,.ii, :ii» J>- THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT OF Mrs. William B. Ilunro SlVi j>^ rrt: . . - 1 EDITED BY GEORGE fl. WRONG, M.A. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE INiVERSITY UP TORCNTO THE EARLY TRADING COMPANIES OF NEW FRANCE Toronto : the librarian of the University of Toronto. ^Toronto : William Briggs, Wesley Buildings, Richmond St. W. ILOIlDon : P. S. King & Son, Orchard House, 2 and 4 Great Smith St., Victoria St., Westminster, S. W. JSOStOn : The Boston Book Company, Freeman Place Chapel, WARWICK BROS. & RUTTEB, Printers and Bookbinders, TORONTO. THE EARLY TRADING COMPANIES OF NEW FRANCE A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF COMMERCE AND DISCOYERY IN NORTH AMERICA BY H. P. BIQGAR, B.A., B. LITT. (OXON.) MACKENZIE FELLOW IN POLITICAL SCIENCE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 1901 Edition limited to 600 copies No. /; f Entered aooording to Act of the Parliament of Canada in the office of the Minister of Agriculture by the Librarian of the University of Toronto in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and one. PREFACE The substance of the following pages was presented to the Board of Historical Studies of the University of Oxford in Hilary- Term, 1899, in supplication for the degree of Bachelor of Letters. Having successfully served this purpose, the thesis is now pre- sented to the public in an enlarged and somewhat improved form in the hope that the new results which it embodies may not be without interest to those who desire to study the beginnings of trade and commerce in New France. I am by no means so sanguine as to hope that the conclusions here set forth are necessarily final or indeed in every case valid. Since, however, their correctness or incorrectness can only be made clear by an examination of the foundations on which they rest, I have taken pains to state in all cases what my authorities are. The Appendix at the end of the work will be of use in further making clear on what foundations particular statements are based. In preparing this essay I have had the kind assistance of many persons. To the authorities of the Bihliotheque Nationale at Paris my best thanks are due for the extreme courtesy with which they have always received my numerous demands. M. G. Servois and his able staff at the Archives Rationales, M. M. Chev- rier of the French Foreign Office, and M. Victor Tantet of the French Colonial Office have also afforded me every facility in consulting their respective stores of documents. During my re- '^o/ci.5 VI PREFACE searches at Rouen, M. Charles de Beaurepaire, the archivist of the Department of the Seine-Inf^rieure most kindly placed his great knowledge of Norman affairs continually at my disposition. To M. le Vicomte de Came I am indebted for his generous com- munication to me of the results of his researches on La Roche, who is connected with his family, while several documents relat- ing to Champlain were kindly brought to my notice by M. Th. Courtaux of Paris. My best thanks are also due to my friend Mr. E. G. Knoblauch of London for some tiring researches carried out for me at the British Museum. More particularly, however, I must thank Mr. H. A. L. Fisher of New College, Oxford, for his continuous criticisms of my work, and Professor W. J. Ashley of Harvard University for some valu- able hints and suggestions. Mr. S. V. Blake of London has been good enough to read a considerable portion ot my manuscript, while Professor G. M. Wrong of the University of Toronto has not only read the whole of it very carefully, but he and Mr. H. H. Langton, the general editor of the University of Toronto Studies, have been at the immense labour during my absence abroad of re- vising the entire work for the press. If, indeed, the results of my researches have been put before the public in anything like a readable form, it is mainly due to the labours of these two gentlemen. To the Burrows Brothers Company of Cleveland, Ohio, my thanks are due for permission to copy, with some slight altera- tions and additions, the accompanying map from their edition of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents." H. P. B. Paris : December, 1900. TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. PAGE Brief description of earlj'^ expeditions to the regions of the St. Lawrence . . 1 to 5 CHAPTER I. The Discovery and Occupation of the St. Lawrence Valley. Cartier's first voyage, 1534 6 " second " 1535 7 Reports at Hochelaga of the Kingdom of Saguenay 8 Winter in Canada and return home . . 10 Interest in France at Cartier's discov^eries 10 Renewed efforts in 1540 after four j^ears' delay 11 Spies upon the designs of France ] 2 Cartier sets out on his third voyage, 1541 . . 13 His second winter on the banks of the St. Lawrence 13 Cartier disobeys Roberval and returns to France 13 Roberval spends the winter in New France 15 Failure of his expedition and return to France 16 Summary of results 17 CHAPTER IL The Birth and Growth of Trade and Commerce, 1497-1597. Early voj'ages to the Newfoundland fishing-banks 18 Henry VII's grant of a monopoly to Bristol traders 19 Early French effort on the Banks .... 19 The extent of the French fishing industry . . . 19 Cartier and the fishing industry 20 Roberval and the fishing industry 22 Late arrival of Basque fishermen in the St. Lawrence 23 Early French fishing companies 23 Statistics of the industry at end of 16th century 24 The methods of the fishing industry 25 The fishing seasons 26 Whale fishing 26 Other varieties of fish 28 The fishing-trade prepared the way for the fur-trade 28 Early barter with the Indians for furs 29 Gradual extension of the fur-trade up the St. Lawrence 32 vii viii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Importance of the fur trade at the end of the 16th century 33 Cartier's nephews secure in 1588 a monopoh- of the trade 33 Revocation of this monopoly 34 , Absence of the colonizing spirit from France 35 Foreigners encroaching on French claims in the St. Lawrence 36 CHAPTER III. The Two Attempts of La Roche and the First Fcr-Trade Monopoly. The career of La Roche 38 His attempt to colonize Sable Island 40 His failure 41 Criticism of the attempt 41 Pierre Chauvin secures monopoh" of the fur-trade on condition of colonizing 42 Attempts by rivals to get the monopoly revoked 43 The monopolj', granted for ten years, withdrawn at end of three 44 Unauthorized traders on the coasts south of the St. La^v^ence ... 44 Union of St. Malo and Rouen traders under the monopolj- 45 Chauvin dying is succeeded b}' Chaste, who is aided b}" Champlain 46 Dupont-Grave and Champlain in New France 47 Death of Chaste 48 End of his monopoly 49 CHAPTER IV. The Two Monopolies of Monts, 1604-1608. Monts takes up Chaste's colonizing work 51 Opposition to his monopoly 52 Terms of the new articles of association 53 Settlement of Ste. Croix 54 Difficulty of enforcing the monopoly 54 Conditions at Ste. Croix . 55 Commercial difficulties 56 The winter at Ste. Croix ... 58 Removal from Ste. Croix to Port Royal 59 The summer's trade 60 Difficulties in securing fresh colonists 60 Poutrincourt at Port Roj'al 61 Interlopers in the fur-trade 62 Sudden withdrawal of the Co.'s monopoly 63 Retirement from Port Royal 64 The cod-fishing during this year 65 Monts transfers his interest to the St. Lawrence trade and secures uncon- ditional monopoly for one jear 65 Champlain erects factory at Quebec, 1608 60 His plans in New France 67 End of the first period of monopoly C8 TABLE OF CONTENTS ix CHAPTER V. The Freedom of Trade, 1609-1613. PAOE Conditions in the spring of 1609 69 Champlain promises to aid the Montagnais against the Iroquois .... 69 iSketch of relations of Indian tribes in New France 70 The French obliged by trade situation to take part with weaker tribes. ... 71 Champlain joins Hurons and Montagnais in successful expedition against the Iroquois 72 Condition of trade of New France .... 7,3 Difficulty of continuing the factory at Quebec 74 Traders in the St. Lawrence uncontrolled 75 The new arrivals secure the advantage in trading with the Indians 76 Poutrincourt trading in Bay of Fundy 77 The Jesuits purchase shares in ves.sels and go out to Port Royal 78 Scarcity at Port Royal 79 Early arrival in 1612 of traders in the St. Lawrence 79 Unsatisfactory conditions of trade 80 New trading posts on the Bay of Fundy 82 Review of progress made during the three years of open trade 82 Champlain and his allies secure support at court 85 The Comte de Soissons becomes Viceroy and new monopoly secured 86 On Soisson's death Conde succeeds. His career 87 Champlain's Co. to have monopoh' of trade west of Quebec 88 Indians hold aloof from trade 88 Champlain goes far up the Ottawa, is imposed upon by guide, but opens up trade 90 Disputes with Jesuits at Port Royal 91 The English attack Port Royal 91 Narrow district in which open trade permitted 93 CHAPTER VI. Champlain's Company, 1614-1620. The lower St. Lawrence included in Conde's monopoly 94 The Co. includes only Rouen and St. Malo merchants 94 Factory at Quebec transferred to new Co 95 Activity of English and Dutch traders on Atlantic coast hampers French trade 95 La Rochelle merchants in the St. Lawrence 96 Conde's quarrel with the Court 97 Champlain before the States-General of 1614 98 The trade outlook in New France in 1615 . 98 Champlain spends winter of 1615-16 among the Hurons and concludes treaties 99 The summer of 1616 at Quebec 101 1* X TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE The state of trade in the Bay of Fundy 101 Imprisonment of Conde in France 103 Disputes concerning the viceroyship of New France .... 103 First colonists (Hebert family) at Quebec in 1617 104 Extensive barter with the Indians in 1617 106 Themines succeeds Conde as Viceroy. Trade disputes 107 Champlain's vigilance for the Company's interests . 108 Domestic affairs in New France. Murder by Indians 109 Efforts to pi omote colonization. Narrow policy of the Company 112 Champlain's disputes with the directors of the Company 110 Conde reinstated as Viceroy, but soon retires in favor of Montmorency. ... 113 The Company's monopoly cancelled (1620) on Champlain's report of the state of things at Quebec .. 113 CHAPTER VII. The Caens Company and its Union with Champlain's, 1621-1627. Monopoly of the fur trade for eleven years granted to the Caens 115 Both the old Co. and the Caens send out vessels in 1621 116 Rivalries of the two Co.'s in New France 116 Decision that both Co.'s may trade for the season 1 17 Difficulties in the colony 118 The English in New England 119 Fusion of the two rival Co. 's 119 The trade of 1622 and 1623 120 Sir William Alexander and the founding of Nova Scotia 121 Treaty of peace with the Iroquois . 123 The RecoUets seek help from the Jesuits 124 The Due de Ventadour succeeds Montmorency as Viceroy . 125 Disputes between the Huguenots and Catholics 126 Stagnation at Quebec. Champlain's renewed zeal . 126 Dealings with the Indians 128 Trade on the Atlantic Coast 128 Rupture of the peace with the Iroquois 129 Dutch and English settlements interfere with French trade 130 Gloomy prospects at Quebec .... 130 Courage and energy of Champlain 131 CHAPTER VIII. The Company of New France, 1627-1629. Richelieu's rise to power in France 133 Proposals for organizing the Company of New France 134 The Chevalier de Razilly the father of the undertaking 135 Revocation of monopoly of United Co. and suppression of office of Vicero}'. 135 Articles of the Company of New France 136 TABLE OF CONTENTS xi PAGE The first fleet despatched in 1628 137 Causes of dispute between France and England 138 Jarvis Kirke prepares an expedition to the St. Lawrence in the service of England 139 Champlain refuses to surrender Quebec to Kirke 140 Kirke captures the fleet of the Co. of New France 140 Establishment by Alexander of the Baronets of Nova Scotia 141 Union between Alexander's interests and Kirke's 143 The new Co. sends two fleets against New France 143 David Kirke before Quebec 144 Surrender of Quebec July 20, 1627 145 The Co. of New France causes heavy losses to the English 145 Champlain carried a prisoner to England 147 Decision of Charles I to restore New France to France 148 CHAPTER IX. New France Under the Scottish and English Company, 1629-1632. Dispute about furs seized by English at Quebec 150 French press for restoration of New France 150 The Co. of New France prepares for renewed operations 151 The French on the Bay of Fundy and in Cape Breton 153 The English and Scottish Co. trading in New France 153 Affairs in Newfoundland 154 Caen's claims for furs brought from Quebec 155 Negotiations for peace 155 The demands of Charles 1 156 Delay in the negotiations 156 The Scottish and English Co., through this delay, have another season in New France 157 The Co. of New France able to carry on very little trade 158 Continued negotiations for peace 159 Repeated delays 159 Progress of the negotiations 161 Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed March 20th, 1632 162 Discontent in England at the terms of the treaty 163 The English evacuate Quebec 164 The Co. of New France take over the posts in Acadia 165 The entry of the Co. of New France into possession concludes the period of the early trading companies of New France 165 APPENDIX : THE SOURCES. Introduction 171-174 The Sources. Part I : Official. Chronolo'Mcal list of the official sources from 1510 to 16.33 175-197 XI 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS The Sources. Part II : Narrative. PARE Verrazano . 208 Carlis' Letter 209 John Rut 209 Cartier's Voyages 210 Pierre Crigiion 220 Roberval's Voyage 221 Jean Mallart 221 Jean Alfonse 222 Anthony Parkhurst's Letter 226 Carlyle's Discourse 227 Gilbert's Voyage 228 Jacques Noel 230 Andre Thevet 2.31 Richard Hakluyt 242 Richard Fisher 246 Silvester Wyet. 247 Charles Leigh 248 Bertrand's Letter -. 250 Marc Lescarbot 251 Ennemond Masse .... 260 Father Biard 261 Lallemant's Letters 270 Daniel and Malapart 271 Champlain 274 Gabriel Sagard 281 1/6 Jeune's Relation 286 P^re Le Tac 287 Le Clercq's History 290 The Sources. Part III : Anonymous. The Factum 292 La Plainly de la Nouvdle France 294 Au Roy sur la NouveJU France 295 Index 297 Map cm New France at end of volume INTRODUCTION The object of this essay is to trace the birth and growth of trade and commerce down to the year 1632 in that portion of North America subsequently called New France. France was associated so long and so intimately with the valley of the St. Lawrence that the visits of Spanish, Portuguese and even English explorers before Cartier are sometimes forgotten. A brief account of attempts on the part of the other European powers to occupy this region will form a fitting prelude to the history of its first occupation by the French. In considering the achievements and failures alike of these early voyagers we must remember that they had in mind nothing that corresponds to the modern map of North America. Between Europe and Asia they expected to find only a few scattered islands. Not only was America as a continent unknown, the very possibility of its existence had not been dreamed of. Columbus tried to reach China by a direct route across the Atlantic, and when on the twelfth of October, 1492, he landed on the island of Guanahani he entertained no suspicion of having stumbled upon the threshold of a new and vast continent. Presumino: that he had arrived at the outskirts of China, his proposed goal, he referred the names learned from natives to places in Cathay mentioned by Marco Polo. Yet Columbus did not reach the mainland either on his first voyage or on his second in the following year. The first Europeans to do so, since the adventurous voyages of the Northmen five centuries earlier, were the crew of an English vessel from Bristol. John Cabot, a Venetian, was sent out by Henry the Seventh in the summer of 1497 with orders to find and discover "any islands or countries whether of Gentiles or Infidels which before this time were unknown to all Christians." Cabot made a landfall probably on the shores of Labrador or [1] 2 INTRODUCTION Newfoundland. After following the coast to the north, perhaps as far as Cape Chudley, he is supposed to have turned and proceeded south until he reached the latitude of Cape Race in Newfoundland. Early in the following spring, before Columbus left Spain on his third voyage, in the course of which he too at last sighted the mainland, Cabot had again set sail from England. Coasting the shores of Newfoundland and Labrador as far north as on the preceding voyage, he is believed to have extended his explorations to the south as far as the Carolinas. Cabot was thus the first European since the Northmen to reach the mainland of America, and he was also the first to pass, without suspicion of its existence, before the mouth of the great waterway of the St Lawrence. Whether in deference to the protest of the Spanish ambassador at the English Court, or on account of the saving proclivities of the then occupant of the English throne, or for some other reason, English exploration in these regions ceased for a quarter of a century. It was the Portuguese who next hovered about the mouth of the St. Lawrence. Two years after Cabot's last voyage Caspar Corte-Real, under a commission from his sovereign the King of Portugal, explored the eastern coast of Newfoundland. In the following year he set sail again with three vessels and passing north beyond Newfoundland examined the coast of Labrador, At some unknown point he sent back two of his vessels which safely reached Portugal in the autumn, but the third vessel, in which he remained, was never seen again. An expedition in search of him under his brother Miguel was equally unfortunate, and two only of the three vessels which composed it reached port, having accomplished nothing of importance. Thus Portugal, like England, explored the region about Newfoundland without lifting the veil which hung before the portals of the St. Lawrence. From 1502 until 1529 nothing was done to advance discovery in the north. Spain indeed, from her centre in the Spanish Main, steadily extended her influence and in 1520 a caravel from Hayti made its way as far as the point afterwards called Cape Charles, near the 37th parallel of latitude. While the Spaniards INTRODUCTION 3 were thus cominf^ northward, the Portuguese were once more astir. In the year 1520 a fresh Portuguese expedition visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Alvares Fagundes of Vianna, after following the Portuguese fishing fleet which yearly visited the Banks, sailed into the Gulf by its southern entrance. After coasting the western side of Newfoundland as far north as the Straits of Belle Isle he turned westward along the northern or Labrador shore of the Gulf. When the Gulf began to narrow he crossed over to the southern side, and sailed out again by Gaspe and the Acadian peninsula. On his return he received a grant of these lands, yet he seems to have made no iurther attempt to explore them. Thus the Portuguese, like the English before them, had passed by the entrance of the great water-way of the St. Lawrence without discovering it. A second and third English and a first Spanish expe- dition, which were sent out at this time, proved equally uusuccessf ul. They had however a new aim in view. Gradually in the course of these years, by reason of the numerous exploring expeditions which visited its coasts, the outline of America was becoming more definitely understood. Spanish and Portuguese explorations had made known the eastern coast of South America as far as the river La Plata, and since the voyages of Balboa, Cordova, Grijalva, and Pineda had shown the continuity of this southern land with the peninsula of Florida, people began to suspect that from the Baccalaos or Cod-fish land in the north to the river La Plata in the south there stretched, not an archipelago, but one long unbroken line of coast. The return of the expedition of Magellan in 1522 proved that this was the coast-line, not of Asia, but of some hitherto unknown continent extending across the ocean mid-way between Asia and Europe. Magellan's expedition, which set out in the year 1519, not only discovered the straits to which his name is given, but passing through them crossed the southern Pacific Ocean and came home by way of Java, India and the Cape of Good Hope. Then at length some idea of the real significance of Columbus's discovery began to dawn upon men's minds. The chief interest still centred however not in this new world but in the gold and spices of the 4 INTRODUCTION East. The Portuguese had discovered a route to the East round Africa, and now the Spaniards had found another round South America. It remained only to iind one shorter still, either to the north of l^lurope or else to the north of this new continent called America. The search for a north-eastern passage was not attempted until some years later. That for a north-west passage began in 1525 and during the succeeding decade one Spanish, two English, and two French expeditions were equipped for the purpose of finding it. The French attempts led to the discovery of the St. Lawrence. The Spanish expedition was sent out in 1524, when Stephen Gomez, who had sailed with Magellan, was directed by the Emperor Charles the Fifth to find a passage in the north which should serve better than the one discovered by Magellan in the south. The northern passage would be nearer to Spain and it would also enable vessels to avoid a double journey through the tropics. Following the Spanish fishing fleet to the Banks, Gomez, like Fagundes, passed on into the Gulf by the southern entrance, but whether like the Portuguese he went no farther than the island of Anticosti we do not know. In any case he seems to have missed the river. On issuing from the Gulf Gomez coasted the Atlantic shore southwards to a point somewhere near Cape May. Thus he almost reached the latitude which had been already attained by vessels coming north from the Spanish Main, and in fact in the following year the intervening bit of coast was explored by a Spanish vessel the crew of which set up crosses to mark the Spanish claim. Explorers of this nationality had now virtually visited the whole coast from Florida to Gasp6, but still both the river St. Lawrence and the north-west passage remained undiscovered. The two attempts made by English vessels to find the north- west passage had no results of importance. In 1527 two ships were sent out, apparently with this object in view, but one went down in a storm off Newfoundland and the other returned home in October after having paid a visit to the coast of Cape Breton. A fresh expedition some nine years later was equally fruitless. After some time had been spent at Cape Breton and INTRODUCTION 5 Newfoundland, provisions ran so short that the ship's company were on the point of eating one another when the arrival of a French fishing vessel saved their lives. Although the French fishing smacks had been voyaging yearly to the Banks since the beginning of the century, the sovereigns of France had been too much occupied in Italy to take part in western discovery. But about the end of the first quarter of the century there came a change. The expedition of Magellan having made clear the extent of the new land, the ambition of Francis the First was aroused. In the year when the Spaniard Stephen Gomez followed the coast from Gaspe to Cape May, Giovanni da Verrazano, a Florentine in the service of Francis the First, coasted northward from the Carolinas to Cape Breton. He was nearing the mouth of the St. Lawrence when his provisions ran short, and he was obliged to sail for home. Francis was then too fully occupied in his struggle with the Emperor Charles the Fifth to turn his attention to the western continent, and the battle of Pavia in the following year 1525 put an end for some time to any hope of further French activity. Nothing was done for a period of nine years. But in 1534 Francis was again enabled by cessation of hostilities and by the funds left him by his mother to despatch a fresh expedition in search of a north- west passage. None indeed was discovered, but Jacques Cartier, in the name of the King his master, took possession of the valley of the St. Lawrence. Except for the brief space of three years, from 1629 to 1632, this possession was henceforth undisputed until 1759. CHAPTER I THE DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWKENCE VALLEY. Notwithstanding that English, Portuguese and Spanish ex- plorers had frequently passed before the mouth of the St. Lawrence, the existence of the river remained unsuspected by Europeans until the third decade of the sixteenth century. The energy and boldness of a Breton sailor of St. Malo drew back at length the veil. Jacques Cartier, who probably had already made numerous fishing expeditions to Newfoundland, set sail from St. Malo in the spring of 1534 with two vessels manned by crews drawn from the fishing boats which yearly visited the Banks. His orders were to refit in Newfoundland and then to sail on westward with the object of discovering a north-west passage to the East.i After an uneventful voyage of three weeks across the Atlantic they made for the fishing harbour of St. Catherine in Newfoundland, where during ten days of bad weather they remained to refit. With fairer weather, they sailed to the harbour of Brest in the Straits of Belle Isle and took on board wood and fresh water. On Monday the fifteenth of June the two little vessels set out for the unknown west. Curiously enough they followed the southern instead of the northern shore of the Straits, and instead of being led towards Anticosti and the Saguenay they continued along the western coast of Newfound- land as far as Cape Ray. Crossing from here to the Magdalen group, they sailed thence to Prince Edward Island. Ignorant that it was an island they followed its coast northward and entered the Bale de Chaleur which they took to be the north- west passage they were in search of.2 Examination of this bay 1 Michelant et Rame, Voyage de Jaques Cartier au Canada en 1534, 2® partie : Documents Inedits, pp. 3-5. Paris, 1865. 2 Michelant et Ram^, Relation Originale du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534 (Paris 1867), pp. 27 et seq.: " Le Cap de ladite terredu Su nomm^ Cap d'Esperance, pour I'espoir que abuions d'y trouues passaige.". k laquelle heure eusraes congnoissance du font de ladite baye, dont fusmes dollans et masriz." [6] OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 7 proved that they were wrong and they continued their route round the peninsula of Gaspe. The river now lay directly in front of them. Unfortunately, as soon as they caught sight of the northern shore of the Gulf, they sailed thither, and on reach- in.o' it turned eastwards, so missing the river and bein^ led back to the Straits of Belle Isle whence they had set out. To them, therefore, the Gulf appeared to be a great land-locked bay ; this indeed must also have been the impression of the Portuguese Fagundes who, some fourteen years before, had made a similar circuit, though from the southern entrance and in the contrary direction. Cartier however had not only set up crosses to mark the French claims but also brought home twoIndians,who were soon able to learn sufficient French to be of service in explaining to some extent the principal geographical features of these new regions. Of the reception met with by Cartier and his company on their return to France we know nothing. His report, however, and the statements of the savages seem to have made a favour- able impression, for in the spring of 1535 he was again under way, and this time with three vessels, of which the largest was the Grand Hermine of one hundred and twenty tons. The ships were separated on the voyage out, and it was not until the twenty-sixth of June that they came together again, at the Baie des Chateaux in Newfoundland, which had been agreed upon as the place of meeting. When the vessels had been overhauled and wood and water were taken on board, they made their way through the Straits of Belle Isle towards the most westerly point reached in their former expedition. Opposite the island of Anti- costi their two Indian guides informed them that they were now approaching the mouth of a great river, " which became narrower the further it went even unto Canada and continued so far west- wards that they had never heard of any man who had reached the head of it."l After carefully examining the wdiole of the 1 D'Avezac, Bref Ricit et Succincte Narration de la Navigation faite par le Capi- taine Jacques Cartier aux lies de Canada, etc., (Paris, 1863), p. 9 b: " Et nous ont lesdictz Sauuaiges certifEe estre le chemin et commencement du grant Silenne de Hochelaga et chemin de Canada : lequel alloit tousiours en estroissent iusques k Canada, puis que 1' on trouve I'aue doulce qui va si loing que iamais homrae n'auroit est^ iusques au bout qu'ilz eussent ouy." 8 OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY northern shore of the Gulf to make sure that there was no pas- sage, they headed the vessels into the river " to go towards Canada."! On reaching the river Saguenay, where they made a short stay, they were informed by their guides that it led to a country and kingdom of the same name. Continuing their journey westwards, they arrived at the Island of Orleans near which was situated the Indian village of Stadacona. In a small harbour up the river St. Charles, which enters the St. Lawrence at this point, Cartier laid up the two larger vessels for the winter, while with fifty sailors in the Hemerillon he set off up stream to see what possibility there was of reaching the Southern Sea. Half way to the rapids of Lachine the channel they had chosen became too shallow for the sailing ship. In two of their boats however they safely reached the Indian village of Hochelaga where the rapids of Lachine checked further progress westward. The natives of the place informed them that " after passing three more such falls of water, a man might sail for the space of three months along that river and yet not reach the end."^ It seemed therefore that for the present at least they must abandon all thought of reaching the Southern Sea by this route. However, Cartier, before he left Hochelaga,unexpectedly receiv- ed information of another nature, to which he was by no means indifferent. Although the principal object of both his expeditions was to find a north-west passage to the East, yet the hope of finding gold had never been wholly absent.^ Nothing of the kind had been met with on the first voyage, but now at Hoche- laga he was told of the existence in these regions of a country as rich as the Mexico discovered by the Spaniards to the south. When he and his companions had gone to the top of Mount Royal 1 Ihid. p. 11 : "Nous appareillasmes du diet liable le pi'eniier iour de septembre pour aller vers Canada." " Ibid. p. 27 : " Et nous fut diet et monstre par signes par nosdictz trois hom- mes du pais qu'il y avoit trois telz saulx d'aue audict fleuve .... puis nous monstroient par signes que lesdiz saulx passez Ton pouuoit nauiguer plus de trois lunes par ledict fleuve." 3 Biblioth. Nat. Ms. Fr. 15628 fol. 213 verso no. 618 : " Et par la conduite de Jacques Cartier faire le voyage de ce royaume es terres neufues pour descouvrir certaines ysles et pays ou Ton dit qu'il se doibt trouver grant quantity d'or et autres riches choses," etc. OCCUPATIOX OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 9 to see as far as possible over the land to the west, and were in despair at the evident impossibility of reaching the Southern Sea on this voyage, their Indian guides pointed towards the river Ottawa which enters the St. Lawrence a short distance off. "We thought it to be the river," says the narrator, " which flows past the Kingdom of Saguenay, and without any sign being made or question asked of them, they seized the chain of the Captain's whistle, which was of silver, and the dagger-handle of one of our sailors, of a yellow copper-gilt like gold, and gave us to under- stand that such objects came from up the said river."i The inhabitants of this country, of which they had heard the name when at the mouth of the Saguenay, were, it appeared, a very savage people who waged continual war against their neighbours. This was all the information that could be obtained at Hoche- laga. When the boats had returned to Stadacona where the winter was passed, Cartier at once began to question the lord of the village, Donacona, about this rich kingdom of Saguenay. As far as Cartier could understand, Donacona had been there him- self and knew the place well. In that land were to be found, said Donacona, not only great quantities of gold and silver, but also rubies and other precious jewels. The people were not savages, but were white like the French and wore woollen clothes, and the towns were large and very populous. Although it was possible to go there by the river Saguenay which, as they had been informed, flowed past the country, the better way was by the river St. Lawrence as far as Hochelaga and then by the Ottawa river, as the Indians of Hochelaga had explained. To the south indeed was another country where no ice or snow ever came and where grew in abundance oranges, almonds, dates, and other choice fruits. Here also the people went about clothed like the French, but the southern country contained, as far as Dona- cona knew, no gold. Cartier, therefore, like a true son of the sixteenth century, directed all his attention to the rich northern kingdom of Saguenay, for it seemed that the good fortune of a Cortez was to be repeated in his own case.2 1 D' Avezac, o-p. cit. , p. 27 b. Ibid. pp. 33 b et seq. 10 OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY After a severe winter, during which many of his company died of scurvy, Cartier, in the spring of 1536, was at length able to fit out two of his vessels in preparation for the return voyage. The better to convince King Francis of the truth about the kingdom of Saguenay he seized Donacona and eleven of his people, that they might personally repeat to the King what they had already told Cartier himself. On Saturday, the sixth of May, the two vessels set sail from Stadacona and passing down the river and through the Gulf entered the Atlantic by the passage to the south of Newfoundland, the existence of which Cartier had suspected on the first voyage. After refitting and taking in water at the island of St. Pierre, they continued their voyage across the Atlantic and reached St. Malo in safety on the six- teenth of July, just two months and ten days after leaving Stadacona. 1 The news of the discovery of the great river must have created considerable interest in France, and though there seemed now slight hope of reaching the Southern Sea by this route, except perhaps after a long and tedious journey in small boats, yet the discovery of a rich country similar to that found by the Span- iards in the south was of a nature to remove any serious disap- pointment. Francis the First however was now too fully occupied in wars at home to send an armed expedition abroad, even with good prospects of gain. So, for a period of four years, the project- ed conquest of the kingdom of Saguenay remained in abeyance- During this time interest in the new world was not allowed to flag. To add to the excitement created in Europe by the news of the discovery and conquest of another rich country in the south called Peru, the savages brought home by Cartier continued to tell of lands in the north where people lived only on water, of others where the inhabitants had but one leg, of the land of the Picquemyans, whoever they might be, and of other countries besides the kingdom of Saguenay where gold was to be found in abundance.'-^ But the years passed and nothing: was done. Car- tier began to find the maintenance of his twelve Indian guides 1 Ibid. pp. 41 b e< seq. 2 Ibid. pp. 40 b et seq. OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 11 a severe drain upon his modest resources. On applying to the Court for some relief, the King, in September 1538, sent him fifty crowns, with doubtless a word of encouragement. i In the following March three of the Indians were baptized, and it appears that about this time or shortly afterwards several of them died.'-^ During the period of waiting Cartier enjoyed considerable honour in his native town of St. Malo and in 1540, twelve months before he again set forth, we hear of him entertaining a distinguished visitor from Ireland, who was on his way to Paris.3 In consequence of the armistice at Nice in 1538 and of the meeting of the sovereigns at Aigues Mortes shortly afterwards, Francis the First was once more at leisure to pay some attention to Cartier and his surviving Indians. After considerable deliberation it was decided to send out a large armed expedition to penetrate to the kingdom of Saguenay and, if possible, to effect its conquest as Cortez and Pizarro had effected that of Mexico and Peru. On the seventeenth of October 1540 the first step was taken when Cartier was appointed master-pilot of the fleet which was to convey the expedition. He had full control of the ships, the crews, and the navigation generally.^ The command of the soldiers, who were to form the principal part of the expedition, was in the following January given to Jean Fran9ois de la Roque, Seigneur de Roberval, who had gained experience serving under La Marck during the late wars in France and Italy.5 By the efibrts of these two leaders, Cartier and Roberval, and with the aid of funds supplied by the King,6 a fleet of five ships was 1 Paris, Biblioth. Nat. Ms. Latin, vol. 17059, no. 202. 2 Archives Municipales de St. Malo, Serie GG. 6 ; printed in Collection de Manuscrits Belatifs a la Nouvelle France i 29-30. Quebec 1883. 3 Gairdner and Brodie, Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, xv 246 and 328. London 1896. * Lescarbot, Histoire de laXouvelle France, pp. 411-416. Paris 1612. 5 Harrisse, Notes pour servir a V Histoire, a la Bibliographie et a la Carto- graphie de la Nouvelle France, pp. 243-253. Paris 1872. Biblioth. Nat.. Pieces Originales, voL 2523 No. 56459 nos. 11-13 ; Ibid. Collect. Clairambault, vol. 134 fol. 1891 no. 5. 6 Lescarbot, op. cit. p. 410 ; Michelant et Rame, Voyage de Jaqties Cartier (1865) 2« partie, p. 25. 12 OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY got ready in the spring of 1541 though deficiencies in the ranks had to be made up by taking out convicts. l As severe penalties were then imposed for light offences, these recruits were not necessarily of very bad character. All haste was being made with the preparations, with a view to setting sail about the middle of April.2 When reports of the expedition got abroad, the Spanish Gov- ernment sent a spy to France to learn for what region the force was intended. He reported that the vessels were being sent to people a land called Canada where a fort was to be built. The Cardinal Archbishop of Seville however in a letter to a member of the Council of the Indies stated the true aim of the French. " Their motive is," said he, " that they think that land to be rich in gold and silver and they hope to do as we have done. But in my opinion they are mistaken, for the whole coast down as far as Florida offers no riches except the fishing. Consequently they will waste their efforts and return with the loss of most of their people and nearly all they have taken with them."^ According to an English report the ships and men were being sent " to seek the trade of spicerey by a shorter way than the Portingalles use." ^ Unfortunately the forecast of the Archbishop proved only too correct. The necessary preparations had been almost completed, the levies of prisoners, the small droves of cattle, the goats and the pigs had been already taken on board, when Roberval, after bid- 1 Archives Nationales, U 754, vol. 53 verso et seq. ; Ibid. K 1232 ; Archives de la Gironde, B 31 fol. 101 ; in Harrisse, op. cit. pp. 258 et seq : Archives de la Seine Inferieure, S^rie G, No. 961 ; Joiion des Longrais, Jacques Cartier, pp. 27-36. Paris 1888. 2 Buckingham Smith, Coleccion de Varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida y Tierras Adyacentes, i 107 et seq. Londres 1857. 3 Find. p. 111. Translations of both documents vf'iW be found in a paper by I'Abb^ Verreau entitled Jacques Cartier : Questions de Calendrier Civil et EccUsi- astique, in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada, vol. viii, pp. 143 et seq. Montreal, 1891. 4 Gairdner and Brodie, op. cit. xvi 234 (London 1898; : " Francis sends ships and 500 or 600 footmen to seek the trade of spicerey by a shorter way than the Portingalles use, i.e. by the Mare Glasearum. Their pilot Jacques Cartier thinks it will be navigable for three months in the year." OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 13 ding adieu to his sovereign, at length reached St. Malo. He found the ships in the roadstead ready to weigh anchor. Unfortunately he had ordered some artillery which had not yet arrived, and unwilling to leave without it, he determined to fit out a fresh vessel at Honfleur, whither he believed it to have been sent. Cartier however was to sail at once in charge of the fleet now ready. Indeed orders to this effect arrived from the King and no further delay was possible. When therefore Roberval had taken muster and view of the gentlemen, soldiers and mariners chosen for the voyage, he gave orders to Cartier to " depart and goe before and to governe all things as if he had bene there in person. And these things thus dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd five ships set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere, the 23rd of May 154)l."l After a stormy passage of three months, during the latter part of which they were obliged to feed the animals on cider, they reached Newfoundland. Here they refitted the ships and took on board wood and fresh water. As there was no sign of Roberval, Cartier ordered the fleet to get under way once more, and piloting it safely up the St. Lawrence he landed his large company at a spot a few miles above Stadacona, the point where he himself had spent the winter some six years before. The situation now chosen w^as a pleasant one and at this season the climate was agreeable. Nor were signs wanting of mineral wealth. Close at hand they discovered a mine of iron ore, while near the water's edge they came across " leaves of fine gold as thicke as a man's nayle." Further on they picked up " Diamants the most faire pollished and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see : when the Sunne shineth upon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire."2 In order that the King might know of this discovery and of the good prospects for the success of the expedition, Cartier in September sent back his nephew and his brother-in-law to show his Majesty what they had found and to inform him that Roberval had not yet arrived. After their departure, it was deemed advisable to make Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii 233. London, 1600. Ihid. p. 234. 14 OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY an examination of the rapids above Hochelaga, so that during the winter preparations might be made for transporting the expedition past them in the spring. For this purpose Cartier and several others made their way up the St. Lawrence in two small boats. No mention is now made of Hochelaga, which seems shortly before to have been burned by a hostile tribe of Indians, the Iroquois. From the Indians close at hand however the French learned that though there were only two more such rapids to pass, yet the river was not navigable all the way to Saguenay. Evidently an overland march must be counted upon. With this intelligence Cartier and his men again returned to their fort where they received the ominous information that the neighbouring savages had ceased all intercourse with the French. It appeared that they were concerting measures against the new- comers. Alarmed at this intelligence, Cartier at once gave directions for everything to be put in order to resist attack.^ What troubles did arise or what attacks were made we do not know, for at this point the story of Cartier's second winter on the banks of the St. Lawrence comes suddenly to an end. We do not hear of him again until after a lapse of six months. He vas then on his way back to France whence Roberval had just set forth. We left Roberval at St. Malo watching the departure of Oartier's fleet. He seems to have proceeded at once to Honfleur as he intended, but owing to shortness of funds and difficulties with owners of vessels it was the end of August before suitable ships had been secured and the artillery placed on board. He then deemed it too late in the season to set sail and passed the autumn and winter at various Breton ports, occasionally darting out to rob English merchantmen on their way home from Spain.2 It ^as indeed not until the middle of April 1542 that he finally set sail from LaRochelle with two hundred persons, mostly male- factors, on board his three ships. After a voyage of two months, they reached the harbour of St. John's in Newfoundland. One 1 Ibid. pp. 235-236. 2 J. Kaiilek, Correspondance Politique de MM. de Castillon et de Marillac, 1537-1542, p. 390. Paris, 1885. OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 15 morning, while refitting here, they were greatly surprised to see Cartier's fleet enter the harbour. It appears that after prepara- tions had been made to resist the savages the difficulties with them came to a head. Since Cartier did not deem his company strong enough to oppose them, he had decided to set sail for France. Now that he had unexpectedly run across Roberval, he made haste to show him some of the supposed diamonds and also a quantity of the supposed gold quartz. On the following Sun- day the quartz was tried in a furnace and pronounced good. Highly delighted with this result, Roberval ordered the two fleets to return to the St. Lawrence. This Cartier and his people refused to do, and like Pinzon, in the first voyage of Columbus, " mooved as it seemeth with ambition because they would have all the glory of the discoverie of those partes themselves, stole privily away the next night and departed home for Bretaigne."! Roberval, greatly put out at this breach of discipline, against which under the circumstances no remedy was possible, towards the end of June set sail up the St. Lawrence and at a point four leagues beyond the Island of Orleans landed his company and their effects, as Cartier had landed his in the previous year. Whether he occupied the buildings left vacant by Cartier cannot be made out with certainty from the meagre details preserved to us. August and September were busy months, spent in discharg- ing the vessels and making preparations for the winter. Two of the ships were sent home to report to King Francis what had been done and to bring out fresh stores in the followino- summer. Sanneterre, one of the commanders, was enjoined to inquire how his Majesty liked the diamonds which, as Roberval expressed it, he had ordered Cartier to carry back with him to Franca^ During the long winter the company suffered much from cold, famine, and their twin-brother, scurvy. By the ravages of this disease fifty persons were carried off and doubtless more were invalided. With men taken from the gaols and fed on scanty fare, it could not be expected that matters would always go 1 Hakluyt, op. cit. iii 240. 2 lUd. p. 241 . 16 OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY smoothly. One Michael Gaillon was hanged for theft ; John of Nantes was placed in irons for some slight misdemeanour, while for other offences not a few were whipped, women as well as men. As the weather grew warmer and spring appeared the return of Sanneterre was eagerly expected. In January the King had given orders for the two vessels to return to the St. Lawrence with provisions,! but at the beginning of June they had not arrived. Roberval decided that he could wait no longer. The summer was the only period for action and too much of it must not be wasted in idleness. On the fifth of June therefore seventy men were embarked in eight small boats to make their way to the kingdom of Saguenay. This was all of the force available, for in consequence of the departure of the two vessels for home in the previous autumn and the ravages of the scurvy during the winter only thirty persons besides were left under Royeze to guard the fort, and some of these were women. The amount of provisions at the fort was small, owing both to the non-arrival of fresh stores and also to the heavy draft on the provisions for supplying the boats. Royeze accordingly was ordered to sail for home at the end of three weeks in case no help came before that date.2 In the meantime the eight boats set oflf up the St. Lawrence in the direction of the rapids above Hochelaga. Before reaching that point one upset and the whole of the crew were drowned. The boat which brought the news of this catastrophe to the fort carried back a small supply of corn and fresh orders from Rober- val to delay their departure for three weeks longer. At this point, unfortunately, as in the case of Cartier's second winter on the St. Lawrence, our sources of information break off suddenly, and the adventures of Roberval and his men in their search for the kingdom of Saguenay remain a mystery. It should seem however that after proceeding for a considerable distance and finding their efforts unsuccessful, they returned to the fort, where they found the much-needed provisions which Sanneterre and 1 Harrisse, op, cit. pp. 272-3. 2 Hakluyt, op. cit. iii 24L OCCUPATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 17 Cartier l had after loDg delay succeeded in bringing into the St. Lawrence. Roberval, whose services were required in the wars at home, at once set sail, and in the course of the autumn the remainder of the ill-fated expedition returned to France. Sanneterre, who brought Roberval home, was sent to meet the others on their arnval with orders to pay off the soldiers and after selling tbe vessels, artillery and war material to divide the proceeds among those whom he thought entitled to some recom- pense. 2 Such was the result of the first attempt on the part of the Trench to establish a foothold in the valley of the St. Lawrence. Armed expeditions, as the Archbishop of Seville had foretold, were doomed to failure in the north. The semi- civilized gold- producing countries of the south were a rich prey to bands of conquering adventurers, but it was the fortune or misfortune of the French to enter upon a region of very different character. Commerce, trade and manual labour were necessary before the riches of the St. Lawrence valley could be developed. The mines of i\Iexico and Peru have long ceased to yield remuneratively their precious metals, but the fisheries of the Banks of New- foundland still oiler profitable returns. In the following chapter we shall trace the birth and growth of this great fishing industry which in turn became the mother of the fur- trade, itself the foundation and corner-stone of all attempts made by the mother country to colonize New France. 1 Michelant et Kame, op. <:it. 2*^ partie, p. 29: " Et pour huict mois qu'il a este a retourner querir le diet Robertval au diet Canada," etc. 2 Harrisse, op. cit. pp. ilQ^ll. CHAPTER II. THE BIRTH AND GROWTH OF TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597. Before the discovery of America, Europe received its cod, as to some extent it still does, from the fishing-grounds about Ice- land. To this region fleets of considerable size went every spring from the principal ports of England, France and Spain. Columbus himself is reported to have made a voyage thither before his famous one across the Atlantic.''^ It was not Columbus, however but John Cabot and the Corte-Reals who first made known to Europe the existence of rich fishing-grounds in the west. On the return of Cabot from his first voyage in the year 1497 an Italian envoy in England wrote home to Milan that the sea in those parts had been found so full of fish that the sailors caught them by merely lowering a basket with a stone in it and hauling it up again. It was afiirmed indeed that so many fish could be brought from this new fishing-ground that henceforth no more fleets would go to Iceland.2 The Corte-Reals also, by their voyages m 1500,1501 and 1502, contributed intelligence of the riches of these waters, and in 1506 a tax was laid on the cod brought thence to Portuofal.s 1 For this trade to Iceland, vid. Prowse, History of Newfoundland, chapter ii, appendix 1, pp. 24-28. London, 1895. Cf. also Loti, Pecheur d'Islande. Paris 1886. 2 Despatch of Raimondo di Soncino to the Duke of Milan dated 18th of December, 1497, in Markham, Journal of Christopher Columlm-s, etc. (London, Hakluyt Society, 1893) p. 204: "They affirm that the sea is full of fish, which are not onlj' taken with a net but also with a basket, a stone being fastened to it to keep it in the water . . , they say they took so man}' fish tliat this kingdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country there is an immense trade in the fish they call stock-fish." It was Sebastian Cabot who said the " fyshes somtymes stayed his sh3'ppes." Ibid. p. 210. 3 Letter of Pasqualigo in Paesi Novamenti Retrovati, (Vicentia 1507) cap. cxxvi : "Hanno grandissima copia de salmoni : Arenge: Stochafis e simil pessi "; Ramusio, Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 417, Venetia 1556 ; Kunstmann, Die Entdeckung Americas, p. 69, Munich 1859. According to Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (Stuttgart 1877), p. 262, note 3, a company was formed at this time in Portugal for colonizing Newfoundland. 18 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 19 In the spring of 1501 Henry the Seventh granted Letters patent to some merchants of Bristol and to three Portuguese for trade in the new land. They were given a monopoly for ten years with permission to enter one vessel duty free for the space of four years.i It is not clear what products they expected to import, but it would appear that cod-fish formed part of the cargo.2 In the following year fresh Letters patent were issued, but whether the object in view was fish or even furs is no clearer than in the former case.^ In 1506 we hear of some French fishermen on the Banks, and two years later one Thomas Aubert brought thither for the first time the fishermen of Dieppe."* They gave glowing accounts of the riches of the new grounds and doubtless many others were soon induced to imitate their example. Thus in the year 151 0, in which some vessels from Dahouet in Brittany were also on the Banks.s fishermen from England, Portugal and France were engaged in this trade. Though notices are scanty and only occur at rare intervals, it appears on the whole clfear that from the principal western ports of these countries fleets of considerable size made their way thither each spring. In 1527 as many as fifty Portuguese, French and English vessels were on the Banks.^ Nor was cod the only fish sought. Cabot's tale about the basket evidently referred to this fish, but in course of time other fish such as turbot and sturgeon were taken, and some vessels 1 Biddle, Memoir of Sebastian Cahot, appendix D. Philadelphia 1831. 2 Excerpta Historica, pp. 126 et seq. London 1831. Rymer, Foedera, vol. xiii, pp. 37 et seq. London, 1712. Cf. Harrisse, John Cahot the Discoverer of North America and Sebastien his son, 8yllabus no. xix, pp. 397-398. London 1896. 4 Ramusio, op. cif. iii 424 ; Estancelin, Rechervhes sur les Navigateurs JVor- mands, p. 43. Rouen 1832 ; cf. also fSagard, Histoire du Canada, i 90-91. Paris 1865. 5 La Borderie, Mdanges d'Histoire et d' Archeologie Bretonnes, ii 153-156. Rennes, 1858. Also printed in Annates de Bretagne, ix 435, Rennes 1893. Cf. ibid, p. 175, et seq which may or may not refer to an earlier trade. In 1511 Juan de Agramonte was to get his two pilots in Brittany. Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, iii 122 et seq. Madrid 1829. Herrera, Historia, General de los Hechos, etc., Dec. ii, Lib. v, Cap. iii, p. 145, Madrid 1601. Cf. Coleccion de Documntos Ineditos de Ultramar, tomo iv (Madrid 1888) pp. 57-60. 20 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 began to devote themselves to hunting walrus on the islands at the mouth of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, while others caught whales which were then plentiful in those waters. Fagundes after his exploration of the Gulf in 1521 appears to have engaged in the cod-ii«hing.l Two years later a Captain Coo managed after a lively struggle to get possession of a French vessel of Rouen which turned out to be on her way home from Newfound- land laden with fish.2 In the same year there were five vessels from the single town of La Rochelle on the Banks.^ Not only had the French fleet reached a considerable size* but the amount of English capital also invested in these fisheries was now so large that in the summer of 1522 Fitz- William, the Vice-Admiral, deemed it advisable to send several men-of-war to the mouth of the English Channel to protect the returning fleet from French privateers.^ When John Rut of Bristol entered the harbour of St. John's in Newfoundland one day in August 1527, he found " eleven sail of Normans and one Brittaine and two Portugal barques and all a-fishing."6 Four years later the Barbara of St. Brieuc in Brittany was plundered at Ramsgate of her cargo of " fysshe of the New-founde Island. "7 Cartier was much hampered in the preparations for his first voyage, in 1534, by several owners of fishing vessels at St. Male 1 Harrisse, The Discovert/ of North America, p. 184. London 1892, 2 Brewer, Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII, iv, Part i, no. 83. The difficulty in taking her is made clear by a bill for £6 18s. for healing sixteen men "burnt at the taking of the Newfoundland ship." 3 G. Musset, Les Rochelais a Terre Neuve 1500-1550, in the Bulletin de Geographic Historique et Descriptive, Paris, 1892, p. 254. 4 Cf. T. Malvezin, Histoire du Commerce de Bordeaux, ii 165 (Bordeaux 1892) : " Le mouvement de la peche a Terre-Neuve .... occupait de 1520 a 1530 le nombre de soixante k quatre-vingts navires fran^ais principalement de Nor- mandie et de Bretagne." 5 Brewer, op. cit. iii Part ii no. 2459: — " It would be too great a loss that the ships ordered westward should not be sent before the coming home of the New found Island's fleet." Cf. also no. 2458. 6 Purchas His Pilgrimes, The Third Part, p. 809. London 1625. Also printed in Brewer, op. cit. iv Part ii Appendix no. 113. Cf. also Herrera, op. cit., Dec. iii, Lib. x, cap. 9, p. 369. 7 Gairdner, Letters and Papers of the lieign of Henry VIII, vol. v, no. 627 (1) p. 285. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 21 who, evidently in fear of losing the season's trade, either hid their men or used intimidation to prevent them from offering him their services.^ When during this first voyage the ships' boats were exploring the Straits of Belle Isle they came upon a large fishing vessel from La Rochelle which was looking for the harbour of Brest on the Labrador side of the Straits where Cartier's own vessels then lay.2 Cartier himself before taking charge of such an important expedition had no doubt already visited Newfoundland many times as a fishing captain, and his crews were certainly old Banks fishermen. ^ He notes with satis- faction that the good fishing continues even as far as the regions which he explored in 1534. * One day near Cape Royal they took more than one hundred cod in the space of an hour. ^ When pass- ing along the north shore of the Gulf on the way home they saw smoke rising from a headland, upon which were a number of savages. Some of these at once put off to the ship and " came as freely on board as if they had been Frenchmen." They said they were on their way home from the Straits of Belle Isle whence a number of ships, well laden with fish, had just sailed for Europe. ^ Cartier, when on his way home from his second voyage in the 1 Michelant et Rame, op. cit., 2^ partie, p. 4. The statement here made before they left home that they were to "passer le destroict de la baye des Chasteaulx " certainlj' shows that these places were already familiar to the fisher- men of St. Malo. Cartier was similarly hampered in 1535 and in 1541 : Ibid. p. 17 e.t seq. ; Joiion des Longrais, op. cit. p. 22. Michelant et Rame, Relation Originale, etc., p. 11. Michelant et Rame, oj). cit., p. 47: " Et nous arrivez audit navire, assem- blasmes tous les cappitaines, pillottes, mestres et compagnons pour avoyi- I'oppinion et aduys de ce qu'il estoit bon de faire ; et apr^s avoir I'ung apres I'aultre dit que conscidere les grans ventz . . . . et aussi que les tormentes commenroyent en icelluy temps en la Terre neufve," etc. 4 Ibid. p. 9 : "et 1^ se faict grant pescherie," etc. 5 Ibid. p. 15 : "A deux lieux de cap Royal y a . . . la plus grande pescherie de grosses molues qui soit possible ; desquelles mollues en prynmes plus d'un cent en moins d'un heure." 6 Ibid. pp. 48-49 : " auquel lieu vismes des f unices que les gens de ladite terre faisoient sur ledit cap . . . et eulx voyans que n'y aprochions, viendrent avec deux barques enuyron douze homes, lesquels vindrent aussi franchement k bort de noz nauyres comme s'ilz eussent este Fran9oys. Ilz nous firent entendre qu'ilz venoyent de la grant baye . . . et que les navyres estoient appareillez de la dite baye, tous chargez de poisson." 22 TRADE ATSTD COMMERCE 1497-1597 summer of 1536, after wintering in the St. Lawrence, met several French fishing vessels near the island of St. Pierre, where he stopped to take on board wood and fresh water, i In the same year a French vessel was seized on the eastern coast of Newfound- land by two English ships which had run short of stores. 2 From the town of La Rochelle alone eight vessels went to the Banks in 1537, while in 1541 the number had increased to thirteen. 3 The fleet of five vessels which Cartier piloted up the St. Lawrence in that year was composed entirely of fishing vessels engaged in the Newfoundland trade, and doubtless many of those which the Spanish spy found in the harbours of St. Malo, Morlaix, Quimper, Harfleur, Honfleur and Dieppe, getting ready to sail the same spring, were also destined for the Banks. ^ When Roberval reached St. John's, Newfoundland, in June of the following year he found seventeen vessels in the harbour, three more than Rut had found on an August day fifteen years before. Roberval was detained there until the end of the month in settling a dispute between his own countrymen and some Portuguese fishermen.^ It has been stated that at this time the French Newfoundland fleet amounted in all to nearly sixty sail and we know that in January and February of the years 1543, 1544 and 1545 ships left almost every day for the Banks from Kouen, Havre, Dieppe and Honfleur.6 It was apparently in the 1 D'Avezac, op. cit., p. 46: "Nous feusmes esdictes ysles sainct Pierre ou trouuasmes plusieurs nauires tant de France que de Bretaigne," etc. 2 Hakluyt, op. cit. iii 131. 3 Musset, op. cit., pp. 256 et seq. 4 Buckingham Smith, op. cit., p. 107, et seq. The spy found two vessels at Croisie, thirteen at St. Malo, two at Morlaix, two at Quimper, two at Honfleur, two at Harfleur, while from Dieppe fourteen had already set sail and four more were preparing. 5 Hakluyt, op. cit., iii 241; P. Garcie, in Le Grand Routtier (Poictiers 1542), 10 pages from the end : "II est tout certain et notoire que mariniers vont es terres neufves," etc. 6 Gosselin, Documents A^ithentiques et Inedits stir la Marine Normande, p. 13, Rouen 1876. Cf. also Harrisse, Notes pour servir, etc., p. 273, where in a docu- ment dated January 1543 we read : " Nous commandons et enjoignons .... k tous maistres, pillottes et mariniers nos subjects tirans et faisans le routte des terres neufves quilz ayent k vous accompaigner et assister," etc.; and Biblioth. Nat. Ms. fr. 676 fol. 183 verso : " Le Cap de Chinchete est aupres de la pescherie St. Christofle.'^ TRADE AND COMMERCE ] 497-1597 23 autumn of 1544 that, according to Thevet, Roberval's niece was rescued from her desert island in the Gulf of St. Lawrence by a Breton fishing vessel, i In 1545 Newfoundland cod is put down as one of the regular articles of export from France into Eng- land.2 Although we find one reference to Spaniards as early as the year 1527, the Basques, who made a specialty of whale fishing, did not begin to frequent the St. Lawrence until the close of the first half of the century. The first Basque seems to have gone out in a French vessel and upon his favourable report numbers of his countrymen flocked thither direct from the Bay of Biscay. This founder of the Basque fishing visited the St. Lawrence twenty-eight times during the thirty-four years between 1545 and 1579.3 At St. Malo in the spring of 1560 there were twenty-five ships about to sail for Newfoundland and at Cancale five more were ready to join them.* The next year, from the little towns of Jumieges and Vatteville and from La Bouille, a small place on 1 Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle, Tome ii, Livre xxiii, chap, v, fol. 1020, Paris 1575. Cf, Biblioth. Nat. MS. fr. 1382 (dated 1545), fol. 40 : " En terre neufve a de bons portz et hables, Meilleurs deurope et fort belles rivieres Grant pescherie," etc. This MS. is really only a rhyming version of the Voyages Avantureux of Jean Alfonse, cf. appendix : Jean Alfonse. 2^Biblioth. Nat. MS. fr. 3881, fol. 18 verso et seq., printed by Funck-Brentano in his edition of the Traictede VQ^conomie Politique de Montchritien, annex p. 379, Paris, 1889. For the year 1548 vid. Lefevre-Pontalis, Correspoiulance Politique d'Odet de Sdve (1546-1549) Nos. 419, 434, 479, 481, and 491, Paris, 1888. Cf. also La Revue de Bretagne et de VendAe for November 1880, pp. 376-379. 3 C. Fernandez Duro, Area de Noe (Madrid 1881), pp. 313 et seq., cited by Prowse, Hist, of Newfoundland, p. 44. Stevenson, Calendar of Foreign State Papers, 1561-62 (London 1866), p. 336 : " Chamberlain alleged another reason to prove that the country (Spain) was not destitute of shipping that the}' have found a trade unto the New Found land for fish which they did not previously occupy so much." Cf. also Francisque-Michel, Histoire du Commerce et de la Navigation a Bordeaux ii 337 et seq. Bordeaux, 1871. An English Statute of 1548 in regard to the trade will be found in Hakluyt, op. cit., iii 131. 4 Stevenson, Calendar of Foreign State Papers 1560-61, p. 76. London, 1865. 24 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 the Seine below Rouen, thirty ships sailed to the Banks.l Haw- kins, when on his way from the Spanish Main in 1565, met a couple of French ships on the Banks and had of them enough fish to keep him plentifully supplied during the rest of the voyage. 2 Two years later in 1567 the Portuguese attempted to found a colony or a fishing settlement on Sable Island.^ A large com- pany was formed at Rouen in 1570 for sending out vessels to the Banks.* We have exceptionally definite information regarding the number of fishing vessels on the Banks in 1578. Anthony Parkhurst, who pointed out that accurate statistics were difiicult to obtain since the number of vessels varied from year to year, reported that in the four years during which he had made voyages thither the English fleet had only increased from thirty to fifty sail because many still went to Iceland. About one hundred Spanish vessels arrived every year besides the twenty or thirty from Biscay. The latter went on into the Gulf for the whale fishing.^ The Portuguese numbered about as many as the English, but of French and Bretons the number was one hundred and fifty sail although as a rule their vessels were smaller than those of the other nations.^ In 1586 Thevet put the whole number of vessels, Spanish, French, English and Dutch, at about three hundred sail.7 Five and twenty years later Montchretien stated that the French alone then amounted 1 Gosselin, op. cit., p. 13. Breard, Documents Rdatifs a la Marine Nor- mande,Tp. 50. Rouen 1889. Cf also Stevenson, Calendar of Foreign State Papers 1563, pp. 234, 236 and 427. London 1867. 2 Hakluyt, op. cit., iii 521. 3 Jean Alfonce, Voyages Avuntureux, p. 28. Poictiers 1559. Hakluyt, op. cit., iii 155 : "when the Portugals (about thirty yeeres past) did put into the same Island of Sablon both Meat and Swine to breede." Cf. also R. Lemon, Calendar of Domestic State Papers 15S1-1590, no. 36 p. 38, London 1865. 4 Breard, op. cit. , pp. 50 et seq. 5 Cf. Hakluyt, Discourse on Westeme Planting, in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, 2nd Series, vol. ii (Cambridge, Mass., 1877), p. 48 : "one or twoo hundreth Spanishe and Portingale shipps" etc. 6 Letter of Anthony Parkhurst in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii 132 et seq Cf. R. Lemon, Calendar of Domestic State Papers 1547-SO, p. 554 no. 20. London 1856. 7 Biblioth. Nat., MS. fr. 15452 fol. 145. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 25 to double that number 1. Thus at the close of the sixteenth century the fishing trade of Newfoundland had reached very- considerable proportions, and though in some years, that of the Spanish Armada for instance, the number declined somewhat, yet on the whole a large fleet of fishing vessels sailed yearly to the Banks from the principal countries of Europe. In process of time the fishing trade had undergone division into several sections, of each of which it will be well to give a description. In the first place the cod fishing was divided into the green and the dry fishing. " The green," says Lescarbot, "are fished at sea on the Banks. Fifteen or twenty sailors have each a line of from forty to fifty yards in length, at the end of which is a large baited hook and a sinker three pounds in weight to carry it down. By means of this they fish for the cod, which are so greedy that no sooner is the bait down than they are caught, any where at least where the fishing is good. When the cod have been hauled on board they are prepared on benches in the form of narrow tables which run along the sides of the vessels. One man cuts off the heads and throws them overboard ; another cuts the fish open and takes out its entrails, passing it on to the next who removes the greater part of the bones. This done, they put it in the salting barrel for four and twenty hours when at length it is pressed ; and in this way they work continuously (not even stopping on Sunday) for the space of about three months, with sails down until the cargo is complete 2." Such was, and is still, the deep-sea fishing as carried on over the whole of the Banks from the coast of New England up as far as New- foundland itself. For the dry fishing, which, as we shall see, was probably the connecting link between the fishing trade and the earliest fur-trade, the process was diff'erent. " For the dry cod," says the same author, " the fishermen go ashore. There are 1 Moiitchretien, Traicte de VCEconomie Politique, edition of Funck-Brentano, pp. 231 et seq. Paris, 1889. Cf. also Joiion des Longrais, op. cit., pp. 188 et seq.; Breard, op. cit. pp. 59 et seq. and pp. 73 et seq.; Green, Calendar of Domestic State Papers 1591-94, pp. 36, 231, 248, 265 and 451, London 1867. 2 Lescarbot op. cit. (ed. of 1609) pp. 823 et seq. Cf. Kipling, Captains Coura- geous {hondon 1897), a work of fiction with some descriptions true to life. 26 TRADE AXD COMMERCE 1497-1597 harbours in great numbers both in Newfoundland and at Cape Breton where the ships remain at anchor for three months, At daybreak the sailors row out to sea and fill their boat with cod, which takes until about one or two o'clock in the afternoon. They then return to the harbour and throw the fish on a plat- form built at the water's edge. Here on a large table they are prepared as by the deep-sea fishermen. When the fish has been salted they are dried on rocks exposed to the wind or on the pebbles of the beach. At the end of six hours they are turned, and this is done several times until they are quite dry. They are then pressed. To dry them well, however, the weather must not be fogijy or they will rot, nor too hot or they will perspire, but the temperature must be moderate with plenty of wind." ^ From the liver of the cod a valuable oil was and still is obtained. In the old days this was secured merely by tossing that portion of the fish into barrels which stood exposed in the sun. There was no fishing at night nor, according to Lescarbot, during the winter, but an English writer asserts that at the close of the sixteenth century the French fishermen made a winter voyage as well as a summer one and that when the Englishmen were going out in April they often met Frenchmen on their way home.2 As a rule however all the fleets went out in April and came back in August. The profit varied from thirty to as high as fifty per cent. The vessels rarely exceeded one hundred and fifty tons although there was one, the Jehan from La Rochelle, of two hundred tons.3 The whale fishing was principally in the hands of the Basques who had gained their experience in the Bay of Biscay before the 1 Ibid. pp. 832 et seq. Cf. also Thevet, op. cit. Tome ii, iv. xxiii, Chap. v. R. Whitbourne, A Discoume and Discovery of Xewfo%indland (London 1622), p. 11 : " the Banke, where the French use to fish Winter and Summer, usually making two voj'ages every year thither," Cf. also Ihid. p. 97 ; Hakluyt, Dis- course on West erne Planting, p. 83 : "the Frenchemen, whoe, settinge furthe in Janiiar}', broughte their banke fishe to Roan in greate quantitie by the ende of May and afterwarde returned .... againe to the fisshinge and are looked for at home towardes the fifte of November." 3 Br^ard, op. cit, pp. 52 et seq. Musset, op. cit. p. 261. Cf. also Btdletin et Mimoires de la Sociiti Archiologique d^Ille-et-Vilaine, Tome iv, pp. 298 et seq. Rennes 1866. Malvezin, op. cit., ii 167. TRADE AXD COMMERCE 1497-1597 27 whaling grounds of the St. Lawrence were known.l The centre of the trade was a harbour formed by a small river which enters the St. Lawrence just below the Saguenay, though some of the vessels also used the port of Tadoussac.2 As soon as an anchorage had been found in one of these ports, the boats were sent off with a skilled harpooner in charge of each. If no whale were sighted a man was landed upon some neighbouring pro- montory from which he could announce the appearance of the expected prey. When an arrival had been signalled to the boats, these at once made chase, but on coming to close quarters approached cautiously. One of the boats advanced as close as possible until the harpooner, who stood ready in the bow, threw his weapon with great force. The animal feeling himself thus rudely pierced sank at once. If either his tail struck the boat or he started away rapidly the danger to its occupants was great. The line attached to the harpoon was paid out as fast as possible but in case of a tangle or if the progress of the animal was too rapid, it was necessary to cut it quickly with an axe. After the whale had reached the bottom he usually returned slowly to the surface where he was generally attacked in such lively fashion that he again made his way below, this time much weakened from loss of blood. When, some minutes after, he once more re- appeared,he was soon killed outright. If many whales were about, the dead animal was simply anchored and left where he had been killed ; otherwise he was towed ashore, cut up into pieces and the blubber boiled into oil in huge caldrons. Often as many as four hundred barrels were obtained from one whale but the quantity of oil of course varied according to the size of the animal.'^ Walruses were at this time also plentiful in the Gulf, especially at the southern entrance to the Atlantic near Brion's 2 A. Navagero, Voyage en France en 1528, in the Relations des Ambassadetirs V^nitienn, par N. Tommaseo (Paris, 1838), Tome i p. 13 : "A Bayonne et k Saint Jean-de-Luz on peche tous les ans quelque baleine," etc. 2 Laverdiere, (Euvres de Champlain, Tome ii (Quebec 1870), p. 55 : " Un pen plus haut il y a une riviere qui va quelque peu dans les terres ; c'est le lieu oil les Basques font la pesche des ballaines." Cf. also Ibid, iii 140. 3 Laverdiere, op, cit. iii 226-228. Lescarbot, op. cit. (edition of 1866) iii 800-802. Cf. also the engraving in Thevet, op. cit. ii 1017. 28 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 Island. Towards the close of the sixteenth century many Eng- lish vessels engaged in this trade.l Besides the fat and the skin of the walrus other parts were then thought valuable, and a physician of Bristol, who prescribed for his patients the teeth of this animal ground fine, found it " as soveraigne against poyson as any Unicornes liorne."^ Cod, walrus and whale formed the bulk of the fishing industry; but other fish were also taken in smaller quantity. One man for instance saw a shoal of mackerel which covered a space " three times as large as the Markets at Paris."^ With such riches to tempt them, it is not surprising that the fishermen of Europe continued to flock to the Banks in ever increasing numbers. "In fact," says Lescarbot at the close of the century, " such a quantity go there every year that one cannot imagine whence comes such a host "■* The connecting link between this great fishing industry and the fur-trade with the savages is not easy to discover. It ap- pears however that the fishermen who brought home the dry cod were the first to barter with the savages. On account of the necessities of this trade most of the vessels spent the whole three months during which it was carried on in one or other of the numerous bays and harbours of the coasts of Newfoundland and Cape Breton. Vessels having their own platforms were led naturally to return year after year to the same spot, especially if the fishing in the neighbourhood was good. Friendly inter- course with the natives must soon have followed and in time also an exchange of European goods for furs, — the only article of any value that the savages possessed. At first no doubt the barter was carried on in a haphazard way by a few masters or sailors desirous of improving the season's returns.^ As the fisher- 1 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii 189-201. Ibid. p. 191. 3 Lescarbot, op. cit. (edition of 1866) iii 803 : "Car en plusieurs endroits j'en ay veu des troupes serr(3es qui occupoient trois fois plus de place que les Halles de Paris." Ibid. p. 796 : " Car tant de gens et en si grand nombre en vont qiierir de toute I'Europc tons les ans, que je ne S9ay d'oii peut venir cette fourmiliere." Cf. Hakluyt, Discour-se, etc., p. 88 : " Which imposition of [i.e. on] twoo or three hundred shippes laden yerel}' with sondry sortes of fishe, trane oyle, and many kyndes of furres and hides," etc. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 29 men and whalers pushed further into the St. Lawrence, and when experience had shown that the furs thus to be secured obtained high prices in Europe, this intermittent barter grew into an or- ganized fur-trade. Jean Alfonse tells us in 1544 that the fishing near Anticosti and along the shore of the Gaspe peninsula was better than at Newfoundland,! and we know that about this time the Basques began to hunt the whale near Tadoussac. Lescarbot at the beginning of the seventeenth century notes that before the regular fur-trading companies were formed, the fishermen were in the habit of bartering with the savages in the lower parts of the river.2 Notices of this fur-trade are found scattered through the records of almost the whole of the sixteenth century. When John Cabot set out on his first voyage in the spring of 1497 " divers marchants of London " ventured small stocks in his ship, and according to the same authority " in the companie of the saide shippe sayled also out of Bristowe three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse merchandizes, as course cloth, Caps, laces, points and other trifles." ^ Verrazano in sailing along the Atlantic coast from Florida to Cape Breton found the savage tribes for the most part friendly, and although his princi- pal object seems to have been gold, he often exchanged goods with them. 4 He also made other voyages, ostensibly for spices. ^ 1 Biblioth. Nat., MS. fr. 676, fol. 179 et seq. : " En ceste coste et k I'isle de 1' Ascension y a grand pescherie de molue et de plusieures aultres poissons beau- coup plus que k la terre neufve et est les poisson bien meilleur que celluy de ladite terre neufve," etc. - Lescarbot, op. cit. (edition of 1617), p. 637 : " Car avant les entreprises du sieur de Monts a peine avait-on oui parler de Tadoussac, ains les Sauvages par maniere d' acquit, voire seulement ceux des premieres terres, venoient ti'ouver les pecheurs des Morues vers Bacaillos, et \k troquoient ce qu'ils avoient, preque pour neant." For Charlevoix's opinion vid. his Histoire de la NouveUe France, Tome i, p. 166. Paris 1744. 3 R. ilarkham, The Journal of Christopher Columbus, etc., p. 200. 4 Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1850) pp. 55 et seq. Cf. also Jacques Savary, Le Parfait N6gociant, Tome i (Paris 1675), Liv. ii, p. 114 : " En I'annee 1520 trois freres appellez les Parmentiers decouvrirent vers le Cap Breton I'lsle de Fernanbourg, ou its chargerent leurs vaisseaux de riches marchandises.'' 5 Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 11 : " Master John Verazaims, which had been thrise on that coast," etc. Freville, Memoire sur le Commerce Maritime de Rouen, ii 432-434. Rouen et Paris 1857. 30 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 Gomez, who visited the Gulf in the year 1524, brought back with him a certain quantity of furs as well as a number of Indians. He reported that the country was exceedingly rich in marten, beaver and other furs, i Cartier's first contact with the savages of the mainland in 1534 certainly indicates that they had already traded in furs with Europeans. The ships had reached the Bale de Chaleur which Cartier hoped was the passage to the East, and a boat had been sent ahead to examine the coast. On round- ing a headland it came suddenly upon about fifty canoes manned by savages who were paddling towards the shore. At the sight of the boat the Indians at once made signs that the French should also land, and even held up furs to them on their clubs. As the boat was alone it was decided to return to the ships, whereupon the savages sprang again into their canoes and paddled after her. Although they made friendly signs the French did not understand and fired a few shots over the heads of those in the leading canoe. The Indians at once turned back and made for their camp. On the morrow however nine canoes came to the point of land at the entrance to the bay where the ships were lying, and when two boats had been sent ashore to meet them, the savages bartered away their furs to such an extent that most of them were left stark naked. On the tollowing day they came with more furs of deer, otter, and other animals, which they also bartered until the supply was exhausted. 2 On his second voyage the next year when the St. Lawrence was visited for the first time, Cartier everywhere found the Indians as familiar and as friendly as if they had known the French all their lives. They came freely on board with fish and other pro- visions and showed great joy at the sight of the strangers. ^ In an agreement drawn up between Roberval and two ship-masters six years later, it was stipulated that after landing Roberval and his company in the St. Lawrence the masters should be allowed 1 Ramusio, op. cit. iii 52 : " Sono in questa terra eccellenti martori et zibellini et altre ricche fodere, delle qiiali ne porto alcune pelle il detto Pilotto." 2 Michelant et Rame, op. cit., pp. 28 et neq. Thevet, Les Singularitez de la France Anarctique, p. 401, edition of GafFarel, Paris 1878. 3 D'Avezac, op. cit., p, 21. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 31 to retain one- third of all that was obtained by barter from the savages. ^ In 1545 Jean Alfonse tells us that the Indians of Norumbega on the New England coast possessed large quantities of furs, and he mentions especially marten, a fur then so rare in Europe that only princes and great lords could wear it. 2 In 1558 Thevet incidentally records that the boat of a fur-trader was upset in the St. Lawrence by a whale. ^ Twenty years later when seeking to refute the assertion that there was gold in the region of the St. Lawrence, this same writer enumerated the riches of the country as consisting solely in fish and furs. Since the skins used by the savages for clothing and coverings were those of the otter, bear, marten, fox, rabbit and elk, it is probable that these formed their principal articles of exchange. ^ In the year 1569 David Ingram and two companions, who had made their way overland all the way from the Gulf of Mexico, were picked up near Cape Breton by a French vessel from Havre which " had a trade with the people there of divers sortes of fine furres." ^ Eleven years later one Richard Whitbourne tells us that he brought home furs from Newfoundland. On setting out he had intended to go to that portion of the Gulf which lies near the Straits of Belle Isle in order to trade with the savages, but went instead to Trinity Harbour in Newfoundland where he 1 Abbe E. Morel, Jean-Frangois de la Roque, Seigneur de Jtoberval, in Btdletin deGiographie Historique et Descriptive, 1892, p. 285 : " qu'ilz auront le tiers de tout ce qu'ilz pourront conquester par traphique de marchandizes avec les sauvages de la dicte terre," etc, ■2 Biblioth. Nat., Ms. fr. 676 fol, 185 et seq. : "Et y a entre eulx force pelleterie de toutes bestes . . . . y a une ville qui s'appelle Norombegue et y a en elle .... force pelleteries de toutes bestes : les gens de la ville sont vestuz de pelleterie portant manteaulx de martres." Also his Voyages Avantureux, p. 29. Thevet, Singidaritez, etc., p. 415, edition of 1878. 3 Thevet, Singidaritez, etc., p. 440. 4 Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle, Tome ii (Paris, 1575), fols. 1010 recto and verso, 1011 and 1013. 5 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), -p. 561: "This Monsieur Campaigne was brought up into the Countrie by the said Examinate and his two Companions, by whose meanes he had a trade with the people of divers sortes of fine furres and leaves of trees for dying," etc. 32 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 obtained not only fish but also a good supply of deer, bears, beavers, otters and seals, which were sold at Southampton, i During the first three-quarters of the century it was princi- pally those engaged in the dry cod fishing who bartered with the savages. The Basques about Tadoussac doubtless also car- ried on some trade with the natives of that region but further than this point boats did not care to venture. It appears indeed that on account of the seizure of Donacona and of the troubles which arose on Cartier's return in 1541 and during the winter of 1542-3 which Roberval passed on the St. Lawrence, trade could not with safety be carried on beyond Tadoussac. In 1581 how- ever some merchants of St. Malo pushed once more into the upper St. Lawrence. In process of time the remembrance of old wrongs had faded away, so that the new generation, induced by gifts and other attentions, finally consented to re-open trading rela- tions. In that year a barque of only thirty tons was sent, but so profitable was the return that a vessel of eighty tons was des- patched in the following summer. To keep the matter secret however the vessel was hired in Jersey while the crew were engaged elsewhere. So great were the profits of the second ven- ture that in the year 1583 the same merchants sent out three ships. 2 In the following j'^ear the number was increased to five and in 1585 ten ships were despatched. In 1584 two savages were brought home in order to facilitate trade and intercourse. 3 1 Whitbourne, op. cit., Preface: "My first Voyage thither, was about 40 j'eeres since, in a worthy Ship of the burthen of 300 Tunne .... wee were bound to the grand Ba}-, purposing there to trade witli tlie Savage people (for whom we carried sundry commodities) and to kill Whales and to make Trayne oj^le, as the Biscaines doe there yeerly in great abundance. But we bare with Trinity Harbor where we killed great store of Fish, Deere, Beares, Beavers, Seales, Otters and such like with abundance of Sea-fowle : and so returning for England, we arrived safe at Southampton." 2 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii 176 and 187. N. Sainsbury, Calendar of Colonial State Papers, Addenda 1574-1674, p. 20 no. 23. London 1893. 3 Hakluyt, Discourse on Westerne Planting, p. 101 : "And nowe our neigh- boures, the men of St. Malue in Brj'taine, in the begynnynge of Auguste laste paste, of this yere 1584 are come home with five shippes from Canada and the contries upp the Bay of St. Lawrence, and have broughte twoo of the people of the contrie home, and have founde suche swete in that newe trade that they are prepariuge tenne shippes to leturne thither in Janurar3' nexte," etc. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 33 A traveller who went to Newfoundland in the summer of 1583 stated that the country was noted for the export of the furs of martens, beavers, and foxes, and that the fur of the fox was then of great value.i In one cottage a sailor saw two hundred and forty elk hides which were afterwards sold in France for forty shillings a hide.2 Hakluyt, writing about this time from Paris, announced that in one man's house he had seen, besides a considerable quantity of hides, the furs of beavers and otters which had been brought from the St. Lawrence to the value of five thousand crowns. He was then expecting fresh intelligence about this country from the towns of Rouen, Dieppe and St. Malo, whence the traders to these parts had set sail.^ So splendid were the returns that the French admiral, the Due de Joyeuse^ with the Cardinal de Bourbon and several others, thought of sending out a colony, and it was possibly in connection with this project that The vet put forward the advantages of Prince Edward Island as the site for a settlement. Not only was the fishing good (over two hundred vessels coming there every summer) but at this point there was carried on, according to his statement, a considerable barter in furs.* Stephen Bellinger of Rouen, who was sent out that year to explore the coast, " broughte home . . . divers beastes skynnes, as bevers, otters, mar- ternes, lucernes, seales, buflfs, dere skynnes, all dressed and painted on the innerside with divers excellent colours."^ In view of the dimensions which the fur-trade had assumed it is not diflBcult to understand why those who sought a mono- 1 Hakluyt, Principall Narigations iii 153. 2 Ibid. p. 175, 3 Sainsbury, op. cit., p. 24 no. 31. Hakluyt does uot mention the St. Law- rence by name but says ' ' all these commodities and others of no less value are brought out of the most nether parts of those countries whereunto our voyage of inhabiting is intended." It was then his intention to sail with Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Cf. Principall Navigations iii 161 : " Putabas te superiore iam Junio nos subsecuturum." 4 Biblioth. Nat., Ms. fr. 15452 fol. 150 verso.; Ms. fr. 15454 fol. 149 verso et seq. 5 Hakluyt, Discourse Concerning Westerns Planting, p. 26 ; cf. also p. 34 : " and upp within the Graunde Baye, exceding quantitie of all kynde of precious furres," etc, and p. 84. 3 34 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 poly of it should have met with considerable opposition. In 1588 an attempt of the kind was made. In that year two nephews of Cartier, Stephen Chaton, Sieur de la Jannaye, and Jacques Nouel, both captains in the navy, petitioned King Henry the Third for a monopoly of the fur-trade. They pointed out that there was still due to their uncle Cartier one thousand six hundred livres. the sum verified as correct by the commissioners appointed to regulate his accounts with Roberval in 1544. As compensation for the non-payment of this sum, and for the arrears of pay due to one of them as captain in the navy, they asked for a monopoly of the fur-trade of Canada for the space of twelve years. They had already, they explained, engaged in it for some years and had contracted very friendly relations with the savages of the country, several of whom had been brought home to France in order to facilitate future intercourse. Besides the trade in the furs of the buffalo, marten, sable, otter and other animals, they had discovered certain copper mines. If in addi- tion to the monopoly they were given permission to take out sixty convicts a year they would be able both to work these mines and also to colonize the country. In January 1588 their request was granted.! The French fishermen and the merchants who had begun to make a specialty of the fur-trade at once made an outcry against the danger which threatened their interests. In an assembly of the Estates of Brittany held in March deputies were appointed to petition for the abolition of the new monopoly.^ These remonstrances proved effective and in May the grant was revoked. According to the order in council setting forth the revocation, the King had never intended to put a stop to the freedom of trade with the island of Canada which was henceforth to be as free as it had always been. It was only in respect to new lands hereafter discovered by the patentees that a monopoly of the fur- trade could be conferred. The monopoly of the copper-mines 1 Michelant et Ram^, Voyage de Jaques Cartier, 2^ partie, pp. 34 et seq. 2 Ibid. pp. 44 e.( seq. Archives d'llle-et-Vilaine, Registre des Etats C 2642, p. 635; printed in Michelant et Rame, Relation Originale, etc., (1867) 2* partie p. 10. Joiion des Longrais, op. cit., pp. 152 and 155-56. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 35 which they asserted they had discovered was however confirmed.i This failure of a few St. Malo merchants to secure a monopoly of the whole trade shows that it had already assumed very con- siderable proportions and that the number of those who had felt their interests threatened was by no means small. Henry the Third's successor, however, was bent on securing the occupation of the St. Lawrence, and convinced that no colonists would go out voluntarily, saw that some inducements must be given to the merchants in order to secure their co-operation in the work of colonization. He therefore granted a monopoly and upheld it even in the face of more vigorous opposition. From the year 1588 until the close of the century, the trade went on unhampered, but no inhabitants of the motherland showed any inclination to emigrate to the colony. The trade was only a coasting trade which, though it brought out a certain number of vessels every summer, seemed unlikely to lead to any permanent settlement. A factor no doubt sometimes spent a winter with the Indians in order to familiarize himself with their language and habits, but between such occasional residence and colonization lies a wide gap. On the other hand it was becom- ing clear to the Government at home that unless something were done to fortify and hold the country, it might at any moment be seized by a rival power. From a French vessel captured at the mouth of the English Channel on her way home in the autumn of 159] the fishermen of Bristol learned the exact position of the island of Ramea in the Gulf, where this vessel had shipped her cargo of train-oil.2 Soon afterwards two English ships were des- patched thither. One of them, reaching the island too late in the season to catch walruses, seized a vessel from St. Malo with her cargo almost complete. The other missed the island but, coming near Cape Breton, sighted " five or sixe boates .... which were judged to bee Christians, which had some trade that way."3 In the year 1594 another English vessel, the Grace of 1 Biblioth. Nat., Ms. fr. 8022 fol. 186 verso. Joiion des Longrais, op. cit., pp. 157-159. Michelant et Ram^, Voyage de Jaques Cartier, 2« partie,pp. 48 et seq. 2 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii 189 et seq. 3 Ihid, p. 192. 36 TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 Bristol, sailed as far as the island of Anticosfci in the belief that wounded whales made their way there to die. Not finding any she returned to the Bay of Placentia in Newfoundland where nearly sixty fishing vessels had already arrived.^ The walruses at Ramea island were the prospective cargo of the Hopewell which set sail from London in the spring of 1597.2 Thus the number of foreign vessels entering the Gulf in- creased year by year and the danger from foreign occupation became thereby the greater. In the year 1584 Hakluyt had written that " if we did not fortifie ourselves aboute Cape Briton, the Frenche, the Normans, the Brytons or the Duche or some other nation, will not onely prevent us, of the mighty Baye of St- Lawrence, where they have gotten the starte of us already, but will deprive us of Newfoundland which nowe wee have discov- ered " ; but his book on Western Planting was never published 3. At the close of the century he again sought to stir up his country- men. " While the French, Bretons, Basques and Biscayans," said he, " do yearly return from these parts a manifold gain, we the English have merely stood still and been idle lookers on."^ In the face of this danger from English enterprise it had become necessary for France to bestir herself if she wished to retain the region of which Cartier and Roberval had taken possession in her name. Her first efforts to strengthen her claim were the despatch of the expeditions under La Roche in the summers of 1584 and 1598, Both of these failing, recourse was had to the plan proposed by the nephews of Cartier ten years before. The fur-trade, as has been already shown, was made a monopoly and given to a few merchants on condition that they should take out a certain number of colonists every year. No voluntary col- onists had as yet come forward, and since the interests of the merchants were not in colonization but in trade they took out any persons they could get without regard to fitness. The num- ber taken was generally far below that agreed upon. The ofli- 1 Ibid. pp. 194-5. 2 Ihid. p. 195. 3 Hakluyt, Discourse on Westeme Planting, pp. 48, 87, and 102. i Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, iii, 193. TRADE AND COMMERCE 1497-1597 37 cers appointed to see that the agreement was fulfilled of course complained, but as long as good colonists could not be induced to come forward the evil appeared irremediable. When finally, in despair, the Government withdrew the monopoly before its legal termination, the fresh group of merchants to whom a new mono- poly was given acted generally just as their predecessors had done. One need not therefore be surprised that in the year 1628 at the time of the formation of the fifth company since 1600 the country boasted of but two families of colonists. Before however recourse was had to this system of a monopolized trade, an attempt was made to form a settlement on Sable Island. CHAPTER III THE TWO ATTEMPTS OF LA ROCHE AND THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY It was doubtless to offset the danger of the occupation of the St. Lawrence by a foreign power that two expeditions were sent out under La Roche in 1584 and 1598. Troilus de Mesgouez, Sieur de Kermoalec and Marquis de la Eoche, had been able, in his position of page at the Court, to gain the favour of Catherine de Mddicis.i Through her influence he was made captain of Morlaix in 1565, and a few years later commander.2 In this capacity he attempted to gain the command of the castle of Taureau, near at hand, but by his illegal extortions he had already roused the resentment of the inhabitants of Morlaix, and they formed a common fund to oppose his claim before the courts.^ Before the publication of the court's decision, which rightly was given against him, La Roche sought to take the matter into his own hands by forcibly seizing the place, but the arrival of several of the neighbouring gentry with their attendants induced him to agree to a compromise.'* It was in his quality of governor of Morlaix that La Roche presided at the meeting of the Estates of Nantes in 1574.^ Three years later a commission was issued by Henry the Third empowering him to occupy territories in New- foundland not then in the possession of any allied sovereign. Although in 1578 he was made lieutenant-general and vice-roy 1 G. Desfontaines, Uistoire des Dues de Bretagne (Paris 1739) Tome iii, p. 40 : " C'^toit un Gentilhomme de basse Bretagne qui avoit ete autrefois Page de la Reine Catherine de Medicis, et qui ayant, a ce qu'on dit, gagne la faveur de cette Princesse, avoit obtenu I'erection de la terre de la Roche en Marquisat. " 2 Og^e, Dictionnaire Hidorique et Giographique de la Province de Bretagne ii 60, art. Alorlaix note. Rennes 1853. * It appears from the evidence furnished on this occasion that La Roche, though a former page of the Queen Mother, had fought with the Huguenots in several of the recent battles. * J. Daumesnil, Histoire de Morlaix, pp. 145-153. Morlaix 1879. 5 Michelant et Ram^, Relation Original e, etc., 2** partie, p, 8 note 1. Biblioth. Nat., Pieces originales vol. 1938 no. 44603 nos 3-5. [38] THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY 39 for the King in those parts, he did not set sail until 1584.1 Un- fortunately his largest vessel with over one hundred colonists on board was wrecked near Brouage and the voyage had to be aban- doned.2 At this time La Roche enjoyed the revenues of the Abbeys of Bonrepos^ and Landevenec,'* and in 1585 he was ap- pointed to the command of the Castle of Fougeres in Brittany.^ In July of the following year in consequence of this new appoint- ment he resigned his post at Morlaix.6 He had been governor of Fougeres for four years when on his way back from Paris in February 1589 he was seized by the orders of the Due de Mer- cosur who imprisoned him for seven years in his Castle of Nantes.7 The Due de Mercoeur then secured possession of the Castle of Fougeres which La Roche seems to have left ill-pro- vided for defence, although in truth his own capture was the first notice he had had of the outbreak of hostilities.^ For a sub- stantial ransom^ he was at length liberated in 1596, and he at once abused his liberty by engaging in an unlawful expedition against the island of Ushant, then in the possession of the gover- nor of Brest who was also of the King's party.i^ After a 1 Dom Morice et Dom Taillandier, Hi'stoire ecclesia-stiqve et civile de Bretagne, Preuves, Tome iii pp. 1439 and 1442. Paris 1746. Also in Michelant et Rame, op. cit., 2« partie pp. 5-10. 2 Hakluyt, Discourse on Westerne Planting, p. 26: "and this yere 1584 the Marques de la Roche wente with three hundred men to inhabit in those parts whose voj'adge was overthrowen bj' occasion that his greatest shippe of CCC tones was caste awaye over againste Burwage and so the enterprize for this yere ceseth." Cf. also Green, Calendar of Domestic State Papers, Addenda 1580-1625, p. 43. London 1872. 3 Morice et Taillandier, op. cit. Tome ii p. cliii. * Ibid. p. Ixxxi. 5 Biblioth. Nat., MS. fr. 3309 fol. 71 verso. 6 Morice et Taillandier, op. cit., Preuves iii 1482. 7 Morice et Taillandier, op. cit. Tome ii p. cclxxvii : "et au mesme temps pour coramencer I'hostilite, il fit prendre le Marquis de la Roche, Captaine de Fougeres, qui revenoit de la Cour, lequel il a garde sept ans prisonnier dans le Chasteau de Nantes." Deffaite de VArmee du Prince de Domhes p. 12. Paris 1589. Cf. also Desfontaines, oj). cit. iii 40. 8 Morice et Taillandier, oj). cit. , Tome ii p. cclxxviii. 9 Ibid., Preuves iii 1663. i^^Ihid. ii 453-454 : " Dans le mois de Juin suivant le Marquis de la Roche fit une entreprise sur I'isle d'Ouessant qui n"eut pas de suite," etc. 40 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY chequered career in France during the civil war he turned his attention once more to the lands in the west.i An agreement was drawn up in March, 1597, between La Roche and Thomas Chefdostel, master of the Newfoundland fish- ing smack La Catherine, of one hundred and seventy tons, by which Chefdostel, on condition that La Roche should pay for one- half the cargo of salt at Brouage, one-half the wages of the crew, and the whole of the provisions, undertook to embark on board his vessel a company of soldiers and to land them on Sable Island.2 When however a few weeks later La Roche applied to the Parlement of Rouen for certain prisoners who were to be of the party, these were refused him for lack of sufficient authoriza- tion.3 He was kept waiting until the following January before receiving the order by which he was empowered to take from the gaols of Brittany and Normandy such a number of criminals as he should deem advisable, seeing that on account of the length of the voyage, the fear of shipwreck and regret at the thought of leaving their friends no voluntary colonists had offered them- selves.'* At the same time he was named lieutenant for the King in the lands of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Labrador, Norumbega and Sable Island, where he was given the same powers formerly accorded to Roberval.^ Clothed with these powers La Roche at once began to make fresh preparations for the despatch of a colony to Sable Island. To transport thither the two hundred sturdy beggars, male and female, handed over to him at Rouen^ he concluded a fresh agreement with Chefdostel on the 16th of March, 1598, by which for the sum of six hundred crowns the latter agreed to transport them to their destination. 1 P. Potier de Courcy, Nobiliaire et Armorial de Bretagne, ii 268 (Rennes 1890), makes him governor of St. L6 and Carentan in 1597. 2 Br^ard, op. cit., pp. 75-78. 3 Rouen : Archives de la Cour d'Appel, Registre des Stances de la Tournelle, 17th April, 1597, cited by Gosselin, Nouve.lles Olcmen Historiques Normandes, p. 10. Rouen 1873. 4 Lescarbot, op. cit. (ed. of 1609), pp. 442-446. This is similar to the authority given to Roberval, cf. Harrisse, Notes pour servir, etc., pp. 258 et seq. 5 Lescarbot op. cit. (ed. of 1866), Liv. iii chap, xxxii pp. 398 et seq. 6 Archives du Parlement de Normandie ; Archives Secretes, 20th May, 1598 fol. 189 verso, 23rd May fol. 192. THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY 41 When the season on the Banks was over he was to return and pick up La Roche. Any furs or other goods secured in the inter- val were to be equally divided between Chefdostel, the owners of the Catherine, and La RocheA Two days later a contract of a similar nature was entered into with Jehan Girot master of the Frcuigoise, who however was paid only one hundred crowns as his vessel was smaller than the Catherine.^ In spite of these elaborate preparations only sixty persons were actually landed on Sable Island. It appears that the re- mainder, before the vessels set sail, had paid La Roche to be released. La Roche himself continued his voyage towards the mainland, a slight examination of the island convincing him that it was not fit for settlement. Upon attempting to return to the island, after a suitable situation had been found on the mainland, he was driven by a storm all the way back to France. No vessel touched at Sable Island, and the sixty criminals and beggars were left to winter on this barren reef of sand. No relief came until the summer of 160'}, by which time through dissension and famine their numbers had been reduced to eleven.^ Meanwhile La Roche on his return made an attempt to secure a fresh batch of pris- oners, but since it had become known that less than half the former allotment had been transported, the Parlement of Rouen refused to give him any more.** He died some three years later.B Thus two attempts to check the encroachments of foreign fishermen and fur-traders by establishing a strong post on Sable Island or the coast near at hand ended in failure. Though in the first case the sea was apparently responsible, in the second the blame must rest with the leader for his choice of such a site for his colony. It was now some sixty years since the French claim 1 Br^ard, op. cit. pp. 79-81. Ibid. pp. 81-83. 3 Lescarbot, op. cit. (eel. of 1866), Tome ii p. 396 et seq- Gosselin, op. cit. p. 16. 4 Rouen: Archives de laTournelle 17th October, 1598: "attendu leretour dudit de Mesgouet dudit pais faict exprez pour lever et niener personiies audit pais." These lines must have escaped the late M. Gosselin or he would not have given 1599 as the year of this expedition. Cf. his Nouvelles Olanes, p. 15. 5 Potier de Courcy, op. cit. ii 268. 42 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY to these regions had first been made, and yet with the exception of the yearly summer coasting trade no signs of possession were visible. In the year following La Roche's expedition, a fresh applica- tion was made to the Government for a monopoly of the fur-trade by Pierre Chauvin, Sieur de Tonnetuit.i Although a Huguenot and born at Dieppe, Chauvin had been living for a number of years at Honfleur whither he had been sent as early as the year 1589 to occupy the post of captain of the garrison. Some five years later he became interested in the fur-trade of New France and soon possessed four vessels, the largest being of two hundred tons, which annually traded to the St. Lawrence. His application for a trading monopoly of ten years was accepted on condition that he should take out fifty colonists a year or five hundred in all. He appears to have assumed the title of lieutenant for the King in Canada although no Letters patent to this effect were issued.2 With his former partner Francois Grav^, Sieur du Pont, like himself an old fur-trader and one who had often visited the St. Lawrence, he began to make preparations for carrying on the trade under the new conditions.^ A number of colonists were collected and orders were issued forbidding other vessels to trade in those parts. Early in the spring of 1600 the ships of the monopolists reached Tadoussac at the mouth of the Saguenay where the barter was usually carried on.* Chauvin was of the opinion that the colonists should also be landed there. Dupont- Grave however, who had visited the wooded and meadowy banks higher up the river, preferred a site further west and in this view he was supported by the Sieur de Monts, well known afterwards for his attempts to colonize Acadia. At this time however Monts was merely on a voyage of pleasure and his opinion did not have great weight. Thus notwithstanding these remonstrances Chauvin 1 I cannot find any basis for Poirson's statement about the Discours of Hurault in connection with this company. Cf. his Ilistoire de Henri IV, iii 538, Paris, 1865, and Harrisse, Notes, etc., pp. 279-80. 2 Tabellionage de Rouen, 14th and 23rd February, 1600, cited by Gosselin, op. cit., p. 17. 3 Breard, op. cit., pp. 93 et seq. 4 Laverdiere, op, cit.. Tome v Chap, vi p. 41. THE FIRST FUR-TKADE MONOPOLY 43 remained firm. It is said he cared less for the welfare of the colonists than for the gains of the trade. After the colonists had been disembarked here, the summer was devoted to barter. When they set sail on their return, instead of fifty sturdy settlers planted on good soil they left a miserable remnant of sixteen men, huddled together for warmth in a small log-hut on the bleak rocks at the mouth of the Saguenay.i Chauvin's profits enabled him to send out a larger number of vessels in the following spring, though it is doubtful whether a new batch of fifty colonists also formed part of his ships' companies. Champ- lain indeed goes so far as to assert that Chauvin never intended to fulfil this condition of his monopoly but had taken out a few men merely to throw dust in the eyes of the Government. This was doubtless the easier in view of the King's great confidence in him, which had been earned by his excellent behaviour when governor of Honfleur.2 Meanwhile the excluded traders of St. Malo, Dieppe, La Eochelle and other seaport towns were making the land ring with complaints. Having failed to prevent the registration of Chauvin's papers,^ they now petitioned the King, declaring that since the discovery of the St. Lawrence by Cartier they had always been in the habit of trading with the savages in that region, that by long intercourse they had rendered these Indians so friendly that one of their men had been left to winter in the country in order to examine into its geography, and moreover that their vessels had been made ready for the yearly voyage and that if these could not be despatched the loss would be very great.'* Henry the Fourth however remained firm. He seems to have been of the opinion that though these traders undoubtedly added to the wealth and commerce of the nation, it was at that moment of still greater importance to show Europe that France claimed these regions as her own. This the yearly coasting trade could never effect, and since colonists would not go 1 Ibid., Tome v Liv. i Chap, vi ; Breard, op. cit. pp. 85-86. 2 Laverdi^re, op. cit., Tome v Chap, vi p. 44 ; Breard, op. cit, p. 67. 3 Michelant et Rame, op. cit., 2^ partie p. 12 No. iv. 4 Ibid. pp. 51 et seq. 44 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY voluntarily, a monopoly was only a just recompense for those who went to the expense of planting each year a certain number of settlers in the colony. In the spring of 1601 Chauvin and his partners again despatched their vessels. It is probable however that had the passengers been counted they would have been found to fall far short of fifty, if indeed Chauvin did not altogether neglect to fulfil this condition of his privilege. The sixteen settlers at Tadoussac, who had been obliged to take refuge with the Indians, were doubtless relieved and we may even believe, in the absence of any information to the contrary, that they were taken home in the autumn. No others appear to have been landed and the whole summer was given over to trade. Under these circum- stances it is not surprising to find that the gains were as great as in the previous year.i The year 1602, though only the third in a monopoly of ten years, was the last during which Chauvin and his partners enjoyed their privileges in full. The persistent opposition of the excluded traders so far forced the hand of the Government that at length it promised to permit certain merchants of Eouen and St. Male to take part in the trade on condition that these also bore their share in the expense of transporting colonists.2 This admission however of a favoured few gave rise to as much hostility as before, and upon the declaration of the Town Council of St. Malo that the full and entire freedom of the trade would alone satisfy their demands, the King deemed it advisable that an inquiry into the whole matter should be instituted so that some mutually favourable arrangement might be arrived at. A monopoly granted ostensibly for a period of ten years was thus virtually withdrawn at the end of the third. Such indeed was so frequently the practice of the Govern- ment that at length the commercial element of the seaport towns lost faith in its word, and taught by experience refused to be bound by any severe conditions as to colonization. The monopoly enjoyed during these years by Chauvin had embraced only the valley of the St. Lawrence. Along the 1 Laverdiere, op. cit., Tome v pp. 43-44. 2 Michelant et Ram^, op. cit., 2« partie No. v pp. 12-14. THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MOXOPOLY 45 Atlantic coast a number of vessels continued to barter as they had done in the days when a ship of Havre picked up David Ingram on his arrival from Florida. These consisted principally of French and English vessels, although, according to a report of Indians in the Bay of Fundy, the Basques also came there every summer for furs. A little further to the south an English vessel secured a good stock of skins of beavers, martens, otters, wild- cats, " with very large and deep fur," black foxes, rabbits and " other beasts' skins to them unknown. "l As a result however of the inquiry now opened into the fur-trade by the Government this part of New France was included henceforth in the region to which the monopoly extended. On the 28th of December, 1602, an order was issued command- ing the Sieur de la Cour, first president of the Parlement of Normandy and the Sieur de Chaste, vice-admiral in the navy and governor of Dieppe, to repair to Rouen at the end of the following January and there, having summoned before them the deputies of that town, those of St. Malo and finally Captain Chauvin himself, to draw up some suitable agreement for the regulation of the fur-trade and for the colonization of New France. Their final decision was at once to be put in force by the Admiral of France, a position then occupied by the Sieur de Dampville.2 A proclamation was issued forbidding any captain, master, or merchant to send out any vessel to the St. Lawrence or to carry on any trade beyond the promontory of Gaspe until the decision of the Commission was made known.^ The report of this Commission has not so far been discovered, but it appears that after hearing the parties interested, the commissioners recommended the admission of only two vessels, as the Gcvern- ment had at first proposed, one for Rouen and one for St. Malo. The owner of each vessel was however to pay one-third of the cost of colonization. The vessel of the St. Malo merchants was 1 Archer's Relation of GosnoWa Voyage in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, 3rd Series viii 73. Cf. Brereton's Brief and True Relation in ibid. pp. 86 and 91. 2 Michelant et Rame, op. cit,, 2^ partie pp. 15-17. 3 Ibid. pp. 17-21. This was addressed to the traders of Calais, Picardy, Normandy, Brittany, Guyenne and Biscay', which shows the extent of the trade. 46 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY placed under tlie charge of a Captain Coulombier while Captain Prevert was given the command of the one fitted out at Rouen, l It appears that shortly after the publication of this decision and before the vessels had been despatched for the season of 1603 Captain Chauvin died. His death does not seem to have disturbed the existing arrangements, his place being taken by the Sieur de Chaste, who, as one of the late commissioners, was conversant with the demands of the fur-trade. He had been governor of Limoges and was in command of the expedition sent to the Azores in 1583. Although, on account of the superior force of the Spaniards, the French and Portuguese were defeated, yet Chaste so distinguished himself that on his return Catherine de Medicis expressed her satisfaction at his conduct. 2 As governor of Dieppe, in which position he greatly distinguished himself during the civil wars, 8 he must have been brought con- stantly into connection with the fishermen and traders of the St. Lawrence, while his recent duty as commissioner at Rouen no doubt gave bim an adequate knowledge of the trade. Before Chaste set sail with a fresh contingent of colonists it was deemed advisable to make a thorough examination of the new regions in order that when more accurate information as to their resources and geographical position had been obtained, the new settlement might be planted in the most favourable spot available. ^ This duty was consigned to Dupont-Grav^ who had charge of the ves- sel belonging to Chaste, and with him was also associated Samuel de Cham plain, a captain in the navy and a personal friend of Chaste. Champlain had jusi returned from the Spanish Main and was ready, now that his country enjoyed domestic peace, to devote his energies to the development and colonization of New 1 Ihid. pp. 21 et seq. N. Valois, Inventaire des Arrets die Conseil d'Etat, ii 129 No. 7566. Paris 1893. Laverdi^re, op. cit. Tome v chap, vii pp. 44 et seq. 2 De la'Chenaj'e, Desbois et Badier, Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, Tome v p. 894. Paris 1865. On the expedition to the Azores vid. M. Theveriot, Relations de Divers Voyages ciLrieux, Tome ii, 4^ partie. Paris 1696. 3 D. Asseline, Les Antiquitez et Chroniques de la Ville de Dieppe, Tome i, pp. 388 et seq.. Tome ii, pp. 1-116. Dieppe 1874. 4 Laverdiere, op cit.. Tome v Chap, vii p. 45. THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY 47 France, an object which he kept steadily in view and pursued without intermission until his death in 1635. Early in the spring of 1603 the vessel of Chaste as well as those in charge of Prevert and Coulombier set sail for New France. They carried no colonists, for while the two latter traded, Dupont-Grave and Champlain were to seek a suitable spot for settlement. Prevert seems to have directed his course to He Perc^e near the Bale de Chaleur where he spent the summer in bartering. He also found time to examine some mines on the Acadian peninsula to which he was guided by a few Indi- ans trading at He Percee. While the others were busy barter- ing with the savages who had come both from the upper St- Lawrence and from the Saguenay to Tadoussac, Dupont-Grav^ and Champlain set off to explore the St. Lawrence as far as the rapids of Lachine. Several merchants of St. Malo had already made their way there since Cartier's time for trading purposes, i but the present was an official exploring expedition. Every- where they found the land rich and fertile. " The further we advanced," says Champlain, " the finer the country appeared." An island at the mouth of the river afterwards called St. Maurice attracted his attention as a suitable spot for an inland post ; for he learned that the Algonquin and Huron tribes who lived in the regions of the upper Ottawa River and Georgian Bay feared to make use of the waterway of the St. Lawrence lest they should be waylaid by their inveterate enemies the Iroquois who dwelt in the peninsula at the eastern end of Lake Ontario. If a strong post were established here, Champlain was of opinion that even the Iroquois might be overawed sufficiently to induce them to sue for peace. 2 After making their way to the rapids of Lachine 1 Hakluyt, Prijicipall Navigations, iii 236: " I hav^e bene upon the toppe of a mountaine which is at the foot of the Saults," etc. Noel to Groute 19th June 1587. Cf. also his Discourse on Westeme PlatUing, p. 115: "A man of St. Malowe this last yere (1583) discovered the sea on the back side of Hochelaga." Annuaire diL Conseil H6raldtque de i^rawce, Paris 1894, p. 50 : " Et apres Cartier plusieurs Normans, Biscains, Bretons et entre autres les S*^ du Pontgrave et Prevert dudit St-Mallo, Fabian de Mescoroua, lesquelz, trente cinq ans (1578) ou environ, ont trafficque dans le dit lac et audessus avecques les dits sauvages." - Laverdiere, op. cit., Tome ii Chap, vi p. 30. 48 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY the expedition returned to Tadoussac where trading operations were still proceeding, i Here they remained only a few days before they again set off to explore the regions about Gaspe and the Acadian peninsula. Although they did not actually push their explorations in this direction beyond He Percee where Pre- vert was trading, they were able from him and from the Indians who had come from the south for barter to obtain a full account of the land beyond. Pre vert also gave them a description of the mines he had visited, although, owing to the place being covered at high-tide, his examination was not as thorough as he had wished. The reports of this southern region must have impressed Champlain and Dupont-Grave very favourably for it was doubt- less in consequence of their advice that the colony brought out in the following year was taken to Ste. Croix in the Bay of Fundy instead of to the St. Lawrence. 2 Satisfied with the results of these invcbtigations they once more returned to Tadoussac, and when the barter there was over again set sail for France. The hopes of all were now centred upon Chaste in expectation of the despatch of a large expedition under his charge in the spring of the following year. Great must have been the grief and disappointment of Dupont-Grav6 and Champlain on reaching Havre in September to learn that their trusted leader was dead. This brave old man, whose head, says Champlain, bore as many years as grey hairs, and who notwithstanding his advanced age was still ready to place his services at the disposal of his country, had passed quietly away at Dieppe in the middle of the previous May. 3 Champlain especially feared lest, when such an exper- ienced adviser was no longer there, the Government might be 1 According to the traders of St. Malo nine or ten other barques were also at the rapids this year. Cf. Anmiaire du Conseil Heraldique de France, 1894, p. 50: *' et y a environ de dix a douze ans seuUement que le dit Champlain fut comme passager mene au premier sault par le diet Sr du Pontgi-ave de St-Mallo et en laquelle annee se trouva une infinite de personnes de toutes contrees de la France jusques au nombre de neuf ou dix barques qui toutes ensemble n^goti^rent au dit lieu." 2 Laverdiere, op. cit., Tome ii Chap, x pp. 50 et seq. For the trade further south this year cf. Pring's Voyage in Purchas, Part Four, pp 1654-56. London 1625. 3 Laverdiere, op. cit., Tome v Chap, vii, p. 47i THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY 49 induced to withdraw the monopoly, as the sea-port towns demanded. This year from Havre alone eighty vessels had visited the Banks, and since many of them were dry-fisheis who remained the whole time in harbour, the restriction in regard to bartering was very unpopular.! Champlain haw however that without a monopoly colonization would never make great pro- gress. In none too confident a mood therefore he set out for Fontainebleau where he pre-^ented to the King an account of their explorations, at the same time urging upon him the necessity of colonizing such a valuable tract of territory. Henry the Fourth, who was imbued with the same ideas, was especially pleased to hear that this new territory had turned out so fertile and valuable, and promised that the death of Chaste should in no way lead to the overthrow of the monopoly. A new man would be found and a new and more extensive company formed which should establish a colony, not in the St. Lnwrence where the winters were severe, but in the warmer region of the Acadian peninsula, where in addition there appeared to be prospects of finding minerals. With the death of Chaste, the monopoly originally granted to Chauvm and then extended to a few merchants of Rouen and St. Malo came to an end. The withdi'awal of privileges legally with still several years to run, although in this case perhaps justifiable, as no colonists had been settled in the country, became afterwards a regular practice of the Government. It was generally excused on the ground that the condition as to colonists was never pro- perly fulfilled by the monopolists. In the case of the withdrawal of Monts' monopoly, as we shall see, this excuse was the less justifiable, that he carried out that condition of his grant far better than even any of his successors. The history however of all the companies formed during these years for trade in New France is the same; fi-st a monopoly is granted under ciicumstaiices ostensibly most favourable to the Government and to the jsrivi- leged merchants ; then follow the growls of the excludeti traders, the lack of good voluntary colonists, the transportation to the colony of a few beggars, criminals or unpromising labourers ; a 1 Archives de la Seine Inferieure, Serie C 1238 fols. 99 verso et seq. 4 50 THE FIRST FUR-TRADE MONOPOLY drain on the company's funds in maintaining these during the long winter ; a steady decrease in the number taken out ; at length no attempt to fulfil this condition of the monopoly ; the anger of the Government when made aware of the facts ; and finally the sudden repeal of the monopoly several years before its legal termination. CHAPTER IV THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 The man chosen to till the vacancy created by Chaste's death was Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts. Like Chauvin he was a Huguenot and like him also had at one time held the post of governor of Hontieur.i During Henry the Fourth's struggles for the crown, Monts rendered good service in his cause and now enjoyed, as a reward, the governorship of the pretty little town of Pons in Saintonge.2 As mentioned above he had already visited the St. Lawrence with Chauvin in 1600, and on other evidence he seems indeed to have made several voyages to those regions."' He was now to profit by the recent survey of Dupont- Grave and Champlain and to leaa out to the warmer region of Acadia the colony of which the late commander Chaste was to have been the guiding spirit."^ To quiet the complaints of the excluded traders, it was decided to repeal the monopoly originally granted to Chauvin and in a fresh one, given for a similar term of years, to include as many of the merchants as desired to offer their names. The terms however upon which this new company was to enjoy the trade both of the St. Lawrence and of the Atlantic coast were so severe that at first no shareholders would come forward. While Chauvin had agreed to fifty colonists a year, the number was now required to be one hundred, or a total of a thousand colonists at the end of the ten years. To be sure, in case an insufficient number of good colonists came forward, idlers and beggars both in the towns and in the country might be seized, and the judges were instructed not to be too lenient in 1 Breard, op. cit. p. 68, 2 Biblioth. Nat,, Pieces originales, vol. 1421 no. 32147, nos. 4 and 5. 3 Lescarbot, op. cit. (ed. of 1866), ii 409 : " confians . . . en la conoissance que vous avez de la qualite, condition et situation dudit pais de la Cadie pour les diveres navigations, voyages et frequentations, que vous avez faits en ces terres," etc. •1 Laverdiere, op. cit.. Tome v Chap \aii pp. 48 et seq. [51] 52 THK TWO MONOPOLIES OF MOXTS, lt)04-1608 the infliction of the punishment of banishment;'- yet a very few- conferences with the other merchants convinced Monts that the number must be reduced, and on the eighteenth of December he presented a petition to the King to this effect. The fact that unless some reduction were made no shareholders would cotne forward seems to have been of sufficient weight with the Govern- ment to cause it to reduce the number to sixt}'. The further request, however, to close the books of the Company at once instead of in the spring, on the specious pretext that otherwise the number of shareholders might be too large, was granted only in a measure. At the end of eight days from that date no more shart-holders were to be admitted, although it was hoped that before then all who wished to do so would have given in their names. Henceforward trade in those regions was to be for- bidden to all but the shareholders of the Company.- In pursu- ance of this last declaration an order was issued on the same day to the officers of the Admiralty in Picardy, Normandy, Brittany and Guyenne, informing them of the new monopoly of Monts and his partners extending from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degree of latitude. To make the prohibition more expdcit it was declared to embrace the Gulf and River St. Lawrence with Gaspe and the coasts of the Acadian peninsula as far south as the fortieth degree. Any vessel caught bartering within these limits would be at once seized, and if convicted the owners would be obliged to pay a fine of thirty thousand livres.3 Notwithstanding that an endeavour had been made to include in this new company as many of the regular traders as possible, the publication of the new monopoly at once stirred up a vigor- ous opposition. Not only were many excluded merchants among its opponents but Sully the finance minister opposed 1 Lescarbot, op. cit. (ed. of 1866) ii 408 et seq. 2 Ministere des Colonies : Corresp. Gendrale, Acadie vol. i fol. 25 et seq., fol. 38 et seq., printed in Collection de Manuscrits Relatifs a la Nouvelh France vol. i pp. 44 et seq. It is unfortunate that tlie utility of this publication is so greatly decreased l)y the absence of any indication as to whence the documents have been taken, 3 Lescarbot, op. cit. (ed. of 1866) vol. ii p. 415; Collection de Mamiscrits, etc., pp. 46 et seq. THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 53 both the monopoly and the whole scheme of colonization. In his opinion no riches could be found north of forty degrees and with- out gold and silver colonies were, he thought, uselessJ When Monts sought to register his commission in the Parlement at Rouen he met with a repulse which was only overcome bv the intervention of the King himself. This opposition was partly due, it appears, to the fact that Monts, a Huguenot, had been placed at the head of the undertaking which announced as one of its principal aims the conversion of the savages of New France to the Catholic faith. The assurance given by the King that Catholic priests should aione have control of the mission work, and the further statement that since the books had lain open for so long the absence of anj' name must be the fault of its owner, seem to have been successful in removing all further oppositioi).2 Nothing now remained but to draw up the articles of associ- ation among the shareholders. By the terms of the agreement signed on the tenth of February the new company, which was to engage in the fishing, timber and mineral trades as well as in the fur-trade, of which alone however it hp.d the monopoly, possessed a capital of ninety thousand livres divided into live portions of eighteen thousand livres each. Two of these portions, or thirty- six thousand livres, were subscribed by the merchants of St. Malo, two more by those of La Rochelle and St. Jean-de-Luz, while the fifth portion was supplied by the merchants of Rouen, although more than half of it stood in the name of Monts himself. During the first year the Company was to send out dve vessels, — four fur-traders and one whaling vessel. Two of the former were to be despatched by the merchants of St. Malo who were also to receive nine hundred livres for this purpose from the merchants of La Rochelle. These latter again were to send ten thousand livres to the Rouen merchants to aid in the despatch of the two 1 Sully, (Economies Royales (Paris 1664), vol. ii, chap. 26 p. 246. " Conime la navigation du Sieur de Monts pour aller faire des peuplades en Canada, du- tout centre votre advis, d'autant que Ton ne tire iamais de grandes richesses des lieux situez au dessous de quarente degrez." 2 Harrisse, Notes, etc, pp. 280 et seq. ; Gosselin, Nouvelles Glanes, etc , pp. 21 et seq. ; Michelant et Ram^, op. cif., 2" partie pp. 27 et seq. 54 THE TWO MONOPOLIKS OF MONTS, 1604-1608 trading vessels from Havre witii the sixty colonists. With their own portion and what remainevl of that of the La Roehelle mer- chants, the mt-rchants of St. Jeande-Liiz were to equip the whaler, since it was the Basques alone who seem to have taken part in this trade. On the return of the vessels in the autumn the results of the season's trade were to be sent to the offices of the Company at Rouen, but for the second year again all the profits of the previous year were to be expended in sending out the colonists and no dividend was to be paid until the close of the second season. In point of fact no dividend ever was paid, and the repeal of the monopoly when it had still seven years to run inflicted great loss on all concerned.^ In the spring of 1604 however the prospects of the monopo- lists seemed bright and little difficulty was met with in preparing the vessels and despatching them. While the two trading vessels from St. Malo and the whaler of St. Jean-de-Luz made their way to the St. Lawrence, the vessels with the colonists sailed from Havre to the island of Ste. Croix at the mouth of the river St. John on the west coast of the Bay of Fundy, which after some hesitation was finally chosen as the site of the new settlement. When the ships bad been unloaded one of them was at once sent to Cape Breton and He Percee to trade and fish, as it was found that the remaining vessel would.be sufficient to carry home all the furs collected in the Bay of Fundy,2 Although the whole of the fur-trade along the coast from Tadoussac to beyond Ste. Croix was now in the hands of Monts and his Company, yet in practice it was extremely difficult to enforce the stiict observance of their right. No doubt a certain amount of surveillance was exercised at the ports in France, but since the cod and whale fisheries were still open a ready pretext for departure was always at hand. If one of the Company's vessels hajtpened to sail along the coast the fraud could of course be detected, but it must have been somewhat discouraging to those who sailed to Ste. Croix that the first vessel sighted after 1 Gosselin, Nonvelles Glanes, etc., pp. 24-29 ; Beaurepaire, Notes sur Pierre du Gua, in La Normandie, Rouen, Juillet 1893, pp. 10-11. 2 Laverdi^re, op. cit. iii 26 e/ seq.; Lescarbot, op. cit. (ed. of 18GG) ii 427. THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 55 reachinc^ the coast of New France was a contraband trader hail- ing from Havre, the very port whence they themselves had set sail. The vessel sent from Ste. Croix to He Perc^e also captured four Basque interlopers whose captains were taken into custodj'. In fact during the course of the summer eight vessels at least were caught infringing the rights of the monopolists, which seemed to promise well neither for the success of the Company nor for its popularity at home in France.^ While the Banks and the harbours of Newfoundland were swarming with the usual summer fishing fleets, assembled from nearly all the principal ports of Europe, and while the Company's vessels were busy bartering at Tadoussac, Gaspe, He Percee and Cape Breton, the new settlement at Ste. Croix had been made to present quite the appearance of a small town. To quote the words of one who afterwards visited the place, " During all this time Monsieur De Monts his people did worke about the Fort, which hee seated at the end of the Hand, opposite to the place where he had lodged his Canon. Which was wisely consid- ered, to the end to command the river up and down. But there was an inconvenience, the said Fort did lie towards the North, and without any shelter, but of the trees that were on the He shore, which all about hee commanded to be kept and not cut downe. And out of the same Fort was the Switzers lodging, great and large, and other small lodgings, representing (as it were) a Suburbe. Some had housed themselves on the firme lande neere the brook. But within the Fort was Monsieur De Motits his lodging made with very faire and artificiall Carpentrie worke, with the Banner of France upon the same. At another part was the store-house, wherin consisted the safety and life of everie one, likewise made with faire Carpentry worke and cov- ered with reedes. Right over against the said store-house were the lodgings and houses of these Gentlemen, Monsieur D'orville, Monsieur Champlein, Monsieur Champdord and other men of reck- oning. Opposite to Monsieur De Monts, his said lodging, there was a gallerie covered for to exercise themselves either in play or for the workmen in time of raine. And betweene the said Fort and 1 Lescarbot, op. cit. (edit, of 1866) ii 424 and 426. 56 THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 the Platforme where lay the Canon, all was full of gardens whereunto everie one exercised himselfe willingly. "^ There was also a hand-mill for grinding corn and an oven for baking, doubt- less similar to those now seen in all parts of the Province of Quebtc. What was planted on the mainland grew well, but the soil on the island turned out very dry and the sun burnt up every thing.2 Towards the end of August wlien most of the fishermen had already set sail and the traders and whalers in the St. Lawrence were doubtless thinking of doing the same, preparations were made for sending home the vessel which had remained at Ste. Croix. In this ship, which carried fish as well as furs, Monts sent back his secretary Rolleau to inform the share- holders of the successful establishment of the colony and to beg that fresh stores might be sent as early as possible in the follow- ing spring. Owing indeed to the time lost befoie deciding upon the island of Ste. Croix as the site for the colony, the stock of provisions which remained for the winter was none too large. With Kolleau also returned the Sieur de Poutrincourt, a Norman gentleman, who had gone out in search of a suitable spot to which he might retire for the remainder of his days with his wife and family. The situation of Port Royal, on the Bay of Fundy opposite Ste. Croix, had particularly attracted his atten- tion and as Monts had not hesitated to give him a grant of it, he was now setting out for home to put his afiairs in order, so that he might return thither with his family as soon as possible 3 On the arrival of the Company's vessels in France the cargoes were at once unloaded and the furs forwarded to Rouen. On their way thither however twenty-two bales were seized at Conde-sur-]Noirea,u, owing to the refusal of those in charge to pay the import duty. The customs officers, deeming New France a foreign country, wished to levy the same duty paid on goods coming from Spain, but the Company's agent would only pay 1 Lescarbot, Nova Francia, Bk. i Chap, vi pp. 29 et seq. London 1609. 2 Lescarbot, HiM. de la N. France (ed. 1866) vol ii pp. 449 et seq. Laverdi^re, op. cit. iii 26 et neq., with map and plan. 3 Lescarbot Hist, de la Nouvelle France (edit, of 1609), p. 481 ; Laverdi^re, op. cit. Tome iii Chap iv p. 29. THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 57 the rate levied between the different provinces of France. Pend- ing an authoritative decision the goods were temporarily released, ^ but although these events took place in November the decision was not pronounced until February 1605. It was then declared that since the new regions had been occupied in virtue of powers granted by the King, they necessarily came within the latter's authority and were therefore to be considered as a dependency of the kingdom of France. Commodities brought thence should therefore only pay the same duties as goods passing from one province of France to another. The King'.s displeasure was also intimated against his officers for this seizure whereby the Com- pany had been prevented from obtaining the money necessary for the purchase of fresh stores for the coming year. 2 In ignor- ance of this decision more furs were seized at Avranches but when the King's commands were made known they were at once released. 3 During the same wintei- proceedings were taken against the eight contraband traders caught during the previous summer. It turned out that not only had some of them been flying the colours of other nations but that foreign vessels had actually entered the St. Lawrence under the guidance of French pilots. To prevent a repetition of this, fresh injunctions were issued against any infringement of the Company's monopoly whether by their own countrymen or by ibreigners. The cod and whale fisheries were declared to be still open to all, but any attempt to barter with the savages along the coast was to be severely punished."* By the time all these difficulties had been removed, a new season had again come and preparations were made for sending off the Company's fleet to the usual trading grounds. If an English estimate of the success of the former summer be in any 1 Lescarbot, Hist, de la N'ouvelle France (ed. of 1609), pp. 467 tt seq.; Valois, op. cit. ii 217 No. 8903. 2 Lescarbot, Hist, de la Nouvdh France (ed. of 1609), pp. 467 et seq. ; Ministere des Affaires Etrang^res : Amerique Vol. iv fol. 17. 3 Valois, op. cit. ii 243 No. 9271. 4 Breard, op. cit. p. 102 ; Ministere des Colonies : Corresp. Generale, Canada, Tome i fol. 52 ; Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres : Amerique Vol. iv fol. 14. 58 THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MON^TS, 1604-1608 way correct, monej" must have been plentiful, i and since little difficulty seems to have been met with in collecting a fresh batch of sixty colonists, the two vessels from Havre were able to get away in good time. Although the documents liave unfortunately preserved for us no record ot the departure of the tw^o traders from St. Mai) or of the whaler from St. Jean-de-Luz, these ships doubtless made their way, along with the great cod-fishing fleets, to the waters of the (jiilf or the sea-coasts near at hand. '^ When the two vessels with the fresh colonists reached Ste. Croix they learned that the winter in that region had been quite as severe as that experienced by Chauvin's people at Tadoussac. During the autumn, indeed, all had been busj" completing the buildings and exploring the neighbouring territory. Champlain had thus been able not only to examine a considerable extent of fresh coast-line, but also to establish tradinfj connections with several fresh tribes to the south of Ste. Croix.-^ When, however, the winter began and snow fell, the seventy-nine people had been obliged mostl}' to remain indoors. To feed so many for a whole winter, even under favourable circumstances, would be no easy task, but here the conditions were especially difficult. The severe cold froze the liquid stores so that cider was served out by the pound. As the island possessed no springs they had to content themselves with melted snow or run the risk of an acci- dent in crossing to the mainland between the blocks of ice carried down by the rapid stream. To grind the corn, all they possessed was a small hand mill ; but what with poor water and salted provisions, no one possessed sufficient strength to continue long at the task. Bread thus soon became a luxury. To add to their troubles, the daily fare of salted provisions affected the blood. Scurvy made its appearance and carried ofl' in all thirty- five out of the seventy-nine persons in the settlement. One can 1 According to this report, " The Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirtie thousand Crownes almost in Beversand Otters skinnes only." Purchas, Fourth Part p. 1656. London 1625. 2 Breard, op. cit., pp. 103 et neq. 3 Laverdiere, op. cit., Tomeiii Chap, v, p. 29 et seq. THE TWO MONOPOLIES OF MONTS, 1604-1608 59 well understand therefore with what delight the arrival of the two vessels with provisions and news from home was hailed.^ The fresh stores and warm weather soon put new life into all, and the summer's work was entered upon with good will. Monts however had made up his mind that owing to the unsatis- factory situation of the island with its sanoy ^oil and lack of water a new site must at once be found. One further to the north was of course not to be thought of, but since his powers extended to the fortieth degree it was possible that in a souther- ly direction a situation might be found more suitable than Ste. Croix. Champlain, to be sure, had in his autumnal voyage dis- covered no such sjiot.but there was still apossibility of findingwhat was wanted beyond the limit of his exploration. Accordingly, soon after the arrival of the new colonists the coast was again exaijiined as far south as Mallebarre (Nanset Harbour) but with no better success. Monts indeed was ah]e both to renew the trading relations already established by Champlain with the tribes of this region an