- neuter pronoun (§ 18). 3a-aorist,9-,subjectsoMEONE(§ 18); l- object it (§ 18); -d- directive, for 6 before/: sound (§ 10); -i stem TO do; contracted with the usitativc ending -x (§ 32.11), which has drawn the accent to the last syllable. 9 pat REALLY, advprb. '» i'kawdk GU.\RDi.\N spirit; -lot neuter possessive (§ 23), after which the k changes to i (§ 0.1 ); g- trans- forms the term into a personal noun (§ 17.6). n kHmta' last, afterwards, behind. Adverb, may also be used as noim. 12 kd'tsEk MIDDLE. Adverb, may also be used as noun. " i- nukstz SMALLNESS, with possessive pronoun masculine third person, and personifying prefix g- (see notes 1, 10). " See note 10. li a- aorist; q- some one; -e him; stem presumably - qtqlE'tcqta left; qinq.'eama' right. Particles. 668 BUREAU OF AMERIt'AN ETHNOLOGY (bull. 40 (liix^' ue'xatk" jiLo'ix:"'' now-o'gomix ■''^ j^itfi'kilvElal:* "0, Ih'at trail it went; they say those wlio liave the "Oh, power of seeiiip;: Lu'iiiKqta,''' tuL!!"'"' Ma'nix' iau'a" (|inq!eania''^" ayo'ix" he will (lie, * nevertheless!" When there to the right goes iLa'xanat(-:i« ''("), tla'ya^^ qLri'xo."^" his soul: •'f)h, well some one will make him." Aqiga'Jomx^' (jigo^* lui Lxoa'po "•" ile'o.^* la'xkato"" aLkLE- Some one reaches it when the hole ground. There they always ^E'lnoja-itx*"'' tmeniElo'ctikc."^ Ma' nix '^ ai.kLu'inotx"'' Po'Latcla''^ "-o"* <7rminr' "" FFie ghosts. When he lias drunk it the one who has there his sie,kne.ss qo'La^"* LtciKi,*'" a'lta"*' nekct qa'nsix"^ t!aya'^^ aqLa'x.^ Qe'xtce"* that water, then not (any) how well someone Rnrieavoring makes him. ka'nauwe®' tga'qevvama^" ataLge'la-itx,'^ nakct" Lipax" aqLa'x.* all their shaman songs they treat him, not well some one makes him. i.'.ap" acjo'ax^^ iiil'xanato ^^ qo'La^^ Lkiiimctx''^ Ltcuq.^^ Find .some one does it his life that it has drunk it the water. Aqio'cgamx,^" ifi'qoa-iL" qix"^^ ikana'to.^** Noxotfi'knx^' tu-fi'xawok^* Some one takes it, it is large tnat life. They return tlieir guardian spirits gita'kikElal.^ Ifi'qoa-iL" qix*^^ ikana'te.^" Aqio'cg-amx^" qloa'p" those who have It is large that life. Some one takes it near power of seeing. iii'kua^^ Nate'tanue" ka^" iano'kstx" ne'xElax.^^ Nogo'go-irax " here Indians and its smallness comes to be on it. They say 51 a- aorist; -l- neuter su>)ject; -o- directive; see note 2. ■'>2 n- aorist l)efore vowel; -6- plural before k sound; -go introduced before k stop (§ 19.26); -fc-jm, -gim to SAY, in which -o- is introduced in harmony with preceding o (§ 7); -i usitative. '■^ L neuter subject; -o- directive; stem -mF.qt I)E.\d, -o future. M See § 50. » o- aorist before consonantic y, which stands for intervocalic -i- third person masculine subject (see note 51). M q- indefinite subject; -/.- neuter object; -o- directive before fc sound; -i stem to do; -o future for -a after k soimd (§ 26.1). 5' a- aorist; q- indefinite sul)ject; -i- third person masculine object; -ga- adverbial prefix (?); -f stem to meet; -6m for -am after k sound, completion of motion (compare note .'54). M na- prefix for local names (§ 40.3); Lioap onoinatopoetic term, to dig; -e suflTix. ^ Stem -eb; masculine; on account of accented vowel following the cluster -li, the x is dropped (§ 6.2); -« sufTix. «> See § 44. «• a- aorist; -Lk- neuter transitive subject with following k sound (§ 19); -l- neuter object, implying water (see note 65); -qamct stem to drink, here modified by accent into -^amct: -a-itx always (§ 31.10). «s See note 4. The stem -7nfraff?fw; dead was used occasionally by the narrator; /- plural; -ike plural ending (§38.1). « See note 61. This form stands for oLfcLB'^/^mrtx. 6* Demonstrative adverb (§ 44). ® Stem -tcuq; neuter. " See § 47. «» See § 44. « Adverb indicating an action performed, but not attaining the desired end. •» Indefinite numeral (§ 51). '0 See note 24. Here the stem -qewam is retained in its original form; tga- plural, possessive third person plural; -ma plural. '• a- aorist; -t- third person plural intransitive subject; -t- neuter object (see note 31). " nskct NOT, with rhetoric emphasis ndkct. w Attriiiute complement. '< a- aorist; q- indefinite subject; -r- masculine object; -a directive before k sound; -x stem to do. " i- third person masculine singular continuative; -a directive before k sound; -qoa-ii stem large. '« Demonstrative adverb of the groups e'wa. iau'a, ia'kwa (§ 44). " Plural in na-: stem -te'tanue (§ 21). '8 Intransitive verb; n- aorist; -e- contracted from i-i he his (§ 12); -i- reflexive; -/- to; -a- directive before k sound; -i stem to do, to be. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 669 ktoguila'le:^^ "Lo'uas niikct" LE'tloix**' ka^'^ Lo'mEqta."" those who treat them: "Perhaps not it comes between and he will die." Niktco'ktixo.^i Qe'xtce«*' aqe'tElot"^ iLti'xanate.^^ A^a'tElotx,*^ It gets day. Endeavoring some one gives it to his life. Some one gives it to them them qloa'p" ka'aauwc"** e/Lai/a^'' ka^" af^o'mEC[tx.'*^ NiLgEnga'^-ux ^* nearly all his body and he dies. It is too small iLa'xanate.^*^ his .soul. [Translation.] The seers go thus to the ghosts. When there are three of them, the one who has a strong guardian spirit is placed first, and one who has a strong guardian spirit is placed last. One who has a small guardian spirit is placed in the middle. The soul of a chief is pursued when the chief is sick. When the trail is bad, the first one utters his shaman song. Wlien the trail is bad behind, then the one there behind utters his shaman song. And it is night for a little while, and they treat him; but when the morning star comes, the soul of the sick one is overtaken. His soul is taken. The guardian spirits of the seers return. Sometimes his soul is given to him two nights, sometimes one night, after the guardian spirits return. Then the sick one becomes well. When the soul of a sick person is pursued, the seers go, when the soul of the sick person is pursued. There it went thus on the trail to the left. Then the seers say, ''Oh, he will die, anyway!" when the soul went there thus to the right, "Oh, he will become well!" It is reached where there is a hole in the ground. There the ghosts are in the habit of drinking. When the sick one has drunk of that water, he can not be made well at all. All those who have shaman songs try to treat him, but he is not made well. The soul of one who has drunk of that water is found. It is taken. That soul is large. The guardian spirits of the seers return. That soul is large. It is taken here,' near to the Indians, and it grows small. Those who treat them say, "Perhaps it will not be one night before he will die." It gets daylight. The attempt is made to give him his soul. It is given to him. It nearly (fills) his body, and he dies. His soul is too small. " See note 31 . k- personal noun. w See note 41. Presumably with directive -t- to come, which is strengthened by the elision of q (§ 6.3). M n- aorist before vowel; -;'- masculine subject; -k is a prefix. The origin of the suffix is not clear. 82 o rhetoric lengthening of e (see notes 43, 72). B3 e- masculine pronoim; -to- neuter possessive; -L^a stem body. »• n- aorist; -i- third person masculine intransitive subject referring to the soul; -L- neuter object, referring to the owner of the soul or life; -gsn probably for -gEl ON account of (§ 25.4); -g- probably stem; -ano ABOUND, or part of stem; -x usitative. KATHLAMET TEXT Exa't' ne'qatcxEui^ nai'ka^ tgE'qlevuqtikc.^ Tqe'qLax^ qatciuxofi'- 6ne he saug conjurer's I my an'ccstiirs. One hunrlred he owned song watcguix." Laxanakco'ngut^ iLfi'lxam.'* Noxua'koax^ ta-itcP te'lxam* songs. i-tvxanakeo'ngut his town. They as-seinbled tho.^ic people ta'xi" tE'LaqLpa^^ 3'a'xi^^ iqe'qtcxam.^ Lfikt" Lpo'lEinax^' that his house at that the one who sang Four niglits conjurer's songs. noxuiwl'yutckuax^® ta-itci^° te'lxaiii.^ A'qa^" nige'mx^* 3'a'xi" they danced those people. Then .said that iqc'qtcxam:^ ''A'qa^' Lxato'guala^'^ La'xi^^ Lqleyo'qt,^ aLxetElo'tc- one whfi sang "Then he will come to hear that old man, he willgo tosee conjuror's song: xama/'-° IgoxuiL5'xoa-it^^ te'lxam:^ "Qri'mta^^ Lq^^ aLte'mama^* the dances." They thought the people: "Whence maybe he will arrive iStem-eit one; feminine ae'xt; neuter Lext; plural text; forms indicating human beings e'xat, ae'xat, Le'xat. te'iat. • Stem -tciam; the preceding -fc- (heard here generally -?-) probably on; ne- transitional masculine (§ 17). 3 naika I, independent personal pronoun; used here to intensify the possessive pronoun in the following noun . * -q.'eyot old person; t- plural; qe- my; -ike plural, human beings. 5 This form is not otherwise known. « qa- a very frequent verbal prefix in Kathlamet, cither transitional, or a slurred fonn of aqa then con- tracted with transitional i-; tc- he, transitive subject; -i- him; this verb may correspond to Chinook tcid'xuwaltck he helped her sing (Chinook Texts 144..3). ' LaxanakcO' ngut is a Nehelim to^^^l, called in that language Neso'ka; perhaps derived from ongut a small bay with steep l;anks, and ia'jane outside. 8 1- masculine; -La- indefinite possessive; -ham town, from stem -Iz. The neuter or indefinite possessive pronoun refers here to the indefinite ancestor whose name is not stated. From the same stem is formed te'lxam. with t- plural prefix. 'Stem probably -koa (Lower Chinook -ko); no- transitional, third person plural; -lua- reflexive after o vowel; -fcoa stem; -i usitative. 10 Demonstrative, indicating human beings (see § 44). » Demonstrative plural, referring to tquL house. •'- Without possessive pronoun this noun has the stem-?MZ,; with possessive pronoun the vowel is dropped. It has always the plural prefix t-: -La- refers to the same p)erson as the po.ssessive in iLd'lxam (see note 8); -pa at (§5.5). " ya'ii, wu'xi. La li demonstratives (§ 44). ' ■• Xiuneral; for himian beings the form la'ktikc is used. ^wa'pol night; i- indefinite pronoun; -po? night, dark; -jnai distributive plural. >6 710-, igo- transitional third person plural (§ 17); -lui- reflexive, used apparently in this verl) only in the plural; the u is introduced after preceding 6; stem -we to da.vce; always ending with -I expressing repe- tition, or -Ick expressing probably an inchoative (§ 31); -x usitative. 1' This is the most common connective and then (see note 6). " Tij- masculine transitional; -kxim, accented, -grm to say; -x usitative. >9 L- indefinite; -xa- reflexive; the stem does not occur in any other place in the available material. 20 a- future; -l- indefinite; -i- reflexive; -e- him; -Ncoming; -lotcx to look on; -am to go to ; -o future. s> igo- transitional third person plural (§ 17); -x- reflexive changed to -xui- after preceding -o-; -loxo to think; -a-it suffix expressing rest. 2- qa where; -mta suffix, not free; whence, whither. " Lq enclitic particle, may be. 2< c- future; -L- indefinite; -tc to come; -mam for -am after vowel to arrive (§ 29); -a future. t)70 BOAsJ HA^'DBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 671 Lax'^^* Lqleyo'qt?^ Lxuan^^ e'wa^** Naqe'leni" aLte'mama^* aLxitElo'tc- that old man? Perhaps thus Nehelim he will arrive he will see the xama,^" Lxuan^^ e'wa^^ Tia'klelakix^^ aLte'mama^^ aLxitElo'tcxama."^" dance, perhaps thus Clatsop he will arrive he will see the dance." Ig-o'ponEm.2" A'qa" wl't'ax'*' iguxuiwi'yutcki" ta-itci^" te'lxani." It grew dark. Then again they danced those people. Qe'q la^^aq''^ wfi'polpa,^^ a'qa^^ IeIP^ igo'xoax^^ ta-itci^" te'lxani.^ Middle night at, then tired became those people. Igugoaqe'witx-it.^^^ Lexa't^ Lqleyo'qt^ Lqage'lak^^ as" do'lIix^'^ They rested. One old woman and a little' igo'ponEm^^ a'qa^^ iLoqo'ptit.^^ Qloa'p*" e'ktEllL" qiLXE'qo-itq^^ it was dark then she slept. Near morning star she arose La'xi^^ Lqleyo'qt* Lqag-e'lak.^'' A'qa^^ ta'nki*^ ige'xox.^^ iLgiltcE'maq'*-' that old woman. Then something was (there). She heard qia'e q!a'e q!a'e^^ ta'nki^=' ig-e'xox" ici'qepa.^^ iLXLo'xoa-it^i La'xi^^ noise of a crack opening something was the door at. She thought that Lqleyo'qt:* "Lxuan^^ saq°^» iqantci'txam.''^ Ni'xua^o antcuqo'yutc- oldone: "Perhaps war some oise comes to Well 1 awoke make on us. qEma^^ te'lxam.^" A'qa" iLktuqo'yutcq,'^^ ac" qEnE'mkatix^^ ta-itci^" them the people." Then she woke them, and remaining quiet' those te'lxam^ Iguxoii'qo-itq^^ ta-itci^° te'lxam.^ Iguxoala'vutck.^^ people. They arose those people. They arose. 25 Perhaps related to -Loio- to, THmK (see note 21); compare mxLo'zuan tci q.'oa'pix do you think it is NEAR? 26.5. 26 Demonstrative adverb (see § 44). 2' ma- locative prefix (§ 40); -qelem stem for a place name south of Columbia river; Tqele'muks the peo- ple OF Naqe'lem (nehelim), the Tillamook. 2s<- plural; -id'- his; -k.'Hak roasted, dried salmon; -ix adverbial ending; where there are their roasted salmon, the native name of Clatsop. In the Clatsop dialect the name Ld'tsEp has the same meaning; id- their; -tsEp roasted, dried salmon. 23 igd- transitional and directive; -pdl night; -ponEtn it is always night (see § 8). ™ again corresponding to Lower Chinook weit. i 3' qe'q.'ayak the middle of a thing. 32 yj. nominal prefix (§ 17); a- feminine; -pol night; -pa at, in. 33 Onomatopoetic particle verb. 3< igo- transitional intransitive third person plural; -x- reflexive; -oa- changed from o after 6; -i to do. 35 igugoa- third person plural before k sound (§ 19); -qewit to rest; -z-it suffix (§ 29). 38 L- indefinite; -qagc'lak woman. 3' OS, ac connective conjimction, sometimes used for while. 38 noL.' A little; uo'lHx- adverb. 39 iL- indefinite transitional; -6- directive; -qoptit to sleep. *o NEARLY, near by; also q.'na'pii almost. « Stem -kfEl'iL. *2 qit- see note 6; -x- reflexive; -qo-itq to arise. " Imperative of transitive verb without sub.icct; a- feminine object; -x to do; -a fulure. M a- feminine; -toL fire. «2 Probably i- transitional; L- it; -k indicating preceding transitive sulijeca; -a- heu; -i to no. « Probably from the stem -Hx place, country. ^e'wa thus; distributive a'wimax (?) «* i- masculine; -eta- their two sides, relating to the following dual noun kaie; -qu-iiai largeness. ««s- dual; -Id'; his; -zost face, eyes. 6' La JUST like. 68 In Chinook okLE'men is used for moon. After the death of a man named K LE'mEn, whose guardian Spirit was the moon, the Kathlamet discarded the word akiE'mEn, which corresponds to the Lower Chi- nook form, and used aka'im instead (see Lkatmu'ks Kathlamet Texts 27.3). The word at this place corre- sponds to the plural of the Lower Chinook, and should read perhaps LkLEmsna'ks {see Chinook Texts 245.18); the ending -tc like (see § 55). 69 igu- transitional third person plural; -goa- inserted before stem in k: -k'im to sav; see note 18. "> Stem -qctie' Lan. '1 at- future before vowels (§ 17); i- he; -Iz- us; -get coming to; -pq into; -a future. " tci interrogative particle. " ia'zka, a'zka, la'zka he, she, it. " i- transitional; LgBmc- it you; -t to come; -qoem to give food; -am to arrive. '5 An exclamation. '6 Stem -ge'pizL. " Demonstrative, see § 44. ™ jji- transitional intransitive; -i£j reflexive on behalf of themselves; -6- directive; -tczam to go to SEE. '» t- plural pronun; -id- his; -maq the act of shooting. ™ iqtel- somebody them on him; -o- directive; -i to do, to make. 81 Perhaps better go-pa' there at. 82 i- masculine; -o- directive; -maqt to die, singular. M Both words contain the adverbial ending -iz. »» From a stem -qe to go up; -wulzt up. » i7(;/-TiiEY him; -j£'/i;mui used here as a transitive verb; more commonly intransitive itizE'lEmuz'THKy at, in reference TO him; stem -muz. ««See note 20; -zelotcz to witness a dance; o- third person plural; ge'tazelo'tcze is nominal, probably THE ones who had THEIR WITNESSING; g- nomen actoris; -i- masculine; -ta theirs. " See note 2; c'tczam the conjurer's song that is sung; -pa at. 88 id- theirs; -yuLEma supernatural being. " In Lower Chinook d'nqati. WISHRAM TEXT By Edward Sapir Coyote and Itc!e'xyan Aga^ Now kwo'pt^ then galixE'ltcmacf he heard gayu'ya* he went isklu'lya Coyote isklu'lya'' wi'tlax Coyote again. gwa nisini^ always Na'2wit^ ga3^u'yam;^ straightway he arrived going; qtuhit'a'mElqt" idE'lxam'^ they (indef.) are always the people swallowing them down 1 A connected English translation of this text will befound in Sapir's Wishram Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, ii, 41 , 43. The Indian text as here given has been very slightly normal- ized from its fonn as there published (pp. 40, 42). • Used partly with weak temporal force, partly as mere connective in narrative. It is frequently prac- tically untranslatable into English. 3 kwopt, THEN, AT THAT TIME, IS regularly used with preceding aga to mark new step in narrative. It can be analyzed into demonstrative stem kwo- (or kioa-) that (= Chinook go there) and local suffix -pt UP TO (.so AND so) FAR. Neither of these elements occurs freely, kwo- is not used to form demon- strative pronoims, only occurring stereotyped in several adverbs; besides kwopt we have kwo'ba there (note 39), and kwo'dau and (note 46). -pt also hardly seems to occur except stereotyped in adverbs; cf. dapt as far as this (related to da'ba, this-in=here, as kwopt is to kwo'bc), and yaxpt, as far as THAT yonder, from ya'ii off yonder). See also note 56. * ga- (gal- before vowels) = tense prefix denoting remote past, regularly used in myth narrative. - y-= 3d per. masc. subj. intr., referring to isklu'lya, before consonants it would appear as -!-, while gah would then appear as tense prefix {ga-y- = gal-i-: see notes 9, 28, 32, 47). -u- = directive prefix away from speaker, -ya = verb stem to go. 5 i- = masc. noun prefix with which -y- in gayu'ya is in agreement, -sk.'u'hja = noun stem coyote, apparently not capable of analysis; perhaps loan-word from Klickitat spi'lya. Chinook has another stem, -t.'d'lapas. 6 Composed of wi't.'a again and deictic particle -x: cf. da'uya (note 54) and da'uyax this, wi't.'a is most plausibly explained as stereotyped adverb from wi-, masc. noim prefix (originally independent masc. pronoim? See notes 19 and 33), and -tia, emphatic particle added to pronoims, too, also (see note 21). According to this analysis wi't!a{i) was originally formed from *wi as ya'xt!a{x) he too from ya-x- HE. Originally it must have meant that (masc.) too, but was later generalized in meaning. ' Rhetorically lengthened fonn of nu'it immediately, right away. When thus lengthened to na'wit, it seems to imply direct, unswerving motion without interference of other action; it may then be rendered as straight on or on and on. s As in note 4, except that instead of verb stem -ya we have its shorter form -y. -i- (as in yu'it he goes; cf. also note 61). To this is suffixed verb suffix -am arrive while — ing, go (or come) to do . Several verb stems have two forms,— one in -a, and one without this -o (e. g., -pa and -p to go out; cf. galu'pa SHE went out with atpi she comes out). 9 gal- = tense prefix ga- before vowels, -i- = 3d per. masc. obj. before reflexive element (reflexive verbs have, morpliologically speaking, no subject). -xEl- = indirect reflexive composed of reflexive clement -i- and local verb prefix -I- to, into, -tcmaq = verb stem to hear. galiiE'ltcmaq means literally to him- self heard, to hear some one is expressed hy -x-tcmaq with prefixed transitive subject and oijject pronominal elements. 1" Adverb not capable of analysis. '1 q- = indefinite transitive subj. -t- = 3d per. pi. obj. tr., referring to idE'lxam. -u- =directive prefix (very many verbs have this "directive" -u- even when no definite idea of direction away from speaker seems to be implied). -lat.'amElq-is examplcof rarely occurring compound verbs. -?a?.'o- is "diminutive" form of verb stem -lada- to throw down, away (in this case its meaning seems to correspond somewhat more closely to that of its Chinook cognate -Lata to pull back); -mslq- is best explained as verb stem -mEq- (or -mq-) to vomit with infixed -I- of frequentative or continuative significance (that-/- is not really part of stem is shown by form itciulat.'a'maq he swallowed him down); pull back -i- vomit may be construed as meaning vomit backward, draw to one's self and swallow, -t = tense suffix of present time. Observe peculiar sequence of tense, he heasd . . . they .sir .-hlok' them down. Verbs that are dependent on other verijs, chiefly of saying or perception, are always present in tense, no matter what tense is logically implied; cf. l^elow gatcigE'lkEl . . . iki'ai (note 43) he s.4if it . . .it is. 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1 10 43 673 674 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [hvlv. 40 itclE'xyjin." Qxa'damt'^ gayu'y"'" ikni'm'" na'wit gatcigE'lga" Merman. Whither it went the ciinoe straightway he got hold of it itclE'xyan; jratciutat!a'mEl(ii« kri'iiawi*" dan.^" "Naitl'^i a'g'" Meniiaii; lie always swallowed it down every thing. " Me too now atciuitatla'iiiElEqEma,"" isklu'lj^a galixki'xwa-it.'* Aga kwo'pt he will swalk'W me down," Coyote he thought. Now then gayu'y' iskiii'lya; gatcigE'lga 3'ag'aiP^ ikla'munaq.^*' Aga kwo'pt he went Coyote; he got hold of it its bigness the tree. No'w then 1! id- = 3d per. pi. noun prefix, in concord with -/- in preceding verb, -ham {-E- is inorganic) = noun stem VILLAGE (wi'lxam village is formally masc. sing, of idE'lzam people); -ham is evidently related to -ix (see note 33). " i- as in note 5. -tc.'Ezyan — noun stem merman, protector of fisuermen (see Wishram Texts, p. 40, note 2; p. 42, note 2; p. 2.56, note 2); no etymology suggests itself. Syntactically itclE'iyan is subject Implied, but not grammatically referred to, by q- of preceding verb. This clause can hardly be considered as quite correct; properly speaking. ilc.'E'iyan should go with tctulat.'a'mElqt. '• From interrogative stem qia- (or ga-), seen also in qa'iba wuat-i.n? = where? qa'zia of what KIND? and qa'ngi what-with? = now? -damt = local suffl.x toward found suffixed to several adverbs (cf. ca'ialadamt toward above, gigwa'ladamt toward below). This -damt is evidently related to local noim suffix -iamt to, from. Qxa'damt here introduces indirect question, and may best be translated as no matter where. li = gayu'ya. Final vowels are regularly elided when following word begins with vowel. For analysis of fonn, see note 4. 16 i- as in note 5. -knim = notm stem canoe. This stem can be only secondarily monosyllabic, for otherwise we should have * wiknim (sec note 33); its Chinook cognate -kanim shows original dissyllabic form. See also note 3". 17 ga- = tense prefix as in note 4. -tc- = 3d per. masc. tr. subj., referring to following itdE'iyan as sub- ject, -i- = 3d per. masc. tr. obj., referring to ikni'm of preceding clause as object. -gEl- = verb prefix of adverbial force, toward (with purpose, intent to reach); it here replaces directive -u- of most transitive verbs, -ga = verb stem to get hold of. seize; it is possibly to be identified with verb stem -ga stick to, its particular active significance being gained by use of transitive pronominal prefixes and verb prefi.x -gE 1-. 18 ga-tc-i- as in note 17, -i- here referring to following dan. -u-lat.'a'-mElq as in note 11. 19 ita'TMiu'i ALL, EVERY is most probably compounded oikana- all together (found in such numeral forms as ka'nactmokct all-tue-two = both and, with unexplained -m-, in kanEmlu'nikc all three people) and old 3d per. masc. demonstrative pronoim *u'i (cf. note 6) now no longer preserved as such (except in such petrified words as wi't.'a and ka'nawi), but specialized, like its corresponding feni. wa-, as 3d per. noun prefix (see note 33). These old pronouns *wi and *ica are best explained as substantivized from pronominal elements -i- (masc.) and -a- (fem.) by means of demonstrative element w- (or M-); this latter element is probably identical with -u- in demonstrative stem da'u- this (found also as da-; see note .'54), and with ( hinook -6- in demonstratives near 3d per. {roLa^zOcta, zota). ka'nawi must origi- nally have meant something like all (of) that (masc), but, like wi't.'a, was later generalized in signifi- cance, ka'natci is here, as often, rhetorically lengthened to ka'nawi to emphasize its meaning of totality. »> Interrogative and indefinite pronoim referring to things, what, anything, something. Though not provided with any sign of gender, it is always construed as masculine, hence -i- in gatciulat.'a'mElq. Its correlative can (Kathlamet Lan) referring to persons, who, anybody, somebody, is always neuter in gender; he swallowed everybody down would be gatciulat.'a'mElq ka'nawi can. 21 Klided from na'it.'a (see note 1.5). Composed of 1st per. sing, pronominal stem nai- (seen also in na'- ika I) and emphatic sulBx -t.'a too, also (see note 6). All independent pronouns in -ka can be changed to emphatic pronouns by merely replacing -ka by -t.'a (e. g., ya'zka he becomes ya'zt.'a he too). Syntactically na'il.'a here anticipates -n- in following verb (see note 23) as 1st per. sing. obj. *2 = a'ga (see note 1.5). This particle is very frequently used before future verb forms in conversation. S3 a- = tense prefLx of future time, -tc- = 3d per. masc. tr. subj. -n- = 1st per. sing. tr. obj. -u-lat.'a'- mElEq- as in note 11 (-B- before -q- is inorganic). -Em- = connective before future suffix -a; verbs that are continuative or frequentative in form regularly use this connective -Em- before certain suffixes (such as future -a, cessative -tck, usitative -nil), -a = tense suffix of future time; in AV ishram verbs regularly form their future by prefLxing a- or aj- (before vowels) and suffixing -a. It is somewhat difficult to see why this form should be frequentative; one would rather except atcnulat.'a'msgwa. " gal-i- as in note 9. -z- = reflexive element; literal translation of verb would be (to) himself thought. -iux(u')- = verb stem to think, -a-it = verb suffix of rather uncertain significance here; itisfoimd in all tenses of verb but present, where it is replaced by -an (izlu'zwan he thinks). » ya- = i-ya-. i- = masc. noun prefix, determining gender of noun stem ^0(7. -ya- = 3d per. masc. possessive pronominal prefix, referring to masculine noun ik.'a'munaq. -gail = abstract noun stem big- ness, yagailik.'a'munaq the tree's bigness may, like all other possessive constructions, be construed either attributively (the big tree) or predicatively (the tree i.sbig). Its attributive character is here determined by presence of true verb (gatcigE'lga) as predicate. *« J- as in note 5. -k.'a'munaq = noun stem tree, stick, wood. This word is difficult of etymologic analysis, yet can be no simple stem; -k.'a- is undoubtedly to be regarded as noun prefix (cf. ik.'a'lamat EOCK, perhaps from verb stem -la to move), -k.'a- is most plausibly considered as "diminutive" form of verb stem -ga- to fly, up in air (as first element in compound verbs); cf. itciuk.'wa'la he whetted it with itci'ula HE filed it, and :rJugwala'da-uh i threw it up on top (of something) with iniula'da-ulf I threw IT UP. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 675 La'x" oali'xox.^* GatcigE'lga itclE'xjan, gaqiulatla'iUElEq.^^ insight he made him- He got hold of merman, they (indef.) swallowed self. him him down. Na'wit iltcqo'ba^" gi'gwaP^ isk!u'l3a galixi'maxitam^^ wi'lxba.^^ straightway in the water below Coyote he arrived falling on the ground Aga kwo'pt gatcugi'kEP^ Igabla'd^^ idE'lxam; Igaljla'd^*^ akni'm" Now then he .saw them their multitude the people; their multitude the canoes axu'xt^* kwo'ba^" gi'gwal iitcqo'ba. Aga kwo'pt gatcigE'lksP they are there below in the water. Now then he saw it piled" together isklu'lya itc!E'x3^an yago'mEnil^^ qxwoL*^ iki'ax.^^ Aga kwo'pt Coyote Merman his heart hanging it is. Now then 2' Particle verb. Though verbal in force, it is purely adverbial morphologically, having no grammatical form of its o\\ti. In regard to tense and person it is defined by following verb, which serves as its form- giving auxiliary. 28 gal-i- as in note 9. -i- = reflexive element, -d- (modified from -u- because of preceding and following velar consonants) = directive prefix; ordinarily reflexive -x- replaces directive -«-, but there are several verbs that retain it even when reflexive in form, -i = verb stem to do, make, -z-u-z to do to one's SELF, MAKE one's SELF, is regularly used to mean become. For other forms of verb stem -x see notes 43, S3, 64, and 66. 29 (/a- as in note 4. -q- = indefinite tr. subj. -i- = 3d per. masc. tr. obi. -u-lat.'a'-mElEq as in note 11. Forms with indefinite -q- sut)ject are very commonly used in Wishram in lieu of passives. 30 il- = 3d per. neut. noun prefix, -t- = inorganic consonant, serving as glide between I and c. -cq6- (= -cqa-; a is velarized to 6 by preceding q) = noun stem water ; its shorter form -cq- is seen in Icta'cq THE water of the TWO (Wishram Texts 190.14). -6a = Jocal noun suffix in, at (see also notes 33, 39, and 60). 31 Adverb; -al is probably not part of stem, for it is found also in correlative ca'x-al above. 32 gal- as in note 9. -i- = 3d per. masc. intr. subj., referring to preceding i-sk.'u'lya. -zima- = verb stem TO PUT DOWN, PUT ON GROUND, LAY DOWN (as tr.); LIE DOWN (as intr.); probably composed of -z- on GROUND(?) and -ima- put (cf. ga-ya-x-a'l-ima-lx he put himself into the water [Wishram Texts 2.5]); whenever indirect object with -k- on is introduced, -z-ima- becomes -za-ima- (e. g., ga-k-l-a-k-za'-ima she laid it DOWN ON IT [Wishram Texts 2.11]). -zit = quasi-passive suffix; -z-ima-zit- = be laid down, lay one's self down, fall down TO ground, -am = verb suffix arrive ing (cf. note 8). 33 wi- = 3d per. masc. noun prefix; masc. noun stems that are non-syllabic or monosyllabic require wi- (cf. note 5.')); those that have more than one syllable have i- (see notes .J, 13, 16, 26); for probable origin of wi- see note 19. In Chinook wi- has entirely given way to i-, except as archaism in some place-names and in songs. -Iz- = noun stem land; seen also in wi'lxam village, idE'lxam people (see note 12); probalily also in wa'lzi fishing station and icE'lzlz staging for fishing, -ba as in note .30. 3< ga- as in note 4. -tc- = 3d per. masc. tr. subj. -u- = .3d per. pi. obj., referring to following idE'lxam (before verl) prefix -gEl- 3d per. plural obj. -/- is replaced I'y-w-, -gel- then becoming -^(ec)'-; in other words, -t- before gEl- is treated analogously to when it conies before -gEl-). -gi- = plural form of -gEl-{see note, 40) out from enclosed space (cf. ga-l-a-gs'l-ba it flowed out of her [Wishram Texts 94.4]); analo- gously to-gEl- (see note 17) directive -«- is here replaced by -gEl-. -ksl = verb stem to know (cf. l-k-d-u'- kuluE KNOWS them [Wishram Texts 176.10]); -gEl-ksl = to know from out one's (eyes), hence to see, get sight of. 3^ I- = 3d per. neut. noim prefix, defining gender of abstract noun stem -blad. -170-= .3d per. pi. pos- sessive pronominal prefix, referring to idE'lzam. -blad = noun stem multitude, great number. Igabla'd idE'lzam is construed like ya'gail ik.'a'munaq (see note 25). 36 As in note 35, except that -ga- = .3d per. fem. possessive pron. prefix (merely homonymous with -ga- of note 35), referring to akni'm. 37 a- = 31 per. fem. noun prefix; though many fem. dissyllabic stems have wa- (e. g., icala'la pond), it is here replaced by analogy of ikni'w (see note 16), as in related noims i- and o-, wi- and wa- generally pair oil respectively, -kmm as in note 16. logically akni'm canoes is plural. morpholo<.;ically it is fem., l)eing so referred to in azu'zl (note 38); another example of fem. as plural is wa'mwa maggots, ma.sc. wi'mwa maggot. 38 a- = 3d per. fem. intr. subj., referring to akni'm. -z- = vert) prefix on ground, on bottom (?) -u- = directive prefix, -xt = verb stem to lie, sit, be placed, corresponding in use to Chinook -c. This verb stem allows of no formal modification l)y means of tense affi.xes. 3" Composed of demonstrative stem kv:6- (see note 3) and local suffix -6a (see note 33): that-in = there. « As in note 34, e.xcept that incorporated obj. is -i- = 3d per. masc, referring to yag&mEnil, and that -gEl- is unmodified. " ya- = i-ya- as in note 25, i- defining heart as masc. in gender, while -ya- refers to itc.'E'xyan. -gomEuil HEART seems to be verbal in form, -Enil being usitative suffix; yago'mEnil may also be used predicatively to mean he is alive. *- Particle verl), for which iki'ax serves as auxiliary. <3j-= 3d per. masc. intr. subj., referring Xoyago'mEnil. -kiai to be isanothertenseless verb (cf. note .38). It is best, though somewhat doubtfully, explained as composed of verb prefix -ki-, which shows lack of 676 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 gaqiirixam^"^ isklu'l3'a: '" Ya'xdau"'' itclE'xjan yago'niEnih" Aga they (indef.) toW Coyote: "That Merman his heart." Now him kwo'pt Lqlo'p"'' gatci'iix;*^"* Lqlo'p*'"' gali'xox"" itclE'xyan 3'ag6'niEnii. then cut lie made it; cut it made itself Merman his heart. Aga kwo'pt ka'nawi gatkxEni'yutck" sfi'q"^^ akni'm kwo'dau**" Now then all tlie.v each floated up out entirely the canoes and of water idE'lxani kwo'dau isklu'ha. the people and Coyote. Aga kwo'pt gali'kim" isklu'lya: "Lga"^ pu^" qfi'nia''''' nia'ima'^^ Now then he said Coyote: "Perchance would how you alone itclE'xj^an qxi'dau^^ amdu'xwa" idE'lxam? Da'uya-^* wi'gwa" aga Merman thus you will do to them the people? This day now object of ordinarily trans, verb, and verb stem -i to do (cf. Kur. he Dona well, i. e., gets along well); -n- would tlien have to be explained as inorganic glide vowel (cf. Chinook i-kl'-i he is and Wishram i-ki'-i-ni HE IS. HAS ueiome). For syntactic constniction, as subordinated to gatcigE'lkEl, see note 11. "» ga- as in note 4. -g- = indef. tr. subj. (cf. note 29). -i- = 3d per. masc. tr. obj., rcforrinR to isklu'lya. -u- = directive prefi.x. -ham = verb stem to say to with personal object. This verb form is logically passive. «b Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near 2d person, composed of simple form of independent 3d personal pronoun + demonstrative element -i- (cf. also ordinary forms of independent 3d personal pronoini ya'i-ka and similarly for other genders) + demonstrative stem -daii (= -da + -u), for wliich sec note .'>1. Syntactically ya'idau, here used substantively, agrees in gender with yago'viEnU, to which it refers. There is no expressed predicate in this sentence, yago'mcnil (it ls) his heart being so used. *^ Particle verb, to which following verbs gatci'ux and gali'xoi, both from verb stem -i to do, serve as au.xiliaries. Lq!6p doubtless has onomatopoetic force. «J See note 64. ^se As in note 28. cut it-made-itself = it became cut. ** ga- as in note 4. -(- = 3d per. pi. intr. subj., referring to akni'm, idE'lxam, and isk.'u'lya as combined plural subject, -k- = regular replacement of directive -u- whenever intr. subj. -t- would theoretically be expected to stand before it. -r£n/- (or -lun;-) = verb stem to float, drift, -yu- = distributive suffix EACH separately (gatkxEni'tck would mean they floated vp in one body), -tck = local verb suffi.x UP TO surface, up from position of rest (cf. also gal-i-x-lE'-tck he moved himself up from sitting POSITION, he arose [Wishram Texts 4.6]; gal-i'-kta-tck HE rose (sticking his head) out of water [op.cit., 10..")]); combined with -6o out of interior, -tck appears as -ptck from water out to land (gatkiEni'yuptck they each floated on to land; for change of -ba to-pef. gnlagE'lba with lagE'lpt [Wi.shram Texts 94.7]). This -tck should be distinguished from -tck of cessative significance, whose function it is to deprive verbs that arc continuative or frecinentative in form of their eontintiative force (e. g., yuwi'lal he is dancing, gayuwi'lalEmlck he was dancing (but is no longer doing so). « Adverbial in force. Logically sa'q" (rhetorically lengthened to sd'qu to emphasize idea of totality) often seems to be used attributively with nouns (translated as all), but grammatically it is best con- sidered as adverbial, even when there is no expressed predicate. <« Composed of demonstrative stems kw6- (see note 3) and dau- (see note 54). Its original significance was evidently that (which precedes) and this (which follows). <' gal-i- ius in note 32. -kirn = verb stem to .say (without personal object ; ef. note .58). <■* Ailverb of modal significance, serving to give doubtful coloring to verb. <9 Adverb of potential and conditional significance; in formal conditions introduced l)y cma'nii if, it often has contrary-to-fact implication. This use of modal particles in lieu of verb modes is characteristic of Chinookan. '••'> Evidently contains interrogative stem qa- what, seen also in qia'daml (note 14). -ma can not l)c explained. This word has been found only in such passages as here, and is very likely felt to be archaic. Iga pu qa'ma occurs as stereotyped myth-phrase in transformer incidents (cf. Wishram Texts 6.13, .38.6, for similar passages). ^1 Forms in -aima alone may be formed from simplest forms of personal pronouns (subject intr. incorporated); e. g., na'ima i alone, ma'ima you alone, ija'ima he alone. It is doubtful, however, whether these forms should be considered as intransitive verbs from verb stem -aima. Since personal plurals in -dike (e. g., la'imadikc they alone) occur, it seems preferable to consider them as formed by suffixed -ma alone? (cf. qa'ma note 50) from independent pronoun stems in -ai- (as in na'ika, note 57, and na'il.'a, note 21); this -ai- is in these forms found also in 3d persons (e. g., la'ima it alone, as con- trasted with la'ika and la'it.'a). Chinook nd'mka i alone, analyzed by Boas as intr. subj. pronoun + verb stem -amka, is probably best explained as simple independent pronoun in -a- {na, ma, and corre- boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 677 kwo'pt^*' qxi'dau auidu'xwa idE'lxam. I^Ja'ika" isklu'lya \'amu'lxam.^^ that far thus you will do to the people. I Coyote I have told you. them Kwa'ic^^ da'uyaba**" wi'lx atg-adi'mama*'^ idE'lxam. Kwo'pt Soon In this lanjd they will arrive coming the people. Then alug'wag'i'ma,''^ 'Qxi'dau ^ex"^ gatci'ux''^ isklii'lya itclE'xyan.' they will say, 'Thus exercising he did to him Coyote Merman.' supernatural power K\^6'pt a'ga itclE'xyan pla'l'"^ amxu'xwa.""® Then now Merman being quiet you will make yourself." spending forms for other persons occur not rarely in Wishram) + -m{a) + -ka just, only (cf. lu'nka just THREE). 52 Adverb composed of relative particle qxl- (cf. qii as relative pronoun in Wishram Texts, 188.1) and demonstrative stem dau- this (cf. note .54). qxi'dau thus means literally as, like this. 53 a- = tense prefix of future time, -m- = 2d per. sing. tr. subj. -d- = .3d per. pi. tr. ohj., referring to idE'lxam. -u- = directive prefix, -i- = verb stem to do (to), -w- = inorganic consonant induced by -M- preceding k- sound, -a = future suffix. 5-I Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near 1st person, composed of demonstrative stem dati- (= da-, as in do'ba here + -u-, see note 19) and simple form of 3d per. independent pronoun in -o (masc. yo, fern, a, neut. la, du. cda, pi. da). Forms without -u- (e. g., da'ya) occur, though much less frequently; deictic -x may be added without material change in meaning (e. g., da'uyax or da'yax). -dau also occurs as second element in demonstrative pronouns showing location near 2d person (e. g., ya'idau that masc., note 43b). da'uya is here masculine because in agreement with masc. noun wi'giva. Chinook seems to preserve da- only in isolated adverbs like to'fcs then (= da'ka just this or that [cf. Wishram da'uka JUST so]). i5 toi- = masc. noun prefix, with w- because noun stem is monosyllabic, -giva = noun stem day. da'uya wi'gwa this day is regularly used as stereotyped phrase for to-day; dau' aga'lax this sun is also so used. 5« .\nalysis given in note 3. Here kwo'pt, with well-marked stress accent, preserves its literal meaning of that far, thus much, aga kwo'pt being regularly used, outside of narrative, to mean enough. Chi- nook kapc't ENOUGH is doubtless related, but fco- can not be directly equated with kwo-, which corre- sponds rather to Chinook go (see note 3). " Ordinary form of independent personal pronoun, composed of stems in -ai- (for 1st and 2d persons) or -a-i- (for 3d persons) and suffixed particle -ka just, only, found also suffixed to numerals, na'ika is here grammatically unnecessary, but is used to emphasize subject of following verb form. 58 = iyamu'lxam. i- = tense prefix of immediate past time, -yam- = combination of 1st per. sing. subj. and 2d per. sing. obj. -u- = directive prefi.x. -ham = verb stem to say to with expressed personal object. 59 Temporal adverb referring to action just past or about to occur, either just now, recently, or soon. Seems to be Klickitat loan-word. '0 da'wya as in note .54; masc. because in agreement with masc. noim will, -ba = local noun suffix in regularly suffixed to demonstrative pronoun preceding noun instead of to noun itself. 6' a- as in note 53. -t- = .3d per. pi. intr. subj., referring to idE'lxam. -ga- = element regularly intro- duced after 3d per. pi. intr. -t- before -d-i- to come and, before verb stems beginning with k- sounds, after 3d per. pi. intr. -u- (cf. note 62). -d-i- to come consists of -d- = directive prefix hither, t Roland B. Dixon and Alfred L. Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, in American Anthro- pologist, n. s., V, 1-26. §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 685 Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Inspirant Nasal Palatal ....... g Tc l\' x - h Alveolar ....... d t t! - D(d) n Dento-alveolar - ts - s, c Labial h p p! - B{d) m Lateral I - - - - - Glottal catch (') Ti, y and w. The vowels are quite variable. One of the most characteristic features of the use of vowels is the fondness for the o, a, and il sounds. The vowels are as follows : u u u i I e e a E o a o ado § 3. Phonetic Character of Stems and Sound- Grouping Stems are with few exceptions monosyllabic and consonantal, and consist as a rule either of (1) consonant, vowel; (2) consonant, vowel, consonant; or (3) vowel, consonant. Words may begin with a vowel, h, y, or w, or with any consonant except x or n. By far the greater number, however, begin with a consonant, most commonly t, Tc, h or p, with Ji and w also very common. The most frequent initial vowels^ are a, o, and e. Whereas initial combinations of two con- sonants are impossible, such clusters are common in the middle of words. Groups of more than two are, however, unknown. In combi- nations of two consonants, sonants, except I, are never found as the first member of the group. Except for this restriction, the possible combinations are comparatively unrestricted, the onl}^ ones which are avoided being those of two spirants, a nasal and lateral, or those in which X is the second or ts the initial member. The following com- binations are most frequent: Id, Ih, It, Ip, Ik, Its, Is xb, xl, xl% xts, xp led, Ich, Id, ht, Ms, Tcp, Ics, Ten, Tcm sd, sh, si, sic, sts, sn, sm id, tic, tp, tn, tm nd, nb, nlc, nt, nts, np, ns, nm pd, ph, pk, pt, pts, ps, pn md, mh, mt, mts, mp, ms, ran 1 Verbal stems of the second class (§5,6), like the words themselves, tend very strongly to begin and end ivith surds. The larger number also of this class have a, o, or u for their vowel. • §3 686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 All words must ond in a vowol, or in //;, n, p, t, or very rarely in I. The great majority end in a vowel (most commonly i) ; and of the con- sonantal endings, the nasals are by far the most common. The pho- netic structure of the Maidu is thus quite simple, and, owing to the prevailingly vocalic character of the language and to the comparative lack of consonant combinations and phonetic changes, the whole structure is unusually transparent, and the component parts of any word are easily recognized. § 4. Laws of Euphony Eujihonic laws require sound-clianges in some instances. These laws are main]}' retroactive, and apply to consonants only in the case of m. Where m is followed by Ic or w, the m is changed to n; as, amam that one (subj.) + -^"flwand = amankan and that one mom \\Q + wete = monwete he alone, he himself There appears to be more or less of a tendency toward vocalic har- mony in the Maidu. It is obscure, however, and never is more than a tendency, the exceptions to the rule being often very numerous. As will bo pointed out more fully in § 12, the Maidu possesses a number of stems, which are ordinarily dependent on others, as prefixes, but which may in some instances stand as independent stems by themselves. These semi-independent stems are all composed alike of a consonant in combination with a vowel. The larger proportion of them seem to be grouped in series, with variable vowel ; as, ha-, he-, ho-, ho-, hu- wa-, we-, vn-, wo-, wo-, wu-, etc. The significations of these are in most instances general, and in some cases A^ery obscure; but it is probable that in each series, the a, o, o, and u ])refix-stems, at least, are alike in meaning, or closely related. Similar, although less complete, series of wholly independent stems occur; such as, haj), lioj), hop, hup tas, tes, tos, tus, etc. and here again, in the a, o, o, and u stems there seems to be often a close correspondence in meaning. Where these or other independ- ent stems are combined with the prefix-stems, there seems to be a tendency to similarity of vowel-sounds; the vow^el of the prefix being either the same as that of the stem, or of the same class; as, for instance, hahap-, hohop-, wokot-, yedip-, hapus-, hbyol-, etc. This " §4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 687 tendency is most marked in the case of the o-stems. The o-stems take preferably either o or a prefix-vowels; the o-stems, either a or e; the 6-stems, either e or a; the i-stems, either e or a; and the u stems are very variable. In every case, however, except in the case of the o-stems, any vowel may occur in the prefix, those noted being merely the most frequent. In all cases, ■i-prefixes are abundant, because the prefix wi- is one so important that it is used with practically every stem, and appears to suffer no phonetic change. In the case of other prefix-stems, whose meaning is more precise, which do not occur in series, and which generally refer to parts of the body as instruments in the action of the verb, no such tendencies toward vocalic harmony are apparent. Traces of a similar tendency toward vocalic harmony are also to be seen in the use of the general verbal suffix -n. This, in the case of o and a stems, has generally o for a connecting vowel; with other stems, however, it has i; as, for example, yok-on, oJc-on, inn-in In a few instances, progressive euphonic changes occur, as where o after o becomes il: pd'lvupeTYh instead of j)o,'Jcdi)em or in the change of j^ to h after n: dpe'l'anhem instead of ope'ltanpem. There are also several instances of the insertion of t or i for euphonic reasons; as, for example, yaiyd'tsopin instead of yayo'tsopin WtyoUehussin instead of teyoUebussin Ico'doidi instead of Tio'dodi GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE (§§5,6) § 5. Composition Of the different grammatical processes employeil in Maidu, com- position is by far the most important and widely used. It will be most conveniently considered by dividing it into — (1) Nominal composition, and (2) Verbal composition. §5 688 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Nottiinal Cotn2*os it ion Composition, in the case of nouns, occurs in its simplest form in the formation of compound nouns. Where the initial component ends in a vowel, a connective is usually employed. This connective is alwa^'s m (changing to n before Jc or w; see § 4). As a nominal suffix, this m indicates syntactic relationship. With nouns wliich do not end in a vowel, the compound is formed by the mere juxta- position of the two words. Composition is further used with nouns to express diminutives, superlatives, collectives, privatives, etc., all of which are indicated by unchangeable suffixes added to the nominal stem. The most important use of composition in the noun is, however, its use in indicating local and instrumental, as well as sjTitactic relations. These locative and instnimental ideas are expressed by suffixes added to the nominal stem (§ 30). SjTitactic relations are also expressed by suffixes, there being a subjective and a possessive case-ending. Finally, composition is employed, although in a very small number of cases, to indicate ideas of num- ber, a few animate nouns taking suffixes which indicate duality or plurality. Verbal Composition In verbal composition there are three elements to be considered — the stem, the prefix, and the suffix. In ^laidu there are tw^o classes of stems. In the first class, which includes all but a few out of the total number, the stem is wholly independent and is always used as a stem, never being subordinated to another stem as prefix or suffix. These stems are predominantly of the consonant-vowel-consonant type; and although they normally seem to be, as just stated, entirely independent, some are at times combined with others to form double stems, the double stem taldng the regular prefixes just as if it were simple. The second class, which includes only about a half dozen or so, consists of stems which are sometimes independent and some- times dependent, being subordinated to other stems as prefixes. In the case of these latter stems, we have what might be called co-ordi- nated composition. The true prefixes, on the other hand, are always subordinate to some stem, and never stand alone or as stems. There are but a small number of these prefixes, and they indicate as a rule the agent or instrument of the action, referring chiefly to parts of §5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 689 the human body, as hand, foot, head, etc. In other cases, the pre- fixes point out the shape of the object. Suffixes express a much wider variety of ideas, and are very much more numerous than prefixes. They indicate direction of motion, modal and temporal ideas, negation, etc., and, like the true prefixes, are (with one possible exception) always strictly subordinate to the stem, and can under no circumstances stand alone. One feature of composition in Maidu which is veiy clear is the slight degree of coalescence between the component parts of the com- pound; prefix, stem, and suffix each keeping its separate individual- ity. With few exceptions there are no phonetic changes resulting from composition; no contractions, elisions, or assimilations between affix and stem taking place. The most important exceptions are the case of an m coming before a Ic or w (in which case the m changes to n), and the retention of the euphonic terminal i before the subjective suffix m in nouns whose stem ends in m. A few other exceptions are noted in § 4. § 6. Reduplication Maidu makes use of duplication and reduplication to only a slight extent in expressing grammatic concepts. Simple duplication is restricted largely to the noun, where it is used, in connection with a suffix, to indicate the distributive. Very few nouns, however, appear to form such distributives. With verbs, it gives an iterative meaning, and the duplication may include both stem and prefix; as, witoswitdsonoitsoia he went about picking here and there Reduplication is quite frequent in verbs, both reduplication of stem and of prefix or suffix. In all cases the vowel of the redupli- cated stem, prefix or suffix, is the same as that of the original, and the reduplication conveys the idea of iteration, or, in the instance of some suffixes, apparently gives the idea of a little, slightly. The reduplication or duplication is, in the majority of cases, initial, but there seem to be a number of instances of inner or terminal reduplication or duplication; as, for example, paka'nkanto springs (distributive) , from paka'ni spring yaha'Jiam mai'dum good men {yalui'm good), the reduplication here expressing the plurality of the noun okl'lcitdom getting home one after another {oki'tdom getting home) 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 44 § 6 690 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 In the first two instances neither the noun nor the adjective can be analyzed into components, as may be done in the case of several other ai)parent instances of tonninal rodii]dication. § 7. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES AND FORMS Nominal and verbal stems are, in all but a few cases, distinct. There aie a few nominal stems which also serve as verbal stems, but the number of such instances is small. With few exceptions also, the sufiixes in use are confined strictly either to nouns or verbs. Local relationships and directive ideas are expressed by suffixes, which are different for nouns or verbs. The nominal suffixes express such ideas as in, out of, toward, from, in company with, etc. The verbal forms point out the direction of motion; as, up, down, ALONG, through, ctc Instrumentality and agency are indicated in the noun by sufiixes, but in the verb b}^ prefixes. In the latter, the series includes terms designating actions performed by the various parts of the body, by objects of different shapes, or the method of action, as by force or pulling, etc. The formal relations of the parts of the sentence are expressed by nominal sufiixes, in so far as the subject, object, and possessive rela- tions are concerned. Modal and temporal ideas are also expressed by suffixes; the latter in some cases, however, being so loosely con- nected to the verb that they may at times stand alone or precede the verb entirely. There are in Maidu no generic classifications of nouns, unless we consider the half-dozen cases known, where a few nouns designating human beings take regular dual or plural sufiixes. These are the only instances, however, of any such classification, for none is appar- ent in the case of the few distributives. Ideas of })lurality are but little developed in the noun. Here a dual and ])lural, formed regularly, as in the pronoun, is found onl}^ for the words WOMAN, CHILD, HUSBAND, and DOG. Distributives as opposed to plurals also occur with but few words. Indefinite plurals, express- ing such ideas as a pile of, many, etc., and duals, are, however, common, and are indicated in both cases by suffixes. In the pro- noun, ideas of number are abundantly developed, there being a regu- lar dual and plural. As will be seen from § 28, the dual and plural are quite regular in form, and are strictly used. Both the dual and plu- §7 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 691 ral are indicated by suffixes. In the verb, plurality, or rather itera- tion, is expressed by duplication or reduplication. In the pronoun the dual and plural forms are derived in each case from the corre- sponding singular. Diminutives, imitatives, inchoatives, desideratives, etc., are all indicated by suffixes, but are in general little used. The pronoun indicates each of the three persons by a separate formal element, all of which possess both dual and })lural forms. An inclusive and exclusive form of the first person plural exists, but the distinction is not commonly made. The third personal pronoun is frequently used as a demonstrative; but there exist regular demon- strative forms as well that are never used in the personal sense. The demonstrative possesses really but two forms, corresponding to our THIS and that, and denoting relative distance from the speaker. The demonstrative is thus comparatively undeveloped in so far as regards number of forms and accuracy of the expression of location, and, even in its simple contrast of nearness or remoteness, is not always strictly used. The Maidu sentence is characterized by the definiteness with which the agent of action, the direction of motion, or the qualification of the action is expressed, and by the extent to which ideas of plurality are strictly carried out in all pronominal sentences. In its formal characters, the chief features of the sentence are its flexibility, open- ness, and clarity, the independence of the noun and pronoun, and the absence of the process of incorporation, well marked in many Indian languages. The expression of verbal ideas in nominal form is also a rather common feature. ' DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 8-37) Composition (§§ 8-27) § 8, JVbmuial ComposUioti As has been stated in § 5, nominal composition is much less devel- oped than verbal composition in Maidu. Its uses, apart from those expressing syntactic relations, are (1 ) In the formation of compound nouns. (2) In the formation of diminutives. ^nise'ki hesa'timenmapem, literally, our ■wiiat-NOT-shall-do (our nothing shall do), instead of WE SHALL DO NOTHING, CAN DO NOTHING. §8 692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [uull. 40 (3) In the formation of collectives. (4) In the formation of privatives. (5) In the formation of terms, such as are expressed in En) which alwa3^s seem to carry with them the idea of something long and slender, the prefix in these cases would seem to refer to the massiveness of the whole upper part of the body by which the pressure was exerted, or something of that sort. There are, however, a number of forms like the following, where the meaning of the prefix is obscure: ha'-ta-don to drive up cattle ha-tsa' p-sito to pierce sheet of paper with a pencil hd-toi'-sito to pierce sheet of paper with a pencil 1 1 . //0-, h if- actions performed w^ith the edge of a long thing, gener- ally by a steady, continuous motion (hu- also as stem). Ixo-yo' t-dau-doin taking off a fine shaving with knife hu'-hal--dau to cut off a piece of bark, sole off shoe hu-de'l--to-dom piercing with sharp knife hu-no't-Jcin to bend down by means of a stick used as lever hu-tu'l-to to lireak pane of glass by ])ressing with a stick As stem, hu- seems to have a very general meaning. hu'-mit-dom taking something into the house Tiu'-sito to take a horse across river hu'-tso-pin to take something off a high shelf 12. si-f su- actions performed with the end of a long thing. si'-dak-dau to scrape out a basket su'-daJc-dou to poke away with a stick si-l'e'-i/o-dom drying meat (cutting it in slices?) §12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 697 sil-td'-no-dom shoving along with a stick si-lces-tsoi-a she cooked. si'-sup-dom falHng, shpping from the hand si-to'lc-dom drying meat si-wa'-wai-to-weten having dug it apart si-dak-dau scrape something dry out of a basket si-lca'la-ma-kdkan they would bother me 13. ira-f we- actions performed with the edge or side of a thing, often by a sudden motion or blow. wa-a'p-dau to scrape off with edge of a knife wa-ba't-on to break a stick by a blow with the butt of an axe or with a club wa'-das-ton to split with an axe wa' -Jm'p-Tcin to insert a stick into a bunch of sticks wa'-Tcat-sito to bat across, knock across, with side of pole we' -hut-to-dom biting in two with teeth we'-pit-in to pinch with thumb and fingers we' -tsap-dau-dom tearing off with teeth 14. wo-f w6-f ivu- actions performed with the end of a long thmg, generally by a blow. The preceding prefixes wa- and we- are so close to these that it seems probable they all belong together in one series, as in the case of ha-, he-, ho-, ho-, hu-. Wo- is used also as a stem. wo'-halc-dau to pry off shingle with stick wo'-das-dau to split or pry piece off a log wo-do't-sito to bat across wb'-lcot-dau to chop off end of log wo-to'lc-dom clapping together (the hands) wo'-Mn to lay down a stick or long thing (cf . ho'-Mn) wb'-po-pok-dom shaking one's self (cf. o'-po-poJc-dom) wo'-tdi-dom bouncing up, as a stick (cf. ho'-toi-dom) wu' -su-wala-ka-no to knock over backwards with a club. 15. ifff-f ye-f yo-f yo-f yu- actions performed with the end of a long thing, endways, or in a direction parallel to the length of the thing {ijo- also as stem). yd'-ds-dau to strike a thing with end of spear and slide it along; to hit with fist, and move ya'-hal'-dau to knock bark off tree by stroke with arrow or bullet yd'-dat-Mn to put knife in sheath yd'-moto to pile up boards on end ye-d's-sito to drag one's self across on a pole ye'-dek-ton to shoot through anything, and pierce §12 698 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 yii' -hap-kit-ln to lower a window yi'-sito to take a boat across a river (?) yo-do't-sito to knock across with end of stick, as ball with a billiard cue yo-ho' p-doi-dom shoving a pole up through a crack yd-kot-tbn to cut in two with edge of shovel yo'-non to flow, as water in a ditch yo-toi'-to to drive the fist through a curtain yu'-lup-sito to stick a knife or nail into one yu'-ta-no-dom shoving along* with shoulder (considered appar- ently as end of body) This class of prefixes, as a wliolo, is one of the most o])scuro features of the language, and can not yet be considered as satisfactorily explained. § 13. Prefixes Indicating the General Character of the Action 16. he- actions occurring spontaneously or by accident. Although this prefix would seem to be ])art of a series (hu-, he-, ho-, hu-), its meaning is apparently not at all related to the others. It is often very obscure. It occurs also as a stem. he' -as-dau-dom snow sliding off roof he'-dak-dau a shingle or leaf pulled off by some agency iniknown he' -hot-sito to break up of itself, to crack, as a glass he'-poi-dom bending by falling of itself he'-tsap-dau-dom knocking off hornet's nest with stick (?) he'-min to brush flour into a hole he'-dan to comb the hair, brush clothes 17. wi- actions performed by force, very frecpiently by pulling. This is the most common prefix of all, and seems to have a very general meaning. It occurs with every stem, seems to suffer no phonetic changes, and may also be used as a stem itself. Its uses are "so varied that only a few can be given. As in the case of the last prefix, he-, although wi- woidd form part of the series wa-, we-, wi-, wo-, wo-, wu-, it seems to be really independent, and to have no relations to any of the others in the series. vn'-ds-pin to pull toward one wV -hak-dau-dom wrenching off a board or shingle wl' -hat-kin to pull down and break, as a })ranch of tree vn'-dek-kln to tear in strips downward wl'-hap-sito-dom pulling a rope through a hole wl'-hus-doi-dom pulling on socks §13 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 699 vn'-Jcot-doi-dom breaking off a piece of something soft, like bread, by upward motion vn' -not-kin to pull and bend down vn'-pol-dau to pull brick out of wall vn-ta'-td-moto-pi to hug in arms wl-to'k-dau to pull off a button vn'-yal-lcln to pull off a sliver downwards vn'-moto to gather together, as a crowd § 14. Composition of Prefixes In a few instances, prefixes of the classes described in §§ 11 and 12 may be used together, although this is rare. An example of such use is the form ivd-wo'-han-o-dom carrying on the shoulder a man extended at length (i. e., head-first) § 15. STEMS In §§ 3 and 4 the phonetic features of stems were pointed out, and their tendency to occui' in incomplete series with variable vowel was illustrated. As in the case of the prefixes, the pairs or series appear to have, for the most part, similar meanings, although a consid- erable proportion differ radically in their significance, as do the prefixes. The less noticeable feature of a variable consonant in the stem was also pointed out. Further discussion of verbal stems will be found in the analysis of the vocabulary (§41). SUFFIXES (§§ 16-26) Verbal suffixes are, as already stated, numerically far more impor- tant than prefixes. Their range of meaning is also much greater, and, unlike the prefixes, they may be compounded one with another to a considerable extent. They do not, moreover, show any tendency toward occurrence in pairs or series, as is characteristically the case with many of the prefixes. § 16. Groups of Suflfijces The various suffixes may be divided, according to their meaning, into the following groups : (1) Suffixes expressing direction of motion. (2) Modal suffixes. (3) Temporal suffixes. (4) Suffixes indicating relative success or completion of action. §§14-16 700 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 (5) Suffixes indicating number, iteration, reciprocity. (6) Nominalizing suffixes. (7) Participial suffixes. (S) Suffixes giving general ideas of motion. (9) Suffixes indicating negation, i..ability. § 17. SuflSjces Expressing Direction of Motion Of the different classes of sullixes, that which includes those indi- catmg direction of motion is decidedly the most numerous. The following examples will illustrate the use of these directive suflQ^es: 1. -da downward, to the end. wo-dd'-his I fell (from a tree) me'-da-to-tsoia he took down, it is said 2. -diui separation, off f rcmi. bd'-kas-dau, to knock a shingle off with a hammer yi.' -dis-dau-tsoia she slid off, it is said 3. -dlh'ino) against, up to, alongside of. lok-dlknd-md'-l'an T shall crawl up ti) sii-ta-dl'kno-dom pushing or rolling it up against. something 4. -dot upward. ka-pwl'Ilm-doi-no-dom rolling a log up hill o-no' -doi-tsoia he w^nt along up, it is said 5. -kl{t) down, on ground. hu-Jco'i-kit-dom cutting to pieces (hy hearing down on knife) sd'-wd-kit-tsoia he carried a long thing juul laid it down, it is said 6. -/«v>/ away, away from. i'c-dot-koi-dom kicking away something ('>-k(>i'-tsr kd-fsik-i-inofo-hos'-ircffii having completely surrounded on all sides 0. -p(n' against , at. hit-jHii-doni throwing water at .some ime lioni-pdi-to-doin boxing, lighting §17 iKws] HAXnBCWK OF .OtERICJLS IXDIAX LAXXSrAGES 701 10. -piM to^rsrd the speaber. km^tt~m»mr'f^pin-kit'4<}9-tf)oi'a they caiiie by dt^irrot^ l^a4^k m standing by the smoke hole on the iwrf mT'-to-viiM it lies on top of, said only of a long; «a- flat thing iop-4ia'tsma he jumper! upon 14- -liso round and round, over and over, over. la' p-im-n<(^%/t-^-ff-<7oiw causing to fall apart h!i~ta'-vxii~4<>-ii<>m flattening out by patting betwe«[i han^ §18. Modal Saffix«6 These suffixes may be divide*i to goo*l advanta^ into two sub> classes, — those which are modal in the general sense of the term, and those which aiv temporal. 16. -fi infinitive. husm to be d-on to seize or hold in mouth o'sip~in to go out 17. -M^< reflexive. pl^>^(>'s-«^<^-f.«<1^-'ns^4.im talking to himself *rw'^*fYjA'-«;?-*?<>jV3 he swore at himself «f'-«* I myself IS. ~f9 causa ti ve, tnl^-v-l-ii-ti-hm^Mna he oausoii to nin away down hj-^hji~n<>4i-pam~ham he made water to rise ¥>o'n. -|Hi, 'iMnfa imperalivc- o-no'-p go! SIS 702 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. 40 me-p give (me) ! d-nO'-pa go! hata'm-ixida tlo ye search for! 20. -tn future imperative. wd'no-ia it shall die, let it die! tse-ta' let them see! ma-ta'-si let me be! 21. -/>o future imperative. yahd'-ho let it be good ! wo' no-koii-kddo ina-bd' a mortal-world let it be! 22. -i>o, -pCf -pee exhortative. o'-no-po let us go ! * hii's-ta-pe let us stay ! helai'-to-pee let us gamble! 23. -fie interrogative. oka' -de inbye'm is he hungry ? wo'no-ti-ma-'ka-de-s shall I kill? suda'ka-de is it sweet? 24. -heiieie) obligation, must. o-koi'-bene mintse'm ye must go away so'-doi-ben must bring, carry on shoulder o-noi' -hen-TTva-p do not go away ! 25. -Jut obligation^ compulsion, intensive. d-no'-lut-ma-ka-s I must go along ya'k-tse-ti-lut-weten looking exactly like It is used also with adjectives, as tete'-luti very large, and with nouns sometimes, as e's-to-luti the very center. 26. -yahd ought, should. 6-ko%' -yaha-ka-ankano you ought to go away {yaha good, although an independent adjective, seems in such cases as this to be fully incorporated as a suffix into the verbal structure) 27. -nuts can. wo'no-men-atse-s I can not die wi-wo'-doi-natse-no can you lift it (a long thing) ? wile'-no-natse-n mo' -ye can he run ? 28. -bo might. d'n-no-ti-bd-si I might swallow ya-tai' -bo-no you might miss (^vith arrow) 29. -helu may, perhaps (?). yo-do't-pa-nu-to-helu'-ko-kan he may have tied them up to ok-he'lu-ko-enkesi we all may be hungry §18 BOA«J HANDBOOK OF AMEKiCAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 703 This seems also to be used independently, when it means some, A FEW. It would appear probable from this, that its use in the verb would indicate the plurality of the object, as in the case of woli many, which is used similarly for this purpose. The examples available, however, only indicate its meaning as above. §19. Temporal SuflB.xes 30. -/.Yf incompleted action (present). o-koi'-ka-si I am going away o'kasi {ok-Jca-si) I am hungry we'ye-don-kd-ka-n he is talking This suffix is still somewhat inicertain. It is used in the great majority of instances, but is occasionally omitted in direct statements of immediate action; as o-koi-s i go, tse-s i see. It is probably intimately related to the auxiliary verb ka TO be, seen in such forms as ka-s i am ; ka-an-ka-no you are ; ka-ti'-ka-s i cause it to be, i do, etc. 31. -^ii« incompleted action (future). okoi' -ma-ka-s I shall go away b-ye' -ma-donn will be going ko-he'-bek-ti-men-ma-pem one who shall not cause to cry aloud As indicated in the first example, tyhis suffix is often combined with -ka. Like the latter, it also is extensively used as an independent auxiliary verb; as ma-ma-ka-s i shall be; kul-dom ma-md'-pem one avho shall be mourning ; Tiesd'dom ma-ka-de-s what shall I be, do? 32. -aSf -Jias completed action (past). ok-d's-asi I was hungry yok-d' s-has min I struck you adom as o-koi-ka-s so I went away nik as kai'-ko-kan me she was calling This may be used, as shown in the last two examples, separately before the verb, which is then in the usual present form. It is not, however, as in -ka and -ma, used as an auxiliary verb. 33. -paai completed action (remote past). ok-yoai'-kan he was hungry long ago d-paai'-kan he said long ago 34. -tsol completed action (mythic past, known indirectly). okoi'-tsoi-a he went away, it is said wi-db'k-dau-tsoi-a he tore off, it is said §19 704 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 10 35. -wea, -e-ti-kin\i-wea-s I sit beside tse-we'ano you see fd'.'<-ho-l-it-<(i»i he stands 30. -tretif -f/i'iff 'i'ti completed action. Used only in direct quotation. tse-he' -ye-weu-kan ho looked around Icai-ye'u-ka-si I called tse-me' n-eu-ka-s I did not see 37. -//^/ A" completed action. Generally, but not always used in direct quotations. donl'-no-men-yak-es I did not hold ok-ya'k-eno a'l'sdi you were hungry, I think homo' o-koi' -yak-en whither they had gone 38. -hfis, -his continuative. so'lle-hus-im kept on singing hi'sse-hiis-tset while continuing to weave tso'-we-hus-pe-di into the still burning one This suffix is identical with the stem of the verb bilsin to live, STAY, REMAIX. § 20. SuflB.xes Indicating Relative Success or Completion of Action 39. -bos to tlo a thing thoroughly, completely, and hence, deriv- atively, an action done by or to all of a number of persons or things without exception. tso' -hos-poto-tset while almost wholly burned tui'-bos-no-tsoia she slept soundly, it is said we' ye-hos-weten after having told everything wile' -koi-hos-tsoia they every one ran away 40. -kaniiii to finish doing, to bring the action to an end. It is related clearly to kani, meaning all. so-ha'n-oh-kanirn he carried him there, i. e., finished the act of carrying o-dikno-h-kanim he arrived 41. -hc'h'it inchoative, to just begin. pl'ye-to-hekit-dom just beginning to bathe 42. -JntfJof almost, nearly. wo-kd't-dau-7iudoi-as I almost cut off te'-dis-doi-hadoi-ye-bis-im (her feet) were all the time almost slipping up §20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 705 43. -heJte only, just. hulu-nan-na-mdni-7iehe' only when nearly dark hd-tjok-si'p-dom-Iiehe' only selecting 44. -poto almost, nearly. hatd' -jpoto' -tset nearly catching up with her § 21. Suffixes Indicating Number, Iteration, Reciprocity 45. -to. This suffix, of general and very frequent use, is somewhat puzzling. It is used in some cases to indicate iteration; in others, reciprocal action; at times it seems to point to a plural ()])ject. It occurs frequently in combination with other suffixes, particularly the directive suffixes. It is also used as a nominal suffix in connection with the reduplicated dis- tributives. Examples of its use in these various ways will show its variability. mo' -ton to drink repeatedly (mon to drink) yo'Tc-o-ton to strike repeatedly with fist {yo'k-on to strike) yapai'-to-to-dom talking to each other si'nvak-to-dom talking to each other lie' -sas-wai-to-ti-dom causing to fall apart tsd'-tsa-to trees si-kala-to-to-m en-wet not bothering each other § 22. Nominalizing Siiffixes 46. -pe forms nomina actoris, and also indicates place of action. ho'm-pai-to-pe a fighter {ho'mpaito to fight with the fists) md7ig hil'le he'-doi-pem a runner after that woman, one who runs after that woman tus-wo' -ye-pe-nan from the standing-place, from where he stood o'li-pem mai'du hungry man This use of verbal nouns to take the place of true adjectives is very common in Maidu. Adjectival stems, most intransi- tive verbal steins, and many transitive verbal stems, form verbal nouns of this sort, which are used in place of regular adjectives. In many instances both forms are in use, — the more strictly adjectival and the verbal noun. la-la'm-pem tsa, la'-lam-ini tsa long stick opi't-pem wolo'in, opi't-irn wolo'ni full basket 47. -ko indicates the quality of being or having, and seems to be identical with led-, the stem of the verb to possess. 'pe'-l'o food (pe to eat) §§21,22 44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 45 706 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ti-yu'lc-si'p-men-k'&m mai'dum a man who does not come out; i. e., one who has the quahty of not coniino; out ol'-helu'-lo-kasi I may be hungry; i. e., I am one who has the quality of perhaps being hungry piye'-to-l-o bathing phice; i. e., having tlie quahty of being appro- priate for ))athing This suffix is also much used with nouns, being "followed then by pronominal suffixes or ])articij>ial forms, and indicating possession or ownership. lia' n-wo-kit-k'6-di at the place to which he carries people hobo'-lco-dom a householder; i. e., one who has the quality of having a house tete' si'ni-ld-doiit big-mouth-having; i. c., being one having the quality of having a large mouth yepd'tii-Jcd-pem having a chief 48. -)ii(( forms verbal nouns. Tian-o'-Jcoi-s-ma what I carry off niki hi' s-ma-s-ma my future abiding-place wo' no-ti-s-ma what I kill What relation this suffix bears to the regular future suffix -ma is uncertain. The latter is never found following the pronom- inal suffixes, and A^et the nominalizing -ina always seems to carry with it an idea of futurity. It is very rarely used. § 23. Participial Suffixes These are largely used in Maidu, and participial construction is a very common feature. Such expressioiis as and traveling, HE ARRIVED, or RUNNING, HE WENT AWAY, are coiistanth" recurring. 49. -do (in) present participle. o-koi'-dom going away mu'-hun-e-pin-i-moto-doiH gathering together from hunting tse-do'm seeing 50. -tsetie) when, while. ?iesu'pai-ti-tset while, when, dressing (causing to be dressed) okit-{t)set when he arrived hi' sse-hiis-tset while she stayed there weaving 51. -monl when, at the time when. o-koi' -s-moni when I went away lo'l-moni when crying 52. -tret{e) after having, having (past participle, inmiediate past), o' nkoi-tin-wet having caused to conquer tsedd' -da-weten having breakfasted $23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 707 wo' no-ti-men-wet not having killed; i. e., not having caused to die {wo' no to die; -ti to cause; -Tnen not) d'-weten it having been so or thus The use of this suffix with pronominal and nominal forms will be described in § 31. 53. -ivono past participle, more distant past than -wet. wile' -koi-wonom having run away po' p-koi-wono-pem the one that had burst out tu' s-Tcit-wono-di at the place where he had stood he-oju' -kit-wono-ko-tsoia (they were such) as had the quality of having fallen down of themselves, it is said 54. -yata^i past participle, similar in most respects to -wono. wowd' -kinu-ijatan having lain down on the ground hii's-yatan having stayed, having lived, after having remained sol-yatan after having sung § 24. Suffixes Giving General Idea of Motion 55. -no general idea of motion. piye'-to-no-tsoia he went to bathe, it is said (piye'totsoia he bathed) o'-no-tsoia he went along, he traveled, it is said hoi'-pai-no-7na-Jcas I shall go last, behind (hoi'pai behind) 56. -ye general idea of motion. o'-yen to come, come toward lo'lc-doi-ye-his-iTn kept crawlmg up hu'n-mo-koi-to-ye-tsoia they went away to hunt, it is said Both of these may be used together, giving the meaning of here AND THERE, ABOUT. he-he' s-no-ye-dom scratching here and there la'p-no-ye-dom crawling about § 25. Suffixes Indicating Negation, Inability 57. -men general negative, not. o-Jcoi' -men-wet not having gone ha-pol-doi-men-tsono-dom not being able to dig up tse-me' n-tsoia he did not see, it is said 58. -tsdi inability, can not. iDo' no-ti-tsoi-tsoia he could not kill him, it is said; i. e., could not cause him to die dpi'n-tsoi-dom, not being able to come home sol-tsd'i-dom not being able to sing §§24,25 708 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 26. Composition of Suffixes Examples of the extent to which these various suflixes can be combined are shown in the following: wile' -no-ije-tsdi-huss-ma- pern one who shall be unable to be always running about Jian-wo-tso-no-we-his-dom continuing to cany over luo-hop-mit-hudol-to-we-hisim kept almost inserting long thing into lap-no-ye-we-bis-ko-tsoia continued to sit about § 27. COMPOSITION OF STEMS Stems may be combined into compound verbs with considerable freedom. Such compounds may consist of single stems, or of stems with aflixes. This method of treatment of prefixes in compounds increases the impression of independence of these elements, which is conveyed by the occurrence of many of them as independent stems. so-hu' n-bok-tsoia he jumped at it to seize it in his arms {so- action done with arms [§' 11 no. 8]; liun- to capture [?]; hok to seize; -tsoia it is said [§ 18 no. 34]) do'n-vn-kap-pin-tsoia she dragged toward in her mouth (don to seize or hold in mouth ; ivi- action done by force [§ 13 no. 17] ; kap to move with friction; -pi[n] [§ 17 no. 10]; -tsoia it is said [§ 18 no. 34]) § 28. Number Ideas of number are unequally developed in Maidu. In nouns, the exact expression of number seems to have been felt as a mmor need; whereas, in the case of pronominal forms, number is clearly and accurately expressed. In the degree to which the expression of num- ber in nouns is carried, the dialects differ. In the northeastern dialect here presented it is less marked than in the northwestern. Not only are true plurals rare in nouns, but distributives also seem to have been but little used. Where these forms occur, they are formed by reduplication or duplication, with the addition of a suffix (see § 21); as, seu'seuto each, every river {se'wi river) hobo'hoto every house, or camp Qiobo' house) ya'manmanto ever}^ mountain tsa'tsato every tree {tsa tree) Distributives appear not to be used in ordinary conversation to any extent, and are rare in the texts. The above 'are practically all the forms that have been noted. §§26-28 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 709 The existence of a real plural seems to be closely associated with a dual, and all of the few nouns taking plural suffixes take dual forms as well. The use of either is, however, rare. The dual is more common than the plural. The dual is formed by the suffix -tso; as, ama'm. ye'pitsmn those two men mopd'tso my two daughters moing Jcil'letsoM those two women's . . . This dual suffix is the same as that used with the third person of the personal pronoun (see § 31). The use of the dual suffix seems to be restricted to a very few terms of relationship and words for human beings only. Plural forms are equally if not more restricted. In the few examples noted in which the plural is used, the noun takes indifferently -som or -sem, the suffixes used for the plural of the second person and of the first and third persons of the pronoun, respectively (see § 31). The suffixes are added in all cases directly to the stem. ye'psdm men, husbands {ye' pi man, husband) mai'dusem men {mai'dil man) hu'lesem women (kil'le woman) As regards nouns, thus, the ideas of number are but little devel- oped; the development, however, is greater in the northwestern than in the northeastern dialect, and it is altogether lacking apparently in the southern dialect. In the first two cases, the degree of devel- opment of the expression of number in the noun is parallel to the regularity of the development of its expression in the pronoun. In pronouns, the feeling for the necessity of exactness seems to have been more strongly felt. On the whole, the forms may be said to be developed regularly, and, as opposed to the fragmentary nature of these ideas in the case of the noun, we have a full series of dual and plural forms in the independent personal pronoun. In the suffixed form of the pronoun, however, this completeness is lost, and distinctions of number are made onlj^ in the first person. As will be seen by referring to the paradigm of the subjective inde- pendent personal pronoun (§ 31), there is some little confusion in the series, the dual suffix of the second person being identical with that of the plural suffix of the first and third persons. The dual suffixes, again, are varied for the different persons {-sam, -sem, -tsom), although the plural suflfixes are more uniform, the first and third persons being alike, with the second quite similar. In com- §28 710 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 parison witli this northeastern dialect, tlie forms in the other dia- lects are interesting: Northwestern Southern First person singular ni ni Second person singular mi mi Thiid ]>(M'son singular mom. mom First ])orson (hud nisdm nas Second p(Mson dual mimdm mam Third j)erson dual mosdm: mosdm First person plural nisem nes Second person plural mimem mem Third ])erson plural mopdm mosem It will be seen that in the northwestern dialect greater regu- larity prevails, the dual forms for the first and third persons being alike, and that of the second keeping the same vowel. In the plural, however, while the characteristic vowel-change in the first and second persons is preserved, the third takes a w^holly new plu- ral suffix. In the southern dialect this irregularity disappears, in spite of the considerable coalescence and contraction which the pronoun in its subjective form has suffered. It seems not improb- able that this greater regularity of the dual and plural pronominal forms in the northwestern dialect may be connected with the still greater regularity which prevails in this particular among the Win- tun stock, on which the northwestern Maidu border. In Wintun, the pronominal forms are perfectly regular throughout dual and plural. On the other hand, the northeastern dialect, with its smaller degree of regularity, is in contact with the Achoma'wi and Atsuge'wi, dialects of the Shasta, which, on the whole, have a still less regular development of dual and plural, and form a transition to the Shasta proper, which has no dual at all. Variations of tliis sort are found also in other Californian languages. As stated above, the suffixed forms of the pronoun are much less clear in their expression of number, dual and plural forms exist- ing for the first person only, as may be seen from the following: First person singular -s First person dual -as First person plural -es Second person singular, dual, and plural . . -no Third person singular, dual, and plural . . -n §28 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 7ll The method of differentiation is apparently that which lies at the basis of the expression of number in the pronoun; i. e., the vowel-change of a to e to distinguish the plural from the dual. Co-ordinate with the greater regularity of the northwestern dialect in the independent pronoun is its greater regularity in the suf- fixed form, although this form is much less used than in the north- eastern. In the southern dialect suffixed forms of the pronoun are not found. The lack of definite expression of number in the suffixed forms of the pronoun in the dialect here presented neces- sitates the use of the independent forms of the pronoun, in con- nection with the verbal form, to distinguish dual from plural; as, mi'ntsem oJcmd'nlcano ye two will be hungry minsd'm okmd'nJcano ye all will be hungry § 29. Case The Maidu differs from man}" American languages in that it lacks any development of incorporation as a means of expressing syntactic relations. In common with most of the languages of central California, subjective and objective as well as possessive relations are expressed by regular case-endings, suffixed to the noun or independent form of the pronoun, both of which stand separate and independent, outside the verb. That the marking of both subject and object by means of a separate case-suffix is, for pur- poses of clearness, not a necessity, seems to have been recognized by all these languages. The Maidu is among those which distin- guish by a special suffix the subjective, leaving the objective form unchanged. To designate the subjective, the Maidu uses the suf- fix -m. The following examples will render the use of the sub- jective as used with nouns sufficiently clear: sii nl has wo'lcas I hit the dog (with a stick) {sii dog; nl i) sum has niJc dd'Jcan the dog bit me Tnai'dum a o'Tcon the man is hungry nisd'm has mai'du vjo'ndtianlcas we killed the man mi Tculu'di bnd'hene atso'ia thou must travel at night, she said i'cyokas min 1 am kicking you Wliile all nouns and all independent pronouns, except the first and second persons singular, form the subjective regularly in -m (the objective being the simple stem), the two forms referred to reverse the process, and are, besides, irregular. As shown in the $29 712 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 above examples, the subjective and ol)jective forms of the pronoun in the first and second i)ers()ns singular are, respectively, m, nilc and mi, min. In the dialect here presented the independent sub- jective forms of the pronouns above mentioned are somewhat rarely used, the subject l^eing, as a rule, expressed by the suffixed form instead. That the -m used is really a subjective and not an agentive case is shown l)y the fact of its universal emi)loyment with intran- sitive as well as witii transitive verbs. The j)ossessive relation is shown analogously to the subjective by a case suffix -ki. In this instance there is no irregularity, and all nouns and all forms of the independent pronoun alike take the suffix: su'Jci huhu' dog's tail moim mai' dumhoTnoki %'tusyo those people's roast niki hobo' n\j house mi'nki sii has vjo'nbtias I have killed your dog nisd'hi kd'do our country The suffix is added always to the objective form of the noun or pronoun (i. e., the simple stem), and, at least in this dialect, is with few exceptions -ki. In the case of the interrogative form WHOSE, however, we find simply -k; as, liomo'nik sum makd'de whose dog is this? ^ This possessive suffix may in some cases be added after a pre- vious locative, as in the form sd' -wono-na-ki from-behind-the-fire's; i. e., belonging to the one who comes from behind the fire § 30. Locative and Instrumental SuflBxes In Maidu, locative and instrumental ideas are expressed by reg- ular suffixes, continuing logically the indication of real syntactic relations hj the same means. The development of these locative and instrumental suffixes in Maidu is not very great, there being but three locatives, an instrumental, and a comitative. The fol- lowing examples will illustrate the use of these different forms: -di general locative, in, on, at. mo'indi in the water hete'itodi in the olden time 1 In the northwestern dialect the possessive is the same as here; but in the southern form there seems to be a distinct tendency to its partial or complete abandonment. It there frequently becomes reduced to -k, and in the most southerly of all the dialects seems to disappear completely, the subjective form ot noun or pronoun being used instead. §30 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 713 Jiohd'di in the house, at home Tcau'di on the ground noko'm ni'lcdi lea the arrow is in me tu' skitwonodi at the place where he had stopped ong Icanai'di underneath the rock -7in^ -naJk' illative, to, toward; sometimes reduplicated. o'loloJcna toward the smoke hole unl'na hither (this-toward) mi'nna toward you hulu'nana just before dark, toward night -nan ablative, from, away from. liobd'nan okoi'tsoia he went awa}^ from the house tikteWnan from a little distance tuswd'yepenan from the place where he stood ~ni instrumental, with, by means of. sii has tsd'ni wo'kas I hit the. dog with a stick TYid'ki ono'inbutu'ini wdma'ktikdtsoia she measured with her hair ~han comitative, in company with, together with. ni'ki sukan okoi'as I went away with my dog kii'lekan bdi'k notsoia he arrived in company with the woman mi'nkan okoi'as I went off with you There is some question as to this beipg a regular comitative suffix, its identity with the conjunction kan suggesting that the apparent suffix is merely the conjunction closely combined with the noun. § 31. Personal Pronouns The personal pronouns in Maidu are characterized by their inde- pendence. In discussing the ideas of number, the independent forms of the pronoun have already been given; but for purposes of comparison, the subjective, objective, and possessive forms are here given in a single table: Subject Object Possessive First person singular . m nik ni'ki First person dual nisafm nisaf nisaf ki First person plural . . nise'm nise' nise'ki Second person singular. ml min mi'nkii Second person dual . '. mi'ntsem mi'ntse mi'ntseki Second person plural . mi'nsom mi'nso mi'nsbki Third person singular . mo'yem mo'ye mo'yeki Third person dual . . moi'tsoTYi mb'tso mb'tsoki Third person plural . . mo'sem mo'se mb'seki §31 714 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The third person is in roality inoio ji doinonstrative than a true per- sonal pronoun: but its use is i)re(loniinantly that of a personal pro- noun, and the correspondinji; demonstrative u)il this is not used in either the (hial or phiral forms. As has already been pointed out, these independent forms of the personal pronoun take all the locative and instrumental suffixes, and are in every respect treated as nouns. T\\v personal pronouns also, in their independent form, may take the suflix -iret(e), used chiefly with verbal stems in a par- ticipial sense, but here irivinii: forms like nl'wete I myself, 1 alone mo'nwefe he alone In speaking of the development of ideas of number, the fact was referred to, that there were two forms of the personal pronoun — one iiitlependent and one suffixed to the verb. The two series show little in common, except that the first pers(m dual and ])lural are dif- ferentiated in both series by the same vowel-change from a to e. The suffixed forms are alwaj^s subjective, and are suffixed directly to the verbal stem or to the various modal, directive, temporal, and other suffixes which the verb may have, the pronominal suffixes, with few exceptions, always coming last. In the singular the resulting forms are clear enough without the addition of the inde- pendent form of the pronoun; in the dual and plural, however, these are usually added, although here the first person is always sufficiently distinct. When the sense of the sentence renders the person clear, this independent pronoun is frequently omitted. The following indicates the use of the pronouns ^^^th the intransitive verb: nl o'Tiasi or o'lcasi I am hungry ml oTca'nJcano or oka'nkano thou art hungry moye'm olca'n or oka'n moye'm he is hungry nisd'm oka'nkas or oka'Tikasi nisd'm we two are hungry mi'nfsem oka'nkano or oka'nkano mi'ntsem ye two are himgry mo'tsom olca'n or olia'n motsom they two are hungry nise'm oTce'rikes or oJce'nkesi nise'm we all are hungry mi'nsdm oTca'nkano or oTia'nkano mi'nsiym ye all are hungry mo'sem oka'n or oJca'n mo'sem they all are hungry As will be seen from the above, the position of the independent pronoun is variable, it being placed either before or after the verb at will. It will also be seen that the suffixed form is by no means as fully developed as is the independent. This condition is instructive, when the forms in use in the other dialects are compared. It then appears that in the northwestern dialect the suflfixed form is rare, §31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 715 with the verbal stem, but is universally added to the auxiliary verb; in the southern dialect the use of the suffixed form of the pronoun disappears. It seems, then, that the northeastern dialect here pre- sented, in the matter of pronominal usage, lies at the extreme, toward the close synthesis of pronoun with verb, the northwestern being less so, and the southern entirely without it. As the northeastern dialect is in close touch with the Achoma'wi, which shows much greater devel- opment of the incorporative idea, we may be justified in regarding this greater development of synthesis between the verb and pro- noun as in part due to association and contact. In the transitive verb, precisely the same conditions prevail. The subjective pronoun, in the pronominal conjugation, is suffixed to the verb in the northeastern dialect, the objective standing free and independent. yb'-kas min I am hitting thee yd-a'nkano mdije'. thou art hitting him nisd'm min yo-a'nl-as we two are hitting thee mo'tsom nik yo'-kan they two are hitting me yd-a'nkano nisd' thou art hitting us two With a nominal object, the method is the same: su wo'notikas I am killing the dog With a nominal subject, the pronominal suffix is always used: siim has mai'dii do'-kan the dog bit the man For emphasis, it is customary to use, in the first and second persons singular of the pronominal conjugation, the independent form in addition to the suffixed; as, yo'-kas ni min I am hitting you yd-a'nkano ml moye' thou art hitting him Just as in the intransitive the dialect here presented tends more strongly toward synthesis between pronoun and verb than do any of the other dialects, so in the transitive the same conditions prevail, if anything, more strongly marked, as both the other dialects have the subjective as well as the objective pronoun entirely free and separate from the verb which appears in a participial form. § 32. Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstrative is not as highly developed in Maidu as in many other American languages. But two forms are commonly §32 716 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 in use, corresponding to this and that, and indicating position near or remote from the speaker. For the former, unl' is used, and for the latter, ama! . Somewhat rarely a third form, am' , is. employed to indicate position still more remote. The third personal pronoun is often used in place of a demonstrative, and may take the place of any one of the three. All three demonstratives take all the nominal case and locative suffixes. The use of these demon- stratives is shown in the following examples: uni'm mai\dum yahofmaka this man will be good amd'm silm that dog ani'm mai'dilm that (far off) man amd'kan wunotitsoia and he killed that one unl'nan from here, hence amd'di there, at that place amCi'ki sii that person's dog mo'im mai'dum this, that man § 33. Relative and Interrogative Pronouns A relative pronoun seems to be lacking in Maidu, its place being filled by the use of a reflexive suffix with the verb. Such construc- tions are, however, rare. An example is: mom mai'dum has kahd'n i'syotiusdom this man it was causing to kick himself ; i. e., he was the man who was kicked Interrogative pronouns, on the contrary, are common. Which is expressed by homo', and who by homo'ni, both taking case and locative sufl^ixes, as do other pronouns. What, why, and how are formed from a different stem, being respectively hesl', hesd'-, and hesd'ti. A few examples of the use of these follow: hom,d'mdi mdkd' bii'spem in which (house) do you live? homo'nim makd' who are you? homd'nik sum makd'de whose dog is this? hesi'm maJcd'de what is it? hesd'moni kadi'Jcmenom maJcd'de why doesn't it rain? hesd'ti eto'spem . . . how strong . . . ? § 34. Adjectives The adjective in Maidu is strongly nominal in character. In many cases it is a true nomen actoris, formed from a verbal stem, with or without duplication or reduplication, by the addition of the §§33,34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 717 suffix -pe. Apparently any verbal stem may thus be used in this form to qualify or describe a noun; as, o'Tc-pem mai'dum hungry man (literally, hungerer man) eto's2)em mai'dum strong man {eto'skasi I am strong) di' pdipem pd'ka smooth board (literally, slider board) lala'm.pem tsa long stick Many adjectives, however, do not admit of the form in -pe, and are formed from the verbal stem by merely adding to them the nominal subjective suffix(?) -m. The majority of these forms are made from verbal stems ending in a vowel. Examples of this type of adjective are: tete'm siim large dog Tce'yim hobo' old house tern siim small dog Most, if not all, of the stems from which the adjectives are formed, are capable of taking the regular pronominal tense and modal suffixes and being used as intransitive verbs; as, Ice'yimakas i SHALL BE OLD. Somcstcms, howcvcr, appear not to be used, except as forming these nominal forms, as adjectives. Either of the nominal forms of these stems (that in -pe or in -m) takes all regular nominal locative suffixes, and probably also all case-suffixes as well, although these have at present been noted only in the instance of those ending in -pe. ke'yidi in the old one lala'mpeki the long one's . . . tefe'ni with the big one In some cases both the -pe and the -m forms are used with the same stem; as, la'mim tsa, lala'mpem tsa long stick In these cases, the form in -pe is generally, but not always, redu- plicated. § 35. Adverbs Adverbs may be formed from adjectival stems by the suffix -t; as, yaJid'm good yahd't well, nicely wasd'm bad wasa't poorly, evilly tete'm, large tete't much, greatly, very Other adverbs, such as those of time and distance, etc., seem to be from independent stems. ti'kte slightly, somewhat, a hei again little bei'duk by and by hadd' far away le'wo a little, partially he'nek to-morrow §35 718 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 § 36. Connectives With the exception of kan and, connectives in Maidu are all formed from the auxiliary verb a to be, by the addition of various temporal, motlal, and other suffixes. Very often the resulting form is coiniiounded with kan, which, while it may stand alone, is gen- erally r(Mluced to an enclitic. The more common of these con- nectives are: a-dom, (ido'hknn so, and so a-tse't, atse'tkan while, and a-mct but while a-;ngnrfom if not, and if not a-we'ten, awete'nkan then, a-md'ni, amo'nikan then, and thereafter, and then then §37. Interjections There are quite a number of interjections in Maidu, the following being those most commonly in use: 7iei halloo! Ao well! all right SI look! well! ham an exclamation of rage, a exclamation of disgust practically equivalent to a ettu' stop! curse Jimm exclamation of disgust VOCABULARY (§§ 38-41) § 38. Classes of Stems In analyzing the vocabulary of the Maidu we may divide the stems into three classes: (1) Those which admit of no suffixes, or only such as are neither nominal nor verbal. (2) Those which take nominal suffixes. (3) Those which take verbal suffixes. The first group includes merely a few adverbs, interjections, and a connective. The second comprises nouns, pronouns, and most adjectives. The third takes in all verbs (with a few exceptions), some adjectives, and the remainder of the connectives. This grouping, which, on the whole, seems to be the most feasible, breaks down in so far as it is possible, in some cases, to use participial suffixes with stems normally taking only nominal suffixes, and also from the fact that there are cases where noun and verb are formeil from a single stem. The latter cases will be considered §§36-38 BOASJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 719 in speaking of the stems of the second group ; and as for the former, all that can be said here is that it is the ordinary usage rather than the extraordinary forms which should be given greatest weight. § 39, Stems Taking no Suffixes, or Only Such as are neither Woniinal nor Verbal Of stems taking no suffixes at all, there appear to be very few. Interjections include the majority of such stems. A list of these has been given in § 37. Except for these interjections, the only other stem taking no affix is the simple conjunction l:an and. This, moreover, although it may, and often does, stand independently, is at times so closely connected with the noun as to be enclitic. Stems taking suffixes other than those taken by nouns or verbs are few also and are only adverbial: hei (bei'him, hei'ho) again, also Jm'koi still, yet hei'duk by and by le'wo a little, partially A considerable number of adverbs are formed from adjectival stems by the suffix -t; as, yaha'm good; yaha't well tete'm large, great; tete't much, greatly Adverbial ideas, however, such as can, must, perhaps, almost, WHOLLY, always, ctc, are expressed in Maidu by suffixes added to the verl). ' § 40. Stems Taking JVoniinal Safp-xes Onh/ These stems may be further subdivided into nominal, pronom- inal, and adjectival stems. NOMINAL STEMS Maidu possesses a large number of true nominal stems showing no relation at all apparently to verbal or other stems. Deriva- tives formed from verbs exist in considerable numbers; but the greater mass of nouns are derived from purely nominal stems. A few examples of nouns derived from verbal stems may be given before considering the nominal stems proper: M to smell; M'l:u nose mai to speak; mai'dil Indian; ho to blow; ho' wo wind mai'M boy In other instances noun and verb appear to be formed from the same root; as, Jio'ni heart Jio'nsiptsoia she breathed Jw'nwe breath ho'nkodom coughing §§39,40 720 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (bull. 40 Nominal stems proper may ho (lividcd into three groups: (1) Monosylhihic. (2) Polysylhihic, JupIicatcMl or rcMhii)hcate(l. (8) Polysyllabic, without rcHlupiication. 1. Monosyllabic stems are not very numerous, but as a class include some of the most common nouns. They may be o;rou|)e(l uuder several heads: RKLATIONSllIP TKRMS ANIMALS, PLANTS, }'AUTS OK HODY son te d()<; .sii daughter po hand md younger sister Jc/a flower yo mother ne bush do grandson pe willow pa feathers ye MISCELLANEOUS fire sd stone o salt bd road ho cloud yd raft no snow Id mortar-stone d 2. Duplicated and reduplicated stems are also not very numerous, and refer chiefly to parts of the body and to animals and birds. DUPLICATED REDUPLICATED crow d d yellow-hammer wolo'loko eagle kd'l'd robin tsi'statatl'o quail yuP^yu fly eme'lulu nest tu'tu shoulder dd'daka rib tsl'Ui star lulil' breast iid'na egg pa'l^paka ankle po'lopolo cotton wood wili'li grass popo' smoke hole olo'lolco yellow^ j)inc hobo' thunder witu'mtumi twig toto OnomatopcBia seems to be but little in force in Maidu, being not particularly apparent in these duplicated and reduplicated animal and bird names, where, in other languages, it frequently plays a very important part. 3. Poh^syllabic unreduplicated stems, in the case of nouns, form probably a majority of the total number of nominal stems. Although a considerable number of polysyllabic nominal stems are quite clearly descriptive, and hence analyzable into simpler stems, a large majority have so far resisted analysis and must be considered stems. The following are examples of such apparently unanalyzable stem-nouns: §40 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 721 PARTS OF THE BODY head onb' face musu' eye hi'ni mouth si'mi teeth tsa'wa tongue e'ni ear hono' neck hu'yi foot pai'yi nails tsihl' blood sede' sinew paJca' tail huhU' grizzly bear pd'nd brown bear mb'de deer siiml' fox hawl' gopher heme' fish makb' salmon mdyi' woman hiiW baby kono' house u'yi coals hemi' smoke suku' arrow-point hoso' back Icl'wl nipples mini' arm yi'mi armpit kowd' belly harm' hip rnd'wa penis A:osi' leg /oZf ' liver ^wZa' bone ho' mi dung 2^i^l' fat /id'^i skin posd'la MAMMALS coyote we' pa field-mouse yosb' ground-squirrel lil'lb chipmunk uii'sla mole yu'tduli BIRDS, FISH, INSECTS grasshopper tb'li angle-worm Icayl' MISCELLANEOUS pack-basket wolb' snowshoe tsuwd' meat wakd' sun 2>olib' evening hulu' valley hoyb' As examples of nominal stems which are clearly analyzable, but not yet entirely explained, the following may serve: forehead siin-daka (perhaps from sbn- referring in some way to the head, as in sb'ntsetsopindom, head-first; and dd'dalca SHOULDER, i. e., head-shoulder) beard sim-pani (perhaps from sim mouth, and pan-, a stem oc- curring in pantsoia they made rope) wrist ma-hulu' (from md hand and [ ?]) wild-cat M'n-tsepi (from lii'ni eye, and [?]) otter mo'm^pano (from mo'mi water, and pd'no grizzly-bear) rat b'm-sape (from o rock, and [?]) jack-rabbit tsi'n-kuti (from Ul ro))e, and Tcuti animal) shite-poke waTi-si (from the verbal stem wali- to cry) 44S77- Hull. 40, pt 1-10— 1(5 § 40 722 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [hull. 40 PRONOMINAL STEMS A full i)ara(lif;iii of the personal and demonstrative pronouns has been given in §§31, 32, and these need not therefore again be referretl to here. The interrogative pronouns ought, however, to be not iced. These are Jiomo' which, and homoni who. The interrogative pronoun what is hesl' , but, besides taking the regular nominal suf- fixes, it also may take certain A^erbal or semiverbal suffixes. ADJECTIVAL STEMS Adjectives are of two sorts: (1) those formed from independent stems, with or without reduplication; and (2) those formed from verbal stems, generally with the suffix -pe. The first of these classes may be divided according as to whether there is or is not any redupli- cation. NO REDUPLICATION REDUPLICATION little tern large teW small tiW long la'lami good yahd' bad ivasd' short nii'si old Ice'yi Quite a number of adjectives belonging apparentl}^ to this first class have the suffix -pe, although the stem shows no relation to any verbal stem, and seems never to be used as such. These are both reduplicated and unreduplicated, and include all color names. In some cases, two forms exist, one with, and one without, the suffix -pe. NO REDUPLICATION REDUPLICATION healthy eto'spe weak le'lepe heavy vfdhb'lpe light heJie'Jcpe thick Jcol'lpe thin toto'pe short nu'spe wide da'pdape sour tsutsu'kpe COLOR NAMES black seu'seupe red Ja'Makpe green titi'tpe white da'ldalpe NUMERALS The numerals belong to tliis first class of adjectival stems, and are as follows up to ten: one fiu'ti six sai'tsoko two pe'ne seven to'pivi three sd'pivi eight pe'ntcoye four Ub'yi nine pe'lio five md'wika ten md'soko §40 lioAsJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 723 The numeral adverbs are formed by the suffix -nini; as, su'tenini ONCE, pene'nini twice, etc. Distributives are formed by reduphcat- ing the final syllable; as, su'titi one each, pe'nene two each, etc. § 41. Stems Taking Verbal Siifjixes Verbal stems may be divided into two groups, according as to whether they are treated always as stems pure and simple, or are sometimes used in connection with other stems, modifying these and serving as prefixes. Stems of the first type are predominantly composed of consonant- vowel-consonant. Many occur in pairs or groups, with similar or nearly similar meaning, but with variable vowel ; ~ whereas a few pairs show not a variable vowel, but a variable consonant. Besides these tri-literal stems there are a number of bi-literal and uni-literal forms and a few as yet unanalyzable dissyllabic stems. The follow- ing list shows the tri-literal stems which have at present been deter- mined, and indicates .both the systematic character of these stems and also the pairing or grouping spoken of above. In some cases the meaning of the stem is yet uncertain, owing to the small num- ber of instances in which it occurs. Tri-literal stems, as a rule, take.modifying stems or true prefixes before them. -hak- to detach a flat thing; -hek-{1)\ -hok-Ci) -bed- to mark, paint -has- to sweep (?); -bis- to live, sta}^ ; busC^) -bat- to ])reak ; -bof- to break -dal-- to detach a flat thing; -dek- to make hole -dam- to give -dip- to slide -dis- to slide -das- to split ~dat-{X)\ -Jo;?- to overturn ; -d%it-{T) -hak- to tear; -huk- to whistle (?) -hot- to lie, cheat; -hul-{%) -hap- to move with friction; -hop- to move with friction; -hop- to stretch ; -hq)- (?) -has- to slide; -hes- to scratch; -his- to make basket; -hos- to scare (?) -hus-{T) -hal- (?); -Jcel- to perforate; -Tcol- to bore(?); -kol- to roll; -kid-{'i) -hip- to move with friction (?); -hop- to move with friction (?); -Ay>X?) -kes-{'^:) -hat- to strike; -Jcet- to graze; -kot- to divide; -hut- to divide -lak-{l)\ -lek-{'^i)'^ -lok-{'i)\ -/o^'- to creep; -Zw^- to creep §41 724 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -I(>/- to cry -/aj>- to crawl CO; -f<'P- {'■)'•< -^'P- •^ <''T ""^^ '^"P- ^^ "lovo with f rii-tion ( ?) -Zos-(0 -niul:- to know, count, llloa^slll•e -'/n«/- ( -?2<);f- to ]>end -pok- to .strike; -piil'- to .shake (0 -/><'/- to perforate; -pol- dislocate; -put- dislocate, remove -pin- to hear -jH'n- to crumble -pat-m; -pif-{^) -sal-{'^)\ -sil- to shake -tid- to break flat thing -tel:- to jump(?); -f'^^i^'-ii) -tdm-{^) -tap to squeeze (?); -top- to break; -tijp- to jump; tup- to break -tsuj)- to tear, rip -^a«- to slap(?); -tes- to .strip oti'; -t<»i-{'()\ -tm-{i)\ -tas- to break -tsot- to rip off -U8U- to rul) -?4J(7A'- to cry out -yal'- to crush; -yok- to strike -2/a/- to split; -yol- to break; -yr^/- to rip, split -yot-{^) Bi-literal and uni-literal stems of this first t3^pe are quite numerou.s, and a partial list is here given. They are distinguished f i-om the tri- literal stems as a rule, by the fact that they rarely take any modifying stems or true prefixes before them. a- to say a- to be (auxiliary verb) ap- to slip, slide ho- to 1)1 ow hoi- to leach acorns hu- to stink di- to swell do- to bite, seize with teeth ^2-tosmell(?) hoi- to spread apart (?) kai- to fly l-.'((l- to be called, named Iv- to have, possess {i) loi-{'.) iiiZ- to take, seize mo- to drink mo- to shoot o-{%) o- to go, travel pe- to eat pu- to sew -tail- to twi.st ( ?) to- to burn -toi- to divide in strips tse- to see -tsoi- to bend -yau- to break flat thing yd- (?) -yu-{J) HI noAs] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 725 Special mention ought to be made, in speaking of stems of this type, of the connectiv^es. The simple connective and, indicated by kan^ has alread}" been referred to in speaking of the unchangeable stems. All other connectives seem to be formed from the auxiliary verl) a to be, by the addition of various verbal suffixes. A list of these connectives, any of which ma}'^ take the simple connective han as an additional suffix, follows: ado' 111 so, thus atse t the whiles, at this time ame't but moe'hisiin continually am.d'ni then awe'te then Verbal stems which, although dissyllabic, yet appear to be unana- lyzable, are not nearly as numerous as the other types. Some of the more common ones follow: he' no- to die -pwi'll- to roll kolo'- to rotate -tala- to crush o'nhoi- to conquer -tihil- to wind around ope'- (?) ■ wile'- to run pedd'- to steal, to answer wo'no- to die Verbal stems of the second type have already been discussed in §§1 1-13, and need not therefore be taken up in detail here again. The ?>, ?/j, and y series seem to be the clearest and least doubtful, and to oiler the fewest apparent exceptions. The h series is quite puzzling; the /form (hi-), having no apparent relation to the others in the series in meaning, falling as it does into the class of pure prefixes, indicating parts of the bod\\ The e and v forms {Jie- and Jin-) are also very irregular. Although the characteristic feature of these stems is, that while they are most commonly used to modif}^ another stem as a prefix, they ma}^ yet themselves stand as independent stems on occa- sion, there are one or more in each series which can not so stand independently, it seems. The reasons for this exception are not yet clear. §41 TEXT So'tiin ' neno'mmaidiini ' bii'sstsoia.'* Wiso'tpini * he'nante ^ One old people lived, it is said. Big Springs on this side of ku'mmeniin'' hobo'kodoni^ mai'seni'* bii'sstsoia.^ Amfi'nkan^ so'ti^" houseless ones hiirk hut owning they lived, it is said. That one and one pakupeni " neno'mmaidum ^ matsoi'am.*^ Amfi'dikan '^ rao'ii" aaughter pos- old people it is related. There and she sessinj; person kiile'm '•'• • bii'sstsoia.^ Amankan® matsoi'am ^^ ope'kanbenini"" girl lived, it is said. That one and it is related always 1 so'lim ONE (-m subjective). 2 neno' maidum old people; ne'no, ne'nope the usual adjective used for referring to animate things, and standing for olp person if unaccompanied by a noun; -m the connective, euphonic consonant used in fonn- ing compound nouns, etc.; mai'dii man, Indian, perhaps from root mai- to speak; -m the suffix of the subjective case. •^ bil'sstsoia lived (from the stem 6mm-, bis- to live, to remain, to continue in one place); -tsoi- verbal sullix indicating completed action, quotative, i. e., the knowledge is not obtained by the experience of the speaker, but comes to him merely by hearsay; -o the usual suffi.\ of the third person, -n i-kan), is rarely used with -l.toi This may be a contraction from -tsoi-an( ?) . •> wiso'tpini a place known locally as Big Springs, one of the main sources of the North Fork of Feather river, in Big Meadows, riumas county, California. I am unable to analyze this name satisfactorily. s he'nanti on this side of. Analyzable as follows: he- a demonstrative stem (confined chiefly to the northwestern dialect) meaning this; -naii- the nominal locative suffix meaning from; -te probably from -di, the general locative suffix at in. etc.: hence the whole meaning tiiis-from-at, a spot between THIS and the one SPOKEN OF. ^ku'mmcnim a housele.ss person; kum- the name applied to the semi-subterranean, circular, earth- covered lodges; -men the negative or privative suffix; to this is then added a euphonic /, and finally the subjective suffix -m ' hobo'kodom owning a bark hut; hobo' the conical bark huts in which the poorer people lived; ho alone seems to be used as synonj-mous with dwelling, any sort of a shelter or house; -ko a suffix very commonly used, indicating the quality of possessing, hence hobo' ko having the quality of possess- ing A bark hut; -do the suffix of the present participle; -m the subjective suffix. The whole might be rendered owners of a bark hut. 8 mai'sem they. This is apparently a form synonymous with mo'sem or moi'scm. The final m is the subjective suffix. 9 amd'i'ikan and that one; awd' the demonstrative pronoun that, referring to the old people, here in the subjective case amd'm, the m being changed to ft before k, in accordance witli the regular rule (see § 4, -kan and). ■osoVi one. Here in objective case (cf. notel). '1 pd'kilpem a person having a daughter; pa,po daughter; -kii the same as-ko, the suffix meaning HA%iNG the quality of possessing; -pe the suffix used generally to form the nomen actoris, etc.:-m the subjective suffix •2 matsoi'am it is related. This frequently appearing form seems to come from a verbal stem ma- to relate, to tell; -tsoi- the quotative suffix of completed action; -o- the suffix of the third person, gener- ally used with -tsoi. The use of -m here is as yet not clear. ^^amd'dikan and at that place; amd' demTinstrative pronoun that; -di the locative suffix at; -kan the conjunction and. '• moi'i the, that. The independent form of the third personal pronoun. This is used very frequently almost as a demonstrative. Here mon, Instead of mom, because of the following fc "A-tiZe m woman, girl (here subjective). « ope'kanbeninl' every time, always. It is difficult as yet to analyze this completely or satisfactorily; ope' occurring alone means all; -kan seems to be derived from kani, meaning also all, each, every; ie is the same as -pe (the p changing to ft after n); the final suffix -nint appears to have a temporal signifi- cance; as also in le'wonini once in a while (from le'wo some). 726 BOAsI HAXDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 727 kulu'nanamonihehe' " piye'tonokom *^ so'tim " kulu'nanamaJi't ^^ evening-toward-when- one who went one evening-toward almost bathing wono'raentsoia.^* Ama'nkan'' tu'itsoia.^' Ama'nkan ^ neDl'ii-stsoia.^^ missed-not, it issaid. That one and slept, it is said. That one and dreamed for her- self, it is said. NeDi'webissim ^* kaka'nim^^ po^" neDl'webissim ^* mopi'kno" Dreaming kept on every night dreaming kept on same one neDl'dom^* neDl'ustsoia.^^ Aina'nkan '^ piye'tonotsoia,^^ dreaming dreamed for her- That one and bathing went, it self, it is said. is said. Pi3'e'tonopenkan ^^ oki'tmenpem ^^ e'kdatsoia.^' Amankan^ be'nekto^^ One who has gone one not returning it dawned, it That one and morning in bathing and is said. 1' kulu'nanamdnihehe' when it was almostp dusk; kiilu' is the usual term for evening, the early part of the night; -nana- a reduplicated form of the locative suffix -na, meaning toward; -moni a temporal suffix with the force of when, after; hehe' . a suffix of somewhat uncertain meaning, usually indicating doubtfulness or approximation ^^piye'tonokom one who went bathing (from piye'-, piye'lo- to swim or bathe); -mo is probably merely the verbal suffix of generalized motion, although it may perhaps be a contraction from o'no- to go, to travel, hence to go to bathe; -ko the suffix indicating having the quality of possbssing; -m the subjective suffix, this agreeing in case with the ama'm in ama'nkan. >9 so'tim ONE. It is not clear whether this refers to the girl or to the evening. It is probably, however, the former, as, if it meant one evening, the close connection of the two w-ords would lead to the change of the -m to -h 20 kulu'nanamad't. The first portion of this is identical with the first portion of the word in note 17. The final suffix is, however, a rather puzzling one. It would seem to mean indeed, thus, but its use is obscure. 21 wono'mentsoia did not lose, miss; wono' seems to mean to lose, to miss, and must be distinguished carefully from wo'no, which means to die. The -fsoi is the usual quotative, completed action, with the suffixed form of the third personal pronoun. 22 tu'itsoia slept (from the stem tU'i- to sleep); -tsoia (see above). 23 neDl'uslsoia dreamed for herself, it is said; neol' is a dream, neDl'm-maidii is a dreamer, one of the two classes of shamans. The use of the reflexive suffix -us here is not wholly clear. It probably means she dreamed for herself. This construction— a participle followed by a verb, or a continuative followed by a verb— is one of the most frequent. '-' neDi'icebissim kept dreaming. The reflexive is not used in this case. The suffix -bissim is formed from the verbal stem bis- to remain, to continue, and is the usual continuative suffix employed, giv- ing the sense of to keep on. It is very generally joined to the verbal stem by -we, which is of uncertain meaning. 25 kakd'nim every. A reduplicated form of kani'm each, all. 2« pd NIGHT. This term is generally used in reference to the whole period of darkness, or. If restricted, applies more to the middle of the night, po'esto midnight. 2' mbpi'kno that same one; mo is the Independent form of the third personal pronoun. The suffix 'pi'kno seems to be an intensive, and to mean the same, the very. It is here objective. 28 jieDl'dom DREAMING (here the present participle, formed with -dom). 29 piye'tonotsoia went to bathe, it is said (cf. note IS). 30 piye'tonopeiikan the one who had gone bathing; piye'tono- cf. note 18; peng the suffix of the nomen actoris, -pern becoming -pen before k; the suffix -kan is the common connective. 31 oki'tmenpem one not returni.ng, okil- meaning to return, to arrive at a place. Analyzable, perhaps, into o- (an hypothetical verbal stem connected with 6- to go) and -kit the regular directive suffix meaning down, down to We have, in addition, -vien the negative, and -pe the suffix of the nomen actoris, with the subjective -m. 32 e'kdatsoia it dawned. The verbal form ekda- is related closely to ekV day. 33 be'nekto in the morning (sometimes merely be'nek). The suffix -to in use here is obscure. It occuri in a number of similar cases, with apparently a temporal meaning. 728 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETIIXOLOOY [rill 40 mako'^* halfi'pweten ^^ o.si'pindom •''" oki'tsoia." Mobe'ikona ^^ tMi larrit'Cl ImviiiK ciniiiiiKout of .\rrivf pu'iyarn inkina to the threshold; pu'iya, meaning really the outside a.s contrasted with the interior of the house, is often used for the door, that which leads to the outside; -inki means the BASE, BOTTOM, of a thing; -na is the locative toward. ' ^opi'tsipdom filling it out. The stem here is the same as above (note 54) , with, however, a dififerent suffix, -sip, meaning out of, out from. The idea would seem to be that of filling the space so com- pletely as to overflow, as it were. ^^awete'n then; cf. note 40. w kiile'm i'nkinan from beside the woman. This should probably be written as two words, although in speech the two nouns are very closely run together. Kiile' is the usual term for woman, and -Tian the locative meaning from. ^ono'm HEAD (the subjective form with the -m). ^so'ntsedo'nudom projecting, sticking up. As yet not analyzed satisfactorily. So- appears in a num- ber of verbs as a stem whose meaning is doubtful. The -n is probably euphonic, while -tse may be the common stem ise- to see. The following suffixes appear to be -doi, meaning upward, and the vague suffix -nu or -no, usually indicating simple motion {sowe'doitsoia crawled upward; sowe'kadoidom .standing upright). 6' tseko'nuebisstsoia kept looking steadily at, it is said. The stem here is tse- to see, which, with the suffix -kon (perhaps related to -koi away), has the meaning to look at, to gaze on. The contin- uative suffix -ive'biss gives the idea of steadiness and fixitj^ of gaze. ^■^bii'ssyatan after having stayed. The stem Miss- has already been referred to. The sut&x-yatan is best translated by after having. ^lo'ksiptsoia crawled out, it is said. The stem lok- has already been discussed. The suffix -sip out of has also already been referred to in note 56. *• lo'ksipebissim kept crawling out. Here the continuative -icebissim is shortened to -ebissim. ^lo'ksipbo'stsoia crawled wholly out. it is said. The suffix -60s gives the idea always of thorough- ness, completion (see § 20, no. 39). ^ mo'iin HE (in the sul>jective form;. 7,S0 BUREAU OF AMEHICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 nio'iiiiisi" o'tnotsoia.*^ Lo'kinitnowe'bissim"" lo'kmitsoia.'" Atse't" water to wi'iit into, it Cniwliutj down into continued crawled down into, Meanwhile is. said. it is said. kiile'in*' bii's.stsoia ^ unrdi" hoba'di.^ Tsai'men" we'yetsoia." girl stayed, it is .said thi.s-iu bark-hut-iu By and by spolte, it is said. "Okoi'tapo" aka'nas" nikr"^« atsoi'a." Amo'ni'« "Ho"" " Let us t'o away said (he) me-to" said she, it Tlicn "All is said. nglu," atsoi'a." "Ama'ni^'^ be'nek^^ Ono'mfikasi^" be'nek^^ 5no'tapo** said (the "That one to-morrow gosliall-I to-morrow go away, father), it let u.s, is said. aka'na.s^'' nik"^^ atsoi'a."' Amo'ni'^ m5m*^ ne'nommai'dum^ "He'u*^ said (he) mc-to," said she, it Then he old man " Yes, is said. Ono'bene*'^ saa'"*^ atsoi'a." Amo'ni'* tsai'men" bii'ssvatan"^ go-ought V" said (he), Then by and by stjxyecl after it is said. having ^mo'mna to the water; mo'mi is water. The terminal euphonic i is dropped always before loca- tive sulTixos such as this; -na toward. 68 'dlnotsoia went into, it is .said. The stem hero, ot-, is apparently a derived stem from the common 6- TO GO. (May not this l)e a contraction from omit- to go down into?) The addition of the suffix -no o) generalized motion does not seem to add strength. ^ Id'kmilnowe'bissim kept crawling down into. We have here the suffix -mit, meaning into, down INTO A HOLE, cavity, ETC., which, it was suggested, may appear in contracted form in the preceding verb. Again, the addition of the suffix -no seems to add little, although here perhaps emph nik'i' (TO) ME. Instead of the more usual form of the objective of the first personal pronoim, nik, what is apparently an emphatic form is here used, distinguished from the possessive ni'ki l)y a different accent and long terminal i. " atsoi'a said, it is .said. The stem d- to say here takes the regular quotative past-tense suffix. Instead of the usual ending of the third person, -a, as here, the form dtsoi'kan is sometimes used. As compared with dkd'nas above,, the position of the tense and pronominal suffixes is reversed. '"'amo'ni then, .\nother connective formed from the auxiliary with the suffix -moni, apparently best translated by when; hence when it was so. '9 ho well! all right! yes! * ono'makasi I shall go. Here, from the stem 6-, the general verb to go, to tra\'el, ono- is formed, of which the form given is the first person singular of the future, the -md being the suffix of the future tense, the -ka a suffix still somewhat obscure (see § 19, no. 30), and the -s(i) the suffix of the first person singular. 8' om'tapo LET us go (a form parallel to okoi'tapo [see note 74], but formed from ono'-). ^ nik (TO) ME. Here the usual form of the objective of the first personal pronoun is used, instead of the emphatic nikV (see note 76). ** mom HE (THE). The subjective form of the third personal pronoun singular, us(>d here as a demon- strative. 8' he'll yes: * ono'beni ought to go. The suffix -hen or -bene conveys the idea of must, ought. " sad' (?) I am unal>le to explain this. rtoAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 731 tfi'itsoia." Amri'm"*' be'nokto^' moml'^* heno'tsoia.**^ Ama'm'*^ slept, it is Tliat one morning in water went to get, it That one said. is said. mo'i^''" mokr^" ye'pi''^ tsetsoi'a."^ Amo'ni^^ mako'^* pl'luti''^ me'tsoia.^* him her husband saw, it is said. Then fish many- very gave, it is said. Amo'ni^^ tsa'nan^^ mom!'** hedoi'wet'"' tsa'nan"^ inako'^* .so'doi- Then on one side water carried \ip on other flsh carried having side tsoia.''^ Oki'tweten^^ momi'^^ so'kitsoia.^^ A'nkanim''^ mako' ^^ up in arms. Arrived after water set down, it is Then _ fish it is said. having said. ha'psitotsoia.^*^ Amo'ni '^^ me'datotsoia. ^"* Ama'm ^^ be'nekto ^^ passed across Then took, it is said. That one morning in (through), it is said. tsedfi'bosim ^"^ kani'm^*'^ bii'sstsoia. ^ Atse't ^^ loko'npintsoia.^°* brealifasted all remained, it is Meanwhile crawled in toward, it completely said. _ is said. A'nkanini *^ moka'ndi ^"■' tloi'kitsoia.^''*' Sawo'nonaki ^" opi'tinodom ^* Then .same place at coiled up, it is Farther side's filling up said. *■ tu'itsoia SLEPT (from the stem tu'i- to sleep). This presumably refers to the girl only, although of course it might mean all the persons in the hut. ** momV w.^TER. The objective retains the euphonic i (see note 67). 89 henO'tsoia went to get. As it stands, this is obscure. It seems possible, however, that it was mis- heard for hanO'tsoia, especially in view of the occurrence of the form hedoi'- two lines beyond, which has the same meaning as the more usual hadoi'-. It is also possible that he- is really correct, and is the equivalent of ha-, in accordance with the system 6f vowel-shifts in prefix-stems. In either event, the analysis is not easy, as ?ia-seems to mean actions performed with the back or shoulder. With -no, the sufTi.x of motion, it seems to be specialized to mean GOING for the purpose of carrying (on the shoulder?). The more general use of he- as a prefix-stem is to indicate actions that occur spontaneously. 90 mokl' her. This is the regular possessive form of the third personal pronoun in the singular, with the suffix -ki (cf. note 66). 91 ye'pi husband (objective). . 92 isetsoi'a s.\w, it is said. The stem here is tse-, the usual form for to see. 98 pVluti VERY many; pi alone means many, much; -luti is an intensive suffix equivalent to the English VERY. 94 me'tsoia gave. To give, to hand to, to take, is expressed by the stem me-. 95 tsd'nan on one side (literally, from one .side tsaTt-nan) , on the other side. Tsa'nan . . . tsd'nan ON THIS side ... on that SIDE. ^hedoi'wet having carried up (from water). The more usual form is hadoi'- to carry up, gener- ally on shoulder (see note 89). The suffix -loe.t here apparently gives the idea of sequence, in that, after having taken up in one hand or on one side the water, she then took up the load of fish in the other. 9' so'doitsoia carried up in arms. The prefix-stem so- generally indicates that the action is done with the arms; as so'doidom carrying "wood up; sohd'nOyewc'bissim kept lifting him ahout. The -dot shows that the motion was up from the water toward the house. ^» oki'tweten after having arrived (at the house). See notes 31, 35. 99 so'kitsoia set down, it is said. Here again the prefix-stem so- appears, this time with the suffi.x -kit, meaning downward, i.e., action with arms downward, laying down whatever is being carried. 'O" ha' psitotsoia passed across, it is said. The stem here is hap-, meaning to seize, to grip, to hold firmly; with the suffix -sj ania'nantona "' ono'doitsoia."^ Honey Lake from eountry in thai from toward went off up, it is .said. Aino'nikan"^ mo'in ^^^ kiilo'ni ^^ we'yctsoia." "Sui^" ono'si" i^i Then and .she (the) girl spoke, it is said. "Well! going-I" atsoi'a." Amo'nikan"" mo'ira«« neno'mi" "He'u"«' atsoi'a." .Slid (she), it Then and he (the) old man "Yes" said (he), is .said. it is said. "Ettu'>2=' mill'" basa'ko*^'^ ya'tisi"^'" atsoi'a." A'nkanini^" • "Stop! (for) you staff make-I " said (he), then it is said. basa'koi'^'^ ya'titsoia. "« A'nkaninkani" piwl'i^« kan^^^ staff made, it Then and roots and is said. (magic) 108 pu'iyanaki doorward. .\ similar construction to that in note 107. For pu'iya, see note 55. 109 opi'tsiptsoia filled up completely, it is .said (see note 54). iio6c'(66m AGAIN (from the stem be'i- meaning again, anotiieu, and the sulhx -bo of unknown nieanhig). "1 mo' in SHE (that one). Sulijective of the third personal pronoun singular, here used as demonstra- tive. I'honetic change of -m to -n before k. 112 i'nfcmon from beside; infci, meaning base, with the locative sufTi.x -nan, meaning from. 113 ti'kttna bii'ssdom staying a little while; tikte alone has the meaning of slightly, somewhat, a little; li'klina has a temporal meaning, A little while (is this-nn the locative?); the verbal stem is 6mm- to stay, to remain, and has here the present-participle sulFix. 11' bii'sswetcn after staying (from the same stem biis.s-, with the common suffix -wden. meaning AFTER, after HAVING). ^^■•Ib'kdu'nulsoia crawled up, it is said. The directive suffix -don here also has the general suffix of motion -no (-nn). ii'i Ilano'liknantcnko'doidi IN the Honey lake region. It is not clear yet whether Hano'lck is merely the Indian pronunciation of the English name, or a real Indian name itself, of which the English name is a corruption. The suffix -non is the usual locative from, apparently meaning this side from, i. e., be- tween here and Honey lake. The -te is a suffix of uncertain meaning, apparently nominalizing the locative form preceding it. The -n is from -m before fc, and is the connective. Ka'do, kodo, is the usual term for place, country, world, and frequently takes a euphonic ; l)cfore the locative -di at, in. ^" amCi'nantena that place from toward; amd' the demonstrative that, with the locative -nan from, meaning this side of that place, i. e., between there and here; the same suffix -le, as in the pre- ceding word; and finally the locative (exactly the reverse of -nan) -no toward, i. e., the snake crawled off toward some spot between here and Honey lake. ^i» ono'doitsoia went off up, it is said; ono- to travel, to go; -dot the directive upward (north is apparently always up to these Maidu). •15 amo'nikan and then. 120 su w'ell! (an exclamation). i-'iono'.si I am going (from the stem ono- to go, to travel). Here the suffix of the first person singular is suffixed directly to verbal stem, without the -ka which is generally used (see § 19, no. 30). 1=2 neno'm old man. Here apparently refers to one or other of the parents; from context later, this seems to be father. Sec note 2. i^ettu' stop a moment! wait! i2< min FOR you. The objective form of the independent second personal pronoun. i» basa'ko a cane, staff. This appears to be from a stem bats-, which seems to mean wide spreading, spreading apart, from which, with the suffix -ko, we have that which has the quality of possess- ing wide spread, i. e., a staff, with which one spreads out one's supiiort. Here objective. 126 j/a'^'s; I am making. The stem yd- means to create, to make {Ko'doydpem the Earth-Maker, Creator), and, with the causative -w u''pwdgA^n* pipe bw A'hwdtcvjA^n'' roast iiii^-spit hy Icekyd'neiiA^mw'^ he holds it gy u'gyati^ his mother 'Jcy rt''kya/i' lands cy me''tc(jumicyd'n^ oaks my mya'w* road ny nyd'w^ four py pya'iy" he comes PU d''pydfc^ when he comes The following true consonantic clustors (^cciir: sic ca'sk* only clc mA'cicki'^w'^ grass sic tcistcd^'^ my stars'. Diphthongs Not more than two vowels combine to form a diphthong. Stress is stronger on the leading member, and movement of the voice is downward from the first to the second vowel. ai like the diphthong in 7ny, I: n'lydni'^ opossum aI like the diphthong in turn with the r slurred; a'sAi skin ei like the diphthong in day, play; naMn' now then! di^ like the diphthong in soil, boy; mtfindliwa^w^"' he went at him au like the diphthong in shout, bout; haw halloo! ou like the diphthong m.foe, toe: j)ijdiio'u come here! § 5. Quantity Vowels vary in length, and in the analysis of sounds they have their phonetic symbols indicating quantit}'. A vowel with the macron (-) over it is long, as o, u, a, and f, and a vowel without the sign is short. Some A^owels are so short that they indicate nothing more than a faint puff of breath. The short, weak quantity is the normal quantity of the final vowel, and for that reason is in superior letter, as ", »'. Rhetorical emphasis can render almost any vowel long — so long that the vowel-sound usually develops into a diph- thong, as dgwe'i why, no, of course! (from d'gw^ no). Change of quantity is often due to position. Long vowels are likely to suffer loss of quantity at the beginning of long combinations: nd"Tc°' again becomes na^lca in the phrase na'lcatcdmegutdtA^gi again §5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 747 IT CERTAINLY SEEMED AS IF. Long vowels also shorten when placed before a stressed syllable: a'^Mg^ on the ground becomes aJcigd'M- ndhiHc^ when he looked down at the ground. Diphthongs undergo change of quantity. The accent of a diph- thong slides downward from the first vowel, and the loss when it comes is in the breaking-off of the second member: a'sa' buckskin, ne'tasa'm^ my buckskin. Consonants show evidence of quantity also. In general, the quan- tity is short; but the length of time between the stop and break in g, d, and h, is noticeable, so much so that the effect of a double sound is felt. As a matter of fact, g stands for a double sound. The first part is an articulation for an inner I:, and in gliding forward comes to the place for g where the stoppage breaks. Assimilation tends to reduce the double to a single sound. Nasal sonant m and n sound double before accented I: mi'miw^ pigeon, nl'na i. A syllable consists (1) of a single vowel-sound, a; (2) of two or more vowels joined together into a diphthong, 'waV what?; and (3) of a vowel-sound in combination with a single consonant or a cluster of consonants, the vocalic sound always following the consonant: nl'tci MY KIND. Two or more vowels coming together, no two of which are in union as a diphthong, are broken by an interval between: dJii'owdHci so they said. § 6. Stress Force is but another name for stress, and indicates energy. It is not possible to lay down definite rules for the determination of stress in every instance, and it is not always clear why some syllables are emphasized at the expense of others. Generally, in words of two syllables, stress-accent falls on the first, M/n° thou; for words of three syllables, stress falls on the antepenult, l:w'i'yen°- sufficiently. Beyond words of three syllables, only the semblance of a rule can be suggested. The chief stress comes on the first or second of the initial syllables, and the secondary stress on the penult; the syllables between follow either an even level, or more often a perceptible rise and fall alternating feebly up to the penult. In accordance with its rising nature the principal stress can be considered as acute ('), and in the same manner the fall of the secondary stress can be termed as grave (^). The sonorous tone of the voice on the penult is marked, §6 748 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 due perhaps to the extreme brevity of the final, inarticulate vowel. The feature of the sonorous penult is apparent in extended combina- tions like phrases and sontencos, especially when movement is swift at the start, and, gradually slowing up on the way, brings up at the syllable next to the last with a sustained respite which ends with a sudden break into the final vowel. The arrival on the penult creates one or two effects according as the syllable is long or short. If the quantity is long, the vowel is sung with falling voice; if short, the vowel is brought out with almost the emphasis of a primary stress- accent. This makes a fairly normal order for stress in a single group stand- ing alone; but it suffers interference in the spoken language where the measure of a syllable for special stress often becomes purely relative. The stress on one syllable brings out a certain particular meaning, and on another gains an effect of a different sort. Stressing the stem of wd'haminu look at me exaggerates the idea of look; stressing the penult -mi'-, the syllable of the object pronoun, centers the attention on that person; and stressing the final member -nu' THOU makes the second personal subject pronoun the object of chief concern. Special stress often splits a vocalic sound into two vowels of the same or a different kind. This is common in the case of pronouns, in words of introductive import, in vocatives of spirited address, and in cries calling at a distance: i'in* for i'n* that; naTiQi' for nahV hark; nenlwetige'i for ne'mweti'g^ oh, ye men! pydgo'^ for pyd'g^ COME YE. § 7. Pitch This Algonquian dialect does not fall wholly in the category of a stressed language. Pitch is ever present in a level, rising, or falling tone. The effect of pitch is strong in the long vowels of the penult. Temperament and emotion bring out its psychological feature. For instance, pride creates a rising tone, and a feeling of remorse lets it fall. In the sober moments of a sacred story the flow of words glides along in a musical tone; the intonation at times is so level as to become a tiresome monotone ; again it is a succession of rises and falls, now ascending, now descending, and with almost the effect of song. In general, the intonation of ordinary speech is on a middle scale. The tone of men is lower than that of women and children. §7 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 749 Sound- Changes (§§ 8-12) § 8. Accretion In the course of word-formation, phonetic elements are taken on that have the impress of mere accretions. The atklitions are the result of various causes: some are due to reduplication; some to accent; and others act as glides between vowels, and as connectives between unrelated portions of a word-group. Instances of the accre- tion of some of these phonetic elements are next to be shown. Syllabic Accretion A syllable, usually in the initial position, is sometimes repeated by another which precedes and maintains the same vowel-sound. The repetition is in fact a reduplication : I'ni w'Aydtu'geme^g^ and so in truth it may have been, for I'ni jMu'geine''g^ ' It is not always clear whether some accretions are but glides pass- ing from one sound to another, or only additions to aid in maintaining stress-accent on a particular syllable. The syllable Jiu is a frequent accretion in dependent words, and occurs immediately after the tem- poral article a: dhugu^'JcaMgdwdHc^ when they made a bridge is the conjunc- tive for hu''kaMgdWA^g^ they made a bridge dhvike' piskwdtawdJidniwe^tc^ which they used as a flap over the entry-WAV [cf. 354.22] is a subordinate form of Tce'pis- Tcwdtawd'TionAmo^g^ they used it for a flap over the ENTRANCE [I am convinced that liu is not a glide nor an addition to maintain the stress-accent on a particular syllable, but is to be divided into li-^, in which li is a glide, but u a morphological element. In proof of this I submit the following: There is an initial stem wlgi to DWELL {wtge also; cf. luwe beside Tclwi [§16]). Thus wtgiw"' he dwells 220.22 (-w" §28) . Observe that we have imhuvngewdtc^ where THEY WERE TO LIVE 56.5 (future conjunctive, §29) beside dhumgewdtc where THEY lived 56.23 {ior -wdtc^; aorist conjunctive, §29) ; dhuwigi- wdtc^ WHERE THEY LIVED 94.21; dhumlgiydg where we (excl.) were lh^ng 216.1 (aor. conj. §29); ahuimgri/c where helived 42.20 (§29); ahuvnginitc^ where he was staying 182.8 (§34) . That is to say, hu is 750 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 founil after w'/- as well as a-. Now, it should be observed that we have liu after li- in some stems regularly; in others it never occurs. As h is unquestionably used as a glicie, we are at once tempted to regard the u as a morphological element. But a direct proof is wkimginitcin* HE WHO DWELLED THERE 80.9, 12, 20; 82.10, 22; 84.10, 21; 86.2, 20. This form is a participial (§ 33), show^ing the characteristic change of u to wd (§ 11). Hence the wd points to an initial u, which can not be a glide, as nothing precedes; and Ji is absent. Now, this u is found in aTclm-'-wlgewdtc^ when they went to live somewhere 60.15 (a — wdtd, § 29; Iclwi is an extended form of Icl, an initial stem denoting indefinite motion, § 16 ; 'h for Ic regularly after //). — T. M.] Other additions, like /(, w, y, are clearly glides: d'hnteVtc^ whence he came, the independent form of which is u'tc'lW'^ HE CAME FROM SOME PLACE d'hundpdmiHc^ when she took a husband, a temporal form for una' i)dmi\\°' she took a husband o'^xiWA^n' his wife (from owl-Ani) owi'^tdwA^n* his brother-in-law (from owi''td-Ani) ]cetdsi'\utd\v'^ he crawls up hill (from letdsi-utdwa) M'yd\vd\y^ he is jealous (from M-dwdwa) Consoiiantic Accretion A frequent type of accretion is w or y with Tc, forming a cluster: tca''k.\viwind^w'^ he is short-horned (from tcAgi-windwa) tca''kwdpyd^w^ it is short (from tcA(ji-dpydwi) sdsl'gd'kyd^w'^ he scattered it (this is just the same in meaning as sdsigd'hdw^) Intervocalic Consonants The most common accretion is t.^ It falls in between two vowels, each of which is part of a different member in a word-group. Examples : Between i and e: a^'lcwitopyd^g* top of the water Between e and a: netA''^pAnd^n^ I laugh Between a and o: d'wA.io^w"- he carries it away Between d and u: pya'tusd'^w^ he came walking Between o and d: pl'toth^w^ he crawls in 1 1 serves as a connective in an inanimate relation, and will be mentioned again. §8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 751 [In SO far as -otd- is a secondary stem of the second order (§ 19) , the -t- can not be an intervocahc inserted phonetically. The same applies to the s in -isd- cited below. — T. M.] When the vowel of the second member is i, then t usually becomes tc: Between I and i: pl'tcisa'w'^ it (bird) flew in Between a and i: Tce/pA'tcigA^ii^ cork, stopper Between d and i: higwsi'tcisd^w'^ it (bird) tries to fly Between a and i: I'iwa'tcitdhd^w^ he is lonel}'^ Sometimes n has the value of an intervocalic consonant. It often occurs immediately after the temporal particle a: tcdg&nsi'towdtcVg^ people of all languages, a participial with the elements of tcd'g^ all, d having the force of the relative pronoun who, and d'towdwA'^g^ they speak a language. dndpAtAg^ when he saw them 206.18 as contrasted with dtdpa- ipAtAg he had a feeble view of it in the distance 206.16 [Is ■ dpA- to see related with wdpA- to see,, to look at? — T. M.] ana pawdtc^ he dreamed 206 title; 210.17 {d — ic* [§ 29]) contrasted with wa'a''pawatc' then he had a dream 212.3; a*a''pawatc' she had a dream 216.1 Sometimes n occurs between vowels much after the fashion of t: Between d and e: rnya'negd^w'^ he dances p'oorly Between d and e: upija'nesiw°' he is slow Between a and d : mya.rik' pawaF he that dreamed an ill omen title 210; 212, 17, 20; 214.1, 10 {myd + d' pawd- to dream; participial [§ 33]) See, also, 212.4, 5, 7, 9, 10; 214.20 Between i and a: a' peminsiWAtenAg^ then he went carrying it in his hand 194.12 (a — Ag^ [§ 29]; pemi- awA- (dwA) [§ 16]; -t- [§ 21]; -6-[§8]; -n- [§ 21]) Between i and d: Jcetcinsipydyawatc when they drew nigh 152.2 (ke'tci- intensity; pyd- motion liither; yd- to go; d — wdtc^ [§ 29]; -' lost by contraction [§ 10]) Between i and a: d'icinsipamegutc as he was thus seen 76.6 (-tc for -ic* [§ 10]; d — tc^ [§ 29]; ici- thus; dpa- same as dpA to see; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [ § 8]) ; peteginsipi'liAn^ thou shalt (not) look beliind at me 382.9 (peteg^ behind; -i'lcAn^ [§ 30]) [Is a pAn&pAmdwdtc they lost sight of him 180.19 for a'2>^7i.Ana- yAmdwdtc^ (§ 12)? The analysis would be a — dwdtd' (§ 29); pAUA- (§ 16) to miss, to fail to; dpA- to see; -m- (§ 29). Similarly §8 752 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bui.b. 40 apAn&pAtdmdtisuyAn^ you have been deprived of the sight of YOUR BODILY SELF 382.7 {d—yAJi' [§ 29]; -tim- [§39]).— T. M.] While these consonants seem to be inserted for purely phonetic reasons, others, that appear in similar positions, seem to have a definite meaning, at least in some cases. [Though I also think that in a few cases intervocalic consonants are inserted for purely phonetic reasons, yet I am convinced that in bulk we have to deal with a morphological element. Take, for example, pydtcisdvf^ he came in flight. Here -tc- and -s- are regarded as intervocalics. Such is not the case. It stands for pydtci + -isd- + w^, as is shown by pyktcine kawdw"- he comes driv- ing them home (§ 16). The secondary stem -ne'ha- follows (§ 19) pydtci-. A vowel is elided before another (§ 10); hence the final -i of pydtci- is lost before -isd- (§ 19). Similarly -te- seems to be added to pyd-. Note, too, d'pitigdtc^ when he entered the lodge, compared with iMcisdWAg^ they came running in {pit-: pltc-: pi- =pydt-: pydtc-: pyd-. In short, pUc- stands for pltci-). I can not go into this further at present. — T. M.] It looks as if s plays the same role as t, tc, and n, but on a smaller scale. Instances of its use are: Between e and i: ASd'wesVw'^ he is yellow Between i and a.* pyd'tcis'si^w°- he came in flight (isd [§ 19]) Between a and o: ne'niAso^w'^ he is standing up Between u and d: pyd'tusk'^w'^ he came walking {usd, [§ 19]) In these examples s has an intimate relation with the notion of animate being. It will be referred to later. The consonant m is sometimes an intervocalic element: TiAndhi' cimd^V)'^ he carefully lays him away pA'nerQ.\mw"^ he dropped it Other functions of m will be mentioned farther on. [It would seem that me is substituted for m when a consonant- cluster would otherwise be formed that is foreign to the language. (For such clusters as are found, see § 4.) Contrast IcewdpAme^n^ I look at thee, with newa' pAvndvf' I look at him; dwdpAindtc he then looked at her 298.20; note also newdpAmegw'^ he looked at me 368.19; contrast wdpAme'k^ look ye at him 242.19 with wdjumin^ look thou at me 322.3. Other examples for me are IcepydtciwdpAiwQn^ I have come to visit you 242.11; dwdpawdpA- megutc^ was she watched all the while 174.17; punime'lc^ cease DISTURBING HIM (literally, cease talking with him [see § 21]) 370.18. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 753 There is some evidence to show that a similar device was used in conjunction with t and n, but at present I have not sufficient ex- amples to show this conclusively. On further investigation it appears that the device of inserting a vowel to prevent consonant-clusters foreign to the Fox runs through- out the language. The vowel is usually e, but always a before h and liw. There is an initial stem nes to kill; compare dnesatc^ then HE KILLED HIM (a — dtc^ § 29). Contrast this with dnesegutc^ then he WAS SLAIN {-gu- sign of the passive [§ 41]); nesegwd 190.3 he has been SLAIN (independent mode, aorist, passive [§ 28]; -wd lengthened for-w"); ndseguf^ he who had been slain 190.8 (passive participi- al; -gu- as above; -f^ {§ 33]; change of stem- vowel of nes [§§ 11, 33]). Other illustrations are Icusegw"' he was feared 56.14 (-s- [§ 21]), contrasted with kusdw"' he feared him (-dw°' [§ 28]), Jcu'tAmw"' he fears it (t [§ 21]; -Ainiv'^ [,§28]); a'io'^em^c then he wakened her 104.18 (for -td'] -n- [§ 21]; per contra d'tohitc^ then he woke up 1(38.11); d'tdgendtc he touched him 158.5; miJcemegutcin^ he by whom she was wooed 142.6 (passive participial; mile- [§ 16]; -m- [§ 21]; -gu- [§ 41]; -tcW [§ 33]); ml'kemdw'^ he wooes her (-aw" [§ 28]); dml'kemdtc^ when he wooed her 148.6 (a — dtc^ [§29]); kdgendw°' he washes him (kog- [§ 16]; -aw* [§ 28]; contrast kdg%w°- HE mires) . For a as the inserted vowel observe ■pltahwdw"' he buries HIM (pit- [§16]; -hw [§ 21]; -dw'^ [§ 28]) ; kAskaJiAmw^ he accomplishes AN act (kAsk- [§16]; -h- [§ 21]; -atyiw^ [§ 28]); a intoJiwdwdtc then THEY buried HIM 160.2 (d^dwdtc^ [§29];,-« elided).— T. M.] § 9. Variation of Consonants Some consonants interchange one with another. The process is marked among those with forward articulation, s and c inter- change in : me'sekwd^'w"' she has long hair TYie'cdw^ it is large Mdse'slho^w^ large river (name for the Mississippi) me'clmi^n'^ large fruit (word for apple) 't and c interchange: me"taJiwd^w°' he shot and hit him me'cwdw'^ he shot and hit him H and s interchange : ne"tAmawd''w^ he killed him for another ne'sdw°- he killed him [For the interchange of sonant and surd stops see § 3. — T. M.] §9 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 48 754 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 10. Coiitractioti mid Assinillntfofi Contraction is a frequent factor in sound-change. Instances will first be shown in the case of compounds where the process works between independent words. The final vowel of a word coalesces with the initial vowel of the next, with results like the following: «-|-a becomes a: ni'na.cVit"' I in turn (for nl'n'^ a'cii**) °^ + d becomes a: Tia"lc'£ fija'tc^ again he came (for tio/'Tc^ a,"pydtc*) ^ + a becomes a: pi/d'wAf/injd'''^ they came to this place (for pj/d'- WAcj' Ayo^'^); nd' gawa kl^w'^ it is a sandy place (for nd'gaw^ * -f- a becomes d: ite' pahdHc^ he goes there (for i'tep'^ d'hdtc^); nepH'- nMe^(f they go to fetch water (for ;ie'p' ■k'nate^if) *-\-i becomes i: Tca'cvw"^? what does he say? (for hx'c' \'w^?); I'nipiijdhv" so it was told of yore (for I'n^ ip^ i'ydw') '+A becomes a: nd'wAshuH^ in the center of the fire (for nd'w'^ A'sJcuf^) ; dgwA^mdtcVn^ he did not eat it (for dgw'^ AinwdtcVn*) *+d becomes d: de'g&j^e^ and often (for de'g'^ a,'pe'^); wdtcsL'gwi neum'n the reason why I did not tell thee (for wd'td Q.gwi'- nend^n^) * + u becomes u: negufu"Jcdte^g^ on one of his feet (for ne'gut^ \x"kdte^g^); tci'gepydgxi'tc^ away from the edge of the water (for tcl' gepya'g^ n'tc^) The two vowels in contact may assimilate into a diphthong : " + « becomes aI: ne'cVJcAiyo^'^ alone here (for ne'ci'Jc^ a'yo'O The result of the assimilation of two vowels may produce a sound different from either: « + a becomes d: pyd'nutAwita,\j^ if he should come to me here (for pyd'nutawiH^ ofyo'^) *' + a becomes a.- mA'tAci'kitc2i'y^\\e might overtake me here (for mA'tACikiH& Sb'yo'^) Contraction between contiguous words is usually in the nature of the first sound suffering loss either by absorption or substitution. In much the same way does contraction act between members that make up a word-group. But in an attempt to illustrate the process there is an element of uncertainty, which lies in the difficulty of accounting for the absolute form of each component ; for many mem- bers of a ctJUiposition seldom have an independent use outside of the group. They occur in composition only, and in such way as to adjust themselves for easy euphony, and in doing so often conceal § 10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 755 either an initial or a final part. Nevertheless, hypothetical equiva- lents are offered as attempts at showing what the pure original forms probably were. Hyphens between the parts mark the places where probable changes take their rise : i + e becomes e: pe'megd^w'^ he dances past (from pem\-e(jdw°') i + d becomes a." ma' net owkge^n^ s&cred garment (from niAnetdwi- Sigen^); cd'sJcwkge^n^ smooth cloth (from cdskw'i-'^gen^) i-\-a becomes a: pemofhogd^w"- he swims past {ivon\pem\-sJiogdw°') ; tA'gwsJidto^w^ he is trapping (from tagwi-aJidtow'^) i+d becomes a: mAci' skiwkpd^w^ tea, i. e., herb fluid (from niA'ci- skiio'i-kpow^) ; wlcku' pkpo^w'' wine, i. e., sweet fluid (from wlc^'u- pi-kpow'^) i + d becomes d: a' neinaskd''w'^ it fell the other wa}' (from Anemi- clskdw^) i + d becomes o: pe'tnotA^mw^ she passes by with a burden on her back (from pemi-btAmw"^) i + u becomes u: pe'musd^w'^ he v;alks past (from pemi-nsdw'^) i + u becomes u: pe'-mutd^w'^ he crawls past (from pe7ni-utdw°^) [On the other hand, we fmd pemipahow^ he passes b}^ on the run (from ptmi-pahdw^) . — T. M.] Assimilation occurs between sounds not contiguous: Hcwim'cwiM^w" after he had two (for Hcim'cwihd'w'^) § 11. DissliHilatioii Vowels often undergo dissimilation. A very common change is or u to wd. The process takes place in the formation of participles from words having o or u as initial vowels: u'tclw'^ he came thence; wa'^d^'' he who came thence ii'td'JcVin^ his land; w'SL'td'HrnVf^ he who owns land u'gwisA^n^ his or her son; wa' gwisVf^ one who has a son u'^lcdtc^ his foot; wa^'kdtcV"^ one that has feet (name for a bake oven) u'wiwVn'^ his horn; wa'mmna^* one with small horn The vowel u becomes wd when preceded by a consonant : Jcu'sigd^w^ she plays at dice; Icwf'af sigdH°' she who plays at dice nu'vnw'^ he goes outside; nwh'wiwdpe^'^ he always goes outside The vowel u can also become wd: uwl'gewd'^w^ their dwelling-place; wawI' gewd\j^ at their dwelling- place § 11 756 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bi i.i, 40 [It should be observed that a appears as a under certain conditions. I can not determine at present whether this is a phonetic process or whether there is a morphological significance. As an example I give fy-Avf HE comes; compare with this apyiitc^ when he came; apijiiwdtc^ WHEN THEY CAME; pyCmu' come thou! pyxxgo'^ come ye!— T. xM-l § 12. Elision Elision plays an important part in sound-change. It occurs at final and initial places and at points inside a word-group. The places where the process happens, and the influences bringing it about, are shoA\Ti in the examples to follow. In some cases a vowel drops out and a vocalic consonant as a glide takes its place, the change giving rise to a cluster made up of a con- sonant and a semi-vowel : i drops out: d'wdpwdyesVtc^ then she began to wail (from dwdp'i-wdgesitc^) ; d'^kvawdHc^ and he grew jealous (from d'M- ydwdtc') drops out : dwd'vnswdHc^ he singed his hair (for dwdwlso- wdtc^) u drops out : d'slswdHc^ she fried them (from dsisu-'wdtc^) Words sometimes suffer loss of initial vowel: skota'g^ in the fire (for x'skota'y^) tdcko'tdmwd''g^ at their fire (for vddcko'tdmwd''g^) Jcwi'gdgo^^ nothing (for a'gvngdgo^^) nd'gwdtc^ then he started away (for d'ndgwdHc^) The loss often includes both initial consonant and vowel: cwd'cig'^ eight (for ne'cwdci''g^) aJcA^niglce^gw^ all day long (for ne'^lcAnigice^gw^) The second member of a consonant-cluster frequently drops out : d'pd'windwdHc^ when he did not see him (for apwd'windwdHc^) pe'm.utA^mw'^ he shot at it (for pe'vciwutA^mw'^) The elision of n takes place before some formative elements: d'pA'gici^g'^ when it (a bird) alighted (a subordinate form of pA'gici^nw^ it [a bird] alighted) nAnd'hicimd^w'^ he laid him away carefully; tiAnd'hicVnw"^ he fixed a place to lie down To slur over a syllable frequently brings about the loss of the syllable. In the instance below, the stressed, preserved syllable moves into the place made vacant, and becomes like the vowel that dropped out: § 12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 757 K'd' take her along (for o-'wacO d'wdpiitx'hoguHc'' then he started off carrying her on his back (for d'wdpawAta'hoguHc^) The second part of a stem often suffers loss from the effect of having been slurred over: Mwxi'yAtclHd- after he had gone (for MciwA'ii/AtciHc^) Jcikekd'nemd^tc^ after he had learned who he was (for M'ciJceJcd'- nemdHc^) d' pwd' ndwdHc^ when he did not see him (for a pwd'windwdHc^) d' pwd' CAmdHc^ when he did not feed him (for a pwd'wicAmd^tc^) To slur over part of a pronominal ending causes loss of sound there : uwl-nemo^'^ his sisters-in-law (for uwlne'mdhsi^'^) Removal of the grave accent one place forward causes elision of final vowel: nelcA'nitepe^'^ all night long (for ne'JcA'nite'peJcVw^) SufRxes help to bring about other changes in the pronominal end- ings. A frequerit suffix causing change is -gi: in some instances it denotes location, in others it is the sign for the animate plural. The suffix conveys other notions, and wherever it occurs some change usually happens to the terminal pronoun. One is the complete loss of the possessive ending ni before the suffix with the force of a locative. At the same time the vowel immediately in front of the suffix becomes modified : o'sAii^ his father; o'seg^ at his father's (lodge) u''kdtA^n^ his foot; u^Jcdte^g^ at or on his foot Another change before -gi is that of a pronoun into an o or u with the quantity sometimes short, but more often long. The change is usual if the pronoun follows a sibilant or ^-sound : u'wduA^gw^ hole; uwd'nAgb^g^ at the hole ma'^kakw^ box; ma'^kaku^g' at or in the box me'tegw^ tree; me'Hegu^g^ at the tree kl'cesw^ sun ; kl'ceso^g^ at the sun, suns ne'nusw^ buffalo; ne'nusb^g^ buffaloes The suffix -gi affects inanimate nouns ending in the diphthong ai. The first vocalic member lengthens into a, and the second drops out: u'piskwQ} bladder ; u'piskwa^g^ on or at the bladder utA^'wAwgo} ear; utA'wAg^'g^ at or in the ear § 12 758 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [nni.L.40 The change of the pronominal ending into an o or u occurs in a similar manner before n^, a suffix sign of the inanimate plural: u'wdiiA^gw^ \\o\e; uwd' uAgo^ n^ \\o\es ma''l:ak\\^ box; 7na''A:a'A:6^n* boxes me'Hegw^ tree; me'Hego'n^ trees A it-sound stands before the terminal wa of some animate nouns. To shift an o into the place of the w is a device for creating a dimin- utive : mA'^lc'w'^ bear; mA'^kb'^ cub A'cAshw'^ muskrat; a'casTvO^'^ a little muskrat ce'gdgw'"^ skunk ji ce'gdgb^^ should be the proper diminutive, but it happens to be the word for onion, while kitten skunk is cegd'gohd''"', a sort of double diminutive. The substitution of o or u for w occurs with great frequency: pd'gwdw^ it is shallow ; 'pd'gbne'g^ the place of shallow water (the name for St Louis) n%c\\i''kwd'WA''g^ two women; mc6'']c'wdwd^w'^ he has two wives me' clew '^ blood; me'clcusVw"' he is red vn'pegwd^w* it is blue; wipe'gusVW^ he is blue § 13. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The principal process used for grammatical purposes is compo- sition of stems. The stems are almost throughout of such character that they require intimate correlation with other stems, which is brought about by a complete coalescence of the group of component elements. These form a firm word-unit. Excepting a number of particles, the word-unit in Algonquian is so clearly defined that there can be no doubt as to the limits of sentence and word. Phonetic influences between the component elements are not marked. The unit of composition is always the stem, and the word, even in its simplest form, possesses always a number of formative elements which disappear in new compositions. Examples of this process are the following: 'pe'ndmu'w°- he imitated the turkey-call (from i)endwa.-muwa) ma'liwdmu^w"' he imitated the cry of the wolf (from mahwdwa,- muwa) Mutu' gimd'mijpe'n"' thou wilt be our chief {ugimdw^ chief) TiAtund'hwdtu'g^ he may have sought for him (independent mode TiAtu'ndhwdw^ he seeks for him) §13 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 759 pyd'gwdn^ he must have cdnie (independent mode pyd'w'^ he came) Most of the elements that enter into composition are so nearly of the same order, that we can not properly speak of prefixes or suffixes. Those groups that may be considered in a more specific sense as grammatical formatives, such as pronouns, elements indicating the animate and inanimate groups, are largely suffixed to groups of co-ordinate stems. Another process extensively used by the Algonquian is reduplica- tion, which is particularly characteristic of the verb. It occurs with a variety of meanings. Modification of the stem-vowel plays also an important part and occurs in the verbal modes. § 14. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The extended use of composition of verbal stems is particularly characteristic of the Algonquian languages. These stems follow one another in definite order. A certain differentiation of the ideas expressed by initial stems and by those following them, which may be designated as secondary stems, may be observed, although it seems difficult to define these groups of ideas with exactness. It seems that, on the whole, initial stems predominate in the expression of subjective activities, and that they more definitely per- form the function of verbs; while, on the other hand, secondary stems are more intimately concerned with the objective relations. It is true that both initial and secondary stems sometimes refer to similar notions, like movement and space; but it is possible to observe a distinction in the nature of the reference. A great many initial stems define movement with reference to a particular direction; as, hither, thither, roundabout. Secondary stems, on the other hand, indicate movement ; as, slow, swift, or as changing to rest. Sec- ondary stems denoting space seem to lack extension in the sense they convey; as, top, cavity, line, and terms indicating parts of the body. Initial stems refer to space in a wide general sense; as, distance, dimension, inomensity, totality. Every stem is stamped with the quality of abstract meaning: the notion of some stems is so vague and so volatile, as they stand in detached form, as to seem almost void of tangible sense. Some stems .§ 14 760 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 can l)(^ analyzed into elements that have at most the feeblest kind of sense ; it is only as thoy stand in compound form that they take on a special meaning. It is not altogether clear how these stems, so vague and subtle as they stand alone, came to convey the sensuous notions that they do when thro\vTi together into a group ; how, for example, an initial stem introduces a general notion, and forms a group com- plete in statement but incomplete in sense, as when in composition it terminates with only a pronominal ending. Yet such a group can be of sufficiently frequent use as to become an idiom ; in that case it takes on an added sense, which is due not so much perhaps to the inherent meaning of the combined stem and pronoun as to an acquired association %\4th a particular activity. The psychological peculiarity of the process is more marked in the wider developments, as when initial and secondary stems combine for the larger groups. The components seem to stand toward each other in the position of quali- fiers, the sense of one qualifying the sense of another with an effect of directing the meaning toward a particular direction. But, what- ever be the influence at work, the result is a specialization of meaning, not only of the single member in the group, but of all the members as they stand together ^\dth reference to one another. The stems seem charged with a latent meaning which becomes evident only when they appear in certain relations : out of those relations they stand like empty symbols. It is important to emphasize the fact that the order of stems in a group is psychologically fixed. Some stems precede and others follow, not with a freedom of position and not in a hap- hazard manner, but with a consecutive sequence that is maintained from beginning to end A\'ith firm stability. The following examples illustrate these principles of composition. A general summar}" of the process can thus be put in illustration : poni is an initial stem signifying no more, no longer: its original sense comes out best by adding the terminal animate pronoun, and making po'nlwa. The group means that one has previously been engaged in an activity, and has now come into a state of cessation, making altogether a rather vague statement, as it stands unrelated to anything else. But travel has made a figure of speech of it, and so it has come to be the particular idiom for one camps, one goes into camp. So much for the simpler form of a combination. An initial stem, pAg-, has the general sense of striking against something; -a lew- is a secondary stem denoting resistance, §14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 761 and so pAgd''Jcw- is to strike against a resistance. The stem -tun- is a mobile secondary stem denoting the special notion of place about a cavity, and has become a special term indicating the place about the mouth; and so pAgd''1cwitu'n(i- is to strike against a resistance at a POINT ON THE MOUTH. Again, -cin- is a secondary co-ordinative stem, and refers to change from motion to rest, but leaves the character and the duration of the change to be inferred from the implica- tions of the stems that precede ; furthermore, it indicates that the performer is animate, and serves as a link between the terminal pronoun and what precedes; and so pAgd''kwit- u'ndci^nw"' is a definite statement meaning that one strikes against a resistance and is brought for a time at least to a condition of rest. He bumps himself on the mouth and he bumps his mouth would be two ways of putting the same thing in English. A rigid classification of the objective world into things animate and things inanimate underlies the whole structure of the language. Thus the terminal -a indicates an object possessing the combined qualities of life and motion, and the terminal -i designates an object without those attributes. Thus : pyd'wsb he comes; pyd'migAHwi it comes i'neni^wa, man, he is a man; i'neni^wi bravery, it has the quality of manhood A'nemd^'si dog; a''Jci earth Every verb and noun must fall in one or the other class. Forms ending in -a are termed animate, and those ending in -i inanimate. The distinction between the two opposing groups is not rigidly main- tained, for often an object regularly inanimate is personified as hav- ing life, and so takes on an animate form. But permanent forms of lifeless objects having an animate ending can not always be explained by personification. The breaking-down of the contrast is best seen in the names of plants; logically they fall into the inanimate class, but many are used as animate forms, like A'ddmi^'n^ corn, A'samd'^'W^ tobacco, me'cimi^n^ apple. The idea of plurality is expressed both in the noun and in the verb. Subjective and objective relation of the noun are distinguished by separate endings. A vocative and a locative case are also expressed. In the pronoun the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and person spoken of, are distinguished, the last of these being divided into an animate and an inanimate form. Exclusive and inclusive plural §14 Y62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. 46 are expressed by (listinct forms, the second of which is related to the second person. In the third person a variety of forms occur by means of which the introduction of a new subject, and identity of subject and of possessor of object (Latin suus and ejus), are distin- guished. The pronouns, subject and object, as they appear in transitive verbs, are expressed by single forms, which it is diflicult to relate to the singular pronominal forms of the intransitive verb. While tense is very slightly developed, the pronominal forms of different modes seem to be derived from entirely different sources in declarative, subjunctive, and potential forms of sentences. The discussion of these forms presents one of the most striking features of the Algonquian languages. In the participial forms, the verbal stem is modified by change of its A'owel. Ideas of repetition, duration, distribution, are expressed by means of reduplication. A number of formative affixes convey certain notions of manner, as — -tug'^ in iiya'tug" he probably came, which conveys the notion of doubt or uncertainty; while -dpe^ in pyd'wdpe'^ he is in THE habit of coming, cxprcsscs the frequency or repetition of an act Formatives are also instrumental, not merely in the formation of nouns, but in giving to the nouns they form the quality ot distinctive designation. Thus: -mina in A'dd-mVn"^ corn denotes fruit, grain, berry; and -gani in pd'skesig^ ri^ gun (literally, exploder) is expressive of tool, implement, INSTRUIaENT DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 15-54) Composition (§§ 15-24) Verbal Compofiltion (§§ lit -21) § 15. TYPES OF STEMS The verbs antl nouns of the Fox language are almost througliout composed of a number of stems, the syntactic value of the complex being determined by a number of prefixes and suffixes. Setting aside § 15 lioAsI HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 763 these, the component parts occur rarely, if at all, mdependently ; and only some of those that appear in initial position in the verb are capable of independent use. In this respect they appear as more independent than the following component elements. On the other hand, the latter are so numerous that it seems rather artificial to designate them as sufhxes of elements of the first group. There is so much freedom in the principles of composition ; the significance of the component elements is such that they limit one another; and their number is so nearly equal, ^ — that I have preferred to call them co-ordinate stems rather than stems and suffixes. Accordingly I designate the component parts of words as — 1. Initial stems. 2. Secondary stems of the first order. 3. Secondary stems of the second order. 4. Co-ordinative stems. 5. Instrumental particles. § 16. INITIAL STEMS Initial stems are capable at times of standing alone, with the office of adverbs. Some instances are — u'tc^ whence ^ i'c^ hence tAgw^ together Furthermore, an initial stem can enter into composition with only a formative, and express an independent statement, though not always with exact sense: u'tclw^ one has come from some place Two or more initial stems follow in a definite order: wa/'pusa'w"- he begins to walk {wdpi- to begin [ initial stem]j -usd- to walk [secondary stem]) wa'pipyd'tusa'w"- he begins to approach on the walk {pyd- move- ment hither [ initial stem between wdpi- and -usd-; -t- § 8]) wd' pipydtcitete' pusa'w"^ he begins to approach walking in a circle {tetep- movement in a circle [new initial stem]); initial stem conveying the notion of movement in a circle The consecutive order of initial stems with reference to a secondary stem depends much on the sort of notions they convey. An initial stem takes its place next to a secondary stem because the notion it x^ 16 764 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 implies is of such a nature as to combine easily with the notion of a secondary stem to form an added sense of something more definite and restricted. It is as if botli initial and secondary stems were modifiers of each other. An initial stem coming before another initial stem in combination with a secondary stem stands toward the group in much the same relation as if the group were a simple secondary stem. The place of an initial stem is at the point where the idea it expresses falls in most appropriately with the mental process of restricting and making more definite the sense of the whole group. [Before proceeding to the examples of initial stems, it seems to me important to point out that a large proportion of them terminate in i. Thus awi- to be; dpi- to untie; Agwi- to cover; Auemi- yon way; ^p- to sit; mwi-TODo; ^^nemi- to continue to; Jc a ski- abii.- ity; Mc\- completion; kiwi- (an extended form of ki) movement in AN indefinite DIRECTION ; md'kwi- FUTUERE ; mdtci- to move ; mdwi- TO GO to; meci- largeness; UAgi- to halt; pemi- movement past; pydtci- (an extended form of pyd) movement hither; etc. It is therefore likel}'' that this i is a morphological element. But it would require a comparison with other Algonquiaii languages to determine its precise value. It may be added that -I also occurs with the func- tion of -i^ and that the two sometimes interchange. Apparently this -i always drops out before vowels. — T. M.] Following is a selection of examples of initial stems which are quite numerous and express ideas of great variety : aski~ early, soon, first. d'Sb'skime pug when it had first snowed 70.10 (a- temporal aug- ment; me- initial stem common with words for snow, ice, cold; mepu- to snow; -g ior -gi suffix with a location sense; -i lost before initial vowel of following word) dhaskdnwlg^ while the snow was first on 70.10 (a- as above; h glide; -i of aski- lost before vowel; -dnw- secondary stem, de- noting state, condition ; -gi as above) ca- freedom of movement, passage without friction or impediment. ca.' pawdw"^ he cries out sending his voice through space chpu'nigA^n'^ a needle (literally, an instrument for piercing through with ease) cosk- is used in several ways. In a special sense it denotes hori- ZONTALITY, STRAIGHTNESS. c6' ska kusd^w'^ he walks erect [-usd §19] § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 765 coskd' pydcVnw'^ he lies at full length (-cin- secondary connective stem[§ 20]; -w« [§ 28]) co'skdiyydW is it straight {-w^ § 28) Another sense, closely related to straightness, is that of smooth- ness, LACK OF FRICTION, EASE OF MOVEMENT. co'skwdw^ it is smooth, slippery co'skwicrnw^ he slips and falls co'skond^w^- he slips hold of him dcoskondtc he slips hold of him 182.11 hAnemi to continue to. dhAnemxpydTidtc^ he continued to fetch them home 38.6 (a- as above; 2?y a- initial stem meaning movement hither; -n- inter- vocalic, instrumental [see § 21]; -a- objective pronominal ele- ment; -td 3d person singular subject; the form is an aorist transitive conjunctive [see § 29 j) ahAneminfsa^c* he continued to kill 38.5 (a- as above; -nes- initial stem to kill; -d- objective pronoun; td' 3d person sin- gular subject) vnhxnevaxcimesdnetAmufwdtc they will continue to derive benefit from them 376.10 {lul — Amuwdtc [§ 29]) dhAnem.um€guwdtc^ they kept riding 192.7 dhAnemdmuwdtci they continued to fly for their lives {-d- [§ 19]; -m- [§§ 21, 37]; -u- [§ 40]; d^wdtc^ [§ 29]) dh.Anenii'a'gdslpa7idmi^ga'¥ he continued to climb up hurriedly 96.19 dhAnemitetepetcdsdnitc^ he continued to whirl over and over 288.14 (tetepe- [for tetepi-] allied with tetep- below; -tc- [§8] ; -dsd- from -dsd- [= -isd §19]; -nitc' [§34]) pdcdhAnemine'lcwdHaminitc gradually the sound grew faint 348.22 dhAneuiiwdpusdwdtc^ then they continued to start off on a walk 108.8 (a- as above; wdpi- initial stem, meaning to begin, loses terminal i before vowel; -usa- secondary stem of second order, meaning locomotion by land with reference to foot AND LEG [§19]; -wdtd 3d person plural animate subject; the form is an aorist intransitive conjunctive [see § 29]) h'.lsh'ii)- implies potency, ability, efficiency, and gets the meaning of SUCCESS, TRIUMPH, MASTERY. kA'skihd^w"' he succeeds in buying him {-dw'^ [§ 28]) kA'skimeno^'u;'* he is able to drink kA'skim' man A^mw"^ he can lift it {-Amw'^ [§ 28]) kA'ski/na^w** he succeeds in persuading him (-7>/- [§21.6]; -dv)^ transitive independent mode, 3il person singular animate sub- ject, 3d person animate object [see § 28]) § 16 766 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I m i.i.. 40 kA' skin dwa'w'^ he can see him {-ndw- to see,cf. dndwdt& then [the manjsiiw 174.13; d' pwdwindwufjutc^ but he was not seen 158.1 ; dndwdwutcdp' they would see habitually 182.14) d' pwdwikaskimAdanetc^ on account of not being able to overtake him 168.12 d' pd7iikiiske' tawdwdtc^ they could no longer hear their calls 192.6 kd.s{i)- denotes the idea of obliteration, erasure, wiping. k&'sihA^mw'^ he erases it {-h- instrumental [§-21]; -Amvf' transi- tive aorist, independent mode, 3(1 person singular animate subject, 3d person inanimate object [§ 28]) k?isi' (jwdhdw^ he wipes his own face kiXsV gdci' nw'^ he wipes his o^vn foot kt- indicates the general notion of indefinite movement round about, here and there. klweslcdWAgdpe^ they are always off on a journey 272.14 (for Mwe- see § 17 end; -WAg- for -WAg^ 3d i)erson plural animate, intransitive aorist, independent mode [§ 28]; -dpe'^ frequency of an act [§14 end]) kl'wisa'w^ it (a bird) flies round about {-isd- [§ 19]) kl' witcima'w"' he swims round about {-tcim- [§ 19]) ki' wesTcd'^w^ he goes a-journeying somewhere ki'wdmo^w^ he sought safety here and there (-a- [§ 19] ; -m- [§§ 21, 37];-o-[§40]; -w- [§ 28]) kiwd'hAnid''w°' he went about looking at one and then another (wdhA same nswdpA in MmdwiwdpAtdpen'^ let us go axd look AT IT 284.8 [mdu^i- below; M — dpena, § 28]; d'McitcdgiwdpAn id tc^ and after looking for all [his ducks] 286.16 [klci- p. 766; tcdgi p. 771; d~dtc' § 29; -m- § 21.6]) kt'('{i)- expresses the completion, the fulfillment, of an act. ki'cawrw" he has finished (a task, an undertaking) kV c etd^w^ it is done cooking (td- secondary connective stem, in- animate, signifj^ing heat [§ 20]; -w^ [§ 28]) kl'cito^w"' he has finislied making it kl'cipya^w" he has already arrived (pyd- [§16]) ki'cinepohVw'^ he has since died klcikefcipe' tnwdwdtc^ after they had built a great fire 158.21 {-wdtc^ [§29]) kicil-lgdniitc after the feast is done 156.6 klextcdgipyd' nitc after their arrival 90.13 (Jcdgi all; pyd- to come; -nitc' [§ 34]) klcitcdgiketeiniridgiitc^ after he had been blessed by them 184.4 {-gu- [§ 41]) §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 767 kicinyd'0'gunipwdwisenitc^ four days had passed since he had eaten 182.3 (for nya'o' cf. nydw' 4 [§ 50]; pwd for pydivi not [§12]; -wlseni -eat; -tci[§29]) d'kicitdgAtAmowdtc^ after they have touched and tasted it 184.17 (a — Amowdtc^ same as a — Amovxitci [§29]) klcipydtdmdtc^ after she had fetched home her burden 162.16 (pyd- initial stem movement hither; -t- [§ 8]; -m- [§§ 21, 37]; -0- secondary stem expressing conveyance; -a- pronominal animate object; -tc'^ 3d person singular animate [§ 29]) feSgr- refers to an activity mth a fluid, most often with water, in which instance is derived the idea of washing. koge' nigd'^w^ she is at work washing clothes {-gd- [§ 20]) k6gi'netcd''w^ he washes his own hands kogend^w"' he washes him koglge'ndnd^w'^ he washes his own forehead ko'glw'^ he mires (in the mud) a'kogena^c when he bathed her 300.15 (-n- instrumental; cf. also §8; d—atc[[l 29]) naTcdkogeriAg' she also washed it 178.21 (for ridk^ dkogeuAg^: d—Agi [§ 29]) Tciwigdtcikogenavf^ you are to clean it (the dog) well with water 178.15 (kl—dw^ [§28]) tniiwi- to go to. l<:iTa2i\\\cicd' pen°' let us go and hunt 90.9 {died initial stem to hunt; Ici — pen"' we inclusive, future independent mode, in- transitive, used as a mild imperative [see §§ 28, 35.8]) IclvciQ.wmepdpen'^ let us go and spend the night 90.10 dm.Q.^\\nepdwdtc^ they went to a place where they spent the night 30.5 (d—wdtd [§ 29]) dniiiwi JcetaJiwdtc^ she went to dig for them 152.19 (-Jiw- [§ 37]; d—dtc' [§ 29]) dmawigaJcenAminitc^ they started off to peel bark 150.15 (-nitc'^ [§ 34]) dmawiketcitc^ he went to look over the bank 182.9 dmsiwiwdpAmdtc he went to have a look 182.7 (a- temporal par- ticle; wdpA- same as wdhA cited under M-\ -m- [§ 21]; -dtc for -dt& transitive aorist conjunctive, 3d person singular ani- mate subject, 3d person animate object [§ 29]) dm.Si\v\nAndtc^ he ran to catch him 182.11 (jia- presumably the same as nd- [§ 21.8]; -n- [see § 21]) itie- snow, ice, cold. daslime" pug when it had first snowed 70.10 (explained under asJci-) M6 768 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [uii.l. 40 ml'/,-- conveys the sense of occupation, employment in the per- formance of some activity. nu ke'tcdwVw"^ he works, is busy Tm''ketA^mw'^ he is occupied with a piece of work {-t- [§ 21]; -aulw'^ [§ 28]) mi''kpnie''JiWdwd^w'^ lie goes a-wooing {'lewd [§ IS]; -id- [§ 37]) im'ke' tcihd''w'^ he is engaged in an attempt to heal him mikwd'nemd^iv'^ she dotes upon it — her child tiAg{i)~ denotes the change from an activity to a rest, and is best translated by words like halt, stop, pause. nA'giw'' he stops moving nAgici^riw** he halts on the journey {-cin- [§ 20]) nA'gi/>fl/iti^w" he stops running (-paho- secondary stem meaning RAPID MOTION [§ 19]; -w"' intransitive aorist, independent mode, 3d person animate subject [§ 28]) tcdgdnA^^igdpdwdtc^ they all came to a halt 50.24 (for tcdgi [all] a-; -gdpd- [§ 19]; d-^atc^ [§ 29]) dnAgiwdtc they stood 50.7 (aorist intransitive conjunctive [§ 29]) nag A- to follow after. dpUciTrngAJidtc^ when he went in following after it 70.13 {pU- ini- tial stem meaning movement into an enclosure; pltci a col- lateral form [see below]; -n- intervocalic instrumental; -d- pronominal object; -t& 3d person singular animate subject) anagA^^^*' and he followed it (a- as before; -t- intervocalic ele- ment indicating that the object is inanimate, here simply that the verb is transitive; -Ag^ 3d person singular animate sub- ject, 3d person singular inanimate object [§ 29]) pAs{i)- implies the notion of swift, lively contact. -pA' s'lti' i/d^hwd'^w^ she spanks him 'pA'sl'gwd^hwd^w"' he slaps him in the face -pA'sigu'md^Jiwd^w'^ he barely grazes his nose {-gum- [§ 17]) pAsi/n va'soV'^ it (an animate subject) fries {-su- [§ 20]) ^A'setd^w' it is hot {-td- [§ 20]; -w' [§ 28]) jje'kici- density, thickness. a pe^kwisasakalc^ when it was thick with growth 70.12 pein{l)' expresses the notion of movement by, past, alongside. ipe'me'M'W he passes by 278.1 {-'M- [§ 20]) pe'mej/a'w" he dances by 280.5 {-egd- secondary stem of second order, meaning movement of one in dancing [§ 19]; -w"' 3d person singular animate, independent mode) pe'minaj/a'w" he passes by a-singing §16 BUAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 769 -pe'niipaJid^w^ he passes by on the run {-'paho- secondary stem of second order, denoting si>EED [§ 19]) pe'inw^a^w'* he crawls past (-utd-, -otd- to crawl [§ 19]) apemitepikicJcahugunitc'^ they went swimming by side by side 1S4.3 (-Jiugu- same as -hogo- [§ 19]; -nitc^ [§ 34] ) pemisaw'^ it [the swan] went flying past 80.7 (-isd- secondary stem of second order, expressing velocity and associated with MOTION THROUGH THE AIR [§ 19]) It comes to have the force of an inchoative. pe'mwsa^w" he started off on a walk (-usd- secondary stem to WALK [§ 19]) Y>e'mwdgesV'W°^ she began to wail d'pemiwdpusdtc^ then he started to begin to walk 194.19 (a- and -td explained before; -wdp- (or -wdpi- inception [§ 16]; -usd- secondary stem of second order, to walk [§ 19]) py(i- signifies movement hither ward. pya'tf" he comes pya'^^ciV'" he fetches home game -pyMe''kwdwd^w^ he brings home a wife {-'kwd- woman [§ 18]; -w- [I 37] ) pya'tdslid^w^ it falls this way 'py'd'tcine''kawd^w'^ he comes driving them home (for pgdtci- cf. pitci- under pit-: -ne'lca- [§ 19]; -dw°' [§ 28]) -py a' twdwd'migAHw^ it comes a-roaring {pydt- collateral with pyd-; wdwd [§ 20]; dmigAtw^ [§ 20]; -w^ [§ 28]) pykndw'^ he has brought home 58.5 {-n- intervocalic; -a- 3d person singular animate object; -w"' as before) d'pydtc^ when he had come 68.25 (d — tc^ [§ 29]) pi{f)- conveys the sense of movement into an enclosure. in'tdse^nw^ it blows inside (-a- [§ 19]; -sen- [§ 20]; -w' [§ 28]) \)l'tciwend^w°^ he leads him within Tpi'tahwd^w^ he buries him (-hw- [§ 21]; -dw"^ [§ 28]) Y)i'tigd^w°' he enters a'pltci'l'awdnitc they trailed (a bear into woods) 70.12 apltigdtc as he entered 326.10 (-gd- [§ 20]; d—tc [ = tci § 29]) a'pitigAUdtc then he took her inside 42.20 [-gA- variant of gd; -n- instrumental [§ 21]; d—dtc^ [§ 29]) ipltcisdWAg there came running into 142.10 {-isd- as in pemis'iiw^; -UAg for -WAg^ 3(1 person plural animate, intransitive inde- pendent mode [§ 28]) §16 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 ±9 770 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 pdn(i)' also expresses the notion of cessation, but As-ith more of the idea ()f the negative temporal element xo more, no LONGER. po'nfr/a^w" he is no longer dancing {-egd- ns before, p. 768) -pone' naga'^w" he has ceased singing •pone' seni/Ww'^ he has done eating po'nepj/a'w'^ he is no longer a drunkard p6'nima\r" ho has stopped talking to him (-///- [^ 21]) a poninutawdwdtc they stopped hearing the somid 152.1 dgwlponilcdguwdtcin^ never shall they be left alone 186.2 {dgvn — w» not [§ 29]; -gu- [^ 41]; -wdtci [§ 29]) aponlwdtc' they halted 164.13, 192.9 sag{i)' implies the notion of exposure, manifestation, visibility. sa'giseViy' it sticks out {-sen- [§ 20] ; -w^ [§ 28]) s&' g\te pdci^nw"^ he lies covered all over except at the head {-cin- [§ 20]; ^f pa head; -w;« [§ 28]) ssJ giwind' gdpa'w"' but for the tips of his horns, he stands shut off from view. [As wind- is a secondary stem of the first ortler [§ 18] used to designate a horn, and -gdpd- is a secondarj^ stem of the second order [§19] expressing perpendicularity, the literal translation would seem to be he stands with his horns exposed. — T. M.] sa.'gitepd'hogo^'W"' he floats mth the head only out of the water i-hogo- [§ 19]) SB,'giku7nd^w'^ he exposes his nose to view {-Icum- same as -gum- [§ 18]) sAgii)- has a transitive force with the meaning of seizing hold. sAgecdnd^w" he holds him by the ear (-cor- ear [§ IS]; -v- instru- mental [§ 21]) SAgine' 'kdnd^w°' he leads liim by the hand {-ne'ka- [§ 19]; -/(- [§21]) sAgi' pwd^w"^ he bites hold of him {-pw- [§ 21]) SAgdne"kwdnd^w'^ he grabs hold of him by the hair (-'kwd- head [§ 18]) a" pe'Jcwisasaka'k^ when it was thick with growth 70.12; (a — 'k' [§ 29]) dsAgine'kdnatc he then held her by the hand 134.13 {-n- [§ 21]; a — dtc[= -dtc^ § 29]; -ne'kd- as in dsdgine'ksiskdtc^ 214.10) dsAg}kdndtc^ she grabbed hold of one by the leg 292.2 td{tri)' has to do with the sensation of physical pain. i'A'wite' pd.ci'nw'^ he fell and hurt his head {tepd- head; -cin- [§ 20]; -^ [§ 28]) § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 771 WwitAUA' sitdgd'pa'w'^ it hurts his feet to stand (-gajm- [§ 19]) tsi'welcwd^w'^ his head aches (-'lewd- head [§ 18]) tcdffi all, entirely. tciigiJcefeuAg' she took off all 224.1 (n- [§ 21]; a- left out [§ 12]; d—Af [§ 29]) Jcicitcagipyanitc after all had arrived 90.13 (klci- and i^yd- initial stems [§ 16]; -nitc for -nitc^ 3d person plural, animate [§34]) md'tcsLgipydnitc^ thus all had arrived 172.20 (ind- thus) Mcitcngiketemindgutc^ after he had been blessed by all 184.5 (klci completion; gu [§ 41]; a-omitted; -te' [§ 29]) d'^tchgesutc^ then he was burnt all up 30.3 (su- secondary stem meaning heat, animate [§ 20]) d'tcagihdwdtc^ they slew them all 8.16, 10.2 (-h-[§ 21]; d — dwdtc^ [§ 29]) tetep- movement in a circle. dtetepetcdsatotc he started himself a-rolling 288.13 tetepusdn^ walk around in a circle 376.12 (see 158.1) (-usd- sec- ondary stem of second order, meaning to walk [§ 19]; -n" 2d person singular imperative, intransitive [§ 31]) dwdpitetepusdtc^ he began to walk around in a circle 256.9 (wdpi- see next stem) wdpii)- signifies the idea of commencement, inception, inchoation. w&pina'husd^w" he is beginning to know how to walk (mih to know) \\''siY>ike'miyd^w°^ the rain is beginning to fall wa.'piwl'senV'W^ he is starting to eat (compare inwisen' do let me eat 184.10) dwa.\)d'k'WAmAtAg^ he became sick 156.9 wlxv&pimAtcaiydwiciniegowdtc^ they shall begin to have to ])ut up .with their insolence 184.18 (wl—wdtc^ [§ 29]) awkpusdtc^ he started off on a walk 126.3, 23; 278.8; 280.2 i-usd- [§ 19]; a— te»' [§ 29J) Utci- whence, away from. wsitcikesiydglcisdwd whence the cold came, then he speeds to 70.14 (change of vowel u to wd on account of participial form; analyzed in note 21, p. 869). utciwdp^ from this time on 34.14 (literally, beginning whence; wdpi- see preceding stem) wt' expresses the sense of accompaniment, association, companion- ship. wl'ddmd^w'^ he accompanies him (-J- for -t-; see below) Vfl'tcdwd'^w"' he goes along, too § 16 772 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 wl'' pdma^W he sleeps with hiin wi'pumd'w" he eats with him {pu- [§21]; -m- [§§'21, 37] ; -dw" [§ 2S]) wl''kunid^w'^ he invites liiin to the feast wltdmdtcin* liim whom he accompanied 70.14 (see text at end) wi' pnmin^ oi\t thoii with me 266.19 (pu- act done witli mouth [§ 21]; -//(-indicates animateobject [§§ 21,37]; -in" imperative, 2d person singuhir subject, 1st person singular object [§ 31]) j)€p' ^^-inter, snow, cold. a'pepof/' in the winter-time 150.5 (a'pepd^ 70.10; 136.3 is the same form witli elision of final vowel before initial vowel [see text at end; also §§ 12, 42]) As^ the small number of initial stems given by Dr. Jones seems to me to be rather out of proportion to their importance, I take the liberty of inserting here a hundred odd new examples taken from liis Fox Texts, arranged in the order of the English alphabet. For this purpose a, a, a, a, a, follow each other in this order. I would remind the reader that there is considerable fluctuation in these vowels, especially between a antl a: a and a. The variation of a and a is slight; that of a and d does not seem to occur. The sound pro- nounced was undoubtedly the same in any given fluctuation; Dr. Jones simply has recorded the sounds as he heard them at a given time. Examples follow: a'tetcd- (hstant. a,-a,'te'tciJciweslcdtc^h.ewent on a distant journey 74.5 (a — te* [§ 29]; Mwe- [§ 17], allied to kiun- [see under I'l- above]; -sk- [§ 21]; -d- [§ 19]) a'tetciiM^c* she went far away 38.1 (d- dropped [§ 12]; a — tc^ [§ 29]; M- from hd- an initial stem meaning to go) A'tetcAvngiivdtc^ they lived far away 160.14 (a- dropped [§ 12]; vngi is an initial stem, to dwell) awi" to be. awimfc' they were 50.18 (a- lost [§ 12]; -iii- [§ 34]; hence -tc* [§ 29] may be used for a plural) iiwitcig^ they Avho were 358.8 (participial; -tcig^ [§ 33]) Siwiydn^ where I am 366.2 (for d'dvnydn^; d — ydn* [§ 29]) arm- to move. nd'kdMmlwdtc^ again they moved on 166.12 (for ndk" d- [§ 10]: -h- a glide [§ 8]; d—ivdtc' [§ 29]) ' From here to p. 793, addition by T. Michelson. § 16 BOAS J HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 773 a/>«' t(j untie. SiipmahAmw'^ she unties it 162.2 {-atyiw'^ [§ 28]) ai^inahAmwa'pe ^ she always unties it 162.3 (for -Amw° a- [§ 10]; dhapiJiAg then he untied it 334.16 (for a — aq^ [§ 29]; -' lost before an initial vowel [§ 10]; -h- first time a glide [§ 8]; second time instrumental [§ 21]) See also 160.19; 170.4; 172.10, 14; 290.22, 25; 292.5 aw A- to carry away. a,vfxndwAg^ they were carrying them away 198.5 (-n- [§ 21]; -dwAg' [§ 28]) dhsiWAnetc'^ then they were carried away 26.3 (a — etc^ [§ 41]; -h- a ghde [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) dwdpv Si- wAtowdtc they set to work carrying it 212.21 (a — ivdtc^ [§ 29]; -' lost by contraction [§ 10]; wdpi- an initial stem, to begin; -to- [§ 37]) tmhawatoydn^ I would have taken it with me 230.12 (for m- with the subjunctive see my note [§ 29]; -h- [§ 8]; -to- [§ 37]; -ydn' [§ 29]) dh&WAndtc she took him 38.2 (for d — dtc^ [§ 29] bv contraction [§ 10]; -n-[§21]) See also 162.15; 164.7, 8, 9; 166.1; 224.18; 230.12; 246.24; 348.9, etc. Agosl- to climb. wihAgosiydn'^ I shall have to do the climbing 90.19 (u>I — ydn^ [§29];-/^-[§_8]) dJiAgositc he climbed up 94.16 (for a — tc^ [§ 29] l^v contraction [§ 10]; -A-[§8]) See also 96.19; 274.24 AcAnt- to give to eat. AcAmi give it to him to eat 252.1 (-i [§ 31]) d'A'CAniegutc then he was given food to eat 70.2 (ford — te^ [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41]) See also 14.19; 106.1; 256.12 Aijwi- to cover. Agwi/tel-« cover him up 294.18 {-li- [§21]; -e- [§ 8]; -'l-^ [§ 31]) vnhA.gw'itcin'' for him to cover himself with 294.21 (evidently a participial; see § 34 near the end; -Ji- is a glide [§ 8]; ivl- is irregular, as is its use with the subjunctive; see my note to § 29) Aniw- to eat. Amwitd he that eats me 272.19; 274.3, 7, 12 (for -ita [§ 33]) §16 774 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 dAmwdtc* then he ate him 274.15 (a — ate* [§ 29]) unhxmwAgetc' we (excl.) shall eat him 58.11 (wl — Agetc^ [§ 29]; -h- [§ 8]) Iddxmwi'TcAn* don't eat me 96.4 (for Jcdf^ a-; -iJcati^ [§ 30]) See also 26.10; 58.24; 96.10, 11, 17; 166.3; 266.20; 274.5; 330.22 Afietni- yon way. Anemidca^r" go ahead and hunt for game 294.8 (cicd- from cicd- to hunt for game; -^f" [§ 31 ]) dhAnemApitc'^ there he sat down 352.24 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; Anem- for AJiemi- [§ 10]; Api- is an initial stem, to sit; ~h- [§ 8]j Apt' to sit. wlhA^itc' he shall sit 16.18 {vn—tc' [§ 29]; -h- [§ 8]) nemenwA\V I am content to sit down 370.12 (ne- [§ 28]; menw- is an initial stem denoting pleasure) ^Api^c^ let him be seated 370.11 {li- is ghde [§ 8] after a final vowel; -tC^ [§ 31]) dtcltAhitc^ he sat down 172.15 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; for confusion of h and p see § 3) See also 370.7, 8, 9; 316.16 Askwi' to save. d' A'skwmesdtc^ he saved them from kilhng 8. 1 2 (a — dtc^ [§ 29] ; nes- is an initial stem, to kill) askun^wa/i' I saved it {for d'AslcunAmdn^; d — Amdn^ [§ 29]; -u- for -wi- [§ 12]; -n- [§ 211) eatjw- to be unwilling. dcagwdnemutc^ he was unwilling 24.22 (a — thou hast eaten 122.3 (ke- [§ 28]) amitcifc* then lie ate 14.23 wimltciie'*' she was on the point of eating 96.3 {-te'" [§ 29]; for the use of wi- with the subjunctive see my note, p. 823) mltcin« eat thou 174.18 (-n« [§ 31]) See also 174.19; 184.16; 240.7, 18; 336.2; 374.18 rniistv- to suspect. dnmswdnemdvMtc'^ they suspected them 150.14 (a — dwdtd [§ 29]; -due- [§ 18]; -m- [§ 21]) m.\xsv;dnemdw°' he suspects him {-m- [§ 21]; dw°- [§ 28]) nahi- to know how. naihivnseniwdtcin^ they did not know how to eat 76.3 (a- omitted on account of the negative; -n* [§ 29]; -wdtci [§ 29]; vnseni- to eat) vniiahuwlwiydn^ I desire to know how to get a wafe 334.13 (m — ydin} [§ 29]; for the syntax see § 35; nah- for Tidhi- by contraction [§ 10]; uvnw^- to marry) See also 336.3 nairi- to visit. nlmxwihdw" I am going to visit him 228.1 ; 238.21 ; 244.12; 256.1 ; 262.20 {ni—dw^ [§ 28]; -li- [§ 21]) uyinaMihetlWAg^ they will go visiting one another 242.5 {wi- for in- used with intransitive independent future [§28]; -Ji- [§21]; -^-[§8]; -«-[§38]; -wm^4§ 28]) na- to fetch. kepydtcinanen^ I have come to take you away 40.12; 42.18; 44.1 (ke — n^ [§ 28]; pydtci- an extended form of pj/a- motion hith- erward; -n- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]) nepydtcinsindw'^ I have come to take her awav 42.4 (ne — aw" [§ 28]_; -n- [§ 21]) nepydtcinsinapen^ we have come to take him awav 58.8 (ne — apen'^ [§ 28]) nMawu'k^ go and fetch him away 58.7 (-t- [§ 8]; avm- same as dWA-, awA- [?]; '^■n§ 31]) nane'A-" go fetch her 354.15 {-n- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; '^« [§ 31]) See also 40.7; 42.1; 46.22; 58.8 §16 782 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 niit'i- to caress. aniH-itepandtc' lie curessod lier hoad with liis liand 1S8.4, 9 (a — ate* [§ 29]: fepd head: -n- U 21]^ nfujfi', n.Kj.i- to sing. acinaga^c' thus he sang 110.18 (a — tc' [§ 29]; r/ for ici thu§) afniiiga?7i/('' he sang 110.16 (a — ^ni^ri [§ 34]) anAgAmu/nthenhesangl0.19; 1 10.18 (a— te» [§29]; -m-[§§21,37]; -u- [§ 40]) pi/dtcin\gAmunitc^ he came singing 350.6 dl-lunnAgamunitc^ he went about singing 350. lo (d — nitc^ [§ 34]; -m- [§§ 27, 31]; -u- [§ 40]; Mwi- an extended form of H- [§ 16] movement in an indefinite direction; [Jones's transLation is free]) See also 110.13 imywd- to depart. w'inagwa^agrw'^ we (inch) shouhl depart 62.23 (for wl — yAgw' [§ 29]) anagwawafc' then they started on 138.14 (a — watc^ [§ 29]) nagwagrona now depart 170.6 unnagwhgwdn' (who) shouhl depart 194.9 (?/n — gwdn' [§ 32]) nagwawape'* he wouhl go away 312.22 (for ndgwdw"' ape" [§ 10]; -iv'^ [§ 28]; ndgivk- is presumably more original than ndgwa,-; cf. dpy&wdtc^ WHEN they came [from p^a-] and my note § 11) See also 44.16; 138.9, 11; 170.8 n«- to see. dnatAg' then he saw it, them 38.8; 202.11; 240.1; 266.5; 278.1 id—Ag' [§ 29]; -t- [§ 21]; derivetl from ndw-'i [see § 12]) ndsa- whole, well. mnasa?i^j7' I shall make them well, I shall heal them 356.5 {wl—Af{^ 29]; -/;-[§ 21]) wm^sSihdw^ she shall heal them 356.6 {-dw'^ [§ 28]; note the irregular use of vn- as a sign of the future with the independent mode transitive; note further that this is a future with a 3d person subject and 3d person object; see my note to § 28; -h- [§ 21]) nasaie'" would that he were ahve 12.14 {-te''' [§ 29]) See also 116.17; 158.13, 16 nciw-f nd'u to see. nawa^)* they are seen 72.15 {-dp^ [§ 41]) dnsiwdwdtc they saw him 198.2 (for d — dwdtc^ [§ 29]) § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 783 nawAgetcin^ we have not seen them 198.7 (a- omitted because of the negative; -Agetci, -n' [§ 29]) nsiwdgvnn did ye not see them 198.4 (for -dgwin^ by contraction [§ 10]; a- dropped; -dgwi for -dgwe; -n^ [§ 29]) dnn'ivgutc she was seen 162.22 (for d — tc'^ [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -gu-[l41]) nsiVfatiwdtclii/ whenever they see one another 276.16 (for nd'u; -IV- is a glide [§ 8]; -tl- [§ 38]; the form is a participial; a is left out before wdtcin^ [-dwdtcin'^] [§ 33] because -^I- really repre- sents the objects exactly as in dwdpimlgdtiwdtc^ 22.18 [for the analysis see under mlga-]) See also 38.11; 80.5,16; 182.15; 276.14; 288.14; 340.6 nAnd- ready. nAnhJiawigd^ get ready 22.20 Qiawi- to be; -go^ for -g^ [§ 6]; -$r^ [§ 31]) nxnoJiawiri^ get ready 44.1 (-?i" [§ 31]) 71 A to- f tlAtU' to ask, summon. dnAtomegutc^ she was summoned 146.15 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; -m- [§ 21]; -^-[§8]; -gu- [I 41]) tcdgdixAtotlwdtc^ all asked each other 60.13 (for tcdg^ all +d- [§ 10]; d—wdtc' [§ 29]; -tl- [§ 38]) nepydtciuAturrmiv'^ I have come to summon him 200.1 (ne — aw" [§ 28]; pydtci- an extended form of 2^ya- [§ 16] motion hith- erward; -m- [§ 21]) wdtciiiAtomermg'' why we (excl.) asked thee 336.11 (ivdtci- from utci- [§ 16] WHENCE [see § 11]; -m- [§ 21], -e- [§ 8]; -nag' [§ 29]) See also 40.5; 60.15; 240.7; 336.10, 13; 338.6, 7; 342.3, 6, 9; 366.19; 368.2, 13, 20, 22; 372.21 netnA-f nenia- perpendicularity. nemAswr?" stand up 48.17 (sii- [§ 40]; -n^ [§ 31]) nemAsow" he is standing up {-so- [§ 40]; -iv"- [§ 28]; the explana- tion in § 8 is %\Tong) nemA^o/i" hang (it) up 240.5; 242.12 {-t- [§ 8]; -o- [§ 19]; -n^ [§ 31]) nemasow"^ he stood 216.9 See also 48.18; 50.1,9; 52.5; 54.3; 112.21; 238.3; 278.2 nep- to che. nepetC may he die 68.14 (-e- [§ 8]; -tc' [§ 31]) ^-mep^ you shall die 68.17, 20 (ll- [§28]) nepe^<''' hadhedied 158.16 (inanimate; for -'A:e'^ [§ 29]; confusion of g and Jc [§ 3]) § 16 784 ^BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [buli-. 40 iiepW^ he dies :i32.1S, 20 (->r" [§ 2S]) ne\)eniwAn she had died 208.20 (for -JiiwAii'^ [§ 34] by coiitruction [§ 10]) See also 34.5; 114.16, 17, 20, 25, 26; 116.2, 3, 8; 158.15 tieiK'i', nepd- to sleep. l-c' tclwQ-^'Air" he is sound asleep 284.19 (ke'tci- intensity; -ir° [§ 28]) nepagwdn'^ he must have slept 306.11 (« for a, as in py&tc^ let HLM COME, etc.; -gwdn'' [§ 32]) anepa^c' he fell asleep 324.19 (a—tc' [§ 29]) Mnepapend let you and I go to sleep 324.18 (prolongation by stress [§ 6] ofl-i—pen^ [§ 28]) See also 10.19; 284.3,5,24 nes' to kill. nesegus" he would have been slain 168.13 (-e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41]; -s^ [§ 30]) Mnesdpen'^ let us (incl.) slay him 94.7 (kl — dpen"^ [§ 28]) iinhutcinesAgw^ why "we (incl.) should slay him 94.9 (wi — Agw' [§ 29]; -h- [§ 8]; utci- [§ 16] whence) nsLsdwdtn* they whom they had slain 196.15 (-dwdtci''[§33]; participial; hence the change of the stem-vowel [§ 11]) See also 8.2, 3, 7, 12, 17; 10.3; 14.1; 26.13, 16; 350.2, 17 neski- to loathe, feel contempt for. neskizMwu-" he felt contempt for them 168.19 (-??-[§ 21]; -athw'^ [§28]) dneskinuwdnitc^ she loathed liim on that account 66.17 (a — anitc^ [§ 34]) neneskinawdw° I loathe him on account of 68.14 (ne — dw° [§ 28]) aneski?^^^^^' because you loathe him 68.17, 20 (a — Atc^ [§ 29]) Hneski?r(au''^ you shall scold at him 284.4 (literally, you shall loathe him with your tongue; M — aw" [§ 28]; -m- [§ 21]) dneskimegutc^ he was scolded 60.8 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [§8];-firw-[§41]) See also 314.11; 330.23 filgi- to be bom. anigifc* he was bom 18.4 nlrnl- to dance. ndnlmihetlwdtc^ they had a great time dancing together 18.12 (7i«- [§ 25]; -h- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; a- dropped [§ 12]; -wdtc^ [§ 29]) Mmmlpeno^ let us (incl.) dance 132.29 (the form is pecuhar; -;)fnd" evidently comes from -penu [§ 6]; M — penu is closely §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 785 related to Jcl — pensi [§ 28]; perhaps the -a has been spht into a diphthong [§ 6]) Mlcetcimmipw'^ ye shall dance 280.17 (kl — pw°' [§ 28]; Jce'tci- intensity) See also 134.17; 220.15; 282.1, 3, 12 fits- to reach and take down. dnisenAg^ he reached up and took it down 320.22 (a — Ag^ [§ 29]; -e-[IS]; -n-[§21]) See also 160.17; 352.15 nofi; nun- to suck. wlnon^ it (animate) shall suck 106.12 {w%- [§ 28]) See also 104.9; 106.11, 14; 196.13 nota-f noda- to hear. anotawa^c* when he heard him 110.16 (a — dtc^ [§ 29]; -w- [§ 21]) nodeigdnitc^ when he heard 146.14 (-gd- [§ 20]; -nitc^ [§ 34]) fviica- to give birth to. anucanaic* she bore liim 38.5 (a — dtc^ [§ 29] -n- [§ 21]) See also 38.4; 74.9, 10, 12, 15; 152.14 nuwt-f nowt- out. nuwll-agr" don't go out 12.4 (-'Aragr« [§ 30]) nuwiw^ he went out 160.10 dnxiwine'lcawdtche droA^e them out 94.16 (for a — dtc^ [§ 29]; -nelca- [§19]; -^-[§21]) nowdnowiiy'* manv a time he went out 160.10 {nbwi- [§ 25]; -w° [§ 28]) nv^'SiWitagdwatcirmpe'^ they continually went out to fight 12.5 {nwdiDl- for nuwl [§ 12]; -wdtc^ [§ 29]; -n- [§ 8]; -dpe^ [§ 14]) See also 10.25; 12.7; 38.13; 162.9, 10 pcCU- to pluck. apa'kemic* then he plucked it 274.14 {d — did- [§ 29]; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) pAtiA- to miss. a^pj^Kpindte he failed to catch him 282.17 dtAcv^ki\K'pii\M& where he failed to catch him 282.21 panA^waw" he missed hitting him {-liw- [§ 21]; -div"- [§ 28]) ^KTiPdAliA'n} you nmst have let it fall astray 230.11 {-t- [§ 21]; -aIcav/ for -AgAin} [§ 30]; confusion of g and fc [§ 3]) See also 180.19; 382.7 §16 44877°— Bull. 40. pt 1—10 50 786 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 pAgA-, pAgi" to strike. vnpd^kgA.mdtc 170.22 she was on the point of chibbing him to death (for wl—atc' [§ 29]; -m- [§ 21]; pa- [§ 25]) ayaYiXgxinegutc^ she was chibbed to death 164.2 {-m- [§ 21]; -e- [§8]; -5'u-[§41]; a-^^^^' to go homeward, depart. m'penuyan* I am going home 232.23, 256.14 {wl — ydn^ [§ 29]) d'pydtcipcnutc^ then he came back home 18.1 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; pydtci- an extended form of pyd- [§16] motion hitiierward) m'peno I am going home 266.20 (m- [§ 28]) Tcipenopen"' let us go home 304.18 (M — pen"^ [§ 28]) See also 68.24"; 160.3; 168.11, 15; 220.9, 14; 224.9, 6, 15; 252.12 pesw' to smoke out. Hpeswa^^en" let us smoke them out 142.10 {Vi — dpen'^ [§ 28]) pjiswa^ci'*' they whom he was smoking out 142.16 {-dtci^ [§ 33]; participial; hence the change of the stem-vowel) pe'tawa- to kindle a fire. a'pe'tawaswwaic' they kindled a fire to warm themselves 138.10 i-su- [§ 40]) §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 787 dwdpipe'ta,watc then he set to work to kindle a fire 142.8 (for a — tc^ [§ 29]; wdpi^ [§ 16] to begin) dhane7ni]ie'ta,waitc^ lie kept on building the fire 142.13 (haneTni- same as JiAnemi- [§ 16]) pe'tawilA^'" kindle a fire 158.20 (-^•" for -j/" [§ 31]; confusion of g and I- [§ 3]) omiketcipetawsiwatc^ accordingly they built a large fire 158.21 (for dn'd- [§ 10]; d — wdtc^ [§ 29]; Icetci- intensity) See also 142.11; 146.4; 158.21 ptn- entrance into. pmaliwin'' put me into 96.13 {-a- [§ 8]; -Jiw- [§ 21]; -in" [§31]; pin- is allied to pl-(,t) [§ 16]) jiinaJiAmdn^ I put it in (d- dropped [§ 12]; d — Amdn^ [§ 29]; -a- [§81; -?.-[§ 21]) d'pmahwatc^ he put him into 326.17 (a — atc^ [§ 29]) po(/' to fall. a tca^bgisdnitc she fell far out there 102.17 (for -nitc^ [§ 34]; dHca- probably is to be divided into a-+ Hca-; 'tea- is tea- by reason of a-; tea- is allied with a'tetcd- distant; -isd- is from -isd- [§19] MOTION THROUGH THE AIR) pokii-f pok- to break. a papokusJcaJiivate he kept on breaking them with his foot 14.5 (for a— ate*' [§ 29 and § 10]; pa- [§ 25]; -si'- [§ 21]; -a- [§ 8]; -hw- [§ 21]) l-epo'kaliapw'^ vou break it open 176.9 (ke—apw"^ [§ 28]; -a- [§ 8]; -A- [§ 21]) wlpo'kaJiAg^ one shall break it open 7 76.8 (un — Ag'^ [§ 29] ; -a- [§ 8]; -A- [§21]) See also 14.8; and compare a pwawiJcasJcipapakunAg^ he WAS NOT ABLE TO BREAK IT 126.3 (d — Ag^ [§ 29]; pwdwi- not; ~kaski- same as I'Ashi- [§ 16] ability; pa- [§ 25]; -n- [§ 21]) post- entrance into. dpositdwdivdtc they loaded it into 212.22 (for a — dwdtc^ [§ 29]; -\td- [_§ 37]; -IV- [§ 8]) Meiteagi])6si towatc after they had loaded it into 212.23 (a- dropped [§ 12]; Mci- [§ 16] completion; tragi- [§ 16] totality: -imtc' [§ 29]) aposite* he got into it 214.2 (d—tc^ [§ 29]) See also 214.21; 224.12, 17 §16 788 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 40 pdtc(i)- entrance into (allied to posl- [see § 8]) apoicisnhutc^ then he leaped into 16-4.15 (a — tc^ [§-•>]; -isahu- same as -isaho [§ 19] to jump; -i of potci- lost [§ 10]) potcisa^ow" he leaped into 164.16 (-iO« [§ 28]) dpotcimlwwatc^ then they embarked into 214.15 {-isaho- same as -isaho- [§ 19]; a—watc' [§ 29]) SAiiA- difficult. sAViAgatw* it is difficult 280.8 {-gat- same as -(/At-) sAnxgAtw' it is difficult 2S0.12, 16; 332.17 {-gAt- [§ 20]; -iv' [§ 28]) sAnA^ra'A-m^it is not difficult 284.17 {-n', -'H [§ 29]; -ga- [cf. § 20]) See also 172.22 sage- fear. sagesiw" he was afraid 168.14 {-si- [§ 20]; -w« [§ 28]) dsa^esiydni I am scared 312.14 {d—ydn'^ [§ 29]) sagihiya fiATi' you might frighten her 312.16 (-/i-[§ 21]; -iyd'kAn^ [§ 30]) See also 336.8, 12; 344.7, 17; 346.1, 10 sigitci-, slgatci' to freeze. ctsigatci^c^ when he froze to death 138.14 HasIgAtcimic* after the other froze 138.15 (a- dropped [§ 12]; Mci- [§ 16] completion; d-nitc^ [§ 34]) sogl- to bind. asogisowd^c they were bound with cords 26.3 (d — wdtc^ [§ 29]; -so- [§ 40]) dsogihdtc he bound her 140.7 (ford— «^c' [§ 29 and § 10]; -h-[§ 21]) sogiso^dn* where I am bound 106.17 (d- dropped [§ 12]; -so- [§40]; -ydnHl29]) ds6g:itdtc' he tied a knot 334.16 {d—td [§ 29]; -'to- [§ 37]) See also 26.22; 108.6; 146.2; 338.21 tag-, tAg- to touch. dt^gendtc he touched her 46.2 (for d — dtc^ [§ 29] ; -e- [§ 8] ; -n- [§ 21]) dMcitvigAtAnidivdtc^ after they have touched it 184.18 (for d — ^^mo- wdtc* [§ 29]; Hci- [§ 16] completion; -a- same as -e- [§ 8?]; -<- [§ 21]) dmdwitaga'JcwdhAg* then he went to touch it with a wooden pole 196.10 {d—Ag' [§ 29]; Tndwi- [§ 16] to go to; -a]cw-[§ 18]; -d- for-a-[§8]; -A- [§21]) dtAgeslxAg then he stamped on it 158.2 (d — Ag^ [§ 29]; -e- [§ 8]; -<^A-- [§ 21]) See also 158.5; 194.13; 194.19; 330.13 §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 789 tAci' as many as, number (cf. tAswi-). medaswdixciwdtd the number was ten 164.4 (for meddsw^ ten [§ 50] +a- [§ 10]; d-^dtc' [§ 29]) dtAciwdtc as many as there were 166.3 Possibly in the following passages tAci- is to be explained in the same way, though this is not apparent from Dr. Jones's somewhat free translation: 90.12; 108.6; 110.4; 150.17; 152.20; 164.4; 166.3; 244.13; 336.9; 346.21. It is quite clear that tAci- is in some way connected with tAswi-, as is shown by dmedaiciwdtc^ they were ten 78.14, as compared with me- daswdtAcnvdtc^ the number was ten 164.4 (for meddsw'- a- [§ 10]). The word for ten is meddsw' [§ 50]. For the inter- change of s and c, see § 9 ; and for the loss of the second member of a consonant-cluster, § 12. tAgit'i' together. tAgwi 10.2 together with diAgwimecenetc^ they were taken captive together 26.3 (a — etc^ [§ 41]; mec- to capture; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) tAgwitepdnetdtdw'^ the land was owned in common 34.1 (-dne- ^ [I 18]; -wi [§ 28]) d'tAgwiuAtometc^ they were asked together 338.7 (a — etc^ [§ 41]; nAto- to ask; -m- [§ 21]) wltAguswAge' ^ that I should have put them together and cooked them 158.8 (wl- irregularly used with the subjunctive; see my note to § 29; -Age' [§ 29]; u for W [§ 12]; -sw-ior -su- [§ 20]) See also 178.8; 372.17 tAti-f tan- to engage in. kl'tAnetlpen'^ let us make a bet together 296.18 (literally, let us engage in AN ACTIVITY TOGETHER; hcuce, by inference, gamble; U—pen'' [§ 28]; -e- [§ 8]; -tl- [§ 38]) d'tAnetltc^ he was gambhng 314.6 (d—tc^ [§ 29]) ta.nwd'wdmd'w'^ he quarrels with him (literally, he engages in repeated noise with him; -m- [§21] -dW^ [§ 28]) t'Anwd'wd'tdw^ he bangs away on it {-to- [§§21, 37]; -w" [§ 28]) d'tAnwd'tAminitc'^ cries were sounded 192.3 (a — ■nitc'^ [§ 34]; wd- sound) atAnenetig' in the thick of the fight 168.1 (d- as ordinarily; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§21]; -tl- [§ 38]; -g^ locative suffix [§ 42]; the con- text alone suggests the idea of fighting) dhAnemitAnusdtc^ as he continued to engage in walking 48.20 (tt — tc^ [§ 29]; hAnemi- [§ 16] to continue to; -usd- [§ 19] to walk) See also 190.13, 23 §16 790 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll.40 tip- to place trust in. neix^dnem^ I put my trust in 190.15 {ne- [§ 28]; -dne- [§ IS]; -m-[§21]; -«[§40f) tAswi~ as many as, as mucli as, number. dt\s\\\'pydnitcin* as many as came 8.0 (why a- is used, is not clear; 'pyd- from pyd- [§ 16] motion iiitiierward; -nitcw' [§ 34]) IndtAswiliAtc^ and hast thou included as many as there are 298.16 (for m' a- [§ 10]; in' [§ 47]; -h- [§ 21]; d—Atc' [§ 29]) tAsw' the number 20.7 tas'wicdniyd^ is the amount of money 34.16 mitaswi that is the number 252.9 (ini [§ 47]) See also 8.14, 18; 10.5; 20.11; 32.13; 76.16; 246.21; 312.17, 21; 358.6; 374.3 tdpive- to speak the truth. A'etapw« you were telling the truth 24.15; 322.9 (ke- [§ 28]) mtapwaydn' I desire to speak the truth 324.13 {un — yd'n} [§ 20]) See also 322.16 tclp- to nudge softly. dwdpitclTpendtc^ then he began to nudge her softly with the finger 320.7 (d—atc' [§ 20]; wdjn- [§ 16] to begin; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) dtcitcipetcdniitc'^ he gave her a nudge in the side 44.1 (a — dtc* [§ 29]; -tci- [§ 25]; -e- [§ 8]; -ted- [§ 18]; -n- [§ 21]) tclg{i)- edge. tclgdsliup on the edge of the prairie 126.7 tclgilce'tcigumiw^ by the shore of the sea 350.5 (ke'tci- inten- sity; -gum- = -I' Am- [§ 18]) tcigike'tcikAmlw^ on the shore of the sea 100.14 (ke'tci- inten- sity; -kAm- [§ 18]; -l- same as -i- [§ 20]; -w^ for -w» [§ 28]; literal translation, it was the edge of the great expanse) See also 68.11; 110.7; 124.2 tctt- dowTi. dtcitApisahutc^ there he sprang and crouched 188.15 (a — te^ [§ 29]; -isahu- same as -isaho- [§ 19]; Apisahu- for Api + isaJiu- [§ 10]; Api- TO SIT [there he SPRANG AND SAT DOWN is literal]) a' tcit Apiwdte^ there they sat down 190.14 (a — wdtc^ [§ 29]) See also 332.13; 3.52.15 te- to say. netegop^ I am called 12.19 (jie — gop^ [§ 41]) Tieiegvf' I was told 108.7 ine—giv'^ [§ 41]) keien' I told thee 100.18 (ke—n' [§ 28]) netendW I said to him 216.5 (Tie— a w« [§ 28]; -n- [§ 21]) § 16 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 791 netegog' they call me 322.12 {ne—gog' [§ 28]) IcetenepW I declared to you 346.2, 10; 358.23 (ke—nepW' [§ 28]) Icei&kuwaw"- he has told you 370.12 (ke — guwdw'^ [§ 28]; confusion of g and A; [§ 3]) I'eieneydw" I told thee before 110.5 (for Iceten" iyow^; iyow^ aforetime) tepci'^ to be fond of, to love. ' Mepanew* I am fond of thee 314.4 Qce—n^ [§ 28]; -n- [§ 21]; -e- [§8]) atepaTi^ic*' thou art fond of them 276.19 {a— Ate' [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21]) tepanaw;^ she was fond of them 170.1 {-n- [§ 21]; -aw" [§ 28]) taparjviF she whom you love 150.1 {-n- [§ 21]; -At"- [§ 33]; change of the stem-vowel, as the form is a participial) See also 148.2, 5; 190.18; 174.3 tepotvd' to hold council. A'Tcitepowawa^c* after they had ended their council 338.5 (Mci- [§ 16] completion; a- dropped [§ 12]; a — watc' [§ 29]; it is likely -wd- is identical with wd sound in § 20) atepowangfc* he was debated in council 338.4 (a — etc^ [§41]; -ri- [§ 21]; -a- for -a- as in dcicMc^ then he went off on a hunt; d'pyMc^ WHEN he came; etc.) See also 336.8, 9 tes- to trap. Iclteso'tawdpena let us set a trap for it 78.3 (H — dpena [§ 28]) tesotci^ trap (-otc- [§ 23]) tok{'i)- state of being awake. to'kI$r« wake up 46.15 (-$f« [§31]) ato'klyan* when I wake up 284.1 to'ki^ca he might wake up 284.18 (for ^o'H^ce probably; -tee [§ 31]) ato'kl^c* then he woke up 126.1 dmdwito'kendtc then he went and woke him up 104.15 (a — dtc* [§ 29]; mdwi [§ 16] to go; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) See also 40.18; 44.6, 7; 104.18 uwiw{i)- to marry. xnvlwiyAneli" if it had been you who married 216.16 {-yATieh", really -y^ne'^ [§ 29]) d}m\\\\\\te' then he married 216.20 {d—ite' [§ 29]; -Ti- [§ 8]) Tclhxwvm-emen" I shah marrv you 148.19 (Jkl — n' [§ 28]; -h- [§ 8]; -e- [§8]; -m-[§21]; -e- [§ 8]) uwiw'* wife See also 42.4; 44.13; 82.2; 148.8; 200.13, 18; 216.13, 16, 20 § 16 792 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bi'i..,. 40 {u)wlgi-, {u)wl(je' to ilwell. ^.\hr[w'' he lives 220.22 {-w" [§ 28]) dwigin'itc^ where he dwelt 160.15 (a — m7c* [§ 34]) d'Mwi'u'wlgewdtc^ they went in an indefinite direction and lived there 66.15 (a — wdtc^ [§ 29]; l-iiri motion in an indefinite direction; cf. ki- [§ 16]) wawlgi^*^ he who dwells 38.9 (from uungi-; the change of the stem-vowel is due to the fact that the form is a participial [§§12,33]; -/«[§33]) wawlgim^cin* lie who dwelt there 80.9, 20; 82.2, 10, 22; 84.10, 21, etc. (for the change of the stem-vow^el see §§ 12, 33; -nitcin^ [§ 34]) wsiwlgitcig^ they who dwell here 194.7 {-tcig^ [§ 33]) a^uwlgini^c* where they were living 194.5, 18 (a — nitc^ [§ 34]; -Jiu- is not an accretion, it is to be divided into -li- + u- [see my note on this point, § 8]) See also 10.5; 38.7; 160.14; 320.3; etc. wAni- to lose. dwAnihdtc' he lost him 182.12 {d—dtc' [§ 29]; -li- [§ 21]) wAtcd- to cook. awAtca^ic* then she cooked a meal 240.12 (d — dtc^ [§ 29]; -7i- [§ 21]) wiwAicsihAgw'' we (inch) shall cook for him 256.8 (wl — ^$fw^[§ 29]; -h- [§ 21]) wiwutca.hawAWdn'' shall we cook for him 260.15 (indirect ques- tion; wi—WAgwan^ [§ 32] ; confusion of " and * unless wl- is used unusually with the subjunctive; -h- [§ 21]; -a- [§ 8]) See also 152.20, 21; 228.7; 232.3; 234.22; 244.7; 248.21; 262.8; 264.3; 266.1 wdpA- to look at. MwkpAtdpen'' let us look into it 24.8 (let — dpen'' [§ 28]; -t- [§ 21]) dwkpAmdtc^ he looked at her 46.7 (d — dtc^ [§ 29]; -m- [§ 21]) wapAmin« look at me 322.3 {-7n- [§ 21]; -in" [§ 31]) See also 104.13, 19; 146.7, 9; 250.8; 316.20; 338.7 wlcd- to implore. dwicamegutc he w^as implored 182.5 (for d—tc' [§ 29, also § 10]; -m-[§21]; -e-[§8]; -gu- [§ 41]) wtnAni- to flay and cut up. whiAni/i* cut it up 58.2, 3; 162.13 (-h- [§ 21]; -» [§ 31]) §16 boas] handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 793 dwiuAnUidtc^ then she flayed and cut him up 162.14 (a — Citc^ [§ 29]; -h- [§ 21]) MciwmAniJiatc^ after she had flayed and cut it up 162.14 (d- dropped [§ 12]; Mci- [§16] completion) ivtne- filthy. wmesiW' she is filthy 292.15 (si- [§ 20]; -w« [§ 28]) See also 320.3 wiseni- to eat. wvNlseniWAg^ they shall eat 8.11 {-vyAg^ [§ 28]; wl- used because the form is intransitive [§ 28]) Hwisen' thou wilt eat 26.7 (H- [§ 28]) awiseniic*' then he ate 240.13 {d—td [§ 29]) See also 14.18; 196.16, 20 yd- to go. djawdte'' that they went 72.2 (a- unexpected with the sub- junctive, but see my note to § 29; -wdte^ [§ 29]) dysimiga¥ it went 224.17 {d~'¥[l 29]; -miga- [§§ 33, 20; cf. § 28]) dysiwdtc they went 166.5 (for d — wdtc^ [§ 29]) See also 72.3; 176.20; 200.21; 262.2^ SECONDARY STEMS (§§ 17-20) § 17. Types of Secondary Steins These stems are not as numerous as initial stems, but still their number is quite considerable. They never occur alone, but are found usually between an initial member and a formative, or else, but much less often, in conjunction with only a formative. In a combination like td'wicVnw^ he fell and hurt himself, tdwi- is initial, and denotes pain; while -ci7i is secondary, and expresses the notion of coining to a state of rest. In the word tcl'mdn^ canoe is a less frequent example of a secondary stem occupying first place. The stem tci or tcirm comes from a secondary element indicating movement in water, and the rest of the word is a suffix denoting abstraction, both together referring to the object used for going through water. Just as a regular system of arrangement determines the position of initial stems before secondary stems, so the same sort of order places the representatives of one group of secondary stems before those of another group. This peculiar method of arrangement rests largely • From p. 772 to here, addition by T Michelson. §17 7yd- belongs rather to the secondary nominal stems (§ 23); -skwd- apparently cognate with -'lewd- {§ 18). But why can not -skwd- correspond to -UAg-, and -jyyd- to -tun-'^ At any rate, this does not affect the statement made at the end of § 19. — T. M.] A fuller and more correct rendering of the combination would be something like he iS in a state of aimless movement in the REGION about THE NECK AND HEAD. § 18. Secondary Stems of the First Order 'd'kw- relates in a general way to matter at rest and in the form of linear dimension, together with an uncertain implication as to its state of hardness. The term is of frequent use, an example of which comes out in the notion of wood, tree, forest. pe'Jcwsi''kwdun^w'^ it is a place of clumps of trees plgwii''k\vdwVw'^ a grove stands dense in the distance pdgsi"kwici''nw'^ he bumped against a tree, post, bar (j^dg- same &apAg[l 14]; -cin- [§ 20]) . §18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 795 pe'cigwakwAHw'^ the log, tree, stick, is straight pAgsi'^iwitundcinw'^ he bumps himself on the mouth (analysis § 14) -7iAf/- expresses the idea of an opening, as of a hole. paf'TcaiiA'geta'w^ the hole gapes open iua' gdxiA' getu'riw'^ he has a large mouth {-tun- mouth [p. 796]) Tcu' gwdwA' ^ucsi'w'^ he has holes pierced in his ears {-cd- ear [p. 796]) •'tAg- is another characteristic term of uncertain definition. It refers to the idea of color without having reference to light, shade, hue, or any quality attributive of color. It is simply the idea in the abstract. JcetA'gesVw'^ its color is spotted (animate) wdhatA'gawd^w'^ its color is white (animate) meclcwatA'gawd^'W"' its color is red (animate, mechva red) ~dne- relates to mental operation. TceTc2Ji\e7nd''w'^ he knows, understands him 'muswsi'nemd''w°' he suspects him (rnwsw- suspect; -m- [§37]; -dw'^ [§28]) menw'Si'neind^w"' he feels well disposed toward him nd'gAtAwa'nemd^w"' he keeps him constantly in mind pAna'ne7nd^w"^ he makes fun of him dmsinecitdJidtc for she felt shame within her heart 38.12 (com- pare 210.15) dmusw'iinemdwdtc^ they began to suspect something wrong with them 150.14 {musw- suspect; -m- [§ 37]; d — dwdtc^ [§ 29]) 'ltd- refers to subjective feeling, and so finds place for manifold application. icVtsihd^w"^ thus he feels (i. e., thinks; for ici thus + i^ci; -hd- [§ 20]; w« [§ 28]) mydci' t'okd^w^ she is tearful, sad to weeping Tnd'necVi'Alid'^w'^ he is ashamed {-dne- above) wpV i'2iha'w'^ he is joyful lciwdtc\'iQlid''w°' he is lonely (klwdtc- lonely; see also § 20) d'i'citAhdtc^ he thus thought in his heart 202.10 -ndgu- stands for the idea of look, appearance, resemblance. pe^'Jcmsi'gusi^w'^ he looks like a foreigner {-si- [§ 20]) d'Jcwd'winagusi^w"^ he has an angry look {cilcwd anger) Tcecd'tcm^'gwsi'w'^ he has a gentle appearance Mwd'tcimi' gxisi'^w"' he seems sad, lonely §18 796 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ihli. 40 ~/,-.tiH' expresses the idea of indefinite space as applied to such terms as SWEEP, RANGE, LATITUDE, EXPANSE. I'e'tci'kAmViv^ it is the sea; it is the great expanse ta'kAmisd^w'^ it flies over an expanse {-isd- [§ 19]) ta''kAmVw'^ he crosses an open space A'ft''kAmrV" he makes a short cut across 'h'a~ imprint, track, a j)lfci'ksiwdnitc^ they trailed (a bear into bushes) 70.12 (for pitci see under pit- [§ 16] and the analysis in text at end) In the list of examples that follow immediately are stems relating to parts of the body. Their inherent sense is concerned with space, each form having to do with situation in a given relation. -Cfi' carries the vague notion of something thin, as of a sheet, film, blade. It is an association with this spacial sense that makes it a term applied to the ear. mAmd'gecsi^w^ he has big ears ]ci'sl-ec'si''w'^ he has no ears (literally, he is cut-ear) ]cAgd'nock''w'^ he has long ears nd'TcdklcTclckeckcwdtcdpe^ and he would cut oif their ears 8.12 (reduplicated stem allied to Msk: for -dtci [§ 29] dpe'^ [§ 14]) -kiiiii- or -(/*f»i- conveys the intrinsic meaning of linear protrusion, projection out from a base. The use of the term for nose is a natural application. wd{/i'kumd^w" he has a crooked nose 2)dgiku'n'idci''7iw" he bumped his nose (pngi- see under j^Ag- [^ 14]; -cin- [§20]) tAtogi'kumd^w^ his nose spreads at the nostrils {-gi locatiA'e suffix) Mnign'mdyd^w^ it is sharp at the point (klni- [§ 16]; -w'^ [§ 28]) naTcdklcl'igwnxdcwdtcdpe '' and he would cut off their noses 8.13 (for nalc'^ and a-) -tun- is used for the external space about the moutli. ml' seivC'XiW'^ he has a mustache {nns- hair [jj 24]) lcej>A' gein^nw"^ he has thick lips 'pd''hei\x'nw'^ he opens his mouth -wind- gives the notion of linear dimension, round of form, and of limited circumference. It is a term for horn. tcaJcml'wl'n'SL^w'^ he is short-horned pd'Jcwiwi'nsicVnw'^ he fell and broke his horn {-cin- to fall [jj 20]) pakwi'wiuA^w^ he is shedding Jiis horns § 18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 797 -kird- is a spacial element expressive of the place back of the neck, of the hair on the head, and even of the head itself. The term has also a feminine meaning, taken, it seems, from the notion of hair. The four different expressions — neck, hair, HEAD, and womankind — are thus shown in the order named. ndpe''k.w'si]iwd^w'^ he lassoes him by the neck: compare 282.18 (hiv[l2l]; -«w«[§28]) Jce'kite''kwsind^w'^ he hugs her around the neck (-n- [§ 21]; +-(iw"' [§28]) _ ' pena'Jia'k.w'si^w'^ she combs her hair me'se'kwh^w'^ she has long hair td'we'kw'Si^'W°' he has a headache (tdwi- [§ 16]) mAtAgu''kw'ai7id^w"^ he covers his (o%\ti) head 2>ydte' 'kw Awd'^w'^ he brings home a wife ipyd- [§ 16]; -t- [§ 8]; -dvf- [§ 28]) _ mi'']ceme''k\v'Awd^w'^ he is wooing (ml'Jc- [§ 16]) nico'kw'Awd^w'^ he has two wives (mco- [§ 12]) -ted- signifies a material body with volume more or less plump and distended. It is used with reference to the abdominal region. upi' skwdic2i''w'^ he is big round the waist pdge'tcsici^nw'^ he ran, and fell on the flat of his belly (the literal translation would seem to be he fell and struck his belly ; see pAg(i)- [§ 14] and pdgi- cited under -kum- [p. 796]; -cin- [§ 20]) ]ce''Jcite'tca,nd^wa he grabs hun round the body (see ke'lcite'- 'Icwdndw^ above) ml'setc'si^w^ he is afflicted ^^•ith dropsy § 19. Secondary Steins of the Second Order It is not always easy to determine the place of some secondary stems, whether they belong to the first or to the second order. In passing along the list, one should note that, in some respects, there is a general similarity in the groups of ideas expressed by secondary stems of the second class and by initial stems. There are, however, differences in the apparent similarities, the differences being chiefly of manner and degree. It is doubtful which of these two groups is the more numerous one. d in its naked form is so vague of sense that it is almost undefinable. Its nature comes out well in the role of an assisting element, and as such often helps to convey the idea of motion. In § 19 798 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bii.i,. 40 one instaiuo its help brings about tlio definite notion of flight from danger. l-l'wixnKTw" he flees hither and thither (for Icnr- see under H- [§ 16]; -m- [§§ 8, 21, 37]; -o- animate middle voice [§ 40]; -v/" 3d person animate singular, intransitive aorist, independent mode [§ 2S]) jje'inamO^w^ he hurries past in flight (pent- [§ 16]) 'pyd't^mo^w'^ he comes fleeing hitherward {pyd- [§ 16]; -t- [^ S]; '-o-[M0]) vnwdpumoi/An' you had better begin to flee 98.5 {ivdp- [§ 16]; wi — yAJi^ 2d person singular intransitive future, conjunctive [§ 29]; -m- [§§ 8, 21, 37]; -o- animate middle voice [§ 40]) pem&moyAne in your flight 98.5 (pern- [§ 16]; -7n-o- as in last example; -yAue 2d person singular intransitive present, sub- junctive [§ 29]) dpit&mutc^ and in she fled 98.15 (a- temporal prefix; pit- into [§ 16]; -m- as in last two examples; -u- animate passive [§ 40]; -tc^ 3d person singular animate intransitive aorist, conjunctive [§29]) Mcipltamutc^ after she had fled inside 98. 16 (Mci- completion [§ 16]) miwdpiimute'e it was her purpose to flee for her life 218.14 {wdp- [§ 16]; the form is explained in § 29) -egfi- is for the movement of one in the dance. upyd'negdi'w'^ he moves slowly in the dance nigd' neg&'w°' he leads in the dance d'hd'wegai^w'^ he dances the swan-dance cd'wAno'wegSi^w"^ he dances the Sha^\^lee dance dydpwdwiwdpegSiydgw^ but before you begin dancing 280.21 (wdp- [§ 16]; -ydgw^ 2d person plural intransitive, conjunctive [§ 29]) -isd- conveys primarily the notion of velocity, speed, and is asso- ciated with locomotion through the air. 'hAni'wh&'w'^ he runs swiftly mydcissi'w^ it lacks a keen edge {-c- [§ 21.5]) neniA' sw\s,2i''w'^ he alighted feet first hugwd'tcis'A^c" he tries to fly pl'tcis'A^w^ it blew inside (pit- inside [§ 16]) tCApo'gisa^w^ he fell into the water (for Apo cf. dpo [§ 24]) wdtcilcesii/dguis'awd whence the cold comes, there he is speeding to 70.14 (analysis note 21, p. 869) pemisa.itf' it went flying past 80.6, 17 (pern- past [§ 16]; -w" 3d person singular animate aorist, intransitive, independent mode [§ 28]) §19 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 799 dnuwis^tc* so out he went on the run 254.15 (a — tc^ [§ 29]) indnuwisRtc then she flew out 146.9 (see §11) dJiAnisimitc^ it flew away 282.17, 19 (-nitc^ [§ 34]) lndpemAnisa.nitc thereupon they went flying up 76.14 -isaJiO- is swift locomotion through the air and of a kind that is limited as to space and duration. The idea of the motion is defined by such terms as jump, leap, bound. pitcVsaho^w^ he leaps into an enclosure {pitc- see under jnt- [§ 16]; pydtci'saho''w'^ he comes a-jumj^ing (pydtc- see under j^yd- [§ 16]) kwdslcwi'saho^w'^ he dismounts nuwi'saho^w"- he goes out on the jump (nuw- out; dnuwltd he then went out 38.13; dnuwiwdt& and they went out 50.2) f/fcT^^isahu^c' she leaped with startled surprise 68.18 -o- implies conveyance, portage, transportation. It has acquired the specific meaning of carrying a burden on the back. Jcl'yomd^w'^ she carries it (her child) about on her back (ki- [§ 16]; -y- a glide [§ 8] ; -o- [§ 19] ; -ni- instrumental, animate [§ 21] ; -dvf' 3d person singular animate subject and object, aorist, inde- pendent mode [§ 28]) pe'motA^mw"' he passes by with a burden on his back (pern- to pass by [§ 16]; -t- instrumental inanimate [§21]; -Ajnvf' 3d person singular animate subject, 3d person inanimate object, aorist, independent mode [§ 28]) liepydtbnepw"' I have brought you 90.1 {pyd- motion hither [§ 16]; -t- [§8]; -0- [§ 19]; lie — nepw"' 1st person singular subject, 2d - person plural object, aorist, independent mode [§28]) 'Ota- is for locomotion along a surface, and attended with effort and retardation. It is tantamount to the notion expressed by the words TO CRAWL. Ane'mot&^w'^ he crawls moving yon way ta^'lcAmota^w'^ he crawls athwart A'gdsi'6tsi'''W'^ he crawls upward (as up a tree) (compare onu'A'- gds%t& and then he climbed up 274.24; dliAnemva-goslpahd- miga¥ climbed hurriedly up the hill 96.19; wlliAgoslydn^ I shall have to do the climbing 90.19) Tce'tdsi'bi'ii'w'^ he crawls upward (as up a hill) pl'toth'^w^ he crawls inside {pit- [§ 16]) dMgwdyuta,wdtc^ they creep forth 352.5 (-utd- same as -otd-) d'pemagvMywisinitc^ they started to crawl out 352.11 (pein [§ 16]; -nitc^ [§34]) §19 800 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcli.. 40 n^aMpitbtdtc then again he crawled into 290.4 (jiak- again; d- toniporal prefix; pit- into [§ 16]; -tc for -td 3cl person singuhir animate aorist, conjunctive mode [§ 29]) 'Usd- has to do with locomotion by land, with particular reference to that of the foot and leg, and of such nature as to imply lack of speed. The combination of ideas involved is synony- mous with the word walk. cdskd''kusVw'' he walks straight, erect (cdslc- [§ 16]) wa'pussL^W^ he starts off on a walk (wdp- to begin [§ 16]) ndhiisH'w" he learns how to walk (compare nahitcimdv)^ he KNOWS HOW TO SWIM Under -tcim- [p. 801]) tete' pusH^w"^ he walks round in a circle (tetep- in a circle [§16]) pi/d'hisa^w"^ he comes a-walking (j^yd- motion hither [§ 16]; -t- intervocalic [§ 8]) d'pemiwdpusMd then he startetl to walk 194.19 (a- temporal pre- fix; pemi- wdp- [§ 16]) H?/usa7i" walk thou about 300.2 (M- about [§ 16]; -y- a glide [§ 8]; -n" 2d person singular imperative [§ 31]) m'Ariyusaw" it [animate] shall walk about 300.1 (wi- future) pagususan^ walk thou on ahead 340.4 d'1clwdpusa,ydg^ after we proceeded on the way 342.13 (a- tem- poral prefix; Iclci- wdp- [§ 16]; see § 12 for loss of ci; for the ending see § 29) -hoijo- is locomotion by water, antl differs from -tcim- in having more of the sense of conveyance. pydta'ho^o'w'^ he comes a-swimming {pyd- motion hither [§ 16]) i'lwa'hogo^w" he swims about (kl- motion round about [§ 16]) a' nema'h.ogo'w'^ he swims thitherward sd' gitepd'hogo'w'^ he swims with the head above water {sdgi- exposed [§ 16]; tepd head) a petnitepiJclckaliugunitc^ they passed by swimming 184.2 (pemi- to pass [§ 16]; -hugu- sanne as-Jiogo-; -nitc' [§ 34]) -jfifJto- is of the nature of -usd-, differing from it only in the degree of locomotion. It denotes speed and swiftness, and is best translated by the term to run. pe'mipaho^w"^ he runs past (pemi- to pass [§ 16]) tia' gipaho^w" he stops running (uAgi- to stop [§ 16]) M'wip&\\6^w° he runs around (kl- motion round about [§ 16]) ua' gAskip&ho^w" he runs with back bent forward pd'cipaho^w"^ he leaves a gentle touch as he flies past on the run § 19 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 801 dwdpahowdtc* then they set to work to paddle 214.3 (for dwdpi- 2Mhdwdtc'[§ 12]; d-; wdpi- [§ 16]; -wdtc' [I 29]) a'pemipahu^cHhen he went running along 110.7 (pemi- [§ 16]) aj^yapsihutc^ then he came on the run 254,19 (pyd- [§ 16]) dliAnemi'a'gdsv^ohomiga^Td then (tlie head) climbed hurriedly up the tree 96.19 (JiAnemi- [§ 16]; -a'gosl see p. 799 under -otd-) dtetejnpsihutc^ and round in a circle he ran 312.6 (tetep- [§ 16]) dtetepi'pa.honitc^ then (his friend) was running around in a circle i-nitc^ [§ 34]) p7/a'pahow^5' they came a-running 276.14 (pijd- [§ 16]; -WAg for ■ -WAg' [§ 28]) -pugo- is another term for locomotion by water. It expresses passive conveyance, the sense of which comes out well in the word FLOAT. pe'mitetepipVig6td''w' it floats past a- whirling (pemi- tetep)- [§ 16]; -w' 3d person inanimate singular, aorist, independent mode [§28]) nu'wipugo^w'^ he came out a-floating (nuwi- out, see under -isd- [p. 798] and -isaho- [p. 799]) nA'nosJcwipii'gotd^w' it floats about at random ^^'sHpugo'w'^ he is able to float (JcAski- ability [§ 16]) -fie'ha- to drive, to pursue. pdminekawdtcig'^ those who pursue, 70 title (this form is parti- cipial [§ 33], hence the vowel chahges to pdmi- from pemi-; -dtcig' pronominal form 3d person plural animate subject, 3d person animate object) -tcini- is locomotion through water. It is equivalent in meaning to the word swim. Mim'tcimd^w'^ he swims round about (see under M- [p. 766]) pemi'tcimd^w^ he swims past nahi'tcimd^w^ he knows how to swim (compare nahusdvf' he LEARNS HOW TO WALK Under -usd- [p. 800]) no'tdwi'iQiiwa'w'^ he gives out before swimming to the end of his goal ondwdpacdwitcinidtd then he started to swim out to the shore 276.7 (wdp- [§ 16]) -gapa- is for perpendicularity, and its use is observed in situations of rest with upright support. The term is rendered by the words TO STAND. 7^e'n^(/^t;^'gapaV'^ he stands trembling Tie'm^swi'gapa^w'^ he rose to his feet § 19 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1— lU 51 802 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 rj^f/i'gapa'w** he came to a standstill (nAgi [§ 10]) pdAfi'gapaV'" he ceased standing; {pbni- [§ !(>]) tcdgdnAgi^^iipiiwdtc' all came to a standing halt (tcdgi nAgi-[§ 16]) indnAgikaY>AWdtc^ and then they came to a standing halt 50.17 (-kdjyd- for -gdpd- [see § 3]) [To prove that any given stem is one of the second class of the second order, from the definition laid down in § 17, one must find it after a stem of the first class of the second order. Now, it will be noticed that not one of the stems given in this section as belonging to the second class of the second order in point of fact is found after a secondary stem of the first class; or, at any rate, no example of one has thus far been pointed out. Accordingly, it follows that at present there is no reason why the so-called second class of the second order should not be relegated to oblivion and the entire body merged with the stems of the first class of the second order. The proposed division of stems of the first class of the second order into two subdivisions strikes me as sound in principle; but too few secondary stems have been thus far pointed out to make this division feasible at present. The following remarks were written subsequent to the preceding comments. As it is admitted in § 14 as well as in § 17 that two secondary stems of the first class can occur in combination, there is no reason why to'kAmisaw" (under -I'Am- § 18) should not also fall into this class {-I'Am- + -isd-) . It should be noted especiallythat to- is initial: see § 17 and my note in § 14. — T.M.] § 20. Secondary Co-ordinative Steins There is yet another class of stems that occupy a place just pre- ceding the terminal suffixed pronouns. They serve a double office, — one as co-ordinatives between preceding stems of a purely verbal nature, and following pronominal elements; the other as verbals signifying intransitive notions of existence, being, state, condition. Some express the notion feebly, others do it with more certaintj^ Many stand in an intimate relation with the subjective terminal pronouns, in a relation of concord, and one so close that they take on different forms; some to agree with the animate, others with the inanimate. Their nature and type are shown in the examples. 1. -ciit- animate; -sen- inanimate. -cin- is an animate term A^th much variety of use. Its essential meaning is change from: motion to rest. The length of § 20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 803 the pause can be long enough to indicate the idea of keclin- ING, LYING DOWN. sd'gicVnw'^ he lies exposed (sdgi- [§ 16]) dta'wdfihw)^ he lies on his back Mcu'wici^nw"' he lies warm dcegicinitc^ when he lay 116.9 dhApelcwdJiicinowdtc^ so they lay with a pillow under their heads 322.20 dcegicmoivatc as they lay there together 324.8 dcegicinig where he lay 326.1 The cessation may be only momentary, like the instant respite of the foot on the ground during the act of walking. The term is translated into step, walk, in the following examples: pe'miwd'wdcVnw'^ it is the sound of his footstep as he passes by (pemi- [§ 16]) pydtwd'wdci'^nw'^ it is the sound of his walk coming home {pyd [§ 16];-^[§8]) Anemwd'wdcVnw'^ it is the sound of his step going away Again, the rest may be sudden, and indefinite as to duration. The meaning in this light comes out in words expressive of descent, as fall, drop. pA'gicVnw'^ (the bird) lights (see pAg- [§ 14]) a pydtcipAgicmitc^ then the bird came and alighted 98.3 {pydtci- see pijd- [§ 16]; -nitc^ [§ 34]) pl'tdc^nw'^ he dropped inside (pit- [§ 16]) co'sJcwicrnw'^ he slips and falls (coslc- [§ 16]) -sen- is inanimate, and corresponds to -ciii-. It is of wide use, too. It can be applied in the examples illustrating some of the uses of -cin-. To indicate rest in place -sen- is used in the following examples: sd'gise^nw^ it lies exposed (sdgi- [§16]) dta'wdse^nw^ it lies wrong side up Mcu'wise^nw^ it lies in a state of warmth It likewise expresses the notion of instant change coming from rapid contact between two bodies. As in the illustrations for -cin-, so in the following, the idea for sound is represented by the reduplicated form of wd. The idea of contact and the idea of interval between one contact and another are expressed by -sen-. §20 804 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [iull. 40 l)e'miwd'wase\\w' it -passes hy a-jingling (pgmi- [§ 16]; -w* [§ 28]) l)ydtwa'ivdse\\w^ it comes a-ringing (l)>/dt- see jH/d- [§ 16]) Anemwd'wdsQ^Yvw^ it goes yon way a-tinlvling Some of its uses to express descent are — 2)A'gise^nw^ it struck, hit, fell, alighted (pAg- [§ 14]) 2n'tdse^nw^ it dropped inside (jnt- [§ 16]; -d- [§ 19]) co'slcwise^nw' it slid and fell {cosJc- [§ 16]) [Apparently -sen- can be used also with an animate subject: a pAgisenetc^ 160.1.— T. M.] 2. -si- animate; -a- inanimate. -si- implies in a general way the attribute of being animate. It can almost always be rendered in English by an adjective used with the verb to be : mo'wesi^w'^ he is untidy (-w° [§ 28]) Jcd'tvesVio"' he is rough, uneven, on the skin cd'wesVw"^ he is hungry (i. e., feeble, faint by reason of being famished) hepA'ges\'w°' he is thick of skin -a- is the inanimate correspondent of si: mb^whw^ it is soiled, stained {vf [§ 28]) Icd'wsLW^ it is rough, unpolished, prickly cd'cawE^'w^ it is pliant, yielding Tce'pAgy^i'w^ it is thick 3. -su- heat, animate; -td- heat, inanimate. -su- signifies that the animate subject is in a state of heat, fire, warmth : wl' CASVi^w'^ he is sweating a'^kasvCw'^ he is burned to a crisp pA'sesvi^w"' he is burned Tcl'cesxCw'^ he is cooked done (k^ici- [§ 16]) d'd''lxas\\t& he was burned alive 160.1 Mcitcdgesutc* after he was all burned up 160.2 (kid-, tcdgi- [§ 16]) -td- is the inanimate equivalent of su: m'cata'w* (weather) is warm a"^'ata^w* it burned to ashes pA'setVw^ it is hot, heated (pAS- [§ 16]) A'i'c^taW it is done cooking {Mci- [§ 16]) (-(i-). — The d of td in the last illustration has been met before in combinations like tisd to walk, isd flight, otd to crawl, §20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 805 egd TO DANCE, and some others. In the form of lid, 'kd, and sometimes gd, it helps to express activity, occupation, exercise, industry. It admits of a wide range of use with the three forms, but everywhere is distinguished the idea of doing, PERFORMING. nenu'suk.a,''w'^ he is on a buffalo-hunt Icepi'liikk^w"' he is making a fence (i. e., an enclosure) . [Jeep- is an initial stem denoting enclosure. — T. M.] Jcdge'niga.^w'^ she is washing clothes (i. e., doing work with water [Mg- § 16]) There is no precise notion expressed by the vowel a in such aug- mented forms as -hd- and -wd-. It is an empty sign so far as standing for an idea goes ; yet the vowel, like some others in its class, plays an important function. It helps to define the preceding stems and to connect them with the terminal pro- nouns. A copula might be an apt term for it, for such is its office. The following show some of its uses: M'wdtci'tdhk^w'^ he is melancholy {-itd- [§ 18]) d'Jcwi'tdhsi^w'^ he is sullen ki'ydwh^w'^ he is jealous d'']cwa.'w'^ he is angry The inanimate retains d in -dmigAt-. As in the animate, so in the inanimate, the rendering is usually with some form of the verb TO BE. The inanimate admits of a further meaning, implying something of the notion of vague extension, like prevalent tone, pervading temper, dominant state of things. Such is the essential idea that comes from the substitution of -dinigAt- for the animate in the forms that have just been given: ne'nusu'k'iirmgA\'w^ the buffalo-hunt is the all-absorbing topic Ice' piliik'^' m.igx'iw^ everything is given over to the building of enclosures hd'genigofvcagA'i'w^ the place is astir with the washing of clothes Icl'wdtcitdli'dJniigA'iw^ the place is sad, dolefully sad d''l<:wita]idi!m\gA^i'w^ the air is all in a spleen lilydw'aJrmgA'tw^ the place is mad with jealousy a'^'wa'migA^tiy* it is aflame with anger It is well to mention at this point an inanimate use of -gAt-, a com- ponent element of -dmigAt-. The form is sometimes -gwAt-, -TcwAt-, or -kwAt-. In function it is not unlike the inanimate §20 806 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum.. 40 -a-, shown a little way hack as an e(iiiivalent of the animate -si-. Furthormore, it has a very common use of expressing ideas of vague existence in space of such things as odor, fra- grance, atmospheric states of the weather. peci'gwakwA^w^ (tree, log, stick) is straight mi'cdgA^w' it is fuzzy m^'/jagwA'tw' it smells, stinks ml'cdtci'ydgwA\w^ it is fragrant me' ca k\y a' tw^ it is a clear day or starry night (literally, it is a state of immensity) negwd'nakw A^tw^ it is cloudy (more literally, a process of cover- ing is going on above) pdsd'riak\vA\w^ clouds hang heavy, look angry (literally, a con- dition of enlargement, expansion, is taking place overhead) (-/-). — The vowel i, in the forms -wi- and -hi-, is another element with the office of a link auxiliary. It is a common characteristic of i, in one or the other form, to increase or to retain the quantity of the vowel in the preceding syllable. It frequently lends emphasis to the meaning of a whole combination. Mwdte'slhVw'^ he is so lonely (for Mwdte beside Mwdtci, cf. pydte beside fydtd [pyd- § 16]; -sl- = -si-, above) SAnAge/slhVw'^ he is positively unyielding, incorrigible The inanimate of the same is — Mwd'tcdhVw^ the place is so lonely {-a- inanimate of -si-) SAnAgA'fohVw^ it is certainly tough, formidable Some instances show that the use of i is not always in agreement with th(> principle of strict pronominal concord; in other words, that it is not a peculiarity of one or the other gender, me'' tosdne' i^^hVv)'^ he is mortal, exists as a mortal wdwdne' slcdhVw'^ he is bad, lives an evil life me''tosdne'iu\vCw^ it is in nature mortal wdwdne' slvdhi'v)^ it has the stamp of evil on it A common use of i conveys the idea of entrance into a state, or of becoming a part of a condition. m^'n^^owi^-M;" he takes on the essence of supernatural power, is supernatural power itself (personified) uf/i'yridwVw" he becomes chief mA'netd^vVw^ it is charged with, is possessed of, supernatural power; it becomes the supernatural power itself ugi'mdwVw^ it partakes of the nature of sovereignty § 20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 807 § 21. INSTRUMENTAL PARTICLES A set of elements denoting different notions of instrumentality incorporate after initial stems and after secondary stems of the first class. They introduce a causal relation, and render verbs transitive. Their nature and type come out in the illustrations. 1. -h' is for instrumentality in general. I'A'sJcah.A^nw'^ he accomplishes an act with the aid of means 2)A'nahA^mw'^ he failed to hit it with what he used hA'pi'nah.A^mw'^ he unloosed it by means of something -7i- often gets so far away from its instrumental significance as to be absorbed by a general causal idea. Mwd'mohd^w'^ he puts them to wild flight {M- [§ 16]; -a- [§ 19]; -aw" [§ 28]) mane' cih.d^w'^ he disgraces him nl' cwihd^w'^ he owns two (animate objects) The instrumental form is frequently -hw- instead of -h-. in'tahwd'^w" he buries him (int- [§16]; -dw"' [§ 28]) pa' guhv.'d^w'^ he makes him run potcl' gwd\\.v,'d''w°- he pierced him in the eye with something 2. -ti- refers to the instrumentality of the hand. no'tdnA^niw" he falls short of reaching it with his hand {Amiif- [§28]) pA'nenA^mw'^ he failed to hold it with the hand Atd''penA^mw" he takes hold of it with the hand The use of -77- is so common that its symbolism gets pretty far from its original meaning. In some instances -ri- refers just as much to mechanical means in general as it does to hand. nd'ndw" he goes to fetch him d'wAnd'^w'^ he carries him away me'cend^w"^ he catches him And in other instances the notion of hand becomes obscure. mdne'wdnd^w" he loves her as a lover tA'pdnd^w'^ he is fond of her as a lover, friend, or relative l'A'ndnd''w'^ he talks to her (kA7i- [§ 24]) 3. sk- expresses the doing of an act with the foot or leg. Ia' geskA^mw"^ he kicks it fd'geskA^tnw"^ he touches it with the foot pAta''l-etcd'skawd^w" he spurs him in the side (literally, he pierces him in the side with the foot) §21 808 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 4. -p-f -ptt-f or -pir- denotes an act done with the mouth. s^'f/i'pwa'w" he bites him (i. e., he takes hold of him with the mouth [sAgi- § 16]; -aw« [§28]) SAgi''pntd^w'^ he bit it (-to- [§ 37]) Icl' cHlcu'md' pwd^w" lie bites off his nose (Jclcli- cut; -lum- nose [§18]; -au;«[§28]) pd'tetu'na^wd^w'^ he kisses her (-tun- [§ 18]; -aw" [§ 28]) 5. -c-f 'CiV'f or 'SW- signifies an act done with something sharp. pe'^teco'v)'^ he cuts himself accidentally (with a knife) JclsJcdno^wacwd^w^ he cut off the (animal's) tail Tel' skecA^mw°' he cut it off IclsJce'cdswd^w"^ he cut off (another's) ear (-cd- ear [§ 18]) The association of the two ideas of something sharp, and some- thing thin andfilm-hke, affords an explanation of why c refers not only to the ear, but also to the notion of the ear as an instrument; usually, however, in an intransitive sense. pe'sec'A^w" he listens (compare -cd- [§ 18]) nand'tuca.^w°^ he asks questions (i. e., he seeks with the ear) 6. -rn-f -t-. Farther back were shown a number of attributive ele- ments indicating activities with reference to one or the other gender. The elements were preceded by certain consonants, which had much to do with indicating the gender of what followed. There is an analogous process in causal relations. Certain consonants precede pronominal elements in much the same way as the instrumental particles that have just been shown. These consonants serve as intervocalics, and at the same time point out the gender of what follows. A very common consonant is m, which precedes incorporated ani- mate pronominal elements in the objective case. It sometimes means doing something with the voice, the act being done with reference to an animate object. pd'nimd^w^ he stops talking to him (poni- [§ 16]) tanwd'wdind^w°^ he quarrels with him (literally, he engages in repeated noise with him ; for wdwd- compare examples under -cin-, -sen- [§20]) JcA'sJcimd^w" he gains her by persuasion (TcAsTci- [§ 16]) Corresponding with m on the inanimate side is ^ or '^, but the use appears there in a different sense. §21 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 809 pd'niid^w"' he stops doing it {poni- [§ 16]) tanwd'wato^w'^ he bangs away on it (-o- [§ 37]) IcA'sTcitd^w"' he gets it, he buys it (JcAski- [§ 16]) It is not always certain if the symbol stands for a genuine instru- mental. Its causal force is so indefinite at times as to repre- sent no other function than to make an animate verb transitive. wd'})Aiixa'w°- he looks at him (wdhA same as wdjJA to look at; -aw" [I 28]) pA'gAm.d^w'^ he hits him (pAg- [§14]; see also examples under -cin- -sen- [§ 20]) mi'^Jcemd^w'^ he is occupied with (an animate object). It is the idiom for he wooes her, he attends him (in sickness) (mile- [§16]) The parallel of the same thing with t and the inanimate would be — wd'liAtA^7nw°^ he looks at it {-Amw^ [§ 28]) pA'gAtA^mw°' he hits it ml'^JcetA^mw'^ he is busy with it 7. -s-f -'t'. Another frequent consonant, indicating that the follow- ing vowel represents an animate object, is s. In the inani- mate, 't replaces s. Jcu'sdw'^ he fears him A'sdw°' he owns something animate Tcu'\A'mw°' he fears it artoW he has it (-o- [§ 37]; -w" [§ 28]) 8. -n-f -f-. It was shown that n referred to activity with the hand. The reference was clear when the object was animate: as — pyd'ndw" he fetches him (literally, he comes, bringing him with the hand [pyd- § 16]) nd'ndw^' he goes to fetch him with the hand The instrumental notion of the hand is sometimes lost when the object of the activity is inanimate. In that case t replaces n. pyd' tow"' he fetches it (-o- [§ 37]) nd'idw°' he goes to fetch it Substantival Composition (§§ 22-24) § 22. CHARACTER OF SUBSTANTIVES A pure substantive in the strict sense of the word is wanting in the Algonquian languages, but what is here termed a substantive is only part of that. The composition of a so-called substantive-group §22 810 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 is not ut Jill unliko that of a verb. Tiiitial aiul secondary stems com- bine in the same land of way; link-stems also fall in line; and the element to indicate the notion of a specifier is a sort of designating suflix that is susceptible of a comprehensive application. The siiflix, in turn, ends with one or the other of the pronominal signs to show which gender the word is — a for the animate, and i for the inanimate. ()ft(Mi there is no designative suffix at all, but merely a pronominal termination to mark the end of the word, and leaving the idea of a substantive to be inferred from the context. In the illustrations of noun-composition, only the absolute form of the nominative is given, and under the component parts of secondary stems and suflixes. § 23. SECONDARY STEMS 'Ci'Jt'ir- has been met with before in another connection, meaning MASS, usually in linear dimension, and referring to wood, tree. It conveys much the same meaning in the noun. me'ciwsL^'kw'^ dead fallen tree (meci- large [ initial]) mA'gaL'kwa^'Jc^ tree of large girth (niAg- large [initial]) md'cl'wa'kwV^ red stem (the name of a medicinal plant) {niliclw- blood or red [for meclcw-]) pe'mitii'kwV^ collar-bone {peini- spacial noticm of side, by, lat- eral [§16]) 'Ota- is probably akin to the same form met with in the verb, and denoting to crawl. It has no such specific meaning in the noun, but refers in a general way to hunuui interests, espe- cially in an objective relation. 7A/^'f/o'tawfV;* dress (of a woman) {me(}- cover [initial]) me'soViCw^ rain, wind, rumor, news, the whole world {u\es- totality [initial]; -w' {% 28]) w'/otiiVi" or uib'i'kmA^n^ his eldest brother, his guardian, his master, his clan tutelary, his giver of supernatural power (u — mAm} [§ 45]) 6'tawe^n* town probably belongs to this class •na^lx- refers to the spacial notion of top, crest, apex. /a'waf^'na'kZ^' brittle-top (the name of a medicinal plant) (I'dw- roughness, asperity) nidcJiWA'na'kJ^^ red-top (the name of a plant used for medicine) (mdckw- red) § 23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 811 -otr- or -of- conve3^s the idea of latency, and refers to something used for a purpose. The -o- is the same as that met with before,- denoting the notion of passive conveyance. te'sotcV^ trap (tes- to entrap [ initial stem]) ^c^'motcf^* bait (ACAm- to give to eat) nd'nesJcwdputcV^ dart (ndne- to poise; ndnesJcwd to poise by the neck; ndnesJcwdp to poise by a notch in the neck [done by a knot at the end of a string used in throwing the dart] ; for -otc- : -of-, cf. pUc{i) : pit [§ 16]) -pyd-f a term incapable of specific definition, denotes something of the vagueness implied in words like essence, quality, con- dition. Jcl'wdpjSL^^ crawling vine (Alw- indefinite movement or space [literally, a something with the attribute of movement almost anywhere about]) Mcd'Y>YMd\f hot water (kic- [initial] and td- [cf. -td- warmth [§20]). The objective idea of water is transferred to the acquired condition; and tlie term signifying the new state stands for water, although it does not mean water — a common process peculiar to the psychology of the language -gi- or -f/e- expresses the idea of similarity, resemblance. With the connective d, as -dgi- or -age-, it is used to represent the idea for some kinds of cloth. j mA'netdw'iige'n^ like the mysterious (the name of an expensive broadcloth used for leggings and breech-clout) me' dcwsige' nw^ like the red (the name of a red woolen broadcloth with white edge) co'skwkgt^ like tlie smooth (a fine woolen broadcloth used for garments by women on ceremonial occasions) {cask [§ 16]) -pa'k- refers to the external structure of a dwelling. permit dY)Si^'kw^ side (of a lodge) (for pemi-ci. under -d'l-w- above) tcd'psb'kwd^n^ wall (of a lodge) (ted- [ initial] refers to interlocation) a'Arwi'topa^'kw* roof (of a lodge) (a^'Jcw^ on top, surface) § 24. NOMINAL SUFFIXES The examples from this point on to the end contain formatives that make a combination take on more of the character of a sub- stantive. The stems that precede the formatives stand in a kind of attributive relation. § 24 gl2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 -fish'- is a generic term for plants and herbs, and is common in the names for medicines. tAne'tiWii^skw^ gambhng-medicine {tAneM mutual activi'i-y, ])y inference gambling; -ti- [§ 38]) wJm^eiTie'rjJiya^skw* perfume (r/nc large; mim^ state of largeness ; mlcdtcineni man in a feeling of largeness) wa'hAskw^ wliite medicine {wab- white; also to look at) -f7y>- appears in combinations denoting cord, string. ine'^tegwa^pi bow-string (uie/'tegw^ wood, stick) Atu'sitsL^'pi moccasin-string (-usi- is related to the stem -usd- to walk) A'sApSi^pi string, thread, cord ~niin- is a collective term for fruit, grain, berry. mg'ami'n" apple (literally, large fruit ; mec- initial stem) A'ddirn^n"^ corn wd'himi'n^ white corn .4(/a'imi'n' strawberry (literally, heart-berry) kd'wimi'n'^ gooseberry (literally, prickly, rough, or thorny berry ; cf . Jcdwesiw"' he is rough [§ 20]) -jw- or -apo- refers to fluid, liquid. ne'^b'p^ soup (ne'p* water) tyia' ciski'wQ:^b^w^ tea (literally, herb-drink or herb-fluid) wlcku' imY>b^w^ wine (literally, sweet fluid) maskntd'wA]}6w^ whisky, rum, alcohol (literally, fire-fluid; -ta- il 20]) wimeclwapof/Ateniw^ there shall be a red fluid 184.19 {meckw- red [initial stem] ; -gAt- [§ 20]; wl- sign of intransitive future [§ 28]; -w' [§ 28]; -ni- [§ 34]; -e- to prevent the cluster -tn- [§ 8]) "mutd- is a general term for receptacle as the notion is expressed in POCKET, POUCH, BAG. mid'muta^* paunch {mlc- littleness, shortness, as in fuzz, and so fuzzy pouch) m^s^'i'mutji^* bag, sack (mAslci- as in ttia' skiski'w^ grass, reed, and so reed bag, grass bag) fca'H'muta^* bag made from linn-wood bark (kd'lc- to dry, season, and so a bag of seasoned material) plcd'cjAnirmitsi^^ parfleche {fl'cdgA^n^ rawhide, and so rawhide pouch) 'f/in- is a comprehensive term expressive of instrumentality. ke2)An u'Jiig A'n^ lid (for a bucket, basket) (kep- to enclose; -au- opening, and so an object for closing an opening) §24 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 813 Ice' iJAtci'higA'n^ lid, cork for small opening, as in a bottle Tcepi'higA'n^ fence (kep- to enclose) Tid'wiim^tcigA'n^ file (kdwi- rough, serrated; -pu- or -put- [see §21; ci.pltci- beside plti-'\ bite, and so an indented tool for taking hold) Apwd'tcigA'n^ scaffold for roasting and drying meat on (Apwd- to roast, and so a thing for roasting) -gA^i- is a common element for many nouns denoting parts of the body. ml'setu'ndgAW mustache, beard iinls- hair, fuzz; -tun- mouth [§ 18], lips, and so the hair or thread-like arrangement about the mouth) uwi' pigA^n^ marrow {-wlp- form, length, and roundness vaguely implied) u'^lcwdgA'-DJ' neck {-hwd- the space back of the neck [§ 18]) -7ia- refers in a general way to place, and is used to denote an inhabited region or community. Cd'wAnd'msi''w^ Shawnee village (Cd'wAno^w'^ a Shawnee) TF^caVina'w^ Osage town (Acdca an Osage) O'tcipwd'hinsi^'W'' Ojibwa country {O'tcipwd^w'^ an Ojibwa) With the locative ending -g^, as -ndg^, the meaning becomes more that of COUNTRY, LAND. ^ca'Aina^g^ in the country of the Sioux {A'cd^- a Sioux) M'gdpd'hijia.^g' in the Kickapoo country (Kl'gdpd^w'^ a Kickapoo) -gdn- is another collective term for place. It refers especially to enclosures. Add'wdga^n^ store (Addwd- to sell, and so selling-place) Ase'nigh^n^ stone house {a'scu^ stone) pa'^lkwAigVii'' flag-reed lodge {pa''Ti'wa^ flag-reed or flag-reed mat) -tn-f -witi-f 'WeiU'f -an-, -wan-f -on-. There is one sufRx that imparts an abstract meaning to a combination ; it is analogous in meaning to a'wa^i^^ri*, a demonstrative pronoun with an indefinite sense of vague reference, allusion, and having a close parallel to the colloquial "What d'ye call it?" The suffix appears in slightly varying forms, as -In-, -win-, -wen-, -an-, -wdn-, -on-. A'pApfn^ chair, seat {Ap- to sit, and so something to sit on) IcA'nawfn^ word, talk, report (JiAn- to talk, and so something about talk) §24 814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ml'tciwe^'n* food (ml- or mit- to cat, and so something to eat) pA'fjixn' liickory-niit (pAfj- to hit, alight [§> 14], and so something to drop and hit) ^^i'^^nwa^n" quiver (pi- or pit- to put into [§ 16]; -An- receptacle, and so an object to contain something inside) wd'bAnio^n^ mirror (wdbA- to k)ok at [same as wdpA-]; -m- [§ 21], and so something to look at) These few examples are perhaps enough to give an idea of noun- structure. As in the verb, so in the noun, there is much the same general character of vague implication in the component parts when they stand alone. They offer no definite meaning hy themselves: it is only as they enter into combination that tho}- convey specific sense to the mind. The moment they fall into composition, they acquire the force of precise statement, which they hold within defi- nite limits. The method of procedure is to advance progressively from one general notion to another, each qualifying the other, with the result of a constant trend toward greater specialization. § 25. Reduplication Reduplication is common, and occurs in the initial stem. Many initial stems have more than one syllable; and, when reduplication takes place, it may be with the first syllable only, or it may include the syllable immediately following. This phase of the process can be observed from the examples that are to be showTi. In the exam- ples the reduplicated syllable will appear in Roman type. The vowel of the reduplication is often unlike the vowel of the syllable redupli- cated. Reduplication expresses — 1. Intensity of action. Jcdgl'gdnd^w"^ he held the clan ceremon}^ with great solemnity td'iAgeskawd^w°- he stamped him under foot (cf. § 21.3) 2. Customary action. md'imcdtesi''w^ he always went wdl dressed (si- [§20]) ■M^a'wi cdpena'w'^ he is always hungrv (-ca- allied io-cawe-; see -si- [§20]) 3. Continuity of action. pe'pcslutcdsl-d'w" it (animate) keeps shedding hair of the body mayo'mayo^WJ" he kept on weeping §25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 815 4. Repetition. nA'nAf/Vw" he is constantly stopping on the way {riAgi- [§16] : -w" [§ 28]) paha'^Si^a.noska'w^ it opens and closes alternately 5. Plurality, distribution. Tclskl 'skeca'w°' he cut off both ears (-m- [§ 18]) sa'ssLgigdcVnw°- he lay with both feet exposed (sdgi- [§16J; -dri- ll 20]) manemsLnemeg^ many a thing 112.11 sasagiseg^ they stick out 284.14 nd'nesd^tc^ he killed many (animate objects) (nes- initial stem to kill; -dtc^ [§ 29]) nd'jmwisdwd^tc^ they came flying out one after the other (nuwi- out; -isd- [§ 19]: d lengthened before wdtc^ [§29]; a- lacking) md'metdswitAciwA^g^ there were ten of them all together {metdswi- ioYmeddsw' [§ 50]; tAci- [§ 16]; -WAg' [§28]) 6. Duration. pd^o'mwA^g^ they made long stops on the journey {pbni- [§ 16]; -WAgi [§ 28]) wd'pa\vaj)Ama''tc^ he looked at him a long time 116.6, cf. 278.2 (-W- [§ 21]: -ate' [§ 29]; d- lacking) dJiApiJiApitc^ he sat there a long while 116.6 (a — tc^ [§ 29]; -h- glide [§8]; Api- initial stem to sit; -h- ghde [§ 8]) 7. Quantity, size. md'TQlcine'Tca^w"- he has a great deal of hair on the hand {inlc- [§ 24 under -min-'\) paipA'gdhe^nw^ it is thin (-w* [§ 28]) 8. Onomatopoeia. Msksi'sl-ahA^mw'^ he files it, he scrapes it (-h- [§ 21]; -Amvf- [§ 28]) The Verb (§§ 26-41) § 26, I*roiioufif Voice, and Mode It has been stated before (§ 14) that animate and inanimate gender are strictly distinguished, that there is a singular and a plural, and that the exclusive and the inclusiA^e first person plural are distin- guished. The former is associated with the forms of the first person singular; the latter, with those of the second person. Since both subject and object are expressed by incorporated pronominal forms, the intransitive verb and the transitive verb must be treated sepa- rately. Active, middle, and passive voice occur. The pronouns § 26 816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 take entirely different forms in different groups of modes. Three groups of modes may be distinguished, — the indicative, the subjunc- tive, and the potential, — to which nuiybc added a fragmentary series of imperatives. § 27, Tense The expression of tense by grammatical form is slightly developed. There is nothing in the simple form of the verb to mark the distinc- tion between present and past time. It may express an act as in duration, as passing into a condition, or as momentary; but the time of the action, whether present or past, is to be inferred only from the context. This tense is referred to as aorist. It has its peculiar marks, which will be pointed out in the section on modes and pronominal forms. There may be said to be but one distinct grammatical tense, the future, which is indicated by the vowel i or the syllable wl. A fuller treatment of this tense will also be given further on. The extreme lack of grammatical form to express tense must not be taken as an indication that the language is unable to make dis- tinctions in the time of an action. On the contrary, stems of the initial class [§ 16] express great variety of temporal relations. Some of these relations are the notions of completion, with an implication of — Past time. kl'cipyd^w^ he has come (literally, he finishes the movement hither) Frequency. n&hi' ndwd^w"^ he frequently sees him, he used to see him, he kept seeing him Continuity. Aiiemitd''2>fnA^7nw°^ he is constantly taking it up with his hand Incipiency. wk'pipyd^w"^ he began coming, he begins to come Cessation. po'nipf/a^iy" he no longer comes Furthermore, temporal adverbs are used to express tense. Present : n^'^'py"' inug^ I come now, I came to-day §27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 817 Future : m"pij^wahAg^ I shall come to-morrow Past: ne'py'^A'n&g6\v^ I came yesterday I^touominal Forms (§§ 2 Ov o. o • ta 'D o> 3 S, ^ S, 8 s 8 e e e e =g. S S '5. S S •2" > s s <^ 5Ji s, 'S, IS 'Si iS* g 2* 'S-. X •^ •^ •H ^ ^1 Gi ^ O) S R, s S, ■». S, "^ -^ "^ 'C 'C '3 =9. =o =e 5. S o> o. o> ■~ 'C 'C 'CS '3 'C S g. 'C s 'i Gi ^ Csi O) ^ Ca ^ r -*: ^ ^ ^ ^ -a 30 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 825 Apparently these forms are distantly related to the other dependent modes. This appears clearly in the forms for the third person ani- mate, exclusive, inclusive, and second person plural. The character of most of the potential forms is -'I:-. Examples are — Tiasa'kAp^ you (sing.) would have come back to life 116.17 (poten- tial) mdndhiydkA'p^ you (sing.) would havo much of it (potential) JclydwAmikAn'^ you (sing.) might be jealous of me 216.15 (kiydWA jealous; -m- [§ 21]; potential) iTieuAga'a I should have said to thee 314.3 (potential) ugimdwis^ he would have become chief 26.16 (potential subjunc- tive) nesegus°' he would have been killed 168.13 (nes- initial stem to kill; -e-[§8]; -gu- [^ 4^1]; potential subjunctive) m'iciyagagu'* you (pi.) might give to him (potential subjunctive) 32.11 IcdV^ aiydpAmi 'aryoJivpyd'kAn^ thou shalt not return to this place again 146.20 (prohibitive; -p?/a- from pyd- [§ 16]); aiyo'^ here; aiydpAmi back) Tcdta huse'Jcy a ksik}" be ye not afraid 190.21 (prohibitive; -'kak" for -'kag"; confusion of -g- and Jc [§ 3]; -se- [§§8, 21]) Icdta nuwiksig'^ do not go out 12.4 (prohibitive; nuvn initial stem out) Icdta, neslmdhetigd, sdingivd'ksiku don't, oh my little brothers, peep 282.4, 6, 8, 10 (prohibitive; -Tcu for -gu) Icdta win"- sdpigwd'kitci let no one of you peep 280.25 (prohibi- tive) Icdta UAtawdpikAii^ thou shalt not try to peep at me 118.10 (pro- hibitive; -wdp- for wdpA LOOK at) Icdta, niTcd'ne, AsdmiM'kAiY don't, my friend, be too cruel with me 330.17 (prohibitive) Tcdt°' a^cmi'kag® ye shall not tell onus (excl.) 152.10 (prohibitive) Icdta wlna nAtAwdpikiic uwiya'^ none of you shall try to look at me 280.19 (prohibitive; wdp for wdpA) §30 826 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY § 31. IMPERATIVE [bull. 40 we excl. thou ye he they Intransitive -tawe -nu' -gw -tee -wdtce -inu -inage -•ku -inage -Uce -iyAmetce -iwdtce -iyAmetce usexcl us iiicl -nAgutce -nAgutce -aldwe -i -•ku -netce -nowatce wl-cUei -netei -nowatce wt-atBdtci him. tlieiii, animate . . . -dtce Swatce it, llu'iu. inanimate .... -atdwe -Anu -Amu'ku m-Agi -A tee wi-Amowaici -Amowdtce It will be noted that in the third person these forms are similar to those of the subjunctive, except that -tee is found when the subjunctive substitutes -te. yyd'iiw\^ let us come (from 'pyd- [§ 16]) 'pya'wn or pydnii' come thou 304.17 teteimsdn'' walk thou in a circle 376.12 {tetep- [§ IG]; -usd- [§ 19]) nuwlnu out of doors with you 292.15 (nuw'i- out) Myusdn'' walk thou about 300.2 (H- [§ 10]; -y [§8]; -usd- [§ 19]) Tiawin'' stay thou 42.21 A^pin" sit down 28.3 {A'pi- initial stem to sit; li- really belongs to aiyb) pyd'gn or pydgu' come ye hawik." remain ye 48.23 (confusion of 1c and g) ndgwdku begone 58.13 mdwinAnego'^ go ye in pursuit 358.24 (mdwi- [§ IG]; -n- [§ 21]; -e- [§8]; -go^ioT-guUQ]) pyatc^ let him come pydwhtc^ let them come y wdpAmin^ look thou at me 322.3 {wdpA- to look at; -m- [§21]) ponimi speak thou no more to him 56.3 {poni- [§ 16]; -m- [§ 21]) mdwinAtumi ask him to come 366.19, 368.2 (mdwi- [§ 16]) wdpAme'k^ look ye at him 242.19 (wdpA-; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]) [In dpinahvnnsige open it and set us (excl.) free 290.22 -ndge is a palpable error for -nage, for the subject is thou. — T. M.] § 32. THE INTERROGATIVE MODE There is an interrogative mode that plays the role of an indirect question. It has some points in common with the conjunctive mode; it is a subordinate mode; it makes use of the syllabic aug- ments a and wi to express indefinite and future tenses ; it has a com- §§31,32 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 827 plete set of pronominal forms from which, in turn, are derived others that are used to express further degrees of subordination. The forms are as follows: Interrogative Conjunctive, Aorist and Future 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. an. 3d per. inan. Singular ^~ \wdndni wl-i a- _ \WAnam wi-j Exclu. Inch 2d per. 3d per. an. Plural d- ^^_]wdgdni «- 1 ^-JWAgwani wi-r"^ waqwani wi- d- l_ \gwdhigi 3d per. inan. ^ . \gwdMni These forms appear in various connections. An example of a future is — wlwdpipemutiwAgwsin^ when we shall begin shooting at each other 20.12 (indirect question; wdpi- [§ 16]; pemu- m. dwdpi- pemutiwdtd' then they began shooting at each other 20.14; cf. nipemwdvf' I am going to shoot at him 248.14; -tl- recip- rocal [§ 38]) Three of those used for tlie aorist will be shown. One is an in- direct question after an imperative stateinent. MuAndtucdpw"' d' ' cisenogwa'n^ you should inc{uire how the affair stood Another is in an indirect question after a declarative, negative statement. dgwinotdgdydnin^ dcisowAndn^ I did not learn what their name was A third use is in the salutation of a first meeting after a long absence. d'pydWAndnK' and so thou hast come! Without d, this interrogative appears in dgwi meckwdlidvf- ndwdgwin^ did you not see a red swan 80.5, 16; 82.6 {nd- to see [§ 16]; -wdgwi [§ 32]; -n^ [§ 29]) [No transitive forms are given in the above table for the interroga- tive subjunctive. Note, however, wesagwani (somebody) must have killed him 66.7 §32 828 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 This is a form of this chiss; -a corresponds to a of -a^y" in this inde- pendent mode; -gwdn/ as in the table; but d~ is lacking. — T. M.] The subjunctive of the indirect question omits the temporal prefix, and has throughout final -e instead of -i {-wdndne, -f/wdhine, etc.). [nasagwan® somebody slew him 26.15 (the change of the stem vowel e tod as in the participial ndsdt" he that slew him 26.13) should be noted.— T. M.] § 33. PARTICIPIALS I we excl. we incl. thou Intransitive .... -yani -ydge -yAgwe -yAni ine us excl .... usiucl thee ye him them, an. . . . It them, inan . . . -ndni -riAgdwe -Aga -Agigi -Amdni -Amanini -ndge -ndge -Ageta -Agetcigi -Amdge -Amdgini -Agtva -Agwigi -AniAgwe -ATUAgwini -iyAvi . -iydge -Ata -Alcigi -AMAni -A MA nini ye he they, an. it they, inan. Intransitive .... -ydgwe -ta -tdgi -miga'ki -miga'kini me us excl us incl thee ye him . . them, an. . . . it them, inan. . . -iyagwe -ita -iydge -iyAmeta -uAgwa -ka -nagwa -dgwa -ata -dgwigi -dta -Aindgwe ] -Aga -Amdgwini ; -Agini -itcigi -iyAmetcigi -nAgwigi -'kigi -UAgwigi -dtcigi -dtcigi -Agigi -Agigi -gu'iydni -giriyage -gwiyAgwe -gwiyATii -gwiydgwe -gwitci -gwiwdtci -A momiga'ki -Amomiga'ki -gwiydnini -gwiyagini -gwiyAgwini -gwiyAnini -guiyagwini -gwiwdtcini -gwiwdtcini -A momiga'kini -Amomiga'kini It may be well to point out here some of the differences between the participle and the conjunctive verb. In the first place, the par- ticiple laclcs the temporal augment d to denote indefinite tense. In the second place, the vowel of the first syllable of the initial stem undergoes change; this, however, is not always maintained if the vowel be i, o, or u. Finally, as observed from the table, the singular of the third person animate intransitive ends in -ta, the plural of the same person and gender ends in -tcigi, and the ending of the plural of the third person inanimate is -migakini instead of -migaJci. Some § 33 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 829 of these differences can be seen from a comparison of a few participles with their related conjunctives: dlwnemilia'tc^ when he went yon way A.ne'miha'i^ he who went yon way aJnemiha' tcig^ they who went yon way a'nemiAamiga'ki^n' they (the stones) that went yon way d'pe'me'lcdHc'^ when he passed by p'si'me'kd^t^ he who passed by d'TiutclHc^ when he came from thence w'k'tcli^ he who came from thence wa'^ci^miga'ki^n' they (the things) that came from thence d'Tcl'witdHc^ when he staid around them Hwi'^atci^g' they who staid about them A:iwi'Mmiga'ki^ni they (the things) that remamed about phmine'Jca'watcig'^ they that chase 70 title (stem-vowel e) mk'Jcaddwlt^ he who was fasting 186 title (stem-vowel a) manwdnetsig^ he who preferred it 136.5 (stem-vowel e) [ending -a^« for-^^«— T.,M.] wapinigwdV^ the white-eyed one 150.1 (stem-vowel a) tapdn At^ the one whom you love 150.1 (stem-vowel e) wknimdt^ the one whom he had forsaken 150.7 (stem-vowel i) nasat* he that slew him 26.13, 17 (stem-vowel e) tcsLgdndtowdtcig' they of every language 22.14 (tcdg for tcdgi [§16]) _ •' , miliematcig they who had been making love to her 46.5 (ml'Jc- [§16]; -^-[§8]; -m- [§ 21]) The transitive pronominal forms differ most widely where the third person is involved in the subject. The transitive participle of the third person sometimes has the force of a possessive construction combined with that of an objective. Its sense is then more of the nature of a noun. Its pronominal endings ai;e slightly different, as can be seen from the table. they him I -dtcini -awatcini them it . . them -dtci' -Agi -Agini -dwdtci i -Amowatci -Amowatcini These forms occur in situations like these : tclnawd' msitci^n' his relative; viz., one to whom he is related (-m- [§ 21]) §33 830 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ^ [bull. 40 tclna'watA'g^ his object of relation; viz., a thing to which he is bound by a tie (-t- [§ 21]) tclnawdm&'wMci^n' their relative tcinawa tA'niow&^t& their object of relation wdp^wa'watc"^'' the animate objects of his view; viz., the ani- mate objects at which he is looking (wdpA- to see; -m- [§ 21]) i^dpA'^Agi^n' the inanimate objects of his view (-t- [§ 21]) wffama'watci^'' their companions; viz., ones vnih. whom they were in compan}' (wi- [§ 16]) wi^a'^Amowatci^n' their accompaniments m^awatcin' he who accompanied him 70,14 (full analysis, note 23, p. 869; translation in Fox Texts not accurate) pyanatcin' she whom he had brought pdgAmemetcm' he who was being hit 26.25 (from pAg- [§ 14]) § 34. THIRD PERSON ANIMATE The third person animate, singular and plural, has two forms. The first of these forms is -tci for the singular, -wdici for the plural; the second is -nitd for both singular and plural. The latter form is used in two cases. One is syntactic, and occurs when the dependent verb is subordinate to a principal verb. The other is psychological, and occurs when the subject of the dependent verb plays a less important role than the subject of another verb; it is a frequent construction in narration. The subjective noun of the dependent verb takes on an objective ending -WAni for the singular, and -wa'i or Tia^ for the plural. d'^pydtd- d''pydm'iQ} when he came the other was arriving o'm ne'gute^nw^ d'ndgwdHc^ . . . Jcd'geyd'"^ d''pydni\c^ so then once went he away . . . then by and by here came another ite'pilmw^ dha'winVtc'^ i'^kwdwA^n'^ he went over to the place where the woman was ugi'mdWA^g^ a' plti' gdwd''tc\ o'ni usMna'wdhsi^'^ dnu'wmVtc' the chiefs then went inside, and thereupon the youths came on out The sama thing happens to a transitive verb in the same relation. The change takes place with the form representing the subject, but the form representing the object remains unchanged. The change occurs when the subject of a dependent verb becomes the object of a principal verb. The subjective noun of the dependent verb has the objective ending -Ani in the singular, and -a'i in the plural. In the following examples, the first two show the construction with an intransitive dependent verb, and the next two show the construction with a transitive verb. § 34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 831 wd''pAma'w°- ine'niwAW d^'pydnVtc^ he watched the man come wd' pAvna'w"' ine'mwa^'' a^'p^aniHc* he watched the men come wd'pAmd''w°' ine'niwA'n^ dne'sdm'ic^ pecege' siw A^n^ he watched the man kill a deer nd'wdw"' ine'niwa,'''^ dwdpA^mdnVtc^ ne'niwAW dnesdnitc' pecege'- siwA'n^ he beheld the men looking at a man killing a deer In the third example, d in dne' sa.nVtc^ refers to pecege' siwA^n^ , the object that was slain. In the fourth example, d in dwdpA'miinVtc^ refers to ne'niwA^n^, the object looked at by the plural ine'niwa^'^; ne'niwA^n\ in turn, becomes the subject of dne'ssiniHc\ and pecege'si- WA^n^ is the object. [Dr. Jones is slightly mistaken regarding -nitci in transitive forms. From the Fox Texts I can make two deductions: namely, that when the object is the third person animate, the form is -dmtei (as Dr. Jones also saw); when third person inanimate, the form is -Aminitci (with -aminitci as a variant). The -d- of -nnitcl is the same pronominal ele- ment to be seen in a — awdtcl (§ 29), etc.; while -Ami- is related to Ain- in -Am?/x< (§ 28); Amo in a — Amoiodtci (§ 29); -Amo- -Ainaw- of the double object, etc. Contrast atcdgAimimia^ thex they ate it all (ani- mate) 294.10 {a — nit& [§ 29]; tcdg- for tcdgl- totality [§ 16] by con- traction [§ 10]; ^m- for Armv- to eat [§ 16] by elision [§ 12]) with M'l'dtoAtixmmitQ^ they crunched them (bones: inanimate) 294.10 {I'd- reduplication [§ 25]; 'Mwa- to crunch [§ 16]; -/- [§ 21]; a- dropped [§ 12]). And observe nd'h?CtcdgAimiv^i\ic^ again they ate it (animate) all 296.3 (for imL^ again a- [§ 10]; a — dwd/wtd- [§ 29]) and vOxdlxidioA- i!Amo watc' then they crunched them (bones : inanimate) 296. 5 {d—Amo- wdte^ [§ 29]), where no change in the third person subject occurs. Note also dwam(?na?'Aminitc'THEN they vomited them (inanimate) 294. 13 (for on'-rt-), but a??^e;;^6^na^!amowatc' then they vomited them (inanimate) 296.6 (for a — Amowdt& [§ 29]). Further compare a*^*M'/>i-Amawin« untie this for me 312.12 (Apt- untie [§16]; -in" [§31]); d'A'pvAmsiwdtc^ then he untied the thing and took it OFF from him 312.13 (a — dtc^ [§ 29]); pemutAvanwinu shoot him for ME 202.18; 204.9 {pemu- for pemwu- [§ 12]; -t- [§ 21]; -inil, a pro- longation of -in" [§ 31]); sigahAmsiwm pour it out for him (me?) 236.8 (-a- [§ 8]; -7i- [§ 21]; -m for -m« [§ 31] by contraction [§ 10] and stress [§6]). * From here to p. 838, addition by T. Michelson. §34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 836 The question of the double object in Algonquian is not raised by Dr. Jones. It surely is found, but I have been unable to gather more than a frao-mentary series from the Fox Texts. The pronominal form of the third person object, singular or plural, animate or inanimate, is -Aniaw- before vowels, -Amo- {-Aynii-) before consonants. This occurs immediately before the other sufBxal pronominal elements. It is clear that -Amaw' and -Amo- are related to the -Ain- in -Amio'^ of the inde- pendent mode (§ 28), -kvaan}^ -Am^^?/;% -Ammvdtc\ etc., of conjunctive and subjunctive (§ 29); -Amdge^^ -Amdc/u"', -Avaoiods"-^ etc., of the potential, potential subjunctive, prohibitive (§ 30); -Ama^% -Amdgin\ -AvoAg'w^^ -Amagw^, -Amdmigak\ etc., of the participial (§ 33); -Amuk'^, -Amoivdtc^ etc., of the imperative (§ 31). Following are examples: i^'^'aAAm6;i« I burn him for you (sing.) 380.1 {I'e — 7i^ [§ 28]; sal:- initial stem; -a- [§ 8J; -A- [§ 21]) l-esalahAm67iejJw°- I burn him for you (pi.) 380.6 {l-e — nepvf' [§ 28]; the rest as above) peinut AmUiVf hiu shoot him for me 202.18 {pemu- for ^?6^//iwv to shoot; -t- [§ 8]; -inu for -In^ [§ 31] by prolongation [§ 5]) ahmvAtenAmsi^'dtc then he handed it to him 348.8 (with she as subj. 174.17) (for a—dt& [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -li- [§ 8]; aw A for dwA^ an initial stem [§ 16]; -te- [§ 8], -n- [§ 21]); see also 348.10, 12, 14 'kisahaJiAxn^.-^dpyf- ye will burn him for them 180.14 {li — dpw^- [§28]; 6-a7--an initial stem; -a- [§ 8]; -h- [§ 21]) Apl A'Vi\aiViin^ untie it for me 312.12 {Ap\ [dpi-] to untie [§16]; -m« [§31]) d'A'pi 'A'mawa^c* then he untied it for him 312.13 (a — dtc'' [§ 29]) d'j}gdtenAmaiwiuutc^ then the}" brought it to me 376.0 {a — iwdtc^ [§ 29]; j^yii- motion hitherward [§16]; -te- [§ 8]; -n- [§21]) pydtenAxn^wiydgw^ when you (pi.) brought me it 376.1 {a- dropped [§ 12]; d-iydgi>f [§ 29]) dndgonAvasc^atc^ then he shoved it into them 358.1 (// — atc^ [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21]; the initial stem is ndgo- \iidgu- 358.3] to shove) pydtenaima.yfin'^ hand me them 242.13 (graphic variant ior pydten- Amawm"/ 2?yd- [§ 16]; -te- [§ 8]; -in'' [§ 31]) ifimdioinAtutAxn^iv^dvf' I shall go and ask him for it 252.20 {yil — dio'^ [§ 28]; mdiol- to go [§ 16]; nAtu- \iiAto-] to ask [§ 16]); IcenAtotAmwi^ I ask it of you 380.2, 4 (Jce — n^ [§ 28]) dsakahA\\'\2i\fdt& when he burns him for him title 380 {a — dtc^ [§ 29]; sa'k- initial stem to burn as an offering; -a- [§ 8]; -h- [§ 21]) §34 836 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dsakahAmsLwdtcdtc^ when they ])uiii him for them title 380 (rt— a/m^-»[§ 29]) ketecinafutumon^ such is what I ask of thee 380.5 (graphic variant for JcetAcinAtutAxaon^ ; ke^n^ [§ 28]; tAvi- initial stem mean- ing number) IndclnAtutAmvCk^ is what they beg of thee 382.14 (for «/?*' a'eW-; In' [§47]; d—k^ [§ 29]; id thus) m^Araawz'w" tell them to me 350.19 (the stem is tifit- [or m-; -t- as in §8?]; -in^UU]) keivU Amoti I told it to you 114.22 (for ke — n^ [§ 28] by contrac- tion [§ 8]) klwltAmawdw'^ thou wilt tell it to him 178.1 {kl — aw*^ [§ 28]) dvntAmondn^ I tell it to thee 314.1 (a — 7?aw/ [§ 29j) Mwltemom'-ind^ go ahead and tell it to me 112.15 (ki — iie [§ 28]; -emo- variant of -Amo-) khtfdemoiu'jnra 1 will tell it to you (pi.) 356.6 {ll — nepwa [§ 28] ) wl'l'viwltamd/iAffdw^ what I should tell you (pi.) 280.13 {irJ — uAgow^ [§ 29]; iei- initial stem thus; -amo- variant of -Amo-) dtrdwltAmnwifjAn^ when thou tauntcdst me about him 330.16 {d—iyA,i'[§ 29]; ^^'a-[§25j) wiwitAm2iViiyd(/ what we (excl.) would j'ou (sing.) declare to us 364.20 (y/'I—^Va^^ [§ 29]) dklciu'dAxnondn^ I have nothing more to sa}' to thee 330.13 {a — van [§ 29]; Tclci- an initial stem denoting completion [§ 16]; an ex- cellent example to show that kiei- in Algonquian is not (as is assumed in some purely practical granmmrs) merely a tense- prefix to form the perfect) lcivntAm.2iwi-t earner/'^ 1 should merely like 3'ou to tell it to me 328.14 {l%—l [§ 28] ) I do not understand awitAmeg'^ vvtAva.bnenAgd'"' i ought not to HAVE TOLD you 314.2. It is dear that ^Mi/a'" belongs in § 30; -aiho- also needs no elucidation. The -ne- is a puzzle: I wonder if it stands for -7i!- and is the same as the negative suffix -nl in § 29? According to Dr. Jones, aketeminAvn^y^iydgio^ 374.14 (and similarly IndcindkaJceteminAnm^iydgir^ 374.9) means, not ix that you have BLESSED THEM FOR MY SAKE, — which the analysis would require, — but IN THAT you have DONE THE BLESSING FOR ME. wiiifitAva^v^Agf'^ at 350.17 is clear enough in structure (?/v — Age'^ [§§ 29, 35]), but certainly does not fit well with Dr. Jones's explana- tion (Fox Texts, p. 351, footnote 3). I suspect that the real sense is i MEANT TO HAVE TOLD (yOU) ABOUT THEM FOR HIS SAKE. This -Amaio- is also to be seen in indefinite passives, conjunctive mode [§ 41]. Examples are: § 34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 837 a^7cekahAm2kyfig^ when I was pointed it out 374.16 (« — ig^; heJc- an initial stem, to know, to find out; -a- [§ 8]; -h- [§ 21]) akel^ahAmawutc^ it was pointed out for him 62.8 {it — wfc* ; -Amaw- represents the inanimate object) klces2^Yna,yfutc^ when it was done cooking for him 14.18, 21 {klce- Jclci- COMPLETION [§ 16]; -aniaw- variant of -Ainaio-\ a- dropped [§12]; H—xdcf) djpApakenk.v^2i^ut& then it was taken away and torn off him 158.19(«— ?/^c*; j?M- [§ 25]; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]; faTc- to separate) (i' a' ^JcasAvaai'wut& they deprived him of it and burnt it up 158.19 {a — ut&'^ contrast with this a a'^Jcasutc^ he was burnt up 160.1) d ^pakwdcAmawutc^ then it was sliced away for him 14.22 {-c- [§ 21]; contrast 14.23 dJiAnem.isahimmit&; hAnemi- [§ 16]) Also this -Amav- is to be seen in the pronominal termination of a transitive verb with possessed noun of the third person as object (§ 34): dne txvascss Agw^ osiniAn^ because we slew his younger brother 344.10 {d — Agyf [§ 29]; net- a variant of nes- to kill [§§ 9, 16]; osiinAn^\ o for u\ u — mAii^ [§ 45]). The -Aiito- is certainly also to be seen in a transitive form of the interrogative mode, which, though not given by Dr. Jones, neverthe- less existed: JcekehdnetAmmvAndn^ you knew all abotit it 288.5 {ke- [§ 25]; kek- initial stem; -dne- [§ 18]; -t-\} 8 or § 21]; d- dropped [§ 12]; d — wAndu^ [§ 32]) ndtaiodnetAxnoicAndn' what you desire in your own mind 180.9 {7idt(nr[i\- to desire; -wAndn^ [§ 32]) In this connection the peculiar use of -A7nd- in ceilain cases should be mentioned: d^klcivntA.\m.gutc^ when he was told about them 54.13 {d — 1& [§ 29]; klci- completion; wit- to tell; -gu- [§ 41]) dndslgaJiAm&gutc then she poured it for her 316.23 (for on* dslgahAimxgutc^ b}^ contraction [§ 10]; d — t(f [§ 29]; slg- an ini- tial stem meaning to pour; -a- [§ 8J; -h- [§ 21]; the English idiom prevents this being translated as a passive) pydtAnAm\\gute^ she was fetched it 318.1 [pyd- [§ 16]; -t- [§ 8]; -A- variant of -^- [§ 8]; -^?- [§ 21]; -d—tc^ [§ 29]; -gu- [§ 41]) kenAtaiodnetAmQ,gdg^ they ask it of 3^ou 382.12 {ke — gog^ [§ 28]; nAtaw- a by-form of uAtu- to ask; -dne- [§ 18]; -t- [§ 21]) nliiiltAxm.gvM-md of course he will tell me it 328.21 {ni — gwa [§ 28J; wit- to tell) §34 838 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dnapdjyakahdimiigutc then it was tapped on b}' hiiu 346.15 (for on* apdjfdhi/iAmiigntc*; a — to* [§ 29]; -gu- [§ 41]; pa- [§ 25]; pd/i-- [cf. apdpdgepyiihxvcnnitc'' 68.18] to tap; -a- [§ 8]; -//- [§ 21]; note that the subject gramniaticalh^ must be animate) A double object is clearly to be seen in 344.5, 7, 15, 24; 346.8: Imt unfortunately I can not completely analyze the form; pajmkdfamnw - is a variant for />(ij)AgAtAma'w-, and the double o])ject is clear (/>a- [§ 25]; pAgA- [/>af//-] to strike with a club). A couple of examples where the subject is the third person plural, and the direct object third person singular (or plural), with the second person singulau as indirect object, are — kT/>/////rigog' they will l)ring them to you 348.3 {l-l — gog* [§ 28]; pyii- motion hithei-ward [§ 16]; -t- [§ 21] and ]slhmoatQ.gog they will fetch them to you 348.4 (for lei — gog* [§ 28] by contraction [§ 10]; -h- [§ 8]; avxi- variant of dicA- to fetch [§ 1<)]; -t- [§§ 8, 21]). The -d- is the same objective pronominal element seen in ne — aw;«, he — Sip^va, etc. [§ 28]; d — atci, d — awdtci^ etc. [§ 29]; -a.s«, -Hirdsa [§ 30]; -ata, -vttcigi^ -a,tcini, -ixindtcini, etc. [§ 33]. Allied to the double object is the treatment of a possessed noun as the object of a transitive verb. Dr. Jones has treated the possessed noun of the third person as the object of a transitive verb of the third person [§ 34]. But there are other cases. Thus netJilcdm* netdivAtagvf^ she carried my sacred bundle away 326.24; 328.5, 14; 330.2 {?ie- [§ 45]; ne—gio'' [§ 28]; -d- as above; -t- [§ 28]; dtcA- [awa-] to carry away; -t- [§ 8 or § 21?]). As far as the verb is concerned, the structure is the same as in nekakittigw^ she has hidden it from me 326.17 [l-ali- is an initial stem meaning to con- ceal). Furthermore, it should be noted that although the noun is inanimate, -d- is animate. An example of where the possessed noun is the tirst person plural (inch) and the subject is the second person singular is ke^a'Xo'^onan' ^iihawAtmsv^ thou wilt take our (inch) DRUM along 348.9 {I'e—ndn' [§45]; -t- [§ 45]; M—dti^ [§ 28]; -h- [§ 8]; aicA- a variant of dicA-\ -n- [§ 21]). Observe that ako'kon^ (348. 1(», 17) DRUM is inanimate, as shown by the termination * (§ 42); and that the pronominal elements of ke^/^/'^o'-^v^nan' are inanimate; nevertheless the pronominal elements incorporated in the verb are animate.^ Two kinds of participles drop the final sign of the subject, and take on a lengthened termination when it becomes necessary for them to enter into a relation involving the use of -n* as a final ending. One is the transitive participle with an animate subject and an inanimate object; the nominative ending of this participle is -7". ' From p. 834 to here, addition by T. Michelson. §34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 839 pdmiwd'saslcA^g^ one who passes b}'^ flashing a Hght nd'wdw" 2^d7niwdsd' sl^ Ammitci^n^ he saw him that went past flashing a Hght The same ending with similar change occurs with an intransitive participle. pd'wacfg^ one who shakes his (own) body while lying down wd' pAmd'^w'^ pdwacimi' mici^n^ he looked at him who lay shaking his own body The other kind of participje is with the subject ending in -P. The dropping of -f^ is common with the indefinite passive participle. Tnl'nei^ one to whom he was given dhigutc^ 77)ine'metci^n^ and so he was told by the one to whom he was given {-7n- [§ 21]; see also § 8) § 3S, St/ntfictie Use of Modes and Tenses 1. Future. — The future sometimes denotes expectation, desire, and exhortation. n%py°' I hope to come Tcipy"- may you come wl'pydw" let him come 2. Conjunctive. — Tense for the present and past is indicated by the syllabic augment d-. If the conjunctive preserves its purely sub- ordinate character, as when it stands in an indirect relation to an idea previously expressed or to an independent statement, then the augment a- is more likely to refer to an action as past. Thus: A'sJcAtc^ a,''pydtc^ in course of time he came (cf. 38.14) ne'^pij'^ 'si'^pydyA^7i^ I came when you arrived But if the conjunctive departs from its subordinate function, then the syllabic d- may, according to context, refer to an occurrence as past, or as extending up to, and as taking place during, the present. This is the same indefinite tense of the independent verb. hne'pdyd^n^ I slept; I am sleeping a,ne'pdyA^n^ you slept; you are sleeping 'iJnepdHc^ he slept ; he sleeps It is to be observed that the translations are finite assertions, and are in the indicative mode, as would be the case for an independent verb of the same tense. They illustrate a peculiar use of the con- §35 840 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bci.l. 40 junctive, — a use that belongs to all narrative discourse, as in the lan«:uage of myth, legend, tradition. This finite use is parallel to that found in the Latin construction of accusative with infinitive. The conjunctive has a future tense, which is indicated by the prefix wl-. The temporal prefix also occurs with the third person of animate and inanimate independent forms. [See my note to § 28. — T. M.] As in the independent series, so here, the future can be used to express vague anticipation and desire. •wl'hdyA^n'f dost thou expect to go? wihdtc^ he wants to go 3. Dependent Oharacter of the Pronominal Forms of the Negative Independent Verh. — It is convenient at this point to make mention of the negative forms of the independent intransitive verb. The negative adverb is dgw^ no, not. Its position is before the verb, and its use involves a modification of the conjunctive. In the first place, the temporal vowel a- drops out, and so there is no sign to indicate indefinite tense. In the second place, all the pronominal elements take on a terminal -ni, all the terminal vowels of the conjunctive being e. The following examples show some of the forms with stem : a'gwi pyd'ydnVn^ I do not come ; I did not come a'gwi pyd'yAnVn^ thou dost not come ; thou didst not come a'gwi pyd'tcin^ he does not come ; he did not come a'gwi pydmi' ga'hi''n^ it does not come; it did not come a'gwi pyd'ydgi'ni they and I do not come ; they and I did not come For the future, the negative independent verb has the prefix wl-. The negative of the conjunctive verb is indicated by pwd'wi. Its use brings about no change in the form of the verb. It stands between the tense particles a- and vn- and the verbal stems. d''Y^2ivf\pydyd''n* when I did not come wi'pwawipj/a^^c* while he has no desire to come 4. TJie Subjunctive. — The subjunctive has a variety of uses. In one it is used to express an unfulfilled wish. nd'sdt^ may he get well pd'nepyd'^t^ would that he ceased from drunkenness In .another it is employed to express a wish, as of a prayer. In §35 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 841 its use, it occurs with an adverb tai'ydna, which conveys the desid- erative sense of would that! oh, if! tai'ydna jjyd't^l oh, if he would only come! The subjunctive is also used to express the possibility of an action. 'pe'musdH^ he might pass by on foot tetepu'sdyA^n^ thou shouldst walk around in a circle The same subjunctive is employed to express two kinds of condi- tions. In the one, where the condition is assumed as possible, the subjunctive stands in the protasis; while the future indicative of an independent verb is in the conclusion. The tense of the subjunctive is implied, and is that of the future. wvu- in' tdhd^w^ py a' miga^'^Jc'^ he v/iW be pleased if it should come In the other, where the condition is assumed as contrary to fact, both clauses stand in the subjunctive. The tense of both clauses is implied; that of the protasis is past, and that of the conclusion is present. wpi'tdhdH^ 'pyd'miga'''h^ he would be pleased if it had come The forms of this subjunctive are connected with past action. The idea of relative time is gathered more from implication of the context than from the actual expression of some distinctive element calling for past time. Some of the uses to which this subjunctive is put are the following: It is used to express an unattained desire. It occurs with taiydna. tai'ydna M'wdte^'^l oh, if he only had turned and come back! It is used as a potential. ta^hAmusd'yAne^'" thou mightest have gone by a short way in your walk across country It frequently has the force of an indicative, and, when so used, the verb makes use of the tense particles d and wi. [See my note to § 29. — T. M.] But the action is always represented with reference to an event in the past. %'ni te'pe'Jcw^ d" pemdmute^' ^ it v/as on that night when he fled for his life (pern- [§ 16]; -dmu- [see -d- § 19]) In this connecticm it often occurs with an adverb, 7ce'yd7iA^p°', which has such meanings as it was true; it was a fact; why, as A MATTER OF FACT. §35 842 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 I'e'yaha'p"- wvA'ceno'wdte^''' now, as a matter of fact, it was their intention to be absent 5. The Potential. — ^The potential is used to express a possibility. naliind' gahi'tc^ he might learn how to sing pyd'^kd'"^ I am likely to come The potential subjunctive is used in a verb that stands in the con- clusion of a past condition contrary to fact, while in the protasis stands a verb in the past subjunctive. iiahind' gate'" ^ Ite'piJid^s" had he kno\\Ti how to sing, he would have gone to the place 6. The negative of the verb in the protasis is fwd'w'', and the nega- tive of the verb in the conclusion is a'wit"-. pwa'w' nahind' gdte^^ ^ a' wit* Ite'pihd^s'^ if he had not known how to sing, he would not-have gone to the place 7. The prohibitive imperative is introduced by Icdf^, a negative adverb with the meaning not or do not. 8. The Imperative. — It was observed how the future independent was used as a mild imperative. There is still another light impera- tive, one that is used in connection with the third person animate. It is almost like a subjunctive (see § 31). The forms of this impera- tive have a passive sense, and are best rendered by some such word as LET. Pre'pronofriinal Elements (§§ 36-41) § 36. FORMAL VALUE OF PRE-PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS In §§ 20-21 a number of stems have been described which precede the pronouns, and which have in some cases the meaning of a noun, or less clearly defined instrumentality; in others, a classificatory value relating to animate and inanimate objects; while in many cases their significance is quite evanescent. Many of these elements have more or less formal values, and correspond to the voices of the verbs of other languages; while still others seem to be purely formal in character. For this reason these elements, so far as they are formal in character, will be treated here again. § 37. CAUSAL PARTICLES -ni- animate, -f- inanimate. (See § 21) As has been stated before, these particles sometimes imply that something is done with the voice, but ordinarily they simply §§36,37 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 843 indicate the transitive character of the verb. The animate -m- immediately precedes an animate, pronominal element. When the object is animate, it comes before the form that represents an objective relation; but when the object is inanimate, then it stands preceding the sign that represents the animate sub- ject. The intervocalic t stands in front of the vowel that rep- resents the inanimate object. (See examples in § 21.) The consonant t often has a whispered continuant before articu- lation CO- With one form or the other, the consonant has an inanimate use which is peculiar to itself alone. It often conveys the idea of work; of the display of energy; of activity which implies the use of some agency, but without expressing any particular form of instrumentality. This use of the inter- vocalic consonant involves a difference in the form of the objective pronominal sign. In the examples that were just cited, the sign of the objective inanimate pronoun was a or A. With this other use of t or 't, the inanimate sign of the objective pronoun is o or o. fd'ni'tb^w"' he no longer works at it; he no longer makes it (poni- [§16]) _ nesA'nAgi^'t° I had a hard time with it; I had trouble making it There is one group of causal particles which have a common func- tion of reference to instrumentality in general. They are h, hw, and w. Comparing the use of one of these with that of t or 't brings out clearly the difference between causal par- ticles with the instrumental sense limited and t or 't that has the instrumental function unlimited. With Ji, for example, the emphasis is rather upon the connection of the action of the verb and the means taken to act upon the object. On the other hand, with t or 't the connection is closer between the action of the verb and the object of the verb. The idea of instrumentality is so vague as to be left wholly to inference. IcA'sJcahA^rnw'^ he accomplished the work (by the help of some kind of agency) (kAsJc- [§ 16]; -atuw^ [§ 28]) IcA'ski'to^'W"- he accomplished the work apydtohwatc^ he then fetched it 266.15 (pyd-t-d-[§§ 16, S, 19]; -dtc' [§ 29]) §37 844 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 One more comparison will perhaps suffice upon this point. There is a causal particle m which has already been men- tioned. It has a common use associated with the instrumen- tality of the mouth, more particularly with that of speech. po'nima'w'^ no longer does he speak to him fd'niio^w'^ no longer does he do it § 38. THE RECIPROCAL VERB Now that the tables of the transitive pronominal elements have been shown, it will be convenient to take up the other two classes of transitive verbs; viz., the reciprocals and reflexives. They can be dismissed with a few remarks. Both have much the character of an intransitive verb ; in fact, their form is that of an intransitive. The reciprocal expresses mutual participation on the part of two or more subjects, and so the verb does not occur except in plural form or with a plural sense. The reciprocal notion is expressed by ti incor- porated between the stem of the verb and the final, pronominal sign. [It should be noted that in all the examples given, -tl- is the incorpo- rated element, not -ti-. — T. M.] The reciprocal has a reflexive sense, in that it represents the subjects as objects of the action. Its force as a transitive is gathered from the context. mlga'ilWA'g^ they fought together; they fought with one another ne'wdpAilpe^n"' he and I looked at each other Tce'nlmilieifpw"' you danced together atAnei\(/ at a place where gambling one with another is going on nawiheilw Agape'" they always visit one another 238.23 ahitlnitc^ they said one to another 76.14 {-nit& [§ 34]) dndvMilwatd as one was eyeing the other 112,8 mdnetlcig^ tliey who played the harlot with each other 150 title [so text ; error for -tcig^] aTcalcAndnei\t& she and he talked together a great deal 176.21 (JcAn- reduplicated) rtiAmdilw Agape they are always taking things from each other 276.16 {-Ag- for -Agi before -ape) JcitAnetipen"- let us make a bet with each other 296.18 dhitlwdtd the}^ said one to another 358.25 a pdnilcAndneilwdtc so with no further words to each other 62.6 nlmlgailpen"- he and I shall fight against each other 60.6, tcdgdnAtotiwdtc^ then an invitation was extended to all, everyone asking everyone else 60.13 {tcdg- for tcdgi- all) §38 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 845 § 39. THE REFLEXIVE VERB In the reflexive verb the action refers back to the subject. The sign of the reflexive is -tisu- or -tiso- with the u ox o vowel in either case sometimes long. The reflexive sign occurs in the same place as the reciprocal; viz., between the stem and the final pronoun. The difference of meaning between the two signs is, that -tisu- represents the subject solely as the object of the action, and does not, like -ti-, convey the reciprocal relation which two or more subjects bear to one another. Reflexive -ti- in -tisu- is plainly the same element as the reciprocal -ti-. wabA'iisb^w'^ he looked at himself {wabA- same as wdiM) pAg a' tiso^w'^ he hit himself (i)AgA allied with i^Agi to strike) a^itisu^c* he then said to himself 286.22 (hi to say) § 40. THE MIDDLE VOICE Thus far the description has been of verbs in the active voice. Two other voices are yet to be mentioned, — the middle and the passive. The middle voice represents the subject in close relation with the action of the verb. It is a form of construction of which the dialect is especially fond. The form of the verb is active, and mainly of a predicative intransitive character; but the meaning is passive. The voice is distinguished by animate and inanimate signs. Only two sets of signs will be taken up, the two most frequently met with. The animate sign is o and u long and short, and the inanimate is a. These vowels are immediately preceded by intervocalic consonants, among which are s for the animate and t for the inanimate. It is perhaps better to refer to the combinations of so and so, su and su, and td, as some of the signs of the middle voice. These forms are incorporated between the stem and the pronominal ending. The combinations of su and td were met with before in the section on secondary connective stems (§ 20). They appeared there in the role of co-ordinative stems, and the sense they conveyed was that of heat and warmth. They were used with reference to an existence or con- dition of the subject, and occurred among verbs of an intransitive nature. The same verbs used in the examples there can all be classed ill the middle voice. The same signs can be used without the mean- ing of heat and warmth. §§ 39, 40 846 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 d'wdwdinsu^tc* when lie swung wl'tokasoijA^n'' if thou shouldst help ka'^kisA^w'^ he is in hiding ne'tow" lie killed himself 66.8 (-7- [§ 9]) klwd' (JWaOx^w'^ it lies on the ground Ane'mipugdt&^w* it floats yon way ; it moves away, carried by the water (Anemi- [§ 16]; -pugo- [§ 19]; -w^ [§ 28]) The middle voice sometimes represents an animate subject as acting upon itself in an indirect object relation. The action of the verb refers back to the subject in something like a reflexive sense. In this use of the middle voice appears the instrumental particle, and it stands in the place of s. led' (jitcpdnxCw"' he washes his own head (with the help of his hand) {Ug-[^ 16]; -71- [§21]) I'd' site pah 6^w°' he w^ipes his own head (with something) (Jcdsl- [§16]; -^-[§21]r . ^ pe''tec6^w'^ he accidentally cut himself (with something sharp) (-C- [§ 21]) The subject of a verb in the middle voice is often expressed as if acted upon in a passive sense. tAgwa'lidso^w'^ he is caught in a trap pemi'pugo^w'^ he floats by (more literally, he is carried past by the water; pemi- pugo- [§§ 16, 19]) Myd'mego^w^ he rides about on horseback (literally, he is carried about; H- [§ 16]; -y- a ghde [§ 8]; -o- [§ 19]; -m- [§ 21; also §8]) § 41. THE PASSIVE VOICE The use of the passive voice proper is confined to an agent in the third person. The sign of the passive is g orgu; it occurs between the stem and the final pronominal ending. The sign with pronominal element can be seen in the tables of transitive forms. It is to be observed that the sign occurs more frequently with independent than with dependent forms. The Passive with. Subject and Object A peculiarity of the passive construction is the difference of the form of the animate agent when the action of the verb is directed against the first or second person, and the form of the animate agent when the action is directed against a third person. If the action of the verb be directed against a first or second person, then the agent § 41 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 847 keeps the normal form of the nominative; but if the action of the verb be directed against the third person, then there is a change in the form of the agent: -ni is added to the nominative singular to mark the singular agent, and 'i is added to the same to mark the plural agent. Furthermore, if the object of the action be singular and the agent plural, the form of the verb will be singular. If the object of the action be plural, then the form of the verb will be plural. A few examples will illustrate the use of the passive forms with an animate agent. newd'jJAme^gw"' ne'niw^ I am seen by the man Jcewd'pAme^gw"' ne'niw^ thou art seen by the man wd'pAme^gw"' ne'niwA\\^ he is seen by the man. [In this and the next case, -iv'^ is the pronominal termination; -g- the passive sign; i, e., g-w°', not -gu" (for gu + a), as in the first two exam- ples.— T. M.] wa'pAme^gw"- ne'niweC'' he is seen by the men wdpA'mego^g^ ne' niw A^n^ they are seen by the man wdpA'mego'g^ ne'riiwei"' they are seen by the men The same examples turned into the conjunctive mode would be — dwdpAmegwAg^ ne'niw^ when I was seen by the man dwdj>Ame gw Atc^ ne'niw^ when thou wert seen by the man " d'wdpAmeguHc^ ne'niwK'm. when he was seen by the man d'wdpAmegu^tc^ ne'niwa,^'^ when he was seen by the men dwd' pAmeguwdHc^ ne'niwA^ni when they were seen by the man dwd' pAmeguwd^tc^ ne'niwa,^'^ when they were seen by the men The Indefinite Passive There is an indefinite passive — indefinite in the sense that the agent is referred to in an indefinite viay. The forms of two modes will be shown, — one of the indefinite tense of the independent mode, and another of the same tense of the conjunctive mode. INDEFINITE PASSIVE INDEPENDENT MODE Singular Plural 1st per. ne-gopi Excl. Incl. ne-gopena Tce-gopena 2d per. Tce-gopi 2d per. ke-gopwa 3d per. 3d per. an. in an .} -dpi 3d per. -dpi It is to be observed that some of the independent forms end with a final -pi, which may have some relation with i'pi, a quotative with § 41 848 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 such meanings as they say, it is said. The quotative sometmies occurs aU)ne, but is most frequently met with as a suilix. Some of tlie forms just shown are the same as the ones seen in the independent transitive Ust; viz., the forms of the phiral of the first and second persons. The following examples illustrate some of the uses of this passive : ne'wdpAinegd^p' I am looked at (-me- [§§ 8, 21]) ke'^ya^^mfgo^pw■■* you are looked at wd'/)^ma'p' he is looked at; they are looked at wd'pAtiCp'^ it is looked at ; they are looked at ken Atome go-p' you are asked 368.4 (-me- [§§ 8, 21]) The conjunctive forms show the passive sign in the plural. The first and second persons singular end in -gi, — asuflix denoting location when attached to substantives, and indicating plurality of the third person of the independent mode. It is possible that there may be some connection between this ending and the passive sign; but it has not yet been made clear. The following are the indefinite passive forms of the conjunctive of indefinite tense: indefinite passive, conjunctive mode Singular Plural 1st per. d-igi Excl. Incl. d-gwiydge d-gwiijAgwe 2d per. d-negi 2d per. d-gwiydgwe 3d per. an. d-(u)tci d-(e)tci 3d per. an. d-gwiwdtci 3d per. inan d-Atnegi 3d per. inan d-Amegi SinAtumene'k^ when you were asked 372.12 (k for g, as in -Tcdjpd- for -gdpd- and in other similar cases) ndtmmk I being asked 374.1 (-m- [§ 21]) a^a'^asAmeg' they (inan.) were set on fire 16.1 The third person animate singular of ths indefinite passive can refer to four different relations. The form is the same, whatever may be the number of the object and the agent. The number of the object and the agent is often inferred from the context, but in the two examples to be shown each passive expression will appear with agents. If the agent be singular, then the ending will be -ni; if plural, then the noun ends in -i. It will be observed that this con- struction is much like that of the passive with g and gu. The object §41 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAJST INDIAN LANGUAGES 849 of the action of the verb will be omitted; if expressed, it would be in the nominative. d'hine\c' ne'niwAhV he was told by the man d'Mne^tc'^ Tie'niwa"* he was told by the men d'liine\Q} ne'niwA'n^ they were told by the man d'hin&'ic^ ne'niwiC'''^ they were told by the men d'ndw\\\c^ i'']cwdwA\V she was seen by the woman d'ndwu^t& i^'Jcwdwa'"'^ she was seen by the women d'ndwu^tc'^ i^'JcwdwATi^ they were seen by the woman d'ndwii\& i^'Jcwdwa^'^ they were seen by the women § 42. Syntactic Forms of the Substantive Substantives have forms to distinguish gender, number, and four case-relations. The case-relations are the nominative, the vocative, the locative, which is the case of spacial and temporal relations, and the objective. All these forms are expressed by suffixes. They are thus shown in the followins table: Animate. Inanimate. Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. -a -e, -i -gi -a, -ni -gi -tige -nigini ' -gi, -i -i (-«). -i -we, -e, -gi -i -ni -ni {-ne) -gini Objective -ni These forms will be shown with two nouns, — A'nafjw"' star, and A'sen^ STONE. Star. . Stone. Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. Nominative . . A'nagwa A'nagivA^gi A' sent A'senyd^n' \"ocative . . . Aud^gwe And'gwetVge Ase'ni A'senya'ni Locative . . . JA'nagwi'gi ^A'ndgii^gi SAndgwi'ntgVni A'seni^gi Ase'nigi'ni Objective . . . \A'ndgwa \A'nagA''ni \a'ndgwA'gi Andgwu'i Ll'SCKJ A'senyd'ni There is no difference of form between the objective and some forms of the possessive. Thus: o'sAii^ his father (animate) u'wlc^ his head (inanimate) §42 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 54 850 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The ending -gi to express animate plurality is no doubt the same as the one denoting location, thus suggesting the probability of a com- mon origin. § 43. The Adjective The attributive relation is expressed l)y a ft)rm analogous to an inanimate construction, which does not inflect for number or case. There are prunary and derived adjectives. The former contains the descriptive notion in the stem; as, 'ke'Hci great, tcA'gi small. The derived adjective is one that comes from a noun; as, mA'neto^w^ (from niA'netd'w'' mystery being), A'cd'^ (from A'ca°' a Sioux). Both kinds of inanimate adjectives agree in form and function : they have a singular, inanimate ending, and they occur in an attributive relation. Tce'^tci iriA'neto'w"- a great mysterious being tcA(ji wujiyapd'^ a little dwelling mA'netd^wi a'^lc^ a mysterious country A'cahi ne'niw"- a Sioux man As has been said, such adjectives do not change their form to agree with nouns for number and case. he'^tci mA'netd^w''\ O great mystery! m.A'neto''wi a'hydn^ mysterious lands A'cahi ne'mwA^g^ Sioux men By virtue of its position, the adjective of inanimate forms takes on the function of an initial stem, and as such it enters into combi- nations with secondary elements to form — Nouns : tcAgi'ndgd^'^ small bowl me'clmi'n^ apple (literally, large fruit) Ase'niga^n^ stone dwelling Acd'hind^'w^ Sioux country Verbs : fcA'gdhenuhVw^ pi'cdgd''^ it is a tiny buckskin string ne'niw^ me' cindgusi^w^ the man looked big {-ndgu- [§ 18] ; -si- [§ 20]) Adjectives, when used as predicates, have the form of an intransi- tive verb. The verb is built up on the regular order of stem- formation with the qualifying notion of the combination resting mainly in the initial member. The sens> of the stem undergoes restriction by other elements, and concord of gender and pronoun § 43 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 851 is maintained. Such a combination agrees with a noun in gen- der and number. It stands before or after the noun it modifies. me'cawi si' pow^ large is the river {mec- large; -a- [§20]; -wi [§28]) i"]cwdwA^g^ Tcdno'siwA^f the women are tall (-si- [§ 20]; -wAg^ [§ 28]) Pronouns (§§ 44-49) § Jz4. The Itulepetident I*ersonal Pronoun The incorporated forms of the personal pronoun have been treated in §§ 28-34. The independent pronoun is closely related to the pronouns of the independent mode of the intransitive verb (§ 28). I mn'^ he (an.) in"- we (exclusive) nl'ndn"' it (inan.) In^ we (inclusive) klndn^ they (an.) i'nig^ thou ]cln°' they (inan.) I'nin* ye Ici'nwdw"' § 45, The I^ossessive JProtioun Possession is expressed by prefixes and suffixes which are related to the pronouns of the independent mode. The suffixes differ for nouns of the animate and for those of the inanimate class, and for singular and plural of the object possessed. OBJECT POSSESSED Animate. Inanimate. 1 Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. my ours (excl.) .... ours (incl.) .... thy your his their ne-ma ne-mendna ke-mendna ke-ma ke-mwdwa u-mAni u-mwdwAni ne-mAgi ne-mendnAgi ke-mendnAgi ke-WAgi ke-mwdWAgi u-ma' i u-mwdwa' i ne-mi ne-mendni ke-mendni ke-mi ke-mwdwi u-mi u-mwdivAni ne-mAni ne-menduAni ke-mendnAni ke-mAui ke-mwdwAni u-mAni u-mwdwAni A few examples will serve to illustrate the use of the forms. The word for dog is A'nemo^''^, a noun of animate gender. [The inserted -t- in the following examples is presumably the same as in ne'taw^ I AM (§ 28). — T. M.] The forms of the three persons of the singu- lar used with the noun in the same number would be — ne'tAnemohe^va.^ my dog {-t- [§ S]) ^ie'tAnemdhe^nr^ thy dog utA'nemoliemA'ii^ his dog §§44,45 852 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Let the same persons remain in the singular, and let the noun be in the plural, and the forms would be — netA'nemdhemA'g' my dogs ketA'nemdhemA^g^ thy dogs utA'nemdhema,'''^ his dogs The word for rock is a'scti^, a noun of inanimate gender. The forms of the three persons of the singular used with the noun in the singular would be — netA'seni'm^ my rock ke/^'sfrii^m' thy rock wlA'seni'va} his rock The forms with the same persons in the singular and the noun in the plural would be — n&'tAsenim.K'n^ my rocks ke'^^s^niniA^n' thy rocks u'^^senimA^n' his rocks The consonant in of the suffix is often omitted with certain classes of substantives : as — In terms denoting relationship. no's^ my father ke'gy^ thy mother u'taiyd^n' his pet (referring to a horse or dog) In words expressing parts of the body. ne'td"^ my heart ke'gaJc^ thy chest u'wlc^ his head In some names of tools, netd''pwdgA^n^ my pipe ke'me'td^'' thy bow u'm^J^^n' his arrow [It should be observed that under special stress the vowel of the vi suffix is split into two vowels (§ 6); likewise it should be noticed that under unknown conditions t is not inserted after ne, ke, u, before initial vowels: then the terminal e of ne and ke is elided, while a glide w (§ 8) is inserted after u. Examples of possessives with the m of the suffix, from the Texts, are — ne6^m{i' m}'^ younger brother 330.16 TiQtekioaaf- my sister 84.2, 12, etc. ne-JimiihAg' my little brothers 282.13 §45 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 853 neclclpemAg^ my ducks 284.2 , ne.s^mahenrin'' our (excl.) younger "brother 90.12; 96.1 ndcisemenanAia^ our (excl.) grandchild (obj. case) 160.9 keMmahenan^ our (incl.-) little brother 90.6; 96.7 k7??t'munan'* our (incl.) sister-in-law 92.16 (-u- = -e-) kei^o^/onflmenan our (incl.) chief 300.24 {t inserted) kes^raahenanAg' our (incl.) younger brothers 122.5, 11, 18 k^etugi7ndmeu&nAg^ our (incl.) chiefs 62.22 {t inserted) kendpdm'^ thy husband 162.15, 23; 178.1 kocisem^ thy grandson 290,24 ke^ third person, inanimate, pronominal ending of the conjunctive mode[§ 29]). i« ma"kwA ni objective form of an animate noun used as the subject of the subordinate verb that follows. I'opKci'fca'M-araiVc" third person singular, animate, intransitive verb of the conjunctive mode, used with a subordinate subject in the objective relation (pit- initial stem denoting movement into an enclosure [§ 10]; for the tci- of pVci- cf. pydtci- under pyd-, also § 8; 'ka- secondary stem expressing the notion of making an imprint, sig.x, track , and of moving, going [§18]; -ud- connective stem [§ 20]; -ni- incorporated representative of an objective relation, and parallel in construction to -ni in ma'kwAni. It belongs with -tci in nitci, and so enters into a subjective relation [§ 34]). 868 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 869 Neguti^^ a'pitcinagAnate' ^^ a'a'ci'kahwatc'.^*' ''Watcikesiyagicisawa!"^^ One he went in following he set him to going. " To the place whence the source after him of cold is he going fast! " ahinatc'^^ witamatcin'.^'' said he to him whom he him accompanied. Watcikesiyagi^* wase'kag^/^ ''Watcinawa'kwagicisawa!"^^ ahitc\" From the place he who went " Towards the place whence the mid- said he. where it is cold round by way of, day is he hurrying! " InP^ na'ka-^ watcinawa'kwagi^" wase'kag''-^ ''A'pAgicimugicisawa!"^^ And another to the place whence he who went " towards the place of the then the source of the noon- round by falling down is he hastening!" day way of ahitc'." said he. Aiyaco'k^ a'klwinamo'tatiwatc'.^^ AskAtcip'^^ petegipyayat*^^* To and fro long did they together keep Later on it is said behind he who was him in flight from them. coming a'kigaliinapitc',^^ a'A'skipAgame'kwisenigitci!^'' keyahapaiy" a'pemeg'" on the ground as he it lay with a green surface lo, it was the fact to a place looked, above 18 ne'gut' cardinal (§ 50) used as an adjective modifying a noun understood. i9a'pi See § 53. " pwawi- the negative of the conjunctive verb; it stands following the particles o- and wi-, and before the verbal stems (see § 35.3); -gu- sign of the passive (§ 41); d—dtd (§ 29). s2 A participial (§ 33); pdmi- for pemi- by reason of the change of vowel in the participle; pemi- (§ 16); pahu- same as -pahd- (§ 19). " -Ani as in note 49; wi- SAg- (§ 16). ** d — tci (§ 29); -h- a glide (§ 8); -u- po.ssessive pronoun his (§ 45); for the omission of (he suffix, see p. 852. M ~gi locative suffix; -ni- as in note 39. *« d- temporal prefix; -n- an instrumental particle (§ 21); -dwdtd pronominal sign showing the subject to be the third person plural animate, and the object the third person, singular or plural, animate, con- junctive mode (§ 29); mAtA to overtake (§ 16). " nes- an initial stem meaning to slay (§ 16); a— dwdtd as in note 56. w kici- an initial stem denoting completion (§ 16). M a—AtnowdtcH^ 29); klc- (§ 25); kick- (§ 10); -a- (§ 8); -h- (§ 21). 60 a— dwdtd (§ 29); -h- (§ 8); see note 91. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 871 nihawatc'"^ awapinenyaskwa'kawatc'."^ WatapAgic'^^ ahina'kawatc' finished skinning then began they to throw them Eastward was where they and cutting him up everywhere. threw uwic';*^* papogin'®^ a'kAtawiwapAg''^'' AnagwAg'" ketciwAgape'®;"^ his head; in the wintertime when nearly morning stars are tliey accustomed to rise; Inipiyow®®^ ini ma'k6wic'.'^° Na'ka^^ uta'tagagwAii^'^* a*e'g'" it is said in times that bear-head and his back- bone also past watapAg'^^ ahina'kawatc'. A'e'gape'®^* pepog'^^ nawap''^" AnagwAg^" to the east was where they threw. Also it is wont in the^winter they are seen stars asipocigig'/^ Inipiyow®*'^ Ini uta'tagagwAn'/^ they that lie close and it is said of old that his back-bone, together. Inipi^ naka^^ iyowe winwaw^^* inigi'^'' nigani nyawi anagwAg'**^ It is said also in the past they these in front four stars ina ma'kw*^" na'ka-^ petegi neswi inigipiyowe*^ ma'kwAn'^ that bear and behind • three they are said in bear-him the past pamine'kawatcig'.^ Tcawine'kitca*- ina'^ tcAgi Anago''^^^ Acita'kwago- they who were in pursuit Truly in the middle there little tiny star near to does of him. space tcinw^.^* Inapi*^ Anemoha'^,^" utaiyan'^^ Matapya'^ WlsAgendliAn'.^^ it hang. It is .said little dog, his pet Union-of-Kivers Hold-Tight, that one Tagwagigin'^^ me'tegumicyan'*^ iia'ka^** ma'kumicyan'*^ watcimeck- Every autumn , oaks and sumach.s why they are «i kici- as in note 58; -dwdtd pronominal termination of conjunctive mode (§ 29), as in notes 56, 57; -A- (§21); wmAnl- (§16). 62 For a — dwdtci; wapi- an initial stem denoting inception (§ 16). •^ wdtdpAgtci for wdtdpAgi (note 73); ici (§§ 10, 52). c< u- his; for the absence of the m suffix see § 45; -i (§ 42). «5 Compare d'pepdgi (note 6) and pepogi (note 73); the form is a locative (§ 42). 65 A locative; cf. pdcd'katawiwdpAnig until ne.\rly morning 298.2; -wnpA- is the same as the initial stem wdpA-io see; note, too, dwi'ibA-nig at break of day 222.15, with the common fluctuation of 6 and p (see § 3). 67 Noun, animate plural (§ 42). 6« For kctdWAgi+dpe'e; for dpe'e see § 14; ketclwAgi {-wAgi is the sign for the third person plural inan- imate intransitive of the independent mode [§ 28]). 69 For ini+ipi+iydwe: see note 3 and iyowe n,?xt paragraph. ■o ma'kwo--\-uwici (see § 12). 'I u—Atii (§45). '2 See § 10; d~gi as in note 6. '3 A locative. ■< See §§ 10, 14. "5 See note 6. '6 now- an initial stem meaning to see; cf. dndwdwdtc( ') they beheld him 198.2; -dp t the termina- tion of the third person plural indefinite passive, independent mode (§41). " See -cin- (§ 20) and also § 12. '8 Accidentally omitted in § 44. " Animate plural of ina (§ 47). 8» I have altered mini ma'kwAni of Dr. Jones to Ina ma'kwa (see 72.8), as is required by the analysis (cf. §§ 42, 47). 81 For inigi ipi iyOwc see notes 69 and 79. 82 -ted VERILY. 83 See § 12 for the formation of the diminutive formation of Aiidgua. 8< -cire-(§ 20?); -wo (§28). ^ For Ina+ipi see notes 3 and 80. 86 a shows that the noun is animate singular (§ 42). 87 See § 45. 88 -g'lni termination of the locative plural (§ 42). 8« Inanimate plural (§72). 872 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 40 wipAga'k'^'' ahapAskiiiAnicifjilwritc''*^ ameskowiji:"'- ta'tupAgon.'"^ Tni"^ red ut the K'lif when they imt to lie on top of then bloody became leaves That tagwagigin' wiitcimeckwipAga'k'®*' me'tegumicyan'*^ na'ka^^ in the fall why the leaves beeame red oaks and ma'koniicyan'.*" sumachs. Inil'kwitc'.^^ That is the end. [Translation] They who are in Pursuit of the Bear It is said that once on a time long ago when it was winter, when it had snowed for the first time, while yet the first fall of snow lay on the ground, there were three men who went forth to hunt for game early in the morning. At a place on the side of a hill where there was a thick growth of shrub did a bear enter in, as was shown by the sign of his trail. One (man) went in after him and started him going in flight. "Away toward the place from whence comes the cold is he making fast!" called he to his companion. He who had gone round by way of the place from whence comes the cold, "In the direction from whence comes the source of the mid-day time is he hurrying away!" he said. Then another who had gone round by way of the place from whence comes the noon-time, "Toward the place where (the Sun) falls down is he hastening away!" said ho. Back and forth for a long while did they keep the bear fleeing from one and then another. After a while, according to the story, as one that was coming behind looked down at the earth, lo ! the surface "of it was green. For it is really the truth that up into the sky were they led away by the bear. While about the place of the dense growth of shrub they were chasing him, then was surely the time that into the sky they went. Thereupon he who came behind cried out to him who was next, "O Union-of-Rivers, let us turn back! Verily, into the sky is he leading us away!" said he to Union-of-Rivers, but no reply did he get from him. Union-of-Rivers, who went running between (the man ahead and the man behind), had Hold-Tight (a little puppy) for a pet. "• watci- as in notes 21, 26, 30; meckwi- blood, same as meskw' (see § 9); -pA- as in ta'tupAgoni leaves -ffa-(§20); -■*«•(§ 29). 9' a— watci (§29;) -ga- (§20); -ci- for -cin- (§ 20); loss of n (§ 12); -h- presumably a glide (§ 8); apAskifiAni same as apAckiriAni in dhapAckiJiAni-hdwatc above (see note 90). s2 dmeskouig' a variant for ameskowtki; a—'ki (§29); mesko- for weskw' (note 90, § 12 near the end) ■tci- (20). S3 Plural of tutupAgw' (see. §§ 12, 42 ;; -pA- as in wdtcimeckwipAga'ki. 9< See note 3. 85 For 'mi d'kwitci (§ 10); u—tc' (§ 29). \ BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 873 In the fall they overtook the bear; then they slew him; after they had slam him, then many boughs of an oak did they cut, Ukewise sumachs; then with the bear lying on top (of tlie boughs) they skinned him and cut up his meat; after they had skinned him and cut up his meat, then they began to scatter (the parts) in all directions. Toward the place from whence the dawn of day hurled they the head ; in the winter time when the dawn is nearly breaking, (certain) stars were wont to appear; it has been said that they were that head. And his back-bone toward the east did they also fling. It is also common in the winter time for (certain) stars to be seen lying close together. It has been said that they were that back-bone. And it has also been told of them (viz., the bear and the hunt- ers) that the (group of) four stars in front was the bear, and that the three beliind were they who were in pursuit of the bear. There in between (the star in front and the star behind) a tiny little star hangs. They say that was a little dog, Hold-Tight, which was pet to Union-of- Rivers. As often as it is autumn the oaks and sumachs redden at the leaf for the reason that when they (the hunters) place (the bear) on top of (the boughs), then stained become the leaves with blood. That is why every autumn the leaves of the oaks and sumachs redden. That is the end of the story. SIOUAN DAKOTA (TETOl^ Al^J) SA^TEE DIALECTS) WITH REMARKS ON THE PONCA AND WINNEBAGO BY FRANZ BOAS AND JOHN R. SWANTON 875 CONTENTS Page § 1 . Introduction 879 §§ 2-4. Phonetics 880 § 2. System of sounds 880 §3. Syllables and accent : Teton 883 § 4. Phonetic changes 884 § 5. Grammatical ])rocesses 889 § 6. Ideas expressed by granunatical processes 890 §§ 7-47. Discussion of grammar 891 §§ 7-10. Juxtaposition and composition: Santee 891 § 7. ^'erbs 891 § 8. Verbs and nouns 893 § 9. Nouns 894 § 10. Note on certain verbal compounds 894 § 11. Eeduplication 895 §§ 12-14. Prefixes 900 § 12. Prepositional prefixes 900 § 13. Instrumental i)refixes 902 § 14. Modal prefixes: Teton 905 § 15. Verbal suttixes: Teton 906 §§ 16-20. Personal pronouns in Dakota .' 908 § 16. Subjective and objective pronouns 908 § 17. Transitive verbs 909 § 18. Pronouns of verbs in y-: , 909 § 19. Other exceptional forms 910 § 20. Verbs with indirect object and reflexives 912 §§ 21-29. Personal pronouns in Ponca 914 § 21. Subjective and objective i^ronouns: first class 914 § 22. Transitive verbs 915 § 23. Pronouns of verbs in <}: second class 916 § 24. Pronouns of verbs in h, d, g: third class 916 § 25. Pronouns of verbs in i-: fourth class 917 § 26. Pronouns of verbs in u-: fifth class 918 § 27. Irregular verbs 918 § 28. Forms expressing object possessed by subject 919 § 29. Verbs with indirect objects 920 §§ 30-34. Personal pronouns in Winnebago 922 §30. Subjective and objective pronouns: first class 922 § 31. Transitive verbs 922 § 32. Pronouns of verbs taking s in the second person: second class.. 923 § 33. Contracted pronominal forms 925 § 34. Indirect object and reflexives 926 § 35. Independent personal pronouns 928 877 878 BURFAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 §§ 7—47. Discussion of grammar — Continued ' Page §§ 36-37. Position of pronoun 928 § 36. Position of pronoun in Dakota 928 § 37. Position of pronoun in Ponca 931 §§ 38-40. Modal suffixes and particles 932 § 38. General characteristics 932 §39. Plurality 932 § 40. Particles expressing tenses and modalities 933 § 41. Adverbial suffixes: Teton 936 § 42. Articles 939 § 43. Demonstrative pronouns 944 § 44. Possession 946 § 45. Adverbs: Teton 948 § 46. Connectives: Teton 949 § 47. Interjections: Teton 950 § 48. Vocabulary: Teton 950 Teton text 954 AVinnebago text 959 SIOUAN DAKOTA (TETON AND SANTEE DIALECTS) WITH REMARKS OX THE PONCA AND WINNEBAGO Bv Franz Boas and John R. Swanton 1 1. INTRODUCTION The Siouan languages are spoken in a considerable number of dialects. One group of tribes speaking Siouan languages lived on the western plains, extending from the northern border of the United States far to the south. Another group of dialects was spoken b}'' tribes inhabiting the southern Appalachian region; and two isolated dialects belonged to the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, east of the Mississippi river and the lower Yazoo river, respectively. At present the last two groups are on the verge of extinction. The following sketch of Siouan grammar is based mainly on the San tee and Teton dialects of the Dakota language, which embraces four dialects — Santee, Yankton, Teton, and Assiniboin. Santee and Yankton are spoken by the eastern Dakota bands, Teton by the west- ern bands, and Assiniboin by those of the northwest. The material for the present sketch is contained mainly in the grammar, texts, and dictionary of the Santee, published b}^ S. R. Riggs (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vols, vii, ix). This account has been the basis of Dr. John R. Swanton's studies of a series of Teton Texts, in possession of the Bureau of American Ethnology, written by George Bushotter, a Teton Dakota. In the summer of 1899 Doctor Swanton revised these texts on the Rosebud Indian reservation with the help of Mr. Joseph Estes, a Yankton Dakota, who had been long resident among the Teton, and who was at that time teacher in one of the Government schools. Doctor Swanton's notes, contained in the present account, refer to the Teton dialect, while the material based on Riggs's published Santee material has been discussed by F. Boas. 879 880 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 The Ponoa material has been jjfleaned from a stiid\' of J. Owen Dor- sey's work, The ^'eyiha Langiiai^e (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. vi ^). The Winnebago material is based on the unpub- lished collections of Mr. Paul Radin. The notes on l)oth of these dialects have been written by F. Boa^. Page references in the sections describing Santee and Ponca refer to the publications by lliggs and Dorse}^ referred to before. PHONETICS {§^ 2-4) § 2. System of Sounds Since Riggs, in his grammar and dietionar}% does not distinguish the aspirates and surd stops, which were first discovered bv J. Owen Dorsey and which are of such frequent occurrence in American lan- guages, we give here the description of the Teton as obtained by Doctor Swanton. In order to preserve as nearly as possible the usage employed in printing Dakota l>ooks, Riggs's alphabet has been adhered to; but^', F, t\ and c' have been added to designate the aspirates of the corresponding surds. Doctor Swanton also distinguishes a fortis .s- and .s',- A is an obscure vowel, related to short a and e. TABLE OF SOUNDS OF TETON" CONSONA NTS Stous foiitimicfl cj 7^ •— ',^ c: '^ -_ ^ a> '? o OSJi oo=,- ^ ~ o !Xi 'j: < fciT/jcofe /hi-hOi Labial }> p p p- - - m - w Dental d t t' t z s s 7> I - Dorso-palatal ___ _____-:y Affricatives- - c c {•------ Alveolar _ _ _ _ |; ^< ,»j _ _ _ Palatal f/kk'Jc------ Velar f/-- (•^) - /(' - - - - Open breathing ____/i,_____ Pure . Nasalized VOWELS A i e e a U in e" «» gn w" 'See F. Boas, Notes on the Ponka Grammar (Congrts International des Americanistes, xv session, Quebec, 1907, vol. ii, pp. 317-337). §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 881 The affricatives have been placed in the group of stops because the}" are closely associated with them. It is doubtful whether the fortis velar occurs. The affricative c series corresponds to the English ch in church; the z, s series to z in azure and to sh in shore; Ji to the velar ch in German. The phonetic system of Santee is quite similar to that of Teton, except that / is absent and is replaced by d and n. Teton n. is either initial or follows K or g. In Ponca, y of the series of sounds enumerated before is absent, and is throughout replaced by ^ (English sonant tii). According to Dorsey, this sound approaches the / and /• of other dialects; i. e. , it is pronounced slighth" laterally and with a tendency to a trill. The sonant of the affricative series, /, occurs in Ponca, and I is absent. In Kansas, which is closel}^ related to Ponca, the Teton y is replaced by I. In Winnebago the Teton y is replaced by a weakly trilled linguo- apical 7\ Two 7i sounds are found, one, n, more strongl}" sonant than the other n. In the velar series the sonant continued sound y occurs besides the surd It. In the printed Ponca texts published by Dorsey an alphabet is used that does not conform to the Dakota alphabet used by Kiggs and in later publications based on Riggs. Dorse3"'s alphabet agrees in many respects better with the systems of transcription used in rendering American languages than Riggs's alphal)et. Nevertheless we have adhered here to the Riggs system and have avoided the awkward inverted letters used bv Dorse v. Riggs Dorsey ff. h -y .9, 6- s,a p, t, h (?) tc P\ t\ k' tc' z V n 9 J ^(?) 1 Supplementary symbols used in this sketch. 44ST7°— Bull. 40, pt 1— lU -Ob S '^ §^ 882 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 "We are not quite certain whetlier tiie sounds s and s occur in Ponca. The sounds .s- and c of Fonca have been rendered here by analogy by 6-' and .<•', but their character has not been detinitely ascertained. In Santee consonantic clusters in initial position are common, while they are absent in terminal position. In these consonantic clusters three groups may be distinguished, — clusters with initial surd stops; those with initial //i and h; and those with initial 6-, *■, //. Tlie tirst of these groups never occurs in Ponca, the second shows a remarkable variability in different dialects, while the third seems to be common to Dakota, Ponca, and Winne>)ago. The following ta})le illustrates these three groups of consonantic clusters: B Ota "0 Second consonant of cluster 1— 1 P t ' k .s .§ c d n 1, ni p - pt - ps ps pc t tp - tk - - k kp kt - k. ks kc m md mn h hd hn hh hni s sp St sk — sc sd sn sh S771 s sp St sk - sc sd m sh sm n Up nt nk - - U Jid lin lib Tim Besides these clusters which belong to the stem, or to pronominal forms, others are admissible. These originate by comjiosition of a stem ending in a consonant with another stem beginning with a con- sonant. We have found in this series — mt np and it is likely that others occur. It will be noticed that in the ste m, sonants, affricati v es, and n_d o_n9t occuj ; as the first sound of a conso nantic cluste r; that sonants, excep t d and J, and Zf , do not appear at theend_of _a consonantic cluster. Fortes occur neither in initial nor in terminal position. No sound except §2 til mk ms )ltC i/Ji .sk Jik 9^ r/c 0^ boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 883 s and s occurs with another one of the same class. Clusters of three consonants may occur when a stem beginning with a biconsonantic cluster follows a stem with terminal consonant, but these combina- tions are rare. In Ponca and Winnebago stems the following consonantic clusters occur, which, however, are never terminal. PONCA i^ Second consonant of cluster ^ P t h s s 6 ^ d n h VI b 1)6 ff ffi h hn s\s ip sk sn f/J sf sk sc sn n K// M Tic M WINNEBAGO z^ Second consonant of cluster - ■5 c d ff s s 1 c c eg - h ks U l-j s sd ^ff s ^ff ■y dC n Ug /is Hj § 3. Syllables and Accent : Teton Syllables of Teton maj' consist of single vowels, a consonant fol- lowed by a vowel, or two consonants followed by a vowel. In the last case the first consonant is never a sonant or f ortis (see p. 882). In other instances an obscure vo wel- sound is heard _hptwppn th p. t.wn ppj - sonantSa_which mav eithe r be inserted for euphony or be a sign of composition. On t he othe r hand, such stems mav be considered as having been originally dissyllabic.^ iThis view, expressed by Doctor Swanton, does not seem to be supported by the phonetic character- istics of other dialects. It has been pointed out before that the consonantic clusters beginning with the surd stopis, p, t, k, do not occur in Ponca and Winnebago; while those with initial s, s, R, are quite common in these dialects. Winnebago has a strong tendency to repeat the vowel of a syllable between certain consonantic clusters (see pp. 888, 923), but it does not seem probable that this is an original condition from which the consonantic clusters of Dakota and Ponca have originated.— F. B. §3 884 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Tbes ounds S and / are almosL lbp ""b^ fn nso»ant^ aiiiid,clogi »g a J^llablejll whii'h no '"^"tnif^fiio" ''•' l'"r>\vn fr> hnvo fnVf>ti pWo^altVinnn-h it seems significant that both tliese sounds result from supposed contraction of syllables. The placing of the accent is said sometimes to constitute the only difference between words, but it is possible that other vocalic modifi- cations, not hitherto observed, may ))e involved. § 4. Phonetic Changes In this section we give a summary of the phonetic changes occurring in Teton, Ponca, and Winnebago. TETON 1. After a nasalized vowel or the syllable ?il there is a strong tend- ency for the following vowel to be nasalized; and this tendenc}' is particularly marked in the causative auxiliary ya, as in the following cases: li^'ya'' to fly toha"^' hiO^ni' ydP- as long as iciteha'^' ya^ far apart to'*'?/^" well waci'^'ya^pl they trusted to him niya"^' he cures him (literally, causes him to live) vyiynkl-'i^'ya'^ in a holy manner Upa^ya^'yi they caused it to be softened with water teii^' ya'^pi we caused him to die Ya TO GO sometimes changes similar!}-, as — ii^ya'^'pi we go. 2. After o, (/, c", u''\ the semivocalic // is apt to change to v, espe- cially in the imperative forms, as^ — w"c/, u ii:o be coming, O grandmother! ta^ya^' eca'iui^we well have you done Here may belong forms like — nd'^'ira^ he swims loioa'^jjl they sing 3. The final a of most verbs is changed into i^ when followed by na AND, or Jcta (the future particle). c eya' -u^pi^' na you roast and — (instead of ceya'-xi^pa' na) ya^'/if'^ na he sat and — (instead of ya'^'ka na) §4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 885 Tieyi^' na he says that and — (instead of heya' net) yu'zi^ Ji'ta he will take her (instead of yu'za k'ta) Final «" is usually treated similarly. hec'^o'^'hi^ na she was doing that and — (instead of lied^ d^' ha"^ do) e'to'^iol'^ na he looks at and — (instead of e'toHoa'^ na) 4. Terminal a very often changes to e^ but it is not certain that this change is of a purely phonetic character. It occurs before the sounds of the s and s series : slolAye' sni he knew not (for slolAya' sni) yuzi^' lite sni he will not take her (for yuziti Vta sni) kini' Jcte se'ce he Avill revive perhaps (for klni' J/ ta se'c'e) Tci^'ye se it flew, as it were (for ki'^ya se) ye litelia^' he went just then (for ya liceha'^') This change also occurs when the following word begins with e: ii^yi^' Vte eci'ya she said to him, "We will go" (for ii^yi^' ¥ta eci'ya) k'te eci^' "I will [travel]," he thought (for kHa eci^') le eha'^'taH if you go (for la eha'^'taH) It occurs before the articles X/" and ko'^^ and before the conjunction keya'L In all these cases it is connected with a change of the initial k sounds of these verbs into the corresponding affricative. Examples are given under 5. Since verbs change into nouns b}" a transformation of final a to e (or by change of suffix a to suffix d), it is not certain that these phenomena can be considered as purely phonetic in character. The change from a to e usually accompanies word composition. Examples are : tuwe'ni whoever (for tmca' ni) tuwe' ivaF a'^' what is holy (for tmca' vjakUi'^') Uceha'^' just then (for Uca-ha^') cdTcap^eya to throw bej'ond the bounds (from a'k'aj/a the outside) ak^a'8p\i and ak\i'sjyeya to be provoked The rules relating to terminal a suffer mairr exceptions. The verbal stem ha to have, and some verbal stems, like wa and ta^ seem to be invariable : hAluha' sni I have not wica'yaVu'wa Ute you will treat them {iinc a them ; ya thou) iya'ktta sni he did not cause him to behave §4 886 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 5. The palatals I; l\ and /', when pi'oceded by c or /, change to the correspondinw dental all'ru-ative. ?ec^ha^' he caused it to come forth (for Jit'yuya Ico'^ha^') ya'^he caya's although he sat (for yaH'd' htya's) This change is regular only when the preceding e stands in place of a of the independent forms of the verb; but the change also takes place at times, although not regularly, when the verb ends in e. I'te (•/« kill the (for ¥te //") According to Riggs, the same change takes place after /, in verbs, when the /.; is followed by a vowel. icalu fan (from ?'-, prepositional prefix [see §12]; J.'uIk' to blow away with hand) Icmla a scythe (from /-,' A'asla' to cut off) Mcahlcca to break for one by striking (from l-l- for: hihlccn to break by striking) The analogous changes occur throughout in Santee. 6. Contraction. Words ending in certain consonants followed by a, when compounded with other words that follow them, and when duplicated, lose their tinal a and change their consonants as follows: ]j to 1) or rii (j to // c, t to I 2 to s I' to g z to s . Examples; tol) p'asAla'tapi they stick four into the ground (for P>'j)\t) wasa'g-icila' he thought himself strong (for wasd'l-a) I'oJi-wi'c'as/' he told them to make (for l-a'ija) yus-ige'yi^ holding him, he sent him (for yu'za) p^aP'spa^'za soft (reduplicated fromjy'a"'2«) ap^sl'l and ap^st'ca to jump on oyu'l and oyu'ta to eat §4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 887 When a word ending in one vowel is compounded with another one beginning with the same vowel, the two vowels are generally con- tracted. MyotaH'a to come and sit down (for hi lyotcC^TxCi) Terminal a before the particle lo (see p. 933) changes to e because it requires a preceding particle ye^ which with a is contracted into e. hAla'he lo I am going PONCA AND WINNEBAGO Ponca and Winnebago have vocalic changes analogous to those of Dakota. The negative auxiliary, the future, the quotative, and the plural of Ponca change terminal t- and ai to a. ij£dgewi y may change to w?, t and c to n ; and that h and Ic after a ti'ansf ormed into ta''^pta'^yha''^ sdoh<(''^ha'^ to crawl tklfl-a' tkithi'fhi slushy Reduplicated numerals show very clearlj- these principles of redu- plication: wa^zi' one wa^'zi'g'zi a few ya'vin't three ya'mnimni b}^ threes za'ptct^ five za'pta^pta'^ by fives sa'kpe six sa'kpepe hy sixes Sako'u'i'^ seven saho'ioi^vu^ hj sevens sal'do'gaV' eight sal'do'JidfHJaP' b}?^ eights napci''^waH'a n\ne 7ia2Jzi''^vja'^gwa'^ka by nines vt'iTcce' mna ten wikce' mnamna hy tens In Ponca, monosyllabic words ending in a vowel, pure or nasal- ized, are doubled: i««sa"' always 207.10 sna'^'sna^ level 25.3 Ii4eh4e spotted 315.11 (^a«V«" each time 264.12 huhn' fish 280.8 Apparently most stems ending in a consonant are reduplicated without the terminal consonant: hihu'hut'a'^ blowing on 260.15 u^a'^K^ude he bit holes in them 267.7 pu'puRdUc'i drawn up much 282.16 gagigige coiled up 282.16 {gagigije 320.3) u^x'Jc'ihehehe one after another 307.9 a'^' sa'^sa^dema'^' shake me repeatedly 310.3 jijinga little ones wasi'sige active 9.14 TdUige to crush often 2U,3 hic'ic'i'je to break in by pressing 20.4 na'^jdjaje kicking out with the legs 24.1 ndgigi^a made people afraid to carr}- 7o6.5 wakekega sick ones {wakega sick) Since the suffixes of Ponca are not well known to me, it is quite likely that some of these stems may be monosyllabic. We find also examples of reduplication, including the terminal stem-consonant, jm^^ai^ase 267.6 wd^aMd^aze '^Ql ,Vd BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 899 In compounds, onh" the stem is reduplicated; prefixes and suffixes remain unaffected: /^a"V«" suddenly and regularly 9.5 wi^' (^a^a'P' one by one 314.7 4is2)^dsp\t pulled to pieces 17.3 ul'i}i(^aJi(^ae they run unequal distances 756.16 Hs¥aP''s¥a'^ in a line with 261.4 dVig<^i'^gii^ sitting on one another 320.4 i^isJc I'sV I much tangled 591.16 nga' haha floating in little waves 279.5 (see uya'ha 282.4) .jaJ^' sa^Tif i without stopping 261.8 pipla'jl bad ones {pi good) ukig^isaHa^ he turned I'ound and round 260.8. WINNEBAGO Monosyllabic stems with terminal vowel are doubled: stem fe hifefe' to talk " p'o , rap' op' ua! nAnga to puff " Vo hkvak'oJco' to skip about "• yi^ ivaj-i'^yi^na' the ball " Jigi nanligiUgi to walk over something " Jcsl 7'uksiksl to disturb " zl ruzizi to point at " fe y'e'fe earring " JiguP nanUgil^ligu^ to hear often Bisyllabic stems with repeated stem vowel (see p. 888) are treated in the same manner as monosyllabic stems: stem kii'i hlrikiri he comes again and again " 'phni rupAnipini to turn " mra sarasara bald " pond worupondpond to smell " poro poroporo round Almost all stems ending in a consonant do not repeat the terminal sound: stem Hue Aorw^iZ'/i'^/c he looked again and again " yak jayafkse to shriek " zic hoizi'zicse to strain one's eyes ' ' gas ruga' gas to tear in pieces " ksiC^c ruksilnks'd'^cse to shake " cas hiracacas to chatter " slz hosisiz to shoot " si^c si^si^c to sweep " yic yiyic to squeak § 11 900 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 stem Map taanksaksa'pse to slit open '' jih jljl'lijimmniA'^ to whisper " naJc hosa'.-tak to shoot " Uiill wasUuhu'lise to smash In the same way is treated stQva. s' urutci^^ ."i^nrus^urutii^ naked In the following the terminal consonant is repeated: stem , which have ver}' general meanings of prepositional or adverbial char- acter. Since these elements have no influence upon the structure of the following word to which they are attached, they might be con- sidered as proclitic particles. 1. a signifies on. It is also emplo3'ed to indicate that one thing is accompanied b}' another, and therefore becomes a kind of plural. au^jpi they put on (man}^ sticks) wi'cayuta he looked at them ana'tan she ran (thither) at^ti he put on the tire awa'Tceya he covered it (with a robe) aioi'cac wa- a I bring them akaJsta^pi the}' poured on him 2. i indicates that an action has taken place with some definite object in view, and therefore often occurs in words denominating in- struments; it also forms ordinals. Sometimes it may be trans- lated b}' FOK. ipa'fa sewed with iya'ha^ he was going to (a hill) iye'wica'Eiya' he passed it to them ilinoci^'pl they sing of it ina'zi^ he stood there (to look into the lodge) iya'Tcakhapl the}" hid it there ia'pe thing that they strike tire with tea's Alohe stone balls § 12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 901 izaJpta'^ the tifth time 'do' pa the fourth iyu'ha all iwa^'kab al)ove it 3. o signifies in, within, inside of. It is frequently employed with verbs signifying- to speak; and also when indefinite actions are to be expressed, when it ))ecomes partly antithetical to /. osAlo'he coasting (into the water) opa'wImUta' she packed them up om.a' hi^lijKi' ya I fall into ao' nawicat' a' ka he closed them in oha^'liepi night-time ' ozu'ha place for a certain article (bag) oya'te people oya's/'^ all ohu^'haka'^ myth o'gAle coat obAla'ye level place oina'ni he walked (about)^ The corresponding elements are also found m Ponca: . a (Dakota a) on die to glue on 84.19 dgil"^ to sit on 81:.6 di't^d to drop on 231.18 dglgia'lit''a'^ he poured on his own 231.19 . i (Dakota /) from, with, out of, }»y means of igagd to make of it 97.22 /^'i» to hit with 133.8 iFide to shoot with 369.10 ite to die from 690.11. . u (Dakota o) in, into u})dgc(^ to push into 232.6 udga^ade I broke a hole in it 96.17 ugdsne split inside bv hitting 81.18 ubdsna^ to push into 75. S iigii^ to sit inside 85.17 1 Probably in oma'ni one is represented as traveling about within a certain area, for the word for PRAIRIE or LEVEL PLACE is obAla'yc. I 12 902 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bim,. 40 § 13. fn fttr amenta f 1* re fixes 1 . n1»,7 wdia}}7.i;^> iae^aPljii he made it emerge liy biting V-l\.\^ 7. ^-i- by pulling. ihnd to drag 8()6.3 (^'dp'^dspai he pulled pieces apart 17.7 4ipan'de he shook b}" pulling 318.8 i'ldah' -(ja i)ull on it! i>6.1) 4ili]ia^' icdta'kpe hiya'ya the other went slipping along Often this is used in the formation of nouns and adjectives, as — waste' good, beautiful (from ste to esteem highl}-) waki^'ya^ the thunders (from ki'^'.ya^ to fly) §1^ 906 lU'KKAU OK AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bui-l. 40 'iO(m-: wo'yuha property (from yuJui' to have) wo'sica cause of trouble (from si'ca bad) toolc oya' I'e clothing .^ 15. Verbal Suffixes: Teton Although the existence of verbal suffixes is not so readily recognized, a careful examination of the language renders it almost certain that sev- eral verbal elements exist which are analogous in form to the verbs llya and ya, which will be referred to later (p. 931). These are In^j/a., r/a, ta, s«, and za (or /, which will be discussed in § 39. Added to the inclusive, this element forms the inclusive and exclusive first person plural. 'This attempt to reduce tlie bisyllabic words of Sioux to compounds of two monosyllabic elements, each ending with a vowel, does not seem to me quite successful. The unity of idea claimed for the groups in -ka, -ta, etc., is not convincing. It seems to me more plausible that we are dealing here •with stems ending in a consonant which are amplified by the terminal vowel a, so that the so-called contracted forms are rather the stems. There is good evidence that -ka is a suffix of very weak meaning, since many words occur with and without it.- I doubt, however, if this element occurs in tan'ka, yan'ka, yw'ka.—F. Boas. §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGi'.S 909 Examples in Teton are — tl he dwells wa'tH I dwell u^'t^'i thou and I dwell u'^'t' ipi we (he and I, or plural) dwell fi'pi they dwell masi'ca I am bad oma' h¥Kpa' ya I fall into nifa'^'lripl ye are large mii^ha I lie yu^'la he lies eca'md^ I do it li^lca^' we live §17. Traufiitive Verbs Transitive verbs with pronominal subject and object form combined pronominal forms in which the first person always precedes the second. The combination i — thee is expressed by c/. The object wica^ expressing the third person plural, precedes all pronouns. we wicau'^- Examples in Santee: I'He to kill. maya'Ute thou killest me riiaya'Utejn ye kill me wlta'Vtelia^ she was killing them inaya'haskQj thou tiest me (from hakha to tie) wicu'^'l-aska you and 1 tie them tica'ska I tie thee {kaska after i changed to hiska [see § 4. 5]) § 18, Pronouns of Verbs in y- Ver])s beginning with ya or yu in the third person — with veiy few exceptions — have pronouns of a different form. These are — Teton . Santee I 1)aI- md- thou L- d- he y- y- H IT, i.s 1 thou me - iiiaya- thee cl- - us - ii^ya them wicawa- ivicaya- 910 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Examples are — Teton: yn'~a he takes hAlu'za I take lu'za thou takest yawa he counts JjAla'uia I count la'wa thou countest ya he goes })Aln' I go hi thou goest Santee: yuMaV^' he tinishes mdmta^' I finisli ditsta^' thou linishest yaksa' he bites in two mdahsa' I })ite in two dakaa' thou bitest in two The most important exception is the verb ya to cause, which occurs in last position in compounds, and which has always the pro- nouns as described in § 16. Santee: napsi'nya he makes jump napsl' n%iiaya I make jump § li). Other Exceptional Fortns Other exceptional forms ma\'^ be grouped as active and neutral verbs. Irregular active verbs are the following: TO ARRIVE TO GO (future) TO START TO COME TO SAY 1st person . . 2d person . 3d person . . Teton niAni' ni hi Santee (regular) wahi yahi hi Teton (Riggs) 1)17) i Ji'ta n i l-ta yi'^ Ha Santee hibu' hidu' hiyu' Teton and Santee e'xxt e'ha e'ya The Santee verb ya^'ka to aveave basketry, to weave snow SHOES, is analogous in its forms to Teton inAui' : 1st person : lanalnka 2d person: na^'Tca § 15^ boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 911 It will be noticed that in all these forms, except in ^Ka thou sayest, the labials and dentals, respectively, appear for the tirst and second person pronouns. In the forms in vm for the first person we have apparently verbs in ^, in which for the regular I (Santee d) the nasal n is substituted; while in Mhii! i start to come and e'])a i say, the dental element has been lost. Perhaps all the forms of the verbs in y maj' be explained as a transformation of the pronominal la))ial and the stem-dental into }>a1- (Santee hid-) in the tirst person, and as a loss of one of the dentals in the second person, so that instead of yy-, I- (Santee d-) remains. As pointed out by J. Owen Dorsey,^ this theory is sub- stantiated })y the correspondence of the following forms: Santee: da- (2d person of verbs in ya-) Ponca: sna- hna- Winnebago: cara- All verbs beginning with yu- generally drop this prefix (see § 13) in the inclusive, yu'ta to eat drops it also in the first and second persons. Two Santee verbs — yuka'^' there is and yakd^' — are defective, and similar in their treatment to hiyii! . yuhaP there is uH'd^jji we are duka^pi ye are yaka^pi they are daka'no'^ thou art dakii! nd^pl ye are u'^ya'kd^, ii^ya'kd^pi w^e are yako"^pi they are Among the neutral verbs the following have to ])e noted: The verbs beginning with a vowel use in- and n- instead of ma- and ni-. The few neutral v^erbs beginning in y drop this sound in the first and second persons; those beginning in ina- and prefixing the pronoun change wa- to u- in the tirst and second persons. Examples in Santee are — TO USE TO SMOKE TO BE TO LIE DOWN 1st person .... 2d person .... Inclusive .... 3d person .... tiP'mii^'pa ii'^mi^'pa xC^ku^'pa uT^pa' ma^ka' na'^ka' u'^ya"^ka yaH-a' mu^ka! nii^ka' ii^wdnka wa'^ka' 1 Comparative Phonology of Four Siouau Languages (Smithsonian Report for 1883, p. 924). See also §§ 21 et seq. § 19 912 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Quite irregular arc the following Santee verbs: IBILL. -10 1st person 2d person Inclusive 3d person -koHa TO THINK' -arini hi^ni' In § 20. Verbs tritit ImJirevt Object and Reflexlveti Wheiun^era verb takes an indirect objector when the object belongs to the subject, one of two peculiar forms is used. One of them is regular, and is characterized by the introduction of the element X/ after the compound pronoun expressing subject and object. When the pro- noun ends ill an /, this form changes to ci. Thus we have — bava'hil'sa I cut off my own clcldmoa'^jn 1 sing for you IX 110.14- (from doica^ to sing) A second set of forms is irregular. The forms are in Santee — I thou hc we to me - iiunje- ))ii- - to thee Ci- - 111- u'^nl to him me- ye- Tci- vP'hi- to us - uP'ye- tiH'i- - The I- of the third person seems to be characteristic of most Siouan dialects; but it seems doubtful whether it is justifiable to explain the forms loe-^ ye-, mi-^ ni-, as originating through contraction of loaJcl-^ yaki-^ maki-^ niki-^ as Riggs does. The Ponca forms are not in favor of this theory. The uses of these two forms are peculiarly irregular. It seems that et3'mologicalh' both must be considered as distinct, since their rela- tion to the pronouns as well as to the stem is different. The k'l which enters into regular composition with the pronouns forms exceptional forms with certain stems. (1) Before stems beginning with k and y (and li'i \\\ Teton) it forms (IaI (Teton) and hd (Santee). •With the demonstratives e, he, ke, to, this verb forms eio"', heco"', ke'con, to'kon (see § 43). It does not occur alone. 2 With the demonstratives c. hr. Ay', and wa, awa, this verb forms e'ci", he'ci", ke'ci", iva'ci", aiva'ii'* (sec § J3), Jt does not pccur alone. §20 3d Person 1st Person klca' weca kica'ga wecaga Mca'kca wecakca kicii'wa wecuwa kikte' wekte' BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 913 (2) Before stems beginning with jk>, it forms kp. According to Riggs's Dictionary, these forms always indicate that the object belongs to the subject. Swanton gives the following Teton examples of these forms before yn-^ ya-, and fci: gAluha' they had their own gAla'ska he tied his own g Alalia^ he was going back gAli' he got back The forms in ki which form an irregular pronominal series, accord- ing to Riggs, express sometimes the same relation: to mean one's own (from kd) to make one's own (from kaga) to count one's own (from kakca) to follow one's own (from kinra) to kill one's own Ordinarily these forms express an indirect object with the mean- ing of our preposition lo or for: ki'cahi to rummage for one (from kahi) kihna'ka to keep for one There are, however, many cases in which the ^7' that does not form irregular pronouns is used in this sense. e'ya to sa}"^ ecl'ya to say to some one ' ewakiya I sav to him einayakiya yo\x sa}' to me dowa"^ to sing wakldowa^ I sing for him In still other cases both forms are in use with the same meaning: kitd^' to wear wetd^' and vrnkitd^ I wear klsd^' to braid for one's self wesd^' and wakhd^' 1 braid kihma' to look like uaehma and wakihma I look like It would seem, therefore, that a considerable amount of confusion between these morphologically distinct forms has developed. Related to the pronoun 1/, which tends to become assimilated b\'^ the stem, is the reflexive /c/, which, before verbs beginning with k and ?/, assumes the forms igl (Teton) and ihd (Santee), while before verbs beginning withjt? it becomes ik. It will be seen that this form is simply the first ki with the prefix i. §20 44877 —Bull. 40, pt 1—10 58 914 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 hai'ciksa to cut one's self in two (from ksa) ikpa'pta'^ to turn one's self over {i rom papfa^) ihda'l'-sa to cut one's self off The following Teton examples are given by Swanton: oUiya'jn they paint themselves miti'caga I have made myself u'^'ki&iya' we two exchange between ourselves These forms are neutral verbs, and take the objective pronouns. Derived from the second I'l is also the form klcl^ meaning almost always for, which forms the pronominal forms weci^ yecL Jci'clyusna to make a mistake for one M'ciso'^ to braid for one Another form klci means with, together, and is generally followed by the pronoun: 3d person 1st person ki'tltida^ kiciwatida'^ to ride with one kici'yuta kiciwata to eat with some one Swanton considers companionship as the original significance of the form, which occurs also as a post-positive meaning with, accom- panied BY. Teton examples are — oko' lakiciye society (literally, friends to one another) oki'ciyusica they two got into trouble with each other kici'Utepi they killed each other Personal Pronouns in Ponca (§§ 21-29) § 21. Subjective and Objective Pronouns: First Class The two classes of pronouns, subjective and objective, occur here in the same way as in Dakota, but the modifications of their forms with various classes of verbs are more numerous. By far the majority of verbs may be combined in one group, which show what may be called the normal pronominal forms. Subjective Objective pronoun pronoun 1st person singular a- «"- 2d person singular <^a- ^i- Inclusive dual a'^- wa- The plural of all these forms is made by the suffix -^, correspond- ing to the Dakota -jn. The inclusive, by addition of this suffix, is transformed into the first person plural. While the object, third §21 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 915 person plural, is expressed by loa-, this form does not occur as sub- ject of the neuter verb. Examples of verbs of this class are the following: Subjective pronouns: and^a^ I heard it 670.2 (from nd^a^ to hear) at'i I have arrived 671.6 (from t' i he arrives) ^ati thou hast arrived 715.3 iand^d!^ thou hearest it 665.1 a^ma^iH we walk 713.5 Objective pronouns: aHm'ge I have none 715.2 (from ^inge he has none) aV'wa^lip'ani I am poor 719.2 (from wa^Uji ani poor) ^i^in'ge thou hast none 70.17 wawdk"^ egai we have been sick 662.1 (from wdFega sick) § 22, Transitive Verbs Transitive verbs with incorporated object appear in the same forms as in Dakota. The object has the same form as the subject of the neutral verb. In the combinations of subject and object the first person precedes the second and third, and the third person pre- cedes the second. As in Dakota, the combination of the first person subject and the second person object is expressed by a special form, wi-. The object of the third person plural after the inclusive dual and first person plural is always ?ra". The plurality of the object is expressed by the sufGx -/. I thou we me - a'^4(^- thee wi- - a^<^i- us - wa^a- - them awa- wa^a- a'^wa^- Examples: I — thee: wind^a'^ I hear thee 87.14 uwWi^ I hit thee 62.3 wiHi 1 give you 706.10 I — them: awdna^a"^ I have heard about them 676.1 OAJod^i I gave them 652.11 THOU — me: aJ^^dsii^dji thou dost not remember, me 652.6 916 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 THOU — us: v:a^dsi^a^d-ll it is said 3^011 remembered us 687.5 udwa<^a]ca^' i j^ou have aided us 751.9 THOU — THEM : ufa^dntfa'^ thou hoarest about them 692.7 WE — thee: a'^^i'^l we give it to thee 439.3 a'^<^l/si<^al we remember you 687.4 WE — them: a^ioa' nga^di we desire them 750.7 a^ioct^' dabbed we saw them 705.10 § 23. Pronouns of Verbs in <•; Second Class Corresponding to the Dakota inflection of the verb beginning with y, we have the following forms of the verb in <;: 1st person singular M- 2d person singular hi-, hn-^ n- 3d person singular 4- Inclusive dual and- According to Dorsey,^ sn- is the oldest form of the second person, while hn- and 7i- are more modern forms. The sound hn- has not an oral h, but expresses a very full breathing through the nose with )i closure of the tongue. Examples of these forms are the following: h^ize I receive 670.1 nize thou receivest it 745.3 hC^'Ma -I wish 704.4 ma^ni^'^ you walk 744.5 itM'^Mi^'^ I walk 706.2 hiUta'^l ye finished 436.9 ka'^Mega'^'- I hope 706.4 hnai ye go 436.8 eMega''* I think that 706.6 goT^'ia"- he wishes 50.8 me you went 738.2 e^ega'^^ he thinks that 757.13 usne thou tellest 58.17 a'^'^i^ we were 727.5 khi:^'na'^ thou wishest 741.10 aHa'^'iai we think 727.8 § 24,. Pronouns of Verbs in b, d^ (j: Third Class Verbs in h, d, and g, provided the pronoun is not infixed, are treated in the following manner: 1st person singular /> 2d person singular fp'- 3d person singular b- Inclusive dual a'^h- t- Jc- ft'- s¥- d- 9- cC^d- ang- 1 See the (fegiha Language, note on page 634. ' Double conjugation. See § 24. 'Infixed pronoun. < Compound verb, §§ 23, 24 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 917 The second persons of this group reveal their close relationship to the verbs in ^, a relationship which is still clearer in Winnebago (see § 32). Following are examples of this class: pagu I write 488.8 Fa'^'h^a ^ I wish 704.4 piga'^ I blow it 575.7 sFa'ge thou makest 582.14 isp'aha'^ thou knowest ^a™V<^i^ he wishes 50.8 435.14 gage he made 10.13 sfcC^he thou beholdest635.10 angdgai we do 686.5 dcHe he saw 116.3 aMa^'le we see 132.8 In verbs begiiming with ^-, J-, d-^ f/-, the objective form, and also the combined form wi i — thee, are prefixed to the subjective forms, which take the pronominal subjective according to the second and third classes, as described before (p. 916). Examples: witaP-'le I see thee 644.16 wiMaha'^' i I pray to you 775.4 (from 4alta^' to pray 189.14) wibdgu I write to thee 750.11 wdbii^ I have them 751.2 wasfa'^'he 3^ou saw us 752.6 wa¥a^'Ma I desire them 751.3 § 25, Pronouns of Verbs in i-: Fourth Class In verbs beginning with i we find modified forms of the pronoun, due principally to the insertion of an intervocalic ^ in cases in which the inserted pronoun begins with a vowel: SUBJECTIVE PRONOUN 1st person singular i^a'- Inclusive dual «"^a™- OBJECTIVE PRONOUN 1st person singular a^<^a^- 1st person plural vjea- OBJECT 3d person plural we- SUBJECT AND OBJECT COMBINED 1 — them loea- All other persons are regular. Examples are — i^dmage I ask him a question 737.5 1 Double conjugation . §25 918 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBru.. 40 i^dpaha'^^ I kuow 659.12 a^^ci^wank'egai I am sick on account of 714:. 8 a'^^ct-'^'haha'^^ ke knows me 475.6 a^^a^'haha'^^ we know it 657.9 ivedbaha'^'i^ they know us 389.13 wedta4ai tlie}' hate us 679.19 wemcuje he questioned them 40.5 weiai they found them 440.11: ioed<^a-mdzl I do not find them 151.20 wea'^'iai we found them 440.15 Other regular forms are — iwipaka"^ I know thee 728.4 ibaha'^'i they know him 728.8 ^20. JPt*o nouns of Verbs in ii-: Fifth Class In this class the following modifications occur: Objective pronoun, 1st person singular .... a'^wa^- Subjective pronoun, inclusive dual angu- Examples are — aP'wa'^'hU' a^ he presses me down 23.15 a^wa^'na^a^ he heard about me 39.19 an' guinka^i we aided him 748.3 Other regular forms are — iib/t'a'^ he pressed him down 23.15 und^a^ he heard about something 40.8 § 27. Irregular Verbs The following verbs are irregular : j/i I arrive 453.6 minVe I who 13.4 H thou arrivest 555.7 nihk' e Xhon who 758.1 hi he arrives 555.7 ^inUe he who 11.5 manic d we who ^ . ^ ^ ^^ ~T^ ' can Q 1 ^'«" I do 245.10 nank a 667. 8 1 , , , , _^ ^ y ~7< ' 0.31 -f3^® ^'^^ 2rt" thou doest 13.8 , -7«'4.u u onto «"bedoesl3. < 4ank a they who 624.3 ehe I say 665.6 aV«"' we say 678.6 ese thou saj^est 674.12 e^ai ye say 678.18 e he says 194.5 ai they sa}' 667.4 Here seems to belong^ the negation mdzi I not bdzl thou not azi he not I The stem takes at the same time the forms described in § 24. (§26,27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 919 Examples of its use are — iV dgeaiodia-md'zt 1 do not have them for my friends 711.13 4i sk'dga-hdzl thou dost not do it 711.19 § 28. Forms Expressing Object Possessed hy Suhject Possession of the object by the subject is expressed by forms analogfous to those of the Dakota. 1. In most verbs gi- is prefixed. Examples are — ^^« he carries 306.6 giH'^' he carries his own 296.13 agi^i"' 1 carry mine 45.15 4agi^i'^ thou carriest thine 45. 11 zug^e with him 305.5 zugigipe with his own 305.3 uhd he follows 289.4 u4ugiha he follows his 306. 14 dTilpa he met him 50.1 dgiJcijM he met his own 299.3 a"V<^ he abandons 84.3 aa'^'h^a I abandon it 50.5 agia^Mci^ I abandon mine 756.2 2. Verbs in ^- have the form g4 . 4ize to take 298.3 g4ize he took his own 298.16 ^/" to have 288.15, 290.11 agi^dh^i'^ I have my own 755.10 3. Verbs in ga- have probably also forms in g4^ but I have not been able to discover examples illustrating this point. 4. Verbs in 5-, d-, g-y have the forms gip-^ git-^ g'lk-. da^he he saw agita^ha-mdzl 1 do not look at mine 756.2 gita^'hai she saw her own 306.7 iabaha^ he knows igipahci^' he knew his own 295.1 wegipaha^' she knew them 289.8 ga'ge to make gika'ge he made his own 299.9 iibet'a^ he wrapped it ugipefci^ he wrapped his own 208.4 lUa'^' to put on 47.3 uagita^ I put on my own 43.9 §28 1 thou he we - /"^r- ;n_ - wi- - iHvi'^'^and thou saj^est to me 671.1 i^wi^' 40'hnd thou sayest to me 500.6 \4ehna thou sayest to him 497.8 woa^agisnd thou sayest to us 633.1 uiva^agihnd thou sayest to them 507.4 i^wi^'ste it remains to me 501.2 (from ?^rYd' 501.2) u4in''a^i he helps you 508.3 . ui^a he says to him 656.8 udwagi^e he says to us 503.1 a'^wa'^'l^'ie the}^ say to me 670.2 niHcii they say to thee 678.12 3. Verbs in g- lose their g after the pronominal forms. he to me a'^'age 39.12 to thee ^/a(/«i 735.13 to him gidga 152.9 to u s wdgai 73 5 . 1 3 §29 922 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Personal Pronouns in Winnebago (§§ 30-34) § 30. Subjective and Objective Pronouns: First Class The principles of classification of the Aeibs are the same as those found in the Ponca dialect. The most common forms of the sub- jective and objective pronouns are as follows: Subjective Objective pronoun pronoun 1st person singular ha- Jil^- 2d person sing-ular ra- ni^- Inclusive dual hi^- wanga- The plural of all these forms is made by the suffix -wi^ except the third person plural, which has the suffix -ire. B}^ addition of this suffix the inclusive dual is transformed into the first person plural. The third person plural object is v:a-. This does not occur as sub- ject of the neuter verb. Examples are: halie' 1 bury ralie' thou buriest lii^mAnga' s you and 1 tear with a knife hi'sihre 1 am falling nt'^sibre thou art falling wa'ngasihra'tvi we are falling § 31. Transitive Verbs The transitive forms of the Winnebago verb resemble those of Ponca and Dakota in the development of the combined form i — thee, and the occurrence of the third person plural object. The forms for the first person plural subject has the same pronominal forms as the corresponding singular forms, from which they differ b}' the plural ending -wi. The forms he — them and i — them differ in accent, i — them, evidentl}^ originating from wa-ha-, is always accented iva'-^ while the third person has the accent on the stem. waflie I BURY them, but walie' he buries them. I thou we me thee w*"- hina- ni^-ivi us them wa'- Jiina-wi wara- wa'-wi Examples: nin'Ue I bury thee hi'ndhe thou buriest me §§ 30, 31 BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 923 ninUa'wi we bury thee ica'raKe thou buriest them hinlia'ire they bury me Jia'ni^pa I hit thee (from Jia' pa he hits) § S2, Pronouns of Verbs takinf/ s in the Second Person: Second Class Verbs corresponding to the Dakota verbs in y- and to the Ponca verbs in (^-, and those corresponding to the Ponca verbs in h, d, and gr, are treated alike, thus suggesting a later differentiation of the second and third classes in Ponca. Verbs of this class begin in the third person with a vowel lo, r, or with /, t or g. If we indicate the first vowel of the word b}'^ r, the pronominal forms may be rep- resented as follows: Type V %0 r 1 f 9 1st per. sing. hv- pv- dv- cv- c'v- k'^v- 2d per. sing. . sv- kvinv- svrv- scv- scv- sgv- 3d per. sing. . V- wv- rv- jv- fv- gv- Inclusive dual . Ju'^v- hi^iov- hl'^nv- lil>]V- hl'^fv- hi^gv- The plurals are formed as in the verbs belonging to the first class — by the suffix -\ni in the first and second persons, by -ire in the third person. The first person plural, instead of being formed from the inclusive, as in the first class, is formed from the first person singular by suffixing -yyi. The repetition of the vowel in the second person which is characteristic of the first three t3"pes of this class in Winnebago has been referred to before. 'm™ he does hd^iil'' I do s'i2"' thou doest wa'cgis he saws pa'cgis I saw sa'ioacgis thou sawest hiwu'sunc he is near hifu'sunc I am near hlsu'wusunt thou art near ice'wi^ he thinks pe'wi^ I think ke'wewi^ thou thinkest hci'u^'vn we do Jiin->(in' you and I do jpatgizwi we saw hi^'wacgis you and 1 saw Kijpu'sunjwi we are near hiwusunjire they are near p'ewi^'wi we think Tii"^' toeioi^ vou and I think §32 924 BUREAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur.r,. 40 i'a§iS he breaks with mouth da'sis I break with the mouth ^a'rasis thou breakest with the mouth ru'gas he tears by pulling du'gas I tear by pulling hi'rifgaft thou tearest by pulling r^l he goes de I go ^e7'e thou ffoest da'Hzioi we break with the mouth hi'nasis you and I break with the mouth duga'zwi we tear by pulling hi'migas you and T tear bv pulling da'wi we go hi'ne you and 1 go Verbs belonging to the second division of this class are rather rare. haja' he sees haca' I see hasca' thou seest feuA'^ he is dead c'eriA'^ I am dead kSe'uA^ thou art dead gu'nA^ he comes Tcu'nA^ I come hgxi'riA^ thou comest haca'wi we see hi^ja you and I see Sa'winA^ we are dead hiH''e'nA^ you and I are dead Tcuna'wi we come hingu'nA^ you and 1 come To this class belong also the verbs expressing the position in which the act is performed, as sitting or lying-/ while standing belongs to the first class of verbs. TdSlS TO BREAK WITH MOUTH To break with mouth Slttiug Lying or walking Standing 1st p. sing. . . dasizEna^iiksEnA'"' daUzEinA^ ilksEn An dasizaje^nAn 2d p. sing. . . idrasizEsa^nanksEUAn k'trasizEsa' wAnksEiiAn sdrcdizErajenAn 3d p. sing. . . ra^iiEna^nkSEnAn raiiza^nksEnAn raiisje'nAn Verbs of this class take their objects, including the composite form fii^- I — THEE, preceding the subjective pronoun, which is treated as described before. ni^p^a'cgis I saw thee (from wacgis he saws) hi^wacgis he saws me ni^p'e'wi^ I think of thee (from we'vn^ he thinks) hi^su'rugas thou tearest me by pulling (3d per. ru'gas) MHu'wusunt thou art near me (from hiwu'sunc he is near) 'Occasionally the verbal forms expressing a lying position are formed with mi'nkie, which belongs to the first class of verbs. §32 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 925 § 33. Contracted Pronominal Forms In many cases the verb begins with a prefix which forms con- tractions with the pronominal forms here described. Contractions also occur with infixed pronouns. These may be grouped under the following rules: 1. Verbs in gi with preceding pronoun lose the ^ in the first and second persons. ha-gi becomes hai ra-gi becomes rai hai'cgis 1 cut in two by striking rai'cgis thou cuttest in two by striking gicgis he cuts in two by striking hi'ngitgis you and 1 cut in two by striking 2. Verbs with prefixes ending in a or oV' and followed by a pro- noun beginning with h lose the pronominal aspirate. At the same time two a!^ that are thus brought into contact form a single accented (or long ?) a, while a and l form a diphthong. When one of the vowels is nasalized, the contracted form is also nasalized. w.a'ngas I tear with a knife manga' s he tears with a knife mai'ngas he tears me maina'gas thou tearest me , 7ia'Hls I break by pressure na'^sl's he breaks by pressure 'nai''^sls he breaks me by pressure nai^na'&is thou breakest me by pressure 3. Verbs with prefixes ending in o (except ho- and v^o-) also eliminate the h of the pronoun, but form no diphthongs. l)oa's%p I push down ho' sip he pushes down holsi'p he pushes me down 7'oa'gu^ I wish rogii^' he wishes roigil'^ he wishes me 4. Words with the prefix Ju>- contract: 1st person subjective ho-ha- into loa- 1st person objective ho-hi^- into Jiu'^- Dual inclusive hi^-ho- into ho'- 3d person plural object . . . . . wa-ho- into loo- 1st person plural object loanga-ho into loango- §33 926 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 wa'ji'^ I strike hoji^' he strikes ho'ji^ you and I strike finnjin' tig strikes me wodji^' he strikes thein 5. Verbs with the prefix v:)0- contract: First person subjective \oo-ha- into wo-. I have no example of the treatment of the first person objective. wa'hi 1 win wora'hi thou winnest wo' hi he wins 6. Verbs in which the pronoun follows an initial hi form con- traction illustrated by the following examples: yape'rez I know (for hl-ha-perez) hi^pe'rez you and I know (for hi^-hi-perez) ni^pe'rez I know thee (for n I'^-hijjerez) hini'perez thou knowest me (for Iiina-hiperez) M'^perez he knows me (for hij^-hi-j^erez) wia'perez I know them (for wa-hi-ha-perez) wA'ngipere'zire the}' know us (for wAmja-ld-perezire) The third person plural object iva- is alwa3''s contracted with id to li^l. 7. Verbs in which the pronoun follows an initial 'w"- contract the first person ^H'^-ha into ''invA^-: ''uwAfigi'gi I compel (for ^il^-ha-gi'gi) ^u'i^nagi'gi thou compellest me (for ■'t'^-hir^a-gi'gi) 8. The causative suffix hi has the forms ha and ra for the first and second persons, respectively. fe'ha I killed him fe'ra thou didst kill f^hi he killed The causative suffix gi'gi is regular. rea'gigi'tiA'^ I send him rera'gigi'uA^ thou sendest him regigi'iiA^ he sends it § 34:, Indirect Object and Reflexives The indirect object is expressed by the same forms that are used to express the direct object, but the indirect object is indicated by the prefix gi which follows the pronoun. The initial g of this prefix is never elided. §34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 927 ni'nKe I bury thee nigi'nlie I bury for thee hlnai'cgls thou cuttest me in hinaigigcis thou cuttest it in two two for me hoisi'p he pushes me down hoigi'sip he cut it down for me hiTba'p'a thou hittest me hina'gip'a thou hittest for me ni^p^e'wi^ I think of thee ningipe'vn'^ I think for thee The reflexive forms take the regular subjective pronouns followed by the prefix Txi-. In these forms the prefixes are contracted in the usual manner with the pronouns; 1^1- and the prefix gi- by striking combine to form Z/-. haJci'Ue I bury myself haki'cgis 1 cut myself (for ha-M-gi-cgis) boa'klsij) I push myself (for ho-ha-M-sip) mAfiki'gas I tear myself (for mA'^-ha-M-gas) yakipe'rez I know myself (for hl-ha-M-pe'rez) waki'ji^ I strike myself (for ho-ha-M-ji^) liakip' a'cgis I saw myself hahidu' gas I tear myself The last two examples show that in the reflexives of verbs of the second class the stem takes its pronominal forms in addition to the pronominal forms prefixed to kl-. The forms indicating that the object belongs to the subject are formed by the prefix kara- in all verbs of the first class, while verbs of the second class take kv- when v indicates the first vowel of the stem. All these verbs have the ordinary subjective pronouns which are contracted with the pronouns in the usual way. The prefix kara- and gi- by striking combine to form karai-. haka'ralie I bury my own hakarai'cgis I out mj own (for ?ia-kara-gi-cgis) hoaka'rasip I push my own (for lo-ha-kara-sip) mAnka'ragas I tear m}" own (for iiiA'^-Jia-kara-gas) ha'karap^a I hit my own (for hl-Jia-kara-p'^a) ya'karape'rez I know my own (for hi-ha-kara-perez) waka'rajl'^ I strike my own (for ho-ha-kara-ji'^) Examples of the second class are the following : haka'wacgls I saw my own (from wacgis he saws) yaku'wusunc 1 am near my own (from hiwu'sunc he is near, for h i-ha-ka-vms linc) haka'rasls I break my own with mouth (for ha-ka-ra-sis) haku'rugas I tear my own (for ha-ha-ru-gas) §34 928 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 35. Independent Personal Pronouns The independent personal pronoun is derived from tlic objective forms of tiic pronoun. In Teton Ave find — vii'ye I ni'ye thou i'ye he uH'i'ye thou and 1 The suffix -jji is added to express the plural. Jt stands either with the pronoun or with some following- word. Emphatic pronouns are formed with the ending s (see § 41) : m^s, nis, is, and u^kl's or u'^kl'yes. The independent personal pronouns in Fonca are: wi I 736.3, 715.5 ^/ thou 711.18 angu we Position of Pronoun (sS^ 36, 37) § 3(i. Position of Profioiiii in Dakota Ordinarily the pronouns are prefixed to the stem, other etymological prefixes preceding the pronouns; but there are a number of cases in which the pronoun precedes other prefixes. A number of verbs of more than one syllable that can not be reduced to compounds of an etymological prefix and a monosyllabic stem place the pronoun after the first syllable, so that it appears as a true infix. According to Kiggs's Grammar and the material contained in his dictionar}' and texts, the following groups of forms may be distin- guished: 1. In monosyllabic words the pronouns are always prefixed. Ex- amples of this class have been given before (§ 16). 2. Verbs of more than one svHable, that can not be shown to be compounds, prefix or infix the pronoun, the position being determined to a certain extent by the initial sound of the word. Verbs beginning with I or I- prefix the pronoun: TETON EXAMPLES laka to consider in a certain wahiht I consider way loiim'^ to sing waloica'^ I sing Jiaga to make yakaga thou makest §§35,36 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAlSr INDIAN LANGUAGES 929 Verbs beginning- with c, s, m, or n, or a vowel, often infix the pro- nouns after the first syllable: SANTEE EXAMPLES cajxi to stab cmva'pa I stab ceii to build a fire tewat'i I build a tire teuH'ipi we build a tire cojpa to wade toioapa I wade suta to miss suuHajji we miss mand^ to steal mayand^' thou stealest raaJni to walk tnavmn i I walk opa^ to follow owapa I follow asni^ to be well anisni thou art well Although Riggs states that verbs with initial n belong to this class, I have not found a single instance of this kind. On the other hand, some verbs, apparently not compounds, beginning with other sounds, infix the pronoun. SANTEE EXAMPLES paUta'^ to bind pawalita I bind toksu to transport touiaMu I transport to'^ha'^ to be to^'walia^ I am td^waP- to go to see wato'^wa^' I go to see Prefixed pronouns before the sounds here enumerated are, how- ever, not rare: SANTEE EXAMPLES ceka to stagger Tnateka I stagger ceya to cry ivaceya I cry skata to play waskata 1 play nu7ii to wander wanuni I wander In verbs of this class the first person dual is often prefixed, even when the other persons are infixed. u^kopapi or oii^papi we follow (from opa) 3. Verbs containing the prefixes ka- and ^x<- (see § 13) , and Teton verbs in kpa- ((/?«-), gla- (Santee hda-), and r/ln- (San tee hdx-) (see § 20), prefix the pronouns. Un this word the vowel is not a prefix. 'In this word, pa- is not a prefix (see § 13). §36 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 59 OoO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETIIXOLOCJV Ibull. 40 SANTKK KXAMPLES I'al'm to cut off wal'ak'sa I cut off* (from Z'.sv/) hiUit'ga to break b}- striking roaA'aUn'ga 1 break by strik- ing (from Uuga) j)aga^ to part with a thing wapaga^ I part witii a thing (from - (see § 12), and pre- fix the demonstrative e^ have the pronouns in the same position in which the}' would be if the verb had no prefix. SANTEE EXAMPLES apahta to l)ind on apawalita I bind on (from palita) inalinl to hurr\^ inawalini I hurr}- 5. Verbs witli the prefixes 7oa- (Santee ha-)^ wo- (Santee ho-)^ and na- (see § 13) have the pronouns following the prefix. 7oak'sa (Teton) to cut off ?i'«i/rt^'sa thou cuttest off (from hoJisa (Santee) to shoot off' hoyalsa thou shootest off (from I'sa) 6. Compound verbs consisting of two verbs of equal order either take their pronouns each independently of the other, or the second verb is used without pronoun. SAXTEE EXAMPLES hdlyota'^ka (contracted from wahdimdota'^ka I come home hdl and iyotaH-a) to come and sit down; but also home and sit down wdhdiyotaH-a iyo'lipaya (from /- on account iyowalipamdaldLWghtm some- of ; <>- in) to alight in some- thing thing §36 BOAS] HANDBOOK Oi<' AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 931 hiyo'Upaya to come and vxihiyovjaUpamda I come and alight in alight in; also vxiMyokpaya hiya'kapta to come over a wa/uyavxil'apta I come over a stream stream iyaya to have gone imdamde I have gone klyu'se to hate one wakimduse I hate him kiyu'ska (from yuska) to re- tvakimduska and vmkiyuska I lease release 7. Compounds having the auxiliary verbs kiya, ya, ycC^, place the pronoun preceding these, while the first verb is often used in contracted form. SANTEE EXAMPLES iya'pa{ka) to be offended iya'paya to offend iyamajpaka 1 am offended iyapawaya I offend iya'pe to wait for iyapeya to cause to wait for i'yavxipe I wait for iyajjewaya I cause to wait for sdoca' to know sdonya' to know sdomoaya I know wa^ya'ka to see loa^ya'gya to come to see waP'indaJka I see wa^yagwaya I came to see § 37, Position of Pronoun in Ponca The position of the pronoun in Ponca is quite similar to that found in Dakota. 1. Most monosyllabic verl)s prefix the pronoun. <^i^ he gave it to thee (-/' to give) 739.9 ■loa^i^' he carried them (^Z*^ to carry) 10.7 «f(/ 1 die (^e to die) 630.9 ate I have arrived 671.6 2. Verbs of more than one s^diable, that can not be shown to be compounds, prefix or infix the pronoun, the position being deter- mined b}" the initial sound of the word. Verbs beginning with j', s, /»', wi, or ;;, or a vowel, often infix the pronoun after the first sj'llable. jug4e to be with somebody juwigie 1 am with thee 739.6 305.5 jalie to stab ja4ahe j'^ou stab slg4e to unload uag^e I unload nanpe to fear nan4ape you fear mO^fi'^ to walk ma'^hft'^ I walk 706.2 uha to follow xiaha I follow kuhe to be frightened kuahe I am frightened § 37 932 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Modal Suffixes and Particles (sS^ 38-40) § 38. General CharacteH, sties The Siouan languajofes have a larcre number of elements which may be in part considered as suffixes, while others are undou})tedlj enclitic particles, which express modalities of the verb. These are evidently related to similar particles that appear with the noun and wath adverbs, and which will be treated in §§41 and 42, and from which they can not be sharply separated. § 5.9. JPluralitjf TETON Plurality of animate objects is indicated in both ver])s and nouns by a suffix, -pi. tA he died ta'jjl they died slo'lAya he knows slo'lAya'pl they know Fosl'a'lnla young man k'osl'olahi'jri young men ca'jyci beaver cap'a'j^i beavers There is, however, an evident disinclination to employ -p> with nouns, except possessives, and it is by preference placed upon a following adjective. h' oshdaka' yamAni'jyi three young men cap\i' ta^Ua'jpi large beavers This seems to indicate that the suffix is properly verbal, and that when it is employed with nouns the signification is they are young MEN or THEY ARE BEAVERS. It might be said that this element pluralizes the Avhole sentence. Examples in Sautee are — w'lkokka nom. Icupi they gave him two maidens IX 86.6 Hyo Iceya hiyaha^pl grouse of that kind alighted IX 9'J.24 PONCA The corresponding element in Ponca is -/. (finge-hiui^l they have none regularly 885.12 {iifige there is none; liha"^ regularly) It is not used with nouns, since the articles (see §42) express pluralit3\ §§38,39 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 933 § 40. JP articles Expressing Tenses and 3Iodallties TETON Temporal and modal relations are marked in Dakota by particles placed after the verb. 1. Future, For the future, l't(( is used. hAla' 1 go hAla' Jcta (Teton) I shall go. (According to Riggs, the Santee use I'e instead of lie [the ii of Ha being changed to e\ before eci'^ and epca. 'Hto dewa'lfa I'd," eci^' "lo! this I will dig," she thought IX 83.13 '•''m.da he,'''' epca "I will go," thought I) 2. Habitual, Habitual action is indicated by xa. iha'Jcab iya'ya sa he went after it habituall}- 3. Itegular repetition is expressed by sna. 4. Imperative, The imperative is expressed by four elements: Singular Plural yo po ye pe ye sni yo go not thou! ivakta'ya v'^po' on guard be ye! The forms yo and j?o are used by men; while ye andj?^, which seem to express a milder form of request, are used by women. '"''lena' aiva'^'u^kiciyaJcapi ye^'''' eya' "watch these for us, please," she said After ^l and o, yo and ye change to ico and ^ue^ respectivel}", in accordance with the phonetic tendencies mentioned in § 4. Probabh" 2)0 and pe contain the plural particle jy// and it is possible that yo and ye are derived from the pronominal prefix of the second person, ya-. 5. Declarative I^article, Declarative sentences in direct forms of address are geuerall}' closed b}- lo. This is usually preceded by ye. vP'ko' kitty oka' jpi Tcte sni ye lo we will not tell it to her hosi'cHca hi ye lo I have come to tell you the news (In Santee this ending is generally used by young men without pre- ceding ye. wahi kte do I will come In this dialect, ye is sometimes used instead of do by women and older men.) § 40 934 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 6. iHfrrrogaflve. The particle he indicates the interrogative. wa^zl'Jici" c'upe' mifa'^'kapl he is there one with large marrow? When the person addressed is at a distance, hwo (compounded of he and iro) is used. to'hiya la hwo whither do j'^ou go? Riggs mentions also to in the same position in Santee. duhe' sni to? why dost thou not have it? The particle ce (Santee c!) is an interrogative particle, calling foi- an immediate reply. 7. Weffative. The negative is expressed by the particle &ni. dolAye' sni he knew it not tnwe'nl el noHve' sni no one swims there 8. Optative. The optative exclamation toki^' oh if requires a terminal w/, which in position and form is analogous to the other particles here discussed. toTci^' pag'i eta'^' iye'vMya ni, oh that I might tind some sunflower roots! {iye'ya to find) 9. A number of other particles appear in the same position. Th&y seem to merge gradually into adverbial expressions and con- junctions. se'ca (Teton) evidently. tiyata'ne Hjpe'ya wahi'yu se'ca lo evidently I have come to an abandoned lodge {f'l lodge; ya'ta at; Myu' to come to) iiace'ee (Teton) perhaps. owe'ki^ahaH he nita'kuyepi nace'ce Jo perhaps those are your relatives {oice'kl'^ahaH perhaps; he those; tal'u'ye relative) 1H"ca very (see § 41.3). kl"ha*' (Santee) when, if. yah I /li^ha'^ when thou comest (^a, eca (Santee); ca**, cO'^fiahO" (Teton). According to Riggs, this particle is used "when a general rule or something customar}- is spoken of, and is generall}' followed b}- ce or ece at the end of the sentence." yahi carpiwada ce when thou comest, I am glad wanlyetu ca wapa ece when it is winter, it snows l^eha*' (Santee), ko"7ia"^ (Teton), when; according to Riggs, this particle always refers to past time. coU (Santee) when. kes although. § 40 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAX INDIAN LANGUAGES 935 The corresponding forms in Ponca are as follows: POXCA 1. Future, fe [fa, t'ai\ designates the future. ga te fe he will die from a fall 236.1 S7ie fe ha you will go 280.3 wd^afe gH'^'fd a¥d he will be sitting eating them 235.16 xizeti sVdge t'ai ye will make a hole for a pole 615.1 m'^'s'Udge fai d^a indeed, ye will do enough 144.14 fe changes, according to a general phonetic rule, to fa before the article and also before the plural -/. Thus fai is the regular plural future. IV the use of a double future, fafe and faife, the idea of futurity with certainty of the event happening is expressed. ga'^'Tifi fafe it will be that way 227.4 aHp'ana'^' fafe you surely will gaze on me 230.5 isfd ilzide faife lid your eyes will (shall) be red 578.2 ag4i'hdzisa^ sa^t'aife they shall not come back continually 235.5 2. Tmperative, ga and a express the imperative, ga being used hy men, a by women. %4a-ga! send it here! (said by a man) 702.15 ihe^ai-gd! lay ye it down! (said by a man) 231.19 gigiai-a! enter your lodge! (said by a woman) 614.1 g^i^'TxH^ai-a he cause j^e him to sit! (said by a woman) 591.18 3. Oral Stops. A number. of particles perform the function of oral stops. As in Dakota, some of these have distinct forms, according to the sex of the speaker. Their principal function seems to be to give a certain tone or modality to the predi- cate, and for this reason the}" might be more properlv con- sidered with the modal particles. a and e are used to mark emphasis. They occur either as stops or within the sentence. ha and /ie express the period. dlia*^ and e/ia" express the exclamation. In all of these the «-forms are used by men, the (S-forms by women. a^i^' iidnahi^' a! truly, I am fat (said by a man) 567.9 i'daiewd^e i^anaki'^'i e truh', yow hateful one! (said by a woman) 152.2 s«" zani wib^aha^'i ha now I petition you all (said b\^ a man) 690.1 936 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 VMiVa'nda wdfiije H'hiia^' agiJ/ a'^lx^a-indz! he 1 do not desire to take anj' mysterious power for my husband 61-i.l2 gdfe U'i ga'^'-na^ tiha"^ she has done that regularly! (said by a man) 591.7 wandn'de^ag4dzl I'/ui^/ yon do not loathe him I (said by a woman) 691.18 7ia and he are frequently used following imperatives. /nang^m'-gd Ad begonci (said b}- a man) 620.17 glg4ai-d M enter your lodge! (said by a woman) (514.13 They arc also used as interjections. SmcQ hd and A*? are found printed occasionally instead of Jm and Ac, it seems justifiable to consider the exclamations hd. and he as the same particles. A«, tuipd! ho, grandchild! (said by a man) 620.9 A^', ij^^a^a^' ! ho, grandchild! (said ])y a woman) 589.7 4. Tnterro(fative* a marks the question. gd^l'^ edegci^ df what does that one say ? 233. 1 2!'^«.^hasit come? 709.2 edfd^ (^andziH a? why do ye stand? 23.4 dda" (commonly translated therefore) occurs also apparently as an interrogative particle. ^a^'Mi esni:^ dda'^f what great (person) are you? 23.12 edfa'^dda-^fvfhy'i 27.20 ehedi ^i^ ^e dn'^? to whose lodge does she go carrying it? 591.3 § 41. Adverbial Suffixes: Teton 1. -.s' is an emphatic suffix. Its use with the personal pronoun has been noted in § 35. Very often emphasis is added to a word or clalise by means of a suffixed .s, and this sometimes involves a change of meaning. wa'na now toaria's now the stor}'^ runs as follows a¥e' again a¥e's again (with emphasis) Tce'ya those or some Iceya's although to yes tos j-es, indeed! tdkit what taku's oh, bother ! or, my good- ness! Wa but tic as but then he' eel so or in that way he' teles therefore eca'nl as soon as, during eta'nles at that particular mo- ment §41 boar] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 937 mi'ye I (independent pronoun) u^hi'ye we two i'ye he mis 1 (emphatic) u^ki'yes or a'^kl's we two iye's he himself ■la is usually triven as a diminutive suffix; but its use is very much broader, and sometimes it seems to be rather intensive than diminutive. The English adverb quite translates it best, though at different times it is found equivalent to almost or LITTLE. Possibly the independent adverb lila very is this same suffix doubled. iwa' stela nicel}^ in good order ikna'la alone, or only ite'yela exceedingly foye'la bluely a'tayda directly itiWi yela near to each other Examples : wica' licala an old man hok^si'la a small boy kita^'la a little more haJce'la youngest hena'la enough vn'^clP-'cala a girl 3. //m, //ci". Although their proper meaning is real, true, or GENUINE, more often they have the force of very. Originally their difference in form was probably nothing more than a euphonic change, but it has now been seized upon to mark a distinction in use; Ilea being always employed after nouns either expressed or understood, atid Uci^ after adverbs and connectives. They occur independently or in composition. li'la^ which also means very, always depends directly on a verb, or an adjective used as such. Examples of the use of Hca are the following: c^a'pa wa'^ fa^'kalica a very large beaver (beaver, a, large, very) waste' lice cl"^ the very beautiful (beavers) wase' Ucaka' ki'^ the real red paint Examples of the use of Tici^: eha'keMi^ lastly ete'lici^ just in the same way e'naJici'^ right there icaHula'Mi^ just then ma'sa Hca'ka real iron (i. e., steel) mila wa'^ gl Hca a very rusty knife yyica'Ticala an old man ta'Tica deer (the real to, or ani- mal of the deer genus) wa'^zi'Uci^ whether there is one iye'e'elici'^ just like he' ce7ialicl'^ immediately Ticeha'nl as soon as §41 938 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BlIX. 40 7. When it is desired to express motion to tlie situation whicii demonstrative adverbs and post-positions indicate, -I is suf- fixed: viz., ftl'rt"' on eha'^' I leha'^' [then something was heha'^'] toha^' when (state) feha'^' for a long time or over a long space, more often the former efa'^' then aka'nl on to eha'nl 1 77/7 then somothmg was lefia ill \ *= Aeha'nll ^""^ toha' nl when (something is done; e. g., under one's own volition) coka'nl into the middle f eha'nl over a long space somebody passed eca'nl then (something was done) 5. -tKt, Some adverbs appear to have a separate suffix, -wa, for the stationary form, but it is probably only an adverb meaning THERE, which never occurs independently. , [here (something was) ,^,mere (something went) U ^ , [there (something was) ec e'na Ibeing in this condi- lec'e'na] tion Jiece'na Ibeing in that con- Jk'a'l'ena] dition , ,fthere (sometiiing went) ece'l \ . , • xi • 7 /'"-/(oOing along in this way JieCel\ . , . .1 . 7 //.t^/ (going along in that wa}'^ to'Vena being in an indefinite to'Fel going along in that indefi- condition nite wa\' I have tried to translate these rather in accordance with the evident intent than in the most literal manner, the}- being among the hardest words in Dakota to render properly. -ta TO, AT, or INTO, is possibl^'^ identical with the -I just consid- ered, into which it would change according to the laws of euphon}'. Examples: malca'ta to the ground wana'giya'ta to the spirit land ^'/^«7«/ to the lodge c<9^«'te to the middle toFa'ta in future ivazi'yata at the north wa^Tca' taki' ya upward oliAla'teya under §41 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN" INDIAN LANGUAGES 939 7. -ta>^ frojm. Examples : eta'^' from this eta^'ha'^ from eha^'taH or eha'^' ta'^haH if (lit- heta'^' from that time erally, from being- in the heta^ha'^ from that time on preceding- position) akata^'ha'^ from on the outside Many independent post-positions appear to contain a suffix -hah; but this is probably nothing more than the verb Ica'jja to excel, sur PASS, GO BEYOND, Contracted in compositior). iha'lah behind or after iwa'^'hah above ifo'hab before ahj'l'ah before the time § 42. Articles These important elements are only weakly developed in Dakota, while they are very important in Ponca, In Dakota we find three articles — ^v'" (after an a or a"^ transformed, including the preceding vowels, into eci^)\ ^-o*" (after an a or a'^ trans- formed into e t'lkd^ [Santee], aJ^ [Teton]) ; and ux(^. The following San tee examples illustrate their use: UV^ expresses the idea of the definite article. wica^'lipi I'i'^ iye'ga vvi'^ya'kajyl they saw the stars shining IX 83.2 {wica'^'lipi star; iye'ga to shine; wa^ya'ka to see) hi'ta'^na iye'liya ya'"he' ci'^ the one that shines a little IX 83.4 {M'ta'^na a little; iye'liya to cause to shine; yaHxi' to be) ho" indicates the definite article in the past. li^ma Ico^ the other aforesaid one IX 83. 8 ni'na iye'ge cikd^ the one aforesaid that shines much IX 83.7 %VW^ is the indefinite article. oya'te wa"^ a people IX 83. 1 mako'te wa^ a country. The articles of Ponca are much more highly developed. \A'e have to distinguish between inanimate and animate articles; and the latter are differentiated as subjective and objective, singular and plural. Following is a general review of the forms that I have found: I. Inanimate articles. 1. Ue horizontal objects. 2. i^e standing objects, collective terms. 3. ^a" rounded objects. 4. ge scattered objects. §42 y4(J BUREAU or AMERICAN ETIIXOLOGY Lblt.l 40 II. Animate articles A. Subject. 1. aVd singular animate object at rest. 2. «w^f singular animate object in motion; plural. B. Object. 1. fa^ singular animate object standing. 2. ^/'* singular animate ol)ject moving. 3. ma plural animate objects. 4. (^'inVe' singular animate object sitting. 5. 4an¥a' plural animate ol)jects sitting. III. Indefinite article. Following are a number of examples of the use of these articles: We (I. 1) is used regularl}^ of horizontal objects. tan'de Tee the ground 24.4 uheJc'e the path 560.6 ma'^'ge ^'e the sky 26.4 ti Ft a line of lodges 289. T ni k'e the water (i. e., stream) ma^ k'e the arrow 50.6 555.1 Si ^'^ the foot 35.3 u^a'^'he Ve the cradle 560.14 mdsa^ I'e the feather 52.8 wahi ¥e the bone 564.8 pahek'e a long hill 28.11 pahi 1c e the neck 564.10 niasi^ga Jc^ a line of dead per- zibe Tie the leg 564.10 sons 10.7 The following animate nouns appear used with the inanimate arti- cle ^'^,* wefa ¥e the snake 27. 1 Hngazin' ga ]t'e2i child lying down 560. 13 (in this case, the child being dead, the article may refer to the body of the child stretched out) The following expression is peculiar: a'^'ha h'e the day 611.6 f'e (I. 2) is used with several classes of nouns. («) It denotes standing objects. ii fe the lodge 555.17 li4a^& t'^ the tree 277.2 ^^26^6 ^'(g the door 46.12. {h) It is used to express plurality and collectivity of inanimate terms. According to Dorsey, it expresses in this sense a single rectilinear collection of horizontal objects. This idea, however, is not brought out clearly in the examples. Tcande fe the plums 559.4 ^d t'e the heads 123.12 te-dnifa fe animal limbs 565.1 mdsa^ fe the feathers 26.19 §42 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 941 sihi fe the feet 570.9 guda fe that (pile) yonder sihe t'e the entrails 279.4 33.16 %odiaha te the clothing 559.12 %omi^ fe pile of fat 33.18 4eze fe the tongues 123.12 uma^'e fe provisions 10.11 (c) It denotes abstract nouns. Use te the killing 16.8. ie fe the word 667.11 iwasUa"^ t"e strength 611.3 waiifa'^ fe work 699.2 loazi^' fe disposition 583.2 {cT) It denotes acts "as past and as seen b}^ the speaker"' (see Dorsey, The 0egiha Language, note 246.6, p. 250). gage fe he did the (act) 554.13 hafct^ t'e he cried out 600.14 i^'ja"^ fe he lay for me 561.1 dfai fe he exceeded 609.1 gl^ci^i fe he did to him 583.7 (U]ia<^ai te they went for him wai^' fe he wore as a robe 246.6 595.17 ^'M" (I. 3) denotes rounded objects and parts of objects. {a) It denotes rounded objects. uhiaHe ia^ the snare 13.12 tii ^a" the camp-circle 16.13 mi^ ^«" the sun 13.12 pake 4a'^ the (round) hill 15.3 icfd 4a'^ the eye 171.7 W^le 4a'^ the moccasin 279.12 naslf'i 4a"^ the head 91.6 maza"^ ia"^ the land 508.12 um}i>'hi (fxe paper 773.1 {b) It denotes part of an object. Ja.sVi'^ ^a™ the bent part 598.8 sindehi ^a" part of the rump-bone 611.5 mtZe^a" face part 624.10 vmU^' hahdge 4(^'^ the part of a butfalo-hide towards the feet 469.7 ge (I. 4) denotes a collection of scattered objects. tenan'de ge buffalo-hearts 33.4 wasi'^' ge pieces of fat 572.2 tatt^'ge . . . ge (scattered) scutu 593.9 vmM ge bones 278.16 mihdha ge raccoon-skins 559.3 na^'za ge fences 735.7 ah'd (II. A. 1) denotes the animate singular subject at rest (see Dorsey, note 633.3, p. 634). UflniUe aJSd tkiid-hiamd Ishtinike awoke, it is said 549.4 tasnin'ge ah'd '"''tsi-i.si-tsi/^^ d-hianid the chipmunk said, "tsi- tsi-tsi," it is said 549.9 wai'^' aJcd . . . agi-h'mmd the robe (considered as possessed of voluntary action) had returned 549.6 d-hicvmd Usni a¥d the cold said 9.6 §42 942 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum.. 40 l>(iJie-nHi4a?iu7il ak\i IhaJKi^^'-hiamu the bill that devours knew him, it is said 32.6 With numerals aJi'd is used in a i)lural sense. (filMi^ aTcd^ the three 10-i.U anid (II. A. 2) denotes the animate siiitiular subject In motion, or the plural subject, both at rest and in motion. {a) It denotes the animate singular object in motion. inn4c ih' ge-i^' amd a(^e aradma the rabbit was going-, it is said 0.1 UfinlFe amd a4d-hi Ishtinike went, it is said 549.1 zdhe amd nidta a^d-hi beaver went to the water 553.9 kl wiuhe amd toa^il and the woman was following close behind 615.15 amd is also used when the predicate does not express motion, but when the subject is conceived as moving. i^ddi amd igipaha^'-hiamd, it is said his father recognized him 610.18 d-Mariid ma^cHfV^'ge-i^ Kind rabbit said, it is said 10.2 (J)) amd denotes the animate plural subject, both at rest and in motion. wazin'ga amd gia'^' a4d-biamd the bii'ds went fl3'ing, it is said 588.8 e-na^' -hiamd niaH'^ga amd the people said often, it is said 574.9 P'an'Fa amd agCl'i the Ponca have come back 723.2 JJmdha amd u4ugig(^al the Omaha are sorrowful for their rela- tions 772.4 niTcagdhi amd gii^a-bazii the chiefs are sad 649.2 fa'* (II. B. 1) denotes the animate singular object standing. nuzinga fa'^ eicagll'd-hi the boy meant that his own 556.2 ^lU^e^ hega iet^ a^ ^^\ this buzzard! 549.5 te-dige ta"^ . . . nazi^' a scabby buffalo was standing 582.5 4yH ^eta^ Uida-gd shoot at this prairie-chicken 117.19 0/" (II. B. 2) denotes the animate singular object moving. ddda"^ ^i^ piga^ 41"^ dlia'^! I'll blow that into the air 575.7 Tu4d ii^ 4efa'^' amd the eagle was that far, it is said 581.3 eddda'^ 4i^ sfewa'^' te<^e-na'^' -hiamd whatsoever he usually killed, it is said 586.6 witande ^i^ afi^' giigd hring my son-in-law here 589.3 nia4i'^g(( ^/" wasisige dha'^.' he is active ! 9.14 niast^ga 4i^ iidtah^ehd I hate that person 13.9 Txdge ii^ edihl the crow reached there 599.8 ^/" is sometimes used with generic or collective terms. §42 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 943 wanWa ^^'" the quadrupeds 628.6 P'an'Ua ^Z" the Ponca 748.9 mfia (II. B. 3) denotes the animate plural object. This form is regularly printed as a suffix. The examples, however, do not indicate that it differs in character from the other articles. wanifa-maweha'^-hiarnd it is said he called to the animals 571.5 tangd-ina d^ufa^ %oaiizd-l)i «" he took the large ones at once, it is said 578.4 wazinga-md toeba^-hlamd it is said they called the birds 580.1 wazinga-ma . . . miwazihe put the birds in his belt 586.4 niFasi^ga-ma laacigage ewek^a^h^a I wish the people to dance 601.5 wagdli4a^-ma wi'^ one of the servants (obj.) 616.2 wdUe-nia I'lsk'a'^ etai Tie a'^i^-a^hah.dP'-hdzl we do not know the cus- toms of the white people 629.2 niV nii^' ga-ma ((.e-tna sVa"^ ma'^^l'^'-ina v-ata^'he hd I have seen these people walking about 756.1 f/ink'e (II. B. 4) denotes an animate singular object in sitting position. zdhe ^inlcedi Ix^e fdse I must go to the beaver 552.2 egi(^e itan'ge 4mk'6 tva}ip\iniUfia'^ 4ml''e annl and behold ! his sister was very poor 144.18 loa^ u (plnM e end-lie i iist'earnd onl}^ the women remained, it is said 11.5 ' ^.aiihW (II. B. 5) denotes the animate plural object in sitting position. uiia-hlamd Mtinik^e aVd niasi^ga 4<^i.nl''d it is said Ishtinike told the persons 64,17 izin'ge ianV e irmrag{¥d-hlamd meaning his sons, it is said 100.4 ak'i^aha masf in'ge ianlcd wi'^ vxi^i-gd ha give them one of the rabbits 11 9. 16 e vxt^ii <^anVd uioa¥ie gn'^' ^al te he desired to talk to the women 624.3 xi'dgazi slnuda^ 4anUd he commanded the dogs 111.8 The two forms (^IhJc'e and (^anFd are not true articles, although they seem to perform their function. They are true verbal forms, as is proved by the occurrence of the pronominal forms, 1st person singular . , . . minlce 2d person singular nin¥e 2d person plural . . nan¥a §42 944 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 h^e fd riiinJce I who will go 18.4 2)1 t'd inink'e I who will arrive there 496.2 Pd(^i^ niJcagdhl nanFd,ie ye who are Pawnee chiefs 085.2 It wDulil 806111 that these forms correspond to the Dakota verbs l/anl'd^ ivank'd. tri" (III) denotes the indctinite article. ma'^' 2vi^ a Dakota 367.8 niaU'^ga 9ci^ a person 267. 1 wa^u iri^ a woman 166.1 fa'^wang^a'^ tahgdVif i //'/'* a very large village 166.14 §43. Demonstrative Pronouns TETON The demonstrative pronouns proper are e^ lc\ he, ka, and to. The first of these always refers to something that has just been said, and its use is more syntactic than local; le corresponds very nearly to English this, and he to English that; but when an object is very remote, the proper form is In. to indicates that what is re- ferred to is indefinite; and it W'Ould not have been classed as a demonstrative had it not been employed in a manner absolutely par- allel with that of the other demonstratives. Plurals arc formed for all of these by suffixing -na. The demonstratives are employed regularly as prefixes to the verbs meaning to say, to think, and to do, to say e'l/a la'i/a he'ya he'ya (not found) to think eci'^' leci^' heci^' he'ci^ toFi^' to do • (fc'o"' leco'^' heco"^' hali C^' to¥o'^' The forms with e are used after the statement of what is said, thought, or done; and the forms with le or he, before. I'eya'jyl they say is em- ployed like a quotative, though there is a true quotative sk^e. The element to occurs rarely with these verbs. In addition to these forms, there is a syllalde fe, moaning far in space or time, w^hieh is employed in an analogous manner. t^e'ha^ a long time fehanl far The definite article I'i^ is probabh^ formed from the demonstrative Jca by rendering the phonetic change to «" permanent. To indicate something w^hich happened in the past or some person or thing spoken of in the past, this article takes the form h>^ or ciko'^' , but the latter rarel}' in Teton (sec § 42). §43 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 945 In the plural, and when combined with certain particles, to performs the function of an interrogative pronoun. to'na how many to'kelici^ however much In fact, the regular interrogative and relative pronouns tu' ira or tu'ioe WHO, and ta'ku what, are properh' indefinites, and so related to to; and from these, or parts of these, other relative and indefinite pronouns are compounded: viz., tuioe'ni whoever (probably who lives) tuUte'l somewhere tu¥te'J/tU sometimes ta'ku hece'yas whatsoever PONCA The most common demonstrative pronouns are ^e, .se, gdi and e. The first three of these are ver}" often followed by the article; and in this case they are always printed in the texts as one word, although there is apparently no difference between the use of the article with the demonstrative and that with nouns. Demonstratives also take enclitic adverbial terms in the same way as nouns, and in these cases also the demonstrative and the adverb appear in print as one word. The demonstrative e does not seem to be followed bv the article. As in Dakota, they form part of a few verbs. 1. f*e refers to what is near the speaker. ^^ e^mtt" 1 do this 9.6 4e a'^st'a^'bai t'e this (is) as you see me 26.14 4ea¥d ^dh^i'^ zani tevKi^d-hiama it is said he killed all three of these 46.16 4eamd noT^' ^^p'ai these fear thee 23.17 4ema jicba these few! 28.9 Jui^ (ie'lic^i agita'^he Ica^'h^a 1 desire to see mine this ver}- night 367.5 4ega^ and, thus they say 35.2 2. se refers to what is near the person addressed. se egija!^ you do that 26. 14 se u^ai you told him that 26.19 sewiwita that m}^ own 89.4 seaVd masc inge-i^' a¥d pdde lodgazi that rabbit told us to cut it up 23.10 se^inJce ¥ida-ga shoot at that! 109.1 se^u there where you are 640.4 maza^' .4eta ca^ the land yonder bv vou 487.7 §43 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 60 946 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 3. (ffi refers to the unseen, also to what follows; it desij^nates prob- ably originally what is near the person spoken of. gd ta'^'he fa I shall see that 28.2 (/age Jindfe fai-ede 3'ou should have eaten those 28.10 gdninle hdzi 4Hade fai (that) you shall be called grapes 550.7 gd^i"^ JIdglge is an'ga teTciial that one Hagige killod his ])rother for him 235.8 gdi^a"^ i^iin' gian-g& put that on something for me 121.14: 4. {' refers to something referred to before. e ni that water (referred to in line 2) r)5*,>.12 e gi^a-hiaiitd it is said she rejoiced at that 21.1 e ^f'i 7na'^4ci'^'i te that too they stole 85.8 ega^ gaga-hazii-gd hd do not ye do thus! 618.8 5. du is a form which is comparatively rare, and seems to designate what is near the speaker. duaVa this one here 58.5 liKpe t'e duafe the bowl on this side 574.1 diida this way 191.8, 192.15 dddihaihU way 553.3, 556.5 6. gu is also comparativeh^ rare, and designates what is farther off than du. gudiha that way 587.15, 614.1, 630.20 § 44. Possession TETON Inalienable or at least very intimate possession is indicated hy pre- fixing the objective personal pronominal prefixes, and suffixing -j>i for plural forms. The dual is distinguished in the same manner as in the subjective and reflexive pronominal prefixes. Examples: inlci^'ykl my son hu his leg t' a'^W yapi their sister xi^ca^'te our two selves' two hearts u'^c^a^'tepi our hearts (more than two) Sometimes ma is used instead of mi; and, according to Riggs, this is when those parts of the bod}^ are referred to which exhibit no inde- pendent action. ma' J) a my head mano'ije my ears §44 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 947 Alienable or more distant possession is indicated V)y another prefix, ta^ which occurs in conjunction with the prefixes above given. fmoi'cu his wife nifa'suH-e vour horse fawo'vMsi his servant Often, however, these forms are prefixed to a syllable uhi placed after the noun. v^o'Tcoya'he t'^a'wa her clothing The noun to which fa'rva, etc., refers may be entirely omitted; as, wmo'^'Jicala fa'wa hiJ^ lyo'ta^ waste' the old woman's was exceed- ingly good nl£a'wapl h'l^ lyo'ta'^ In'ta yours is exceedingly scarlet Terms of relationship take in the third person a special suffix -Txu. hi('H-i( his mother hi^gAiui'l'ii her husband athu'hupi their father su^ha'ku her younger brother tibAlo'hu her elder brother ku^'TxK his mother-in-law taJco'sku his son-in-law or daughter-in-law This suffix is probably identical with the lu in taku what, which is used entire in t' ita'huye iiis relations and tahu'vicaye kindred. After i or <, pure or nasalized, the Ji of this suffix either changes to c in conformity with the tendency already noted, or a t is inserted just before it. fauii'cu his wife Fu'^'sitku his grandmother leksi'tku his uncles tl^lilye'tltii. his master Many terms of relationship have a syllable s/, which evidently liad once some special significance, though it is now impossible to say whether it is properly an affix or part of a descriptive term. Such are leksl'tJca^ ku'^'sitku, and probably tak'o'sku, above given; as also^ mici'^'ksl my son ItaT^'kasi female cousin hoksi' boy tu^'kasila grandfather t^a^^si' younger sister t'awo'wasl his servant ta^haP-'sl my cousin (male) The following independent forms were observed in Ponca: W)i'i5« my 633.11, 635.6 wiwita my own 477.9, 492.12, 493.1 4ita thy 485.2, 635.4 § 44 948 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 4i4Ha thy own 485.5,6, 492.9, 495.7 tfi!^ his 491.8, 642.2, 679.11 [angiita thy and uiy] angutai our 16.19, 678.1, 679.9 ta^' ioang4a^ anguta-ma our own i^entes 502.12 \<^itai] ^i^ltai your own 495.8, 630.8 etai their 633.6, 675.3, 642.7, 523.5 The possessive pronoun appears without the suffix -td as a ]:)refix in terms of relationship. wi- my <^i- thy /- his Examples: wika"^' my grandmother 9.3 witimi my father's sister 9.3 winegi m}' mother's brother 10.16 vntan'de \\\\ daughter's husband 349.12 winisi my child 44.13 ^inegi thy mother's brother 10.15 fiha''' thy mother 348.3 i'lUdge th}' friend 487.4 igdUi^a'^ his wife 348.13 izin'ge his son 345.2 izan'ge his daughter 345.1 With the Avords father and mother the first person possessive has an exceptional form. i^'na'^ha my mother 481.1, 638.1 i^dddl my father 26.5, 151.15 §45. Adverbs: Teton Adverbs ma}' be divided into several classes. Some are quite simple, and are used much like corresponding adverbs in English: wana' now Tica and a¥e' again ¥o also li'la very naUd^' also Hci^ very while others are compounded from other parts of speech; notably, verbs and demonstratives. The former of these are usually changed into adverbs b}' using the auxiliary ya. su'taya tirmly a'taya entirely haH'e'ya at last X'aa'heya in all directions ta^ya^' well u^gAna' ha^heya suddenlj' vM^ka! takiya upward kalhiya there §45 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEKICAN- INDIAN LANGUAGES 949 loa^ta'g at once appears to be compounded of wa^'ca one and the auxiliary ka. Others take la either alone or in conjunction with ya. isna'la alone u'^gAna' ha^yela suddenly ece'la only ite'yela exceedingly xi^gAna'haHa suddenly Demonstratives are usually adverbialized by means of another particle, ca (or Ua) sort or kind; as, he'cel that sort to'Vel how he'cena right off to'Jces¥e in what way ca is also used after entire clauses, where it may almost equally well be described as an adverbial particle or a connective. § 46. Connectives: Teton Connectives are so closely related to adverbs as to be at times indis- tinguishable. Yu'^'Jcii'^ AND THEN, and c^a^Tce' so, are most often used to introduce sentences; while na and, naUs or, and tl/a but, are the ordinary co-ordinate conjunctions. Subordinating conjunctions, such as c'«" or c'a^'na when, Ites or Tieya's though, follow the subordinate clause, and are to be correlated with the post-positions like cf^ on account of, for the purpose of; oh with; mahe't into. The definite articles ki"^ and ?: he demonstrative referring to what follows; ya to go; -han continuative. '• to indefinite demonstrative; kin perhaps the definite article. »ma- objective pronominal prefix before yan'ka. ID The sign of the optative. X e demonstrative; t'in to wish, duplicated to show repetition of the mental process. *no TO DO WITH the foot; wa- subjective personal pronominal prefix; zt'i to stand. * e demonstrative; stem ya. 954 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 955 niAni' eP^ ta'ku" wa° he ha'^'skaska^^ c'a no°wa"'^^ tato'heya^" water there what a horns long that was swimming against the (or something) sort current hiya'ya.^i Yu'^'kV^ ak'e' heya',^" "To'ki^^i k'owa'kata'^is ^laka'-^ ni^^ passed by. And then again he said as "(ihlthat on tlie other side I sit might follows, ec'i°'c'i nawa zr thinking often I stand," Yu'^'k'a'^* ic'a'nP^ And then just then " eya /" he said. ta'ku he something horns ha^'skaska long the e na there na heci'3'a,^^ "Ho, mAni' ki° le and said to him " Ho! water the this as follows, ta'ku wa°zi' iwa'ktac'iyi"*' ^^ k'te' certain one I cause you to be on will thing guard against ki'^ heya', "Ho'wo! misu"'/'' to'L-^a' the said as "Come! my yotinger by and by follows, brother, ec'e'l" ec'a'mo"^^ k'te lo," eya'. so I do it will ," said he. o'p'ta^ ac'i'yi^" I take you ina'zi^ stood (or stopped) k'ta, tk'a will, but "Ho! to'ha°ni p'a ta^ka'l"^ hiyu'ye^'' sni ■' Ho! whenever n'52 wau I am we indeed head outside sendit not o. He'd'el wamiye'dikita' lo,"*° ecrya."! Yu'^'k'a" Ik' to' he said to And then Spider him. ta'ku ec'o'^-ma'ya^i'^* ki'^*^ what to do you command the me C5'a°k'e'*^ wana' he(5i'ya, So now he said to him as follows, ogAna'^^ no'^wa'''- in swimming you be on the watch for me niAiii water k'te will lo," eya . said he. Ho he'd'es So it happened wana now a To," Yes," eya . said he. 2" Used indifferently as an interrogative pronoun meaning what? and an indefinite pronoun mean- ing SOMETHING. 29 The final syllable of han'sk'a long is duplicated for the plural of lie. 2»«'a« is probably the causative auxiliary ya altered to wan after o". rotate' WIND AGAINST THE CURRENT, AGAINST THE WIND; ya oausative: //•" perhaps a contraction of hano. 31 /ii TO ARRIVE AT A PLACE APPROACHING ONE. 32 j- the prepositional prefix; c'a" conjunction; -I suffl.x indicating motion. 33 Definite article referring to ta'ku he han'skaska. 3< Alternate form with tl, indicating something already in place. 35/16 demonstrative; ki- changed to ci after e, indicating that the verb takes an object; ya stem. 36 Post-position containing the prefix o- and referring to le. ^a- prepositional prefix, which indicates here that the subject of the verb went in company: t'i- i-You; ya to go, altered to yin before k'ta, the sign of the future. 38t- prepositional prefix; wa'ktaio be on guard; c'i i-you; causative ya, changed to yi" before k'te. 39 Future participle k'ta altered to k'te by incorporating the ye of ye lo. *''ye lo is usually employed in closing declarative sentences in direct address. haja-ni-ji he sees; negative particle; present (1st person haca', 2d person hasja', 3d person haja'). ^'^ntiigc-nAnk-vi-je A'SY (thing); sitting position; negative particle; present. ^gi'ji an adverb generally meaning so. Oftener used as a stop. 13 Contraction for wa'JAn hi'jA". The elision of the h, the union of two vowels to form a diphthong; and the shifting of the nasalization, are very common in Winnebago; for example, nAn+hi'JAn form nain'jAn A tree; viAn+hi'jAn form main'JAn A year. i*hani-gu-nArika to have, to take from; ha from (1st person ha'ni, 2d person ha'Mni, 3d person hanV). This verb is used also as one of the possessive pronouns, gu it comes in direction towards SUBJECT OF ACTION (1st person hak'u', igu, gu); nAR'kd, sitting form of demonstrative pronovin ga that. Here used with force of relative pronoun. ^^7nan-nA'rigErS earth; demonstrative plural pronoun from ga; idiomatically used as the plural definite article. ^^e'ja adverb. Probably composed of demonstrative e and hija' there. ^''nihgi'-nink A PIECE, A LITTLE; wi^A: is the regular diminutive suffix. Sometimes used to express an indefinite object. 'i^wa-gi'iin-jc plural objective personal pronoun; for; he did; present time. There are four ele- ments of gi that have to be carefully distinguished,— the instrumental prefix, the preposition for or TO, the temporal suffix, and the verbal stem, 959 960 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Hoku'ruKujEga'jA"" manA'ngEre je'esge^* jinA'nk^e; e'^i He looked at his own (to) this earth let similar it became; and kc'w'aJA°'niJA'' ha^ebEni'jW^ KusaranA'nksA, ^^ e'gi kegise'weni- nothing appeared upon it hare it was, and not still it (i. e., grew) DAnkso^^ manA'ngEre horupi'ninAfiksr'; c'gi '■'inejegu'''hagiji^^ was this earth turning it was; then " it this way I do gise'we jinai'fikjAnAgaJA'',"^'' hircgi'ji.^" quiet it will become," he thought so. E'gi higrfi^'je^^ hominA'ngEnanka; e'ja Ka^wI'ja"^- r u'zan a' figfr"'^ Then homadeforit that which he sat on; there a grass he took and hi'gi''u"'je ma'^no'wahu'hije^* J6gu°' hia'nA'nga^^ hoku'ruliuc'ga'JA" he made toward the earth he and then he did he looked upon his own sent hAnkc'gise'weni'nankse. . . . Jigi'ja"^*' 'ii^'je Ti^'cebigi'ji" keru'figega^ not still it was. . . . Again one he did when he finished the tortoise him ^^r'fji may begin a sentence. Its force is that of a conjunction connecting more or less inde- pendent sentences, as distinguished from a'nAngd, which connects closely related sentences. The translation and or then is always inadequate. ^ ho-minAfik-iiAnkd; ho is a nominalizing prefix. Nominalization, however, requires generally not only this prefix or its related wo, but also the suflBxing of the definite article ra or some demon- strative, as in this ca.se. iikciin'hAn-hi-re'gi below; hi auxiliary or causative (1st person ha, 2d person ra or i", 3d person hi); regr is an adverb with a prepo.sitional force not very clearly shown in this case because the vari- ous elements in the word have been closely united to form a distinct preposition. In spite of this close union, however, the auxiliary is regularly conjugated for the 1st, 2d, and ?,A persons; i. e., kciin'hAiha'regi, k'u"'hAnna'regi, k'un'IiAnhi're(ji. The -reV/j denotes that it is immediately below the subject of action; re is a demonstrative pronoun, which seems to denote immeAi"iin TO DO with; gi for. "fi^n'ici WEED, GRASS; -jAn contraction for hi'jAn. >3ru'z or rus (1st person dus, 2d person Mrus, 3d person rus) to take; d'jiAnga, a conjunction con- necting closely related sentences. ^ man'VM-lto'wa-huhi'-jf; na for ra, the r of which changes to t» after a nasalization (see note 22). ^je'gdn hiu'iiAugd a common connective phrase; hi causative 3d person. ^Contraction iorjige' hi'jAn. "Contraction of Hn'cfp to finish and the third person of the causative hi. Both elements of the verb are conjugated. Thus ha'un'tfha'nAn, i' iin'cebra'nAn, 'Hn'cebi'nAn; -gi'ji is used here as a temporal particle. ^ke'cufLk or kectVngf large species of turtles; ki' alone is also found meaning turtle; -gd a regular pos- sessive pronominal ending, used with terms of relationship, or for persons to whom respect is to be shown. It is always used in indirect address, somewhat in the sense of mr. so and so. It is ap- pended to all proper names; for instance, ku'nungd. eldest bobn, etc. But in direct addiess the -ga is dropped. I BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAlsr INDIAN LANGUAGES 961 hige'je.^^ Hunubi'mani*" wowe'wi°hoje3ai''']a" wagu'^zEra.'*^ "JejA"^' hecalledhim. Two-legged walkers at the end of his thinking he made. " To end katrehoa'k.sAnA''*^ ma'^'na p'i^s'u'^'^'' se'rekjAne'nA"^^ ke'cu'ngEra."*^ they are about the earth you make it good you are going to you, tortoise." Jegu'°hia'nAngama°hi°'JA''^nianio-i'gije.''^ Ma^'negi'jigi'ji^wonayire^" And after he did a knife to possess he gave On earth when he wars him. came 'u°'ie wogu'^zEra hAnke' ho'giruKuJni'je ;'^^ e'gi jige' hAfike' he did the creation not at looked he for him; arid again not hogi'ruKujni'jege' e'sge^^ ji'gigiV^^ kuru'sse^* . . . Hagi'^^ he looked for him thus again then he took him back. . . . There at di'ra^" hoike/weje." "HA°hA°'^» k'u'nika/^ hio'^ca'ra k'u'nika wa're"" the house went he in. "Say grandmother, my father grandmother work hu'ingi'gira" duKurtl'k.'^AnA"; wogu°'zEra p'i°"uii62 hu'ingigi'ra he sent me for I have accomplished; his creation fix it aright he sent me for 391st person ya'gi, 2d person hi'ragf, 3d person hi'(ji, to call. «iContraction for hu-n-An' p-hima'ni leg-two-he walks with. As it has no nominalizing prefix, correctly rendered, it ought to read the two-legs-to walk with. It is used here idiomatically as a noun. The verb is 1st person ki'mani, 2d per-son hima'Hni, 3d person hima'ni. *iwo'- is a nominalizing prefix probably composed of iva indefinite pronoun and ho. It is used far less frequently than ho. Jejain'ja is a contraction ior jeJAn' to end and e'ja there, with preposi- tional force. *^wa indefinite pronoun; gmz or guns (1st person ha'gung, 2d person ra'gims, 3d person guns) to create; the article -ra has the force of a relative pronoun here. "1st person hakd'reho, 2d person rakd'reho, 3d per.son kd'reho, to re ready, to be about; Ak or Afik 3d person singular of suflBx denoting walking or lying. (1st person -m^nfc, 2d person ^a'w.4mfc, 3d person -Ahk); -s.i is a suffix of uncertain meaning that never appears alone, but is always followed by nAn. It is generally suffixed to the elements denoting sitting and lying or walking. Indeed, I know of no instance where -nA" is directly suffixed to the above forms of the verbs, -&a being always inserted before it. It must not be confused with se, from which in actual conversation it can hardly be distinguished. -nAn i.s a suffix denoting general indefinite action. « From p'i't good, to be good, and s'fl« 2d person singular of auxiliary 'itn (see note 3). <5From irregular verb, l.st person de, 2d person ^c'ri, 3d person re, to go; kja future; -ne a suffix of the same nature as sa, never appearing alone, but always followed by -nAn; it is generally suf- fixed to verbs in the standing form. <6 -ra is the 2d person singular of the possessive pronoun. Used here in a vocative sense. For this reason the regular -ga is omitted. iTmAnhin an iron knife. This term was used to designate the first white people with whom the Indians came in contact. **hani with prepositional force of with, possessing; gi'gi an auxiliary verb (1st person ha'gigi, 2d person ra'gigi, 3d person gi'gi) to make, with the idea of some force being used in the action. <9 Contraction for man-ra-egi-ji-gi'ji earth-the-hebe-he came-when; -e'gri is an adverb here, used in a prepositional sense; for ji see note 4. 60 This means literally something terrifying (from nanhire to be scared). 51 ho- preposition in; gi- preposition for. The demonstrative e is occasionally used for the 3d person singular when it is to be expressed, -ni negative particle. 62 Regular adverb, meaning therefore thus, on that account. M Contraction lor jige' and higHn' then. ^ku reflexive (see note 23). 66 Adverbial expression; ha in composition often means at. 66 ci (1st person ha'ci, 2d person ra'ci, 3d person cl) to live. It is also used as a noun. 6' 1st person ivai'kiwc, 2d per.son horai'kcwe, Zd person hoi'kewi'; ho means in; i is probably gri for, with the g elided (see § 33). It may, however, be an idiomatic .substitution for ki, a po.ssessive particle. The verb means he is going to his own house. If it were not his own house, the forms would have been 1st person wa'gike'wg, 2d person hora'giki'wg, 3d person ho'giki'xuS. The stem of the verb is kc'ivi. 68 Used in the sense of halloo, say, and often simply to begin a narrative. 6»Grandmother is hiko'roke; but in direct address k'u'nika is used, just a.sja'Ji and na'ni are em- ployed for father and mother. 601st person wa'dC, 2d person iva'seri, 3d person wa'rg, to work. The 3d per.son singular of verbs is at the same time the absolute form, to be translated by our infinitive. 61 /(i objective personal pronoun 1st person. For -gi'gi and -ra see notes 48 and 46. ea'wn has participial force. 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 61 962 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNX)LOGY [boll. 40 hana°'d cluKuru'ki^AnA" ua'fik!5igo-i°'na "^ hidogwaha'ra^'' hiuni'wahara all I have accomplished it their life * my uncles my aunts wiakaraki'si^c^^ 'uinekjane'iiA"." — "E'gi c^u"s<^a'no jasgenViiAiiga the same us myself tliey will he." — "And grandson how did you hidegwa'raga ua'nk5igo-i°'na^^ wiraki'sge jasge'kjeje" ke'jesga'- my uncles their life * make just as you how could you it is not ninA®* hi6°']ihiwi'ra jeeiV gu^'sge^g jegu'iiA" liAfike' jegu'*'- thatway our father indeed he created (them) that is so (but) not he made higi'^" p'ini'nA''."" — "K'linika'gfi waJA"' wahigu'ni," esge" hAfike' it thus could he." — "Grandmother something to them she for not must be, gip'i'nige wanAiiku'ni^^ t'e'wagigi'ra."" HiraiiA'nkse. "HAnka'a''® like it does she is saying that I killed them." He thought. "No, no, she (^u^^a'DO, hAnke'je je'esge ya're wahaninA'nksAnA''," du°sga'no grandson, not that way am I am I saying, grandson thinking hi6°'jihi'wira ro'ra hAk6'>'na^« hi°gri°'ssAnA°^« wa'rud^" hi'kiru'jis«"« our father bodies the falling lie made me eating to fall short (to die) k'inekj6'nA°^^ hege'jini,*^ e'sge hoko^'na du^wahi'ge*^ wa'u'nA"*. they would make one because of that, there- death* for them to nave he made, another fore ••iTvdnJk means male human being; u a iikil'k is geaeric name for human beings, and secondarily for Indians, (h)o-in'na is the nominalized form of the verb 1st person a'in, 2d person ra'ln, 3d per- son In, TO ACT, TO LIVE. , **hide'k dncle; -waha'rd 1st person plural of possessive pronoun, used for terms of relationship. ^Contraction for wa-ya-ka'ra-ki'sge; tva indefinite pronoun; kara reflexive-possessive; 1st person yaki'sge, 2d person hi'raki'sge, 3d person hiki'sge. «Seenote63. ^Tja'sgi how; kjg future; -jg interrogative particle. The whole expression has acquired a force in ordinary usage which makes it practically an exclamation. ^je'sgi ha'nina that is not my way; /la'/iina is a posses.sive pronoun. ''guns HE created; -ge a causal suflix, because, for that reason. "An expression similar to jegun'hid'nAHgd; gi has adverbial force. ^^p'in TO BE GOOD is often used as an auxiliary verb with the force of to be able, can. "This means SHE must be related to them; wa plural objective personal pronoun 3d person; -hi causative. It must not be forgotten that the causative is really an auxiliary verb and is often used as such, -gu'ni a temporal suffix implying a probability that is almost a certainty. The other suffix denoting probability, -igu'ni, has no element of certainty in its meaning. i^we she says changes to wa after a negative. The verb is irregular, 1st person Itihe', 2d person hUe', 3d person he. The fe of Ac is always omitted. The tv preceding a indicates that the subject of the principal verb and of e is the same. If they had been different, the e would have remained unchanged; 7ia^ku'niis& contraction for nAtik gu'ni, the suffix denoting sitting position and the suffix denoting probability. ICu'nika does not actually say the above words, but the supposition seems so true to Wai^iTxge' ga, that it almost amounts to a certainty, and therefore -gu'ni is used instead of -igu'ni. "<'e DEAD; wa them; hagi'gi I did (see note 48); -ra that (see note 46); Ist person t'e^ha, 2d person t'e'ra, 3d person t'e'hi, to kill. '•The short e is changed to a on account of emphasis. "See notes 74 and 43. ™lst person ha'k6r>rj,g, 2d person ha'rak6n"i}S, 3d person hakon'ne, to fall. "At'n me; gdns to make; ^aua^ (see note 43). *lst person du'c, 2d person iu'rui, 3d person rut, to eat. The wa is indefinite. Waist person hi'fikirujis, 2d person hi'ninki'rujis, 3d per.son hinki'rujia. "Goes with the preceding verb. Kin auxiliary verb (from 1st person ha'k'in, 2d per.son ra'k'in, 3d person k'ln, to do, to make; ni, i'lj.i, ri, i'ri, suffix used to indicate 3d person plural of almost all verbs. It is really an auxiliary verb. For nAn see note 43. When suffixed to future, it makes the latter more indefinite. '^g^'jini or hegi'jini conjunction. The latter form Is rarely found. Bdtin many, really an adverb; wahi'- he made them; ge causal suffix. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 963 ManA'ngEre hakinikme'kjonege'jini.^* Wa'u'nA"*-^ hot'e'*" cu^wahi'gi." The earth crowded they would not make one He made a place to for them tohave." another. die E'gi hisg-e'liji°^^ wasjiiige'ga*^ hAnke' gip'inina'nkse. "K'unika'ga And truly the hare not ho liked it. "Grandmother hisge/K]i° hAiike' gip'ininAnka'ja°^^ e'wajo",^^'* wahige' wakarasi'- really and not like it she does this something, to them she she is tak- truly must be gEnAnka']A°,"^"' hiranA'nkse.^"'^ "Ka'a, <5u°!?ga'no ke'jesgani'nA'^ haga'- ing their part," bethought. "No, no, grandson it is not so woJAfigaJA^'naiJA'^^^ nA°cge'ra^^ ni°degi'ja°,®^ <5ako'^* hidegwa'raga for a long time (your) heart a sore one, therefore my uncles hiuniwa'raga UAfiksigo-i^na'ji.''^ Hiponai'rekjeiiA"^" hos'a'gEi-A" my aunts life to live. They will get enough their age hirahi'°Kcme'k]e"»« wage'je.^^ "HA^'hA"' du°%a'no nA°ji'nei<"' they will go up to she said. "Well grand.son stand up hiroik6'nank'u\vina'nihek]ane'nA°,"^ E'gi hiroiii'konaiiikjanihe'- they will follow me thus forever. And I .shall follow you for- nA^/o^ c-u^%a'no hidaje/ 1°^ wa'uA'^'je i"* UAngErani'nA°/"-^ hAfike' ever, grand.son with your strength do a man you are, not 8< First ki reflexive pronoun, referring to the fact that tbe.people are regarded as related; ni is the negative particle. As I have never found another instance of ni appearing without hAfike', I assume that I overheard the latter word. For -ge'jini see note 82. 85 See notes 3 and 43. 86 Referring to the Winnebago ghost-village. 8' Ais£re' truly; -Tijin intensive suffix. ^wa'sjink A. KARE (see note 38). 89 Verb 1st person hai'p'in, 2d person rai'p'in, 3d person gi'p'i". The force of gi in verbs that elide it in the first and second persons is ob.scure, although it is generally the instrumental prefix. In this case it is the gi, meaning roK, to; it is pleasing to me. ni negative particle; ka'jAi, contracted for -nAiik-ga'JAn (see notes 74 and 23). 89 a e demonstrative this. 90 The verb is found only in the reflexive form, 1st person iva'kara'^ik, 2d person wa'raka'railk, 3d person waka'raitk; tva indefinite pronoun; kara reflexive pronoun; -e- is a glide. 90 a This should be hi'renA'hkie, the change from e to a being due to the presence of the negative. 91 An idiomatic expression with force of an exclamation. Probably a contraction of haga'+wajAn-{- ga'jAn-i-mai'jAn; haga' is an exclamation employed by women (see note 115); maijan a year, time. ^llAnCge' HEARt. 93 1st person hin'dek, 2d per.son nin'dek, 3d person dek, to be sore; i'jA", hi'jAn, one, a. 9< Conjunction, meaning in spite of, notwithstanding. 95 See note 12; -ji, concessive conjunction meaning if; -gi'ji is often used with the same force. 961st person /tin'pon^fiAye'/i^'i, 2d person /!mi'p(3n/i)TA;Jc'n.4n, 3d person Mpd'nAnkJe'nAn. The initial hi- in the first person is a contraction of the prefix hi- and the pronoun hin; -ire personal pronoun 3d person plural (see note 81). 9' From S'afc to be old. The fact that it has the nominalizing prefix would indicate that 4'afc is a verb. 981st person hi'rahi', 2d person hira'rahi, 3d person hira'hi, to reach; -Bc/n or -fij?n superlative par- ticle; for Tie see note 81. The simple future -k]e is used because the limits of the action are con- ceived as having been set. The suffix -nAn would have made the future indefinite. 99 1st person wa'gc, 2d person wara'ge, 3d person wage', to mean. looist person nan'jin, 2d person nAnna'jin, 3d person nanjin', to stand. The-ne or re is the impera- tive. There are two kinds of imperatives, immediate and general. The immediate is -ng, and the general is -An'je. "iContraction for hira-ho'-hin-kdnA'nk-'iinine-ha'nihe-kjane'nAt; hi'ra prefix meaning with, in sense of accompaniment; ho prefix, meaning obscure here; hi" objective personal pronoun 1st person singu- lar; kn'nAnk stem of verb to follow; nihe' is an auxiliary verb and is used to imply repetition. It is regularly conjugated 1st person ha'nihe, 2d person ranihe, 3d person nihe'. It must not be confused with -ni'he, which is not conjugated and appears as a suffix with the meaning of had; 'tinj'ne they do; for ne'uAn see note 43. w2-}ii objective personal pronoun 2d person singular. The stem appears either a.s -naink or nAiik (h)a'nihe (see note 101). 193 Adverb. The ending -a'J^ would .seem to indicate that it is really the imperative form of a verb. iw Imperative form (see note 100); wa indefinite pronoun. 106 From uAnk man, and hani'nAn to have, to possess (see note 14). 964 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 hakJA'^bEniA'''je."'«« Hogigi'nK rawiVi.^"' "HAuke' hakJA^'bEni" lookback." Around they started. "Not lookback" sia'ka^"** k'unika'gil jagu'W^"" weguniliireov'jini,"*' she said grandmother why she said it he thought. (5o\ve'K]Tnink ^" hoirac%e'ja "^ hakJA°pga'JA° haoohu'ra"^ Just a little to the left look buck (he dfid) to \vliere started horuHonujike'reje. "* "Cri°sga'no, hagagasgoJA'PiKji" "'^ UA'iigEra it caved in instantaneously. "Grandson, oh, inyl oh, myl a man niga'JA'' waJA°'nukAnA°"^ hanika'rajinKjifiga'jA"."^ Cu°sga'no, you are (but) something great I had encouraged you much. Grandson, deere'sge"^ hAfike' karu's"® duKurugni'iiA'' hokona'jaue."^^" this even not take it back 1 can these falling." Hot'a']6°ne. waga'kc^e^^i ai'renA°.^" Hogig-i'nK harai'regi "^^ The death.s she meant it is said. Around they went geji\ I .1 j g F L S S X Uvular 'I voiceless voiced voiced voiceless Normal Closed vowels Semi-closed . Semi-open Open . . . §2 VOWELS U ularized, being followed by r, R, q, or ^. I U U I Y I' e 9 d a a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 975 The majority of the symbols here used are in accordance with the signs employed by the Association phonetique internationale. ' 1 prefer the simple /• instead of the Jf, and ic instead of b of the Association, that the Eskimo words may not look more difficult than necessary; nevertheless, r and vj in the Eskimo language mean something very different from the English r and w. The same is true of my signs for the s- and a- sounds, and, of course, of all the uvularized vowels, all of which only in part agree with sounds of an}^ other language that I know of. : indicates length of the preceding vowel or consonant; e. g., a:=aa or a; m:—m')n or m. I prefer in ordinary orthography to double the sign to indicate length of sound: thus, aa, mm^ ss, etc. A single consonant is always to be considered short. ' stands before the stressed syllable of a word. Degrees of stress are indicated thus: 'a, strong stress; "a, very strong stress; ^a or 6f, weak stress. -^ indicates nasalization: a, q^ f, *', " mean glides of the preceding vowel: «' [a"] or \ai\^ «" [a'] or [aw]. % '■ mean labialization and uvularization. Following is a detailed description of these sounds: A uvularized «, or followed by a uvular, in my ordinary^ transcription «r, or pronounced with the soft palate (the velum) strained and lifted. It is like a in English far, followed by the Eskimo fricative r (or q) ; see under r. ArssAq a ball a as in French ame, patte (rarely like French pate, pas, or English father). Arnaa his woman, mother ataa beneath it d about as in man; a short (t modified by closed consonants and point- consonants (or dentals) (Sweet, ''A Primer of Phonetics," §§50 and 190). qildJc sky nanofi bear pimnidt as he came ' Le Maltre phonetique, 1905: Expos6 des principes de I'Association phonetique intematiouale. — Cf. Paul Passy, Petite Phonetique compar6e (Leipsic et Berlin, 1906). 2In my ordinary transcription I have tried to avoid diacritical marks. §2 976 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 meei'qaf children aappaa his companion a about like the vowels in French lait, German denn; between f and a of the Association phonetique Internationale (Passy, "Petite phonetique comparee," §§ 241 and 248; Jespersen, "Lehrbuch der Phonetik," §§ 152 and 156), rather wide than narrow. arndt \^Arn:dt^^ plural of nrnaq woman 'ndWeq a seal Msi'dnne but c stopped front palatal, voiceless (Passy, 1. c, § 187; Jespersen, 1. c, §§ 118 and 168); in ordinary transcription (; or Ij. Com- mon in some Eskimo dialects; for instance, Mackenzie river, tgitamat [citamat] four; also in the dialects of Upernavik and Ammassalik in Greenland. (Thalbitzer I, 90, 190-191, 209, 221, 269.) ? is the same sound very far forward. p as in German ich. ixxia [if:za] his throat (see under x). see after o. e more closed than e in French ktk. and a little more forward. When it is used long, it sounds about like a long /. qaxine over it, on its surface neesaq [ni:sAq'\ a porpoise The "European" e, as in German see, may, however, occasionally be heard. Notice the different pronunciations of my ee pure, and eer which I use in my ordinarv transcription for eev. The first sound is about like a long /; the latter, rather like d. E=e, uvularized ci (cf . a and r). erneq [E7"/i:Eq] son meeraq \inE:rA(j\ child, plural meerqdt [uiE.'rqdt] s=e uvularized, farther back than £, and sometimes like a (Thal- bitzer I, 107, 109) on account of the rounding of the innermost part of the mouth. peerpoq [pe:rp^'>q] it is free, it is off 3=9 uvularized, short mid-vowel. F bilabial fricative. savFuq [sAVF.'Aq] a current (Central and South Greenland, Labrador) g is a ;' articulated as deep in the mouth as a l\ voiced. It is usually symbolized as g in North German regen, bogen, and in Danish §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 977 DAGE, viGE. Central and South Greenland, East Greenland, Labrador, Mackenzie river, g occurs rarely in the northern part of West Greenland instead of y. The corresponding voiceless sound is x or partly g. iga (South Greenland), iija (North Greenland), a pot h is heard sometimes in interjections. i high narrow vowel (Bell and Sweet), as in French fini. ittaij many years ago iLLit thou / between i and e^ especially before 7?, ???, y. Inaa \^ina:'\ its (the bird's) nest ;" like y in yard, or like 7 in German ja. ajaa his aunt pujoq smoke q^ r, R, and jv are uvular consonants, so called because they are articu- lated at the uvula. The posterior part of the velum and the root of the tongue are drawn back and up toward the back of the fauces, whereby the space in that part of the mouth seems to become larger. , o. oi'ssoq \prs:oq^ blubber p as in French pas without aspiration. paa mouth of a river q uvular nasal —n (Passy, 1. c, § 196). erNit (dialect of Disco ba\') lakes = ^v/2?V, singular imeq fresh water; in Oommannaq fiord also intervocalic: anoNe—anoqe WIND, instead of anore. §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 979 r uvular fricative, voiced, is related to q us g is to k and ?/' toj9; usually articulated as far back in the mouth as q. It is quite another sound than the English ?■, but it has some resemblance to the French and German back -r, when untrilled, and espe- cially to the Danish r, produced by friction right b}^ the back of the fauces (Jespersen, "Lehrbuch der i^honetik," § 141; Passy, 1. c, § 222). It is the ^ of the Association phonetique Inter- nationale. Its articulation is especially tense when it is fol- lowed by q; e. g., sarqaq the sunny side aarqdt gloves rq is nothing but a modified form of long q [q:]; other combinations with /' in Greenlandic are rt, r.s, vf, tl^ rq, rm^ rn^ ry^ tn. A vowel preceding one of these sound-groups is always strongly uvularized. The r modifies the character of the vowel, and is anticipated in its pronunciation. The two sounds — the vowel -j- the r — in reality make up a phonetic whole (Thalbitzer I, pp. 110 and 152), and the following consonant is nearly always gemi- nated (long). It might be symbolized thus: arqa his name =ifqqa \Aq:a\ orssoq\A\y)a\i^x =[5'"s;c^] , ei'neq son =[E^n:Eq] When the r stands alone between vowels, its place of articulation is often somewhat advanced, and the friction not very tense; e. g., in neriwoq eats. In some districts (for instance, in the Oommannaq fiord) the outgoing air is apt to escape through the nose-passage, causing r to be nasalized, or [?]; this nasal is related to q \n\ as ^ to ^ or as w to m. neriwoq (Oommannaq) eats B. indicates a voiceless i\ short or long, = ?? of the Association pho- netique Internationale (Passy, 1. c, § 222). It is something like ch in German (Swiss) bach. maRRaq clay BRRorpaa washes it .* see after l. s is usually voiceless. In rs it resembles the English . plural '«7/^m^^ skins Greenland ma'lik a wave > verbal ' maijLerpoq the seais rolling Greenland 'iLLit thou < casus obi. i'lm7iui to thee Greenland a' teq a name = Alaska, 'dteq (B'drnum 325) Greenland aku' taq h'dstard = Alaska a' kutak mixed dish Greenland ilu'mut yes, truly = Alaska I'lumwi {ibid. 336) Greenland uki'oq winter = Alaska ' uksJiuk {ibid. 372) Greenland 'idLLimdt live = Alaska tah' Leinan {ibid. 367) Greenland a'taa^seq one = Labrador attauseq = 'attaa^seq ? Labrador 'sittamat four = Alaska st'amen {ihid. 365) ^ , 1 .,, . ,, , Vndtrok {ibid. 355) boot- Greenland na teq bottom, = Alaska sole *^"^^' J y natiih {ibid.) ^oor Greenland 'ii^LLume to-day = Caribou lake* ^^^.(e^MMi to-day Greenland V^-^i^'^ the upper-) ^ ., i i ? ? ' -^ / '\ ^ ^^ = (Jan bou lake A;/^a((dp^^5 (superposes) „ , J , (Alaska aqqe'irqtoa [ak:e'irt:oa] Greenland axxerpoq ap- /n ^ oin\ t j ^ i = (Barnum 319) 1 draw near, proaches • • ^ [ copie m view § 4. Changes of Palatal Consonants The following instances show that shifting of consonants occur partly in connection with the shifting of stress and partly without such. If the final syllable of a word that ends in q or k becomes penultima by the addition of a suffix, the syllable loses its stress and the conso- nant may assume an intervocalic position. In these cases the con- sonant becomes voiced, q shifting to the voiced r, and k to g, which, in turn, changes to y. The same changes of these sounds sometimes occur when the part added is not a sufRx, but an independent word. q'>r, q becomes r in the plurals of many nouns; e. g., Singular Plural ti'keq tikerit foretingei 'nevLeq nerherit ■ goose ' Mackenzie river, Petitot Vocabulaire, p. 7. §4 984 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 For further examples see Thalbit:;or 1, 245. qa'noq how; qano' rl])pa how is it; qano' rimna how is that; qcutor- o'qarpa how did he say 'ern'neq son; 'ernne'ra {r. The shift gr >r in the Mackenzie-river dialect is doubtful; e. g-., in iiimgut (Southwest Greenland) wk, uwarut {'() (Mackenzie river, Petitot) we. g> 5[-'^]' This shift is found in the terminal sound of many words of the Baffin-land, Smith-sound, and Ammassalik dialects, which have their terminal sounds nasalized, whereas the other dialects keep the oi'al tenuis q. Also the dialect of the Mackenzie-river Eskimo bears evidence of a similar tendenc\' , as shown b}' some few examples of it; e. g.. Smith sound tuluang [tuluuN] raven Central Greenland hiht^aq Bsi1iin\Andsi?'inirn[seriniN]thesun Central Greenland seqineq Mackenzie river atefl [atey] a name Central Greenland ateq v^q. This shift takes place in the dialect of Oommannaq fiord in North Greenland in those words in which r occurs between vowels; e. g., in— Oommamiaq Fiord Disco Bay neqi/woq neriwoq he eats anoqe anore wind k'>^. This shift appears in a comparison of some of the possessive and verbal endings of the Greenland and Southwest Alaska dialects. Southwest Alaska South Greenland -ha my, 1 -ga my, I dtkukd dtdrdlia (Barnum 312), kapitaga atoriga my coat I my coat I put it on {aikiih na- who use it {kapitak a kayak- tive fur coat) ing coat) -kii, -ke it, them -go^ -git it, them atorluku (Barnum 312) atovLugo he using it atoryakdndka {ihid.) atoqinago do not use it ato(fluke {ibid.) atovLugo he using them §4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 985 k>y, probably through an intermediate g, is a shift well known in the Greenland grammar; c. g., Singular Plural Possessive Kii/Z' boundary I'iLLiyit ^'/ii^T^a its boundary tooLLil' loon tooLhiyit ass/^' picture, portrait assiyit assiya his portrait The older g, from which the y developed, may be traced in the long vowel in the plural of such words as mannih egg, plural iiian- rieet, probably y. We see this shift in the Northwest Greenland dialect, too, in some instances: kikkun iiko who are they; somi u'Jco what are they. KikJcim and soon are special forms of klhkut and soot (in the singular llna WHO, and suna what). The same shift may have stamped the declension of nouns in the plural, since the suffixes in the oblique cases are added to a nominal plural stem ending in n instead of t\ e. g., qaqqat mountains; qaqqanut to the mountains; qaqqane in, on, the mountains (but in the singular qaqqamut^ qaqqameY l^ytti. This shift is of rare occurrence now in Greenland. It may occasionally take place in the relative (or genitive) juxtaposi- tion of two nouns, the latter of which begins with a vowel (cf. Egede, "'Grammar," p. 2, "i> finale mutatur in J/, sequente voce a vocali incipiente" [this B means jj]; e. g., zLLvm isertarpia the entrance of the house (instead of iLLup) The same shift is attested b}^ records from other dialects; e. g., W^est Greenland aap yes; Ammassalik aam or eemn in aairdla^ eemila yes, certainly; Cape York eein yes pin Baffin land the old pronunciation of men was t; that of women and of younger men is n (see p. 985).— F. B.] 2 In some irregular plurals these suffixes, -vut -?ie, really seem to be added to the full plural form; e.g., kikkut WHO, plural kikkunnnl (q^ R>y^ t>7i, are found. See p. 985, and note 1, p. 987. — F. B.] Gr. {'^jinaq steep declivity Gr. taa^na that one Gr. {""mi that Gr. uwd^7unit to me tn > tv or «'• Labrador imnaq Baffin land taimna Baffin land imna (Boas II, 348) Baffin land uvamnule but to me {ibid.) North Alaska uuinnxm \uainnu't\\ Gr. mi^a^nnut to me (Ray 56) Southwest Alaska kumlok Gr. ku^LLoq thumb Southwest Alaska pehlmkln mine Gr. jy'nja^kk'it I have thee thou art P if) > ^*^ or "'. Greenland (Egede, 1750) iblit Greenland (Egede, 1750) illipse Labrador (nowadaj's) igvit Labrador uihvak Baffin land taipkoa 1 Mackenzie river tapkoa] North Alaska kablmi Greenland (Egede, 1750) kahJo, Greenland (Egede, 1750) kahlunak Mackenzie river kpajHgi Southwest Alaska kafchin \LL. West Greenland a'loq a sole West Greenland aLLut soles (plural) West Greenland il'inne at, West Greenland 'IllU thou by thee W>FF. West Greenland i'wik (a West Greenland 'IffU grass blade of) grass (plural) West Greenland awa north West Greenland 'aPFa there in the north West Greenland a'vnppaa West Greenland 'aPFaq the half part divides it in two pieces Mackenzie river avitoak DIVORCER §6 990 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ^">.s'. In the evolution of the Greenland ^roup of dialects the shift />.s' appears to have been of special importance. In a great many words the dialects west of Davis strait have 7, which has grown into voiceless s in Greenland.^ Mackenzie River Labrador Greenland (?) jpuije puise seal _ (?) _ angmajet ammassdt capelans iyik (pi. ii/it)] iije (or ijje) •/ / or iyipk J tse (pi. t sit) &ye, nuvuija^ pi. 1 nuvuja, pi. 'nuia (pi. nu'issdt) cloud nxivCiyat J Qiuvujet kpeyuh qejuk qi'suk wood mikiyopk TTiiMjoq mikisooq little c {cc) > ss. Mackenzie River Labrador Greenland tamadjci or madjia tamadja (Bourquin tamassa here it is [mac:a] vraiment, § 192) here i tis massa here is; to CERTAINEMENT wit hpap'wpk FLECHE kargjok arrow qarsoq arrow ugiuk = ogjiuk [oc: ii1c\ vgjuh seal ussuk seal {Phoca PHOQUE harbata) ifjek \ic:eTc\ froid itje frost isse frost, cold todjiaplc \to:c:aq I tootjaq beam toossaq beam of a POUTRE house (?) -tuapl' (verbal ending-) -djuaq big, great -ssuaq big, great (?) -yuaph ^^ > ts. North Alaska (Ray) Mackenzie River tgitaiaat [fitamai] four tguna \}und\ what nutjd [?iuf:d] nutget or nudj'iat hair netyd natgepk or oiadjepl seal {Phoca V it td ma) naityud, naUoph (fin) short ak'ityud apitopk soft » The original sound may still be traced in some words of the dialects of Ammassalik [kijrarma I alone; -kajik [suffix] bad) and of Smith sound (Thalbitzer 1, 192, 215). §6 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 991 Northwest Central and South- Labrador Greenland em Greenland sittamat sisamat sisamat four su'7ia 'suna 'suna what nutset nuttat nutsat hail- netseq ndtteq natseq sea I {Phoca vituUna) naibok naaHtoq naaHsoq short aTckitoh aqittoq aqitsoq soft In Southwest Alaska the,; seems to have changed to ,?, too, in some few word."^; e. g., Southwest Alaska 'uMuk winter <*\tikjuJi]'*i n^^(9(/ head <.^[najqoq\'\ Greenland ukl'oq winter niaqoq head < najaqoq ? 'kashpruJv (Barnum 341) water- proof shirt kashJjruk (Schultze) storm- coat <*{kaj^ral;] Mackenzie River Txaypak robe de poie § 7. Shifting of Voiceless Fricatives and Stopped Consonants The ij, X, and r do not exist in the dialects of Upernavik, Smith sound, and Ammassalik. In this " northeastern group " these sounds are replaced by ^, A", andjy. In addition to this, the Ammassalik dialect has even carried this shifting of open and stopped consonants throiioh in changing l to t (Thalbitzer I, 202). Central and South- west Greenland M-q, X-k, F-p, L-t. aRReetwniJc eRROTLoyo naaxxa axxerpoq saxxaq savFaq arpdq oqarFiyaa lyyeTLime ihnia Upernavik Ammassalik aqqeesumih - eqqovLoyo eqqert'iyo naaJcka - a¥keTpoq akJcerpoq sdhJcaq sarpaq sarjxiq arpdq aipdq oqarpiyaa oqarpeewaa iyy&rtlne ittiwa slowly washing it no approaches a thin-haired skin current whale he savs to him singing his house §7 992 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I HULL. 40 The following words of the Baffin-land and Labrador dialects ina}^ be compared with those just mentioned: North I jiihrador naa^kak (South: r///Zv/^) = Upernavik /^cm^/y/no Labrador innggulx \inaRRuTx\ Bourquin § = Smith sound iiiaiif\ Boas I, 000= Ammassalik i8erpik= West Greenland {serpih entranco-plaoe Baffin land majoartune^ingertnne Boas II = Ammassalik: -^moq itter'jwq itertoapk he en- I'trdutdkd 1 bring ters it in with me sss may be observed in those grammatical forms, in which a suffix the usual initial of which is t has to be added after a word ending- in i, since t between two «'s will change to s; e. g., in the opta- tive takulisit would he would see you, < *-U-Ut but takuUttit would THEY WOULD SEE YOU, < -Ut-tit. Likewise in takoyamisit as he saw you (cf. taJcoyamittit as they saw you). aa^Laaisit your gun, the guns ( < aa^uuiH a gun) ihLuisiyut through his houses ( < iLLuatiyut through his house) ]camisit = kam.it it (both in use) your boots -si;ppaa^-tipj[>aa {YQvh2i\ suffix, causative) The shifty' >.s has left few traces only in the Greenland grammar; e. g., in the inflection of some few nouns. kana'joq^ plural ka'nassut {<*kanajjut) a sea-scorpion qarajaq^ locative qarasaine (place-name in Oommannaq fiord) piyasut three, plural <*piyajoq (cf. piyajuat the third, etc.) (Thalbitzer I, 177) § 9. Shifting of Consonants with Change of Place of Articulation The shifts mentioned in the preceding sections are all alike, in that the place of articulation does not change. The following examples of shift are chiefly due to a shifting of the place of articulation: h-q. Labrador Mackenzie River Greenlaud qikkertaq kpikepktapk qe'qerttaq island nellunaikutaq nelu7iaykutapk{siG- ndlimaarqutaq a nal) mark erqerqoq kpikeptkpopk = ek- e'qerqoq fourth kaJikok coast of finger Hudson bay) The latter word may be compared with the Alaska forms of the same word, northern Alaska yiukutko (Ray), northwest Alaska etitkook (Wells and Kelly), southwest Alaska ikkilthkok (Barnum) \ik:iLqoq\^ cf. Thalbitzer I, 263. The same shift may be observed by a comparison of the West Green- land teqerqoq a corner of a house, and the East Greenland ti'kerqoq. These differences are probably due to analogy, and not to successive shif tings of the parts of articulation. The same is true of the examples §9 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 03 994 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 of this shift in the Greenland lancruage, where it appears in double forms of words, like mie)^Loq^=nuerLuk^ etc. (Thalbitzer I, 176). ^vF-X. Labrador uhi^a East Greenland uppa Mackenzie River West Greenland uxxa or uFPa perhaps XF-»-iiS. tvX-F. nagvarpoq \naxFa:r-\ hivgah nadjuvaptopl' na^ssaarpoq klvgapk I'l^FFttfJ linds, invents something a servant g'W, As for this shift, see § 4. § 10. Vocalic Shifts The shifting of o > e, u > /, is one of the principal differences between the dialects of West and East Greenland (Thalbitzer 1, 196 et seq). Likewise many words of the western dialects, as spelled hy the dif- ferent recorders, bear evidence of vocalic changes of no less impor- tance. In Alaska we often find it in the base of the word, corre- sponding to i or e in Greenland. H-t, West Greenland East Greenland aLLcrqut atteqin jaw-bones sihut sikin sea-ice inarLLuk martik two aLLdttooq attdtteeq a seal nanoq iianeq a bear u-i. Southwest Alaska West Greenland (Barnum) nupqxt (sound. noise) nipe voice tuppsakoh (it stinks) tij)e smell tumchinak ti^sinak fun nuq'yuqtdd neri'swppoya I want to eat kuvUarstok qi^LLertoq it glitters ittammok mam Ippoq it heals iv'rkuchek ? crisaaq or ermalisaq ^ waterproof boots kel'lug'^vok ki'llFFaq the mammotli ^BafBn land irmadlin a piece of skin used to lay in the bottom of a kayak. §10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 995 West Greenland imanna aap ila aa^yooq BafSn Land aqaarpoq he says no^ Southwest Alaska a-t. u-e. aJmanak or imik East Greenland iminna \aamila \eemila eeyyooq West Greenland ^ riiuh thus yes, certainly yes is said East Greenland eerqe no milk water lioor north grave fire mouth Greenland nuvuja (pi. iiu- nuia (pi. nu' issdt) cloud ivalo (pi. ivaluit) ujalo or ujaloq sinew Vowel changes like those here mentioned have left distinct traces in many derivatives of the present Greenlandic language; e. g., muk or moq i'meq natuk na'teq neguk 7ii'geq 'livruh ill'veq Idnok ihi'neq 'Idniik qa'neq uj-ai. Mackenzie River Labrador nuviiya (pi. iiuvd- nuvuja ycd) vujdt) iw-uj. ivalok (pi. ivalut) ivalo (p] u-t. aa^saq summer upemaaq spring iLLu^tta our house's ernerata of his son aput snow on the ground erniotaq grandchild ikwnawoq is on fire, burns kapuiwoq is one who stabs itu'ippoq goes over land, crosses over the ice iliicaa lays it (or him) down aa^si-wik summer-place uperni-iolk spring-place iLLvFttiyut through our house erneratiyut through his son apiwoq (the ground) is covered with snow erniiooq gives birth to a child erneq son iJci-ppaa sets it on fire kapiwaa stabs him i'ti^LLcq place where one crosses iliweq or iluweq a grave 1 Boas II, 334. §10 996 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY rnti-L. 40 The same sounds are used vicariousl}^ in several words in West Greenland. a- 1. u-i. l-anul' and kamak boot {hammiJcka = Jcammdkka ni}' boots) kalH"^sf a (a) e > i o > u u > u (r) Examples: axl, nd'saa his hood arnaa his woman (mother) ta'seq lake sapiwaa to dike, dam awa'taq a sealing bladder uwaya I a>a, a'torpa is it used sisd'maat the fourth qu'laane above it e>i, puise seal Ubpeq tent sule yet taleq arm §11 a > a' i, e > K (f) o,n > o (^) nd'sdt pi. arndt women 'tdWit pi. sd^ssdt a dike, dam a'wdttdt pi. u'wa^ttut as I u'wa^nne at me altorpdt are they used 'sisamat four . qu'ldnne above them jpuisit pi. tupine his (own) tent sulilo and yet talia his arm BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 997 o>u, a'loq sole alua his sole 'azLut soles {llo house iLLtia his house iLuit houses a'torpoq it is used a'torput they are used v, > iL nuju'arpoff (a dog) is shy nujuiUoq not shy, tame fy* ?<-bad, useless a'jiismsee how bad it is A shifting- in the vowels produced by the intrusion of a following uvular consonant may be termed uvular mutation. The result of this Juxtaposition of a vowel + r, q, or r is the uvu- larization by which the vowel changes according to the scheme just mentioned. The uvularized vowels are symbolized in ordi- nary transcription as ar {aq^ as), er {eq, en), or (oq, or). The vowel and the consonant in reality make up a phonetic unit. The vowel is pronounced with uvular friction, while an enlarge- ment of the innermost part of the mouth-chamber takes place (cf. § 2 under q and r). The vowels which are affected in this way have a remarkable hollow and grating sound; in case of o and e it is occasionally somewhat like o on account of the rounding in the posterior part of the mouth. An e between two n's and an e between two r's are acoustically widely dif- ferent sounds. ' a>A. nasaa his hood; nasAq a hood arnaa his woman (mother); arnaq \^Arn:A(2\ woman; arnara [Arn.'Ard] m}^ mother qarssaaq [qArs:A:q} a loom; pi. qarsaa^t \(iArs:aat\ qaqqame [qAq:ame\ on, in, the mountain; qaqqaq [qAq:Aq] a mountain amia or amee his (its) skin; ameq [a'^nEq] a skin e'qe=e'qeq [eqEq] corner; eqia his corner of the mouth nerhvoq eats; nere' reerpoq [nsrs'i'S.'rpoq^ has finished eating erm'M'« my sons; ernera\^E7mE7'a\ my son\ erneq\^Eq^ o, s,on\ erne [Erne] his (own) son o>o, niaqua his head; niaqoq \jiiaqoq\ a head nano = nanoq a bear ihLo a house; iLLorssuaq \iL:ors:uA(][\ a big house Kaasasiik {nvim.Q)-\-riijuk-{-yuaq: Kaasasorujoyuaq the little poor wretched Kaasasuk §11 998 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bli,l.40 § 12. Retrogressive Uvularization Retrogressive uvularization is the name of a phonetic tendency toward uvular anticipation,* which may have begun in the earliest history of the language, since it can be traced in all dialects. Its transforming activit}^ has asserted itself at different stages in the development of the language, and has penetrated the eastern dialects in a far higher degree than those of the west. It shows itself in the present state of the Eskimo language, in that many words in the Greenland and Labrador dialects have ar, er^ or (uvularized vowels), when the western and partly also the central dialects have retained the original sounds, «, /, ?^ In the majority of cases this change may probabl}'^ be traced back to a shift of the word-stress whereby the vowel of the syllable that lost its stress has in the course of time dis- appeared. B}" this contraction of the word, two consonants have come into contact, and either have been assimilated or have shifted places (cf. Alaska nimra^ and Greenland nerma his [its] binding, both formed from nhneq + suflSx a, his, its). The Alaska form suggests that the r of nerma may be explained as the final uvular of nhneq^ shifted to r; and this supposition is strongl}' supported by the fact that the Mackenzie-river dialect (cf. the vocabulary of Petitot), and the dialects west of Hudson bay, contain some transitional forms stressed in the original manner; e. g., atepe'it [a'tereet]^ the plural of afen [a'teq] name, regularly formed, likewise ate'pa my name (in Alaska atga, in Greenland arqa). A metathesis of the consonants has taken place in the Greenland inarLuk two, which may be compared with Alaska malriik and Mackenzie-river wmto/'6'X'. On account of the assimilation or metathesis of the consonants, the uvular consonant which belonged originally to the suffix or final part of the word has been displaced, and is now found in the middle of the word in the forms east of Hudson bay. In most of the eastern dialects the preceding vowel has thus been uvularized: nirma has become nerma^ qitqa its middle (Mackenzie river) has become qerqa (through ^qiqqd). Intermediate forms are found in the Baffin-land dialect {iq^ ir\ uq^ ur\ etc.); but in some instances the assimilation of the consonants (ri) has been car- ried further, in the dialects of Labrador and Baffin land (Smith sound), than in West Greenland. 1 The uvular position of the palate, which originaljy belonged to the end of the word, is anticipated in the base of the word (Thalbitzer I, 241-242). !Ray nimxa the lashing of the harpoon-shaft. §12 boas] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 999 Examples:^ West Eskimo air, aLryarJ, arL. riialruk (Barnum) two East Eskimo ( Greenland uml Labrador) ((TLaane (Gr.) in the other one; aRRuane (Lab.) last year mavLuk (Gr.) two; -iiiaRRuh (Lab.) two aZpawe(Petitot Vocab. LXII) JADIS dlththraJi'u [uLRa.'ko] (Bar- num) next year ndUliklrtoh [m/Lqirtoq] (Bar- navLuwoq (Gr. ) it is straight; {u > i num) it is straight see § 10) naxxowo<2 (Erdman: naggovok) (Lab.) it is straight ^•rt^Zm«[^«im,'] (Barnum 342) | (la'^ortoq (Gr.) white white [ katlcha (Schultze QQ) white qarsortoq (Gr.) bleached eir > evL, amelrartut (S. Al. Woldt- Jacobsen 328) amalleraktok (N. Al. Woldt- Jacobsen 328) many amthlerrut{^di\n\\\\\ 75) many naklrit (Rink II, 83, no. 21) geese nokdleret (Schultze 55); kdl = [l] or [tl] ? negalek (Ray 55) goose-town ?€?>', uLryorL, kuUhkrvet (Barnum 348) ' [quLqicii] the shelves in native houses kulva' raka (Barnum) I put it up high \(iulinarakn\ ainerLasoot (Gr.) many amevLaqaa^t (Gr.) they are many nerheq^ pi. nevLerit goose qovLor- e. g., in qorL-orpoq (Gr.) water falling or streaming down quLLcirterpaa {<*qu^'LLar-y (Gr.) lifts it up m the air a7«Zma (Barnum 327), verbal *atorL-^ e. g., atovLune (Gr.) form em, erni^ eri) opeiirah (Rink) spring-timo openachJcah (Schultze '43) 'up'mKjkak (Biirnum 373) penruk socks woven from j^niss (Barnuni) cKaplngratok (Biirnum) it is nothing, it is not an actual thing* ingrlk (l^arnuni) mountain pe'ninra (Barnum 67) the stronger, its stronger one 'enru (Barnum) a talisman, a charm nimxa [nimra] (Ra}^) its lash- ing, band unryorii, u)i kd[unra]{Ba,rnum) his arm- pit katunra (Barnum) son tungra (Barnum) a spirit hinggnxnra (Barnum) that or those behind kinuneepa (Fetitot) sr > f's, gr (cr) > *rj > rs > ss, a2'/'deharak(Bsirnum 327) adul- tery azhraugna peccare contra vi ezrekoak (Wells a. Kelly) frost-bite katzrak{ Woldt-Jacobsen) white eg7'a (Wells a. Kelly) (my^ eye eqka\^ijirkd\ (Barnum) my eyes {iqka my eye) nazruk (Wells a. Kell}') abdo- men kiufru (Wells a. Kelly) a swan ug''ru (Wells a. Kelly) bearded seal iggru (Wells a. Kelly) testicles §12 ii'pemaaq (Gr.) spring-time pinne (Gr.) straw that is pe)")jit (Lab.) stuck in the boots saperna- (Gr.) it is impossible (to do) iyyik (Gr.) top of a mountain pimmak (Gr.) skilled through practice pimariovok^ p hnm ariuterj^ok (Lab.) thinks he is a strong man aarnuaq (Gr.) charm, amulet ««/• < eer ? nerma (Gr.) its band, lashing 07'na (Gr.) his arni-i)it qitornaq (Gr.) child toornaq (Gr.) a spirit kiyorna (Gr.) after that arssadrpaa (Gr.) deprives him violently of something, robs irsekau (Gr, Egede, 1750) isseqaa^q (Gr. now) it is strong cold qarsortoq (Gr.) bleached irse (Gr. Egede, 1750) eye {isdt (Gr.) abdomen {<* lar- jat) qusKuk (Gr.) a swan ( < ^quTJuk') ussuk (Gr.) seal {<*urjttk) iasuk (Gr.) tetiticles {<*irjuk) boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1001 Here I ma}- mention an Alaska word, part of which is apparently influenced by retrogressive uvularization: ir' shninhrdt (Barnum 337) MOUNTAIN SPIRITS is the Same word as Gr. isserqat {<*'vrsminqat'\), singular isseraq^ spelled by Egede (1750) ir-seral'. The same is true of the Al. 'kdkrlok (Barnum) throat, 'kachluk (Schultze) LiP=Gr. qavLoq lip. tq, Lq, sq > rq, Alaska Mackenzie River Baffin Land Labrador (Petitot) (Boas) (Bourquin) atkra (Woldt- atkpa his name Jacobsen) atra (Barnum) atepa my name his name luUi'ok (Bar- natl'po fond num) DU bark mittqon (N. AL, Woldt-Jacob- arqa Greenland arqa his name {netteq^ vat- narqa floor, teq) bottom 'I. . \\iXiqoq sen) iiietkpou minqon (S. Al.,| aiguille Woldt-Jacob- sen) needle tmtkpopJc POIL ihhiltlikok \ik: iLqoql (Bar- num) tkkdikok (C ekkitkaurak kpikeptk p o p Ti , (Woldt-Jacob- (M.)| sen) the little fingfer '*^'^iabrador GreeiilaTid (Petitot) ^Boas) (Bourqiiin) aM'izfizhig Ih axi'ijirn aqigeq a'qisseq- [ao:is:igi(j] \aiil!xt~j[\ ptarmigan (Barnum) ptarmigan ' chisk'dJid \cti<(j(>- tcJdtkpopJx OENOU Si'qoq seerqoq seerqO(i knee h('\ (Barnum) my knee 'okdh \o(2 :o, t^ k^ q. Of these sounds, only final ^ is confined to a certain class of words (viz., nouns), whereas the other final sounds are common to all classes of words. Words that end in a^ e, or (9, or in q, whether nouns or verbs, are always singular forms; k is the dual character, t the plural character; but there are nouns that end in k or t in the singular; e. g., inuk a man, an Eskimo; sanndt tool. In studying the bases of Eskimo words we shall soon see that sev- eral of them end in other sounds than we are accustomed to find in actual words of modern Eskimo; e. g.. in ^, w, or I (l) (see § 15). The Eskimo bases are either monosyllabic or bisy liable; the stems appear to be bases widened by one or two sounds, and sometimes also affected by change of stress. From this point of view, the bases are hypo- thetical forms, secondary as compared with the words of the modern language; i. e., they have been reconstructed from these words for purposes of comparison. They are the explanatory connecting-links between related modern words, which may often be found to be very dissimilar. On the other hand, if bases of this language occur which may end in other sounds than those nowadays found as the terminations of modern words, we are not bound to think that they end thus merely §14 1004 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 because they have been artificially obtained b}'^ analyses, nor that such endings have never existed. There ma}^ have been a period in the development of the Eskimo language when the words occurred in forms different from any words that exist now. § 15. Examples of Bases and Stems * Bases Derivative stems Vocalic or conso- nantal. Stage I (a, e, o). Stage II (k,t,p). Stage III (9). SUge IV. *'ciu *ciua *ci'vk, ci'ut *ciuaq *cior Al. ehcH front, bow of a boat Al. che'uiika my ear M. t(;iimlepk the aTut, foremost Gr. siut ear Gr. siua, sYua bow of a boat sYuaq front tooth Gr. si'uLLeq fore- most sYuarpoq is be- fore sYoraq front *'kui *kuik(>ku:k) *kooq Gr. kuiwaa pours it Gr. kocrppoq streams down koornq valley = Al. kwtq river=Gr. kuok <.*kuik Al. 'kwcgum of the river M. kopkinepk *'07?ii *a"vut l*ai;ute, *a'outcq \*ar)uta Al. 'affniin man, male Gt.av'ut, man, male Al. a'ghittfakstag. big buck a'outit the men ayutaa his father Gr. arfuwoq pursues, hunts arjitterput our father *ca(*ca->) *caa-*cao *cak * caak Gr. saa its front Al.'chaokirkthe first, foremost siiLLeq < *saklrq the front-most, foremost Gr. saappoq turns front saappaa turns to, .speaks to A\. chaoknh'i the one before me *car-*can *caneT appurtenance Gr. qoriortoq waterfall Gr. quLLarpara I lift it, elevate it *at (or atj) *ata-atje *atq, *ateq *arq (Gr.) Gr.aLLt'q nethermost Gr. alaa under it Al. dtrdqtod I come down Gr. arqarpoi^a I descend Gr. ammut < atmut Al. d'chc below downwards Al. a'chedne un- der it Gr. a'terpoya I go down Gr. arquppara I bring it down Al. ImnnuVkauidka I , throw it down Al. achimne un- der me * tim *tima-*time *timak *timeq Gr. time body; in- land Gr. timmut land- wards (on the sea) timaane in the inland Al. t'mdthluk dried fish Gr.fimcrier/ near- est to the in- land ■ Al. i'md torso, body timia his body *aiv *awa-*m()0 *awat or *awak *awaia Gt. a"'rerja < *ai('7ia he in the north Gr. 'airnne in the north Gr. awammu f out- wards Gr. awataaneout- side of it Gr. aFFa < *awFa there in the north Gr.ajcoyatothe north Al. a'wdne over there some- where Al.a'?('«('r(na<_ *taona he there *tafj *mtjar^tatjo *tdtjak til. idssa GT.Uissa it itf-, it is enough G r . tcin/tnne there; Uissuo- na through there } tassay T/a from there *ma *maxi-mao *maak Al. mdntOk it is here Gr.maane here maarjTja from here Al. mflMn hence \>y this way (cf. Gr. maona through here) Gr. 'maa'i'na< maona through here maonwa< *ma- akna now, the present mo- ment *'matj *riiatja-matjo *matjak Gr. mossa-this is—; here is— Gr. manna<. *matna this one Gr. massa Gr. massame certainly, of course Gr. massakknt now, for the time being M. tamadja surely Gr. matuma= masuma of this here § 16. Classes of Words The lines of demarcation between classes of words are vague, because a great m»ny of the inflectional and derivative endings (sufiixes) are common to word.s that we are accustomed to consider as belonging to separate classes, such as nouns and verbs. On the other hand, we can not assert that the evolution of this language has not tended toward a fixed grouping of some of the suffixes around certain classes of words (e. g., demonstratives; temporal particles; the terms i and thou; whole and alone). No doubt the Eskimo language shows §16 BOASJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1007 a tendency similar to that of our own, of distinguishing between nouns and verbs; but this tendencj^ has been crossed by other tenden- cies toward demarcation which partially neutralize the former, as will become evident in the following discussions. Accordingly, instead of basing the distinction between Eskimo word- classes on the same principles as those of Latin grammar, I have chosen to depart from the category of the latter without completely giving up its technical terms of expression, which are useful because they are easily understood. In all branches of science, when pro- ceeding from the known to the unknown, it is necessary to interpret the latter in the light of the former. Following this method, we may distinguish between the following classes of words: a. Base- Words T -^T 1 .^1 e 11 ^ • 1 • rl' Nouns (iLLO HOUSE, ateq name). I. ^\ ords with full typical in- I ^ at v / •? • \, ^ . ''^ -< 2. \erhii{iki,woqisi'ii,aterpoqQ0^8 L down). II. Words with defective inflection {tamaq all, uwaya i, the numer- als, etc.). III. Words with atypical inflection: demonstrative and interrogative words {una he there, Idna w^ho). r 1. Interjections. T\7- 11^ J -iu i -at.- J 2. Particles, temporal (/7«W when), IV. vV ords without any inflection -< i i / , [ modal yqcunmoq utinam), V. local {uFFa there), etc. /?. Suffixes (Actual and Obsolete) I. Common to all kinds of words. II. Confined to certain groups of words. INFLECTION (§§ 17-50) Typical Inflection (§§17-44) §17. Plural (nul Dual Inflect ion This is the most general kind of inflection in the Eskimo language, appl3ang to all sorts of words with the exception of particles and interjections. § 17 1008 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 There are two set of typical signs of the plural common to both nounsand verbs. Here we are concerned chietl}' with the tirstset, or the pure dual and plural endings. The dual or plural signs of the other set are closely cormected with or incorporated into the other inflec- tional endings, for which reason the}' have been more or less com- pletely united with them in form as well as in meaning: e. g., the plural n in iLume in the houses, as compared with the m in iLLume IN THE house; or Jc in erniklca my sons, as compared with r in ei^nera MY SON. West Greenland ■\'i Singular (I O e I- t Diml (b}'' adding I') ^^ Plural t''>n'' Examples: ^nuna land (Boas VI, 109) ^igdlu house {ibid., 101) ^ale'rtse stocking {ibid., 98); anu're wind {ibid., 99) '^tulugaq raven {ibid., 113) ^nigirn south wind (Gr, nigeq)', nirdUrn goose (Boas 1, 664), of. Gr. nevLeg ^ugjuh a thong-seal (Boas VI, 114) ' irdning son {ibid. , 102) ^angun paddle (Boas I, 659) "^ patalaughtk let us two strike (Boas II, 347) ^^inung maqong tihitong two men are coming(Boas 1,621) ^^qinginit dogs (Boas VI, 105); ujar'jyd he searches for them {ibid.) ^"^tigmidjen the birds (Boas II, 340) Singular Mackenzie riverj a> o^ ^ (cf . Petitot p. L)| ^ > K^ Z« > if f > 71" §17 Dual Plural I-'' or q'' boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1009 Examples: ^ tgilla weather ^ Ipun oar ^ epMo intestines ^° nunak two lands (Petitot ^ apne woman XLIX) * talepk arm ^^atekpepk two names (ii/s has been treated in § 6. 17, 18, Singular Plural iivik 'iFFit grass, reed sa'ioik 'saFpit or sa'toeet knife, iron qi'jnk 'qlH-kit feather-bed, blanket inu'ioaq i'nukkdt toe tidu'waq tu'lukkdt raven §20. CLASS II (b). PLTJRAL INFLECTION AFFECTED BY BETRO- GRESSIVE UVULAmZATION' In the following examples (nos. 19-24) the plural stems admit a uvular which causes a shifting of vowel (uvular mutation) in their penultima. > See § 12, p. 998. §20 1014 19. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibuix. 40 20. Singular sio'raq \siorA(]i\ pia'raq o'qaq tale'roq ti'teq \atEq\ na'teq jpa'teq i'teq ql'teq ')n i'teq 21, i peq tu'peq 22, ila'weq Qii' geq {South Qy.) 'neRRit Plural sl'orqdt [sioq.'dt] 'pi'arqdt \^plA-case, of nouns is formed by adding p or up to the same stem of the noun as that from which the plural is formed. In most instances, in forming this case, the plural sign t is simply replaced by p. By the addition of the j). the a-stems take the ending -ap ; the o-stems -up; the e-stems, -ip; eg., Absolutive Relative arnaq woman ar/iap of the woman nuna land nunap of the land ayal'Jcoq shaman ayakhq) of the shaman ihLo house iLLup of the house tale<2 arm taLLip of the arm isse Yhe\ or \i'se\ e3^e issip of the eye -ip is added after those words that end in t in the absolutive (cf. § 18.3): e. g., Absolutive Relative ayut man, male ayxitip of th^ man -uj) is the relative ending of all tlie nouns of the series nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 30 (§§ 18-21): e. g., Absolutive Relative erneq son ernerup of the son iniiJi man inoop of man ( < ijiu-np) isevFik entrance iserFiup of the entrance nunayahiaq former land nunayaloop of the former land ludeq floor narqup of the floor tup)eq tent to'^qqup of the tent §23 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1U17 lu the western dialects, m stands for p in this grammatical function: Alaska (Barnum 13) {Ihicl, 33) Mackenzie river (Petitot XLix) xxxiv) num dchdrXne beneath the house chikuvi illoane of the ice in its interior slam of the world nunam, of the land tupkib of the tent anopeiu of the wind 5 24. LOCAL CASES Greenland imp ataane Greenland sikup iluane Greenland sllap Greenland nunap Greenland to^qrjup Greenland anorip or anoRBvp The local case-endings are alike in the singular and the plural, but the}'^ are added to different stems of inflection, the nominal stem in the singular ending in m, in the plural in v. This is the same in the Greenland and in the Alaska dialects. Only the prose- cutive case is excepted; since in the singular it shows a consonantal stem ending in Z', l)ut in the plural either a lengthened stem ending in -te, or a lengthened suffix {-f/yuf). Absolutive Allative Locative Ablative Instrunientalis Prosecutive Conformative or ^i^qualis Absolutive Allative Locative Northwest Greenland Singular qaqqaq mountain ut (jaqqarnut to the mountain e qaqqamein the moun- tain it qaqqam'tt from the mountain ik qaqqafnik by the mountain kui qaqqakkut over or through the moun- tain tut qaqqatut like a moun- tain Plural qaqqat mountains ut qaqqanut to the mountains e qaqqane in the moun- tains Southwest Alaska Singular ingrtk mountain (Barnum 10) un ingrlniun [iyri- rnuti] e ingrlme [iyrime] uk Inqrvmuk \_iyri- muk^ovl^-rn'ik^l kipi tngnkdn \_lyTl- kun\ tun Ingrltun [iyri- tun] Plural Ingrlt mountains un mgrinmi e Ingrine §24 1018 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Northwest Greenland Southwest Alaska Plural Plural Ablative it qaqqanif from the ? mountains Instrumentalis ik qaqq»/>«a"'?'?7?/# from illnesses; napjxiayt'ihhut t\\xo\\^\\W.- ness; nappaci^tltiyut tlirough illnesses) A few words ending in final t are regularl}' declined after the type of iLL(>\ e. g., I'aniriheeiwul' or lammiaiiiil- with the boot-stretcher {^nnuk tottik ala wnnuk wttik kit 1 lennuk mik isa ? mitxnuk hpittik nnuk muxnuk xmuxnuk rpitiik rkinka ximtmuk muxnuk p'ituk kinka muxnuk In the absolutive first person the two dialects of Greenland and Alaska apparently have interchanged their singular and plural forms, puk meaning in Greenland our two selves' one, in Alaska those BELONGING TO OUR TWO SELVES, and ind' vice versa. The double duals especially (of both object possessed and possessor) have been contracted in Greenland, rp l)eing assimilated to p2^i ^'^ to tt, etc. The Greenland I'lt^ of their two selves' two, may be the remnant of the Alaska rJc{n{ha)^ exactly as is the Greenland dual absolutive MJc a remnant of the Alaska rh{l\ whereas the last syllable, la, of rhinJca^ seems to be a special suffix, perhaps formed in analog}^ to the nla of the absolutive plural first person. It is astonishing to find that the relative endings of the fourth person in the Alaska dialect are iden- tical with those of the first person. The dual forms of that person are probablj'^ lost in the Greenland dialect. The consistent use of the uvular as the general sign of the dual in the Alaska possessive suffixes is worthy of notice, while in the other forms, in the Alaska dialect as well as in the others, the palatal k per- §26 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1023 forms the dual function. Does thi.s fact perhaps justify us in assum- ing that the uvular (i. e., q) was once used for marking the dual in the Eskimo language? (cf. §17.) §27. PARADIGM OF THE POSSESSIVE INFLECTION OF NOUNS GREENLAXD DIALECT Absolutive iLLO HOUSE Relative iLLup OF the house Singular Plural Singular Plural 1st per. sing. . 2d per. sing. . 4th per. sing. . 1st per. pi. . . 2dper.pl. . . 4thper.pl. . . 3d per. sing. . 3d per. pi. . . iLLoija my house iLLid thy house iLLiine his own (scus) house iLLorput our house iLLorse your house iLLortik their own (suus) house iLLua his (ejus) house \iLLuat their (eorum) [ house iLLukka my houses iLLutit thy houses iLLune his own houses \iLLuwut or) { our houses {iLLorjut \ iLLiise your houses iLLutik their own houses iitue hi8(EJUs) houses I iLLuit orl their (eorum) [iiLue 1 houses iLLuma iLLuwit iLLume iLLuwtta iLLu">sse iLLumik iLLuata iLLumik iLLuma iLLuwii iiLvme iLLuutta iLLuvosse iLLumik iLLuisa iLLumik It will be noted that most cases are formed from the vocalic stem of the word, except three; namely, the first, second, and fourth plural possessive, singular object, absolutive, which are formed on a length- ened consonantal stem, *iLLoq, as if to emphasize the idea of the singular of the object (one house) as against the plurality of the personal endings (our, your, their) or of those plural cases which end in wut (put), se, til'. The possessive inflection of nouns is apparently always regular, because the endings are invariabh^ the same. The peculiarities in the inflection of many nouns are due to shifts in the word-stems, not in the endings of the sufiixes. Exceptions are such occasional assimila- tions of the initial sounds of the suffixes as follow the linking to dif- ferent stems: e. g., -itit thy; iLLutit thy houses; -isit in uioisit thy HUSBANDS ( < uwe) \ the shifts of /, o > w, a > d, etc. (cf . § § 5 and 10) ; aaq A sleeve, aai<*aae his sleeves {icsse ayutimik ar/utaa isa ar/utaaisa In some of the personal cases this word has double forms, its stem- terminal being assimilated with the suflBx-initial. 4th per. sing, ayutine^ayunne his (suus) father ayutime^ayuTnme 4th per. pi. ayutimiJc — aioummik 1st per. pi. a'r)uterput=a7)upput our father 1st per. sing, ayutima^ayumma 2d per. sing, ayutiwit—ayuppit {I) ta'leq (pi. 'tdLLit) arm. Absolutive Singular 1st per. sing. 2d per. sing. ta'lera my arm tdLLit thy arm tdLLine or \his or her Plural At\. „,>.. =;t,„. ('tdLLine or \his or her 4thper.sing. . [^taLLeoTtiline] own arm 1st per. pi. . 2d per. pi. . 4thper.pl. . 3d per. sing. 3d per. pi. . ta'lerput our arm ta'lerse your arm ti'lertik their own arm ta'lia his, her, arm ta'liat their arm tnLLikka my arms UdLLine orXhis, her, own I taine / arms tdLLiwut our arms tdLLise your arms ItdLLitik orl their own \ tdLLisik I arms Relative Singular ta'lee his (ejus) arms Ita'leet or \ their ( EORtTM) I. ta'lee / arms i tdLLima tdLLiiwt tuLLime tdLLiHta tdLLimse tdLLimik taliata taliata Plural tdLLima tdLLiivit tdLLime tdLLiwtta taLLi'Ksse tdLLimik fa'leesa ta'leesa Thus the word taleq is in most of the personal cases declined on the plural stem tdLLe, with shifting of the word-accent and change of the medial consonant (I > ll), which becomes geminated and unvoiced in the forms here in question. §28 44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 65 1026 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (bull 40 The folio wiiii,^ nouns are declined after the analogy of taltY- Plural or second person singular Singular Third and fourth person possessive First and second person possessive a'loq . . . 'qllhI soles, thy sole; aiLukka my soles aiLune or aLLe his own sole a'jtlfq . . . 'awim(7 skins, thy skin; ammiwid our skins ammiu-itol thy skin (or skins) 'ta'jo'i . . . 'qainnat kayaks, tiiy kayak; qamnakka my kayaks f/ainwojie their own kayak (or kayaks) im'Ja'i . . . 'iiHtidt hair, thy hair; 'nuttatU thy hair (pi.) ynuUane his (own) hair [mi'jaai his (another man's) hair o'qaq . . . o'qqat tongues, thy tongue o'qaa his, its tongue o'qaavseq . . o'qaautsit words, thy word o'qaau'Liikka my words Most of the words that end in one of the suffixes -paq, -pak, -icikj, -raq^ -roq^ belong here, but others as well; for instance, azLcojaq something written; iset^aq the upper part of the a letter foot isiyak (pi. i'sikkdt) a toe, the akeraq enemy, opponent foot inmvaq a toe (ijiwrai his toes) Likewise the words ending in -iaq and -uaq {-uak); e. g., assiliaq picture iiluak cheek (c) The next paradigm is peculiar, in that the third person is declined on the plural stem throughout. a'teq (pi. 'arqit) a name. Absolutive Relative Possessor Singular Plural Singular Plural 1st per. sing. . atera alikka aierma ativia 2d per. sing. . arqit alitil aterpit alivit 4th per. .sing. . atine or nrqe aline aterme atime 1st per. pi. . . aterput atiwul aiimtia atima 2d per. pi. . . aterse atise atimse atifsse 4th per. pi. atertik afilik atcrmik atimik 3d per. sing. . arqa arqe arqaia arqisa 3d per. pi. . . arqat arqit or arqe arqata arqisa The explanation of the development of the irregular forms has been given in § 22. §28 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES This is the method of declension of the following nouns: 1027 Plural or second person singular Third person possessive Second person possessive a'leq . na'teq . pa'leq . qi'teq . i'leq . ni'meq qa'neq saa^neq u'neq . tu'peq . iluweq 'arLLit harpoon-lines, thy harpoon-line 'narqqit floors, bottoms, thy floor, bottom 'parqqit marrow (pi.), thy marrow 'qerqqit middle, mid- (pi.), thy middle erqqil anus (pi.), thy anus 'ncnnmit bindings, string, thy binding qarnnit mouth.s, thy raouth saaornnit bones, thy bone 'ornnit armpits, thy armpit 'to^oqqit tents, thy tent iloRFEit graves, thy grave arLLa {a'likka my harpoon-lines) narqqa {naterpul our floor) parqqa qerqqa erqqa nermma qarnna saaornna (al.so saaorytjit, etc.) ornna (also oryyit, etc.) toicqqa (also ttipit, etc.) iloRFBa or iloRRa The following numerals also belong here: arpineq 6 arqaneq 11 arpersaneq 16 arpei'yyat the sixth (properly their num- ber 6, or the number 6 of the fingers) arqaryat the eleventh arpersaryat the sixteenth {d) The peculiarities in the declension of the following paradigm remind us of that just mentioned, ateq^ pi. arqit^ A name, to which it is evidently closely related. UiLLik, (pi. kiLLiy it) a limit, boundary. Possessor Absolutive. Relative Singular Plural Singular Plural 1st per. sing. . . 2d per. sing. . . 4th per. sing. . . 1st per. pi. . . . 2d per. pi. ... 4th per. pi. . . . 3d per. sing. . . 3d per. pi. ... kiLLeya kiLLeyit klLLine kiLLippul kiLLisse kiLLittik klLieya kiLLeyal kiLLikka \kiLLitit or \ktLLisit kiLLine kiLLeyut kiLLise \kiLLUik or \kiLLisik klLLeye {kiLLeye or [kiLieyit kiLLemma kiLLippit kiLLimme kiLLiHta kiLLivisse \kiLLimmik kiLLeyata kiLLeyata kiLLima kiLLiwit kiLLime kiLLiHta kiLLit^sse kiLLimik kiLLcyisa klLLeyita The paradigm of JciLLik will serve as a model for the following noun: assik picture; asseyit or assit thy picture; assititov assf\sit thy pic- tures; asseya my picture, his or its picture; assipput or asserput our picture §28 1028 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Some few other nouns that are rarel}' used except in the third per- son are treated in the same manner. *tuklk (third person iukeya) the long side of it *viis8lk {iiiisseya or musaa) line between two points, propor- tional line *terLLik {tevLLeya) his or its safe side (the side from which nothing evil is expected) qilik {qileij(i) its bone peg (vi/., the bone peg of the th rowing- stick) mllik {iiiileyd) that which obstructs a passage or ciiannel nalik {naleya) its equivalent ernefj a son, ti'h^q forefinger, 'tiLLeq pulse, pulsation, also belong here: emeq (pi. ernerit) a son. Absolutive Relative Singular Plural Singular Plural 1st per. sing. . ernera my son ernikka my sons ernerma emima 2d per. sing. . ernerit thy son ernilit or . ., ) thy sons ernisil ernerpit ernixifit 4th per. sing. . erne his own son ernine his own sons ernerme ernime 1st per. pi. . . ernerput our son fcrnitvutOT] { , } our sons [emiTfut, J erniHta erniwtta 2d per. pi. . . ernerse your son ernise your sons emiwsse emifsse 4thper.pl. ernertik their own son |mM7jA; or 1 their own [ernisik J sons ernermik ernimik 3d per. sing. . ernera his (ejus) son emere his sons ernerata ernerisa 3d per. pi. . . crnerat their ( eoeum ) son \ernereoT] ^, . I . } their sons [enicrit J erneratn erneriga § 29. LOCAL CASES OF POSSESSIVE FORMS OF NOUNS The local case-ending.s (§ 24) ma}' be used with the possessives, the local ending always being placed after the possessive one: (house) MY IN, YOUR FROM, etc. The combination is not brought about by a mere addition of the endings, but the forces of assimilation and analogy have modified the compounds in the development of the language. The local endings -ut^ -d, -^^, -ik^ are augmented by an n (thus, -nut^ -ne, -7i?V, -nik) when joined to a po.ssessive inflected noun; and the prosecutive ending -ijat or -knt is apparently augmented by -tl (thus, -tiyxit). In first, second, and fourth persons, -nut^ -ue^ -nit^ -7iik, seem to be joined to the relative possessive forms of the nouns (though the first §29 boar] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1029 person plural and the second person singular take a very irregular form in the compounds), but in the third person the same endings seem to be joined after the absolutive possessives. Absolutive izLo a house, the house Relative Illuj) of the house Fourth per. possessive . iLLimie his (her) own house or houses AUative ihLmninut into his own house or houses Locative iLLuinine in his own house or houses Ablative iLLuminit from his own house or houses Instrumentalis .... iLLuminik by his own house or houses Prosecutive .... ^iiwr;?^??!^?^ through his own house or houses Conformative . . ." . tLLumisut like his own house or houses The Locative Case {-ik:) Possessively Inflected iLLo house; iLLatne in a house, in the house. Endings -O -me -nut -ne -nit -nik -yut -sut - Singular and plural Old Eskimo Modern pos- sessive forms 4th per. sing. iLLumine in his house or houses <*iLLumene iLLume 2d per. sing. . iLLunne (also iiLorne) in thj' house or houses U')nt thy servant (< Xv'"'FF^/y servant, porter) §29 1030 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bci-l. 40 The Prosecutive Case Possessively Inflected siut ear; sliita-a his ear; siittiijut through an ear. Singular and plural 1 Old Eskimo i (Relative) 4th per. sing. siutimiyut through his (own) ear or ears <:siutitneiful siulime 2d per. sing. . siutikkut through thy ear or -ars s$i'!;ut through your ear or ears ^siutipseyut mdi«'sse 1st per. pi. . siutiuttivut through our ear or ears <,8iuliptar)id mitivf.a Singular, ear (Ab.solutive) 3d per. sing. . ^siataayut or) , , , . { . \ through his (ejus) ear {siutaatijjut J \<,8iviaa'r)ul'! or \ siulaalayut Isiutaa 3d per. pi. . siutaatiyut through their (eorum) ear Plural, ears (Relative) 3d per. sing. . silUaaisirjut Kshitaaisaijun siutaaiga 3d per. pi. . sitUaaisitfut tiutaaUa All the other endings beginning with n are joined to the noun in the same manner as -ne. Other examples: •ne, i'serpiane at the entrance {isevFil-) of it {a) umiap ataane of the umiak, in {m^ the under-space {ata) of it {a) = under the umiak qilaa^p kiLL'njane of the sky, in {neS the border (kiLLiV) of it {(i) — on the horizon qa}"nne on the top {qaJi^ of me ■*? uU iLLuininut isey^poq he goes into {nut) his {me) house {illo) hiLhiyanut to the border of it {a) ilaminut to his or her own {me) house-mate {ila) ikiyuti^nmtt to my {^n) friend or friends {IMyut [e\) •nit. iniminit from his or its own {ini) place, nest, etc. (/we) TxiLLiyanit from the border of it (r/), especially from that time noop kitjataanit of the point of land {nook), from its {a) southern space {kujat{ci\) — h-o\\\ tho. south of the point of land qaqqap qaanit of the mountain, from its (a) top = from the top of the mountain §^9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1031 'am/mintk with his own {me) linger {assaJc) or finger.s sa'wimminik with his own knife {sa-'urll') or knives {sd'ujeet) alermmiiinik with their own (r/i/'n) harpoon-line {(ileq) ame'torqaminnik with their own {ini7i) old skin ammetm'qaniinnik with their old skins {ameq^ pi. aimnit) -fjutf -kutj -tir}ut. qiyainiyut through or by his own {me) nose {qiyaq) keenamiyut through or over his own (me) face qoyaslayut through or about his {a) neck [qoyaseq] keenaatiyut through his (ejus) {a) face niaqoaatlyvt through his (a) head {niaqoq) tiraaati'yut through his body {time) siutiyuakkut through or by m}- little ear or ears Verbs {§ I 30-44) § 30. CONJUGATION The conjugation of the Eskimo verb is based on a set of slightly ditferent stems; i. e., they are derivatives from a common base, which in itself need not be of the character of a verb. The personal verb- suffixes follow the stems as terminals. The suffixes (the verb-signs) have different meanings, constituting at the same time the modes of the verb. Accordingly the stem of the verb alternates during the conjugation. From the base kapi are formed the verb-stems kapiy, kapi'wo, kapi'wa, kapi'le, ka'piLLo, etc. (see § 31). Since each of these stems has its own set of six or eight personal endings, it becomes evident that the system of conjugation must be very complex. More- over, there are four classes of conjugation, according to the differ- ence in form of the bases. Examples of these classes are — Class 1, *kajjf\ the last syllable weak (unstressed), and invarial)ly ending in a normal vowel (c/, /, n). Class II, *jnye (plya), the last syllable weak, and ending in e alter- nating with a. Class III, ^'ti'ki {tlkik)^ the last syllable strongly stressed, but never ending in a uvular. Class IV, *a'toq {ato), the last syllable strongly stressed, and ending in a uvular {q>r). Thus the ditierences in the classes of conjugation depend not only upon the tinal sound, but also upon the stress, of the bases. These differences affect the constituting suffixes. Class I, for instance, adds §30 1032 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 in Greenlandic ?w>y in the same modes in whicli Classes III and IV add poq. A consideration of the endings of the conjugated verb proves that most of them coincide, partialh' at least, with the possessive suffixes of nouns. The etymological researches strengthen this hypothesis concerning the common origin of these elements. Only some few of the personal verb-endings deviate absolutely from the present sys- tem of possessive suffixes of nouns. They may be elements of a foreign origin or obsolete suffixes. Of a neutral character, lacking any mark of personality, is the ending of the third person singular -oq^ {-poq^ -woq)^ dual -uk^ plural -ut^ which quite agrees with the common absolutive ending of the noun; and in so far we might speak of an absolutive of the verb, but it should be noted that we find no corresponding suffixless relative {-np) in the conjugation of the finite verb. On the other hand, we find, in the S3'stein of verb conjugation, not one set, but two or three sets, of absolutive possessive endings, and another set of relative possessive endings. The modal suffixes are inseparable from the personal endings; but they may be, and reallv often are, severed from the base by the insertion of other suffixes. Many of these infixes are of a modal character; but since they do not affect the endings of the words, we shall not treat them here. The only indication of tense in the simple forms of the Eskimo verb is expressed by modes x and xi (see § 32). As for the other modes, the past tense may sometimes be expressed by infixing -aluar{j)Oq)^ -sima{woq); and the future tense, by infixing ssa {-ssmcoq, in the third person singular contracted to -ssooq)^ or -nma^voq), -nmaar{poq). §31. SYNOPSIS OF POSSESSIVE ENDINGS OF NOUNS (N.) AND VERBS (V.) 1 The paradigms in the next following sections are confined to the West Greenland dialect. > The dual endings are left out here (cf. § 26). The Roman numeralsxefer to the modes (see § 32). §31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1033 A Simple Absolutive Possessives, or Compounds made up of one of the Absolut ive Singidar or Plural Signs, q, I; t, -{-Possessive Suffix X. V. Singular Plural Singular Plural 1st per. sing. . •pa ra kka j/a II VI VII ra iii v VIII XII IV IX kka III V IX 2d per. sing. . itt ta sit tit II VI VII sit V it I rit XII t III VII VIII IX it III IX 3d per. sing. . a e i q II VI VII VIII o III VII VIII IX ra XII i III IX 4th per. sing. . ene ne lie VI VIII line ix ne IX VIII 1st per. pi. . . rputpput r)ut wut rput III V VIII XII ppitt IX yut II VII wut III V VIII IX 2d per. pi. . . rse sse se rse III VIII XII sse IX se II III IV VI VII IX tie I 3d per. pi. . . at ■ it e at III VII IX rat xil t II IV V it III VIII IX 4th per. pi. . . rtik tlik tik sik rtik VIII XII tik ttik IX tik VI VIII IX In the compounds, , or of a Relative Possesf^ive -f an Absolutive Possessive {B + A or B + D) ^ SINGULAR OBJECTS thee him him (SE)2 thou — me rma iii vimaix X XI (VVa I?) I— thee xvkit{<*pgia) or ayit III IX X I — him wko X XI I— him (SE)2 wnneix x xi you— me sipa I wsiya in ix X XI he— me aya III IX X we — thee wtirjU (< *wtagW.) Ill IX X XI we— him wtiyo X XI we— him (se) wtinne ix x they— me apya ( <*tya) III IX X XI he— thee atit iiT IX X thou— him kko {<*wgo) X XI thou — him (SK) nne «*tne) IX X XI they— thee attit III i,x X you— him siuk I IV u'Siuk X XI j'ou- him (sE) vjsinne ix x XI he (SE)«— me miya x niya xi they (SE>— me mitj'oa ( < * mtkya ) x nir/Tfa ( < ♦wtfcya) XI he (SE)— thee they(SE)- misit X thee 7iisit XI [ mittit x nit tit XI he (sE)— him they (se)- viink X him niuk XI I mikko x nikko XI he— him (se) ane ix x xi they— him (SE)! anne (*<.tne) IX X XI PLURAL OBJECTS thou— us you— us he— us they— us he (SE)2— us they(SE)2— us as . . . ■wtir/tU III IX wsiyui III IX atir/ut III IX atiTfut III IX misiytU X inisixiid x X XI XXI siyut I X XI X XI nisiT/ut XI nisir/ut xi I— you we — you he — you they— you he(SE)— you they (SE)— you (pi.) . wse III V IX wse III V IX use III IX X use III IX X misex you X XI X XI XI XI nise XI mise X nise XI I —them we— them thou— them you— them he (sE)— them they (SE)— them . . u-kit m V X wtiyik III V x kkil V X XI siTfik IV V miyit x them XI XI vjsiyik x xi nirfit XI mikkik x nikkik xi I— them (SE)2 we— them thou— them you— them he— them (SE) they— them wtik\x X XI (SE) (SE) (SE) atik IX X XI (SE)2 them (SE)2 ■ wlikix X XI ttik IX X XI ttik IX X XI atik IX X XI {i)sivik ( ; * isayiK) v ' III this table lut, ws, wk, stand throughout for »«, "iss, «'U-, which are phonetioallyiiiore correct. 2 (SE) i. e., the Latin reflexive pronoun, here only used to indicate a lilie grammatical function of the Eskimo me, mik, tik, ne, nik. §31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1035 D Simple Personal Suffixes Peculiar to Certain Parts of the System of Conjugation 1st per. sing. 2d per. sing. 3d per. sing. 4th per. sing. 1st per. pi. . 2d per. pi. . 3d per. pi. . 4th per. pi. iva) {tit) vo(<9'^) ^''^,'uk iuk {C*iu) ■ Tjit (<^git), kit ffik ( 1 % a r « 1 g S «*-« n B o « s H •s o >> 03 ^' S d .« Z ^ 'x o 1 > a i 1 B 11 c 5 •O 1 > i .5 3 01 b s,® 6 c = g 1* s| > "r. > c'S B ■^ '". ^^ t U; tu 1 S ii 1 > c/T 1 6e- •So ■o , ao lu . ^—^ cm o . fi o e £<; c Q O -< d" n^ ^ ^' 1 1 !& ftv ?^ ft. B> R^ 1 1 >5 1 1 5> SS- S^ S^ R> SN 1 1 1 > •^ o e .4 •-a 03 g tD d ^ ^ a E n Q C3 « e « e ■■§ 9 S5. a 1 ^ i "3 '5* & i «^ 1 ^ Si 0, 1 !3 s i o < o M c o ^1 o 1 e & Rx 1 w e - 55.. ^ I 1 1 y 9 1; ^ e X o _ 1. p o "s-3 o. Fh a . 0^ • OJ P. £ OJ P. ^ ■o p. p. Ts p. p. " P. o ■ 'i. • ■« ;-^ -C s " CO I:; CO k" *"* t— t f— < •— * »— 1 r^ o -o •a a ■c V. 5 !3 ',,j 3 ^ bn c a a; ■*o H ^ fi o 8 pq ■w -t! §32 boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1037 ■o ■w > o a i 3 'C 0] o > d ft ft i> 3 cJ § M *E 3; C t> £ :g oS '■^ (U O s ^^ C ■O >• '2 ho '^ .^ o a o s ■S C ^ 01 (S •E a) ^ *x 53 ft c o ^^ o W C . a a o o c c oj o c S' ^ •ft G tC g PARTI e, attributi r. transitiv c ho OS a> "3 o 1 5 o ft 2 ft 03 a > a, T3 ft '«} 33 2 > "3 .•2 c ft c ft S '■S si — ■OJ" 1! "3 3 a o »3 t^ a, t^ — ' oa Ph > I-c o 'G 5^ ^ o ^J 1-2 • as C o "3 > ■7-3 o c CD 1 ■5 z.a J2 §22 .^J 3 ■p t4 0) i s ■s 0) o > Ph H cu ^ > •^ ' — -^ ■ ^— ^ . l—^ — I of < Q . 60 ^— ■ 1 *— ^— s .s« "0 - Sr. . flO per. sill] 4th per per. pi. per. cm O - $< Q O o O O (S ^ (M ^ CO -•J < -< d <) m" m' M" cq" -< 1 _ - ,—, o rt S ^ il s e ^ SI. ^ Oj e .» •S -^d ^ .g. ■i bo ■5 '^ •5 •?» BN '& Rn r> R- R^ R> Rv s 'A s SSv Rn Rs Rv R> Rv R> R- ^ > S.. V e e M .^ t:! c .« e e ft g a. ~ B «. " r" <- ^ t, ^ ^ «* ** o V e ^ 5p f-* o » ■~ ? e S •u _3 »9 .5J c •? e ft "3 * 'c >-9 .ii ^ Ji fe •li »( * O U s 1 o - !U O ■^*- V s S.. 1 O s s e El S o . . c e s « 1 § s s § S Si, R> s; ft i* ^ u 5 « > > X X « 9? J3 O 32 1038 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 33. MODE I. IMPERATIVE INTK.\NSITIVE (A-ENDIXGS) 2d per. sing. 2dper.pl. . (Class I of con- I. kapi, kapiy to stab juga- I ONE'S SELF tion ) kapi'vU (thou) stab! kapi'pitte (you) III. kn'ta, katajf to be DROPPED, or TO SHED HAIH, HORNS, ETC. kata'pit drop! kata'Tfitte IV. i'ser, isiy to ENTER, to GO IN ise'rit enter! ise'ritte TRANSITIVE Singular Plural thou— me you — me f I ka'piy'T/a ka,pisi'r)a 1 me .... { III ka'tay'ya kataKiTfa > A C-oudings I IV i'siy'rfa isisi7)a \ thou— us you — us ( I kapisijfut kapisiijut us . . . . < III katattiput kalnttirfiit D C-endings I IV isertiyvX iseiiiTfut thou — him you— him ( I kapiTjuk kapisiuk 1 him . . . . < III katapuk i katassiuk > I) C-endings 1 IV iseruk isersiuk J thou— them vou — them 1 I kapikkit kapisir;ik l them . . . ^ III katakkit katasiTjik \ D C-endings I IV isikkit uersir)ik J ' Some verbs end in -ssuk in this class; e. g.,tikisKuk{ssiT)a iserpaaya s iserpaayya thou— us you— us he-u they— us [ I kapiimwttiyut kapiwa'^ssiyut knpiwantiyut kapiivaatiyut us . . < III katappavotliyut katappavssiyut ' katappaatiyiit katappaatir/ut I IV iserpau'tlir)ut iserpav'ssivut iserpaatiyut iscrpaatiyut I— thee we— thee he— thee they— thee ■ 1 kapiioa^kkit or ) kapiwaaijit \ kapiwav'tti'oit kapiwaatit kapiwaattit thee . . ■ "■! katappauikkit or 1 1 , fi katnppau>ttir/it katappaaijit |i katappaatit kaiappaattit .v| iserpa^kkil or 1 iserpaar/it J iserpaMtiT)it iserpaatit iserpaattit I— you we— you he— you they— you [ I kapmawsse kapiwatBsse kapiwaase kapiwaase you (pi.) { III katappamse katappatcsse katappase katappaase 1 IV iserpavsse iserpa'csse iseipaase iserpaase I— him we— him thou— him you— him he— him they— him f I kapiivara kapiwarput kapiwat kapiwarxe kapiwa a kapiwaat him . I III kaiappara katapparput katappat katapparse katapp %a katappaat \ IV iserpara iserparput iserpat iserparse iserpaa iserpaat I— them we— them thou— them you— them he— them they— them 1 I kapiwakka kapiwawut kapiwatit kapiwase kapiwa ai kapiwaa H them . i III kntappakka katappnunit katappatit kat appose katapp lai katappaa it [ IV iserpakka iserpawut iserpatit iserpase iserpaa i iserpaa it 35 1040 BUREAU OF .\MP:R1CAN ETHNOLOGY § 36. MODE IV. INTERROGATIVE INTRANSITIVE [BULL. 40 I III IV Negative 2d per. sing. . . 2d per. pi. . . 3d per. .sing. . . 3dper.pl. . . kapimt kapiwise kapiwa kapippal kaiappit katappisc kntapim katappat iserpit iserpise iserpa iserpat -Wippit -jfl/ippise -T)T)Ua -jft/iLLat TRANSITIVE Cla,ss of con- juga- tion. Negative me. . I IV thou— me kapiwirja iserpir/a you— me kapiwisii/a iseipisiya ihou— me -vrfUiva you— me -pi;ilisir/a us . . I IV thou— us kapiwisiyut iserpisiyut you— us kapitvisii^ut iserjnsirjut thou — us ■TfyUisiyut you— us -vyilisiyid him . 1 I IV thou — him kapiwiuk iserpiuk you— him kapiwisiuk iserj)isiuk thou— him ■r)i)iliuk you — him -yTfiligiuk them . 1 1 thou— them kapiivi'oit iserpiyit you— them kapircisiT/ik iserpisiyik thou — them -VOiliijit 1 you— them -yrfilisi'Qik §36 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES §37. MODE V. OPTATIVE INTRANSITIVE 1041 I III IV Negative 1st per. sing. . . 2cl per. pi. . . Jcapilar/a wish I would stab mj- self kapilata kataiLaT^n katuLLata iserLaj)a wish I might enter isenata -vr/ikkile ■T)7)ikkilit TRANSITIVE me . . j I IV he— me kapiliya iseriiya they— me kapiliyi}a iserhiyTja us . . I IV he— us kapilisivut iserLisirjul they— us kapUisiyut iseriisiyut thee . I IV I— thee kapila»>kkit iserLat^kkit we — thee kapilaiHtir)it isrrLa«'tti7>il he— thee kapilisit iserLisit they— thee [ kapilUtit OT I kapilisit 1 iscriittit or \ iserLisit you (pi.) 1 I IV I— you kapilawsse iseria'^sse we — you kapilau'sse iserhawsse he— you kajnlise iseriise they— you kapilise iseriise him \ I IV I — him kapilara iserhara we — him kapilarput iseriarput he— him kapiliuk iseriiuk they— him kapilissuk iseriissuk them . 1 I IV I— them we— them kapilakka kapilaivut iseriakka iserhawut he— them kapiliyit iseriir/it they— them kapilisiTjik iseriisinik Negative forms are — -yijikkllluk he— him 44877°— Bull. 40. pt 1—10- -yyikkiliyit he — them -66 §37 1042 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BULL. 40 §38. MODE VI. CONTEMPORATIVE Stabbing or being stabbed Intransitive (Active or Passive) Negative 1st per. sing. 1st per. pi. . 2d per. sing. 2d per. pi. . 4th per. siiig. 4th per. pi. . 3d per. sing. 3d per. pi. . kapiiLoya knpiLUtta kapiLLutit knpiLLuse kapiiLune knpiLLutik Transitive or Pa.'^sive kaptLLoijo^ kapiLLoyit^ kapinnaya ' kapinnata kapinnatit kapinnase kapinnane kapinnatik kapinnar/o kapinnapit 'That is, I WITHOUT being stabbed. 2That is, WE, HE, I, etc., stabbing him. or he bking stabb?;i) by is, him, .me, etc. *Thatis, stabbing them, or they being stabbed. § 39. MODE VII. VERBAL NOUN OR VERBAL ADJECTIVE oe (noun). P^xamples: *(isasse[a'.sdfi>nne kapiyiwttik we — him, them (se) kapiyiwttinne kapiyiwttik thou— him, them (SE) kapiyinne kapiyittik you— him, them (SE) kapiyifssinne kapiifiHtik he — him, them (SE) kapiyaane kapiijaatik they— him, them (SE) kapiyaanne kapiyaatik him— I, we kapiyiya kapiijipput them — I, we kapiyikka kapi-yivmt him— thou, you kapiyit kapiyisse them — thou, you kapiyitit kapiyise him— he (se), they (se) kapiyinne kapiyittik them— he (se), they (se) kapiyine kapiyitik him, them — he kapiyaa kapiyaai him, them— they kapiyaat kapiyaa H §§40,41 1044 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 42. MODE X. PAST TENSE AND CAUSAL PROPOSITION h-dpiijatna when (as) i stabbed myself, because i stab (stabbed) myself in'transitive I III IV Negative 1st per. sing. . . kapi'^ama katakkama i$erama kapii;pinnavia 1st per. pi. . kapiyoawtta katakkawtta iserawtta kapiriyinna'^tta •2d per. sing. kapipawit katnkkawit iserawit kapi-grjinnawit 2d per. pi. . kapii^awssc kntakknwssc iVrau'ssc kapiyyinnaii'sse ■1th per. sing. kapiijame katakkamc iscrame k(ipii)yinnaine 4thpcr.pl. . kapirjamik kitttakkamik iscriimik kai)iT>T)innnmik 3(1 per. sing. kapimmal kdtanimat /.■^d-mat kapir)r)immat 3ii per. pi. . kapimmata katimmata isermata kapiTfjfimmata TRANSITIVK BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN Lu\NGUAGES 1045 §43. MODE XI. FUTTJBE TENSE AND CONDITIONAL PROPOSITION kapif) uma when (in future) i shall stab myself, if i stab MYSELF INTRANSITIVE I III IV Negative Istper. siufj . . kapiyuma katakkuma iseruma kapiijriikkuma lstper.pl. . . kapiyiiMta katakkuwtta iserwHtii kap iTjj) ikku ssir)a kapirjuwssiyut he — me, us knpippar/a kapippatitjnt they — me, us kapipparfya kapippatiyut he (SE) — me, us kapiv'inijja kapiyunisiyut tiiey (SE)— me, us kapiyuniyya kapi-ounisiyui I— thee, you kapi'putckkit kapvguwsse we— thee, you knpir)uttir)it kapirfuvsse he— thee, you kapippatit kapippase they— thee, you kapippattit kapippase he (SE)— thee, you kapiTjunisit kapitfunise they (8E)— thee, you kapiyiiniltit oi kapiyunisit kapiyunise I — him, them (SE) kapipuwnne kapiyutcttik we— him, them (SE) kapir)U'i>tUnnr kapiyuMtik thou — him, them (SE) kapirfunne kapirjuttik yon- him, them (SE) kapivwssinne kapii^uuitik he — him, them (SE) kapippane kapippatik they — him, them (SE) kapippanne kapippatik I — him, them. kapir^uukJco kapiyuwkkit we— him, them kapi7>u«^tijfo kapirjuwitir^ik thou — him, them kapir)ukko kapivukkit you — him, them kapir/u'i'ssiuk kapitfu^ssiTfik he — him, them kapippaj)o kapippayit they — him, them kapippassuk kapippatiyik he (sE)— him, them kapirfuniuk kapiyuniyit tiiey (SE) — him, them kapiT/unikko kapiyunikkik §44. MODE XII. ABSTRACT NOUN hajtineq the act of stabbing one's self; the being stabbed (by another): a stab, wound. Absolutive I II III IV Negative sins^ular kapineq piyineq kiitaiiiieq isemeq -yyinneq §§43,44 1046 BT^REAU OF AMERTCAN ETHNOT.OOV fBUUi,. 40 These forms are inflected alike, following the paiadigni of erneii (§28); for instance, 1st per. sing. . . . ^ajp^'ne^'^ my stal) (stabbing, being stabbed) 1st per. pi l:apuiet'put our stab 3d per. sing. . . . haplnera his stab 3d per. pi I'apineriit their stab, etc. Defective Inflection (j^§ 45-48) ^45, PreralciK-e itf Po.ssvssire or Altsoliite TnficfMon ht Certain Wonls Some words, or groups of words, can take only certain scries of the sufiixes previousl}' described. All true nouns may take an>' of the inflectional sufiixes of nouns, though of course in many cases the meaning causes one series to be used more f reipiently than others, or prevents their being inflected equally through all the forms of declen- sion. We have already mentioned some words that are confined either to the plural, or to the dual, or to the singular (§ 17). Likewise there are words that are nearly always possessive, while others occur generally without possessive pronouns. To the first group belong such words as signify parts of objects; as, for example, itsia the white of an Q,gg isaa {ssH7nor)7/a matumovva issumoyija Locative . . mane ooinane taawsmmane matumane issumane Ablative . . marjTja oomar)ya taavssumajjTja matumayya issumar/ria Instrumentalis mipr/a oomiyya taawssumirjrja matumijjTjo- issumvoya Prosecutive . moona oomoona taavosiumoona matumoona issumoona Absolutive iroor 'uko taawko makko ikko (Relative) . . koa 'ukoa taawkoa makkoa ikkoa Allative . . nuyya ukunoyjja taawkonoyya makunovvfi ikkunoyya Locative . . nane vkunane taai>kunane makkunanc ikkunane Ablative . . na7)7fa ukunayya taa'ckona-oya makunar)r)a ikkunavvO' Instrumentalis niyya ukuniyya taa'i'konir)rfn makuniyyja ikkuniv7ja Prosecutive . f noona ukumxma tua'"konooiia makunonua ikkunoona I {natiyul) ukunalirjut taaiknnaliTjut niakunatir)ut ikkunatiyui §§49,50 1050 BTREAI^ OF AMKRTCAN ETHNOLOGY \uv\Aj. 40 111 the same way is inflected i"'nna (relative i^KSunia) the one pre- viously MENTIONED (Latin ille). There are some other demonstrative pronouns — oFnna he (she, it) in the north qa}"nna he in the south; he in there (in the house); he out there (outside of the house) pa^nna he up there in the east sa^nna he down there in the sea Imtna he down there l-ir/rja he there in the south piyya he up there in the east All of these follow the paradigms of taa^na and iyya. And just as the latter forms with the prefix ia ta^yija (the one pr?:viously mentioned we are speaking of), so all these pronouns ma}" take the prefix ta and signify the one we are just noav speaking of (or thinking of); as taiuanna^ tdf/d'^'Nna, tasd^mia^ tah'mna^ etc. These words have no possessive inflection. Still more defective is the inflection of the demonstrative local adverbs, in which three of the inflectional endings of the demonstrative pronouns appear; e. g., — Cases Endings here there yonder in the north Locative . . Allative . . Ablative . . Prosecutive . nc va Vva ona maane maawpya maayija maona uwane ooffa tiwayya iifxoona ikane ikoya ikar/rja ikoona awane awoya aivayya awoona PARTICLES (§§ 51-54) Although words lacking inflection are not in themselves affected by the manifold changes due to inflection, some of them at least exert a certain influence on the syntactic structure or on the grammatical forms of the words governed by them. This applies especially to the modal and temporal particles (§ 52 and jij 53), and will become clear from the examples given below: §51. Interjections a amazement or bewilderment. issse ajussihe,' 'a how terri])le t\\o cold is ! (literally, the cold its badness, a!) tUf ata, calls attention to something.: look here ! §51 EGAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1051 aja sighing, especially used by women and children. aja qaso(jaa^ija how tired I am! eeq or teeq expresses scorn or irony. tta 'cia sudden pain. kakkaaJef assaasakakf surprise, wonder, admiration (M. apkpale ah ! [admiration.]) For hunters' calls, see Thalbitzer 1, 323-326: dBBR . . . dltliB' . . used in decoding young gulls. qu'feeq qic't^eeq to old female gulls. talza'teeq taha'feeq qrq to the three-toed gulls. haWni 7iali"iti to auks. qa" qa" to ravens. § 52. Modal Particles a a calling attention to something. In some cases it is used as a prefix: /(au'na, 'aauna look here, here it {unti^ is! the same as aajuna In other cases it is used as a suffix; e. g., ooma-aa you there, come here! {ooina is the relative case of ana^ thus meaning of him there) aa is very much like the sign of the a vocative in such cases as — ataata-aa father! aa-makh) thej^, there! atatjo lo! behold! (with future tense of the verb following it.) atayo usissaylt try it and you shall see you will be all right sun'aa^"Fa {- although (followed by participle). Wfinit ) massa takussarirja UisaviyyilaTa although I have often seen him, I do not know him soorLo as, as if. §52 1052 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibim. 40 § 53. Temporal Particles ittaq a long time ago (South Gr. itsaq). ippassaq yesterday (M. ikpekt^pk). ULLutne to-da3\ qilamih soon (M. kpillamik). stoma last year (literally, the one just before). hiyorna hereafter (M. kinunoepagun). qaya when (in the preterite). qaqoijo when (in tlie future). qa'qutiyiit at times, from time to time aqcnjo to-morrow. § 54. Particles for Expressing Question and Answer aap yes (M. ih). naaxano, no(M. tchuUop^ diunak\ West coast of Hudson bay naaga). naatnfk no (there is no; it is not there). na"k where 1,,, , . , (M. tchupavit^ tc/iwna). sooq wh}^ sooruna certainly. fnassatne certainly, indeed. iliuniit indeed, I do not lie. itntnaqa perhaps (M. tabliu; West coast of Hudson bay iluukuni). asukiak I do not know, maybe. tdssaqa I hardly believe. wi is it, do you (M. tutchayotin din comprends-tu?). qa'noq how (M. naw-kut^ naw-nau\ kpano-kpano). i'laa isn t it so? qujanaq thanks (M. kpoyanapa). DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 55-60) § 55. General Characteristics of Sufl5.xes In the Eskimo language suffixes (and infixes) are used to an extent quite unknown to European languages.^ It has been shown in the preceding chapters that all the grammatical and syntactical ideas of our languages are expressed by this means, and that these forms differentiated into a highly elaborate system. Besides this, many concepts that enrich the subject-matter of our sentences, and which « Thalbitzer II, 60-C2. §§53-55 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1053 we express by means of adjectives and adverbs, are in Eskimo suffixes attached to the words expressing fundamental ideas. Nearly one-sixth of the Eskimo "words" (bases, stems, and suffixes) are suffixes. One suffix may be linked to another, and in this way the funda- mental idea of the base-word is gradually more and more specialized and enriched, A whole sentence may be expressed in a word — in a word-sentence. All suffixes are imperfect words — i. e., sound-complexes or single sounds — each of which has a definite signification. Without much practice it is difficult to recognize the suffixes included in compound words, because at the beginning and at the ending of the suffix phonetic assimilation by the preceding and following sounds occurs. The order of the suffixes is of importance, and full freedom is not allowed in their use. The independent fundamental word must be placed at the beginning of the word-sentence, and the suffixes are attached to it to explain it more fully. Such suffixes as describe the qualities of the fundamental idea or its modes of action, or which refer to size or time, follow these, and appear inserted between the leading stem and the intiectional endings. These, in turn, are attached more closely to the whole word-cluster than the syntactical suffixes which may terminate it: e. g., -lo and, -ttaa°q also. The majority of the suffixes may be f reel}^ attached to any word. Thus- liorpoq to make or create may be attached to any word which signifies something that can in any way be made or created. But there are also many suffixes the use of which is restricted to a certain class of ideas, and which may be attached to these only. The suffix -{r)nar- means for the first time, but only in the sense of noticing something for the first time: takortiarpara , tusaniarpara i see it FOR THE FIRST TIME, I HEAR IT FOR THE FIRST TIME. With other words, like to use a thing, or to make a journey, for the first TIME, another suffix, -{r)qaar-^ is used: atorqaarpara i use it for the FIRST TIME. There are many adjectival and adverbial notions for which no suffixes exist. When for this reason it is not possible to express a group of ideas in one word, or in one compound, then the cluster will be broken up, or the expression will be divided into two or several parts. The logical relations between these parts are often shown in the inflection of the word expressing the idea that has been separated. In some cases, however, it can not be recognized b}"^ the §55 1054 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 inflectional form, but must be deduced from the connection. If the Eskimo wants to say i have a large kayak, this ma}' be expressed in one word, because there are suffixes to denote large (ssuag), have iqar^poq]), and i {ya, ra); but i have a red kayak must be expressed in two words, because there are no special suffixes to signify colors, so that the idea red must be isolated and expressed by an independent word. The former sentence is expressed by qajarssuaqarpoya (kayak- large-have-i) ; the latter by aa^palaartumik qajaqarpoya; here the first part (red) is a participle of the verb aa^palaar^poq it is red, used in the instrumentalis {-miJc)^ so that the whole phrase translated literally means red (or redly) kayak-have-i, very much as one would say i row quickly in a kayak. § 56. Classes of Derivative SuflQ.xes The suffixes are divided into two classes, according to their use. Some are emplo3'ed to tnin-sforin the nominal or verbal qualit}^ of the independent words, so that nouns are turned into verbs, and verbs into nouns; others, merelj'^ to further develop the independent words by enriching them with attributive ideas, but without transforming their nature. Thus it may be seen, in regard both to the suffixes and to the initial stems, that a distinction may be drawn between nouns and verbs, nominal and verbal suffixes, and consequently four funda- mental types of arrangement may be observed, and symbolized thus: N>v= V; i. e., a noun transformed by a verbal suffix, and so forming a verb: iLLoa house + -Uorpoq makes ^ iLLuliorpoq he builds a house builds pujoq smoke + -sunnippoq it pujorsunnippoq it has the smell or has a smell or taste of taste of smoke ameq skin + -erpxia deprives ameerpaa takes the skin off it, it of something skins it (e. g., the seal) nassxik horn 4" -tnirjarpaa nassvmiiQmpaa horns him, butts makes a motion with a part him of his body toward some- thing V>n—Nf i. e., a verb transformed hy u noun suffix, and so making a noun: tlkippoq?iXY\\Q'A-\- -qat{c)Qon\- tikt'iyataa his arrival-companion, panion + -a his his fellow-traveller §56 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1055 V-\-v=V; i. e., a verb developed more fully by a verb suffix, the whole constituting a more complex verbal notion: uteri poq) ^6 returns + -asuar- uterasuarpoq he hastens to re (poq) hastens turn ]V-{- ii = ^; i. e., a noun more full}^ developed by a noun-suffix, the whole constituting a more fullj^ developed noun: {llo house + 7nio dweller iLLumio house dweller iLLo house + Arrest, remnant ihLtiko a ruin iLLo house + yijuaq little iLLoyrjuaq a small house Any compound ending in a suffix may be transformed or further developed. The suffixes thus used for purposes of development and transformation may even succeed each other within the same group. Thus pishooq he gets {si) a thing {j^e), of the formation N> t\ may be further developed by verbal suffixes and become pisinialerpoq he BEGINS {-ler-) TO TRY (-niar-) to get a thing (i. e., he begins to buy a thing), which is consequently the formation jV>v-\-v-\-v. The latter is again transformed by a noun-suffix into pisinialerFik a place, or THE PLACE {-Fil-), WHERE ONE (he) BEGINS (or BEGAN) TO BUY A THING (or THE thing), in which change the formation X>v-\-v-\-v>n is pro duced; and this may again be transformed into a verb {pisinialer- Fiyaa) by means of the verbalizing -a (in the third possessive singular) HE HAS IT (or him) AS A PLACE WHERE HE BEGAN TO BUY THE THING (i. e., it was in that place where, or of that person of whom he began to buy the thing). In this case the last change gives the formation W>v-\-v-{-v>n>v. § 57, Comparison of Eskimo and Indo-European Derivative SuflB.xes In the first instance the Eskimo suffixes are distinguished from those of our own languages by their number; but they differ no less in the vitality of their meanings and in their mo viability. Thus the diminutive endings in the German Roslein, Hauschen, in the English brooklet, and in the Latin homunculus, servulus, impress us as being fossils in comparison with the Eskimo adjectival suffixes, which may be attached freely to all words. In quite another sense than in our languages, the words of the Eskimo are born on the tongue on the spur of the moment. Where we possess finished, fully developed words or phrases, the Eskimo create new combinations specially §57 1056 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 formed to meet the claim of every situation. In rej^ard to Avord- f ormations, the language is incessantly m statxi nascendi. The greater number of the suffixes of our languages may be proved to have been originally independent words (e. g., the English -lt, -SHIP, -DOM, -SOME, -FUL, -LESS, etc.). How far the Eskimo suffixes have ever been independent words is extremely doubtful; at any rate, there is nothing to show that such is the case. The Eskimo mode of expression differs essentially from ours in the peculiar power that the suffixes have of linking themselves not simply to an independent word-stem, but to each other, with the result that a complex of ideas may be developed and enlarged within the limits of a single word. We think in sentences, but the Eskimo's thought lives and moves in the word as an embryo in the womb. Even the object of the verb is included in the word-sentence; e. g., ihLoqarpoya I HAVE A HOUSE. § 58. Inflection and Polysynthesis These peculiar characteristics have determined the viewpoint taken by philologists in regard to the Eskimo language. This may be seen in the work of the Danish scholar Rasmus Rask, who knew the lan- guage through the grammars of the missionaries Paul Egede (1760) and Otho Fabricius (1791, 2d ed. 1801), and who has described it in a chapter of his " Undersogelse om det gamle Nordiske eller Islandske Sprogs Oprindelse" (1818). H. Steinthal ^ referred the Eskimo and the Mexican languages to a special type, the so-called einverleibende type of W. v. Humboldt, which "draws the object into the verb and usually also combines the governing word (regens) and the attribute into a whole. . . . The word-formation has swallowed up the sentence-formation, the sentence merges into the word; those who use these languages do not speak in sentences, but in words." According to Steinthal, this type of lan- guage belongs neither to the agglutinative nor to the stem-isolating type; it must be called a " formless" type of language. Lucien Adam, who, at the Americanist Congress of 1883, spoke on the relation of the Greenland language to other languages, arrived at the conclusion that the Eskimo language is not polysj' nthetic, as are many other languages of North America, but is only a derivative lan- 1 H. steinthal, Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues (Neubearbeitung von Misteli, Berlin, 1893). §58 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1057 guage. He set forth that the derivation a l'infini of this language is due only to exaggeration of a method which is common to all poly- syllabic languages, and that the Eskimo language differs from other American languages, and from the Ural-Altaic language, merely by the exaggeration of the derivative method. As regards the descriptive term polystnthetic, it would seem that it very appropriately expresses the conglomeration or clustering of ideas which occurs in Eskimo word- sentences. To use this term as applying to the Eskimo language as a whole is an exaggeration, only in so far as that not all ideas are expressed polysynthetically, but artic- ulate sentences also occur. We are no doubt as fully justified in speaking of form-endings and inflection in the Eskimo language as we are in speaking of them in those languages that are specially regarded as inflectional. Thus in the Eskimo language both nouns and verbs are inflected to indicate number, case, person, etc., and, as mentioned above, the syntactic relation may likewise be expressed by means of special endings. On the other hand, it can not well be denied that in the signification and use of the forms certain logical and fundamental differences from the grammatical system of our languages occur, which differences give evidence of marked peculiarities in the psychic basis of the Eskimo language. § 59. Noun and Verb In the Eskimo mind the line of demarcation between the noun and the verb seems to be extremeh' vague, as appears from the whole structure of the language, and from the fact that the inflectional end- ings are, partially at any rate, the same for both nouns and verbs. This is especiall}" true of the possessive suffixes. The part played by the possessive suffixes in the Eskimo language extends far beyond the use which our languages make of the ''posses- sive pronouns." The person-suffixes of the Eskimo verbs prove to be identical with the possessive suffixes of the nouns (equivalent to my, THY, HIS, OUR, etc.), which may be regarded as an evidence of the noun-character of the verb. Even the verb-forming suffixes -%ooq and -poq (third person singular, mode ii) appear to be inseparable from the structure of the noun. Therefore these endings for the third person indicative must be regarded as impersonal forms {hapiicoq there is a STAB, ONE IS stabbed), or as marking the neutral form of the finite verb, §59 44877°— Bull. 40. pt 1—10 67 1058 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 which assumes a personal meaning only when the purport of the sentence as a whole forces upon the speaker and hearer the idea of a third person that is in a certain condition (passively or reflexively). Thus it happens that personal and impersonal verbs show the same forms throughout. si'cLLLerpoq rain is, it rains atorpoq use is, it is used t'lkippoq arrival is, he arrives Ji'apiv^oq stab is, he is stabbed, or he stabs himself Accordingly the inflected verb in the indicative intransitive is prop- erly translated in this manner : atorpoya my use = I am used atorputit thy use = thou art used atorpoq use = one is used = he, it, is used tikippoija my arrival = I arrive tikipputit thy arrival = thou arrivest tikippoq arrival = one arrives = he arrives The same applies to the transitive forms of the finite verl); thus — atorpara my its use = I use it atorpat thy its use = thou usest it atorpaa his its use = he uses it kapiwara my its stab = I stab it kapivmt ihy its stab = thou stabbest it Jcapitoaa his its stab = he stabs it In case an independent word is added as subject, it is used in the relative case: Peelip) hapiwaarja Peele's my-his-stab = Peele stabs me Peelip kapiivaatit Peele's thj^-his-stab = Peele stabs thee Peelip kapiwaa Peele's his-his-stab = Peele stabs him (another) It is worth noticing that the base of the verb seems to have a passive or reflexive sense; e. g., Peele kapiwoq p. stabs himself, or p. is STABBED. Our transitive sentence construction (he stabs me) is based on the idea of an active relation between subject and object. The corresponding Eskimo form of speech is based on a passive or reflexive relation between the subject and the object; that is to saj', in the Eskimo language no strictly transitive use of the verb is §59 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1059 known. The verb is treated as a noun + a verb-forming suffix (-2W, -wo'^ -J90, -pa) which gives the noun a passive or reflexive signifi- cation, + the mark of the absolutive {-q) or of the person. If we translate an Eskimo verb as an active relation between subject and object, it is only quasi-transitive. Its fundamental idea is rather that of a passive than that of an active verb. The Eskimo does not say HE STABS JIE, HE SEES ME, but rather MY BEING STABBED BY HIM IS, MY BEING SEEN BY HIM IS. Judging from these considerations, we get the impression that to the Eskimo mind the nominal concept of the phenomena of life is predominant. The verbal idea has not emancipated itself from the idea of things that may be owned, or which are substantial. Any- thing that can be named and described in words, all real things, actions, ideas, resting or moving, personal or impersonal, are subject to one and the same kind of observation and expression. We are accustomed to conceive activities or qualities as essentially different ■ from the things in themselves, and we have a special class of words (viz, , the verbs) to express them. They seem to impress the Eskimo mind, or to be reflected by it, as definite phenomena of the same kind as the things, and accordingly are named and interpreted by means of the same class of terms as are used for naming things. The Eskimo verb merely forms a sub-class of nouns. § 60. List of Suffixes The following abbreviations have been used in the list of suffixes: V. is suffixed to verbs onl}-. N. is suffixed to nouns only. N>v is suffixed to nouns after they have been transformed into verbs. If neither v. nor n. is added, the suffix may be attached to either class of words. The nominal or verbal character of the suffix ma}' be determined by its signification or by its form. INTR. = intransitive. NTR. = neutral, i. e., transitive or intransitive, according to the signifi- cance of the leading word. aet^ ait n. or v. (marks a question or a polite invitation) how? please; e. g., iLhit-ait you, how? i. e., is it you (or yours)? ajuppoq V. NTR. frequently aluaq (n.), aluarpoqy. n>v, ntr. otherwise; former (with proper names); late; although; certainly, it is true — but (forms conditional mode in verbs) §60 1060 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 aLLarpoq\. ntr. preliminarilj^ provisionally; tirst, yet araq N. miniature, diminutive; a young one; a little araaoq v. ntr. is in the habit of. In mode x, first person sin- gular ainyama or araayama. asuarjyoq v. ktr. hastens to ; in a short time, speedily erpaa N. deprives it of, removes the of it erpoq has lost its ; sells erserpoq has lost something he possessed ershooq has some part of his body frozen fH"., FFik V. place or time Fiijaa V. has him (or it) (B) for his (A) place to , he (it) is his place to , i. e., he (B) is the object of his (A's) action. g-, see y iaarpoq^ sqq jaarpoq iaq^ liaq^ siaq n., in third person possessive, made by him; in first person possessive, made by me iaq{\.)^ iaqarpoq^ tai'laqarpoq v. intr. he (it) is to be ed (the sense of this suffix corresponds to that of the gerundive in Latin) iarpaa n. deprives it of several parts, or deprives it of its several times (cf . erpaa) iarpoq n. has got it (his weapon, etc.) injured; broken iarpoq^ liarpoq x. intr. goes to (a place); is out hunting iartoipoq v. ntr. goes or comes in order to ; more and more imiwoq v. ntr. somewhat, very little more innaq n., innarptoq v. ntr. onl}-; exclusively, constanth'; without hesitation ioq V. ntr. also, too; indeed iorpoq^ Ihrpoq-s. works, manufactures; transitive, w^orks (some- thing) FOR HIM tuppaa, liujjpaa n. works or makes a of it, uses it for mak- ing a ippoq^ lippoq N. INTR. has arrived at (a place) ippoq is without; is not isorpoq N. INTR. has gone or come to fetch issarpoq, lissarpoq n. intr. takes a with him ; carries (some- thing) with him jaarpoq v. ntr. early jawoq v. INTR. is apt to, maj^ easily jidppoq^ suippoq v. intr. never qaxfq v. ntr. (intensive) very much, strongl}^ qarpoq n. intr. has ; there is ■ qat^ in third person possessive, his companion, fellow^; another OF THE SAME KIND qatiyaa has him as (for) his companion §60 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1061 qattaa7'poq v. ntr. man}" in succession; several times qinawoq V. ntr. it might easily come to pass; wish he (it) would not qut N. or V. appurtenance; instrument hy means of which hanneq N., Icannerpoq v. towards; nearly, not far from karpoq v. intr. suddenl}^ liaarjjoq v. intr. with long, equal intervals i("«6-//?; N. , ^•a5?J!?/>6»^ V. NTR. vexatious, bad; odiousl}^, badl}"; unfor- tunately l^a^ssak,'^.^ I'a^ssappoqY. intr, vexatious, vexatioush'; ugly hitappoq mTH. has got too much of ; is sick of ; is tired by k'qypoq N. INTR. has (a) little; has little Tfo N. refuse, waste; remnant; cast off, left off Jcootaarput or -rjpaai n. (by numerals) at the time huluk N. pitiable; wretched Jculuppoq V. NTR. rather little, tolerably I'huppaa V. regards, deems, takes him for Jckut N., family, society, company LLCbppoq^ LLattiarpoq v. ntr. a short time, a moment LLdttaarpoq ntr. now and then, from time to time LLarpoq v. ntr. with speed; with might and main LLurqippoq v. ntr. he is very clever in laarpoqY. ntr. but little; slowly lawoq V. INTR. impulsively; in an unsteady state le N. or V. but leriwoq^ erkvoq n. intr. is occupied with, has something to do with LLeq N. (local superlative) the extreme one as to place, the most lerpoq v. ntr. begins to ; is about to lerpaa, serpaa (of. erpaa) n. supplies him (it) with a ; places a on it lerssaarpoq v. ntr. intends to leriorpoq v. ntr. in short time liaq I, see iaq\ liarpoq^ see iarpoq liaq II N. one who travels to a (place); one who is out hunting or gathering llorpoq, see lorpoq lik^ pi. llH n. having , supplied with lo N. or V. and; lo — lo^ both and looneet or; looneet — looneet^ either or LLuarpoqy. ntr. well, right; opportunel}"; completely; at all LLuinnarpoq v. ntr. wholl}^ ; completely §60 1062 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY I bill. 40 LLuppoq^ hippoq N. IXTR. has (u) bad ; v. ixtr. badly ; has a pain (in some part of his bodj^) lussinnarpoqY. ntr. in vain lusooq N. or V. like, as if it were mmaaq v. one who is practised in , skilled in mmaawoq v. is practised in , skilled in mawoq v. ntr. is in the state of me N. or v. (intensive) indeed, then mmersorpoq v. ntr. long time, long- mmij)poq rmlppoq n. (instruiuentalis) makes a movement with (that part of his bod}-) mineq N. a piece of , a fragment of mio N. inhabitant of misaarpoq v. ntr. by little and little; weakly mmioq^ rinioq v. ntr. (rare) after all miwoq see imiwoq mxikarpoq^ mmuJcarpoq n. intr. goes (is gone) in the direction of muhaarpoq n. intr. is situated in the direction of , faces naq, rnaq n. peculiar. nnaaq^ nnaayua n. his dearest one, favorite, pet nnaarpoq v. ntr. enjoys to , with pleasure, continues to naarpaa^ nnaarpa v. makes it too ; finds it beyond his expec- tations narpoq^ nnarpoq v. (this suffix gives the third person of the finite verl) a subjective sense; the third person is used thus for i as a form of modest}' : the impersonality = i) ; (passive; thus used in all persons) is to l)e ed, is ed naraa v. he thinks it ing naiviarpoq v. ntr. there is a i-isk that ; most pro})ably it will naweerpoq v. ntr. there is no longer any risk that ; now he (it) can not more naweernaipaa v. prevents him from ■ neq (verb abstract; mode xii) neqarpoq (passive suffix, especialh' of such verbs as are not used in mode ii) nerarpaa v. says that he (it) , says that he is ner'huppoq v. ntr. wrongly (cf . LLupjJoq) nerpoq v. ntr. I wonder whether , or if oieruwoq v. ntr. (comparative) more niaq^ nlarpoq ntr. aims at; endeavors nnarpoq (suffixed to local adverbs) goes (to) there nnippoq (verbal derivative, of the verb abstract, mode xii) §60 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1063 yaa, raa has him (it) for -^ he (it) is his ; takes him (it) for ; thinks him (it) to be yajak n., iQajappoq v. ntr. nearly, ahnost yasaarpoq n. is much frequented, full of yaarpoq v. ntr. in a high degree, very much yeek^ yeet, reet; yeeput, reeput n. (or v.) pair, joined in pairs; reciprocally, mutually yyllaq v. ntr. not (forms the negative conjugation in the verbs; see §§ 32 et seq.) yippoq^ rippoq n. ntr. is good, has good or nice yooq igooq)^ rooq N. or v. it is related, it is said to be yyorpoq n. intr. becomes, grows; trans, makes him (it) be- come yyuaq n., yyuarpoq v. ntr. little ■, dear little; with pleasure yuppoq {guppoq) n. intr. longs for padt, passuit n. a multitude, a great many palaaq N., palaarpoq v. ntr. worthless; trash paLLappoq, paluppoq ntr. looks as if , sounds as if , behaves as if pah' Laarpoq^ see waLLaarpoq piluk. N., piluppoq v. ntr. evil, bad ppoq^ rpoq N. has caught a ; has put (one's clothes) on ra«, see yaa reerpoq v. ntr. has done with , has already riarpoq v. ntr. (in epic style) eagerly rippoq V. INTR. is skilled in , is master at rqaa^nioopmt v. ntr. in emulation; they contend with rqajarpoq v. ntr. nearly, had nearly rqammerpoq v. ntr. just, just now rqarpoq v. ntr. hardly, with difficultj'^ rqaarjioq v. ntr. first rq'ippoq V. ntr. again rqippoq (cf. LLarqippoq) v. ntr. is able to rqissiwoq v. intr. is or can better now than before Tqissaarpoq v. ntr. doing to the best of one's ability; dili- gently rqoorpoq v. ntr. presumably, most likely rqortooq n. has a large , has a great rquppoq, rqiqjpaa n. goes that way, along that side of it rquwaa v. ntr. wants him to — — , bids or asks him to; intr. wants himself to be ed by some one else vLaaq V. newly, recently rnijuk's., rujuppoq \. ntk. improper, improperly rujoyyuaq wretched; miserable, pitiable rujussuaq enormous; awfully §60 1064 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 rusuppoq V. NTU. is inclined to , should like to sarpaa v. (causative) works that he (it) sarpoq, see tarpoq ssaq N. future; something that \\\\\\ bo used for *ssawoq v. ntr. (future tense) shall, will (cf. ssooq and fo before r and 9 (§§ 10-11). K. is the object of tij)umhsaraluarLor)o iyitarpaaH. ^ahhiwoq grows, aLLineq verb abstract. 5 ajormai mode ix of ajorpoq is unable to. *tigumiwaa {= tiT/ummiwaa) he takes him with his hand or into his ar.ms. Suffixes: s«o(r) -I- aluaq + loT^o (mode vi). !• Allative of atUit (only in the plural). ^ir)i{ppaa) + tar{paa) mode iii, third person plural. ' ila COMPANION, FELLOW (house-fellow or place-fellow), third person plural possessive. ^oqa(rpoq) +ssa{woq). ^ujara(k) + a<.u(woq) + yyHlaq) mode vii. iOa7/i(woq) is big -|- soq (mode vii) + ssuaq, in plural ssuit. "pe THING, something + niar(poq) + to{q) mode vii + nik instrumeiitalis. ^^ulikaar(poq) IS FILLED -(- toq, plural tut, mode vii. ^^naak(aa) (conjugation 11) + sar(ppaa). ^*aLLi{woq) (cf. note 2) + sar(paa) -f uina(woq) + Loyo (mode vi) third person singular. ^^ tiT)u{waa) + sar(paa) mode in. ^^nvle -\- € fourth person singular. t''oqa{rpoq) (see note 8) + Fey{aa) (conjugation 11) + ssua<_ssawaa future tense, mode iii, third person singular. ^^ajo(rpoq) + kasi{k){poq). "Imperative transitive singular (cf. note 6). MCf. notee. 2' tir)usi(icoq) takes hiji to herself (e.g., as her fo.ster-child) [of. notes 4, LS] + sua + erupipaa) , mode X, third person singular (as, since). ^ama(q) woman + quasaa(q) (ob.solete) old. 23 The transitive verb corresponding to the intransitive tipusiwoq (cf. note 21). *< Locative singular-lo "to "ersi "=< . , "Mode IX, fourth person singuuii nr. v.v. — __ , . «)• The object of ARRIVING AT is the Same person as the subject of the governing verb (oqarpoq), viz., the fox; there- fore the fourth-person suffix is used. If the meaning of the word had been he (the fox) arriving AT HIM (Kaasassuk), the compound suffix would have been (k)inne. "The fox is of course the genius of strength. ^pamioq tail first person singular, relative. 8> nook (the third person possessive singular nooa) prosecutive case. 8' Mode I, first person singular